7>A 
 
 T< A3 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
ADJUTANT GENERAL 
 
The Autobiography 
 
 OF 
 
 Theobald Wolfe Tone 
 
 1763— 1798 
 
 EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY 
 
 R. BARRY O'BRIEN 
 
 AUTHOR OF "FIFTV YEARS OF CONCESSIONS TO IRELAND," " THOMAS DRUMMOND, LIFE AND 
 LETTERS," " IRISH WRONGS AND ENGLISH REMEDIES," &C. 
 
 VOLUME II 
 
 T. FISHER UNWIN 
 
 PATERNOSTER SQUARE 
 
 MDCCCXCIII 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 CHESTNUT HILL, MASS. 
 
7 ft /. o n t, 
 
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGF 
 
 NEWS FROM IRELAND I 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 PROGRESS OF BUSINESS IN FRANCE 1 6 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 HOPE DEFERRED 37 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 HOCHE 74 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 FRENCH HELP FOR IRELAND 107 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PREPARING TO EMBARK . .128 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 BANTRY BAY EXPEDITION 1 52 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 BACK TO PARIS 1 78 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 PLANNING A NEW EXPEDITION TO IRELAND 19:5 
 
viii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 WITH THE EATAVIAN REPUBLIC 227 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 DEATH OF HOCHE; CAMPERDOWN 269 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 BUONAPARTE 276 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 WATCHING AND WAITING 305 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 A LAST EFFORT; TONE'S DEATH 338 
 
 APPENDIX 371 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 I. Theobald Wolfe Tone, Adjutant-General . . Frontispiece 
 
 II. Arthur O'Connor. From an Original Drawing by a French 
 Artist facing p. 88 
 
 III. Lord Edward Fitzgerald. From a Miniature by Horace 
 Hone, copied from a Portrait painted by him in 1 796 . facing p. 90 
 
 IV. William Theobald Wolfe Tone. From a Drawing by 
 Mrs. Tone facing p. 338 
 
 V. Facsimile of a Letter written by Wolfe Tone to his Father, on 
 
 November 10, 1798 facing p. 371 
 
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 NEWS FROM IRELAND. 
 
 April 9, 1796. Sullivan called on me this morning with an English 
 paper of the 31st of March (ten days ago), in which is an article 
 on Ireland, wherein mention is made of Sir Edward Bellew, of 
 Bellewstown, being arrested, as connected with the Defenders. This 
 surprises me, for he is a confirmed aristocrat, and he and all his 
 family have been so devoted to the Government, as even to have 
 the meanness of opposing the Catholics. Such is the gratitude of 
 the Irish Government ! But this piece of news is accompanied by 
 another, which gives me the most sincere anxiety on every possible 
 account, public or private : it is the arrest of John Keogh. 1 Poor 
 
 1 [Keogh was not arrested. A singularly sagacious man, he showed great 
 prudence, at all times, in his relations with the United Irish Society. Madden 
 and the younger Grattan give instances of his caution. Upon one occasion he 
 was invited " to preside at a very important meeting of the United Irishmen of 
 the higher class of Dublin leaders at a house on Usher's Quay Island. Keogh, 
 on taking the chair, called for a list of the members who were to attend. After 
 some time, a gentleman, known to be a United Irishman, but whose name was 
 not on the list, entered the room, and took part in the proceedings. Keogh 
 became uneasy ; he beckoned to McCormick, and desired him to inquire why 
 persons attended the meeting who had not been invited. The latter made an 
 inquiry, and brought back word that the gentleman was the friend of one of 
 those who had been invited. Keogh was not satisfied. Another gentleman 
 vol. 11. 2 
 
2 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 fellow, this is no place to write his panegyric. I have not got such 
 a shock this long time. If we lose him, I know not where to look 
 for a man to supply his place. I have differed from him at one 
 time, but his services to Ireland have been eminent indeed, more 
 especially to the Catholics ; and, in all probability, they will prove 
 his ruin ; for, from the state of his health, confinement in the un- 
 wholesome air of a prison will be to him death as certain as the 
 guillotine. I am inexpressibly concerned on his account. That 
 infernal Government of Ireland ! It is a long time they have 
 been on the watch for his destruction, and I am sure they will 
 stick at no means, however atrocious, to accomplish their ends. 
 I can scarcely promise myself ever to see him again, and I can 
 sincerely say that one of the greatest pleasures which I anticipated 
 in case of our success, was the society of Mt. Jerome, where I have 
 spent many happy days, and some of them serviceable to the 
 country. It was there that he and I used to frame our papers and 
 manifestoes. It was there we drew up the Petition and Vindica- 
 tion of the Catholics, which produced such powerful effects both in 
 
 was brought in under similar circumstances. Keogh then whispered to 
 McCormick, ' Dick, men's lives are not safe with fellows who would act in this 
 manner.' And in the course of a few minutes he pleaded an engagement, and 
 quitted the meeting, and from that time never attended one, but continued 
 known to the chief men of the society as an attached friend to their cause " 
 (Madden, 2nd series, vol. ii. pp. 37, 38). Grattan says," It happened that, in the 
 year 1797, a foreigner got introduced to Mr. Keogh. In the course of their 
 acquaintance they often talked politics, as Mr. Keogh belonged to the Liberal 
 party. This individual was highly pleased : he expatiated on the grievances 
 of the country, he remarked how oppressed the Irish were, and the Catholics 
 in particular, that there were great means of resistance, and that he could 
 assist, and would advise Keogh to take part in resistances to oppression. 
 Keogh told him he was quite wrong, that his plan was most absurd, and that 
 nothing could be worse or more dangerous. The man becoming troublesome, 
 Keogh grew apprehensive that he would do mischief, and at last told him he 
 would complain to Government, and the individual, still persisting, a complaint 
 was accordingly made to the proper authorities, and he was obliged to quit the 
 kingdom " (Grattan, " Memoirs," vol. iv. p. 82). We have evidence from another 
 quarter of Keogh's shrewdness. The informer, Collins, wrote in 1792 to the 
 Under-Secretary Cooke : " Keogh is the principal performer behind the scenes 
 — as the fellow's art is such he does not appear amongst us (United Irishmen), 
 but has a set of fellows to constantly attend and broach his sentiments" 
 Fitzpatrick, " Secret Service under Pitt," p. 166).— Ed.] 
 
JET. 33.] RUMOUR OF KEOGB'S ARREST. 
 
 3 
 
 England and Ireland. I very much fear we shall never labour 
 together again for the good of our native country. I am sure he 
 has been too wise and too cautious to put himself in their power ; 
 but what wisdom or caution is proof against forged and suborned 
 testimony, which I know they will never stick at procuring ; and 
 in the state affairs are now in Ireland, any evidence will be re- 
 ceived. Well, a day will come for all this. If we cannot prevent 
 his fall, at least I hope we shall be able to revenge it ; and I, for 
 one, if it be in twenty years from this, promise not to forget it. My 
 heart is hardening hourly, and I satisfy myself now at once on 
 points which would stagger me twelve months ago. The Irish 
 aristocracy are putting themselves in a state of nature with the 
 people, and let them take the consequences. They show no mercy, 
 and they deserve none. If ever I have the power I will most 
 heartily concur in making them a dreadful example. I am to meet 
 Madgett on this business to-day ; but, see the consequences of 
 delay. We have already lost, perhaps, the two most useful men in 
 Ireland in their respective departments, Sweetman and Keogh. 
 Unhappy is the man and the nation whose destiny depends on the 
 will of another. This blow has deranged my system terribly. The 
 Government here insist on sending somebody to Ireland. Keogh 
 was the very principal person whom he ought to see : he is con- 
 fined in a prison. I observe, in the same paper, that several other 
 persons have been obliged to abscond to avoid imprisonment. 
 I have no doubt but the most active and useful of my friends are 
 of the number. This is a gloomy day. What if this indiscrimi- 
 nate persecution were to provoke a general rising, as in 1641 ! The 
 thing is not impossible. Oh ! France ! France ! what do you not 
 deserve to suffer if you permit this crisis to escape you ! Poor 
 Ireland ! Well, it does not signify whining or croaking, and I am 
 sworn never to despair ; but the slowness of the people here, if 
 they really have the means to act, is beyond all human suffering ; 
 if they have not, we must submit ; but it is dreadful to think of. 
 Dined to-day in the Champs Elysees with Madgett and a person 
 of the name of Aherne, a physician, who is to be sent to Ireland. 
 Explained to him my sentiments as to the conduct he should 
 
4 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 adopt there, and particularly cautioned him against writing a 
 syllable, or carrying a single scrape of a pen with him ; pointed out 
 to him the persons whom he is to see and speak to, at the same time 
 that I fear many of the most useful are now either in prison or 
 concealing themselves. This comes of delays, but that is no fault 
 of mine. I like Aherne very well ; he seems a cool man with 
 good republican sentiments. He has -been already employed in 
 Scotland. Apropos : of Scotland : There is some scheme going 
 on there, as I collected from hints which dropped from him and 
 Madgett, but what it is I know not, nor did I inquire. My opinion 
 is, that nothing will ever be done there, unless we first begin in 
 Ireland. If we succeed, John Bull will have rather a troublesome 
 neighbour of us. We shall be within eighteen miles of him. 
 Aherne is to call on me to-morrow morning, in order to talk 
 over the business of his mission at length, and I am to give him 
 some memorandums, which I will advise him to commit to 
 memory, and then burn them, by all means. I should have 
 observed in its place, that I went at twelve o'clock to Clarke, 
 and brought him the newspaper containing the account of Keogh's 
 arrest, with a translation of the article in French for Carnot, which 
 I got Sullivan to make. Clarke was just going off to the 
 Directory, so I had hardly time to speak a word to him. I wished 
 to speak to Carnot myself, and I could see Clarke was not at all 
 desirous that I should have an opportunity. Damn such pitiful, 
 jealous vanity ! Every man here must do everything himself. 
 I have found this unworthy sentiment in every one of them, 
 except Carnot. First, the Minister is disobliged because I go to 
 Carnot ; then Madgett would be huffed, if he dared, because I go 
 to Clarke ; and now Clarke truly wants to thrust himself between 
 me and his principal. Please God, he shall not, though ! If 
 I want to see Carnot, I will see him, or I will be refused. I am 
 to call on Clarke again to-morrow at one. I think I will then, 
 with all possible deference and politeness, give him to understand 
 my opinion on this point, which, as they manage it, is most 
 excessively provoking, especially at a period when every minute 
 is precious, and my anxiety is so great. Madgett tells me the 
 
JET. 33-] CHARLES HAMILTON TEELING. 5 
 
 Minister has been superseded in this business these fifteen days, 
 and that it has been given entirely into the hands of Carnot. 
 I am most heartily glad of that, because he is given to organising 
 a little. He is the man I want ; and I hope the measure being 
 given to his management, is partly, at least, if not entirely, owing 
 to my going directly to himself, and to the discourse we had 
 together, malgre my execrable jargon, which is neither French 
 nor English. If that be so, as I hope it is, I may say that, in this 
 instance, I have deserved well of my country. I hope I shall 
 deserve better yet. Nous verrons. 
 
 April loth. Aherne called on me this morning, and I gave 
 him a list of the persons he is to see, viz., Gog, Magog, P. P., C. 
 Teeling, R. S[imms], and S. Neilson, Oliver Bond, W. J. MacNeven, 
 with a query as to J. P. and T. A. Emmet. 1 I also gave him some 
 
 1 [Charles Hamilton Teeling, one of the Northern United Irishmen. 
 He was arrested in September, 1796, by Castlereagh in person. Riding 
 through the streets of Lisburn with his father, Luke Teeling, Lord Castle- 
 reagh met them. " He accosted us," says Charles, " with his usual courtesy. 
 We had proceeded up the streets of Lisburn together, when, having reached 
 the house of his uncle, the Marquis of Hertford, we were about to take 
 leave of his lordship. ' I regret,' said he, addressing my father, ' that your son 
 cannot accompany you,' conducting me at the same time through the outer 
 gate, which, to my inexpressible astonishment, was instantly closed, and I 
 found myself surrounded by a military guard." Afterwards Castlereagh visited 
 him in prison. " Fatigued and apparently much dispirited, Lord Castlereagh 
 entered the room. He possessed the most fascinating manner and engaging 
 address, with a personal appearance peculiarly attractive, and certainly not in 
 character with the office he had that day assumed, for though national pride 
 was extinct in his soul, the graces of nature were not effaced from the form, nor 
 the polished manners of the gentleman forgotten in the uncourteous garb of 
 the officer of police. He regretted that in his absence I had been subjected 
 to the painful restraint of an additional guard. It was not his desire that they 
 should have been placed within my room. A slight repast had been prepared 
 for him, of which he pressed me to partake. The wine was generous, his lord- 
 ship was polite, and the prisoner of state seemed for a moment forgotten in the 
 kinder feelings of the earlier friend.'' Teeling was kept in prison for about two 
 years, and then released. He wrote an interesting " Personal Narrative of the 
 Irish Rebellion." Oliver Bond (b. 1762, d. 1798) was a prominent United 
 Irish leader. In 1793 he and Simon Butler were sent to prison, and fined each 
 X500 for reflections on the House of Lords {ante, vol. i. p. 55). In 1797 he took an 
 active part in preparing for insurrection, and in 1798 was elected a member of 
 the Supreme Executive of the organisation. The members of the Leinster 
 
6 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 trifling anecdotes, known only to ourselves, which will satisfy them 
 that he has seen and conversed with me. When we had done I 
 went to Clarke, who was for the first time denied to me ; however, 
 I caught him coming out of his bureau. He seemed, and probably 
 was, in a great hurry. He said he had shown the newspapers to 
 Carnot, who was very sorry the gentleman was arrested ; but what 
 could he do? I looked at him very earnestly, and repeated "What 
 could he do ! " I then shrugged up my shoulders, and repeated 
 twice in French, " Mauvaise augure." " No," replied Clarke, " you 
 must not look on it in that light — you must not infer anything 
 from thence." We then walked on towards the Directory, where 
 he was going ; and I pressed him, if the business were at all 
 attempted, on the necessity of not losing a moment. He in- 
 terrupted me by asking me, " How do you know that we are 
 losing a moment ? " I replied, that was enough ; and so we 
 parted. I am to see him again in a few days. From all this I 
 infer, for I ask him no questions, that preparations are actually 
 going forward somewhere, and, indeed, I have it indirectly from 
 other quarters, which I am heartily sorry for ; not that the business 
 is going on, but that they talk so much of it. I wish they would 
 be as reserved to others as Clarke is to me. But what do I care for 
 
 Directory met at his house. There, in February, 1798, was passed the resolu- 
 tion : " We will pay no attention to any measure which the Parliament of this 
 kingdom may adopt to divert the public mind from the grand object we have 
 in view, as nothing short of the entire and complete regeneration of our 
 country can satisfy us." In March, 1798, Bond was arrested, and in July tried 
 for high treason and convicted. It was to save him and other State prisoners 
 from the extreme penalty of the law that the arrangement with the Government, 
 already mentioned (ante, vol. i. p. 35), was made. While negotiations were pend- 
 ing, Bond died suddenly in prison, September 6th. W.J. MacNeven (b. 1763, d. 
 1841), a physician in good practice in Dublin, and a man of remarkable ability, 
 was also a member of the Supreme Executive. Arrested on the same day as 
 Bond, he signed the agreement with the Government {supra), but was detained 
 in prison until 1802. Having, after his liberation, remained for some time on 
 the Continent, he went to New York in 1805. There he resumed his practice 
 as a physician, rising once more to the first rank in his profession. But he 
 was not unmindful of Ireland. He took a keen interest in the struggle for 
 Catholic Emancipation, and " advocated " the question in his new home. 
 He wrote several books, but is best known as the author of " Pieces of Irish 
 History."— Ed.] 
 
^T. 33.] 
 
 AHERNE. 
 
 7 
 
 his reserve ! Let them once do the business, and treat me as they 
 like. 
 
 April nth. Sullivan called on me this morning, for it is he 
 that brings my secondary intelligence, to tell me that D'Albarade, 
 the late Minister of the Marine, is to command in the naval 
 department of our expedition, and that a confidential person told 
 him yesterday that he might look for good news soon for his 
 country, for that there was something at that moment doing for 
 her in Holland, by which I presume that it is there their prepara- 
 tions are making. I am glad of that. I mentioned Holland 
 myself to Carnot, Clarke, and the Minister. By the by, the 
 Minister is on the eve of being turned out, but as the business 
 is now in the hands of Carnot himself, I am in hopes that will 
 make no difference as to us. I do not glory at all in the present 
 aspect of things. 
 
 April I2tk. Blank! How my life stagnates just now! Well, 
 " 'tis but in vain." 
 
 April 13//Z. Aherne called on me this morning to tell me that 
 yesterday he was to see Clarke, to whom he was introduced by 
 Ysabeau, one of the chefs de bureau, under the Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs. He seems egregiously disgusted with both of them, and 
 especially with Clarke, who I find has been talking sad stuff. 
 They did not conclude anything, but he collected from them that 
 the idea was, that he should go to Ireland, and one or two persons 
 come from that country to insense the French Government on the 
 state of affairs. Aherne mentioned the loss of time this would 
 produce, and also that I was on the spot ready and competent 
 to give them every information. Clarke replied, after speaking 
 handsomely of my abilities, that I had now been several months 
 out of the country, and things might have changed since my 
 departure ; he also observed that I seemed so earnest in the 
 business that my zeal might probably make me heighten the 
 picture a little, without any intention of deceiving the French 
 Government. To which Aherne replied, that all I had advanced 
 was supported by the recent accounts in the papers relative to 
 Irish affairs. Clarke, however, did not seem satisfied, and so the 
 
s 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 affair rested. As to Ysabeau, who knows not one syllable with 
 regard to the situation of Ireland, he has thrust himself into the 
 business, and is to frame the instructions of Aherne. How he 
 will contrive to adapt them to a subject of which he is totally 
 ignorant, is more than I can possibly conceive. This is most 
 intolerably provoking. Here is the liberty of Ireland, shuffled 
 back and forward between two French Commis, one of which is 
 under gross prejudices, and the other absolutely ignorant. What 
 is to be done ? As to me, how shall I satisfy Clarke that I am 
 not the dupe of my own enthusiasm in the cause, supposing he is 
 gracious enough to give me credit for being sincere ? The more 
 earnestness I show to convince him, the more enthusiasm I 
 manifest ; so here I am in an unfortunate circle. — By the by, 
 Clarke is just as competent to regulate this affair as I am to be 
 made Lord Chancellor of England, and for my fitness for this 
 station I appeal to all who ever knew me in the capacity of a 
 lawyer. I have not forgot his nonsense about gaining over some 
 of the Irish aristocracy to our side to begin with ; such as Lord 
 Ormond, for example ; neither have I forgot his asking me, might 
 we not make something of Fitzgibbon? Good God, is it not 
 enough to set one mad to be obliged to listen and keep my 
 temper, not to say my countenance, at such execrable trash ? 
 And yet the fate of Ireland is in a certain degree in this man's 
 hands. Well, well, wretched, I again repeat it, is the nation whose 
 independence hangs on the will of another. Clarke has also some 
 doubts as to my report on the influence of the Irish priests, which 
 he dreads a good deal ; and this is founded on his own observa- 
 tion in a visit he paid to Ireland in the year 1789. That is to say, 
 a Frenchman, who just peeps into the country for an instant seven 
 years ago, and then in the heat of the revolution sets up his 
 opinion against mine, who has been on the spot, who had atten- 
 tively studied and been confidentially employed, and to whom 
 nothing relating to Catholic affairs could possibly be a secret. 
 That is reasonable and modest in my friend Clarke. He likewise 
 catechised Aherne as to the chance of our preferring monarchy as 
 to our form of government in case of a successful revolution ; 
 
-*T. 33.] 
 
 OPPOSED TO FRENCH CONTROL. 
 
 9 
 
 adding- that in that case we would, of course, consult the French 
 Government in our choice. This is selling the bear's skin with a 
 vengeance. I wonder does he seriously think that if we succeeded 
 we would come post to Paris to consult him, General Clarke, a 
 handsome, smooth-faced young man, as to what we should do. 
 I can assure him we would not. When he spoke to me on this 
 head he was more reasonable, for he said it was indifferent to the 
 French Republic what form of Government we adopted, provided 
 we secured our independence. It seems now he is more sanguine ; 
 but I, for one, will never be accessory to subjecting my country to 
 the control of France merely to get rid of that of England. We 
 are able enough to take care of ourselves if we were once afloat, 
 or if we are not we deserve to sink. So much for Clarke. As to 
 his confrere, the other commis, Ysabeau, who has got into this 
 business, God knows how, for I do not, it is still more provoking. 
 Aherne tells me he is a blockhead, but if he had ever such talents, 
 how the devil can he give instructions on a subject of which he is 
 utterly ignorant ! I suppose he will hardly be inspired on the 
 occasion. Well, poor Ireland, poor Ireland, here you are, at the 
 mercy of two clerks, utterly incapable, supposing them honest ; if 
 they be not — and who knows ? — it is still worse. Aherne is gone to 
 Ysabeau, to whom, by the by, Madgett gave in a draft of instruc- 
 tions, which he never showed me, I knew not why, and which 
 Ysabeau never condescended to read. I will stop to see what this 
 conversation will produce. . . . 
 
 Ysabeau is turned otit ! A pretty time they choose to entrust 
 him with the secret. Is not this folly incredible? Aherne saw 
 the Minister himself, and spoke his opinion without reserve of 
 Clarke, whom he thinks not honest. I do not know ; I remember 
 he told me in our first conversation he was related to Lord Cahir, 
 and the Butler family in Ireland. Lord Cahir is married to 
 Fitzgibbon's niece. Will this explain his anxiety about the 
 aristocracy, and his wish to hook in Lord Ormond, the head of 
 the Butlers, and the monstrous extravagance of his questions 
 about Fitzgibbon ? It has a very odd appearance. If he should 
 turn out a scoundrel I will see what is fit for me to do, and if it 
 
10 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 is necessary to punish him personally, I will do it ; for I begin to 
 dislike him mortally. It seems he told Aherne that he should 
 apprise the people in Ireland to be on the look-out for assistance 
 in September, or it might be November next, in six or seven 
 months ; and this he qualified by saying, " unless something 
 should happen in the course of the campaign to prevent it ; " a 
 pretty general exception. When Aherne told this to the Minister 
 he seemed astonished, for the fact is, he is utterly unacquainted 
 with the business. He therefore got rid of it by giving Aherne 
 a few queries in writing on the subject of Ireland, the answers to 
 which are already in my memorial ; but it was merely to gain 
 time, and said he would see Clarke himself, and let Aherne know 
 the result to-morrow at one o'clock, and then give him his final 
 instructions. Altogether things cannot look worse. If Clarke be 
 not honest, we are blown up. I have determined as to what I 
 will do myself : I will first learn the result of the Minister's con- 
 versation with Aherne to-morrow, and what Clarke has said to 
 him ; I will then go to Clarke myself, and have an explanation 
 with him, and I will insist upon being in a certain degree informed 
 of what is going forward, which hitherto I have not done ; in 
 short, I will endeavour to bring him to something definite. If I 
 find that impossible, I will write to Carnot my opinion fully, as 
 well of the mode of doing business here in general as of Clarke's 
 conduct in particular, without the least reserve, and the grounds 
 on which I found that opinion. I will likewise demand that all 
 my future communications be directly with himself, and that I 
 shall look on the rejection of this request as a symptom that the 
 measure is abandoned. And if General Clarke is offended at all 
 this, let him take his remedy. I suspect most violently that he is 
 secretly counteracting the business to save his noble connections 
 in Ireland ; and if so, I should be heartily glad to have an oppor- 
 tunity to punish him personally. After all it is possible he may 
 be innocent, and I will not proceed but upon good grounds, such 
 as will satisfy my conscience. Aherne is acltarne against him, and 
 so is Sullivan ; I am much cooler than either of them. Aherne 
 will denounce him again to the Minister, especially for what he 
 
^T. 33.] 
 
 CLARKE DISTRUSTED. 
 
 1 1 
 
 said as to our consulting France relative to the choice of a 
 monarch, which is, to be sure, most unaccountable in Clarke. 
 Sullivan will set Prieur and Laignelot on his back. For my part, 
 I know nobody, and of course I have not the power, if I had the 
 wish, to intrigue against him, which I disdain to do. If I find 
 him, or have satisfactory reasons to suspect him, to be a traitor 
 in the business, I will denounce him at once to Carnot, and let 
 him then act as he pleases. Aherne and Sullivan, who know the 
 pave better than I do, are satisfied he is betraying us. For my 
 part, I am not convinced, though I see appearances strong against 
 him. I will wait for further proof, and if I am once decided, I 
 will then do what is right. Let us see what the next three or 
 four days will produce, and in the meantime do nothing rashly. 
 Dined at Aherne's with Madgett and Sullivan. Choice cham- 
 pagne — get half tipsy, partly with rage and vexation, at the 
 prospect before me. Have I risked my life, ruined my prospects, 
 left my family and deserted my country, to be baffled by a 
 scoundrel at last ? If he prove one, woe be to him ! 
 
 April \\th. Breakfast with Aherne and Sullivan. They still 
 hold their opinion as to Clarke. I will wait for further evidence. 
 Aherne is to see the Minister to-day, and that will be one step 
 towards demonstration. Agreed to dine together. Dinner. 
 Aherne could not see the Minister ; so nothing is done. 
 
 April i^th. Went with Aherne to the Minister, and met a 
 most gracious reception. He had seen Clarke, to whom the 
 military part of the business had been entrusted, and who assured 
 him that preparations were actually making in the interior of 
 Holland. With regard to Aherne, he said his instructions would 
 be ready in three or four days. Then we shall see something of 
 the matter. I mentioned to him the arrestation of Keogh, and 
 the embarrassment it must produce in our affairs. He observed, 
 it would only inflame the people's minds the more. I answered, 
 as to them, they were sufficiently inflamed already ; but the 
 embarrassment which I saw was in the imprisonment of him 
 and others, inasmuch as they could be of such service in framing 
 a provisional government. I observed, likewise, and begged him 
 
12 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 to remember, that the very men I had pointed out as my friends, 
 and as the proper persons to speak to in Ireland, were the very 
 persons now imprisoned and persecuted by the British Govern- 
 ment. I also took the opportunity to apologise for not seeing 
 him oftener ; that I knew the value of his time too well to take it 
 up in visits of ceremony, and we parted the best friends in the 
 world ; he assuring me that in every part of the business wherein 
 he was engaged I might depend on his utmost exertions. I must 
 now wait till I see Aherne's instructions. 
 
 April \6th-i7th. Blank ! Blank ! Damn it ! 
 
 April 18th. Called on Clarke, who is very reserved of late. 
 Let him ! He had nothing to tell me of our expedition, but said 
 they had some scheme of introducing Chouannerie in England, 
 and desired I would write a paper fit to be distributed, in case of 
 a landing on that scheme being effected. I told him I could not 
 do it ; that I did not know the grievances of England, and could 
 not write in the character of a Frenchman. He said he was sure 
 I could if I would try. So to get rid of the business I said I 
 would make the attempt, but won't. He is plaguy fond of 
 Chouannerie. 
 
 April igtk. Blank ! 
 
 April 2.0th. This being the first Floreal, I left the Hotel des 
 Etrangers, where I have been fleeced like ten thousand devils, and 
 removed to the house where Aherne lodges, where I hope I shall 
 live cheaper and more comfortable. Went with Aherne, at one 
 o'clock, to the Minister's, in order to see after his instructions. At 
 last there is a prospect of something like business. The Minister 
 read the draft of the instructions, in which there is a great deal of 
 trash mixed with some good sense. Only think of one of the 
 articles, wherein they say that if Ireland continues devoted to the 
 House of Stuart, one of that family can be found who will be 
 agreeable, to all parties ! Who the devil is this Pretender in petto ? 
 It is all one to us, however, for we will have nothing to do with him. 
 I made one or two observations on the instructions to the Minister ; 
 he acted very fairly, for he gave them to me, and desired me to 
 make what observations struck me; and as to Aherne, he said that 
 
AT. 33-] 
 
 A PROMISE OP HELP. 
 
 13 
 
 he must only be guided by such of them as might apply to the 
 state of things he found there, and disregard those that did not ; 
 all which is candid. I see the instructions are written by Clarke, 
 for I find in them his trash about monarchy, the noblesse, and the 
 clergy. There is one thing, however, which reconciles me to all 
 this absurdity, which is, that the French Government promise us 
 10,000 men and 20,000 stand of arms ; with that force I have not 
 the shadow of doubt of our success. It is to be escorted by ninesail 
 of the line (Dutch, I believe), and three frigates, and will be ready 
 about the middle or towards the end of May, which is not more 
 than six weeks off. If this be so — but let me not be sanguine. 
 Went to Madgett to communicate this good news, and fixed to 
 dine together, Aherne, he, and I, in the Champs Elysees. Dined 
 accordingly ; drank rather enough. Walked out and saw the 
 French soldiery dancing in groups, under the trees, with their 
 wives and mistresses. Judge in the humour I was in, with near 
 two bottles of Burgundy in my head, whether I did not enjoy the 
 spectacle. How often did I wish for my dearest love ! Returned 
 to the Restaurateur, and indeed drank off another bottle, which 
 made three, and returned home in a state of considerable eleva- 
 tion, having several delightful visions before my eyes. Well, 
 " Wine does wonders, does wonders every day!' Bed, slept like a 
 top. 
 
 April 2\st. Walked about Paris, diverting myself innocently. 
 "/ 'gin to be aweary of the Sun." I wish I could see once more the 
 green sod of Ireland ; yet Paris is delightful ; but then " home is 
 home." Well, who knows ? I may be there yet. 
 
 April 22nd. Copied Aherne's instructions, and wrote my obser- 
 vations, which are very short. I barely mention what is necessary, 
 and for the rest I say all is very right; and that when he arrives in 
 Ireland I have no doubt but the people there will execute every 
 part of them which circumstances will admit. Gave them to 
 Madgett to translate. Went to Clarke to apprise him of my 
 having changed my lodgings ; asked him had he any news for me. 
 He answered not. I replied that hitherto he had not found me 
 very pressing for information ; but that, nevertheless, I expected 
 
14 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 that when the time came, I should be properly apprised of every- 
 thing. He replied, " Certainly." I also said, that as to my own 
 affairs, which I had scarcely mentioned, I hoped and expected that 
 the request which I had suggested once already to him, of being 
 employed in the expedition as an officer in the French service, 
 would not be refused. He answered that I might depend upon 
 that. I then mentioned the old subject of the necessity of losing 
 no time. To which he replied, with an air of great significance, 
 that, if the affair was undertaken, it would be within two years at any 
 rate. He is a puppy, that is the truth of it. This good-humoured 
 irony I dare say he thought extremely diplomatic, but I can assure 
 him he acts the statesman very poorly. He is much fitter to figure 
 away at Ranelagh than in a bureau diplomatique, for he is a hand- 
 some lad. I then mentioned Pichegru to him, observing that any 
 old woman would make an ambassador for Sweden, where they are 
 sending him, whereas our expedition required a man of great 
 talents and military reputation. He replied, he was sure Pichegru 
 would not undertake it. I said I was not so sure of that ; that if 
 glory was an object with him, as doubtless it was, the dismember- 
 ment of the empire of England, the destruction of her power, and 
 the establishment of a new republic in Europe of 4,500,000 people, 
 were not ordinary occurrences. That if he was a man to be 
 influenced by interested considerations, there was no doubt but, in 
 case of our success, he would be rewarded by Ireland to the 
 utmost extent of his wishes, as well as every person who was 
 instrumental in effectuating her emancipation. This hint I threw 
 out for the Citizen Clarke himself. He made some vague indefi- 
 nite answer, which signified nothing ; so I dropped the subject, and 
 shall not renew it with him ; but I have a little scheme on that 
 score which a few days may develop. He then attacked me about 
 his proclamation for Chouannising England. I replied that I had 
 done nothing in it, and that if he would permit me to give my 
 opinion, the measure was unwise and impracticable ; that the 
 peasantry of England were not at all in a situation which rendered 
 it likely they would take any part in such a business, for several 
 reasons, which I enumerated ; that perhaps in Scotland, which, 
 
AT. 33.] 
 
 AVERSION TO CHOUANNERIE. 
 
 however, I was not sure of, it might do, but in England, never. 
 He pressed me, however, to write the manifesto. I replied as 
 before, that I did not know their grievances, and would much 
 rather write one for Ireland, which I did know. He desired me to 
 do that also, and without loss of time. I promised him I would, 
 and so we parted. He is a strange fellow. Does he know that 
 the Minister has told me everything that he is apprised of relative 
 to the business ; and, if so, why all this prodigious reserve on his 
 part ? I suppose he has heard that secrecy is a necessary quality 
 in a great statesman, and so he is acting this part, to impress me 
 with an idea of his diplomatic talents. He is very much out, I can 
 tell him. Standing, as I do here, I confess I do not see the policy 
 of concealing the measure from me, more especially when I hear it 
 directly from the Minister, and indirectly, which I am very sorry 
 for, from a dozen different quarters. Well, let him go to the 
 dogs, though he is a pretty gentleman. I believe I am, at least, as 
 much interested in the success of the measure as he is, and perhaps 
 a little more. Confound him, I do not like him. 
 
 April 2ird. Blank ! These blanks are very thick sown latterly 
 on my journals, but that is not my fault. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 PROGRESS OF BUSINESS IN FRANCE. 
 
 April 2dftJi. Called on Madgett to get my observations, which I 
 gave him to translate. He tells me he has them not. Hell and 
 the devil ! Sure he has not lost them. It would be a pretty paper 
 to set afloat just now in Paris, where there are, for aught I know, 
 a thousand English spies. If it be gone, I do not know what may 
 be the consequence, perhaps the blowing up of the whole expedi- 
 tion. Left Madgett in a rage, which I could scarce conceal. 
 Evening — he has found the papers. Ah je respire. If he had lost 
 them I should never have forgiven him. Get Sullivan to translate 
 them. To-morrow we go to the Minister's. The French have 
 begun the campaign by a splendid victory in Italy ; the negotia- 
 tions between Wickham and Barthelemi have produced nothing, 
 and the cry is now, " Guerre aux Anglais" All this is very good. 
 Theatre de la Republique, Macbeth, by Ducis, much better than his 
 Othello. Talma, in Macbeth, a most excellent actor. Lady 
 Macbeth by Mme. Vestris, very good, if I had not seen Mrs. 
 Siddons, before whom all the actresses here vanish. A good 
 ridiculous farce, supported entirely by Dugazon, who represents 
 five different characters. Affairs look so well in the north, that it 
 is impossible to displease me. 
 
 April 2$th. Went with Aherne to the Minister's and gave him 
 my observations, which he read and liked very well. He struck 
 out, in consequence, all the stuff about royalty, &c, and returned 
 the instructions to Aherne, in order to his copying them, but kept 
 my observations to show them to Carnot. He tells me Aherne 
 will be despatched in a few days, and that he has every reason to 
 think the expedition will be ready by the latter end of May. I 
 
 16 
 
MT. 33.] ENGLISH TROOPS IN IRELAND. 17 
 
 begin to speak French like a nabob. I astonished the Minister 
 to-day with the volubility of my diction. On leaving De la Croix, 
 who, by the by, has had a narrow chance of being turned out, but 
 is now, I fancy, pretty safe, I met Sullivan, who gave me an 
 English paper, with the quarters of the army in Ireland for this 
 year ; I was very glad to get it. I see but nine regiments of 
 dragoons, and two of troops of the line, the rest all fencibles or 
 militia ; there is to be a camp of about 2,500 men in the north, and 
 2,000 near Dublin, which with the garrison will make about 6,500 
 men. The whole force is about 30,000 men, as I guessed, but I 
 am sure not above 20,000 effective. I have not the least doubt of 
 success if we can land with 10,000 French. Apropos of the French: 
 Two days after the victory mentioned in my journal of yesterday, 
 called the affair of Montenotte, they had a second action at 
 Millesimo with the Austrian and Sardinian armies, whom they 
 utterly defeated, taking everything that Was takeable, including 
 one lieutenant-general, and God knows how many officers, colours, 
 cannon, standards, and stores, together with 8,500 men ; a pretty 
 moderate victory, being the second in two days. I give up dis- 
 cipline for ever after this, provided always that we can raise such 
 a spirit of enthusiasm, which I hope and believe is very possible 
 among the Irish. The French general is Buonaparte, a Corsican. 
 Two French generals were killed at the head of their columns, and 
 a third desperately wounded, leaping with seven grenadiers into 
 the Austrian works, but as I have often told P. P., "we are certamly 
 t/ie bravest nation in Europe." I cannot recall the names of many 
 English generals who have fallen this war, within, or, indeed, 
 without, the enemy's lines. There was only one killed, Mansel, 
 and he was an Irishman. This piece of news will wonderfully 
 regale John Bull, especially coming close on the heels of a second 
 loan of £7,500,000, which he has cunningly borrowed from himself, 
 in order to put down French principles and preserve the regular 
 governments of Europe. The regular government of Sardinia 
 (which island is in open revolt) is in a hopeful way after the last 
 battle. The Atheists are now within fifteen leagues of Turin, and 
 only one strong place in their way ; besides that, they creep into 
 vol. 11. % 
 
iS 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 your strong places like cats. Ah ! John, thou'rt a deep one. I 
 declare I am in as pleasant a humour as a man could wish to see 
 of a summer's day. One thing I wish to remark here, because it 
 may be of use : If we have any generals killed, leaping in or out 
 of trenches, their families must always be adopted by the Republic. 
 I know nothing, judging by my own feelings, so likely to make 
 men fight with enthusiasm, as the consciousness that their wives 
 and children, in the case of their falling in the public service, will 
 become the objects of national gratitude. I like my new lodging 
 very well, and especially I like being rid of that infernal extorting 
 mansion, l'Hotel des Etrangers, Rue Vivienne. The villains have 
 hardly left me one louis. Well, " 'tis but in vain" &c. 
 
 April 26th. Wrote a short memorial on the force and disposi- 
 tion of the army in Ireland, as it appears in the English papers, 
 and gave it to Sullivan to translate. I think it is very prettily 
 done, which is not the case with all my productions. I will give it 
 to the Minister to-morrow. Went in the evening to the theatre ; 
 Montansier, Mdlle. Ferlon a good actress and pretty. 
 
 April 27th. Sullivan brought me my memorial admirably 
 translated. Went at one o'clock to the Minister's, where I met 
 Aherne. The Minister tells us the Directory is just now occupied 
 by very important business, but in two or three days will be 
 disengaged, and then Aherne will receive his final instructions and 
 be despatched ; he also told me that matters were so arranged 
 and combinations made, that in a month everything would be 
 ready. All this is excellent, but I am sworn never to believe it 
 till I see it. What makes these notes valuable (that is to say, to 
 myself and to my dearest life and love) is, that they are a faithful 
 transcript of all that passes in my mind, of my hopes and fears, 
 my doubts and expectations, in this important business. The 
 Minister also said he would instantly have a copy made of my 
 remarks, and have them given to Carnot, by which I see, or 
 suppose, at least, that the business is entirely in his hands, of which I 
 am sincerely glad, for he is the man I have all along wished to fix 
 my claws in. By the by, I must see the aforesaid organiser shortly, 
 to wit ; in three or four days, because I meditate a little stroke of 
 
MT. 33-] 
 
 THE FRENCH IN ITAL Y. 
 
 19 
 
 politics (being my first) ; let us see how it will succeed. I intend 
 artfully to insinuate a thing or two to him. I want, likewise, to 
 sound him about Pichegru. As he is a " shallow Pomona" I 
 foresee I shall overreach him. This day's paper gives an account 
 of a third victory by the army of Italy. It seems they were 
 too confident on the two former ones, which induced Beaulieu, 
 the Austrian general, though twice beaten, to make the attack 
 with the Slite of his army, with which he surprised the French 
 right wing, and it was not without the most vigorous efforts of 
 the remainder of the army that he was at length repulsed, which, 
 however, he was effectually, leaving 2,500 men in prisoners only. 
 The French loss must have been severe. In the three battles 
 four generals have fallen, and three desperately wounded ; very 
 like the British generals in Flanders, as I have already remarked 
 with great wit and severity. The idea of attacking the French 
 after being twice defeated does Beaulieu's talents great honour, 
 and had it not been for the invincible valour of the French 
 soldiery, it seems very likely that he would have succeeded. As it 
 was, it was a work of great difficulty to repulse him, the battle 
 continuing from daybreak to three in the afternoon. Went in the 
 evening to the Theatre Feydeau. These are the veterans of the 
 French stage ; the Drury Lane of Paris. Mole is an excellent 
 actor ; in manner, age, voice, figure, and talents, he puts me 
 strongly in mind of King. Mademoiselle Contat is a delicious 
 woman ; she is the Miss Farren of the Rue Feydeau, and in 
 all respects just such another actress. She is forty years of age, 
 and certainly does not appear to be above twenty-five. She has 
 been the mistress of the whole French ci-devant nobility, and of 
 course has no great devotion to the Revolution, yet she lives now, 
 I am told, with Legendre the Deputy, who was, and for aught I 
 know is, a butcher in Paris. I confess I am so much of an aristo- 
 crat, that I do not glory in that circumstance. It is a scandalous 
 fact, but I am afraid too true, that many deputies have availed 
 themselves of their situation to secure the possession of beautiful 
 women, who submit to their embraces to secure their protection. 
 If so, it is abominable, I do not like to see the Republic pimp for 
 
20 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 Legendre. But people here mind those things much less than I 
 do ; for, on this topic, I have perhaps extravagant notions of 
 delicacy and refinement, and their manners here are horribly 
 dissolute, by all I can learn. Well, give me my own country- 
 women, after all ; they are the materiel to make wives and mothers. 
 If I wanted a mistress, I would go to Paris or London. Protec- 
 tion ! Legendre's protection ! I like no protection but the pro- 
 tection of the law ; that protects all. I find I am growing 
 angry on this subject, so I will quit it. Maybe I am jealous of 
 Legendre. Oh Lord ! Oh Lord ! Jealous indeed. Marry come 
 up. Well, I am sleepy now, so I will go to bed, and Mademoiselle 
 Contat may do the same if she pleases. 
 
 April 2$t/i, 2gt/i. Blank ! Blank ! Is not this cruel ? But what 
 can I do ? I have not lost one minute by my negligence since my 
 arrival in Paris ; well, that is some comfort, however. Madgett 
 tells me that peace is as good as concluded with the King of Sar- 
 dinia, and that these late victories will give him a plausible excuse 
 for cutting out of the party like the King of Spain. He tells me 
 also that a revolution is organised in Piedmont and Sardinia, so 
 that it is highly probable the poor Roi des marmottes may go and 
 keep company with the Stadtholder ; a pretty dialogue they would 
 have in meeting ! Voltaire's supper of the six kings (was it six ?) 
 seems likely to be realised. But it is sad that I must be writing 
 
 of revolutions in Piedmont and Sardinia, instead of Well ! 
 
 " 'Tis but in vain" &c. 
 
 April 10th. Called on Clarke again ; he is a sad puppy, and I 
 am fairly tired of him. Our dialogue is always the same. " Well, 
 General Clarke, I have called to know if you have anything to tell 
 me." "Not a word." "Well, I hope when there is anything going 
 forward, you will let me know." Two or three words of common- 
 place discourse follow, and so I take my leave as ignorant as a 
 horse. I confess I cannot fathom General Clarke's policy in 
 keeping me so totally in the dark. Moreover, to-day he was not 
 over civil, for he spoke to me en passant in the porter's antechamber, 
 being, as he said, in a hurry. If he was in twice as great a hurry, 
 he might have spoken to me in his cabinet. I will not forget it to 
 
JEST. 33-] CONVERSATION WITH CAR NOT. 21 
 
 him, that I can tell him. I once filled a station as honourable as 
 his, and I hope yet perhaps to fill one far above it, and if I do, 
 I must not give myself airs like General Clarke. The puppy, I am 
 as angry as the devil. One thing, however, I will do : as I have 
 given him, by Carnot's orders, all the directions in my power, and 
 as he will tell me nothing in return, but, on the contrary, evidently 
 shows a disposition to avoid me, I will not call on him any more ; 
 I will very gingerly demand an audience of Carnot himself, and 
 see what that will produce. This is sad ! and I am as melancJioly 
 as a gib cat, or a lugged bear, and I cannot help myself. 
 
 May 1st. Blank ! Thinking of my interview with Carnot ; I 
 declare I am literally tired of my life. 
 
 May 2nd. Went to the Luxembourg ; saw Rewbell giving 
 audience in his costume ; wrote a note desiring to see Carnot, 
 and was admitted ; he recollected me perfectly. I began by 
 saying, fluently enough, that, in pursuance of his orders, I had 
 been several times with General Clarke, and had given him all the 
 information I was possessed of, as well verbally as by memorials 
 and other papers. He said he knew I had. I then observed that 
 considering General Clarke in an official situation, I had avoided 
 pressing him to give me any information in return ; but that, at 
 present, when I learned directly from the Minister, and indirectly 
 from many other quarters, that preparations were in a considerable 
 degree of forwardness for the expedition, I hoped, when he con- 
 sidered the efforts I had made, the risks I had run, the dangers I 
 had escaped in endeavouring to lay the state of Ireland before the 
 French Government, as well as the situation I had once the honour 
 to fill in my own country, that he would not consider me as 
 unreasonably importunate in requesting him to give me such 
 information as he might deem proper, as to the state of the 
 expedition, supposing it were to take place. He replied, my 
 request was not at all unreasonable, but that, before measures were 
 finally determined upon, it would be necessary that the French 
 Government should be satisfied as to the actual state of things in 
 Ireland ; and for that purpose a person should be sent to observe 
 everything, and make his report accordingly ; for, if the people 
 
22 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 there were amicable to the French Republic, the attempt might be 
 made, but if not, it would require a considerable force to conquer 
 the country. This was a staggering blow to me, to find myself no 
 farther advanced at the end of three months than I was at my first 
 audience. However, I recollected myself, and said, that un- 
 doubtedly the French Government was in the right to expect 
 every possible information as to the actual state of the country, 
 but that I begged leave to observe that there were few individuals 
 more competent from their situation to give them that informa- 
 tion than myself, much more so than any stranger they might 
 send, who would just slide into the country for a moment, and 
 return, if he were lucky enough to escape ; that, as to all I had 
 advanced, I hoped he would find my assertions confirmed by 
 the English Gazettes ; that, nevertheless, if he doubted my in- 
 formation, or supposed that affairs might be altered since my 
 departure from Ireland, and so thought it necessary to send a 
 confidential person, I begged him to remember that the time was 
 precious, and that there was not one moment to lose. He said 
 he understood that I could not go myself. I answered I was too 
 well known in that country to be there four-and-twenty hours 
 without being discovered and seized ; that, consequently, I was 
 the most unfit person in the world, and I took that opportunity 
 to mention that, if the expedition were undertaken, I hoped to 
 be permitted to bear a part in its execution. He replied, that 
 the French Government would in that case certainly avail 
 themselves of my courage and talents {profiter de votre courage 
 et de vos talents). But still he did not say whether the expedi- 
 tion would take place or not, though this was the second push 
 I made at him on that head. When I saw he would not give 
 me any definite information, I observed that there was a subject 
 on which I had received such positive instructions on leaving 
 Ireland, that I considered myself bound to mention it to him ; 
 and that was relative to the General who might be appointed 
 to the command ; that it was our wish, if possible, that it should 
 be Pichegru ; that if he remained at the head of the army of the 
 Rhine, I probably should not have mentioned him ; but that at 
 
JET. 33.] 
 
 PICHEGRU. 
 
 23 
 
 present, when he was not employed in any military function, I 
 hoped I was not irregular in praying him (Carnot) to turn his 
 thoughts on Pichegru for that command, supposing as before 
 that the expedition was to take place. Carnot replied that un- 
 doubtedly Pichegru was an officer of consummate talents, but, 
 at the same time, there were many generals not inferior to 
 him in abilities (aussi forts que lui). I replied I was satisfied the 
 Republic abounded with excellent officers, but that, in my country, 
 the prejudice as to Pichegru's character was so strong, that I 
 rated him equal to an army of 20,000 men, as to the effect his 
 appointment would have on both parties in Ireland. He replied 
 that he would give every consideration to what I said on the 
 subject, and that, at any rate, I had done perfectly right in 
 suggesting Pichegru to the notice of the Directory. I then 
 observed that as to Pichegru himself, I thought the appointment 
 would add a new lustre to his former glory ; that, if he desired 
 fame, the assisting in creating a free Republic of 4,500,000 
 people was an object of no ordinary magnitude, and if he was 
 studious of his interest, which I did not suppose, he might rely 
 on the gratitude of my country in its fullest extent, as well as 
 every person who might be instrumental in establishing her 
 liberties. Just at this moment General Clarke entered, and I 
 cannot say that he seemed highly delighted at the rencontre. I 
 took my leave of Carnot, and went over to speak to him. 
 I told him in substance our conversation as above written, and 
 when I mentioned Pichegru, he said, " Pichegru ! Oh, he won't 
 accept it." I said I was sorry for it. He then asked me had I 
 finished his proclamation for chouannising England. I told him 
 I found it impossible, but that I would finish the one I had begun 
 for Ireland, whose grievances I knew, and with whose local 
 circumstances I was acquainted ; of both of which, with regard 
 to England, I was utterly ignorant. He desired me then to finish 
 that one, and bring it to him, without loss of time. I said I 
 would in the course of four or five days, and took my leave. 
 So ! " / have got much by my intended expostulation" as Sir 
 Peter Teazle says. In the first place, I am utterly ignorant 
 
2 4 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 whether there is any design to attempt the expedition or not ; I 
 put it twice to Carnot, and could extract no answer. My belief 
 is, that as yet there is no one step taken in the business, and 
 that, in fact, the expedition will not be undertaken. What 
 signifies what the Minister says ! He is on the eve of being turned 
 out every day, and is at this moment at open war with the 
 Directory. They want him to resign, and he will not, but says 
 they may dismiss him if they please. (By the by, the Directory 
 are too fond of changing their Ministers, which shows either 
 want of judgment in forming their choice, or want of steadiness 
 in adhering to it.) They are of course not very likely just now 
 to trust him with their designs. I therefore must regard all he 
 says, and Madgett from him, as of no authority whatsoever, 
 and, that being the case, it is impossible things can wear a more 
 frosty appearance for our hopes. I am pretty sure Carnot has 
 never read one line of my memorials, but has taken them on the 
 report of Clarke, and God only knows what that report may 
 have been. I cannot get it out of my head that that fellow is 
 betraying the cause, or at least doing everything in his power 
 to thwart and oppose it ; and what can I possibly do to prevent 
 him ? Absolutely nothing ! That is hard ; I fear all my exertions 
 and sacrifices and hopes will come to nothing at last. Well, if 
 it should be so, I hope I shall be able to bear it, but it is cruel. 
 I begin now to think of my family and cottage again. I fancy 
 it will be my lot at last to bury them and myself in the back- 
 woods of America. My poor little boys, I had almost begun to 
 entertain hopes of being able to rescue them from that obscurity, 
 and above all things to place my wife and our dear Maria 
 in a situation more worthy of them ; but, if I cannot, I must 
 submit ; it is at least no fault of mine ; I think I have left nothing 
 on my part undone, or untried, or unhazarded. If I have to go 
 back to the woods, I must see and inveigle P. P. out with me, 
 otherwise I shall be in great solitude. Perhaps Mr. Wm. 
 Browne is at home before me ; at home ! And is that to be our 
 home after all ? Well, if it must, it must. From this day I will 
 gradually diminish the little hope I had begun to form. I 
 
MT. 33.] ANXIOUS FOR THE FUTURE. 25 
 
 suppose another month at most will decide our fate, and if that 
 decision be adverse, I will then try the justice and generosity 
 of the French Government in my own particular case. If they 
 make me compensation, so ; if they do not, I have nothing to 
 do but to submit, and return in the first vessel to America. At 
 least I shall be sure of tranquillity and happiness in the bosom of 
 my family, especially if I can catch P. P. and Mr. William Browne. 
 I will now wait to see what they will do with Aherne. If they 
 despatch him promptly, the business may yet revive. If they 
 delay him, or send a person of Clarke's choosing, I shall look on 
 it as utterly desperate, and take my measures accordingly. 
 
 May ^rd-yt/i. What signifies my making daily journals when I 
 have nothing to say? The Directory gives me no business, and I 
 am not in spirits to write good nonsense, and I am tired of saying 
 blank ! blank ! This day wrote an artful letter to Clarke to see if 
 I can list him on the score of his interest. It is also his duty. This 
 is sad work, but what can I do ? // faut hurler avec les loups. I 
 engage him £1,000 a year for his life if we succeed, and I rely on 
 the nation to make good my engagement. 
 
 May gth. Saw Clarke ; he told me that if he gave me no infor- 
 mation it was because he was not permitted ; that I might rely on 
 receiving it as soon as it was necessary I should be informed, and 
 that I might also depend on it, that, if the expedition was under- 
 taken, everything should be made as agreeable to me, personally, 
 as I could desire. All this is civil, however, but still it is not what 
 I want to come at. I told him, as usual, that I did not mean to 
 press him, and would wait, in submission, for the determination of 
 the Directory. I then asked him had he read my letter ? He said 
 he had, but, as to any idea of reward, he was in the service of 
 France, and it must be to her he should look for compensation. I 
 replied, certainly it was just that France should reward him, but 
 that did not preclude Ireland also from manifesting her gratitude ; 
 that he might rely on it that every individual in France, who was 
 instrumental in establishing our independence, would be amply re- 
 warded at the conclusion of the war. He replied, " We would not 
 have the means, that we had no money ; and, besides that, he did 
 
26 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 not much count on the gratitude of nations." To this I answered, 
 that it was true we had little or no money, but that we had abun- 
 dance of means besides ; and as to the gratitude of nations, I did 
 not think quite so humbly of it as he seemed to do ; that America 
 was an instance to the contrary, where every soldier and officer was 
 rewarded on the establishment of her independence, and where 
 Lafayette had a provision of 30,000 acres of land, which was all he 
 had to trust to at this moment on earth, and that I hoped we were 
 as capable ol gratitude as the Americans. I stopped there, and the 
 discourse turned on Ireland. I told him I had seen the instructions, 
 and that there were two points on which I wished much to satisfy 
 him, viz., the influence of the priests, and the question of royalty, 
 neither of which, I assured him, were at all to be apprehended, and 
 I adduced several arguments, which, as they are already recited in 
 these memorandums, I need not here repeat. I do not know 
 whether I satisfied him or not, but the discourse rested there. He 
 asked me had I finished the proclamation. I said not, but that I 
 would bring it to him in two or three days at farthest. I then took 
 my leave. On the whole I made no great way in this day's con- 
 versation, yet I was better pleased with Clarke, I do not know why ; 
 than I have been for a long time. He has got my memorandum on 
 the number and disposition of the troops in Ireland. I also saw 
 among his papers, relating to the expedition, one in the margin of 
 which were the names of several towns in Holland and Dutch 
 Flanders : what does that forebode ? I cannot decipher, so let me 
 go finish my proclamation ; I have not looked at it since the 27th 
 of April. I see I was in a wrong track, so I will begin on a new 
 plan : Courage mon ami ! allons ! 
 
 May loth. Madgett has got orders to find ten or a dozen in- 
 telligent prisoners who are to be sent into England. Into England, 
 of all places in the world ! What can that mean ? He tells me 
 there is to be an expedition there, contemporary with ours, in order 
 to cut out work for John Bull at home, and prevent his distracting 
 his poor head too much about his Irish affairs. He tells me, also, 
 that Hoche is to command in England. If that be so, it looks 
 serious, but Madgett is so terribly sanguine that I know not what 
 
^ET. 33 ] 
 
 PREPARING A PROCLAMATION. 
 
 27 
 
 to think. I will say, for the present, in the language of the Gazette, 
 " This news merits further confirmation." At work at my procla- 
 mation. 
 
 May nth. At work furiously at my proclamation ; I like it 
 better than my first attempt. Madgett is gone in search of his 
 imps, whom he has orders to send off to Hoche as soon as he has 
 found them. That looks a little serious, but still I am slow of faith. 
 This day the Directoire Executif has denounced a grand plot to 
 massacre themselves, the legislative bodies, the Etat-Major of Paris, 
 and proclaim the constitution of 1793. Above forty persons have 
 been arrested, and, at the head of them, Drouet, who stopped the 
 King at Varennes in 1792, and has lain for three years in a 
 dungeon in Austria, from whence he is returned not above six 
 months. I am sorry for him, for I believe him a sincere republican ; 
 at the same time I would show no mercy to any man, whatever 
 might be his past merits, who would endeavour, in the present 
 position of France, to subvert the existing Government. If the plot 
 had taken place, our business would have been in a hopeful way. 
 I think, in my conscience, the French have, at this moment, an ex- 
 ceeding good form of government, and such as every man of prin- 
 ciple is bound to support. It might possibly be better, but the 
 advantages which might result from an alteration are not such as 
 to warrant any honest man in hazarding the consequences of 
 another bloody revolution. The people of this turbulent city seem 
 of the same way of thinking. I do not imagine, from all that I can 
 observe, that it would be easy, or, indeed, possible, at present to 
 excite a serious insurrection in Paris. The Government is strong, 
 the enrages are few, and the mass of the people seems disposed for 
 tranquillity at any rate. As a friend to France and Ireland, and as 
 an irreconcilable enemy to England, I am heartily glad of it, for I 
 am not so completely ultra-revolutionnaire as some to whom I 
 speak here. As an Irishman, I cannot but rejoice at the discovery 
 of this complot. Had it succeeded, what would have become of us ? 
 Apropos : There is a law passed to-day, enjoining, amongst other 
 things, all strangers to quit Paris in three days. I must apply to the 
 Minister, and see what he says on that head. 
 
2S 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 May \2th. Finished my memorial and gave it to Clarke — I 
 should say my proclamation. It is too long, but let Carnot cut it 
 down as he pleases. Went to the Minister for permission to stay 
 in Paris, malgri la loi. The Minister occupied ; so I wrote him a 
 short note, in very pretty French, which I left for him. In the 
 evening the spectacle as usual. The French comedians are infinitely 
 beyond the English. Even in the little theatres on the Boulevards 
 they perform admirably, and there is an attention to the costume 
 never seen in England. All the theatres, too, are pretty, and some 
 magnificent. The opera, however, continues to stand first in my 
 opinion. It is a charming spectacle, and I never go there without 
 wishing for my dearest love. But matters are so uncertain here, 
 that I labour to prevent myself wishing for anything. I am a dog 
 — I am a dog, and I lead a dog's life here, dancing attendance per- 
 petually, and in a constant suspense. I have, I know not why, 
 foregone my usual amusements. Sad ! sad ! " Man delights not 
 me, nor woman neither." What shall I do ? the novelty of Paris is 
 worn off, my anxiety about our affairs increases, and I get no satis- 
 factory information. The devil puts it into my head sometimes 
 that I am like Hannibal at the court of Prusias, supplicating his aid 
 to enable Carthage to make war upon the Romans. There is a sort 
 of analogy in the circumstances, excepting that I am not Hannibal, 
 nor General Clarke, Prusias. Well, politics are fine things, mais 
 cest quand on en est revenu. I declare I wish our revolution was 
 effected, and that I was set down once more quietly in the bosom 
 of my family, and that is not very strange, for I dote upon them, 
 and I am here like a fish out of water, and everything frets me. 
 Yet I admire the French, of all things ; the men are agreeable and 
 the women enchanting, and, if my mind were at ease, as it is not, I 
 could make it out here very well, for some time longer, but as it 
 
 is well, I can't help myself, and so what signifies complaining ! 
 
 Let me write nonsense, and I cannot write good nonsense when I 
 am not in spirits, and I am never in spirits now. The French 
 women are before the English, far and wide. They are incom- 
 parably well made, almost without exception. The English women 
 have handsome faces, but for figure and fashion they do not 
 
^T. 33.] 
 
 SUSPENSE AND DEL A Y. 
 
 29 
 
 approach the French ; and then they walk so incomparably, and 
 their language is so adapted to conversation, that they all appear to 
 have wit. For their morality, it is, to be sure, " a nice morality, split 
 my wind-pipe." Paris, in that respect, beats London hollow, and 
 that is a bold word, after what I have seen in London. Well, give 
 me Ireland, after all, for women to make wives and mothers of. 
 For " casual fruition," go to London, or, indeed, rather to Paris, but 
 if you wish to be happy, choose your companion at home. The 
 more I see of this wide world, the more I prize the inestimable 
 blessing I possess in my wife's affection, her virtues, her courage, 
 her goodness of heart, her sweetness of temper, and besides, she is 
 very pretty, a circumstance which does not lessen her value in my 
 eyes. What is she doing just now, and what would I give to be 
 with her and the little fanfans for half an hour ? 
 
 May 15th. Called on the Minister, relative to the law enjoining 
 all foreigners to quit Paris in three days. The Minister very civil ; 
 desires me to give myself no trouble, but in case the police should 
 molest me, apply directly to himself or Carnot. This will do for 
 the present. Dined with Madgett at the Champs Elysees, and drank 
 like a fish. 
 
 May 141/1. Wrote a letter to Clarke, praying him to apply to 
 Carnot for a written order for my stay, in case of accidents. Paris 
 is growing more and more stupid on my hands, and this horrible 
 suspense and delay kill me. There is a sad falling off in my journals, 
 but it is not my fault. 
 
 May l$t/i. Went to the Directory and saw Carnot, who desired 
 me to write a short memorial desiring leave to stay, and bring it to 
 him to-morrow. Saw Aherne ; nothing done in his business. This 
 is bad. 
 
 May 16th. Delivered my memorial at the Luxembourg, and re- 
 ceived directions to apply at the Secretariat-General for a permis- 
 sion. Lounged in the evening to the Theatre D'Emulation, one of 
 the little theatres of the Boulevards : it was Easter Monday, and 
 being a fete, the house was filled with the bomie bourgeoisie, all 
 dressed out, and as gay and as happy as possible. I was agreeably 
 surprised to find the piece was the "School for Scandal," extremely 
 
3° 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 well adapted to the French stage, and very well represented. It 
 had an effect upon me which I cannot describe ; I was alone, and 
 it brought a thousand recollections into my mind. Shall I ever see 
 the " School for Scandal " in an English theatre again ? Well, that 
 is the least of my grievances. The French comedians are incom- 
 parable, even in this little theatre of the Boulevards ; they acted 
 admirably, particularly Charles, Sir Oliver, and Lady Teazle ; they 
 excel in the management of their by-play, but they have one fault. 
 In their soliloquies they always address themselves too much to the 
 audience, with the expression as if they were telling them a secret. 
 " The soliloquy ahuays to the pit ; that is the rule." The civic airs 
 were applauded with something like sincerity, a circumstance which 
 I have not remarked for some time. On the whole I was very well 
 amused. But how my life stagnates just now, when I have nothing 
 to write of but the theatres of the Boulevards ! Sad ! 
 May 17th. Blank. 
 
 May 18th. This day I had a tiff with my lover Carnot. In 
 signing the memorial which I delivered to him, I had written my 
 name Theobald Wolfe Tone (dit James Smith). The permission 
 was made out in the name of T. W. Tone, and of course was refused 
 to me when I applied for it in the name of James Smith. I was 
 therefore obliged, sore against my will, to apply again to Carnot, 
 who spoke very chuff about the trouble I gave him to write a 
 second memorandum. I was damnably vexed, and told hirn civilly, 
 but dryly, that I was sorry for the mistake, but that it was not my 
 fault. He then wrote a second note to the Secretary, so I suppose 
 to-morrow it will be made out properly. Men in high station 
 ought not to speak short to people who do not deserve it. I take 
 that to be a very pretty political maxim, and so halt here for the 
 present. I have not recovered my good-humour yet. 
 
 May igth. I learn to-day that Carnot was as cross as the devil 
 to everybody yesterday. So it seems I was not singular. 
 
 May 20th. Received at last my permission to stay in Paris, 
 signed " Tompkins, Creditor" or, indeed, Carnot, President. Only 
 think of the folly of some people ! The first permission, as I saw 
 to-day, was for " Le citoyen Theobald Wolfe Tone, refugie" 
 
yET. 33.] POLITICAL FEELING IN PARIS. 31 
 
 Irlandais." That was a pretty business to spread on a paper 
 which was to be seen by Lord knows how many clerks and commis, 
 as well at the Luxembourg as at the Municipality. Well, it was 
 no fault of mine, as I told Citizen Carnot yesterday, and besides, 
 there is no harm done, for the paper is cancelled ; so that affair is 
 off my hands, and I have nothing to do but divert myself, for the 
 Government here give me no business. " Fie upon this idle life, I 
 ivant work" It seems the plot, discovered by the Directory, was 
 dreadfully sanguinary. Amongst other features, all strangers were 
 to present themselves, in order to their being imprisoned, volun- 
 tarily, tinder pain of death. If the fact be so, it seems I have had, 
 among others, a very good escape, for in times of revolution it is a 
 short journey, sometimes, from the prison to that " undiscovered 
 country, from whose bourn no traveller returns!' Things are better 
 as they are for France and for us. It is curious to observe how the 
 enthusiasm of the Revolution is entirely abated ; even the immortal 
 victories of the army of Italy have not the smallest effect. I observe 
 it, particularly at the spectacles, where they sing (by order of the 
 Executive) " les chants civiques," every night, and they are received 
 with the utmost phlegm, and sometimes worse. Enthusiasm is a 
 passion which will not last for six years of a war, which, however 
 glorious beyond all historical example, has been attended with 
 great individual suffering. I observe, too, the young men are 
 the most disaffected part of the nation, which is caused by the 
 dominion of the women, who are aristocrats without exception. 
 This is very natural and very bad. I did expect the rising 
 generation would have been good republicans, but I cannot say 
 that the fact has justified my apprehensions. They skulk as much 
 as possible from the requisition, which they evade by every means 
 in their power. To see them in Paris they are a race of wretched 
 Sybarites, yet these very young men, when they are forced at length 
 to join the armies, see how they fight ! This is a curious paradox. 
 I believe if the Republic were to suffer a sudden reverse, for 
 example, if Brunswick were once more at the passes of Argonne, 
 the old spirit of France would revive, but, as it is, there is no en- 
 thusiasm here. There is, however, a good succedaneum in a well- 
 
32 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 organised Government which, combined with the untamable 
 courage of the armies, does the business sufficiently, as, I believe, 
 General Beaulieu and the King of Sardinia can bear witness. It is 
 very lucky the new Government was established before this abso- 
 lute decline of public spirit. If the enthusiasm had failed before 
 the present system was organised to supply its place, I know not 
 what might have happened. At any rate, if the combined despots 
 had, in that case, made any progress in France, it would only have 
 once more roused the energy of 1792, and the two succeeding years, 
 so that, at last, it would have come to the same thing. It is the 
 successes of France which have abated her enthusiasm. I believe 
 this is enough of politics for the present ; I will only add that, if I 
 was in the place of the Directory, I would forbid the singing of all 
 political airs at the spectacles, for a forced spirit is always a bad 
 one. 
 
 May 2\st. This morning, on sallying out, the first thing I saw 
 was an affiche of a vessel to sail in ten days for New York. This 
 knocked me in the head for the whole day. I have been planning 
 a thousand schemes. To-morrow I will see Madgett, in order to 
 take his opinion on one or two points. If I can do it with safety 
 to my wife, and our dear, dear babies, I think I will settle in 
 France. 
 
 May 22nd. Called on Madgett, and took a serious walk with 
 him in the Tuileries. I told him I had considered my situation 
 maturely, and the result was, I felt a strong inclination to settle in 
 France. That, by a rough calculation, I supposed I could command 
 about 400 louis d'ors, with which I could do very little in America, 
 unless I went very far back, and then I should feel myself helpless, 
 not being inured to labour, and servants not being to be had. That 
 I conceived property would now be very cheap in France, and 
 therefore begged his advice on two points. First, whether he 
 apprehended, as I did not, that there was any danger of a counter- 
 revolution, by which I meant the restoration of royalty, &c. ; and 
 next, whether it would be more advisable to purchase national or 
 patrimonial property with the small sum which I could command ? 
 Madgett replied, that, as to a counter-revolution, he did not well 
 
/ET. 33.] SPIRIT OF THE FRENCH ARMY. 33 
 
 know what to say, more than it was an event far from improbable. 
 That the Government was in the most extreme distress for money ; 
 that the mandats had failed, and what should be substituted he 
 could not pretend to guess ; that the approvisionment of Paris was 
 a work of immense difficulty, and if there once came an actual 
 scarcity of food, it was impossible to say what might be the result 
 from the fury of a starving and enraged populace ; any one of them 
 might take it into his head to cry Vive le Roi, and perhaps the 
 whole mass adopt it ; that Pitt was moving heaven, earth, and hell 
 to ruin the finances ; that the louis was to-day at 10,500 francs, that 
 things were driven now to that state that a very few days must 
 decide whether the Government could go on or not, and that for 
 himself he wished he was fairly out of it. He added, that perhaps 
 it would be better to purchase patrimonial property, and that, with 
 the sum I mentioned, I might procure an estate of ten times the 
 value, or £4,000. We then fixed to meet in three or four days, and 
 in the meantime he is to make inquiries, and turn the matter in 
 his thoughts. For my own part, whether it is that I am younger 
 and more sanguine than Madgett, or less acquainted with circum- 
 stances, I have not the smallest apprehension of a counter-revolu- 
 tion. The present Government is one of extraordinary mildness — 
 perhaps too much so, but, if pressed by an invincible necessity, they 
 must, and I have no doubt will, have recourse to stronger measures. 
 But what decides me is the excellent spirit of the army. The 
 mutiny among the Legion de Police, which now appears to have 
 been a ramification of Babceuf's plot, was quelled in an instant by 
 the other troops, and I see to-day a most excellent address to the 
 Directory, from the privates and non-commissioned officers of the 
 3rd Dragoons, who form a part of their guard. Whilst the armies 
 continue steady I fear nothing. I believe I can lay out the little 
 money I can command to more advantage here than in America, 
 supposing only the half of what Madgett says to be true ; besides, I 
 am here a portee of Ireland. I need not recite over my reasons, 
 but, as at present advised, I think I will write an order by this 
 vessel to my love, to convert everything possible into specie, to buy 
 louis d'ors at the Bank of Philadelphia, and set off for Havre with 
 vol. 11. 4 
 
34 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 our family in the first ship that sails. Good God ! how happy 
 shall I be if I can fix them in a comfortable cottage in France ! 
 For my schemes of ambition I am almost worn out of hope ; I act 
 now without expectation, and merely that I may say that nothing 
 on my part has been left untried or undone. If there comes a 
 peace, and I settle here, it will be but a step for P. P. to come visit 
 us, and to be sure we will not make him welcome, and there is no 
 wine in France, &c. I feel my ancient propensities revive a 
 little. 
 
 May 2ird, 24th, 2$th, 26th. After balancing for four or five 
 days, and turning the matter every way in my thoughts, I have 
 taken my resolution, and written this day to my dearest love, to 
 Rowan, and Doctor Reynolds, acquainting them with my determina- 
 tion to settle in France, and desiring them to make preparations for 
 the departure of my family with all possible haste. It is a bold 
 measure, but " Audaces fortuna juvat." If my negotiation here 
 succeeds, it would be best they should be in France ; if it fails, still 
 I am satisfied it is more advisable for us to settle here than in 
 America. At all events, the die is cast. It is an epoch in my life. 
 I have decided to the best of my judgment, and, if I fail, I fail. I 
 am weary of floating about at the mercy of events ; let me fix 
 myself, if possible, at last. 
 
 May 27th. Paris has been in a sort of smothered fermentation 
 for several days, and I suppose a very few must bring it to a crisis. 
 Within a fortnight all the assignats will be called in and exchanged 
 against their value in mandats, which, in other words, is changing 
 at once the whole currency. The small assignats of 100 francs, and 
 under, will be allowed to circulate for the convenience of the poor. 
 A hundred livres in assignats are worth to-day about twopence- 
 halfpenny ; their nominal value is £4 3s. 4d. That is a pretty 
 reasonable depreciation. For my part, who am neither financier 
 nor agioteur, I do not pretend to understand the question, but I 
 can clearly see it is no ordinary matter to annul, at one blow, the 
 entire currency of a nation, and substitute another in its place, 
 yet it has been done once already in the case of the assignats, 
 which superseded gold and silver, as the mandats will, I have no 
 
MT. 33-J 
 
 FETE DES VICTOIRES. 
 
 35 
 
 doubt, supersede the assignats. Something or other must be done, 
 or the finances here will tumble. I hope the Government will have 
 firmness. They seem lately to have been assuming a higher tone, 
 and I am glad of it, for I sometimes could not help thinking of 
 King Log when I saw them insulted with impunity. If they 
 stand bold, the enemies of the Republic will be put down, but if 
 they go back one step, or even fluctuate, in my mind, they are lost. 
 It is certainly a most critical period. If the Government holds out 
 till the ist Messidor, which is now three weeks off, and if their new 
 scheme of finance succeeds, to ascertain which nothing seems want- 
 ing but firmness on their part, the Republic will be established for 
 ever. As it is, "we are zvalking on embers, covered with unfaithful 
 dust." Courage ! a few days will settle the business, and I doubt 
 not, for my part, prosperously. Vive la Republiquel Yesterday I 
 had a visit from the Commissaire de Police of my section, by order 
 of the Bureau Central de Paris, in order to bring me before my 
 betters for remaining in town contrary to the law of the 21st Floreal, 
 concerning strangers. However, " 1 jumped suddenly upon him and 
 deprived him of the use of his tveapon" by producing my permission 
 to remain, signed Carnot, and countersigned Lagarde, Secretary, 
 on which he begged my pardon, dressed aproces verbal of the busi- 
 ness, which I signed, and so we parted, the best friends in the 
 world. This visit is owing to some blunder in the Bureau Central, 
 where I went the day after I received my permission, to have it 
 viewed by the proper officer, who omitted, I suppose, to make the 
 proper entry. I am glad to find the Government serious in com- 
 pelling the strangers to leave Paris ; they are a pest to France, 
 speculating in her funds and ruining her currency. I am told there 
 is an exception in favour of Americans. If I was the Government 
 I would not suffer one of them to remain, for whom the Ambassador 
 would not engage personally, because of the multitude of English 
 agents and spies, who all pass here for Americans. 
 
 May 28th, 2gth. Went to the Fete des Victoires, which was cele- 
 brated to-day in the Champ de Mars. The Directory, the Ministers, 
 the Corps Diplomatique, &c, all assisted, in grand costume. 
 Incense was burning before the statue of Liberty, and the usual 
 
36 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 civic hymns were chanted, with two or three new ones, composed 
 for the occasion, and alluding to the success of the army of Italy. 
 It was a superb spectacle, and the spirit of the people seemed much 
 better than I expected, under all the circumstances of the case. 
 There were about 6,000 troops under arms, divided into 14 
 battalions, representing the 14 armies of the Republic, each of 
 whom received from the hands of Carnot, the President, a standard 
 and a garland of oak, the emblem of victory, which was borne by 
 the handsomest grenadier of the corps. The troops made a very 
 fine appearance, all young healthy men, fit for active service. I 
 was placed at the foot of the altar, In the middle of my brethren of 
 the Corps Diplomatique, but, for particular reasons, I chose to 
 remain incognito. Altogether, I was exceedingly pleased with the 
 exhibition, and the tears were running down my cheeks when 
 Carnot presented the wreaths and standards to the soldiers. It was 
 a spectacle worthy of a grand Republic, and I enjoyed it with 
 transport. Vive la Republique ! 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 HOPE DEFERRED. 
 
 June ist, 2nd, ird. A faint ray of hopej has broke to-day across 
 the impenetrable gloom which has, for some time back, enveloped 
 my prospects. I called on Clarke, pro forma, not expecting to find 
 him, in which I was not disappointed. I found, however, a note, 
 informing me that he had read my proclamation (see May 12th), 
 and liked it very well ; that, however, it would be necessary to 
 curtail it somewhat, and that he desired to see me for that purpose 
 any time after this day and to-morrow. It is the first time he has 
 desired to see me. Well, that is something. I wrote an answer 
 immediately, appointing the 18th Prairial (June 6th), by which I 
 leave him, out of respect, one day clear. Will anything come out 
 of this ? I am glad Clarke likes my proclamation, which I found 
 too long myself. I see he has a correct taste in those things. If 
 the expedition takes place, it will be something to boast of to have 
 written the proclamation. But let me not be " running before my 
 horse to market!'' I have kept my hopes under a strict regimen all 
 along, and latterly, God knows, on a very low diet. I will not let 
 this little breeze tempt me to spread a deal of canvas, merely to 
 have it to furl again. Things are, however, better to-day than 
 they were yesterday. 
 
 June 4th, $th. A French lover of mine, M. Dugas, took me to- 
 day to Versailles in his cabriolet. It is a pleasant drive of twelve 
 miles from Paris, the environs of which are certainly before those 
 of London, but far inferior to those of Dublin, which are beautiful 
 beyond description, owing to the two great features of the sea and 
 the Wicklow Mountains. The chateau of Versailles is truly magni- 
 ficent, and the gardens of a vast extent, but of a most tiresome 
 
 37 
 
38 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 uniformity ; all in the old school, straight alleys, dipt hedges, round 
 basins, marble statues, and systems of terraces. It is a detestable 
 style. There are some admirable paintings yet remaining, par- 
 ticularly one of Charles I. of England, by Vandyck, which has been 
 engraved by Strange, and one of Charles XII. of Sweden, which is 
 a striking resemblance of Lord Llandaff. All the furniture has been 
 removed or sold, excepting a most magnificent cabinet, which 
 belonged to Marie Antoinette, and in which she kept her jewels. 
 Nothing can exceed the extravagant flattery displayed in the 
 ceilings, which are all painted in allegories, alluding to the different 
 events in the reign of Louis XIV. who is represented in them, one 
 time as Hercules, another as Mars, and again as Jupiter ; what 
 makes it still better is, that all these paintings were executed by 
 his order. I was particularly struck with one, where there is a 
 group of four figures, Louis XIV., his brother Orleans, the Grand 
 Conde, and Turenne, certainly not ordinary men. Portraits of 
 illustrious characters are the kind of painting which I like best. 
 There is also a good portrait of Mme. de Maintenon. It would 
 take a week to examine the palace and gardens, and I did not 
 remain much above an hour. I saw, however, enough to satisfy mc 
 that the King of France was magnificently lodged, but, for my part, 
 I should die of the spleen in a week if I were confined to the 
 Chateau de Versailles. It is the same with all the palaces I have 
 ever seen, which are not many. Hampton Court in England is 
 magnificent, but it would be lost in Versailles. From the chateau 
 we walked to Trianon, which is about half a mile distant. The 
 pavilion is beautiful, viz., the outside, which is all I saw, being all 
 built of coloured marble. The gardens are like those of Versailles, 
 equally monotonous, but less extensive. It is an abominable style. 
 We then went to the Petit Trianon, the favourite retreat of 
 Antoinette. It is a most delicious spot, completely finished in the 
 English style. After the dreary regularity of the two other gardens, 
 I was enchanted, and even the French acknowledged the infinite 
 superiority of taste manifested in laying out the grounds. Trianon 
 would be beautiful in England, but in France it is like fairy 
 ground. There have been some pretty frolics executed here. I 
 
JET. 33.] TONES PROCLAMATION CRITICISED. 39 
 
 could not help making many profound reflections whilst I walked 
 through it, " de vanitate mundi et fuga sceadi." I do not wonder 
 the Queen regretted to fall from the station she once held. 
 Altogether it made me melancholy. 
 
 June 6th. Called this morning by appointment upon General 
 Clarke. Found him more cordial in his manner than ordinary. 
 He told me he had read my proclamation, and found it extremely 
 well done ; that, however, it would be necessary to curtail it con- 
 siderably, for the first point in these compositions is to ensure their 
 being read, and, for that, it is necessary they should be short ; that 
 there would be a longer one prepared for those who studied politics, 
 but that mine was destined for the people and soldiery. I thought 
 there was good sense in all this, and I can safely say that, in all the 
 public papers I have ever written, I am above the personal vanity 
 of an author, as I believe Gog can witness. I therefore told him I 
 would mince it sans reviords. He then told me I might rely on it, 
 they had not lost sight either of the business itself or of my share 
 in it. We then talked for a few minutes of the gigantic successes 
 of the army of Italy, and so, having fixed to return, in a few days, 
 with my proclamation cut down to a reasonable size, I took my 
 leave. I liked Clarke very well to-day. On my return I met 
 Sullivan in the horrors. Madgett has told him that affairs 
 were reduced to such a crisis, that the Directory and Legislative 
 bodies were actually thinking of removing to Fontainebleau for 
 their personal security. Madgett has always news extravagantly 
 good or extravagantly bad. I told Sullivan plump that I did not 
 believe it ; but that, if they took such a pusillanimous resolution 
 they were undone for ever. I added many fine observations, stolen 
 from Shakespeare, on the folly of fearing death in public situations, 
 and made, on the whole, a most eloquent harangue, by which I 
 convinced Sullivan and myself there was no danger. I do not, 
 however, like these reports. After all, there may be something in 
 them, and if the Government here were to blow up, it would be 
 terrible. I have been since as melancholy as a cat. I think it is 
 growing my prevailing habit. " Hope long deferred? saith the 
 Scripture, " maketh the heart of man sick." I am sure mine just 
 
4 o 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 now is not in rude health. But I am sworn never to despair, so 
 " Courage ! Allons I " 
 
 June jth, 8th. Called to-day upon Monroe, whom I have not 
 seen for above two months. Found him extremely civil. Stayed 
 and chatted with him above an hour, on American politics. He 
 had the delicacy not to mention my business, for which I was 
 obliged to him. He also told me that B. had written him word 
 that they had heard in America of my safe arrival, so that my 
 family are out of all anxiety on that account. I am heartily glad 
 of that circumstance. 
 
 June 9th. At work cutting and slashing my proclamation. I 
 will bring it to something at last. I am just like Jack, in the 
 " Tale of a Tub," altering his coat. 
 
 June \oth. Madgett tells me an odd piece of news. One of 
 the clerks in the bureaux assures him that the landing of the 
 French in Ireland has been effected, and that he has it from a 
 member of the legislative body, who has it directly from one of 
 the Directory. If it be so, it is most extraordinary that neither 
 Madgett nor I were favoured with the smallest information on the 
 subject. Madgett has been with the Minister to inquire. The 
 Minister said he did not believe it, and that the news must be 
 premature. This, however, leaves it possible that it may be true. 
 I know not what to think. I have finished my proclamation, 
 which is cut down to a frigate, and will go with it to Clarke 
 to-morrow. If there be anything in the report he will probably 
 mention it to me, and if he does not, I will conclude it is un- 
 founded. 
 
 June nth. Called on Clarke, whom I met running to his 
 bureau, in a violent hurry to General Lacuee, who was waiting 
 for him. I had just time to give him the paper, and he did not 
 say one word about the landing, so I presume the story is, as 
 the Minister says, premature. Evening. Madgett with me again. 
 The report seems to grow more serious. It stands now as 
 follows : Grandjean, Chef de Bureau in the foreign affairs, told 
 him this day that the French were landed in Ireland to the 
 number of 15,000 men ; that they had been perfectly well received 
 
^ET. 33.] 
 
 A FALSE RUMOUR. 
 
 41 
 
 by the people, who were flocking about them in thousands, when 
 the despatches were sent off"; that he had this from Beffiroy, a 
 member of the Cinq-cent, who had it directly from one of the 
 Directory. All this is very circumstantial and precise, and, I 
 confess, staggers me extremely. There must be something in it, 
 or how would Beffroy and Grandjean come to think of Ireland at 
 all ? A frigate (the Atalante) has also, certainly, arrived at Brest, 
 within these few days, after accompanying a fleet of transports, &c. 
 After all, if it should be to Ireland. Madgett is as sure of it as 
 of his existence, and is most terribly chagrined at its being kept a 
 secret from him. For my part, the main point to me is that the 
 landing be effected ; my concern in the business is the least part 
 of it. Yet I should be mortified to the last excess not to bear 
 a part in it. " Quoi les Frangais en Irelande — et Montauciel iiy 
 est pas." " I am lost in sensations of troubled emotions." On the 
 whole, I think it very unlikely that the report should be true, yet it 
 is certainly possible ; and there are strong circumstances in its 
 favour. Among others, it is now a month since Madgett sent off 
 fifteen Irish prisoners to Hoche, by Clarke's orders, who said 
 they were intended for England, which, by the by, I did not 
 believe {see May nth). But then why should the Directory 
 conceal such a piece of good news from the public, and why 
 should Clarke conceal it from me? If the report be true, they 
 have not kept faith with me, for both Carnot and Clarke assured 
 me, if the expedition were undertaken, I should be of the party, 
 and Clarke repeated it in our last conversation ; and I confess 
 it would give me great pain to be left out of the business here, 
 after having laboured successfully thus far. Notwithstanding 
 all that, I wish to God the report were true. That is the main 
 point ; my interests are of little consequence, and besides, in 
 the long run, the truth will come out, and justice be done to 
 all parties. Madgett is a thousand times more enraged than I 
 am, though, I think, with less reason, for he has neither done 
 nor suffered as much in the business as I have. Once for all, I 
 do not yet believe it. A very few days must ascertain the truth 
 or falsehood of the report, and, in the meantime, I think I 
 
42 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 will take no steps whatsoever. The Directory have received 
 to-day the news of two victories, one in Italy, being, I believe, 
 the tenth, at least, this campaign, in which Beaulieu has been 
 again totally routed before Mantua, with loss of all his baggage, 
 cannon, stores, and his whole Etat Major prisoners. That, 
 I think, will settle the affair in Italy. The other is on the 
 Rhine, being the second (the first was gained two or three 
 days before, but I forgot to insert it). I have not seen the 
 details, but I learn it is a complete victory. The Emperor is 
 like to make a worthy campaign of it. To be sure the military 
 exertions of the French are beyond belief. Only think of the 
 Government, maintaining fourteen armies, nearly 1,000,000 
 of men, absolutely without money or credit. It is inconceivable. 
 It is true Buonaparte has raised a little cash in Italy, for he 
 has given notice to Citizen Carnot to draw on him for seven 
 millions, at sight, payable at the Bank of Genoa. I wonder 
 how John Bull would like to discount his bill. However, after 
 all, here am I in Paris, in a most critical period, and in a state 
 of anxiety which baffles all description, writing nonsensical 
 memorandums. I wonder where is P. P. If the French are 
 in Ireland, I think I can give a guess. " Confusion ! Tete, 
 ventre, sang — Mille bombes!" Are the sans-culottes in Ireland, 
 and I here ? Oh, Citizen Carnot, can it be that you have broke 
 faith with me? " White cat, white cat, thou hast deceived me! 
 and instantly he felt the scratch of a cat's paw on his hand." 
 Well, if the worst comes to the worst, my friends in Ireland 
 will not forget me. 
 
 June \2th. Drank punch last night with Madgett. He is come 
 off his confidence a little, as to the landing. " Goodman Verges 
 speaks a little off the matter ; an old man, and his wits are not 
 so blunt as, Heaven Jielp, I could desire they were." He does 
 bore me sometimes most confoundedly. Moreover, I think I 
 see by his discourse that he has his eye on the ambassadorship 
 of Ireland, that is to be. He has not talents for that station ; 
 and besides, age is beginning to make inroads on his faculties. 
 Yet Madgett is a good fellow, and has, undoubtedly, a strong 
 
43 
 
 claim on the gratitude of his country, if she succeeds ; but he is 
 not to be her ambassador to the French Republic. His misfor- 
 tune is, that he thinks it is he does everything, and moves 
 everything, and knows everything, and I can see that he 
 knows no more of what is going forward than my boot ; it is 
 laughable enough to see him sometimes hiding his ignorance 
 and want of importance under a veil of great mystery and re- 
 serve, in which I always indulge him by telling him, like a 
 dog as I am, that I do not want to press on his official delicacy, 
 &c. He tells me to-day that, in consequence of a memorial 
 which he gave in some months ago, containing what passed in 
 the Privy Council of England, with his remarks thereon, Spain 
 will have a fleet at sea, and will break with England in fifteen 
 days. " Would I could see it, quoth blind Hugh." I quoted that 
 already, but no matter. Notts verrons. It would be a great 
 point gained if Spain would declare against the common enemy 
 of the liberties of mankind. 
 
 June i$th, 14th. Called on Clarke this morning, for want of 
 other idleness. Saw him for two minutes, mentioned Madgett's 
 report of the landing, adding that I did not believe it. He 
 assured me it was utterly unfounded. So there is an end of 
 that business. I observed it was dreadfully indiscreet in whoever 
 had set it going. He agreed, but observed it was sometimes 
 impossible to prevent the indiscretion of people. He also 
 told me he had not yet had time to read my proclamation as 
 cut down. I fixed to call on him the 1st Messidor, in four 
 or five days, and so we parted. Clarke was civil enough. I 
 want to consult him as to what I am to do concerning trade 
 affairs. My finances are reduced to a state truly deplorable. 
 I am worth to-day about thirteen louis d'ors, which will noi 
 last me more than a month, and I must not let myself be run 
 to the last sol. I might have been, perhaps, something more 
 economical, but not much, all things considered. Paris is, after 
 all, much more reasonable than Philadelphia, and I need not 
 say a million of times more pleasant. Yet it is absolutely 
 impossible to lead a more comfortless life than I do here. It is 
 
44 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 dreary. It is pitiful. All my habitudes are domestic, and here 
 am I, isolated in the midst of Paris, in which there is not a 
 single soul interested in my well or ill being. At home or 
 abroad it is all one, and I cannot express how this sinks my 
 spirits. I am as much in a desert, for all purposes of happiness, 
 as if I were in the midst of Caffraria. The opera is my only 
 resource, and that will not do at all times. I always go alone, 
 and have nobody to whom I can communicate the pleasure I 
 sometimes feel, or the observations which strike me. After 
 the friendship of P. P. and the inestimable happiness of my 
 dearest love's society, judge how I feel here, where neither 
 man nor woman cares if I were in the moon. " Oh sad! oh sad! 
 I declare I pity the poor Draper! After this he goeth on and 
 saith" &c. The only thing that consoles me, and it is a 
 powerful consolation, is the unparalleled success of the French 
 arms. I think England must tumble, and, if so, we rise. I 
 see, in the Morning Chronicle, which I get from time to time 
 from Sullivan, that the journey of Lady Bute to Madrid, where 
 her husband is ambassador, is suspended until it is known what 
 turn affairs will take in Spain. I see, likewise, that there is a 
 camp forming at St. Roch, and a levy of 60,000 men ordered in 
 that country. That looks warlike. It is certain that Beaulieu is 
 flying before Buonaparte, who gives him no respite ; that the 
 French are making a progress nearly as rapid on the Rhine as in 
 Italy ; that the Austrian armies are in the greatest disorder, and 
 utterly dispirited and sick of the war, a circumstance of the last 
 importance ; that the Emperor has sent Count Metternich to 
 London, most probably to announce his determination to make 
 peace instantly, and, if so, the battle will remain to be fought 
 out between France and England. Alors, nous verrons ! Mad- 
 gett (but he is no great authority, as appears from divers 
 parts of these entertaining and instructive memorandums) always 
 informs me that we are waiting on the Dutch. Carnot tells 
 me nothing, Clarke nothing, and the Minister knows, I am sure, 
 no more than Madgett. Nic Frog, to be sure, is always 
 plaguy slow in his motions, yet he contrived to steal a march 
 
*:t: 33-] 
 
 SICK WITH EXPECTATION. 
 
 45 
 
 on John Bull already. Would to God he were after stealing 
 a second. My very soul is sick with expectation. I cannot 
 think it possible but England must tumble, and I have the 
 greatest faith in the talents of the Government here, and in their 
 achamement against the English. It is said to-day that two 
 deputies from the Emperor are actually arrived incognito, to treat 
 of a peace. That young gentleman has made prodigious acqui- 
 sitions in the French territory, in virtue of his alliance with 
 John Bull. It is said, likewise, that Richery has sailed from 
 Cadiz, with his seven sail, and twelve sail of Spanish ships of 
 the line under Solano, but nobody knows where. If they fall in 
 with the British, that will probably bring matters to a crisis ; 
 but John Bull will thrash them both at sea, to the end of time, 
 if they do not inveigle Pat out of his hands. I wish to God 
 Carnot was as sensible of this as I am. Well, here I am, and 
 here I must remain, and I am as helpless as if I were alone, 
 swimming for my life in the middle of the Atlantic. Tis terrible 
 — however, " 'Tis but in vain," &c. 
 
 Jtcne i$t/i. Got a parcel of English newspapers from Sullivan. 
 Strolled out into the fields, all alone, and laid down under a 
 hedge to read them. Melancholy as ten thousand devils, and 
 no wonder. I see the Americans have ratified the English treaty, 
 after all, by a majority of fifty-one to forty-eight. The Dutch 
 fleet which gave John Bull the slip, put into Teneriffe, March 
 26th, in bad condition, to look for provisions. It consists of two 
 sixty-fours, one fifty gun ship, four frigates, and two sloops of 
 war. They are bound for the Cape of Good Hope. I wish they 
 were well there, and after driving the English out, but I fear 
 it. Query, Are the troops on board French or Dutch ? Because 
 on that circumstance the event will probably turn. I see Combe 
 is returned for the City of London, and Fox is first, on the 7th 
 June, for Westminster ; he is opposed by Admiral Gardner, 
 who is within a dozen of him ; Home Tooke is the third candi- 
 date, and is above one thousand behind both of them. Fox and 
 Tooke made admirable speeches from the hustings. From the 
 little I can observe, being nearly uninformed, the new Parlia- 
 
4 6 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 ment will probably be as hollow with Pitt as the old ; I mean 
 the counties ; for as to the boroughs, there is no doubt of them. 
 There are three war members, for example, returned for the 
 City of London. So best ! The more warlike they continue the 
 better. Reading these papers has left me as dull as ditch-water, 
 and I did not need that. 
 
 June \6th, ijt/i. Called to-day for the first time, God knows 
 when, on the Minister. He was busy and could not see me. That 
 is no good sign, nor is it very bad ; altogether, I do not much glory 
 in it. The news to-day is, that the King of Naples has made his 
 peace, paying 30,000,000 livres, en numeraire, and withdrawing his 
 cavalry from Beaulieu, and five sail of the line from the British 
 Admiral in the Mediterranean. That will strengthen the Emperor 
 and John Bull prodigiously. This news is not yet confirmed, but 
 if it has not yet happened, it soon must, for the petty Princes of 
 Italy are, as the French say (" en queue potir faire la paix"). This 
 is an excellent metaphor taken from a crowd, who stand one 
 behind another in order to be served in their turn, as the poor 
 of Paris, for example, at the baker's. There cannot be a more 
 ridiculous image. 
 
 June i&th, igt/i. Called on Clarke by appointment. Found his 
 aide-de-camp copying my proclamation, as abridged. Clarke 
 seemed glad to see me, and begged me to make a copy myself, 
 as he wanted it immediately. I accordingly sat myself down at 
 his desk, and he went about his lawful occasions. In about half 
 an hour I had finished, and he returned. I told him in three 
 words the position of my affairs ; that I had gone on thus far 
 entirely on my own means, and calculated I had about as much 
 as would enable me to carry on the war another month, in which 
 time I should be " a sec" as the French say ; finally, I asked 
 his advice on the premises. He answered me friendly enough ; 
 he said they must provide for me in the military line, for which 
 I had expressed an inclination, and in the cavalry, where the 
 pay was most considerable ; but added, that the pay of all ranks 
 were below their necessities. He then asked, had I ever served ? 
 I answered, No ; that I had been a Volunteer in the Belfast 
 
yET. 33.] EXPEDITION TO IRELAND DISCUSSED. 
 
 47 
 
 regiment, which I considered as no service, but was fond of a 
 military life, and in case of anything being done for Ireland, it 
 would be the line I should adopt. He then said my not having 
 served might make some difficulty, but that he would see about 
 it, and let me know the result in three or four days, adding 
 that I might be sure something would be done. He then 
 took me in his carriage to the Minister's, with whom he had 
 business. On the way I told him it was extremely painful to 
 me to apply to the Republic for any pecuniary assistance, but 
 that circumstances compelled me ; that I was not a man of 
 expense, and that of course a moderate supply would satisfy me ; 
 and added, that being engaged here in the service of my country, 
 any sum advanced to me was to be considered as advanced on 
 her account, and as such to be repaid, with all other expenses, 
 at the conclusion of the business. He laughed at this, and said 
 we would have no money. I said that was true, or, at least, 
 we should not have much, but we would have means, and I 
 instanced the quantity of English property which would, in that 
 event, be forfeited to the State, and assured him we would have 
 enough to pay our debts of justice, of honour, and of gratitude. 
 As to want of money, which I observed to him, he seemed to dwell 
 on a little ; France had given and was giving a splendid example 
 of what could be done, even without money, when a people were 
 in earnest. The conversation then turned on the expedition. He 
 said it would be absolutely necessary the General-in-chief should 
 speak English. I said it would, undoubtedly, be convenient, 
 but not absolutely necessary. He then observed it would be 
 hard to find an Irishman qualified for the command. I answered 
 we would prefer a Frenchman, on account of the effect it 
 would produce on public opinion, and especially a General 
 whose name had figured in the Gazettes. (This is a circum- 
 stance I never miss to suggest when an opportunity offers.) He 
 then mentioned three or four names of Irish Generals, Kilmaine 
 Harty, Lynch, and O'Keefe, with his opinion on their situation 
 and talents in very few words. I repeated I would wish to see a 
 French General at the head of the business, and that these 
 
4 s 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796 
 
 officers might be employed under him. He seemed at length to 
 be of my opinion. In the course of this discussion I asked him 
 why he might not command the expedition himself? He answered 
 that if he were to make the offer, he was sure the Directory 
 would not accept it, as they could not spare him from the 
 department where he was placed. This discourse brought us to 
 the Minister's, where we parted, and I am to return in a few 
 days ; in the meantime he is to see into my affair, and let me 
 know the result. And now, what is to be the end of this ? When 
 I made the offer and request of being employed in a military 
 capacity, I certainly limited it in my own mind to the expedi- 
 tion, but here it is generalised. If I were a single man I should 
 not hesitate an instant, as I look upon the situation of an officer 
 in the service of the French Republic to be the most honourable 
 in the world ; and besides, it is my passion. But when I think 
 of my wife, and our three children, and, perhaps, by this time, 
 a fourth, depending on my life for their existence, it staggers 
 my resolution, and I know not what to determine. I have 
 written to her to come to France, and am I to leave her and them 
 to chance, and go, perhaps, to be knocked on the head at the 
 frontiers ? If I were an officer it would be only my duty, and I 
 would have no choice ; but as it is. — In the service of my own 
 country I hope I would avoid no danger which came fairly in 
 my way, and if I fell, I would leave my family to the public 
 gratitude, which would, I have no doubt, preserve them from 
 want ; but here I have no such prospect. I am extremely embar- 
 rassed. I will take these four days to consider. After all, if I 
 should turn out a captain of French dragoons, it would be droll. 
 "It is a life I have desired ; I will thrive." Assuredly, if I were 
 single I would embrace the offer on the instant ; but my fears 
 for my wife and my poor little babies perplex me in the extreme. 
 This offer makes no part of my original system, nor does it 
 come in the strict line of my duty. I declare I know no more 
 what to determine than a horse. Certainly, " To give a young 
 gentleman right education, the army's the only good school in the 
 nation." But then, Matty; and and the darlings. Well, "/ 
 
33.] 
 
 TONE'S BIRTH DA Y. 
 
 49 
 
 am lost in sensations of troubled emotions." Besides, I must do 
 something, and that speedily ; for " money, money, money is your 
 friend" What would I give that my family were here to-day ! 
 Well, "Let tJie world wag;" I have four days yet to reflect. 
 I fancy I will state my difficulties to Clarke, and hear what he 
 says. A lions ! Courage! 
 
 fune 20th. To-day is my birthday — I am thirty-three years 
 old. At that age Alexander had conquered the world ; at that 
 age Wolfe had completed his reputation, and expired in the 
 arms of victory. Well, it is not my fault if I am not as great 
 a man as Alexander or Wolfe. I have as good dispositions for 
 glory as either of them, but I labour under two small obstacles 
 at least — want of talents and want of opportunities ; neither of 
 which, I confess, I can help. Allonsl nous verrons. If I succeed 
 here I may make some noise in the world yet ; and, what is 
 better, the cause to which I am devoted is so just, that I have 
 not one circumstance to reproach myself with. I will endeavour 
 to keep myself as pure as I can, as to the means ; as to the end, 
 it is sacred — the liberty and independence of my country first, 
 the establishment of my wife, and of our darling babies, next ; 
 and last, I hope, a well-earned reputation. I am sure I am doing 
 my very best here, as, indeed, I have endeavoured to do all along. 
 " / am not idle, but the ebbs and flows of fortune's tide cannot be 
 calculated." I will push everything here as far as I can make 
 it go. I have taken it into my head to-day that our expedition 
 will not take place, if at all, until the winter, because of the 
 Channel fleet. Howe is to have the command, with twenty-eight 
 sail of the line, and they are moving heaven and earth to man 
 them. I would not be surprised if our business was the cause 
 of these great exertions. I cannot doubt but Pitt is informed of 
 everything which passes here, and, of course, of my arrival, 
 obscure as I am. Perhaps it may be fear of Spain, with whom 
 it seems likely the Republic is about to form a treaty of alliance. 
 At all events, if the Channel fleet be once at sea, there is an 
 end of our expedition for the summer, as I told the Minister 
 long since. Well, there is no remedy but patience. John will 
 
 vol. n. 5 
 
5° 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 thrash them all at sea to the end of time, whilst he is able to 
 press poor Pat into the service ; and this is what I labour (God 
 knows with what success) to impress on them here. If we were 
 independent in Ireland, all parties, friends and enemies, would 
 soon feel the difference. 
 
 June list. I walk almost every day to the Tuileries to see 
 the guard relieved. There are about four hundred infantry and 
 from fifty to eighty dragoons. The grenadiers attached to the 
 national representation are, I am satisfied, for appearance, and, 
 I have no doubt, for courage, the first corps in Europe. I am 
 more and more pleased with the French soldiery, notwithstanding 
 the slovenliness, to speak out, of their manoeuvres and dress. 
 Every one wears what he pleases ; it is enough if his coat be blue 
 and his hat cocked, and even that I have seen dispensed with ; the 
 essential part is, that they all seem in high health and spirits, 
 young, active, and fit for immediate service. Their arms they 
 keep in tolerable order, but there is nothing of that brilliant 
 polish of arms and accoutrements which I have seen in England. 
 Their bayonets are too short, which is a fault, and their muskets 
 are much lighter than ours. Their grenadiers are noble fellows, 
 and, luckily, Jourdan has twenty-two thousand of them in one 
 corps on the Rhine. They are fond of ornamenting themselves, 
 particularly with flowers. One scarce sees a sentinel without a 
 little bouquet in his hat or breast, and most frequently in the 
 barrel of his firelock. I like that, and I do not know why, but it 
 pleases me. I believe I have a small prejudice in favour of the 
 French, especially the army, which is the flower of the nation. 
 Their dragoons are fine fellows, but ill mounted, which is a pity ; 
 both they and their horses are slovenly, like the infantry ; but 
 that does not prevent them from fighting like tigers, for the truth 
 of which I appeal to the slaves of the despots, whom they are driv- 
 ing before them (thank God) in all quarters. It is said, to-day, 
 the Emperor sent Commissaries to the Directory, to amuse them 
 and gain time, but the Directory smoked the contrivance, and 
 refused all suspension of arms. They were quite right. Beat 
 him well, and he will negotiate in good earnest. " Si vis pacem, 
 
JET. 33-1 
 
 FRENCH RE VERSES. 
 
 5i 
 
 para bellum." John has been defeated in his first attempt this 
 campaign in the West Indies. He sent four thousand men to 
 take Leogane, but it seems they came back without their errand. 
 Much good may it do his poor heart, because I have a regard for 
 him. 
 
 June 22nd. Bad news to-day. Jourdan has received a check, 
 and, I fancy, a pretty serious one, which has compelled him to 
 repass the Rhine, and Kleber to fall back on the Sieg. He says 
 it is but an affair of posts ; but an affair of posts would not lead 
 to such consequences. We have lost men, cannon, ground, and 
 character, which is worst of all. I fear this will force Moreau, 
 whose advanced guard is under the walls of Mannheim, to retreat 
 also. Bad ! bad ! Well, " ' Tis but in vain for soldiers to com- 
 plain? One thing, however, it will encourage John Bull in his 
 warlike propensities ; and the King will meet his new Parlia- 
 ment with the successes of the Emperor in his mouth. So, out 
 of evil comes good. Madgett showed me to-day a private letter 
 which he just received, indirectly, from London, informing him 
 that a rupture with Spain was looked upon there as inevitable, 
 and that the Admiralty were actually issuing letters of marque 
 against the Spaniards. I hope to God it is true. Clarke has 
 likewise applied to him for the names of such persons as he 
 would wish to be employed in our business, and Madgett con- 
 cludes, from circumstances, that there will be two embarka- 
 tions, one from Holland and one from Brittany. I do not, how- 
 ever, build much on Madgett's inferences, which he often takes 
 up on very slight grounds. 
 
 June 2$rd. Called on Clarke in the morning, and found him 
 in high good humour. He tells me that he has mentioned my 
 business to Carnot, and that within a month I may expect an 
 appointment in the French army. This is glorious ! He asked 
 me would I choose to serve in the cavalry or infantry. I said it 
 was equal to me, and referred it to him to fix me in the most 
 eligible situation. I fancy it will be in the cavalry, "for a captain 
 of horse never takes off his hat? He then told me that he was 
 at liberty to acquaint me. so far as that the business, and even 
 
52 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 the time, were determined on by the Directory, and the manner 
 only remained under discussion. There is good news at last. 
 I observed to him, after expressing the satisfaction I sincerely 
 felt at this information, that I wished to remind him of the great 
 advantages to be derived from the landing being effectuated 
 in the North, particularly from the circumstance of framing 
 our first army of the different religious persuasions, which I 
 pressed upon him, I believe, with success. I then asked him, 
 had he many Irish prisoners remaining, as I thought they might 
 be usefully employed in case of the landing being effected. He 
 laughed at this, and said, " I see you want to form your 
 regiment." I said I should like very well to command two or 
 three hundred of them, who might be formed into a corps of 
 Hussars, to serve in the advanced guard of the army, not only 
 as soldiers, which I knew they would, and with sufficient courage, 
 but as eclaireurs to insense the country people. He seemed to 
 relish this a good deal, and I went on to say that, in that case, 
 they should be as an Irish corps in green jackets, with green 
 feathers, and a green standard with the harp, surmounted by 
 the cap of liberty. He bit at this, and made me draw a sketch 
 of the device, and also a description, which he took down him- 
 self in French, from which I infer the standard will be made 
 directly. All the world (viz., Matty, and Mary, and P. P.) will 
 laugh heartily at this council of war, because it savours of the 
 Etat Militaires, and P. P. in his wisdom will remind me of my 
 famous button for the National Volunteers, which did such 
 mischief in Ireland. But I will jump suddenly upon him, and 
 deprive him of the use of his weapon, by reminding him that I 
 swore solemnly then never to quit until I saw that button upon 
 every soldier's coat in Ireland, in which declaration, " clench- 
 ing a fist something less than the knuckle of an ox, Mr. Adams 
 declared he would support me." After that, I think he will be 
 reduced to a state of silent mortification which will be truly de- 
 plorable. To return to Clarke : he desired to see me regularly 
 every fifth morning, and assuring me again that he would 
 charge himself with my business, we parted. I fancy, in the 
 
JET. 33.] OPPOSED TO AGRARIAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 upshot, I shall be sent to Lisle to recruit, and, in that event, 
 I will make " reeling Bacchus call on Love for aid ; " or, in the 
 language of the vulgar, I will attack Pat with women and wine, 
 which defy every care ; and, because I know he has an ear for 
 music, I will also bring a fiddle with me. I understand John 
 Doyle's Irish heroes (the 87th) are there to a man ; and, as 
 many of them are from Prosperous in my own county, and many 
 more from Glasmanogue, and not a few from Mutton Lane and 
 Crooked Staff, I think I shall be able to make something of 
 them. I will make, I hope, as good a colonel as John Doyle, 
 though he is a brave man and a tolerable officer. Whilst I was 
 with Clarke Madgett called on him, and I stepped into the next 
 room whilst he gave him audience. It was to recommend Aherne 
 to be employed as a military man in this business. Clarke seemed, 
 I thought, disinclined. He asked me did I know Aherne? I 
 answered, that I saw him merely officially by the Minister's 
 orders, but that I knew nothing whatsoever to his prejudice ; 
 and that, as to Madgett, I had a very good opinion of him, 
 and, of course, supposed he would not recommend an improper 
 person ; that, however, I could say nothing from myself, for or 
 against him, further than what I had mentioned. N.B. — I do 
 not wish to hurt Aherne, but I had rather he was not employed 
 in Ireland at first, for he is outre and extravagant in his notions ; 
 he wants a total bouleversement of all property, and he has not 
 talents to see the absurdity and mischief, not to say the im- 
 possibility of this system, if system it may be called. I have a 
 mind to stop his promotion, and believe I must do it. It would 
 be terrible doctrine to commence with in Ireland. I wish all 
 possible justice to be done to Aherne, but I do not wish to see 
 him in a station where he might do infinite mischief. I must 
 think of this. I told Clarke I had written for my family, and 
 was determined at all events to settle in France. 
 
 June 24th. " Pve now not fifty ducats in the world;" but, 
 hang it, that does not signify ; am I not going to be an officer 
 in the French service ? I believe I might have been a little more 
 economical, but I am sure not much. I brought with me one 
 
54 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 hundred louis to France, and they will have lasted me just six 
 months, by the time they are run out ; after all, that is no great 
 extravagance. Besides, " a fool and his money are soon parted" 
 and poor Pat was never much noted for his discretion on that 
 point, and I am in some things as arrant an Irishman as ever 
 stood on the Pont-neuf. I think I have made as good a defence 
 as the nature of the case will admit, and I leave it to all the 
 world whether I am not fairly excusable for any little de'dom- 
 magement which I can lay hold on, seeing the sacrifices I have 
 made thus far, the services which I hope I shall at last have 
 rendered my country, and especially the dreary and tristful 
 solitude to which I have devoted myself in Paris, where I have 
 not formed a single connection but with the persons indispensably 
 necessary to the success of our business. 
 
 June 25th. There has been a damned lie in circulation these 
 two days, that the advanced guard of Buonaparte's army in 
 Italy has been cut to pieces, to the number of fifteen thousand 
 men ; and there are scoundrels in Paris base enough to seem 
 not sorry for it. However, to-day it is formally contradicted, 
 by a letter of Buonaparte's just published, which bears date 
 thirteen days later, and makes no allusion to any check whatso- 
 ever. My heart was sunk down to my heels at the bad news, 
 and I was as melancholy as a cat ; for I have everything dear 
 to me embarked on the fortune of the Republic, and I would as 
 lief they would put ratsbane in my mouth, as come croaking 
 to me with their evil tidings. 11 1 am now a little better, hit very 
 faint still." I wish I was after getting my brevet. Madgett 
 tells me to-day he has orders from Clarke to find him some 
 twenty-five recruits in fifteen days, to be sent after the first 
 fifteen to Hoche ; and, in our last conversation, Clarke told me 
 they were not for Ireland. Where the devil are they for, then ? 
 
 June 26th. I go regularly every day to the Tuileries at 
 twelve o'clock to see the guard relieved : it is one of my greatest 
 relaxations. I take pride in the French troops, though they 
 are neither powdered nor varnished, like those of the other 
 states of Europe. I frequently find the tears gush into my eyes 
 
JET- 33-1 
 
 THE IRISH SQUIREARCHY. 
 
 55 
 
 whilst I am looking at them. It is impossible to conceive a 
 body of finer fellows than the guards of the legislative body, 
 who are, by-the-by, perfectly well dressed and appointed in 
 all respects. They are all handsome young men, six feet high, 
 and well proportioned. They have, as I believe I remarked 
 already, the air of officers in soldiers' coats, and look as if they 
 were set up by the dancing master rather than the drill sergeant. 
 As to the courage of the French soldiery, I believe it is now 
 pretty well understood in Europe ; nevertheless " one English- 
 man is always able to beat five Frenchmen" which is very 
 consoling to John Bull. I wonder what figure poor Pat will 
 cut upon the sod. I fancy he will not be much amiss. Well, 
 let me once see myself in Ireland, buckled to a long sabre, and 
 with a green coat on my back, and a pair of swinging epaulets 
 on my shoulders, " Allors nous verrons, Messieurs de la Cabale." 
 The Whig Club, I see, are taking up the condition of the labour- 
 ing poor. They are getting frightened, and their guilty con- 
 sciences will not let them sleep. I suppose they will act like 
 the gentry of Meath, who, for fear of the Defenders, raised 
 their workmen's wages from eightpence to a shilling per day, 
 but took care at the same time to raise the rent of their hovels, 
 and the grass for their cows in the same proportion, so that at 
 the end of the year the wretched peasant was not a penny the 
 richer. Such is the honesty of the Squirearchy of Ireland. No I 
 no ! it is we who will better the condition of the labouring poor, 
 if ever we get into that country ; it is we that will humble the 
 pride of that execrable and contemptible corps, the country 
 gentlemen of Ireland. I know not whether I most hate or 
 despise them, the tyrants of the people and slaves of the Govern- 
 ment. Well, I must not put myself in a passion about them. I 
 have not, however, forgot the attack made on my honour by Mr. 
 Grattan, nor that intended on my life by Mr. G. Ponsonby. I 
 fancy I shall stand as high one day as either of those illustrious 
 Whigs. If I do, I hope I shall act as becomes me. I am in a 
 good humour to-day, I do not know why. Huzza ! generally, Vive 
 la Re'publique ! Went in the evening to the Theatre Feydeau, to 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 CHESTNUT HILL, Mass. 
 
56 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 see the " Festin de Pierre." Incomparably well performed. I 
 remember P. P. was delighted with Don Juan, who is the arche- 
 type, as he observed, of Lovelace. Fleury, who played the part, 
 is an admirable actor. He is the Lewis of the Theatre Feydeau, 
 but Lewis is not worthy to be his valet de c/iambre. D'Azin- 
 court is the Sganarelle, and a most excellent one. I saw this 
 piece already at the Theatre de la Republique, with Baptiste 
 and Dugazon in the same characters. It is hard to say which 
 is best. I believe I prefer Fleury to Baptiste, and Dugazon to 
 D'Azincourt. They are all four inimitable actors. The English 
 comedians are beasts by the French, but this I have already 
 said a thousand times. I have likewise seen lately the Barbier 
 de Seville, with Fleury in Almaviva, D Azincourt in ' Figaro, 
 and Mile. Lange in Rosine. It is not possible to conceive better 
 acting. DAzincourt is the original Figaro of Beaumarchais, 
 and Mile. Lange is a charming woman who has ruined several 
 young fellows, and one in particular, twice over. I have also 
 seen at the Theatre de la Republique, Robert, chef de Brigands, 
 a translation of the Robbers of Schiller. It acts very well, and 
 Baptiste is admirable in Robert. I am writing here like a 
 Muscadin (N.B. — Dandy) about the theatres, and all that kind 
 of thing. But what can I do ? I must write something to 
 amuse myself, and I have nothing more serious. When I have, 
 I will not be found to neglect it for the spectacles. After all, 
 give me the opera. 
 
 June 2jth. A sad rainy day, and I am not well, and the 
 blue devils torment me. Hell ! hell ! Allah ! Allah ! Allah ! 
 To-morrow I will go and see Clarke about my commission. 
 Will it not be extraordinary to see me in the service of the 
 Republic ? That will console me for the exile I lie under 
 from my native country. It is raining now like ten thousand 
 devils. 
 
 June 28///. Called on Clarke by appointment. I told him I 
 had two things to mention : first, that as we had the Pope now 
 in our grasp, I wished him to consider whether we might not 
 artfully seduce him into writing to his legate, Dr. Troy, in 
 
ALT. 33.] 
 
 ULSTER ORGANISED. 
 
 57 
 
 order to secure at least the neutrality, if not the support, of the 
 Irish Catholic clergy. He objected that this would be recog- 
 nising the authority of the Pope, and said he was sure the 
 Directory would make no public application of this sort, besides 
 that it would be making the matter known in Italy. I replied 
 that undoubtedly it was not a matter for an official application, 
 but for private address ; and, as to making it known, it need not 
 be applied for until the last stage of the business ; nevertheless, 
 I merely threw it out as a hint for his consideration without 
 pressing it, as I expected no formidable opposition from the 
 priests in Ireland. The other thing I had to mention was, that 
 Madgett told me last night there was a person going to London 
 officially as commissary of prisoners, and pressed me very much 
 to write to my friends by that opportunity ; that I had only said 
 I would think of it, as I did not consider myself at liberty to 
 take such a step without his approbation. That I wished to know 
 whether I should write or not, and, if I were to write, what 
 line I should follow ? That if I were to allude to our business, 
 I must beg him to give me such information as he might think 
 fit to communicate, without at all wishing to press him on the 
 subject. That if I were not, I thought it best not to write at 
 all, as I was in general disinclined to writing even where it was 
 necessary, and much more so in the present instance, where all 
 I would have to say would be, that I was alive and well in 
 Paris. Clarke answered, " As to that, your friends know it 
 already." I replied, " Not that I knew of." He answered, " Aye, 
 but I know it, but cannot tell you at present how." He then 
 went on to tell me he did not know how to explain himself 
 farther, " for," added he, " if I tell you ever so little, you will guess 
 the rest." So it seems I am a cunning fox without knowing it. 
 He gave me, however, to understand that he had a communica- 
 tion open with Ireland, and showed me a paper, asking me did 
 I know the handwriting. I did not. He then read a good deal. 
 It stated very briefly that fourteen of the counties, including 
 the entire North, were completely organised for the purpose of 
 throwing off the English yoke and establishing our independence ; 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 that in the remaining eighteen the organisation was advancing 
 rapidly, and that it was so arranged that the inferiors obeyed their 
 leaders without examining their orders, or even knowing who they 
 were, as every one knew only the person immediately above him. 
 That the militia were about 20,000 men, 17,000 of whom might 
 be relied on ; that there were about 12,000 regular troops, wretched 
 bad ones, who would soon be settled in case the business were 
 attempted. Clarke was going on, but stopped here suddenly, and 
 said, laughing, " There is something there which I cannot read to 
 you, or you will guess." I begged him to use his discretion with- 
 out ceremony. He then asked me, did I know of this organisa- 
 tion ? I replied, that I could not with truth say positively I 
 knew it, but that I had no manner of doubt of it ; that it was 
 now twelve months exactly since I left Ireland, in which time I 
 was satisfied much must have been done in that country, and 
 that he would find in my memorials that such an organisation 
 was then begun, was rapidly spreading, and I had no doubt 
 would soon embrace the whole people. It is curious the coinci- 
 dence between the paper he read me and those I have given here, 
 though, upon second thought, as truth is uniform, it would be still 
 more extraordinary if they should vary. I am delighted beyond 
 measure with the progress which has been made in Ireland since 
 my banishment. I see they are advancing rapidly and safely, and, 
 personally, nothing can be more agreeable to me than this coinci- 
 dence between what I have said and written, and the accounts 
 which I see they receive here. The paper also stated, as I had 
 done, that we wanted arms, ammunition, and artillery; in short, 
 it was as exact in all particulars as if the same person had written 
 all. This ascertains my credit in France beyond a doubt. Clarke 
 then said, as to my business he was only waiting for letters from 
 General Hoche, in order to settle it finally ; that I should have a 
 regiment of cavalry, and it was probable it might be fixed that 
 day ; that the arrangement of the forces intended for the expedition 
 was entrusted to Hoche, by which I see we shall go from Brittany 
 instead of Holland. All's one for that, provided we go at all. I 
 returned Clarke my acknowledgments, and he went on, desiring 
 
>ET. 33-] 
 
 AT IRELAND'S SERVICE. 
 
 59 
 
 me not to mention all this to Madgett, of whose discretion he had 
 no opinion (in which he is very right), but rather to train him off 
 the scent, by appearing to think the business not likely to be 
 attempted, which I promised I would take care to do. We had 
 then some good-humoured laughing at Madgett, who is literally 
 the greatest P. P. I ever saw. In fact, the "Cinq" are but five 
 puppets whom he dances, and Carnot, a soft youth, who never 
 opens his mouth but to utter the words which he puts into it. 
 He amuses 1 me often by this, as I have already remarked in those 
 wise and engaging memorandums. Clarke then said, he supposed 
 they would see me again here as Ambassador. I replied, that if 
 the business were undertaken, I was ready to serve my country 
 where and in what manner she thought I could be most useful ; 
 that if my services were necessary in France, I should undoubtedly 
 be highly honoured by the station, but I rather thought, from the 
 circumstance of my being perhaps the only man so intimately 
 connected with both Catholics and Dissenters, from the station 
 I held with the one, and the friendship which I might say the 
 others bore me, that I would be detained in Ireland in order to 
 cultivate and ensure that spirit of harmony and union so essential 
 to the success of our affairs. I took this opportunity to mention 
 to Clarke, that, on my departure, I should have a request to make 
 to the .Directory, viz., that if they were satisfied with my conduct 
 here, they would be pleased to signify it by a letter addressed to 
 me from the President, or a resolution, or such means as they 
 might think proper, in order that I might have on my return a 
 testimonial to show my countrymen that I had, to the best of my 
 power, executed their instructions. Clarke said he was sure the 
 Directory would readily accede to my request, which was but 
 reasonable, and in fact I think so myself. 
 
 "Such services rendered, such dangers incurred, 
 He himself thinks he ought to be better preferred." 
 
 I have a fine spot of ground here clear before me for castle- 
 building, but I will not be in too great a hurry to lay the first 
 
6o 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 stone. I have not got my commission yet, and it will be quite 
 time enough when I am colonel to begin dreaming of being an 
 ambassador. " A colonel of horse in the service of the Republic ! " 
 Is it not most curious ? Well, after all, I begin to believe my 
 adventures are a little extraordinary. Eighteen months ago it was 
 a million to one that I should be hanged as a traitor, and now I 
 am like to enter the country in which I was not thought worthy to 
 live at the head of a regiment of horse. It is singular. P. P. used 
 always to be foretelling great things, and I never believed him, yet 
 a part of his prophecy seems likely to be verified. He said that I 
 had more talents, and would make a greater figure than Plunket 
 or Burrowes. For the talents, " negaUir" but for the figure, the 
 devil puts it into my head sometimes that he was right. I am 
 very well pleased with myself this morning, as I believe the track 
 of these memorandums will prove. My name may be spoken of 
 yet, and I trust there is nothing, thus far, attached to it of which 
 I need be ashamed. If ever I come to be a great man, let me 
 never forget two things — the honour of my masters of the General 
 Committee, who refused to sacrifice me to the requisition of Mr. 
 Grattan, and the friendship, I may say, of the whole town of 
 Belfast in the moment of my departure into exile. These are 
 two instances of steadiness and spirit, under circumstances pecu- 
 liarly trying, which do honour to them, to me, and to our common 
 nature. / never will forget them. Affairs look rather well in the 
 North to-day, and Moreau has passed the Rhine on three points 
 near Strasbourg, and I cannot foresee the consequences, for 
 Madgett tells me he has organised a revolution in Swabia ; and, 
 if the poor Emperor Francis loses that, after Brabant and the 
 Milanese, what will he do ? To be sure the French are going on 
 miraculously this campaign. It must be Providence itself which 
 guides them for the common liberties of man. Surely, surely our 
 poor country cannot be fated to remain much longer in slavery to 
 England. The Milanese have three commissioners now in Paris 
 to negotiate the establishment of a Republic and the subversion of 
 the Austrian tyranny. Well, poor Ireland has a sort of a commis- 
 sioner too, at Paris, on pretty much a like business. Oh ! if the 
 
^ET. 33.] 
 
 EAGER FOR THE FRAY. 
 
 61 
 
 British were once chased from Ireland, as the Austrians from 
 Milan ! Well, who knows ? But their damned fleet torments 
 me. And it is we ourselves, miserable rascals that we are, that 
 are fighting the battles of the enemy, and riveting on our own 
 fetters with our own hands. It is terrible ! There is a report 
 to-day that the Piedmontese are in open insurrection ; that the 
 King of Sardinia has been forced to fly from Turin, and take 
 shelter under the French flag at Coni, one of his ci-devant for- 
 tresses. It is by no means improbable. Thus, all the world are 
 emancipating themselves but Ireland, notwithstanding which, as I 
 have always told P. P., " %ve are undotibtedly the bravest nation in 
 Europe." I wish I could see a little more of it, though. Well, 
 perhaps I may by-and-by. " / hope to see a battle yet before I die" 
 But I am running on with nonsense. Let me return to General 
 Clarke. I mentioned to him that it would be highly necessary 
 somebody should be sent to Ireland without delay, to apprise the 
 people there of what was going forward. He said he was surprised 
 Aherne did not go. I answered that he had not the means, the 
 Government having not yet paid up his arrears. Clarke said, as to 
 that he knew nothing, but as to the sum necessary for his depar- 
 ture, he could have it at once. I observed that it seemed to me 
 highly indiscreet to trust a man so far as the Minister had trusted 
 Aherne, even to giving him his instructions, and afterwards to 
 break with him, in which Clarke concurred. And certainly it is 
 strange conduct in De la Croix, though I am not sorry on the 
 whole that Aherne does not go to Ireland. From an expression 
 of Clarke I am led to suppose it possible that he may be himself of 
 the expedition. He has relations here in the French service, one 
 of whom, at least, will go for Ireland, and he observed that he had 
 some doubts how others of them, who remained in Ireland, would 
 act; "but I believe" added he, "when they see Elliot" (his cousin) 
 " with me they will most probably join us." The words with me 
 struck me, but I did not ask him for any explanation. The thing 
 will soon explain itself. He told me Moreau's plan for crossing 
 the Rhine had been arranged for six months back in the Direc- 
 tory, and the secret kept all the time. That is surprising. As for 
 
62 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 our business, it is what the French call " Le secret de la Comedie" 
 but I cannot help that. 
 
 June 2gth. Madgett tells me to-day that he has heard from 
 Duckett, who is, I understand, a great blackguard, who has heard 
 from a Mr. Morin, who is I know not what, that there are to be 
 two expeditions to Ireland, one from Flushing, commanded by 
 General Macdonald, an Irishman, and the other from Brest, com- 
 manded by General Hoche. Madgett added that he had endea- 
 voured to put Duckett off the scent by saying that he did not 
 believe one word of the story, but that Duckett continued positive. 
 The fact is, it seems likely enough to be the truth, and probably is 
 so ; but it seems most terribly provoking to have the subject 
 bandied about for table-talk by such a fellow as this Duckett, to 
 whom, by-the-by, Charles De la Croix revealed in confidence all 
 that he knew three months ago, for which he ought to be damned ; 
 happily at present he knows nothing as I believe, so I presume he 
 will keep the secret. I took this opportunity to train off myself 
 a little from Madgett, in consequence of the hint which Clarke 
 gave me yesterday, by saying that I was weary and sick of expec- 
 tation when I saw nothing done, and that my belief was that 
 nothing would be done ; that I wished I had my family in France, 
 and that I were settled quietly in some little spot, and well quit of 
 the business. He exhorted me not to despair, at which I only 
 shook my head significantly, like Lord Burleigh, and so we parted. 
 I am to-day on my last five louis, which is a circumstance truly 
 amusing. My regiment, if I get it, comes just in the nick of time. 
 But hang money ! I hate to think of it ; and yet there is no doing 
 without it in this vale of tears. " Effodiuntitr opes, irritamenta 
 malorum" as the learned Lilly saith in his grammar. If that be 
 so, I shall soon be on the high-road to virtue, for I am like to be 
 shortly quit of all temptation to vice. But hang it for me, as I have 
 said archly enough above. (Sings) " Oh ! money, tnoney, money is 
 your friend." " Passion of my heart and life, I have a greater mind 
 for to cry." (Sings) " When as I sat in Pabylon ; and a thousand 
 vagrant poesies, &c, &c, &c. 
 July 1st. (Sings with great courage) " Oh, July the first in 
 
^ET. 33-] 
 
 HISTORICAL MEMORIES. 
 
 63 
 
 Oldbridge-town, tliere was a grievous battle." We made no great 
 figure that day ; that is the God's truth of it. Well, no matter ; 
 what is past, is past. We must see and do better the next time ; 
 besides, we pulled up a little the year after at Aughrim, and made 
 a most gallant defence at Limerick. But I am writing a history 
 of the wars in Ireland, instead of minding my business. Suffice 
 it to say (God forgive me for lying) that we are undoubtedly the 
 bravest nation in Europe. There are, however, some brave men 
 scattered here and there through the French army ; but let that 
 pass. I hope to see a battle yet before I die ; huzza ! generally ! 
 
 July 2nd. Clarke has been confined to his room, and I believe 
 to his bed, for these four days ; he is cut down by continual labour 
 in his bureau. This delays my affair a little. I saw his aide-de- 
 camp to-day, who told me by his orders " that he hoped to see me 
 the day after to-morrow ; that he wished to consult me on an affair 
 of great importance, on which he must also see another person 
 besides, and that when we met we should arrange certain matters,'' 
 &c. This is a flourish to amuse the aide-de-camp, or perhaps he 
 has translated Clarke into his own language ; "else why do we 
 wrap the gentleman in our rawer breath ? " My friend Fleury is, 
 however, a fine lad, and I have no doubt would fight like a tiger. 
 Apropos ! I desire my readers (viz., P. P., Miss Mary, and my 
 dearest love) to take notice that I recant every word I have said 
 heretofore in these memorandums to the prejudice of Genera! 
 Clarke. No. I lie I I lie I "He is a tall, handsome, proper young 
 man, with a face like a cherubim." I would blot out all the 
 passages which reflect upon him ; but, upon second thoughts, I 
 will keep them as a memento to prevent my forming hasty 
 judgments of people. In fact, it was Aherne, Sullivan, and even 
 Madgett, but particularly the two first, that turned me against 
 him, for I am myself " magnanimous, artless, and credulous," as 
 P. P. used to say, whereas they have been used, I will not say 
 to intrigue, but at least to look at people intriguing here of a long 
 time, which is some excuse for them. However, I have now made 
 him the only recompense in my power, by retracting on the same 
 ground where I gave the offence, for my remarks to his disad- 
 
6 4 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 vantage have not travelled beyond my memorandum book. I think 
 that is handsome. 
 
 July ^rd. I see to-day that the Channel fleet is preparing at 
 Spithead, to the number of twenty-one sail of the line (damn and 
 sink them !) with God knows how many admirals ; that the camps 
 are not yet formed in Ireland, but that vast quantities of arms and 
 ammunition are daily imported into that country, as also tents and 
 camp equipage. I am glad of that, because I hope it will appear 
 in the event that it is for us that the worthy John Bull is putting 
 himself to all this expense and trouble. I see likewise that the 
 British have taken three of our best frigates, being the entire of a 
 flying squadron, sent to cruise in the chops of the Channel ; that is 
 damned bad. But then again the French are defending themselves 
 in St. Lucie like devils incarnate ; that is good. There are also 
 news to-day of another victory on the Rhine by Moreau, " but this 
 gentleman will tell you the perpendiculars ," which are not yet pub- 
 lished ; I hope it is true. Vive la Rcpublique ! 
 
 July 4th. Called to-day on Clarke. He has not yet left his 
 room, so that I did not see him ; but I saw Fleury, his aide-de- 
 camp, who brought me word, as before, that the General expected 
 to see a person in order to arrange my business, and begged I 
 would call the day after to-morrow. I wrote him a polite and 
 tender note, praying him to lose no time, and which I gave Fleury, 
 and so we parted. Confound these delays ! I am sick of them. 
 I want to change my domicile. I am lodged in the house of a 
 little " bossue " (Anglice, a hunchback), and she wants me to go to 
 bed to her, and I won't, for my virtue forbids it, and so she is out 
 of humour and very troublesome sometimes. To tell the God's 
 truth, I have no great merit in my resistance, for she is as crooked 
 as a ram's horn (which is a famous illustration) and as ugly as sin 
 besides ; rot her, the dirty little faggot, she torments me. " / will 
 not march through Coventry with her, that's Jlat." Moreover, I see 
 to-day official news (Buonaparte's letter) that the King of Naples 
 has concluded an armistice, withdrawing all his troops from Beau- 
 lieu's army, which will impugn the latter gentlemen considerably, 
 particularly in the article of cavalry ; he likewise withdraws his 
 
^T. 33.] 
 
 THE POPE AND BUONAPARTE. 
 
 65 
 
 ships from Hotham, in the Mediterranean, which will tend some- 
 what to the edification of John Bull ; and, finally, he sends Prince 
 Pignatelli to Paris to negotiate a peace with the Directory : I like 
 that dearly. The French always oblige the enemy to come to Paris 
 to negotiate, which, besides the triumph, gives them prodigious 
 advantages. I hope they may make as good and as haughty a 
 peace with him as they have done with the King of Sardinia. 
 Imprimis, I hope they will take care to secure the fleet ; that is 
 what they want. I see likewise that his Holiness has at last been 
 obliged to submit, and Buonaparte has granted him an armistice, 
 and he also sends an ambassador to Paris to negotiate. There is 
 a pretty batch of Italian ambassadors just now here. Salicetti 
 mentions in his letter to the Directory that in the conditions 
 granted provisionally to the Pope he did not neglect to avail 
 himself of the terror which the French arms had inspired through 
 all Italy. I dare say not indeed ; who doubts him ? I am heartily 
 glad that old priest is at last laid under contribution in his turn. 
 Many a long century he and his predecessors have been fleecing 
 all Europe, but the day of retribution is come at last ; and 
 besides, I am strongly tempted to hope that this is but the 
 beginning of his sorrows. Well, I must see if we cannot make 
 something out of him touching our affair, as I hinted to Clarke 
 already. It is also said, with confidence, that the French have 
 taken possession quietly of Leghorn. I hope that is true for fifty 
 reasons ; among others, John Bull, I know, has generally a bale or 
 two of broadcloth and a few cases of hardware stored up there, 
 and the Republic perhaps has occasion for them, and he has passed 
 sundry wise and humane laws touching French and Dutch pro- 
 perty : I want to see how he will like a little confiscation in his 
 turn. I do not see where he will victual and water his Medi- 
 terranean fleet now, unless it be in his kingdom of Corsica, which, 
 by all accounts, is in a fair way to be speedily reduced to the 
 circumference of Bastia and its environs. Sir Gilbert Elliot, the 
 viceroy, has found that the air of Corsica disagreed with him, so 
 he is gone to England for his health ! It would not, to be sure, 
 be decent for the King's representative to fall into the hands of 
 vol. 11. 6 
 
66 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 republicans and rebels. What would I give that another of his 
 sacred Majesty's representatives found himself suddenly attacked 
 with the same complaint ! Well, all in good time, we shall see. I 
 hear nothing of Moreau's victory, mentioned in yesterday's memo- 
 randum, so I suppose it is premature. 
 
 July $th. "'Twas a sad rainy night, but the morning is fine" 
 I think it rains as much at Paris as in Ireland, and that kills me. 
 I am devoured this day with the spleen, and I have not settled 
 with Clarke yet, and everything torments me. Time ! Time ! I 
 never felt the tcedinni vita? in my life till the last two or three 
 months, but at present I do suffer dreadfully, that is the truth of it. 
 Only think, there is not at this moment man, woman, nor child in 
 Paris that cares one farthing if I were hanged, at least for my 
 sake. I may say the Executive Directory are my nearest con- 
 nections, Charles De la Croix, my chosen of ten thousand, and 
 General Clarke, the friend of my bosom ; certainly I respect them 
 all, and wish them sincerely well on every account, but I would 
 rather spend an hour talking nonsense with P. P. than a week with 
 any one of them, saving at all times my business here. I do not 
 speak of the loss of the society of my dearest love and our little 
 family, for that is not to be replaced. Well, if ever I find myself 
 at Paris, Ambassador from Ireland, I will make myself amends for 
 my former privations; "I will, by the God of war!" And I will 
 have P. P. here too, and I will give him choice Burgundy to drink 
 ad libitum, and Matty, and Miss Mary, and he and I will go to the 
 opera together, and we will be as happy as the day is long. 
 " Visions 0/ glory, spare my aching sight." This is choice castle 
 building, but what better can I do just now to amuse myself? 
 Trifling as these memorandums are, they are a great resource to 
 me, for when I am writing them I always fancy I am chatting with 
 P. P. and my dearest love. I wish I had my commission, though ; 
 I long to see myself in regimentals. (Sings) "Zounds, I'll soon be a 
 brigadier I " That is choice. 
 
 Evening, 5 o'clock. It was not for nothing that I have been in 
 the horrors all the forenoon. On the 26th of May I wrote to my 
 wife, to Rowan, and Dr. Reynolds, respecting the immediate 
 
^ET. 33-3 
 
 PRIVATE WORRIES. 
 
 67 
 
 removal of my family to France ; and to-day I see in an English 
 paper given me by Sullivan, that the vessel which carried my 
 letter, an American, the Argus, Capt. Fanning, was carried into 
 Plymouth on the 25th of June last and is detained. That is pleasant ! 
 This event throws my private affairs into unspeakable confusion, 
 and I am too angry just now to see how to rectify them. I was 
 this very morning counting that my dearest love would have my 
 letter in about a fortnight. Was there ever anything so distressing ? 
 These are the fruits of the American treaty, but it is hard my 
 poor little family should suffer for it. See how their fifteen stripes 
 are respected by England ! I am infinitely embarrassed by this 
 event. One thing consoles me : in all my letters I have hardly 
 mentioned one word of politics, or of my business here, and the 
 little I have said is calculated to mislead ; for at the time I wrote, 
 appearances were as gloomy as possible. Well, this is the second 
 time in my life I am indebted for a serious evil to Master John 
 Bull. He hunted me out of my own country first, and now he is 
 preventing me from bringing my family to France ; and does he' 
 think I will forget all that ? No ! that I won't, no more than his 
 attempt to press me for a sailor on my passage out to America. 
 Well, it does not signify cursing or swearing ; I am in too great a 
 fury to write any longer. God knows now when my family will 
 get my letters, or whether they will ever get them. 
 
 Jidy 6th. Saw Clarke this morning ; he is almost recovered, 
 and tells me my business is delayed solely by the absence of 
 General Hoche, who is coming up with all privacy to Paris to 
 confer with the Directory ; that on his arrival everything will 
 be settled ; that I must be introduced to him, and communicate 
 with him, and most probably return with him to the army where 
 my presence would be necessary. All this is very good. I shall 
 be glad to be introduced to Hoche ; it looks like serious business. 
 Clarke also told me he wanted to have my commission expedited 
 instantly by the Minister of War, but that Carnot had decided to 
 wait for Hoche. I told him it was the same to me, and also 
 begged to know when he expected Hoche. He replied, " Every 
 day." I then took occasion to mention the state of my finances, 
 
63 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 that in two or three days I should be run out, and relied upon him 
 to prevent my falling into difficulties. He asked me could I carry 
 on the war some little time longer ? I answered, I could not, 
 for that I did not know a soul in Paris but the Government. He 
 seemed a little taken aback at this, by which I see that money is 
 not their forte at present. Damn it for me ! I am sure I wish 
 there was not a guinea in the world. So here I am, with exactly 
 two louis in my exchequer, negotiating with the French Govern- 
 ment, and planning revolutions. I must say it is truly original. 
 " Crescit amor nummi, quantum ipsa pecunia crescit." That is not 
 true as to me, for my passion increases as my funds diminish. I 
 reckon I am the poorest Ambassador to-day in Paris, but that 
 gives me no great concern. Huzza ! Vive la Republique ! " When 
 Christmas comes about again, oh, then I shall have money." To be 
 sure I am writing most egregious nonsense, mats destegal. I told 
 Clarke of the miscarriage of my lettters, by way of precaution 
 against certain unknown apprehensions which I felt. How lucky 
 it was that I hardly mentioned a word of my business to any one ! 
 Well, Lazarus Hoche, I wish you were come with all my soul. 
 Here I am " in perplexity and doubtful dilemma," waiting your 
 arrival. Sad ! sad ! I am gnawing my very soul with anxiety 
 and expectation. And then I have a vision of poverty in the 
 background which is truly alarming. " O cives, cives, qucsrenda 
 pecunia primum." I think I will stop, for the present, with this 
 pathetic appeal to the citizen Directors. I had like to forget that 
 after leaving Clarke I sat down in an outside room and wrote him 
 a note, desiring him to apply to Carnot for such assistance in the 
 premises as he might think fit ; adding that any money advanced 
 to me was to be considered as advanced on public account, and 
 that I would call on him the day after to-morrow. In the mean- 
 time I will devour my discontents, " and in this harsh world drazv 
 my breath with pain." Maybe my friend Lazarus, " who is not 
 dead, but sleepeth," may make his appearance by that time. It is, to 
 be sure, most excessively ridiculous, " vu les circonstances actuelles," 
 that I should be run out of money. Clarke told me Jourdan 
 had recrossed the Rhine at Neuwied and gained another victory ; 
 
■ET. 33.] 
 
 (EDIPE A CO LONE. 
 
 69 
 
 Moreau's victory is confirmed ; he is now beyond Offembourg, and 
 has cut off the communication between Wurmser and the Archduke 
 Charles. Vive la Republique ! 
 
 Julyjth. In order to divert myself, and get rid of a little of my 
 superfluous cash, I went last night to the opera, where, by the by, 
 I go most frequently. I am more and more pleased with that 
 spectacle. Nothing can be more perfect in its kind than the 
 representation of CEdipe a Colone. It is a complete Greek tragedy, 
 represented in music. Adrien is CEdipus ; Rousseau is Polynices ; 
 Lays, Theseus, and Madame Cheron, Antigone. I have seen it 
 now I believe a dozen times, and am every time more pleased 
 with it, which is a rare thing to be able to say of an opera. I am 
 not sure that the GEdipus of Adrien is not the first piece of acting 
 I ever saw on any theatre without exception. He reminds me in 
 many places of Kemble, but Adrien is superior. Madame Cheron 
 is a delightful actress ; without being handsome she is excessively 
 interesting. Le Deserteur was the ballet, which I have also seen 
 I know not how often. It is the triumph of Goyon in Montauciel, 
 and of Millot in the " Grand Cousin" The theatre is a charming 
 delusion. "It soothes my soul to mortal anguish," as P. P. says ; if it 
 were not for that, what should I do in Paris ? I think I will go 
 now and scold Monroe about the capture of the Argus, and 
 miscarriage of my letters. Sat with Monroe above an hour, and 
 like him very much. Drank a bottle of wine and prosed with 
 Madgett in the evening at the Champs Elysees. Stupid enough, 
 God knows. 
 
 July 8th. Called on Clarke. He tells me my commission will 
 be made out in two or three days. I returned him my acknow- 
 ledgments. As soon as I receive it, must call on Carnot to thank 
 him. Fixed with Clarke to call on him regularly every other day. 
 Lazarus is not yet arrived, and be hanged. The moment he comes 
 Clarke is to let me know. I am surprised at the sang-froid with 
 which I view this affair of my regiment, but it is my temper. I am 
 sure if I were made an emperor it would not in the least degree 
 elevate my spirits, though on some points I am susceptible enough. 
 Is that in my favour or not? for I'll be hanged if I know. No 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796- 
 
 matter ; "Je suis, comme je suis" and that is enough about myself 
 for the moment. Moreau has had what other nations would call 
 another victory, but what we content ourselves with calling an 
 advantage. The French troops scaled the highest of the Black 
 Mountains, and stormed a redoubt on the summit : the General, 
 " whose name I know not, but whose person I reverence" being the 
 first to leap into the fosse. Remember that, Mr. le Colonel ! If 
 a man will command French troops, he must be rather brave ; and 
 besides, I shall have the honour of the sod to support. Well, I will 
 do my best. Home Tooke had good reason to say that the French 
 Generals not only gave the command, but the example to their 
 soldiers. They are noble fellows, that is the truth of it. Pray God 
 we may imitate their glorious example. But I have no doubt we 
 will. The Irish are a very brave people, and we have a famous 
 good cause to support. I see in the papers that Lady Elliot is 
 ordered by her physicians to the baths of Lucca, the air of Corsica 
 disagreeing with her also, as well as with her spouse. These 
 removals bode ill for the kingdom of Corsica. I see also the poor 
 Emperor has made an application to the Empress of Russia for 
 assistance ; and what assistance, in God's name, do you think she 
 has given him ? A declaration, addressed to the petty princes 
 of Germany, calling on them, poor devils, to assist the head of the 
 empire, and telling them it is a shame for them not to support him 
 better ; and that she is quite surprised at them for her part, &c. 
 After all it is a more decent declaration than Brunswick's, but I do 
 not believe it will have a prodigious effect on the army of the 
 Rhine, or that of Sambre and Meuse. But to return to our own 
 affairs. I reminded Clarke about the Pope, and told him that the 
 Legate for Ireland was Cardinal Antonelli, and that if we could 
 artfully get a line from him to Dr. Troy, it might perhaps save us 
 some trouble. Clarke promised to think of it. He also told me 
 that my proclamation had been translated into French, to lay 
 before the Directory. If they adopt it, it will be a decisive 
 proof of the integrity of their principles as to Ireland, for I have 
 worded everything as strongly in our favour as I knew how, and 
 have made no stipulations for any return as to France, but left 
 
^ET. 33.] 
 
 LONEL Y AND DEPRESSED. 
 
 everything to the justice, honour, and gratitude of the Irish people. 
 I am sure it is with regard to France herself the wisest course, and 
 therefore I hope they may adopt my proclamation. 
 
 July gth. By dint of perseverance I am getting through the 
 remainder of my cash. When I am near being run out, I am 
 always more extravagant ; and, like the " Old Batchelor," run into 
 the danger to avoid the apprehension. Last night I was at the 
 Theatre Vaudeville, where I was exceedingly amused by "Hazard 
 fils de son pere" a parody of " Oscar fils d'Ossian." Laporte, who 
 played Hazard, imitated Talma in Oscar incomparably. He beats 
 Jack Bannister for mimicry, all to nothing, and that is a bold word. 
 But I am always alone at these theatres, and that kills me. I wish 
 my dearest love were here, and P. P. To-day I scaled Mount 
 Martre, all alone, and had a magnificent view of Paris under my 
 feet ; but it is terrible to have nobody to speak to, or to com- 
 municate the million of observations which " rise and shine, evapo- 
 rate and fall" in my mind. Money ! Money ! Money ! I declare 
 for my part I believe it is gone clear under the ground. I have 
 this day six crowns in silver, being " of dissipated wealth the small 
 remains" Sad ! Sad ! I hope Citizen Carnot may " bid his 
 treasurer disburse six pounds to pay my debts." Otherwise the 
 consequences, I fear, will be truly alarming. In the evening 
 lounged all alone, as usual, to the Champs Elysees, and drank coffee 
 by myself. It is dismal, this solitude. For society, I might as well 
 be in Arabia Deserta, not Arabia Felix. Well, as Kite says, it is 
 all for the good of the service. If I have not passed almost six 
 tedious months in France, I wonder at it. I am sure my country 
 is much my debtor, if not for what I have done, at least for what 
 I have suffered on account of her liberty. Well, I do not grudge 
 it to her, and if ever she is able she will reward me, and I think by 
 that time I will have deserved it at her hands. To-morrow I will 
 go see Clarke, and hear what he has to say for himself. He 
 assures me, for I asked him a second time for greater certainty, 
 that my friends in Ireland know I am here. I am heartily glad 
 of it. I was dreaming all last night of Plunket and Peter 
 Burrowes and George Knox, and I believe it is that which has 
 
7 2 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 thrown me into the blue devils all this day. I remember Swift 
 makes the remark as to dreams, that their complexion influences 
 our temper the whole day after, and I believe he is right. Perhaps 
 the marvellous state of my finances may a little contribute to 
 plunge me into a state of tender melancholy ; for Shenstone says 
 there is a close connection between the animal spirits and the 
 breeches pocket. Aristotle has many fine things on that subject. 
 O Lord ! O Lord ! these are but sickly jokes. It won't do. 
 " Croaker is a rhyme for Joker, Poor Dick I" I find 1 have a 
 prodigious affection for the Louis. That is not so bad. I think I 
 will leave off, while I am well. I have made divers ineffectual 
 efforts to sing in this day's journal, all for the amusement of 
 Matty and Miss Mary and P. P. What are they doing this 
 evening ? Oh that I had them all with me, and everything 
 arranged to my mind. I wish I had my commission, though. 
 
 {Sings) Oh says this Frog, I will go ride, Kitty alone, &c. 
 
 Oh says this Frog, I will go ride, Kitty alone and I. 
 
 Oh says this Frog, I will go ride, with sword and pistol by my side, 
 
 Cock ma Kary, Kitty alone, Kitty alone and I. 
 
 That quotation I take to be inimitable ; I do not recollect any- 
 thing from P. P. which exceeds it. I know green envy will gnaw 
 his soul at the perusal. 
 
 July 10th. It is in vain to deny it, my journal of yesterday is as 
 dull as a post. I think I have not seen anything more stupid, and 
 there is a sort of pert affectation of being witty, for which I deserve 
 to be kicked. " Gentle dulness ever loved a Joke." Well, let me 
 mind my business. It is raining all this blessed day like ten 
 thousand devils, so that I could not go to Clarke's till an hour and 
 a half after the proper time, and he was then gone out. I saw 
 Fleury, however, who had nothing to tell me but that the citadel 
 of Milan had surrendered, with 2,800 prisoners, and 150 pieces of 
 cannon. Mantua alone remains to the Austrians, and it is closely 
 besieged by 60,000 men. The French are certainly in Leghorn, 
 but the official despatches are not yet arrived, and this is all the 
 
^T. 33.] 
 
 STUDYING TACTICS. 
 
 73 
 
 news. I left word I would call to-morrow, and took my leave. I 
 am sick as a dog of these delays. 
 
 July nth. Called on Clarke, who took down my name, and the 
 day and place of my birth, in order to have my commission filled 
 up, which he expects to have done to-morrow. He was very civil, 
 and mentioned that if it rested with him the business would have 
 been done long since. He then asked me did I know one Duckett? 
 I answered I did not, nor did I desire to know him. He asked 
 why ? I answered, I understood from Madgett and others that he 
 was a blackguard. He seemed a little taken aback at this, and said, 
 " Ay, but he is clever." I answered I knew nothing more about 
 him, that it was disagreeable to me to speak ill of anybody, especially 
 of a person whom I knew merely by report, but in a business 
 of such consequence as ours I felt it my duty to speak without the 
 least reserve. Clarke said, " Undoubtedly," and so the matter 
 rested. I am to call the day after to-morrow, at which time I hope 
 my eternal commission will be ready. Bought the " Reglement pour 
 le service de la Cavalerie" and sat down to study it. I must get a 
 sensible sous officier (non-commissioned officer) to drill me a little 
 before I join the regiment. I am tired now of tactics, so I think 
 I will go walk a little to refresh me. Evening. Tactics ! Tactics ! 
 I wish I was as good an officer of cavalry as Marshal Schweidnitz. 
 I may say or sing with my friend Montauciel, 
 
 I glory in those lines; they are the veritable sentiments of a French 
 dragoon. Huzza ! I shall be a dragoon myself one of those days. 
 
 Maudit l'infernal 
 Faiseur de grimoire, 
 Dont l'esprit fatal 
 Mit dans sa memoire, 
 Tout ce bacchanal. 
 
 Sans cette ecriture, 
 Et sans la lecture, 
 Ne peut on, morbleu, 
 Manger, rire et boire, 
 Marcher a la gloire, 
 Et courir au feu. 
 
 {Sings) Oh, there was a captain of Irish dragoons, 
 Was quartered in the town of Kilkenny, oh ! 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 HOCHE. 
 
 July \2th. Battle of Aughrim. As I was sitting in my cabinet 
 studying my tactics, a person knocked at the door, who, on opening 
 it, proved to be a dragoon of the third regiment. He brought me 
 a note from Clarke, informing me that the person he mentioned 
 was arrived and desired to see me at one o'clock. I ran off directly 
 to the Luxembourg and was shown into Fleury's cabinet, where 
 I remained till three, when the door opened and a very handsome, 
 well-made young fellow in a brown coat and nankeen pantaloons, 
 entered, and said, " Vous ctes le citoyen Smith ? " I thought 
 he was a chef de bureau, and replied, " Oui, citoyen, je niappelle 
 Smith." He said, " Vous vous appelez, aussi,je crois Wolfe Tone?" 
 I replied, " Oui citoyen, c'est mon veritable ?wm." " Eh bien," replied 
 he, "je suis le General Hoc/ie." At these words I mentioned that 
 I had for a long time been desirous of the honour I then enjoyed, 
 to find myself in his company. " Into his arms I soon did fly, and 
 tJiere embraced him tenderly." He then said he presumed I was 
 the author of the memorandums which had been transmitted to 
 him. I said I was. " Well," said he, " there are one or two points 
 I want to consult you on." He then proceeded to ask me, in case 
 of the landing being effectuated, might he rely on finding pro- 
 visions, and particularly bread ? I said it would be impossible to 
 make any arrangements in Ireland previous to the landing, because 
 of the surveillance of the Government, but if that were once 
 accomplished there would be no want of provisions ; that Ireland 
 abounded in cattle, and, as for bread, I saw by the Gazette that 
 there was not only no deficiency of corn, but that she was able 
 
 74 
 
^ET.33-] INTERVIEW WITH HOCHE. 75 
 
 to supply England, in a great degree, during the late alarming 
 scarcity in that country, and I assured him that if the French were 
 once in Ireland, he might rely that, whoever wanted bread, they 
 should not want it. He seemed satisfied with this, and proceeded 
 to ask me, might we count upon being able to form a provisory 
 government, either of the Catholic Committee, mentioned in my 
 memorials, or of the chiefs of the Defenders ? I thought I saw an 
 open here, to come at the number of troops intended for us, and 
 replied that that would depend on the force which might be landed ; 
 if that force were but trifling, I could not pretend to say how they 
 might act, but if it was considerable, I had no doubt of their 
 co-operation. " Undoubtedly," replied he, " men will not sacrifice 
 themselves when they do not see a reasonable prospect of support ; 
 but, if I go, you may be sure I will go in sufficient force." He 
 then asked, did I think ten thousand men would decide them ? I 
 answered, undoubtedly, but that early in the business the Minister 
 had spoken to me of two thousand, and that I had replied that 
 such a number could effect nothing. " No," replied he, " they 
 would be overwhelmed before any one could join them. I replied 
 I was glad to hear him give that opinion, as it was precisely what 
 I had stated to the Minister, and I repeated that, with the force he 
 mentioned, I could have no doubt of support and co-operation 
 sufficient to form a provisory government. He then asked me 
 what I thought of the priests, or was it likely they would give us 
 any trouble ? I replied I certainly did not calculate on their 
 assistance, but neither did I think they would be able to give us 
 any effectual opposition ; that their influence over the minds of the 
 common people was exceedingly diminished of late, and I instanced 
 the case of the Defenders, so often mentioned in my memorials, and 
 in these memorandums. I explained all this at some length to 
 him, and concluded by saying, that in prudence we should avoid 
 as much as possible shocking their prejudices unnecessarily, and 
 that, with common discretion, I thought we might secure their 
 neutrality at least, if not their support. I mentioned this merely 
 as my opinion, but added that in the contrary event I was satisfied 
 it would be absolutely impossible for them to take the people out 
 
76 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 of our hands. We then came to the army. He asked me how I 
 thought they would act ? I replied, for the regulars I could not 
 pretend to say, but that they were wretched bad troops ; for the 
 militia, I hoped and believed that when we were once organised 
 they would not only not oppose us, but come over to the cause of 
 their country en masse ; nevertheless, I desired him to calculate on 
 their opposition, and make his arrangements accordingly; that it was 
 the safe policy, and if it become necessary, it was so much gained. 
 He said he would, undoubtedly, make his arrangements so as to 
 leave nothing to chance that could be guarded against ; that he 
 would come in force, and bring great quantities of arms, ammuni- 
 tion, stores, and artillery, and, for his own reputation, see that all 
 the arrangements were made on a proper scale. I was very glad 
 to hear him speak thus ; it sets my mind at ease on divers points- 
 He then said there was one important point remaining, on which 
 he desired to be satisfied, and that was what form of government 
 we would adopt in the event of our success ? I was going to 
 answer him with great earnestness when General Clarke entered, 
 to request we would come to dinner with Citizen Carnot. We 
 accordingly adjourned the conversation to the apartment of the 
 President, where we found Carnot and one or two more. Hoche, 
 after some time, took me aside and repeated his question. I 
 replied, " Most undoubtedly, a Republic." He asked 'again, " Was 
 I sure ? " I said as sure as I could be of anything ; that I knew 
 nobody in Ireland who thought of any other system, nor did I 
 believe there was anybody who dreamt of monarchy. He asked 
 me was there no danger of the Catholics setting up one of their 
 chiefs for king? I replied, "Not the smallest," and that there 
 were no chiefs amongst them of that kind of eminence. This is 
 the old business again, but I believe I satisfied Hoche ; it looks 
 well to see him so anxious on that topic on which he pressed me 
 more than on all the others. Carnot joined us here, with a pocket 
 map of Ireland in his hand, and the conversation became pretty 
 general between Clarke, Hoche, and him, every one else having 
 left the room. I said scarcely anything, as I wished to listen. 
 Hoche related to Carnot the substance of what had passed between 
 
iET. 33.] 
 
 COUNCIL ON IRISH AFFAIRS. 
 
 77 
 
 him and me. When he mentioned his anxiety as to bread, Carnot 
 laughed, and said, " There is plenty of beef in Ireland ; if you 
 cannot get bread, you must eat beef." I told him I hoped they 
 would find enough of both ; adding, that within the last twenty 
 years Ireland had become a great corn country, so that at present 
 it made a considerable article in her exports. They then proceeded 
 to confer, but I found it difficult to follow them, as it was in fact 
 a suite of former conversations at which I had not assisted, and 
 besides, they spoke with the rapidity of Frenchmen. I collected, 
 however, if I am right, that there will be two landings, one from 
 Holland, near Belfast, and the other from Brittany, in Connaught ; 
 that there will be, I suppose, in both embarkations, not less than 
 ten, nor more than fifteen thousand men ; twelve thousand was 
 also mentioned, but I did not hear any time specified. Carnot said, 
 " It will be, to be sure, a most brilliant operation." And well may 
 he say so if he succeeds. We then went to dinner, which was very 
 well served, without being luxurious. We had two courses and a 
 dessert. There were present about sixteen or eighteen persons, 
 Madame Carnot, her sister and sister-in-law, Carnot, his brother, 
 Hoche, Truguet, the Minister of Marine, Clarke, two or three 
 officers, and Lagarde, the Secretaire-General. I sat by Hoche. 
 After coffee was served we rose, and Carnot, Hoche, Truguet, 
 Lacuee, and Clarke retired to a cabinet and held a council on 
 Irish affairs which lasted from six to nine o'clock. In the mean- 
 time I walked with Lagarde in the gardens of the Luxembourg, 
 where we listened to a symphony performed in the apartments of 
 La Reveilliere Lepaux, who is lodged over Carnot. Lagarde tells 
 me that La Reveilliere has concerts continually, and that music 
 is his great resource after the fatigues of his business, which are 
 immense. At nine the council broke up, and I walked away with 
 Clarke ; he said everything was now settled, and that he had himself 
 much trouble to bring everything to bear, but that at last he had 
 succeeded. I wished him joy, most sincerely, and fixing to call 
 upon him to-morrow at twelve we parted. This was a grand day ; 
 I dined with the President of the Executive Directory of France, 
 beyond all comparison the most illustrious station in Europe. I 
 
7S 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 am very proud of it, because it has come fairly in the line of my 
 duty, and I have made no unworthy sacrifices to obtain it. I 
 like Carnot extremely, and Hoche, I think, yet better. 
 
 July 13th. I cannot help this morning thinking of Gil Bias, when 
 he was Secretary to the Duke of Lerma. Yesterday I dined with 
 Carnot, and to-day I should be puzzled to raise a guinea. I am 
 almost on my last louis, and my commission is not yet made out, 
 though Clarke tells me it is done ; but I will never believe him till 
 I have it in my hand. I will push him to-day, that is positive. 
 Allons I Saw Clarke ; nothing new ; my commission not yet 
 come. " Damn it for me ; Lord pardon me for swearing" I 
 charged Clarke with great vigour, and he promised positively for 
 after to-morrow at farthest. So I must wait, and I am tired wait- 
 ing. Hoche called for a moment on Clarke to say that he had no 
 further questions to propose to me. So matters rest ! I wish, 
 however, I was after studying the language of the birds. 
 
 July 14th. Taking of the Bastile, 1789. No business! Hoche 
 yesterday praised Sir Sydney Smith, now prisoner in Paris, as 
 a gallant officer ; he said, " // a une rude reputation en Bretagne," 
 and that there was hardly a cape or headland on the coast which 
 was not marked by some of his exploits. I like to hear one 
 brave man praise another. Carnot said they would take care of 
 him for some time, and that he should certainly not be exchanged. 
 I am glad of that too, for one or two reasons. Hoche also spoke of 
 the ignorance of the Bretons ; he says they know no more of the 
 real state of the Revolution than the inhabitants of Tartary ; that 
 they always call the Government the Convention, and had a report, 
 when he set off, that the Convention had ordered the Pope to the 
 bar. I think there is no part of Ireland more ignorant by his 
 account. Carnot said he was satisfied that Babceuf's plot was the 
 work of the Orleans faction. When I walked in the garden with 
 Lagarde, whom I found very conversable, we spoke of the astonish- 
 ing successes of the armies, particularly of the army of Italy. He 
 assured me that before the opening of the campaign he trembled 
 for the event ; that the reluctance of the jeunesse to join their 
 colours was almost insurmountable ; that the Government was 
 
AT. 33.] WAITING COMMISSION IN FRENCH ARMY. 79 
 
 obliged to employ the most rigorous measures, even to tying 
 them neck and heels, and transporting them in that manner on 
 carts to the army ; and yet, said he, you see how they fight for all 
 that. It is, to be sure, most astonishing. Hoche yesterday told 
 Clarke, speaking of me, that he had got me by heart. Was that 
 by way of compliment ? " Ha ! there may be two meanings in that ! " 
 Either that he had studied my memorials diligently, which is good, 
 or that he had fathomed me in one conversation, which is not quite 
 so flattering. I fear he does " spy into the bottom of this Justice 
 Shallow" No matter ! no matter ! Let me see and get the 
 business done. If that is once effected, it is of very little conse- 
 quence whether I have any talents or not. Huzza ! I am in a 
 good humour to-day. 
 July i$th. Blank ! Dull as a post all day. 
 
 July 16th. Saw Clarke. He tells me the arrete of the Directory 
 for my commission will be signed to-day, and that he will write to 
 the Minister at War to send back the brevet to him, so that I shall 
 have it by to-morrow at twelve o'clock. All that is very good ; 
 but still, as I have said already six-and-fifty times, " Would I 
 could see it, quoth blind Hugh." He tells me, also, that there is 
 a change in the arrangement. The cavalry of the ci-devant Legion 
 de Police has been formed into a regiment of dragoons, the twenty- 
 first. The Colonel had given the Directory to understand there 
 were supernumeraries of men and horses enough to form a second 
 regiment, which was intended for me. It appeared, however, on 
 inspection, that the contrary is the fact, for the twenty-first is even 
 ten men short of its complement. In consequence I am to serve 
 in the infantry, with the rank of Chef de Brigade, which answers to 
 that of Colonel ; and Clarke tells me the pay and rank are the 
 same, with less trouble. One must not look a gift horse in the 
 mouth ; so I said, of course, I was perfectly satisfied, and we parted 
 the best friends in the world, and I am to return to-morrow at 
 twelve for this weary brevet. Called on Madgett on my way 
 home to desire him to find me two louis d'or in two days at 
 farthest, for I am just now run out, and I shall have my lodgings 
 to pay for in three days from this, which is most fearful, for I 
 
So 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 dread my little bossue of a landlady more than the enemy a 
 thousand times ; but Madgett has promised to supply me, and so — 
 
 " Hang those who talk of fear ; 
 Our castle's strength will laugh a siege to scorn." 
 
 I forgot to mention in its place that Hoche has a famous cut of 
 a sabre down his forehead, eyebrow, and one side of his nose. 
 He was pretty near the enemy when he got that, and luckily it 
 does not at all disfigure him. He is but two-and-thirty, Jourdan 
 five-and-thirty, Buonaparte twenty-nine, Moreau about thirty, and 
 Pichegru, who is the oldest of all, about six-and-thirty. The 
 French have no old generals in service ; it is their policy to 
 employ young men, and the event has shown they are right. 
 Moreau and Jourdan continue to drive the Austrians before them 
 in all quarters. Every Gazette brings new victories, so that now 
 we are beginning not to mind them. In the evening the opera : 
 Tarare (which I have seen twenty times). It is brilliant, but the 
 music by Salieri very inferior to that of Gluck. Adrien, in the 
 Sultan, was magnificently dressed in the Indian costume ; every- 
 thing, down to his slippers, was completely Indian ; but I have 
 already remarked 1 " fifty times the scrupulous attention the French 
 actors pay to costume. Rousseau, in Calpigi, and Mademoiselle 
 Gavaudan, in Spinetta, are incomparable. They are the originals 
 of Beaumarchais. Lainez was Tarare, Mde. Ponteuil, Astasie ; 
 altogether, it is a charming spectacle. In one of the ballets there 
 is a charming pas de trois, by Nivelon, Duchemin, and Coulon, to 
 the air of the Folies cPEspagne. It is almost as good as the Pas 
 Russe, by Nivelon and Milliere, in Panurge. 
 
 July lyth. Called as usual on Clarke. My eternal brevet not 
 yet come from the War Office, but he gave orders to Fleury to 
 write again to the Minister to have it sent directly. He tells me 
 Hoche will leave town in two or three days, and that he will 
 endeavour to give me a corner in his carriage if possible. I 
 answered, it would be highly flattering to me to have the honour 
 of travelling with him ; at the same time, I hoped he would give 
 
JET. 33-] 
 
 CHEF DE BRIGADE. 
 
 81 
 
 me a few days' notice, as I had no clothes but habits bourgeois, &c. 
 He said he could not be sure to give me four-and-twenty hours' 
 notice, and as to regimentals, I could get them made up at quarters. 
 I replied, as to myself, I was ready at a moment, and the sooner 
 the better. He then desired me to call every day at twelve, and we 
 parted. So, here I am, at single anchor, ready to cut and run. As 
 to money matters, I am extremely embarrassed ; I have not a 
 guinea. I think I must write to Carnot and demand a supply. I 
 am sure I have reason to expect that much from the French 
 Government ; at the same time, God knows whether I shall get it 
 or not, and at any rate it is cursed disagreeable to be obliged to 
 make the application, but what can I do ? Damn the money, for 
 me ; I wish it was in the bottom of the sea. This embarrassment 
 is a drawback on the pleasure I should otherwise feel at the 
 promising appearance of our business. Sat down and wrote two 
 pages of a letter to my dearest life and love, informing her very 
 obscurely of my success here, and of my having obtained the rank 
 of Chef de Brigade, desiring her to sell off everything, and embark 
 in the first vessel for Havre de Grace. I will not finish my letter for 
 a day or two, till I see how things turn out on one or two topics. 
 I do not write to Rowan or Dr. Reynolds, because, as my last 
 letters were intercepted and carried to England, I do not like to 
 run any more risks. I forgot to mention in its place a trifling 
 anecdote. The day I dined with Carnot, Hoche's aide-de-camp 
 came up to me and asked me how I liked my reception in France. 
 I vented some compliments on the nation : " Yes," replied he, " but 
 you have been well received particularly." I answered, the French 
 were ever remarked for their politeness and hospitality to strangers. 
 He then struck at me directly : " Yes," said he, " but you are here 
 on some private negotiation ; you are accredited ? " I looked up 
 in his face with infinite good-humour and did not reply one word. 
 He repeated his question, and I continued to smile on him with 
 all possible stupidity ; so he found he could make nothing of it, 
 and, turning on his heel, left me. He was, I thought, a sad, 
 impudent fellow. 
 
 July \Wi. Rose early this morning and wrote a threatening 
 
 vol. ii. 7 
 
82 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 letter to Citizen Carnot, telling him " if he did not put five pounds 
 
 in a sartin place ! ! " It is written in French, and I have a 
 
 copy. God forgive me for calling it French, for I believe, properly 
 speaking, it is no language ; however, he will understand that 
 money is the drift of it, and that is the main point. Called at 
 twelve on Clarke. At last he has got my brevet from the 
 Minister at War. It is for the rank of Chef de Brigade, and 
 bears date the 1st Messidor (June 19th). It remains now to 
 be signed by Carnot and Lagarde, which will be done to-day, and 
 to-morrow, at nine, I am to pass muster. " To-morrow, I swear, 
 by nine of the clock, I shall see Sir Andrew Barton, Knight!' Clarke 
 embraced me on giving me the brevet, and saluted me as a 
 brother officer ; so did Fleury, and my heart was so full, I could 
 hardly reply to either of them. I am as proud as Punch. Who 
 would have thought this, the day I left the Lough of Belfast ? I 
 would have thought it, and I did think it. That is manly and 
 decided, as P. P. used to say. I now write myself Chef de Brigade, 
 "in any bill, bond, quittance, or obligation — Armigero." Huzza! 
 Huzza ! Let me have done with my nonsense and huzzaing, and 
 mind my business. Clarke asked me, would we consent, in Ireland, 
 to let the French have a direct interference in our Government ? 
 adding, that it might be necessary, as it was actually in Holland, 
 where, if it were not for the continual superintendence of the 
 French, they would suffer their throats to be cut again by the 
 Stadtholder. I answered that undoubtedly the French must 
 have a very great influence on the measures of our Govern- 
 ment, in case we succeeded, but that I thought, if they were wise, 
 they would not expect any direct interference ; adding, that the most 
 effectual way to have power with us, would be to appear not to 
 desire it. I added that, for that reason, I hoped whoever was sent 
 in the civil department, would be a very sensible, cool man, because 
 a great deal would depend on his address. Clarke replied, " We 
 intend to send nobody but you." That stunned me a little. What 
 could he mean ? Am I to begin by representing the French 
 Republic in Ireland, instead of representing the Irish Republic 
 in France ? " / am puzzled in mazes, and perplexed with errors." 
 
JET. 330 
 
 AN IRISH MONARCHY. 
 
 83 
 
 I must have this explained in to-morrow's conversation. Clarke 
 then went on to say they had no security for what form of govern- 
 ment we might adopt in case of success. I replied, I had no 
 security to offer but my decided opinion that we would establish a 
 Republic. He objected that we might establish an aristocratic 
 Republic, like that of Genoa. I assured him the aristocracy of 
 Ireland were not such favourites with the people that we should 
 spill our blood to establish their power. He then said, " Perhaps, 
 after all, we might choose a King ; that there was no security 
 against that but information, and that the people of Ireland were 
 in general very ignorant." I asked him, in God's name, whom 
 would we choose, or where would we go look for a King ? He 
 said, " Maybe the Duke of York ? " I assured him that he, or his 
 aide-de-camp, Fleury, who was present, had full as good, and indeed 
 a much better chance, than his Royal Highness ; and I added, 
 that we neither loved the English people in general, nor his 
 Majesty's family in particular, so well as to choose one of them 
 for our King, supposing, what was not the case, that the super- 
 stition of royalty yet hung about us. As to the ignorance of our 
 peasantry, I admitted it was in general too true, thanks to our 
 execrable Government, whose policy it was to keep them in a 
 state of barbarism ; but I could answer for the information of the 
 Dissenters, who were thoroughly enlightened and sincere republi- 
 cans, and who, I had no doubt, would direct the public sentiment 
 in framing a government. He then asked, was there nobody 
 among ourselves that had any chance, supposing the tide should 
 set in favour of monarchy ? I replied, " Not one." He asked, 
 " Would the Duke of Leinster, for example ? " I replied, " No : 
 that everybody loved and liked the Duke, because he was a good 
 man, and always resided and spent his fortune in Ireland, but that 
 he by no means possessed that kind of character or talents which 
 might elevate him to that station." He then asked me again, 
 " Could I think of nobody ? " I replied, " I could not ; that Lord 
 Moira was the only person I could recollect who might have had 
 the least chance, but that he had blown his reputation to pieces 
 by accepting a command against France ; and, after him, there 
 
84 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 was nobody." " Well," said Clarke, " maybe, after all, you will 
 choose one of your own leaders ; who knows but it may be 
 yourself? " I replied, we had no leaders of a rank or description 
 likely to arrive at that degree of eminence ; and, as to myself, I 
 neither had the desire nor the talents to aspire so high. Well, 
 that is enough of royalty for the present. We then, for the 
 hundredth time, beat over the old ground about the priests, 
 without, however, starting any fresh ideas ; and I summed up all 
 by telling him, that, as to religion, my belief was we should content 
 ourselves with pulling down the Establishment without setting up 
 any other ; that we would have no State religion, but let every 
 sect pay their own clergy voluntarily ; and that, as to royalty and 
 aristocracy, they were both odious in Ireland to that degree, that 
 I apprehended much more a general massacre of the gentry, and 
 a distribution of the entire of their property, than the establishment 
 of any form of government that would perpetuate their influence ; 
 that I hoped this massacre would not happen, and that I, for one, 
 would do all that lay in my power to prevent it, because I did not 
 like to spill the blood, even of the guilty ; at the same time, that 
 the pride, cruelty, and oppression of the Irish aristocracy were so 
 great, that I apprehended every excess from the just resentment 
 of the people. The conversation ended here. Clarke gave me 
 Hoche's address, and desired me to call on Fleury to-morrow, 
 at nine, and that he would introduce me at the War Office, where 
 I must pass review. From Clarke I went to the Luxembourg, 
 where I had an audience of Carnot. I told him I was come, in the 
 first place, to return him my acknowledgments for the high honour 
 conferred on me by the Directory, in giving me the rank of Chef de 
 Brigade in the armies of the Republic ; and I mentioned that, as 
 General Clarke had told me that I should probably be ordered to 
 join my regiment at a day's notice, and as my resources were 
 entirely exhausted, I had taken the liberty to address a short 
 memorial to him, requesting a supply. He asked me, " Had I 
 spoken to Clarke?" I said, not explicitly on that subject. He 
 then ran his eyes over my letter and desired me to give it to 
 Clarke, and that he would report upon it to him, and see what 
 
AT. 33-] 
 
 AT THE WAR OFFICE. 
 
 35 
 
 was to be done. I then took my leave. Carnot's manner was 
 very friendly, but I see no great certainty of the cash. I returned 
 to Clarke, and wrote him a note enclosing my memorial, and 
 requesting his good offices, &c. ; adding, that if ever I reached 
 my own country, and had it in my power to render any service 
 to a friend of his, he might command me. That is a little stroke 
 of intrigue. " I have a thing in me that y oil want ; you do me, I do 
 you" as Lofty says. All fair ! All fair ! Went in the evening 
 boldly to the opera, as usual. Pleasant enough. Renaud and the 
 Ballet de Psyche. Rousseau excellent in Renaud, as he is in 
 everything. Poor little Chevigny fell in the ballet and sprained 
 her ankle. I was in a fright, like a good soul as I am, for I 
 thought she struck her breast against the steps of the altar, and that 
 would have been a thousand pities, for she is a charming dancer. 
 
 July igth. I am writing those memorandums at four o'clock in 
 the morning, for sometimes I cannot sleep. I missed a famous 
 quotation yesterday, in the manner of P. P. When I said that 
 Carnot would collect that money was the object of my letter, I 
 should have added, " That I made him a harangue, of which the waiter 
 understood not a single word but Brandy, on which he disappeared 
 and returned in an instant with the noggin." Called on Fleury at 
 nine o'clock, and walked with him to the War Office. When we 
 arrived, found, like a couple of wise heads, that we had forgot my 
 commission ; so that business is postponed till to-morrow. He 
 tells me the pay is 35 francs in cash, and 600 in mandats, per 
 month, with three rations of meat, amounting to one and a half 
 pounds, and three of bread, to four and a half, besides haricots, 
 salt, and wood, to I know not what amount. But in God's name 
 what shall I do with bread and meat ? After all I fear I must 
 consult Madgett, and that is what I do not wish to do. Well, well, 
 I will wait, at all events, till to-morrow, when I will see what 
 impression I can make upon Clarke concerning trade affairs. 
 '' Oh, if the States General would but pay me what they owe me ! " 
 I am exceedingly embarrassed with my rations. Went muzzing 
 with Madgett in the evening. As we were walking through the 
 Tuileries, who should we meet, full plump, but my old friend 
 
86 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 Stone, of Hackney, walking with Helen Maria Williams, 1 authoress 
 of the " Letters on France." I was fairly caught, for I have avoided 
 Stone ever since my arrival, not that I know anything to his pre- 
 judice, but that I guard the incognito. He made me promise to 
 call on him to-morrow, and as he is already acquainted with almost 
 the whole of my history, I will tell him that I am here memorialis- 
 ing the French Government for some compensation for what I 
 have suffered in their cause, and that if I succeed I mean to settle 
 in France. That is the truth, but not the whole truth. Went on 
 with Madgett, and drank punch ; told him of my commission, 
 having first sworn him to secrecy. What shall I do with my 
 rations ? To-morrow I will see Clarke, and learn what report he 
 makes on my letter to Carnot. If they would pay me those £150, 
 if would set me at my ease, but I doubt it very much. I want money 
 sadly. 
 
 July 20th. Called at Clarke's, and saw Fleury, who gave me my 
 brevet, signed by Carnot, and so now I am to all intents and pur- 
 poses Chef de Brigade in the service of the Republic. Fleury is 
 to bring me to-morrow at nine to the Commissaire Ordonnateur, 
 to pass review, and from thence to the Treasury, to receive a 
 month's pay, so Vogue la galere ! Fleury also told me by Clarke's 
 orders, another thing not quite so agreeable, viz., that Carnot's 
 answer to my memorial was that he thought a month's pay, in 
 advance, a handsome compensation ; nevertheless, if I thought 
 otherwise, he desired that I might signify to Clarke what I deemed 
 reasonable. I desired Fleury to tell Clarke I would consider of it, 
 and let him know the result to-morrow, or the day after. I do not 
 think it at all a compensation. What is a month's pay ; £3 2s. 6d. 
 sterling. It is absolutely nothing. I will put it to Carnot, as a 
 debt of honour, and let him pay it or not, as he pleases. As to my 
 rations, I am quite at a loss to know how I shall manage with them. 
 A Frenchman would soon settle it, but it is a different thing with 
 a foreigner. 
 
 1 [Helen Maria Williams (b. 1762, d. 1828) wrote several books about 
 France : "Letters from France" (in favour of the Girondists), 1790-93; 
 " Politics of France, 1795 ; " Manners and Opinions of the French Republic," 
 1801 ; " Narrative of Events in France," 1815.— -Ed.] 
 
JET. 33.] DINNER WITH HELEN MARIA WILLIAMS. 87 
 
 July 2\st. Went to pass my review, with the Commissaire 
 Ordonnateur ; obliged to return for an order from the Minister of 
 War, to receive my pay at Paris. Wrote to Clarke, putting my 
 compensation to Carnot as a debt of honour, and gave my letter to 
 Fleury. 
 
 July 22nd. Called at Clarke's on Fleury ; coming out met 
 General Hoche, who desired to see me to-morrow morning, at seven 
 o'clock, in order to talk over our business, and settle about my 
 leaving Paris. That looks like business. Huzza ! huzza ! I am 
 always huzzaing, like a blockhead. Went to the Commissaire and 
 passed my review ; and from that to the Treasury, where the forms 
 are terribly slow. I received for my month's pay, 35 francs in 
 cash, 600 in mandats, worth to-day 24, and 300 in assignats, worth, 
 I suppose, about 6d. It is no great things, but hang the money. 
 Dined very pleasantly with Stone and Helen Maria Williams. All 
 our politics English. Stone was very hearty, but H. M. Williams 
 is Miss Jane Bull completely. I was quite genteel and agreeable. 
 Wrote to Monroe, to know if I might, in case of necessity, draw on 
 him for ,£50. Bed very early ; thinking of my interview with 
 Hoche. 
 
 Jtdy 2$rd. Called on Hoche, at seven, and found him in bed, 
 talking with two generals, whom I did not know. One is going to 
 Italy, very much against the grain. General Sherlock called in. I 
 collect, from what he said, that he is to be of our expedition, and 
 that he does not know it himself yet. After they were gone, Hoche 
 asked me, " When I would be ready to leave town ? " I answered, 
 I was at his orders, but wished, if possible, to have four or five days 
 to make some little arrangements. He said, by all means ; that 
 he proposed leaving town in seven days himself, and that, if he 
 could, he would give me a seat in his carriage, but if not, he would 
 settle that I should travel with General Cherin, his most particular 
 friend, who was to have a command in the business, but to whom, 
 as yet, he had not opened himself on the subject. I made my 
 acknowledgments, and asked him, at the same time, whether my 
 appearance at headquarters might not give rise to some suspicions, 
 from the circumstance of my being a foreigner ? He replied, he 
 
88 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 would settle me in a village near Rennes, his headquarters, where 
 I should be incognito, and, at the same time, within his reach. I 
 asked him then, was he apprised of the Directory having honoured 
 me with the rank of Chef de Brigade ? He replied he was, and 
 made me his compliment. I then observed to him, I presumed I 
 should be of most service in some situation near his person ; that I 
 spoke French, as he might observe, very imperfectly ; nevertheless, 
 I could make myself understood, and as he did not speak English, 
 I might be useful in his communications with the people of Ireland. 
 He replied, " Leave all that to me ; as soon as you join, and that 
 your regiment is formed, I will apply for the rank of Adjutant- 
 General for you ; that will place you at once in the Etat-Major, 
 and besides, you must be in a situation where you may have a 
 command, if necessary." I returned him a thousand thanks ; and 
 he proceeded to ask me, " Did I think it was likely that the men of 
 property, or any of them, wished for a revolution in Ireland ? " I 
 replied, " Most certainly not," and that he should reckon on all the 
 opposition that class could give him ; that, however, it was possible 
 that when the business was once commenced, some of them might 
 join us on speculation, but that it would be sorely against their real 
 sentiments. He then asked me, " Did I know Arthur O'Connor ? " 1 
 
 1 [Arthur O'Connor was born at Mitchelstown, near Bandon, in the county 
 Cork, in 1763. Educated at Trinity College, he was called to the Bar in 1788. 
 Possessing independent means, he gave up his profession, entered Parliament 
 in 1791, allied himself with Grattan and the popular party ; but, despairing of 
 constitutional redress, flung himself into the revolutionary movement in 1796, 
 and became a member of the Executive of the United Irish Society. He took 
 an active part in negotiating an alliance with France, and visited the Continent 
 for that purpose with Lord Edward Fitzgerald. Twitted before the Secret 
 Committee of the House of Lords in 1798 for his conduct in calling in foreign 
 aid, he said, "The Executive were decidedly of opinion, that by the principles 
 of the constitution, as established by the Revolution of 1688, they were justified 
 in calling in foreign aid, and in resisting a Government which had forfeited all 
 claims to obedience." The alliance with France was formed in August, 1796. 
 In February, 1797, O'Connor was arrested for seditious libel, and imprisoned 
 in Dublin Castle for six months. Then released he founded the Press news- 
 paper, the organ of the United Irishmen in Dublin. Among his colleagues on 
 the Press were William Lawless (afterwards a general in the French army), 
 Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and Oliver Bond. In January, 1798, O'Connor set 
 
From an Original Drawing; "by a French Artist. 
 
^T. 33.] ARTHUR a CONNOR, LORD E. FITZGERALD. 89 
 
 I replied, I did, and that I entertained the highest opinion of his 
 talents, principles, and patriotism. He asked me, " Did he not 
 some time ago make an explosion in the Irish Parliament ? " I 
 replied, he made the ablest and honestest speech, to my mind, that 
 ever was made in that House. " Well," said he, " will he join us ? " 
 I answered, I hoped as he was " foncierement Irlandais" that he 
 undoubtedly would. So it seems O'Connor's speech is well known 
 here. If ever I meet him, as I hope I may, I will tell him what 
 Hoche said, and the character that he bears in France. It must be 
 highly gratifying to his feelings. Hoche then went on to say, 
 "There is a lord in your country (I was a little surprised at this 
 beginning, knowing as I do what stuff our Irish peers are made of), 
 he is son to a duke ; is he not a patriot ? " I immediately smoked 
 my lover, Lord Edward Fitzgerald, 1 and gave Hoche a very good 
 
 out on a mission to France. In February he was arrested in Margate. On his 
 person was found a military uniform, the key of a cipher correspondence with 
 Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and £900. He was tried for high treason at Maid- 
 stone in May. A brilliant array of witnesses came forward to testify to his 
 character, and to protest their belief in his innocence — Lord Moira, Fox, 
 Grattan, Sheridan, Erskine, and the Duke of Norfolk. He was acquitted, but 
 immediately arrested on a new charge of treason, and ultimately sent back a 
 prisoner to Dublin. He remained in prison until 1802. On his release he went 
 to France, entered the French army, and became a General of Division in 1804. 
 In 1807 he married the daughter of Condorcet, purchased an estate near 
 Ndmours, and gave himself up to peaceful pursuits. He died at Bignon in 
 1852.— Ed.] 
 
 1 [Of all the United Irishmen, Lord Edward Fitzgerald was and is the popular 
 idol. Robert Emmet comes next ; but the first place belongs to the ill-fated 
 Geraldine. Phillips, in " Curran and his Contemporaries," tells an anecdote illus- 
 trative of the affection in which Fitzgerald was held. " Many years after his 
 death I saw a respectable-looking farmer gazing most earnestly after a youth who 
 was riding down Sackville Street. His eyes soon filled with tears. Struck with 
 the scene, I asked him who the young man was. ' Lord Edward's son, sir,' was 
 the answer. Poor fellow ! he thought every one must know Lord Edward." Lord 
 Edward Fitzgerald, the twelfth child of the first Duke of Leinster, was born in 
 London in 1763. Entering the army, he became a lieutenant in the 26th Regi- 
 ment in 1780. Soon afterwards he exchanged into the 19th, and in 1781 sailed 
 with his new regiment for America. He distinguished himself during the 
 American War, and was appointed aide-de-camp to Lord Rawdon. In 1783 he 
 returned to Ireland and entered Parliament, living for the next two years at 
 Blackrock, in the county Cork. In 1786 he entered the Military College at 
 Woolwich ; in 1787 spent some time in Spain and Portugal, and in 1788 
 
9 o 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 account of him. He asked me then about the duke. I replied that 
 I hoped for his assistance, or at least neutrality, if the business were 
 once commenced. He then mentioned Fitzgibbon, of all men in 
 the world. I endeavoured to do him justice, as I had to the others 
 he spoke of, and I believe I satisfied Hoche that we will not meet 
 with prodigious assistance from his Majesty's Lord High Chancellor 
 of Ireland. He then asked me, "What quantity of arms would be 
 necessary ? " I replied the more the better, as we would find 
 soldiers for as many firelocks as France would send us. He then 
 told me he had demanded 80,000, but was sure of 50,000. That 
 is a piece of good news. I answered, with 50,000 stand to begin 
 with, we should soon have all the arms in the nation in our hands, 
 
 joined the 54th Regiment in Nova Scotia. Cobbett, who was a sergeant-major in 
 the 54th, wrote of him in later years : " Lord Edward was a most humane 
 and excellent man, and the only really honest officer I ever knew in the 
 army." In 1790 he was once more in Ireland, and again a member of Parlia- 
 ment. In 1792 he visited France, sympathised with the Revolution, drank 
 rebellious toasts, renounced his titles, and was dismissed the army. In the 
 same year he married the beautiful Pamela, the ward, probably the daughter 
 of Madame de Genlis. In 1793 he was once more in Ireland, and from his 
 place in Parliament denounced the coercive measures of the Government. 
 "The disturbances of the country," he said, "are not to be remedied by 
 any coercive measures, however strong ; . . . nothing can effect this, and 
 restore tranquillity to the country, but a serious, a candid endeavour of 
 Government and of this House to redress the grievances of the people." 
 Despairing of constitutional agitation, he gradually drew towards the United 
 Irish organisation, and in 1796 formally joined the movement. He immediately 
 took a foremost place in the Society, and became in fact the military commander. 
 Arrangements for taking the field on May 23, 1798, had been completed when 
 a few days previously the house in which Lord Edward had for some time lay 
 in concealment was surrounded by soldiers. Major Swann entered Lord 
 Edward's room. He lay in bed suffering from temporary illness. Swann 
 called on him to surrender. He refused. A fierce struggle ensued. Fitzgerald, 
 dagger in hand, struck Swann to the ground. Captain Ryan came to the 
 rescue of his comrade, levelled a pistol at Fitzgerald, it missed fire, and the second 
 police officer fell mortally wounded by the desperate United Irishman. A third 
 officer, Major Sirr, arrived upon the scene as Fitzgerald, still struggling in the 
 grasp of Swann and Ryan, who had seized him around the legs, was forcing his 
 way to the door. Sirr fired with effect, and Lord Edward, hit seriously in the 
 shoulder, was disabled. He was conveyed under a strong guard of cavalry 
 to prison, and there, after lingering in much pain from his wound, died on 
 June 4, 1798.— Ed.] 
 
From a Miniature "by Horace Hone Copied from a portrait -painted "by "him in 1796- 
 
MT. 33.] A HUMANE REVOLUTIONIST. 
 
 91 
 
 adding, that I had the strongest hopes that the militia, who 
 composed the only real force in Ireland, would give us no opposi- 
 tion. " Oh," said he, "pour V opposition, je nCen f / " which the 
 
 reader will not expect me to translate literally ; but it was as much 
 as to say that he disregarded it. He then asked me very seriously, 
 did I apprehend any royalism or aristocracism in Ireland ? I 
 assured him I did not ; that in case of a change we should most 
 undoubtedly establish a Republic ; and I mentioned my reasons, 
 which seemed to satisfy him. He observed, however, as Clarke 
 had done before, that even if Monarchy in Ireland were to be the 
 result it would not alter the system on which France was proceed- 
 ing, as the main object was to establish the independence of 
 Ireland, under any form of Government, though undoubtedly she 
 would prefer a Republic. We then spoke of the aristocracy of 
 Ireland, and I assured him, as I had done Clarke, that what I 
 apprehended was, not the aggrandisement, but the massacre of that 
 body, from the just indignation of the people, whom they have so 
 long and so cruelly oppressed, adding that it was what I sincerely 
 deprecated, but what I feared was too likely to happen. He said, 
 certainly the spilling of blood was at all times to be avoided, as 
 much as possible ; that he did conceive, in such explosions as that 
 which was likely to take place in Ireland, it was not to be supposed 
 but that some individuals would be sacrificed, but the less the better, 
 and it was much wiser to secure the persons of those I mentioned, 
 or to suffer them to emigrate to England, as they would, no doubt, 
 be ready to do, than to put them to death ; in which I most 
 sincerely agreed, for I am like Parson Adams, " / do not desire to 
 have the blood even of the wicked upon me." Hoche mentioned also 
 that great mischief had been done to the principles of liberty, and 
 additional difficulties thrown in the way of the French Revolution 
 by the quantity of blood spilled ; " for," added he, " when you 
 guillotine a man, you get rid of an individual, it is true, but then 
 you make all his friends and connections enemies for ever to the 
 Government." A sentence well worth considering. I am heartily 
 glad to find Hoche of this humane temperament, because I hope I 
 am humane myself, and trust we shall be able to prevent unneces- 
 
9 2 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 sary bloodshed in Ireland, which I shall most sincerely exert my 
 best endeavours to do. He then desired me to call on him every 
 two or three days, at seven o'clock, at which time I might be sure 
 to find him disengaged, adding that he did not wish to mix me 
 with the crowd, and after several expressions of civility and atten- 
 tion on his part, all which I set down to the credit of my country, 
 we parted. I like Hoche more and more. He is one of the finest 
 fellows I ever conversed with, with a fine manly mind and a fine 
 manly figure. On my return I found a very friendly answer from 
 Monroe, inviting me to dinner for to-day in order to settle about 
 trade affairs. I should have mentioned that Hoche asked me 
 whether the Defenders had ever sent any one to France to make 
 representations. I answered, I could not positively say, but I 
 believed not, they being, for the most part, the peasantry of Ireland, 
 and of course not having the means nor proper persons to send. 
 At twelve I went and saw Clarke. We were both a little out of 
 humour about my application for money ; but our ill-temper was 
 pointed against the Directory rather than against each other. He 
 said he was sure they would give me nothing. I asked him then 
 how was I to leave Paris in five or six days, as General Hoche had 
 that morning given me orders to hold myself in readiness to do ? 
 This was " Gr Gr Grimgribber" to him. " Well," said he, " but 
 you ask too much." So far from it, said I, that I ask nothing. I 
 barely state how much I have spent of my own money, and leave 
 it to Carnot's honour to determine what he thinks reasonable. " But 
 I do not see," continued he, " how it is to be done, or on what fund." 
 I answered, I came by order of De la Croix, the Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, and of Adet, the Ambassador of the Republic in 
 America ; which last had offered me money for my expenses — an 
 offer which I had refused ; some proof that I did not want to extort 
 on them ; that the natural way was, therefore, to give an order to 
 De la Croix, to make me such compensation as the Directory might 
 think fit. Clarke then " began to complain of the scarcity of silver, 
 which I improved by complaining of the scarcity of gold, and we both 
 agreed that money never was so scarce as at present." Damn it, 
 sempiternally for money ! I am sure I wished a thousand times 
 
JET- 33.] 
 
 MUTUAL ASSURANCES. 
 
 93 
 
 that there was not a guinea in the world. At last Clarke said he 
 would speak again to Carnot, but I confess I see no great hopes, 
 which is pleasant. I made many fine reflections in my own mind, 
 during this spar, on the gratitude of nations, &c. However, after 
 all, I am a Chef de Brigade, about to be an Adjutant-General. By 
 what I see, however, we are like to reap more glory than profit in 
 this business. " f beseech you, Sir John, let me have 500 out of my 
 1,000." " That may not be, Master Shallow." Well, my own 
 country will pay me, some time or other, so allons ! I then took 
 Clarke up on our conversation of the 18th, relative to a direct 
 interference on the part of France. I said if he meant, by that, to 
 admit a representative of the Republic into any part of our Govern- 
 ment, it was what France ought not to expect, nor we to grant. 
 That France would certainly have a great influence, but the surest 
 way to keep it would be not to assume it. That what he said of 
 Holland did not apply to us. The French had conquered Holland, 
 and had a right, if they pleased, to throw it into the sea, but it was 
 not so with Ireland. We rather resembled the situation of America 
 in the last war. Clarke seemed satisfied with all this, and I pro- 
 ceeded to ask him, had they thought of a person to reside near the 
 future Irish Government ? He said General Hoche would be there. 
 I replied, he would be moving about, but I meant a sort of Charge 
 dAffaires, who should be stationary. Clarke replied, undoubtedly 
 a proper person would be sent. I said I hoped the French Govern- 
 ment would be very delicate in their choice, and send a man of 
 great temper and discretion, as much would depend on his conduct. 
 I then observed that Clarke had often asked me what security 
 Ireland would give that, if her independence was once established, 
 she might not forget her obligations to France, and perhaps hereafter 
 be found leagued with her enemies. To which I offered him as the 
 only security our honour as gentlemen. Now I begged leave, in 
 return, to ask him what security he had to give us, that if England 
 offered to renounce everything, provided France would sacrifice us, 
 France would not accept the offer ? He answered in my own 
 words, " Our honour as gentlemen," and assured me, in the strongest 
 manner, France would be, as I believe myself, incapable of such 
 
94 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 conduct. I asked him then, whether he thought, if our Government 
 was once organised, we could borrow money in Spain or Holland ? 
 He said he doubted it very much, that Holland had no money, and 
 Spain very little. If so, we must only make assignats, and then 
 mandats, like our betters. It is now two o'clock, and I must go 
 dress for dinner at Monroe's. "Fine times, Mr. Rigmaroll." 
 Nothing but generals and ambassadors. Well, I shall be one or 
 the other/and perhaps both, one of these odd come shortly 's. Dinner at 
 Monroe's. Very pleasant. Mrs. Monroe, a pretty little woman, with 
 very white teeth. After dinner, went with Monroe into his cabinet. 
 He tells me he is just now poor, but he offered to supply me to the 
 amount of £50, in sums of ten or fifteen as I might want it, or else 
 desired me to go to Skipwith, the Consul for the United States, and 
 see if he would give me cash for my bill on Philadelphia, which he 
 would guarantee, or for one to the same amount on himself, at a 
 short date, which he would accept. He offered me at the same 
 time ten louis for my current expenses. All this is very handsome 
 in Monroe. After thanking him, I told him I would avail myself 
 of his permission to try Skipwith, but that I was not in any diffi- 
 culties for some days to come, and consequently refused, with 
 many acknowledgments, the money he offered me. He goes out 
 of town to-night for two days ; on the third I am to call on him, 
 and, in the meantime, see the Consul, so called a considendo, 
 because I mean to consult him. Once for all, damn the money for 
 me ! I will make no more memorandums about it, that's flat. It 
 degrades the dignity of my history. This is a long day's journal, 
 nine pages, and it is now but six o'clock. I have run through a 
 good deal of business to-day besides writing these nine pages. I 
 had like to forgot that Hoche showed me my proclamation 
 printed and signed by himself. It is the one intended for distribu- 
 tion, and I think it will be found to be an honest one. 
 
 July 24th. No business. In the evening the opera, as usual. 
 (Edipe a Colone. More and more delighted with that piece, and 
 especially with Adrien in CEdipe. Psyche, the ballet, with Duche- 
 min, a charming little woman in Psyclie. I do love the spectacles 
 of Paris dearly, and how much more should I enjoy them if I had 
 
JET. 33-] 
 
 LETTER FROM HAMILTON RO WAN. 
 
 95 
 
 the society of my dearest love ! Well, I hope I shall not die till I 
 find myself in a loge with her, Miss Mary, and P. P. ; that may 
 happen yet. 
 
 July 2$(/i. Running about all this morning on trade affairs. 
 Damn it ! Saw Clarke ; he tells me I am to travel with Hoche, 
 and that we set off the 30th, in five days. Huzza ! To be sure I 
 am not proud of that. Called at Monroe's ; the Secretary tells me 
 there is a person arrived this week, who has a letter for me. My 
 heart is up in my mouth. Please God I will run off the minute I 
 swallow my dinner. I am in a frenzy till I get my letter. I have 
 not had one line since I left New York, now six months. How is 
 my dearest life and soul, and our darling little babies ? The little 
 things ; my life lies in those children. Well, I hope I shall hear 
 news of them to-night. Poor little Will, and my Fantom, and my 
 girl that I dote upon, and their darling mother. Oh that I had my 
 letter ! Oh that I had my letter ! {Evening?) My lover gone out ; 
 left a note, that I would call to-morrow at eleven, and desiring him 
 to leave the letter for me in case he should be obliged to go out 
 before that time. I know nothing that agitates me so much as an 
 incident of this kind. I am projecting all possible kinds of 
 accidents and misfortunes ; it is terrible ; I will not torment myself 
 any longer, that's flat. I will go walk in the Champs Elysees to 
 dissipate my chagrin. Home ; early bed ! 
 
 July 26th. Up at six, and called on Hoche at seven ; he was 
 gone out, so I had my walk for nothing. " / hope my early rising 
 will do me no harm." I want to settle with him about our journey. 
 Called at eleven on Colonel Fulton, and got my letter, which is from 
 Hamilton Rowan ; it is dated March 30th, nearly four months 
 since, at which date all my family were well. He tells me also 
 that my brother Matthew arrived in America in December last ; 
 that gives me most unspeakable satisfaction, as he will be a pro- 
 tection for my wife and family during my absence, or in case of the 
 worst happening to me in this contest wherein I am about to 
 embark. My mind is now as much at ease as I can rationally 
 expect it to be for some time to come. I look on this letter as a 
 good omen before my departure. Met Aherne for the first time 
 
96 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 God knows when. He tells me that rascal Duckett is telling all 
 the world that there is to be an invasion of Ireland, and that he 
 has it from Clarke and General Hoche, with whom he is in confi- 
 dence ; and is not this most dreadfully provoking ! Here I have 
 doomed myself to a rigorous solitude for six months, to avoid the 
 possibility of alarm, and now a blackguard is sounding the trumpet, 
 and proclaiming the business to all the world. I will call on Clarke 
 to-morrow, and abuse him for his indiscretion in opening himself, 
 as I know he has done, and I believe Hoche also, to such a 
 scoundrel. It is vexatious beyond all bearing. I am in a rage. 
 Met my compagnon de voyage, D'Aucourt, with whom I lodged on 
 my first arrival : he was very civil, and tells me he is applying for 
 the rank of Chef de Brigade, to be sent out to the West Indies. 
 Well, other people are Chef de Brigade as well as he, but he does 
 not know that. In the evening the opera, as usual. Iphigenie e?i 
 Aulide, by Gluck ; it is the best of the operas here. Madame 
 Cheron is delightful in Iphigenie, but I have praised her already. 
 Tclcmaque, the ballet. Vestris took leave of Paris for some time, as 
 he goes, I am told, to London. He exerted himself of course, and 
 was, to be sure, astonishing. Madame Gardel {ci-devant Milliere), 
 in Eucharis, made her first appearance after a long indisposition ; 
 she is incontestably the first female dancer in the world ; I am 
 delighted with her, and she is as ugly as possible. Heigho ! I 
 shall soon bid " adieu to t/ie village delights." I know not how it is, 
 I have spent five dreary months in Paris without forming one con- 
 nection, male or female, that I care a farthing about, or that cares 
 a farthing about me, yet I find myself low-spirited, now that I am 
 about to quit it ; that is curious enough, but I have often had 
 occasion to remark the same sentiment. I am as dull to-night as a 
 cat. 
 
 July 2jth. Clarke tells me this morning that the Directory have 
 ordered me three months' pay. That is " tant de pris sur Vennemi" 
 but I am forced to borrow £50 from Monroe, which grieves me 
 sorely, for it is breaking in still more on the sacred funds of my 
 little family. It is, however, unavoidable, and so " what can't be 
 aired must" &c. I cannot go down to quarters without some 
 
97 
 
 money in my pocket. Went to the Champ de Mars to see the Fete 
 de la Liberte : very superb, but I am not now in a humour to 
 relish fetes. I want to be off, and my impatience is growing 
 greater the more the time approaches. Paris is as bad to me now 
 as Havre was the first week of my arrival. " Pardonez princesse a 
 mon impatience." I hate to be going ; apropos, it is extremely 
 attentive of Hoche to take me with him ; I believe I am not suffi- 
 ciently sensible of it. The fact is, I am surprised myself at the sang- 
 froid with which I regard the progress of my business here, so 
 infinitely beyond my expectations. I had very little expectation 
 of success the day I left Sandy Hook, and in fact I came merely to 
 discharge a duty. Things have turned out miraculously, to be sure. 
 Think of my being at a council of war with Carnot, and Hoche, and 
 Clarke, of my rank of Chef de Brigade, of my travelling now with 
 Hoche, besides what yet may follow! It is absolutely like a 
 romance. There is one thing I must say for myself. On review- 
 ing my conduct in France I do not see an indiscretion with which 
 I have to charge myself. I think in my conscience I have con- 
 ducted myself very well. I have, to be sure, laboured very hard in 
 this business. "Damn me, I was none of your guinea pigs ; I have 
 served all offices aboard, from cook's shifter to the command of a vessel. 
 Here, you Tunley, there's the hand of a seaman, you dog." There is 
 another thing I wish to remark here. I owe unspeakable obliga- 
 tions, and such as I can never repay, to my masters of the General 
 Committee ; I have, in consequence, never lost sight of their 
 honour or their interests here, as will appear from my memorials 
 delivered to the Executive Directory, in which I have endeavoured 
 to make them the basis of the National Legislature. If that suc- 
 ceeds, I shall have been instrumental in throwing a great game 
 into their hands, and I hope and believe they will have talents and 
 spirit to support it. At any rate, I have, I think, done my duty by 
 them, and in part at least acquitted the debt of gratitude I owed 
 them. I will never forget their behaviour to me in the hour of my 
 persecution, and their heroic refusal to sacrifice me at the requisi- 
 tion of Grattan and the Whigs. If I contribute to seat them in the 
 places of the aforesaid Whigs, it will be a proof that with parties, I 
 
 VOL. II. 8 
 
98 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 may say with nations, as well as with individuals, honour and 
 honesty will ever be found to be ultimately the true policy. But 
 let me not be preaching so much about myself. I want to be off ! 
 I want to be off! " I think there be six Richmonds in the field!' I 
 do not see what the deuce that applies to, but no matter. " A 
 horse \ A horse ! my kingdom for a Jiorse ! " 
 
 July 28th. Called on Hoche early, and saw him for a minute. 
 I travel with him, and we set off on the 31st. That is a day later 
 than I hoped. I am to see him again the day after to-morrow. 
 Saw Clarke. Nothing new there. I am to get my order for three 
 months' pay to-morrow. Called at Skipwith's, the American 
 Consul, who gave me £50, for which I gave him a bill on Doctor 
 Reynolds, in Philadelphia, for £55. I would have given one for 
 £6$ rather than go without the money. I am now ready to march. 
 I see the Orange-boys are playing the devil in Ireland. I have no 
 doubt it is the work of the Government. Please God, if I get safe 
 into that country, I will settle those gentlemen, and their instigators 
 also, more especially. Fete de la Liberte' in the evening. The 
 crowd most astonishing. I never saw anything like it, and I was 
 heartily glad to remark that every one seemed perfectly pleased 
 and satisfied. It is the first fete I have seen into the spirit of which 
 the people seemed fairly to enter. 
 
 fuly 29th. Running about all the morning, making arrangements 
 for my departure. 
 
 July $oth. Called on General Hoche. He tells me I am to 
 travel with General Cherin, Chef de l'Etat- Major, and that we set 
 off about the 12th of next month. I had rather set off this morn- 
 ing. He desired me to call on CheYin, and present myself as the 
 person of whom he had spoken, which I did accordingly, but CheVin 
 was gone out. Called at the War Office, and got an order for 
 three months' pay. Dined with Madgett, and went in the evening 
 to the opera. Castor, a dull piece, and very heavy music, by 
 Rameau. I did not like it at all. I should have mentioned that I 
 gave yesterday to Skipwith a packet directed to Holmes and 
 Raines, Philadelphia, containing two letters, one for Hamilton 
 Rowan, and the other for my dearest love, in which I repeat my 
 
&T. 33-] 
 
 GENERAL CHERIN. 
 
 99 
 
 orders for the removal of my family and property with all possible 
 speed to France. Skipwith promised me to put them in a way of 
 going with speed and security, so I am in hopes they will have 
 better fortune than my last. 
 
 July 3 1st. Received my pay, "and are all as drunk as so many 
 swabbers." I insist upon it that is a very good quotation, from 
 Rigdum Funnidis. The monotony of my life just now will appear 
 from the stupidity of those memorandums, and especially from the 
 dulness of my jokes. I cannot express how much I long to be 
 " en route." 
 
 August ist. (Sings) " Oh, merry be the first, and merry be the last, 
 and merry be the first of August." This is a sprightly beginning, 
 however. I am plaguy musical this morning, but God knows the 
 heart. Called on Clarke from mere idleness, did not see him ; 
 but, coming out, met General Hoche, who took me in his carriage 
 to General Cherin, with whom I am to travel. On the way I told 
 Hoche that I hope the glory was reserved for him to amputate the 
 right hand of England for ever ; and I mentioned the immense 
 resources in all respects, especially in men and provisions, which 
 Ireland furnished to that country, and of which I trusted we were 
 now on the eve of depriving her. Hoche observed that his only 
 anxiety was about finding subsistence for the troops. I replied 
 that, as to that, I hoped there would be no difficulty ; that it was 
 Ireland which victualled the navy, the West Indies, and the foreign 
 garrisons of England ; and I reminded him of what I had before 
 told him, that, in the late scarcity, so far from difficulties at home, 
 she exported vast quantities of corn to that country. I might have 
 added, but it did not occur to me, that we are now on the eve of 
 harvest, so I am sure we will find abundance of everything. I 
 went on to say that my difficulty was not how to subsist, but how 
 to get there, for that I dreaded that eternal fleet. Hoche laid his 
 hand on my arm and said, " Ne craignez rien, nous y irons ; vous 
 pouvez y compter ; ne craignez rien." I answered, that being so, I 
 had not a doubt of our success. Hoche then asked me, " Who 
 were those Orange-boys ?" I explained it to him, adding that, as 
 to them, it was an affair of no consequence, which we would settle 
 
IOO 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 in three days after our arrival. " Oh," said he, " ce n'est rien." I 
 then told him I hoped he would take care to have a sufficiency of 
 cannoniers and artillery, of which we were quite unprovided. 
 " You may depend upon it," said he, " that I will bring enough, 
 and of the best, particularly the artillerie fcgere." 
 
 He then asked me had we many great plains in Ireland ; I said 
 not ; that, in general, the face of the country was intersected with 
 fences, and I described the nature of an Irish ditch and hedge to 
 him. By this time we arrived at Cherin's, who was indisposed and 
 in bed. I was introduced by Hoche, and I remember now he is 
 one of the generals with whom I dined at Carnot's. After a short 
 conversation, in which it was fixed that we set off from the 7th to 
 the 10th, I took my leave, Hoche and Cherin desiring me to call 
 on them in the meantime, without the ceremony of sending up my 
 name, which is civil of them. So now I have " les petites entries." 
 
 August 2nd, ^rd. Blank. My time drags just now most 
 horribly. 
 
 August \th. Called on General Hoche. No news. He tells me 
 that it may be the 16th or 17th before we set off, which is desola- 
 tion to me. " My soul's in arms, and eager for the fray" He tells 
 me also, that when we get to Rennes, he and I will settle the pro- 
 clamation. I mentioned to him, that as we would arrive in the 
 middle of harvest, there could be no doubt about our finding sub- 
 sistence. He answered he had thought of that himself. Called on 
 Cherin twice, and saw him for about a moment. I cooled my 
 heels in his antechamber for above an hour ; but that is only a 
 petty mortification. I always find the subalterns greater men than 
 the principals. One thing I must keep in mind. As I have begun 
 by dancing attendance on others, if ever I arrive at any situation, I 
 must remember the anxiety and vexation I suffered in my time, 
 and not give myself airs. Called on Clarke. I am out of luck 
 to-day. He was engaged, and could not see me, so I left my 
 name. Altogether, I am out of humour. I believe it is the delay 
 of our departure which has vexed me. Cherin tells me we shall 
 set off the 16th or 17th. Damn it. 
 
 August ^th. Blank. Terrible! Terrible! I feel myself abso- 
 
^T. 33.] 
 
 HOCHE LEA VES PARIS. 
 
 101 
 
 lutely sick at those delays. Dined with Madgett and three other 
 Irishmen in the Champs Elysees. Stupid as a horse. Everybody 
 is talking of our business. I hear of it from fifty different quarters. 
 That is most terribly provoking. 
 
 August 6tk. Blank. Damn it ! I am weary of complaining 
 that I am weary. I will not make another memorandum until 
 something happens — that's flat. 
 
 August yth, St/i. Saw Hoche and Cherin together this morning. 
 Both very civil, and no news. Hoche, I believe, sets off the 
 nth. 
 
 August gt/i, loth. Fetes to celebrate the anniversary of the sub- 
 version of royalty in France. Foot-racing, horse-racing, and 
 running at the ring in the Champ de Mars. The Directory, 
 Ministers, and constituted authorities assisted in grand costume, 
 with the foreign ambassadors. It was a delicious evening. The 
 prizes were all military — sabres, pistols, and carbines, of the manu- 
 factory of Versailles. This is exactly as it should be. The con- 
 course of people was immense, and I was very glad to observe 
 that everybody seemed pleased and happy. When the Directory 
 rose from their place to retire, the people forced the sentinels, and 
 got into the centre, in order to see them. I was delighted to 
 observe that circumstance, which I look upon as by no means 
 trifling. After the exercises in the Champ de Mars were over, the 
 people retired en masse to the Champs Elysees, where there was 
 a most magnificent illumination and fireworks. I never saw any- 
 thing so brilliant in the way of coup d'oeil. The Muscadins and 
 elegant women of Paris made it a point to stay away, but nobody 
 missed them. The French enjoy these kind of spectacles better 
 than any people on earth, and, for my part, I never was more 
 amused and gratified than in observing the spectators. Altogether, 
 I spent a very pleasant, I might almost say a happy day. 
 
 August nth, I2tk, i^t/t. Saw Cherin this morning ; he tells me 
 it may be ten days yet before we get off. Hell ! hell ! hell ! How 
 shall I get over these eternal delays ? Hoche set off yesterday. 
 
 Atigust 14th, i$tk. Put on my regimentals for the first time ; as 
 pleased as a little boy in his first breeches ; foolish enough, but not 
 
102 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 unpleasant. Walked about Paris to show myself ; huzza ! Citoyen 
 Wolfe Tone, Chef de Brigade in the service of the Republic ! Opera 
 in the evening. Lays, incomparable in Panurge ; Mme. Guenet a 
 charming singer ; Mme. Gardel and Nivelon, in the pas russe, 
 inimitable ; it is worth a voyage from Ireland to America, and 
 from America to Paris, to see that single dance. I think now I 
 have got on regimentals I begin to write like a very pretty gentle- 
 man. There is a strong report, and I believe a true one, that 
 Hammond, who was Ambassador from England to the United 
 States, is now at Calais, with some proposals for peace on the part 
 of the English Ministry. I do not at all apprehend that anything 
 will come of it ; it is a manoeuvre of Pitt's, in order to prepare for 
 meeting the new Parliament with a declaration that he has been 
 ready, on his part, to make peace, but that the pride and haughti- 
 ness of the French Government would listen to no conditions but 
 such as were dishonourable to England. John Bull is not at all 
 beaten into his senses as yet. For my part I do not see how 
 it is possible for France or England to make peace, preserv- 
 ing their respective Governments ; I think one or other must 
 go down ; I do not speak of the nations, but merely of the 
 Governments. 
 
 August 16th to 20t/i. The gaps in my journal will demonstrate 
 how my time hangs on my hands. Called on General Che>in 
 this morning ; found him very courteous ; he tells me we shall 
 certainly set off in ten days — viz., the 30th. Well, ten days 
 more; however, "'Tis but in vain for soldiers to complaint He 
 tells me also that a valet de diambre has presented himself to be 
 hired with him, who speaks English, and has lately been through 
 England, Scotland, and Ireland ; that he has not at all the appear- 
 ance or manners of a domestic, and that he (Cherin) suspects that 
 he may be an emissary, slipped at him as a spy. It is very probable. 
 He promises to send him to me, on a message, in two or three 
 days, in order that I may sift him as to his knowledge of England, 
 &c. A la bonne heure. I see in the papers, and hope it is true, 
 that the French Admiral Richery has sailed from Cadiz, in company 
 with a powerful Spanish squadron. If that be so, it will probably 
 
^ET. 33-] 
 
 HATRED OF ENGLAND. 
 
 103 
 
 bring matters to a crisis between England and Spain. If they pick 
 up the Brest squadron, and the Dutch fleet, now lying in the Texel, 
 I think they must be an over-match for anything John Bull 
 can produce against them. If that were so, huzza! huzza! (Sings) 
 " How merrily we live, that soldiers be, that soldiers, soldiers be." I 
 am vastly musical and engaging this evening, methinks ; but " God 
 knows the heart" 
 
 August 2ist, 22nd, 23rd. Met Cherin to-day driving about in 
 his cabriolet ; he stopped me, and asked me was I ready to set off? 
 I answered, "In five minutes, and that I only waited for his orders." 
 He then desired me to call on him to-morrow at eleven, in order to 
 settle about our departure ; so perhaps we may set off before the 
 30th. The armies continue victorious in all quarters. The news 
 — at least the report of to-day — is that Richery and the Spaniards 
 are before Lisbon, and that a French army is in full march across 
 Spain, in order to enter Portugal ; that would be a blow to Master 
 John Bull fifty times worse than the affair of Leghorn. Why the 
 unhappy Portuguese did not make their peace at the same time with 
 Spain I cannot conceive, except, as was most probably the case, 
 they durst not consult their own safety for fear of offending the 
 English. What an execrable nation that is, and how cordially I 
 hate them ! If this affair of Portugal is true, there will not remain 
 one port friendly to England from Hamburg to Trieste, and pro- 
 bably much farther both ways. It is impossible she can stand this 
 long. Well, if the visitation of Providence be sometimes slow, it 
 is always sure. If our expedition succeeds, I think we will give 
 her the coup de grace, and make her pay dear for the rivers of blood 
 she has made to flow in our poor country, her massacres, her 
 pillages, and her frauds; " Allors, ce sera notre tour." We shall 
 see ! We shall see ! Oh that I were, this fine morning, at the 
 
 head of my regiment on the Cave Hill ! Well, all in good 
 time. 
 
 August 24th. Saw Cherin ; our departure is fixed for the first 
 September. " The devil take Henry of Lancaster and thee /" 
 "Patience is stale, and I am weary of it." He asked me to dine 
 with him the day before we set off. Saw the servant of whom he 
 
104 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 spoke to me ; found nothing suspicious about him ; yet, after all, 
 he may be a rogue. It is seven days yet at least to our departure. 
 Damn it for me ! 
 
 August 2$th. The report to-day is, that Spain has declared war 
 against England, and that the declaration, to speak technically, 
 contains sixty-three counts. I hope in God it is true. 
 
 August 26th to 31J/. Blank, blank, blank, blank, blank, blank. 
 
 September 1st. Blank. 
 
 September 2nd. Here I am yet. Well, it does not signify swear- 
 ing, so"' Tis but in vain for soldiers to complain" To divert the 
 spleen which is devouring me, I have been, for some days past, 
 throwing memorandums of my life and opinions on paper, from 
 recollection. They are very ill done, and probably inaccurate in 
 the dates, but they are better than nothing. I have already filled 
 nearly two books as big as this. Saw Cherin to-day. He knows 
 no more about our departure than I do, but he promised me faith- 
 fully to write a pressing letter to Hoche on the subject. 
 
 September 3rd, \th, ^th. Called on Cherin ; he knows nothing 
 farther than that Colonel Shee, a relation of Clarke's, is gone 
 down to Rennes. He advised me to call on Clarke ; came home 
 in a rage, and wrote a letter to Clarke, supplicating an order 
 for my immediate departure, which I gave to his aide-de-camp, 
 Fleury. 
 
 September 6th, yth, 8t/i. This evening received a note from 
 Cherin, informing me that he had received a letter from General 
 Hoche, and desiring to see me in the morning, so at last I hope we 
 are about to move. I never suffered so much ennui in all my life 
 as since Hoche's departure, which is now almost a month. 
 Scribbling now and again at my memoirs, which I have brought 
 down to the beginning of 1792 ; stupid enough ; but when my 
 mind is agitated, as it is at present, I can neither read, write, nor 
 think. I hope in God I am at last going to act ; it is high time, 
 but it is no fault of mine that I did not begin long since. Well, 
 better late than never. 
 
 September gt/i. Called on Cherin ; he promises, positively, that 
 we set off on the 13th, and desires me to call on him the 12th in 
 
JET. 33.] SUCCESS OF TONE'S MISSION. 
 
 the morning to receive his definitive orders ; so, at last, I hope I 
 am about to move. 
 
 September 1 2th. Called on Cherin by appointment ; he is gone 
 to the country for two or three days. Hell ! hell ! hell ! 
 
 September 13th, 14th, i$th. At last I have brought Cherin to 
 the point ; he has received a courier last night from General 
 Hoche, and tells me now I may set off with the first courier, or wait 
 a few days for him, but I am tired waiting. I wrote, therefore, by 
 his direction a note to the Minister at War, praying an order to 
 depart, with the first courier, for Rennes, and he has promised to 
 get it for me by to-morrow. Huzza ! 
 
 September 16th. Got my order and presented it to the Directors 
 of the post. There is a courier for to-morrow, with whom I secured 
 my place ; packed up my kit as gay as a lark. 
 
 September ijth. Took leave of Madgett, Aherne, and Sullivan ; 
 wrote two letters of acknowledgment to Carnot and De la Croix, 
 thanking them for their kindness, &c. At three o'clock in the 
 afternoon left Paris. It is now exactly seven months and five days 
 since I arrived there — a very important era in my life : whether it 
 was for good or evil to my country and to myself, the event must 
 determine; but I can safely say I have acted, all through, 'to the 
 very best of my conscience and judgment, and I think I have not 
 conducted myself ill. I certainly did not expect, on my arrival, to 
 have succeeded as well as I have done ; and I have been under 
 some difficulties at times, having not a soul to advise or communicate 
 with. I have now done with Paris, at least for some time, and God 
 knows whether I shall ever revisit it ; but, at all events, I shall ever 
 look back on the time I spent there with the greatest satisfaction. 
 I believe there is no part of my conduct that I need wish to recall, 
 at least with regard to business. As to pleasure or amusement, 
 I had very little. I formed, and endeavoured to form, no con- 
 nections. I visited and was visited by nobody, French or foreigner, 
 and left Paris, after seven months' residence, without being 
 acquainted with a single family. That is singular enough. The 
 theatres formed my grand resource against the monotony of my 
 situation ; but, on the whole, I passed my time dull enough. Well, 
 
io6 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 if ever I return, I will make myself amends. I am now like the 
 Turkish spy, " who passed forty-five years at Paris without being 
 known or suspected!' I dare say Mr. Pitt knew I was there, as close 
 as I kept ; if he did, it was by no fault or indiscretion of mine. It 
 is singular enough that, having passed my time in a manner so 
 monotonous, and not leaving behind me a single person whom, on 
 the score of personal regard, I had reason to regret, I yet quit 
 Paris with something like reluctance. But I made that remark 
 before. Allons ! I am now afloat again : let us see what will 
 come of this voyage. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 FRENCH HELP FOR IRELAND. 
 
 September 18th, igth. On the road — no adventures. Passed the 
 second day through the country of the Chouans ; it is delicious ; as 
 well wooded as New Jersey, of which it often put me in mind. 
 The second night, for we travelled night and day, "/ear fell upon 
 me" How if the Chouans were to stop the mail, as they have 
 sometimes done ? Looked at my sabre and pistols, and was con- 
 soled. Determined to die hard in case of a battle ; for I knew 
 there was no quarter with those brigands. Luckily, all quiet. Did 
 not see a single Chouan. Huzza ! — Travelling a bad business. I 
 hate it. Never made a tour completely to my satisfaction but with 
 P. P. He is, indeed, an agreeable companion in a post-chaise : I 
 wish he were beside me in the mail instead of this beast of a 
 courier. Well, we may meet yet, and so " 'Tis hit in vain" &c. 
 
 September 20th. At three this morning arrived at Rennes, having 
 passed three nights agreeably without sleep. " A hundred and 
 twenty miles in thirty-four hours is pretty smart riding, but nothing 
 to tlie fatigue of recruiting" I do not think that quotation any 
 great things myself, but let it pass. " Well, now I am in Ar den ; 
 the more fool I ; when I was at home I was in a better place" Went 
 to bed, and slept like a dragon till eleven. Rose and sent for my 
 adjoint, Mac Sheehy, who has been here some days. He tells me 
 all is going on, as he believes, prosperously. General Hoche is 
 gone out fishing, and does not return till night. I am glad Hoche 
 is a fisherman, because I am one myself. Wrote a note to let him 
 know I am arrived, and gave it to Mac Sheehy to deliver. Dined 
 alone, deliciously, and drank a bottle of excellent claret, with 
 divers patriotic and constitutional toasts. Thought of P. P. and 
 
 107 
 
108 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. [1796. 
 
 my dearest love a thousand times. I am as pleased as Punch to 
 find myself in quarters at last. " Good apartments, Jack? Went 
 in the evening to the Comedie : bitter bad I The piece was, to my 
 great surprise, Addison's Drummer, very tolerably translated ; and 
 I was glad to see the French enjoy it extremely, especially Mr. 
 Vellum. I remember Vellum used to be P. P.'s " grand cheval de 
 bataille," and furnished him with divers inimitable quotations. 
 " The gift is twofold" and " A thundering dog." I delight to recall 
 the nonsense that P. P. and I have vented together ; and I would 
 this night gladly give one-half of the contents of my purse — which, 
 indeed, to speak candidly, is no enormous sum — for the pleasure of 
 his company. "Ah! these were fine times, Mr. Rigmaroll I''' Well, 
 I do love the dog dearly, that is the truth of it. I am tired now, so 
 I will go to bed, and try to recover the arrears of sleep which are 
 due to me. 
 
 September 2 1st. Called on General Hoche, and sat with him for 
 about a quarter of an hour ; very civil, but no news as yet. I am 
 to be for some time Mr. Smith, an American. He asked me about 
 Duckett, who is here, it seems. I said I neither knew nor intended 
 to know him, and mentioned his prating at Paris to all his acquaint- 
 ance about his influence with General Clarke, and with Hoche him- 
 self. So now, if Hoche puts any confidence in this fellow, at least 
 it is not my fault. Hoche spoke obscurely, as if there were some- 
 body here who knew and wished to see me ; but I did not press 
 him for an explanation, and he did not offer it. A few days may 
 show more. Called on Colonel Shee, uncle to General Clarke, who 
 is here. He tells me he was stopped on this side of Laval, at two 
 o'clock in the day, by seven Chouans, who robbed him of every 
 article of his property, except a box of papers relating to our busi- 
 ness, which he was bringing to Hoche, and which escaped their 
 search, as it were by miracle. It was most fortunate ! This was 
 but a few days since ; so I have had a good escape. I doubt if I 
 should be able, single-handed, to conquer seven Chouans, armed 
 with firelocks, as he tells me his lovers were. They offered him 
 no personal injury, and he has learned since that the favour was 
 not intended for him, but for a Commissary, who was expected to 
 
^T. 33.] 
 
 AT RENNES. 
 
 pass, with money to pay the troops. Dined at headquarters with 
 the staff, Hoche, Hedouville, Mermet, &c. All very slovenly and 
 unsoldier-like, but nobody minds a dirty plate or thing of that kind 
 here. A la guerre, comme a la guerre, as the French say. 
 
 September 2.2nd. This being the first Vendemiaire, and of 
 course the first day of the fifth year of the French Republic, one, 
 indivisible, and imperishable, we had a grand review of the troops 
 in the Champ de Mars, with horse-racing, &c,, and speeches from 
 the constituted authorities. After the review I met Hoche. He 
 asked me, " Did I hear the cannonade ? " I said I did. " Aye," 
 said he, " you will soon hear enough of that." I answered, " The 
 sooner the better." In the evening at the Comedie, to see a new 
 piece, written by Privat, one of Hoche's aides-de-camp, on the 
 termination of the war in La Vendee, in which he introduced some 
 apposite and well-timed compliments to the General and the 
 Republic. The characters were filled by the young men of the 
 Etat-Major, and it went off very well. The theatre was free for 
 the ladies of the town, and, after the play, there was a grand ball 
 at the Hotel de Ville, given by Hoche, for which I had a ticket ; 
 but unluckily I was not well, so instead of going to the ball, I 
 came home and went to bed, which was a pity ; for, 
 
 " With my hat so well cock'd, and my hair so well curl'd, 
 I look'd like a man of the very first world." 
 
 I believe that quotation is not correct ; but no matter, it is as good 
 as one of P. P.'s quotations, at any rate. 
 
 September 2yd. At work all the morning with Colonel Shee 
 making an analysis of the distribution of the troops actually in 
 Ireland. The General called in, and sat with us half an hour. 
 Dined as usual with the Etat-Major. I am now, to all intents, one 
 of the family, and I like it of all things. (Sings) " How merrily 
 we live that soldiers be," &c. I have got rooms at headquarters, 
 and moved my kit accordingly. We are all lodged in the palace 
 of the ci-devant Bishop of Rennes, a superb mansion, but not much 
 the better of the Revolution. The chapel, for example, is converted 
 into a stable ; and divers other changes of a like nature have taken 
 
110 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 place. I do not know but I sleep to-night in his lordship's bed- 
 chamber. Colonel Shee asked me to-day did I know Duckett ? I 
 said to him, as I had said to Hoche, that I neither knew him nor 
 desired to know him, for that I believed him to be a blackguard. 
 Shee answered, it was exactly his own intention ; that Duckett had 
 made two or three sets at him, but that he had always avoided 
 him. He added that Duckett had told several people that he 
 was sent here by the committee of nine, who manage the affairs 
 of the Catholics, as their Plenipotentiary. The impudence of this 
 last stroke did, to be sure, astonish me. I answered that Duckett 
 was a scoundrel, and if he were to tell so outrageous a lie in my 
 presence, that I would knock him down on the spot. I also 
 besought him to put Hoche on his guard, particularly as to this 
 last story, offering, at the same time, to confront him before the 
 General, and compel him to tell the truth. Shee answered, that 
 was unnecessary ; for that he was sure Hoche saw through him 
 completely. But I am not yet satisfied ; and I believe I will take 
 an opportunity myself to set this matter on its right footing. 
 Damn the impudence of the rascal ! My brother Ambassador ! 
 Marry come up, indeed ! I'll Duckett him, the scoundrel, if I can 
 catch him fairly in my grip. 
 
 September 24th. Walked with Colonel Shee in the garden. He 
 tells me that Hoche has selected the elite of the Army of the 
 Ocean, which consisted of 117,000 men, for our expedition; that 
 the arms and everything were ready, and that we are waiting only 
 on the marine. He also spoke as if in a fortnight or more we 
 might put ourselves in motion ; but I did not press him for specific 
 information. The season is slipping away fast through our fingers. 
 However, I believe they are doing their bast. 
 
 September 2$t/i. Walked as usual in the garden with Col. Shee. 
 I turned the discourse upon my own situation, and that which I 
 had filled in Ireland. Shee told me that both the Executive 
 Directory and General Hoche were perfectly satisfied as to who 
 and what I was, through a channel which he was not at liberty to 
 inform me of, but that I might be perfectly easy on the score of 
 my credit. I answered that I was extremely glad they had satisfied 
 
MT. 33. 
 
 ACTIVITY OF HO CHE. 
 
 in 
 
 themselves as to my veracity, and that I dreaded no investigation 
 or scrutiny into my character or principles. I added that I was the 
 better pleased at this, inasmuch as I did not know but I might appear 
 to them in the same light with that scoundrel Duckett who is here. 
 He assured me again that they were perfectly assured that I had 
 said nothing of myself but the strict truth. He added that he had 
 spoken to Hoche about Duckett, and that Hoche said he would 
 send him back to Paris instantly, but that he desired to keep the 
 fellow here until the last moment, and then despatch him. I was 
 very glad to hear this, because I disliked exceedingly the idea of 
 such a rascally adventurer thrusting himself into our business. 
 However, he is now, I believe, sufficiently known, and of course 
 can do no mischief. We then spoke in general of our expedition, 
 which is delayed entirely by the marine. The General sets off 
 to-morrow for Brest to hurry them ; and as he has extraordinary 
 powers, I am in hope that he will work Messieitres les Commissaires. 
 I collect from Shee's discourse that we will have 1,000 cavalry 
 ready to mount, but the Irish must find horses. I do not yet know 
 the number of our infantry. At dinner, Privat, one of Hoche's 
 aides-de-camp, and author of the piece which was played the other 
 night, told me that Hoche and he were private soldiers in the 
 Gardes Francaises, and were made corporals together on the same 
 day. He also told me that Hoche's coup de sabre was received in 
 a duel with a fellow-soldier. 
 
 September 26th. The General set off this morning for Brest. I 
 hope in God he may hurry those fellows. I dread the equinoctial 
 gales passing over and finding us unprepared. By Shee's discourse 
 I fancy it is intended that we shall make a race for it Happy-go- 
 lucky in that case. I was in hopes the Spanish fleet would have 
 joined us at Brest, but he tells me they are returned to Cadiz, after 
 escorting Richery to some unknown latitude. Damn their foolish 
 souls, they will be beaten, and the French also in detail ; whereas, 
 if they were instantly to join, their united fleets in the Channel 
 would be stronger than anything England could for some time 
 oppose to them, and a week would be sufficient for our business. 
 If they let this occasion escape them, as I fear they will, they need 
 
112 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 never expect to meet such another. I am in the horrors to-day. 
 Well, let us see what Hoche's expedition will produce. He will be 
 absent five or six days. Brest is 180 miles from this. Time, 
 time ! At all events, for me the die is cast, and I am utterly 
 desperate as to the event. Come what come may ; I have done, 
 and am doing my duty ; and if I fall I fall. I have not on that 
 score the smallest burthen on my mind. A short time now must, 
 I think, put me at least out of uncertainty ; and I am sure that the 
 worst that can befall cannot be much more painful than the state 
 of suspense and anxiety in which I have so long languished. 
 Once again " courage" Let us see what Hoche will say on his 
 return. 
 
 September 27th. The report is that Thomas Grenville is at Paris, 
 with some proposition for peace. I do not mind it ; it is a fetch of 
 Pitt's, if it be at all true that he is there. Besides, Colonel Shee 
 has letters to-day from General Clarke, which make no mention of 
 his arrival, but assure us that everything is going on as fast as 
 possible. As fast as possible is, however, too slow for my im- 
 patience. My life hangs terribly on my hands. After all, however, 
 I had rather stagnate at Rennes than at Paris. 
 
 September 28th, 29///, $ot/i. Blank. 
 
 October 1st, 2nd. Blank ! Blank ! 
 
 October yd. The Journal des Defenseurs de la Patrie, published 
 under the authority of the Directory, gives the lie, this day, to the 
 arrival of Thomas Grenville. I did not much mind the report at 
 the time, but I am much pleased with the spirit of the contradic- 
 tion, which is by an official note. The Directory seems fully bent 
 on humbling the pride of England, and lay down as a principle, 
 that the peace to which they will consent must be one which will 
 ravish from her her maritime preponderance, restore the liberty of 
 the ocean, give a spring to the Spanish, Dutch, and French marine, 
 and carry to the highest degree of prosperity the industry and 
 commerce of these nations, whom England has regarded as rivals 
 and enemies, when they would no longer submit to be dupes. If 
 the Directory act up with firmness to those principles, and if Spain 
 be not utterly besotted, I think it impossible but England must be 
 
AT. 33.] 
 
 "A HORRIBLE MODE OF WAR: 
 
 "3 
 
 reduced within her proper and natural limits ; the first step to 
 which, be it ever kept in mind, is the independence of Ireland. 
 
 October 4t/i, $t/i. I find great amusement in chatting with Colonel 
 Shee, who is a very agreeable old man, and has served as a good 
 officer of cavalry now thirty-six years. He told me last night, as I 
 was sitting with him, that General Clarke had written to him that 
 he might have full confidence in me ; nevertheless, he does not tell 
 me much, if indeed he knows much himself ; that, however, gives 
 me very little concern. I shall learn everything time enough. I 
 collect, however, that it is resolved, if possible, to turn in a gang of 
 six or seven thousand desperadoes into England, who will live at 
 free quarters, and commit all manner of devastation. If this takes 
 effect it will embarrass her extremely. She has never yet seen the 
 smoke of an enemy's fire ; and I always remember that 5,000 ragged, 
 half-starved Highlanders forced their way to 100 miles distance of 
 London, and might, perhaps, have achieved what remained if the 
 Pretender had not been a poltroon. It is, to be sure, a horrible 
 mode of making war, but England showed the way, by disgorging 
 so many hordes of emigrants into France, and the enormities which 
 have been committed in consequence, in this country, are such as 
 to justify France in adopting any means of revenge ; it is, in a word, 
 but strict retaliation. I am curious to see how England will relish 
 a war of Chouans in her own bowels. Colonel Shee and I were 
 employed yesterday in digesting and arranging different routes 
 from the several harbours, where we might land, to Dublin. I find 
 him very reasonable. We agreed that our first object was to get 
 ashore anywhere, and of course the nearest port to Brest was the 
 best, as we could make any shift when we were once landed, our 
 army being composed of veterans, who have been in service in La 
 Vendee for years, and are steeled against every hardship, having 
 been well used to dispense with clothes, shoes, or even bread at 
 times. Supposing, however, we had a port to choose, we agreed it 
 should be Belfast, or, at least, as near Belfast as possible ; if not, 
 Waterford, or that neighbourhood. The distance from Dublin is 
 pretty nearly equal. We calculated, however, for, I believe, a dozen 
 different landing places round the coast. He tells me Hoche has 
 
 vol. 11. o 
 
114 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 a great magazine of clothing, which he took from the British, at 
 the time of his famous victory at Quiberon ; that is literally " tant 
 de pris sur l'ennemi." We talked a good deal of my affairs. I 
 observed that, supposing our expedition was, by any unforseen 
 accident, prevented, I was a little anxious as to what the Directory 
 might determine with regard to me ; that I had almost utterly 
 ruined myself, partly in their service ; that since I came to France 
 I had subsisted entirely on my own means, having drawn nothing 
 from the Republic but my pay, which he knew was not sufficient to 
 pay my washerwoman ; that, on my journey and during my stay 
 in Rennes, I had not drawn even my pay ; nor did I intend it, as 
 it was to my own country I looked for indemnification, in case we 
 ever got there ; but I again observed, if our expedition did not take 
 place, I could hardly suppose the Directory would suffer me to be 
 utterly ruined, which must be the case if I were not retained in 
 their service. Shee answered that he had not the shadow of doubt 
 but in that case I would be employed, as he did not think the 
 Directory capable of acting dishonourably by a man who had such 
 strong claims on them ; and he added, that he was satisfied General 
 Clarke would take effectual measures in my behalf. This was a 
 considerable relief to my mind, on account of my wife and our dear 
 little babies. We then began to build Chateaux en Irlande, as 
 magnificent as any in Spain. Shee told me he had some notion, in 
 case we succeeded, of selling what property he had in France and 
 settling in Ireland. I answered, I, for one, should be heartily glad 
 of it ; and indeed I spoke but the truth. I added, that we should 
 have occasion for his talents, and especially for his long experience 
 as a military man, in arranging our army, and in that case I hoped 
 we should find for him a situation which might recompense him for 
 the services he should have rendered, and the sacrifice he made in 
 quitting his family, and exposing his health, which is not very 
 firm, and his person, to the fatigues of a voyage and the perils of a 
 winter campaign. As he seemed very much to relish this discourse, 
 I took the opportunity to throw in a word or two on my own 
 situation and expectations. I reminded him that hitherto I had 
 drawn nothing either from France or Ireland ; but, on the contrary, 
 
MT. 33.] LOOKING FORWARD. 115 
 
 had sacrificed time, labour, person, and property in the common 
 cause of both countries ; that I had no doubt, if we succeeded, of 
 being amply recompensed ; nevertheless, that the more attention 
 was shown to me by the French Government, and by the General, 
 on our arrival, the greater services it would be in my power to 
 render to France, to Ireland, and to our friends embarked in the 
 expedition. That I believed he knew my zeal and affection for the 
 cause of the Republic, as well as my gratitude to the Directory ; and 
 I left him to consider whether, in framing our government in Ireland, 
 it might not be desirable for France to have, in an efficient station, a 
 man on whose principles and attachment she might safely count — a 
 circumstance which might be materially forwarded and most prob- 
 ably secured by the attention on the part of the General, to which 
 I alluded ; an attention which both Catholics and Dissenters would 
 consider as shown to themselves, much more than to me personally, 
 as I could have no claim upon it, other than as I stood in the 
 capacity of their agent, and possessing, as I would venture to say I 
 did possess, their confidence. Shee heard me with great attention, 
 and said he saw clearly the advantages resulting from what I pro- 
 posed ; that everything I said was perfectly reasonable, and he was 
 satisfied the General would see it in the same light, and regulate 
 his conduct accordingly. I desired him to think of all I had said, 
 and that we would resume the subject once more before our 
 departure. 
 
 October 6th, yth. I like old Colonel Shee more and more ; his 
 conversation is my sole resource against the ennui which devours 
 me. He was Secretary to the late Duke of Orleans, for whose 
 memory he cherishes the sincerest regard. He has amused me 
 these two days with an infinity of anecdotes relating to that un- 
 fortunate Prince, who, I almost begin to believe, has been most 
 grossly calumniated by all parties in the Revolution. The zeal 
 and affection which Shee manifests for the honour of a man who 
 can no longer serve or prejudice him, is at least a strong proof of 
 the goodness of his own character. It is highly interesting to see 
 the earnestness and warmth with which he labours to impress me 
 with a good opinion of the Duke, and, indeed, from his reports, I 
 
n6 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 am satisfied, not only of his innocence as to the accusation on which 
 he was guillotined, but as to his general character as a man of 
 honour, courage, and probity. I think I see that he has been the 
 victim of a double cabal, of the court, and of the Jacobins. Mais 
 parlous d'autre chose. General Hedouville showed the Colonel to- 
 day a letter from Hoche, wherein he says that he is moving heaven 
 and earth to get things in readiness at Brest, and that he hopes in 
 three weeks we may be getting aboard. The marine agents are 
 scoundrels, and there is a scarcity of seamen, but orders have been 
 this day expedited to all the military commanders along the coast, 
 to make diligent search, secure, and send on to Brest all seafaring 
 persons, and there is a reward of six livres a-head to the soldiers 
 for all they can find, which will sharpen them up to the business. 
 It will be November before we arrive, if we are so fortunate as to 
 arrive at all. Of course we shall have, in that case, a winter cam- 
 paign of it. No matter, we are better able to stand it than those 
 who will be opposed to us. The country gentlemen of Ireland, 
 with their warm feather beds, their beef and claret, will make, I 
 think, no great figure before our grenadiers, who have been seasoned 
 these four years to all manner of hardships and privations, in this 
 execrable war of La Vendee, which Hoche has had the glory of 
 terminating. "Damn it; we're all militia captains, and who's 
 afraid of death ? " I have written out about thirty Irish airs for 
 the band of my regiment, if I am to have one, which I doubt a 
 little, whereby I must insense Hoche on his return, because " when 
 both house and lands are spent, then learning is most excellent." 
 Good! good — hold I I meant abo?ninable ! That is a vile quotation, 
 to tell the God's truth of the matter. 
 
 October 8th. I must change my apartment to-morrow to make 
 room for General Debelle, brother-in-law to Hoche, who is just 
 arrived. A la bonne heure. " They talk of further alterations, which 
 causes many speculations? My quotations latterly are as pert and 
 as stupid as you please, but how can I quote when I am in this 
 horrible suspense ? 
 
 October gth to 12th. The General returned last night at 
 eight o'clock, having been absent since the 26th of last month 
 
AT- 33-1 
 
 "AH RESTS IN DUBLIN. 
 
 117 
 
 Colonel Shee saw him this morning for a quarter of an hour ; he 
 tells me Hoche is bent on going, coilte que cotite, and that everything 
 is ready but seamen, whom he has given orders to press all along 
 the coast, as far as Bordeaux. Oh ! that we were aboard ! Oh ! 
 that we were aboard ! or rather, indeed, that we were ashore, after 
 being aboard. " / 'gin to be weary of the sun." He told Hoche 
 that we had prepared divers routes during his absence, and took 
 that opportunity to speak of me, and I suppose he was pleased to 
 say something handsome, but what it was, of course I did not 
 inquire. I see an article in a French paper that thirty persons have 
 been arrested in Dublin for high treason. Who can they be ? Are 
 any of my friends of the number ? for there are no names mentioned. 
 I hope in God we shall be in Ireland time enough to liberate them, 
 be they who they may. I think General Hoche will be pretty 
 security for their appearance, and I fancy that even my own bail 
 would not in this case be refused. Colonel Shee and I have been 
 reading over the American Ordonnance, and making our observa- 
 tions on it. If we arrive safe I will propose adopting it, with a few 
 necessary alterations. It is excellent, for an army that must be 
 made in a hurry, being clear and concise. 
 
 October i$t/i, 14th. The General set off, unexpectedly, for Paris, 
 this day at twelve o'clock. It seems, on his visit to Brest, he had 
 reason to be discontented with the administration of the marine ; 
 however, they promised him fair, and he returned to Rennes, 
 leaving orders with a confidential person to let him know how they 
 were going on. This person has written him word that since his 
 departure all the preparations are slackened, and, in consequence, 
 he has set off in a rage for Paris, and I trust will return in a few 
 days with full powers to cashier a parcel of those scoundrelly agents 
 of the marine. I have written, by Colonel Shee's desire, a short 
 address to the peasantry of Ireland, explaining to them the great 
 benefits which the Revolution has procured to the peasantry of 
 France. This he has translated into French, and gave the copy to 
 the General to read on his way to Paris. I see by two English 
 papers of the 13th and 14th of last month, that they are importing 
 daily large quantities of arms, ammunition, and artillery into 
 
n8 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 Ireland. I am glad of it, for divers reasons. It is also said they 
 are going to restore the fortifications of Derry, and to mount one 
 hundred pieces of artillery on the walls. This I take to be a 
 rhodomontade, for I cannot see to what end they should fortify 
 Derry. I wish we were once in Ireland, and we would make short 
 work with their fortifications. These eternal delays kill me ; but 
 then Hoche is a man of the greatest activity, and he is embarked, 
 body and soul, in this business. I am sure he is as earnest to the 
 full, as I am myself, and that is a great comfort to me. I suppose 
 he will be about a fortnight absent. 
 
 October 15th, 16th. The General returned, unexpectedly, this 
 morning at nine o'clock. It seems he met a courier on the road 
 with despatches, which rendered his trip to Paris unnecessary. 
 Colonel Shee tells me to-day that it was intended, after landing 
 us, to despatch the fleet with three thousand men to the East 
 Indies ; but, in consequence of a mutiny at the Mauritius, that 
 scheme is given up, and we are to keep both ships and men. I 
 mentioned to him a report I had heard, that we were waiting for 
 cannoniers from the army of Sambre et Meuse, which I thought 
 very odd if it were true ; he assured me it was no such thing ; we 
 have already three companies of cannoniers, and, in short, every- 
 thing ready except the seamen, to procure whom the most positive 
 and pressing orders have been given by the Minister of Marine and 
 Directory. He told me also that perhaps about the time of our 
 landing I would hear of some combustion in England, and that 
 he hoped, before we had done, we might pay John Bull a visit. 
 According to my laudable custom, I did not ask him to explain 
 what this combustion was to be. It will, probably, explain itself 
 time enough. 
 
 October ijth. Our expedition, as well as the life of the General, 
 has had a most providential escape. Last night, between nine and 
 ten, as he was returning from the Comedie, with General Debelle, 
 and Hedouville, a ruffian, who was posted at a corner, fired a pistol 
 at him, within five or six yards, which fortunately missed, and the 
 villain instantly ran off, but was stopped by two of the aides-de- 
 camp, who happened to come that way, before he had run one 
 
^T. 33.] ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION OF HOCHE. 119 
 
 hundred yards. The pistol was likewise found where he had 
 dropped it. On his being seized and examined, he confessed that 
 he was hired by a person, whom he described, to assassinate 
 General Hoche, and was to have fifty louis for his reward. He 
 threw himself on his knees before Hoche, who behaved incom- 
 parably well, and desired him to rise, as no man should kneel to 
 him, and tell the whole truth ; assuring him that he had not him- 
 self the least resentment against him. The fellow then repeated 
 his story exactly, and the two aides-de-camp set out with a guard 
 in quest of the other villain, whom they found in bed, and brought 
 to headquarters. A magistrate being sent for, the two were 
 confronted, and the latter denying everything, they were both, 
 after a long examination, committed to prison. It seems the 
 fellow who fired the shot is a workman employed in the arsenal, the 
 other is lately from Paris, and says he is a horse dealer ; in order 
 to induce the former to commit the murder, he told him that he 
 was a Royalist, and that it was for the King's service to assassinate 
 Hoche, which, together with the promise of fifty louis, determined 
 him. The name of the former is Moreau, and of the latter 
 Teyssierd. Nothing could be better than the General's behaviour 
 through all this affair. For my part I do not see what the Royalists 
 could promise themselves from his death ; at the same time it is 
 beyond all doubt that this villain, Teyssierd, has come down from 
 Paris expressly to have him assassinated. I do not at all suspect 
 the English of assassination, but certainly, at this moment, they 
 are much more interested in Hoche's death than that miserable 
 Louis XVIII. In short, I know not what to think of the motives 
 of this abominable affair ; a few days may probably explain it 
 further. 
 
 October In consequence of the affair of yesterday a search 
 
 was made in the lodgings of Teyssierd, and a case of pistols, two 
 fusils, and three air guns, were found, the two last articles buried 
 in the garden ; there were also among his papers the directions of 
 several persons in Paris and London. I should be sorry, much as I 
 detest the English nation, to suspect them of such vile and horrible 
 means of effectuating their purposes, as that of assassination ; yet 
 
120 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 they have already done several things in this war as bad, at 
 Quiberon, and elsewhere. I am very much afraid the English 
 Cabinet is implicated in this infernal business, and more so as the 
 General received notice a few days since, from the Minister of 
 Justice at Paris, to be on his guard, as an attempt was intended to 
 be made on his life by some English agents. Hoche is entirely 
 too careless of his person, which, as he is circumstanced, though 
 it may be very magnanimous, is not very wise. He was out till 
 past ten o'clock last night. Chatted a good deal to-day with 
 Colonel Shee, who is my only companion here, and whose conver- 
 sation I find extremely amusing and instructive. He tells me he 
 expects we shall soon set off now ; that the General has no con- 
 fidence in the marine, but is determined, if we fall in with the 
 English fleet, that fight they shall, for, as the military will be at 
 least two to one on board, he will give it out in general orders that 
 the first man, officer or seaman, of whatever rank, that offers to 
 flinch, shall be instantly shot on the quarter-deck. That is stout 
 of Hoche, or, as P. P. would say, " manly and decided." I had 
 rather, however, that our valour was tried on terra firma, for I am 
 of opinion with the Turks, u that God has given the sea to the 
 infidels, and the land to the true believers? A sea fight is our pis 
 aller ; nevertheless, if it must be, it must. Those damned Spaniards ! 
 why are they not this moment in Brest water ? They have mortally 
 offended the English by escorting Richery out of Cadiz, and now 
 they are temporising with half measures, which are always miser- 
 able policy ; whereas, if they joined us instantly, we could strike 
 our blow in security, and the navy of England, or I am utterly 
 deceived, would be no longer formidable either to France or Spain. 
 I wish I was at the head of the Spanish Cabinet for one month. 
 Shee told me a good story to-day. The English had lodged fifty 
 louis to pay the printer here for a copy of the proclamation, which 
 they foresaw Hoche would publish, wheresoever he was bound. He 
 got wind of this, and, by Shee's advice, prepared a proclamation 
 for the Portuguese, and then began to search with great secrecy 
 and diligence among the priests, for some one who understood 
 Portuguese, in order to have it translated. (It was a pity Mr. 
 
MT. 33.] 
 
 DECEIVING THE ENEMY. 
 
 121 
 
 Fitzsimons, of whose talents for the Portuguese I have already 
 made honourable mention, was not here.) Having thus spread the 
 report among these knaves, he sent off Shee privately to Angiers, 
 where there is a printer on whom he has reliance, and caused the 
 proclamation to be printed there, taking every possible precaution 
 that not a copy should escape. It was very well imagined of 
 Colonel Shee, and I have no doubt but those rascally priests will 
 take care the story of the Portuguese proclamation shall find its 
 way to England. All fair ! All fair ! We talked a little of my 
 affairs, and Colonel Shee, after saying handsome things of my 
 services, assured me he would take care, if we arrived safe in 
 Ireland, to state very fully, when and where it might be necessary, 
 of what important consequence my exertions in France had been, 
 &c. He spoke with great friendship and regard, and I have no 
 doubt his representations may be of material use to me. I do not 
 think there is anything wrong or like intrigue in all this. Have I 
 not sacrificed everything to the cause ? and have I not rendered some 
 service, and I may say essential service, to my country ? I assured 
 Colonel Shee, in return, that if ever I found myself in a situation 
 which might enable me, he should see the sense I entertained of 
 his kindness for me. There the matter rested, and there I will let 
 it rest. 
 
 October igik Since my arrival here I have not had the least 
 communication with the General ; we have scarcely even spoken 
 at meals when we met, and I began in consequence to grow a little 
 uneasy at it ; for as there are two Irishmen here, Mac Sheehy and 
 Duckett, besides myself, and as the first is a blockhead and the 
 last a scoundrel, I did not exactly know whether the General 
 might not lump us all off together, in forming his opinion. I 
 therefore hinted remotely to Colonel Shee, yesterday, my uneasi- 
 ness at the great reserve of the General towards me, and in 
 consequence of what I said, which was indeed but very little, he 
 spoke to him of it at dinner. The General assured him that he by 
 no means confounded me with the two others ; but observed, which 
 is the fact, that if he was to mark me by any particular attention, 
 it would be immediately observed, and set people on making 
 
122 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 inquiries, which would be very inconvenient, as it was absolutely- 
 necessary that I should remain incognito as much as possible ; he 
 added that, in time and place, I should see how he wished to treat 
 me. This has satisfied me entirely. Colonel Shee also told me 
 that it was a long time a moot point whether our expedition should 
 be undertaken or not, as the Minister of the Marine, Truguet, was 
 very much wedded to a scheme he had for India ; but that at last, 
 with considerable difficulty, General Clarke had managed it so that 
 our affair had the precedence. If we yet get to Ireland it will be 
 worth fifty of Truguet's schemes. {At night) I have mentioned 
 above what the General said yesterday with regard to me. To-day, 
 after dinner, he took Colonel Shee aside and repeated his reasons 
 for not being more attentive to me, which he begged of him to 
 explain to me. Colonel Shee told him he had done so, and that I 
 was perfectly easy on that score. The General then told him he 
 had appointed me to the rank of Adjutant-General, which will give 
 me, as a military man, very great advantages ; and he added that 
 one reason which kept him under restraint as to me, was the pre- 
 sence of that rascal Duckett, who had written him an impertinent 
 letter, and whom he intended to cashier next morning. He added 
 many other civilities, to which Colonel Shee made the proper 
 acknowledgments on my part. Certainly nothing can be handsomer 
 than this conduct of the General. I am heartily glad, for divers 
 reasons, that he is resolved to send Mr. Duckett to wander. Colonel 
 Shee then told me that he expects we will set off in four or five 
 days, and that he had requested of the General that we might 
 travel together, and that the General had given orders to his aide- 
 de-camp, Poitou, to that effect. The General has likewise read my 
 address to the peasantry of Ireland, which he entirely approves ; 
 so all, as to me at least, is going on as well as I could desire. 
 Huzza ! I am an Adjutant-General ! Well, to be sure, but it is 
 droll ! Shall I make a good officer ? Why not ? " It is a life I 
 have desired ; I will thrive." We read the King's speech, in which 
 he announces a desire to make peace, but I do not mind this. Shee 
 told me that, perhaps at this very hour, there was something going 
 on in England which would embarrass them not a little, and that 
 
^T. 33.] 
 
 ADJUTANT-GENERAL. 
 
 123 
 
 we might perchance hear of it in four or five days. This is at 
 least the third time that he has spoken to me darkly on that sub- 
 ject ; but I make it a rule never to press him for explanations. We 
 talked over the plan of an address to the people at large, in Ireland, 
 inciting them to establish their independence, to be published on 
 our landing ; and I sat down beside him, and wrote a few pages to 
 begin. I think I will make it a flaming production ; but I am 
 tired now, it is late, and so I will go to bed. I am a pretty fellow 
 to be an Adjutant-General ! " Mr. Klinker — Floyd, I would say, 
 hi, hi, hi, — / suppose you are too great a man to acknowledge yo7tr old 
 acquaintance, ho, ho, ho." Well, that is a vile stupid quotation, to 
 tell the truth of it, but a soldier is not obliged to quote like a 
 pedant, " with their Novids, and Omars, and Blutracks, and stuff. 
 By Gad, they don't signify this pinch of snuff!' " Damn Homo, with 
 all my Jieart, I am, sure I have the marks of him sticking on my 
 
 a yet." Oh Lord ! Oh Lord ! witty quotations for an 
 
 Adjutant-General. 
 
 October 20th. This day received my orders to set out for Brest 
 the day after to-morrow, being the 1st Brumaire. Huzza ! Huzza ! 
 I am to travel in General Debelle's carriage, with Hoche's cousin 
 and Privat, his aide-de-camp. Settled all my affairs at Rennes 
 instantly, and hove short. I am ready at a minute's warning. I 
 have been hard at work to-day on my pamphlet, which is scurrilous 
 enough. Colonel Shee translates it as I go on, for the inspection 
 of the General, and I like it better in his French than in my own 
 English. I think it will do tolerably well when it is finished. 
 
 October 21st. Last night I met the General in the Gallery alone. 
 He immediately came up to me and asked me had I occasion for 
 anything before my departure ? I thanked him and replied I 
 had not. He then continued, " Because if you have, I desire 
 you will apply to me, as to your friend, without any reserve." I 
 again thanked him, and said that if I was under any necessity 
 I would avail myself of his permission, but that at present I was 
 not. He then said, " I am not a man to make professions, but 
 I beg you will, on all occasions, look upon me as your friend 
 and treat me accordingly." I thanked him for the third time 
 
124 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 and so we shook hands and parted. It was very civil of him, and 
 I desired Colonel Shee to let him know again how sensible I was 
 of his kindness. 
 
 October 22nd. Set out from Rennes, on my way to Brest, with 
 Privat and Marie Hoche. Travelled very agreeably through a 
 beautiful country covered with wood, the very seat of Chouannerie. 
 The farms beautiful ; the towns, for the names whereof I refer 
 to the map, mean, and the villages abominable. England far 
 beyond France in that respect, but very inferior in all the other 
 beauties of a landscape. Halted at Montauban. Our whole 
 caravan amounts to eighteen officers, mostly of the Etat-Major. 
 Supped very pleasantly. A furious penury of beds. Privat and 
 I, to show a good example, lay rough on a mattress on the floor. 
 Lay awake half the night, laughing and making execrable puns. 
 We were not much crowded, there being only nine of us in one 
 small room. I like this life of all things. There is a gaiety and 
 a carelessness about military men which interests me infinitely. 
 We mess together. I pay nothing, as the General gave orders to 
 that effect to his cousin, and also, as Marie Hoche told me, to treat 
 me with all possible attention and respect ; all which is highly 
 agreeable. Once again, I like all this mightily ! 
 
 October 2^rd. As yesterday. Halted at Broon, where we slept. 
 Mess pleasant as usual, and good accommodations at the Auberge. 
 Two very fine lads of the name of Dalton, nephews of Colonel 
 Shee, and sons of an Irish officer, are of our party, and are par- 
 ticularly civil and attentive to me ; for which, if we reach our 
 destination, I will be civil and attentive to them. I like them both, 
 James and Alexander, very much. I wish they could speak English, 
 which they do but very imperfectly. 
 
 October 24th. Halted at Lamballe. I can see a very great 
 difference in the behaviour of my companions since we set out. 
 Whilst we were at Rennes nobody was uncivil, but nobody was 
 attentive to me ; now the case is different. I am placed in the 
 seat of honour, lodged single and in the best chamber, whilst 
 the rest are obliged to fag. I hope I need not to say that I give 
 myself no airs on all this ; on the contrary, I endeavour to 
 
JET. 33.] ARREST OF RUSSELL AND NELLSON. 
 
 125 
 
 recommend myself as much as possible by a very modest and 
 guarded behaviour, and have the pleasure to see that my discretion, 
 in that respect, does not pass unnoticed. The alteration in the 
 behaviour of my comrades is so striking that I think it worth 
 mentioning here, and I believe they like me as well as I like 
 them. It is peculiarly incumbent on a foreigner in the French 
 service to be delicate on all points ; and I am at least sensible of 
 what I ought to do, whether or not I am able to execute it. I like 
 the French more and more ; their very foibles, of which they have 
 plenty, amuse me, whilst the singularities of an Englishman are 
 almost always offensive. 
 
 October 2^th to 2%th. As usual. Halted at St. Brieux, Guin- 
 camp, where we remained one day to repose. Belle Isle en terre 
 and Morlaix. At Morlaix dined with General Harty, an Irish- 
 man, in the service of the Republic. 
 
 October 29th. This morning, before we set out, General Harty 
 sent for me, and showed me an English paper that he had just 
 borrowed — the Morning Post, of September 24th — in which was 
 an article copied from the Northern Star of the 16th precedent, 
 By this unfortunate article I see that what I have long expected 
 with the greatest anxiety is come to pass. My dear friends, 
 Russell and Sam Neilson, were arrested for high treason on that 
 day, together with Rowley Osborne, Haslitt, and a person, whom 
 I do not know, of the name of Shanaghan. The persons who 
 arrested them were the Marquis of Downshire, the Earl of West- 
 meath, and Lord Londonderry, together with that most infamous 
 of all scoundrels, John Pollock. 1 It is impossible to conceive the 
 effect this heavy misfortune has upon my mind. If we are not in 
 Ireland time enough to extricate them, they are gone ; for the 
 Government will move heaven, earth, and hell to ensure their 
 condemnation. Good God ! If they fall, where shall I find two 
 such men to replace them ? My poor friend Russell, with whom 
 I have spent the happiest hours of my life, and whom I love with 
 the affection of a brother, a man who would, I know, sacrifice 
 
 1 [Clerk of the Crown for Leinster ; a disreputable character. For particulars 
 about him, see Mr. Fitzpatrick's " Secret Service under Pitt," p. 363. — Ed.] 
 
126 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 his life for me or my family if it were necessary ; and Neilson, 
 an honest, a brave, and worthy fellow, a good Irishman, a good 
 Republican : both of them men who have rendered such essential 
 service to their country. My heart smites me now for the levity 
 with which I have spoken of my poor Russell in those memo- 
 randums under the name of P. R Well, that levity exists no 
 longer ; it is time now to think of other matters. I will not 
 expend myself here in empty menaces, which as yet I have not 
 the means to execute. God, I hope, has not so totally deserted 
 me but I may yet arrive in time to deliver my friends. If, to my 
 unspeakable loss, I should arrive too late to rescue, at least I shall 
 be able to revenge them, and, in that case, "woe to their per- 
 secutors ! " I see that they have behaved in a manner worthy 
 of themselves, and of the cause to which I fear they will fall 
 victims. Neilson and Russell surrendered themselves voluntarily. 
 Wm. Sampson 1 acted with the greatest spirit, and particularly 
 insulted Lord Westmeath, that contemptible cuckold, two or three 
 times, in the grossest manner. This most unfortunate of all events 
 brings to my mind the death of my poor friend Sweetman, which 
 I shall ever regret, and the arrestation of John Keogh. With 
 regard to the latter, as I have seen the English papers pretty 
 regularly ever since, and have found no further mention of that 
 affair, I am in great hopes that he was immediately discharged, and 
 that nothing disastrous ensued. If ever I return to Ireland, God 
 only knows in what state I shall find the invaluable friends I left 
 behind me, or how many of them may be in existence. I am in 
 
 1 [William Sampson (b. 1764, d. 1836) was the son of an Ulster Protestant 
 clergyman. A barrister by profession, he gradually glided into politics, 
 becoming, ultimately, a United Irishman. He was a contributor to the Northern 
 Star, and acted as counsel for the prisoners in some of the political prosecutions 
 of the time. Marked for arrest in 1798, he fled to England, but was there 
 captured and sent back to Dublin. After some months' imprisonment he was 
 released on condition of leaving the country. Retiring at first to the Continent, 
 he finally (in 1 806) settled in New York, practising at the Bar, and devoting leisure 
 moments to literature. He edited an edition of " Curran's Life by his Son,' : 
 and Taylor's "Civil Wars of Ireland." He also wrote his own " Memoirs" and 
 a book on the "Catholic Question in America." His daughter married Tone's 
 son. — Ed.] 
 
-«T. 33-] 
 
 AT BREST. 
 
 127 
 
 unspeakable distress at this moment, the more as I can do nothing 
 for their relief. I will go to Hoche the moment I reach Brest, and 
 acquaint him with this unfortunate event, but, as to him, that is 
 unnecessary, for I am sure he is doing his very best to hurry things 
 forward. Good God ! If I am so unhappy as to arrive too late, 
 what shall I do ? I cannot bear to think of it. If they conduct 
 themselves well, they may postpone their trial for a considerable 
 time, and in that case we may yet save them. It is but forty- 
 five days since they were arrested. But if, to my unspeakable 
 misfortune, that should not happen, my only consolation is the 
 hope of revenge. Once again, I will not indulge in premature 
 threatenings. If I arrive, and arrive too late, we shall see what is 
 fit to be done. 
 
 October 2,0th. After halting last night at Landerneau, arrived 
 this day at one o'clock at Brest, having been just ten days on the 
 road. Ran immediately to find the General, but he was gone out. 
 Called on Colonel Shee, and informed him of the situation of our 
 friends. He tells me if they manage to delay a little, he is in 
 hopes we may arrive time enough to deliver them. God Almighty 
 send ! He tells me a relation of his, a general officer in the 
 service of the Republic, who was sent by the Executive Directory 
 into Ireland about four months since, is just arrived, and will 
 probably be in Brest in about five or six days. He will of course 
 bring us authentic intelligence of the state of the country. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PREPARING TO EMBARK. 
 
 November ist, 2nd. I have been hard at work ever since my 
 arrival, on an address to the Irish people, which is to be printed 
 here and distributed on our landing. I have hardly time to eat, 
 but I do not work with pleasure from the reflection which recurs to 
 me every instant, that the men whose approbation I could most 
 covet, are, perhaps, at this moment on trial for their lives. Well, 
 let me, if possible, not think of that longer. I have not yet seen 
 the General. Colonel Shee tells me that General Quantin has 
 been despatched from Flushing with 2,000 of the greatest repro- 
 bates in the French army to land in England and do as much 
 mischief as possible, and that we have 3,000 of the same stamp, 
 whom we are also to disgorge on the English coast. It is a horrible 
 mode of making war, and such as nothing can possibly justify but 
 the manner in which England has persecuted the Republic. Much 
 as I detest the inhumanity of punishing the inhabitants of a 
 country for the crimes of their rulers, I cannot blame the French 
 when I recollect the treachery of England at Toulon, or the miseries 
 which she has caused in that part of the Republic through which 
 I have just passed, on her false assignats and counterfeit louis, but 
 especially on her most atrocious and unheard-of system of starving 
 the whole French people, a measure so abominable, and which 
 produced such dreadful suffering and misery in France, as justifies 
 any measures of retaliation, however terrible. The English 
 Ambassador is arrived at Paris ; Spain has at length declared 
 war against England, and begun, it is said, by taking a man- 
 of-war of 56 guns. Damn them ! why are they not to-day in 
 
 128 
 
^T. 33-] 
 
 A STARTLING RUMOUR. 
 
 129 
 
 Brest waters ? Corsica is evacuated by the British, so all goes on 
 pretty well. 
 
 Evening. I have just read, in the Monitenr, the memorial given 
 in by Lord Malmesbury, the English Plenipotentiary in Paris, 
 the memoir of Charles De la Croix, and the reply of the Directory, 
 which is admirable. I have not time to abstract them, but the 
 negotiation is at an end for the present. I never thought anything 
 would come of it, for I did not believe Pitt serious ; and apparently 
 the Directory is of the same opinion, for it is on that principle they 
 have framed their answer. My Lord Malmesbury may now go 
 back, if he pleases. I am curious to know the result of Quantin's 
 expedition, which, I presume, is the business of which Colonel 
 Shee spoke to me indirectly two or three times. I had rather 
 it had followed than preceded ours; for if they commit, as doubtless 
 they will, great enormities, it may alienate people's minds against 
 us who will make no distinction between one corps of French 
 troops and another. The Spaniards are parading in the Medi- 
 terranean, to assist us in taking Corsica, after the English have 
 evacuated it. This fashion of making war puts me in mind of the 
 London Aldermen fox-hunting. I have worked this day like a 
 horse, and I am as stupid to-night as a horse, and in wretched low 
 spirits ; every hour that passes is like an age to my impatience ; I 
 do not even sleep. 
 
 November ^rd. At work at my pamphlet. 
 
 November 4th. This morning on the parade I met Poitou, the 
 General's first aide-de-camp, who whispered me that, by a vessel 
 from Liverpool, which was brought in yesterday, intelligence was 
 received that the revolution was effected in Ireland ; that the 
 people were up in arms, and had seized the arsenal in Dublin and 
 driven 10,000 English troops, being all that were in the country, 
 back to England. I was not a little astonished at this piece of 
 news, and ran off immediately to Mr. Shee, who confirmed it to 
 me, adding that they had found thirty thousand stand of arms in 
 the arsenal ; that the news was certain, and that the General had 
 written off to the Directory last night for positive orders to sail, on 
 the return of the courier, with what force was ready, without waiting 
 
 vol. 11. 10 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 for the remainder. He told me, further, that he expected every 
 moment the captain of the prize, in order to examine him, in which 
 he desired my assistance, as the General had written to Joyeuse, 
 the Admiral, to have him sent up. All this I found very circum- 
 stantial, yet I felt I know not what presentiment that it would turn 
 out at least an exaggeration of the fact. On leaving Mr. Shee, I 
 met the General himself, who embraced me after the manner of the 
 French, kissing me on both cheeks, and wishing me joy of the 
 event. I returned shortly after to Colonel Shee, whom I acquainted 
 with my doubts as to the extent of this report, and mentioned the 
 anecdote of a Liverpool captain, who seeing the Dublin Volunteers 
 parade, on this very day, in the year 1779, with their cannon, and 
 their Colonel, the Duke of Leinster, at their head, immediately ran 
 down to his ship in a fright, set sail for England, and, on his land- 
 ing, swore before the Mayor of Liverpool, that all Ireland was up 
 in arms, and that he had seen the Duke of Leinster proclaimed 
 King, in College Green, which he himself certainly believed. 
 Colonel Shee seemed a little taken back with this anecdote ; how- 
 ever, he told me he had great hopes the present news was true, for 
 that, to his knowledge, 15,000 stand of arms had been lately 
 introduced into Ireland. I asked him was he sure of that, as I did 
 not see where money could be got to purchase them without com- 
 municating with so many people as must infallibly lead to a discovery 
 of the affair. He replied they were purchased by one person, 
 who was wealthy, who knew me, and whom I knew, and that in 
 time and place I should learn who he was. I said that satisfied me. 
 In the meantime I cannot form the least conjecture who this person 
 is: 15,000 stand of arms would cost .£30,000, and I do not see 
 amongst my acquaintance a man who is at once able and willing to 
 advance such a sum. Well, no matter who it is. At last the 
 author of our intelligence arrived, with two other seamen, taken 
 on their way from Newfoundland, about the same time, eight or 
 nine days ago. A council was immediately held, consisting of the 
 General, the Admiral, Colonel Shee, and myself. Our informer 
 said he was an American ; that he sailed from Liverpool on a 
 Wednesday ; that before his departure news came by the packet 
 
^ET. 33.] 
 
 SPINNING A YARN. 
 
 131 
 
 that all Ireland was up for a Republic ; that the Liberty Boys, and 
 the Weavers were up, and the Clearday Men, and that he had seen 
 10,000 English troops embark at Liverpool, three or four days 
 before he left it, in order to quell the insurrection. This was 
 the sum of his information ; he added, that after they were taken 
 by the French they had fallen in with two fleets : one he judged 
 might be of twenty sail, and in the other he counted twelve sail of 
 line-of-battle ships, and that he heard there was a third fleet below 
 again. I was not disappointed in finding the news turn out so 
 different from what it was at first reported, supposing even what the 
 fellow said to be true, which it certainly was not, for in the first 
 place he set out with a lie in saying he was an American, for he 
 was a Scotchman, with a broad accent. He could not tell the day 
 of the month that he sailed, nor the burthen of his vessel. The 
 10,000 troops he spoke of turned out to be one regiment of Scotch, 
 one regiment of Welsh, and a regiment of Irish, who were embarked, 
 as he said, in four large vessels and five or six brigs. Altogether 
 he lied, and prevaricated so much that I do not pay the least 
 attention to his story ; so there is an end of the insurrection. I 
 am, however, heartily glad of this event, for I hope it will produce 
 positive orders from the Directory to sail immediately. Dined 
 at headquarters in state, with the Admirals and several Captains 
 of the fleet, and the staff of the army — a grand affair. This dinner 
 is to manifest to the public that there is a perfect harmony between 
 the land and sea service, which I am very sorry to see is far from 
 being the case. Sat late at dinner, and after dinner retired to 
 Colonel Shee's room with the General, the Admiral, General Debelle, 
 and Colonel Shee. I did not come in for some time after the 
 others, and on my entry found Hoche pressing Joyeuse extremely 
 to be ready for the expedition, and Joyeuse starting every possible 
 difficulty, particularly on the score of the transports. Hoche then 
 said he would go with the men-of-war only, crowding as many men 
 aboard as they could carry. Joyeuse then came down to five sail 
 of the line and five frigates, the best sailors, who might, by dint of 
 seamanship and quick sailing, escape from the English, who were, 
 he said, in waiting for them off Cape Clear, and who had also 
 
132 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 eclaireurs off Ushant, as every morning the report was that two 
 large ships and three frigates were seen there. Colonel Shee asked 
 him how many men for a short passage could he stow on the ships 
 he mentioned ; he said 600 on each of the line-of-battle ships, and 
 300 on each of the frigates. That makes in all but 4,500 men. 
 The General then said that his word was pledged to the Govern- 
 ment and to his friends in Ireland ; that the time was even elapsed 
 for which he had engaged himself, that he would go in a single 
 frigate if the Admiral could give him no more, and he pressed him 
 again and again in the strongest manner. Joyeuse still hung back, 
 and I believe he was sorry, to judge by his manner, that he had 
 spoken of even five ships of the line. At length he proposed, merely, 
 as I think, to gain time, to send out a vessel to reconnoitre, and 
 bring positive intelligence of the state of the country, and another 
 to learn the actual position of the English fleet, and upon this 
 proposal the meeting broke up. I augur the worst possible event 
 from any business in which the marine of France is concerned. 
 Joyeuse wants to prevent our expedition, in order to get out to 
 India, where there is more money to be made, and, in consequence, 
 is throwing every difficulty in our way. Attempts are even made 
 to set the soldiers and seamen by the ears, but the General is 
 determined to shoot the very first who fight upon the spot. 
 There has been one duel already between Rapatelle, 1 an officer of 
 the Etat-Major, and a Lieutenant of the navy, in which the former 
 was victorious, having wounded his adversary in two places. From 
 all this I see, first, that if we arrive at all, which is at this moment 
 very doubtful, we shall not arrive in force. No matter. With 5,000 
 men our artillerie legere, and Hoche, I have no doubt of success. 
 Would to Heaven we were, even with that force, on the Cave Hill 
 this fine morning ; I would soon have my dear and unfortunate 
 friends out of jeopardy. I see, likewise, that there is no mention 
 whatsoever of the Spanish fleet. Damn them ! They are now 
 parading in the Mediterranean. To be sure, the folly of that is 
 beyond all human endurance. The General told me last night 
 
 1 Note by Tone's Son. — The same who accompanied Moreau in 1813, and 
 in whose arms he died. He was my father's Adjoint in this expedition. 
 
MT. 33 . A FAVOURITE WITH HOCHE. 133 
 
 that by this there were five or six thousand French in England 
 playing " le diable a quatre." I suppose he spoke of Ouantin's 
 expedition. This has been an eventful day. I have spent it with 
 celebrated men, and who will make hereafter a figure in history, 
 and yet, God knows I am, at this moment, far from being satisfied. 
 Hoche is behaving incomparably, but for the Admiral — well, 
 " what can't be cured must be endured? Let us see what the 
 Directory will say to us. 
 
 November 5th. At work at my pamphlet. I have no stomach 
 to that business. I dine every day with the General, by his orders, 
 which is the greater favour, as there are never more than five or 
 six of us : himself, his brother-in-law, General Debelle, Marie 
 Hoche, Col. Shee, Poitou, and myself. 
 
 November 6th. Chatting with Col. Shee. I am in great hopes 
 from something he said, that we shall turn out Villaret Joyeuse 
 and get an admiral of our own choosing ; perhaps, in that case, 
 we may get out. I asked him whether, when the General said 
 that his word was pledged to his friends in Ireland, he spoke 
 really the fact, or said it merely to spur on the Admiral. Mr. 
 Shee assured me that Hoche had both seen and spoken with 
 some of the leaders in Ireland. 1 So here are two plots running 
 on at one and the same time, mine and theirs, whoever they are ; 
 no matter for that. I am not afraid of our interfering, for our 
 object is, I see, precisely the same, and I am even better pleased 
 to have those invisible co-operators, as it divides the responsibility, 
 and does not leave anything resting on my single assertion. I 
 asked Col. Shee, supposing we gave up the transports, how 
 many men could we carry in the men-of-war ? He said in 
 twelve sail of the line we could carry 6,000, and in ten frigates 
 we might have 2,500 ; so I see our armament is to be of that 
 force. He added, however, that we must not give up the trans- 
 ports, as with them we could land with 20,000, which would 
 settle the business without bloodshed. I answered that if it 
 were possible, it would undoubtedly be best, and referred him 
 to my memorials for proof; that it was my own opinion, never- 
 
 1 Arthur O'Connor. 
 
134 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796- 
 
 theless, if the bringing transports would endanger the success 
 of the entire business, I thought it best to secure the men-of- 
 war, supposing they could carry but 5,000 men, instead of 8,500, 
 which he had calculated, as with that force we should be able 
 to fight it out. He replied he hoped we would have the 
 transports also, and so it rested. For my part, under present 
 circumstances, I would prefer the men-of-war with 6,000 or 7,000 
 men, and with that force to begin with I should have no doubt 
 of success ; however, the business is in better hands. Colonel 
 Shee then told me that the General wished to find somebody 
 who would go directly to Ireland, as he had a safe American 
 who would sail at a minute's warning, and also bring back the 
 person who might go, and he was very desirous of intelligence 
 of the state of the country at this moment. I mentioned 
 Mac Sheehy, and he immediately went for the General, who came, 
 and we agreed that if Mac Sheehy had no objection, he should be 
 despatched to-morrow. I went immediately and found Mac Sheehy, 
 to whom I opened the business, as from myself, and he agreed 
 without difficulty to go if the General desired it. I informed 
 the General of his assent, at dinner, and he desired me to thank 
 him in his name, and desire him to hold himself in readiness 
 for to-morrow, which I did accordingly, and to-morrow we shall 
 see what are his instructions. Mac Sheehy has behaved very well 
 in this business. 
 
 November jlh. The General has been out on a boating party 
 all day, until six o'clock in the evening. On his return he 
 desired me to find Mac Sheehy, which I did accordingly, and he 
 told him that he must sail that night, as everything was ready, 
 and gave him verbal instructions, which in my mind were very 
 insufficient, and it is the first time I have had reason to find fault 
 with Hoche. He desired him to go to such persons as I should 
 name, and learn from them as much as he could, on the actual 
 state of the country at this moment, the temper of the people, 
 the number and disposition of the troops, whether the French 
 were expected or desired, and if so in what part particularly. 
 I asked him was Mac Sheehy to tell them nothing in return ? He 
 
JET- 330 
 
 A MESSAGE TO IRELAND. 
 
 135 
 
 said he must go into no particulars, but tell them, in general, 
 that the dispositions of France were highly favourable to Ireland, 
 and that both Government and people were anxious for their 
 emancipation. He then gave Mac Sheehy twenty louis, and we 
 parted. I brought Mac Sheehy to my lodgings, and made him 
 change his dress from head to foot, equipping him with shirts, 
 boots, stockings, waistcoats, coat and cloak, all either Irish, or 
 made after the Irish fashion. I then gave him the address of 
 Oliver Bond and Richard McCormick. I desired him to call on 
 the former first, and tell him he came from me at Brest, and, 
 to satisfy Bond, I desired him to tell him that when Jackson 
 was seized, and Hamilton Rowan and Dr. Reynolds escaped, he 
 advised me to do the same, and offered me money for that 
 purpose, if I wanted it. For McCormick, I desired him to tell 
 him that a few days before I left Dublin for America, I took 
 him alone into his garden, and acquainted him with my plan of 
 pushing on, if possible, for France, and that I had also, about 
 the middle of December last, written to him by my brother from 
 Philadelphia, acquainting him with my progress. That I think 
 will satisfy them that he has seen me. I desired him, in addition 
 to the General's orders, to tell them that he had known me in 
 Paris for some time ; that I was now at Brest ; that I had the 
 rank of Adjutant-General in the army of the Republic, and that 
 I was in good repute with the General and Government. I desired 
 him further to say that an expedition was in great forwardness 
 at Brest ; that I had read some months back with great concern 
 an account in a London paper of the arrestation of John Keogh, 
 and within these few days, a second account of the arrestation 
 of Sam. Neilson, Russell, and my other friends at Belfast ; 
 that I would, on my part, move heaven and earth to procure 
 their deliverance, and that I particularly recommended and 
 entreated of them to profit of every possible delay which the 
 forms of the law could give, in order to postpone their trial, 
 and I desired him to press this particularly, as I had the strongest 
 hopes that in a short time we should be there to rescue them ; 
 finally, I desired him to collect as many newspapers as he could, 
 
136 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 for three or four months back, particularly the Northern Star, 
 which Bond would furnish him with, as being agent for that 
 paper in Dublin. I then walked with him down to the quay, 
 where I saw him join the Captain, who was in waiting, it being eight 
 o'clock, and a fine moonlight night. If they have good weather 
 and fair wind, they may be easily in Dublin in four days ; two 
 days will suffice for Mac Sheehy's business, and four to return, 
 makes ten ; however, I will allow a fortnight, and attend the 
 expiration of that term with the utmost impatience. In this 
 business I chose Bond, from his honesty and his close connection 
 with Belfast, and McCormick for a thousand reasons, especially 
 his being secretary to the Catholics, and his perfect knowledge 
 of the state of the public mind in Dublin. I hope Mac Sheehy 
 will acquit himself well ; he has not much to do, and I encouraged 
 him as much as I could. Here is a fortnight now dead loss ! 
 Damn it for me ! I had like to forget an odd circumstance. The 
 General desired Mac Sheehy to learn particularly who were the 
 members in the new Parliament for the county Derry. I ob- 
 served the new Parliament would not be called until next year. 
 The General then said, " Well, learn who are the candidates ; 
 and for Derry, remember, not Kerry." I did not, for my part, 
 understand this. In my mind, it is of mighty little importance 
 who are either members or candidates for one place or the other ; 
 perhaps Hoche has a mind to set up himself. Seriously, I do 
 not see the drift of his question at all. Well, I will even leave it, 
 as I always do in similar cases, to explain itself, for " Quod stipra 
 nos, nil ad nos." 
 
 November 8t/i. Grimel, the merchant who procured the 
 American vessel for the General, tells me that Mac Sheehy was 
 off last night by half-past nine, so that business so far goes on 
 well. 
 
 November gt/i. This day a young man was brought to head- 
 quarters, who had been taken on board an American, bound 
 from Limerick to Portugal. His name is Barry St. Leger ; he 
 is an Irishman by birth, but has been bred at Charleston, S. 
 C, where his father is a man of property. He left Limerick 
 
JET. 33.] IRELAND EXPECTING THE FRENCH. 
 
 137 
 
 the 14th of October, and the account he gives is perfectly satisfac- 
 tory ; a great part of it I know myself to be true. He says that 
 everybody in Ireland expects the French ; that the gentry are 
 making preparations to receive them ; that every magistrate is 
 raising twenty men, who are to preserve the peace in place of 
 the militia, should these last be ordered to the coast ; but he 
 adds also, what I very well believe, that it is universally supposed 
 that the militia would join the French immediately, and that a 
 great majority of them are even sworn to do so ; that every 
 day persons are arrested, and that just before his departure he 
 heard that J. Bagwell, M.P. for the county Tipperaiy, had been 
 taken up, and a Lord Dosforth, as he pronounced it, in the county 
 Armagh. For this last circumstance he must be mistaken. 
 There is Lord Gosford, 1 Governor of that county ; but he, I am 
 sure, is far from being an enemy to the Government. I rather 
 suppose he is head of the Peep-o'-Day-Boys, and in that case so 
 much the worse for him if we arrive. The result of this young 
 man's account is, that Ireland is in a state of the highest fermen- 
 tation, and that nothing but our presence is wanting to settle 
 the affair at a blow. He spoke very rationally, and, in con- 
 sequence, I begged of the General to have him released from 
 prison, so that he has now the liberty of the town. There is 
 another remarkable circumstance. The officers of the navy are 
 continually talking of the fleets that England has in the Channel, 
 and that lying Scotch rascal, whom we examined the other day, 
 said that l.e saw three (two with his eyes, and the third, I suppose, 
 by the second sight). Now St. Leger, in coming from Limerick 
 to Brest, has necessarily made the entire tour of the South of 
 Ireland, the very station where the English fleet must necessarily 
 be, and he saw nothing. The privateer that took him, on the 
 22nd of October, sounded the night before under Cape Clear, and 
 he saw nothing. The two English sailors whom we examined 
 with the Scotchman, and who came at the same time, and 
 nearly in the same track, saw nothing, and almost every day 
 
 ■ [Tone was mistaken ; Lord Gosford condemned the proceedings of the 
 Peep-o'-Day-Boys.— Ed.] 
 
138 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796- 
 
 prizes arrive and enter Brest without meeting a single vessel. 
 Now, if the English be in force in the Channel, how can all this 
 possibly happen ? And if they be not, what precious time are 
 we losing here, and my poor friends in peril of their lives ! 
 Well, well ! I am half mad with vexation at these eternal 
 delays. 
 
 November lot/i. Saw the Legion Noire reviewed ; about 1,800 
 men. They are the banditti intended for England, and sad black- 
 guards they are. They put me strongly in mind of the Green-boys 
 of Dublin. 
 
 November wth. Blank. 
 
 November 12th. Examined, at Mr. Shee's apartment, an Ameri- 
 can captain, who is only five or six days from London. He gives 
 us no great encouragement. His account is that Sir J. Jervis is 
 off Ushant, as he heard, with eleven or twelve sail of the line, and 
 he, himself, coming down channel, fell in with three different little 
 squadrons, two of four ships and one of three, which were standing 
 to the westward under easy sail, and were going, as he supposed, 
 to join Admiral Jervis. If that be so, they will keep us here as 
 long as they please, for, when united, they will make twenty-two 
 sail of the line, and our expedition is but twelve. In that case our 
 only chance is to wait for the first hard gale of wind which may 
 blow them off the coast, and then make a run for it. 
 
 November 13///. Went, by order of the General, among the 
 prisoners of war at Pontanezen, near Brest, and offered their 
 liberty to as many as were willing to serve aboard the French fleet. 
 Sixty accepted the offer, of whom fifty were Irish. I made them 
 drink heartily before they left the prison, and they were mustered 
 and sent aboard the same evening. I never saw the national cha- 
 racter stronger marked than in the careless gaiety of those poor 
 fellows. Half naked and half starved as I found them, the moment 
 that they saw the wine before them all their cares were forgotten ; 
 the instant I made the proposal, they accepted it without hesitation ; 
 the Englishmen balanced, and several of them asked, in the true 
 style of their country, " What would I give them ? " It is but 
 justice to others of them to observe that they said nothing should 
 
,£T. 33.] RECRUITS. 139 
 
 ever tempt them to fight against their King and country. I told 
 them they were perfectly at liberty to make their choice, as I put no 
 constraint on any man. In the event, of about one hundred English, 
 ten men and boys offered themselves, and, of about sixty Irish, 
 fifty, as I have observed ; not one Scotchman, though there were 
 several in the prison. When I called for the wine my English 
 recruits begged for something to eat at the same time, which I 
 ordered for them. Poor Pat never thought of eating, but when his 
 head was a little warm with the wine, he was very urgent to be 
 permitted to go amongst the Englishmen and flog those who 
 refused to enter, which, of course, I prevented, though with some 
 little difficulty. " Arrah, blood an' 'ounds, Captain dear, won't you 
 let me have one knock at the blackguards ? " I thought myself on 
 Ormond Quay once more. Oh, if we once arrive safe on the other 
 side, what soldiers we will make of our poor fellows ! They all 
 said they hoped I was going with them, wherever it was. I 
 answered that I did not desire one man to go where I was not 
 ready to show the way, and they replied with three cheers. It is to 
 be observed that I never mentioned the object of the expedition ; 
 they entered the service merely from the adventurous spirit of the 
 nation and their hatred of the English, without any idea that they 
 had a chance of seeing Ireland again. 
 
 November 14th to 18th. I have made no memorandums these 
 four or five days, for several reasons, one of which was that I 
 had nothing material to insert, and another, that I have been 
 indisposed with a slight cold in my head, which has made me 
 more stupid than ordinary. Yesterday, as all the world is begin- 
 ning to embark and arrange themselves, I desired Colonel Shee to 
 tell the General that my wish was to serve with the grenadiers on 
 the advanced guard, unless he had occasion for me about his person. 
 Mr. Shee replied that the offer did credit to my zeal, but he must 
 see who commanded the grenadiers, that I might not find myself 
 placed under an inferior officer. I answered that they were com- 
 manded by my friend Gatine, an Adjutant- General ; that, at any 
 rate, my wish was to serve in the post of honour, where I could 
 most improve myself, and that, as to the etiquette of rank, we could 
 
140 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 soon settle that, as I was willing to join as a Volunteer. Mr. Shee 
 promised to speak to the General, which he did last night. The 
 General told him his intention was to keep me in his family, and 
 that I should embark in the same vessel with himself {La 
 Fraternite, a frigate). I am very glad of that, and I should be very 
 glad also to serve with the grenadiers, but I cannot be in two 
 places at once, " without I was a bird." Col. Shee told me the 
 General was very well pleased with my offer. Barry St. Leger, the 
 young fellow whom we examined a few days ago, has very 
 spiritedly desired to come with us as a Volunteer, and I have, by 
 means of Mr. Shee, fixed him in the General's own guards ; they 
 are a most noble company of grenadiers, commanded by Capt. 
 Bloom, a German, as are almost all the privates, and have distin- 
 guished themselves singularly in La Vendee. Bloom has promised 
 me to take care of St. Leger, and I hope he will do well. If I had 
 Mat and Arthur here now, I could fix them both. Well, if we get 
 safe to the other side, I shall perhaps be able to do it there. We 
 will see. To-day I took occasion to disburthen my mind on the 
 state of our expedition to Col. Shee. I told him the Spanish fleet 
 was, as we knew officially, in Toulon, where, it was true, they might 
 annoy the English commerce in the Mediterranean, which was the 
 only good they could do, now that Corsica was restored to the 
 Republic. That, instead of mitching in that idle manner at 
 Toulon, they ought to be in Brest waters, which would secure 
 the success of our expedition beyond the possibility of a mis- 
 carriage, and, by that means, cripple the naval power of England 
 for ever. That it was true the French and Spanish navies have 
 never co-operated long, successfully ; nevertheless, this did not 
 apply to our case, as our operation was simple, and required 
 only a superiority in the Channel for one week, which would 
 settle the affair as well as a century ; that, divided as our naval 
 force was now, and watched as we were by the English, it 
 was hardly possible to suppose that we should reach Ireland 
 without falling in with their fleet, and that, if they were superior, or 
 even equal in numbers, I gave it as my opinion that they would 
 infallibly beat us. That all this risk might be prevented, and the 
 
MT. 33.] THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT. 141 
 
 matter reduced to absolute certainty by the co-operation of the 
 Spanish fleet, and that, consequently, their absence proved to me 
 either that the French Government had little influence in Spain, or 
 that the Spanish Government was infatuated to a degree I could 
 not conceive, and at the reflection of which I lost all temper. That 
 England would never forgive them the insult of escorting Richery 
 out of Cadiz ; that the consequence of this mode of making war, 
 in detail, would be that England would beat us first, and then send 
 a fleet into the Mediterranean, which would beat them soundly, and, 
 in this manner, destroy us separately. Finally, I said that as I 
 hoped that in the worst event they would not take us all, such as 
 escaped would push on for Ireland and make a desperate plunge 
 into the country. To all this long harangue, which I have detailed 
 here very immethodically, Col. Shee had nothing comfortable or 
 substantial to offer in reply. After heartily damning the Spaniards, 
 in which I was not behind him, he said he had reason to hope we 
 might still get over. I said I hoped it as much as he, but hardly 
 expected it. He then said we must not suffer ourselves to see 
 things in too gloomy a light. I replied that my manner of seeing 
 things should not influence my conduct, or prevent my doing my 
 duty in the action, if we were forced into one, but that, at the same 
 time, I thought it right to give him my opinion at full length before 
 our departure. The conversation then ended with a second volley 
 of imprecations from both of us, on the inconceivable madness of 
 the Spanish Government. If they do not pay dear for this system 
 which they have adopted, there is not a drop of water in Brest 
 harbour. Oh, if we had their twenty-five sail of the line, now idling 
 in Toulon (damn them sempiternally), with Richery's four or five, 
 who have got safe into Rochefort, and our own twelve, that would 
 make forty sail of the line, and then, indeed, our business would be 
 a party of pleasure. But now see how it is : the English, from the 
 best information which we can collect, are watching us, with twenty- 
 five sail of the line, in three divisions ; it is hardly possible but 
 we must fall in with one of them, and they will delay us, in spite of 
 us, until the others come up, and then they will flog us completely, 
 and give the finishing blow to the French marine ; and as for the 
 
142 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 Spaniards afterwards, they will give them no trouble. How terrible 
 to think of all this ; and, at the same time, how simply and easily 
 it might be prevented, and our common adversary humbled for 
 ever. Well, what I cannot remedy it does not signify my grieving 
 at ; but if I were King of Spain for six weeks I think I would 
 settle this affair. Damn them ! I think I could spend this whole 
 night in cursing them. One good thing, however, has happened 
 within these five days : Villaret Joyeuse, the Admiral, is cashiered, 
 and we have got another in his place. Joyeuse was giving, under- 
 hand, all possible impediment to our expedition. He made the 
 Directory believe we were at a stand for want of seamen, and, since 
 his departure, we have found out that there is more than enough ; 
 and, as the chiefs always give the ton, we find already a better spirit 
 rising in the marine. But what can we do with twelve ships ? 
 
 November igt/i to 22nd. I have been hard at work these three 
 or four days, recruiting and writing. I have picked up about 
 twenty very stout hands, which makes eighty in all, and cost me 
 five louis, which the Republic owes me. I have finished my address 
 to the Irish people, one to the militia, and one to the Irish seamen. 
 They are all in the printer's hands, and, to speak honestly, not one 
 of them is any great things. I think I have lost the little facility 
 in writing that I once had. The fact is my mind is so anxious 
 about our business that I cannot write. I do not sleep at nights. 
 The General has been ill, with a severe pain in his bowels, these 
 three days ; we were afraid at first he was poisoned, but it proved 
 to be a false alarm ; he was at the Com6die last night. 
 
 November 23rd. I cannot imagine what delays us now, unless it 
 be waiting for Richery, who is said to be coming up from Roche- 
 fort. Though I have the strongest apprehensions we shall be inter- 
 cepted by the English, still I wish we were at sea. There is nothing 
 so terrible to me as suspense ; and besides, the lives of my poor 
 friends in Ireland are in extreme peril. God send we may be in 
 time to save them, but I much fear it. Well, let me not think of 
 that. If we fall in with the English, we must fight them at close 
 quarters, and crowd our tops, poops, and quarter-deck with musketry. 
 It is our only chance, but against superior numbers that will not 
 
JET- 33.] 
 
 PATERNAL AFFECTION. 
 
 '43 
 
 do. Those infernal Spaniards ! They will pay dear for their folly ; 
 but what satisfaction is that to us ? I was thinking last night of 
 my poor little family till I was as melancholy as a cat. God knows 
 whether we shall ever meet again. If I reach Ireland in safety, and 
 anything befalls me after, I have not the least doubt but my 
 country will take care of them, and my boys will find a father in 
 every good Irishman ; but if I should happen to be killed at sea, 
 and the expedition should not succeed, I dread to think on what 
 may become of them. It is terrible ! I rely on the goodness of 
 Providence, which has often interposed to save us, on the courage 
 and prudence of my wife, and on the friendship of my brother to 
 protect them. My darling babies ! I dote on them. I feel the 
 tears gush into my eyes whenever I think on them. I repeat to 
 myself a thousand times the last words I heard from their innocent 
 little mouths. God Almighty bless and protect them. I must leave 
 this subject. I have taken a little boy, whom I found among the 
 prisoners of war, as my servant He is so young that he will not 
 be of much use to me ; but he was an orphan, and half naked. He 
 was born in Dorsetshire, and his father was an Irish Quartermaster 
 of Dragoons. He is a natural son. I have rigged him out hand- 
 somely ; and if he brushes my coat and takes care of my 
 portmanteau, with the baggage, it is all I require. His name is 
 William White. 
 
 November 2\th, 2$tk. Colonel Shee tells me to-day that he has 
 it from Bruix, one of our admirals, that we shall sail in six days. 
 Would to God it were to-night ! There is a fine steady breeze 
 blowing right out of the harbour. In six days it will be the 1st of 
 December. The 1st of January I left Sandy Hook. The 1st of 
 February I arrived at Havre, and, if we arrive safe at our destina- 
 tion, it is possible that on the 1st of January next I may be once 
 more in Dublin. Qtcanquam, oh ! General Clarke set off nine 
 days ago, at a minute's warning, for Vienna, by way of Italy. 
 That looks like peace with the Emperor; but, thank God, I see no 
 signs as yet of peace with England ; on the contrary, Lord 
 Malmesbury and my old lover, Charles De la Croix, are keeping 
 up a very snappish correspondence, which the Directory publishes 
 
144 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 regularly. I have been hard at work half this day translating 
 orders and instructions for a Colonel Tate, an American officer, 
 who offered his services, and to whom the General has given the 
 rank of Chef de Brigade, and 1,050 men of the Legion Noire, in 
 order to go on a buccaneering party into England. Excepting 
 some little errors in the locality, which, after all, may seem errors 
 to me from my own ignorance, the instructions are incomparably 
 well drawn ; they are done, or at least corrected, by the General 
 himself, and if Tate be a dashing fellow, with military talents, he 
 may play the devil in England, before he is caught. His object is 
 Liverpool, and I have some reason to think that the scheme has 
 resulted from a conversation which I had a few days since with 
 Colonel Shee, wherein I told him that if we were once settled in 
 Ireland, I thought we might make a piratical visit in that quarter, 
 and, in fact, I wish it was we that should have the credit and 
 profit of it. I should like, for example, to pay a visit to Liverpool 
 myself, with some of the gentlemen from Ormond Quay, though I 
 must say the citizens of the Legion Noire are very little behind 
 my countrymen, either in appearance or morality, which last 
 has been prodigiously cultivated by three or four campaigns in 
 Bretagne and La Vendee. A thousand of these desperadoes, 
 in their black jackets, will edify John Bull exceedingly, if they 
 get safely into Lancashire. Every day I walk for an hour alone on 
 the ramparts, and look down on the fleet which rides below. There 
 are about fifty sail of ships of war, of all sizes, of which perhaps 
 twenty are of the line. It is a most magnificent coup d'oeil, but my 
 satisfaction is always damped by two reflections : first, that my wife 
 and our darling little babies, one of whom I have never seen, and 
 perhaps may never see, are most probably at this moment on the 
 ocean, exposed to all the perils of a winter passage. The remem- 
 brance of the vessel which was wrecked last February at Havre, I 
 may say before my eyes, and of the unfortunate French woman 
 who was drowned with her two infants, shoots across my mind a 
 thousand times a day. And I lie awake, regularly, half the night, 
 listening to the wind, every puff of which makes me shudder. Oh 
 my babies ! my babies ! God Almighty will, I hope, preserve you 
 
*.T. 33-] 
 
 A TEMPESTUOUS MIND. 
 
 145 
 
 and your mother, whatever becomes of me, I dote upon you, you 
 little things. Well, I am at work for you here, and I am going to 
 fight for you, and, if all goes well, there will not be on earth so 
 happy a being as I shall be, when I have you all once more in 
 my arms. My other reflection, which also torments me, is the 
 uncertainty of our arrival in Ireland, on account of the English 
 fleet. Sometimes I wish for a storm of five or six days, to blow 
 them off Brest ; but then I think of my poor little family, and 
 check myself directly. At other times I wish to wait for those 
 damned infernal blockheads, the Spaniards ; if we could get them 
 up from Toulon ; but then I think of my friends who are now in 
 prison, and whose lives may be sacrificed by our delay. Altogether 
 I scarcely know what to wish, and my mind is ten times more 
 troubled and tempestuous than the ocean on which I am gazing. 
 Fortunately the measure does not depend upon me. I wait my 
 orders like every one else, and, of course, I have no responsibility 
 but for my own personal conduct ; and I hope I shall acquit 
 myself at least without discredit. If I could command events, 
 and were sure that Russell and the others could afford the time, 
 what I would wish would be to delay the expedition until the 
 arrival of the Spanish fleet, which I would instantly order up 
 from Toulon ; that operation might require, at soonest, six weeks, 
 and our success would then be certain. But what signifies rr.y 
 tormenting myself about what I cannot remedy ? The Spaniards 
 won't come, and be damned to them, and we shall be beat first, and 
 they after, and the liberty of Ireland, the lives of my best friends, 
 and all my own expectations, will be all sacrificed ! Well, I do 
 not care! My mind is getting hardened now, just as it was in 
 Ireland, when I expected every day to be seized and hanged. 
 
 November 26th. To-day, by the General's orders, I have made a 
 fair copy of Colonel Tate's instructions, with some alterations, from 
 the rough draft of yesterday, particularly with regard to his first 
 destination, which is now fixed to be Bristol. If he arrives safe, 
 it will be very possible to carry it by a coup de main, in which case 
 he is to burn it to the ground. I cannot but observe here, that I 
 transcribed, with the greatest sang-froid, the orders to reduce to 
 
 VOL. 11. 11 
 
146 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 ashes the third city of the British dominions, in which there is, 
 perhaps, property to the amount of £5 ,000,000. But such a thing 
 is war ! The British burned without mercy in America ; they 
 endeavoured to starve 25,000,000 of souls in France, and, above 
 all, they are keeping, at this moment, my country in slavery, my 
 friends in prison, myself in exile. It is these considerations which 
 steel me against horrors which I should otherwise shudder to think 
 of. Yet I cannot but remark what misery the execution of the 
 orders which I have transcribed, and assisted in framing, may 
 produce, and how quietly Colonel Shee and myself sat by the fire 
 discussing how we might do the greatest possible mischief to the 
 unfortunate wretches on whom our plans are intended to operate. 
 Well, they may thank themselves ; they are accomplices with their 
 execrable Government, which has shown us the way in all those 
 direful extremities, and there is not a man of them but would 
 willingly exterminate both the French and Irish. Yet once 
 again ! The conflagration of such a city as Bristol ! It is no 
 slight affair ; thousands and thousands of families, if the attempt 
 succeeds, will be reduced to beggary. I cannot help it ! If it 
 must be, it must, and I will never blame the French for any 
 degree of misery which they may inflict on the people of England. 
 I do not think my morality or feeling is much improved by my 
 promotion to the rank of Adjutant-General. The truth is, I hate 
 the very name of England ; I hated her before my exile ; I hate 
 her since ; and I will hate her always. 
 
 November 27th, 2W1, 2gt/i. I have no memorandums to make that 
 are worth a farthing ; always writing and writing. I declare I am 
 tired of my life, or, as the French say, je iriemiuye de ma personne. 
 Yesterday, at dinner, the General was mentioning several deputies, 
 who, having been in the army before the Revolution, had profited 
 of the advantages which their situation in the legislative body gave 
 them, to promote themselves to high rank, and he added, " Well, 
 there is Carnot, of whom they say so much, both good and evil. 
 He was a Captain of Engineers before the Revolution, and he is 
 a Captain of Engineers yet." It is highly honourable to Carnot. 
 Apropos of the General : there is a charming little aristocrat, with 
 
^T. 33.] 
 
 ANGRY WITH HO CHE. 
 
 147 
 
 whom he is perfectly well, although all her relations are Chouans. 
 In all the hurry of our expedition, he contrived to steal off, and 
 spend two days and nights with her. Mr. Shee and I were in a 
 mortal fright at his absence, for, knowing where he was gone, and 
 on what business, we apprehended some of the Chouans might 
 waylay and assassinate him. When they attempted it in the 
 middle of Rennes, they might well execute it in a by-road, and, 
 if anything happened Hoche, there is an end of our business. It 
 was damned indiscreet in him, but God forbid I should be the 
 man to accuse him, for I have been buffeted myself so often by 
 the foul fiend, that it would be rather indecent of me to censure 
 him. (Sings) "'Tis woman that seduces all mankind." I do not 
 think, however (but God knows), that, under the present cir- 
 cumstances, I would have gone caterwauling for two days among 
 the Chouans. Hoche has all the right in the world (and why not ?) 
 to do as he pleases with his own life, but not to knock our expedi- 
 tion in the head. I was very angry with him, which, as I never did 
 a foolish thing myself in my life for the sake of a woman, was 
 but reasonable. It is all nonsense ; for they do what they please 
 with us, and it is in vain talking about it ; however, I hope he 
 may stop here whilst he is well. I learn to-day that the Etat- 
 Major, myself included, does not embark in the same frigate with 
 the General, and I am sorry for it, for divers excellent reasons. 
 I should be very glad to have gone with him, but if I cannot, I 
 must submit, though it vexes me confoundedly ; however, I will 
 say nothing of it, but keep my mind to myself, though I think the 
 General ought to have taken me with him. I do not know now 
 on what vessel I am to embark, and I am plaguy angry, if anybody 
 cared. Well, I must take to my old remedy, patience ; it is not the 
 first mortification I have met with in the business, and it certainly 
 will not be the last. How if I should be taken by the English, 
 for example ? Damn it for me, but I can't help myself, so let the 
 matter be. To-day the officers of the Etat- Major gave a grand 
 dinner to four or five of the Captains of the fleet ; we were about 
 twenty at dinner, and very pleasant. All the Captains seemed 
 satisfied that, with the number of soldiers we have embarked, we 
 
148 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 shall be a match for the English, but what they fear is to meet 
 them on their return, after landing us. Would to God we were 
 once landed, what difference does it make to the French ? They 
 may as well be blocked up in Cork as in Brest Harbour ; and, if we 
 get safe, that is the worst which can happen them. I cannot 
 express the anxiety of my mind on this circumstance, but I believe 
 it will be easily conceived that nothing can exceed it. Only think 
 of how deep a stake I have engaged, when one of the last con- 
 siderations is my life. Once for all : I dislike mortally the idea of 
 a sea-fight ; for, in the first place, I expect we shall be worsted, 
 and perhaps the expedition frustrated, and, in the next place, I 
 may be killed, and then my poor little babies will reap no advantage 
 from my death, whereas if it was my lot to fall after our landing, 
 I should have the consolation of being assured that my country 
 would provide for them, and I can safely say that their future 
 establishment is an object which occupies my mind at this 
 important moment much more than any concern about my per- 
 sonal safety : not that I wish at all to make the idle rhodomontade 
 of saying that I am indifferent about my life, very far from it ; I 
 wish to live and be happy with my dearest love and my friends, 
 and to educate my darling babies ; but if it should happen that I 
 should fall in the contest, at least I wish that it should be in my 
 own country. If I have my wish, I may say, in the words of my 
 poor friend Russell — 
 
 " If we meet with a privateer, or lofty man of war, 
 We will not stay to wrangle, nor to chatter, nor to jar." 
 
 Poor fellow ! His situation at this moment is one of my principal 
 concerns. I trust in God we shall, after all, be yet in time, in 
 spite of the English fleet, to rescue him and the rest of his fellow- 
 sufferers. Well, let me change the subject. Mr. Shee showed me 
 to-day the proclamation of the General, which is a great favour, as 
 the second in command, General Grouchy, has not seen it yet. I 
 need not detail the contents here, as I will take care to have a copy 
 amongst my papers. It is very incorrectly printed which is a 
 
^T. 33.] 
 
 THE ADMIRALS OF THE FLEET. 
 
 149 
 
 pity, and I found here and there some expressions which put me 
 in mind of my old friend, Captain Poitier. 
 
 November 30th. To-day Colonel Shee, who has been alarmed 
 with some symptoms of the gout, to which he is a martyr, resolved 
 to go on board the Fraternite, whilst he is yet able to move about. 
 He is near sixty, and with a broken constitution, as may well be 
 supposed after thirty-six years' service, yet he is as bold and 
 eager in the business as if he were but five-and-twenty. I went 
 aboard with him, and dined with the Admiral Morard de Galles, 
 who has succeeded Villaret Joyeuse, and two other Admirals, 
 Bouvet and Bruix. When I was about to leave him, I took him 
 aside for an instant, and told him, that, as we embarked on diffe- 
 rent vessels, I might, perhaps, not have another occasion to speak 
 to him, and therefore I availed myself of this to observe, that, as 
 it was likely we might fall in with the English, and of course have 
 an action, I had to entreat of him, in case anything should happen 
 to me, and that he got safe to Ireland, to exert himself in behalf of 
 my family, by making such a report of my services as he thought 
 just, and as they merited. He assured me, in case of any accident, 
 I might rely upon his zeal and friendship, and he requested at the 
 same time, that if a similar circumstance befell him, I would render 
 his family the same service, which I assured him, with great truth 
 and sincerity, I would not fail to do, and so we parted. I have a 
 sincere regard for him, and the very best opinion both of his zeal 
 and talents. Well, now that he is aboard, there is one step gained. 
 It seems we (the Etat-Major) embark aboard the Indomptable, 
 an 80-gun ship, and the finest vessel in the squadron ; that is some 
 comfort, however. A young Frenchman, Adjoint to Crublier, an 
 Adjutant-General, applied to me to-day to be my Adjoint, for 
 Crublier, who was a great favourite with the General, has fallen, I 
 apprehend, into some disgrace, and does not come with us. This 
 young man's name is Dorsan, but I do not know him, and he does 
 not speak English, so I told him I left all that to the General, and 
 would speak to him about it, which I did accordingly, mentioning 
 my own opinion, on which he left me at liberty to do as I pleased ; 
 so I will not take him. At night, Rapatelle, another young lad, 
 
i5o THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. [1796. 
 
 told me he was nominated to be my Adjoint, and I like him a great 
 deal better than the other ; so I told him I would take to-night to 
 consider of it, and let him know to-morrow the result. I like 
 Rapatelle well enough, but he does not speak English neither, so I 
 shall still be in a difficulty. If I had Matt here now, I could fix 
 him in a minute, Captain and Adjoint. Well, if I get to Ireland, I 
 must have aides-de-camp there, and then I will see what can be 
 done. I am now Adjutant-General, and of course I will not be 
 put back, if I am not promoted in my own country. Called in the 
 evening at Grimel's, where all the Generals generally go to play 
 cards and trictrac. General Grouchy, who is second in command, 
 got hold of me, and we had a long talk about Ireland. He begged 
 me to call to-morrow at the Printer of the Marine, and see if I 
 could not find anything geographical relating to that country, and, 
 at all events, to call on him to-morrow at eleven, which I promised 
 to do. General Cherin, Chef de l'Etat-Major, told me to-night 
 that I shall embark the day after to-morrow. So I came upstairs, 
 and packed up my trunk, and I am now at single anchor, and this 
 business will, at last, be brought to a decision. I have been in 
 France exactly ten months to-night. Well, it has not been time 
 misspent. We will see now in a few days what will come of it. 
 At all events, I have done my best. 
 
 NOTE TO CHAPTER VI. 
 
 a larmee francaise, destinee a operer la revolution 
 
 d'irlande. 
 
 Rtpublicains : Fier de vous avoir fait vaincre en plusieurs occa- 
 sions, j'ai obtenu du Gouvernement la permission de vous conduire 
 a de nouveaux succes. Vous commander, c'est etre assure du 
 triomphe. 
 
 Jaloux de rendre a la liberte un peuple digne d'elle, et mur pour 
 une revolution, le Directoire nous envoie en Irlande, a l'effet d'y 
 
jet. 33.] HOCHES PROCLAMATION. 
 
 faciliter la revolution que d'excellents Republicans viennent d'y 
 entreprendre. II sera beau pour nous, qui avons vaincu les satel- 
 lites des Rois armes contre la R^publique, de lui aider a recouvrer 
 ses droits usurpes par l'odieux Gouvernement Anglais. 
 
 Vous n'oublierez jamais, braves et fideles Ccmpagnons, que le 
 peuple, chez lequel nous allons, est l'ami de notre Patrie, que nous 
 devons le traiter comme tel, et non comme un peuple conquis. 
 
 En arrivant en Irlande, vous trouverez l'hospitalite, la fraternite ; 
 bientot des milliers de ses habitans viendront grossir nos phalanges. 
 Gardons-nous done bien de jamais traiter aucuns d'eux en ennemis. 
 Ainsi que nous, ils ont a se venger des perfides Anglais ; ces 
 derniers sont les seuls dont nous ayons a tirer une vengeance 
 £clatante. Croyez que les Irlandais ne soupirent pas moins que 
 vous apres le moment oil, de concert, nous irons a Londres rap- 
 peler, a Pitt et a ses amis, ce qu'ils ont fait contre notre liberty. 
 
 Par amiti£, par devoir, et pour l'honneur du nom Francois, vous 
 respecterez les personnes et les propri£t£s du pays ou nous allons. 
 Si, par des efforts constans, je pourvois a vos besoins, croyez que, 
 jaloux de conserver la reputation de l'Armee que j'ai l'honneur de 
 commander, je punirai severement quiconque s'ecartera de ce qu'il 
 doit a son pays. Les lauriers et la gloire seront le partage du 
 soldat r^publicain ; la mort sera le prix du viol et du pillage. 
 Vous me connoissez assez pour croire que, pour la premiere fois, je 
 ne manquerai pas a ma parole. J'ai du vous preVenir, sachez vous 
 en rappeler. 
 
 Le General, 
 
 L. Hoche. 
 
 Brest, le annee republicaine. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 BANTRY BAY EXPEDITION. 
 
 December ist, 2nd. Received my order to embark on board the 
 Indomptable of 80 guns, Captain Bedout. Packed up directly, and 
 wrote a long letter of directions to my wife, in which I detailed 
 everything I thought necessary, and advised her, in case of any- 
 thing happening me, to return to America, and settle in Georgia or 
 Carolina. I enclosed this under cover to Madgett, and, at two 
 o'clock, arrived on board. We have a most magnificent vessel. 
 To-day I command the troops, as the highest in rank, but to- 
 morrow I shall be superseded, I expect, by the arrival of the whole 
 Etat-Major. I hope in God we are about to set out at last. I see, 
 by a proclamation of the Lord Lieutenant, that the north of Ireland 
 is in a flame ; if we arrive safe, we shall not do much to extinguish 
 it. Well, we shall see. 
 
 December 3rd, ^th. As it is now pretty certain that the English 
 are in force off Ushant to the number of sixteen ships of the line 
 and ten frigates, it seems hardly possible that we can make our 
 way to Ireland without falling in with them ; and, as even the 
 most successful action must be attended with damages in our 
 masts and rigging, so that, even if victorious, which I do not 
 expect, we may yet be prevented from proceeding on the expedi- 
 tion, considering the stormy season of the year, I have been 
 devising a scheme, which, I think, in the present state of things in 
 Ireland, can hardly fail of success. It is this : that three, or at 
 most four sail of the fastest-going ships should take advantage of 
 the first favourable moment, as a dark night and a strong gale 
 from the north-east, and slip out with as many troops as they can 
 carry, including at least a company of the artillerie legere, and 
 
 152 
 
^ET. 33.] TONE PROPOSES LANDING IN ULSTER. 153 
 
 steering such a course as, though somewhat longer, should be most 
 out of the way of the English fleet ; that they should proceed 
 round the coast of Ireland, keeping a good offing for fear of 
 accidents, and land the men in the North, as near Belfast as pos- 
 sible. If we could land two thousand men in this manner, with as 
 many stand of arms as we could carry beside, I have no doubt but 
 in a week we would have possession of the entire North of Ireland, 
 and we could certainly maintain ourselves there for a considerable 
 time, against all the force which could be sent against us, the 
 consequence of which would be, first, that the whole South would be 
 disfurnished of troops, which would, of course, be sent against us ; 
 and I also am almost certain that the British fleet would directly 
 quit its station off Brest, where they have been now cruising ten 
 weeks, according to our accounts, as thinking that the mischief was 
 already done, and that they were watching the stable when the 
 steed was stolen ; in which case the main embarkation might im- 
 mediately set off, and landing in the South, put the enemy between 
 two fires, and so settle the business almost without a blow. If 
 this scheme be adopted, it is absolutely necessary that no mortal 
 should hear of it but Morard de Galles, Hoche, and Colonel Shee. 
 The reason of my wishing not to lose an instant, and likewise to 
 make the attempt with two thousand men contrary to the opinion 
 I have given elsewhere in these memorandums, is, that I have seen 
 articles within these few days in the French papers, including, 
 among others, a proclamation of the Lord Lieutenant, dated 
 November 9th, by which I see that the insurrection is ready every 
 instant to explode in the North, and that they have gone so far 
 as to break open the magazine in Belfast, and take by force ten 
 barrels of powder. I dread, in consequence, their committing 
 themselves before they are properly supported. If we were there, 
 with almost any number of troops, provided we had arms and 
 artillery, I should have no doubt of success. After deliberating 
 these two days which I have spent on board, and examining my 
 scheme in all possible lights, I went to-day at two o'clock on board 
 the Fraternity to state it to Colonel Shee, who is confined to his 
 hammock with the gout, as he expected. I explained it to him at 
 
 BOSTON co 1 1 «, 
 
 UIL, <> Mass 
 
*54 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 length, and he seemed to relish it a good deal, and, as the General 
 dines to-day on board with the Admiral, he promised he would 
 mention it to him and have his opinion. I should have observed, 
 that I begged, in case it was adopted, to be permitted to go with 
 the first embarkation. We then fixed to meet to-morrow, when he 
 will let me know the result, and so we parted. He is a noble 
 old fellow, at this time of life, and with that terrible malady, the 
 gout, to expose himself with so much spirit as he manifests on this 
 occasion. Apropos of spirit, my captain, Citizen Bedout, has 
 fought like a lion in this war ; he commanded the Tigre which was 
 taken by the English on the 27th of June, 1795, and was wounded in 
 four places before he struck to three three-deckers, which were on 
 him at once. I mentioned to Colonel Shee that if my plan was 
 adopted, I thought he should be named Commodore, which is his 
 rank, especially as the Indomptable is a remarkably fast sailing 
 ship, and he seems heartily bent on our expedition, which is far 
 from being the case with most of the marine. I must now wait till 
 to-morrow, and I hope in God my scheme may be adopted, as I 
 am sure it is our best course under the circumstances. I fear it, 
 however, the more so, as, if it succeeds, it will undoubtedly lessen 
 in some degree the eclat which would attend Hoche if he were the 
 first to land, but I hope he is above such weakness as to sacrifice 
 the success of the measure to his own reputation. We shall see. 
 To-day the Admiral has given orders that after to-morrow no one 
 will be allowed to go on shore, which is what the French call lever 
 la planche. The General sleeps aboard that night, so everything 
 now seems to "give dreadful note of preparation!' I wish, however, 
 my scheme may be adopted. I am exceedingly well off aboard, 
 and Captain Bedout is remarkably civil and attentive ; he is a 
 Canadian and speaks very good English. 
 
 December $t/i to 8t/i. The uniformity of my life, at anchor in 
 the road of Brest, does not furnish much matter for observation. 
 I saw Mr. Shee yesterday, who is still in bed with the gout. He 
 tells me that he spoke of my plan to the General, who said at once 
 it was impossible, and that he durst not take on himself the re- 
 sponsibility it would induce. His reasons are good. First, if our 
 
JET. 33.] STRENGTH OF THE FRENCH FLEET. 
 
 155 
 
 little squadron fell in with the enemy, we must, to a moral 
 certainty, be taken. Next, if we got even clear, and that the 
 remainder of the squadron fell in with the enemy and was 
 beaten, which would, most probably, be the case, the whole fault 
 would be laid on him, as having weakened the main force by the 
 detachment ; and, lastly, that from the state of our preparations, 
 being victualled and furnished but for a short period, we must 
 speedily sail, coiite que coiite, so that the advantage I proposed in 
 drawing off the English fleet would be useless, as we could not 
 afford to wait the time necessary to suffer that circumstance to 
 operate. This last is the best of his reasons, but I remain firmly 
 of opinion that my scheme is, under all the circumstances, infinitely 
 the best. If we were able to go in force, a la bonne heure ; but as we 
 are not, and as I have no expectation but that we shall be well 
 beaten, and the whole expedition miscarry, I look upon my proposal 
 as the best means to save so much out of the fire, and perhaps, with 
 the force I speak of, we might succeed, even though the main body 
 might miscarry. I say perhaps, though in fact I do not doubt it. 
 As to the General's objection on the score of the hazard, un- 
 doubtedly there is great hazard ; but, in the first place, I look upon 
 the actual hazard to be much greater on his plan, inasmuch as four 
 ships have an infinitely better chance of escaping the vigilance of 
 Admiral Gardner, who is watching us without with eighteen sail 
 of the line, than fifteen, of which our squadron consists (not 
 including frigates on either side) ; and as to fighting, they will 
 beat us as surely with our fifteen sail as with four, and the con- 
 sequence will be, of course, the failure of our expedition. In the 
 next place, as to the hazard, there is no possibility of executing so 
 great a measure as that which we have in hand without infinite 
 hazard ; and as we are undoubtedly the weaker at sea, we are to 
 choose that party which offers us the least risk, and in that respect 
 I have no doubt of the superiority of my plan. However, it is de- 
 cided otherwise, and I must submit. Our force is of fifteen sail of the 
 line, ten frigates, and seven or eight transports ; that makes upwards 
 of thirty sail, a force which can never escape the vigilance of the 
 English, unless there should come a furious storm for two or three 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 days, without remission, which would blow them up the Channel. 
 And even so, by all I can see of our preparations, we are not ready 
 to avail ourselves instantly of that circumstance, so that, in all 
 probability, if a storm were to come to our relief, the enemy would 
 have time to be back again to block us up, or at least to intercept 
 us ; besides, the elements seem to conspire against us. In the 
 memory of man there has not been known at Brest so long a 
 succession of fine weather in this season ; and we have had now 
 three weeks of favourable winds, of which, for obvious reasons, we 
 have not been able to profit. Of course, when this weather changes, 
 we must look for the wind in the opposite quarter, which is the 
 prevailing wind in winter, and will block us up as effectually as 
 the English. I am absolutely weary of my life. If the wind sets 
 in to the westward, and continues there for any time, as is highly 
 probable, the troops will get sickly and impatient, and what is 
 worse, our provisions of all sorts will be exhausted ; and so we 
 shall be obliged to give up the expedition from downright poverty. 
 Want of money is the great stumbling-block of the French Govern- 
 ment. These are sad croaking memorandums, but unfortunately 
 they are all too true. Those damned Spaniards ! Well, they will 
 lose their American colonies — that is some revenge ; and Mr. Pitt 
 may profit now of my scheme for the Sandwich Islands. I have 
 now done with my scheme, which is undoubtedly liable to the 
 objections made by the General, but when we have but a choice of 
 difficulties, what is the scheme which is without them ? We had a 
 grand exercise to-day of great guns and small arms, and both 
 troops and seamen went through their business with great activity. 
 I should like to see the same on board of an English man-of-war. 
 We did not fire, but two other ships, the Nestor and the Eole, did ; 
 it was a beautiful sight. I saw Mr. Shee for half an hour this 
 evening ; the gout had got into his left hand, and he was dread- 
 fully out of spirits, I think for the first time. He tells me the 
 General thinks the Marine are trifling with him, on purpose to gain 
 time, until the bad weather sets in, when, if it holds any time, as is 
 highly probable, our stores of all sorts will be exhausted, and the 
 business must be given up from pure necessity. This I appre- 
 
XT- 330 
 
 A REINFORCEMENT. 
 
 iS7 
 
 hended myself. He also says that Bruix, a rear-admiral, who is 
 charged with the execution of the naval department, and in whose 
 zeal the General had great confidence, has cooled exceedingly 
 within these few days — so much, that to-day, when the General 
 called on him, and was pressing him on our affair, Bruix, instead 
 of answering him, was dandling one of his little children. The 
 excuse now is that we are waiting for some charts or plans, which 
 must be washed in water-colours, and will take two days — a 
 worthy subject for delay in the present stage of the business ! 
 I begin more and more to think that we shall not get out in 
 force. It is true the General may order us out at his peril, but it 
 is a dreadful responsibility to take on himself, for if any accident 
 happened us he would have the whole Marine on his back, and, by 
 what I see of those gentlemen, I think they would rather that all 
 should fail than their prophecy not be verified ; and, by the by, it 
 is always in their power to make us miscarry, so I think it can 
 hardly be expected that Hoche will go these lengths. A man's 
 own scheme is always lovely in his eyes, but I cannot help wishing 
 that we were out safe with even four ships, according to my plan, 
 and it seems not impossible but we may come to that at length 
 Our whole business now, not to speak of the English, turns on a 
 change of the wind. In the meantime the troops keep up their 
 health and spirits, and are, at this moment, as well as possible, and 
 every evening dancing on the quarter-deck. Would to God we 
 were all in Ireland ! But when will that be ? We are thirteen 
 thousand five hundred strong. 
 
 December gth, loi/i, nth. Went ashore yesterday to take my 
 leave of Brest. Four of our frigates stood out of the goulet that 
 evening, so there are at least symptoms of movement. This 
 morning went on board the Fraternite to see Colonel Shee, and, to 
 my infinite satisfaction, saw Richery in the offing, standing in for 
 the road, where he anchored safely in an hour after. He brings 
 with him five ships of the line and two frigates, of which we shall 
 have three of the line and the crews of the two others, which are 
 foul. It is a reinforcement of the most infinite consequence to us, 
 and, perhaps, may enable us to force our way out at last. I am 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 astonished how Richery, with his squadron, has been able to elude 
 the vigilance of the English ; he must be an excellent officer, and 
 I presume we shall have him, of course, with us. The General 
 comes aboard to-day, and it is not impossible, if the weather is 
 favourable, but we may sail to-night. God send ! whatever may be 
 the event, for I am tired of this suspense. 
 
 December 12th. The Etat-Major came aboard last night; we 
 are seven in the great cabin, including a lady in boy's clothes, the 
 wife of a Commissaire, one Ragoneau. By what I see we have a 
 little army of Commissaries, who are going to Ireland to make 
 their fortunes. If we arrive safe, I think I will keep my eye a 
 little upon these gentlemen. In consequence of the arrival of 
 Richery, our squadron will be augmented with two if not three 
 ships, and the army with 1,700 men, which, with 13,400 already 
 on board, will make 15,100 — a force more than sufficient for our 
 purpose, if, as I am always obliged to add, we have the good 
 fortune to reach our destination in safety. 
 
 December 13th, 14th. To-day the signal is made to heave short 
 and be ready to put to sea ; the report is we shall make sail at 
 four o'clock. I am truly rejoiced at it. " I do agnize a natural and 
 prompt alacrity" Called on my friend Shee, who is better ; he is 
 able to-day to write a little. Recommended my wife and family 
 to his friendship and protection in case of anything happening to 
 me. He promised me heartily to exert himself in their behalf, 
 and I have no doubt he will keep his word ; so I have done all 
 that is now in my power to do. Saw Richery this morning, which 
 I am glad of, as I like to observe the countenance of men who 
 have distinguished themselves. {Evening}) Having nothing better 
 to employ me, I amuse myself scribbling these foolish memo- 
 randums. In the first place, I must remark the infinite power of 
 female society over our minds, which I see every moment exem- 
 plified in the effect which the presence of Madame Ragoneau has 
 on our manners ; not that she has any claim to respect other than 
 as she is a woman, for she is not very handsome, she has no talents, 
 and (between friends) she was originally a fille de joie at Paris. 
 Yet we are all attentive and studious to please her ; and I am 
 
•*T. 33-] 
 
 UNDER WAY. 
 
 i59 
 
 glad, in short, she is aboard, as I am satisfied she humanises us 
 not a little. General Watrin paid us a visit this evening, with the 
 band of his regiment, and I went down into the great cabin, where 
 all the officers mess, and where the music was playing. I was 
 delighted with the effect it seemed to have on them. The cabin 
 was ceiled with the firelocks intended for the expedition ; the 
 candlesticks were bayonets stuck in the table ; the officers were in 
 their jackets and bonnets de police ; some playing cards, others 
 singing to the music, others conversing, and all in the highest 
 spirits. Once again I was delighted with the scene. At length 
 Watrin and his band went off, and as it was a beautiful moonlight 
 night, the effect of the music on the water, diminishing as they 
 receded from our vessel, was delicious. We are still at anchor — 
 bad ! bad ! 
 
 December l$th. At 11 o'clock this morning the signal was made 
 to heave short, and I believe we are now going to sail in down- 
 right earnest. There is a signal also at the point for four sail of 
 enemies in the offing. It is most delicious weather, and the sun is 
 as warm and as bright as in the month of May — " / hope" as 
 Lord George Brilliant says, " he may not shine through somebody 
 presently." We are all in high spirits, and the troops are as gay as 
 if they were going to a ball. With our 15,000, or more correctly, 
 l Z>975 men, I would not have the least doubt of our beating 30,000 
 of such as will be opposed to us ; that is to say, if we reach our 
 destination. The signal is now flying to get under way, so one 
 way or other the affair will be at last brought to a decision, and 
 God knows how sincerely I rejoice at it. The wind is right aft, 
 huzza ! At one we got under way, and stood out of the gozdet 
 until three, when we cast anchor by signal in the Bay de Camaret, 
 having made about three leagues. Our ship, I think, would beat 
 the whole fleet ; we passed, with easy sail, a frigate, La Sur- 
 veillante, under her top-gallant sails, and nothing was able to 
 come near us. We are now riding at single anchor, and I hope 
 we shall set off to-morrow. 
 
 December \6th. At 12 to-day the Fougueux, a 74, ran foul of us, 
 but we parted without any damage on either side. When we were 
 
i6o 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 as close as possible, with the muzzles of our guns touching, I clearly 
 saw the impossibility of boarding a ship of the line, from the dis- 
 tance between the gunwale of the one and the other. At two, 
 signal to get under way. At half after two, made sail, the wind 
 still favourable, but slack. Settled our role de combat. Chasse- 
 loup and Vaudray, with their Adjoints, are on the lower deck ; 
 Simon and I, with ours, on the main deck ; Cherin, I believe, with 
 the Captain. I had rather be on the quarter-deck or poop, where 
 I could see something ; however, I said nothing. We are all in 
 full regimentals, with our laced hats, &c, which is to encourage 
 the troops. I believe our ship will behave well ; but it will be still 
 better if we reserve our valour for the shore. At all events, two or 
 three days must, I think, settle the affair. 
 
 December ijth. Last night passed through the Raz, a most 
 dangerous and difficult pass, wherein we were within an inch of 
 running on a sunken rock, where we must, every soul, have in- 
 evitably perished. I knew nothing about it, for my part, till this 
 morning, and I am glad of it. Captain Bedout told me he had 
 rather stand three such engagements as that wherein he was taken 
 than pass again through the Raz at night, so it seems the affair 
 was serious ; if we had struck, we should have gone to pieces in a 
 quarter of an hour, as the tide runs furiously at the rate of not less 
 than 10 knots an hour. Ours is the first squadron that has passed 
 through the Raz, which even single ships avoid, unless in case of 
 necessity. This morning, to my infinite mortification and anxiety, 
 we are but eighteen sail in company instead of forty-three, which 
 is our number. We conjecture, however, that the remaining twenty- 
 five have made their way through the Yroise, and that we shall see 
 them to-morrow morning ; at the same time, we much fear that 
 some of our companions have perished in that infernal Raz. We 
 have nothing for it now but to wait till to-morrow. {At night.) 
 This day has passed without any event ; the weather moderate, 
 the wind favourable, and our eighteen sail pretty well together. 
 Two of the admirals and the General are with the absent ; God 
 send they may have escaped the Raz. Rear-Admiral Bouvet and 
 General Grouchy, second in command, are with us. I believe there 
 
MT. 33.] A FOG. t6i 
 
 is a rendezvous fixed in case of separation, so to-morrow we shall 
 see. We run on an average five or six knots an hour, course 
 W.N.W. 
 
 December 18th. At nine this morning a fog so thick that we 
 cannot see a ship's length before us. " Hazy weather, master 
 Noah ; " damn it ! we may be, for aught I know, within a quarter 
 of a mile of our missing ships, without knowing it ; it is true we 
 may also, by the same means, miss the English, so it may be as 
 well for good as evil, and I count firmly upon the fortune of the 
 Republic. How, after all, if we were not to join our companions ? 
 What will Grouchy and Bouvet determine ? We are enough to 
 make the attempt, but we must then steer for the North of 
 Ireland. If it rested with me, I would not hesitate a moment, 
 and as it is I will certainly propose it, if I can find an opening. 
 
 " If we are doomed to die, we are enough 
 To do our country loss ; and if to rise, 
 The fewer men, the greater share of honour." 
 
 This damned fog continues without interruption. (At nighty 
 Foggy all day, and no appearance of our comrades. I asked 
 General Cherin what we should do in case they did not rejoin us. 
 He said that he supposed General Grouchy would take the 
 command with the troops we had with us, which, on examination, 
 we found to amount to about 6,500 men. I need not say that I 
 supported this idea with all my might. The Captain has opened 
 a packet containing instructions for his conduct in case of separa- 
 tion, which order him to cruise for five days off Mizen Head, and, 
 at the end of that time, proceed to the mouth of the Shannon, 
 where he is to remain three more, at the end of which time, if he 
 does not see the fleet, or receive further orders by a frigate, he 
 is to make the best of his way back to Brest. But we must see 
 in that case whether Bouvet and Grouchy may not take on them- 
 selves to land the troops. I am glad to see that Cherin is bent 
 on that plan, notwithstanding the interference of his aide-de-camp, 
 Fairin, who put in his word, I thought, impertinently enough. 
 
 December igth. This morning, at eight, signal of a fleet in the 
 
 vol. 11. 12 
 
i6a 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 offing ; Branlebas General ; rose directly and made my toilet, so 
 now I am ready, ou pour les Anglais, ou pour les Anglaises. I see 
 about a dozen sail, but whether they are friends or enemies God 
 knows. It is a stark calm, so that we do not move an inch even 
 with our studding sails ; but here we lie rolling like so many logs 
 on the water. It is most inconceivably provoking ; two frigates 
 that were ordered to reconnoitre, have not advanced one hundred 
 yards in an hour, with all their canvas out ; it is now nine o'clock ; 
 damn it to hell for a calm, and in the middle of December. Well, 
 it cannot last long. If this fleet prove to be our comrades, it will 
 be famous news ; if it be the English, let them come, we will 
 do our best, and I think the Indomptable will not be the worst 
 fought ship in the squadron. This calm ! this calm ! it is most 
 terribly vexatious. At half-past ten we floated near enough to 
 recognise the signals, and, to my infinite satisfaction, the strange 
 fleet proves to be our comrades, so now nous en sommes quittes pour 
 la peur, as the French say ; counted sixteen sail, including the 
 Admiral's frigate, so the General is safe. The wind, which favoured 
 us thus far, is chopped about, and is now right in our teeth ; that 
 is provoking enough. If we had a fair wind we should be in 
 Bantry Bay to-morrow morning. At half-past one, hailed by a 
 lugger, which informed us of the loss of the Se'duisant, a seventy- 
 four of our squadron, the first night of our departure, with five 
 hundred and fifty men of the ninety-fourth Demi-brigade, of whom 
 she saved thirty-three. It happened near the same spot where 
 we were in such imminent danger. I was mistaken above in saying 
 that the Fraternite was with the squadron which joined us ; it is 
 Admiral Nielly's frigate, and we know nothing of the other, which 
 has thrown us all into the greatest anxiety. Admiral Morard de 
 Galles, General Hoche, General Debelle, and Colonel Shee are 
 aboard the Fraternite, and God knows what is become of them. 
 The wind, too, continues against us, and, altogether, I am in terrible 
 low spirits. How if these damned English should catch us at last, 
 after having gone on successfully thus far! Our force leaving Brest 
 water was as follows : — Indomptable, 80 guns ; Nestor, Cassard, 
 Droits de 1' Homme, Tourville, Eole, Fougueux, Mucius, Redoubtable, 
 
-ST. 33.J 
 
 SEPARATION OF THE FLEET 
 
 Patriote, Pluton, Constitution, Trajan, Watigny, Pegaze, Revolution, 
 and the unfortunate Seduisant, of 74 guns (17 sail of the line) ; 
 La Cocarde, Bravoure, Immortaliti, Bellone, Coquille, Romaine, 
 Sirene, Impatiente, Surveillante, Charente, Resolue, Tartare, and 
 Fraternity frigates of 36 guns (13 frigates); Scevola, and Fidele, 
 armies en flutes, Mutine, Renard, Atalante, Voltigeur, and Ajfron- 
 teur, corvettes, and Nicodeme, Justine, Ville d' Orient, Suffren, 
 Experiment, and Al^gre, transports, making in all 43 sail. Of these 
 there are missing, this day, at three o'clock, the Nestor and 
 Seduisant, of 74 ; the Fraternite, Cocarde, and Romaine, frigates, 
 the Mutine and Voltigeur, corvettes, and three other transports. 
 
 December 20th. Last night, in moderate weather, we contrived 
 to separate again, and this morning, at eight o'clock, we are but 
 fifteen sail in company, with a foul wind and hazy. I am in 
 horrible ill-humour, and it is no wonder. We shall lie beating 
 about here, within thirty leagues of Cape Clear, until the English 
 come and catch us, which will be truly agreeable. Let me not 
 think ; I amuse myself at night, when the rest are at cards, walking 
 alone in the gallery, and singing the airs that my poor love used 
 to be fond of : — 
 
 " The wandering tar, that not for years has prest 
 The widowed partner of his day of rest, 
 On the cold deck, far from her arms removed, 
 Still hums the ditty that his Susan loved." 
 
 I feel now the truth of these beautiful lines. Well, hang sorrow ! 
 At ten, several sail in sight to windward ; I suppose they are our 
 stray sheep. It is scandalous to part company twice in four days 
 in such moderate weather as we have had, but sea affairs I see are 
 not our forte. Captain Bedout is a seaman, which I fancy is more 
 than can be said for nine-tenths of his confreres. 
 
 December 21st. Last night, just at sunset, signal for seven sail 
 in the offing ; all in high spirits, in hopes that it is our comrades ; 
 stark calm all the fore part of the night ; at length a breeze sr. iung 
 up, and this morning, at daybreak, we are under Cape Clear, distant 
 about four leagues, so I have at all events once more seen my 
 
164 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 country ; but the pleasure I should otherwise feel at this is totally 
 destroyed by the absence of the General, who has not joined us, 
 and of whom we know nothing. The sails we saw last night have 
 disappeared, and we are all in uncertainty. It is most delicious 
 weather, with a favourable wind, and everything, in short, that we 
 can desire, except our absent comrades. At the moment I write 
 this we are under easy sail, within three leagues at most of the 
 coast, so that I can discover here and there patches of snow on the 
 mountains. What if the General should not join us ? If we cruise 
 here five days, according to our instructions, the English will 
 be upon us, and then all is over. We are thirty-five sail in 
 company, and seven or eight absent. Is that such a separation 
 of our force as, under all the circumstances, will warrant our 
 following the letter of our orders, to the certain failure of the 
 expedition ? If Grouchy and Bouvet be men of spirit and decision, 
 they will land immediately, and trust to their success for justification. 
 If they be not, and if this day passes without our seeing the General, 
 I much fear the game is up. I am in undescribable anxiety, and 
 Cherin, who commands aboard, is a poor creature, to whom it is 
 vain to speak ; not but I believe he is brave enough, but he has a 
 little mind. There cannot be imagined a situation more provokingly 
 tantalising than mine at this moment, within view, almost within 
 reach of my native land, and uncertain whether I shall ever set my 
 foot on it. We are now, nine o'clock, at the rendezvous appointed ; 
 stood in for the coast till twelve, when we were near enough to toss 
 a biscuit ashore ; at twelve tacked and stood out again, so now we 
 have begun our cruise of five days in all its forms, and shall, in 
 obedience to the letter of our instructions, ruin the expedition, and 
 destroy the remnant of the French navy, with a precision and 
 punctuality which will be truly edifying. We opened Bantry Bay, 
 and, in all my life, rage never entered so deeply into my heart as 
 when we turned our backs on the coast. I sounded Cherin as to 
 what Grouchy might do, but he turned the discourse ; he is Taata 
 Enos. 1 Simon is entirely of my opinion, and so is Captain Bedout 
 but what does that signify ? At half after one, the A talante, one 
 1 See Cook's "Voyages." 
 
-ffiT. 33 ] 
 
 BANTR Y BA Y IN SIGHT. 
 
 of our missing corvettes, hove in sight, so now again we are in hopes 
 to see the General. Oh, if he were in Grouchy's place, he would 
 not hesitate one moment. Continue making short boards ; the 
 wind foul. 
 
 December 22nd. This morning, at eight, we have neared Bantry 
 Bay considerably, but the fleet is terribly scattered ; no news of the 
 Fratemite ; I believe it is the first instance of an admiral in a clean 
 frigate, with moderate weather, and moonlight night, parting com- 
 pany with his fleet. Captain Grammont, our first lieutenant, told 
 me his opinion is that she is either taken or lost, and, in either 
 event, it is a terrible blow to us. All rests now upon Grouchy, and 
 I hope he may turn out well ; he has a glorious game in his hands, 
 if he has spirits and talents to play it. If he succeeds, it will 
 immortalise him. I do not at all like the countenance of the litat- 
 Major in this crisis. When they speak of the expedition, it is in a 
 style of despondency, and, when they are not speaking of it, they 
 are playing cards and laughing ; they are every one of them brave 
 of their persons, but I see nothing of that spirit of enterprise 
 combined with a steady resolution, which our present situation 
 demands. They stared at me this morning when I said that 
 Grouchy was the man in the whole army who had least reason to 
 regret the absence of the General, and began to talk of responsi- 
 bility and difficulties, as if any great enterprise was without 
 responsibility and difficulties. I was burning with rage ; however 
 I said nothing, and will say nothing until I get ashore, if ever I am 
 so happy as to arrive there. We are gaining the Bay by slow 
 degrees, with a head wind at east, where it has hung these five weeks. 
 To-night we hope, if nothing extraordinary happens, to cast 
 anchor in the mouth of the Bay, and work up to-morrow morning ; 
 these delays are dreadful to my impatience. I am now so near 
 the shore that I can see, distinctly, two old castles, yet I am utterly 
 uncertain whether I shall ever set foot on it. According to appear- 
 ances, Bouvet and Grouchy are resolved to proceed ; that is a great 
 point gained, however. Two o'clock ; we have been tacking ever 
 since eight this morning, and I am sure we have not gained one 
 hundred yards ; the wind is right ahead, and the fleet dispersed, 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 several being far to leeward. I have been looking over the schedule 
 of our arms, artillery, and ammunition ; we are well provided ; we 
 have 41,160 stand of arms, twenty pieces of field artillery, and nine 
 of siege, including mortars and howitzers ; 61,200 barrels of powder, 
 7,000,000 musket-cartridges, and 700,000 flints, besides an infinite 
 variety of articles belonging to the train, but we have neither sabres 
 nor pistols for the cavalry : however, we have nearly three regi- 
 ments of hussars embarked, so that we can dispense with them. 
 Messieurs of the Etat-Major continue in the horrors ; I find Simon 
 the stoutest of them, and Fairin, Chain's aide-de-camp, the worst ; 
 he puts me in mind of David in the " Rivals," " But I am fighting 
 Bob, and damn it, I won't be afraid." I continue very discreetly to 
 say little or nothing, as my situation just now is rather a delicate 
 one ; if we were once ashore, and things turn out to my mind, I 
 shall soon be out of my trammels, and perhaps in that respect I 
 may be better off with Grouchy than with Hoche. If the people 
 act with spirit, as I hope they will, it is no matter who is General, 
 and, if they do not, all the talents of Hoche would not save us, so 
 it comes to the same thing at last. At half-past six, cast anchor 
 off Bere Island, being still four leagues from our landing-place ; at 
 work with General Cherin, writing and translating proclamations, 
 &c, all our printed papers, including my two pamphlets, being on 
 board the Fraternity which is pleasant. 
 
 December 23rd. Last night it blew a heavy gale from the eastward 
 with snow, so that the mountains are covered this morning, which 
 will render our bivouacs extremely amusing. It is to be observed, 
 that of the thirty-two points of the compass, the E. is precisely the 
 most unfavourable to us. In consequence we are this morning 
 separated for the fourth time ; sixteen sail, including nine or ten of 
 the line, with Bouvet and Grouchy, are at anchor with us, and 
 about twenty are blown to sea ; luckily the gale set from the shore, 
 so I am in hopes no mischief will ensue. The wind is still high, 
 and, as usual, right ahead ; and I dread a visit from the English, 
 and altogether I am in great uneasiness. Oh ! that we were once 
 ashore, let what might ensue after ; I am sick to the very soul of 
 this suspense. It is curious to see how things are managed in this 
 
^ET. 33.] 
 
 A PERILOUS SITUATION. 
 
 167 
 
 best of all possible worlds. We are here, sixteen sail, great and 
 small, scattered up and down in a noble bay, and so dispersed that 
 there are not two together in any spot, save one, and there they are 
 now so close, that if it blows to-night as it did last night, they will 
 inevitably run foul of each other, unless one of them prefers 
 driving on shore. We lie in this disorder, expecting a visit from 
 the English every hour, without taking a single step for our defence, 
 even to the common one of having a frigate in the harbour's mouth 
 to give us notice of their approach ; to judge by appearances, we 
 have less to dread here than in Brest water, for when we were 
 there we had four corvettes stationed off the goulet, besides the 
 signal posts. I confess this degree of security passes my compre- 
 hension. The day has passed without the appearance of one 
 vessel, friend or enemy, the wind rather more moderate, but still 
 ahead. To-night, on examining the returns with Waudre, Chef 
 d'Etat-Major of the Artillery, I find our means so reduced by the 
 absence of the missing, that I think it hardly possible to make an 
 attempt here, with any prospect of success ; in consequence, I took 
 Cherin into the Captain's room, and told him frankly my opinion 
 of our actual state, and that I thought it our duty, since we must 
 look upon the main object as now unattainable, unless the whole 
 of our friends returned to-morrow, and the English gave us our 
 own time, which was hardly to be expected, to see what could be 
 best done for the honour and interest of the Republic, with the 
 force which remained in our hands, and I proposed to him to give 
 me the Legion des Francs, a company of the artillerie legere, and 
 as many officers as desired to come volunteers in the expedition, 
 with what arms and stores remained, which are now reduced, by 
 our separation, to four field pieces, 20,000 firelocks at most, 1,000 lb. 
 of powder, and 3,000,000 cartridges, and to land us in Sligo Bay, 
 and let us make the best of our way ; if we succeeded, the Republic 
 would gain infinitely in reputation and interest, and, if we failed, 
 the loss would be trifling, as the expense was already incurred, and 
 as for the legion, he knew what kind of desperadoes it was composed 
 of, and for what purpose ; consequently, in the worst event, the 
 Republic would be well rid of them ; finally, I added that though 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 I asked the command, it was on the supposition that none of the 
 Generals would risk their reputation on such a desperate enterprise, 
 and that if another was found, I would be content to go as a simple 
 Volunteer. This was the outline of my proposal, which I pressed 
 on him with such arguments as occurred to me, concluding by 
 observing that, as a foreigner in the French service, my situation 
 was a delicate one, and if I were simply an officer, I would obey 
 in silence the orders of my superiors, but, from my connections in 
 Ireland, having obtained the confidence of the Directory, so far as 
 to induce them to appoint me to the rank of Chef de Brigade, and 
 of General Hoche who had nominated me Adjutant-General, I 
 thought it my duty, both to France and Ireland, to speak on this 
 occasion, and that I only offered my plan as a pis aller, in case 
 nothing better suggested itself. Che>in answered that I did very 
 right to give my opinion, and that as he expected a council of war 
 would be called to-morrow, he would bring me with him, and I 
 should have an opportunity to press it. The discourse rested there, 
 and to-morrow we shall see more, if we are not agreeably surprised, 
 early in the morning, by a visit from the English, which is highly 
 probable. I am now so near the shore, that I can in a manner 
 touch the sides of Bantry Bay with my right and left hand, yet 
 God knows whether I shall ever tread again on Irish ground. 
 There is one thing which I am surprised at, which is the extreme 
 sang-froid with which I view the coast. I expected I should have 
 been violently affected, yet I look at it as if it were the coast of 
 Japan ; I do not, however, love my country the less, for not having 
 romantic feelings with regard to her. Another thing, we are now 
 three days in Bantry Bay ; if we do not land immediately, the 
 enemy will collect a superior force, and perhaps repay us our 
 victory of Quiberon. In an enterprise like ours, everything depends 
 upon the promptitude and audacity of our first movements, and we 
 are here, I am sorry to say it, most pitifully languid. It is mortifying, 
 but that is too poor a word ; I could tear my flesh with rage and 
 vexation, but that advances nothing, and so I hold my tongue in 
 general, and devour my melancholy as I can. To come so near ( 
 and then to fail, if we are to fail ! And every one aboard seems 
 now to have given up all hopes. 
 
^ET. 33-] GROUCHY IN COMMAND. 169 
 
 December 2^th. This morning the whole Etat-Major has been 
 miraculously converted, and it was agreed, in full council, that 
 General Che>in, Colonel Waudr£, Chef d'Etat Major of the Artillery, 
 and myself, should go aboard the Immortalite, and press General 
 Grouchy in the strongest manner, to proceed on the expedition, 
 with the ruins of our scattered army. Accordingly, we made a 
 signal to speak with the Admiral, and in about an hour we were 
 aboard. I must do Grouchy the justice to say, that the moment 
 we gave our opinion in favour of proceeding, he took his part 
 decidedly, and like a man of spirit ; he instantly set about preparing 
 the ordre de bataille, and we finished it without delay. We are not 
 more than 6,500 strong, but they are tried soldiers, who have seen 
 fire, and I have the strongest hopes that, after all, we shall bring 
 our enterprise to a glorious termination. It is a bold attempt, and 
 truly original. All the time we were preparing the ordre de bataille, 
 we were laughing most immoderately at the poverty of our means, 
 and I believe, under the circumstances, it was the merriest council 
 of war that was ever held ; but " Des Chevaliers franqais tel est le 
 caractere." Grouchy, the commander-in-chief, never had so few men 
 under his orders since he was Adjutant-General ; Waudr6, who is 
 Lieutenant-Colonel, finds himself now at the head of the artillery, 
 which is a furious park, consisting of one piece of eight, one of four, 
 and two six-inch howitzers ; when he was a Captain he never com- 
 manded fewer than ten pieces, but now that he is in fact General 
 of the artillery, he prefers taking the field with four. He is a gallant 
 fellow, and offered, on my proposal last night, to remain with me 
 and command his company, in case General Grouchy had agreed 
 to the proposal I made to Cherin. It is altogether an enterprise 
 truly unique ; we have not one guinea ; we have not a tent ; we 
 have not a horse to draw our four pieces of artillery ; the General- 
 in-chief marches on foot ; we leave all our baggage behind us ; we 
 have nothing but the arms in our hands, the clothes on our backs, 
 and a good courage, but that is sufficient. With all these original 
 circumstances, such as I believe never were found united in an 
 expedition of such magnitude as that we are about to attempt, 
 we are all as gay as larks. I never saw the French character better 
 
170 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796- 
 
 exemplified than in this morning's business. Well, at last I 
 believe we are about to disembark ; God knows how I long for it. 
 But this infernal easterly wind continues without remorse, and 
 though we have been under way three or four hours, and made 
 I believe three hundred tacks, we do not seem to my eyes to have 
 gained one hundred yards in a straight line. One hour and a half 
 of good wind would carry us up, and perhaps we may be yet two 
 days. Damn it ! damn it ! I learn from a pilot whom I found 
 aboard the Admiral, that my friend Hutchins lives within two miles 
 of Bantry, and is now at home, so perhaps I may see him to- 
 morrow ; I wonder what kind of a meeting we shall have ? When 
 I saw him last he was a right good fellow, but so many changes 
 happen in twenty months ! At all events, he will be, I dare say, 
 not a little surprised to see me with a blue coat on my back, and a 
 national cockade in my hat. At six, cast anchor, having gained 
 I think not less than fifty yards, to speak within bounds. The 
 rapidity of our progress is the more amazing, when it is considered 
 that we have been not much more than eight hours in covering that 
 space of ground, and besides, we have a cool refreshing breeze 
 from the east, which is truly delightful. Well, time and tide wait 
 for no man. I may now say with the Probationary Odes, " Some- 
 times it blows, sometimes it freezes, just as it pleases." Well, let 
 it blow and be hanged ! I do not wonder to-night at Xerxes 
 whipping the sea ; for I find myself pretty much in the mood to 
 commit some such rational action. To return to our expedition ; 
 the more I think of it, the more I find it amusing ; as Johnson 
 says : " tlie negative catalogue of our means is extremely copious." 
 In addition to what I have mentioned already, we have no horses 
 for our cavalry. Huzza ! I apprehend we are to-night 6,000 of the 
 most careless fellows in Europe, for everybody is in the most 
 extravagant spirits on the eve of an enterprise, which, considering 
 our means, would make many people serious. I never liked the 
 French half so well as to-night, and I can scarcely persuade myself 
 that the loungers of the Boulevards, and the soldiers I see about 
 me, are of the same hemisphere. To judge the French rightly, or 
 at least to see the bright part of their character, you must see them 
 
-ET. 33.] 
 
 LOSING TIME. 
 
 171 
 
 not in Paris, but in the camp. It is in the armies that the Republic 
 exists. My enemy, the wind, seems just now, at eight o'clock, to 
 relent a little, so we may reach Bantry by to-morrow. The enemy 
 has now had four days to recover from his panic, and prepare to 
 receive us ; so much the worse, but I do not mind it. We purpose 
 to make a race for Cork, as if the devil were in our bodies, and 
 when we are fairly there, we will stop for a day or two to take 
 breath, and look about us. From Bantry to Cork is about forty- 
 five miles, which, with all our efforts, will take us three days, and 
 I suppose we may have a brush by the way, but I think we are able 
 to deal with any force that can, at a week's notice, be brought 
 against us. We are not the best dressed body of men in Europe. 
 I think I have seen a Captain of the Guards in St. James's Park, 
 who would burn for as much as one of our demi-brigades. " There's 
 not a rag of featJier in our army, good argument, I hope we will not 
 fly." Apropos of that quotation, it is inconceivable how well that 
 most inconceivable of all writers, Shakespeare, has hit off the 
 French character in his play of Henry V. I have been struck with 
 it fifty times this evening ; yet it is highly probable he never saw 
 a French officer in his life. Well, I have worked hard to-day, not 
 to speak of my boating party aboard the Admiral, against wind 
 and tide, and in a rough sea. I have written and copied fifteen 
 letters, besides these memorandums ; pretty well for one day. I 
 think I will stop here. I have but one observation to add : there 
 is not, I will venture to say, one grenadier in the Compagnie Bloom 
 that will not sleep to-night in his hammock more contentedly than 
 the Archbishop of Dublin in a down bed. I presume our arrival 
 has put several respectable characters in no small fuss, but time 
 will show more of that. 
 
 December 25th. These memorandums are a strange mixture. 
 Sometimes I am in preposterously high spirits, and at other times 
 I am as dejected, according to the posture of our affairs. Last 
 night I had the strongest expectations that to-day we should de- 
 bark, but at two this morning I was awakened by the wind. I rose 
 immediately, and, wrapping myself in my greatcoat, walked for an 
 hour in the gallery, devoured by the most gloomy reflections. The 
 
172 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 wind continues right ahead, so that it is absolutely impossible to 
 work up to the landing-place, and God knows when it will change. 
 The same wind is exactly favourable to bring the English upon us, 
 and these cruel delays give the enemy time to assemble his entire 
 force in this neighbourhood, and perhaps (it is, unfortunately, more 
 than perhaps) by his superiority in numbers, in cavalry, in artillery, 
 in money, in provisions — in short, in everything we want — to crush 
 us, supposing we are even able to effectuate a landing at last, at the 
 same time that the fleet will be caught as in a trap. Had we been 
 able to land the first day and march directly to Cork, we should have 
 infallibly carried it by a coup de main, and then we should have a 
 footing in the country ; but as it is — if we are taken, my fate will 
 not be a mild one ; the best I can expect is to be shot as an e"migri 
 rentre, unless I have the good fortune to be killed in the action ; for 
 most assuredly if the enemy will have us he. must fight for us. 
 Perhaps I may be reserved for a trial, for the sake of striking terror 
 into others, in which case I shall be hanged as a traitor, and em- 
 bowelled, &c. As to the embowelling, "Je nien fiche " ; if ever they 
 hang me, they are welcome to embowel me if they please. These 
 are pleasant prospects ! Nothing on earth could sustain me now but 
 the consciousness that I am engaged in a just and righteous cause. 
 For my family I have, by a desperate effort, surmounted my 
 natural feelings so far, that I do not think of them at this moment. 
 This day, at twelve, the wind blows a gale, still from the east, and 
 our situation is now as critical as possible ; for it is morally certain 
 that this day or to-morrow on the morning the English fleet will be 
 in the harbour's mouth, and then adieu to everything. In this 
 desperate state of affairs I proposed to Cherin to sally out with all 
 our forces to mount to the Shannon, and, disembarking the troops, 
 make a forced march to Limerick, which is probably unguarded, 
 the garrison being, I am pretty certain, on its march to oppose us 
 here ; to pass the river at Limerick, and, by forced marches, push 
 to the North. I detailed all this on a paper which I will keep, and 
 showed it to Captain Bedout and all the generals on board — Cherin, 
 Simon, and Chasseloup. They all agreed as to the advantages of 
 the plan, but after settling it we find it impossible to communicate 
 
MT. 33-1 
 
 A STORM. 
 
 173 
 
 with the General and Admiral, who are in the Immortality nearly 
 two leagues ahead, and the wind is now so high and foul, and the 
 sea so rough, that no boat can live, so all communication is imprac- 
 ticable, and to-morrow morning it will, most probably, be too late ; 
 and on this circumstance perhaps the fate of the expedition and 
 the liberty of Ireland depends. I cannot conceive for what reason 
 the two commanders-in-chief are shut up together in a frigate. 
 Surely they should be on board the flag-ship. But this is not the 
 first misfortune resulting from this arrangement. Had General 
 Hoche remained, as he ought, on board the Indomptable, with his 
 Etat-Major, he would not have been separated and taken by the 
 English, as he most probably is ; nor should we be in the difficul- 
 ties we now find ourselves in, and which most probably to-morrow 
 will render insurmountable. Well, it does not signify complaining. 
 Our first capital error was in setting sail too late from the Bay of 
 Camaret, by which means we were obliged to pass the Raz in the 
 night, which caused the loss of the Seduisant, the separation of the 
 fleet, the capture of the General, and, above all, the loss of time 
 resulting from all this, and which is never to be recovered. Our 
 second error was in losing an entire day in cruising off the bay 
 when we might have entered and effected a landing with thirty-five 
 sail, which would have secured everything ; and now our third error 
 is having our commander-in-chief separated from the Etat-Major, 
 which renders all communication utterly impossible. I see nothing 
 before me, unless a miracle be wrought in our favour, but the ruin of 
 the expedition, the slavery of my country, and my own destruction. 
 Well, if I am to fall, at least I will sell my life as dear as individual 
 resistance can make it. So now I have made up my mind. I have 
 a merry Christmas of it to-day. 
 
 December 26th. Last night, at half after six o'clock, in a heavy 
 gale of wind still from the east, we were surprised by the Admiral's 
 frigate running under our quarter, and hailing the Indomptable with 
 orders to cut our cable and put to sea instantly ; the frigate then 
 pursued her course, leaving us all in the utmost astonishment. Our 
 first idea was that it might be an English frigate, lurking in the 
 bottom of the bay, which took advantage of the storm and dark- 
 
174 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 ness of the night to make her escape, and wished to separate our 
 squadron by this stratagem ; for it seems utterly incredible that an 
 Admiral should cut and run in this manner, without any previous 
 signal of any kind to warn the fleet, and that the first notice we 
 should have of his intention should be his hailing us in this extra- 
 ordinary manner with such unexpected and peremptory orders. 
 After a short consultation with his officers (considering the storm, 
 the darkness of the night, that we have two anchors out and only 
 one spare one in the hold), Captain Bedout resolved to wait at all 
 events till to-morrow morning, in order to ascertain whether it was 
 really the Admiral who hailed us. The morning is now come, the 
 gale continues, and the fog is so thick that we cannot see a ship's 
 length ahead ; so here we lie in the utmost uncertainty and anxiety. 
 In all probability we are now left without Admiral or General ; if 
 so, Cherin will command the troops, and Bedout the fleet, but at all 
 events there is an end of the expedition. Certainly we have been 
 persecuted by a strange fatality from the very night of our de- 
 parture to this hour. We have lost two commanders-in-chief ; of 
 four admirals not one remains ; we have lost one ship of the line, 
 that we know of, and probably many others of which we know 
 nothing ; we have been now six days in Bantry Bay, within five 
 hundred yards of the shore, without being able to effectuate a 
 landing ; we have been dispersed four times in four days, and at 
 this moment, of forty-three sail, of which the expedition consisted, 
 we can muster of all sizes but fourteen. There only wants our 
 falling in with the English to complete our destruction ; and, to 
 judge of the future by the past, there is every probability that that 
 will not be wanting. All our hopes are now reduced to get back 
 in safety to Brest, and I believe we will set sail for that port the 
 instant the weather will permit. I confess myself I now look on 
 the expedition as impracticable. The enemy has had seven days 
 to prepare for us, and three, or perhaps four, days more before we 
 could arrive at Cork ; and we are now too much reduced, in all re- 
 spects, to make the attempt with any prospect of success — so all 
 is over ! It is hard, after having forced my way thus far, to be 
 obliged to turn back ; but it is my fate, and I must submit. Not- 
 
JET. 33-] 
 
 THE FLEET DISPERSED. 
 
 175 
 
 withstanding all our blunders, it is the dreadful stormy weather 
 and the easterly winds, which have been blowing furiously and 
 without intermission since we made Bantry Bay, that have ruined 
 us. Well, England has not had such an escape since the Spanish 
 Armada, and that expedition, like ours, was defeated by the 
 weather ; the elements fight against us, and courage is here of no 
 avail. Well, let me think no more about it ; it is lost, and let it 
 go ! I am now a Frenchman, and must regulate my future plans 
 accordingly. I hope the Directory will not dismiss me the service 
 for this unhappy failure, in which, certainly, I have nothing person- 
 ally to reproach myself with ; and, in that case, I shall be rich 
 enough to live as a peasant. If God Almighty sends me my dearest 
 love and darling babies in safety, I will buy or rent a little spot 
 and have done with the world for ever. I shall neither be great, nor 
 famous, nor powerful, but I may be happy. God knows whether I 
 shall ever reach France myself, and in that case what will become 
 of my family? It is horrible to me to think of. Oh ! my life and 
 soul, my darling babies, shall I ever see you again ? This infernal 
 wind continues without intermission, and now that all is lost I am 
 as eager to get back to France as I was to come to Ireland. 
 
 December 2jtk. Yesterday several vessels, including the Indomi- 
 table, dragged their anchors several times, and it was with great 
 difficulty they rode out the gale. At two o'clock the Revolution, a 
 seventy-four, made signal that she could hold no longer, and, in 
 consequence of the Commodore's permission, who now commands 
 our little squadron, cut her only cable and put to sea. In the night 
 the Patriote and Pluton, of seventy-four each, were forced to put to 
 sea, with the Nicomede flute, so that this morning we are reduced 
 to seven sail of the line and one frigate. Any attempt here is now 
 desperate, but I still think if we were debarked at the mouth of the 
 Shannon we might yet recover all. At ten o'clock the Commodore 
 made signal to get under way, which was delayed by one of the 
 ships, which required an hour to get ready. This hour we availed 
 ourselves of to hold a council of war, at which were present 
 Generals Che>in and Hardy and Humbert, who came from their 
 ships for that purpose ; Adjutant-Generals Simons, Chasseloup, and 
 
176 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1796. 
 
 myself ; Lieut-Col. Waudre, commanding the artillery, and Favory, 
 Captain of Engineers, together with Commodore Bedout, who was 
 invited to assist ; General Hardy, as senior officer, being President. 
 It was agreed that, our force being now reduced to 4,168 men, our 
 artillery to two four-pounders, our ammunition to 1,500,000 cart- 
 ridges and 500 rounds for the artillery, with 500 pounds of powder 
 — this part of the country being utterly wild and savage, furnishing 
 neither provisions nor horses, and especially as the enemy, having 
 seven days' notice, together with three more which it would .require 
 to reach Cork, supposing we even met with no obstacle, had time 
 more than sufficient to assemble his forces in numbers sufficient to 
 crush our little army ; considering, moreover, that this province is 
 the only one of the four which has testified no disposition to revolt ; 
 that it is the most remote from the party which is ready for insur- 
 rection ; and, finally, Captain Bedout having communicated his in- 
 structions, which are, to mount as high as the Shannon and cruise 
 there five days, it was unanimously agreed to quit Bantry Bay 
 directly, and proceed for the mouth of the Shannon in hopes to re- 
 join some of our scattered companions ; and when we are there we 
 will determine, according to the means in our hands, what part we 
 shall take. I am the more content with this determination, as it is 
 substantially the same with the paper which I read to General Che>in 
 and the rest the day before yesterday. The wind, at last, has come 
 round to the southward, and the signal is now flying to get under 
 way. At half after four, there being every appearance of a stormy 
 night, three vessels cut their cables and put to sea. The Indomp- 
 table, having with great difficulty weighed one anchor, we were 
 forced at length to cut the cable of the other and make the best of 
 our way out of the bay, being followed by the whole of our little 
 squadron, now reduced to ten sail, of which seven are of the line, 
 one frigate, and two corvettes, or luggers. 
 
 December 28 t/i. Last night it blew a perfect hurricane. At one 
 this morning a dreadful sea took the ship in the quarter, stove in 
 the quarter-gallery, and one of the deadlights in the great cabin, 
 which was instantly filled with water to the depth of three feet. The 
 cots of the officers were almost all torn down, and themselves and 
 
^ET. 33-] 
 
 FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION. 
 
 177 
 
 their trunks floated about the cabin. For my part, I had just 
 fallen asleep when wakened by the shock, of which I at first did 
 not comprehend the meaning ; but hearing the water distinctly 
 rolling in the cabin beneath me, and two or three of the officers 
 mounting in their shirts, as wet as if they had risen from the bottom 
 of the sea, I concluded instantly that the ship had struck and was 
 filling with water, and that she would sink directly. As the move- 
 ments of the mind are as quick as lightning in such perilous 
 moments, it is impossible to describe the infinity of ideas which 
 shot across my mind in an instant. As I knew all notion of saving 
 my life was in vain in such a stormy sea, I took my part instantly 
 and lay down in my hammock, expecting every instant to go to the 
 bottom ; but I was soon relieved hy the appearance of one of the 
 officers, Baudin, who explained to us the accident. I can safely 
 say that I had perfect command of myself during the few terrible 
 minutes which I passed in this situation, and I was not, I believe, 
 more afraid than any of those about me. I resigned myself to my 
 fate, which I verily thought was inevitable, and I could have died like 
 a man. Immediately after this blow the wind abated, and at daylight, 
 having run nine knots an hour under one jib only during the hurri- 
 cane, we found ourselves at the rendezvous, having parted company 
 with three ships of the line and the frigate, which makes our sixlh 
 separation. The frigate Coquille joined us in the course of the day, 
 which we spent standing off and on the shore, without being joined 
 by any of our missing companions. 
 
 December 2gt/z. At four this morning the Commodore made the 
 signal to steer for France ; so there is an end of our expedition for 
 the present ; perhaps for ever. I spent all yesterday in my ham- 
 mock, partly through sea-sickness, and much more through vexa- 
 tion. At ten we made prize of an unfortunate brig bound from 
 Lisbon to Cork, laden with salt, which we sunk. 
 
 December 10th, list. On our way to Brest. It will be well sup- 
 posed I am in no great humour to make memorandums. This is 
 the last day of the year 1796, which has been a very remarkable 
 one in my history. 
 
 VOL. 11. 
 
 13 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 BACK TO PARIS. 
 
 [Note by Tone's Son. — Amidst all the agitation of my father's mind during 
 the ill-fated and tantalising expedition of Bantry Bay, he was aware that his wife 
 and three infant children, whom he had left at Princeton, in New Jersey, on his 
 departure from America, were, amidst the storms of that wintry 7 season, on their 
 way to rejoin him. The feelings of the most affectionate of husbands and of 
 fathers in such a situation can be better conceived than expressed. In fact, 
 embarked on an American vessel for Hamburg, we almost crossed him in the 
 British Channel, in the last days of December ; and, after a tedious and rough 
 passage of two months, my mother, with her infant family, landed at the mouth 
 of the frozen Elbe, and proceeded to Hamburg in an open post-wagon. In 
 that commercial city, devoted to the British interest, the first news she received 
 was that of the failure of the expedition, embellished with a thousand exaggera- 
 tions. Her anxiety may well be conceived : obliged to conceal it, as well as 
 her name, her only consolation was that she did not hear that of Tone men- 
 tioned. Already in weak and shattered health, she was seized with a nervous 
 fever, and remained in the most cruel perplexity amongst strangers, whose very 
 language she did not understand. She wrote instantly to Paris, addressing her 
 letter to Mr. Madgett, and the answer to this letter, which came in due time, 
 was the first news she received of his safety.] 
 
 January i, 1797. At eight this morning made the island of Ushant, 
 and at twelve opened the goulet. We arrive seven sail : the In- 
 domitable, of 80 ; the Watigny, Cassard, and Eole, 74 ; the Coquille, 
 36 ; the Atalante, 20, and the Vantour lugger of 14. We left 
 Brest forty-three sail, of which seventeen were of the line. I am 
 utterly astonished that we did not see a single English ship of war, 
 going nor coming back. They must have taken their measures very 
 ill not to intercept us, but perhaps they have picked up some of our 
 missing ships. Well, this evening will explain all, and we shall see 
 now what is become of our four Admirals and of our two Generals- 
 in-chief. 
 
 178 
 
JET. 34.] INTRIGUE AGAINST GROUCHY. 179 
 
 January 1st to $ist. It is exactly one month to-day since I wrote 
 a line by way of memorandum. It will be well supposed I had no 
 great inclination, nor, in fact, have I had much to say. On our arrival 
 at Brest, after a day or two, there was a little intrigue set on foot 
 against General Grouchy, with a view to lessen the merit of his 
 services, in consequence of which he determined to send me to 
 Paris with his despatches for the Directory and Minister of War. 
 Simon was joined with me in commission, and Fairin was also 
 despatched by Cherin, who is at the head of this cabal. Grouchy 
 desired me to state fairly what I thought of his conduct during our 
 stay at Bantry Bay, to the Government ; and I was not a little 
 pleased with this proof of his good opinion. We set off on the 5th 
 of January, at night, and arrived without accident at Paris on the 
 1 2th. We went immediately to the Minister of War and delivered 
 our letters ; we saw him but for an instant ; thence we went to the 
 Directory, where we were introduced, and had an audience for above 
 half an hour, at which all the Directors assisted. They were of 
 opinion on that day, from the latest accounts, that Hoche had 
 effectuated a landing with that part of the army which had been 
 separated off Bantry Bay, and in consequence we expected orders 
 immediately to return to Brest. From the Directory I went to 
 Doulcet, a member of the Conseil des 500, brother-in-law to 
 Grouchy, for whom, as well as for Madame Grouchy, I had letters 
 from the General. Doulcet invited me to dinner, and I dined, 
 accordingly, very agreeably. Madame Doulcet is a charming 
 woman, and her conversation is delightful. The next day Doulcet 
 introduced me to Lacuee, of the Conseil des Anciens, and the 
 chosen friend of Carnot I took that occasion to do justice to the 
 zeal and spirit of General Grouchy, and I hope I succeeded. At 
 four I went to dinner with the Minister of War, and at eight, by 
 appointment, to the Luxembourg, where I had an interview with 
 Carnot and Lacuee, for about a quarter of an hour, on the subject 
 of Mac Sheehy's mission to Ireland, the general result of which I 
 endeavoured to impress upon Carnot I also stated in the strongest 
 manner what I felt in favour of Grouchy ; so that, so far, I have 
 done my duty by him. Several days elapsed in this manner, waiting 
 
i8o 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 continually for news of the General, until at length, on the 15th, he 
 arrived, with the Revolution 74, at La Rochelle ; so that put at once 
 an end to my expectations of anything further being attempted, at 
 least for the present. About the 21st the General arrived at Paris, 
 and I had the consolation to learn from his aide-de-camp, Poitou, 
 that my friend Mr. Shee was safe and in tolerable health. He had 
 suffered dreadfully from the gout, never having quit his bed during 
 the whole voyage of a month but once, for a quarter of an hour. 
 The morning after his arrival I saw the General for five minutes. 
 He received me very favourably, and asked me particularly about 
 Mac Sheehy's expedition, which I detailed to him, and, by his orders, 
 gave him an abstract in writing next morning. He asked me what 
 I was doing in Paris. I told him I was sent by General Grouchy 
 with his despatches, and that I was waiting further orders. Four 
 or five days after the General was named to the command of the 
 army of Sambre et Meuse, which was decisive with regard to our 
 expedition. I began now to think of my own situation and of that 
 of my family, of whom it is at length surely time to speak. On my 
 arrival at Paris I found a letter from my wife at Madgett's, dated 
 at Hamburg, and informing me of her safe arrival there, about the 
 20th of December, with my sister and the children, my brother 
 having decided to settle in America. The transports of joy I felt 
 at the news of her arrival were most dreadfully corrected by the 
 account she gave me of her health, which threw me into the most 
 terrible alarms. I wrote to her instantly to remain at Hamburg 
 until further orders, and by no means to think of exposing herself, 
 in her present weak state, and our dear little babies to a journey 
 from Hamburg in this dreadful season, a great part of the road 
 being through a wild country where there is no better accommoda- 
 tion for travelling than open waggons. In my wife's letter there is 
 an account of an affair relative to my sister. A person who came 
 over in the same ship, a young Swiss merchant, just beginning the 
 world with little or no property, thought proper to fall in love with 
 her ; in consequence I received by the same conveyance which 
 brought my wife's letter, one from him informing me of his situa- 
 tion and circumstances, of his love for my sister and hers for him, 
 
JET. 34.] ENGAGEMENT OF MARY TONE. 
 
 181 
 
 and praying my consent. There was an air of candour and honesty 
 in his letter which gave me a good opinion of him, nor did I con- 
 sider myself at liberty to stand in the way of her happiness, which 
 my wife mentioned to me was deeply interested. I wrote, there- 
 fore, giving my full consent to the marriage, and trust in God they 
 may be as happy as I wish them. It is certainly a hazardous step 
 in favour of a man whom I do not know ; but, as she is passionately 
 fond of him, and he of her, as he perfectly knows her situation, and 
 has by no means endeavoured to disguise or exaggerate his own, I 
 am in hopes they may do well. At all events, I have acted with the 
 best intentions, and to the best of my judgment, under the circum- 
 stances. They will, I believe, settle in Hamburg ; so there is one 
 more of our family dispersed. I am sure if there were five quarters 
 of the globe, there would be one of us perched on the fifth. Towards 
 the end of the month I received a second letter from my wife, 
 dated December 27th, with a postscript from my little Maria, being 
 the first line I have seen of her writing. It brought the tears fast 
 in my eyes. Thank God ! my dearest love's health is a little better, 
 for I have been most miserable ever since I received the first letter. 
 I hope, however, mine may arrive in time, as well as a second which 
 I despatched three days after the first, to prevent her leaving Ham- 
 burg. But to return to my affairs. On the 30th I wrote to 
 General Hoche on the subject of my present situation, praying him 
 to apply to the Government to permit me to retire from the service, 
 preserving my pay and appointments, and at the same time offer- 
 ing, at any future period when I might be useful, to resume my 
 situation. The same evening I had a note from the General 
 desiring to see me early the next morning, and accordingly this 
 day, 31st of January, I went to the hotel of the Minister of War, 
 where he is lodged, at eight o'clock. On my calling on his aide- 
 de-camp, Poitou, who makes his correspondence, Poitou showed me 
 my letter, with a note in the margin, written by the General : 
 " Faire une copie pour etre addressee au Directoire, avec la demande 
 de sa conservation, motive e sur Futility dont il pent etre; lui faire une 
 reponse flatteuse, et lui temoigner ma satisfaction de sa conduite." 
 Nothing, certainly, can be more agreeable to me. Poitou also 
 
l82 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 showed me, in confidence, the copy of the General's letter to the 
 Directory in my favour, which is worded in the most flattering and 
 strongest manner. So I am in hopes I shall succeed in my applica- 
 tion. From Poitou I went to the General's apartment, who received 
 me like a friend ; which I remarked the more because his manner 
 to his officers in general is cold and dry. He told me he had written 
 to the Directory, and that I should carry the letter myself to 
 General Dupont, who transacts General Clarke's business in his 
 absence ; that Dupont would present me to the Directory in con- 
 sequence, and he hoped the affair would be settled to my satisfac- 
 tion. I returned him my acknowledgments, and in the course of 
 what I said I mentioned the arrival of my wife and family at Ham- 
 burg, and my intention of going thither to bring them to France. 
 The General seemed struck when I mentioned Hamburg, and 
 asked me again was I going thither ? I replied, it was my inten- 
 tion as soon as I had settled the affair he was so good as to under- 
 take for me. Well, then, said he, perhaps we may find something 
 for you to do there ; there is a person there whom perhaps you may 
 see. I told him that there or anywhere else where I could be 
 useful to my own country and the Republic, I was ready to go at 
 an hour's warning. I added, that when I asked my retreat for the 
 present, I begged him to remember that, if ever our business was 
 resumed under any form, I was as ready and desirous as ever to 
 take my share in it, and that I did not at all despair of having the 
 honour of serving once more under his orders. " The affair," replied 
 he, " is but suspended. You know our difficulties for money ; the 
 repair of our fleet and the necessary preparations require some con- 
 siderable time, and in the meantime there are 15,000 men lying idle 
 below, and, in fact, we cannot even feed them there. The Directory 
 has resolved, in the meantime, to employ them usefully elsewhere, 
 and has accepted my services ; but be assured, the moment the 
 enterprise is resumed, that I will return with the first patrouille 
 which embarks." I expressed the satisfaction which this assurance 
 gave me ; and, after a conversation of about half an hour, in which 
 I found him as warm and steady as ever in the business, I took my 
 leave ; and to-morrow I am to have my letter for the Directory. 
 
jET. 34.] BUOYANT UNDER MISFORTUNE. 183. 
 
 This conversation with Hoche has given me spirits to recommence 
 these memorandums ; for, in fact, my mind has been in a state of 
 stupor ever since I landed at Brest from our unfortunate expedition. 
 Perhaps Providence has not yet given us up. For my part, my 
 courage, such as it is, is not abated one single jot, though I see by 
 an article in the English papers that they were in hopes to catch 
 the vessel on board of which I was embarked, in which case they 
 were kind enough to promise that I should be properly taken care 
 of. They may go and be hanged, and " / do not value their chariot 
 of a rush." Buonaparte has beaten the Austrians for the five-and- 
 fortieth time this campaign ; killed 7,000 and taken 20,000. I 
 mention this, because it may bring about a peace with the Emperor, 
 in which case we shall have nothing to do but lay alongside of 
 England ; and perhaps we are not done with her yet. As soon as 
 my affair here is settled, I will set off for Hamburg, and bring my 
 dear-, dear love and our little ones, and I think I will plant myself 
 at Nanterre, beside my friend Mr. Shee, in order to keep the com- 
 munication open with General Clarke when he returns ; and maybe 
 I may be able to do a little mischief yet. I feel this moment 
 like a man who is just awakened from a long terrible dream. Who 
 is my lover that I am to see at Hamburg, in God's name ? I feel 
 once more my ancient propensities revive. We shall see. 
 
 February 1st to 8th. Yesterday morning I heard of the arrival 
 of my friend Mr. Shee from Rochelle. I ran off immediately and 
 found him at General Clarke's apartments. He was delighted to 
 see me. It seems they had a dreadful voyage of it in the Fraternite. 
 They sailed at one time Tour-and-twenty hours, unnoticed, in the 
 very middle of the English fleet. We soon came to our business, 
 in which he seems as hearty as ever ; he tells me he hopes the 
 Government will renew it by and by on a grand scale ; and that we 
 shall have the co-operation, so long wished for, of the Spanish 
 marine. If that be so, all may yet be recovered. He tells me also 
 that he had seen General Hoche, and spoken to him about me in 
 the strongest manner ; that the General had the best opinion of me, 
 and had applied personally to the Directory and to General 
 Dupont, in whose department such business lies during the absence 
 
184 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [i797- 
 
 of General Clarke, to have me continued on the tableau of the 
 army ; that the General also told him of my desire to go to Ham- 
 burg to bring my wife and family to France ; to which Mr. Shee 
 observed that I might be more usefully employed elsewhere, and 
 that he knew me so well, that he would take upon himself to answer 
 for me that no personal considerations should prevent me going 
 where I could be of most service to the cause. I told Mr. Shee 
 that I waived going to Hamburg, notwithstanding the state of my 
 wife's health, and was ready in an hour to go wherever the General 
 might think proper to order me. I then mentioned to him General 
 Grouchy's motives for sending me to Paris, and I begged of him, if 
 he found an opportunity, to express to General Hoche the favour- 
 able opinion I held of Grouchy's conduct. Mr. Shee told me he 
 was very glad I had mentioned that circumstance, as it gave him 
 the key to one or two things which appeared unaccountable to him ; 
 that Grouchy was at present rather down in the General's opinion, 
 which he now saw must be in consequence of the cabal I spoke of, 
 but that he would endeavour, discreetly, to set him right ; so I am in 
 hopes I have been of use to my lover Grouchy in this business. I 
 do not know very much of him, but he behaves like a gentleman ; 
 and his conduct in Bantry Bay was as spirited as I could desire, 
 and, besides, I hate the dirty spirit of cabal which is working against 
 him. I then left Mr. Shee, having fixed to call on him again this 
 morning, which I did accordingly ; but we had not much conversa- 
 tion, being interrupted by a young general who lost a leg at Rastadt, 
 in the last campaign on the Rhine ; however, I gave him Mac Sheehy's 
 report, Grouchy's proclamation to the Irish, and my own opinion at 
 the council of war held in Bantry Bay ; I also gave him a memor- 
 andum of the names of the Northern Star, Dublin Evening Post, 
 and Cork Gazette, which I strongly pressed him to have procured 
 for the Directory ; and he went immediately to speak to General 
 Dupont on the subject. I am to see him to-morrow at twelve. 
 On my return I was hailed by General Hoche, who was driving 
 through the Rue Montmartre, and informed me that my affair was 
 settled ; so now I am fixed in the French service, if nothing better 
 offers in my own country. I returned the General my acknowledg- 
 
JET. 34.] " THE FATHER OF THE UNITED IRISHMEN" 185 
 
 ments, and so we parted. Altogether things do not look so gloomy 
 just now as they did a fortnight ago. If the Spaniards and the 
 Directory act with spirit and decision, all may yet do well, and 
 Ireland be independent. As to myself, I can at least exist on my 
 appointments, and if I had my family here I could be as happy as 
 the richest man in Europe ; but the state of my dearest love's 
 health keeps me in the most mortal inquietude. Two nights 
 successively I have started out of my sleep in a cold sweat, with 
 horrible dreams concerning her. I have read her two letters a 
 thousand times, and there is not a phrase regarding her health that 
 I have not turned a thousand different ways to torment myself ; in 
 short, I am truly miserable on her account. To-morrow I will 
 demand of Mr. Shee whether I am to be employed here or not ; if 
 not, the moment I receive my appointments I will set out to meet 
 her. If I am employed, I think I will order her to stay at Ham- 
 burg to the 1st of May, which is about three months, and then 
 come in a neutral vessel to Havre, or Dunkirk, and so to Paris. I 
 hope in God I shall have a letter from her now in two or three days, 
 in answer to mine of the 13th of January ; it is, to-day, twenty-six 
 days since I wrote, and I think I must soon have an answer. I see 
 in the English papers that, in a late debate in the Irish Parliament, 
 the Lord Chancellor (my old friend Fitzgibbon, who is now Earl of 
 Clare) did me the favour to abuse me twice by name as the father 
 of the United Irishmen. I thought he had forgotten me, but if we 
 had got safe into Ireland, with the blessing of God, I would have 
 refreshed his memory. In the same debate he called General 
 Hoche " a monster" so, at least, I had the pleasure to be abused in 
 good company. I wrote a witty note, in an unknown language, 
 which I please myself to call French, to the General thereupon, 
 consoling him for the disgrace, &c. I think I am growing sprightly 
 once more, but God knows the heart ! 
 
 February gth to iSth. This day I removed to the Hotel des Etats 
 Unis, Rue de Tournon, near the Luxembourg, as I have been very 
 inconveniently off at Mademoiselle Boivert's, my ancient landlady. 
 The 10th instant I had the unspeakable satisfaction to receive a 
 letter from my dearest love, acquainting me that her health was much 
 
i86 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 better ; she had received my two letters, and tells me my sister's 
 marriage was fixed for the second day after: so I am in hopes she is 
 settled, and trust in God she will be happy. Wrote a long letter in 
 return on the nth. General Hoche set off for the army on the 13th. 
 Before his departure he asked Mr. Shee whether I would like to 
 come to the army of Sambre et Meuse ? To which he answered as 
 before, that he was sure I would be ready to go wherever the 
 General thought I could be useful ; on which the General desired 
 him to propose it to me. This was in consequence of a con- 
 versation I had with Mr. Shee, in which I mentioned to him that 
 I thought we might be able, in consequence of my sister's marriage, 
 to open a communication with Ireland through Hamburg ; at 
 which General Hoche caught directly. It was fixed, in consequence, 
 that I should make this campaign with the army of Sambre et 
 Meuse, in order to be near his person ; and he made application 
 accordingly to the Directory for my brevet as Adjutant-General, 
 and an order to join forthwith. I learned, in the Minister's bureau, 
 that I am designed as the officer " charged with the General's 
 foreign correspondence." That has a lofty sound ! Bruix, who is 
 Major-General de l'Armee Navale, and in fact conducted the naval 
 part of our expedition, is arrived in Paris, in order to confer with 
 the Directory and Minister of Marine. He tells Mr. Shee that if 
 the Government will grant 8,000,000 livres for the navy, he will 
 engage in six months to have thirty-five sail of the line ready to 
 put to sea: 8,000,000 livres is about ^"350,000. I trust and rely the 
 money will be found ; and indeed Truguet, the Minister, told Mr. 
 Shee that he had made out some part already, and hopes to secure 
 the remainder. The Spaniards, I believe, will give us twenty-five 
 sail of the line ; and if we can make out even twenty-five more, 
 that will make fifty sail. Come, all is not desperate yet. In the 
 meantime I see in the English papers that Government is arresting 
 all the world in Ireland. Arthur O'Connor, who, it seems, is can- 
 vassing for county Antrim, is taken up ; but, I believe, only for a 
 libel. It seems he was walking with Lord Edward Fitzgerald when 
 he was arrested. It is not for nothing that these two young gentle- 
 men were walking together. I would give a great deal for an 
 
iET. 34-] 
 
 ARREST OF ARTHUR O'CONNOR. 
 
 hour's conversation with O'Connor. I see he has thrown himself 
 body and soul into the revolution of his country. Well, if we 
 succeed he will obtain, and deserves, one of the first stations in 
 the Government. He is a noble fellow, that is the truth of it. I 
 am now waiting for my brevet and order to join, and eke, for 
 my gratification d'entre'e en campagne, which amounts to 800 
 livres, together with two months' pay, which will make, en 
 numeraire, 330 livres more ; and my trunk has not yet arrived 
 from Brest, and will not be here this month, and before that time 
 I may be at Cologne, where our headquarters are fixed ; and in 
 my trunk are two gold watches and chains, and my flute, and my 
 papers, and all that makes life dear to me ; and so I am in 
 perplexity and doubtful dilemma. I must see and spin out the 
 time, if possible, till my trunk arrives, or I shall be in a state of 
 anxiety thereupon, which will be truly alarming. I called on my 
 friend Monroe yesterday. He is recalled, and the Directory have 
 refused to acknowledge Pinckney, who was named to succeed him. 
 He leaves Paris in ten days for America, and I want to write 
 by him to Dr. Reynolds, and to my brother. If Mat were here 
 now I could name him my Adjoint directly. I think I will leave 
 his coming to his own option. He can at any time return to 
 America ; so I believe I will write to him to come at once. 
 
 February igt/i to 22nd. I see by the Courier of the 14th in- 
 stant that Robert and William Simms are arrested for publishing 
 Arthur O'Connor's letter, as it should seem, for the account is 
 rather confused. I collect from another paragraph in the same 
 paper that they were released on the 9th ; but O'Connor remains 
 in custody. He has proposed himself as candidate for county 
 Antrim, and I have no doubt will be returned ; and it is for a letter 
 to the electors of that county that he has been arrested. Govern- 
 ment will move heaven and earth to keep him out. There is now 
 scarcely any one of my friends in Ireland but is in prison, and 
 most of them in peril of their lives ; for the system of terror is 
 carried as far there as ever it was in France in the time of Robe- 
 spierre. I think I will call on Carnot to-day, and propose to him 
 to write to Dr. Reynolds to have some person on whom we can 
 
i88 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 depend sent over from Ireland, in order to confer with the Govern- 
 ment here. It may be easily done, and my letter will go in perfect 
 safety by Monroe. Allons ! 
 
 February 2^rd. Called on General Dupont yesterday, in order 
 to go with him to Carnot. Instead of bringing me, he took upon 
 himself to give me instructions as to what I should write. I 
 found his instructions very frivolous. I will write now on my own 
 plan. 
 
 February 24/A. This day I called on Monroe, and gave him a 
 letter of eight pages for Dr. Reynolds, in which I gave a detailed 
 account of our late expedition, and assure him of the determination 
 of the French Government to persevere in our business. I likewise 
 offer him a rapid sketch of the present posture of the great powers 
 of Europe, in order to satisfy him of the permanency of the 
 Republic, together with a brief view of our comparative resources 
 as to England. Finally, I desire him, observing the most profound 
 secrecy and rigid caution, to write to Ireland, and by preference, 
 if possible, to R. S., 1 to send a proper person to Hamburg 
 addressed to the French Resident there, in order to come on to 
 Paris and confer with the Directory. I calculate, if nothing ex- 
 traordinary happens to delay him, that that person may be here 
 by the middle of July next ; finally, I desire him to assure my 
 friends that we have stronger hopes than ever of success, and to 
 entreat them, in the meantime, to remain quiet, and not by a 
 premature explosion give the English Government a pretext to 
 let loose their dragoons upon them. Such is the substance of my 
 letter, which I have every reason to hope will go safe. 
 
 February 2$th. Walked to Nanterre to see my friend Shee, with 
 whom I will spend two days. 
 
 February 26th. At work with Mr. Shee, writing a memorial 
 relating to our business, which is to be given to Lacuee, of the 
 Council of Ancients, with whom I am a little acquainted. He is 
 particularly connected with Carnot, which is the reason we address 
 ourselves to him. It is in the form of a letter from Mr. Shee to 
 General Clarke. 
 
 1 Robert Simms. 
 
JET. 34 ] 
 
 THOMAS PAINE. 
 
 189 
 
 February 27th. Returned this day to Paris. 
 February 2%th. Called on Lacuee with the memorial. Found 
 him busily engaged with his Secretary. Left him the paper, and 
 fixed to call on him in two or three days. 
 
 March 1st, 2nd, ird. I lead the life of a dog here in Paris, where 
 I am as much alone as in the deserts of Arabia. This night, in 
 downright wretchedness, I am come to a tavern, where I write 
 this memorandum in a little box by myself. It is miserable. I 
 wonder, shall I ever be so happy as to see my dearest love and our 
 little ones once more ? My mind is overgrown with docks and 
 thistles for want of cultivation, and I cannot help it, for I have not 
 a soul to speak to whom I care a farthing about. There are about 
 half a dozen Irishmen here in Paris that I have seen, but they are 
 sad vulgar wretches, and I have been used to rather better com- 
 pany in all respects. Well, let me change the subject. I have 
 been lately introduced to the famous Thomas Paine, and like him 
 very well. He is vain beyond all belief, but he has reason to be 
 vain, and for my part I forgive him. He has done wonders for the 
 cause of liberty, both in America and Europe, and I believe him 
 to be conscientiously an honest man. He converses extremely 
 well ; and I find him wittier in discourse than in his writings, 
 where his humour is clumsy enough. He read me some passages 
 from a reply to the Bishop of Llandaff which he is preparing for the 
 press, in which he belabours the prelate without mercy. He seems 
 to plume himself more on his theology than his politics, in which 
 I do not agree with him. I mentioned to him that I had known 
 Burke in England, and spoke of the shattered state of his mind, 
 in consequence of the death of his only son Richard. Paine 
 immediately said that it was the " Rights of Man " which had broke 
 his heart, and that the death of his son gave him occasion to 
 develop the chagrin which had preyed upon him ever since the 
 appearance of that work. I am sure the " Rights of Man " has 
 tormented Burke exceedingly, but I have seen myself the workings 
 of a father's grief on his spirit, and I could not be deceived. 
 Paine has no children ! — Oh ! my little babies, if I was to lose my 
 Will, or my little Fantom ! Poor little souls, I dote upon them, 
 
190 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797. 
 
 and on their darling mother, whom I love ten thousand times more 
 than my own existence. They are never out of my thoughts. 
 But to return to Paine : He drinks like a fish, a misfortune which 
 I have known to befall other celebrated patriots. I am told that 
 the true time to see him to advantage is about ten at night, with 
 a bottle of brandy and water before him, which I can very well 
 conceive. I have not yet had that advantage, but must contrive, 
 if I can, to sup with him at least one night before 1 set off for the 
 army. Three days ago I saw sixty stand of the Emperor's colours, 
 presented by General Augereau, of the army of Italy. They were 
 taken in Mantua ; and the President of the Directory, Rewbell, 
 presented Augereau, in return, with the colours of the 62nd demi- 
 brigade, which he had carried over the bridge of Lodi under the 
 fire of the enemy, and which had been voted to him in consequence 
 by the Conseil des 500. It was a glorious spectacle, and what 
 rendered it more interesting, the father and mother of Augereau 
 (his father an old soldier, and his mother a bonne bourgeoise) were 
 close beside him at the moment, and his brother attended him as 
 his aide-de-camp. What a crowd of ideas did this group produce 
 instantaneously in my mind ! Well, if we had succeeded in our 
 
 expedition but no matter. — " Tout ce qui est diffe're, n'est pas 
 
 perdu." We shall see yet what turn things may take. The 
 colours were carried by sixty old soldiers, and I was delighted with 
 the fierte with which those veterans presented themselves. I find 
 the spirit of enthusiasm abate daily in my mind. " Le temps et le 
 mallieur ont Jletri mon ante" Yet I could not be insensible to this 
 spectacle, which brought the tears into my eyes more than once. 
 I thought of my own father ; how proud he would be of me if we 
 were to succeed in Ireland ! Well, all in good time. 
 
 March 4th, $th. Gave Mr. Monroe a letter for my brother, under 
 cover, to Dr. Reynolds, in which I recommend to him to come to 
 France, but without pressing him very strongly. I wish to God he 
 were here to-night. Monroe will set off in four or five days. 
 
 March 6th to 10th. Received a letter from Mary, informing me 
 of her marriage, and written evidently with a contented heart. I 
 trust in God she will be happy. Enclosed was a letter from my 
 
JET. 34.] 
 
 A HANDSOME TESTIMONIAL. 
 
 poor dear love, about whose health I am in most dreadful anxiety. 
 She has removed to the suburbs of Hamburg, where I hope she 
 will be better. Maria wrote me a little P. S. She writes like a 
 little angel. Answered the two letters immediately, but the post 
 will not serve till the thirteenth. Received my gratification <T entree 
 en campagne, 800 ~L = £2,2 sterling. 
 
 March ntk, \2tk. Applied to-day and got an order for my 
 arrears since the 1st Nivose. In the margin of the order I observed 
 the following note : Nota, L'activite et la grande utilite de cet 
 officier, ont /// attestees par le Bureau des officiers ge'ne'raux." This 
 is very handsome. 
 
 March 1 3th to 20th. Dined to-day with Che>in, who sets off to- 
 night for the army of Sambre et Meuse. I hope to follow him in a 
 week at farthest, as I am promised my frais de route by that time. 
 Came home after dinner, and sat some time alone, and devoured with 
 the spleen. Opened my desk, and read over all my dearest love's 
 letters. They are my constant refuge, but latterly I am most terribly 
 alarmed for her health. If I were so miserable as to lose her I 
 do not think I could ever survive it, and then what would become 
 of our dearest little babies ? Darling little things, I dote on them. 
 My poor Maria ; there are two postscripts of her writing ; it is 
 impossible to express how much I love them all ; shall I ever have 
 the happiness to see them again ? Well, I must not think of that 
 now. Sent out for a lemon and sugar, and determined to play the 
 part of Lord B. " / must have my punch? Oh that my dearest love 
 were at the other side of the little table where I am writing this : 
 " Quamquam oh ! " There is one thing which I have had occasion to 
 remark to-night, and a thousand times before, since my arrival in 
 France, viz., " That it is not good for man to be alone? If I had 
 my dear and unfortunate friend Russell beside me, to consult on 
 every occasion, I should no doubt have conducted myself infinitely 
 better, and, at all events, I should have had infinitely more enjoy- 
 ment. I have read a good deal latterly, but with very little profit. 
 In reading, an observation has struck me ; very well ; but I have 
 nobody to communicate it to ; I cannot discuss it, nor follow it up 
 to its consequences. In an hour it is lost, and I remember it no 
 
192 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 more ; whereas if I had a friend to whom I could open myself, 
 it would have become a principle. All this is not my fault. Of 
 all the privations I have ever suffered, that which I most sensibly 
 feel is the want of a friend since my arrival in France, to whom 
 I could open my heart. If William, if Matt, if Russell were here, 
 what a difference would it make in my situation to-night ! Well, I 
 will go to my dreary bed ; I declare I am weary of my existence. 
 
 March 21st to 24th. Received this day a letter from my sister, 
 which has thrown me into the greatest distress. I much fear that 
 I shall lose my best beloved wife ; I cannot write. 
 
 March 2$th. Wrote to my wife and sister, promising to join 
 them in a month if possible ; took my place in the diligence for 
 Liege for the 29th, having received my frais de route yesterday. 
 
 March 26th, 27th 28th. Blank. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 PLANNING A NEW EXPEDITION TO IRELAND. 
 
 March 2gth. Set off" from Paris at three in the afternoon, in 
 the diligence, for Liege ; travelled all night. 
 
 March 2,0th. Breakfast at Soissons ; supper at Rheims, which, 
 from the little I saw of it, seems to me a delightful spot ; visited 
 the Cathedral where the Kings of France used to be consecrated ; 
 it is a noble Gothic structure, but I fancy it will be some time 
 before that ceremony will be again performed there ; drank some 
 excellent red champagne, which is called Vin Ros£, and set off ; 
 travelled all night again. 
 
 March 31^/. Dined at Launay, a village, and arrived in the 
 evening at Mezieres, as tired as a horse ; got to bed early, and 
 slept like a top. 
 
 April 1st. Slept at Rocroy, famous for the battle gained in 
 1643 by the great Conde, in which he annihilated the Spanish 
 infantry, and thereby changed the destiny of Europe. I should 
 have observed that we crossed the Meuse at Mezieres, where it is 
 not very considerable. I have now traversed Champagne, and 
 have seen nothing remarkable ; it is a flat country, interesting only 
 from the high state of its cultivation. Rheims is the best thing 
 in it. 
 
 April 2nd. Slept at Givet, immediately over which is Charle- 
 mont, a place I should judge impregnable, from its situation on a 
 rock, great part of which is inaccessible. There are three noble 
 barracks at Givet, one for cavalry and two for infantry. In the 
 beginning of the war the Austrians penetrated as far as the hills 
 opposite Givet, but, upon observing Charlemont with their per- 
 spectives, it held out so little temptation to them, that they soon 
 
 vol. 11. 14 I9; , 
 
194 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797. 
 
 retired. Crossed the Meuse again, which is beginning to grow 
 interesting. The banks on each side rise boldly, and in many places 
 are covered with wood. Passed a chateau belonging to the ci-devant 
 Duke de Beaufort, who has had the good sense not to emi- 
 grate ; it is a most delicious spot, on the edge of the river, highly 
 fertile and cultivated, which is well contrasted by the lofty rocks, 
 which rise bare and perpendicular on the opposite bank to an 
 uncommon height. Entered the Forest of Ardennes, which brought 
 Touchstone immediately to my mind : " Well, now I am in 
 Arden, the more fool I ; when I was at home I was in a better 
 J>lace." A most infernal road, but a most romantic country. Dined 
 at Fumay, which is completely Llangollen ; I never saw a completer 
 Welsh landscape for mountains, wood, and water. 
 
 April 3rd. Breakfasted at Dinant, on the road to which, close to 
 the edge of the Meuse, is a remarkable sugar-loaf rock, which rises 
 to an immense height. The road passes between this sugar-loaf 
 and an immense pile of rocks on the other side ; and there is not, 
 I am sure, a foot more than the breadth of the carriage ; the pas- 
 sage was opened by Louis XIV. Opposite to Dinant is Bouvines. 
 This country is a sort of classic ground for a French officer. Since 
 I have last crossed the Meuse, things are beginning to wear a 
 Flemish appearance. Passed through Ciney, where there was a 
 fair, not very unlike an English or Irish one ; slept at Freneux. 
 
 April 4th. Crossed the Meuse again, and arrived at Liege about 
 ten o'clock. On the road near Liege is a most magnificent abbey 
 of Benedictines, which is, in fact, a palace. At present, however, 
 the French have laid their ungodly hands on the revenues, so I do 
 not know how the Reverend Fathers make it out. The approach 
 to Liege put me in mind of that to Birmingham ; not that the face 
 of the country is the same, but that in both cases there is a great 
 number of neat country boxes, extremely well kept, that the fields 
 are well dressed, and the gardens highly cultivated — a proof that 
 the inhabitants are at their ease, as is generally the case in great 
 manufacturing towns. Liege itself is a melancholy dirty spot. The 
 palace of the Prince Bishop has the air of a convent ; it is a square 
 building, the inside of which forms a court, round which runs an 
 
JET. 34 ] 
 
 LIEGE. 
 
 i95 
 
 arcade, where there are little shops of divers sorts. By the by, 
 even in the Palais Royal, at Paris, the ground floor of the Duke of 
 Orleans' apartments is laid out in shops, which has often surprised 
 me. An English nobleman would not suffer the interior of the 
 palace to be so shabbily occupied. Walked about the town, which 
 offers nothing remarkable except the number of little boys who 
 exercise the trade of pimping, and handle the caduceus with great 
 dexterity. A stranger is beset with them at every corner ; the 
 instant he arrives, three or four of them surround him : "Monsieur, 
 monsieur! Voulez vous que je vous conduise ; Quinze ans ; quinze 
 ans ; la plus jolie femme de la ville." Yet Liege has always been 
 under an ecclesiastical government. The Cathedral was, I believe, 
 magnificent ; but the French have demolished it, and it is now a 
 heap of ruins. The courts of justice, &c, are held in the Episcopal 
 palace. Supped in company with a Pole named Mokosky, who 
 was secretary to Kosciusko ; found him extremely interesting, 
 which might, in some degree, perhaps, result from the similarity of 
 our situations, each of us being banished from our country, and 
 seeking refuge in France, from the same motives. Sat late with 
 him ; the only pleasant evening I have had on my journey ; I like 
 him very much ; he idolises Kosciusko, and speaks of him as of a 
 being of superior order; his conversation brought a thousand ideas 
 fresh into my mind. Well, let me have done with that subject for the 
 present ; there is a time for all things, and mine may come yet. 
 The country about Liege, especially the garden belonging to the 
 bourgeois, is in the highest possible state of cultivation. Thus far 
 I have remarked no traces of the ravages of war, except a part of 
 one of the faubourgs, which was destroyed by the fire of the 
 Austrians. 
 
 April $ili. Traversed the Duchy of Limbourg, a rich parterre 
 country, the verdure of which is not exceeded by that of Ireland, 
 and which is kept with an exactness and propriety of cultivation 
 which I have not remarked even in the finest parts of England. 
 The peasants are sturdy and tall, well fed and well clothed ; most 
 of them wear blue smock frocks ; the farm-houses are capital man- 
 sions, and everything bears the appearance of ease and plenty ; 
 
196 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [i797- 
 
 the horses are remarkably well kept ; in short, I thought myself in 
 the very finest part of Yorkshire ; but Limbourg has the advantage 
 in point of cultivation. Arrived in the evening at Aix-la-Chapelle, 
 but too late to see anything. Everything now is German. 
 
 April 6th. Set off this morning in an open carriage, with the 
 wind in my face, and a snowstorm ; traversed the Duchy of 
 Juliers, a corn country, well cultivated, but very inferior to Lim- 
 bourg in the appearance of everything, especially the farm-houses, 
 which in Juliers are very mean, and grow worse as we approach 
 Cologne, where we arrived at six in the evening. Hie finis longce, 
 chartoeque viceque. In the course of this journey, I am surprised at 
 the insignificance of the observations which presented themselves 
 to me ; in fact, my journal is the counterpart of Kid Codling's 
 remarks, " Memorandum, feathers will swim in the salt sea" but 
 many reasons concur to render my tour barren. In the first place, 
 my mind is totally occupied by the state of my dearest life's health, 
 to the exclusion of all other objects. I can safely say that since I 
 left Paris she has never been one instant out of my thoughts. I 
 am more unhappy about her than I can express. She is the delight 
 of my eyes, the joy of my heart, the only object for which I wish 
 to live. I dote upon her to distraction. We are now nearly twelve 
 years married, and I love her ten thousand times more than the 
 first hour of our union. Oh, my life, my love, what should I do if I 
 were so miserable as to lose you ? Let me, if possible, banish this 
 horrible idea ! In the next place, I apprehend that I have not 
 the talent for observation, nor perhaps the knowledge, or rather the 
 reading, necessary ; for I perceive that tours, to borrow Sterne's 
 comparison, as well as books, are made like apothecaries' mixtures, 
 by pouring out of one vessel into another. There are five hundred 
 Vade Mecums, by the aid of which I see anybody may write a 
 tour ; but, for my part, I am heinously unprovided, seeing that I 
 have not even the Livre des Postes, for want of which I have, in my 
 journal of the 2nd instant, placed Fumay after Givet, whereas any 
 well-informed tourist who will only take the trouble, without 
 quitting his fireside, to open his eyes and look on the map, will see 
 that Fumay precedes Givet, whereby I am convicted of an unpar- 
 
MT. 34.] 
 
 COLOGNE. 
 
 197 
 
 donable error in geography, and such as may raise in disinterested 
 minds a doubt whether, in fact, I ever visited those remote countries 
 of which I pretend to speak. In the next place, I am quite alone, 
 without a soul to speak to that I care one farthing about or that 
 cares one farthing for me. If I were to make the tour of Europe 
 to my mind, I would choose for my compagnons de voyage, my wife, 
 Russell, and George Knox. It would be a most delicious party. 
 I love George Knox dearly ; and for my wife and Russell, they 
 make, I may say, a part of my existence. Well, when the peace 
 comes we shall see more. In the last place, I have been shut up 
 all along in an execrable diligence, from which it is almost impos- 
 sible to see anything ; and when we arrived in the evening at our 
 station, I was generally so fatigued that my first object was to get 
 to bed as soon as possible. I therefore refer my dearest love and 
 my little babies, for whom and for Russell alone I write these 
 memorandums, to the innumerable tours which have been, and may 
 be, written through France and the Pays Bas, for that information 
 in which I am so scandalously deficient, notwithstanding that I 
 have spent eight or nine whole days in the stage coach between 
 Paris and Cologne, and have traversed at least four hundred miles 
 of the territory of the Republic. 
 
 April yth. Cologne. — (That I take to be the true style of a 
 modern tourist.) In Cologne I see, as yet, nothing remarkable. 
 Went with the Adjutant-General Gastines, with whom I travelled 
 to the Quartier-Gene'ral. The General busy, and could not see us, 
 but sent to invite us to dinner. Dinner very pleasant. I should 
 be as happy as an Emperor if it were not for the increasing anxiety 
 I feel for my dearest life and soul, which at every instant shoots 
 across my mind. If ever I feel myself for a moment disposed to 
 enjoy anything, that cruel idea recurs to me, and sinks me at once. 
 My situation is most cruel at this moment ; just at the opening of 
 the campaign I am obliged, if I can without disgrace, to quit the 
 army, or, if I stay, I risk the death of my wife — to me the most 
 terrible of all events — and I leave my three little children at Ham- 
 burg without the protection of father or mother, depending solely 
 on the friendship of my sister, who is herself depending on her 
 
198 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797. 
 
 husband, to whom I am an utter stranger. It is terrible ! I have 
 already written twice to my dearest love that I will, if possible, 
 proceed from Cologne to join her. I must now see how that can 
 be done with honour ; if it cannot be done with honour, it is not 
 my fault ; and, in that case, if we must all perish, we must, and 
 there is no remedy. My mind is distracted to-night with a thou- 
 sand opposite thoughts, and I know not where to fix. I am most 
 truly miserable ! Went to the spectacle for want of other idleness. 
 Saw CEdipe a Colone butchered ; a wicked punster behind me said 
 it was truly CEdipe a Colone. 
 
 April 8I/1. Mr. Shee is at Bonn, five leagues from this. He is 
 appointed by the General President of the Committee of Adminis- 
 tration of the Pays Conquis. Took leave of the General, and set 
 off for Bonn at two o'clock in the diligence. Found Mr. Shee in 
 the gout in his bed, and his brother commissioners at work about 
 him. Fixed to see him early to-morrow, when I will, if I can, 
 settle with him what I am to do under the present painful circum- 
 stances. 
 
 April gtk. Called on Mr. Shee early, and mentioned to him my 
 present situation. After turning it in all possible lights, we agreed 
 that I should write a letter to the General, suggesting the necessity 
 of opening a communication with Ireland, and offering, in case he 
 had not otherwise disposed of me, to go in person to Hamburg 
 for that purpose. Wrote the letter accordingly, which Mr. Shee 
 translated and I signed. Left Mr. Shee with his commissioners, 
 and walked about Bonn, which is a charming little town. It was 
 the residence of the Elector of Cologne, who has a most superb 
 palace ; indeed, except the Chateau de Versailles, it is by much 
 the finest I ever saw ; the King of England has nothing like it. 
 It is now converted into an hospital for the French soldiers, and I 
 am sorry to see it already a good deal damaged. The garden is 
 likewise metamorphosed into a park of artillery, in which, however, 
 there are at present but a few caissons. About a quarter of a mile 
 from the town there is a second palace, not so magnificent as the 
 first, but which I should certainly prefer for a residence ; it is called 
 Poppelsdorf, was the Elector's country seat, and has, I am told, a 
 
JET. 34-1 
 
 THE RHINE. 
 
 199 
 
 handsome jardin Anglais. It is also converted into an hospital, 
 Before the war, the road from Cologne to Bonn, being fifteen miles, 
 was planted on both sides like an avenue, but all the trees are now 
 cut down, and the beauty of the road is lost. This, however, is 
 one of the least inconveniences of war. Opposite to Bonn, on the 
 other side of the Rhine, are the Seven Mountains, which form a 
 very striking and picturesque object. Three of them are sur- 
 mounted by castles, and furnished, in former days, a retreat to the 
 famous Robert, chef de brigands. The Rhine itself presents nothing 
 very remarkable here ; it seems to me something, but not much, 
 larger than the Shannon at Athlone ; the water just now is muddy, 
 but I do not know whether it is always so. On the opposite bank 
 is also the abbey of Siegburg, situated on the summit of a hill, 
 which forms a very striking object. I entered one or two of the 
 churches, in which there are abundance of very middling pictures 
 and execrably bad statuary. Dined with MM. the Commissioners, 
 very agreeably. From the windows of the dining-room I saw the 
 advanced posts of the enemy, on the other side of the Rhine. 
 They are only a small detachment of O'Donnel's free corps, dressed 
 in green jackets and red pantaloons, with caps and white belts. 
 Came home early and went to bed. I am not at all well ! The 
 continual chagrin and uneasiness of my mind in a certain degree 
 affects my health. What a difference would it make in the day I 
 have spent at Bonn if I had my poor love with me ! What shall I 
 do if the General does not send me to Hamburg ? 
 
 April 10I/1. Called on Mr. Shee early, and found him engaged. 
 All the places in the diligence for Cologne were taken to-day, so I 
 must wait till to-morrow. Confound it ! I am in the utmost im- 
 patience to know what decision the General will take with regard 
 to my application. Walked round the town and environs two 
 hours. It is fortified "after a manner;" but they are, I believe, 
 the most peaceful fortifications in Europe. The fosse is converted 
 into a number of little gardens, which are admirably well kept; the 
 interior of the bastions form also so many gardens, in each of 
 which is a handsome summer-house ; one of them contains the 
 Hortus Botanicus, with a delightful house in the middle. I have 
 
200 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [i797- 
 
 not seen anything so pretty for a long time. I thought immediately 
 if I had that house and garden, with a decent competence, and my 
 dearest love and our little babies about me, I should be the happiest 
 man in Europe. Spent half an hour contemplating the Sept Mon- 
 tagues, which appear more and more picturesque and striking. 
 Higher up the river is a hill, not very high, but which rises 
 abruptly, the top of which is crowned by a castle of considerable 
 extent ; I do not know its name, but it is a noble object on the 
 landscape. On my return discovered a delightful little farm-house, 
 with a patch of woodland behind, and a few acres of excellent land 
 around it, which would suit me to a miracle. I think I am grown 
 covetous to-day ; I want everything that I see. Altogether the 
 town and environs of Bonn are charming, and if my mind were at 
 ease I should enjoy this little trip exceedingly. What would I 
 give to have my poor love with me to-day ! Well, come what will, 
 I will not speak of her again, if possible, until we meet. I am 
 weary of complaints, which profit nothing. Let me see what 
 General Hoche will determine. I hear the campaign will open the 
 15th ; it is a good time for me to propose going to Hamburg. I 
 cannot conceive a situation much more painful than mine is at this 
 moment. 
 
 April llth. Returned to-day to Cologne, and dined at the 
 Quartier-Ge^neral. Gave my letter to Poitou ; so to-morrow I sup- 
 pose I shall have an answer. One way or other, I shall know my 
 destination soon. 
 
 April 12th. Saw the General to-day, for an instant, before 
 dinner. He told me he had read my letter, approved of the plan, 
 and had, in consequence, desired Poitou to make out a permission 
 for me to go to Hamburg. I did not like the word "permission? 
 and therefore took an opportunity to speak to him again after 
 dinner, when I told him that I did not desire to go to Hamburg 
 unless he himself thought it advisable, and requested that in that 
 case he would give me an order, specifically, for that purpose, as 
 otherwise it might appear that I had applied for a cotige' at the very 
 opening of the campaign, which was not the case. He entered into 
 my view of the business directly, and promised me to have the 
 
JET. 34.] 
 
 HOCHE'S VIEW. 
 
 201 
 
 order made accordingly ; so I am in hopes that affair will be settled 
 to my mind. I took this occasion to ask him if he had any par- 
 ticular directions to give me, or any particular person to whom he 
 wished I should address myself. He told me not. That all I had 
 to do was to assure my friends that both the French Government 
 and himself, individually, were bent as much as ever on the emanci- 
 pation of Ireland ; that preparations were making for a second 
 attempt, which would be concluded as speedily as the urgency of 
 affairs would admit ; that it was a business which the Republic 
 would never give up, and that if three expeditions failed, they 
 would try a fourth, and ever, until they succeeded. He desired me 
 also to recommend that this determination should be made known 
 through the medium of the patriotic prints in Ireland, in order to 
 satisfy the people that we had not lost sight of them. I then took 
 my leave, and we wished each other mutually a good voyage. I 
 am very well satisfied with the turn which this affair is like to take, 
 and especially I am infinitely indebted to General Hoche for his 
 kindness to me personally. On leaving the General I called on 
 Poitou, and mentioned to him what I had said about the order. I 
 likewise wrote a line to the General, requesting my frais de route, 
 but I doubt my success in this application, as our military chest 
 here is heinously unfurnished. At all events, I have money enough 
 to carry me to Hamburg. Come, all is not lost that is in danger. 
 I have now the General's word that our business will be undertaken 
 again. 
 
 April i$th. To-day the General set off for Coblentz. I walked 
 all the forenoon about Cologne, and entered divers churches ; saw 
 a procession of priests carrying the host. To a devout Catholic it 
 must appear very striking, but to me, who am not a Catholic, it was 
 no great things ; however, I am glad I have seen it, for one must see 
 everything. Saw sundry live Friars and Monks, " black, white, and 
 grey, with all their trumpery!' Visited the port, and went on board 
 a Dutch galliote, where there was an apartment of four little rooms, 
 the neatest and prettiest things I ever saw. I should delight to 
 make a voyage down the Rhine with my dearest love aboard such 
 another. Yesterday and to-day above 6,000 men, with a train of 
 
202 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 artillery, have entered Cologne, including the Legion des Francs 
 and the 24th demi-brigade of light infantry ; they are to be incor- 
 porated and serve with a company of light artillery on the advanced 
 guard, and as they have been trained to the petite guerre in La 
 Vendee, I think they will be a match for an equal number of the 
 light troops of the enemy. Met several of my connaissatices expedi- 
 tionnaires, among the rest Waudre, of the artillerie ttgere, who was 
 with me on board the Indomptable, and whom I liked very much. 
 He asked me, " Was I of the army of Sambre et Meuse ? " And 
 when I told him I was, "Eh bien," said he, "desl un brave de plus? 
 It was handsomely said of him. It seems, in the distribution of 
 officers, I am charged, being attached to the Etat-Major, with the 
 " Arme'ment, eqtiippement et habillement des troupes!' I know no 
 more than my boot what I shall have to do, but I know that I have 
 at least 80,000 men to arm, clothe, and equip. " By'r lakin, a 
 parlous fear ! " I have not got my order nor my /rats de route 
 yet, but Poitou has promised to send me at least the order from 
 Bonn, and I have written a line to Mr. Shee respecting the money, 
 but I have no violent hopes of success. It costs me a very hard 
 struggle to leave the army just now, and nothing under heaven but 
 the state of my poor love's health could induce me to make such a 
 sacrifice ; but when that is at stake, every other consideration must 
 give way. I would sacrifice my soul for her. 
 
 April 14th, 15th, 16th. I have been lounging these three days 
 about Cologne ; stupid enough. Yesterday I entered a church 
 alone, for I visit all the churches ; there happened to be no one in 
 the place but myself, and as I was gazing about, I perceived the 
 corner of a green silk curtain behind a thick iron lattice lifted up, 
 and some one behind it. I drew near, in order to discover who it 
 might be, and it proved to be a nun, young I am sure, and I believe 
 handsome, for I saw only her mouth and chin, but a more beautiful 
 mouth I never saw. We continued gazing on one another in this 
 manner for five minutes, when a villainous overgrown friar, entering 
 to say his mass, put her to the rout. Poor soul, I pitied her from 
 the very bottom of my heart, and laying aside all grosser considera- 
 tions, should have rejoiced to have battered down the gates of the 
 
JET. 34-] 
 
 STARTING FOR HOLLAND. 
 
 203 
 
 convent, and rescued her from her prison. These convents are most 
 infernal institutions, but, at the peace, I trust the Republic will 
 settle that business here, where, by the by, the people are dread- 
 fully superstitious. All this last week we have had nothing but 
 religious processions, particularly on the 14th, being Good Friday. 
 Went to-day, being Easter Sunday, and heard High Mass in the 
 Cathedral, but the ceremony was very modest ; I fancy they have 
 concealed their plate and ornaments for fear of us, and they are 
 very much in the right of it. After mass, went to another church, 
 and heard a Capuchin friar preach. Crossed the Rhine to-day, on 
 the pont volant, and took possession of the rive droite in the name 
 of the Republic. " Thus far we have advanced into the bowels of 
 the land." There is great talk of an armistice with the Emperor, 
 but I doubt it ; it is too good news to be true. If we had once 
 peace with him, we could bend all our attention and all our re- 
 sources on England. I wonder I have heard nothing yet about 
 my order. 
 
 April 17th. This day Fairin, aide-de-camp to General Cherin, 
 brought me the order for my departure, enclosed in a very friendly 
 letter from the General-in-Chief. I do not see anything concerning 
 my frais de route, so I presume that part of the business is refused. 
 It is well it is no worse. Walked out in the evening to a guin- 
 guette, delightfully situated on the banks of the Rhine, and drank a 
 bottle of Hock. Pas mall 
 
 April 18th. Wrote this morning to my dearest love, and to Mr. 
 Shee, to notify my intended departure. I think I will go no farther 
 than the frontiers of Hanover, where I have desired my family to 
 meet me. Called on General Coulanges, Sous Chef de l'Etat- 
 Major, to apprise him of my departure. Took my place in the 
 diligence for Nimeguen, from whence I shall proceed, by Utrecht, 
 to Amsterdam. By the time my voyaging is finished I shall have 
 made a pretty handsome tour of it. 
 
 April 19th. Blank. 
 
 April 20th. Set out from Cologne, at five in the morning, " by 
 most of the clocks" on my way to join my dearest love. Dined at 
 Neuss, an inconsiderable town. At three reached Crevelt, the most 
 
204 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 beautiful village I ever saw ; the country all around it is flat, but 
 highly cultivated. As to the town itself, it is a most delicious 
 spot ; there is a considerable manufactory of silk goods carried 
 on there, which greatly enlivens the place ; the inhabitants, it is 
 easy to see, are rich and comfortable. Four leagues ; travelled all 
 night. 
 
 April 2\st. Passed Guelders, the capital of the Duchy of that 
 name, in a broken slumber. I can assure all those whom it may 
 concern, that a German post-wagon is not the most eligible con- 
 trivance for sleeping in. I am at this moment ereintd, as the French 
 say. Breakfasted at Cleves, and made my toilet to refresh me. 
 Shaved by a surgeon for threepence, for in Germany the ancient 
 fraternity between the barbers and surgeons still subsists. Thought 
 of Partridge's lamentation on their separation. Set off again in my 
 wagon at one. At four entered the territory of the Batavian Re- 
 public. At six reached Nimeguen, which is my first halt. Secured 
 my place in the Utrecht diligence for to-morrow morning. Walked 
 about the town for an hour ; I am enchanted with it. I never saw 
 anything so neat and well kept, and a young German, who is my 
 fellow-traveller, assures me that, as we proceed, I shall find the 
 cleanliness and exactitude increase. Passed by two or three corps 
 de garde ; the Dutch troops very handsome, fine fellows, and ex- 
 tremely well kept. It is to be remembered, though, that our 
 ragamuffins made them fly like chaff before the wind. The Dutch 
 officers wear gold-laced hats, like the British, and our Generals ; 
 the French plan is better in all respects. Saw several young Dutch- 
 women at their doors and windows, who seem to me to be charming 
 creatures, dressed well, and with taste. I find that I had a very 
 erroneous idea of Holland. Well, after all, there is nothing like 
 travelling, to dispel prejudice ; with which observation, as it is per- 
 fectly original, and I am sure never occurred to anybody before, I 
 will conclude this day's journal. 
 
 April 22?id. Set out from Nimeguen in the Utrecht diligence, 
 between seven and eight. A Dutch officer of dragoons, who travels 
 with me, tells me, in a barbarous jargon, worse than my own, that 
 a letter is just arrived at the Municipality, with the news that an 
 
JET. 34-] 
 
 JOURNEY THROUGH HOLLAND. 
 
 205 
 
 armistice with the Emperor, for four months, is agreed upon. I hope 
 in God the news is true ; it would make a marvellous change for 
 the better in our affairs. I am exceedingly pleased with my tour ; 
 there is something, after all, in the view of Holland, notwithstand- 
 ing its monotony, which to me, at least, is not disagreeable. The 
 features of a Dutch landscape are an immense tract of meadows, 
 till the view is lost in the distance, intersected either by deep and 
 wide ditches, or by fences of wicker, made as neat as basket work ; 
 large plantations of willows ; small brick farm-houses, covered with 
 red tiles, and in excellent order ; here and there a chateau of a 
 Seigneur, surrounded by a garden in the true Dutch taste. I am 
 not sure that, for a small garden, that taste is a bad one ; its neat- 
 ness, exactitude, and regularity agree admirably with what one 
 expects to find there. It is true it has not the picturesque beauty 
 of an English garden, but it has, notwithstanding, its own merits, 
 and, in short, I like it well enough in miniature. In a Dutch gar- 
 den all is straight lines, and right angles ; in an English all is 
 sinuosity. The Dutch garden is that of a mathematician, the 
 English that of a poet. No question the English taste is far 
 superior, but all I contend for is, that the Dutch is not without its 
 beauties, and by no means merits the indiscriminating ridicule 
 which is attempted to be thrown upon it. But I am writing an 
 essay upon gardening, about which I know nothing. To return ; 
 I never saw such neat farming as in Holland ; the English brag 
 very much of their farming, and to hear them talk, they are the 
 first agriculturists in the world, as well as the bravest, wittiest, 
 wisest, and greatest people which has ever existed. I am no 
 practical farmer, but, to my eye, everything in a Dutch farm is, 
 beyond all comparison, neater than in an English one, and 
 especially that striking and important article, the fences, to form 
 which, it is, that they make such immense plantations of willows ; 
 the pasturage seems most luxuriant, and everything, in short, in a 
 Dutch farm wears the appearance of ease and plenty. There is, 
 however, a striking contrast between the neatness and beauty of 
 the farm-houses and the mean and rustic appearance of the owners; 
 I saw several very ordinary-looking boors lodged in mansions 
 
206 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [i797 
 
 which, with us, would suit a gentleman of from three hundred to 
 one thousand pounds sterling a year. A great number of these 
 cottages have apiaries of twenty, thirty, forty, and one or two that 
 I remarked, of above one hundred hives. I cannot see, or rather I 
 see plain enough, why our poor peasantry have not bees, which 
 require so little expense, and of which their children, of which they 
 never fail to have plenty, might take care. I made the same 
 remark with regard to the orchards in Normandy, when I first 
 arrived in France, but he who can barely find potatoes for his family 
 is little solicitous about apples ; he whose constant beverage is 
 water, dreams neither of cider nor mead. Well, if we succeed, maybe 
 we may put my poor countrymen on somewhat a better estab- 
 lishment. We shall see. But to return. The storks here, who are 
 never disturbed, build on the barns and churches ; I saw several at 
 work on their nests ; it is a superstition of the country. Break- 
 fasted at Wyck. On the back of our post-wagon was painted a 
 representation of Noah's ark ; I thought it no bad allusion to the 
 interior of the machine, and if the painter intended it, I give him 
 credit. The guard at Wyck is blue, faced sky blue, and, as at 
 Nimeguen, very handsome, fine fellows. After passing Wyck, 
 observed that there was considerably more corn grown than I had 
 hitherto seen, but the neatness of cultivation continues invariably. 
 At seven in the evening arrived at Utrecht, of which I saw almost 
 nothing, as I alighted at one gate, and traversed, without stopping, 
 a part of the city to the canal, from whence proceeded the barge 
 for Amsterdam. I remarked, however, that, as at Bonn, the bastions 
 were converted into little gardens, and summer-houses, but at 
 Utrecht they are infinitely more in number, neater kept, and higher 
 ornamented. The quarter through which I passed put me strongly 
 in mind of Philadelphia, which, to my eye, it resembles exceedingly 
 in the exterior of the houses, the footways paved with brick, the 
 trees planted in the streets, the fountains, and even the appearance 
 of the inhabitants, which is very like that of the American Quakers. 
 I am very apt to see analogies and likenesses between places and 
 individuals, which I fancy exist often in my imagination only ; be 
 that as it may, Utrecht put me strongly in mind of Philadelphia. 
 
JET. 34-] 
 
 THE TRAKSCHUYT. 
 
 207 
 
 At eight, set off in the trakschuyt, a villainous barge, which is to 
 the grand canal packet boat what a German post-wagon is to a neat, 
 well-hung English chariot. The grand cabin, which is very small, 
 being hired, I was stowed away amongst the common lumber. We 
 were about thirty passengers, one half Jews, every man with his 
 pipe in mouth. I was suffocated ! I thought my entry into the 
 boat would have been solemnised by a battle. Having nothing but 
 French money, when I came to pay for my passage the skipper 
 refused my coin, which threw me into unspeakable confusion. A 
 young Jew, seeing my difficulty, offered to change me a piece of 
 five livres into Dutch money. I thanked him, and accepted his 
 offer. (It is to be observed that at par the Dutch sol is exactly 
 double the French, consequently 100 French sous should procure 50 
 Dutch.) But my Jew knew the course of exchange too well for that 
 traffic, and, taking my piece of 100 sous, gravely handed me 38 
 sous d'Hollande, by which I should have lost exactly 24 sous. I 
 was at first rather surprised at his impudence, but, recollecting my- 
 self immediately, I looked him mildly in the face, and, with great 
 gravity, required him instantly to refund. Jew as he was, this threw 
 him out of his play, and he immediately offered me four sous 
 d'Hollande more. I told him that I perceived he was a Hebrew, 
 and that if he would give me one hundred, he should not have the 
 piece ; on which he submitted. All this is matter of inducement. 
 (How the deuce came I to remember so much law ?) Immediately 
 after, a man would enter the boat perforce, and sat himself down 
 in the lap of another, who repelled him with great violence, and 
 threw him upon me, just as I was endeavouring to compose myself 
 to sleep, of which I had great need. I rose immediately, and, 
 seizing him by the collar, was proceeding to inflict an unheard-of 
 chastisement upon him, to which my adventure of the Biscayneer at 
 Trenton would have been nothing, when my Jew, who had not 
 digested his affront and his loss, thought proper to interfere, on 
 which I instantly quit my antagonist and attacked the Hebrew 
 with great violence. All the world knows that a Dutch trakschuyt 
 is a most inconvenient scene for a battle : for, to go no farther, it 
 is, in the first place, impossible to stand upright therein, and we 
 
208 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 were, besides, stowed away in bulk, like so many herrings. I could, 
 therefore, do little more than swear and call names, which I did in 
 broken French, to the great astonishment of the Dutchman and 
 terror of the Israelite, whom I threatened with I know not what 
 degree of punishment, which should make him an example for ever 
 to all the posterity of Abraham. He demanded pardon with great 
 marks of contrition, which I at length accorded him, and the in- 
 truder, who was the first cause of the dispute, being turned out by 
 common consent, the tranquillity of the packet boat was restored. 
 My sleep was, however, fled, and the smoking continued with great 
 perseverance, so that I was devoured with ennui. Opposite me was 
 placed a fat Dutchman, with his mistress, I believe ; so, to divert 
 myself, and support the honour of the Republic, I determined to 
 act the Celadon with Mademoiselle, who did not know one word of 
 French. That did not, however, prevent me from making great 
 way in her good graces, and Hans, who perceived he was losing 
 ground fast, very wisely determined to renounce the contest, to 
 which he found himself unequal, pulled his cap down over his eyes 
 and composed himself to sleep. I laid my head down, without 
 ceremony, in the lap of Mademoiselle, and in five minutes was as 
 fast as a church The lady followed the example of her two lovers, 
 and, in this manner, at five in the morning we reached Amsterdam. 
 I certainly had no right in the world to tease poor Hans ; but " Des 
 Chevaliers Francais tel est le caractere ;" besides that he seemed 
 " not to be made of penetrable stuff? I will not venture to say as 
 much of Mademoiselle, who, by the by, was very pretty. 
 
 April 23rd. At six reached the Auberge VEtoile in the Neuss or 
 Neiss, for I am not sure of the orthography, and got immediately 
 into bed, of which I had great occasion ; for I have not had a good 
 night's sleep since I left Cologne. Of three nights, I have spent 
 two on the wagon and trakschuyt ; and the intervening one, at 
 Nimeguen, I passed very badly, from the reflection that I had to 
 get up very early the next morning — a circumstance which always 
 spoils my rest, and, indeed, was the case the night before I left 
 Cologne ; so I may say I have passed four nights without a good 
 sleep, and that is too much, and I am as tired as a dog. My jour- 
 
JET. 34-] 
 
 AMSTERDAM. 
 
 209 
 
 ney from Cologne to Amsterdam, including expenses of all kinds, 
 has cost me about 36 livres of France, or £1 10s. sterling. Very 
 cheap and inconvenient. Rose at ten. "Mem. — Hands, but not face." 
 It is, to-day, Sunday. Dined at the table d'hote very agreeably, at 
 one ; drank a bottle of " delicate wine of Lucena" or rather, indeed, 
 most excellent claret, and set out alone to see the lions. The 
 Stadthuys ; a most magnificent building, which perfectly satisfied 
 the conception I had formed of it. Beside it is the New Church ; 
 so called, I presume, because it was new when it was built by the 
 Spaniards, before the foundation of the Dutch Republic. Assisted 
 at divine service, with which I was much pleased. The people 
 here seemed devout, but I remarked that the congregation con- 
 sisted entirely of persons advanced in life, or of children. I believe 
 I was the youngest man in the church. The organ is the largest 
 and most magnificent I ever saw. It is truly a noble instrument. 
 When the minister prayed, every one took off his hat, and when he 
 read the Scriptures, put it on again. I do not understand the 
 etiquette of that. Is it that they think it would not be respectful 
 to God Almighty to address Him with a hat on ? But, surely if 
 the Scriptures be the word of God, it is not respectful to listen, no 
 more than to speak, to your superiors with your hat on. Saw the 
 tombs of De Ruyter and Van Galen. That of De Ruyter is in the 
 place where, in a Catholic church, would be the high altar. The 
 tomb of that brave man occupies it more honourably. He is re- 
 presented lying, as well as Van Galen. I wished at first he had 
 been in an erect posture, but, on second thoughts, I believe it is 
 best as it is. I was extremely affected by the figure of Van Galen, 
 who is represented as dead, with his truncheon grasped in his right 
 hand, and his left on his breast. It is a glorious recompense, a 
 monument erected to the memory of a brave man by his country 
 I am rather afraid that we have but few Van Tromps and De 
 Ruyters in the Dutch navy of the present day. Walked round by 
 the quays, which are kept, as everything else in Holland, with 
 astonishing neatness. Looked into the cellars where the sailors 
 eat. The cleanliness of everything in them might tempt the 
 appetite of a prince. I thought of George's Quay, and " Ship's 
 vol. 11. 15 
 
2IO 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 kettles cooked here" with some little humiliation. In point of clean- 
 liness, to speak the truth, we are most terribly behind the Dutch. 
 Coffee-house and the papers. It is fated that my national pride is 
 to be humbled to-day. In the Leyden Gazette I had the mortifi- 
 cation to read the following observation, relative to the peaceful 
 disarming of the province of Ulster : " Quelques menacantes que 
 soyent souvent les dispositions des Irlandais, rarement on les a vu 
 produire de bien terribles effets." The devil of it is, that the obser- 
 vation is too well founded. Fitzgibbon was right when he said 
 that " We were a people easily roused and easily appeased." 
 
 April 24th. I am more and more pleased with Amsterdam ; it 
 is the first city of the world to walk in, and, in that respect, I prefer 
 it infinitely either to London or Paris. Visited the Stadthuys 
 again. It is a most magnificent structure, and one of the few 
 public buildings which I have seen, which completely answered 
 my idea of it. It is exactly what it ought to be — vast, simple, 
 and grand. I know nothing in the world of architecture, but I 
 have scarcely ever been so pleased with anything as with the Stadt- 
 huys of Amsterdam. There is a set of bells in the dome which 
 ornaments the front of the building, that execute airs and short 
 pieces of music with an inconceivable precision. In general, I de- 
 test the sound of a bell, so that when I was at the Temple in Lon- 
 don, surrounded by five or six churches, I often wished myself in 
 Turkey or some peaceable Mahometan country, where bells are for- 
 bidden. But the chimes of the Stadthuys are quite another affair. 
 I stood to-day twice, for nearly half an hour, and listened to them 
 with the greatest pleasure. The hackney coaches are here fixed on 
 sledges, and drawn by one horse ; they are convenient and ugly, 
 but the horses are superb. Traversed the Warmoes straat, which 
 is the Rue St. Honore of Paris, the Strand of London, and the 
 Dame Street of Dublin. The Kelver straat may be called the 
 Cheapside of Amsterdam. I had a very high notion of the dignity 
 of commerce from seeing the City of London, but I have a much 
 higher one now, since my visit to Holland. What must the trade 
 of this city have been before the war ? Bought a set of duets at 
 Hammel's, on the Zokkin, to have it to say that I had been in the 
 
MT. 34-] 
 
 ENGLISH NEWSPAPERS 
 
 211 
 
 first musical magazine in the world. Subscribed for a proof im- 
 pression of a mezzo-tinto of Buonaparte, eight livres. I do not know 
 whether it is like, but it is a very good print. Called on the artist, 
 who is an Englishman, one Hodges, and sat half an hour chatting 
 with him ; he has promised to choose me out a choice impression. 
 I have the cacolthes emendi strongly on me to-day, but luckily I 
 have so little money that the disease must soon expire for lack of 
 nourishment. 
 
 April 2$th. Rose at nine. " Chid Ralph for mislaying my 
 tobacco stopper^ Wrote to my dearest love, appointing to meet 
 her at Groninguen, the 3rd or 4th of next month. Changed 
 fifteen louis d'or for Dutch money ; lost thereby nine livres, 
 which is just sixpence per louis; it is not much. At the Coffee 
 House : found English papers down to the 14th instant ; nothing 
 material, but it was a great enjoyment to me. Several United 
 Irishmen acquitted, whose names, however, are not mentioned. 
 There is a schism in the yeomanry corps, many of whom are 
 disgusted by the tyranny exercised over the people of the North, 
 and especially by some proclamations lately published by General 
 Lake, which I should be glad to see, and which appear to be very 
 violent. There have been, in consequence, resolutions, counter 
 resolutions, and protests ; in short, there is a feud in the enemy's 
 camp, and the English Government can count no more upon the 
 yeomanry corps. Mr. Pitt has despatched Mr. Hammond to 
 Vienna, either to negotiate, or, as I rather think, to prevent the 
 Emperor from negotiating with the French. The outcry for peace 
 is universal, and petitions pouring in from all parts to that effect. 
 There is one from the City of Dublin, moved by Grattan, and 
 seconded by Ponsonby, at an aggregate meeting of the citizens, 
 and carried without a dissenting voice. I see those illustrious 
 patriots are at last forced to bolt out of the House of Commons, 
 and come amongst the people, as John Keogh advised Grattan 
 to do long since. 1 An attempt was made to declare the county 
 
 1 [Grattan and his friends retired from Parliament owing to the coercive 
 policy of the Government. Twenty years afterwards he justified his conduct. 
 " The reason why we seceded was that we did not approve of the conduct of 
 
212 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [mi- 
 
 Armagh in a state of disturbance, but the scheme was defeated, 
 and altogether there seems to be a faint appearance of a better 
 spirit rising in that unfortunate country. I do not, however, build 
 an inch high on it. The King and Pitt seem determined to die 
 hard. He has refused to receive the address of the City of 
 London, sitting on the throne ; and the Livery, to the number of 
 5,000, have voted unanimously that it is the inherent right 
 of the City to present their petitions in this manner, and so they 
 are at issue. If they carry their point (which they will not) the 
 King will be obliged to give an answer, which is the ground of the 
 dispute. The stocks were as low as 49J, but Hammond's mission 
 has screwed them up to 52. For my part, I look on it as a mere 
 tub to the whale, whilst the loan is negotiating, which is for 
 £15,000,000 sterling, but nothing is too improbable for John Bull 
 to believe, especially when he desires it. Mem. — Mr. Nisby's 
 opinion thereon. 
 
 April 26th. Having three or four days to dispose of, I resolved 
 to see the Convention Batave, and in consequence set off this 
 morning at five, in the trakschuyt, for the Hague. At Haarlem, 
 saw a regiment of Dutch troops, preparing for the parade ; uniform 
 blue, faced red, and the men in general of a very fine appearance ; 
 their arms, clothes, and accoutrements in excellent order. Travelled 
 as far as Leyden with a Dutch Admiral, who had the politeness 
 to invite me into the state cabin, which he had hired for himself : 
 I do not know his name, but he spoke very good French, " much 
 better Frencli than you or I, Gentlemen of t/ie Jury." I found his 
 conversation very agreeable ; his uniform was blue, with a red cape 
 and cuffs, embroidered in gold, and a white ostrich feather all round 
 
 the United men, and we could not approve of the conduct of the Government. 
 We were afraid of encouraging the former by making speeches against the 
 latter, and we thought it better in such a case, as we could support neither, 
 to withdraw from both. . . . There was high treason certainly, . . . but 
 nothing could excuse the torture, the whippings, the half hanging. . . . The 
 Government were so abominable, their measures were so violent, that no 
 man would sanction them. : . . They did not treat the people as if they 
 were Christians. They treated them not like rebel Christians, but like rebel 
 dogs "—Ed.] 
 
MT. 34-] 
 
 A DUTCH ADMIRAL. 
 
 213 
 
 his hat. He is just returned from the Texel, where there are 
 fifteen sail of the line, ready and full manned for sea. That would 
 be very good, but unfortunately the Dutch seamen have manifested 
 such a terrible spirit of mutiny, insubordination, and ill-will, that 
 there is no reckoning upon them ; witness their running away with 
 the Jason frigate, and their infamous behaviour under Admiral 
 Lucas, at the Cape of Good Hope. By the by, I have never been 
 thoroughly satisfied with regard to the conduct of the said 
 Admiral in that expedition. God knows, but it may be a present 
 of fifteen sail of the line that we are making to the English. I 
 asked the Admiral what he thought of Cordova's battle with 
 Jarvis the other day, when, with twenty-seven sail of the line, he 
 contrived to be beaten by fifteen, and to lose four ships, and 
 whether he thought it was through cowardice or ignorance. The 
 Dutchman bluntly answered me, " Both." And I believe he was 
 right. He also told me that the celebrated navigator, Bougain- 
 ville, is named to the command of the fleet at Brest. I am 
 heartily glad of it. To return to my voyage. All along the banks 
 of the canal I observed a prodigious number of wild fowl, who, 
 indeed, could hardly be called wild ; for they let us pass within 
 twenty yards of them without seeming to take notice of us. 
 Having been, in the days of my youth, something of a sportsman, 
 I felt my ancient propensities begin to revive. There were green 
 and grey plover, redshanks, snipes, hares, without number. They 
 are little disturbed ; for the law here is, that every man is to sport 
 only on his own ground ; and I conclude the Dutch are either too 
 busy or too lazy to follow much that amusement. I wonder, shall 
 I ever have a day's partridge shooting in Ireland again ? The 
 last day I was out was with my dear friend Russell. Poor 
 fellow! God knows what may be his situation this day, or whether 
 he has not been sacrificed by that infernal Government of Ireland. 
 Well, let me think no more of that. The banks of the canal, 
 as we approached the Hague, are covered with villas, as thick as 
 they can stand, and kept with an astonishing neatness ; under the 
 local difficulties of situation it is astonishing how much they have 
 contrived to make of their country. They have " turned diseases to 
 
214 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 commodity ; " but to judge of this, it is necessary to be on the spot, 
 and see what they have done. Nothing short of Dutch patience, 
 perseverance, and resolution could have commenced, continued, 
 and concluded the astonishing works which are executed every- 
 where in Holland. A Dutchman cultivates his garden with 
 a precision inconceivable, and brings it to a state of absolute 
 perfection ; and within fifty yards he has a windmill built for 
 pumping off the water, which is constantly at work ; and were it 
 to cease, he and his garden would be inundated in twenty-four 
 hours. I have remarked twenty villas, built literally in the water, 
 to which the master entered by a bridge ; and they were the 
 neatest boxes I ever saw. — Arrived at the Hague at five o'clock. 
 My journey of thirteen leagues has lasted twelve hours. To 
 Monastereven, from Dublin, which is pretty nearly the same space, 
 it occupies nearly, as well as I can remember, the same time, and 
 costs five shillings. In the Dutch Canal there are no locks ; the 
 boat, which is much inferior to our packet boats, in size, beauty, 
 and in all respects, is drawn by one horse, who makes regularly 
 about three miles an hour : so that here they say, indifferently, 
 " Such a place is so many leagues, or so many hours off." Set up 
 at the Seven Churches, which, however, the intelligent reader, who 
 knows his Geography, will be careful not to confound with a place 
 of the same denomination in county Wicklow, which is called by 
 the natives Glendalough. Dined at the table d'hote, with nine 
 members of the Dutch Convention, very plain and respectable- 
 looking men, and put me exceedingly in mind of my old and 
 much and ever respected masters of the General Committee. I 
 feel the tears gush in my eyes, and my pulse beat fast, in writing 
 that sentence. After dinner, walked out alone, to see the town ; 
 visited sundry places, of which I know not yet the names ; found 
 myself at last in a wood, intersected by a noble avenue, on the 
 right side of which was a Dutch regiment (the uniform blue, faced 
 white) at exercise, and on the left a battalion of French. The 
 Dutch exercise, beyond all comparison, with more precision than 
 our troops ; they are taller and stouter men, better dressed and 
 kept, their arms and accoutrements in better order. At fifty yards 
 
JET. 34.] 
 
 DUTCH SOLDIERS. 
 
 215 
 
 distance, to see them together, there is no man who, at the first 
 blush, would not give the preference to the Dutch. But I looked 
 closer at them when the exercise was over, arid saw, at once, in the 
 French, something of a fire and animation that spoke that ardent 
 and impetuous courage which is their chief characteristic, and 
 which the others totally wanted. I would not, after that glance, 
 hesitate one instant, with our little battalion, to attack the Dutch 
 regiment, which was at least twice as strong, and we would beat 
 them. It was very amusing to me to observe the fierte of our 
 soldiers, as they marched by the others ; there was a saucy air of 
 civil superiority, which made me laugh excessively, both then and 
 ever since. The physiognomy of the French is sharp, quick, and 
 penetrating ; that of the Dutch, round, honest, and unmeaning ; 
 the step, air, and manner of the former are free and assured ; they 
 are the true stuff whereof to make soldiers. There are, however, 
 some important points to be considered. You must leave the 
 French grenadier permission to wear a very large cravat, if it be 
 the fashion, tied just as he likes. His hat is likewise his absolute 
 property, in the disposition of which he is by no means to be 
 interrupted or constrained ; he must try it on in every possible 
 shape and form, and wear it absolutely in that position which best 
 becomes, as he conceives, the cast of his figure. When satisfied in 
 those important, indeed indispensable points, he is ready for every- 
 thing, and Caesar himself is not so brave as those petits maitres ; 
 for every soldier in France is a petit maitre. I have seen them, 
 God knows, ragged enough, but I never saw them but with their 
 cravat, well and fashionably arranged, and their hat cocked and put 
 on with an air. To return. Once again, it was curious to see them 
 march by the Dutch. In the manner with which they regarded 
 the others, most of whom were the head and shoulders taller than 
 they, there was a certain assurance which pleased me exceedingly ; 
 the Dutchmen looked to me like so many tailors beside them. Saw 
 a corps de garde of Dutch cavalry, uniform white, faced black, and 
 lined red, buff vest and breeches, buff cross and waist belts, black 
 cockades. So many colours had not a good effect ; I should like, 
 however, to see the regiment mounted. 
 
2l6 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [i797- 
 
 April 2"]th. Visited this morning the Convention Batave ; it is 
 held in the palace of the ci-devant Stadtholder, in the room which 
 was formerly the ball-room, the orchestras whereof are converted 
 into tribunes, as they are called here and in France, and galleries 
 with us. The tribunes are open, and no introduction by a member 
 is necessary. The room is handsome, but has nothing particularly 
 striking ; it is an oblong of, I judge, about 120 feet by 50, illuminated 
 by six large, and as many smaller windows, over the others, of plate 
 glass. The President is placed on a banquette, raised four steps, 
 open to the front, and railed in on the other three sides ; on his 
 right and left hand are two tables, and seats for four secretaries ; 
 opposite to him is the bar; his table is covered with a crimson 
 velvet cloth, laced with gold, and his chair is covered and trimmed 
 in like manner ; he wears a silk scarf of red and white, passed on 
 his right shoulder and round his waist, and he is furnished with a 
 middling-sized ivory mallet, with which he announces the decision 
 of the assembly by a stroke on the table. The mallet I do not 
 like ; it gives the President terribly the air of an auctioneer, but 
 nobody here minds it. On his right hand, but on the floor, is a 
 small kind of pulpit, from which all reports of committees are read 
 by the respective chairmen. The members, who are 126 in number, 
 are placed round the three sides of the room ; there are five rows 
 of benches, raised one above the other, covered with green cloth ; 
 every member has before him paper, pens, and ink ; the places are 
 all numbered, and every fifteen days, at the election of the Presi- 
 dent, whose office lasts no longer, the members draw for their seats, 
 by which means they avoid the denomination of right and left 
 sides, Government and Opposition sides, &c. They receive ten 
 florins a day, which is nearly the same pay as in France, being 
 about 1 6s. 8d. sterling, English. It is moderate enough, if it be not 
 too moderate ; for my principle is, that public functionaries should 
 be liberally paid, but receive no fees of office. When you pay 
 liberally you can insist that he whom you employ shall do his duty, 
 and infinitely fewer hands are necessary. I have seen sufficiently 
 in France the mischief of a different system, where, for want of being 
 able to pay their public functionaries, every one was careless, and 
 
JET. 34-] 
 
 B ATA VI AN CONVENTION. 
 
 217 
 
 ten persons were required to do the work, and do it ill, which might 
 be well done by one, and for the fourth of the expense in the upshot. 
 Liberality is, in many instances, true economy. The members were 
 extremely decorous in their manner and appearance, and order is 
 sufficiently kept ; infinitely better, for example, than in the Conseil 
 des 500, but not quite as well as in the English House of Commons. 
 I observed very few members who were not at least thirty-five 
 years of age, and most of them seemed to me to be forty and up- 
 wards ; they wear no distinctive mark of any kind. Altogether, I 
 was extremely pleased with the decorum and appearance, both of 
 the assembly and auditors. The tribunes were full, but not 
 crowded ; there were some women of a decent appearance, and in 
 the tribune opposite to the President, which is reserved for the 
 friends of the members, there were some very handsome and well 
 dressed. When I entered, the House was, as we would say, in com- 
 mittee, on some ordinary business, and the President pro tempore 
 wore a black velvet scarf over his right shoulder, with the words 
 Republique Batave, embroidered in gold on the front. At twelve 
 the House resumed, and the President took the chair, as I have 
 described. The question for discussion was, whether the Dutch 
 people should or should not be obliged, by the constitution, to pay 
 the clergy. I know not what may be, but I know very well what 
 ought to be, their decision. In France, where there is no religion, 
 there is no salary fixed by law for the priests. In America, where 
 there is a great deal of religion, there is no salary settled by law 
 for the clergy. The Catholic priests and the Dissenting ministers 
 of Ireland are paid by the voluntary subscriptions of their hearers, 
 and after all these examples I have no doubt as to the incon- 
 venience of a Church Establishment. By the by, there are several 
 of the clergy members of the Convention Batave ; I saw to-day one 
 Catholic priest and three Protestant ministers sitting in their places, 
 and the priest spoke in the debate ; I know not what he said, but 
 he made the assembly laugh heartily. There are likewise some of 
 the noblesse in the Convention, and I find they do not vote as a 
 caste ; some of them are patriots, and others aristocrats. All this 
 information was given me by an honest Dutch patriot, who, seeing 
 
2l8 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 me in a French uniform, was so good as to do me the honours of 
 the assembly, and point out to me the most distinguished members, 
 particularly Van Kastacle, who is the leader of the democratic 
 interest. It seems the principle which divides the assembly is 
 unity or federalism. The democrats are for the first, the aristocrats 
 for the latter, and they have succeeded in carrying their point in 
 the plan of the intended constitution ; but my Dutch friend tells 
 me he hopes that for that very reason the constitution will be 
 rejected by the people, in their primary assemblies. He likewise 
 informed me that, under the intended constitution, the clergy are 
 to be excluded from seats in the Legislature ; and that he wished 
 to God they would exclude the lawyers also, who were intriguers 
 and caballers, and from being more in the habit of public speaking, 
 and confounding right and wrong, were often able to confute and 
 silence honester and abler men than themselves. I could not help 
 laughing internally at this sketch of my ci-devant brethren of the 
 Dutch bar. I find a lawyer is a lawyer all over the world. The 
 most scandalously corrupt and unprincipled body, politically 
 speaking, that I ever knew, was the Irish bar ; I was a black sheep 
 in their body, and I bless God that I am well rid of them ; rot 
 them ! I hate the very memory of the Four Courts, even at this 
 distance. Well, with God's blessing, no man will ever see me again 
 in a black gown and nonsensical big wig ; so let the profession of 
 the law go and be hanged, I am happily done with it. To return : 
 I have now seen the Parliament of Ireland, the Parliament of Eng- 
 land, the Congress of the United States of America, the Corps 
 Legislatif of France, and the Convention Batave ; I have likewise 
 seen our shabby Volunteer Convention in 1783, and the General 
 Committee of the Catholics in 1793 ; so that I have seen, in the 
 way of deliberative bodies, as many I believe as most men ; and of 
 all those I have mentioned, beyond all comparison the most shame- 
 lessly profligate and abandoned by all sense of virtue, principle, or 
 even common decency, was the legislature of my own unfortunate 
 country ; the scoundrels, I lose my temper every time I think of 
 them. Dined at my auberge ; at the dessert there entered a sort 
 of a band of music, consisting of four women (two of whom were 
 
^T. 34.] 
 
 THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. 
 
 219 
 
 pretty) and two men. One of the women had a tambour de 
 basque, the rest had violins ; they played and sung alternately, and 
 not ill. I observed they sung in parts, first, second, and bass ; they 
 finished with the Marseillaise hymn in their patois, and the prettiest 
 of the women then went round with a plate to make her collection. 
 I am not sure that I should have been as much pleased with better 
 music ; I thought at the time of the ballad singers of Ormond Quay, 
 and blushed. Went to the coffee-house, and read the Paris papers, 
 viz., the Royalist ones, which were the only ones I could find ; 
 excessively disgusted with their dulness and impudence ; the 
 liberty of the press is not yet understood in France ; the indecent 
 attacks which are made with impunity on the Government are 
 scandalous and abominable. In England there is not one of those 
 scoundrelly journalists but would be sent to Newgate for two years 
 for one-fiftieth part of the libels which are published day after day 
 in Paris, with the most perfect impunity ; yet the rascals cry out 
 that they are enslaved, and call the Directory tyrants and oppressors, 
 whereas the proof that the most unbounded liberty, or, to speak 
 more properly, the most outrageous license, exists in France, is, 
 that such audacious libels are published, and that the authors are 
 not sent instantly to the galleys. All over Europe there is not a 
 tyrant whose subjects dare outrage him with such impunity ; and 
 it is hard that, in the only Government emanatory from the choice 
 of the people, liberty should be made the instrument of her own 
 destruction. But would I destroy the liberty of the press ? No, 
 but I would most certainly restrain it within just and reasonable 
 limits. All fair and cool discussion I would not only permit, but 
 encourage ; but the infamous personalities, the gross and vulgar 
 abuse that disgrace the Paris journals, I would most severely 
 punish. Liberty of the press, somebody has very well said, is like 
 the liberty to carry a stick, which no man should be hindered from 
 doing ; but if he chooses to employ it in breaking his neighbour's 
 head, or his windows, it is no breach of his liberty to make him 
 answer for the mischief he has committed. In short, I am of 
 opinion — and if ever I have the opportunity I will endeavour to 
 reduce that opinion to practice — that the Government of a Republic, 
 
220 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 properly organised, and freely and frequently chosen by the people, 
 should be a strong Government. It is the interest and security of 
 the people themselves, and the truest and best support of their 
 liberty, that the Government which they have chosen should not be 
 insulted with impunity ; it is the people themselves who are 
 degraded and insulted in the persons of their Government. I 
 would, therefore, have strong and severe laws against libels and 
 calumny, and I do not apprehend the least danger to the just and 
 reasonable liberty of the press from the execution of those laws, 
 where the magistrates, the judges, and the jury are freely named 
 by the people. The very same laws which, under the English con- 
 stitution, I regard as tyrannical and unjust, I would, in a free 
 Republic, preserve, and even strengthen. It is because the King 
 names the judges and the sheriffs, because the sheriffs pack the 
 juries, and a thousand other obvious reasons, that I regard the 
 English trials, in many instances, as a mockery of justice ; it is not 
 that in theory the law is bad, but that in practical execution it is 
 tyrannical ; and, as I have already said, I do not see why tyrants 
 alone should be protected by the laws, and liberty left unprotected 
 and defenceless. I hope I am deceived, but I much fear the French 
 Government will have reason sorely to repent their extravagant 
 caution with regard to infringing the liberty of the press. It is less 
 dangerous for a Government to be feared, or even hated, than 
 despised ; and I do not see how one which suffers itself, day after 
 day, without remission, to be insulted in the most outrageous 
 manner, with the most perfect impunity, can avoid, in the long run, 
 falling into disrepute and contempt. In America such gross 
 indecency would not be suffered to pass unpunished ; and surely, 
 if rational liberty exists upon the earth, it is in the United States. 
 " Here endeth tfie first lesson on t/ie liberty of the press." I have 
 now disburthened my soul of the indignation which was kindled in 
 it by those abominable libels. To return : walked forth into the 
 wood in quest of the palace of the ci-devant Stadtholder, but could 
 not find it, so that must be for to-morrow. Returned to my 
 auberge, somewhat afflicted with the blue devils ; remembered one 
 of Voltaire's precepts in such cases. " Ou bien buvez ; c'est un 
 
iET. 34-] 
 
 LAST NIGHT AT THE HAGUE. 
 
 221 
 
 parti fort sage;" determined to put.it in practice. Got off my 
 -boots and coat, got into my wrapper and slippers, and determined 
 to enjoy myself. I do not see why I should come to the Hague 
 without tasting some Holland gin. " The liqttor, when alive, whose 
 very smell I did detest and loathe!' Called for gin, water, and sugar, 
 1 on which the waiter disappeared, and returned instantly, with the 
 noggin." Performed the part of Lord B. with infinite address ; 
 drank " to the health of my dearest love ; " " our friends in Ire- 
 land ; " " the French Republic, with three times three ; " "a speedy 
 Republic to Ireland, with loud and universal acclamations ; " 
 " General Hoche, and the army of Sambre et Meuse." The evening 
 concluded with the utmost festivity. 
 
 April 28th. As I am about to leave the Hague to-morrow, 
 bought the Traveller's Guide, in order to amuse myself in the boat 
 by reading what I ought to have seen whilst I was there. I do not 
 much see the good sense of my purchase, but I perceive I am of 
 that class, respectable at least for its numbers, who are celebrated 
 for their facility in parting with their money, of which, by the by, 
 it may be supposed I am not just now afflicted with a prodigious 
 quantity. Dinner as usual, but the company more mixed ; at the 
 lower end of the table sat . a member of the Convention, worth a 
 plum, and a staunch patriot ; next him, in order, were three plain 
 men, " said they were farmers — indeed looked like farmers, in boots, 
 and spattered!' They and the representative of the Convention had 
 a long discussion. I observed he listened to them with great atten- 
 tion, and took notes of their remarks. This is as it ought to be. 
 After dinner a concert, as yesterday, but the band was differently 
 composed : " On n'y voyait ni tetons ni beaux yeux." In plain Eng- 
 lish, the performers were men, except one woman, who sung, 
 agreeably, two or three duos, the other part being performed by a 
 little bossu, about three feet high, but who was penetrated to the 
 very soul by his own music. I was exceedingly amused by his 
 style of singing and acting ; for he acted also, and, at the end of 
 the concert, gave him a trifle for himself. I could not help thinking 
 what a choice morceau Sterne would have made out of one of 
 these concerts and this poor little bossu, who seemed a sort of 
 
222 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 enthusiast in his art. These ambulant musicians are nothing, if 
 you think of the opera ; but if you think of the ballad singers of 
 other countries, they are highly respectable, and, in fact, I remarked 
 two or three among them whom I would have been very glad to 
 equal on their instruments. After dinner strolled out about the 
 Hague : "People may say this and that of being in Newgate, but, for 
 my part, I find Holland as pleasant a place as ever I was in in my 
 life" It is delicious. I am tempted, as I walk about the Hague, 
 to cry out, " Thou almost persuadest me to be a Dutchman" Who- 
 ever may be Ambassador from the Republic of Ireland to Holland 
 will not be the worst off of the future Corps Diplomatique. Re- 
 turned to the auberge ; demanded of the waiter " if he could help 
 me to a glass of genever, or so?" (I defy man, woman, or child 
 to track me in that quotation.) The waiter produced the needful — 
 Lord B., &c. 
 
 April 29th. Set off this morning in the trakschuyt for Amster- 
 dam, saw two storks, male and female, at work building their nest ; 
 it was a delightful emblem of a bon manage, and I cannot express 
 the pleasure I felt in observing how intent they were on their work, 
 and the assistance they mutually gave each other. How my 
 dearest love would have enjoyed it ! Travelled with the Citizen 
 Van Amstel, a deputy to the Convention, whom I had already met 
 at dinner, and who had been pointed out to me when I went to the 
 assembly by my Dutch acquaintance, " whose name I know not, but 
 whose perso?t I reverence," as a most excellent patriot and republi- 
 can. We soon found one another out ; he tells me that the Com- 
 mittee for Foreign Affairs have received an express from General 
 Daendels, Commander-in-chief, that the preliminaries of the peace 
 between the French Republic and the Emperor are certainly 
 signed, and that they have no doubt but that the fact is so ; if so, it 
 is most excellent news, indeed the best we could desire ; but I have 
 a mighty good rule, from which I will not now depart, which is to 
 believe all excellent news always four-and-twenty hours after all 
 mankind is convinced of its certainty. He gives me another piece 
 of intelligence, which, if it be true, I regard as scarcely of less 
 importance than the peace with the Emperor, viz., that there has 
 
MT. 34 ] 
 
 MUTINY IN ENGLISH FLEET. 
 
 223 
 
 been a mutiny aboard the English fleet ; that the seamen had 
 nearly thrown their Admiral overboard, and that they had tried, 
 condemned, and hanged one of their comrades for opposing their 
 measures. This is too good news to be true, and I long most 
 anxiously to see it explained. It has been communicated to the 
 Comite des Relations Exte>ieures from Hamburg, so I shall 
 probably learn the truth when I meet my family at Groninguen. 
 At our parting, Van Amstel requested to see me on my return to 
 the Hague, and offered his services if he could be of any con- 
 venience to me there, on which " / flourished my hands three times 
 over my head in the most graceful manner," and took my leave. I 
 think I will ask him to introduce my dearest love into the grand 
 gallery of the Convention. Returned to my old hutch in the 
 Neuss, where, by the by, I am very well and reasonably lodged. I 
 like the Dutch inns mightily. 
 
 April 30th. Set off on my journey to Groninguen, where I have 
 given my wife and babies a meeting, crossed the Zuyder Zee in the 
 night ; it took us just twelve hours. 
 
 May 1st. Arrived at Lemmer at eight in the morning, and set 
 off instantly in the trakschuyt for Strobosch ; a delightful day and 
 beautiful breeze all the way ; immense quantities of game all along 
 the canal. Planned a voyage, to be executed, God knows when, by 
 my wife, Russell, and myself; to hire a trakschuyt for a month 
 certain, to go where we liked, and stop when we liked, to live 
 aboard our boat, to bring guns, fishing tackle, Sec, and in this 
 manner make a tour through a great part of Holland. It would 
 be delicious ; " a very pretty journey indeed, and besides, where is 
 the money ? " O Lord ! O Lord ! 
 
 May 2nd. Slept last night at Strobosch in a six-bedded room, 
 the other five beds being occupied by five snoring Dutchmen, 
 genteel and agreeable. Arrived at Groninguen at twelve o'clock ; 
 the town extremely neat, like all the Dutch towns, but not as 
 handsome as most of those I have seen ; put up at the Nieuwe 
 Miinster. 
 
 May ird to 6th. Tormented with the most terrible apprehensions 
 on account of the absence of my dearest love, about whom I hear 
 
224 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 nothing ; walked out every day to the canal, two or three times a 
 day, to meet the boats coming from Nieuschans, where she will 
 arrive. No love ! no love ! I never was so unhappy in all my 
 life. One evening went to the Dutch comedy ; I am enraged to 
 see, every instant, how unjustly the Dutch are treated by other 
 nations ; this was but a strolling company, and the theatre was 
 patched of boards, being a temporary building raised for the Fair 
 only, which lasts here three weeks. They played, however, a 
 translation of Voltaire's Merope very decently, and the after-piece, 
 which was the tableau parlant, exceedingly well — better, for example, 
 than I have seen it played in French at Rennes and at Brest. Saw 
 a battalion of Chasseurs in dark green coat, waistcoat, and breeches, 
 with crimson cape and cuffs ; two or three companies were armed 
 with rifles, with which I saw them fire at the target very badly, 
 though they had a machine to rest their firelocks upon, which is a 
 vile custom ; at 1 50 yards not one in ten of them struck a target of 
 three or four feet, and not one of them, by any chance, the bull's- 
 eye. The fourth Dutch demi-brigade is here in garrison, blue 
 faced pale yellow, and makes a very good appearance ; there is 
 likewise a regiment of Hussards in dark blue, like our sixth 
 regiment, which looks very well. 
 
 May yth. At last, this day, in the evening, as I was taking my 
 usual walk along the canal, I had the unspeakable satisfaction to 
 see my dearest love and our little babies, my sister and her 
 husband, all arrive safe and well ; it is impossible to describe the 
 pleasure I felt. (Here is an end of my journals now, for some 
 time at least.) Since I came to France, which is now above 
 fourteen months, I have continued them pretty regularly for the 
 amusement of my dearest love. As we are now together once more 
 they become unnecessary ; we must wait for another separation. 
 
 [Tone remained with his family for a fortnight, travelling through 
 Holland and Belgium. He then returned to Germany, and they 
 went on to Paris. — Ed.] 
 
 Cologne, May 26th. I see to-day, in the Journal General, an 
 article copied from an English paper, dated about a fortnight 
 ago, which mentions that a discovery had been made in Ireland of 
 
MT. 34-] 
 
 EVENTS IN IRELAND. 
 
 225 
 
 a communication between the discontented party there and the 
 French ; that one of the party had turned traitor, and impeached 
 the rest, and that, on his indication, near fifty persons in and near 
 Belfast had been arrested, one of them a Dissenting clergyman ; 
 that their papers had been all seized, and that, on the motion of 
 Mr. Pelham, the English Secretary, they were to be submitted to 
 the inspection of a Secret Committee of the House of Commons. 
 All this looks very serious. There has been a formal message 
 from the Government on this business. For my part, all I can say 
 is that, if communication has been had, it was without my know- 
 ledge ; but even so, I am heartily glad of it ; the Dissenting 
 clergyman is Sinclair Kilburne, as I saw in a newspaper at 
 Amsterdam ; but I wonder who was the traitor ; methinks I 
 should be curious to see him ! 
 
 Remainder of May. Blank. 
 
 June 1st, 2nd, 3rd. Blank. 
 
 June \th, Friedberg. In the Moniteur of the 27th is a long 
 article copied from the English papers of the 18th of May, and con- 
 taining the substance of the report made by the Secret Committee 
 above mentioned ; most of the facts contained in it I was already 
 acquainted with ; the organisation is, however, much more complete 
 then when I left Ireland. The most material fact is that above 
 100,000 United Irishmen exist in the North of Ireland, and 
 that they have a large quantity of arms, and at least eight pieces 
 of cannon and one mortar concealed. I presume that martial law 
 is proclaimed long before this, as I see in the Frankfort Gazette 
 an article from England of the 23rd of May, viz., five days after that 
 in the Moniteur, which mentions two or three skirmishes between 
 the army and some detached proportion of the people, who are 
 denominated the rebels, in which the army had of course the 
 advantage. I do not at all believe that the people are prepared for 
 a serious and general insurrection, and, in short — why should I 
 conceal the fact ? — I do not believe they have the spirit. It is not 
 fear of the army, but fear of the law, and long habits of slavery, 
 that keep them down ; it is not fear of the General, but fear of the 
 Judge. In the meantime it seems Marquis Cornwallis is named to 
 vol. 11. 16 
 
226 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 the command in Ireland, and that Lord O'Neil, Mr. Conolly, and 
 the Duke of Leinster have resigned their regiments. The example 
 of the last has been followed by all the officers of the Kildare 
 militia ; this last circumstance is, in some degree, consolatory. 
 
 June $t/i to 1 itk. The sedition continues aboard the English fleet, 
 and has reached the army. For the present, however, they seem 
 to be appeased, but at the expense of dismissing a number of 
 officers of the navy who were obnoxious to the seamen, and 
 increasing the pay both of seamen and soldiers. When a Govern- 
 ment is forced to such concessions it seems to me an inevitable 
 symptom of decaying empire. Martial law is proclaimed in 
 Dublin, and I see that the presses of the Northern Star have been 
 broken and burnt in Belfast by the Donegal militia. In return, 
 it is said that Buonaparte has seized on thirty-two sail of the 
 line, and twenty-six frigates at Venice ; but if the half of that only 
 be true it is a great prize. It is also certain, I believe, that Mas- 
 saredo has sailed from Cadiz with the Spanish fleet on the 21st of 
 May. I wish he were safe and well in Brest Harbour. To-day 
 I rode out with the rest of the Etat-Major to pay our respects to 
 the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, who passed by Friedberg on his 
 way to Hanau, where he reviews his troops to-morrow ; I wish I 
 were there. There is great talk at head-quarters of an immediate 
 rupture between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, which last 
 is supported by the Landgrave. Time will show. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 WITH THE BA TA VI AN REPUBLIC. 
 
 Written aboard the " Vryheid" of 74 guns, commanded by Admiral 
 De Winter, at the Texel, Jidy 10, 1797. 
 
 It is a long time since I have made a memorandum, notwith- 
 standing I have been fully employed ; but the fact is, I have had 
 too much business. All I can now do is to make an imperfect 
 abstract of what has passed, that is most material, in the last 
 month. 
 
 June 1 2th. Quartier-General at Friedberg. This evening the 
 General called me into the garden and told me he had some good 
 news for me. He then asked, " Did I know one Lewines ? " 1 I 
 answered I did, perfectly well, and had a high opinion of his 
 talents and patriotism. " Well," said he, " he is at Neuwied, 
 waiting to see you ; you must set off to-morrow morning : when 
 you join him, you must go together to Treves, and wait for 
 further orders." The next morning I set off, and, on the 14th, 
 in the evening, reached — 
 
 June 14th, Neuwied ; where I found Lewines waiting for me. 
 I cannot express the unspeakable satisfaction I felt at seeing 
 him. I gave him a full account of all my labours, and of every- 
 thing that had happened since I have been in France, and he 
 informed me, in return, of everything of consequence relating to 
 Ireland, and especially to my friends now in jeopardy there. I 
 
 ' [Lewines, a Dublin solicitor, was sent by the United Irish Executive to 
 urge the French Government to send another expedition to Ireland. — Ed.] 
 
 227 
 
228 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 cannot pretend to detail his conversation, which occupied us fully 
 during our stay at Neuwied, and our journey to — 
 
 June 17th, Treves ; where we arrived on the 17th. What is 
 most material is, that he is sent here by the Executive Committee 
 of the United People of Ireland, to solicit, on their part, the 
 assistance in troops, arms, and money, necessary to enable them 
 to take the field, and assert their liberty ; the organisation of 
 the people is complete, and nothing is wanting but the point 
 dappui. His instructions are to apply to France, Holland, and 
 Spain. At Hamburg, where he passed almost two months, he 
 met a Senor Nava, an officer of rank in the Spanish navy, sent 
 thither by the Prince of Peace on some mission of consequence ; 
 he opened himself to Nava, who wrote off, in consequence, to his 
 Court, and received an answer, general, it is true, but in the highest 
 degree favourable. A circumstance which augurs well, is, that in 
 forty days from the date of Nava's letter, he received the answer, 
 which is less time than he ever knew a courier to arrive in, and 
 shows the earnestness of the Spanish Minister. Lewines' instruc- 
 tions are to demand of Spain ,£500,000 sterling and 30,000 stand 
 of arms. At Treves, on the 19th, Dalton, the General's aide-de- 
 camp, came express with orders for us to return to — 
 
 June 21st, Coblentz ; where we arrived on the 21st, and met 
 General Hoche. He told us that, in consequence of the arrival 
 of Lewines, he had sent off Simon, one of his Adjutant-Generals, 
 who was of our late expedition, in order to press the Executive 
 Directory and Minister of the Marine ; that he had also sent copies 
 of all the necessary papers, including specially those lately prepared 
 by Lewines, with his own observations, enforcing them in the 
 strongest manner ; that he had just received the answers of all 
 parties, which were as favourable as we could desire ; but that the 
 Minister of the Marine was absolutely for making the expedition 
 on a grand scale, for which two months, at the very least, would 
 still be necessary ; to which I, knowing Brest of old, and that two 
 months in the language of the Marine meant four at least, if not 
 five or six, remarked the necessity of an immediate exertion, in 
 order to profit of the state of mutiny and absolute disorganisation 
 
JET. 34.] A FAVOURABLE OPPORTUNITY. 229 
 
 in which the English navy is at this moment, in which Lewines 
 heartily concurred ; and we both observed that it was not a strong 
 military force that we wanted at this moment, but arms and 
 ammunition, with troops sufficient to serve as a noyau d'armee, 
 and protect the people in their first assembling ; adding, that 5,000 
 men sent now, when the thing was feasible, would be far better 
 than 25,000 in three months, when, perhaps, we might find our- 
 selves again blocked up in Brest Harbour ; and I besought the 
 General to remember that the mutiny aboard the English fleet 
 would most certainly be soon quelled, so that there was not one 
 minute to lose ; that, if we were lucky enough to arrive in Ireland 
 before that took place, I looked upon it as morally certain that, 
 by proper means, we might gain over the seamen, who have already 
 spoken of steering the fleet into the Irish harbours, and so settle 
 the business, perhaps without striking a blow. We both pressed 
 these, and such other arguments as occurred, in the best manner 
 we were able ; to which General Hoche replied, he saw everything 
 precisely in the same light we did, and that he would act accord- 
 ingly, and press the Directory and Minister of the Marine in the 
 strongest manner. He showed Lewines Simon's letter, which 
 contained the assurance of the Directory " that they would make 
 no peace with England wherein the interests of Ireland should not 
 be fully discussed agreeably to the wishes of the people of that 
 country." This is a very strong declaration, and has most probably 
 been produced by a demand made by Lewines in his memorial, 
 " that the French Government should make it an indispensable 
 condition of peace, that all the British troops be withdrawn from 
 Ireland, and the people left at full liberty to declare whether they 
 wished to continue the connection with England or not." General 
 Hoche then told us not to be discouraged by the arrival of a 
 British negotiator, for that the Directory were determined to make 
 no peace but on conditions which would put it out of the power 
 of England longer to arrogate to herself the commerce of the 
 world, and dictate her laws to all the maritime powers. He added, 
 that preparations were making also in Holland for an expedition, 
 the particulars of which he would communicate to us in two or 
 
230 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 three days, and, in the meantime, he desired us to attend him 
 to— 
 
 June 24.1/1, Cologne ; for which place we set off, and arrived the 
 24th. 
 
 June 2^th. At nine o'clock at night the General sent us a letter 
 from General Daendels, Commander-in-chief of the army of the 
 Batavian Republic, acquainting him that everything was in the 
 greatest forwardness, and would be ready in a very few days ; that 
 the army and the navy were in the best possible spirit ; that the 
 Committee for Foreign Affairs (the Directory per interim of the 
 Batavian Republic) desired most earnestly to see him without loss 
 of time, in order to make the definitive arrangements ; and especially 
 they prayed him to bring with him the deputy of the people of 
 Ireland, which Daendels repeated two or three times in his letter. 
 In consequence of this I waited on the General, whom I found in 
 his bed in the Cour Imperiale, and received his orders to set off 
 with Lewines without loss of time, and attend him at — 
 
 June 27th, Tlie Hague; where we arrived accordingly, having 
 travelled day and night. In the evening we went to the Comedie, 
 where we met the General in a sort of public incognito ; that is to 
 say, he had combed the powder out of his hair, and was in a plain 
 regimental frock. After the play we followed him to his lodgings 
 at the Lion d'or, where he gave us a full detail of what was pre- 
 paring in Holland. He began by telling us that the Dutch 
 Governor-General Daendels and Admiral De Winter were sin- 
 cerely actuated by a desire to effectuate something striking to 
 rescue their country from that state of oblivion and decadence 
 into which it had fallen ; that, by the most indefatigable exertions 
 on their part, they had got together, at the Texel, sixteen sail of 
 the line, and eight or ten frigates, all ready for sea, and in the 
 highest condition ; that they intended to embark 15,000 men, the 
 whole of their national troops, 3,000 stand of arms, 80 pieces of 
 artillery, and money for their pay and subsistence for three months ; 
 that he had the best opinion of the sincerity of all parties, and of 
 the courage and conduct of the General and Admiral, but that 
 here was the difficulty. The French Government had demanded 
 
JET. 34-1 
 
 DANGEROUS RIVALRY. 
 
 231 
 
 that at least 5,000 French troops, the elite of the army, should 
 be embarked, instead of a like number of Dutch, in which case, 
 if the demand was acceded to, he would himself take the command 
 of the united army, and set off for the Texel directly ; but that the 
 Dutch Government made great difficulties, alleging a variety of 
 reasons, of which some were good ; that they said the French 
 troops would never submit to the discipline of the Dutch navy, 
 and that in that case, they could not pretend to enforce it on their 
 own, without making unjust distinctions, and giving a reasonable 
 ground for jealousy and discontent to their army ; " but the fact 
 is," said Hoche," " that the Committee, Daendels, and De Winter, 
 are anxious that the Batavian Republic should have the whole 
 glory of the expedition, if it succeeds ; they feel that their country 
 has been forgotten in Europe, and they are risking everything, 
 even to their last stake — for, if this fails, they are ruined — in order 
 to restore the national character. The demand of the French 
 Government is now before the Committee ; if it is acceded to, I 
 will go myself, and, at all events, I will present you both to the 
 Committee, and we will probably then settle the matter defini- 
 tively." Both Lewines and I now found ourselves in a considerable 
 difficulty. On the one side, it was an object of the greatest im- 
 portance to have Hoche and his 5,000 grenadiers ; on the other, it 
 was most unreasonable to propose anything which could hurt the 
 feelings of the Dutch people, at a moment when they were making 
 unexampled exertions in our favour, and risking, as Hoche himself 
 said, their last ship and last shilling to emancipate us. I cursed 
 and swore like a dragoon ; it went to my very heart's blood and 
 midriff to give up the General and our brave lads, 5,000 of whom 
 I would prefer to any 10,000 in Europe ; on the other hand, I 
 could not but see that the Dutch were perfectly reasonable in the 
 desire to have the whole reputation of an affair prepared and 
 arranged entirely at their expense, and at such an expense. I did 
 not know what to say. Lewines, however, extricated himself and 
 me with considerable address. After stating very well our difficulty, 
 he asked Hoche whether he thought that Daendels would serve 
 under his orders, and, if he refused, what effect that might have on 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 the Batavian troops ? I will never forget the magnanimity of 
 Hoche on this occasion. He said he believed Daendels would 
 not, and therefore that the next morning he would withdraw the 
 demand with regard to the French troops, and leave the Dutch 
 Government at perfect liberty to act as they thought proper. 
 When it is considered that Hoche has a devouring passion for 
 fame ; that his great object, on which he has endeavoured to 
 establish his reputation, is the destruction of the power of England ; 
 that he has for two years, in a great degree, devoted himself to 
 our business, and made the greatest exertions, including our 
 memorable expedition, to emancipate us ; that he sees, at last, the 
 business likely to be accomplished by another, and, of course, all 
 the glory he had promised to himself ravished from him ; when, 
 in addition to all this, it is considered that he could, by a word's 
 speaking, prevent the possibility of that rival's moving one step, 
 and find, at the same time, plausible reasons sufficient to justify 
 his own conduct ; — I confess his renouncing the situation which he 
 might command is an effort of very great virtue. It is true he is 
 doing exactly what an honest man and a good citizen ought to 
 do ; he is preferring the interests of his country to his own private 
 views ; that, however, does not prevent my regarding his conduct, 
 in this instance, with great admiration, and I shall never forget 
 it. This important difficulty being removed, after a good deal of 
 general discourse on our business, we parted late, perfectly satisfied 
 with each other, and having fixed to wait on the Committee to- 
 morrow in the forenoon. All reflections made, the present arrange- 
 ment, if it has its dark, has its bright sides also, of which hereafter. 
 
 June 28t/i. This morning, at ten, Lewines and I went with 
 General Hoche to the Committee for Foreign Affairs, which we 
 found sitting. There were eight or nine members, of whom I do 
 not know all the names, together with General Daendels. Those , 
 whose names I learned were Citizens Hahn (who seemed to have 
 great influence among them), Bekker, Van Leyden, and Grasveldt. 
 General Hoche began by stating extremely well the history of 
 our affairs, since he had interested himself in them ; he pressed, 
 in the strongest manner that we could wish, the advantages to be 
 
AT. 34-] 
 
 DUTCH FLEET AT THE TEXEL. 
 
 233 
 
 reaped from the emancipation of Ireland, the almost certainty of 
 success if the attempt were once made, and the necessity of 
 attempting it, if at all, immediately. It was Citizen Hahn who 
 replied to him. He said he was heartily glad to find the measure 
 sanctioned by so high an opinion as that of General Hoche ; that 
 originally the object of the Dutch Government was to have 
 invaded England, in order to have operated a diversion in favour 
 of the French army, which it was hoped would have been in 
 Ireland ; that circumstances being totally changed in that regard, 
 they had yielded to the wishes of the French Government, and 
 resolved to go into Ireland ; that, for this purpose, they had made 
 the greatest exertions, and had now at the Texel an armament of 
 16 sail of the line, 10 frigates, 15,000 troops in the best condition, 
 80 pieces of artillery, and pay for the whole for three months ; but 
 that a difficulty had been raised within a few days, in consequence 
 of a requisition of the Minister of Marine, Truguet, who wished to 
 have 5, 000 French troops, instead of so many Dutch, to be dis- 
 embarked in consequence. That this was a measure of extreme 
 risk, inasmuch as the discipline of the Dutch navy was very 
 severe, and such as the French troops would probably not submit 
 to ; that, in that case, they could not pretend to enforce it with 
 regard to their own troops, the consequence of which would be a 
 relaxation of all discipline. This was precisely what General 
 Hoche told us last night. He immediately replied, that, such 
 being the case, he would take on himself to withdraw the demand 
 of the Minister of Marine, and satisfy the Directory as to the 
 justice of their observations ; and that he hoped, all difficulty on 
 that head being removed, they would press the embarkation 
 without a moment's delay. It was easy to see the most lively 
 satisfaction on all their faces at this declaration of General Hoche, 
 which certainly does him the greatest honour. General Daendels, 
 especially, was beyond measure delighted. They told us then 
 that they hoped all would be ready in a fortnight, and Hahn 
 observed, at the same time, that, as there was an English squadron 
 which appeared almost every day at the mouth of the Texel, 
 it was very much to be desired that the Brest fleet should, if 
 
234 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 possible, put to sea, in order to draw off at least a part of the 
 British fleet, because, from the position of the Texel, the Dutch 
 fleet was liable to be attacked in detail in sailing out of the port ; 
 and even if they beat the enemy, it would not be possible to 
 proceed, as they must return to refit. To this, General Hoche 
 replied, that the French fleet could not, he understood, be ready 
 before two months, which put it out of the question ; and as to the 
 necessity of returning to refit, he observed that, during the last war, 
 the British and French fleets had often fought, both in the East 
 and West Indies, and kept the seas after ; all that was necessary 
 being to have on board the necessary articles of rechange ; besides, 
 it was certainly the business of the Dutch fleet to avoid an action 
 by all possible means. General Daendels observed that Admiral 
 De Winter desired nothing better than to measure himself with 
 the enemy, but we all, that is to say, General Hoche, Lewines, and 
 myself, cried out against it, his only business being to bring his 
 convoy safe to its destination. A member of the Committee — I 
 believe it was Van Leyden — then asked us, supposing everything 
 succeeded to our wish, what was the definite object of the Irish 
 people ? To which we replied categorically, that it was to throw 
 off the yoke of England, break for ever the connection now exist- 
 ing with that country, and constitute ourselves a free and in- 
 dependent people. They all expressed their satisfaction at this 
 reply, and Van Leyden observed that he had travelled through 
 Ireland, and to judge from the luxury of the rich, and extreme 
 misery of the poor, no country in Europe had so crying a necessity 
 for a revolution. To which Lewines and I replied, as is most 
 religiously the truth, that one great motive of our conduct in this 
 business was the conviction of the wretched state of our peasantry, 
 and the determination, if possible, to amend it. The political 
 object of our visit being now nearly ascertained, Hahn, in the 
 name of the Committee, observed that he hoped either Lewines or 
 I would be of the expedition, as our presence with the General 
 would be indispensable. To which Hoche replied " that I was 
 ready to go," and he made the offer, on my part, in a manner 
 peculiarly agreeable to my feelings. It was then fixed that I 
 
i*ST. 340 
 
 HOCHE S PLAN. 
 
 235 
 
 should set off for the army of Sambre et Mense for my trunk, and 
 especially for my papers, and that Lewines should remain at the 
 Hague, at the orders of the Committee, until my return, which 
 might be seven or eight days. The meeting then broke up. We 
 could not possibly desire to find greater attention to us, personally, 
 or, which was far more important, greater zeal and anxiety to 
 forward this expedition, in which the Dutch Government has 
 thrown itself "d corps perdu." They venture no less than the 
 whole of their army and navy. As Hoche expressed it, " they 
 are like a man stripped to his breeches, who has one shilling left, 
 which he throws in the lottery, in the hope of being enabled to 
 buy a coat." The Committee are very plain men in their ap- 
 pearance, not unlike my old masters of the Sub-committee. On 
 our return to the auberge with Hoche, we took occasion to express 
 our admiration of the singularly disinterested conduct which he 
 had manifested on this occasion. He then told us his plan : that 
 the Minister of the Marine, thus far, had not been lucky, counting 
 from his expedition against Sardinia, in the beginning of the war ; 
 that he had the greatest desire to do something which might give 
 iclat to his administration ; that he, General Hoche, had ceded to 
 the wish of the Dutch Government, principally because he would 
 press no measure, however grateful to himself, which might cool 
 their zeal in this great business ; and in the next place, because he 
 knew that the instant the Dutch fleet was at sea, Truguet's vanity 
 would be piqued, and that he would move heaven and earth to 
 follow them, and instead of waiting to complete the expedition on 
 a great scale, according to his present system, would despatch 
 instantly whatever was ready for sea ; so that, in all probability, 
 if we reached Ireland, the French army would be there in a fort- 
 night after us. He told us, likewise, that the Dutch army was not 
 now what it had been in the commencement of the war ; that they 
 had numbers of French among them, particularly in the artillerie 
 legere; that they had also a great quantity of Austrians, particularly 
 of the garrison of Luxembourg, and especially that Daendels was an 
 excellent officer, and as brave as Caesar, on whom we might rely ; 
 that he would send all such plans and papers as might be of 
 
236 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797. 
 
 service to him in this business, and, finally, that he hoped we 
 would all speedily meet in Ireland. The main business being 
 finished, we talked of other matters, particularly of the present 
 state of Paris, where the audacity of the Royalists seems to have 
 no bounds. Hoche made use of these remarkable expressions : 
 " If these rascals were to succeed and put down the Government, 
 I march my army that instant against Paris, and when I have 
 restored the constitution, I break my sword and never touch it 
 afterwards." Our meeting then broke up ; the General set off for 
 head-quarters at four, and I followed him at six in the evening. 
 
 July 1st. Arrived at Cologne, where I found the General. He 
 told me that, as he had expected, the Minister of Marine was 
 piqued, and had given orders, in consequence, to prepare every- 
 thing at Brest with the greatest possible expedition ; that he had, 
 if necessary, £300,000 at the disposal of the Minister ; that he had 
 just received orders from the Directory to proceed instantly to 
 Paris, by way of Dunkirk ; that from Paris he would set off for 
 Brest, where everything would be ready in a fortnight, and in a 
 month he hoped to be in Ireland. He then ordered me £50 
 sterling, with orders to return immediately to the Hague, with 
 a letter for General Daendels. I told him that if he expected to 
 be ready so soon, it was my wish not to quit him. He replied, 
 he had considered it, and thought it best I should accompany 
 Daendels, on which I acquiesced. I then took occasion to speak 
 on a subject which had weighed very much upon my mind — I mean 
 the degree of influence which the French might be disposed to 
 arrogate to themselves in Ireland, and which I had great reason 
 to fear would be greater than we might choose to allow them. In 
 the Gazette of that day there was a proclamation of Buonaparte's, 
 addressed to the Government of Genoa, which I thought most 
 grossly improper and indecent, as touching on the indispensable 
 rights of the people. I read the most obnoxious passages to 
 Hoche, and observed, that if Buonaparte commanded in Ireland, 
 and were to publish there so indiscreet a proclamation, it would 
 have a most ruinous effect ; that in Italy such dictation might 
 pass, but never in Ireland, where we understood our rights too well 
 
jET. 34.] HOCHE AND BUONAPARTE. 237 
 
 to submit to it. Hoche answered me, " I understand you, but you 
 may be at ease in that respect ; Buonaparte has been my scholar, 
 but he shall never be my master." He then launched out into a 
 very severe critique on Buonaparte's conduct, which certainly has 
 latterly been terribly indiscreet, to say no worse of it, and observed 
 that, as to his victories, it was easy to gain victories with such 
 troops as he commanded, especially when the General made no 
 difficulty to sacrifice the lives of his soldiers, and that these 
 victories had cost the Republic 200,000 men. A great deal of 
 what Hoche said was very true, but I could see at the bottom 
 of it a very great jealousy of Buonaparte. I am also sorry to see 
 the latter losing so fast that spirit of moderation which did him 
 as much honour at first as his victories. Hoche and I then talked 
 of our own business. He said we must calculate on being opposed 
 at the landing, by 8,000 or 10,000 men ; that, if they were not there, 
 so much the better, but we must expect them ; that the British 
 would probably act as they did in America last war — retreat, and 
 burn the towns behind them ; that he did not desire more than 
 twelve, or, at most fifteen thousand troops, and had made his 
 arrangements, so that the maintenance of that force should not 
 cost the Irish people above 12,000,000 livres, equal to .£500,000 
 sterling. He then promised to send me his instructions for carry- 
 ing on the war in La Vendee, which would exactly apply to our 
 case in Ireland ; and, giving me a letter for General Daendels, in 
 which, amongst other things, he demanded for me the rank of 
 Adjutant-General in the service of the Batavian Republic, we 
 embraced each other and parted. He set off that evening for 
 Bonn, and I the next morning, at five, for the Hague, where I 
 arrived in the morning of — 
 
 July \th. Instantly on my arrival I waited on General Daen- 
 dels, whom I found on the point of setting out for the Texel. He 
 read the letter, and told me everything should be settled with 
 regard to my rank, and that I should receive two months' pay 
 in advance, to equip me for the campaign. His reception of me 
 was extremely friendly. I stayed with Lewines, at the Hague, 
 three or four days, whilst my regimentals, &c, were making up, 
 
2 3 8 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 and at length, all being ready, we parted, he setting off for Paris, 
 to join General Hoche, and I for the Texel, to join General 
 Daendels. 
 
 July 8tk Arrived early in the morning at the Texel, and went 
 immediately on board the Admiral's ship, the Vrylieid, of 74 
 guns, a superb vessel. Found General Daendels aboard, who 
 presented me to Admiral De Winter, who commands the expedi- 
 tion. I am exceedingly pleased with both one and the other ; 
 there is a frankness and candour in their manners which is highly 
 interesting. 
 
 July xoth. I have been boating about the fleet, and aboard 
 several of the vessels ; they are in very fine condition, incom- 
 parably better than the fleet at Brest, and I learn from all hands 
 that the best possible spirit reigns in both soldiers and sailors. 
 Admiral Duncan, who commands the English fleet off the Texel, 
 sent in yesterday an officer with a flag of truce, apparently with a 
 letter, but in fact to reconnoitre our force. De Winter was even 
 with him : for he detained his messenger and sent back the answer 
 by an officer of his own, with instructions to bring back an exact 
 account of the force of the enemy. 
 
 July wth. This day our flag of truce is returned, and the 
 English officer released. Duncan's fleet is of eleven sail of the 
 line, of which three are three-deckers. I do not yet exactly know 
 our force, either by sea or land, but I must endeavour to learn it. 
 
 July i^th. I have had a good deal of discourse to-day with 
 General Daendels, and I am more and more pleased with him. 
 His plan is, to place such of our people as may present them- 
 selves at first in the cadres of the regiments which we bring out 
 until our battalions are 1,000 each ; that then we may form a 
 corps, and he will give us proper officers to discipline and organise 
 it ; that he will keep the main army of 18,000 or 20,000 men 
 in activity, and leave the security of our communications, the 
 guarding of passes, rivers, &c, to the national troops, until they 
 are in a certain degree disciplined. A great deal of this is good, 
 but we must be brought more forward in the picture than that, 
 for every reason in the world. I replied that the outline of his 
 
239 
 
 plan was just, but that cases might occur where it would be 
 necessary to depart from it occasionally. For instance, if the 
 militia were to join us, they ought not, nor would they consent 
 to be, incorporated in the Dutch battalions. Daendels said, 
 " Certainly not ; that he knew what the esprit de corps was too 
 well to think of it ; that the militia battalions would, in that case, 
 become themselves cadres of regiments " ; so that affair will be 
 settled to the satisfaction of all parties. We then spoke of the 
 administration, and I gave him an idea how we had been circum- 
 stanced in that regard in the Brest expedition, where we had a 
 little army of commissaries, ready to eat up the country, who 
 would sacrifice the liberty of Ireland, the interests of the Re- 
 public, and the honour of the General, for half-a-crown ; and I 
 did not restrain myself in speaking of those gentry as they deserve. 
 Daendels replied that his instructions were to leave all the details 
 of supplying the army to the Irish people ; that he brought with 
 him but five commissaries, who were to superintend the forage, 
 the bread, the meat, &c, and that all their proceedings should 
 be subject to his own immediate inspection, and nothing stand 
 good that was not authorised by his signature ; that he prided 
 himself more on his character for administration than for 
 military talents, and that I might rely on it we should have no 
 difficulties on that head. I was very glad to hear all this, the 
 more because I have confidence in him. If the Brest expedition 
 had succeeded, we should have had damned work with those 
 scoundrelly administrations, but I had made up my mind on 
 that head as to what we should do. With the Dutch I have by 
 no means the same uneasiness, and this is one of the circumstances 
 where we gain by the present expedition. But enough of this 
 for the present. 11 All is for the best in this best of all possible 
 worlds." 
 
 fuly 14th. General Daendels showed me to-day his instructions 
 from the Dutch Government. They arc fair and honest, and I 
 have no doubt he will act up to them. The spirit of them is 
 always to maintain the character of a faithful ally, not to interfere 
 in the domestic concerns of the people ; to aid them by every 
 
240 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 means in his power to establish their liberty and independence ; 
 and to expect no condition in return, but that we should throw 
 off the English yoke, and that, when all was settled on that score, 
 we should arrange our future commerce with the Dutch Re- 
 public, on the basis of reciprocal advantage and accommodation. 
 Nothing can be more fair and honourable, and I am convinced, 
 from what I see of Daendels, and the frankness of his character, 
 that he will act up to his instructions. The report to-day is, that 
 we shall get under way to-morrow, and I see a bustle in the ship 
 which seems to confirm it ; but I follow my good old rule, to ask 
 no questions. Several boats full of troops have passed us to-day, 
 going on board the different vessels ; the men are in the highest 
 spirits, singing national songs, and cheering the General as they 
 pass ; it is a noble sight, and I found it inexpressibly affecting. 
 Daendels assures me that in the best days of the French Revolu- 
 tion he never witnessed greater enthusiasm than reigns at present 
 in the army. It is, to be sure, glorious, the prospect of this day. 
 The following is our line of battle : — 
 
 Avant garde: Jupiter, seventy-four guns, Vice-Admiral Reynt- 
 zies ; Cerberus, sixty-eight, Capt. Jacobson ; Haarlem, sixty-eight, 
 Capt. Wiggerts ; Alkmaar, fifty-six, Capt. Krafft ; Delft, fifty-six, 
 Capt. Verdoom. Frigates : Monnikendam, forty-four, Capt. Lan- 
 caster ; Minerva, twenty-four, Capt. Elbracht ; Daphne, sixteen, 
 Lieut. Fredericks. Five sail of the line and three frigates and sloops. 
 
 Corps de Bataille : VryJteid, seventy-four, Admiral De Winter 
 and Capt. Von Rossum ; Staaten General, seventy-four, Rear- 
 Admiral Story ; Batavia, fifty-six, Capt. Souter ; Wassenaer, sixty- 
 eight, Capt. Holland ; Leyden, sixty-eight, Capt. Musquettier. 
 Frigates : Mars, forty-four, Capt. Kolff ; Furie, Capt. Buschman ; 
 Galatea, Lieut. Rivery ; Atalanta. Five sail of the line and four 
 frigates and sloops. 
 
 Arriere garde : Brutus, seventy-four, Rear- Admiral Van Tres- 
 ling ; Hercules, sixty-eight, Capt. Reyscort ; Glykheid, sixty-eight, 
 Capt. Ruysch ; Admiral De Vries, sixty-eight, Capt. Zeegers ; 
 Beschermer, fifty-six, Capt. Heinst. Frigates: Embuscade, forty- 
 four, Capt. Huys ; Waaksenheid, twenty-four, Capt. Nicrop ; Ajax. 
 
MT. 34.] DUTCH EXPEDITION FOR IRELAND. 241 
 
 Five sail of the line and three frigates and sloops, with twenty- 
 seven sail of transports, from one hundred and fifty'to four hundred 
 and fifty tons burthen. 
 
 Our land force I do not yet accurately know. I should have 
 remarked that two or three days ago Noel, Minister of the French 
 Republic, dined aboard us, with his wife. All was in grand 
 costume, the shrouds manned, and twenty-one guns fired at his 
 departure. He was dressed, like a representant du peuple aux 
 armies, in blue, with a tricolour sash, and his hat a la Henry IV. 
 with a band and panache, also " aux trots couleurs." Yesterday 
 the Swedish Ambassador dined with us, with his unchat, &c. He 
 is a damned dog, and a dunce, and an English partisan, as I 
 soon found out, and, I understand, a spy. The rascal ! To-day, 
 indeed at this present writing, I can see from the cabin windows 
 ten sail of English ships of war, little and big, who have presented 
 themselves off the mouth of the Texel. It put me in mind of 
 the goulet of Brest, where I have been often regaled in the same 
 manner. Nobody here seems to mind them, and so, "Je m'en 
 fiche, allons ! " 
 
 July i$tk. The human mind, or at least my mind, is a 
 singular machine. I am here in a situation extremely interesting, 
 and on the result of which everything most dear to me as a 
 man and a citizen depends, and yet I find myself in a state of 
 indifference, or rather apathy, which I cannot myself comprehend. 
 My sole amusement is reading an odd volume of Voltaire's, 
 which I found by chance ; and, for our expedition, I declare 
 I think no more of it than if it were destined for Japan, which 
 indifference, on my part, as I have already said, I cannot compre- 
 hend, but so it is. Yesterday I wrote to my wife, enclosing 
 a bill which Admiral De Winter accepted for 250 florins, 
 " moyennant" the like sum paid into his hands ; also to General 
 Hoche, to Mr. Shee, to my sister, and to Lewines. I have now 
 finished all my business, and to-morrow, I understand, we put 
 to sea if the wind permits. It is strange, but I feel as if I were 
 to set out in the trakschuyt from the Hague, to go to Amster- 
 dam. Hove up one of our anchors ; it was beautiful to see the 
 
 vol. 11. 17 
 
242 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 men at work, in which our chasseurs assisted heartily ; all was 
 executed in cadence to the music. General Daendels showed me 
 a letter from General Dupont, announcing the immediate de- 
 parture of General Hoche for Brest ; he also told me that he 
 and I would go on board a sloop of war, and not mount the 
 Admiral's ship until the issue of the affair (if any there may be) 
 between the two fleets is determined. I am not sorry for that 
 arrangement 
 
 July 16th. The General tells me just now that a spy, sent out 
 by the Admiral, returned last night with the news that the 
 English fleet is strong twenty-four sail of the line. A few days 
 ago he said nineteen, but he explains that by saying that five 
 sail had been detached to assist at the execution of Parker, the 
 mutineer. The Admiral's opinion is that the fellow is a double 
 spy, and that the story of twenty- four sail is a lie, in which I join 
 him. In the Morning Chronicle of the 6th instant is an article 
 which mentions that Admiral Duncan had demanded a reinforce- 
 ment, and that in consequence three sail had set off to join him, 
 which, with ten or eleven that he had before, and perhaps two 
 which he might draw from the Dogger Bank, where they are 
 stationed to protect the fishery, may bring him up to fifteen or 
 sixteen sail, and this calculation agrees with the reports made 
 to the Government, and those of neutral vessels which have 
 lately entered. Be that as it may, the Admiral 'summoned this 
 morning all the Admirals and Captains of the fleet, and gave 
 them their last instructions, which were, that the frigates of forty- 
 four guns should fall into the line ; that they should fight to the 
 last extremity, even to sinking of their vessels, in which case they 
 were to take to their boats ; that if any Captain were to attempt 
 to break the line and hang back the others should immediately 
 fire on him. This is resolute of De Winter, and I have every reason 
 to think his fleet will recond him. He has in the meantime sent 
 off a courier to the Government to announce all this, and, if the 
 wind springs up in our favour, we will set off instantly without 
 waiting for the answer. 
 
 July 17th. Yesterday evening the Admiral told me his plan, 
 
JET. 34.] 
 
 RECONNOITRING. 
 
 243 
 
 as above set forth. He is a fine fellow, that is the God's truth. 
 Received yesterday a letter from my dearest love, dated the 
 9th. Thank God, she and the babies are well and in spirits. 
 To-day I received two letters, one from Madgett, and the other, 
 dated the 13th of June, from Napper Tandy, to which I have 
 written two answers, which I will not despatch till we are just 
 setting off. The wind is as foul as the devil. At Brest we had, 
 against all probability, a fair wind for five days successively, 
 during all which time we were not ready, and at last, when we 
 did arrive at our destination, the wind changed and we missed 
 our blow. Here all is ready and nothing is wanting but a fair 
 wind. We are riding at single anchor. I hope the wind may 
 not play us a trick. It is terribly foul this evening. Hang it, and 
 damn it for me ! I am in a rage, which is truly astonishing, and 
 can do nothing to help myself. Well ! well ! 
 
 July i8t/i. The wind is as foul as possible this morning ; it 
 cannot be worse. Hell! Hell! Hell! Allah! Allah! Allah! I 
 am in a most devouring rage ! Well, what can't be cured must 
 be endured, as our ancestors have wisely remarked. An officer, 
 sent out in disguise to reconnoitre, is just returned ; his report 
 is favourable ; he saw the English fleet, strong twelve sail of the 
 line and seven or eight frigates ; one of the frigates bore down 
 on the Admiral and spoke him, on which he instantly made 
 signal, and the whole squadron stood to the S.W. I do not 
 conceive what could be the reason of that manoeuvre, for it leaves 
 us clear if the wind would let us stir out. Perhaps they are 
 going to reinforce the fleet before Brest, perhaps something has 
 happened again at the Nore. I should have mentioned yesterday, 
 in its place, that when the Admiral had determined to fight the 
 enemy in the manner I have recited, he supposed them to be at 
 least nineteen sail of the line strong, which does the more honour 
 to his courage. It is most terrible to be locked up by the wind as 
 we are now. 
 
 July igtk. Wind foul still. Horrible ! Horrible ! Admiral 
 De Winter and I endeavour to pass away the time playing the 
 flute, which he does very well ; we have some good duets, and that 
 
244 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 is some relief. It is, however, impossible to conceive anything 
 more irksome than waiting, as we now are, on the wind ; what 
 is still worse, the same wind which locks us up here is exactly 
 favourable for the arrival of reinforcements to Duncan, if Lord 
 Spencer means to send him any. Naval expeditions are terrible 
 for their uncertainty. I see, in the Dutch papers, for I am be- 
 ginning, with the help of a dictionary, to decipher a little, that 
 the Toulon fleet is at sea since the 20th of June, strong six sail 
 of the line, two of eighty, and four of seventy-four guns, and six 
 frigates. I wish them safe and well in Brest Harbour. There 
 never was, and never will be, such an expedition as ours, if it 
 succeeds : it is not merely to determine which of two despots shall 
 sit upon a throne, or whether an island shall belong to this or that 
 state ; it is to change the destiny of Europe, to emancipate one, 
 perhaps three, nations ; to open the sea to the commerce of the 
 world ; to found a new empire ; to demolish an ancient one ; to 
 subvert a tyranny of six hundred years. And all this hangs to-day 
 upon the wind. I cannot express the anxiety I feel. Well, no 
 matter ! I can do nothing to help myself, and that aggravates my 
 rage. Our ships exercise at great guns and small arms, one or 
 other of them, every day ; they fire in general incomparably well, 
 and it is a noble spectacle. 
 
 July 20th. This evening I had the pleasure to count nineteen 
 sail of British vessels, which passed the mouth of the Texel under 
 an easy sail. The General assures me, however, that there are not 
 above twelve sail of the line among them, according to the com- 
 parison of the best accounts which have been received. Wind foul, 
 as usual. The following is a state of our army. Infantry, eighteen 
 battalions, of 452 men, 8,136; Chasseurs, four battalions, at 540 
 men, 2,160 ; Cavalry, eight squadrons, 1,650 ; Artillery, nine com- 
 panies, 1,049 ! Light Artillery, two companies, 389 ; Etat-Major, 
 160; total, 13,544. It is more than sufficient. Would to God we 
 were all arrived, safe and well, at our destination. 
 
 July 21st, 22nd, 2%rd. I pass my time here in an absolute torpor. 
 When I was at Brest I was bad enough, but at least we had some 
 conversation. But here — well, &c. The Admiral tells me to-day 
 
MT. 34.] 
 
 ADMIRAL DUNCAN. 
 
 245 
 
 that he had a letter from London, dated the 16th, which mentions 
 that Lord Bridport has put in for fresh provisions, and that three 
 of his ships are still in revolt. That his destination is for before 
 Brest ; that Sir Edward Pellew is arrived at Falmouth, and that his 
 report is that the French fleet appears in a state not likely soon to 
 put to sea ; which, by the by, De Winter believes to be the case, and 
 attributes to want of money. That Duncan has applied for a 
 reinforcement, but that the reply was that they must first finish 
 the trial of the mutineers, in order to reduce the rest to a sense of 
 their duty, from whence I infer that they are afraid as yet to send 
 the ships at the Nore to sea ; however, the Warrior, of seventy-four 
 guns, is arrived, which brings Duncan up to thirteen sail of the line. 
 His report in England is, that we have twenty (I wish we had), 
 besides frigates, with 15,000 troops embarked, and 30,000 stand of 
 arms, but that our destination is a secret. The wind is, to-day, at 
 N.W., which is not quite so execrable as yesterday and the day 
 before. With a N.N.E. wind the Admiral says we might get out ; 
 ergo, we want yet six points of the compass. Damn it to all 
 eternity for me. Was there ever anything so terrible? Wrote to 
 my wife on the 21st instant. 
 
 July 24th, 2$tk, 26th. To-day I saw in the Dutch papers that 
 great changes have taken place in the French Ministry. Talley- 
 rand Perigord, ci-devant Bishop of Autun, whom I saw in Phila- 
 delphia, is appointed to the Foreign Affairs, in place of Charles de 
 la Croix ; Pleville le Peley to the Marine, in place of Truguet ; 
 Lenoir Laroche to the Police, in place of Cochon ; Francois de 
 Neufchateau to the Interior, in place of Benezech ; and Hoche to 
 the War Department, in place of Petiet. Of all these new men I 
 only knew Hoche. Sat down immediately and wrote him a letter 
 of congratulation, in which I took occasion to mention the negotia- 
 tion now going on at Lisle with the English Plenipotentiary, Lord 
 Malmesbury, and prayed him, in case that peace was inevitable, to 
 exert his interest to get an article inserted, to restore to their 
 country or liberty all the Irish patriots who are in exile, or in 
 prison, and assuring him, at the same time, that I should never 
 profit of such an article, as I never would return to Ireland whilst 
 
246 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 she remained in slavery. The wind has been detestable these 
 three days. At this moment the Admiral tells me it is hauling to 
 the northward, and that he will weigh one anchor to-night and 
 heave short on the other, to be ready to profit of the first favour- 
 able breeze. God send ! But I am sworn never to believe that our 
 expedition will succeed till I am once more upon the sod. I am, 
 to-day, eighteen days aboard, and we have not had eighteen 
 minutes of fair wind. Well, " Tis but in vain," &c. 
 
 July 27th, 2Si/i. Yesterday we had a sort of fair wind, but which 
 came so late and was so feeble that we could not weigh anchor ; 
 at eight in the evening it came round to the west, as bad as ever, 
 and to-day it is not much better. I am weary of my life. The 
 French are fitting out a squadron at Brest, which, it now appears, 
 is to be only of twelve sail of the line. Lord Bridport's fleet is 
 twenty-two sail ; ergo, he may detach, with perfect security, seven 
 sail to reinforce Duncan, who will then have at least nineteen sail 
 against our fifteen ; ergo, he will beat us, &c. Damn it to all 
 eternity for me. I am in a transport of rage, which I cannot 
 describe. Everything now depends upon the wind, and we are 
 totally helpless. Man is a poor being in that respect. Fifty 
 millions of money cannot purchase us an hour of fair wind, and 
 talents and courage avail no more than money. But I am 
 moralising like an ass. " Damn morality, and let the constable be 
 married." Well, " Tis but in vain for soldiers to complain " (for the 
 595th time). (Six o'clock.) I am now alone in the great cabin, 
 and I see from the window twenty-two sail of English vessels, 
 anchored within a league of our fleet. It is impossible to express 
 the variety of innumerable ideas which shoot across my mind at 
 this moment. I think I should suffer less in the middle of a sea- 
 fight ; and the wind is still foul. Suspense is more terrible than 
 danger. Little as I am of a Quixote, loving as I do, to distraction, 
 my wife and dearest babies, I wish to Heaven we were this moment 
 under way to meet the enemy, with whom we should be up in an 
 hour. It is terrible to see the two fleets so near, and to find our- 
 selves so helpless. The sea is just now as smooth as a millpond. 
 Ten times, since I began this note, I have lifted my eyes to look 
 
JET. 34.] ENGLISH FLEET IN THE OFFING. 247 
 
 at the enemy. Well, it cannot be that this inaction will continue 
 long. I am now aboard twenty days, and we have not had twenty 
 minutes of a fair wind to carry us out. Well ! Well ! 
 
 July 2Qtk. This morning the wind is fair, but so little of it that 
 we cannot stir. About mid-day it sprung up fresh, but the tide 
 was spent and it was too late. To sail out of the Texel there 
 must be a concurrence of wind and tide. The Admiral went 
 ashore to-day and mounted the Downs with his perspective glass, 
 like Robinson Crusoe ; he counted twenty-five sail of three-masted 
 vessels and six luggers, or cutters, of the English, at anchor ; he 
 concludes they are about fifteen or sixteen of the line, the rest 
 frigates. He tells me also that his idea is that, if there is anything 
 like parity of success, in case of an action, Admiral Duncan will 
 not push the fight to extremity, as he is on an enemy's coast, and 
 if any of his ships are dismasted, he must leave them ; that in that 
 case the action will be a cannonade until night, when both parties 
 will draw off, sing Te deum, and claim the victory ; in which case 
 he will immediately push off with his convoy and such of his ships 
 as will be in state to keep the sea. I like De Winter's behaviour 
 very much ; there is nothing like fanfaronade in it ; and I fancy 
 Duncan will have warm work of it to-morrow morning. The wind 
 to-night is excellent, and blows fresh ; if it holds, as I trust in God 
 it may, to-morrow, at eight o'clock, we shall be under way, being 
 the hour of the tide. God knows how earnestly I long for that 
 moment. I hear nothing of our mounting a cutter, as the General 
 mentioned to me, so I may happen to be taken in a sea-fight 
 against my expectation. Well, if it must be, it must be, but I had 
 rather not. I do not love your sea-fights at all ; however, happy 
 go lucky ! We shall see what is to be done in that case. (Sings.) 
 " Madam, you know my trade is war ! " &c. 
 
 July loth, list. Blank. 
 
 August 1st, 2nd. Everything goes on here from bad to worse, 
 and I am tormented and unhappy more than I can express, so 
 that I hate even to make these memorandums. Well, it cannot be 
 helped. On the 30th, in the morning early, the wind was fair, the 
 signal given to prepare to get under way, and everything ready, 
 
248 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 when, at the very instant we were about to weigh the anchor and 
 put to sea, the wind chopped about and left us. Nothing can be 
 imagined more tormenting. The Admiral, having some distrust of 
 his pilots (for it seems the pilots here are all Orangists) made 
 signal to all the chiefs of the fleet, to know if they thought it 
 possible to get out with the wind which then blew (E.S.E.), but 
 their answer was unanimous in the negative, so there was an end 
 of the business. In an hour after, the wind hauled round more to 
 the S. and blew a gale, with thunder and lightning ; so it was well 
 we were not caught in the shoals which environ the entry of this 
 abominable road. At last it fixed in the S.W., almost the very 
 worst quarter possible, where it has remained steadily ever since. 
 Not to lose time, the Admiral sent out an officer with a letter 
 addressed to Admiral Duncan, but, in fact, to reconnoitre the 
 enemy's force. He returned yesterday with a report that Duncan's 
 fleet is of seventeen sail of the line, including two or three three- 
 deckers, which is pleasant. It is decided that we all remain on 
 board the Vryheid and take our chance, which is very brave and 
 foolish : for there is no manner of proportion between the good to 
 be obtained and the hazard to be run — a rule by which I am fond 
 to examine questions. If General Daendels is killed, our expedi- 
 tion will be at least greatly embarrassed, and perhaps fail totally 
 thereby ; and as to my personal concerns, if I get knocked on the 
 head, and the expedition does not take place after, both which 
 circumstances are at least probable, what will become of my 
 dearest love and our little babies, left without protection or sup- 
 port ? I cannot bear to think of it. If I were in Ireland, once 
 fairly landed, and that I were killed, they would be taken care of 
 by my country ; but here I have no such consolation. It is 
 terrible ! but I cannot help it. " Slave I I have set my life upon 
 the cast, and I will stand the liazard of the die." With all sub- 
 mission, it is a very idle point of honour of General Daendels, but 
 it is determined, so there is an end of it. One thing more — If we 
 should happen to be taken, the rest will be prisoners of war, but 
 how will it be with me in that case ? " Cest une chose a voir" We 
 shall see. Wrote to General Hoche, Lewines, and my wife. Wind 
 
MT. 34.] 
 
 A LOST OPPORTUNITY. 
 
 249 
 
 still S.W. Damn it ! damn it ! damn it ! I am, to-day, twenty- 
 five days aboard, and at a time when twenty-five hours are of 
 importance. There seems to be a fate in this business. Five 
 weeks, I believe six weeks, the English fleet was paralysed by the 
 mutinies at Portsmouth, Plymouth, and the Nore. The sea was 
 open, and nothing to prevent both the Dutch and French fleets to 
 put to sea. Well, nothing was ready ; that precious opportunity, 
 which we can never expect to return, was lost ; and now that at 
 last we are ready here, the wind is against us, the mutiny is 
 quelled, and we are sure to be attacked by a superior force. At 
 Brest it is, I fancy, still worse. Had we been in Ireland at the 
 moment of the insurrection at the Nore, we should, beyond a 
 doubt, have had at least that fleet, and God only knows the 
 influence which such an event might have had on the whole British 
 navy. The destiny of Europe might have been changed for ever ; 
 but, as I have already said, that great occasion is lost, and we must 
 now do as well as we can. " Le vin est tire, il faut le boire" 
 
 August 3rd, 4tk Wind foul. Proposed to-day to the Ad- 
 miral to try an experiment in firing shells from the lower-deck 
 guns. He said he thought it would not answer, but that he would 
 try notwithstanding. Nine at night, tried the shell with a thirty- 
 six pounder, and found it answer famously. The Admiral, I fancy, 
 will profit of this circumstance in case of an action with the English, 
 and I am in hopes it will produce a considerable effect. 
 
 August $tk. This morning arrived aboard the Vrykeid, Lowry, 
 of county Down, member of the Executive Committee, and John 
 Tennant, 1 of Belfast. I am in no degree delighted with the intelli- 
 gence which they bring. The persecution in Ireland is at its height, 
 and the people there, seeing no prospect of succour, which has been 
 so long promised them, are beginning to lose confidence in them- 
 selves and their chiefs, whom they almost suspect of deceiving them. 
 They ground their suspicions on the great crisis of the mutiny being 
 suffered to pass by without the French Government making the 
 smallest attempt to profit of it, and I can hardly blame them. 
 
 1 [Tennant afterwards entered the French army, and was killed in battle 
 1 81 3— Ed.] 
 
250 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 They held out till the 24th of June, the last day allowed by the 
 British Government in the proclamation offering a general pardon, 
 and, that day being arrived, they have almost entirely submitted, 
 and taken the oath of allegiance ; most of them have likewise given 
 up their arms, but it appears that the number of firelocks was much 
 less than was imagined. In consequence of all this the Executive 
 Committee has doubled its efforts. MacNeven was despatched from 
 Dublin to France, and sailed from Yarmouth on the 7th of July ; 
 of course he is, I reckon, long before this in Paris. Lowry, Tennant, 
 and Bartholomew Teeling came together to Hamburg, where they 
 arrived about a fortnight ago, and finding the letter I wrote to my 
 sister acquainting her with my being here, Teeling immediately 
 sailed for England, and I am in hopes he will get back safe, in 
 which case his arrival will give courage to the people ; the other 
 two came here. All this is very disagreeable, but in fact the matter 
 depends upon one circumstance. If either the Dutch or the French 
 can effectuate a landing, I do not believe the present submission of 
 the people will prevent their doing what is right ; and if no landing 
 can be effectuated, no part remains for the people to adopt but 
 submission or flight. By what Lowry and Tennant tell me, there 
 seems to me to have been a great want of spirit in the leaders in 
 Dublin. I suspected it very much from Lewines' account, though 
 I saw he put the best side out ; but now I am sure of it. However 
 I did not say so to them, for the thing is passed, and criticising it 
 will do no good, but the reverse. The people have .been urgent 
 more than once to begin, and at one time eight hundred of the 
 garrison offered to give up the barracks of Dublin if the leaders 
 would only give the signal ; the militia were almost to a man 
 gained over, and numbers of these poor fellows have fallen victims 
 in consequence. It is hard to judge at this distance, but it seems 
 to me to have been an unpardonable weakness, if not downright 
 cowardice to let such an occasion slip. With eight hundred of the 
 garrison and the barracks to begin with, in an hour they would 
 have had the whole capital, and by seizing the persons of half a 
 dozen individuals paralysed the whole Government, and, in my 
 opinion, accomplished the whole revolution by a single proclama- 
 
MT. 34-] 
 
 DUNCAN'S FLEET. 
 
 tion. But, as I said already, it is hard to judge at a distance 
 Keogh I know is not fit for a " coup de main ; " he has got, as 
 Lewines tells me, McCormick latterly into his hands, and besides 
 Dick is now past the age of adventure. I am surprised that 
 Emmet did not show more energy, because I know he is as brave 
 as Caesar of his person. It seems to me to have been such an 
 occasion missed as we can hardly expect to see return. Lowry 
 and Tennant say there are now at least 80,000 men in Ireland of 
 British troops including the militia and yeomanry corps, who 
 together may make 35,000 ; but in this account I am sure there is 
 great exaggeration : for they spoke very much by guess, and a 
 number that is guessed, as Johnson remarks, is always exaggerated. I 
 suppose, however, there may be 50,000 or perhaps 55,000 of all kinds, 
 and it is not that force, composed as I know it is, that would make me 
 despair of success if we could once get out of this damned hole, of 
 which I see no sign ; and, to comfort me still more, I learn that in 
 general the westerlyiwinds, which lock us up, prevail during the whole 
 of this month, before the end of which time we shall have eaten up 
 our provisions, and probably be encumbered with sick : for it can 
 hardly be supposed the troops will keep their health so long, cooped 
 up as they are in transports, where they are packed like herrings. 
 Add to this the chance of a peace being concluded with England, 
 and I think I am not too gloomy in saying that nothing can well 
 be more unpromising than the appearance of things to-day. I 
 have made out a list of Duncan's fleet from Steel's list of the navy, 
 and I see he has two ships of 98, two of 80, two of 74, eight of 64, 
 and three of 50 guns, besides frigates. Wind still foul, viz., W.S. W. 
 
 August '6th, yt/i, St/i. Wind foul. We have now been detained here 
 so long that our hopes of undertaking the expedition to Ireland are 
 beginning exceedingly to relax, and I more than suspect the General 
 is speculating on one elsewhere, for I have remarked him within 
 these three days frequently examining a map of England, particu- 
 larly the eastern coast about Yarmouth, and he has asked me 
 several questions which lead that way. As Lowry and Tennant 
 travelled that road very lately, I learn from them that there are 
 few or no troops on that coast, except a small camp at Ipswich, 
 
252 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 1797. 
 
 about half-way, or sixty-nine miles, to London. In consequence 
 last night, when the General and I were walking alone on the 
 quarter-deck and cursing the wind, he began to mention his 
 apprehensions on the score of our provisions running short, as well 
 as the danger of attempting the passage north about so late in the 
 season, and he began to moot again the point about Yarmouth. I 
 said, that if unfortunately we were detained so far in the season 
 as to render the Irish expedition utterly impracticable, it was un- 
 doubtedly desirable to do something in England, as well for the 
 glory of the Dutch arms as that all the expense hitherto incurred 
 in the affair might not be lost. That in that case my idea was to 
 run over to the English coast and debark the army, not at Yar- 
 mouth, but at Harwich, or nearer London if possible ; to carry 
 nothing with us but bread for six days and ammunition ; to make 
 a desperate plunge, by forced marches, for the capital, where I did 
 not consider it impossible to arrive before the enemy could be in 
 sufficient force to oppose us, supposing the eastern coast to be as 
 unfurnished of troops as Lowry and Tennant had represented. 
 That if we were once there, we might defy all the force of England ; 
 for, if they were assembled to the number of 100,000 in Hyde Park, 
 we could at all times make conditions by threatening, in case they 
 drove us to extremity, to set fire to the city at the four corners and 
 defend ourselves afterwards to the last man ; that I had no doubt 
 but with such a pledge in our hands we might make our own terms. 
 And I dwelt a good deal, I cannot say with any great success, on 
 the glory of such a desperate enterprise, if we had the good fortune 
 to succeed, which seemed to me though very far from certain yet 
 at least so possible as to deserve serious consideration. I mentioned 
 likewise, as a subordinate circumstance, that if we once reached 
 London we should to a certainty find a strong reinforcement, inas- 
 much as a large portion of the mob, and these very desperate 
 fellows, consisted of Irishmen to the amount of many thousands, 
 who I was sure would desire nothing more than to have their will 
 of the English. All these arguments seemed, however, to make no 
 great impression on Daendels, who still recurred to his Yarmouth 
 scheme. He seems to me to expect some co-operation there, on 
 
MT. 34-] 
 
 DIFFERENT SCHEMES. 
 
 253 
 
 what grounds I know not ; but I fancy he will find himself egregi- 
 ously deceived. If anything can be done in England it must be, 
 in my mind, by a " coup de main" whereas he talks of maintaining 
 himself for some time in the country, which, with 14,000 men, is flat 
 nonsense. He asked me, if he were to land on the eastern coast, 
 would it not be possible for any of the Irish to effectuate a landing 
 on the other side, cross the country and join him — when he would 
 give them arms ? To this most extravagant of all questions I con- 
 tented myself with declaring gravely, that I looked upon it as im- 
 practicable. To be sure it is most egregious nonsense to suppose for 
 an instant that such a measure could by any possibility be executed 
 by a body of unarmed men, without a single ship prepared to carry 
 them over. Far from invading England, I wish to heaven they 
 were able to take the field in their own country. I cannot conceive 
 how such a wild idea could for a moment enter Daendels' head ; 
 yet he seemed to be in earnest. To return to my scheme. I think 
 that Charles XII. with 14,000 men would execute it, supposing he 
 could effectuate the landing ; but I readily admit that it requires 
 much such a head and heart as his to attempt such an enterprise. 
 Certain it is that we will not try it. Daendels' answer at length 
 was, that he was of opinion that the Dutch Government would not 
 consent to it, and that, even if they did, it would require too much 
 time, as he must in that case new model the army, which I do not 
 understand. I think Hoche with 15,000 French grenadiers would 
 effectuate it, but for the Dutch I cannot pretend to say ; it seems 
 to me, however, at least possible. From Harwich to London the 
 distance is but seventy-two miles, which could be made by forced 
 marches in three days, supposing we had horses to draw the 
 artillery, which in that case we must bring with us. But this 
 is raving, for the thing will not be done ; so there is an end of it. 
 
 August gi/i. This morning, the General, Lowry, Tennant, and 
 myself took a walk ashore for a couple of hours. He examined 
 them particularly as to what they knew of the state of the public 
 mind in Scotland, and the possibility of meeting support from the 
 patriots in that country, in case the expedition to Ireland were so 
 long delayed as to become impracticable, and that he should decide 
 
254 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 in consequence to try an attack on Scotland. They answered him 
 very rationally : it seems emissaries have been sent from the north 
 of Ireland to that country, to propagate the system of the United 
 Irishmen, and that they have to a certain degree succeeded in some 
 of the principal manufacturing towns, such as Paisley and Glasgow, 
 where societies are already organised, and, by the last accounts, they 
 had even advanced so far as to have formed a provincial committee ; 
 nevertheless they observed that these facts rested on the veracity 
 of the agents sent from the north, the Scotch having sent none of 
 their body in return ; that they could not pretend to say whether 
 the Scotch patriots were up to such a decided part as to take arms 
 in case of an invasion, but their opinion rather was that they were 
 not so far advanced. As to the possibility of assistance from Ireland, 
 on which head Daendels examined them pretty closely, they were 
 decidedly of opinion that it was utterly impracticable, and not to be 
 thought of. Certainly it is a most extravagant expectation. After 
 discussing the question fully we parted, the General returning 
 aboard the VryJieid^ and Lowry, Tennant, and I setting off for the 
 Texel, where they are tolerably lodged in a little village. We 
 walked over a great part of the island, which is by nature one of 
 the most barren, uncomfortable spots that can be imagined ; but 
 such are the inconceivable efforts of liberty and good government, 
 that this ungrateful soil is in a great degree reclaimed, enclosed, 
 and drained, covered with flocks and herds, filled with neat and 
 snug dwellings, and supporting five little towns, which are beautiful 
 in their kind. The population is inconceivable for the extent, and 
 the peasants all well fed and clothed. I thought of Ireland a 
 thousand times, with her admirable soil and climate, and the vast 
 advantages which nature has showered down upon her, and which 
 are all blasted by the malignant influence of her execrable govern- 
 ment, till my blood boiled within me with rage and vexation. Well, 
 I cannot help it, so let me think no more, if possible, on that melan- 
 choly subject. 
 
 August loth, ntk. Passed two days very agreeably with 
 Lowry and Tennant, and then returned on board. They are a 
 couple of fine lads, especially Lowry, whom I like extremely. I 
 
MT. 34.] 
 
 A FOUL WIND. 
 
 2 55 
 
 think he will make a figure, if ever we have the good fortune to 
 reach our own country. 
 
 August \2th. The General has been making an excursion 
 ashore, and is not yet returned. The wind is as foul as ever, 
 and I begin fairly to despair of our enterprise. To-night Admiral 
 De Winter took me into secret and told me he had prepared a 
 memorial to his Government stating that the design originally was 
 to be ready for the beginning of July, and that everything was, in 
 consequence, embarked by the 9th ; that the English fleet at that 
 time consisted, at the very most, of thirteen sail of the line, which 
 could not make any effectual opposition ; that contrary winds 
 having prevailed ever since, without an hour's intermission, the 
 enemy had had time to reinforce himself to the number of seven- 
 teen sail of the line, so that he had now a superiority in force over 
 the Dutch fleet, which, of course, rendered the issue of an engage- 
 ment to a certain degree doubtful ; that by this unforeseen delay, 
 which might, and probably would, continue still longer, a great 
 additional consumption of provisions had taken place, so that in 
 a very few days there would be barely sufficient for the voyage 
 north about ; that the season was now rapidly passing away, and, 
 if the foul wind continued a fortnight longer, the voyage would 
 become highly dangerous, if not utterly impracticable, with a fleet 
 encumbered with so many transports, and amounting to near 
 seventy sail, of all kinds ; and that, in consequence, even a 
 successful action with the English would not ensure the success 
 of the enterprise, which the very season would render imprac- 
 ticable; that, for all these reasons, his opinion was that the present 
 plan was no longer advisable, and, in consequence, he proposed 
 that it should be industriously published that the expedition 
 was given up ; that the troops should be disembarked, except 
 from 2,500 to 3,000 men, of the Mte of the army, who, with 
 twenty or thirty pieces of artillery and all the arms and ammu- 
 nition, should remain on board the frigates and one or two of 
 the fastest sailing transports ; that, as the vigilance of the enemy 
 would probably be relaxed in consequence, this flotilla should 
 profit of the first favourable moment to put to sea and push for 
 
256 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 their original destination, where they should land the men, arms, 
 and artillery, and he would charge himself with the execution of 
 this plan ; that, by this means, even if they failed, the Republic 
 would be at no very great loss, and if they succeeded, must gain 
 exceedingly ; that she would preserve her grand fleet, which was 
 now her last stake, and during the winter would be able to 
 augment it, so as to open the next campaign, in case peace was 
 not made during the winter, with twenty sail of the line in the 
 North Sea, whereas, on the present system, to the execution of 
 which were opposed the superiority of the enemy, extra con- 
 sumption of provisions, and especially the lateness of the season, 
 a successful engagement at sea would not ensure the success of 
 the measure, and an unsuccessful one, by ruining the fleet, would 
 render it impossible for the Republic to recover, for a long time at 
 least, the blow. These are, most certainly, very strong reasons, 
 and unfortunately the wind gives them, every hour, fresh weight. 
 I answered that I did not see at present any solid objection to 
 propose to his system, and that all I had to say was that if the 
 Batavian Republic sent but a corporal's guard to Ireland, I was 
 ready to make one. So here is our expedition in a hopeful way. 
 It is most terrible. Twice within nine months has England been 
 saved by the wind. It seems as if the very elements had con- 
 spired to perpetuate our slavery and protect the insolence and 
 oppression of our tyrants. What can I do at this moment ? 
 Nothing. The people of Ireland will now lose all spirit and 
 confidence in themselves and their chiefs, and God only knows 
 whether, if we were even able to effectuate a landing with 3,000 
 men, they might act with courage and decision. I hope they 
 would, and believe it ; yet, after all, it is uncertain : their hopes 
 have been so often deceived, and they have suffered such a dread- 
 ful persecution in consequence of what they have already done in 
 this business ; yet their sufferings must have only still more exas- 
 perated their minds, and I cannot suppose that if they saw the 
 arms they would not instantly seize and turn them on their 
 oppressors. I cannot doubt it. At all events, we should at least 
 know the worst, and if they had not courage to assert their liberty, 
 
jet. 34.] DISCOURAGING PROSPECTS. 257 
 
 they deserve to suffer their present slavery and degradation. But, 
 once again, I do not believe it. I shall in consequence, so far as in 
 me lies, support the Admiral's plan — the more as it is, I see now, 
 our only resource ; and, feeble as it is, it is still better than nothing. 
 We must now begin, if at all, like the French in La Vendee. 
 Well, we have a good cause, and they had a bad one ; we are the 
 People, and they were but a faction of two provinces ; we have 
 powerful means, and, on the present plan, we must use them, all. 
 All things considered, I do not know but there is something in the 
 proposed expedition more analogous to my disposition and habits 
 of thinking, which is a confession on my part more honest than 
 wise, for I feel very sensibly that there is no common sense in it ; 
 but, after all, it is my disposition, and I cannot help it. I am 
 growing utterly desperate, and there are times in which I would 
 almost wish for death, if it were not for the consideration of my 
 wife and my darling little babies, who depend for their existence 
 upon mine. God Almighty for ever bless them ! But this is a 
 subject on which I must not think. Let me quit it here. 
 
 August i$th. The General returned last night from his excur- 
 sion, and this morning he mentioned to me the Admiral's plan, in 
 which he said he did not well see his way, and was proceeding to give 
 me his reasons, when we were interrupted by General Dumonceau, 
 our second in command, and a heap of officers, who broke up our 
 conversation. When he renews it, I will support De Winter's plan, 
 as far as I am able. The wind is as foul as ever, viz., S.W., in or 
 near which point it has now continued thirty-six days that I am 
 aboard, viz., since the 8th of July last. (At night.) The General 
 and I have been poring over the map of England, and he has been 
 mooting a plan which, in my mind, is flat nonsense — viz., to land at 
 or near Lynn, in Lincolnshire, with his 14,000 men, where he thinks 
 he could maintain himself until the fleet could return and bring 
 him a reinforcement of as many more, and then 
 London and stand a battle. It is hardly worth while combating 
 a scheme which will certainly never be adopted ; it is sufficient to 
 observe that his plan necessarily includes that he must be abso- 
 lute master of the sea during the whole time necessary for its 
 
 vol. 11. 18 
 
258 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 execution, which, without going further, is saying enough. Besides, 
 I presume it is hardly to be expected that, with 28,000 men, sup- 
 posing he had horses to mount his cavalry and draw his artillery, 
 which he would not have, that he would be able to force his way 
 through an enemy's country for above one hundred miles, who 
 would have time more than sufficient to collect his forces and 
 make the necessary dispositions to give him a warm reception. 
 But it is unnecessary to combat this idea, because, as I have said 
 already, it will never be attempted ; so let it lie there. 
 
 August 14th. The General is gone off again on a party of pleasure 
 to North Holland. He invited me to accompany him, but I have 
 no stomach for pleasure or enjoyment of any kind, so I refused, 
 and set off for the Texel to see Lowry and Tennant, and talk over 
 the Admiral's new plan, in order to have their opinion thereupon. 
 After dinner we walked out to a pretty little farm, about half a 
 mile from the town, where they are lodged, and sat down on 
 a hillock, where we had a view of the fleet riding at anchor 
 below. I then told them that I looked upon our expedition, on 
 the present scale, as given up, and I stated the reasons assigned 
 by De Winter, and which are unanswerable. I then communicated 
 his plan, and desired their advice and opinion on the whole, and 
 especially as to the material fact, whether they thought the people 
 would join us if they saw no more than 3,000 men. After a long 
 consultation, their opinion, finally, was that the scheme was prac- 
 ticable but difficult, and that, by great exertions and hazards on 
 the part of their chiefs, the people might be brought forward ; but 
 that for that it was indispensable that the landing should be 
 effected in the counties of Down or Antrim, but especially the 
 former, where there were in June last twenty-four regiments of a 
 thousand men each, ready organised, with all their officers and 
 sub-officers. They mentioned, at the same time, that if the ex- 
 pedition had taken place three months ago with five hundred men, 
 it could not have failed of success ; but that public spirit was 
 exceedingly gone back in that time, and a great number of the 
 most active and useful chiefs were either in prison or exile, which 
 would considerably increase the difficulty of carrying the present 
 
^ET. 34.] 
 
 HOPING AGAINST HOPE. 
 
 2 59 
 
 system into execution. I saw they were a good deal dejected by 
 the change of the plan and consequent diminution of our means, 
 and did my best to encourage them. At last we all got into better 
 spirits, consoling ourselves with the reflection that, if we succeeded 
 with so slender a force, the glory of our success would be the 
 greater, and if we failed, there would be the less reason to reproach 
 us. We agreed that we should be, at our landing, in the case of 
 men who have burned their ships — that we had no retreat, but 
 must conquer or die ; and we counted a good deal, and I think 
 with reason, on the spirit of enthusiasm which we would be able 
 to raise in the people. We likewise agreed that we would stop at 
 no means necessary to ensure our success rather than turn back 
 one inch from our purpose. After this discussion, we returned to 
 the inn, where we supped, and, after divers loyal and constitutional 
 toasts, retired to bed at a very late hour. 
 
 August i^th. As it will require from three weeks to a month 
 to arrange matters for the expedition on the present plan, Lowry 
 and Tennant have determined to go on to the Hague, and if they 
 have time, to Paris, in order to see MacNeven and Lewines, and to 
 join with them in endeavouring to procure assistance from France ; 
 and especially, if possible, to obtain a small armament to co- 
 operate with that from the Texel, and which, by spreading the 
 alarm and distracting the attention of the enemy, must produce 
 the most beneficial effects. It is likewise their wish that I should 
 accompany them, and if I had the time and money to spare, I 
 should like it well enough, and I think it might do good. In 
 consequence, it was determined this morning that I should return 
 immediately aboard the Vryheid and propose the measure to 
 Admiral De Winter. I returned accordingly, but the Admiral was 
 not on board. At my arrival, I found three frigates and four 
 armed brigs just getting under way, which surprised me a little. 
 Late in the evening the Admiral returned, and I told him of our 
 project, which he approved highly, and will give Lowry and 
 Tennant letters of introduction to the Dutch Government. I 
 said nothing of my going until I see the General, who is not yet 
 returned from his party. De Winter told me that the English 
 
260 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 frigates having approached very near the road, and stopped two 
 or three neutral vessels laden with timber, he had ordered out a 
 flotilla to the entry of the road, partly to protect the commerce, 
 and partly to give the change to the enemy on the subject of our 
 present plan, by habituating them to see the frigates going out and 
 in ; his order being that they should never hazard an action. He 
 has not yet received the answer of the Dutch Government to his 
 plan. Grasveldt, who came aboard the VryJieid, asked me what I 
 thought of it. I answered that undoubtedly there was not an 
 equal certainty of success, with our means so mutilated, as on the 
 original plan, but that, nevertheless, there was such a probability 
 as, comparing the object with the risk, ought to decide the Govern- 
 ment to try the enterprise, and that such was also the opinion of 
 my two friends. Grasveldt upon this wrote a letter (I presume to 
 the Committee for Foreign Affairs) in favour of De Winter's plan. 
 I should have observed in its place that the General, when he was 
 setting off yesterday morning, told me that he was ready, on his 
 part, to undertake the command with 2,500 men, provided he saw 
 such a probability as would acquit him in the eyes of the world of 
 downright insanity in throwing away himself and his army ; and 
 that, in consequence, he would support the Admiral's plan. We 
 must now wait, to see the answer of the Dutch Government ; and, 
 for that reason, I wish we were all three at the Hague ; perhaps 
 our opinion might decide them. 
 
 August 16th. Went to the Texel to see Lowry and Tennant, 
 and spent the day. 
 
 August 17th. We all three came aboard the Vryheid, in order to 
 settle about our journey to the Hague, and on our arrival found 
 things as unpleasantly situated as possible. I see clearly there is 
 a coolness pretty far advanced between the Admiral and the 
 General, whose manner toward each other is marked with a 
 manifest dryness which bodes no good. The General was the 
 first who spoke to me. He said that with 4,000 men — viz., four 
 battalions of yagers, 2,000 ; two battalions of grenadiers, 1,300 ; 
 two squadrons of hussars, 400 ; a company of light artillery, 150 ; 
 artillerists, 100 ; and officers of the Etat-Major, 50 — he would 
 
JET. 34.] 
 
 FRESH DIFFICULTIES. 
 
 261 
 
 undertake the enterprise, but not with less ; that, if his Govern- 
 ment ordered him, he would go with one battalion, but would 
 give his opinion, decidedly, against trying the measure with less 
 than 4,000 men. I replied that undoubtedly the Dutch Govern- 
 ment would be decided, with regard to a military operation, by his 
 opinion, which must necessarily influence theirs. I then addressed 
 myself to the Admiral, to whom I communicated what the General 
 had said with regard to the number of troops which he thought 
 indispensable. The Admiral answered at once that it was impos- 
 sible, and that 2,500 was the very utmost that he would undertake 
 to transport ; and that even that force would require eighteen sail 
 to carry them — viz., six frigates, which might carry 600 men ; six 
 large transports, 1,800 ; and the remaining 100 in six luggers and 
 cutters. I think this calculation not reasonable. At Brest we had 
 250 men on board of each frigate, whereas De Winter allows but 
 100 ; certainly they might carry 200 each. The Admiral also 
 objected to the hussars as being unnecessary and requiring too 
 much room for their baggage, in which I by no means agree with 
 him. In short, our expedition seems now, independent of all other 
 reasons, to be aground on the same shoal where so many others 
 have been shipwrecked ; I mean the disagreement between the 
 land and sea service, about which I can no longer doubt. It is 
 pleasant ! 
 
 Atigust iSt/i. This morning we have had the same scene repeated 
 which has happened to us once or twice already. At four or five 
 in the morning the wind came round to the east ; the signal was 
 given to prepare to get under way, the capstan was manned, 
 one anchor heaved, and the other hove short to be ready for the 
 tide ; the Admiral and General prepared their despatches, and I 
 wrote to my wife. At nine, at length the wind slackened, and at 
 ten came round to the old point, S.W., where it stuck ; so there 
 was an end of the business. I have been so often and so long 
 disappointed that I am now used to it ; I therefore bore this 
 very quietly. To console me, I received a letter from my wife, 
 which gave me unspeakable satisfaction. Thank God she is well, 
 and my poor little babies. May God Almighty bless them all ! 
 
262 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [i797- 
 
 August igt/i, 20th. Yesterday morning the General and Gras- 
 veldt set off for the Hague in one carriage, and Lowry, Tennant, 
 and I in another. We arrived safe this evening, per varios casus, 
 per tot discrimina rerum. 
 
 August 2\st. Breakfasted with the General. He told me, in 
 the first place, that the Government had rejected the plan proposed 
 by the Admiral, viz., to transport 2,500 men, and the arms, stores, 
 and ammunition, and had determined to persist in their original 
 design ; that, however, in consideration of the lateness of the 
 season, he had prepared a memorial, which he showed me, for a 
 new arrangement, which is shortly this : To sail out and fight 
 Admiral Duncan. If the issue of the battle be favourable, to 
 pass over immediately 15,000 men, or as many more as we can 
 send, in everything that will swim, to Scotland ; to seize, in the 
 first instance, on Edinburgh, and march right on Glasgow, taking 
 every possible means to alarm the enemy with the idea that we 
 meant to penetrate by the North of England, which is to be done 
 by detaching flying parties, making requisitions, &c, on that side ; 
 to maintain ourselves meantime behind the canal which joins the 
 Frith of Forth to the Clyde, having our right at Dumbarton and 
 our left at Falkirk, as well as I can remember, for I have not at 
 present either the map or the memorial before me ; to collect all 
 the vessels in the Clyde, and pass over the army to the North of 
 Ireland ; to send round, whilst these military operations were going 
 on by land, the frigates and such transports, as few as possible, as 
 might be necessary to carry over the artillery, stores, &c. Finally, 
 that the English would probably be alarmed by all this for their 
 own country, and perhaps recall a part of their troops from Ireland, 
 which would very much facilitate the success of the enterprise. 
 He added, in addition, that we waited only for General Dejean, 
 who commands the army of the North, in order to settle with him 
 the military arrangements, and that the Government would pro- 
 bably be decided in a day or two. In the meantime he desired us 
 to wait upon Van Kastacle, President of the Convention, which he 
 did accordingly. Van Kastacle received us, of course, very civilly, 
 and said that, in case the Government had any questions to pro- 
 
MT. 34.] 
 
 FATAL DELA YS. 
 
 263 
 
 pose to us, he would send to request our attendance ; on which we 
 took our leave. 
 
 August 22nd, 2^rd. Breakfasted all three with Van Leyden, 
 Secretary to the Committee for Foreign Affairs, whom I had seen 
 with Lewines. We had a good deal of conversation on the state of 
 Ireland, but nothing new, as it consisted entirely of questions on 
 his part and answers on ours. He was so good as to give us 
 English papers from the 1st of July to the 10th of August, with 
 which we retired to our lodgings and set ourselves to devour them. 
 
 August 24th. Hard work at the newspapers. All we have found 
 remarkable is that Roger O'Connor 1 surrendered himself, and was 
 discharged about the middle of July ; Arthur O'Connor the 3rd of 
 July, his sureties being Fitzgerald and Emmet ; and it should seem, 
 though it is not very clearly expressed, that nearly if not the 
 whole of the other State prisoners have been also enlarged. God 
 Almighty send ! If we arrive, they will be of use ; if we do not, 
 at least they are not languishing in prison. 
 
 August 2$th, 26th. The General has submitted his plan to 
 General Dejean, who approves of it entirely in a military point 
 of view, provided the frigates can get round to meet us ; but of 
 this, barring some unforeseen accident, I think there can be little 
 doubt, inasmuch as the Admiral himself, who seems at present cool 
 enough in all that concerns the expedition, has already, in his 
 project of the 10th instant, not only given his opinion in favour 
 of the possibility of effectuating with frigates the passage North 
 about, but even offered to command the expedition. The General's 
 plan is now before the Government, with General Dejean's appro- 
 bation, and he tells me he has strong hopes it will be adopted. 
 
 August 2jth to 2,otk. The General set off, 27th of August, on 
 his return to the Texel, where we followed him next day, and 
 arrived on the 30th. 
 
 September 1st. A new system, rendered indispensable by the 
 course of events, has been mentioned to me to-day by the General, 
 which will probably oblige me to make a course to the head- 
 quarters of the army of Sambre et Meuse, and from thence to 
 
 1 [Brother of Arthur O'Connor, a«fe.-ED.] 
 
264 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [I797- 
 
 Paris. Admiral Duncan's fleet has been reinforced to twenty- 
 one sail of the line ; so that, even if the wind come round in our 
 favour, it would be madness in us to venture an action with such a 
 terrible inferiority of force ; in addition to which we have now, in 
 consequence of the delays occasioned by the wind, not above ten 
 days' provisions remaining for the troops on board. The plan pro- 
 posed is, in fact, but an improvement on the last one, viz., to land 
 the troops and quarter them in the neighbourhood, so as to be able 
 to collect them in forty-eight hours ; to appear to have renounced 
 the idea of the expedition, but in the meantime to revictual the 
 fleet with all diligence and secrecy, which may occupy probably a 
 month ; to endeavour even to reinforce it by one or two vessels, 
 which might in that time be got ready for sea. All this will bring 
 us to the time of the equinox, when it will be impossible for the 
 enemy — who will besides, it is probable, have relaxed in his 
 vigilance, in consequence of these manoeuvres — to keep the sea. 
 When all is ready the troops are to be re-embarked with the 
 greatest expedition, and a push to be made instantly for Scotland, 
 as already detailed. " Capot me, but it wears a face" Such is the 
 present idea, which we shall probably lick into more shape. The 
 General talks of sending me to the Hague to confer with the 
 Dutch Government and General Dejean, from thence to Wetzlar, 
 to communicate with Hoche, and from thence to Paris, to open the 
 affair to the Minister of Marine. " A very pretty journey indeed, 
 and, besides, w/iere's tJie money ? " Well, I do not see how I can be 
 so well employed during this vacant month ; so, in God's name, I 
 am ready. 
 
 September 2nd, $rd. This day the General gave me my instruc- 
 tions to set off to join General Hoche at Wetzlar, and give him a 
 copy of the memorial containing the plan already mentioned. In 
 addition, he gave me verbal instructions to the following import : 
 that, in addition to the written plan, it might be expedient to 
 follow up the first debarkation by a second 1 5,000 of the French 
 troops, now in the pay of Holland, with which reinforcement the 
 army, being brought up to 30,000 men, could maintain itself in 
 Scotland in spite of any force that could be brought against them ; 
 
JET. 34.] SETS OFF TO JOIN HO CHE. 265 
 
 that they might even penetrate into England, and by that means 
 force the enemy to a peace ; that 25,000 might be employed on 
 this service, and the remaining 5,000 detached into Ireland, from 
 whence it was morally certain that a great portion of the troops 
 would be withdrawn to defend England itself. That, if General 
 Hoche would in that case take the command of the united armies, he 
 (Daendels) desired nothing better than to serve under him ; if not, 
 he was ready to serve under any other French general, being a 
 senior officer, in which case each army was, as to all matters of 
 discipline, administration, &c, to remain under their respective 
 chiefs. He mentioned Chaumont as a proper person, in case 
 Hoche declined to command the expedition ; Macdonald to com- 
 mand the French troops, and himself, of course, the Dutch. He 
 desired me likewise — but this was matter of great confidence — to 
 tell Hoche that in case he approved of the plan, he should write to 
 the Directory, recommending to them to press the Dutch Govern- 
 ment strongly to the adoption of it ; that to this effect the Direc- 
 tory should write a letter to the Committee for Foreign Affairs at 
 the Hague, flattering and praising them extremely for what they 
 had hitherto done, and the great exertions they had made, and 
 exhorting them to continue the same laudable zeal, reminding 
 them that France was now negotiating with England, and if it 
 were not for the interests of her allies, could have an honourable 
 peace in an hour; that the success of the enterprise in question 
 would exceedingly strengthen her hands, and infallibly secure the 
 restitution of all the Dutch possessions in both Indies ; finally, to 
 make them feel that it was incumbent on them to make every 
 effort on their part to second the Republic at a time when she was 
 exposing herself to war merely for their interests, when she could 
 by renouncing them secure that peace so necessary to herself in 
 all respects at this moment. In addition to all this, Daendels 
 desired me to explain to Hoche the necessity of a greater degree 
 of communication on the part of the French Government ; that of 
 the Batavian Republic being in utter ignorance of the state of 
 preparations at Brest and elsewhere, and whether any or what 
 degree of support or co-operation might be expected, which 
 
266 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 naturally threw a certain degree of damp, and had a sinister effect, 
 on their operations. With these instructions, I set off the same 
 day with Lowry and Tennant, who determined to take this oppor- 
 tunity to go to Paris ; the General accompanied us as far as 
 Alkmaer, where we lay this night, and pursue our journey at six 
 next morning. 
 
 September \thto 12th. These eight days I spent on the road 
 'twixt Alkmaer and Wetzlar. I came by Brussels, though it was 
 out of my way, in order to accommodate my comrades, whom I 
 put into the diligence for Paris on the 8th. At Brussels we heard 
 the first rumour of the conspiracy of Pichegru, CARNOT, and the 
 downfall of the Royalists, on the 1 8th Fructidor. Having sent 
 them off, I proceeded by Liege to Juliers, where, luckily, finding 
 the Courrier des armies^ I got with him into the mail, and, travelling 
 day and night, arrived at length at headquarters extremely 
 fatigued, my journey from Brussels having cost me, one way or 
 other, about 150 livres. 
 
 September i$t/i. This day I saw General Hoche, who is just 
 returned from Frankfort ; he has been very ill with a violent cold, 
 and has still a cough, which makes me seriously uneasy about him ; 
 he does not seem to apprehend anything himself, but I should not 
 be surprised, for my part, if in three months he were in a rapid 
 consumption. He is dreadfully altered, and has a dry, hollow 
 cough, that is distressing to the last degree to hear. I should be 
 most sincerely and truly sorry if anything were to happen to him, 
 but I very much fear he will scarcely throw off his present illness. 
 I immediately explained to him the cause of my arrival, gave him 
 Daendels' plan and the map of Scotland, and such further elucida- 
 tion as I was able in conversation. He shook his head at the idea 
 of a second embarkation at the mouth of the Clyde, and observed 
 that if we got safe into Scotland the British would immediately 
 detach a squadron of frigates into the Irish Channel, which would 
 arrive to a moral certainty before the Dutch frigates, which were, 
 according to the plan proposed, to go North about, and that they 
 would thus cut us off from all communication with Ireland. As to 
 the officers whom Daendels named, he observed that " Chaumont 
 
JET 34-] 
 
 WITH HOCHE. 
 
 267 
 
 was as much of a general as he was that bottle," pointing to one that 
 stood on the table before him ; " that as to Macdonald, he was a 
 good officer, but he knew he would not go." I replied that as to 
 the second embarkation, I was entirely of his opinion, and looked 
 upon it as inexecutable ; that, nevertheless, I thought well of the 
 project as a measure against England ; that it would embarrass 
 her most extremely if it succeeded, and if it failed the French public 
 would not lose a man nor a shilling; and that consequently it was, I 
 thought, a measure which should be adopted, or at least very maturely 
 weighed, as it might be — for example, in his hands — susceptible of 
 great improvements. He then told me that he would take it into 
 his most serious consideration, and let me know the result in three 
 or four days ; in the meantime, I am to attend to his orders. Our 
 conversation ended by his desiring me to give him a note of the 
 principal events which took place on board the Dutch fleet whilst 
 I lay at the Texel, and so we parted. 
 
 September 14th. I have read this day a great number of the 
 pieces relative to the last Royal conspiracy ; there can be no doubt 
 of the guilt of Pichegru and several others. It seems that, so far 
 back as three years ago, when he commanded the army of the 
 Rhine, he was in treaty with Prince Conde - to proclaim Louis 
 XVIII. and march upon Paris ; and, had it not been for the stupid 
 obstinacy of Conde, who refused to let the Austrians have any 
 share in the business, which Pichegru made an indispensable con- 
 dition, the treason would have taken effect : that is, so far as 
 Pichegru could ensure it ; for I have no doubt but he would have 
 found himself speedily deserted by his army, as was that scoundrel 
 Dumourier before him. Such treachery in a man of the situation, 
 character, and high reputation of Pichegru is enough to put a man 
 out of humour with human nature. If I had any doubt of his 
 guilt, the proclamation of Moreau to his army would decide me 
 where he mentions that papers had fallen into his hands, which 
 proved the fact of the correspondence ; which papers he had trans- 
 mitted to the Directory on the 17th Fructidor, the day before 
 Pichegru and the other conspirators were arrested. This testimony 
 is the stronger, inasmuch as Moreau has been the pupil and friend 
 
268 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 of Pichegru, and is at this moment on bad terms with the Direc- 
 tory. With regard to Carnot, who surprises me much more, and 
 who has made his escape, I see nothing to prove his guilt in the 
 pieces as yet published. There are two Directors, Carnot and 
 Barthelemy, about seventy Deputies of both Councils, and as many 
 journalists, transported by order of the Corps Legislatif ; the report 
 is that they will be sent to Madagascar. For this time the 
 Republic is triumphant ; I hope to God they may know how to 
 make a proper use of their victory. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 DEATH OF HOCHE. — CAMPERDO WN. 
 
 September l$tk, \6th, 17th. The General's health is in a most 
 alarming state, and nobody here seems to suspect it — at least, to 
 the extent that I do. I look on it as a moral impossibility that he 
 should hold out long if he persists to remain at the army, as he 
 seems determined to do. As for his physician, I have no great 
 faith in his skill, and, in short, I have the most serious alarms for 
 his life. I should be sincerely sorry for every reason, public and 
 private, that we should lose him. Urgent as the affair is on which 
 I am here, I have found it impossible to speak to him about it, and 
 God knows when or whether I may ever find an opportunity, which, 
 in addition to my personal regard and love for him, is a circum- 
 stance which very much aggravates my uneasiness. To-day he 
 has been removed by four grenadiers from one chamber to another, 
 for he is unable to walk. It is terrible to see a fine handsome 
 fellow, in the very flower of his youth and strength, so reduced. 
 My heart bleeds for him. I am told that the late attacks made on 
 him by the Royalists in the Convention, and the journalists in their 
 pay, preyed exceedingly on his spirits, and are the probable cause 
 of his present illness. Is it not strange that a man who has faced 
 death a thousand times with intrepidity in the field should sink 
 under the calumny of a rabble of miscreants ? Wrote yesterday 
 to General Daendels to apologise for my silence, letting him know 
 that I found it as yet impossible to speak to General Hoche about 
 our affair, partly on account of the state of his health, and partly 
 on account of his being so extremely occupied, as well by the com- 
 mand of the two armies of the Rhine and Sambre et Meuse as by 
 the late events in Paris, promising at the same time to write again 
 
 269 
 
270 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [i797- 
 
 in three or four days, and entreating him in the meantime to con- 
 tinue his preparations on the system we had settled at my depar- 
 ture from the Texel. I did not in this letter let him know the very 
 dangerous state in which I consider the General to be. There is a 
 rumour here that Massaredo and Jarvis have had a fight off Cadiz, 
 and that the latter had the worst of it. It is too good news to be 
 true, and consequently I do not believe it. I remember the last 
 drubbing which the Spaniards got from Jarvis was, in like manner, 
 preceded for seven or eight days by the report of a grand victory. 
 Le Tourneur and Maret are recalled from Lisle, and two others 
 (Treilhard, I think, and another) named in their place. This does 
 not look, in my mind, like a speedy termination of the negotiation 
 with England. Merlin de Douai, late Minister of Justice, and 
 Frangois de Neufchateau, late Minister of the Interior, are 
 nominated to replace in the Directory Barth&emy and Carnot. 
 There is no man in France so obnoxious to the Royalists as 
 Merlin de Douai ; of course his nomination is a proof that they 
 are at this moment completely down. All is quiet at Paris. 
 
 September i8t/i, igth. My fears with regard to Hoche were but too 
 well founded. He died this morning at four o'clock. His lungs 
 seemed to me quite gone. This most unfortunate event has so 
 confounded and distressed me, that I know not what to think nor 
 what will be the consequences. Wrote to my wife and to General 
 Daendels instantly. Yesterday Simon, by the General's orders, 
 after communicating with me, wrote to the Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, and of the Marine, but I know not to what effect. 
 
 September 20th, 21st. The death of General Hoche having 
 broken my connection with the army of Sambre et Meuse, where I 
 have no longer any business, I applied this day (20th) for an order 
 to set off for Paris, which I obtained instantly from General 
 Lefebvre, who commands in chief per interim. Set off at four 
 o'clock, and travelled all night; arrived at twelve on the 21st at 
 Coblentz, and at night at Bonn. 
 
 September 22nd. This is the 1st of Vend£miaire, the anniversary 
 of the establishment of the French Republic. Called early on my 
 friend Mr. Shee, whom I found occupied preparing for the fete 
 
jET. 34.] 
 
 THE MUNICIPALITY OF BONN. 
 
 271 
 
 which is to be celebrated on the occasion. At twelve, assisted 
 at the fite, where Mr. Shee pronounced a discourse as President 
 of the Commission Intermediate. At one accompanied the pro- 
 cession to the grande place, where the Municipality planted 
 the Tree of Liberty under the auspices of France, and proclaimed 
 the Re'publique Cis-Rhenane. The same ceremony has taken place 
 at Cologne, Coblentz, and other cities, and the idea is to erect 
 the country between the Meuse and Rhine into an independent 
 Republic, in order to terminate the differences between France 
 and the Empire as to that territory. After the ceremony, dined 
 in state with the Commission Intermediate, the Municipality of 
 Bonn, the constituted authorities, and drank sundry loyal and 
 constitutional toasts, &c, but not too many, as appears by this 
 journal, which I am peaceably writing at my inn. After dinner 
 Mr. Shee told me he had just received intelligence, from a 
 quarter on which he very much relied, that the negotiation 
 with England was knocked on the head, which, if it be true, 
 as is highly probable, is excellent news. Settled to call upon 
 him to-morrow early, and show him sundry papers, &c, and came 
 home soberly and wrote to General Daendels. I had promised 
 a very pretty woman at dinner, whose name I know not, but 
 whose person I reverence, to meet her to-night at a grand ball 
 given by the Municipality, but I will deceive her like a false 
 traitor, and go to my innocent bed ; yet she is very pretty for 
 all that, and speaks very pretty German-French, and I am sure 
 has not one grain of cruelty in her composition, and besides, 
 " d la guerre, comme a, la guerre ; " but then, I must set off 
 to-morrow, and so, " Oh, cruel fate that gave thee to the Moor ! " 
 Besides, I have just received a delightful letter from my dearest 
 love, written three months ago, which has put me out of conceit 
 with all women but herself ; so, as before, I will go to my virtuous 
 bed. 
 
 N.B. — November 21st. It is to-day upwards of two months 
 since I made a memorandum, which is downright scandalous ; 
 for many important circumstances have happened in that time. 
 The only good in my journals is, that they are written at the 
 
272 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 moment, and represent things exactly as they strike me, whereas, 
 
 when I write after an interval of some time ." But I am going 
 
 into an essay on journal writing, instead of my business. Let me 
 endeavour to take up, as well as I can, from memory the thread of 
 my history. 
 
 October 1st, or thereabouts, I arrived in Paris, where I had 
 the satisfaction to find my wife and little babies in health and 
 spirits ; went to Lewines, who is in high favour here with every- 
 body ; he is all but acknowledged as Minister from Ireland, and 
 I am heartily glad of it, for I have an excellent opinion of his 
 integrity and talents. He has the entrees litres with Barras, 
 Pleville le Peley, Minister for the Marine, and Talleyrand 
 Perigord, Minister for Foreign Affairs, whom I saw in Phila- 
 delphia, when we were both in exile. In a day or two we went 
 together to the Minister for the Marine, in order to ask him to 
 give me a note of introduction to Barras, but we were not able 
 to beat it into his head that we did not want him to present me 
 formally to the Directory as an agent from some foreign power. 
 On which I set him down in my own mind for a dunce. In con- 
 sequence of his refusal, we determined to go ourselves to the 
 Luxembourg, which we did accordingly two or three evenings 
 after. We found Barras at home, giving favourable audience to 
 Madame Tallien, with whom he retired into an inner room, 
 where they continued, I have no doubt, very seriously employed 
 for about half an hour. On his return, we presented ourselves, 
 and I delivered him the memorial, which General Daendels had 
 entrusted me with, for General Hoche, and, at the same time, 
 detailed to him fully all the verbal instructions I had received 
 from General Daendels. He heard me very attentively, and 
 told me in reply, that he expected General Debelle, brother-in- 
 law to General Hoche, in town every day, who had the thread 
 of our affairs in his hands, and that, on his arrival, I should 
 address myself to him. We then took our leave, after a short 
 conversation between him and Lewines. Lewines tells me that 
 he has Barras's word, that if the Directory can make a separate 
 peace with the Emperor, they will never quit England until our 
 
MT. 34.] 
 
 TALLEYRAND. 
 
 273 
 
 independence shall be recognised. This is going a very great 
 length on their part. 
 
 October $th, or thereabouts, General Debelle arrived, and I 
 immediately waited on him, agreeably to Barras's orders. After 
 telling him all that I was instructed to do, he desired me to 
 make a note of it, which I did accordingly, and delivered to him 
 a day or two after. Some short time after, he told me generally, 
 that the Directory were determined to take up our business, and 
 that most probably it would be Simon, Adjutant-General in the 
 army of Sambre et Meuse, and who was in the same capacity 
 with us in the expedition to Bantry Bay, who would be charged 
 with the command. I saw clearly the fact that Debelle knew 
 nothing of the determination of the Government ; however, I 
 received his information thankfully, and told him, as indeed the 
 fact was, that I had a very good opinion of Simon, and that if 
 they were decided to try an expedition on a small scale, I would 
 not desire a better General to command it. Debelle set off for 
 the army in a day or two after, and I have not seen him since. 
 As it was now time to think a little of my own affairs, I applied 
 to General Hddouville, whom I had known at Rennes and Brest, 
 and who has just been nominated to the command of St. 
 Domingo, to obtain me an order to stay in Paris, in order to 
 follow up the affair wherewith I was charged by Generals Hoche 
 and Daendels, and to leceive the arrears of my appointments, 
 which are due to me. General Hedouville charged himself 
 with my business, in a manner so friendly, that I shall never 
 forget it. Besides speaking to Barras, he brought me to the 
 Luxembourg, and presented me to La Reveilliere Lepaux, to 
 whom he spoke of me in terms of great commendation. La 
 Reveilliere received me with attention, and desired me to draw 
 up a memorial stating my request, and to get it certified by 
 the Ministers at War and for Foreign Affairs. In consequence, 
 on — 
 
 October i$tk General Hedouville introduced me to Talleyrand 
 Ferigord, who signed my memorial immediately, and the same 
 day to Scherer, Minister at War, to whom he presented my 
 
 vol. 11. 19 
 
274 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 memorial. Scherer took it, and promised to expedite it directly, 
 but from that to this (viz., Nov. 21st) he has given himself no 
 concern about it, which delay on his part I attribute to the cir- 
 cumstance of my being attached to General Hoche, whose very 
 memory Scherer abhors, and to my having spoken respectfully of 
 him in my memorial. If that be so, it is shabby in the last degree 
 in Scherer, but we shall see more about it. 
 
 The peace is at last concluded with the Emperor, and England 
 only remains. With the conditions of the peace, strictly speaking, 
 I have nothing to do, my great object and wish being confined to 
 the prostration of English tyranny. Yet it is a great satisfaction 
 to me to see that they are as favourable as I think any reasonable 
 man can desire. The Cisalpine Republic is acknowledged, and I 
 fancy we have got the Rhine for our limit. Venice goes to the 
 Emperor, which is bad, if it could be helped, but we cannot get 
 everything. General Berthier was the bearer of this great news. 
 Firing of cannon, bonfires, illuminations — Paris was that day in 
 great glory. 
 
 The day after the proclamation of the peace, I saw an arrite 
 of the Directory, ordaining the formation of an army, to be called 
 HArmee d' Angleterre, and appointing Buonaparte to command it. 
 Bravo ! This looks as if they were in earnest. General Desaix, of 
 the army of the Rhine, who distinguished himself so much by his 
 defence of Kehl against Prince Charles, in the last campaign, is 
 ordered to superintend the organisation of the army until the 
 arrival of Buonaparte. All this is famous news. 
 
 It is singular enough that I should have forgotten to mention 
 in its place the famous battle fought on the nth of October, 
 between the English fleet, under Admiral Duncan, and the Dutch, 
 commanded by De Winter. It shows the necessity of making 
 memorandums on the moment. There never was a more com- 
 plete victory than that gained by the English. The fleets were 
 equal in number, but they had the advantage in number of guns 
 and weight of metal. De Winter fought like a lion, and defended 
 himself to the last extremity, but was at length forced to strike, 
 as were nine of his fleet out of sixteen, whereof it consisted. 
 
/ET. 34.] 
 
 BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 
 
 275 
 
 With him were taken the Admirals Reyntzies, who is since dead, 
 and Meurer. Bloys lost his right arm, and Story is the only one 
 who came off clear ; the two last were not taken. I cannot con- 
 ceive why the Dutch Government sent out their fleet at that 
 season, without motive or object, as far as I can learn. My 
 opinion is, that it is direct treason, and that the fleet was sold to 
 Pitt, and so think Barras, Pl£ville le Peley, and even Meyer, the 
 Dutch Ambassador, whom I have seen once or twice. It was well 
 I was not on board the Vryheid. If I had, it would have been a 
 pretty piece of business. I fancy I am not to be caught at sea by 
 the English ; for this is the second escape I have had, and by land 
 I mock myself of them. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 BUONAPARTE. 
 
 November ist to %rd. My brother Matthew joined me from 
 Hamburg, where he arrived about a month ago. It is a great 
 satisfaction to me, and I hope he arrives just in time to take a part 
 in the expedition. 
 
 November 4tk to gt/i. This day General H£douville brought 
 me to General Berthier, and presented me to him, recommending 
 me in the warmest manner. We had very little conversation, but 
 he promised to speak of me to General Buonaparte, whom he sets 
 off to join, in three or four days. Two days after, I called, and 
 left for him a memorial of about five lines, addressed to Buona- 
 parte, offering my services, &c. It is droll enough I should be 
 writing to Buonaparte. 
 
 November 20th. Yesterday General H£douville presented me 
 to Desaix, who is arrived within these few days. I could not 
 possibly desire to meet a more favourable reception ; he examined 
 me a good deal as to the localities of Ireland, the face of the 
 country, the facility of finding provisions ; on which I informed 
 him as well as I could. He told me that he had not directly the 
 power himself to name the officers who were to be employed in 
 the army of England, but that I need not be uneasy, for I might 
 rely I should be of the number. His expression at parting was, 
 " Laissez moi faire, nous arrangerons tout cela" So I may happen 
 to have another offer at John Bull before I die. God knows how 
 I desire it. I like Desaix at least as well if not better than any 
 of his confreres I have yet seen. There is a soldier-like frankness 
 and sincerity in his manner, from which I augur everything favour- 
 able. 
 
 276 
 
^ET. 34-] 
 
 AFTER CAMPO FORMIO. 
 
 277 
 
 November 21st to 2$th. This day we, viz., Lewines, Lowry, 
 Tennant, Orr, Teeling, and myself, gave a grand dinner at Mdots, 
 to General Desaix, Hddouville, Watrin, Mermet, and Dufalga, and 
 one or two of their aides-de-camp. Watrin and Mermet we 
 asked as being friends of General Hoche, and embarked in the 
 expedition of last year. Our dinner was superb, and everything 
 went off very well ; we had the fort of Kehl represented in the 
 dessert, in compliment to Desaix. 
 
 November z6tk to 29th. This day received my arrears for four 
 months, so now I am at my ease as to cash — 2,330 livres. 
 
 December 1st to loth. This day was a grand fete, to receive the 
 ratification of the treaty of peace by the Emperor, which has been 
 brought up by Buonaparte in person to the Directory. It was 
 superb, and I was particularly pleased with Barras, the President's, 
 speech, wherein reigns a spirit of the most determined hostility to 
 England. As far as I can observe, all parties in France are 
 sincerely united in this sentiment. 
 
 December wth and \2th. Called this day, with Lewines, on 
 General Desaix, and gave him Taylor's map of Ireland. He tells 
 us to be under no anxiety ; that the French Government will never 
 quit the grip which they have got of England, till they humble her 
 to the dust ; that it is their wish, and their interest (that of all 
 France, as well as of Ireland), that the Government now had 
 means, and powerful ones, particularly money, and they would 
 devote them all to this great object ; it might be a little sooner or 
 a little later, but that the success of the measure was inevitable. 
 Barras has lately, in one or two different conversations, gone as 
 far with Lewines as Desaix with me. 
 
 December 15th. Talleyrand Perigord sent for Lewines this 
 morning, to tell him that the Directory were positively determined 
 on our business ; that the arrangements were all concluded upon, 
 and that everything would be ready for April next, about four 
 months from this. All this is very good. 
 
 December 14th to iyth. Called with Lewines on Desaix, and 
 gave him a letter from General Daendels. Desaix repeated the 
 assurances which Talleyrand had given on the 1 5th, and told us 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797- 
 
 further, that Buonaparte and the Directory were now occupied in 
 the reorganisation of the Marine, and the funds, and that, when 
 that was arranged, the military part of the business would be easily 
 settled. Finally, he desired us to set our hearts at ease : for that 
 everything was going on as well as we could possibly desire it. 
 
 December iZth to 21st. General Desaix brought Lewines and 
 me this morning and introduced us to Buonaparte, at his house in 
 the Rue Chantereine. He lives in the greatest simplicity ; his 
 house is small, but neat, and all the furniture and ornaments in the 
 most classical taste. He is about five feet six inches high, slender, 
 and well made, but stoops considerably ; he looks at least ten 
 years older than he is, owing to the great fatigues he underwent in 
 his immortal campaign of Italy. His face is that of a profound 
 thinker, but bears no marks of that great enthusiasm and unceasing 
 activity by which he has been so much distinguished. It is rather, 
 to my mind, the countenance of a mathematician than of a General. 
 He has a fine eye, and a great firmness about his mouth ; he speaks 
 low and hollow. So much for his manner and figure. We had not 
 much discourse with him, and what little there was, was between 
 him and Lewines, to whom, as our Ambassador, I gave the pas. 
 We told him that Tennant was about to depart for Ireland, and 
 was ready to charge himself with his orders if he had any to give. 
 He desired us to bring him the same evening, and so we took our 
 leave. In the evening we returned with Tennant, and Lewines had 
 a good deal of conversation with him ; that is to say, Lewis insensed 
 him a good deal on Irish affairs, of which he appears a good deal 
 uninformed : for example, he seems convinced that our population 
 is not more than two millions, which is nonsense. Buonaparte 
 listened, but said very little. When all this was finished he desired 
 that Tennant might put off his departure for a few days, and then, 
 turning to me, asked whether I was not an Adjutant-General. To 
 which I answered, that I had the honour to be attached to General 
 Hoche in that capacity. He then asked me where I had learned 
 to speak French. To which I replied, that I had learned the little that 
 I knew since my arrival in France, about twenty months ago. He 
 then desired us to return the next evening but one, at the same 
 
JET. 34-] 
 
 GOOD NEWS. 
 
 279 
 
 hour, and so we parted. As to my French, I am ignorant whether 
 it was the purity or the barbarism of my diction which drew his 
 attention, and as I shall never inquire, it must remain as an 
 historical doubt, to be investigated by the learned of future ages. 
 
 December 22nd. Good news to-day ! The merchants of Paris 
 have presented a famous address to the Directory, encouraging 
 them to the war with England ; and (which is the criterion of their 
 sincerity) offering to advance money for that purpose. The 
 Directory, of course, received them with the greatest respect, and 
 made a flourishing reply ; which, as well as the address, they trans- 
 mitted immediately to the two Councils, where the news was 
 received with great applause and satisfaction. I regard this as of 
 great consequence; not so much on account of the money (25,000,000 
 livres, as I understand), though that sum is very convenient just 
 now, as on account of the spirit which dictates the loan, and, above 
 all, of the confidence which, it seems, the monied men (no bad 
 judges in such affairs) have in the establishment of the Govern- 
 ment. I have no doubt but, in this point of view, it will produce 
 a great effect on the mind of every thinking man in England. It 
 will prove that the Republic and Directory have taken an assiette 
 or aplomb which may embarrass J. Bull not a little in his future 
 discussions with the Great Nation, as the French have begun 
 latterly, and not without great reason, to call themselves. This, 
 without doubt, is the money to which Desaix alluded the other 
 day. 
 
 December 23rd. Called this evening on Buonaparte, by appoint- 
 ment, with Tennant and Lewines, and saw him for about five 
 minutes. Lewines gave him a copy of the memorials I delivered 
 to the Government in February, 1796 (nearly two years ago), and 
 which, fortunately, have been well verified in every material fact, by 
 everything that has taken place in Ireland since. He also gave 
 him Taylor's map, and showed him half a dozen of Hoche's letters, 
 which Buonaparte read over. He then desired us to return in two 
 or three days, with such documents relating to Ireland as we were 
 possessed of, and, in the meantime, that Tennant should postpone 
 his departure. We then left him. His manner is cold, and he 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1797-98. 
 
 speaks very little ; it is not, however, so dry as that of Hoche, but 
 seems rather to proceed from languor than anything else. He is 
 perfectly civil, however, to us ; but, from anything we have yet seen 
 or heard from him, it is impossible to augur anything good or bad. 
 We have now seen the greatest man in Europe three times, and I am 
 astonished to think how little I have to record about him. I am sure 
 I wrote ten times as much about my first interview with Charles De 
 la Croix, but then I was a greenhorn ; I am now a little used to 
 see great men, and great statesmen, and great generals, and that 
 has, in some degree, broke down my admiration. Yet, after all, it 
 is a droll thing that I should become acquainted with Buonaparte. 
 This time twelve months, I arrived in Brest, from my expedition 
 to Bantry Bay. Well, the third time, they say, is the charm. My 
 next chance, I hope, will be with the Arme'e d'Angleterre — A lions ! 
 Vive la Republique I I make no memorandums now at all, which 
 is grievous ; but I have nothing to write. 
 
 January 1st. I wish myself the compliments of the season ; 
 a merry Christmas and a happy New Year. Received a letter 
 from my sister, wherein she informs me that my father has at 
 length received a letter from my brother William, of whom I have 
 not heard since 1794 ; he is alive and well, in the service of the 
 Mahrattas, with a liberal appointment of £750 per annum, and 
 this is the whole of what she tells me, and, I suppose, of what she 
 knows. It is most provoking that they did not send her his letter, 
 or at least a copy of it ; I do not even know the date. I cannot 
 express the satisfaction I feel at this news, which is certainly not 
 diminished by the reflection that he is not in the British service. 
 Poor fellow ! Well, we may meet yet : for our family, I see, are 
 not to be sunk ; we are, to be sure, a strange set, for proof of 
 which, see the history of my life and opmions, written by myself. 
 Wrote to my sister, desiring her, of all love, to procure and forward 
 me a copy of Will's letter. One or two things have happened 
 lately which gave me, personally, some pleasure : The Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs has written to the Minister of Police, that whereas 
 Pitt may probably endeavour to slide in some of his emissaries 
 under the character of Refugee United Irishmen, none be permitted 
 
^T. 34-35.] 
 
 IRISH REFUGEES IN PARIS. 
 
 281 
 
 to remain but such as I may vouch for ; which shows they have 
 some confidence in me, and the Minister of Police has given his 
 order in consequence. The first use I made of it, was to apply for 
 the liberty of two lads, named Burgess and McCan, who are 
 detained at Liege, and I hope they are enlarged before this. An- 
 other thing is, a young man, whom I do not know, named McKenna, 
 who was recommended, as he says, by Tallien, applied to Buona- 
 parte to be employed as his Secretary and Interpreter. Buona- 
 parte, after some discourse, gave him, for answer, to address himself 
 to me, and that I should report thereupon to him, Buonaparte. All 
 this is very good ; I have not seen the General since, but expect I 
 shall in a few days. 
 
 January 2nd to 6th. Called on my old friend General Clarke, 
 who is at last returned to Paris : his close connection with Carnot 
 has thrown him out of employment, and I am heartily sorry for it : 
 for I have a very good opinion of him. He is, however, very well 
 with Buonaparte, to whom he tells me he has spoken of me in the 
 strongest manner, for which I feel most sincerely obliged. Buona- 
 parte, among other things, asked him whom he had most confidence 
 in as to Irish affairs, and Clarke answered, " In me, by all means ; " 
 I thanked Clarke heartily for all this, and, at the same time, ex- 
 plained to him the nature of Lewines' mission, and my wish to 
 cede him the pas on all occasions ; we talked a great deal of Hoche, 
 of our Bantry Bay expeditions, and parted the best of friends in 
 the world ; I was very glad to see Clarke, and it is a great loss and 
 pity he is not employed. 
 
 January 6th to i^th. Saw Buonaparte this evening with Lewines, 
 who delivered him a whole sheaf of papers relative to Ireland, 
 including my two memorials of 1795, great part of which stands 
 good yet. After Lewines had had a good deal of discourse with 
 him, I mentioned the affair of McKenna, who desires to be employed 
 as Secretary. Buonaparte observed that he believed the world 
 thought he had fifty secretaries, whereas he had but one ; of course 
 there was an end of that business ; however, he bid me see what 
 the man was fit for, and let him know. I took this opportunity to 
 mention the desire all the Refugee United Irishmen now in Paris 
 
282 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 had to bear a part in the expedition, and the utility they would be 
 of in case of a landing in Ireland. He answered that they would 
 all be undoubtedly employed, and desired me to give him in, for 
 that purpose, a list of their names. Finally, I spoke of myself, 
 telling him that General Desaix had informed me that I was carried 
 on the tableau of the Amite d' A?igleterre ; he said " I was." I 
 then observed that I did not pretend to be of the smallest use to 
 him whilst we were in France, but that I hoped to be serviceable to 
 him on the other side of the water ; that I did not give myself to 
 him at all for a military man, having neither the knowledge nor the 
 experience that would justify me in charging myself with any func- 
 tion. " Mais vous etes brave" said he, interrupting me. I replied 
 that, when the occasion presented itself, that would appear ; " Eh 
 Men" said he, " cela suffit" We then took our leave. 
 
 January \\th to 22nd. There has been an 18th Fructidor in 
 Holland, and some of those whom I saw at the Hague at the head 
 of affairs are now in arrestation, particularly Becker and Hahn. It 
 was Hahn who drew up the proclamation which was to have been 
 published on our landing, in case the expedition had taken place. 
 It is three months, at least, since Meyer, the Dutch Ambassador 
 here, told Lewines and me that this event would take place ; and 
 the fact is, it seems to me to have been full as necessary in Holland 
 as in France. If the late Government was honest, which I very 
 much doubt, they were evidently incapable ; witness their conduct 
 in the maritime affairs of their country, and especially their sending 
 out De Winter to be sacrificed on the nth of October, without 
 rhyme, reason, or apparent object, that I can hear of from any 
 quarter. Some time since Daendels sent up Adjutant-General 
 Vischery, who brought me a letter, desiring me to present 
 him to General Desaix as a person in whom Daendels had 
 the utmost confidence, which I did accordingly, without prying at 
 all into the nature or object of his mission. From the conversation, 
 however, I could collect that the French Government were deter- 
 mined, at length, to speak intelligibly to the Dutch, and give them 
 to know that they must adopt a more decided and energetic line of 
 conduct. Desaix's expression was, " Puisque vous ne voulez pas 
 
MT. 35.] FRANCE AND THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. 283 
 
 vous faire une constitution, on vous priera a' en accepter que, et j'esp^re 
 que vous ne la refuserez pas." I could likewise see that the support 
 of the French was in a manner set up to auction between the party 
 that is in, and the party that wants to get in, in Holland, and I was 
 very glad to find that the price was to be paid in maritime support. 
 The party now uppermost offered twenty-five sail of the line for the 
 approaching campaign, which I learn from Vischery absolutely 
 exceeds the faculties of the Dutch Republic to accomplish ; how- 
 ever, if they promise twenty-five, it is probable they will have 
 eighteen, or perhaps twenty ; at least it is certain they will move 
 heaven and earth to bring it to bear. If the late Government had 
 not sacrificed, either through treachery or incapacity, the fleet of 
 De Winter, there might have been, by April next, a fleet of at least 
 twenty-five sail of the line at the Texel, in which case the English 
 would have been obliged to keep one, of at least thirty sail, in the 
 North Sea : for they would not hazard an equality of force ; and 
 then what a powerful diversion would that have been for our pro- 
 jected campaign ! This is one of the fruits of the incapacity, or, as 
 I rather think, the treachery of the late Dutch Government. Well, 
 I hope now they are in a great degree regenerated, and especially 
 as France has interfered with a high hand, that they may conduct 
 themselves better for the future. I cannot blame the French at all 
 for their interposition on this occasion ; having conquered Holland, 
 they had a right, if they pleased, to have thrown it into the 
 Zuyder Zee. Instead of that, they left the Dutch at liberty to 
 organise their own Government, and frame their own constitution. 
 After nearly three years of independence, they are not further 
 advanced than they were the first month ; the plan of the Consti- 
 tution which they devised having been rejected by an immense 
 majority of the people. Under these circumstances, and especially 
 in a crisis like the present, where great and active energy is so 
 necessary, the French are justified in retracing their steps, and 
 obliging the Dutch to accept a Constitution, since, after three 
 years' experiment, they have shown that they want either talents 
 or integrity to frame one for themselves. Individually, I wish most 
 heartily it were otherwise : for I am sorry to see a people incapable 
 
284 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 to profit of such a great occasion as the Dutch have had in their 
 hands ; but if, unfortunately, the fact be against them, I must once 
 more acquit the French for their interposition ; and, I think I 
 should do so, even in the case of my own country, if she were to 
 show similar incapacity in like circumstances, which, however, I am 
 far from apprehending. I do not know how Daendels may 
 stand now, but I hope well ; for I have an esteem for him, and 
 should be sorry if he were to lose the confidence that his past 
 services and sacrifices have procured. Meyer is decidedly with the 
 new men, and I know he has no great devotion for Daendels. 
 Well, time will show ! 
 January 23rd? to 31st. Blank. 
 
 February 1st. The number of Irish refugees is considerably 
 increased. Independent of Lewines, Tennant, and Lowry, of 
 whom I have spoken, there are Teeling of Lisburn, Orr of Deny, 
 M'Mahon of county Down, McCan and Burgess of county 
 Lowth, Napper Tandy, and my brother. There is also one 
 Maguire, who was sent by Reynolds from Philadelphia, in con- 
 sequence of my letter to him by Monroe, and one Ashley, an 
 Englishman, formerly Secretary to the Corresponding Society, and 
 one of those who was tried with Thomas Hardy in London for 
 high treason. We all do very well except Napper Tandy, who 
 is not behaving correctly. He began some months ago by caballing 
 against me with a priest of the name of Quigley, who is since 
 gone off, no one knows whither ; the circumstances of this petty 
 intrigue are not worth my recording. It is sufficient to say that 
 Tandy took on him to summon a meeting of the Irish refugees, 
 at which Lewines and I were to be arraigned, on I know not what 
 charges, by himself and Quigley. Lewines refused to attend, but 
 I went, and when I appeared, there was no one found to bring 
 forward a charge against me, though I called three times to know 
 "whether any person had anything to offer." In consequence of 
 this manceuvre, I have had no communication since with Tandy, 
 who has also lost ground by this mean behaviour with all the 
 rest of his countrymen ; he is, I fancy, pestering the Government 
 here with applications and memorials, and gives himself out for an 
 
^ET. 3S .] 
 
 MURAT; THOMAS MUIR. 
 
 285 
 
 old officer, and a man of great property in Ireland, as I judge 
 from what General Murat said to me in speaking of him the other 
 night at Buonaparte's. He asked me did I know one Tandy, 
 " un ancien militaire, n'est ce pas ? " I said I did know him, but 
 could not say that he was exactly " un ancien militaire, as he had 
 never served but in the Volunteer corps of Ireland, a body which 
 resembled pretty much the Garde nationale of France at the 
 beginning of the Revolution." " Mais dest un trfe ricJie pro- 
 priitaire" I told him I believed he was always in easy circum- 
 stances ; and there the discourse ended. By this I see how he is 
 showing himself off here. He has got lately a coadjutor in the 
 famous Thomas Muir, 1 who is arrived at Paris, and has inserted 
 two or three very foolish articles, relating to the United Irishmen, 
 in the Paris papers, in consequence of which, at a meeting of the 
 United Irishmen, now in Paris, with the exception of Tandy, it 
 was settled that Lowry, Orr, Lewines, and myself should wait 
 upon Muir, and, after thanking him for his good intentions, intreat 
 him not to introduce our business into any publications which he 
 might hereafter think proper to make. Accordingly, we waited on 
 him a few days since, but of all the vain, obstinate blockheads that 
 ever I met, I never saw his equal. I [could scarcely conceive such a 
 degree of self-sufficiency to exist. He told us roundly that he knew 
 as much of our country as we did, and would venture to say he had 
 as much the confidence of the United Irishmen as we had ; that he 
 had no doubt we were very respectable individuals, but could only 
 know us as such, having shown him no powers or written authority 
 to prove that we had any mission. That he seldom acted without 
 due reflection, and when once he had taken his party, it was im- 
 possible to change him ; and that, as to what he had written, 
 relative to the United Irishmen, he had the sanction of, he would 
 say, the most respectable individual of that body, who had, and 
 deserved to have, their entire confidence and approbation, and 
 whose authority he must and did consider as justifying every 
 
 1 [Thomas Muir (b. 1765, d. 1798) was transported from Scotland to Botany 
 for sedition in 1793. After two years' banishment he escaped, and took refuge 
 in France.— Ed.] 
 
286 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 syllable he had advanced. This most respectable individual 
 of the body we presume to be Tandy ; for we did not ask his 
 name. So that, after a discussion of nearly three hours, we were 
 obliged to come away re infectd, except that we gave Mr. Muir 
 notice, that he had neither license nor authority to speak in the 
 name of the People of Ireland, and that if we saw any similar 
 productions to those of which we complained, we should be obliged 
 to take measures that would conduce neither to his ease nor respect- 
 ability ; for that we could not suffer the public to be longer abused. 
 On these terms we parted very drily on both sides. The fact is, 
 Muir and Tandy are puffing one another here for their private 
 advantage ; they are supporting themselves by endorsing each 
 other's credit, and issuing, if I may so say, accommodation bills of 
 reputation. This conversation has given the coup de gr&ce to 
 Tandy, with his countrymen here, and he is now in a manner 
 completely in Coventry. He deserves it. These details are hardly 
 worth writing, but as there may be question of the business here- 
 after, I thought I might as well put them down. 
 
 February 2nd to lot/t. Lewines was the other night with Buona- 
 parte when a conversation took place, which I think from his 
 relation of it, worth recording. Since the 18th Fructidor, the 
 Jacobins are, in a certain degree, more tolerated by Government 
 than formerly, and some of their leaders, who had been tried 
 at Vendome with Babceuf, venture to show themselves a little. 
 On that evening a person called on the General from the Minister 
 of Police, and spoke to him for a considerable time in a low voice, 
 so that Lewines did not hear what he said, but it appears by the 
 sequel that it was probably relative to some overtures from the 
 chiefs of that party : for Buonaparte all at once sprang into the 
 middle of the room with great heat, and said, " What would these 
 gentlemen have ! France is revolutionised ! Holland is revo- 
 lutionised ! Italy is revolutionised ! Switzerland is revolutionised ! 
 Europe will soon be revolutionised ! But this, it seems, is not 
 enough to content them. I know well what they want ; they want 
 the domination of thirty or forty individuals, founded on the 
 massacre of three or four millions ; they want the constitution 
 
^T. 35.] BUONAPARTE AND THE JACOBINS. 287 
 
 of 1793, but they shall not have it, and death to him who should 
 demand it. We did not fail to reduce them to order when we had 
 but 1,500 men, and we will do it much easier now when we have 
 30,000. We will have the present constitution, and we will have 
 no other, and we have common sense and our bayonets to maintain 
 it. I know these persons, in order to give themselves some little 
 consequence, affect to spread reports of some pretended disunion 
 between the Government and the Legislative Body. It is false. 
 From the foundation of the Republic to this day, there never was, 
 perhaps, a moment where there reigned such perfect harmony 
 between the constituted authorities, and, I may add, since it seems 
 they are so good as to count me for something in the affair, that I 
 am perfectly in union of sentiment and esteem with the Govern- 
 ment, and they with me. He that fears calumny is below me. 
 What I have done has not been done in a boudoir, and it is for 
 Europe and posterity to judge me. No ! we will not have the 
 assistance of those gentlemen who call themselves chiefs and 
 leaders of the people ; we acknowledge no chiefs or leaders but 
 those pointed out by the Constitution, the Legislative Body, and 
 the Executive Directory ; and to them only will we pay respect 
 or attention. For the others, we know very well how to deal with 
 them, if necessary, and, for my part, I declare for one, that if I had 
 only the option between royalty and the system of those gentlemen, 
 I would not hesitate one moment to declare for a King. But we 
 will have neither the one nor the other ; we will have the Republic 
 and the Constitution, with which, if those persons pretend to inter- 
 fere, they shall soon be made sensible of their absolute nullity." 
 He spoke to this effect, as Lewines reported to me, but in a strain 
 of the greatest animation, and with admirable eloquence. From 
 two or three words he dropped, Lewines concludes that Sotin, the 
 present Minister of Police, will probably not continue long in 
 office. 
 
 February wth. In conversation to-day with General Clarke, I 
 mentioned to him how happy I was when the news of the armistice 
 between Buonaparte and the Austrians arrived, as I began to be 
 extremely uneasy at his situation. Clarke assured me I was quite 
 
288 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 right in that respect ; that the fact was, the division of Joubert was 
 completely beaten out of the Tyrol by the peasants, with no better 
 arms than chance furnished down to clubs and sticks, with which they 
 charged the French like madmen, and drove before them the very 
 same troops who had so often defeated the best disciplined forces of 
 Austria. Of such an uncertain nature is the courage of armies, and so 
 much are they disconcerted by a mode of fighting, different from that 
 to o which they had been accustomed. That the Venetians were rising 
 en masse, and Trieste was retaken, so that the communication with 
 Italy was exceedingly embarrassed. That, if the army had met 
 with the least check in front, it was ruined, and every step that 
 Buonaparte advanced increased his difficulties, and multiplied the 
 probabilities against him. I was glad to hear my own opinion 
 confirmed by Clarke, who is a military man of experience and 
 character, and especially who was at the spot on the moment. 
 February \2th to 2%th. Blank. 
 
 March 1st. An event has taken place of a magnitude scarce 
 if at all inferior in importance to that of the French Revolution. 
 The Pope is dethroned and in exile. The circumstances relating 
 to this great event are such as to satisfy my mind that there is 
 a special Providence guiding the affairs of Europe at this moment, 
 and turning everything to the great end of the emancipation of 
 mankind from the yoke of religious and political superstition, 
 under which they have so long groaned. Some months ago, in the 
 career of his victories, Buonaparte accorded a peace, and a generous 
 one, to the Pope ; it was signed at Tolentino, and Louis Buonaparte, 
 brother to the General, proceeded to Rome as the first Ambassador 
 from the Republic. Many people thought at the time, and I was 
 of the number, that it was unwise to let slip so favourable an 
 opportunity to destroy for ever the Papal tyranny ; but it should 
 seem the necessity of following up close the impression made on 
 Austrian armies, overbore all inferior concerns, and, as I have 
 said already, peace was made with the Cabinet of Rome. One 
 would have thought that so narrow an escape might have prevented 
 the Pope from rashly embarking into a second contest with the . 
 Republic, holding, as he did, his very existence dependent on the 
 
35.] 
 
 THE POPE DETHRONED. 
 
 breath of Buonaparte, who might with a single word have annihi- 
 lated him. But Providence, for its own wise and great purposes, 
 the happiness of man, and the complete establishment of civil and 
 religious liberty, seems to have utterly taken away all sense and 
 understanding from the Pope and his councils. After a fruitless 
 attempt to trepan the French ambassador into a fabricated in- 
 surrection, they procured a tumultuous mob to assemble under the 
 windows of his palace, and within the circuit of his jurisdiction ; 
 the guards were immediately called out and began to fire ; the 
 ambassador rushed out, attended by Generals Duphot, Sherlock, 
 and some other officers, all dressed in the costume of their re- 
 spective situations, in order, if possible, to restore tranquillity, or 
 assert at least the neutrality of the enceinte of the ambassador's 
 palace, which is, in all nations, privileged ground. They are 
 received with a running fire which levels Duphot to the ground ; 
 he recovers his feet, though dreadfully wounded, and whilst support- 
 ing himself on his sabre a corporal advances and discharges his 
 piece in his bosom. The ambassador and his suite escaped the fire, 
 as it were, by a miracle, and regained the palace by a back way, 
 leaving the body of Duphot at the mercy of his assassins, who 
 covered it with wounds, and had even the barbarity to pelt it with 
 stones. The unfortunate Duphot had commanded the grenadiers 
 of the army of Italy, and was the next morning to have been 
 married to the ambassador's sister-in-law. That no doubt might 
 remain as to who authorised this massacre ; both the captain, who 
 commanded the guard, and the corporal who committed the murder, 
 were rewarded, and the latter promoted to the rank of sergeant. 
 But now the measure of the folly and wickedness of the Papal 
 government was filled even to running over. The ambassador 
 instantly quitted Rome with his family, announcing these events 
 to the Directory, who gave orders to General Berthier to advance 
 with the invincible army of Italy on the ancient capital of the 
 world. A few days put him in quiet possession of Rome, from 
 whence all those concerned in the late abominable transaction had 
 fled, the Pope alone remaining. On his arrival, the Roman people 
 assembled in the Capitol, formally deposed the Pope and declared 
 vol. 11. 20 
 
290 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 themselves free and independent, choosing a provisory govern- 
 ment under the ancient Roman names of Consuls, Praetors, and 
 ^Ediles. Two or three days after the Pope left Rome, attended by 
 two French aides-de-camp, and where he is gone to I do not yet 
 know. Thus has terminated the temporal reign of the Popes 
 after an existence of above 1,000 years. What changes this great 
 and almost unparalleled event may produce on the moral and 
 political system of Europe I cannot pretend to conjecture ; but 
 they must be numerous and of the last importance. It seems to 
 me once more to be an absolute fatality which drove that un- 
 fortunate and guilty Government into this most frantic of all 
 attempts at the precise time when all the potentates of Europe 
 were obliged to receive the law from the victorious Republic ; 
 without friends, allies, or support, without pretext or excuse, to 
 wantonly commit a most barbarous outrage on the person of a gallant 
 officer, on the dignity of France, and the allowed rights of all 
 civilised nations, is such a degree of infatuation as I am utterly at 
 a loss to conceive, especially in a court so long celebrated for the 
 depth of its cunning, and its art and address in steering with what- 
 ever wind might blow. So it is, however — the fact is certain, and 
 the Pope, who has so often at his will and pleasure disposed of 
 crowns and monarchs, is himself deposed without effort or resist- 
 ance. " How art thou fallen from Heaven, O Lucifer, Son of 
 the Morning !" The Revelations have many fine things on this 
 subject, touching the " Beast and Babylon," &c. " Of the Pope's ten 
 horns, God bless us, I've knocked off four already" He is now a 
 Prelate in partibus, his means are gone, his cardinals, his court, 
 his wealth, all disappeared, and nothing remains but his keys. 
 It is a sad downfall for the " Servant of the Servants of God." 
 But I scorn to insult the old gentleman in his misfortunes: Requiescat 
 in pace! 
 
 March 2nd. Received a letter from General Daendels, desiring 
 me to send on Aherne to him, without loss of time, to be employed 
 on a secret mission. The letter also contains a very favourable 
 testimony to my good conduct during the time I had the advantage 
 to be attached to him in Holland, which certificate I am very proud 
 
^ET. 35.] 
 
 LORD MO IRA. 
 
 of and will carefully keep. Gave Aherne immediately his in- 
 structions to set off in a very few days. 
 
 March ^rd. I have seen lately in the paper called the Bien 
 Informe two articles relating to Napper Tandy, which are most 
 ridiculous rhodomontades. They describe him as an Irish general, 
 to whose standard 30,000 United Irishmen will fly the moment he 
 displays it, and other trash of the like nature. This must come 
 directly or indirectly from himself ; for I remember some time ago, 
 at a dinner given to him, Madgett, and myself, by Aherne, as soon 
 as he got warm with wine, he asserted he would answer himself for 
 raising all the yeomanry of Ireland, who were at least 30,000 men, 
 precisely the number above stated. This is sad, pitiful work, puffing 
 a man's self in this manner, especially when it is not true. 
 
 March 4th. On the 19th of February last, as I see in the Courier 
 of the 26th, Lord Moira made a motion of great expectation in the 
 Irish House of Lords, tending to condemn the vigorous measures 
 which have been pursued by the British Government in that 
 country, and to substitute a milder system. I was exceedingly 
 disappointed at his speech, which was feeble indeed, containing 
 little else than declamation, and scarcely a single fact, at a time when 
 thousands of crimes of the most atrocious nature have been perpe- 
 trated for months over the whole face of the country. In times 
 like ours, half-friends are no friends. A man in his situation, who 
 can tell the truth with safety, or even with danger, and does not, is 
 a feeble character, and his support is not worth receiving. He 
 must speak out ALL, boldly, or be silent. Independent of this 
 which I cannot but consider as a timid and unmanly suppression 
 of facts, which at this great occasion especially should be sounded 
 through Europe if possible by every man having a drop of genuine 
 Irish blood in his veins, there is introduced a strained compliment 
 to the virtues of the King, and a most extravagant and fulsome 
 eulogium on the magnanimity of his Royal Highness George 
 Prince of Wales, which completely disgusted me. A pretty time, 
 indeed, to come out with a panegyric on the royal virtues, and the 
 virtues of the princely heir, when his ministers and his army are 
 laying the country waste with fire and with sword. " / hate such 
 
292 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 Li 798. 
 
 half-faced fellowship." His lordship, at the conclusion of this milk- 
 and-water harangue, comes to his conciliatory plan, which is to 
 check the army in their barbarities, and to grant Catholic emanci- 
 pation and parliamentary reform. It is really amusing to see the 
 various shifts, and struggles, and turns, and twists, and wry faces 
 the noble lord makes before he can bring himself to swallow this 
 last bitter pill. This kind of conduct will never do well at any 
 time ; but it is downright folly in times like the present. His 
 lordship has mortally offended one party and not at all satisfied 
 the other, as will always be the case in similar circumstances. I 
 am sorry for all this, because I esteem him personally ; politically, 
 I must give him up, the more so as HE OUGHT TO HAVE KNOWN 
 BETTER. But if Lord Moira speaks in this half-and-half style, the 
 Chancellor, on the other side, appears not to have been so reserved. 
 He openly calls the United Irishmen rebels, and says they should 
 be treated as such ; he mentions me by name, as having been 
 Adjutant-General in Hoche's expedition, and again in the 
 armament at the Texel, and says I am at this very moment an 
 accredited envoy at Paris from that accursed Society, who had also, 
 as he is pleased to say, their envoys at Lisle, by whose insidious 
 and infernal machinations it was that Lord Malmesbury's negotia- 
 tion was knocked on the head. He also makes divers commen- 
 taries on a well-known letter written by be to my friend Russell, in 
 1 79 1, and which, one way or other, he has brought regularly before 
 the House, at least once a session ever since, and which figures in 
 the secret report made by Secretary Pelham in the last one. 
 From all these facts, and divers others which he enumerates, he 
 infers that the design of the United Irishmen is to separate Ireland 
 from Great Britain, and that consequently all measures to destroy 
 that infamous conspiracy are fair and lawful ; of which opinion the 
 House of Lords was also, Lord Moira's motion being rejected by a 
 large majority. I can hardly, I think, be suspected of partiality to 
 the Chancellor, but I declare I have a greater respect for his 
 conduct on this occasion than for that of Lord Moira. He is at 
 least an open and avowed enemy ; he takes his party, such as it is, 
 like a man who expects no quarter, and is therefore determined to 
 
JET. 35.] CHANCELLOR FITZGIBB ON. 293 
 
 give none. Had Lord Moira brought as much sincerity to the 
 attack, on that most atrocious of all Governments, as the Chan- 
 cellor did to its defence, though I am far from thinking he would 
 have been able to influence the decision of the House of Lords, he 
 would at least have been able to scandalise it to all Europe. 
 Instead of that, he has trimmed, and by trimming has lost himself: 
 for to repeat it once more, in terrible times as ours now are, a man 
 must speak out the whole truth or be silent. There is no mean, 
 especially when, as in the case of Lord Moira, he may do it with 
 perfect safety to his person. But to return to my friend Fitzgibbon. 
 Though his speech be sincere, I cannot think it very wise, under 
 all the circumstances of the case. If the people of Ireland had 
 any doubts as to the determination of the French Government to 
 support them, he has taken care to remove them all by dwelling 
 on the reception their envoys have met with there. If the United 
 Irishmen, groaning so long under a horrible persecution, might be 
 supposed to relax a little in their resolution, he has been so kind 
 as to raise their drooping spirits by showing them that a simple 
 emissary from their Society has had such influence with the 
 Executive Directory, as to outweigh all the offers of his Majesty's 
 Ministers to obtain peace, and even to cause the sending away of 
 his ambassador in a manner certainly not the most grateful to his 
 feelings ; in short, he has let out the grand secret that there is a 
 regular communication between the patriots, or, as he is pleased to 
 call them, the rebels of Ireland, and the French Executive ; that 
 the independence of our country is the common object of both, 
 which they are determined to pursue in concert until it is attained ; 
 and that all the efforts of Government to stop the progress of this 
 most fearful event have been and continue to be vain. Whether 
 this candid avowal of such important facts coming from such 
 authority, be likely to raise the spirits of the adherents to the 
 English Government, and to extinguish all hope in the breasts of 
 the patriots, is, I confess, more than I can bring myself to believe. 
 On the whole, I do not think the Chancellor's speech that of a 
 profound and temperate statesman ; such as it is, however, I will 
 take care to submit, or cause it to be submitted, to Buonaparte, 
 
294 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 and one or two other Republicans here, who I think will be edified 
 by the contents thereof. With regard to what he says of Lewines 
 and myself, who, I presume, are the envoys of this pernicious 
 Society that he alludes to, his information, wherever he got, or 
 however he came by it, is correct enough : what relates to me, is 
 quite right; and as to Lewines, though he certainly was not at 
 Lisle artfully undermining Lord Malmesbury, I do admit he was 
 doing his best to defeat him at the Luxembourg and elsewhere, and 
 I hope and believe with success. What weight his representations 
 may have had, we cannot exactly know, not being in the secrets of 
 the Directory ; but without vanity he may reasonably conclude 
 that some weight they certainly had, and if it was they which 
 turned off my Lord Malmesbury, according to the Chancellor's 
 assertion, Lewines may boldly say that he has, in that instance, 
 deserved well of his country. The fact is, he and I have both done 
 our best here to serve the cause of liberty in Ireland, but we have 
 neither done as much good nor as much evil as Fitzgibbon is 
 pleased to lay to our charge ; and, for example, in the present 
 instance, I do not think in my conscience that it was we who 
 hunted Lord Malmesbury out of the country. — Allons ! 
 
 March $th to 20th. It is with the most sincere concern and 
 anxiety that I see in the late English papers that Arthur O'Connor 
 has been arrested at Margate, endeavouring to procure a passage 
 for France ; the circumstances mentioned indicate a degree of 
 rashness and indiscretion on his part which is astonishing. It 
 seems he set off from London in company with four others, viz., 
 Quigley the priest, who was some time since in Paris, and of whom 
 I have no great reason to be an admirer ; Binns of the Correspond- 
 ing Society ; Alley, also of the Corresponding Society, and his 
 servant of the name of Leary. Quigley called himself at first 
 Captain Jones, and afterwards Colonel Morris ; the others passed 
 for his servants. Their first attempt was at a place called Whit- 
 stable, where the vigilance of the custom-house officers embarrassed 
 them. They then hired a cart, which they loaded with their trunks, 
 of which it seems they were sufficiently provided, and crossed the 
 country on foot for twenty-five miles to Margate. It does not 
 
^T. 35.] 
 
 ARREST OF ARTHUR O'CONNOR. 
 
 295 
 
 appear they made much mystery of their intended destination ; but 
 be that as it may, at Margate they were arrested by the Bow Street 
 runners, Fugin and Rivet, who had followed them a la piste from 
 London. From Margate they were brought back with their 
 luggage to London, where they were examined two or three suc- 
 cessive days before the Privy Council, and finally committed to 
 the Tower. Since their committal several other persons have been 
 arrested, particularly a Colonel Despard, a Mr. Bonham, a Mr. 
 Evans. It is inconceivable that five men should attempt such an 
 enterprise, and with such a quantity of luggage ; it is equally 
 incredible that they should bring papers with them, of which the 
 newspapers say several have been found, and especially one in the 
 great-coat pocket of Quigley, purporting to be an address from the 
 Executive Directory of England to that of France, and desiring 
 the latter to give credit to Quigley, as being " the worthy citizen 
 whom they had lately seen." These last expressions stagger me, or I 
 should not believe it possible any man living would leave a paper 
 of such consequence in such a careless extraordinary place. Other 
 newspapers, however, say that no papers have been found, but the 
 expressions above quoted shake me a good deal. It is also said 
 that O'Connor has said that his friends may be easy about him, as 
 he has nothing to fear. God send it may be so, but I am very 
 much afraid he will find it otherwise. It is dreadful to think of a 
 man of his situation, character, and talents being caught in so 
 extraordinary and unaccountable a manner. I cannot conceive it. 
 Time, and time only, will explain whether there is any treachery 
 in the business. It is certain Government had notice of their 
 intentions before they set off, for the Bow Street officers left 
 London as soon as they did. The report is, that they will be tried 
 at Maidstone by a special commission consisting of Justices 
 Buller, Heath, and Lawrence, which is expected to sit before the 
 10th of April. I expect that event with the most anxious solici- 
 tude, but fear the very worst, for a thousand reasons. 
 
 March 21st to 2<\th. This day I received my orders to set off for 
 headquarters at Rouen, where I am to remain at the suite of the 
 Etat-Major, till further orders. There is at least one step made. 
 
296 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 March 25th. Received my letters of service from the War 
 Office, as Adjutant-General in the Arme'e d'Angleterre. This has 
 a lofty sound, to be sure, but God knows the heart ! Applied to 
 the Minister at War for leave to remain a few days in Paris, to 
 settle my family, which he granted. 
 
 March 26th. I see in the English papers of March 17th, from 
 Irish papers of the 13th, news of the most disastrous and afflicting 
 kind, as well for me individually as for the country at large. The 
 English Government has arrested the whole Committee of United 
 Irishmen for the province of Leinster, including almost every man 
 I know and esteem in the city of Dublin. Amongst them are 
 Emmet, MacNeven, Dr. Sweetman, Bond, Jackson, and his son ; 
 warrants are likewise issued for the arrestation of Lord Edward 
 Fitzgerald, McCormick, and Sampson, who have not, however, yet 
 been found. It is by far the most terrible blow which the cause 
 of liberty in Ireland has yet sustained. I know not whether in the 
 whole party it would be possible to replace the energy, talents, and 
 integrity of which we are deprived by this most unfortunate of 
 events. I have not received such a shock from all that has passed 
 since I left Ireland. It is terrible to think of, in every point of 
 view. Government will move heaven and earth to destroy them. 
 What a triumph at this moment for Fitzgibbon ! These arresta- 
 tions, following so close on that of O'Connor, give rise to very 
 strong suspicions of treachery in my mind. I cannot bear to write 
 or think longer on this dreadful event. Well, if our unfortunate 
 country is doomed to sustain the unspeakable loss of so many 
 brave and virtuous citizens, woe be to their tyrants if ever we reach 
 our destination. I feel my mind growing every hour more and 
 more savage. Measures appear to me now justified by necessity, 
 which six months ago I would have regarded with horror. There 
 is now no medium. Government has drawn the sword, and will 
 not recede but to superior force — if ever that force arrives. But it 
 does not signify threatening. Judge of my feelings as an indi- 
 vidual, when Emmet and Russell are in prison, and in imminent 
 peril of a violent and ignominious death. What revenge can 
 satisfy me for the loss of the two men I most esteem on earth ? 
 
JET. 35.] 
 
 WHOLESALE ARRESTS. 
 
 297 
 
 Well, once more, it does not signify threatening. If they are 
 sacrificed, and I ever arrive, as I hope to do, in Ireland, it will not 
 go well with their enemies. This blow has completely deranged 
 me — I can scarce write connectedly. 
 
 March 27///, 28/^, 2<^th. The last arrestations seem to be 
 followed up by others. Government will now stop at nothing. 
 
 March $oth, 2,1st. Called with Lewines on Talleyrand, the 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, to take leave previous to my setting 
 off for the army, and met with a gracious reception. I took that 
 opportunity to tell him that I had reason to think that Lewines 
 and I, as is the fact, were exposed to some little dirty intrigues 
 here, and that all we desired was that he would judge us, not after 
 any calumnious report, but after our conduct, such as he himself 
 had observed it. He replied that we might make ourselves easy 
 on that head ; that he had heard nothing disadvantageous with 
 regard to us, but even if he had, he should pay it no attention, the 
 opinion of Government being made up in our favour. This is 
 pleasant, the more so as poor Lewines and I have been tormented 
 latterly with dirty cabals and factions which I scorn to commit to 
 paper. We have, God knows, done our best to content everybody, 
 but we find it impossible, whilst one of us is Adjutant- General and 
 the other is well received, and with attention, by the French 
 Government. I solemnly declare I believe these are our sole 
 offences, but also they are offences not to be forgiven. I hate 
 such pitiful work, and I am heartily glad I am getting off to the 
 army, where I shall be out of the reach of it. If I would dirty 
 my paper with them, I could record some anecdotes which are 
 curious enough were it only for their singular meanness ; but I will 
 not ; let them die and rot ; my conduct will stand the test, and to 
 that I trust. When a man knows he has nothing to accuse himself 
 of, it is not very difficult to bear the malevolence of others. 
 
 April 1st, 2nd. Lewines waited yesterday on Merlin, who is 
 President of the Directory for this trimestre, and presented him a 
 letter of introduction from Talleyrand. Merlin received him with 
 great civility and attention. Lewines pressed him, as far as he 
 could with propriety, on the necessity of sending succours to 
 
298 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 Ireland the earliest possible moment, especially on account of the 
 late arrestations ; and he took that occasion to impress him with a 
 sense of the merit and services of the men for whom he interested 
 himself so much on every account, public and personal. Merlin 
 replied that, as to the time or place of succour, he could tell him 
 nothing, it being the secret of the State ; that, as to the danger of 
 his friends, he was sincerely sorry for the situation of so many 
 brave and virtuous patriots ; that, however, though he could not 
 enter into the details of the intended expedition, he would tell him 
 thus much to comfort him, " That France never would grant a peace 
 to England on a?iy terms short of the independence of Ireland." This 
 is grand news. It is far more direct and explicit than any 
 assurance we have yet got. Lewines made the proper acknow- 
 ledgments, and then ran off to me to communicate the news. The 
 fact is, whatever the rest of our countrymen here may think, 
 Lewines is doing his business here fair and well, and like a man of 
 honour. I wish others of them whom I could name had half as 
 good principles. 
 
 April 3rd. Lewines is determined to take a journey to Holland 
 or perhaps to Hamburg, on his private affairs ; he will probably 
 set off about the same time I do. He waited, in consequence, to-day 
 on Barras, who, by the by, it seems has been looking for him these 
 some days. From Barras, in the course of conversation, he received 
 a confirmation of the assurance that Merlin had given him two 
 days ago, " that the French Government would never make peace 
 with England until our independence was acknowledged," which, 
 indeed, Barras had promised himself, conditionally, before the 
 peace with the Emperor. My name happening to be men- 
 tioned, Lewines spoke of me as he thought. Barras replied, 
 that the French Government were sensible of the merits of 
 Adjutant-General Smith. All this is damned fine, as poor Will 
 used to say. Well, we shall see. Apropos of Lewines' private 
 affairs : he has been now on the continent for the public business 
 above fifteen months, at his own expense, to the amount of at least 
 £500 sterling, during which time his colleagues at home have not 
 thought proper to remit him one farthing ; and it is now in order to 
 
MT. 35.] L ARM EE U ANGLE TERRE. 299 
 
 raise money that he is going to Holland. It is to me unaccountable 
 how men under whose good faith and authority he came here, can 
 so neglect their engagements, the more so as MacNeven, when he 
 was here, undertook to remind them of their duty, and that proper 
 remittances should be made. It is the less excusable, as several 
 of the individuals concerned are not only in easy, but in affluent 
 circumstances. So, however, it is, and what is better, Lewines is 
 accused here by some of his countrymen and fellow-sufferers of 
 neglecting, if not sacrificing, the public cause to his own private 
 interests ; in which accusation, by the by, I have the honour to find 
 myself included ; but as to that, "je m'en fake." Allons ! To be 
 sure, if anything could shake the determination of a man who has 
 made up his mind on our question, it would be the pitiful and 
 mean persecution which he and I find ourselves exposed to here, for 
 some time back. There is no sort of desagrement that we have not 
 suffered. Well, it is no matter ; that will all pass away, and, in the 
 long run, it will be seen whether we have not, each of us in his 
 vocation, done our best for the country. Certain it is, however, 
 that the pleasure I formerly felt in pursuing this great object, is 
 considerably diminished by recent experience. But once more, no 
 matter : it is my duty to go on, and go on I will, arrive what may. 
 I hope yet to do some good and prevent some mischief, and I 
 foresee sufficient grounds to exercise me, both at one and the 
 other. At all events, I will do my duty, and discharge my 
 conscience, and then, come what may, I can abide the conse- 
 quences. 
 
 April \th. This day, at three o'clock, having previously re- 
 ceived my letters of service, order to join, frais de route, &c, I 
 set off for the headquarters of the Armee d'Angleterre at Rouen. 
 
 April $th. After travelling all night, arrived at twelve next day, 
 and took up my lodgings at the Maison Wattel. Met General 
 Kilmaine by accident, who invited me to dinner ; where I found 
 General Lemoine, and Bessieres, Commandant of the Guides 
 of Buonaparte, &c, &c. Comedy in the evening. 
 
 April 6tk. Strolling about the town, which is large, ugly, and 
 dirty. It wears, however, a great appearance of manufacturing 
 
3oo 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 and commercial activity, which, I have no doubt, in time of peace, 
 is considerably augmented. The Cathedral is a beautiful relic of 
 Gothic architecture. I have seen the inside of Westminster Abbey, 
 and Notre Dame, of Paris, as well as several others in Germany 
 and elsewhere, but I prefer the inside of the Cathedral of Rouen 
 to them all. It is a magnificent coup dceil. But, what is provoking, 
 between the body of the church and choir, some pious Archbishop, 
 who had more money than taste, has thrown a very spruce colon- 
 nade, of pure Corinthian architecture, which totally destroys the 
 harmony of the building, and ruins what would otherwise produce 
 a most magnificent effect. This little specimen of Grecian archi- 
 tecture is more truly Gothic than all the rest of the edifice. 
 
 April yth. On a second inspection of the Cathedral this day, I 
 find that the Corinthian colonnade, which is described in terms of 
 such just indignation in yesterday's journal, turns out to be Ionic, 
 but all's one for that. The Archbishop I still hold to be a block- 
 head in all the dialects of Greece, and all the orders of architecture; 
 and, moreover, he is a fellow of no taste. 
 
 April 8t/i. Heard part of a sermon, this being Easter Sunday. 
 Sad trash ! a long parallel, which I thought would never end, 
 between Jesus Christ and Joseph, followed by a second, equally 
 edifying, comparing Him with the prophet Jonah, showing how the 
 one lay three nights in the tomb, and the other three nights in the 
 belly of a great fish, &c. ; at all which I profited exceedingly. The 
 church was full of women, but I did not see twenty men. I wonder 
 how people can listen to such abominable nonsense. Apropos, I 
 should have mentioned in its place, that Lewines called, a day or 
 two before we left town, on Buonaparte, to endeavour to interest 
 him in behalf of our unfortunate friends now in arrestation, and try 
 whether it would be feasible to obtain a declaration from the Direc- 
 tory, similar to that which they issued in the case of the patriots 
 of the Pays de Vaud, for whose safety they made the aristocracy 
 of Berne personally responsible. Buonaparte replied that the case 
 was totally different ; with regard to the Swiss, France was in a 
 situation to follow up the menace by striking instantly ; with 
 England it was not so. She was a power of the first rank, and the 
 
JET. 35.] BUONAPARTE AND LE WINES. 301 
 
 Republic must never threaten in vain. Under these circumstances, 
 he thought any interposition on the part of the French Govern- 
 ment, in favour of the Irish patriots, might injure them materially, 
 by inflaming still more the English Government against them, and 
 could, at the same time, do them no possible service. In this 
 reasoning Lewines was obliged to acquiesce, and, in fact, the 
 argument is unanswerable. Lewines, however, has the consolation 
 to think he has left nothing untried, on his part, to rescue our 
 unfortunate friends from the peril which menaces their lives. It is 
 a melancholy comfort, but still it is some comfort. 
 
 April gth to i$th. This day I have got lodgings, by order of 
 Adj. -Gen. Boulant, Provisoirement CJief de FEtat- Major, in the 
 house of Citizen Bigot. It is a large hotel, and I am well lodged. 
 Mine host invited me to dinner, which passed tete-a-tete. He has 
 been President a mortier in the ci-devant Parlement de Nonnandie. 
 His father has been, I believe, Maire de Rouen, under the ancien 
 regime, and they have lost a considerable property besides lying 
 eleven months in prison during the terreur. It is easy to judge 
 from all this that my host is no great admirer of the Revolution, 
 which he always qualifies with the title of malheureuse. I forgive, 
 with all my soul, aristocrats of his description, who were really 
 something before the Revolution, and who find themselves now 
 nothing or worse ; besides, he seems a man of a gentle, not to say 
 timid temper, and I rather fancy his sufferings and his fears have 
 weakened his mind ; if it be not so, justice must have been 
 strangely administered in France, in times when men of his 
 capacity could arrive at the first stations in the law. He is down- 
 right weak ; however, I sat him out with great civility, though it 
 was a terrible corvee to me, and we parted very good friends. He 
 has asked me again for the day after to-morrow, when there is to 
 be company. I am glad of that circumstance, for, in truth, I have 
 no great stomach for another dinner tete-a-tete. My landlord is a 
 bore. 
 
 April 16th to 20th. I pass my time here "worse t/ian the mutineers 
 in the bilboes" but there is no remedy, so " what can't be cured must 
 be endured" as the poet sweetly sings. Seeing, yesterday, in the 
 
3° 2 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 papers, an article, that Lord Edward Fitzgerald had made his 
 escape from Ireland, and got safe into France, I wrote immediately 
 to the Chef-de-Bureau in the police, charged with the Foreigner's 
 Department, to know if the report were true, and, in that event, 
 praying the Minister to show Lord Edward every attention, &c. ; 
 but I am afraid it is too good news to be true. Walked out this 
 evening along the river, to see the batteaux plats which are building 
 here for the descent. There are ten of them, four of which are 
 launched. I judge the whole might be ready in three weeks or a 
 month at farthest ; they cost 13,000 livres apiece, or .£541 13s. 4d. 
 sterling. Apropos of the expedition, I am utterly at a loss 
 what to think since my departure from Paris. Desaix, whom I 
 hoped to find here, seems certainly to be at Toulon ; and the report 
 in the papers of this day, as well as in my brother Matthew's letter, 
 is, that Buonaparte is to set off in three days to join him, and take 
 the command of the inconceivable armament which is preparing in 
 the ports of the Mediterranean, the destination of which nobody 
 knows. It is certain that Buonaparte's guides set off from this on 
 the road to Paris three days ago. In the meantime it seems 
 General Kilmaine commands, per interim, the army of England. 
 All this I confess utterly deroutes me. " / am lost in sensations of 
 troubled emotions" The prevailing opinion in the Paris papers is, 
 that Egypt is the object of this armament, and that the Turk is to 
 concur with us in the expedition. If it were not for our own busi- 
 ness, I should like extremely, in that case, to be with General 
 Desaix. But that is " castle building." What if, when all was 
 embarked, Buonaparte were suddenly to turn to the right on Gib- 
 raltar, and surprise Lord St. Vincent with a visit one of these fine 
 mornings. But I am afraid he won't — the thing is, however, pos- 
 sible. His lordship would, in that case, find himself between two 
 fires, and it may be, at last, those miserable Spaniards might make 
 an exertion. But no ! Well, time will show more, which obser- 
 vation I take to be a very safe one on my side. It is not a fortnight 
 since the Directory passed a decree, conferring the command of 
 both fleet and army to Buonaparte, with orders to render himself 
 at Brest in ten days. How is that to be reconciled with the present 
 
^T. 35.] 
 
 THE EGYPTIAN EXPEDITION. 
 
 reports ? At any rate, all this is well calculated to puzzle John 
 Bull ; for I am sure I am puzzled with a vengeance. In short, I 
 will torment myself no more with conjectures, in which I only lose 
 myself — time will explain all. 
 
 April 2\st to 2$th. The last Paris papers mention that Buona- 
 parte is decidedly set off to take the command of the expedition 
 which is preparing in the Mediterranean. It is, I learn, to consist 
 of three divisions, one to embark at Toulon, commanded by Buona- 
 parte, in person ; another at Genoa, by Kleber ; and the third, at 
 Civita Vecchia, by Desaix. The object declared is Egypt and 
 Syria. With regard to this last country, in which Palestine is in- 
 cluded, I see to-day an article in the Telegraph which has struck 
 me very much. It is a proposal to invite the Jews from all quarters 
 of the world to return to their parent country and restore their 
 ancient temple ; it has not struck me so much in a political, as in a 
 far different point of view. I remember Whitley Stokes, more than 
 once, mentioned to me an opinion of his, founded on an attentive 
 study and meditation of the Old and New Testament, that he did 
 not despair, even in his own lifetime and mine, of seeing this great 
 event take place ; and I remember I laughed at him heartily for his 
 opinion, which, however, seems this day far less visionary than it 
 was at that time, in 1793. It is now not only possible, but highly 
 probable, that the Jews may be once more collected and the temple 
 restored. The French will naturally take care to stipulate for 
 advantages in return, and there is a giant's stride made at once into 
 Asia, the extent and consequences of which I am at this moment 
 utterly unable to calculate or perhaps to comprehend. I see every 
 day more and more, that after ten years of war and the defeat of all 
 the despots of Europe united, the French Revolution is but yet 
 begun ; the Hercules is yet in swaddling bands. What a people ! 
 Combining this intended measure with the downfall of the Pope, 
 already accomplished, I have no doubt but a person who had made 
 the prophecies and revelations his study (Stokes, for example), 
 might build very extraordinary systems. For my part I happily 
 know nothing of Daniel and his seventy weeks, nor of St. John in 
 his island of Patmos. I leave divinity to those who have a turn 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 that way, and confine my humbler speculations to the state of this 
 world. I do not see the prodigious good sense of the Great Turk 
 in abetting and encouraging, as he seems to do, this grand opera- 
 tion. I do not think the neighbourhood of the French will be 
 wholesome for the crescent ; but that is his affair. Moreover, if the 
 Jews are restored, as their wealth is immense in Europe and in Asia 
 incalculable, the Republic will of course exact certain " shekels of 
 gold" before they consent to the elevation of the Tabernacle, which 
 will be convenient. I would I had a good map of Asia to see how 
 far it is from Jerusalem to Madras, for I have a great eye upon the 
 Carnatic. Once again I lose myself utterly in the contemplation 
 of the present position of the Republic. What miserable pigmies 
 we unfortunate Irish are ! But that is no fault of ours ; we may be 
 better yet. It is a great consolation to me, the assurance of Merlin 
 and Barras with regard to our independence — I count upon it firmly. 
 
 April 2$th. Wm. Hamilton, who married J. Russell's daughter, 
 has arrived, a few days since, in Paris. He was obliged to fly from 
 London, in consequence of the arrestation of O'Connor and his 
 party. On his way he met Lewines at Brussels, and also saw in 
 an English paper, of the 3rd, that the Revolution in Ireland was 
 commenced, having broken out in the South, and that General 
 Abercrombie and the army were in full march to suppress it. Both 
 he and Lewines believe it. For my part I do not — it is, at most, 
 some partial insurrection — and so much the worse. I wrote, how- 
 ever, to General Kilmaine to request an order to join him at Paris 
 in case the news was true, which, however, I am sure it was not. 
 My brother writes me word that there is a person waiting for 
 Lewines at the Hague, who has made his escape with plans, charts, 
 and other military information, and that Lewines is expected, with 
 him, in Paris every day. Who can this be ? I wish Lewines was 
 returned. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 WAITING AND WATCHING. 
 
 April 26th. I see in the Paris papers to-day extracts from Eng- 
 lish ones, of a late date, by which it appears, as I suspected, that 
 the news of an insurrection in Ireland was, as yet, premature ; 
 nevertheless, things in that country seem to be drawing fast to a 
 close. There is a proclamation of Lord Camden, which is tanta- 
 mount to a declaration of war ; and the system of police, if police 
 it can be called, is far more atrocious than it ever was in France in 
 the time of the terreur. There is, however, no authentic account of 
 any hostilities, except at a place called Holy Cross, where the 
 people were easily dispersed by the Cashel Fencible Cavalry, and 
 a party of the Lowth Militia, with the loss of three killed, and about 
 twenty wounded and prisoners ; but that is nothing. I see it is 
 the policy of Government to employ such Irish troops as they 
 can depend upon, to avoid, or at least lessen, the odium which 
 would fall, otherwise, on the English and Scotch. It should 
 seem, however, that they cannot reckon on all the troops ; for, in 
 the same papers, there is a report, but it is only a report, that 
 several regiments of militia had refused to march against the 
 people. What they ought to do, if they were in earnest, would be 
 to march and then join them. On the whole, notwithstanding the 
 menacing appearance of things in Ireland, it is my belief that there 
 will be no serious hostilities there, unless the French arrive. Then, 
 indeed, it would not be Lord Camden's proclamation which would 
 stop our Revolution. I see, also, in the papers, that Arthur O'Connor 
 is transferred to Maidstone, where his trial, and that of the others, 
 will come on immediately. I attend the result with the most anxious 
 expectation. Whatever may be O'Connor's fate, he will at least 
 
 VOL. II. 21 3°5 
 
306 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 sustain the dignity of his situation, and in the worst event he will 
 bear it like a man. 
 
 April 2jtk. I am sadly off for intelligence here, having nothing 
 but the imperfect extracts in the Paris papers. I see to-day, and 
 am very glad to see it, that my friend, Sir Lawrence Parsons, has 
 resigned the command of the King's County militia in consequence 
 of the sanguinary measures about to be adopted by the English 
 Government, in which he will take no share. His example should 
 be imitated by every country gentleman in Ireland ; but they have 
 neither the sense nor the virtue to see that. Alarming as the state 
 of Ireland really and truly is to the English Government, I have 
 no doubt on my mind that it is their present policy to exaggerate 
 the danger as much as possible in order to terrify the Irish gentry 
 out of their wits, and, under cover of this universal panic, to crush 
 the spirit of the People, and reduce the country to a state of slavery 
 more deplorable than that of any former period of our deplorable 
 history. They take a chance against nothing. They see that 
 Ireland will escape them without a struggle if they adopt lenient 
 measures. They therefore prefer force. If it succeeds, well and 
 good ; if it fails, still Ireland is the material sufferer ; it is she that 
 bears all the actual calamities of war ; and if England must at last 
 renounce her sovereignty, at least she will desolate what she cannot 
 subdue. It is a most infernal policy, but no new one for her to 
 adopt. In this point of view the conduct of the English Govern- 
 ment, though atrociously wicked, is by no means deficient in system 
 and arrangement. They have begun by seizing almost the whole 
 of the Chiefs of the People, and now they are about to draw the 
 sword in order to anticipate the possibility of assistance, and to 
 reduce them to that state, that, if assistance should at length arrive, 
 they may be unable to profit by it. In this lastdesign, however, I 
 Am sure they will find themselves mistaken ; the spirit is, I think, 
 too universally spread to be checked now, and the vengeance of the 
 People, whenever the occasion presents itself, will only be the more 
 terrible and sanguinary. What miserable slaves are the gentry of 
 Ireland ! The only accusation brought against the United Irish- 
 men by their enemies, is that they wish to break the connection 
 
/ET. 3s.] UNITED IRISHMEN AND THE LANDLORDS. 307 
 
 with England, or, in other words, to establish the independence of 
 their country — an object in which surely the men of property are 
 most interested. Yet the very sound of independence seems to have 
 terrified them out of all sense, spirit, or honesty. If they had one 
 drop of Irish blood in their veins, one grain of true courage or 
 genuine patriotism in their hearts, they should have been the first 
 to support this great object ; the People would have supported 
 them ; the English Government would never have dared to attempt 
 the measures they have since triumphantly pursued, and continue 
 to pursue ; our Revolution would have been accomplished without 
 a shock, or perhaps one drop of blood spilled ; which now can 
 succeed, if it does succeed, only by all the calamities of a most furious 
 and sanguinary contest : for the war in Ireland, whenever it does 
 take place, will not be an ordinary one. The armies will regard 
 each other not as soldiers, but as deadly enemies. Who, then, are 
 to blame for this ? The United Irishmen, who set the question 
 afloat, or the English Government and their partisans, the Irish 
 gentry, who resist it ? If independence be good for a country as 
 liberty for an individual, the question will be soon decided. Why 
 does England so pertinaciously resist our independence ? Is it 
 for love of us — is it because she thinks we are better as we are ? 
 That single argument, if it stood alone, should determine every 
 honest Irishman. But, it will be said, the United Irishmen extend 
 their views farther ; they go now to a distribution of property, and 
 an agrarian law. I know not whether they do or no. I am sure 
 in June, 1795, when I was forced to leave the country, they enter- 
 tained no such ideas. If they have since taken root among them, 
 the Irish gentry may accuse themselves. Even then they made 
 themselves parties in the business : not content with disdaining to 
 hold communication with the United Irishmen, they were among 
 the foremost of their persecutors ; even those who were pleased to 
 denominate themselves patriots were more eager to vilify, and, if 
 they could, to degrade them, than the most devoted and submissive 
 slaves of the English Government. What wonder if the leaders of 
 the United Irishmen, finding themselves not only deserted, but 
 attacked by those who, for every reason, should have been their 
 
3 o8 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 supporters and fellow-labourers, felt themselves no longer called 
 upon to observe any measures with men only distinguished by the 
 superior virulence of their persecuting spirit ? If such men, in the 
 issue, lose their property, they are themselves alone to blame, by 
 deserting the first and most sacred of duties — the duty to their 
 country. They have incurred a wilful forfeiture by disdaining to 
 occupy the station they might have held among the People, and 
 which the People would have been glad to see them fill ; they left 
 a vacancy to be seized by those who had more courage, more sense, 
 and more honesty ; and not only so, but by this base and interested 
 desertion they furnished their enemies with every argument of 
 justice, policy, and interest, to enforce the system of confiscation. 
 Besides, if the United Irishmen succeed, there is no rational man 
 can doubt but that a very short period will suffice to do away the 
 evils inseparable from a contest ; and that in seven years or less, 
 after the independence of Ireland is established, when she can 
 apply all her energy to cultivate her natural resources — her trade, 
 commerce, agriculture, and manufactures will be augmented to a 
 degree amply sufficient to recompense her for the sacrifices she will 
 be undoubtedly obliged to make in order to purchase her liberty. 
 The example of America is an evidence of this truth ; and England 
 knows it well ; it is one reason why she is so eager in the contest. 
 On the other hand, if the English party succeed and the United 
 Irishmen are put down, what will be the consequence to Ireland ? 
 Her eternal prostration at the feet of her tyrant without a prospect 
 of ever being able to rise. What, then, is to be said of a faction 
 to whom defeat is extermination, and whose victory would be but 
 the perpetuation of their slavery? At least the United Irishmen 
 have a great and glorious object to terminate their prospect, and 
 which sacrifices almost any means they may take to attain it. The 
 best that can be said in palliation of the conduct of the English 
 party, is that they are content to sacrifice the liberty and indepen- 
 dence of their country to the pleasure of revenge, and their own 
 personal security. They see Ireland only in their rent rolls, their 
 places, their patronage, and their pensions. There is not a man 
 among them who, in the bottom of his soul, does not feel that he 
 
^T. 35.] 
 
 THE ENGLISH FACTION. 
 
 is a degraded being in comparison of those whom he brands with 
 the names of incendiaries and traitors. It is this stinging reflection 
 which, amongst other powerful motives, is one of the most active 
 in spurring them on to revenge. Their dearest interests, their 
 warmest passions, are equally engaged. Who can forgive the man 
 that forces him to confess that he is a voluntary slave, and that he 
 has sold for money everything that should be most precious to an 
 honourable heart ? that he has trafficked in the liberties of his 
 children and his own, and that he is hired and paid to commit a 
 daily parricide on his country ? Yet these are charges which not 
 a man of that infamous caste can deny to himself before the sacred 
 tribunal of his own conscience. At least the United Irishmen, as 
 I have already said, have a grand, a sublime object in view. Their 
 enemies have not as yet ventured, in the long catalogue of their 
 accusations, to insert the charge of interested motives. Whilst 
 that is the case they may be feared and abhorred, but they can 
 never be despised ; and I believe there are few men who do not 
 look upon contempt as the most insufferable of all human evils. 
 Can the English faction say as much ? In vain do they crowd 
 together, and think by their numbers to disguise or lessen their 
 infamy. The public sentiment, the secret voice of their own corrupt 
 hearts, has already condemned them. They see their destruction 
 rapidly approaching, and they have the consciousness that when 
 they fall no honest man will pity them. " They shall perish like 
 their own dung ; those who have seen them shall say, Wliere are 
 they ? " 
 
 From April 27th to May ijth. Having obtained leave of absence 
 for two decades, I have spent the last twenty days deliciously with 
 my family at Paris. During that time we received a letter from 
 my brother William, dated from Poonah, the 7th of January, 1797, 
 sixteen months ago, at which time he was in health and spirits, 
 being second in command of the infantry of the Peschwa or chief 
 of the Mahratta state, with appointments of 500 rupees a month, 
 which is about £750 sterling a year. I cannot express the pleasure 
 which this account of his success gave us all ; great as has been his 
 good fortune it is not superior to his merit. Six years ago he went 
 
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 to India a private soldier, unknown, unfriended, and unprotected ; 
 he had not so much as a letter of introduction ; but talents and 
 courage like his were not made to rust in obscurity ; he has forced 
 his way to a station of rank and eminence, and I have no doubt 
 that his views and talents are extended with his elevation. The 
 first war in India we shall hear more of him. He complains of 
 never having received a letter from me (his being addressed to 
 James Bell, in Dublin), by which I see that one I wrote to him in 
 June, 1795, when I was on the point of sailing for America, never 
 came to his hands. I wrote to him on the 8th instant, in as clear a 
 manner as I durst venture, mentioning simply that my adventures 
 had been nearly as romantic as his own ; that in consequence of 
 my political conduct I had been obliged to go into exile in America, 
 after narrowly escaping with my life from Ireland ; that since I had 
 come to France, where, after some time, I had risen to the rank of 
 Adjutant-General, which I then held, and that I thought about one 
 year would settle my fate definitively for good or evil. I desired him 
 to write to me under cover to Mr. G. Meyer, at Mr. Edward Simeon's, 
 Bishopsgate Street, London ; and also, in case of meeting an Ameri- 
 can ship at Bombay, to Mr. Benjamin Franklin Bache, at Phila- 
 delphia ; this letter, to which everybody added a postscript, I sent 
 to Meyer at Hamburg, to be forwarded to his brother at London, 
 and so by way of the India house to Leonard Jacques, Esq., at 
 Bombay, who is, it seems, William's agent, and to whom he desires 
 Bell to address his answer. It is very uncertain whether my letter 
 will ever reach him, having so many difficulties to encounter in the 
 way, and our name being a suspicious one in the English post-office ; 
 at any rate my father, mother, and Bell can write to him with great 
 certainty ; so one way or other I am in hopes he will hear of us. 
 His letter was enclosed in one from my mother to Mary, by which 
 I see she and my father are in health and spirits. Two or three 
 days after the receipt of Will's letter we were agreeably surprised 
 by one from poor Arthur, of whom we had no news for a long time, 
 viz., since Mat. parted from him at Philadelphia some time in July 
 last, at which period he spoke of making a voyage to the West 
 Indies, where he had been once already. His letter is dated from 
 
JET. 35.] 
 
 HOME NEWS. 
 
 3" 
 
 Hamburg, where Meyer had shown him all possible kindness and 
 friendship. We answered it immediately, desiring him to come 
 directly to Paris, where I judge he may arrive in about a month. 
 Poor fellow, he is but sixteen years of age, and what a variety of 
 adventures has he gone through ! It is now two years and a half 
 since he and I parted at Philadelphia when I sent him home in the 
 Susannah, Captain Baird, to notify to my friends my immediate 
 departure for France. It was a delicate commission for a boy of 
 his age, and he seems to have acquitted himself well of it ; at least 
 I have heard no complaint of his indiscretion. When the first 
 arrestations took place in Ireland, in September, 1796, when my 
 dear friend Tom Russell, Neilson, and so many others were arrested 
 in Belfast, those of my friends in Dublin who were in the secret, 
 dreading the possibility of the Government seizing on Arthur, and 
 either by art or menaces wringing it from him, fitted him out and 
 sent him again to America with the consent of my father and 
 mother, who were with reason afraid for his personal safety. In 
 America, where he arrived after my wife and family had sailed for 
 Europe, he met with Mat, and after some little time embarked on 
 board a sloop bound for the West Indies ; on his return from this 
 voyage he again met with Mat., who was on the point of sailing for 
 Hamburg in consequence of my instructions. At Philadelphia 
 they parted, and what poor Arthur's adventures have been since 
 I know not. He is, however, safe and sound, having supported him- 
 self these two years without assistance from anybody. When I 
 saw him last he was a fine, manly boy with a beautiful countenance. 
 I hope and trust he will do well ; if we ever come to have a navy 
 in Ireland he is the very stuff of which to make a Jean Bart. I do 
 not yet know what we shall or can do for him, but when he arrives 
 we shall see. Perhaps I may be able to accomplish something, 
 through Admiral Bruix, who is now Minister of the Marine, and 
 with whom I became acquainted at Brest at the time of our last 
 expedition, the nautical part of which he in effect conducted. I 
 see in the papers that Bedout, who commanded the Indomptable, on 
 board of which I was embarked, is returned from a cruise in the 
 West Indies, and promoted to the rank of Rear-Admiral, which his 
 
312 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 services have well merited. Perhaps by one or both of these 
 channels I may be able to fix him, especially if Bedout takes a part, 
 as I sincerely hope he may, in the present expedition. I am not 
 superstitious, yet I cannot but remark the singularity of the circum- 
 stance that Mary, Mat., Arthur, and myself, with my family, should 
 after such a diversity of strange events be all reassembled in France 
 on the eve of this great expedition, and that precisely at the same 
 time we should have the happiness of hearing from my father and 
 mother, and especially from Will, after a silence of above four years. 
 It is one of the singular traits in the history of our family, and 
 increases the confidence I feel that we shall all meet together yet 
 well and happy. " Which that we may do," &c. &c, as the parson 
 ends his sermon. Well, we shall see. 
 
 May 18th Dined to-day with Adjutant-General Rivaud, Chef 
 d'Etat-Major par interim of the army of England ; there were also 
 General Marescot of the Engineers, and Adjutant-Generals Boulant 
 and Dugommier. The last is son to Dugommier, who retook 
 Toulon, and was afterwards killed, commanding the army of the 
 Pyrenees ; the dinner was very pleasant ; all the war was talked 
 over ; the characters of the Generals canvassed, &c. At the battle 
 of Jemappes the French were 50,000, the Austrians 18,000; the 
 French lost 3,500 killed and wounded, every man of whom might 
 have been spared, as the enemy's position could have been turned, 
 in which case they had no choice but to evacuate their redoubts or 
 be taken prisoners. It is to be observed, however, in defence of 
 Dumourier, that it was absolutely necessary at that time to gain a 
 victory in order to raise the credit of the French arms and the spirit 
 of the soldiers, both of which were sunk very low by a succession of 
 unfortunate events. It is certain that Houchard might have taken 
 the Duke of York and his whole army at the time of his famous re- 
 treat, or rather flight, from before Dunkirk. There was but one passage 
 open by which he could possibly escape, and Jourdan with his divi- 
 sion was within half a league of it when Houchard's orders overtook 
 him, commanding him to halt instantly on pain of immediate desti- 
 tution. In consequence he was obliged to stop short, and had the 
 mortification to see the English army defile quietly before him, every 
 
jet. 35.] BUONAPARTES MOVEMENTS. 313 
 
 man of whom he could have made prisoner. By this account it 
 appears that Houchard at least was justly condemned. On the 
 whole I got over this day pretty well. 
 
 May igth. I do not know what to think of our expedition. It 
 is certain that the whole left wing of the army of England is at 
 this moment in full march back to the Rhine ; Buonaparte is God 
 knows where, and the clouds seem thickening more and more in 
 Germany, where I have no doubt Pitt is moving heaven and hell 
 to embroil matters and divert the storm which was almost ready to 
 fall on his head. In the meantime Treilhard, principal negotiator 
 at Rastadt, is elected into the vacant place in the Directory, in the 
 room of Francois de Neufchateau, and Sieyes goes to Berlin as 
 Ambassador Extraordinary, taking Rastadt in his way. Perhaps 
 we may be able to arrange matters ; I look for great things from 
 his talents and activity. The Toulon expedition, of which so much 
 was lately said, is no more spoken of, and the others from Genoa 
 and Civita Vecchia are said to be given up. The fact is, that the 
 gazettes speak in such various and contradictory terms with regard 
 to these expeditions, that it is impossible to make anything out of 
 them. The only conclusion I draw is, that they know nothing 
 whatsoever of the matter. Nearer home, however, there has been 
 an expedition, the failure of which has vexed me, not on account 
 of the importance of the affair — for it was a trifle — but for the 
 sake of example. A flotilla of about thirty gun-boats, under the 
 command of Muskein, an officer who had made himself a reputa- 
 tion in this kind of petite guerre, sailed from La Hogue to attack 
 the Isles Marcou ; he had on board a detachment of the 4th demi- 
 brigade. It appears, however, that on their arrival before the 
 islands, five sail only attacked, and the remainder kept out of the 
 range of fire ; in consequence, after a cannonade of three or four 
 hours, the five sail were obliged to fall back, having lost six men 
 killed and fifteen wounded. The outcry is now against Muskein, 
 whose conduct, the wits of La Hogue say, smells not of musk. 
 They have " made ballads upon him, and sing them to filthy tunes ; " 
 and the report is that he is dismissed, and that Rear-Admiral 
 Lacrosse takes the command. I know Lacrosse, having seen him 
 
314 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. [ I79 8. 
 
 in our last expedition, where he commanded Les Droits de I'homme, 
 and distinguished himself in an action with two frigates under Sir 
 Edward Pellew, which ended in his driving one of the frigates, and 
 being himself driven, ashore. He is one of the boldest officers in 
 the French navy, and is at this moment confined to his room by a 
 wound which he received in a rencontre with General Vandam. 
 But to return to this check. I am sorry for it, principally on two 
 accounts : first, that it may have a bad effect on the spirit of the 
 troops, and perhaps disgust them with maritime expeditions ; and, 
 secondly, on the score of reputation. What ! may the English 
 well say, you are going to conquer England, and you cannot con- 
 quer the Isles Marcou ! It is a bad business, take it any way. I 
 wonder will the Directory examine into it ? If they do not seriously 
 establish a rigid responsibility in the Marine, it is in vain to think 
 of opposing England by sea. There is a bad spirit existing in that 
 corps, and I see nor hear of any means taken to correct it " T/iey 
 do not order this thing better in France? 
 
 May 20th. During my stay in Paris I read in the English papers 
 a long account from the Dublin Journal of a visitation held by the 
 Chancellor in Trinity College, the result of which was the expul- 
 sion of nineteen students, and the suspension for three years of my 
 friend Whitley Stokes. His crime was having communicated to 
 Sampson, who communicated to Lord Moira, a paper which he had 
 previously transmitted to the Lord Lieutenant, and which contained 
 the account of some atrocious enormities committed by the British 
 troops in the South of Ireland. Far less than that would suffice 
 to destroy him in the Chancellor's opinion, who, by the by, has 
 had an eye upon him this long time ; for I remember he summoned 
 Stokes before the Secret Committee long before I left Ireland. I 
 do not know whether to be vexed or pleased at this event as it 
 regards Whitley ; I only wish he had taken his part more decidedly ; 
 for, as it is, he is destroyed with one party, and I am by no means 
 clear that he is saved with the other. He, like Parsons and Moira, 
 have either their consciences too scrupulous or their minds too 
 little enlarged to embrace the only line of conduct in times like 
 ours. They must be with the People or against them, and that for 
 
ALT. 35.] 
 
 THE ENGLISH NEAR OSTEND. 
 
 3i5 
 
 the whole, or they must be content to go down without the satis- 
 faction of serving or pleasing any party. With regard to Stokes, I 
 know he is acting rigidly on principle ; for I know he is incapable 
 of acting otherwise ; but I fear very much that his very meta- 
 physical unbending purity, which can accommodate itself neither 
 to men, times, nor circumstances, will always prevent his being of 
 any service to his country, which is a thousand pities, for I know 
 no man whose virtues and whose talents I more sincerely reverence. 
 I see only one place fit for him, and, after all, if Ireland were inde- 
 pendent, I believe few enlightened Irishmen would oppose his 
 being placed there — I mean at the head of a system of national 
 education. I hope this last specimen of Fitzgibbon's moderation 
 may give him a little of that political energy which he wants ; for 
 I have often heard him observe himself that nothing sharpened 
 men's patriotism more than a reasonable quantity of insult and 
 ill-usage ; he may now be a living instance, and justify his doctrine 
 by his practice. 
 
 May 21st Rivaud, Chef de l'Etat-Major, tells me this morning 
 that the English have landed about 10,000 men near Ostend, un- 
 doubtedly with a view to bombard it and burn the shipping and 
 small craft preparing there for the expedition. I believe the num- 
 ber must be extremely exaggerated ; be that as it may, he says 
 6,000 French are already collected, and that is more than enough 
 to render a good account of 10,000 English. Championnet com- 
 mands in that division, and Bessieres is in the town, where there is 
 a garrison of about 700 men, which is not by any means enough. 
 If they suffice, however, to prevent the enemy from succeeding by 
 a coup de main that will be sufficient ; for a very few days will 
 bring together a force which will make the English remember the 
 attack with a vengeance. In the meantime Rivaud has despatched 
 expresses to the Directory and to General Kilmaine, Commander- 
 in-chief. To-morrow will let us know more of the matter. 
 
 May 22nd, 23rd. Yesterday passed without any news. To-day 
 the journals announce that the English have attempted to bombard 
 Ostend ; that to this effect they landed 4,000 men, who were almost 
 immediately attacked and defeated, the General wounded and 
 
316 
 
 THEOBALD WO'LFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 taken, with 2,000 men, besides 300 or 400 killed or wounded, five 
 or six pieces of cannon, and about forty boats. This is all that the 
 journals mention, the news having come by the telegraph. Of 
 course we must wait for the particulars till the next courier. 
 Rivaud, in speaking of this affair to-day, made a remark which I 
 think worth recording. He said the French generals of to-day 
 undoubtedly had not the extent and variety of knowledge of those 
 under the old rigime, but they made up for that deficiency by 
 superior intrepidity ; and where the chiefs are intrepid, the French 
 soldier, who is intrepidity itself, will always follow them, and un- 
 doubtedly beat any troops they meet with. I have no doubt but 
 Rivaud is right. There is a very circumstantial account, in the 
 journal of to-day, of the arrival of Buonaparte at Toulon, which I 
 cannot yet bring myself entirely to credit ; they go so far as to 
 give his speech to the army, which seems, however, to me some- 
 what apocryphal — at least, if it be genuine, it is not in his best 
 manner. On the whole, I doubt the authenticity of the intelli- 
 gence, as well as of another article, which comes from Dunkirk, 
 and mentions the English being off that coast with eight sail of 
 the line and 400 transports. That seems to me rather too much ; 
 400 transports would easily carry 60,000 men, with their horses, 
 stores, and artillery, for so short a passage. That the English are 
 off the coast I well believe, but not in such numbers. 
 
 May 24th, 2$th. It is certain that Buonaparte is at Toulon, and 
 embarked since the 14th ; his speech, as I suspected, is not as it 
 was given in the last journals. The genuine one I read to-day, and 
 there are two sentences in it which puzzle me completely. In the 
 first, at the beginning of the address, he tells the troops that they 
 form a wing of the army of England ; in the second, towards the 
 end, he reminds them that they have the glory of the French 
 name to sustain in countries and seas the most distant. What 
 does that mean ? Is he going after all to India ? Will he make 
 a short cut to London by way of Calcutta ? I begin foully to 
 suspect it. He has all his savants embarked with him, with their 
 apparatus ; that can hardly be for England. As for Egypt, of 
 which so much has been said, I never paid much attention to the 
 
MT. 35.] 
 
 "DEVOURED WITH ENNUI. 
 
 3i7 
 
 report. If it be for India, I wish to God I were with him ; I might 
 be able to co-operate with Will, and perhaps be of material service ; 
 but what would become of my family in my absence ? I am in 
 more perplexity at this moment than I have been in since my 
 arrival in France. I have a good mind to write to the Minister at 
 War, or of the Marine, whom I know. Why not to Barras ? 
 Allons ! I will write to Bruix — happy-go-lucky ! 
 
 May 26th. I have changed my mind, and written this day a 
 letter to General Kilmaine, acquainting him with Will's present 
 situation in India, and offering to go thither if the Government 
 thinks that my services can be useful, requesting secrecy and a speedy 
 answer. I know not how this may turn out. It is a bold measure. 
 My only difficulty is about my family; but if the Directory accepts 
 my offer, I hardly think they will refuse to pay my wife one-half 
 of my appointments during my absence. If they do that, I will go 
 cheerfully, notwithstanding that the age for enterprise is almost 
 over with me. My blood is cooling fast. " My May of life is fall- 
 ing to the sear, the yellow leaf." It would be singular if, after all, I 
 were to go out to India. Twice or thrice already I have narrowly 
 escaped the voyage, and I confess my rage for such an expedition 
 is considerably abated ; nevertheless, under all the circumstances, I 
 have thought it, on due reflection, my duty to make the offer, and 
 it rests now with the Government to decide ; a few days, and I 
 shall probably know the result. In the meantime there is no more 
 question or appearance here of an attempt on England than of one 
 on the moon, and I am in consequence devoured with ennui. The 
 last papers bring no further news of Buonaparte and his expedi- 
 tion, which seems to be still at Toulon ; but I see that Admiral 
 Nelson has joined Earl St. Vincent before Cadiz, which will not 
 much facilitate the sortie of the Toulon fleet, in case their destina- 
 tion should be to pass the Straits of Gibraltar. I see also that it 
 was a body of only 300 French, of the 46th and 94th demi-brigades, 
 who defeated the English before Ostend, and made 1,500 prisoners. 
 It was a most brilliant exploit. 
 
 May 27th, 28th. The English having appeared in force before 
 Havre, and attempted to throw some bombs into the city, Adjutant- 
 
318 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. [i 79 8. 
 
 General Rivaud, Chef de l'Etat-Major, determined to send me off 
 at a moment's warning to join General Bethencourt, who com- 
 mands the division. In consequence, having received orders and 
 made up my kit, I set off post, and ran all night. 
 
 May 29th. Arrived this morning at Havre about four o'clock. 
 At twelve, waited on General Bethencourt, who received me very 
 politely. This being the Fete de la Victoire, all the officers in 
 garrison accompanied the General to the Municipality, in order to 
 assist at the ceremony. The President made an excellent discourse, 
 full of animosity against the English, which I perceived was most 
 cordially received by the military. In the evening the Spectacle ; 
 very bad. On my return home, saw two corvettes working out of 
 the basin, in order to put to sea. God send them well over it. I 
 am lodged in the same hotel where I put up at my first landing 
 in France. How many scenes have I witnessed since ! 
 
 May jpth. This morning at four o'clock there was a heavy 
 cannonade to the southward, which continued at intervals until 
 ten. The weather is hazy, so that we can see nothing distinctly. 
 I walked out on the batteries three or four times, but could make 
 nothing of it ; I fear, however, the worst for our corvettes. Dined 
 with General Bethencourt, and made after dinner the tour of the 
 ramparts with him and Captain Gourege, who commands Vlndi- 
 enne, a 44, now in the basin. He thinks the corvettes are driven 
 ashore. I am as melancholy as a cat upon these news. I see, too, 
 in the papers that the system of persecution goes on without inter- 
 mission in Ireland ; the Government has seized five pieces of cannon 
 at Clarke's, in King Street, and I know not how many pike staves 
 in Bridgefoot Street. I hope sincerely poor Clarke may come to 
 no trouble, for I never can forget his kindness to my father. Alto- 
 gether, I am devoured this evening by the blue devils, and I must 
 be on the batteries again to-night at ten, being the hour of high 
 water, with General Bethencourt. " Heigh ho ! When as I sat in 
 Babylon I And a thousand fragrant posies." Mercy on me, I have 
 a great mind to cry. Ten at night. Took a walk alone around the 
 batteries, and delivered to the commandant of the place a message 
 from the General. Home and to bed, where I slept like a top. 
 
XT. 3S-] AT HAVRE WITH GENERAL BETHENCOURT. 319 
 
 May list. My fears were too true about the corvettes. They 
 fell in with a squadron of five English frigates, and immediately 
 the captain of the Vesuve, of thirty-two guns, took fright and ran 
 his ship ashore ; his name is l'Eccolier. He fired but two broad- 
 sides. His comrade, however, who commanded the Confiante, and 
 whose name is Pevrieux, fought his ship in another guess manner ; 
 he engaged the Diamond within pistol shot for three hours, and it 
 was not until the rest of the squadron were closing fast around him 
 that he ran his ship ashore, where he continued to defend himself 
 for two hours ; so that the English could not succeed in their 
 attempt to burn her ; but she is dismasted and torn to pieces by 
 their shot. This affair is the more honourable for him, as the 
 Diamond carries twenty-four pounders, and his ship twelve 
 pounders. In the meantime there are two corvettes gone, though 
 there are some hopes the Vesuve may be got off. All this does 
 not promise violently in favour of the invasion, and indeed the 
 English seem by the papers to have no longer any uneasiness on 
 that score. What will be the result after all, God only knows. 
 Twelve at night; rode out with General Bethencourt, and made 
 the tour of the different posts and batteries. " All's well ! " 
 Returned in perfect safety, having met with nothing worse than our- 
 selves. " Dan caught nothing in his net." Laughed immoderately 
 at that foolish quotation as we rode away. 
 
 June 1st. Read this morning an article in a Paris Journal 
 which astonishes me more than I can express. It states that 
 General Daendels has fled from the Hague, and has been pro- 
 claimed a deserter by the Dutch Government. It seems orders 
 were given to arrest him, which he avoided by flying into France, 
 and it is supposed he is now at Paris. The true reason is said to 
 be his having given his opinion too unguardedly on the measures 
 of his Government. This is the whole of the article, and I confess 
 it astonishes me most completely. Judging from my own ex- 
 perience, I would say that Daendels is an honest man and a good 
 citizen, if there is one existing ; and I learn by a letter from 
 Lewines, dated May 4th, and which is obscure in some parts, 
 from a prudent caution, that parties run exceedingly high in 
 
320 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 Holland, so that I must conclude he is a victim to his principles. 
 Go now and make revolutions ! Daendels was obliged to fly to 
 France ten years ago, from the fury of the Orange faction ; in 
 his absence he was beheaded in effigy. In 1794 he returned 
 triumphant with Pichegru — another memorable instance of the 
 caprices of fortune — and was appointed to the chief command of 
 the Batavian army. Now, in 1798, he is again obliged to fly to 
 France, with the disgraceful epithet of deserter attached to his 
 name, t© avoid, as I conclude from circumstances, the fury of the 
 Democratic party. It is with me a great proof of a man's integrity 
 when, in times of revolution, he is sacrificed alternately by both 
 parties ; but certainly what he gains on the score of principle he 
 loses on that of common sense. In order to do any good, with any 
 party, a man must make great sacrifices, not only of his judgment, 
 but what is much worse, I fear of his conscience also. If he cannot 
 bring his mind to this, there is but one line of conduct for him to 
 pursue, which is to quit the field. He is the best politician, and 
 the honestest man, who does the most good to his country and the 
 least evil : for evil there will be, in his despite, and he must be at 
 times himself the instrument thereof, whatever it cost him. He must 
 keep a sort of running account with his conscience, where he is to set 
 off the good against the bad, and if the balance be in his favour, it is 
 all he can expect. This is but a melancholy speculation for a man 
 at the beginning of his political career, but I am afraid that it will 
 be found, in effect, the only practicable one. If ever I am thrown 
 by chance into a political situation, God knows how I may act. 
 Thus far, at least, I have preserved my principles, and therefore I 
 register my opinion beforehand, that I may see how my practice 
 will square with it, in case, as I have already said, that the occasion 
 should ever present itself; of which, at this day, there is very slight 
 appearance indeed. Poor Daendels ! I am sincerely sorry for 
 him, and will never give him up on any charge that is not accom- 
 panied by an absolute demonstration of his guilt, which I do not 
 apprehend will ever be the case. I see also in the papers that they 
 have begun to arrest the women in Ireland for wearing United 
 Irish rings. Will the men submit to this, or is it humanly possible 
 
^T. 3S-] 
 
 ON THE RAMPARTS. 
 
 321 
 
 for them to resist ? I hate to turn my thoughts that way, and avoid 
 it as much as possible. I have already done all that, humanly 
 speaking, I could do to serve my country in France. I can only 
 now wait the event. 
 
 June 2nd. Last night walked all round the ramparts, and 
 inspected the state of the works with General Bethencourt. Went 
 the rounds with him, as far as the battery of La Heve, which is 
 above a league from the town, among the rocks, and returned at 
 one this morning. " How merrily we live that soldiers be ! " All 
 this afternoon there has been a heavy cannonade to the southward, 
 opposite the Pointe de Dives. We conjecture it is the flotilla of 
 Muskein, which is endeavouring to return, and having, as we 
 suppose, fallen in with the English, has taken shelter under a little 
 fort of four pieces of cannon at the point. Be that as it may, the 
 fire has continued until an hour after dark. Walked out with the 
 General to the Batterie de la Neige, in order to try an experiment, 
 which did not succeed, for setting fire to the enemy's vessels, by a 
 kind of combustible machine, attached to an eighteen-pound shot. 
 It will never answer. We are not sure that we may not be attacked 
 ourselves to-night. I do not, however, apprehend it. 
 
 June $rd. Last night passed over quietly, but this morning at 
 six the cannonade recommenced at the Pointe de Dives, which is 
 about seven leagues to the southward of this. We can see the fire 
 distinctly from the tower. There are five frigates, which relieve 
 each other alternately, and there are generally three at a time on 
 the poor little fort of four guns : for we see no traces of Muskein's 
 flotilla. At one o'clock, whilst I write this, the fire still continues 
 with great violence, and the fort still holds out. I am astonished it 
 is not torn to pieces long since. At night. The fire slackened soon 
 after one, and the tide beginning to ebb, the frigates retired, but a 
 bombketch continued to throw shells, from time to time, till half 
 after two, when she fell off also. All quiet for the rest of the day. 
 
 June 4th. Yesterday I received a letter from Adjutant-General 
 Rivaud, informing me that I might return to Rouen when I pleased. 
 I answered it to-day, letting him know that as the enemy con- 
 tinued still before the place, I considered it my duty to remain 
 vol. 11. 22 
 
322 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [179 8. 
 
 until further orders. Nominated the Citizens Fayolles, Captain of 
 Infantry, and Favory, of the Engineers, to be my Adjoints, and 
 despatched the letters of nomination to the Minister at War. So 
 now I am fairly afloat. " If 1 had bought me a horse in Smithfield. 
 I were manned, horsed, and wived" I had like to have forgotten. 
 This is His Majesty's birthday. (Sings.) " God save Great George 
 our King." I feel myself extremely loyal on the sudden, methinks. 
 Well, " God knows the heart. Many a body says well that thinks 
 ill," &c., &c, &c. 
 
 June $th. Last night went my rounds as Adjutant-General, in 
 all the forms. " / brought in the boar's head, and quitted me like 
 a man." I do not see, myself, that this quotation is extremely 
 apposite ; but no matter. I like the idle activity of a military life 
 well enough, and if I were employed in an Irish army, I should 
 make a tolerable good officer ; but the difference of the language 
 here is terribly against me. However, I made myself understood 
 at all the outposts, which is sufficient for my purpose. Vive la 
 R/publique. I do not know what that sally is for, I am sure. The 
 report in Havre this morning is, that the Toulon fleet has beaten 
 an English squadron in the Mediterranean, and taken four sail of 
 the line. " Would I could see it, quoth blind Hugh." 
 
 June 6th, yth, 8th. Citizen Fayolles, my Adjoint, is arrived from 
 Rouen, so I am something more at my ease. Yesterday the enemy 
 appeared before Havre, and from their manoeuvres we expected an 
 attack. In consequence all the batteries were manned and the 
 furnaces heated. I was stationed in the Batterie Nationale. About 
 three o'clock in the afternoon they bore down upon us, within two 
 cannon shot ; but after some little time, hauled their wind and stood 
 off again ; so we were quit for the night. As they passed the 
 battery at the Pointe la Heve they threw about half a dozen shells, 
 to answer as many shot the battery had fired at them, a toute volte, 
 but neither the one nor the other did any damage. I saw three of 
 the shells fall in the water, and all the shot. Two of the latter 
 passed very near the bombketch, but the distance was entirely too 
 great, and I wonder the General does not give orders never to fire 
 but at a distance to do mischief. If the enemy waste their powder 
 
JET. 35.] ENGLISH FLEET OFF HA VRE. 323 
 
 foolishly, there is no reason we should waste ours. Au reste, it was 
 a fine sight, and I should have enjoyed it more, had it not been for 
 certain " speculations on futurity and the transmigration of souls," 
 which presented themselves to my fancy at times. I defy any man 
 to know whether he is brave or not until he is tried, and I am very 
 far from boasting of myself on that score ; but the fact is, and I 
 was right glad of it, that when I found myself at my battery, and 
 saw the enemy bearing right down upon us, and as I thought to 
 begin the cannonade, though I cannot say with truth, that I was 
 perfectly easy, yet neither did I feel at all disconcerted ; and I am 
 satisfied, as far as a man in that situation can judge of himself, that 
 I should have done my duty well, and without any great effort of 
 resolution. The crowd and the bustle, the noise, and especially 
 the conviction that the eyes of the cannoniers were fixed on the 
 chapeau galonne, settled me at once ; it is the etiquette in such 
 cases that the General stands conspicuous on the parapet, whilst 
 the cannoniers are covered by the fyaulement, which is truly amus- 
 ing for him that commands. Nevertheless, I have no doubt that it 
 is easier to behave well on the parapet, exposed to all the fire, than 
 in the battery, where the danger is much less. I had time to make 
 all these and divers other wise remarks during my stay ; for it 
 was six in the evening before the English stood off ; and, on the 
 faith of an honest man, I cannot truly say I was sorry when I saw 
 them decidedly turn their backs. There were eight sail, viz., four 
 frigates, two bombketches, one brig, and one cutter. Huzza ! 
 Vive la R^publique ! " Thus far our arms have with success been 
 crowned. For though we have not fought, yet have we found no 
 enemy to fight withal!' Huzza ! Huzza I 
 
 fune gth to 12th. Yesterday I read in the French papers an 
 account of the acquittal of Arthur O'Connor at Maidstone, and of 
 his being taken instantly into custody again. Undoubtedly Pitt 
 means to send him to Ireland, in hopes of finding there a more 
 complaisant jury. Quigley, the priest, is found guilty ; it seems he 
 has behaved admirably well, which I confess was more than I 
 expected ; his death redeems him. Alley, Binns, and Leary, the 
 servant, are also acquitted and discharged. O'Connor appears to 
 
3«4 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 have behaved with great intrepidity. On being taken into custody, 
 he addressed the judges, desiring to be sent to the same dungeon 
 with his brother, who, like him, was acquitted of high treason, and, 
 like him, was arrested in the very court. The judge, Buller, 
 answered him coldly that their commission expired when the 
 sentence was pronounced, and that the court could do nothing 
 farther in the business. He was instantly committed. My satisfac- 
 tion at this triumph of O'Connor is almost totally destroyed by a 
 second article in the same paper, which mentions that Lord Edward 
 Fitzgerald has been arrested in Thomas Street, Dublin, after a 
 most desperate resistance, in which himself, the magistrate, one 
 Swann, and Captain Ryan, who commanded the guard, were 
 severely wounded. I cannot describe the effect which this intelli 
 gence had on me ; it brought on, almost immediately, a spasm in 
 my stomach, which confined me all day. I knew Fitzgerald but 
 very little, but I honour and venerate his character, which he has 
 uniformly sustained, and, in this last instance, illustrated. What 
 miserable wretches by his side are the gentry of Ireland ! I would 
 rather be Fitzgerald, as he is now, wounded in his dungeon, than 
 Pitt at the head of the British Empire. What a noble fellow ! 
 Of the first family in Ireland, with an easy fortune, a beautiful wife, 
 and family of lovely children, the certainty of a splendid appoint- 
 ment under Government, if he would condescend to support their 
 measures, he has devoted himself wholly to the emancipation of 
 his country, and sacrificed everything to it, even to his blood. My 
 only consolation is the hope that his enemies have no capital 
 charge against him, and will be obliged to limit their rage to his 
 imprisonment. The city and county of Dublin are proclaimed, and 
 under martial law. When I combine this with the late seizure of 
 cannon at Clarke's, I am strongly inclined to think that Fitz- 
 gerald was organising an attack on the capital. Poor fellow ! He 
 is not the first Fitzgerald who has sacrificed himself to the cause of 
 his country. There is a wonderful similarity of principle and 
 fortune between him and his ancestor Lord Thomas, in the reign 
 of Henry VII., who lost his head on Tower Hill for a gallant but 
 fruitless attempt to recover the independence of Ireland. God 
 
JET. 35.] 
 
 THE ENGLISH FLEET OFF HA VRE. 
 
 send the catastrophe of his noble descendant be not the same. I 
 dread everything for him, and my only consolation is in specula- 
 tions of revenge. If the blood of this brave young man be shed by 
 the hand of his enemies, it is no ordinary vengeance which will 
 content the People, whenever the day of retribution arrives. I 
 cannot express the rage I feel at my own helplessness at this 
 moment ; but what can I do ? Let me if possible think no more ; 
 it sets me half mad. 
 
 June \%th. Yesterday evening, about six o'clock, the enemy 
 approached again almost within random shot of the batteries. 
 They were immediately manned, and the furnaces heated, but the 
 enemy keeping a cautious distance, nothing ensued. We fired two or 
 three shot from the Batterie du Nord, but observing they fell short, 
 we ceased firing ; the enemy did not return one gun, and stood off 
 at eight. This morning, at eight o'clock, I was roused by two or 
 three guns ; I dressed myself in a hurry and ran to the batteries, 
 where I arrived before the cannoniers, or any of my comrades : the 
 enemy were, as the evening before, something more than a random 
 shot from the line. The gunboats had opened their fire, but to no 
 effect ; of at least one hundred shot, not one reached aboard, though 
 the guns were admirably pointed. By what I can observe, we 
 always begin to fire a great deal too soon. They complain here 
 that the English powder is better than the French, in the propor- 
 tion of near two to one. Yet we fire on them at full one-third 
 more than the distance. We fired two or three shot from the 
 batteries merely to show the gunboats that we were there to 
 support them, but without any expectation of reaching the enemy, 
 who all this time never condescended to return us one gun. After 
 about half an hour the fire ceased, and the enemy stood off. I 
 do not well conceive the object of these two visits last night and 
 this morning. It is now eleven a.m., and we expect them again 
 with the evening tide ; maybe then we shall see something. I have 
 been running over in my mind the list of my friends and of the 
 men whom, without being so intimately connected with them, I 
 most esteem. Scarcely do I find one who is not or has not been 
 in exile or prison, and in jeopardy of his life. To begin with, Russell 
 
326 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 and Emmet, the two dearest of my friends, at this moment in 
 prison on a capital charge. MacNeven and J. Sweetman, my old 
 fellow-labourers in the Catholic cause ; Edward Fitzgerald, Arthur 
 and Roger O'Connor, whom, though I know less personally, I do 
 not less esteem ; Sampson, Bond, Jackson and his son, still in 
 prison ; Robert and William Simms, the men in the world to whose 
 friendship I am most obliged, but just discharged ; Neilson, Haslitt, 
 McCracken the same ; McCormick, absconded ; Rowan and Dr. 
 Reynolds in America ; Lewines, Tennant, Lowry, Hamilton, 
 Teeling, Tandy, &c, and others, with whom I have little or no 
 acquaintance, but whom I must presume to be victims of their 
 patriotism, not to speak of my own family in France, Germany, 
 and elsewhere. Stokes disgraced on suspicion of virtue. It is a 
 gloomy catalogue for a man to cast his eyes over. Of all my 
 political connections I see but John Keogh who has escaped, and 
 how he has had that inconceivable good fortune is to me a miracle. 
 — Ten at night. I have been these two hours at the batteries, but 
 the enemy keeps at a most prudent distance. It is downright 
 wearying to be in continual expectation of an attack, and I begin 
 to lose my patience. To-night I was almost sure we should have 
 had a brush, but it ended in nothing. Confound them, they tease 
 me ; " my soul's in arms, and eager for the fray" and the enemy 
 won't indulge me, which is unkind. It is not that I thirst 
 unreasonably for their destruction ; for I am like Parson Adams, 
 " I would not have tJie blood, even of tlie wicked upon me" Apropos, 
 I should remark that the cannoniers of the town show the greatest 
 zeal ; they were this morning the first on the batteries, and I 
 remarked among them several collets noirs (royalists), who seemed 
 to desire nothing better than to begin the cannonade. The fact is, 
 that the French are a most intrepid people, and I forgive the jeunes 
 gens a great deal of their frivolity and nonsense in favour of their 
 courage. For my part I was on my parapet, and I could not help 
 laughing at my own wit, or rather Sheridan's, in a bright quota- 
 tion I made from Acres, in the " Rivals " : " Oh, that I were at 
 Clodliall now, or that I could be shot before I was aware! " Allonsl 
 Courage ! Vive la Republique ! 
 
MT. 35.] STATE OF THE FRENCH NA VY. 
 
 327 
 
 June \\th, \$th, 16th. Last night, at the Com^die, I had a 
 conversation with General Kilmaine, who has been here these two 
 days, which did not much encourage me on the present posture of 
 our affairs. He began on the subject of my letter of the 26th of 
 May, offering to go to India. He said he had not answered it, 
 because the Directory not having communicated to him the object 
 of the Toulon expedition, if he had made the offer, on my part, it 
 would have looked as if he were fishing for information ; but, at 
 the same time, he would keep it in his mind, and mention it if he 
 saw a fit occasion. I told him it was not a thing that I pressed, 
 or wished to give for more than it was worth ; my object was 
 merely to inform the Government that, if nothing were likely to be 
 done in Europe, and an attempt were to be made in India, 
 if they thought that, under the circumstances, my services 
 could be of any use, I was ready to go in twenty-four hours. 
 General Kilmaine answered, that a short time would let us 
 see the object of Buonaparte's plan ; that, in the meantime, there 
 was a supplementary armament preparing at Toulon, of two ships 
 of the line, with some frigates and transports, and if it were destined 
 for India we would then see what was to be done. This conversa- 
 tion naturally introduced the subject of the grand expedition 
 against England or Ireland, of which, from Kilmaine's report, I do 
 not see the smallest probability. The Marine is in a state of 
 absolute nullity ; the late Minister, Pleville le Peley, towards the 
 end of his ministry, had disarmed all the ships of the line, so that, 
 when he was pressed by the Directory, it appeared that nothing 
 was ready, and, in consequence, after about a month's shuffling, he 
 was obliged to resign. I mentioned that I had better hopes of the 
 present Minister, Bruix, who, besides being a man of acknowledged 
 talents and activity, was in a certain degree bound in honour to try 
 the expedition, having taken so active a part in conducting the last, 
 and been even indirectly implicated by his enemies in its failure, 
 which ought naturally to pique him to make the greatest exertions. 
 Kilmaine said, " That was all true ; but what could Bruix do ? In 
 the first place, he had no money ; in the next, the arsenals of Brest 
 were empty, and what stores they had in other ports they could 
 
328 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798- 
 
 not convey thither from the superiority of the naval force of the 
 enemy, which kept everything blocked up ; finally, that of fourteen 
 sail of the line, now in the port of Brest, there were but three in a 
 state to put to sea ; that the Government, towards the end of 
 Pleville le Peley's ministry, being apparently uninformed of the 
 real state of the Marine, had ordered him (Kilmaine) to have the 
 army prepared, in consequence of which he had marched about 
 17,000 men towards the coast, where they still remained, viz., 
 six demi-brigades of infantry, one regiment of dragoons, one of 
 hussars, and one of chasseurs, besides the artillery, but that there 
 was no manner of appearance of anything being done by the 
 Marine." All this is as bad as can be. I then asked whether he 
 could tell me the determination of the Government with regard to 
 the cadres of regiments formed by General Hoche for the last 
 expedition, and whether the Irishmen now in Paris were to be 
 employed in them ? He said he had spoken of it twenty times to 
 the Directors ; that, in fact, the existence of those cadres was 
 authorised by no law, and if there was any question about them, 
 the consequence would be their immediate suppression ; that, if the 
 expedition took place, the matter would be managed ; but, in the 
 meantime, nothing could be done, the constitution being express 
 against employing foreigners, and that jealousy carried so far that 
 the Directory were obliged to refuse the offer of a regiment of 
 hussars made to them by the Cisalpines, which fact I remember 
 myself, and, in truth, cannot blame the French for adopting a 
 principle so reasonable in itself. I then mentioned that the 
 situation of those young men now in Paris was very painful, and 
 that I was afraid, if something were not done in their behalf, they 
 would be reduced to great difficulties. He said he felt all that ; at 
 the same time, the conduct of many of the Irish in Paris was such 
 as to reflect credit neither on themselves nor their country. That 
 there was nothing to be heard of amongst them but denuncia- 
 tions, and if every one of them, separately, spoke truth, all the 
 rest were rascals. At the same time there was one thing in 
 their favour: hitherto they had asked nothing for themselves, 
 which in some degree saved their credit — except one, named 
 
MT. 35 ] 
 
 IRISH REFUGEES. 
 
 329 
 
 O'Finn, who appeared in the light of a mere adventurer ; that 
 Tandy had also applied for assistance, and that he (Kilmaine), 
 believing the poor old man to be in distress, had signed a paper to the 
 Minister at War, requesting he might be employed. I answered 
 that I was heartily sorry for the account he gave me of the conduct 
 of our countrymen, which I had some reason to believe he had not 
 exaggerated, having been denounced myself more than once for 
 no other offence, as I believe in my conscience, than the rank I 
 held in the French army, which caused heartburnings amongst 
 them ; that the misfortune was that they came into France with 
 their ideas mounted too high, from having had a certain degree of 
 influence among the people at home, and finding themselves 
 absolutely without any in France, their tempers were soured and 
 their ill-humour vented itself in accusations of each other. I then 
 took occasion to ask the General whether, in the worst event, of a 
 general peace, leaving Ireland under the British yoke, he thought 
 the French Government would do anything for the Irish patriots, 
 who had suffered so much in their cause, and who, by the number 
 of men they employed, and the quantity of money they had cost 
 England, had served as a powerful diversion in favour of the 
 Republic, without putting her to the expense of one shilling, and I 
 mentioned the example of England after the revocation of the Edict 
 of Nantes, who had received with open arms, and given all possible 
 encouragement to the French Protestants with far less reason than 
 in the present instance. The General answered, " that in the event 
 I mentioned, he had no doubt but the French Government would 
 give every possible encouragement to the Irish refugees." I then 
 observed to him that I had been thinking whether the islands in 
 the Gulf of Venice, Corfu, &c, did not offer a convenient occasion 
 for affording a settlement, and especially as their destiny was yet 
 unsettled — at the same time, that I merely threw it out as a hint 
 for him to think of, having myself no definite ideas on the subject. 
 He said he would turn it in his mind, and so our conversation 
 ended. All this is as discouraging as it can well be. I am sworn 
 not to despair. It is my motto, but if it were not for that I know 
 not what I should do to-day. It is now twenty-eight days since 
 
33° 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 1798. 
 
 Buonaparte sailed from Toulon, and the only certain news we have 
 from the Mediterranean is that Lord St. Vincent's fleet has been 
 reinforced by six sail of the line from England, and four from 
 Portugal (these last Portuguese) ; that he has left eighteen sail to 
 blockade Cadiz, and has passed the Straits of Gibraltar with sixteen 
 sail, of course his prime vessels ; if that be so, and he falls in with 
 the French fleet of thirteen sail, encumbered with a large convoy, 
 there is an end of the Toulon expedition, even supposing, what I 
 hardly think possible, that the French, with that inferiority, should 
 not be utterly defeated. It is dreadful. I should have observed in 
 its place that General Kilmaine told me that denunciations of the 
 Irish had even reached the Government, and had of course lowered 
 the nation in their esteem ; he added that Lewines, however, was 
 not implicated, of which I am heartily glad. I did not ask him 
 how it was with regard to myself. 
 
 June 17th, iSt/i. The news I have received this morning, 
 partly by the papers and partly by letters from my wife and brother, 
 are of the last importance. As I suspected, the brave and unfor- 
 tunate Fitzgerald was meditating an attack on the capital, which 
 was to have taken place a few days after that on which he was 
 arrested. He is since dead in prison ; his career is finished 
 gloriously for himself, and whatever be the event, his memory will 
 live for ever in the heart of every honest Irishman. He was a 
 gallant fellow. For us, who remain as yet, and may perhaps soon 
 follow him, the only way to lament his death is to endeavour to 
 revenge it. Among his papers, it seems, was found the plan of the 
 insurrection, the proclamation intended to be published, and several 
 others, by which those of the leaders of the People, who have thus 
 far escaped, have been implicated, and several of them seized. 
 Among others I see Tom Braughall, Lawless, son of Lord Cloncurry, 
 Curran, son of the Barrister, Chambers and P. Byrne, printers, with 
 several others whom I cannot recollect. All this, including the 
 death of the brave Fitzgerald, has, it appears, but accelerated 
 matters ; the insurrection has formally commenced in several coun- 
 ties of Leinster, especially Kildare and Wexford ; the details in 
 the French papers are very imperfect, but I see there have been 
 
JET. 35.] 
 
 INSURRECTION IN IRELAND. 
 
 33i 
 
 several actions. At Monastereven, Naas, Clane, and Prosperous, 
 the three last immediately in my ancient neighbourhood, there have 
 been skirmishes generally, as is at first to be expected, to the ad- 
 vantage of the army ; at Prosperous the Cork militia were surprised 
 and defeated. The villains — to bear arms against their country ! 
 Killcullen is burnt; at Carlow four hundred Irish, it is said, 
 were killed ; at Castledermot fifty ; in return, in county Wexford, 
 where appears to be their principal force, they have defeated a party 
 of six hundred English, killed three hundred and the Commander, 
 Colonel Walpole, and taken five pieces of cannon. This victory, 
 small as it is, will give the people courage, and show them that a 
 red coat is no more invincible then a grey one. At Rathmines there 
 has been an affair of cavalry where the Irish had the worst, and two 
 of their leaders named Ledwich and Keogh were taken, and I pre- 
 sume immediately executed. I much fear that the last is Cornelius, 
 eldest son to my friend, J. Keogh, and a gallant lad ; if it be so I 
 shall regret him sincerely ; but how many other valuable lives must 
 be sacrificed before the fortune of Ireland be decided ! Dr. 
 Esmonde and eight other gentlemen of my county have been 
 hanged ; at Nenagh the English whip the most respectable inhabi- 
 tants till their blood flows into the kennel. The atrocious barbarity 
 of their conduct is only to be excelled by the folly of it ; never yet 
 was a rebellion, as they call it, quelled by such means. The eighteen 
 thousand victims sacrificed by Alva in the Low Countries in 
 five years and on the scaffold did not prevent the establishment of 
 the liberty of Holland. From the blood of every one of the 
 martyrs of the liberty of Ireland will spring, I hope, thousands to 
 revenge their fall. In all this confusion of events there is one cir- 
 cumstance which looks well. The English Government publish 
 latterly no detailed accounts, but say, in general, that all goes well, 
 and that a few days will suffice to extinguish the rebellion ; at the 
 same time they are fortifying the pigeon house in Dublin in order to 
 secure a retreat for the Government in case of the worst, which does 
 not savour extremely of the immediate extinction of the rebellion- 
 These are all the details I recollect, and they are of the last import- 
 ance. What will the French Government do in the present crisis ? 
 
332 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. [1798. 
 
 After all their aid appears to be indispensable ; for the Irish have 
 no means but numbers and courage — powerful and indispensable 
 instruments, it is true, but which, after all, require arms and ammu- 
 nition, and I fear they are but poorly provided with either. They have 
 an army of at least 60,000 disciplined men to deal with ; for, to their 
 immortal disgrace and infamy, the militia and yeomanry of Ireland 
 concur with the English to rivet their country's chains and their 
 own ; and, to my great mortification, I see some of my old friends in 
 the number; Griffith and his yeomen, for example, in county Kildare, 
 and Plunket in the House of Commons. They may yet be sorry 
 for this base prostitution of their character and talents. If ever the 
 day of retribution arrives, as arrive I think it must, they will fall 
 unpitied victims, and thousands of other parricides like them, to the 
 just fury of the People, which it will be impossible to restrain. 
 What must I do now ? General Bethencourt returns this evening ; 
 the English seem to have given up all idea of an attack on this 
 port, so I may go with honour. I will apply for an order to join 
 General Kilmaine at Rouen, and when we are there we will see 
 farther. 
 
 June igtk. This evening at five set off for Rouen, having taken 
 leave of General Bethencourt last night, who loaded me with civili- 
 ties. Arrived at five in the evening and met General Rivaud. 
 General Kilmaine is also arrived ; so I shall see him to-morrow. 
 General Grouchy, who commanded the Amite expiditionnaire in 
 Bantry Bay, and to whom I was much attached, is also here. I 
 had written him a letter two days ago from Havre to felicitate him 
 on his appointment to the command of the cavalry of the army of 
 England. Rivaud tells me he was delighted to hear I was em- 
 ployed, and intended to apply for me to be his Adjutant-General, 
 of which I am very glad, for a variety of reasons. I will call on him 
 and on the General-in -chief to-morrow morning. No news yet of 
 the Toulon expedition — it is inconceivable ! 
 
 June\ 20tk. To-day is my birthday. I am thirty-five years of 
 age : more than half the career of my life is finished, and how little 
 have I yet been able to do. Well, it has not been, at least, for want 
 of inclination, and, I may add, of efforts ! I had hopes two years 
 
MT. 35.] AN INTERVIEW WITH GROUCHY. 333 
 
 ago that, at the period I write this, my debt to my country would 
 have been discharged, and the fate of Ireland settled for good or 
 evil. To-day it is more uncertain than ever. I think, however, I 
 may safely say I have neglected no step to which my duty called 
 me, and, in that conduct, I will persist to the last. Called this 
 morning on General Grouchy — I find him full of ardour for our 
 business ; he has read all the details and talks of going to Paris in 
 two or three days to press the Directory upon that subject. His idea 
 is to try an embarkation aboard the corvettes and privateers of 
 Nantes ; on which, he thinks, at least 3,000 men with 20,000 mus- 
 kets can be stowed, and he speaks as if he meant to apply for the 
 command of this little armament. What would I not give that he 
 should succeed in the application ! I once endeavoured to be of 
 service to General Grouchy when I saw him unjustly misrepresented 
 after our return from Bantry Bay, and he does not seem to have 
 forgotten it ; for nothing could be more friendly and affectionate 
 than his reception of me to-day. We talked over the last expe- 
 dition. He said he had shed tears of rage and vexation fifty times 
 since at the recollection of the opportunity of which he had been 
 deprived ; and there was one thing which he would never pardon in 
 himself — that he did not seize Bouvet by the collar and throw him 
 overboard the moment he attempted to raise a difficulty as to the 
 landing. He also mentioned his intention to apply for me to be his 
 Adjutant-General, of which I am very glad, and added that, as he 
 believed he would have the command of the fourth division of the 
 army of England, besides his command of the cavalry in which 
 Nantes was included, in case the Government relished his offer, he 
 would be at hand to execute our plan, making, at the same time, a 
 great parade at Brest and elsewhere, to divert the attention of the 
 enemy. In short, he shows the same zeal and ardour in our cause 
 that I had occasion to remark in him during the late expedition ; 
 and I look on it as a fortunate circumstance for me to be attached 
 to him. From General Grouchy I went to visit the General-in-chief, 
 Kilmaine, and mentioned to him that, under the circumstances 
 especially as there was no appearance of any event at Havre, I had 
 thought it my duty to return near him to receive his orders. He 
 
334 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 said I did very right, but he was sorry at the same time to tell me 
 that he was much afraid the Government would do nothing ; and he 
 read me a letter from the Minister of Marine which he had received 
 this very morning, mentioning that, in consequence of the great 
 superiority of the naval force of the enemy, and difficulty of escap- 
 ing from any of the ports during the fine season, the Directory were 
 determined to adjourn the measure until a more favourable occasion. 
 I lost my temper at this, and told him that if the affair was ad- 
 journed it was lost. The present crisis must be seized, or it would 
 be too late ; that I could hardly hope the Irish, unprovided as they 
 were of all that was indispensable for carrying on a war, could long 
 hold out against the resources of England, especially if they saw 
 France make no effort whatsoever to assist them ; that, thus far, 
 they had been devoted to the cause of France, for which, if they had 
 not been able to do much, at least they had sufficiently suffered ; 
 but who could say or expect that this attachment would continue 
 if, in the present great crisis, they saw themselves abandoned to their 
 own resources ; that now was the moment to assist them : in three 
 months it might be too late, and the forces then sent, if the Irish 
 were overpowered in the meantime, find themselves unsupported, 
 and, in their turn, be overpowered by the English. General Kil- 
 maine answered that he saw all that as well as I did ; but what 
 could he do ? He had pressed the Directory again and again on 
 the subject, but they were afraid to incur the charge of sacrificing 
 a handful of the troops of the Republic, and would not try the 
 enterprise except on a grand scale. He then showed me two dif- 
 ferent plans he had prepared, the one for an embarkment of 17,500 
 men, the second for about 9,500, both of which he had sent by his 
 aide-de-camp to Paris, and expected his return. I answered that I 
 should be heartily glad that either one or the other were adopted, 
 but that I saw infinite difficulties in the way, and had always been 
 of opinion that 5,000 men that could be sent were better than 
 50,000 that could not. I added that one demi-brigade of light in- 
 fantry, with two or three companies of light artillery at this moment, 
 might be better than 20,000 men in six months. He shook his 
 head and replied he was morally certain the Directory would 
 
MT. 3S .] 
 
 THE LOSS OF HOCHE. 
 
 335 
 
 attempt nothing on so small a scale. He then gave me the French 
 papers, and after settling to dine with him, we parted. I see in the 
 papers, first of all, the safe arrival of my friend, General Hedou- 
 ville, at St. Domingo, of which I am sincerely glad ; for I shall 
 never forget his kindness to me on my return to Paris after the 
 death of General Hoche — poor Hoche ! It is now that we feel 
 the loss of his friendship and influence ! If he were alive he would 
 be in Ireland in a month, if he went only with his litat-Major in a 
 fishing boat. I fear, after all, we shall not easily meet with his 
 fellow. I see, likewise, that my friend Daendels is returned in 
 triumph to the Hague, where he has smashed the Dutch Directory 
 like a pipe stalk, dissolved the Government, and framed a new one, 
 at the head of which he is himself. All this certainly, with the 
 approbation of the French Government, and, as it appears, with that 
 of the Dutch people also. Charles De la Croix, who was the sup- 
 port of the late Dutch Directory, is recalled, and General Joubert, 
 who was of the opposite party, continued in the command of the 
 French troops in Holland. I do not see my way clearly in all these 
 movements ; however, I have the best opinion possible of Daendels, 
 and, to say the truth, my anxiety for Ireland at this moment leaves 
 me very little leisure or inclination to think of the politics of other 
 countries. Quigley has been executed, and died like a hero ! If 
 ever I reach Ireland, and that we establish our liberty, I will be the 
 first to propose a monument to his memory ; his conduct, at the 
 hour of his death, clears everything " Nothing in his life became 
 hint like the leaving of it." Poor Pamela — she is in London, which 
 she has been ordered to quit in three days. The night of her hus- 
 band's arrestation she was taken in labour, and — will it be believed 
 hereafter? — not one physician could be found in Dublin hardy 
 enough to deliver her. The villains ! the pusillanimous and bar- 
 barous scoundrels ! It was a lady, who was not even of her ac- 
 quaintance, that assisted her in her peril. I do not think there is a 
 parallel instance of inhumanity in the annals of mankind. She is 
 said to be inconsolable for the death of Fitzgerald. I well believe 
 it — beautiful and unfortunate creature ! Well, if Ireland triumphs 
 she shall have her full share of the victory and of the vengeance. 
 
336 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 There is also, under the head of Waterford, 2nd of June, an article 
 which gives me the highest satisfaction, inasmuch as it proves that, 
 notwithstanding the death, exile, and arrestation of so many leaders 
 of the Irish, enough are still at large to conduct their affairs and give 
 them a consistency which I was afraid they wanted. It is an extract 
 from the proclamation of the Supreme Committee, as it is called in 
 the French papers, consisting of three articles. The first invites all 
 Irishmen, absent from their native country, to return instantly, or, 
 if that be impossible, to transmit all succour in their power, in 
 money or otherwise, in order to assist their countrymen in throw- 
 ing off the yoke of English tyranny. The second enjoins all 
 Irishmen in the British service to quit it instantly under pain of 
 forfeiting their rights as Irish citizens. All Irish in the British 
 service, now employed in Ireland, who shall be taken with arms in 
 their hands, to be shot instantly. The third is a solemn promise 
 to recompense all soldiers and seamen who abandon the enemy to 
 join the standard of their country : all ships brought in to be the 
 property of the captors, and preference to be given in the distribu- 
 tion of the national property to such as shall act in conformity with 
 the present proclamation. These three articles are of the highest 
 importance, as they show the existence of something like regular 
 authority among the Irish. It is curious that they are contained 
 almost verbatim in the memorial I delivered to the Executiye 
 Directory two years ago. ( Vide Second Memorial, Articles 2, 3, 4.) 
 I am anxious to see the effect this will produce. It is later in date 
 than any Irish news I have yet seen. The militia have thus far, as well 
 as the yeomanry, to their eternal degradation, supported the enemy. 
 If the Irish can hold out till winter I have every reason to hope 
 that the French will assist them effectually. All I dread is that 
 they may be overpowered before that time. What a state my mind 
 is in at this moment ! In all this business I do not see one syllable 
 about the North, which astonishes me more than I can express. 
 Are they afraid ? Have they changed their opinions ? What can 
 be the cause of their passive submission, at this moment, so little 
 suited to their former zeal and energy ? I remember what Digges 
 said to Russell and me five or six years ago : " If ever the South 
 
JET. 3S .] HASTENING TO PARIS. 337 
 
 is roused I would rather have one Southern than twenty Northerns." 
 Digges was a man of great sense and observation. He was an 
 American, and had no local or provincial prejudices. Was he right 
 in his opinion ? A very little time will let us see. If it should 
 prove so, what a mortification to me, who have so long looked up 
 with admiration to the North, and especially to Belfast ! It cannot 
 be that they have changed their principles ; it must be that circum- 
 stances render all exertions on their part as yet impossible. 
 
 June 20th to loth. Having determined to set off for Paris, in 
 consequence of the late news from Ireland, I got leave of absence 
 for a fortnight from General Kilmaine. My Adjoint, Citizen Favory, 
 called on me the next morning after my arrival to inform me that 
 the Minister of War had despatched an order for me to come to 
 Paris in all haste. I waited upon him in consequence. He told 
 me it was the Minister of Marine who had demanded me, and gave 
 me at the same time a letter of introduction for him. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 23 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 A LAST EFFORTS TONE'S DEATH. 
 
 BY TONE'S SON. 1 
 
 IN order to give a clear and full narrative of the third and last 
 expedition for the deliverance of Ireland, it will be necessary to 
 ascend somewhat higher. When Carnot, the only able and honest 
 man in the Councils of the Directory, was proscribed, and when 
 General Hoche died, the friends of a revolution in that Island lost 
 every chance of assistance from France. Those two great states- 
 men and warriors, earnest in the cause, of which they perceived the 
 full importance to the interests of their country, and to the exten- 
 sion of Republican principles, had planned the expeditions of 
 Bantry Bay, and of the Texel, on the largest and most effective 
 scale which the naval resources of France and Holland could afford. 
 The former failed partly by the misconduct of the navy, and 
 partly by the indecision of Grouchy, of that honest but wavering 
 man who twice held the fate of Europe in his hands, at Bantry 
 Bay and at Waterloo, and twice let it slip through them, from want 
 
 1 [William Theobald Wolfe Tone, Tone's eldest child (there were in all 
 three children, a daughter, who died in 1804, aged sixteen, and a younger son, 
 who died in 1806, aged fourteen), was born in Dublin in 1791. In 1810 he 
 became a cadet in the Imperial School of Cavalry at St. Germains, and in 1813 
 joined the Grand Army in Germany, being then a sub-lieutenant in the 8th 
 regiment of Chasseurs. He was at the battles of Lowenberg, Goldberg. 
 Dresden, Bautzen, Muhlberg, Acken, and Leipzig. On Buonaparte's fall he 
 left the French service, settled in New York, and became a captain in the 
 United States army. In 1825 he married the daughter of William Sampson 
 {ante), and in 1827 left the army. In 1828 he died of consumption, leaving 
 one child, a daughter. His daughter and widow were living in New York in 
 1858.— Ed.] 
 
 338 
 
from a drawing" by M 1 '. 8 Tooe. 
 
JET. 35-3 
 
 AN ADVERSE INFLUENCE. 
 
 339 
 
 of resolution. The second failed only through the fault of the 
 elements. 
 
 On the death of Hoche, the French Government recalled, to 
 succeed him, the most illustrious of their warriors ; he who after- 
 wards wielded the destinies of Europe, and who then, under the 
 name of General Buonaparte, was already acknowledged the first 
 Commander of the age : and yet it was an age fertile in great 
 chiefs. But he who, before the age of thirty, had already achieved 
 the immortal campaigns of Italy ; subdued that beautiful country ; 
 founded one Republic (the Cisalpine), and extinguished another 
 (Venice) ; humbled the power of Austria, and compelled her, by 
 his private authority, to liberate Lafayette from the dungeons of 
 Olmutz, and acknowledge the French Republic by the treaty of 
 Campo Formio, was more than a mere General. It is, however, 
 with extreme reluctance that I feel myself called upon, by the 
 nature of my subject, to point out any errors in the conduct of the 
 sovereign, chief, and benefactor under whom I bore my first arms 
 and received my first wounds ; of him who decorated me with the 
 insignia of the legion of honour, and whom I served with constant 
 fidelity and devotion to the last moment of his reign. But the im- 
 perious voice of truth compels me to attribute to the influence and 
 prejudices of General Buonaparte, at that period, the prime cause of 
 the failure of the third expedition for the liberation of Ireland. 
 
 The loss of Hoche was irreparable to the Irish cause. Although 
 he died in the prime of his youth — and his deeds, eclipsed by those 
 of his still greater rival, are now nearly forgotten — at that period 
 they were competitors in glory, and formed two opposite parties in 
 the army. The Generals and officers of the two Schools continued, 
 for a long time, to view each other with dislike. Both these great 
 men were ambitious ; both eager for their personal fame, and for 
 that of France, and bent on raising her to an unequalled rank 
 amongst nations. But Hoche was an ardent and sincere Republi- 
 can ; he could sacrifice his own hopes and prospects to the cause of 
 liberty, as he nobly proved, when he resigned to Daendels the com- 
 mand of the Texel expedition. Buonaparte always associated in 
 his mind the power of France and his own aggrandisement ; nor 
 
34° 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 could he be satisfied with her being raised to the pinnacle of power 
 and prosperity, unless he was the guide of her march and the ruler 
 of her destinies. Admirably formed by nature for a great adminis- 
 trator and organiser, he meditated already in his mind those vast 
 creations which he afterwards accomplished, and which required an 
 unlimited authority for their execution ; he loved the prompt obe- 
 dience and regulated order of absolute power, and felt a secret dislike 
 to the tumultuous and wavering conflicts of a Republican Govern- 
 ment, whose energy is so frequently counteracted by the disunion 
 of its parties, and the necessity of persuading instead of command- 
 ing. In short, he never was a Republican. This feeling he could 
 scarcely disguise, even then, when it was most necessary to conceal 
 it ; for no man who ever rose to such power, perhaps, ever made so 
 little use of dissimulation. Stern, reserved, and uncommunicative, 
 he repelled with haughty disdain the advances of the Jacobins ; 
 and the Emperor Napoleon, the future sovereign and conqueror, 
 might already be discerned in the plain and austere General of the 
 Republic. 
 
 But circumstances, at this precise period, rendered that conduct 
 the best which he could pursue. The enthusiasm of democracy 
 was extinct in France ; the People were weary of the successive 
 revolutions which had placed so many weak and worthless cha- 
 racters at the head of affairs, and longed for the firm hand and the 
 bit and bridle of a ruler. The mean and rapacious members of the 
 Directory, who, in expelling their colleague Carnot, had driven all 
 credit and respectability from their councils, sought support, and 
 thought to make this young and popular chief their instrument. 
 He was courted by every party. He felt, however, the public 
 pulse, and judged that a premature attempt would be hopeless. It 
 was then that, giving up, for the moment, his designs in Europe, he 
 began to meditate a brilliant project for his personal glory and 
 aggrandisement in the East ; a plan to regenerate those regions, and 
 be the founder of a new Empire, by means of the victorious arms 
 of France. This plan was only defeated by the battle of the Nile, 
 and the resistance of St. John d'Acre. 
 
 To the enterprise against Ireland, the favourite object of Hoche, 
 
ALT. 35.] 
 
 BUONAPARTE AND IRELAND. 
 
 34i 
 
 and to prosecute which he was ostensibly recalled, he felt a secret 
 but strong repugnance. Though the liberation of that country 
 might prostrate, for ever, the power of England, and raise the 
 Republic to the pinnacle of fortune (a circumstance for which he 
 did not yet wish, as it would render his services needless), it offered 
 no prospects of aggrandisement to him ; it strengthened that 
 Republican cause which he disliked, and the principles of the Irish 
 leaders, when he investigated the business, appeared to him too 
 closely allied to those of the Jacobins. Neither did he ever suffi- 
 ciently appreciate the means and importance of that country ; his 
 knowledge of it, as may be seen in my father's memoirs, was slight 
 and inaccurate. The Directors, who began to fear him, and wished 
 to get rid of him, entered willingly into his views, when he proposed 
 to use this expedition only as a cover, and direct their real efforts to 
 the invasion of Egypt It is asserted that he said, on the occasion, 
 " What more do you desire from the Irish ? You see that their 
 movements already operate a powerful diversion." Like every 
 selfish view, I think this was a narrow one. The two most miser- 
 able and oppressed countries of Europe always looked up to 
 Napoleon for their liberation. He never gratified their hopes ; yet, 
 by raising Ireland, he might have crushed for ever the power of 
 England, and, by assisting Poland, placed a curb on Russia. He 
 missed both objects, and finally fell under the efforts of Russia and 
 of England. And it may be observed, as a single retribution, that 
 an Irishman commanded the army which gave the last blow to his 
 destinies. 
 
 When my father was presented to him, and attached to his army 
 as Adjutant-General, he received him with cold civility, but entered 
 into no communications. His plans were already formed. Ostensibly 
 a great force was organised on the Western Coasts of France, under 
 the name of the Army of England ; but the flower of the troops 
 were successively withdrawn and marched to the Mediterranean ; 
 the eyes of Europe were fixed on these operations, but, from their 
 eccentricity, their object could not be discovered. My father, de- 
 spatched, as may be seen in his Journals, to headquarters at Rouen, 
 and employed in unimportant movements on the coast, in the 
 
342 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 bombardment of Havre, &c, heard, with successive pangs of dis- 
 appointment, that Buonaparte had left Paris for the South ; that 
 he had arrived at Toulon ; that he had embarked and sailed with a 
 powerful expedition in the beginning of June. But his destination 
 remained as mysterious as ever. General Kilmaine was left in 
 command of the disorganised relics of the army of England, from 
 whence all the best troops were withdrawn. That officer, an Irish- 
 man by birth, and one of the bravest Generals of the army of Italy, 
 whose cavalry he commanded in the preceding campaigns, was, from 
 the shattered state of his health and constitution, unfit to conduct 
 any active enterprise. 
 
 When Buonaparte departed from the coast of France all fortune 
 and conduct seemed to disappear with him from the councils of 
 the Republic. The Directors were neither cruel nor bloody, like 
 the Government which had preceded them. But the Jacobins, 
 though they might well be feared and hated, could not be despised. 
 The rapacity of the Directors disgusted all the friends and allies 
 of France ; their prodigality wasted its resources — their weakness 
 encouraged its internal enemies — their improvidence and in- 
 capacity disorganised its armies and fortresses, and left them 
 defenceless against the reviving efforts of adversaries who were 
 humbled, but not subdued. Suwarrow and Prince Charles soon 
 turned the fate of arms ; Austria re-entered the lists ; and, in the 
 short space of about two years, the very existence of that Republic 
 which Hoche and Napoleon had left triumphing and powerful, was 
 in jeopardy, her conquests were gone, her treasury was empty, her 
 armies were naked, disorganised, and flying on all sides. Such was 
 the state of France when the Conqueror of Egypt returned to save 
 and restore it. 
 
 In the meantime the Irish Cabinet succeeded in its infernal 
 purpose of driving the People to premature insurrection. The 
 leaders of the United Irishmen had organised a plan for a general 
 rising. But traitors were found in their councils ; they were all 
 arrested ; the gallant Lord Edward Fitzgerald killed, and the 
 capital secured. Nevertheless, the exasperated peasantry in 
 Kildare, Carlow, and some districts in the North, rose in arms 
 
AT- 3S-] 
 
 A REIGN OF TERROR. 
 
 343 
 
 against the intolerable excesses of the soldiery quartered upon 
 them. But these partial insurrections of naked crowds, without 
 arms or leaders, without union or concert, which my father had 
 so often deprecated, could lead to no result. They were succes- 
 sively crushed by the overpowering forces directed against them, 
 and the reign of terror was established without check or limitation. 
 The state of France, in the worst days of Robespierre, was never 
 more prostrate, nor did its government pursue its bloody measures 
 with a more unsparing hand. The whole population were aban- 
 doned to the absolute discretion of an infuriated, licentious, and 
 undisciplined soldiery ; the meanest agents of authority exercised 
 a power without control ; individuals were half-hanged, whipped, 
 and picketed, to extort confession, without trial, in the very 
 capital, in the courts of the castle, and under the roof of the 
 Viceroy ; the country blazed with nightly conflagrations, and 
 resounded with the shrieks of torture ; neither age nor sex were 
 spared, and the bayonets of the military drove men, women, and 
 children, naked and houseless, to starve in the bogs and fastnesses ; 
 those who trusted to the faith of capitulations were surrounded and 
 slaughtered by dragoons in the very act of laying down their arms ; 
 and no citizen, however innocent or inoffensive, could deem himself 
 secure from informers. 
 
 The noble resistance of the small county of Wexford deserves 
 to be particularly noticed. It was such as to alarm for a moment 
 the Irish Government about the success of their measures. That 
 little district, comprising about 150,000 souls, surrounded by the 
 sea and mountains, and secluded from the rest of the Island, had 
 imbibed but a small share of the prevailing revolutionary spirit, for 
 its population had not much communication with their neighbours, 
 and were remarkably quiet and happy. It is stated by Mr. 
 Edward Hay, that before the insurrection it did not contain 
 above two hundred United Irishmen. It may, perhaps, have 
 been deemed, from this very circumstance, that if an insurrection 
 could be provoked within its limits, the People less organised 
 and prepared than in the districts of the North would be subdued 
 more easily, and afford, with less risk, a striking example to the 
 
344 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. [1798. 
 
 rest of the Island. The soldiery were let loose, and committed 
 for some time every excess on the innocent peasantry. A noble 
 lord, who commanded a regiment of militia, was distinguished 
 by the invention of the pitched cap ;* another officer, worthy to serve 
 under him, by the appellation of " the Walking Gallows" 2 But 
 why recall facts which are engraved on the hearts and in the 
 memory of every Irishman ? At length, goaded to madness, the 
 Wexfordians, to the number of 20,000 or 30,000, rose in arms, with 
 pikes, staves, and scythes, and in two or three actions, seized on 
 the chief towns, and drove the soldiery out of the county. Their 
 moderation towards their persecutors, in the moment of victory, 
 was as remarkable as their courage in the field. Their for- 
 bearance, and even their delicate and chivalrous generosity 
 towards the ladies and families of the aristocracy who fell into 
 their hands, was most amiable and admirable. The noble lord, 
 above mentioned, was taken, and even he was rescued by their 
 leaders from the infliction of the pitched cap, which he so well 
 deserved. In recompense, he engaged, on the close of the insur- 
 rection, to obtain a capitulation for them if they would let him 
 loose, and afterwards sat on the court-martial which condemned 
 them to be hanged. It required all the means and all the efforts 
 of the Irish Government to subdue this small district. At one 
 time they trembled in the walls of Dublin lest the Wexfordians 
 should penetrate there. Several battles were fought, with varied 
 success, and it was not till the royal forces surrounded them on all 
 sides that they broke through their toils, and threw themselves into 
 the mountains of Wicklow, where their leaders successively capitu- 
 
 1 [The pitched cap, " made of linen, or thick brown paper, was fastened with 
 pitch to the victim's head, and could not be torn off without tearing out the 
 hair, or lacerating the skin" (Lecky). — Ed.] 
 
 * [Lieutenant Hepenstal, of the Wicklow militia, " was accustomed to extort 
 confessions by tying a rope round his prisoner's neck, flinging him over his 
 shoulder, and holding him thus suspended till the half-strangled victim disclosed 
 his aims. The epitaph written on him is well-known — 
 
 ' Here lie the bones of Hepenstal, 
 Judge, jury, gallows, rope and all'" 
 
 (Lecky).— Ed.] 
 
JET. 35.] 
 
 RISING IN WEXFORD. 
 
 345 
 
 lated. Provoked and irritated as these innocent people were, it is 
 remarkable that only two instances of cruelty — the massacre of 
 their prisoners at Scullabogue, and on the bridge at Wexford, 
 occurred on their side during the insurrection. And these were 
 both perpetrated by runaways from their main army, whilst the 
 remainder were fighting. 
 
 The indignation of the unfortunate Irish was just and extreme 
 against that French Government which had so repeatedly promised 
 them aid, and now appeared to desert them in their utmost need. 
 When Lord Cornwallis, who was sent shortly after to put an end 
 to the system of terror, which desolated the country, succeeded to 
 the Viceroyalty, 2,000 Volunteers from this very county of Wexford 
 offered their services to fight the French, and formed the flower of 
 the British army which invaded Egypt under General Abercrombie. 
 Their petition, a model of native simplicity, energy, and indigna- 
 tion, is recorded in the Appendix of Hay's " History of the Insur- 
 rection in Wexford." 
 
 But weak and improvident as the Directory were, they must be 
 acquitted of the charge of betraying their allies. The fact was, 
 that their treasury and arsenals were empty, the flower of their 
 army and navy were gone to Egpyt, the remainder were totally 
 disorganised ; in short, when the insurrection broke out in Ireland, 
 they were entirely unprepared to assist it. Their indolence and 
 incapacity had suffered everything to fall to decay, and their 
 peculations and profusion had wasted their remaining means. 
 The feelings of my father on the occasion may be more easily 
 conceived than expressed. On the 20th of May Buonaparte had 
 embarked from Toulon. On the 23rd the insurrection broke out. 
 As the news of each arrest and of each action successively reached 
 France, my father urged the generals and Government to assist the 
 gallant and desperate struggle of his countrymen, and pressed on 
 them the necessity of availing themselves of the favourable oppor- 
 tunity which flew so rapidly by. They began their preparations 
 without delay ; but money, arms, ammunition, and ships, all were 
 wanting. By the close of June the insurrection was nearly crushed, 
 and it was not till the beginning of July that my father was called 
 
346 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 up to Paris to consult with the Ministers of the War and Navy 
 Departments on the organisation of a new expedition. At this 
 period his journal closes, and the public papers, my mother's recol- 
 lections, and a few private letters, are my sole documents for the 
 remaining events. 
 
 The plan of the new expedition was to despatch small de- 
 tachments from several ports, in the hope of keeping up the 
 insurrection, and distracting the attention of the enemy, until 
 some favourable opportunity should occur for landing the main 
 body, under General Kilmaine. General Humbert, with about 
 1,000 men, was quartered for this purpose at Rochelle, General 
 Hardy, with 3,000, at Brest, and Kilmaine, with 9,000, remained 
 in reserve. This plan was judicious enough, if it had been taken 
 up in time. But, long before the first of these expeditions was 
 ready to sail, the insurrection was completely subdued in every 
 quarter ; the People were crushed, disarmed, disheartened, and 
 disgusted with their allies, and the Irish Government had collected 
 all its means, and was fully prepared for the encounter. Refugees 
 from that unfortunate country, of every character and description, 
 arrived in crowds, with their blood boiling from their recent 
 actions and sufferings. When they saw the slowness of the 
 French preparations, they exclaimed that they wanted nothing 
 but arms, and that, if the Government would only land them 
 again on the coast, the People themselves, without any aid, 
 would suffice to reconquer their liberty. This party, more gallant 
 than wise, were chiefly led by an old sufferer in the cause, James 
 Napper Tandy. Their zeal was often indiscreet and unenlightened, 
 and they did more mischief than good. Napper Tandy boasted 
 that 30,000 men would rise in arms on his appearance, and the 
 Directory were puzzled by these declarations, which contradicted 
 my father's constant assertion, that 10,000 or 15,000 French troops 
 would be absolutely necessary in the beginning of the contest. 
 
 The final ruin of the expedition was hurried by the precipitancy 
 and indiscretion of a brave but imprudent and ignorant officer. 
 This anecdote, which is not generally known, is a striking instance 
 of the disorder, indiscipline, and disorganisation which began to 
 
*T- 3S .] 
 
 HUMBERTS EXPEDITION. 
 
 347 
 
 prevail in the French army. Humbert, a gallant soldier of fortune, 
 but whose heart was better than his head, impatient of the delays 
 of his Government, and fired by the recitals of the Irish refugees, 
 determined to begin the enterprise on his own responsibility, and 
 thus oblige the Directory to second or to desert him. Towards the 
 middle of August, calling the merchants and magistrates of Rochelle, 
 he forced them to advance a small sum of money and all that he 
 wanted on military requisition ; and, embarking on board a few 
 frigates and transports, with 1,000 men, 1,000 spare muskets, 1,000 
 guineas, and a few pieces of artillery, he compelled the Captains to 
 set sail for the most desperate attempt which is perhaps recorded 
 in history. Three Irishmen accompanied him — my uncle, Matthew 
 Tone ; Bartholomew Teeling, 1 of Lisburn ; and Sullivan, nephew 
 to Madgett, whose name is often mentioned in the [Autobiography]. 
 On the 22nd of August they made the coast of Connaught, and, 
 landing in the Bay of Killala, immediately stormed and occupied 
 that little town. 
 
 Strange and desperate as was this enterprise, had it been prose- 
 cuted with the same spirit and vivacity with which it was begun, it 
 might have succeeded, and Humbert, an obscure and uneducated 
 soldier, have effected a revolution, and crowned his name with 
 immortal glory. The insurrection was scarcely appeased, and its 
 embers might soon have been blown into a flame ; but, landing in 
 a distant, wild, and isolated corner of the island, instead of pressing 
 
 1 [Bartholomew Teeling (b. 1774, d. 1798) distinguished himself in Humbert's 
 expedition by his bravery and humanity. After the defeat of the English at 
 Castlebar (ante, p. 6), he was the bearer of a flag of truce to General Lake. 
 His escort was fired on and killed, and he himself taken prisoner. " You, 
 sir," said General Lake, " are an Irishman. I shall treat you as a rebel. 
 Why have you been selected by General Humbert on this occasion?" Teel- 
 ing replied with dignity, " In order to convey the proposed terms of truce to 
 you in language which you can understand ; and as to your menace, you 
 cannot be ignorant that you left many British officers prisoners at Castlebar." 
 General Hutchinson interposed, apologising to Teeling for the conduct of the 
 troops in firing on the flag of truce, and begging that it might be attributed 
 to laxity of discipline at a moment of excitement. Teeling was then sent 
 back to the French lines. After the surrender at Ballinamuck, he was claimed 
 by Lake as a British subject. Humbert remonstrated, but in vain. Teeling 
 was taken to Dublin, tried by court-martial, and hanged.— Ed.] 
 
348 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 rapidly at once, as he was strongly advised, to the mountains of 
 Ulster, the centre of the United Irish organisation, and calling the 
 people to arms, he amused himself during a fortnight in drilling the 
 peasantry of the neighbourhood, who flocked to his standard, and 
 enjoying the hospitality of the Bishop of Killala. That prelate 
 rendered a most signal service to the Irish Government by thus 
 detaining the French General. At the battle of Castlebar he 
 defeated a numerous corps, which had been directed in all haste 
 against him under General Lake. On this occasion, I have heard 
 — but cannot vouch for the authenticity of the anecdote — that as 
 soon as his Irish auxiliaries had fired their muskets, they flung 
 them away as useless, and rushed to 'the charge with their pikes. 
 For a few days a general panic prevailed ; but the Viceroy, Corn- 
 wallis, marched in person ; all the forces of the kingdom were put 
 in motion, and Humbert was speedily surrounded and confined 
 behind the Shannon by twenty times his numbers. At length he 
 perceived the trap into which he had fallen, and attempted — what 
 he should have done at first — to force his way over that river, and 
 throw himself into the mountains of the North. But encircled, on 
 the 8th of September, at Ballinamuck by an entire army, his small 
 band, after a gallant resistance, were compelled to lay down their 
 arms. The French were received to composition, and shortly 
 exchanged ; but the Irish were slaughtered without mercy, and the 
 cruelties afterwards exercised on the unresisting peasantry will 
 render the name of General Lake remembered for ages in those 
 remote districts of Connaught. Of the Irish who had accompanied 
 Humbert, Sullivan escaped under the disguise of a Frenchman, and 
 Matthew Tone and Teeling were brought in irons to Dublin, tried, 
 and executed. 
 
 The news of Humbert's attempt, as may well be imagined, 
 threw the Directory into the greatest perplexity. They instantly 
 determined, however, to hurry all their preparations, and sent off 
 at least the division of General Hardy to second his efforts as soon 
 as possible. The report of his first advantages, which shortly 
 reached them, augmented their ardour and accelerated their move- 
 ments. But such was the state of the French navy and arsenals, 
 
JET. 35.] 
 
 GENERAL HARDY. 
 
 349 
 
 that it was not until the 20th of September that this small expedi- 
 tion, consisting of one sail of the line and eight frigates, under 
 Commodore Bompart, and 3,000 men under General Hardy, was 
 ready for sailing. The news of Humbert's defeat had not yet 
 reached France. 
 
 Paris was then crowded with Irish emigrants, eager for action. 
 In the papers of to-day, and in later productions, I have seen it 
 mentioned that no fewer than twenty-four United Irish leaders 
 embarked in General Hardy's expedition ; and Lewines, an agent 
 of the United Irish in Paris, is specified by name. This account is 
 erroneous. The mass of the United Irishmen embarked in a small 
 and fast-sailing boat, with Napper Tandy at their head. They 
 reached, on the 16th of September, the Isle of Rathlin, on the north- 
 west coast of Ireland, where they heard of Humbert's disaster ; 
 they merely spread some proclamations, and escaped to Norway. 
 Three Irishmen only accompanied my father in Hardy's flotilla ; 
 he alone was embarked in the Admiral's vessel — the Hoche — 
 the others were on board the frigates. These were Mr. T. Corbett 
 and MacGuire, two brave officers, who have since died in the French 
 service, and a third gentleman, connected by marriage with his 
 friend Russell, who is yet living, and whose name it would, there- 
 fore, be improper in me to mention. 
 
 In Curran's Life, by his son, I find an anecdote mentioned which 
 must have been derived from the authority of this gentleman. It 
 is stated that on the night previous to the sailing of the expedition 
 a question rose amongst the United Irishmen engaged in it whether, 
 in case of their falling into the enemy's hands, they should suffer 
 themselves to be put to death, according to the sentence of the law, 
 or anticipate their fate by their own hands ? That Mr. Tone main- 
 tained, with his usual eloquence and animation, that in no point of 
 view in which he had ever considered suicide, he could hold it to be 
 justifiable ; that one of the company suggested that, from political 
 considerations, it would be better not to relieve, by any act of self- 
 murder, the Irish Government from the discredit in which numerous 
 executions would involve it — an idea which Mr. Tone highly ap- 
 proved. This anecdote is substantially correct ; but the gentleman 
 did not understand my father. 
 
35° 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 At the period of this expedition he was hopeless of its success 
 and in the deepest despondency at the prospect of Irish affairs. 
 Such was the wretched indiscretion of the Government, that before 
 his departure he read himself, in the Bien Inform^ a Paris news- 
 paper, a detailed account of the whole armament, where his own 
 name was mentioned in full letters, with the circumstance of his 
 being embarked on board the Hoche. There was, therefore, no 
 hope of secrecy. He had all along deprecated the idea of those 
 attempts on a small scale. But he had also declared repeatedly 
 that if the Government sent only a corporal's guard, he felt it his 
 duty to go along with them. He saw no chance of Kilmaine's 
 large expedition being ready in any space of time, and therefore 
 determined to accompany Hardy. His resolution was, however, 
 deliberately and inflexibly taken, in case he fell into the hands of 
 the enemy, never to suffer the indignity of a public execution. He 
 did not consider this as suicide — an act which, in usual cases, he 
 regarded as a weakness or frenzy — but merely as choosing the 
 mode of his death. And, indeed, his constitutional and nervous 
 sensitiveness at the slightest idea of personal indignity would have 
 sufficed to determine him never to bear the touch of an executioner. 
 It was at dinner, in our own house, and in my mother's presence, a 
 little before leaving Paris, that the gentleman above mentioned 
 proposed that the Irish should leave to the Government all the 
 shame and odium of their execution. The idea struck him as 
 ludicrous, and he applauded it highly. " My dear friend," he said, 
 " say nothing more ; you never spoke better in your life." And 
 after the gentleman's departure, he laughed very heartily at his 
 idea of shaming the Irish Government by allowing himself to be 
 hanged, adding that he did not at all understand people mooting 
 the point whether they should or should not choose their own 
 deaths, or consulting on such an occasion. That he would never 
 advise others, but that, " please God, they should never have his 
 poor bones to pick." This conversation may have been repeated 
 at Brest, but such were certainly my father's feelings on the 
 subject 
 
 At length, about the 20th of September, 1798, that fatal expedition 
 
JET. 35.] LAST EXPEDITION TO IRELAND. 351 
 
 set sail from the Bay of Camaret. It consisted of the Hoche (74), 
 Loire, Resolue, Bellone, Coquille, Embuscade, Immortalite, Romaine, 
 and Semillante, frigates ; and Biche, schooner, and aviso. To avoid 
 the British fleets, Bompart, an excellent seaman, took a large sweep 
 to the westward, and then to the north-east, in order to bear down 
 on the northern coast of Ireland, from the quarter whence a French 
 force would be least expected. He met, however, with contrary 
 winds, and it appears that his flotilla was scattered ; for, on the 
 10th of October, after twenty days' cruise, he arrived off the entry 
 of Loch Swilly, with the Hoche, the Loire, the Resolue, and the 
 Biclie. He was instantly signalled, and on the break of day next 
 morning, nth of October, before he could enter the bay or land his 
 troops, he perceived the squadron of Sir John Borlase Warren, con- 
 sisting of six sail of the line, one razee of sixty guns, and two frigates 
 bearing down upon him. There was no chance of escape for the large 
 and heavy man-of-war. Bompart gave instant signals to the frigates 
 and schooner to retreat through shallow water, and prepared alone 
 to honour the flag of his country and liberty by a desperate but 
 hopeless defence. At that moment a boat came from the Biclie for 
 his last orders. That ship had the best chance to get off. The 
 French officers all supplicated my father to embark on board of 
 her. " Our contest is hopeless," they observed ; " we will be 
 prisoners of war ; but what will become of you ? " " Shall it be 
 said," replied he, " that I fled whilst the French were fighting the 
 battles of my country ? " He refused their offers, and determined 
 to stand and fall with the ship. The Biche accomplished her escape ; 
 and I see it mentioned in late publications that other Irishmen 
 availed themselves of that occasion. This fact is incorrect — not 
 one of them would have done so ; and besides, my father was the 
 only Irishman on board the Hoche. 
 
 The British Admiral despatched two men-of-war, the razee, and 
 a frigate after the Loire and Resolue, and the Hoche was soon sur- 
 rounded by four sail of the line and a frigate, and began one of the 
 most obstinate and desperate engagements which have ever been 
 fought on the ocean. During six hours she sustained the fire of a 
 whole fleet, till her masts and rigging were swept away, her scuppers 
 
352 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 flowed with blood, her wounded filled the cock-pit, her shattered 
 ribs yawned at each new stroke and let in five feet of water in the 
 hold, her rudder was carried off, and she floated a dismantled wreck 
 on the waters ; her sails and cordage hung in shreds, nor could she 
 reply with a single gun from her dismounted batteries to the un- 
 abating cannonade of the enemy. At length she struck. The 
 Resolue and Loire were soon reached by the English fleet ; the 
 former was in a sinking condition ; she made, however, an honourable 
 defence. The Loire sustained three attacks, drove off the English 
 frigates, and had almost effected her escape ; at length, engaged by 
 the Anson, razee of sixty guns, she struck, after an action of three 
 hours, entirely dismasted. Of the other frigates, pursued in all 
 directions, the Bellone, Immortalite, Coquille, and Embuscade, were 
 taken, and the Romaine and Semillante, through a thousand 
 dangers, reached separate ports in France. 
 
 During the action my father commanded one of the batteries, 
 and, according to the report of the officers who returned to France, 
 fought with the utmost desperation, and as if he was courting death. 
 When the ship struck, confounded with the other officers, he was 
 not recognised for some time, for he had completely acquired the 
 language and appearance of a Frenchman. The two fleets were 
 dispersed in every direction ; nor was it till some days later that 
 the HocJie was brought into Loch Swilly, and the prisoners landed 
 and marched to Letterkenny. Yet rumours of his being on board 
 must have been circulated, for the fact was public at Paris. But it 
 was thought he had been killed in the action ; and I am willing 
 to believe that the British officers, respecting the valour of a fallen 
 enemy, were not earnest in investigating the point. It was at 
 length a gentleman well known in the county Derry as a leader of 
 the Orange party, and one of the chief magistrates in that neigh- 
 bourhood, Sir George Hill, who had been his fellow-student in 
 Trinity College and knew his person, who undertook the task 
 of discovering him. It is known that in Spain grandees and 
 noblemen of the first rank pride themselves in the functions of 
 familiars, spies, and informers of the Holy Inquisition ; it remained 
 for Ireland to offer a similar example. The French officers were 
 
^ET. 3S-] 
 
 ARREST OF TONE. 
 
 353 
 
 invited to breakfast with the Earl of Cavan, who commanded in 
 that district. My father sat undistinguished amongst them, when 
 Sir George Hill entered the room, followed by police officers. 
 Looking narrowly at the company, he singled out the object of his 
 search, and, stepping up to him, said, " Mr. Tone, I am very happy 
 to see you." Instantly rising, with the utmost composure, and dis- 
 daining all useless attempts at concealment, my father replied, " Sir 
 George, I am happy to see you ; how are Lady Hill and your 
 family?" Beckoned into the next room by the police officers, an 
 unexpected indignity awaited him. It was filled with military, and 
 one General Lavau, who commanded them, ordered him to be 
 ironed, declaring that, as on leaving Ireland to enter the French 
 service he had not renounced his oath of allegiance, he remained a 
 subject of Britain, and should be punished as a traitor. Seized 
 with a momentary burst of indignation at such unworthy treatment 
 and cowardly cruelty to a prisoner of war, he flung off his uniform, 
 and cried, " These fetters shall never degrade the revered insignia 
 of the free nation which I have served." Resuming then his usual 
 calm, he offered his limbs to the irons, and when they were fixed he 
 exclaimed, " For the cause which I have embraced, I feel prouder 
 to wear these chains than if I were decorated with the star and 
 garter of England." The friends of Lord Cavan have asserted that 
 this extreme, and, I will add, unmanly and ungenerous severity, was 
 provoked by his outrageous behaviour when he found he was not 
 to have the privileges of a prisoner of war. This supposition is not 
 only contradicted by the whole tenor of his character and his sub- 
 sequent deportment, but no other instances of it have ever been 
 specified than those noble replies to the taunts of General Lavau. 
 Of the latter I know nothing but these anecdotes, recorded in the 
 papers of the day. If, as his name seems to indicate, he was a 
 French emigrant, the coincidence was curious and his conduct the 
 less excusable. 
 
 Another version of this story, which I have seen, for the first time, 
 in the London New Monthly Magazine, states that Mr. Tone was 
 recognised by, or, according to another account, had the imoudence 
 to make himself known to an old acquaintance at Lord Cavan's 
 
 VOL. II. 24 
 
354 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 table, who speedily informed his lordship of the guest who sat at 
 his board. The first circumstantial account is the one which 
 reached us in France ; but, in my opinion, the difference between 
 the two stories is very trifling. It regards only the fashion in which 
 Sir George Hill gave in his information. 
 
 From Letterkenny he was hurried to Dublin without delay. In 
 the same Magazine I find that, contrary to usual custom, he was 
 conveyed during the whole route, fettered and on horseback, under 
 an escort of dragoons. Of this further indignity I had never heard 
 before. During this journey the unruffled serenity of his counten- 
 ance, amidst the rude soldiery, and under the awe-struck gaze of 
 his countrymen, excited universal admiration. Recognising in a 
 group of females, which thronged the windows, a young lady of his 
 acquaintance : " There," said he, " is my old friend Miss Beresford ; 
 how well she looks!" On his arrival he was immured in the 
 Provost's prison, in the barracks of Dublin, under the charge of the 
 notorious Major Sandys, a man whose insolence, rapacity, and 
 cruelty will long be remembered in that city, where, a worthy 
 instrument of the faction which then ruled it, he enjoyed, under 
 their patronage, a despotic authority within its precincts. 
 
 Though the reign of terror was drawing to a close, and Lord 
 Cornwallis had restored some appearance of legal order and regular 
 administration in the kingdom, a prisoner of such importance to 
 the Irish Protestant ascendency party, as the founder and leader of 
 the United Irish Society, and the most formidable of their adver- 
 saries, was not to be trusted to the delays and common forms of 
 law. Though the Court of King's Bench was then sitting, prepara- 
 tions were instantly made for trying him summarily before a court- 
 martial. But before I give an account of this trial, and of the 
 nature of his defence, it will be necessary to remove some erroneous 
 impressions on these subjects which I have seen stated, both in 
 Curran's Life, by his son, and in the very fair and liberal com- 
 ments of the London New Monthly Magazine. A prevailing notion 
 in both these works is, that from my father's early dislike to legal 
 studies, and inaccurate acquaintance with the English laws, he 
 considered his French commission as a protection, and pleaded it 
 
XX- 35.] 
 
 BEFORE TRIAL. 
 
 355 
 
 in his defence. It is impossible to read his speech on the trial, and 
 preserve this idea. Though he used to laugh at his little proficiency 
 in legal lore, he knew perfectly well that the course he had deliber- 
 ately taken, subjected him to the utmost severity of the British laws. 
 Nor was he ignorant that, by the custom of the land, and the very 
 tenor of those laws, his trial, as it was conducted, was informal. 
 He never was legally condemned ; for, though a subject of the 
 Crown (not of Britain, but of Ireland), he was not a military man 
 in that kingdom ; he had taken no military oath, and of course 
 the court-martial which tried him had no power to pronounce on 
 his case, which belonged to the regular criminal tribunals. But 
 his heart was sunk in despair at the total failure of his hopes, 
 and he did not wish to survive them. To die with honour was 
 his only wish, and his only request to be shot like a soldier. For 
 this purpose he preferred himself to be tried by a court- 
 martial, and proffered his French commission, not to defend 
 his life, but as a proof of his rank, as he stated himself on the 
 trial. 
 
 If further proof were required that my father was perfectly aware 
 of his fate, according to the English law, his own Journals, written 
 during the Bantry Bay expedition, afford an incontestable one. 
 {See Journal of December 26, 1796.) " If we are taken, my fate 
 will not be a mild one ; the best I can expect is to be shot as an 
 emigre rentri, unless I have the good fortune to be killed in the 
 action ; for most assuredly, if the enemy will have us, he must fight 
 for us. Perhaps I may be reserved for a trial, for the sake of strik- 
 ing terror into others, in which case I shall be hanged as a traitor, 
 and embowelled, &c. As to the embowelling, ' Je irien fiche! If ever 
 they hang me, they are welcome to embowel me if they please. 
 These are pleasant prospects ! Nothing on earth could sustain me 
 now but the consciousness that I am engaged in a just and righteous 
 cause." 
 
 But my father also knew that political considerations will often 
 supersede the letter of the laws. The only chance on which he 
 had formerly relied was, that the French Government would 
 interfere, and claim him with all its power and credit ; to that, and 
 
356 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 to threats of severe retaliation, he knew that the British Cabinet 
 would yield, as they did about a year afterwards in the case 
 of Napper Tandy. A curious fact, and which is not generally 
 known, perhaps, even to that gallant soldier himself, is, that 
 Sir Sidney Smith was detained by Carnot in the Temple, for 
 that very purpose, like a prisoner of state, rather than a prisoner 
 of war. 
 
 The time of my father's trial was deferred a few days, by the 
 officers appointed to sit on the court-martial, receiving marching 
 orders. At length, on Saturday, November 10, 1798, a new court 
 was assembled, consisting of General Loftus, who performed the 
 functions of President, Colonels Vandeleur, Daly, and Wolfe, Major 
 Armstrong, and a Captain Curran ; Mr. Paterson performed the 
 functions of Judge Advocate. 
 
 At an early hour the neighbourhood of the barracks was crowded 
 with eager and anxious spectators. As soon as the doors were 
 thrown open, they rushed in and filled every corner of the 
 hall. 
 
 Tone appeared in the uniform of a Chef de Brigade (Colonel). 
 The firmness and cool serenity of his whole deportment gave to the 
 awe-struck assembly the measure of his soul. Nor could his bitterest 
 enemies, whatever they deemed of his political principles, and of the 
 necessity of striking a great example, deny him the praise of deter- 
 mination and magnanimity. 
 
 The members of the Court having taken the usual oath, the 
 Judge Advocate proceeded to inform the prisoner that the court- 
 martial before which he stood was appointed, by the Lord Lieu- 
 tenant of the kingdom, to try whether he had or had not acted 
 traitorously and hostilely against his Majesty, to whom, as a 
 natural born subject, he owed all allegiance, from the very fact of 
 his birth in that kingdom. And, according to the usual form, he 
 called upon him to plead guilty or not guilty. 
 
 Tone. " I mean not to give the Court any useless trouble, and 
 wish to spare them the idle task of examining witnesses. I admit 
 all the facts alleged, and only request leave to read an address, 
 which I have prepared for this occasion." 
 
JET. 35 .] 
 
 TRIAL BY COURT-MARTIAL. 
 
 357 
 
 Col. Daly. " I must warn the prisoner, that, in acknowledging 
 those facts, he admits to his prejudice that he has acted traitorously 
 against his Majesty. Is such his intention ? " 
 
 Tone. " Stripping this charge of the technicality of its terms, it 
 means, I presume, by the word ' traitorously,' that I have been found 
 in arms against the soldiers of the King, in my native country. 
 I admit this accusation in its most extended sense, and request 
 again to explain to the Court the reasons and motives of my 
 conduct." 
 
 The Court then observed that they would hear his address, pro- 
 vided he confined himself within the bounds of moderation. He 
 rose, and began in these words : — 
 
 " Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Court-Martial, — I mean 
 not to give you the trouble of bringing judicial proof to convict me, 
 legally, of having acted in hostility to the Government of his 
 Britannic Majesty in Ireland. I admit the fact. From my earliest 
 youth I have regarded the connection between Ireland and Great 
 Britain as the curse of the Irish nation, and felt convinced that, 
 whilst it lasted, this country could never be free nor happy. My 
 mind has been confirmed in this opinion by the experience of every 
 succeeding year, and the conclusions which I have drawn from 
 every fact before my eyes. In consequence, I determined to apply 
 all the powers, which my individual efforts could move, in order to 
 separate the two countries. 
 
 " That Ireland was not able, of herself, to throw off the yoke, I 
 knew. I therefore sought for aid wherever it was to be found. In 
 honourable poverty I rejected offers, which, to a man in my cir- 
 cumstances, might be considered highly advantageous. I remained 
 faithful to what I thought the cause of my country, and sought in 
 the French Republic an ally to rescue three millions of my country- 
 men from "... 
 
 The President here interrupted the prisoner, observing that this 
 language was neither relevant to the charge, nor such as ought to 
 be delivered in a public court. One member said it seemed calcu- 
 lated only to inflame the minds of a certain description of people 
 (the United Irishmen), many of whom might probably be present, 
 
358 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 and that therefore the Court ought not to suffer it. The Judge 
 Advocate said he thought that if Mr. Tone meant this paper to be 
 laid before his Excellency, in way of extenuation, it must have a 
 quite contrary effect if any of the foregoing part was suffered to 
 remain. 
 
 Tone. " I shall urge this topic no further since it seems disagree- 
 able to the Court, but shall proceed to read the few words which 
 remain." 
 
 Gen. Loftus. "If the remainder of your address, Mr. Tone, is 
 of the same complexion with what you have already read, will you 
 not hesitate for a moment in proceeding, since youhave learned the 
 opinion of the Court ? " 
 
 Tone. " I believe there is nothing in what remains for me to 
 say which can give any offence. I mean to express my feelings 
 and gratitude towards the Catholic body in whose cause I was 
 engaged." 
 
 Gen. Loftus. " That seems to have nothing to say to the charge 
 against you, to which only you are to speak. If you have any- 
 thing to offer in defence or extenuation of that charge the Court 
 will hear you ; but they beg that you will confine yourself to that 
 subject." 
 
 Tone. " I shall, then, confine myself to some points relative to 
 my connection with the French army. Attached to no party in the 
 French Republic without interest, without money, without intrigue, 
 the openness and integrity of my views raised me to a high and 
 confidential rank in its armies. I obtained the confidence of the 
 Executive Directory, the approbation of my Generals, and I venture 
 to add the esteem and affection of my brave comrades. When I 
 review these circumstances I feel a secret and internal consolation 
 which no reverse of fortune, no sentence in the power of this Court 
 to inflict, can ever deprive me of or weaken in any degree. Under 
 the flag of the French Republic I originally engaged with a view 
 to save and liberate my own country. For that purpose I have 
 encountered the chances of war amongst strangers : for that pur- 
 pose I have repeatedly braved the terrors of the ocean, covered, as 
 I knew it to be, with the triumphant fleets of that Power which it 
 
MT. 35.] 
 
 ADDRESS TO THE COURT. 
 
 359 
 
 was my glory and my duty to oppose. I have sacrificed all my 
 views in life ; I have courted poverty ; I have left a beloved wife 
 unprotected, and children whom I adored, fatherless. After such 
 sacrifices, in a cause which I have always conscientiously considered 
 as the cause of justice and freedom — it is no great effort, at this 
 day, to add, ' the sacrifice of my life.' 
 
 " But I hear it said that this unfortunate country has been a prey 
 to all sorts of horrors. I sincerely lament it. I beg, however, it 
 may be remembered that I have been absent four years from Ire- 
 land. To me these sufferings can never be attributed. I designed, 
 by fair and open war, to procure the separation of the two coun- 
 tries. For open war I was prepared ; but if, instead of that, a 
 system of private assassination has taken place, I repeat, whilst I de- 
 plore it, that it is not chargeable on me. Atrocities, it seems, have 
 been committed on both sides. I do not less deplore them ; I detest 
 them from my heart ; and to those who know my character and 
 sentiments, I may safely appeal for the truth of this assertion. With 
 them I need no justification. 
 
 " In a cause like this, success its everything. Success in the eyes 
 of the vulgar fixes its merits. Washington succeeded, and Kos- 
 ciusko failed. 
 
 " After a combat nobly sustained, a combat which would have 
 excited the respect and sympathy of a generous enemy, my fate 
 was to become a prisoner. To the eternal disgrace of those who 
 gave the order, I was brought hither in irons like a felon. I men- 
 tion this for the sake of others ; for me I am indifferent to it ; I am 
 aware of the fate which awaits me, and scorn equally the tone of 
 complaint and that of supplication. 
 
 " As to the connection between this country and Great Britain, I 
 repeat it, all that has been imputed to me — words, writings, and 
 actions — I here deliberately avow. I have spoken and acted with 
 reflection and on principle, and am ready to meet the consequences. 
 Whatever be the sentence of this Court I am prepared for it. Its 
 members will surely discharge their duty ; I shall take eare not to 
 be wanting to mine." 
 
 This speech was pronounced in a tone so magnanimous, so full 
 
3<5o 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 of a noble and calm serenity as seemed deeply and visibly to affect 
 all its hearers, the members of the Court not excepted. A pause en- 
 sued of some continuance, and silence reigned in the hall till inter- 
 rupted by Tone himself, who inquired whether it was not usual to 
 assign an interval between the sentence and execution ? The Judge 
 Advocate answered, that the voices of the Court would be collected 
 without delay, and the result transmitted forthwith to the Lord 
 Lieutenant If the prisoner therefore had any further observations 
 to make, now was the moment. 
 
 Tone. " I wish to offer a few words relative to one single point 
 — to the mode of punishment. In France, our Emigre's, who stand 
 nearly in the same situation in which I suppose I now stand before 
 you, are condemned to be shot. I ask that the Court should ad- 
 judge me the death of a soldier, and let me be shot by a platoon of 
 grenadiers. I request this indulgence, rather in consideration of 
 the uniform which I wear, the uniform of a Chef de Brigade in the 
 French army, than from any personal regard to myself In order 
 to evince my claim to this favour, I beg that the Court may take 
 the trouble to peruse my commission and letters of service in the 
 French army. It will appear from these papers that I have not re- 
 ceived them as a mask to cover me, but that I have been long and 
 bond fide an officer in the French service." 
 
 Judge Advocate. " You must feel that the papers you allude to 
 will serve as undeniable proofs against you." 
 
 Tone. " Oh ! — / know it well — I have already admitted the facts, 
 and I now admit the papers as full proofs of conviction." 
 
 The papers were then examined : they consisted of a brevet of 
 Chef de Brigade from the Directory, signed by the Minister of War, 
 of a letter of service, granting to him the rank of Adjutant-General, 
 and of a passport. 
 
 General Lo/tus. " In those papers you are designated as serving 
 in the army of England." 
 
 Tone. " I did serve in that army when it was commanded by 
 Buonaparte, by Desaix, and by Kilmaine, who is, as I am, an Irish- 
 man. But I have also served elsewhere." Requested if he had 
 anything further to observe, he said that nothing more occurred to 
 
MT. 35-] 
 
 SENTENCED TO DEATH. 
 
 him, except that the sooner his Excellency's approbation of their 
 sentence was obtained the better. He would consider it as a favour 
 if it could be obtained in an hour. 
 
 General Loftus then observed that the Court would undoubtedly 
 submit to the Lord Lieutenant the address which he had read to 
 them, and also the subject of his last demand. In transmitting 
 the address he, however, took care to efface all that part of it which 
 he would not allow to be read, and which contained the dying 
 speech and last words of the first apostle of Irish union and martyr 
 of Irish liberty to his countrymen. Lord Cornwallis refused the 
 last demand of my father, and he was sentenced to die the death of 
 a traitor in forty-eight hours, on the 12th of November. This 
 cruelty he had foreseen ; for England, from the days of Llewelyn of 
 Wales, and Wallace of Scotland, to those of Tone and Napoleon, 
 has never shown mercy or generosity to a fallen enemy. He then, 
 in perfect coolness and self-possession, determined to execute his 
 purpose, and anticipate their sentence. 
 
 The next day was passed in a kind of stupor. A cloud of por- 
 tentous awe seemed to hang over the city of Dublin — the appara- 
 tus of military and despotic authority was everywhere displayed ; 
 no man dared to trust his next neighbour, nor one of the pale 
 citizens to betray, by look or word, his feelings or sympathy. The 
 terror which prevailed in Paris, under the Rule of the Jacobins, or 
 in Rome, during the proscriptions of Marius, Sylla, and the Trium- 
 viri, and under the reigns of Tiberius, Nero, Caligula, and Domi- 
 tian, was never deeper or more universal than that of Ireland at this 
 fatal and shameful period. It was, in short, the feeling which made 
 the People, soon after, passively acquiesce in the Union and in the 
 extinction of their name as a nation. Of the numerous friends of my 
 father, and of those who had shared in his political principles and 
 career, some had perished on the scaffold, others rotted in dungeons, 
 and the remainder dreaded, by the slightest mark of recognition, 
 to be involved in his fate. One noble exception deserves to be 
 recorded. 
 
 John Philpot Curran, the celebrated orator and patriot, had 
 attached himself in his political career to the Whig party ; but his 
 
362 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 theoretical principles went much farther. And when the march of 
 the Administration to despotism was pronounced — when the perse- 
 cution began — I know that in the years 1794 and 1795, and parti- 
 cularly at the Drogheda Assizes in the former year, and on occasion 
 of the trial of Bird and Hamill, where they were both employed as 
 counsel, he opened his mind to my father ; and that on the main 
 point — on the necessity of breaking the connection with England — 
 they agreed. Curran prudently and properly confined himself to 
 those legal exertions at the bar, where his talents were so eminently 
 useful, and where he left an imperishable monument to his own 
 and to his country's fame. It was well that there remained one 
 place and one man through which the truth might sometimes be 
 heard. He avoided committing himself in the Councils of the 
 United Irishmen ; but had the project of liberating Ireland suc- 
 ceeded, he would have been amongst the foremost to hail and 
 join her independence. On this occasion, joining his efforts to 
 those of M. Peter Burrowes, he nobly exerted himself to save his 
 friend. 
 
 The sentence of my father was evidently illegal. Curran knew, 
 however, very well that by bringing the case before the proper tri- 
 bunal the result would ultimately be the same — that he could not be 
 acquitted. But then the delays of the law might be brought in play, 
 and the all-important point of gaining time would be obtained. 
 The French Government could not in honour but interfere, and the 
 case, from a mere legal, would become a political one. In politics 
 my father had many adversaries, but few personal enemies ; in 
 private and public life he was generally beloved and respected ; 
 his moderation, too, was known and appreciated by those who 
 feared a revolution, and trusted to him as a mediator if such an 
 event was to take place. In short, it did not appear a matter of 
 impossibility to have finally saved him by some agreement with 
 the Government. Determined to form a bar for his defence, and 
 bring the case before the Court of King's Bench, then sitting, and 
 presided by Lord Kilwarden, a man of the purest and most bene- 
 volent virtue, and who always tempered justice with mercy, Curran 
 endeavoured the whole day of the nth to raise a subscription for 
 
JET. 35.] WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS; CURRAN. 363 
 
 this purpose. But terror had closed every door ; and I have it 
 from his own lips that even among the Catholic leaders, many of 
 them wealthy, no one dared to subscribe. Curran then determined 
 to proceed alone. On this circumstance no comment can be ex- 
 pected from the son of Theobald Wolfe Tone. Those men had 
 behaved nobly towards him in former times almost as perilous. 
 The universal dread must be their excuse. 
 
 On the next day, 12th of November (the day fixed for his execu- 
 tion), the scene in the Court of King's Bench was awful and im- 
 pressive to the highest degree. As soon as it opened, Curran 
 advanced, leading the aged father of Tone, who produced his 
 affidavit that his son had been brought before a bench of officers, 
 calling itself a court-martial, and sentenced to death. " I do not 
 pretend," said Curran, " that Mr. Tone is not guilty of the charges 
 of which he is accused. I presume the officers were honourable 
 men. But it is stated in this affidavit, as a solemn fact, that Mr. 
 Tone had no commission under his Majesty, and therefore no 
 court-martial could have cognisance of any crime imputed to him 
 whilst the Court of King's Bench sat in the capacity of the great 
 criminal court of the land. In times when war was raging, when 
 man was opposed to man in the field, courts-martial might be 
 endured ; but every law authority is with me, whilst I stand upon 
 this sacred and immutable principle of the Constitution, that 
 martial law and civil law are incompatible, and that the former 
 must cease with the existence of the latter. This is not, however, 
 the time for arguing this momentous question. My client must 
 appear in this court. He is cast for death this very day. He may 
 be ordered for execution whilst I address you. I call on the Court 
 to support the law, and move for a habeas corpus, to be directed to 
 the Provost-Marshal of the barracks of Dublin and Major Sandys, 
 to bring up the body of Tone." 
 
 Chief Justice. " Have a writ instantly prepared." 
 
 Curran. " My client may die whilst the writ is preparing." 
 
 Chief Justice. " Mr. Sheriff, proceed to the barracks and ac- 
 quaint the Provost- Marshal that a writ is preparing to suspend Mr. 
 Tone's execution, and see that he be not executed." 
 
364 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798- 
 
 The Court awaited, in a state of the utmost agitation and sus- 
 pense, the return of the Sheriff. He speedily appeared, and said, 
 " My Lord, I have been to the barracks, in pursuance of your 
 order. The Provost-Marshal says he must obey Major Sandys. 
 Major Sandys says he must obey Lord Cornwallis." Mr. Curran 
 announced at the same time that Mr. Tone, the father, was just 
 returned, after serving the habeas corpus, and that General Craig 
 would not obey it. The Chief Justice exclaimed, " Mr. Sheriff, 
 take the body of Tone into custody ; take the Provost-Marshal and 
 Major Sandys into custody, and show the order of the Court to 
 General Craig." 
 
 The general impression was now that the prisoner would be led 
 out to execution in defiance of the Court This apprehension was 
 legible in the countenance of Lord Kilwarden, a man who, in the 
 worst of times, preserved a religious respect for the laws, and who 
 besides, I may add, felt every personal feeling of pity and respect 
 for the prisoner, whom he had formerly contributed to shield from 
 the vengeance of Government on an occasion almost as perilous. 
 His agitation, according to the expression of an eye-witness, was 
 magnificent. 
 
 The Sheriff returned at length with the fatal news. He had 
 been refused admittance in the barracks, but was informed that 
 Mr. Tone, who had wounded himself dangerously the night before, 
 was not in a condition to be removed. A French emigrant 
 surgeon, who had closed the wound, was called in, and declared 
 there was no saying for four days whether it was mortal. His 
 head was to be kept in one position, and a sentinel was set over 
 him to prevent his speaking. Removal would kill him at once. 
 The Chief Justice instantly ordered a rule for suspending the 
 execution. 
 
 I must collect my strength to give the remaining details of the 
 close of my father's life. The secrets of a State prison, and of 
 such a prison as were those of Dublin at that period, are seldom 
 penetrated, and the facts which have reached us are few and 
 meagre. As soon as he learned the refusal of his last request, his 
 determination was taken, with the same resolution and coolness 
 
JET. 35.] LETTER TO THE FRENCH DIRECTORY. 365 
 
 which he exhibited during the whole transaction. In order to 
 spare the feelings of his parents and friends, he refused to see any 
 one, and requested only the use of writing materials. During the 
 10th and 1 ith of November he addressed the Directory, the Minister 
 of Marine, General Kilmaine, and Mr. Shee, in France, and several 
 of his friends in Ireland, to recommend his family to their care. I 
 here insert a translation of his letter to the Directory, the only one 
 of which we obtained a copy. 
 
 " From the Provost's Prison, Dublin, 
 
 " 20th Brumaire, 7th year of the Republic, 
 " {November 10, 1798.) 
 
 " The Adjutant-General Theobald Wolfe Tone {called Smith), to the 
 Executive Directory of the French Republic. 
 " Citizen Directors, — The English Government having deter- 
 mined not to respect my rights as a French citizen and officer, and 
 summoned me before a court-martial, I have been sentenced to death. 
 In those circumstances I request you to accept my thanks for the 
 confidence with which you have honoured me, and which, in a 
 moment like this, I venture to say I well deserved. I have served 
 the Republic faithfully, and my death, as well as that of my brother, 
 a victim like myself, and condemned in the same manner about a 
 month ago, will sufficiently prove it. I hope the circumstances in 
 which I stand will warrant me, Citizen Directors, in supplicating you 
 to consider the fate of a virtuous wife and of three infant children, 
 who had no other support, and, in losing me, will be reduced to 
 the extreme of misery. I venture on such an occasion to recall to 
 your remembrance that I was expelled from my own country in 
 consequence of my attempts to serve the Republic ; that, on the 
 invitation of the French Government, I came to France ; that ever 
 since I had the honour to enter the French service, I have faith- 
 fully, and with the approbation of all my chiefs, performed my 
 duty ; finally, that I have sacrificed for the Republic all that 
 man holds dearest — my wife, my children, my liberty, my life. 
 In these circumstances I confidently call on your justice and 
 
366 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 humanity in favour of my family, assured that you will not 
 abandon them. It is the greatest consolation which remains 
 to me in dying. 
 
 " Health and respect. 
 
 " T. W. Tone (called Smith), 
 
 " Adjutant-General." 
 
 He then, with a firm hand and heart, penned the two following 
 letters to my mother : — 
 
 " Provost Prison— Dublin Barracks, 
 " Le 20 Brumaire, an 7 (10th Nov.), 1798. 
 
 " Dearest Love, — The hour is at last come when we must 
 part. As no words can express what I feel for you and our 
 children, I shall not attempt it ; complaint of any kind would be 
 beneath your courage and mine ; be assured I will die as I have 
 lived, and that you will have no cause to blush for me. 
 
 " I have written on your behalf to the French Government, 
 to the Minister of Marine, to General Kilmaine, and to Mr. Shee ; 
 with the latter I wish you especially to advise. In Ireland I 
 have written to your brother Harry, and to those of my friends 
 who are about to go into exile, and who, I am sure, will not abandon 
 you. 
 
 " Adieu, dearest love : I find it impossible to finish this letter. 
 Give my love to Mary ; and, above all things, remember that you 
 are now the only parent of our dearest children, and that the best 
 proof you can give of your affection for me will be to preserve 
 yourself for their education. God Almighty bless you all. 
 
 " Yours ever, 
 
 "T. W. Tone. 
 
 " P.S. — I think you have found a friend in Wilson, who will not 
 desert you." 1 
 
 1 Nobly did this pure and virtuous man, and he alone of all those whom my 
 father had depended upon, fulfil the expectation of his friend. He was to my 
 mother a brother, a protector, and an adviser, during the whole period of our 
 
XT- 35.] 
 
 FORTITUDE IN DEATH. 
 
 367 
 
 Second Letter. 
 
 " Dearest Love, — I write just one line to acquaint you that 
 I have received assurances from your brother Edward of his 
 determination to render every assistance and protection in his 
 power ; for which I have written to thank him most sincerely. 
 Your sister has likewise sent me assurances of the same nature, 
 and expressed a desire to see me, which I have refused, having 
 determined to speak to no one of my friends, not even my father, 
 from motives of humanity to them and myself. It is a very great 
 consolation to me that your family are determined to support you ; 
 as to the manner of that assistance, I leave it to their affection for 
 you, and your own excellent good sense, to settle what manner will 
 be most respectable for all parties. 
 
 " Adieu, dearest love. Keep your courage, as I have kept mine ; 
 my mind is as tranquil this moment as at any period of my life. 
 Cherish my memory; and especially preserve your health and 
 spirits for the sake of our dearest children. 
 
 " Your ever affectionate, 
 
 "T. Wolfe Tone. 
 
 " wth November, 1798." 
 
 It is said that on the evening of that very day he could see and 
 hear the soldiers erecting the gallows for him before his windows. 
 That very night, according to the report given by his jailers, having 
 secreted a penknife, he inflicted a deep wound across his neck. It 
 was soon discovered by the sentry, and a surgeon called in at four 
 o'clock in the morning, who stopped the blood and closed it. He 
 reported, that as the prisoner had missed the carotid artery, he 
 might yet survive, but was in the extremest danger. It is said 
 that he murmured only in reply, " I am sorry I have been so bad 
 
 distress ; and when, at the close of eighteen years, we were ruined a second 
 time, by the fall of Napoleon, he came over from his own country to offer 
 her his hand and his fortune, and share our fate in America. 
 
 [After seventeen years' widowhood Mrs. Tone married Mr. Wilson, whom 
 she survived, dying at Georgetown in 1849. — Ed.] 
 
368 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 [1798. 
 
 an anatomist." Let me draw a veil over the remainder of this 
 scene. 
 
 Stretched on his bloody pallet in a dungeon, the first apostle of 
 Irish union, and most illustrious martyr of Irish independence, 
 counted each lingering hour during the last seven days and nights 
 of his slow and silent agony. No one was allowed to approach 
 him. Far from his adored family, and from all those friends whom 
 he loved so dearly, the only forms which flitted before his eyes 
 were those of the grim jailer and rough attendants of the prison ; 
 the only sounds which fell on his dying ear, the heavy tread of the 
 sentry. He retained, however, the calmness of his soul and the 
 possession of his faculties to the last. And the consciousness of 
 dying for his country, and in the cause of justice and liberty, 
 illumined, like a bright halo, his latest moments, and kept up his 
 fortitude to the end. There is no situation under which those 
 feelings will not support the soul of a patriot. 
 
 On the morning of the 19th of November he was seized with the 
 spasms of approaching death. It is said that the surgeon who 
 attended, whispered that if he attempted to move or speak he 
 must expire instantly ; that he overheard him, and, making a 
 slight movement, replied, " I can yet find words to thank you, sir ; 
 it is the most welcome news you could give me. What should I 
 wish to live for?" Falling back, with these expressions on his lips, 
 he expired without further effort 
 
 On closing this painful and dreadful narrative, I must allude to 
 some hints which I have heard from a most respectable and well- 
 informed quarter, that, in consequence of the attempts to withdraw 
 him from the jurisdiction of the military tribunals, my father's end 
 may have been precipitated by the hands of his jailers, and that, 
 to conceal their crime, they spread the report of his voluntary 
 death. It is certainly not my duty to exculpate them. That his 
 end was voluntary, his determination, previous to his leaving 
 France, which was known to us, and the tenor of his last letters, 
 incline me to believe. Neither is it likely that Major Sandys, and 
 his experienced satellites, would perform a murder in so bungling 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 369 
 
 a way as to allow their victim to survive the attempt during eight 
 days. If this was the case, his death can never be considered as 
 a suicide ; it was merely the resolution of a noble mind to dis- 
 appoint by his own act the brutal ferocity of his enemies, and avoid 
 the indignity of their touch. 
 
 But, on the other side, it cannot be denied that the character of 
 these men would warrant the worst conclusion. The details of my 
 father's death and last words only reached the public ear through 
 their reports ; no one was allowed to approach him after his wound ; 
 no medical attendant to come near him except the prison surgeon, 
 a foreigner, and a French emigrant. Why was no coroner's 
 inquest held on his body, as was held on Jackson's, in the very 
 court where he died ? The resistance which was opposed by the 
 military to the warrant of the Chief Justice was indecorous and 
 violent in the extreme ; nor was it till compelled by the firmness 
 of Lord Kilwarden to give way, that they acknowledged the wound 
 of their prisoner, though, according to their own report, it had been 
 inflicted during the preceding night. Was it possible that, fearing 
 the interference of the civil courts, they hastened his end ? or, what 
 would be more atrocious still, admitting the fact that he had wounded 
 himself, did they intend to conceal it, and to glut their mean and 
 ferocious revenge and insult their dying enemy, who had thought 
 to escape their indignities by dragging him out in that state, and 
 executing him with their own hands? That their preparations 
 continued till interrupted by the interference of superior authority ; 
 that the wound of their prisoner was anxiously concealed as long 
 as possible ; and that no one, even afterwards, was allowed to 
 approach and speak to him during his long agony, are certain facts. 
 
 Between those dreadful suspicions the reader must judge for 
 himself. As for what passed within the Provost's prison it must 
 remain for ever amongst the guilty and bloody mysteries of that 
 pandemonium. If charges of so black and bloody a nature can 
 be adduced with any appearance of probability against the agents 
 of the Irish Government, the violence, cruelty, and lawless pro- 
 ceedings, in which they were indulged with perfect impunity by 
 their employers, not only warrant them, but give them too tre- 
 
 vol. 11. 25 
 
37° 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 mendous a probability. As for my part, I have merely stated, in 
 the fairest and fullest manner, the facts which have reached us, 
 without any comment or opinion of my own. 
 
 [Tone's remains were given up to his relatives, and, two days 
 after his death, were quietly laid in the grave of his ancestors 
 in the old churchyard of Bodenstown. No epitaph is inscribed 
 upon the stone beneath which rests the ill-fated United Irish 
 leader. But the national feeling is expressed in the last stanza of 
 the poem which Thomas Davis has consecrated to his memory : — 
 
 " In Bodenstown Churchyard there is a green grave, 
 And freely around it let winter winds rave — 
 Far better they suit him — the ruin and gloom — 
 Till Ireland, a nation, can build him a tomb."] 
 
^ "ty 1 ^. <S**t ^^ Z~C «^^Z-^-- J , 
 
 •«- 
 
 : 
 
 FACSIMILE OF A LETTER WRITTEN BY WOLFE TONE TO HIS FATHER ON NOVEMBER 10, 1798. 
 
 [ 7fo original of this letter is in the possession of Mr. James Murphy, <?/ 2, Empire Road, Cork. — E\ > ] 
 
L 
 
 ON NOVEMBER io, 1798. 
 
 „/" „ 7T... Fill 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Two Memorials on the state of Ireland, delivered by Wolfe Tone 
 to the French Government, in February, 1796. 
 
 First Memorial. 
 
 The genius of the English nation, their manners, their prejudices, 
 and their Government, are so diametrically opposite to those of the 
 French Republic, in all respects, that it is unnecessary to dwell 
 upon this subject. I assume it as an axiom that there is an 
 irreconcilable opposition of interests between the two nations. 
 Since the French Revolution there is one still more irreconcilable 
 between the Governments, so that neither can be said to be in 
 security while the other is in existence. 
 
 The war hitherto, however glorious to France, has not been 
 unprofitable to England ; her fleets were never more formidable, 
 and, in the true spirit of trade, she will console herself for the 
 disgrace of her arms by land, in the acquisition of wealth, and 
 commerce, and power by sea ; but these very acquisitions render 
 it, if possible, incumbent, not merely on France, but on all Europe, 
 to endeavour to reduce her within due limits, and to prevent 
 that enormous accumulation of wealth which the undisturbed 
 possession of the commerce of the whole world would give her ; 
 and this reduction of her power can be alone, as I presume, 
 accomplished, with certainty and effect, by separating Ireland from 
 Great Britain. 
 
 The French Government cannot but be well informed of the 
 immense resources, especially in a military point of view, which 
 
 371 
 
372 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 England draws from Ireland. It is with the beef and the pork, 
 the butter, the tallow, the hides, and various other articles of the 
 first necessity, which Ireland supplies, that she victuals and equips 
 her navy, and, in a great degree, supports her people and garrisons 
 in the West Indies. It is with the poor and hardy natives of 
 Ireland that she mans her fleets and fills the ranks of her army. 
 From the commencement of the present war to the month of June, 
 1795, not less than 200,000 men were raised in Ireland, of whom 
 80,000 were for the navy alone. It is a fact undeniable, though 
 carefully concealed in England, that TWO-THIRDS of the British 
 navy are manned by Irishmen — a circumstance which, if it stood 
 alone, should be sufficient to determine the French Government to 
 wrest, if possible, so powerful a weapon from the hands of her 
 implacable enemy. I shall not dwell longer on the necessity of the 
 measure which I shall propose, but will endeavour to show how it 
 may best be executed, and on what grounds it is that I rest my 
 confidence of success, if the attempt be but once made. 
 
 For the better elucidation of the plan it is necessary to take a 
 review of the actual state of Ireland. I shall condense the facts as 
 much as possible, as I trust the French Government is already 
 in possession of those which are most material. 
 
 The people of Ireland consist of about four million five hundred 
 thousand persons, distributed under three different religious sects, 
 of whom the Protestants, whose religion is the dominant one, and 
 established by law, constitute four hundred and fifty thousand, 
 or one-tenth of the whole ; the Dissenters, or Presbyterians, about 
 nine hundred thousand, or one-fifth ; the Catholics form the re- 
 maining three million one hundred and fifty thousand. They may 
 also be considered with regard to property, which is necessary, in 
 some degree, to explain the political situation of the country. 
 
 The Protestants, who are almost entirely the descendants of 
 Englishmen, forming so very small a minority as they do of the 
 whole people, have yet almost the whole landed property of the 
 country in their hands ; this property has been acquired by the 
 most unjust means, by plunder and confiscation during repeated 
 wars, and by the operation of laws framed to degrade and destroy 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 373 
 
 the Catholics, the natives of the country. In 1650 the people 
 of three entire provinces were driven by Cromwell into the fourth, 
 and their property divided amongst his officers and soldiers, whose 
 descendants enjoy it at this day. In 1688, when James II. was 
 finally defeated in Ireland, the spirit of the Irish people was com- 
 pletely broken, and the last remnant of their property torn from 
 them and divided amongst the conquerors. By these means the 
 proprietors of estates in Ireland, feeling the weakness of their titles 
 to property thus acquired, and seeing themselves, as it were, a 
 colony of strangers, forming not above one-tenth part of the popu- 
 lation, have always looked to England for protection and support ; 
 they have, therefore, been ever ready to sacrifice the interests of 
 their country to her ambition and avarice, and to their own security. 
 England, in return, has rewarded them for this sacrifice by dis- 
 tributing among them all the offices and appointments in the 
 church, the army, the law, the revenue, and every department of 
 the state, to the utter exclusion of the two other sects, and more 
 especially of the Catholics. By these means the Protestants, who 
 constitute the aristocracy of Ireland, have in their hands all the 
 force of the Government ; they have at least five-sixths of the 
 landed property ; they are devoted implicitly to the connection 
 with England, which they consider as essential to the secure 
 possession of their estates ; they dread and abhor the principles 
 of the French Revolution, and, in case of any attempt to emancipate 
 Ireland, I should calculate on all the opposition which it might be 
 in their power to give. 
 
 But it is very different with regard to the Dissenters, who occupy 
 the province of Ulster, of which they form at present the majority. 
 They have among them but few great landed proprietors ; they 
 are mostly engaged in trade and manufactures, especially the 
 linen, which is the staple commodity of Ireland, and is almost 
 exclusively in their hands. From their first establishment, in 1620, 
 until very lately, there existed a continual animosity between them 
 and the Catholic natives of the country, grounded on the natural 
 dislike between the old inhabitants and strangers, and fortified still 
 more by the irreconcilable difference between the genius of the 
 
374 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 religions of Calvinism and Popery, and diligently cultivated and 
 fomented by the Protestant aristocracy, the partisans of England, 
 who saw in the feuds and dissensions of the other two great sects 
 their own protection and security. 
 
 Among the innumerable blessings procured to mankind by the 
 French Revolution, arose the circumstance which I am about to 
 mention, and to which I do most earnestly entreat the particular 
 attention of the French Government, as it is, in fact, the point on 
 which the emancipation of Ireland may eventually turn. 
 
 The Dissenters are, from the genius of their religion, and the 
 spirit of inquiry which it produces, sincere and enlightened re- 
 publicans ; they have ever, in a degree, opposed the usurpations 
 of England, whose protection, as well from their numbers and 
 spirit as the nature of their property, they did not, like the Protestant 
 aristocracy, feel necessary for their existence. Still, however, in all 
 the civil wars of Ireland they ranged themselves under the standard 
 of England, and were the most formidable enemies to the Catholic 
 natives, whom they detested as Papists, and despised as slaves. 
 These bad feelings were, for obvious reasons, diligently fomented 
 by the Protestant and English party. At length, in the year 1790, 
 the French Revolution produced a powerful revulsion in the minds 
 of the most enlightened men amongst them. They saw that, 
 whilst they thought they were the masters of the Catholics, they 
 were, in fact, but their jailers, and that, instead of enjoying liberty 
 in their own country, they served but as a garrison to keep it in 
 subjection to England ; the establishment of unbounded liberty of 
 conscience in France had mitigated their horror of Popery ; one 
 hundred and ten years of peace had worn away very much of the 
 old animosity which former wars had raised and fomented. Eager 
 to emulate the glorious example of France, they saw at once that 
 the only guide to liberty was justice, and that they neither deserved 
 nor could obtain independence, whilst their Catholic brethren, as 
 they then, for the first time, called them, remained in slavery and 
 oppression. Impressed with these sentiments of liberality and 
 wisdom, they sought out the leaders of the Catholics, whose cause 
 and whose suffering were, in a manner, forgotten. The Catholics 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 375 
 
 caught with eagerness at the slightest appearance of alliance and 
 support from a quarter whose opposition they had ever ex- 
 perienced to be so formidable, and once more, after lying prostrate 
 for above one hundred years, appeared on the political theatre of 
 their country. Nothing could exceed the alarm, the terror, and 
 confusion which this most unexpected coalition produced in the 
 breasts of the English Government, and their partisans, the 
 Protestant aristocracy of Ireland. Every art, every stratagem, was 
 used to break the new alliance, and revive the ancient animosities 
 and feuds between the Dissenters and Catholics. Happily such 
 abominable attempts proved fruitless. The leaders on both sides 
 saw that as they had but one common country, they had but one 
 common interest ; that while they were mutually contending and 
 ready to sacrifice each other, England profited of their folly to 
 enslave both, and that it was only by a cordial union and 
 affectionate co-operation that they could assert their common 
 liberty, and establish the independence of Ireland. They there- 
 fore resisted and overcame every effort to disunite them, and in 
 this manner has a spirit of union and regard succeeded to 250 
 years of civil discord — a revolution in the political morality of the 
 nation of the most extreme importance, and from which, under the 
 powerful auspices of the French Republic, I hope and trust her 
 independence and liberty will arise. 
 
 I beg leave again to call the attention of the French Government 
 to this fact of the national union, which, from my knowledge of the 
 situation of Ireland, I affirm to be of importance, equal to all the 
 rest. Catholics and Dissenters, the two great sects whose mutual 
 animosities have been the radical weakness of their country, are at 
 length reconciled, and the arms which have been so often imbrued 
 in the blood of each other are ready for the first time to be turned 
 in concert against the common enemy. 
 
 I come now to the third party in Ireland, the Catholics, who are 
 the Irish, properly so called, and who form almost the entire body of 
 the peasanty of the country. The various confiscations, produced 
 by the wars of five centuries, and the silent operation of the 
 laws for 150 years, have stripped the Catholics of almost all 
 
376 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 property in land ; the great bulk of them are in the lowest degree 
 of misery and want, hewers of wood and drawers of water ; bread 
 they seldom taste, meat never, save once in the year ; they live in 
 wretched hovels, they labour incessantly, and their landlords, the 
 Protestant aristocracy, have so calculated, that the utmost they can 
 gain by this continual toil will barely suffice to pay the rent, at 
 which these petty despots assess their wretched habitations; their 
 food the whole year round is potatoes ; their drink, sometimes 
 milk, more frequently water ; those of them who attempt to 
 cultivate a spot of ground as farmers are forced, in addition to a 
 heavy rent, to pay tithes to the priests of the Protestant religion, 
 which they neither profess nor believe ; their own priests fleece 
 them. Such is the condition of the peasantry of Ireland, above 
 3,000,000 of people. But though there be little property in land, 
 there is a considerable share of the commerce of Ireland in the 
 hands of the Catholic body ; their merchants are highly respectable 
 and well informed ; they are perfectly sensible, as well of their own 
 situation as that of their country. It is of these men, with a few of 
 the Catholic gentry, whose property escaped the fangs of the 
 English invaders, that their General Committee, of which I shall 
 have occasion to speak by and by, is composed, and it is with their 
 leaders that the union with the Dissenters, so infinitely important 
 to Ireland, and, if rightly understood, to France also, has been 
 formed. 
 
 I have now stated the respective situation, strength, and views of 
 the parties of Ireland ; that is to say : First. The Protestants, 
 450,000, comprising the great body of the aristocracy, which 
 supports and is supported by England. Their strength is entirely 
 artificial, composed of the power and influence which the patronage 
 of Government gives them. They have in their hands all appoint- 
 ments in every department, in the church, the army, the revenue, 
 the navy, the law, and a great proportion of the landed property 
 of the country, acquired and maintained as has been stated ; but it 
 cannot escape the penetration of the French Government that all 
 their apparent power is purely fictitious ; the strength they derive 
 from Government results solely from opinion ; the instant that 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 377 
 
 prop is withdrawn, the edifice tumbles into ruins ; the strength of 
 property acquired like theirs by the sword continues no longer than 
 the sword can defend it, and, numerically, the Protestants are but 
 one-tenth of the people. 
 
 Second. The Dissenters, 900,000, who form a large and respect- 
 able portion of the middle ranks of the community. These are the 
 class of men best informed in Ireland ; they constituted the bulk 
 of what we called the Volunteer army in 1782, during the last war, 
 which extorted large concessions from England, and would have 
 completely established their liberty had they been then, as they are 
 now, united with their Catholic brethren. They are all, to a man, 
 sincere Republicans, and devoted with enthusiasm to the cause of 
 liberty and France ; they would make perhaps the best soldiers in 
 Ireland, and are already in a considerable degree trained to arms. 
 
 Third. The Catholics, 3,150,000. These are the Irish, properly 
 so called, trained from their infancy in an hereditary hatred and 
 abhorrence of the English name, which conveys to them no ideas 
 but those of blood and pillage and persecution. This class is 
 strong in numbers and in misery, which makes men bold ; they 
 are used to every species of hardship ; they can live on little ; they 
 are easily clothed ; they are bold and active ; they are prepared for 
 any change, for they feel that no change can make their situation 
 worse. For these five years they have fixed their eyes most 
 earnestly on France, whom they look upon, with great justice, as 
 fighting their battles, as well as those of all mankind who are 
 oppressed. Of this class, I will stake my head, there are five 
 hundred thousand men, who would fly to the standard of the 
 Republic if they saw it once displayed in the cause of liberty and 
 their country. 
 
 From what I have said it appears that all the artificial strength 
 of Ireland is implicitly devoted to England, and decidedly adverse 
 to France ; that all the natural strength is equally devoted to 
 France, and adverse to England : for this plain reason, that in the 
 one they look for a deliverer, in the other they see a tyrant. It is 
 now necessary to state the organisation of the people of Ireland ; 
 and here I must be allowed to observe, that even if there were no 
 
378 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 previous organisation the measures which I shall submit would not 
 be the less advisable and practicable. Organisation, like machinery, 
 may be necessary to enable a small force to raise a great weight ; 
 but a whole people can act by their natural strength. The Republic 
 may rely with confidence to meet support from the Dissenters, 
 actuated by reason and reflection, from the Catholics, impelled by 
 misery and inflamed by detestation of the English name. These 
 are the actual force of Ireland, and, in addition to their strength, 
 they are organised also. 
 
 In the year 1791 the Dissenters of Belfast, which is the principal 
 city in Ulster, and, as it were, the metropolis of that great body, 
 formed the first club of United Irishmen, so called, because in that 
 club, for the first time in Ireland, Dissenters and Catholics were 
 seen together in harmony and union. A similar club was im- 
 mediately formed in Dublin, which became speedily famous for its 
 publications and the sufferings of its members, many of whom were 
 thrown into prison by the Government, whose terror at this 
 rising spirit of union amongst the people may be estimated from 
 the severity with which they persecuted those who were most 
 active in promoting it. This persecution, however, far from 
 quelling the spirit, only served to make the people more cautious 
 and guarded in their measures. Means have been adopted to 
 spread similar clubs throughout Ulster, the seat of the Dissenting 
 power, the object of which is to subvert the tyranny of England, to 
 establish the independence of Ireland, and to frame a free republic 
 on the broad basis of liberty and equality. These clubs were 
 rapidly filled, and extended, in June last, over about two-thirds of 
 that province. I am satisfied that, by this time, they embrace the 
 whole of it, and comprise the activity and energy of the Dissenters 
 of Ireland, including also numbers of the most spirited and 
 intelligent of the Catholic body. The members are all bound by 
 an oath of secrecy, and could, on a proper occasion, I have not the 
 smallest doubt, raise the entire force of the province of Ulster, the 
 most populous, the most warlike, and the most informed quarter of 
 the nation. 
 
 For the Catholics, from what has been said of their situation, it 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 379 
 
 will appear that little previous arrangement would be necessary to 
 ensure their unanimous support of any measure which held out to 
 them a chance of bettering their condition ; yet they also have an 
 organisation, commencing about the same time with the clubs last 
 mentioned, but composing Catholics only. Until within these few 
 months this organisation baffled the most active vigilance of the Irish 
 Government, unsuccessfully employed to discover its principles, and 
 to this hour they are, I believe, unapprised of its extent. The fact is 
 that in June last it embraced the whole peasantry of the provinces of 
 Ulster, Leinster, and Connaught — three-fourths of the nation ; and I 
 have little doubt but it has since extended into Munster, the remain- 
 ing province. These men, who are called Defenders, are completely 
 organised on a military plan, divided according to their respective 
 districts, and officered by men chosen by themselves. The principle 
 of their union is implicit obedience to the orders of those whom 
 they have elected for their generals, and whose object is the 
 emancipation of their country, the subversion of English usurpation, 
 and the bettering the condition of the wretched peasantry of 
 Ireland. The eyes of this whole body, which may be said, almost 
 without a figure, to be the people of Ireland, are turned, with the 
 most anxious expectation, to France, for assistance and support. 
 The oath of their union recites, " That they will be faithful to the 
 united nations of France and Ireland," and several of them have 
 already sealed it with their blood. I suppose there is no instance 
 of a conspiracy, if a whole people can be said to conspire, which 
 has continued for so many years as this has done, where the secret 
 has been so religiously kept, and where, in so vast a number, so few 
 traitors have been found. 
 
 This organisation of the Defenders embraces the whole peasantry 
 of Ireland, being Catholics. There is also a further organisation 
 of the Catholics, which is called the General Committee, and to 
 which I have already alluded. This was a representative body, 
 chosen by the Catholics at large, and consisting of the principal 
 merchants and traders, the members of professions, and a few of 
 the remaining Catholic gentry of Ireland. This body, which has 
 sat repeatedly in the capital, at the same time with the Parlia- 
 
3 8o 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 ment, and has twice within four years sent ambassadors to the 
 King of England, possesses a very great influence on the minds of 
 the Catholics throughout the nation, and especially decides the 
 movements of the city of Dublin — a circumstance whose importance, 
 when well directed, it is unnecessary to suggest to men so en- 
 lightened as those who compose the Government of France. It is 
 true that, by a late act of the Irish Legislature, this body is 
 prevented from meeting in a representative capacity, but the 
 individuals who compose it still exist, and this act, without 
 diminishing their power or influence, has still more alienated their 
 minds from the British Government in Ireland, against which they 
 were already sufficiently, and with great reason, exasperated. It 
 is but justice to the General Committee, in whose service I had the 
 honour to be, during the whole of their activity, and whose con- 
 fidence I had the good fortune to acquire and retain, to say that 
 there is nowhere to be found men of purer patriotism, more 
 sincerely attached to the principles of liberty, or who would be 
 more likely in an arduous crisis to conduct themselves with 
 ability and firmness. I can add, from my personal knowledge, 
 that a great majority of those able and honest men who compose 
 it are sincere republicans, warmly attached to the cause of France, 
 and, as Irishmen and as Catholics, doubly bound to detest the 
 tyranny and domination of England, which has so often deluged 
 their country with their best blood. 
 
 I have now stated the three modes of organisation which exist 
 in Ireland : — 
 
 ist. The Dissenters, with some of the most spirited and en- 
 lightened of the Catholics, under the name of United Irishmen, 
 whose central point is Belfast, the capital of Ulster. 
 
 2nd. The Defenders, forming the great body of the Catholic 
 peasantry, amounting to 3,000,000 of people, and who cover the 
 entire face of the country. 
 
 3rd. The General Committee of the Catholics, representing 
 the talents and property of that body, possessing a very great 
 influence everywhere in Ireland, and especially deciding the 
 movements of the capital. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 38i 
 
 I hazard nothing in asserting that these three bodies are alike 
 animated with an ardent desire for the independence of Ireland, 
 an abhorrence of British tyranny, and a sincere attachment to the 
 cause of the French Republic ; and, what is of very great con- 
 sequence, they have a perfect good understanding and communica- 
 tion with each other (that is to say, their leaders), so that, on any 
 great emergency, there would be no possible doubt of their mutual 
 co-operation. Many of the most active members of the General 
 Committee, for example, are also in the clubs of the United Irish- 
 men ; many of the officers of the Defenders, particularly those at 
 the head of their affairs, are also either members of those clubs, 
 or in unreserved confidence and communication with those who 
 regulate and guide them. The central point of all this is un- 
 doubtedly Belfast, which influences, and which deserves to influence, 
 the measures of all the others, and what I consider as extremely 
 singular, the leaders of the Defenders in Ulster, who are all 
 Catholics, are in more regular habits of communication, and are 
 more determined by the Dissenters of Belfast, than by their 
 Catholic brethren of Dublin, with whom they hold much less 
 intercourse. 
 
 I shall add a few words on the military force of Ireland, and on 
 the navy, and then I shall conclude this memorial, which, in spite 
 of all my efforts to condense it, I feel growing under my hands. 
 
 In the month of June, 1795, when I left Ireland, the army, as I 
 believe, amounted to about 30,000 men, of which 12,000 were 
 troops of the line, or fencibles, and 18,000 were militia; a great 
 proportion of the former, viz., the cavalry and artillery, and 
 all the latter, being Irish. I believe a considerable number have 
 been since detached to the West Indies and elsewhere ; if so, the 
 relative proportion of Irish must be increased, as the militia cannot 
 be ordered on foreign service. For the cavalry and artillery, 
 which, taken together, may make 3,000 men, or upwards, I cannot 
 speak with certainty ; but my belief is, that if they saw any 
 prospect of permanent support they would not act against their 
 country. For the remaining 9,000 men of the troops of the line 
 and fencibles, they are a wretched assemblage of old men and boys, 
 
3 8 2 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 incapable of the duties of active service ; any resistance they could 
 make, if they were inclined to resist, could be but trifling, and I 
 have reason to believe they would not be so inclined, several 
 of the fencible regiments being Scotch, and already more than half 
 disaffected to the Government. For the militia, they consisted, at 
 the time I mention, of about 18,000 men, as fine troops as any in 
 Europe. Of these at least 16,000 were Catholics, and of those a 
 very great portion were actually sworn Defenders, who were com- 
 pelled to enter the service to avoid prosecution. I learn that, since 
 my departure from Ireland, Defenderism has spread rapidly among 
 them, and that numbers have been imprisoned on that account. I 
 have not a shadow of doubt on my mind but that the militia 
 would, in case of emergency, to a man, join their countrymen in 
 throwing off the yoke of England, provided proper measures were 
 taken, and that they saw a reasonable prospect of success. 
 
 For the navy, I have already said that Ireland has furnished no 
 less than 80,000 seamen, and that two-thirds of the English fleet 
 are manned by Irishmen. I will here state the grounds of my 
 assertion. First, I have myself heard several British officers, and 
 among them some of very distinguished reputation, say so. 
 Secondly, I know that when the Catholic delegates, whom I had 
 the honour to attend, were at St. James's, in January, 1793, in the 
 course of the discussion with Henry Dundas, principal Secretary 
 of State, they asserted the fact to be as I have mentioned, and Mr. 
 Dundas admitted it, which he would most certainly not have done 
 if he could have denied it. And, lastly, on my voyage to America, 
 our vessel was boarded by a British frigate, whose crew consisted 
 of 220 men, of whom no less than 210 were Irish, as I found by 
 inquiry. I submit the importance of this fact to the particular 
 notice of the French Government. 
 
 From all which has been said I trust it will appear that it is the 
 interest of France to separate Ireland from England ; and that it 
 is morally certain that the attempt, if made, would succeed, for the 
 following reasons : 1st. That all the Dissenters are disaffected to 
 England, attached to France, and sufficiently organised. 2nd. 
 That the whole Catholic peasantry of Ireland, above 3,000,000 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 383 
 
 of people, are, to a man, eager to throw off the English yoke ; that 
 they also are organised, and that part of the fundamental oath, 
 by which they are bound as Defenders, is to be true as well to 
 France as to Ireland. 3rd. That there is a certainty of a perfect 
 harmony and co-operation between these two great bodies, which 
 constitute nine-tenths of the population of Ireland. 4th. That the 
 British Government cannot reckon on any firm support from the 
 army, above two-thirds of which are Irishmen, and of that number 
 nearly 10,000 being, as I am informed and believe, actually sworn 
 Defenders. 5th. That it is at least possible that, by proper 
 measures to be adopted relative to the Irishmen now serving in the 
 navy of England, her power at sea might receive such a shock as 
 it has never yet experienced ; and 6th, and lastly, that if these 
 facts be as I have here stated them, it would be impossible for the 
 Protestant aristocracy in Ireland to make any stand whatsoever, 
 even for an hour, in defence of the connection with England. 
 
 Having now submitted the actual situation of Ireland to the 
 notice of the French Government, I shall offer, in a second 
 memorial, the plan which I conceive most likely to effectuate the 
 separation of that country from Great Britain. 
 
 Second Memorial. 
 
 Having stated, in a former memorial, the actual situation and 
 circumstances of Ireland, I shall now submit those means which, 
 in my judgment, will be most likely to effectuate the great object 
 of separating that country from England, and establishing her as 
 an independent Republic, in strict alliance with France. I shall 
 first mention those measures whose execution depend on the 
 French Republic, and next those which will be to be executed by 
 the people of Ireland. 
 
 In the first place, I beg leave to lay it down as indispensable that 
 a body of French troops should be landed in Ireland, with a 
 General at their head, of established reputation, whose name should 
 be known in that country — a circumstance of considerable import- 
 ance ; and I must be permitted to observe here, that, if humbling 
 
3»4 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 the pride and reducing the power of England be an object with the 
 French Republic, I know no place where the very best General in 
 their service could be employed, either with more reputation to 
 himself, or benefit to the public cause. 
 
 With regard to the strength of this army, it is my duty to speak 
 with candour to the Government. It ought, if possible, to be of 
 20,000 men, at least 15,000 of which should land as near the capital 
 as circumstances would admit, and 5,000 in the North of Ireland, 
 near Belfast. If an imposing force, such as I have mentioned, 
 could be sent in the first instance, it would save a vast effusion of 
 blood and treasure. By having possession of the capital we 
 should, in fact, have possession of the whole country. The Govern- 
 ment in existence there would fall to pieces, without a possibility 
 of effort. We should have in our hands at once the Treasury, the 
 Post Office, the Banks, the Custom- House, the seat of the Legis- 
 lature, and particularly, what is even of more consequence, we 
 should have the reputation which would result from such a com- 
 mencement. If we could begin by the capital, I should hope we 
 should obtain possession of the entire country without striking a 
 blow, as in fact there would, in that case, be no organised force to 
 make resistance ; but for this, 20,000 men would be necessary. If, 
 however, the other indispensable arrangements of the French 
 Republic would render it impossible to send such a force, I offer it 
 as my opinion, and I entreat it may be remembered that 5,000 is the 
 very lowest number with which the attempt could be made with 
 anything like certainty of success, in which case the landing should 
 be effectuated in the North of Ireland, where the people are in the 
 greatest forwardness as to military preparation. It is unnecessary 
 to observe here that, commencing our operations at 100 miles 
 distance from the capital, of which the enemy would be in full 
 possession, would give them very great advantages over us at first ; 
 they would still have, in a degree, the law of opinion in their 
 favour, and they would, at least for some time, retain the Treasury, 
 the Post Office, and all the other advantages which an established 
 organisation would naturally give them. Nevertheless, with 5,000 
 men, an able General, and the measures which I shall hereafter 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 38s 
 
 mention, I should have no doubt of our ultimate success ; but then 
 we should have to fight hard for our liberties, and we should lose 
 many great advantages which a sufficient force in the commence- 
 ment would give us, particularly that of disorganising at once the 
 existing Government of Ireland. 
 
 Supposing the number to be 5,000, a large proportion should be 
 artillerists, of which we are quite unprovided. They should be the 
 very best troops that France could furnish, men who had actually 
 seen hard service, and who would be capable of training and 
 disciplining the Irish army. The necessity of this is too obvious 
 to need any further comment. I do not go here into any military 
 detail on the conduct of the war ; if the measure be adopted, I shall 
 hope to be admitted to a conference with the General, who may be 
 appointed to the command, and then, with the map of the country 
 before us, I will submit, with great deference, my ideas on that 
 head. 
 
 Before I quit the subject of the force necessary, I wish to observe 
 that, in my first memorial, I have always said that the army, and 
 especially the militia, would, I was satisfied, declare for their 
 country, " if they saw a reasonable prospect of support" by which I 
 would be understood to mean an imposing force in the first 
 instance. I cannot commit myself as to what might be their 
 conduct in case 5,000 men only were landed. I hope, and I believe, 
 but I cannot positively affirm, that they would join the standard of 
 their country ; but, even if they were, contrary to my expectations, 
 to adhere to the British Government, the only difference would be, 
 that, in that event, we should have a civil war, which I would most 
 earnestly wish, if possible, to avoid. As to the people at large, I 
 am perfectly satisfied that, whether there were 20,000 or 10,000 or 
 even 5,000 men landed, it would, as to them, make no manner of 
 difference. I know they would flock to the Republican standard 
 in such numbers as to embarrass the General-in-Chief. It would 
 be just as easy in a month's time to have an army in Ireland of 
 200,000 men as of 10,000, and therefore it is that, reckoning on 
 this disposition of the people, I say, and repeat, that I would not 
 have a shadow of doubt of our ultimate success, provided we had 
 
 vol. 11. 26 
 
3^6 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 a body of even 5,000 disciplined troops to commence with ; a 
 smaller number would, I apprehend, be hardly able to maintain 
 themselves until they could be joined by the people, as the Govern- 
 ment of Ireland would be able instantly to turn against them such 
 a body of troops (who in that case would, I fear, adhere to them) 
 as would swallow them up, the consequence of which would be, 
 besides the loss to France of the men and money, the bringing 
 Ireland, even more than she is at present, under the yoke of British 
 tyranny, the breaking for ever the hopes and spirits of her people, 
 and the rendering all prospect of her emancipation, at any future 
 period, utterly impracticable and desperate. 
 
 As to arms and ammunition, I can only say, that the more there 
 is of both, the better. If the Republic can send to Ireland 100,000 
 stand of arms, there are double the number of hands ready to put 
 them in. A large train of artillery, that is to say, field pieces, as 
 we have no fortified places, is absolutely indispensable, together 
 with a considerable proportion of experienced cannoniers ; engi- 
 neers, used to field practice, are also highly necessary. As to 
 money, I am at a loss to determine the sum. If 20,000 men were 
 sent, I should say that pay for 40,000 for three months would be 
 amply sufficient, as, before that time was expired, we should have 
 all the resources of Ireland in our hands. If but 5,000 be sent, I 
 submit the quantum necessary to the wisdom and liberality of the 
 French Government, observing only that we could not, in that 
 case, calculate at once on the immediate possession of the funds, 
 which, in the other instance, we could seize directly. 
 
 Very much would depend upon the manifesto, to be published 
 on the first landing. I conceive the declaration of the object and 
 intentions of the Republic should contain, among others, the 
 following topics : — 
 
 1st. An absolute disavowal of all idea of conquest, and a state- 
 ment that the French came as friends and brothers, with no other 
 view than to assist the people in throwing off the yoke of England. 
 2nd. A declaration of perfect security and protection to the free 
 exercise of all religions, without distinction or preference, and the 
 perpetual abolition of all ascendency, or connection, between Church 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 3^7 
 
 and State. 3rd. A declaration of perfect security and protection of 
 persons and property, to all who should demean themselves as good 
 citizens, and friends to the liberty of their country, with strong 
 denunciations against those who should support or countenance 
 the cause of British tyranny and usurpation. 4th. An invitation to 
 the people to join the Republican standard, and a promise to 
 recommend to the future Legislature of their country every 
 individual who should distinguish himself by his courage, zeal, and 
 ability. 5th. An invitation to the people immediately to organise 
 themselves, and form a national convention, for the purpose of 
 framing a Government, and of administering the affairs of Ireland, 
 until such Government could be framed and put in activity. 
 
 Other topics will naturally suggest themselves ; but these seem 
 to me, from my knowledge of Ireland, to be among the most likely, 
 as well to raise the people as to remove the fears and anxieties, 
 especially on the great heads of property and religion, of many 
 who might otherwise be neutral, or perhaps adverse, but who would 
 gladly support the independence of their country, when satisfied as 
 to these points. It is with the most sincere pleasure that I can 
 assure the French Government that their singular moderation with 
 regard to Holland, when that country lay at their mercy, had an 
 inconceivable effect on the mind of every independent man in 
 Ireland, and removed, almost entirely, the reluctance which many 
 felt to put themselves to the hazard and uncertainty of a revolution. 
 
 To recapitulate : What I conceive would be indispensably 
 necessary to be furnished, on the part of the French Republic, 
 would be : 1st. An armed force, not exceeding 20,000 men, nor less 
 than 5,000. If 20,000, to be landed as near Dublin as possible ; if 
 a smaller number, in the North of Ireland, near Belfast. 2nd. A 
 General whose name and character should be well known in 
 Ireland. 3rd. Arms and ammunition, as much as could be spared ; 
 a train of artillery, with an adequate number of experienced can- 
 noniers and engineers. 4th. Such a sum of money as the French 
 Government might feel necessary, and could grant, consistently 
 with their other arrangements. 
 
 On the part of the people of Ireland, the measures which I 
 
388 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 conceive would be most immediately necessary, to ensure success 
 and establish our independence, would be as follow : — 
 
 First, of course, to raise as many soldiers as we had arms to put 
 into their hands, which would be the only limitation as to numbers. 
 
 Secondly, to call a national convention, for which a basis is laid 
 in the General Committee of the Catholics, mentioned in my first 
 memorial, who, when joined by Delegates from the Dissenters, 
 would be actually the representatives of nine-tenths of the people. 
 The first act of the Convention thus constituted should be, to 
 declare themselves the representatives of the Irish people, free and 
 independent, and in that capacity to form an alliance, offensive 
 and defensive, with the French Republic ; stipulating that neither 
 party should make peace with England without the other, and until 
 the two Republics were acknowledged, and also a treaty of com- 
 merce, on terms of mutual advantage. As the immediate formation 
 of a national convention is of the last importance, I wish earnestly 
 to press on the notice of the French Government the unspeakable 
 advantage of having, if possible, an imposing force, in the first 
 instance, for this reason : that the men of a certain rank in life and 
 situation, as to property (for instance, the actual members of the 
 Catholic Committee, who must be those who naturally would form 
 the convention), would, in that case, at once declare themselves, 
 and begin to act, which I cannot venture to ensure that they would 
 do, at least for some time, if they saw but a small force landed. 
 For the great body of the people, whom I have mentioned as 
 being organised under the name of Defenders, and a great propor- 
 tion of the Dissenters, the number to be landed is of little conse- 
 quence as to them ; for my firm belief is, that if but one thousand 
 French were landed, it would be impossible to prevent the peasantry 
 of Ireland from rising, as one man, to join them ; but then we 
 should lose the inestimable advantages which would result from 
 the immediate organisation of a body which could call itself the 
 Government of Ireland, and, as such, instantly assume the legis- 
 lative and executive functions, raise money, grant commissions, 
 and, especially, conclude the alliance with France, the eclat of 
 which must naturally produce the most beneficial and important 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 339 
 
 consequences. Without such an arrangement our commencement 
 would have more the air of an insurrection than a Revolution ; 
 and though, I again repeat, I would have no doubt of the ultimate 
 success of the attempt, yet the difficulties at first would be 
 multiplied in proportion to the smallness of the force which might 
 be landed. The measures which I am now about to mention, 
 which can only be effectually executed by a body which can, with 
 some appearance of justice, call itself the Irish Government, will 
 show at once the indispensable necessity of a national convention 
 being organised ; that not an hour should be lost in framing it ; 
 and, of course, that every possible effort should be made to send 
 such force as would ensure its formation in the first instance. 
 
 The convention, being once formed, should proceed to publish, 
 among others, the following proclamations ; from every one of 
 which, I have no shadow of doubt, would result the most powerful 
 effects. 
 
 1st. One to the people at large, notifying their independence and 
 their alliance with the French Republic, forbidding all adherence 
 to the British Government, under the penalty of high treason ; 
 ordering all taxes and contributions to be paid only to such persons 
 as should be appointed by the convention to receive them ; and, in 
 the meantime, making all collectors and public officers responsible, 
 with life and property, for all moneys in their hands. This would 
 at once set the law of opinion on their side, and give a spirit to 
 every individual embarked in the cause. It would then be a war, 
 not an insurrection ; and even that circumstance, as operating on 
 the minds of the soldiery, I consider as of great importance. 
 
 2nd. One to the militia of Ireland, recalling them to the standard 
 of their country, paying the value of their arms, and granting an 
 immediate discharge to all who should demand it ; and ensuring a 
 preference in all military promotion, and a provision in land, or 
 otherwise, at the end of the war, according to the rank and services 
 of each, to those who should enter into the service of their country. 
 I am convinced, as I am of my existence, that this single proclama- 
 tion would bring over the entire militia of Ireland, which is, in fact, 
 the only formidable force in the country ; but I must add, at the 
 
39° 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 same time, that this proclamation can only be published, with 
 effect, by a national Government. 
 
 3rd. One, addressed to all Irishmen now serving in the navy of 
 England, recalling them directly from that service ; reminding 
 them that they are a majority, in the proportion of two to one, and 
 therefore exhorting them to seize on the vessels, and bring them 
 into the Irish ports ; engaging the faith of the nation to purchase 
 the ships at their value, as prizes, to give, as in the case of the 
 militia, an immediate discharge to all who should desire it, ensuring 
 promotion in preference to all who should remain in the service, 
 stating the hardships to which they are subject in the British 
 service, into which they have been forced, either by hunger or the 
 press-gang, dwelling particularly on the unjust distribution of their 
 prize-money, stating the enormous disproportion between the share 
 of an admiral or a captain and that of a common seaman ; ensuring 
 them an equitable rate in that respect, to be established in the 
 future Irish navy, and reminding them of the immense wealth to be 
 made by captures on the prodigious expanse of the British com- 
 merce which now embraces that of the whole world. From such a 
 proclamation issuing from an Irish Government I am sanguine 
 enough to expect the most powerful effects. Let it never be for- 
 gotten that two-thirds of the British seamen, as they are called, are 
 in fact Irishmen. I will not say that this proclamation would 
 bring one ship into the Irish harbours, but this I say, that if human 
 nature be human nature, it would raise such a spirit of jealousy 
 and distrust in the naval service of Great Britain as must most 
 materially serve the cause of the Republic. Will any English 
 Admiral leave Portsmouth with confidence, with such a proclama- 
 tion as that hanging over his head, against which, too, he has 
 nothing to oppose but the mere force of discipline ? How much 
 will that discipline be necessarily relaxed from the fear lest, by 
 enforcing it strictly, the majority of the crew should instantly 
 mutiny and carry the ship where they would meet with protection 
 and support amongst their friends and connections, their wives and 
 children — in one word, in their native country ? Will any English 
 captain be found to tie up an Irish seaman for a trifling offence 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 39i 
 
 and flog him before the face of the crew two-thirds of whom are 
 Irish, with the terror of such a proclamation before his eyes ? And 
 especially what weapon has the English Government to oppose in 
 return ? I supplicate the attention of the French Government to 
 this point, which is, in my judgment, of the very highest importance. 
 It would be in her navy that England would be then first found 
 vulnerable. If there was no other object proposed but this single 
 one, I affirm with confidence, it is of magnitude by itself sufficient 
 to decide the French Government to make every effort to obtain it ; 
 which can only be effected through the medium of a national 
 Government to be established in Ireland. It would be easy to add 
 a thousand arguments on this topic, but I trust, knowing as I do 
 the superior talents and information of those whom I address, that 
 what I have said will be sufficient to open the subject, and I do 
 again most earnestly entreat them to follow in their own minds the 
 long chain of consequences which must flow, as to the naval power 
 of England, from the measure which I have mentioned, supposing 
 it to have that success which I cannot myself for a moment doubt 
 but it must. 
 
 4th. A proclamation recalling, in general terms, all Irishmen 
 from the dominions of Great Britain, whether in the land or sea 
 service, or otherwise, within a certain period, under pain of being 
 treated as emigrants. The effect of this measure will be seen 
 when I come to speak of the actual and casual resources of Ireland. 
 
 5th. An address to the people of England and Scotland, as 
 distinguished from the Government, stating the grounds of the 
 conduct of the Irish nation, and declaring their earnest desire to 
 avoid the effusion of blood ; that they wish merely for the indepen- 
 dence of their country, which at all hazards they are determined to 
 maintain ; warning the English people, by the examples of the 
 American and French Revolutions, how impossible it is to conquer 
 a whole people determined to be free, demonstrating, by calculation, 
 the expense of the war, and applying to their interests as a com- 
 mercial people, contrasted and opposed to the personal views of 
 their King and Government ; showing them how little they could 
 gain in the most prosperous event, how much blood and treasure 
 
39 2 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 they must necessarily expend, and finally, pointing out the certain 
 consequences to England if she should fail in the contest. If this 
 proclamation were published, I apprehend, as its principles are 
 just, it might embarrass the British Minister considerably in his 
 operations, so as, perhaps, to render it impossible for him to 
 continue the war. But, as I do not at all calculate on the good 
 sense or spirit of the British people, who seem to me for some years 
 to have totally renounced that share of both which they once 
 possessed, I will submit that, if it totally failed in its object, and 
 the English nation were so infatuated as to support the Minister in 
 the war, this proclamation should be followed by the next. 
 
 6th. The immediate confiscation of every shilling of English 
 property in Ireland, of every species, movable or fixed, and 
 appropriating it to the national service, which would then be an 
 act of strict justice, as the English people would have made them- 
 selves parties in the war. In this manner, I submit, one of two 
 things must happen : either the English people would decidedly 
 oppose the war — and, if so, peace, and the establishment of the 
 independence of Ireland, would directly follow — or they would 
 support the war ; in which case they lose at once an immense pro- 
 perty in Ireland, which is instantly transferred, and becomes a 
 weapon against them, in the hands of their enemies ; not to speak 
 of the discontents which the loss of such a vast property in land, 
 in money lent on mortgages, in goods, and in debts, must produce 
 amongst all ranks, and more especially amongst the merchants and 
 traders in England. 
 
 I will not trespass longer on the time of the French Govern- 
 ment, but hasten to give a brief sketch of the actual and casual 
 resources of Ireland, and then conclude. First, her population — 
 4,500,000. It is necessary to state on what grounds I assert this. 
 In 1788 there existed a tax on hearths in Ireland, by which means 
 the number of houses was known with sufficient accuracy to those 
 who administered the revenue. The number of people in Ireland, 
 allowing six to a family, was in that year calculated by one of the 
 commissioners — who, of course, had perfect information — at 
 4,100,000; and it was allowed to be under the truth, as well 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 393 
 
 because some houses must necessarily have been omitted, as that 
 the proportion of six to a family was less than what was usually 
 found in Ireland, where the people are naturally prolific. I speak 
 here from memory ; but the calculation is to be found in the 
 Transactions of the Royal Academy of Ireland, which may, per- 
 haps, be in the National Library, and it will justify my assertion 
 that the people of Ireland amount to 4,500,000. But, though 
 Ireland is populous, she is poor ! We are, thanks to the ruinous 
 connection with England, almost without trade or manufactures ; 
 and while that connection holds we shall continue so, for this, 
 among other reasons, that a wretched Irish peasant is tempted 
 even by the scanty pay and subsistence of a foot soldier, from 
 which a well-fed and well-clothed English artisan turns with con- 
 tempt. The army of England is supported by the misery of 
 Ireland. 
 
 Ireland would, however, in case of a revolution, possess, amongst 
 others, the following resources : 1st. Her actual revenues, amount- 
 ing at present to about £2,000,000 per annum, making 48,000,000 
 livres. 2nd. The church, college, and chapter lands, whose exact 
 value I do not know, but which are of vast amount. 3rd. The 
 property of absentees, who never visit the country at all, amount- 
 ing at least to £1,000,000 sterling, or 24,000,000 livres. 4th. The 
 casual property of emigrants, which would amount to a very great 
 sum, but which, as depending on circumstances, cannot be reduced 
 to calculation. 5th. The property of Englishmen in Ireland — 
 whether vested in land, mortgages on land, trade, manufactures, 
 bonds, bills, book debts, or otherwise — to be confiscated and applied 
 to the discharge of the obligations incurred in the acquisition of 
 the independence of Ireland ; I cannot say what the amount of 
 this might be, but it must be immense. One English nobleman — 
 Earl Mansfield, formerly Ambassador at Paris, under the name of 
 Lord Stormont, and an implacable enemy of France — has £300,000 
 sterling, or 7,200,000 livres, lent on mortgages in Ireland ; another 
 English gentleman, Mr. Taylor, has £150,000 sterling, or 3,600,000 
 livres, lent in like manner. I mention these instances to point out 
 to the French Government what unspeakable confusion the measure 
 
394 
 
 THEOBALD WOLFE TONE. 
 
 I propose would be likely to produce in England, and what a 
 staggering blow the separation of Ireland would be in a com- 
 mercial point of view, not to speak of the military, or, which is of 
 far more consequence, the naval part of the question. 
 
 I have now done. I submit to the wisdom of the French Govern- 
 ment that England is the implacable, inveterate, irreconcilable 
 enemy of the Republic, which never can be in perfect security 
 whilst that nation retains the dominion of the sea ; that, in conse- 
 quence, every possible effort should be made to humble her pride 
 and to reduce her power ; that it is in Ireland, and in Ireland only, 
 that she is vulnerable — a fact of the truth of which the French 
 Government cannot be too strongly impressed ; that by establish- 
 ing a free Republic in Ireland they attach to France a grateful ally 
 whose cordial assistance, in peace and war, she might command, 
 and who, from situation and produce, could most essentially serve 
 her ; that at the same time they cut off from England her most firm 
 support, in losing which she is laid under insuperable difficulties 
 in recruiting her army, and especially in equipping, victualling, and 
 manning her navy, which, unless for the resources she drew from 
 Ireland, she would be absolutely unable to do ; that by these 
 means — and, suffer me to add, by these means only — her arrogance 
 can be effectually humbled, and her enormous and increasing power 
 at sea reduced within due bounds — an object essential, not only to 
 France, but to all Europe ; that it is at least possible, by the 
 measures mentioned, that not only her future resources, as to her 
 navy, may be intercepted and cut off at the fountain head, but that 
 a part of her fleet may be actually transferred to the Republic of 
 Ireland ; that the Irish people are united and prepared, and want 
 but the means to begin ; that, not to speak of the policy or the 
 pleasure of revenge in humbling a haughty and implacable rival, 
 it is in itself a great and splendid act of generosity and justice, 
 worthy of the Republic, to rescue a whole nation from a slavery 
 under which they have groaned for six hundred years ; that it is 
 for the glory of France, after emancipating Holland and receiving 
 Belgium into her bosom, to establish one more free Republic in 
 Europe ; that it is for her interest to cut off for ever, as she now 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 395 
 
 may do, one-half of the resources of England, and lay her under 
 extreme difficulties in the employment of the other. For all these 
 reasons, in the name of justice, of humanity, of liberty, of my own 
 country, and of France herself, I supplicate the Directory to take 
 into consideration the state of Ireland ; and by granting her the 
 powerful aid and protection of the Republic, to enable her at once 
 to vindicate her liberty, to humble her tyrant, and to assume that 
 independent station among the nations of the earth for which her 
 soil, her productions and her position, her population and her 
 spirit have designed her. 
 
 THE END. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ABERCORN, Lord, Keogh's plan 
 for the assumption of the 
 Lieutenancy of Ireland by, i. 
 131, 146, 154 
 
 Abercrombie, General, ii. 304, 
 
 345 
 
 Adet, Citizen, French minister 
 in Philadelphia, his first inter- 
 view with Tone, i. 219; ap- 
 proves of Tone's design for 
 applying to France to assist 
 Ireland, 222, 253 
 
 Aherne, Dr., appointed by French 
 Government to go to Ireland, 
 ii. 3 ; favours agrarian revolu- 
 tion, 53 ; 61, 95 ; summoned 
 to Holland, 290 
 
 Alexander the Great, ii. 49 
 
 America, war with England, i. 
 1 1 ; manufacture of linen in, 79 
 
 Amsterdam, The Stadthuys of, 
 ii. 209, 210 
 
 Annesley, Earl, and the riots, i. 
 105, 115; said to ill-use 
 Catholics, 119 
 
 Antonelli, Cardinal, ii. 70 
 
 Antrim, Attack of McCracken 
 on, i. 1 10, note, Ed. 
 
 Archdekin, i. 109 
 
 Aristocrats and Democrats, The 
 
 Irish people divided into, i. 
 
 39 
 
 Armstrong, Major, ii. 356 
 Armstrong, William, second in 
 
 a duel, i. 12 
 Attorneys, Custom of treating, 
 
 i. 21 
 
 Augereau, General, and the 
 
 Italian colours, ii. 190 
 Austin, Mrs., i. 112 
 Avonmore, Lord, i. 73, note, Ed. 
 
 Bagwell, J., M.P., ii. 137 
 Ball, J., i. 149 
 
 Ballinamuck, Battle of, i. 6, note, 
 Ed. 
 
 Ballinasloe, Tone's visit to, i. 
 137 
 
 Bar, Dublin, friendly to Catholic 
 
 claims, i. 1 52 
 Barber, Captain, i. 105 
 Barber, Sam., i. 104, 113 
 Barere, i. 249 
 Baron, Captain, i. 227 
 Barras, i. 256 ; ii. 272 
 Barrett, R., i. 73 
 
398 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Barry, Colonel, Letter from 
 Wolfe Tone to, i. 108 ; letter 
 to Tone from, 128, 134 
 
 Barthelemy, ii. 268, 270 
 
 Bastille, Taking of the, cele- 
 brated in Belfast, i. 71 
 
 Beaulieu, General, ii. 32 ; defeat 
 of, 42, 44 
 
 Bedout, Captain, ii. 154, 160 
 
 Belfast, Dissenters and volun- 
 teers of, i. 43, 47, 5 1 ; recep- 
 tion of Tone's pamphlet in, 
 52 ; extension of principles 
 of United Irishmen in, 70, 71 ; 
 support of Catholic emanci- 
 pation, 132 ; thanks of Ca- 
 tholic Convention accorded 
 to, 169 ; its enthusiastic re- 
 ception of the delegates to 
 the King, 171 ; hospitality to 
 Tone, 214, 215 ; rising in, ii. 
 
 153 
 
 Bellew, C. D., motion at the 
 Convention on the mode of 
 transmitting the petition to 
 the King, i. 164, 166; one of 
 the delegates selected to pre- 
 sent the petition to his Ma- 
 jesty, 167 ; 184 
 
 Bellew, Dr., Bishop of Killala, i. 
 143 ; proposal for a national 
 college, 145 
 
 Bellew, Sir Edward, reported 
 arrest, ii. 1 
 
 Bellew, William, i. 138 
 
 " Belmont Castle," i. 16 
 
 Benn's "History of Belfast," 
 quoted, i. 96, note, Ed. 
 
 Beresford, Mark, i. 146, 152 
 
 Bethencourt, General, ii. 3 1 8 
 
 Birch, Rev. T., i. 72, 116 
 
 Bird, Mr., i. 112, 205 
 
 Blackhall, i. 20 
 
 Blacquiere, Sir F., i. 152 
 
 " Blefescu," mock name for Bel- 
 fast, i. 72 
 
 Bloom, Captain, ii. 140 
 
 Bodenstown, Tone's burial-place, 
 ii. 370 
 
 Bompart, Commodore, of the 
 
 second French expedition to 
 
 Ireland, ii. 349 
 Bond, Oliver, i. 148, 156; ii. 5, 
 
 and biographical note, Ed. ; 
 
 arrest, 296 
 Boswell, Weaving invention by, 
 
 i. no 
 
 Boulant, Adjutant-General, ii. 
 312 
 
 Bournonville, General, i. 301 
 Bouvet, Rear-Admiral, ii. 160 
 Boyd, i. 85 
 
 Braughall, Thomas, member of 
 Catholic Committee, i. 52 ; 
 arrest of, 52, note, Ed. ; 
 stopped, with Wolfe Tone, by 
 footpads, 68 ; 108, 109 ; goes 
 with Tone to Ballinasloe, 135, 
 138 
 
 Break-of-day-boys (see Peep-of- 
 
 day-boys) 
 Bridport, Lord, ii. 245, 246 
 Broon, ii. 124 
 
 Brown, Mr. G. J., sub-master at 
 Mr. Darling's academy, i. 1 1 
 
 Browne, Denis, member of the 
 Irish House of Commons, i. 
 134, 137, HO ; "playing the 
 rascal in Mayo," 147, 153 
 
 Browne, Hon. Mr., i. 108, 109 
 
INDEX. 
 
 399 
 
 Browne, Wogan, i. 74, 75, 126 
 
 Bruce, Dr., i. 84, 86, 87 
 
 Bruix, Rear- Admiral, ii. 157, 
 186, 311, 327 
 
 Bryson, 1". 77, note, Ed., 80, 81, 
 82, 96 
 
 Bunting, i. 85, 87 
 
 Buonaparte, urged to invade 
 Ireland, i. 35, note, Ed. ; in- 
 tervenes for Tandy's pardon, 
 54, note, Ed. ; ii. 17 ; victory 
 in Italy, 42 ; 44 ; reported de- 
 feat in Italy, 54 ; victory over 
 the Austrians, 183, 226; pro- 
 clamation at Genoa, 236 ; ap- 
 pointed to command I'Armee 
 d'Angleterre, 274 ; interviews 
 with Tone, 278, 279 ; and the 
 Jacobins, 287 ; and the arrest 
 of United Irishmen, 300, 303; 
 address to troops at Toulon, 
 316, 330; compared with 
 Hoche, 339 ; aversion to an 
 expedition to Ireland, 341 
 
 Burgh, Chief Baron, his oratori- 
 cal powers in the Irish House 
 of Commons, and resignation 
 of his Crown office, i. 109, 
 note, Ed. 
 
 Burke, Edmund, approval of the 
 principles of the Whig Club, 
 i. 23, note, Ed. ; invective on 
 the French Revolution, 38 ; 
 entertains Keogh's boys, 125 
 
 Burke, Richard, appointed agent 
 for Catholic Committee, i. 48, 
 49 ; allusion to him in 
 Grattan, " Memoirs," 48, note, 
 Ed. ; farewell dinner to him, 
 52 ; petition to Parliament 
 
 prepared by, 62 ; his vanity, 
 65 ; desires to return to Ire- 
 land, 67 ; suspected of schem- 
 ing with the Catholics, 106 ; 
 Tone's opinion of him, 107 ; 
 letter from, 108 ; Tone writes 
 to, 108 ; arrives in Dublin, 
 and gets his conge from Keogh, 
 I2 5> J 35 j tries again to be 
 agent for the Catholics, 144 ; 
 visits Keogh, 156 
 Burrowes, Peter, member of 
 of Wolfe Tone's club, i. 32 ; 
 biographical summary of, i. 
 33, note, Ed. ; speech against 
 the Union, ib. ; admiration of 
 Tone for, 36 ; nicknamed 
 " The Czar," 1 24 ; 306 ; ii. 
 362 
 
 Burston, Mr., i. 125, 126, 127 
 
 Burton, Beresford, his opinion 
 on measures of Catholic Com- 
 mittee, i. 68 
 
 Bute, Lady, ii. 44 
 
 Butler, Hon. Simon, first chair- 
 man of the Dublin Club of 
 United Irishmen, i. 54; bio- 
 graphical summary of, 54, 55, 
 note, Ed. ; 68, 125 ; imprison- 
 ment, ii. 5, note, Ed. 
 
 Byrne, Edward, chairman of 
 Catholic Committee, i. 52, and 
 note, Ed., 62, 94, 108, 109 ; 
 nicknamed "The Vintner,"72; 
 letter signed by, 125 ; 126, 133, 
 144 ; chairman of Catholic 
 Convention, 159; selected as 
 one of the delegates to present 
 petition to the King, 167 
 176 
 
4oo 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Byrne, Mr., publisher of pam- 
 phlet by Wolfe Tone, i. 27 
 
 Cahir, Lord, ii. 9 
 
 Camden, Lord, Proclamation of, 
 
 ii. 305 
 Campbell, i. 81 
 
 Canard about an Irish insurrec- 
 tion, ii. 130 
 
 Carnot, i. 249 ; Tone's first in- 
 terview with, 252-255 ; refers 
 Tone to General Clarke, 277 ; 
 another interview with Tone, 
 ii. 21, 30,41, 51 ; 84, 146; con- 
 spiracy of, 266, 268 
 
 Castlebar, Defeat of General 
 Lake at, i. 6, note, Ed. ; ii. 
 348 ; meeting at, i. 139, 140 
 
 Castlereagh, Lord, arrests C. 
 H. Teeling, ii. 5, note, Ed. 
 
 Catholic Committee in Ireland, 
 formation and originators, i. 
 44, note, Ed. ; connection of 
 John Keogh with, 45, and 
 note, Ed. ; ceases to exist, 
 and afterwards re-formed, 44, 
 note, Ed. ; its original object, 
 45 ; applies to Parliament for 
 the repeal of the penal laws, 47 ; 
 secession of the aristocracy 
 from, 48 ; various measures 
 adopted by, 48, 49; their peti- 
 tions rejected by Parliament, 
 62,63 ; Keon's plan for its reor- 
 ganisation, 64; Wolfe Tone ap- 
 pointed agent to, 65 ; the plan 
 for its reorganisation alarms 
 the British Government, 67 ; 
 the legality of its measures 
 maintained by two lawyers, 
 
 68 ; attacked by Grand Jury 
 of Louth, by Limerick, and 
 the Dublin Corporation, 70 ; 
 issues a counter-manifesto, 70; 
 102, 108 ; wavering counsel 
 after the Convention, 177; dis- 
 sensions as to petition to Par- 
 liament, 179 ; battle of words 
 between Tone and Keogh, 
 180, 181 ; Keogh's motion for 
 attendance of delegates in 
 London, 184 ; rescinding of 
 Keogh's motion, 185; discus- 
 sion on the acceptance or non- 
 acceptance of Hobart's Bill, 
 185, 186 ; shows a spirit of 
 compromise towards the Go- 
 vernment, 190, 194; divided 
 opinions, 191 ; assailed with 
 unfounded charges by the 
 Government, 194, 195; Tone's 
 memorials in their interests to 
 the French Directory, ii. 97 
 Catholic Convention, place of 
 assembly, 158; enthusiasm 
 of delegates, 159 ; election 
 of chairman, 159; the right 
 of representation established, 
 160 ; Teeling's motion for 
 total emancipation, 161 ; D. 
 T. O'Brien's speech, 161 ; re- 
 ception of Keogh's challenge, 
 and his motion for adjourn- 
 ment, 161, 162 ; Teeling's 
 amendment unanimously car- 
 ried, 163 ; Fitzgerald's motion 
 for discussing the mode of 
 transmitting the petition to 
 the King, 164; signing the 
 petition by assembly, 164 ; 
 
INDEX. 
 
 401 
 
 unanimous agreement as to 
 mode of transmitting peti- 
 tion, 165-167 ; selection of 
 delegates to present the peti- 
 tion, 167 ; a vindication of the 
 conduct of Catholics discussed 
 and agreed upon, 167-169 ; 
 thanks to people of Belfast, 
 169 ; clerical representation 
 in the, 170 
 
 Catholic Society, i. 88 
 
 Catholics in Ireland, proportion- 
 ate numbers, i. 41 ; tyranny of 
 penal code against them, 41 ; 
 Mr. Lecky's summary of the 
 penal code against them, 42, 
 note, Ed. ; their advance in 
 political spirit, 47 ; hatred of 
 England, 51 ; dinners to poli- 
 tical friends, 52; offence taken 
 at their using firearms, 104 ; 
 Tone proposes they should 
 abstain from parading in 
 bodies, 105 ; they decide to 
 have a pastoral letter recom- 
 mending good order, 105 ; 
 loss of influence amongst 
 their clergy, 105 ; not to be 
 supported by the English 
 Ministry, 108 ; insults offered 
 to them in Sligo, no; offer 
 to find soldiers, 115; their 
 clergy said to be unfriendly 
 to liberty, 116; Wolfe Tone 
 to be the medium of commu- 
 nication between them and 
 Parliament, 123, 124; com- 
 plain of taxation without re- 
 presentation, 130 ; injustice 
 to the poorer, 130; their in- 
 vol. 11. 27 
 
 terests in Keogh's proposed 
 scheme for the administration 
 of Irish affairs, 132, 133; what 
 their emancipation meant, 
 133; education of their clergy, 
 143 ; R. Burke seeks again 
 to be their agent, 144 ; their 
 discontent with the Govern- 
 ment, 147 ; names of sub- 
 committee of, 149 ; proceed- 
 ings of their Convention of 
 1792, 158-170; presentation 
 of their petition to the King, 
 173 ; a spirit of compromise 
 in the Committee, 177 ; pass- 
 ing of Bill for their relief, and 
 its provisions, 196, 197 ; 
 offices from which they were 
 still excluded, 198, note, Ed., 
 199, 200 
 Catholics, Penal code against, i. 
 42, note, Ed. ; relaxations in, 
 down to 1792, 92, Ed., 94 
 Cattle-fair at Ballinasloe, i. 137 
 Cavan, Earl of, ii. 253 
 Cavendish, Sir Henry, opinion 
 of Wolfe Tone's pamphlet on 
 Irish neutrality in Anglo- 
 Spanish affairs, i. 27 
 Chamberlain, i. 115 
 Charlemont, Lord, one of the 
 originators of the Whig Club, 
 i. 23, note, Ed. 
 Chasseloup, ii. 160 
 Chaumont, General, ii. 265 
 Cherin, General, ii. 87, 98, 99, 150 
 Chesterfield, Lord, Letters of, 
 
 Tone's opinion of, i. 139 
 " Chouannerie," System of, i. 
 313, 319; ii. 12, 113 
 
402 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Chouans, The, ii. 107, 124, 147 
 Clane, i. 13 
 
 Clare, Lord, allusions in speeches 
 to letter from Wolfe Tone, i. 
 35, note by Tone's son ; is 
 challenged by Hon. Simon 
 Butler, 55, note, Ed.; bio- 
 graphical summary of, 70, 
 note, Ed.; 72 ; his animosity 
 to the Catholics, 168, 169 ; 
 attacked by Tone, 177 ; con- 
 demns Catholic emancipation, 
 194, 279 ; abuses Tone and 
 Hoche in the Irish Parliament, 
 185, 292 
 
 Clarke, General, interview with 
 Tone in Paris, i. 277-281 ; 
 second interview, 287 ; re- 
 ports to Tone the proposals 
 of the Executive, 299 ; ii. 8, 
 9; distrusted, 11 ; opinion of 
 Tone's proclamation, 37, 39 ; 
 43 ; discusses with Tone the 
 proposed expedition, 47, 51, 
 57> 58, 77 ; suggestions as to 
 the future government of Ire- 
 land, 83 ; 281 
 
 Clear-day Men, ii. 131 
 
 Cleghorn, Tom, i. 83 
 
 Clergy, their representatives at 
 the Catholic Convention, i. 170 
 
 Clotilde, i. 306 
 
 Club, formed by Wolfe Tone, i. 
 
 32-34 
 Club, Newry, i. 126 
 Club, Northern Whig, i. 153 
 Club, United Irish, Belfast, i. 
 
 53, 87 
 
 Club, United Irish, Dublin, i. 54 
 Club, Washington, i. 85 
 
 Club, Whig, i. 23 ; Wolfe Tone's 
 connection with it, 24, 25, 26 ; 
 originators and objects, 23, 
 note, Ed. ; its puny efforts, 
 38 ; and the condition of the 
 labouring poor, ii. 55 
 
 Coach-riding in France, Cost of, 
 i. 231 
 
 Cockayne, solicitor to Duchess 
 of Kingston, accompanies 
 Jackson to Ireland, i. 203 ; 
 witness against Jackson, 208 
 
 Collins, the informer, ii. 2, note 
 
 Cologne, ii. 197, 199, 201-203 
 
 Commissaries in French expedi- 
 tion for Ireland, ii. 158 
 
 Compton, Mr. Herbert, his 
 account of W. Tone in 
 " Military Adventurers of 
 Hindustan," i. 4, note, Ed. 
 
 Conolly, Mr., member of the 
 Irish Parliament, i. 93, 94 ; 
 Tone's opinion of, 126 ; offers 
 to go security for good be- 
 haviour of the Catholics, 
 127 ; ii. 226 
 
 Convention Act, i. 175, note, 
 ED. 
 
 Convention, Batavian, ii. 216- 
 218 
 
 Corbet, T., ii. 349 
 
 Cornwallis, Marquis, defeats the 
 French at Ballinamuck, i. 6, 
 note, Ed. ; intercedes for 
 Tandy's pardon, 54, note, 
 Ed. ; ii. 225, 345, 361 
 
 Corsica, ii. 70, 129, 140 
 
 Corsini, Neri, i. 257 
 
 Council of Five Hundred, i. 311, 
 312 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Cowen, Captain, i. 105 
 Coyle, Dr., Bishop of Raphoe, 
 i. 113 
 
 Craig, Rev. Wm, T. W. Tone's 
 second schoolmaster, i. 9, 99 
 
 Crawford, Dr., i. 99 
 
 Croix, Charles de la, French 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
 his reception of Tone, i. 236 ; 
 his appearance and manners, 
 239 ; promises to support 
 Tone's proposals, 257, 258 ; 
 discusses with Tone the plan 
 of invasion, 269-273, 318 ; ii. 
 17, 61 
 
 Cruise, Dr., Bishop of Ardagh, 
 i. 113 
 
 Cunningham, Waddel, i. 84, 86, 
 87. 95. 9 6 » 97; harangues 
 against the Catholics, 98, 100 
 
 Curran, Captain, ii. 356 
 
 Curran, J. P., his reply to a 
 question from Lord Norbury, 
 i. 56, note, Ed. ; hostile meet- 
 ing with John Egan, 73, note, 
 Ed. ; defends W. Jackson, 
 208 ; intervenes on Tone's 
 behalf for a trial in the Court 
 of King's Bench, 362, 363 
 
 Curran's " Life," its allusions 
 to letter from Wolfe Tone on 
 the connection of Ireland 
 with Britain, i. 35, note by 
 Tone's son ; ii. 349 
 
 Curry, Dr., one of the origina- 
 tors of the Catholic Com- 
 mittee, i. 44, note, Ed. 
 
 Custine, i. 302 
 
 " Czar, The," nickname for 
 Peter Burrowes, i. 124 
 
 Daendels, General, ii. 230, 231, 
 232, 233 ; his plans and in- 
 structions for the Dutch ex- 
 pedition to Ireland, 238, 239 ; 
 scheme for landing in Eng- 
 land, 252, 257, 284 ; flight 
 from the Hague, 319; return 
 to the Hague, 335 
 
 D'Albarade, appointed to com- 
 mand the naval expedition to 
 Ireland, ii. 7 
 
 Dalton, James and Alexander, 
 ii. 124 
 
 Daly, speaks at the Catholic 
 
 Convention on the Catholic 
 
 vindication, i. 168 
 Daly, Colonel, ii. 356 
 Darling, Sisson, T. W. Tone's 
 
 first schoolmaster, i. 8 
 Davis, Thomas, writer of stanza 
 
 to the memory of Tone, ii. 
 
 370 
 
 Debelle, General, ii. 116, 118, 
 131. 273 
 
 Defenders, origin of term, i. 
 83, note, Ed, 103 ; proposed 
 address to, 107, 108 ; ii. I 
 
 Democrats of Ireland, i. 39 
 
 Derry, Mr., i. 104 
 
 Derry, Grand Jury resolutions, 
 i. 112 ; fortifications, ii. 118 
 
 Desaix, General, ii. 274, 276 
 
 Despard, Colonel, ii. 295 
 
 Devereux, J. E., i. 127, 130 ; 
 addresses Catholic Conven- 
 tion, 166; selected as one of 
 the delegates to present the 
 petition to the King, 167 ; on 
 the Catholic vindication, 169 ; 
 has the charge of Catholic 
 
INDEX. 
 
 404 
 
 affairs in London, 175, 177, 
 181 ; attacked by Keogh, and 
 defended by Sweetman, 181, 
 182 
 
 De Vergennes, Count, i. 290 
 Digges, i. 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 
 
 84, 86, 87, 88, 97, 109, 117 ; ii. 
 
 337 
 
 Dillon, Lord, i. 140 
 
 Dillon, R., i. 154 
 
 Dissenters in Ireland, their in- 
 dependent spirit and support 
 of the principles of the 
 French Revolution, i. 41 ; 
 Tone's pamphlet addressed 
 to, 51 ; Tone presses for or- 
 ganisation amongst, 102 ; 
 Tone proposes they should 
 defend the peace of the coun- 
 try against all transgressors, 
 105 ; clergy favourable to 
 Catholic liberty, 116; only 
 those of Belfast support 
 Catholic emancipation, 132 
 
 Dixon, Wm., i. 72, 125 
 
 Dosworth, Lord, ii. 137 
 
 Doulcet, ii. 179 
 
 Downes, i. 73 
 
 Downshire, Lord, interview with 
 
 Wolfe Tone, i. 117 ; ii. 125 
 Doyle, i. 88 
 
 Doyle, John, his Irish heroes, ii. 
 53 
 
 " Draper, The," nickname of 
 W. Sinclair, i. 72, et passim 
 
 Drennan, Dr. Wm., member of 
 Club, formed by Wolfe Tone, 
 i. 32 ; biographical summary 
 of, 33, note, Ed. ; his lyrics 
 and origination of the Belfast 
 
 Magazine, ib. ; author of pub- 
 lications of the Dublin Club, 
 56, 71 ; 88, in 
 Drouet, ii. 27 
 
 Drummer, Punishment on a, i. 
 154 
 
 Drunkenness in the French 
 army, Cure for, i. 311 
 
 Dublin, birthplace of T. W. 
 Tone, i. 1 ; Matthew Tone 
 hanged at, 6, note, Ed. ; re- 
 views in Phoenix Park, 10 ; 
 formation of Club of United 
 Irishmen at, 54 ; seditious 
 papers circulated amongst 
 the soldiers of, 148 ; illumi- 
 nated to celebrate the expul- 
 sion of the German army 
 from France, 148 ; important 
 Catholic meeting in, 149 ; 
 rumoured seizure of the arse- 
 nal, ii. 129; martial law pro- 
 claimed in, 226 
 
 Dublin Evening Post, i. 149 
 
 Duckett, Irish rebel agent, i. 
 258, note, Ed., 272 ; ii. 62, 
 73, 96, 108 ; Tone's suspicions 
 of, 1 10, 121 
 
 Duel, between boys, i. 12 ; be- 
 tween Captain Sweetman and 
 Watson, 264 ; between Rapa- 
 telle and a naval officer, ii. 132 
 
 Duff, Mr. James Grant, his allu- 
 sion to W. Tone in the " His- 
 tory of the Mahrattas," i. 4,. 
 note, Ed. 
 
 Dugas, M., ii. 37 
 
 Dugominier, Adjutant-General, 
 ii. 312 
 
 Dumonceau, General, ii. 257 
 
INDEX. 
 
 405 
 
 Dumourier, i. 189 ; ii. 267, 312 
 Duncan, Admiral, ii. 238, 264 ; 
 
 defeats the Dutch fleet, 274 
 Dundas, Hon. H., i. 125 ; his re- 
 ception of the Catholic dele- 
 gates, 172, 173 ; tells Devereux 
 the intentions of Parliament, 
 181 
 
 Dunsany, Lord, i. 89 
 Duphot, General, assassination 
 in Rome of, ii. 289 
 
 EARLSFOOT, Lord, Wolfe Tone's 
 opinion of, i. 72 ; biographical 
 summary of, ib., note. 
 
 Education of Catholic clergy, i. 
 143 
 
 Egan, Bishop, i. 128 
 
 Egan, John, hostile meeting 
 with Curran, and opposition 
 to the Union, i. 73, note, Ed. 
 
 Egan, Mr., Petition of Catholic 
 Committee prepared by, i. 62, 
 note, Ed. 
 
 Egypt, French invasion of, ii. 303 
 
 Elliot, Sir Gilbert, ii. 65 
 
 Emmet, Robert, Co-operation of 
 Thomas Russell with, i. 28, 
 note, Ed. ; supported by Peter 
 Burrowes, 33, note, Ed. 
 
 Emmet, Thomas Addis, friend- 
 ship with Wolfe Tone, i. 35, 
 36 ; biographical summary of, 
 35, note, Ed. ; evidence be- 
 fore Secret Committee, and 
 distinguished position in 
 America, ib. ; draws up 
 counter-manifesto of Catho- 
 lic Committee, 70 ; Tone's 
 esteem for him, 143 ; his 
 
 address from the Catholics of 
 Dublin, 147 ; his nickname, 
 148 ; farewell meeting with 
 Tone, 211, 212 ; ii. 5 ; arrest, 
 296 
 
 England, policy in Ireland, i. 
 43 ; Irish hatred of, 50, 51 ; 
 ii. 146 ; influence in Ireland, 
 
 i. , 132 ; relations with Spain, 
 
 ii. 43, 51, 102, 105 ; defeat in 
 West Indies, 51 ; sends arms 
 to Ireland, and takes French 
 frigates, 64 ; rumoured peace 
 with France, 102 ; French 
 proposal to send desperadoes 
 to, 113 ; importation of arms 
 into Ireland, 117; supposed 
 to be implicated in the attemp- 
 ted assassination of Hoche, 
 1 19, 120 ; despatch of French 
 desperadoes to, 128 ; Spain 
 declares war against, 128 ; 
 Colonel Tate's buccaneering 
 party for the devastation of 
 144, 145 ; Grattan on the 
 treatment of Irish rebels by, 
 212, note, Ed. ; sedition in 
 army and fleet of, 226, 249 ; 
 Dutch plans for a landing in, 
 2 53> 2 57 ; defeats the Dutch 
 fleet, 274 ; sanguinary mea- 
 sures in Ireland, 306, 348 ; 
 attack on Ostend, 315 ; bom- 
 bardment of Havre, 318, 319, 
 321 
 
 Erskine, i. 74 
 
 Esmonde, Dr., of Kildare, i. 
 122 ; execution of, ii. 331 
 
 European Magazine, Contribu- 
 tions of T. W. Tone to, i. 16 
 
406 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Everhard, Mr., i. 1 10 
 
 Fagan, Mr., i. 115 
 
 Fanning, Rev. — , i. 12 ; pecu- 
 niary assistance to T. W. 
 Tone, 20 
 
 Ferguson, Mr., i. 84, 87 
 
 Fete de la Jeunesse, i. 308 
 
 Fingal, Lord, i. 138 
 
 Fitzgerald, Lord Edward, i. 53 ; 
 biographical note on, ii. 89, 
 Ed. ; escape to France, 302 ; 
 arrest, 324 ; death, 330 
 
 Fitzgerald, Lord Thomas, ii. 324 
 
 Fitzgerald, Pamela, ii. 335 
 
 Fitzgerald, Tom, i. 73, 94, 109, 
 149 ; motion in the Conven- 
 tion, 164, 165 ; on the Catho- 
 lic vindication, 168 
 
 Fitzgibbon, John {see Clare, 
 Lord) 
 
 Fitzpatrick's " Secret Service 
 
 under Pitt," Allusion to, ii. 
 
 125, note, Ed. 
 Fitsimons, priest, i. 105, 273, 
 
 316 ; Tone's opinion of, 316 ; 
 
 ii. 121 
 
 Fitzwilliam, Lord, recalled from 
 Ireland, i. 209, and note, Ed. 
 
 Fleet, French, strength, ii. 155, 
 163; leaves Brest, 159; dan- 
 gerous passage through the 
 Raz, 160; in a fog, 161 ; loss 
 of the Stfduisant, 162 ; dis- 
 persed, 163 ; sights Bantry 
 Bay, 165 ; schedule of arms 
 and ammunition, 166; anchors 
 off Bere Island, 166 ; in a gale, 
 
 166 ; in a perilous situation, 
 
 167 ; Grouchy in command, 
 
 169 ; in a tantalising position 
 171 ; its misfortunes, 173 ; in 
 a storm, 176, 177 ; returns to 
 Brest, 177, 178 ; second and 
 third expeditions to Ireland, 
 
 346-352 
 
 Fleming, Rev. Mr., i. 129 
 
 Fleury, ii. 63, 64 
 
 Flood, Henry, allusion to his 
 membership of the Belfast 
 volunteers, i. 53, 84 
 
 Forbes, Mr., one of the origina- 
 tors of the Whig Club, i. 23, 
 note, Ed., 93 
 
 Foster, John (afterwards Baron 
 Oriel), opinion of the Union, 
 i. 70, note ; made Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer for Ireland, 
 ib., 106, 154 ; animosity to the 
 Catholics, 169 
 
 France, expedition to Bantry 
 Bay, under Hoche, i. 1, note, 
 Ed. ; Humbert's expedition 
 to Killala, 6, note, Ed. ; 
 Doumourier's reported defeat 
 in, 134, 142 ; victory over 
 Germans, 142 ; victories over 
 the Austrians, 157 ; execution 
 of the King, 182; Dumourier's 
 victories, 189; cost of coach- 
 travelling in, 231 ; scenery 
 and cultivation of land in, 228, 
 229 ; theatrical performances 
 in {see Theatres in France) ; 
 the soldiers of, 237 ; ii. 50, 
 55 ; the women of, i. 237 ; 
 drinking in, 321 ; her victories 
 in Italy, ii. 17, 19; spirit of 
 the army in, 33 ; depreciation 
 of currency, 34 ; the order for 
 
INDEX. 
 
 407 
 
 strangers to leave, 27, 35 ; 
 reverses in Germany, 5 1 > 
 successes in Germany, 60, 70; 
 surrender of Milan to, 72 ; 
 rumours of peace with Eng- 
 land, 102 ; relations with 
 Portugal, 103 ; strength of 
 fleet for Ireland, 155 ; strength 
 of troops for Ireland, 158 ; 
 failure of expedition to Ire- 
 land, 177 ; preparations for a 
 second expedition, 236 ; con- 
 spiracy of Pichegru, Carnot, 
 and downfall of the Royalists, 
 266, 267, 268 ; peace with 
 Austria, 274 ; relations with 
 the Dutch Republic, 283 ; 
 independence of Ireland 
 essential to peace with Eng- 
 land, 298 ; its decadence 
 during the absence of Buona- 
 parte in Egypt, 342 ; weakness 
 of the Directory, 345 ; Hum- 
 bert's expedition to Ireland, 
 346, 347 ; Hardy's expedition 
 to Ireland, 351, 352 ; Tone's 
 appeal to the Directory on 
 behalf of his wife and children, 
 365 
 
 Franchise Act, Provisions of, i. 
 198 ; its inequality, 199 
 
 French, Sir Thomas, i. 138 ; 
 objections to circular letter, 
 138 ; selected as one of the 
 delegates to present the 
 petition to the King, 167, 
 176 
 
 French Revolution, its effect on 
 the politics of England and 
 Ireland, i. 38, 39 ; Burke's 
 
 invective on the subject, and 
 Paine's reply, 38 
 Froude, Mr., description of a 
 scene in the Irish House of 
 Commons after a speech by 
 Hussey Burgh, i. 109 
 
 Galles, Admiral Morard de, ii. 
 ^ 149, 154 
 
 Gardens, Dutch, ii. 205, 214 
 Gardner, Admiral, ii. 155 
 Gastines, Adjutant-General, ii. 
 197 
 
 Gatine, Adjutant-General, ii. 139 
 Genius, Men of, their dulness 
 
 when brought together, i. 34 
 George III., Catholic petition 
 
 to, i. 154, 155, 156, 160, 161 ; 
 
 his reception of the Catholic 
 
 delegates, and answer, 173, 
 
 174 
 
 Getty, i. 82, 87, 117 
 
 Gibraltar, ii. 302 
 
 "Gog," nickname of John Keogh, 
 
 i. 72 
 
 Granard, Earl of, i. 130 
 
 Grattan, his Bill for emancipa- 
 tion, i. 17, note, Ed. ; one of 
 the originators of the Whig 
 Club, 23, note, Ed. ; allusions 
 to his " Memoirs," ib., 84, 94 ; 
 
 ii. 2, note ; receives visits 
 from Wolfe Tone, i. 106, 109 ; 
 allusion to Baron Burgh, 109 ; 
 makes alterations in Catholic 
 manifesto, 123 ; wishes Tone 
 to be the medium of com- 
 munication between the 
 Catholics and Parliament, 
 123, 124 ; opinion on the 
 
408 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 good results from advancing 
 the Catholic question, 124; 
 dread of the people, and action 
 in Parliament on the army 
 vote, 185 ; his support of the 
 Emancipation Bill in Parlia- 
 ment, 196 ; on the English 
 treatment of Irish rebels, 212, 
 note, Ed. 
 
 Grattan, the younger, descrip- 
 tion of John Keogh, i. 45, 
 note, Ed. 
 
 Grattan's Bill for complete 
 emancipation, Speech of 
 George Knox in support of, 
 i. 17, note, Ed. 
 
 Green-boys, ii. 138 
 
 Green cockades, i. 112, 151 
 
 Grenville, Lord, opinion of 
 Wolfe Tone's memorial for 
 a colony in the South Seas, i. 
 31 J 239 
 
 Grenville,Thomas,and rumoured 
 negotiations for peace between 
 England and France, ii. 112 
 
 Grey, i. 87 
 
 Grouchy, General, ii. 148, 150, 
 160, 161, 169 ; intrigue against, 
 179; eager for a second ex- 
 pedition to Ireland, 333 
 
 Guillotining, a bad policy, ii. 
 91 
 
 Hague, The, Tone's impressions 
 
 of, ii. 212-222 
 Haliday, Dr., i. 79, 84, 97 
 Hall, John {see Wharton, John) 
 Hamill, H., i. 112, 177, 205 
 Hamilton, W., ii. 304 
 Hammond, formerly English 
 
 Ambassador in America, ii. 
 102 
 
 Hardy, General, leader of second 
 French expedition to Ireland, 
 »• 349 
 
 Harty, General, ii. 47, 125 
 
 Haslitt, i. 81, 100, 106; arrested 
 for high treason, ii. 125 
 
 Havre de Grace, Tone's ex- 
 periences at, i. 224-228 ; 
 attacked by the English, ii. 
 317, 3i8 
 
 Haymarket Theatre, compared 
 with the Theatre des Arts, i. 
 307 
 
 Hay's " History of the Insurrec- 
 tion in Wexford," Allusion to, 
 ii- 345 
 
 Hedouville, General, ii. 116, 118, 
 273, 335 
 
 Helena, St., W. Tone in garrison 
 
 at, i. 2 
 Henderson, Mr., i. 104 
 " Hercules' Pillars," The, i. 18 
 Hibernian Journal, The, i. 127, 
 
 129, 199 
 
 Hill, Sir George, identifies Tone 
 amongst the prisoners of war 
 at Letterkenny, ii. 352 
 
 Hillsborough, Lord, i. 113, 115 ; 
 his opinion of the Committee's 
 interference, and of the prac- 
 tices of the Defenders and 
 Catholics, 117, 119, 121 
 
 Historical Society, i. 13 
 
 Hobart, Secretary, i. 89, 1 54 ; 
 declares against the Catholic 
 petition, 176 ; agrees to pre- 
 sent the Catholic petition to 
 Parliament, 182 ; presents 
 
INDEX. 
 
 409 
 
 petition, and moves for leave 
 to bring in a Bill of relief, 
 183 ; tries to learn Catholic 
 opinion about the Bill, 185 
 Hoche, offered as leader of 
 French troops in Ireland, i. 
 245 ; ii. 26, 27, 54 ; entrusted 
 with the expedition to Ire- 
 land, 58 ; 67 ; interview with 
 Tone, 74-76 ; his age, 80 ; 87 ; 
 discusses with Tone the pros- 
 pects of the expedition, 90, 
 91 ; his fears on food supply 
 of Ireland, 99 ; leaves Paris, 
 101 ; sets off for Brest, 1 1 1 ; 
 returns to Paris, 117 ; returns 
 to Rennes, 118 ; his attempted 
 assassination, 118; his sham 
 proclamation to the Portu- 
 guese, 120 ; appoints Tone 
 Adjutant- General, 122 ; his 
 proclamation, 150, 151; 
 separation of his fleet, 160; 
 reported to have landed in 
 Bantry Bay, 179 ; arrives in 
 Paris, 180; takes command 
 of the army of Sambre et 
 Meuse, 186 ; presses the 
 Directory to send a second 
 expedition to Ireland, 228 ; 
 confers with Tone and 
 Lewines on a Dutch expedi- 
 tion, 231, 232; opinion of a 
 landing in Scotland, 266 ; 
 illness and death, 269, 270 ; 
 compared with Buonaparte, 
 339 
 
 Hoche, Marie, ii. 124, 133 
 Holkar, i. 4, note, Ed. 
 Holland, movements of fleet, ii. 
 
 45; gardens of, 205, 214; 
 canals of, 213, 214 ; the people 
 of, 204, 215 ; soldiers of, 215, 
 224; churches in, 209, 210; 
 Batavian Convention of, 216, 
 217; liberty of the Press in, 
 219; music in, 221 ; proposed 
 expedition to Ireland, 230 ; 
 plans for a landing in Eng- 
 land, 253, 257 ; a proposed 
 invasion of Scotland, 262 ; 
 fleet defeated by the English, 
 274 ; relations with France, 
 283 
 
 Holmes, i. 86, 87 
 Hood, Lord, i. 267 
 Houchard, General, ii. 312 
 House of Commons, orders the 
 arrest of Tandy, i. 57 ; ignores 
 the resolutions of the Dublin 
 club, 58 ; the structure de- 
 stroyed by fire, 59 ; rejection 
 of the Catholic petition, 63 ; 
 its charge against the General 
 Committee, 63 ; Secret Com- 
 mittee for investigating the 
 Irish conspiracy, ii. 225 
 House-breakers, A gang of, i. 14, 
 
 Howe, Admiral, ii. 49 
 
 Humbert, leader of French ex- 
 pedition to Ireland, i. 6, note, 
 Ed., 54, note, Ed. ; his success 
 and final defeat in Ireland, ii. 
 
 346, 347 
 
 Humpton, General, of Wilming- 
 ton, acquaintance with Tone, 
 and his kindness to Tone's 
 family, i. 217, 218, 220 
 
 Hutchins, ii. 170 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Hutchinson, Colonel, i. 123 
 
 " Hutton, John," nickname of 
 
 Wolfe Tone, i. 72, et passim 
 " Hypocrite, The," nickname of 
 
 Dr. McDonnell, i. 72 
 
 India, "the great gulf of all 
 undone beings," i. 20 ; con- 
 templated French expedition 
 to, ii. 122 
 
 India House, The, i. 19 
 
 Ireland, Wolfe Tone's opinion 
 of the influence of England 
 in, i. 26, 132 ; powers of the 
 Star Chamber of, 35, note by- 
 Tone's son ; Buonaparte urged 
 to attempt the invasion of, 35, 
 note, Ed. ; effect of French 
 Revolution in, 39; Aristocrats 
 and Democrats in, 39 ; state 
 of parties, 40-43 ; English 
 policy in, 43 ; the Catholic 
 Committee in, 44-49 ; volun- 
 teer army of, 41 ; lines by 
 Thomas Davis on the volun- 
 teers of, 41, note, Ed. ; 
 political sentiment in, 73 ; 
 the strength of the people 
 their union, 189; passing of 
 Bill for Catholic relief in, 196; 
 provisions of the Franchise 
 Act for, 197 ; the women of, 
 ii. 20 ; false rumour of a 
 French landing in, 41 ; the 
 squirearchy of, 55 ; prepara- 
 tions in Ulster for a rising, 
 57 ; two French expeditions 
 reported to be preparing for, 
 62 ; English preparations for 
 defending, 64 ; council in 
 
 Paris between Carnot, Hoche 
 &c, on the expeditions to, 
 77 ; aristocracy of, 91 ; food 
 resources of, 99 ; the French 
 forces for, no, 111 ; reported 
 arrest of thirty persons for 
 high treason, 117; importa- 
 tion of arms from England, 
 117; rumoured revolution in, 
 129, 131 ; treatment of rebels 
 by the English Government, 
 212, note, Ed. ; failure of 
 French expedition to, 177 ; 
 arrest of fifty persons in the 
 north of, 225 ; proceedings of 
 Secret Committee of the 
 House of Commons relative 
 to suspected persons in, 225 ; 
 number of United Irishmen 
 in, 225 ; persecution in, 249 ; 
 general pardon offered by 
 British Government to, 250; 
 state of affairs in, 250, 251 ; 
 proposed joint expedition of 
 France and Holland to, 265 ; 
 arrest of United Irishmen, 
 296 ; reported revolution in 
 the south of, 304 ; sanguinary 
 measures of England in, 306, 
 313, 348 ; insurrection in, 331 ; 
 proclamation of leaders, 336 ; 
 reign of terror in, 343 ; revul- 
 sion against France in, 345 ; 
 Humbert's expedition to, 346, 
 347 ; Hardy's expedition, and 
 its failure, 351, 352 
 
 Irish Brigade, i. 302 
 
 Irish refugees in Paris, ii. 281, 
 284 ; their conduct in Paris, 
 328 
 
INDEX. 
 
 411 
 
 " Irish Slave, The," nickname of 
 
 Mr. Macabe, i. 72 
 Italy, French victories in, ii. 42 ; 
 
 colours taken by the French, 
 
 190 
 
 Jackson, Rev. V/., and his 
 
 mission to Ireland, i. 202-209; 
 
 arrest, 296 
 " Jacobin, The," nickname of S. 
 
 Neilson, i. 72, et passim 
 Jacobins, The, i. 106 ; ii. 342 ; 
 
 and Buonaparte, ii. 287 
 James II., Irish Parliament of, 
 
 i. 158 
 
 James, Alderman, and his elec- 
 tion to the office of Lord 
 Mayor, i. 74, note, Ed. 
 
 Jameson, Dr., i. 8, n 
 
 J ebb, i. 115 
 
 Jennings, " Baron de Kilmaine," 
 
 i. 302 
 
 Jervis, Sir J., ii. 138 
 
 Jews, proposal for their return to 
 
 Palestine, ii. 303 
 Johnson, William, member of 
 
 Wolfe Tone's club, i. 32 
 Jones, Wm. Todd, supports the 
 
 Catholic cause in a pamphlet, 
 
 and is feted in Dublin, i. 52 ; 88 
 Jordan, i. 79, 84, 87, 88, 96 
 Joubert, General, in the Tyrol, 
 
 ii. 288 
 
 Jourdan, General, i. 241, 242, 
 
 245 ; ii. 51, 80 
 Joy, Henry, secretary of Whig 
 
 Club, i. 24, 77, 83, 84, 87, 96, 
 
 97, 100, no 
 Joyeuse, Admiral, ii. 130, 131, 
 
 142 
 
 Judges in France, Dress of, i. 320 
 
 KASTACLE, Van, ii. 262 
 
 Kearney, Dr., i. 256 
 
 " Keeper, The," nickname of 
 Whitley Stokes, i. 72 
 
 Kenmare, Lord, leader of 
 Catholics in Ireland, i. 44 ; as 
 leader of the Catholic Com- 
 mittee, 44, note, Ed., 153 
 
 Kennedy, Mrs., actress, i. 226 
 
 Keogh, John, his leadership of 
 the Catholic Committee, i. 44, 
 note, Ed. ; biographical sum- 
 mary of, 45, note, Ed. ; 
 qualities as a leader, 46, note, 
 Ed. ; secures the franchise to 
 the Catholics, ib. ; succeeded 
 by O'Connell, ib., 52, 62 ; 
 proposes Wolfe Tone as agent 
 for Catholic Committee, 65 ; 
 68, 70 ; his brave struggle 
 for the franchise, 93, Ed. ; 
 " preaches to six bishops," 98 ; 
 101, 213 ; "insufferably vain," 
 105 ; " converts " another 
 bishop, 106 ; opposed to 
 Burke's return to Ireland, 107; 
 108, 112, 115 ; introduced to 
 Lord Moira, 119; helps to 
 allay the feuds in Newry, 120; 
 jealous of Tone, 124; gives 
 Richard Burke his conge, 125 ; 
 128 ; his plan for the adminis- 
 tration of Irish affairs, 131 ; 
 his vanity, 143, 1 50 ; flattered 
 by Tone, 150; praises Tone's 
 petition to the King, 155 ; 
 motion for adjournment at 
 the Catholic Convention, 161, 
 
412 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 162 ; reports to the Conven- 
 tion the duplicity of Govern- 
 ment officials, 165 ; selected 
 as one of the delegates to 
 present the petition to the 
 King, 167; 176 ; proposal with 
 regard to the Dungannon 
 Convention, 179 ; attack on 
 Devereux, 181 ; his motion 
 in committee for the attend- 
 ance of delegates in London, 
 181 ; his reported arrest, ii. I ; 
 his caution and shrewdness, 
 
 i. 2, note, Ed. ; his escape, 
 326 
 
 Keon, Myles, plans the re- 
 organisation of the Catholic 
 Committee, i. 64, 65 ; 134 
 
 Kilburne, Sinclair, i. 73 ; arrested, 
 
 ii. 225 
 Kildare, i. 1, 13, 29 
 
 Killala, French expedition to, i. 
 
 6, note, Ed. ; ii. 347 
 Kingston, Duchess of, i. 202 
 Kilmaine, General, ii. 47, 302, 
 
 327. 342 
 Kilwarden, Lord, killed in Dub- 
 lin, i. 74 ; 212 ; and the court- 
 martial on Tone, ii. 362, 363, 
 364 
 
 Kirwan, i. 143, 144 
 
 Knox, Hon. George, friendship 
 with T. W. Tone, i. 17, 36 ; 
 his defence of Catholic claims, 
 and support of Grattan's Bill 
 for emancipation, in the Irish 
 House of Commons, 17, note, 
 Ed. ; 126 ; Keogh's plan with 
 reference to his advancement, 
 131 ; consulted by Tone re- 
 
 specting proposal for a new 
 ministry, 145, 146 ; a conver- 
 sation with Tone, 151 ; his 
 motion in Parliament for the 
 admission of Catholics, 199 
 Knox, Vesey, i. 96, and note, 
 Ed. 
 
 Lacrosse, Rear- Admiral, ii. 313 
 Lacuee, General, ii. 40, 77, 179 
 Lady in boy's clothes in French 
 
 fleet, ii. 158 
 Lake, General, defeated by 
 
 Humbert at Castlebar, i. 6, 
 
 note, Ed. ; his cruelties in 
 
 Ireland, ii. 346 
 Lamballe, ii. 124 
 Lamport, family name on 
 
 maternal side of T. W. Tone, 
 
 i. 1 
 
 Langrishe, Sir Hercules, his Bill 
 for relaxing penal code against 
 Catholics, i. 94 ; author of 
 " Barataria," ib., note, Ed. ; 
 witticisms, ib. 
 
 La Reveilliere Lepaux, i. 249, 
 256 ; ii. 77, 273 
 
 Larking, Mr., parish priest, i. 137 
 
 Latouche, David, his motion for 
 removal of Irish petition from 
 the table of House of Com- 
 mons, i. 62 
 
 Lavau, General, ii. 353 
 
 Lecky, Mr., summary of the 
 penal code in Ireland, i. 42, 
 note, Ed. ; his " History of 
 Ireland in the Eighteenth 
 Century " quoted, 92, note ; 
 on British cruelties in Ireland, 
 
 ii. 344, notes 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Leghorn, ii. 72 
 
 Legion Noire, The, ii. 138, 144 
 
 Leinster Bar, The, i. 75 
 
 Leinster, Duke of, i. 88 ; Tone's 
 interview with, 126, 127 ; 
 friendly to Catholics, 133; 146, 
 152, 279 ; ii. 83, 90 
 
 Lennan, Dr., Bishop of Dro- 
 more, i. 113 
 
 Letourneur, i. 256 
 
 Letterkenny, ii. 352 
 
 Lewines, mission to French 
 Government of, ii. 227, and 
 note ; 237, 272, 297, 349 
 
 Lewis, Sir G. Cornewall, quota- 
 tion from his " Irish Dis- 
 turbances," i. 84, note, Ed. 
 
 Leyden, Van, ii. 263 
 
 Liberty Boys, ii. 131 
 
 Liege, ii. 194 
 
 Linen trade of Belfast, i. 85 
 Linsey, Mr., i. 1 14 
 Loftus, General, ii. 356, 358, 360 
 Londonderry, Lord, ii. 125 
 Louis XVIII., ii. 119 
 Louvet and Lodoi'ska, i. 243 
 Lowry, Mr., i. 104, 105 ; ii. 250, 
 
 252, 253, 259 
 Lube, Mr., i. 102 
 Lynch, speaks at Catholic 
 
 Convention on the Catholic 
 
 vindication, i. 168 
 Lynch, General, ii. 47 
 Lynch, Mr., i. 113, 137 
 Lynch, James, i. 139 
 Lynch, Patrick, i. 137 
 Lynch, Peter, i. 137, 139 
 
 Macabe, Thomas, Wolfe Tone's 
 friendship with, i. 53 ; one of 
 
 the founders of the United 
 Irish Society, 54, note, Ed. ; 
 76, 78, 96, 106, 115 
 
 Macdonald, General, ii. 62, 265 
 
 Macdonnell, J. J., seconds im- 
 portant motion at Catholic 
 Convention, i. 165 ; 216 
 
 Mackintosh, Sir James, friend- 
 ship with T. A. Emmet, i. 35,, 
 note, Ed. 
 
 MacGuire, ii. 349 
 
 Maclaine, i. 87 
 
 MacSheehy, ii. 107 ; carries a 
 message to Ireland, 135, 136, 
 179 
 
 Madden, Dr., i. 258, note, Ed. 
 Madden's United Irishmen 
 
 quoted, i. 209, note ; ii. 2, 
 
 note 
 
 Madgett, his reception of Tone 
 in Paris, i. 239 ; confers with 
 Tone, 241, 242 ; approves of 
 Tone's theory of invasion, 
 247 ; translates Tone's me- 
 morials, 263 ; assurances to 
 Tone on the intentions of 
 the minister, 269 ; tells Tone 
 the decision of the Directory, 
 282 ; makes slow progress 
 with the memorials, 291 ; 
 reports his success amongst 
 Irish prisoners, 314; reports 
 the number of men and arms 
 to be provided, 315; ii. 39 ; 
 reports rumour of a French 
 landing in Ireland, 40; Tone's 
 opinion of, 59 
 
 Magee, i. 255 
 
 " Magog," nickname of R. Mc- 
 Cormick, i. 72 
 
414 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Mahrattas, The, English Resi- 
 dent at the court of the 
 Peshwa, i. 4 ; William Tone's 
 book on, 4, note, Ed. ; Mr. J. 
 Grant Duff's " History " of, 4, 
 note, Ed. 
 
 Malmesbury, Lord, ii. 129, 143, 
 245 
 
 Mantua, ii. 72 
 Marcou Isles, ii. 313, 314 
 Marescot, General, ii. 312 
 Marie Antoinette, ii. 38, 39 
 Marigny, Mr., gives W. Tone a 
 
 commission in the Nizam's 
 
 service, i. 3 ; put in irons, 3 
 " Marseillaise, The," in French 
 
 theatres, i. 226, 232, 309 
 Marsh, Colonel, L 119 
 Mason, Monck, i. 185 
 Maxwell, Renny, i. 96 
 McAughtrey, i. 80, 81, 82, 83, 
 
 84, 87 
 
 McCormick, Richard, secretary 
 of the Catholic Committee, i. 
 52, and note, Ed., 65, 81, 88, 
 10 1, 142, 177 ; charged by the 
 Government with fomenting 
 disorder, 195, 213 ; ii. 2, note, 
 5, 251 
 
 McCracken, Henry Joy, United 
 Irish leader, attacks Antrim, 
 arrested, and executed, i. 1 10, 
 in, note, Ed.; his ship the 
 Hibernia, 115 
 
 McDonnell, Randal, i. 147, 176 
 
 M'Clokey, i. 118 
 
 M'Davit, Dr., Bishop of Deny, i. 
 "3 
 
 M'Dermott, Mr., of Sligo, speaks 
 at Catholic Convention, i. 166 
 
 McDonnell, Dr., i. 72, 77, 80, 81, 
 
 88, 96, 97, ioi, 126 
 McKenna, Dr., i. 81, 88, 99, 100, 
 
 102, 103 ; speaks at Catholic 
 
 Convention, 165 
 McMillan, Dr., Bishop of Down, 
 
 i. 113 
 
 McNally, Leonard, barrister and 
 informer, i. 203, note, Ed. 
 
 McNeven, Dr., i. 70, 88, 89 ; ii. 
 5 ; his arrest, and removal to 
 New York, 6, note, 250 ; 
 arrest, 296 
 
 McTier, i. 76, 78, 81, 86, 87, 96, 
 102 
 
 Merlin de Douai, ii. 270, 297 
 
 Metternich, Count, ii. 44 
 
 Milan, Fall of, ii. 72 
 
 Mobs, Irish and French con- 
 trasted, i. 128 
 
 Moira, Lord, i. 98 ; interview 
 with Wolfe Tone, 119 ; afraid 
 of the Papists, 130 ; ii. 83 ; 
 speech in Irish House of 
 Lords on the severity of the 
 British Government, 291 
 
 Monroe, American Ambassador 
 at Paris, his reception of Tone, 
 i. 235 ; advises Tone to appeal 
 to the Directoire Executif, 
 248 ; ii. 40, 87 ; offers a loan 
 to Tone, 94 ; recalled, 187 
 
 Montauban, ii. 124 
 
 Montauciel, quoted, ii. 73 
 
 Montenotte, Affair of, ii. 17 
 
 Moody, Dr., Dissenting minister, 
 i. 120 
 
 Moore, Colonel, of the Irish 
 
 Brigade, i. 302 
 Moreau, General, ii. 51, 61 ; 
 
INDEX. 
 
 4i5 
 
 plan for crossing the Rhine, 
 
 61 ; 66, 70 
 Morin, Mr., ii. 62 
 Morlaix, ii. 122 
 Morning Chronicle, ii. 44 
 Mountjoy, Lord, i. 212 
 Moylan, Dr., Bishop of Cork, 
 
 attends Catholic Convention, 
 
 i. 170 
 
 Muir, Thomas, ii. 285, and bio- 
 graphical note, Ed. 
 Murat, ii. 285 
 Muskein, General, ii. 313 
 
 Naas, i. 1 
 
 Naples, King of, his war indem- 
 nity, ii. 46 ; concludes an 
 armistice, 64 
 
 Neilson, Samuel, Wolfe Tone's 
 friendship with, i. 53 ; bio- 
 graphical summary of, ib., 
 note, Ed. ; probable originator 
 of the idea of the United 
 Irish Society, and founder of 
 the Northern Star, ib. ; im- 
 prisonment and defiance of 
 the authorities, 54, note, Ed. ; 
 77, 81, 84, 89, 96, 98, 100, 103, 
 104, 105, 109, in, 115, 215 ; 
 
 ii. 5 ; arrested for high treason, 
 125 
 
 Nelson, ii. 317 
 
 Newry, i. 114; feuds in, 115, 120 
 
 Nicknames of Wolfe Tone's 
 friends, i. 72, Appendix 
 
 Nizam, The, W. Tone's com- 
 mission in the service of, i. 3 
 
 Noel, ii. 241 
 
 Nootka Sound, i. 30 
 
 Norbury, Lord, his severity as 
 
 judge, and his removal from 
 the bench obtained by O'Con- 
 nell, i. 56, note, Ed. 
 NortJiern Star, its founder, i. 53, 
 note, Ed. ; its object, 71 ; 
 letters from Wolfe Tone to, 
 98, 103, 108, 112 ; letter from 
 Mr. Crito in, 127 ; letter ot 
 Tone to, 129 
 
 O'Beirne, Mr., i. 156 
 
 O'Brien, D. T, i. 148, 149, 152 ; 
 
 seconds motion at Convention 
 
 for total emancipation, 161 ; 
 
 on mode of presenting petition 
 
 to the King, 165 
 O'Connell, i. 56, 302 
 O'Connor, Arthur, biographical 
 
 note, Ed., ii, 88, 133, note; 
 
 arrest, 186, 263, 294, 305, 323 
 O'Connor, Owen, i. 177 
 O'Connor, Roger, ii. 263 
 O'Conor, Charles, one of the 
 
 originators of the Catholic 
 
 Committee, i. 44, note, Ed., 
 
 81, 84 
 
 O'Donnel, General, i. 137 
 O'Gorman, of Mayo, i. 170 
 O'Hanlon, i. 119, 122 
 O'Hanlon, junr., Mr., i. 113 
 O'Keefe, General, ii. 47 
 O'Moore, Roger, a leader in the 
 
 rebellion of 1641, i. 268, and 
 
 note, Ed. 
 O'Neil, Bernard, i. 149 
 O'Neil, Mr., of Cabra, i. 113 
 O'Neil, Mr., of Bannvale, i. 113, 
 
 114 
 
 "O'Neil, Owen Roe," Author- 
 ship of letters by, i. 32 
 
4i6 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 O'Neill, Lord, ii. 226 
 
 Orange Boys (or Orangemen), 
 
 formerly Peep-of-day-boys, i. 
 
 83, note, Ed. ; ii. 99 
 Orange cockades, i. 112, 151 
 " Orellana," Authorship of letters 
 
 signed, i. 32 
 Oriel, Baron {see Foster, John) 
 Orleans, Duke of, Secretaryship 
 
 of Col. Shee to, ii. 115 
 Ormond, Lord, i. 279 ; ii. 8, 9 
 Osborne, Rowley, arrest for high 
 
 treason, ii. 125 
 Ostend, English attack on, ii. 
 
 315 
 
 " Othello," as performed in 
 Paris, i. 288 
 
 Paine, Thomas, his " Age of 
 Reason " criticised by Tone, i. 
 246 ; makes Tone's acquaint- 
 ance, ii. 189 
 
 Paintings in the chateau of Ver- 
 sailles, ii. 38 
 
 Palais de Justice, Tone's de- 
 scription of, i. 319, 320 
 
 Palmer, Major, Resident at the 
 court of the Peshwa of the 
 Mahrattas, i. 4 
 
 " Pangloss," Allusion to, i. 32 
 
 Paris, Massacre of prisoners in, 
 i. 128; pictures in, 266; the 
 Pantheon of, 267 ; Botanic 
 Garden of, 268 ; opera in, 274, 
 275, 306 ; " Othello" in, 288; 
 Palais de Justice in, 319 ; 
 Theatre Feydeau of, ii. 19 ; 
 arrest of conspirators in, 27 ; 
 political feeling in, 31 ; Fete 
 des Victoires in, 35 ; Fete de I 
 
 la Liberte in, 97, 98 ; Fetes to 
 celebrate the subversion of 
 Royalty, 101 ; war with Eng- 
 land desired by the merchants 
 of, 279; Irish refugees in, 281 
 
 Parliament, English, introduc- 
 tion of Hobart's Bill for 
 Catholic relief, and provisions 
 of the Bill, i. 183 ; army vote 
 (Feb., 1793), 185, 191 ; prin- 
 ciple of parliamentary reform 
 asserted unanimously, 188 ; 
 passing of Bill for Catholic 
 relief, the Gunpowder Bill, and 
 the Convention Act, 189, 196; 
 Lord Fitzgibbon's opposition 
 to Catholic emancipation, 194; 
 motion of George Knox for 
 the admission of Catholics into, 
 199 ; war members in, ii. 46 
 
 Parliament, Irish, summoned by 
 James II., i. 158 
 
 Parliament of William III. be- 
 trays Irish independence, 158 
 
 Parsons, Sir Lawrence, Friend- 
 ship of Wolfe Tone with, i. 
 26 ; biographical summary of, 
 26, note, Ed., 59 ; resigns the 
 command of the militia, 306 
 
 Paterson, Mr., Judge- Advocate 
 at Tone's trial, ii. 356 
 
 Patterson, General, i. 119 
 
 Peep-of-day-boys, origin of term, 
 i. 83, and note, Ed. ; 98, 103 ; 
 at Rathfriland, 114; 117, 137, 
 note, Ed. 
 
 Pellew, Sir Edward, ii. 314 
 
 Peshwa of the Mahrattas, The, 
 i. 4 
 
 Phipps, Benjamin, friendship 
 
INDEX. 
 
 4i7 
 
 with T. W. Tone, i. 17 ; his 
 liking for W. Tone, 18 
 Pichegru, General, i. 241, 242, 
 245 ; the ground of coolness 
 between him and the French 
 Government, 250 ; ii. 14 ; his 
 appointment to lead the ex- 
 pedition to Ireland urged by 
 Tone, 22 ; conspiracy of, 266, 
 267 
 
 Pignatelli, Prince, ii. 65 
 
 Pinckney, ii. 187 
 
 Pitched cap, The, ii. 344 
 
 Pitt, Mr., ignores T. W. Tone's 
 memorial on forming a colony 
 in the South Seas, i. 19 ; ii. 
 156; instructs Cockayne to 
 accompany Jackson to Ire- 
 land, i. 203 ; manoeuvre to 
 negotiate peace with France, 
 ii. 102, 112, 129 ; sends Ham- 
 mond to Vienna, 211; said 
 to have intrigued for the 
 defeat of the Dutch fleet, 275, 
 313 
 
 Pleville le Peley, ii. 272, 327 
 Plunket (lawyer), afterwards 
 
 Lord Plunket, i. 152 
 Plunket, Dr., Bishop of Meath, 
 
 i. 113 
 
 Plunket, James, i. 137, 140, 255 
 
 Poles, Submission of the, i. 116 
 
 Pollock, John, ii. 125 
 
 Pollock, Joseph, member of 
 Wolfe Tone's club, and author \ 
 of letters by " Owen Roe ' 
 O'Neil," i. 32, 88, 89 
 
 Ponsonby, George, one of the 
 originators of the Whig Club, 
 i. 23, note, Ed. ; introduced to 
 vol. 11. 2 
 
 Wolfe Tone, 24 ; biographical 
 summary of, 24, note, Ed. ; 
 fails to promote Wolfe Tone's 
 interests, 25 ; 60, 61, 90, 155 
 
 Ponsonby, J. C, i. 25 
 
 Ponsonbys, The, their power in 
 Ireland, i. 24, 146 
 
 Poonah, i. 4 
 
 Pope, The, Tone's proposal to 
 secure the intervention of, ii. 
 57 ; armistice with Buona- 
 parte, 65 ; his dethronement, 
 
 288 
 
 Portland, Duke of, and his reply 
 to the Catholic Committee, i. 
 45, 209 
 
 Portugal, relations with France, 
 ii. 103 
 
 Potash, its introduction for 
 
 bleaching, i. 85 
 Potter, Mr., a Protestant leader 
 
 in Dublin, i. 151 
 "P. P. Clerk of the Parish," 
 
 nickname of T. Russell, i. 72, 
 
 et passim 
 Press, Liberty of the, in Holland, 
 
 ii. 219 
 
 Press, The, founded by Arthur 
 O'Connor, ii. 88 
 
 Press-gang in France, for Irish 
 expedition, ii. 117 
 
 Priestley, Dr., i. 89 
 
 Prieur, i. 295, 316 
 
 Prisoners of war, National cha- 
 racteristics amongst, ii. 139 
 
 Privat, ii. 124 
 
 Prosperous, Matthew Tone's 
 cotton manufactory at, i. 29 
 
 Protestants of Ireland, their 
 position in Ireland and con- 
 
4t8 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 nection with England, i. 40 ; 
 their monopoly of power and 
 patronage, 51 ; their opposi- 
 tion to the Catholic Com- 
 mittee, 69 ; alarmed at the 
 Catholic meetings, 105 ; de- 
 feated in a municipal election 
 in Dublin, 151 
 
 QUANTIN, General, ii. 128, 133 
 Quiberon, Affair at, i. 245, 305 ; 
 
 ii. 114, 120 
 Quigley, ii. 284, 294, 323, 335 
 
 Rapatelle, ii. 132, and note by 
 
 Tone's son 
 Rathfriland, Wolfe Tone's visit 
 
 to, i. 104 ; second visit to, 
 
 113 
 
 Rawdon, Lord, i. 127, 128, 134 
 Raz, Passage of French fleet 
 
 through the, ii. 160 
 Reilly, Dr., Bishop of Clogher, 
 
 f. 113, i44 
 Reilly, Dr., Irish Primate, i. 
 
 "3 
 
 Rennes, ii. 100, 104 ; review at, 
 109 
 
 Rewbell, member of the Direc- 
 tory, i. 284 ; ii. 21 
 
 Reynolds, Dr., i. 207 ; meeting 
 with Tone in Philadelphia, 
 218 ; 227 ; ii. 66 ; Tone draws 
 a bill on, 98, 188 
 
 Richelieu, Marshal, his cure for 
 drunkenness in the French 
 army, i. 31 1 
 
 Richery, Admiral, ii. 102, ill, 
 120, 141 ; reinforces the 
 French fleet at Brest, 157 
 
 Richmond, Duke of, opinion of 
 Wolfe Tone's memorial rela- 
 tive to colony in South Seas, 
 
 L 30 
 
 "Rights of Man," Allusion to, 
 i. 38 
 
 Rivaud, Adjutant-General, ii. 
 312, 315 
 
 Rosse (Second), Earl of (see 
 Parsons, Sir Lawrence) 
 
 Rouen, Cathedral of, ii. 300 
 
 Rousselois, Mdme., opera singer, 
 i. 226, 227 
 
 Roussillon, i. 266, 267 
 
 Rowan, Archibald Hamilton, 
 member of United Irish So- 
 ciety, i. 57 ; biographical 
 summary of, ib., note, Ed. ; 
 takes the lead in protesting 
 against the arbitrary measures 
 of the House of Commons, 
 58; 127, 150, 207 ; his meet- 
 ing with Tone in Philadel- 
 phia, 218 ; story of his im- 
 prisonment in France, and 
 his representations to the 
 French Government, 218; 235, 
 292 ; ii. 95 
 
 Russell, John, Characteristics of, 
 i. 29 
 
 Russell, P., of Louth, addresses 
 Catholic Convention, i. 166 
 
 Russell, Thomas, friendship with 
 Wolfe Tone, i. 27-30, 36 ; 
 biographical summary of, 27, 
 28, note, Ed. ; one of the 
 founders of the Society of 
 United Irishmen, and commu- 
 nications with Robert Emmet, 
 ib. ; description of his father 
 
INDEX. 
 
 419 
 
 and his brother, 29 ; consulted 
 by Wolfe Tone relative to 
 plan for South Seas colony, 
 30 ; promoted to an ensigncy, 
 and goes to Belfast, 32 ; letter 
 from Wolfe Tone on the con- 
 nection with Britain, 34, note 
 by Tone's son ; a favourite in 
 Belfast, 50 ; quits the army, 
 53 ; 90 ; nicknamed " P. P.," 
 72 ; 103, 177 ; farewell meet- 
 ing with Tone, 211, 212 ; 227, 
 239, 2 43, 250, 256, 306 ; ar- 
 rested for high treason, ii. 125, 
 325 
 
 Russia, Empress of, and Corsica, 
 ii. 70 
 
 Ryan, Dr., i. 70 ; speech at 
 Catholic meeting in Dublin, 
 149, 150 
 
 SALICETTI, letter to the Direc- 
 tory on the armistice with the 
 Pope, ii. 65 
 
 Sail, Mr., and a municipal elec- 
 tion in Dublin, i. 15 1 
 
 Sampson, William, his arrest in 
 Ireland, ii. 126 ; biographical 
 note on, 126 
 
 Sandys, Major, and the im- 
 prisonment of Tone, ii. 354, 
 
 363, 364, 368 
 Saurin, i. 1 15 
 Scherer, ii. 273 
 
 " School for Scandal " in Paris, 
 ii. 30 
 
 Scotland, Suggested Dutch in- 
 vasion of, ii. 254, 262, 264 
 Scott, John (see Earlsfoot, Lord) 
 Seward, Captain, i. 77 
 
 Shanaghan, arrested for high 
 treason, ii. 125 
 
 Shannon, Lord, Keogh's pro- 
 posal with regard to, i. 131, 
 146 
 
 Sharman, Mr., i. 119 
 
 Shee, Colonel, ii. 104, 108, 109, 
 1 10; discusses route of French 
 expedition in Ireland, 113 ; 
 former connection with Duke 
 of Orleans, 115 ; with Tone 
 at Rennes, 118, 120; suggests 
 sham Portuguese proclama- 
 tion, 120; parting with Tone, 
 149, 158; 180; meeting with 
 Tone after the expedition, 
 183 ; appointment at Bonn, 
 and receives a visit from Tone, 
 198 ; 270, 271 
 
 Shenstone, on the animal spirits, 
 ii. 72 
 
 Sherlock, General, ii. 87 
 Siddons, Mrs., ii. 16 
 Sieyes, ii. 313 
 
 Simms, Robert, Wolfe Tone's 
 friendship with, i. 53 ; one of 
 the founders of the United 
 Irish Society, 54, note, Ed. ; 
 81, 101, 102, 106, 115; re- 
 commendations to General 
 Committee, 117; 215; ii. 5; 
 arrest, 187 
 
 Simms, Wm., Wolfe Tone's 
 friendship with, i. 53 ; one of 
 the founders of the United 
 Irish Society, 54, note, Ed. ; 
 97, 101 ; assists Tone in 
 meeting the expense of his 
 journey to France, 221 ; arrest, 
 ii. 187 
 
420 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Simon, General, ii. 160 
 
 Sinclair, Wm, i. 76, 77, 79, 81, 
 82, 84, 85 ;■ his linen mills, 85, 
 86; 87,88, 95, 96,99, 100, 102, 
 103, 106 
 
 Sinclair, George, i. 99, 106 
 
 Skipwith, American Consul in 
 Paris, ii. 94, 98 
 
 Smith, Lewis Ferdinand, his 
 description of W. Tone, i. 4, 
 note, Ed. 
 
 Smith, Michael, i. 73, 125 
 
 Smith, Sir Sydney, Hoche's 
 opinion of, ii. 78, 356 
 
 Society of United Irishmen, i. 
 28, note, Ed., 33, note, Ed., 
 35, note, Ed. ; formation of 
 first club in connection with 
 the, 53 ; probable originator 
 of the idea of the, 53, note, 
 Ed. ; some of its founders, 54, 
 note, Ed. ; club formed in 
 Dublin in connection with, 
 54 ; its constitutional charac- 
 ter down to 1794-5, 59, note, 
 Ed. ; Wolfe Tone's opinion 
 of the members of, 82 ; its 
 reorganisation on a rebellious 
 basis, 209, and note (Madden's 
 United Irishmen quoted), Ed. ; 
 test of the reorganised society, 
 210, note, Ed. ; arrest of 
 members, ii. 296 ; the main 
 charge against, 306, 307 
 
 South Sea Islands, T. W. Tone's 
 plan of colonisation, i. 18, 30, 
 
 Spain, rupture with England, 1 
 and Wolfe Tone's views on 
 Irish neutrality, i. 26, 27 ; 
 
 relations with England, ii. 43, 
 45, 51, 102, 105, 120; declares 
 war against England, 128 ; 
 fleet at Toulon, 140 
 
 St. Brieux, ii. 125 
 
 St. Leger, Barry, ii. 136 ; volun- 
 teers for service in Ireland, 
 140 
 
 Stack, John, member of club 
 formed by Wolfe Tone, i. 32 
 
 Stella, Swift's, allusion to, i. 91 
 
 Steuben, Baron, i. 302 
 
 Stevenson, John (see Wharton, 
 John) 
 
 Stewart, A., i. 84, 85, 96, 98 
 
 Stuart, House of, and the 
 " throne " of Ireland, ii. 1 2 
 
 Stokes, Whitley, member of 
 Wolfe Tone's club, i. 32 ; 
 biographical summary of, 33, 
 note, Ed. ; Tone's admiration 
 of, 36, 145 ; political opinions, 
 37 ; 95. 96, 97, 101, 306 ; ii. 
 
 ^ 3o3, 3H 
 
 Stone, of Hackney, meeting with 
 Tone in Paris, ii. 86, 87 
 
 Suicide, Tone's views on, ii. 349, 
 350 
 
 Sullivan (Madgett's nephew), i. 
 
 317, 318 ; ii. 7, 39, 347, 349 
 Swan, Captain, Peep-of-d ay-boy, 
 
 i. 113 
 
 Sweetman, Captain, of Wexford, 
 i. 144, 150 ; motion at the 
 Convention for signing peti- 
 tion to King, 164 ; on the 
 Catholic vindication, 169; 177; 
 defends Devereux against 
 attack of Keogh, 182; death 
 in a duel, 264 
 
INDEX. 
 
 421 
 
 Sweetman, John, member of the 
 Catholic Committee, i. 52, and 
 note, Ed., 65, 150 
 
 Swift, Allusion to, i. 91 ; remark 
 on dreams, ii. 72 
 
 Talleyrand, appointment to 
 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 
 ii. 245 ; 272 ; approves of 
 second expedition to Ireland, 
 277 ; confidence in Tone, 
 297 
 
 Tallien, Madame, ii. 272, 281 
 
 Tandy, James Napper, first 
 secretary of the Dublin club 
 of United Irishmen, i. 54, 55 ; 
 biographical summary of, 54, 
 note, Ed. ; ordered into cus- 
 tody by the House of Com- 
 mons, 57 ; 81, 82, 88, 89, 99, 
 126, 148 ; meeting with Tone 
 in Philadelphia, 222; in Paris, 
 ii. 284 ; boasts of his influence 
 in Ireland, 291 ; his journey 
 to Ireland and escape to Nor- 
 way, 349 
 
 " Tanner, The," nickname of R. 
 Simms, i. 72, et passim 
 
 Tate, Colonel, ii. 144, 145 
 
 Teeling Bartholomew, biogra- 
 phical note, ii. 347 ; bearer of 
 flag of truce at Castlebar, and 
 afterwards executed, ib. 
 
 Teeling, C. G., i. 215 
 
 Teeling, Charles Hamilton, ii. 
 5, and biographical note, Ed. 
 
 Teeling, Luke, moves at the 
 Catholic Convention the total 
 emancipation of Catholics, i. 
 161 ; his amendment carried, 
 
 163 ; president of General 
 
 Committee, 170 
 Temple, Middle, T. W. Tone 
 
 enters the, i. 16 
 Tennant, John, ii. 249, 259 
 Theatres in France, i. 226, 232- 
 
 234, 275, 288, 306, 321 ; ii. 19, 
 
 30, 56, 69, 71, 80, 85, 94, 96, 
 
 102 
 
 Thouars, Dupetit, i. 266, 297 
 
 Tighe, Mr., i. 104, 105 
 
 Toler (see Norbury, Lord) 
 
 Tone, Arthur, resemblance to 
 his brother William, i. 6; goes 
 to sea, and is afterwards sent 
 by his brother Wolfe to Ire- 
 land, 6, 222, 292 ; subsequent 
 history, as far as known, 7, 
 note, Ed. ; love of travel, 7 ; 
 ii. 3 1 1 
 
 Tone, Captain, i. 127 
 
 Tone, Mary, characteristics and 
 disposition, i. 7 ; accompanies 
 her brother Wolfe to America, 
 7, 8 ; return from America, 
 marriage, 7 ; ii. 286 ; death, i. 
 7, note, Ed. ; at Hamburg 
 with Mrs. Wolfe Tone, ii. 180 
 
 Tone, Matthew, characteristics 
 and nickname, i. 5 ; love of 
 travel and adventure, 5 ; im- 
 prisoned at Dunkirk, and 
 afterwards goes to America a 
 second time, 5, 7 ; poetical 
 tastes, 5 ; his republicanism, 
 6 ; accompanies French expe- 
 dition to Killala, tried by 
 court-martial, and hanged, 6, 
 note, Ed.; ii. 348; commences 
 a cotton factory, i. 29 ; 227, 
 
422 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 236, 247, 284 ; sought for in 
 France, 292, 294; 299, 315 ; ii. 
 95 ; joins Wolfe Tone in 
 Paris, 276 
 Tone, Theobald Wolfe, reasons 
 for writing his autobiography, 
 i. I ; birthplace and parentage, 
 
 I ; career of his brother 
 William, 2-4 ; travels, and 
 characteristics of his second 
 brother, Matthew, 5, 6, 7 ; 
 character and vocation of 
 third brother, Arthur, 6, 7 ; 
 characteristics of his sister, 
 7 ; first school and school- 
 master, 8 ; placed under the 
 tuition of Rev. W. Craig, 
 9 ; his father's changed cir- 
 cumstances, 9 ; his division 
 of the week for work and 
 pleasure, 9 ; combines with 
 schoolfellows in mitching, 9 ; 
 inclination for entering the 
 army, 10 ; dispute with his 
 father, 10; enters as pensioner 
 of Trinity College, Dublin, 
 11; is alienated from his 
 studies and wishes to enter 
 the British army in America, 
 
 I I ; returns to his studies, 1 1 ; 
 second in a duel, 12; runaway 
 marriage with Miss Withering- 
 ton, 12, 13 ; successes at 
 college, 13 ; breaks off from 
 his wife's family, and settles 
 at his father's, 13 ; birth of 
 daughter, 14 ; his father's 
 house entered by burglars, 14, 
 1 5 ; goes to London, and 
 enters the Middle Temple, 15, 
 
 16; dislike for the Law, 16, 
 21 ; contributes to the Euro- 
 pean Magazine, 16 ; collabo- 
 rates with Jebb and Radcliff 
 in writing " Belmont Castle," 
 16 ; friendships with Hon. 
 George Knox, John Hall 
 (Wharton), and Benjamin 
 Phipps, 17 ; is joined by his 
 brother William, 17, 18; his 
 sight-seeing, 18 ; impecunious, 
 18 ; conceives a plan to 
 establish a colony in the 
 South Seas, 18, 30; ii. 156; 
 presents his memorial to Mr. 
 Pitt, i. 19 ; determines to 
 enlist in the East India Com- 
 pany's service, and refusal of 
 his application, 19, 20 ; is 
 assisted by his wife's grand- 
 father, and returns to Ireland, 
 20 ; lodges in Dublin, 20 ; 
 called to the Bar, and goes on 
 circuit, 21 ; ruin of his father 
 from a lawsuit, 21 ; death of 
 his parents, 22, note, Ed. ; 
 enters politics, and writes " A 
 Review of the Last Session 
 of Parliament," 23, 24 ; 
 elected member of the Whig 
 Club, 24 ; attached to the 
 Ponsonbys, 25 ; his views on 
 Irish independence, 26 ; in- 
 fluenced by Sir Lawrence 
 Parsons, 26 ; pamphlet on 
 Irish neutrality in the rupture 
 with Spain, 26, 27 ; breach 
 with his wife's family, 27 ; 
 friendship with Thomas Rus- 
 sell, 27-30; acquaintance wjth 
 
INDEX. 
 
 423 
 
 John Russell, 29 ; amiable 
 qualities of wife, 30 ; sends 
 his memorial, relative to a 
 military colony in the South 
 Seas, to the Duke of Rich- 
 mond, and writes to Lord 
 Grenville on the subject, 30, 
 
 31 ; parting with T. Russell, 
 
 32 ; birth of eldest son, 32 ; 
 forms a political club, 32-34 ; 
 letter to Russell relative to 
 the Club, 34, note by Tone's 
 son, 34; opinion on assemblies 
 of men of genius, 34 ; esteem 
 for T. A. Emmet, 35 ; regard 
 for G. Knox, W. Stokes, and 
 P. Burrowes, 36 ; influence of 
 the French Revolution upon 
 him, 38, 39 ; survey of the 
 state of parties in Ireland, 
 40-42 ; view of English 
 policy in Ireland, 43 ; on the 
 work of the General Com- 
 mittee of Catholics and John 
 Keogh, 45, 46 ; on the with- 
 drawal of the aristocracy from 
 the Committee, 48 ; opinion 
 of the efforts of the Dissenters 
 of Belfast for emancipation, 
 46, 47 ; his resume of the acts 
 of the Committee and of the 
 agency of Richard Burke, 48, 
 49 ; his objects in becoming 
 connected with the Committee, 
 50, 5 1 ; his pamphlet addressed 
 to Dissenters, " An Argument 
 on behalf of the Catholics of 
 Ireland," 51 ; invited into 
 Catholic circles, 52 ; made 
 honorary member of the 
 
 Volunteers of Belfast, and 
 assists in the formation of the 
 first club of United Irishmen, 
 53 ; his friends in Belfast, 53 ; 
 forms a club of United Irish- 
 men in Dublin, 54; instinctive 
 hatred of England, 55 ; loss 
 of influence in the Dublin 
 club, 56; appeals to A. Hamil- 
 ton Rowan to maintain the 
 standing of the Society, 57 ; 
 officiates as pro-secretary in 
 Tandy's absence, 58 ; attends 
 the House of Commons, 59 ; 
 asked to resume his connec- 
 tion with the Whigs, 60, 61 ; 
 appointed agent to the Catho- 
 lic Committee, 65 ; wins the 
 confidence of Catholics, 66 ; 
 admiration for his wife, and 
 regard for her opinion, 66 ; 
 corresponds with Richard 
 Burke, 67 ; his work in the 
 reorganisation of Committee, 
 67, 68 ; attacked by footpads, 
 68 ; his nicknames for friends, 
 72, Appendix; idea of political 
 sentiment in Ireland, 73 ; pro- 
 poses to become a "red-hot 
 Catholic," 76 ; visit to Belfast 
 (October, 1791), 76-88; letters 
 to wife, 89-91 ; his energetic 
 co-operation with Keogh to 
 secure the Parliamentary 
 franchise, 93, Ed. ; visit to 
 Belfast in 1792,92-106; writes 
 to the Northern Star on 
 Catholic Committee, 98, 103 ; 
 takes part in volunteer review, 
 99 ; opinions on the declara- 
 
424 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 tion in favour of the Catholics, 
 99 ; attends meeting at the 
 Linen Hall, 100 ; urges orga- 
 nisation of Dissenting interest, 
 1 02 ; visit to Rathfriland, 104, 
 105 ; proposals to Catholics 
 and Dissenters, 105 ; returns 
 to Dublin, 106 ; visit to 
 Grattan, 106, 107 ; sends 
 another letter to Northern 
 Star, 108 ; receives letter from 
 Burke on French Revolution, 
 108 ; writes to Burke, 108 ; | 
 visits Grattan again, 109 ; | 
 expedition among the Peep- ! 
 of-day-boys, 112; paper to j 
 Northern Star, 112 ; dines 
 with Catholic bishops, 113; 
 goes to Rathfriland, and re- 
 fused accommodation at inn, 
 1 13;sees 1 5oPeep-of-day-boys, 
 114; asked by defenders to 
 conduct their defence at the 
 assizes, 115; hears a favour- 
 able report of Dissenting 
 clergymen, 116 ; interview 
 with Lords Downshire and 
 Hillsborough, 1 1 7, 1 1 8 ; break- 
 fasts with Lord Moira, 1 19 ; 
 tries to allay the feuds in 
 Newry, 120 ; goes to mass, 
 
 120 ; attends a meeting at 
 Rosstrevor, and goes to Dun- 
 dalk, 120 ; returns to Dublin, 
 
 121 ; writes an account of 
 journey to the North, and a 
 manifesto for Limerick, 122 ; 
 takes Grattan's advice on 
 the manifesto, 123 ; excites 
 Keogh's jealousy, 124 ; the | 
 
 medium of communication 
 between the Catholics and Par- 
 liament, 123, 124 ; cautioned 
 against borrowing money from 
 Keogh, 124 ; saluted by the 
 soldiers, 125 ; calls on Duke 
 of Leinster, 126 ; opinion of 
 Conolly, 1 26 ; writes to the Cor- 
 poration of Dublin, and to 
 Catholics abroad, 128; opinion 
 of an Irish mob, 128; contrasts 
 French and Irish mobs, 128 ; 
 his debt to Keogh, 128; 
 letter to Hibernian Journal, 
 
 129 ; sends account of Wex- 
 ford meeting to Hibernian 
 Journal, 130; writes resolu- 
 tions for Limerick Catholics, 
 
 1 30 ; his opinion of Keogh's 
 scheme for the administration 
 of Irish affairs, 132 ; sugges- 
 tions for the treatment of an 
 invading enemy, 134; opinion 
 of Denis Browne, 135 ; visit 
 to Connaught, 136-140 ; 
 stopped by footpads, 136 ; his 
 chaise breaks down, 136 ; 
 meets Bishop of Elphin, 136 ; 
 arrival at Ballinasloe, and 
 dines with Catholics, 137 ; 
 goes to cattle fair, 137 ; 
 attends meeting of Mayo 
 and Galway gentlemen, 138 ; 
 opinion of his own oratorical 
 powers, 138 ; his opinion of 
 Lord Chesterfield and his 
 Letters, 139; desires that his 
 son should have better prin- 
 ciples than Lord Chesterfield 
 advises, 139; denounces hotel 
 
INDEX. 
 
 425 
 
 charges, 140 ; returns to 
 Dublin, 141 ; thinks volun- 
 teering will be the salvation 
 of Ireland, 142 ; consultation 
 with George Knox on pro- 
 posal for a new ministry, 145 ; 
 his nickname for Emmet, 148; 
 singular effect upon him from 
 taking " a sprig of water- ! 
 cresses," 150 ; a conversation 
 with George Knox, 151 ; dis- I 
 cussion with Keogh, 150 ; j 
 pretends to be alarmed at > 
 "inhuman Papists," 153; relies 
 on the folly of the Govern- 
 ment for the emancipation of 
 the country, 153 ; buys a 
 sword, and sleeps upon it, 
 
 153 ; prepares petitions to 
 the King and Parliament, &c, 
 
 1 54 ; flattered by Keogh on 
 the petition to the King, 155 ; 
 fondness for home, 155 ; takes 
 part in raising a new volunteer 
 corps, 155 ; his account of the 
 Catholic Convention, 1 58-175 ; 
 attack on Fitzgibbon, 177 ; 
 opinion of Keogh, 178 ; a 
 battle of words with Keogh, 1 80; ! 
 exasperated with Keogh, 184; 
 losing ground amongst the 
 Catholics, 183 ; thinks the 
 measure for total emancipa- 
 tion entirely lost, 187 ; his 
 story of Jackson's mission, 
 203-208 ; his candid state- 
 ment to the minister relative 
 to his share in Jackson's i 
 scheme of a French invasion, 
 208 ; prepares to leave Ire- 
 
 land, 212-214 ; cordial re- 
 ception in Belfast, 215 ; leaves 
 Belfast, with family, for 
 America, 215 ; his services 
 to fellow-passengers, 216 ; 
 stopped by British frigates, 
 217 ; arrives at Wilmington, 
 and becomes acquainted with 
 General Humpton, 217 ; 
 arrives in Philadelphia, and 
 finds out Dr. Reynolds and 
 Rowan, 218 ; waits on the 
 French minister, and offers 
 to go to France, 219; buys 
 a plantation at Princeton, 
 220, 221 ; urged by Irish 
 friends to petition the French 
 Government to assist Ireland, 
 221 ; courage of wife and 
 sister, 221 ; sends his brother 
 Arthur to Ireland, 222 ; leaves 
 America, and arrives in 
 France, 223 ; impressions of 
 hotel life, and theatrical per- 
 formances at Havre de Grace, 
 224-228 ; an attempt to 
 swindle him, 225 ; starts for 
 Paris, and stops at Rouen, 
 228 ; description of scenery 
 on the journey, 229 ; is im- 
 pressed with the excellent 
 wheat-cultivation, 229; arrives 
 in Paris, 230 ; compares cost 
 of travelling in France and 
 England, 231 ; describes the 
 performance at the Grand 
 Opera, and an exciting 
 spectacle in the ballet, 232, 
 233 ; dines at the hotel of 
 the Chancellor to the Duke 
 
26 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 of Orleans, 234 ; received by j 
 Monroe, American Ambas- j 
 sador, 235 ; introduced to j 
 Charles de la Croix, Minister 
 for Foreign Affairs, 236 ; j 
 opinion of grenadiers, 237 ; 
 ii. 50-55 ; opinion of French 
 women's periwigs, i. 237 ; 
 introduced to Madgett, 239 ; 
 opinion of his diary, 239 ; 
 not satisfied with the French 
 proposals, and urges a French 
 landing in Ireland, 240, 241 ; 
 confers with Madgett, 241 ; 
 offered post of Irish Am- 
 bassador, 242 ; becomes 
 acquainted with Louvet and 
 Lodoi'ska, 243 ; delivers his 
 memorial for the Minister 
 of Foreign Relations, 244 ; 
 Hoche offered to him as gene- 
 ral of troops for Ireland, 245 ; 
 ridicules Paine's " Age of 
 Reason," 246 ; advised by 
 Monroe to appeal direct to 
 the Directoire Executif, 248 ; 
 calls God to witness to the 
 purity of his motives, 250 ; 
 interview with Carnot, 252 ; 
 another interview with De la 
 Croix, who promises support, 
 257-262 ; his memorials to 
 the French Government, 263 ; 
 hears of Sweetman's death, 1 
 264 ; remarks on the pictures 
 in the Museum, 266 ; visit 
 to the catacombs, 267 ; 
 discusses contents of the 
 memorials with De la Croix, 
 270-273 ; describes military 
 
 spectacle at the opera, 275 ; 
 interview with General Clarke, 
 277-282 ; learns the number 
 of men and arms the 
 Directory intend to send to 
 Ireland, 282, 285 ; second 
 interview with Clarke, 28C, 
 287 ; anxiety about his 
 brother Matthew, 292 ; con- 
 demns proposed plan for 
 debauching Irish prisoners, 
 294 ; prepares a manifesto, 
 297 ; dissatisfied with his 
 manifesto, 299 ; asks for a 
 veteran army, 301 ; desires 
 to enter the French army, 
 303, 315 ; discusses with 
 Clarke the points for attack 
 in Ireland, 303, 304 ; affection 
 for his wife, 305, 306 ; 
 theatrical criticisms, 306, 307 ; 
 ii. 56, 69, 71, 80, 94, 102 ; 
 attends the Fete de la Jeunesse, 
 i. 309 ; amongst the book- 
 sellers, 309 ; opinion of 
 French troops, 310 ; attends 
 the Council of Five Hundred, 
 311; opposed to system of 
 " Chouannerie," 313; opinion 
 of Fitzsimons, 318, 319 ; 
 asked to find some one to 
 go to France, but declines, 
 318 ; visit to the Palais de 
 Justice, 319, 320 ; hears 
 rumour of Keogh's arrest, ii. 
 1 ; hears that Dr. Aherne 
 is to be sent to Ireland, 3 ; 
 instructs Aherne relative to 
 his mission to Ireland, 5 ; 
 distrusts Clarke, 11 ; writes 
 
INDEX. 
 
 427 
 
 a memorial on the strength 
 of the British army in Ireland, 
 18 ; his second interview with 
 Carnot, 21 ; promises Clarke 
 a pension for life if the 
 expedition succeeded, 25 ; 
 finishes his proclamation, 28 ; 
 has a tiff with Carnot, 30 ; 
 thinks of settling in France, 
 32 ; writes for his wife and 
 family to join him, 34, 48 ; 
 visit to the chateau of Ver- 
 sailles, 38 ; shortens his pro- 1 
 clamation, 40 ; in straightened 
 circumstances, 43 ; discusses 
 with Clarke the proposed 
 expedition, 47 ; pros and cons j 
 for his taking arms in the j 
 French Republic, 48 ; birth- 1 
 day reflections, 49 ; suggests 
 the uniform for an Irish 
 corps, 52 ; opposed to agrarian 
 revolution, 53 ; hears of 
 preparations in Ulster for 
 revolt, 57 ; to have a regi- 
 ment of cavalry, 58 ; changes 
 his opinion about Clarke, 63 ; 
 castle building, 66, 1 14 ; 
 private worries, 67 ; loneli- 
 ness, 71 ; studies tactics, 73 ; 
 interview with Hoche, 74-76; 
 monetary embarrassment, 81, 
 92 ; receives his brevet for 
 Chef de Brigade, 82 ; ques- 
 tioned as to the prospects 
 of a monarchy for Ireland, 
 83 ; audience with Carnot, 
 84; opinion of Hoche, 92 ; 
 claims compensation from the 
 Republic, 92 ; declines a loan 
 
 from Monroe, 94 ; prospects 
 brightening, 97 ; puts on his 
 regimentals, 101 ; leaves 
 Paris, 105 ; arrives at Rennes, 
 107 ; on the desire of the 
 Directory to humble England, 
 112; discusses plans of French 
 expedition with Col. Shee, 
 113 ; writes Irish airs for his 
 regiment, 116 ; writes an 
 address to the Irish peasantry, 
 117, 123 ; made Adjutant- 
 General, 122 ; hears of arrest 
 of friends in Ireland, 125 ; 
 arrives at Brest, 127; sees 
 a review of the Legion Noire, 
 138 ; induces prisoners of 
 war to join the expedition, 
 138, 139; on the tactics of 
 the Spanish Government, 
 141 ; affection for his family, 
 143, 144 ; engages a boy- 
 servant, 143 ; angry with 
 Hoche, 147 ; scheme for 
 landing in Ulster, 153 ; 
 leaves Brest with the fleet, 
 159 ; reflections in a fog, 
 161 ; hopes and fears on 
 nearing Ireland, 164 ; hopes 
 defeated, 175 ; believes his 
 ship is sinking, 177 ; returns 
 to France, 177, 178; journey 
 of his family to Hamburg, 
 178, note by Tone's son ; 
 goes to Paris with despatches, 
 179; hears news of his wife, 
 180 ; consents to his sister's 
 engagement, 181 ; seeks to 
 retire from the service, 181 ; 
 interview with Hoche, 182; 
 
4-8 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 meeting with Shee, 183 ; I 
 abused by Lord Clare in the 
 Irish Parliament, 185 ; intro- 
 duced to Thomas Paine, 189; 
 receives a testimonial from the 
 Directory, 191 ; sets off from 
 Paris to join the army of 
 Sambre et Meuse, 193 ; ob- 
 servations on his journey, 
 193-195 ; anxiety about his 
 wife, 192, 196 ; arrival at 
 Cologne, 197; visit to Shce 
 at Bonn, 198 ; returns to 
 Cologne, and receives an 
 order from Hoche to go to 
 Hamburg, 200, 203 ; sight- 
 seeing in Cologne, and his 
 opinion of convents, 201, 202, 
 203 ; journey through Hol- 
 land, 204-206 ; journey in 
 a trakschuyt to Amsterdam, 
 207, 208 ; impressions of 
 Amsterdam, 209 ; visit to the 
 Hague, 212-222 ; returns to 
 Amsterdam, 222 ; meeting 
 with his wife, sister, and 
 family at Groninguen, 224 ; 
 confers with Hoche and 
 Lewines on a combined j 
 French, and Dutch expedition ' 
 to Ireland, 230-232 ; confers 
 with the Dutch Government, 
 232, 233 ; joins the Dutch 
 fleet for Ireland as Adjutant- 
 General in the service of the 
 Batavian Republic, 237 ; his 
 scheme for a Dutch invasion 
 of England, 252 ; joins 
 Hoche at Wetzlar, 264, 266 ; 
 goes to Bonn, 270 ; joins his 
 
 wife in Paris, 272 ; introduced 
 to Talleyrand, 273 ; joined 
 by his brother Matthew, 276; 
 offers his services to Buona- 
 parte in VArmee d'Angleterre, 
 276 ; introduced to Buona- 
 parte, 278 ; in Buonaparte's 
 confidence, 281, 282 ; amongst 
 Irish refugees, 284, 285 ; 
 opinion of Lord Moira, and of 
 Lord Clare's speeches in the 
 Irish Parliament on United 
 Irishmen, 291-294 ; appointed 
 Adjutant - General in the 
 Aruu'e d'Angleterre, 296 ; 
 interview with Talleyrand, 
 297 ; goes to Rouen, 299 ; 
 his views of the objects 
 of United Irishmen, 306- 
 309 ; on furlough in Paris, 
 309 ; returns to Rouen, 
 312 ; offers to go to India, 
 317 ; sent to Havre, 318 ; 
 opinion of Lord Edward 
 Fitzgerald, 324 ; interview 
 with General Kilmaine, 327 ; 
 returns to Rouen, 332 ; inter- 
 view with Grouchy, 333 ; 
 departure for Paris, 337 
 [end of Tone's diary] ; his 
 opinion of suicide, 149, 350, 
 355 ; accompanies Hardy's 
 expedition to Ireland, 351 ; 
 his courage on board the 
 Hoche, 352; taken prisoner, 
 352 ; identified by Sir George 
 Hill, put in irons, and taken 
 to Dublin, 353, 354 ; tried 
 by court-martial, 356 ; his 
 address to the court, 357-360 ; 
 
INDEX. 
 
 429 
 
 his plea for a soldier's death, 
 360; condemned to a traitor's 
 death, 361 ; intervention on his 
 behalf by Curran, 362, 363 ; 
 wounds himself, 364 ; address 
 to the Directory, 365 ; letters 
 to his wife, 366, 367 ; death, 
 368 ; his jailers suspected of 
 foul play, 368, 369 ; burial 
 place, 370 ; his two memorials 
 to the French Government 
 on the state of Ireland, 
 Appendix, 371-395 
 
 Tone, William, boyhood, i. 2 ; 
 enters East India Company's 
 service, but is stopped at St. 
 Helena, 2 ; his culture and 
 characteristics, 2 ; re-enters 
 the East India Company's 
 sen-ice, 3 ; quells a mutiny, 
 and obtains a military com- 
 mand, 3 ; gets a commission 
 in the Nizam's service, but is 
 compelled to withdraw and 
 return to Calcutta, 3 ; attacked 
 by robbers, and wounded, 4 ; 
 prospects in the court of the 
 Peshwa of the Mahrattas, 4 ; 
 ii. 280, 309; subsequent his- 
 tory, his book on the Mahratta 
 people, and death, i. 4, note, 
 Ed. ; joins his brother Wolfe 
 in London, 17 ; favourite with 
 B. Phipps, 18 ; his Irish 
 humour, 18 ; residence at 
 Prosperous, 29 
 
 Tone, William Theobald Wolfe, 
 biographical note on, ii. 338 
 
 Tooke, Home, on P'rench 
 generals, ii. 70 
 
 Toole, i. 90, 1 27 
 
 Treilhard, ii. 313 
 
 " Tribune, The," nickname of J. 
 N. Tandy, i. 72 
 
 Trinity College, Dublin, i. 8 ; 
 expulsion of students, ii. 314 
 
 Trogoff, Admiral, i. 267 
 
 Troy, Dr., i. 144, 154; attends 
 Catholic Convention, 170, 
 302 ; ii. 56, 70 
 
 Truguet, ii. 77, 122 
 
 Tyrol, Fighting of peasants in 
 the, ii. 288 
 
 Tyrrel, Admiral, of the Bucking- 
 ham, i. 2 
 
 Union, The, speech of Peter 
 Burrowes against, i. 33, note, 
 Ed. 
 
 United Irish Society {see Society 
 of United Irishmen) 
 
 Vandeleur, Colonel, ii. 356 
 Vandyck, Picture by, in Chateau 
 
 of Versailles, ii. 38 
 Vaudray, ii. 160 
 
 Versailles, Chateau of, Art 
 
 treasures in the, ii. 38 
 Vestris, i. 306 ; ii. 16, 96 
 Vindication of the conduct of 
 
 the Catholics, i. 167-169 
 " Vintner, The," nickname of E. 
 
 Byrne, i. 72 
 Vischery, Adjutant-General, ii. 
 
 282 
 
 Volunteers of Ireland, i. 41, and 
 note, Ed. ; their declaration 
 in favour of the Catholic 
 question, 50 ; their election of 
 Wolfe Tone as honorary 
 
43° INi 
 
 member, 53 ; celebrate, in 
 Belfast, the anniversary of the 
 taking of the Bastille, 71, 82 ; 
 affront received by the Dublin 
 corps, 1 54 ; forbidden to march 
 out in Dublin, 183 ; charge 
 of disorderly conduct against 
 them, 195 
 
 War, between England and 
 
 France (1793), i. 3 
 Warren, Alderman, and the 
 
 Dublin volunteers, i. 183 
 Warren, Sir John Borlase, ii. 
 
 3Si 
 
 Warren, Tom, i. 108, 109, 128, 
 135 ; a dinner given by, 150 
 
 Washington Club, Belfast, i. 85 
 
 Watrin, General, ii. 159 
 
 Waudre, Colonel, ii. 169 
 
 Weavers, The, ii. 131 
 
 Westmeath, Earl of, ii. 125 
 
 Westminster Hall, i. 16 
 
 Wexford, its gallant defence 
 against the soldiery, ii. 343, 
 344 ; sends volunteers for the 
 British army in Egypt, 345 
 
 Wharton, John (formerly Steven- 
 son, and Hall), friendship with 
 T. W. Tone, i. 17 
 
 Whig Club (see Club, Whig) 
 
 White, Dr., i. 95, 96 
 
 William III., Irish rights be- 
 trayed by Parliament of, i. 
 158 
 
 Williams, Helen Maria,authoress, 
 ii. 86, and note, Ed., 87 
 
 Williamson, i. 84, 96, and note 
 Wilson, Mr., befriends Mrs. 
 Tone, and afterwards marries 
 her, 366 and 367, note, Ed. 
 Winter, Admiral De, ii. 230, 242, 
 243 ; proposes a ruse for 
 evading the British fleet, and 
 sailing for Ireland, 256 ; 
 defeated by Admiral Duncan, 
 274 
 
 Witherington, William, T. W. 
 
 Tone's father-in-law, i. 12 
 Wolfe, Colonel, ii. 356 
 Wolfe, General, ii. 49 
 Wolfe, John (see Kilwarden, 
 
 Lord) 
 
 Women of England, ii. 28 
 Women of France, i. 237 ; ii. 
 
 28 
 
 Women of Ireland, Qualities of 
 
 the, ii. 20, 29 
 Wyse, Mr., one of the originators 
 
 of the Catholic Committee, 
 
 i. 44, note, Ed. 
 
 Yelverton, Barry, i. 73, note, 
 Ed. 
 
 j York, Duke of, suggested as 
 future King of Ireland, ii. 
 
 83 
 
 j Young, Rev. Matthew, tutor of 
 T. W. Tone, i. 1 1 ; celebrity 
 as mathematician, presented 
 to the see of Clonfert, and 
 
 j death, 1 1, note, Ed. 
 Ysabeau, ii. 7, 8, 9 
 
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