i|l; B o 3 'ir »;:e5ri^^ | %^fM. '^■^'^^' ,^ r ' ^ • ©^»vo Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries http://www.archive.org/details/orationdemocracyOOburk ORATION Democracy and Education BY DR. JEREMIAH E. BURKE DELIVERED BEFORE THE CITY GOVERNMENT AND CITIZENS OF BOSTON IN FANEUIL HALL, ON THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTY-SIXTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THESE UNITED STATES, JULY 4, 1Q22 iOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY CHESTNUT HILL, MASS, CITY OF BOSTON PRINTING DEPARTMENT 1 922 n\'^'x DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION. Fourth of July Oration, 1922. By Dr. Jeremiah E. Burke. Your Honor and Fellow Citizens: The Irish people among many beautiful legends have this: That the great O'Donoghue, though he died and was buried far from his native land, was brought back by angels to home and fatherland, there to rest in an unfrequented glen nearby his dear Killarney awaiting the time when, his country demanding his splendid services, he shall arise from the grave and lead his embattled hosts once more to victory. Strange and fantastic though this legend ap- pears, it is nevertheless true. Our great ones lead us from the grave. The spirit of the past abides with the present and controls the destinies of the future. And in these stirring post-bellum days of restora- tion and readjustment, the American people must not confound reconstruction with revolution. We must be loyal to the traditions of the past. We 4 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. must adhere to whatever is best in the past, adapt it to the changed conditions of the present, and in the light of the present and the past anticipate the demands and the needs of the future. That is statesmanship and patriotism. France broke with the past at the time of the French Revolution. Following Rousseau, the pre- cursor, France attempted to reorganize everything anew. The old order was overthrown. The revo- lutionists revised the Gregorian calendar. They began with the year ''1." They changed the names of the months and of the days of the week. Since the creation of the world, seven days had consti- tuted a week. According to the Revolutionists the week should comprise ten days, based upon a deci- mal system — a desecration against which even the beasts of burden uttered protest. They overthrew the past, and the logical result was the Reign of Terror. In more recent times another nation has broken with the past. Upon the battlefields of Sadowa and Sedan, Prussia sated with power and greed determined to establish a mihtary despotism. The Prussian mihtarists disregarded the lessons of Alex- ander, Hannibal, Caesar and Napoleon. They would establish an absolute state. Bismarck proclaimed that the schoolmaster was abroad in the land, but the schoolmaster was not free. He was an officer of the state, obedient to the state, compelled to do FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 5 the bidding of the state. What he should teach and how he should teach was prescribed by the state. All the agencies within the state became subservient to the military clique. Government existed for the favored few. In fifty years the thought of the people was distorted and malformed in conformity with despotic theories. The state was apotheosized. The German people came to associate Kaiser with deity; were led to believe that militarism was a blessing, that the hands of all the world were raised against them, and that Germany was justified on patriotic grounds in committing outrageous acts of sacrilege and bru- tality. All this wilful perversion of a people's mental and moral perspective was manifestly the result of a system of false education. The Fathers of the Republic. The forefathers of the American Republic did not break with the past. They built upon the past. The Pilgrim Fathers proclaimed allegiance to the past in the covenant to which they subscribed in the cabin of the ''Mayflower." The uprising in 76 was an evolution as well as a revolution. And when the patriot fathers met at Independence Hall on that immortal Fourth of July they declared no newly-found principles, but they revoiced old truths. They assumed and they asserted that all men are 6 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. created equal ; not a few men but all ■ men, not a coterie or a faction but mankind everywhere. This equality proclaimed by the fathers has never meant uniformity or similarity. Men differ in personal appearance, in intellectual power and in spiritual graces. What the fathers meant was that all men are equal before the law, and this idea implies equality of privilege and equality of op- portunity. It means that every human being is entitled to an opportunity for development to the utmost of his capacity. The framers of what Abraham Lincoln loved to call "that inmiortal emblem," the Declaration of Independence, furthermore specifically declared that all men are endowed "with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Endowed by whom? By a czar, by a kaiser, by a party, by a military clique, by an absolute state? No! The forefathers were very explicit. They said, "All men are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights." These rights, then, are inalienable, irrevocable, indefeasible, God-given. I cannot forfeit them; that would be slavery. I must not usurp them; that would be tyranny. No one can deprive me of these rights but the Being who gave them to me. No man, no government, no human institution can deprive me of my inalien- able, God-given rights. FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 7 The fathers have passed away, but they have bequeathed to us a stewardship, the safeguarding and the perpetuation of the rights and privileges which they have transmitted. For these blessings we are indebted to all the past; for their preservation and extension we are beholden to all the future. We, then, must keep faith with the past, with the present, and with the future. In the world's high- est court of chancery we have been appointed guardians of these great eternal principles of popular sovereignty. This guardianship, this trusteeship, imposes tremendous responsibilities. These rights and privileges placed in our keeping are not ours to use or disuse as we may. They are in our custody today in order that we may put them at usury so that when the future demands an accounting we, worthy of our trust, will transmit them to posterity not only undiminished but more exalted than when they were bequeathed to us. And as faithful stewards we must safeguard this glorious heritage and stand prepared at all times to defend it, even at the sacrifice of our lives. The Rights of Children. We hear much in these later days about the rights of men — and of women — and all this is hopeful and commendable. But there are still too few to proclaim the rights of children. And yet, children also possess rights, inalienable and irrevocable. 8 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. It is the right of children and youth to grow and develop; to acquire correct habits, physical, intel- lectual and spiritual; and under the most competent guidance to be educated to the highest possible extent compatible with their capacities and endow- ments; to the end that as individuals and as mem- bers of society they may occupy those stations in life for which they are best qualified by nature and by training, and that therein they may discharge duties, perform services, and enjoy the blessings of liberty more abundantly than they could in any other place or sphere in life. Physical Habits. By the cultivation of correct physical habits one prepares fpr individual service. He thereby becomes capable of performing well his daily tasks; he may secure promotion or preferment; he experiences the bounding joy of health; he is cheerful and optimis- tic; he enjoys life and the pursuit of legitimate hap- piness. ''Give us, oh, give us," says Carlyle, ''the man who sings at his work." Likewise one becomes the better equipped for patriotic service. Vitality is a national asset; con- servation of health is a national responsibility. Courage to dare and power to do are essentials of personal security and of national stability. A nation must have strong men in days of peace as well as in times of strife. There must always be brave mothers of heroic sons and daughters. FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 9 Battlefields are often won upon playgrounds. Here is treasured up that splendid reserve power — those Bliicher forces — so indispensable to all great achievements, moral as well as physical. Finally and chiefly, there is a spiritual reason for the formation of proper physical habits. The body is the tabernacle of the soul, and as such should be made a worthy habitation for the indwelling of an immortal spirit. Intellectual Habits. Intellectual habits are developed in order that the individual may possess clarity of thought; that he may think straight; that he may have intellectual and moral courage; that he may form his own opinions and convictions; that he may think dis- passionately and arrive at independent conclusions; that he may acquire the power of suspended judg- ment; that he may distinguish with judicial candor between the true and the false, between the spurious and the genuine; that he may become a seeker after truth, truth in its moral loveliness; and the truth shall make him free! Spiritual Habits. Ideas rule the world, but ideas must be inspired by ideals. Things of the mind are infinitely more to be treasured than things that are material. Like- wise, the spiritual transcends the purely intellectual. We are committed in this country because of the -sr-- 10 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. composite character of our people to the maintenance and support of a system of nonsectarian pubHc schools. This implies that within these school rooms there shall be permitted no partisan, racial or religious propaganda; that there shall not be in- troduced the tenets of any political party, or of any creed, or of any race. These exclusions, however, must not preclude the development of spiritual habits — the inculcation of great cardinal virtues such as obedience, industry, sobriety, thrift, probity, integrity, reliability, straightforwardness, trustworthi- ness, incorruptibility. Indeed, the statute law of Massachusetts is man- datory and unequivocal in its insistence upon moral training in our schools. It reads as follows: ''The president, professors and tutors of the university at Cambridge and of the several colleges, all preceptors and teachers of academies and aU other instructors of youth shall exert their best endeavors to impress on the minds of children and youth committed to their care and instruction the principles of piety and justice and a sacred regard for truth, love of their country, humanity and uni- versal benevolence, sobriety, industry and frugality, chastity, moderation and temperance, and those other virtues which are the ornament of human society and the basis upon which a republican con- stitution is founded; and they shall endeavor to lead their pupils, as their ages and capacities will FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. H admit, into a clear understanding of the tendency of the above-mentioned virtues to preserve and perfect a repubhcan constitution and secure the bless- ings of liberty as well as to promote their future happiness, and also to point out to them the evil tendency of the opposite vices." It is, therefore, the child's right — it is his educa- tional heritage — to possess these virtues as a touchstone to which all his thoughts and all his actions may be subjected. If he has these qualities deeply imbedded in his heart, if he possesses them as a vital part of his very being, then he may err for a time and wander far afield, but drawn back inevitably will he be by an irresistible impulse, by a centripetal force, back to safe spiritual anchorage. Controlled by these great spiritual influences, the private life of the individual will be safeguarded and his civic conduct assured. The welfare of the child and the welfare of society, therefore, equally demand the cultivation of these moral and spiritual virtues. But these physical, intellectual and moral quali- ties are not acquired overnight. They do not come in a morning dream. They do not fall into one's idle lap like windfalls from the clouds. They are the result of exercise continuously and persistently repeated and finally becoming automatic, habitual and reflexive. There needs to be incessant training in health culture, in right thinking and in moral 12 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. purpose at every step in the child's career, from early childhood through adolescence into youth. Complete and symmetrical education, which is the birthright of every American, requires a long pro- bationary period. It imperatively demands that all boys and girls remain in school and under the influence of highly competent instructors until they are at least sixteen years of age, with a part-time attendance upon some sort of extension or continua- tion school for at least two years thereafter. Thus there would be maintained an impersonal and a legally sanctioned stewardship over children and youths to protect, defend and direct them during the impressionable years of their minority, wherever they may be found, whether at work or at play, whether within or without the schoolroom. Denial of this privilege is to defraud children and youths of their indisputable educational heritage. It is to deprive democracy of the fulfillment of its destiny. Diversified Education. "And also point out the evil tendency of the opposite vices," urges the statute on moral instruc- tion. It is insufficient that good habits be incul- cated; vicious habits must be inhibited. Gladstone in the beautiful essay which he wrote on his dear friend, Henry Hallam, the subject of Tennyson's 'Tn Memoriam," gives expression to an idea which hitches in one's mind. Gladstone among other FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 13 things says that the progress of the nineteenth century is described by two simple words, ''Unhand me." These two words, "unhand me," tell the whole story about education. Education — ''unhand me" — means the removal, so far as possible, of all obstacles, restraints, impediments, whether they be physical, intellectual or spiritual, in order that free, untrammeled, all handicaps removed, I m^ay work out my complete destiny — temporal and eternal; that as an individual I may enjoy the blessings of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness and that, moreover, as a citizen I may become socially com- petent — a self-respecting, self-supporting coworker with my fellows in the life of community and Com- monwealth. Nature is not lavish in the distribution of her gifts. Nature revels in variability and diversity. One person has beauty of form, another brilliancy of intellect, a third magnanimity of soul. Rarely are all these gifts the possession of any single indi- vidual. Nature is inhospitable of the superman; she is prodigal of the average of the species. "God must love the common people," sagely remarked the incomparable Lincoln, "He creates so many of them." There are radical differences in the qualities that go to make up the normal child. Humanely and sanely these differences and peculiarities are 14 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. becoming recognized in the life of the School. In place of rigid and uniform courses of study, curricula are being modified and reconstructed to satisfy the varying aptitudes and capacities of boys and girls, of groups of children, all equally deserving, all endowed with equality of rights and entitled to equality of opportunity. Education Defined. Any discussion of plans and purposes is incomplete which fails to emphasize the two-fold objective of education. Popular education subserves a two-fold purpose: It should enable every boy and every girl — yes, every man and every woman — to rise to the very heights of his capabilities and endow- ments; and then, to become a citizen of power in the service of the Commonwealth. There must be provided in a democracy freely and fully equality of opportunity for personal improvement and success. But that is only one side of the shield. Running through all systems of education — like the ichor that coursed through the veins of the gods — must be the throbbing impulse of service. Equal oppor- tunity must be afforded every boy and every girl to develop to the very utmost all his capacities and endowments; but when this is realized, when these heights are attained, then he or she in all humility and gratitude should dedicate all achievements and successes not to self-glorification or self-aggrandize- FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 15 ment, but rather to the service of fellow-men and the welfare of country. There should come into the lives of our future American citizens the exalted spirit of the craftsmen of the Middle Ages whose souls were in their tasks. And whatever they con- structed — whether it were a simple product of metal from the locksmith, or the cathedral of many architects with its myriads of spires — everything they did was for the service of their fellow-men, and for the glory of God. Universal Education. All this implies that nation, state, city, town, all must unite in furnishing unlimited educational, recreational, and vocational facilities for our children and our youths. There must be provided generously normal schools and colleges; junior colleges; state universities; part-time schools; continuation schools; industrial, pre vocational and vocational schools; agricultural schools; textile schools; evening schools; Americanization classes; extension and collegiate courses, to meet the recurrent personal needs of innumerable groups of young people. We must popularize the school. We must make it attractive. We must place it directly in the pathways of our boys and girls as so many ladders whereby they may climb upward and onward. An ambitious and expensive program, I hear you protest. My reply is this : Democracy is expensive. 16 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. It has been secured through infinite toil and sacrifice. It has cost the world its best blood and treasure. Our greatest national assets are first, education, free, universal education; and, second, its resultant, the highest possible degree of personal, civic and national intelligence and righteousness. On the other hand, democracy's greatest national liability is ignorance. Parsimony in education means bankruptcy. In education we must spend freely that we may save. Education is more than insur- ance. It is our assurance against tomorrow's ills. Intelligent citizenship is the future's hope. Let us not forget. And let us be unyielding and insistent about the supereminence of education in a democracy. Contemplate for one moment the cost of the world's great war. We are told that in round numbers the war cost the nations three hundred billion dollars. Take aU the wealth of these United States, realty and personalty of every conceivable kind, and roU it all up into one great mass and you will find it estimated at about three hundred billion doUars. Without mentioning the ineffable loss of human lives, horresco referens, the expense of the great war was commensurate with the property value of our entire country. And never forget this: The war was caused by the materialistic philosophy and the false education of the leaders of the German people. And realize, further, that all property, whether personal or real, is worthless unless the people's will FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 17 has been properly trained to respect and safeguard it in days of stress and storm. Years ago in the Senate of the United States while championing the cause of Greece, and pleading for her independence, Henry Clay quoting from the eternal law exclaimed, '''What shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and suffer the loss of his own soul?' Or what shall it avail a nation to save the whole of a miserable trade and lose its liberties?" We must save our soul at any cost. The soul of this nation is ideal education. Let us guard it as something sacred. Material things must pass away — the soul is for immortality. Our heritage is sublime ! Liberty Under Law. "To make a government," says Edmund Burke in his treatise on the French Revolution, "requires no great prudence. Settle the seat of power; teach obedience; and the work is done. To give freedom is still more easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to let go the rein. "But to form a free government, that is to tem- per together those opposite elements of liberty and restraint in one consistent work, requires much thought; deep reflection; a sagacious, powerful and combining mind." Having secured their independence, the patriot fathers of the Revolution were confronted with the 18 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. momentous task of organizing a form of government that should ^Hemper together those opposite ele- ments of liberty and restraint." And with providen- tial foresight they formed and ratified the Constitu- tion of the United States which has been truthfully characterized as 'Hhe most remarkable document ever struck off at one time by the ingenuity of man." And in the preamble to that document these nation-builders among other things announced that 'Ho insure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, we do ordain and establish this Consti- tution of the United States." The forefathers were not only patriots and statesmen; they also had the gift of prophecy. They foresaw the necessity of safeguarding liberty. And the wisdom of the fore- fathers was very soon revealed. Only a few years after the adoption of the Constitution, the French Revolution broke forth. Temples were destroyed, shrines desecrated, holy places profaned, all in the name of liberty. In the name of liberty, the streets of Paris were crimsoned with the purest blood in Europe. The revolutionists took the best of the Bourbon kings and led him out to execution. They took Marie Antoinette, the friend of America, the friend of Benjamin Franklin, tore her from the embraces of her family and gave her to the guillo- tine. And then, acme of effrontery and sacrilege, they took a woman of the street and, before the FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 19 sacred altar of Notre Dame, they crowned her as the goddess of reason and of liberty. And across the century comes the cry of Madame Roland from the scaffold, ''Oh, Liberty, what crimes are committed in thy name!" Liberty is not an armed warrior, liberty is a god- dess. Liberty is cloistered. Liberty is delicate, sen- sitive, refined. The forefathers, therefore, deter- mined to shield liberty and to provide her with a champion. And so they placed liberty under the protection of law and, thus, liberty under law has become an organizing principle of our American government. But how solicitous were the forefathers! They knew that law might be remiss, that law might become neglectful of its trust. Accordingly they created three agencies to guaran- tee the proper defence of liberty by law. a. Legislative. — To give law its credentials. If law becomes unfaithful then a better servant must be substituted in its place. b. Executive. — To give law its mandate: To compel law to be more dutiful or to rebuke it for non- performance of its duties. c. Judicial. — To review law's qualifications and, if necessary, to revoke them. These three distinct constitutional agencies, legis- lative, executive and judicial, are estabhshed by the people; they reflect the will of the people. The 20 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. will of the people, therefore, is the supreme law. But all just laws are from a source higher than man; they are derived from God. Hence our purpose should be to justify the expression, ''The voice of the people is the voice of God." These three instruments were fashioned by the fathers for making, correcting, amending or changing laws. But, so long as law remains the reflection of the people's will, to that extent it must be obeyed implicitly, and in that event obedience to law is liberty. And whoever raises his hands against laws properly and justly made and against authority duly consti- tuted, such a one defies the will of the people and the will of God. He is, therefore, a traitor to himself, to his fellowman, to his country, and to the Sovereign Lawmaker of the universe. To train the will of the people, therefore, is the most serious business in a democracy. To educate the individual will, to indicate its relation to the collective will, and to bring all into harmony with the Eternal Will, this is a task well-nigh divine. To train then is to govern. The teacher is the true leader. The teacher is the real law maker. The educator is the molder and the conservator of demo- cratic society. Thus all the forces of the school must be directed toward the proper development of the will, to the end that pupils may comprehend the significance of law, may acquire respect for law and obedience to FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 21 law; and, furthermore, that they may ever regard justly constituted law as the blazing sword that defends the palladium of liberty. Loyalty to the Past. Permit me in closing to express again my convic- tion that we must not break with the past. Upon this, the natal day of the republic, the birthday of the Declaration of Independence, we reaffirm our indebtedness to Adams and Hancock and Franklin and Paine and to all that matchless Spartan band who on July 4, 1776, gave to us our Charter of Human Liberties. Likewise, we acknowledge our gratitude and our obligation to every patriot — every noble soul — who at any time, anywhere, raised his voice or struck a blow in defence gf American liberty or American institutions. Thus may we all become teachers and educators, training the will of the people, clarifying and dignifying public opinion, inculcating by example and by precept the highest ideals of American citizenship. It is said that for three hundred years after Thermopylae the children in the schools of Greece were taught to recite from memory, ''by heart," the names of the immortal three hundred who fell in defence of the Pass. For nearly a hundred fifty years our children have been narrating in the schools the heroic deeds of our Revolutionary sires. For more than sixty years they have been singing the 22 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. praises of the devoted, valiant boys of '61. In later years they have been recounting the exploits of those who served so faithfully in foreign wars. Now they will add to these recitals the splendid achievements of our soldier boys in khaki and our sailor boys in blue. With hearts exultant with pride in years to come they will tell how cheerfully and eagerly these noble fellows went forth, how bravely they fought, how mightily they triumphed, how they too kept the Pass, how in the world's most critical hour they defended humanity and rescued civilization,' and finally, how peacefully many are sleeping upon the hillsides of Flanders. In legend and story these crusaders of ours, also, will be numbered among the immortals. A greater honor still — they will be beloved of little children. And upon the altars of the classroom the fires consecrated to their memory shall be kept blazing in perpetual vigil, fires fed by innocent hands; and these same hands shall grasp the torch and pass it onward to successive generations of free-born American children, that the fires of civil and religious liberty may continue to burn in undimmed brilliancy, that an educated American dempcracy may continue to be the beacon light of the world, and that a government of the people, for the people, and by the people shall endure. What a splendid idealism! What a glorious heri- FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 23 tage! May we catch its full significance lest the gleams may vanish, make it a benediction unto ourselves, and an inspiration unto all those whose lives are in the molding. "Lord of the Universe! shield us and guide us, Trusting Thee always, through shadow and sun! Thou hast united us, who shall divide us? Keep us, oh keep us the Many in One! Up with our banner bright. Sprinkled with starry light, Spread its fair emblems from mountain to shore, While through the sounding sky Loud rings the Nation's cry, — Union and Liberty! One Evermore!" A. LIST OF BOSTON MUNICIPAL ORATORS. By C. W. ERNST. BOSTON ORATORS Appointed by the Municipal Authorities. For the Anniversary of the Boston Massacre, March 6, 1770. Note. — The Fifth of March orations were published in handsome quarto editions, now very scarce; also collected in book form in 1785 and again in 1807. The oration of 1776 was delivered in Watertown. 1771. — LovELL, James. 1772. — Waeren, Joseph.^ 1773. — Church, Benjamin.'' 1774. — Hancock, John.*^ 1775. — Warren, Joseph. 1776. — Thacher, Peter. 1777. — HicHBORN, Benjamin. 1778. — Austin, Jonathan Williams. 1779. — Tudor, William. 1780. — Mason, Jonathan, Jun. 1781. — Dawes, Thomas, Jun. 1782. — MiNOT, George Richards. 1783. — Welsh, Thomas. For the Anniversary oj National Independence, July 4, 1776. Note. — A collected edition, or a full collection, of these orations has not been made. For the names of the orators, as officially printed on the title pages of the orations, see the Municipal Register of 1890. 1783. — Warren, John.^ 1784. — HiCHBORN, Benjamin. 1785. — Gardner, John. a Reprinted in Newport, R. I., 1774, 8vo., 19 pp. b A third edition was published in 1773. 1 Reprinted in Warren's Life. The orations of 1783 to 1786 were published in large quarto; the oration of 1787 appeared in octavo; the oration of 1788 was printed in small quarto; all succeeding orations appeared in octavo, with the exceptions stated under 1863 and 1876. 27 28 APPENDIX. 1786. — Austin, Jonathan Loring. ' 1787. — Dawes, Thomas, Jun. 1788. — Otis, Harrison Gray. 1789. — Stillman, Samuel. 1790. — Gray, Edward. 1791. — Crafts, Thomas, Jun. 1792. — Blake, Joseph, Jun.^ 1793. — Adams, John Quincy.* 1794. — Phillips, John. 1795. — Blake, George. 1796. — Lathrop, John, Jun. 1797. — Callender, John. 1798. QUINCY, j0SIAH.2j 3 1799. — Lowell, John, Jun,^ 1800. — Hall, Joseph. 1801. — Paine, Charles. 1802. — Emerson, Willla.m. 1803. — Sullivan, William. 1804. — Danforth, Thomas.'^ 1805. — Button, Warren. 1806. — Channing, Francis Dana.* 1807. — Thacher, Peter.2, s 1808. — Ritchie, Andrew, Jun.* 1809. — Tudor, William, Jun.* 1810. — TowNSEND, Alexander. 1811. — Savage, James.* 1812. — Pollard, Benjamin.* 1813. — LiVERMORE, Edward St. Loe. ' Passed to a second edition. » Delivered another oration in 1826. Quincy's oration of 1798 was reprinted, also, in Philadelpliia. * Not printed. • On February 26, 1811, Peter Thacher's name was changed to Peter Oxenbridge Thacher, (List of Persons whose Names have been Changed in Massachusetts, 1780-1892, p. 21.) APPENDIX. 29 1814. — Whitwbll, Benjamin. 1815. — Shaw, Lemuel. 1816. — Sullivan, George.^ 1817. — Channing, Edward Tyrrel. 1818. — Gray, Francis Galley. 1819. — Dexter, Franklin. 1820. — Lyman, Theodore, Jun. 1821. — LoRiNG, Charles Greely.^ 1822. — Gray, John Chipman. 1823. — Curtis, Charles Pelham.' 1824. — Bassett, Francis. 1825. — Sprague, Charles.® 1826. — Quincy, Josiah.'' 1827. — Mason, William Powell. 1828. — Sumner, Bradford. 1829. — Austin, James Trecothick. 1830. — Everett, Alexander Hill. 1831. — Palfrey, John Gorham. 1832. — Quincy, Josiah, Jun. 1833. — Prescott, Edward Goldsborough. 1834. — Fay, Richard Sullivan. 1835. — Hillard, George Stillman. 1836. — Kinsman, Henry Willis. 1837. — Chapman, Jonathan. 1838. — WiNSLow, Hubbard. "The Means of the Per- petuity and Prosperity of our Repubhc." 1839. — Austin, Ivers James. 1840. — Power, Thomas. 1841. — Curtis, George Ticknor.* "The True Uses of American Revolutionary History." 1842. — Mann, Horace.^ » Six editions up to 1831. Reprinted also in his Life and Letters. ' Reprinted in his Municipal History of Boston. See 1798. 'Delivered another oration in 1862. •There are five or more editions; only one by the City. 30 APPENDIX. 1843. • — Adams, Charles Francis. 1844. — Chandler, Peleg Whitman. "The Morals of Freedom." 1845. — Sumner, Charles.^" "The True Grandeur of Nations." 1846. — Webster, Fletcher. 1847. — Cary, Thomas Greaves. 1848. — Giles, Joel. "Practical Liberty." 1849. — Greenough, William Whitwell. "The Con- quering Republic." 1850. — Whipple, Edwin Percy." "Washington and the Principles of the Revolution." 1851. — Russell, Charles Theodore. 1852. — King, Thomas Starr. "The Organization of Liberty on the Western Continent. "^^ 1853. — BiGELow, Timothy.^^ 1854. — 'Stone, Andrew Leete.^ "The Struggles of American History." 1855. — Miner, Alonzo Ames. 1856. — Parker, Edward Griffin. "The Lesson of 76 to the Men of '56." 1857. — Alger, William Rounseville.^* " The Genius and Posture of America." 1858. — Holmes, John Somers.^ 1859. — Sumner, George.^j ^ 1860. — Everett, Edward. 1861. — Parsons, Theophilus. 1862. — Curtis, Thomas Ticknor.* 1863. — Holmes, Oliver Wendell.^^ 10 Passed through three editions in Boston and one in London, and was answered in a pamphlet, Remarks upon an Oration delivered by Charles Sumner .... July 4th, 1845. By a Citizen of Boston. See Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, by Edward L. Pierce, vol. ii. 337-384. 11 There is a second edition. (Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields. 1850. 49 pp. 12°.) n First published by the City in 1892. I' This and a number of the succeeding orations, up to 1861, contain the speeches, toasts, etc., of the City dinner usually given in Faneuil Hall on the Fourth of July. APPENDIX. 31 1864. — • Russell, Thomas. 1865. — Manning, Jacob Merrill. "Peace under Liberty."^ 1866. — LoTHROP, Samuel Kirkland. 1867. — Hepworth, George Hughes. 1868. — Eliot, Samuel. "The Functions of a City." 1869. — Morton, Ellis Wesley. 1870. — Everett, William. 1871. — Sargent, Horace Binney. 1872. — Adams, Charles Francis, Jun. 1873. — Ware, John Fothergill Waterhouse. 1874. — Frothingham, Richard. 1875. — • Clarke, James Freeman. "Worth of Repub- Kcan Institutions." 1876 — Winthrop, Robert Charles." 1877. — Warren, William Wirt. 1878. — Healy, Joseph. 1879. — Lodge, Henry Cabot. 1880. — Smith, Robert Dickson.^^ 1881. — Warren, George Washington. "Our Re- pubHc — Liberty and Equality Founded on Law. " 1882. — Long, John Davis. 1883. — Carpenter, Henry Bernard. "American Character and Influence. " 1884. — Shepard, Harvey Newton. 1885. — Gargan, Thomas John. " Probably four editions were printed in 1857. (Boston: Office Boston Daily Bee 60 pp.) Not until November 22, 1864, was Mr. Alger asked by the City to furnish a copy for publication. He granted the request, and the first official edition (J. E. Far- well & Co., 1864, 53 pp.) was then issued. It lacks the interesting preface and appendix of the early editions. " There is another edition. (Boston: Ticknor & Fields, 1859, 69 pp.) A third (Boston: Rockwell & Churchill, 1882, 46 pp.) omits the dinner at Faneuil Hall, the correspondence and events of the celebration. i» There is a preliminary edition of twelve copies. (J. E. Farwell & Co., 1863. (7), resulted in the large-paper 75-page edition, printed from the same type as the 71-pag& edition, but modified by the author. It is printed "by order of the Common Council.?' The regular edition is in 60 pp., octavo size. 32 APPENDIX. 1886. — Williams, George Frederick'. 1887. — Fitzgerald, John Edward. 1888. — Dillaway, William Edward Lovell. 1889. — Swift, John Lindsay.i^ "The American Citi- zen." 1890. — Pillsbury, Albert Enoch. "Public Spirit." 1891. — QuiNCY, JosiAH.20 "The Coming Peace." 1892. — Murphy, John Robert. 1893. — Putnam, Henry Ware. "The Mission of Our People." 1894. — O'Neil, Joseph Henry. 1895. — Berle, Adolph Augustus. "The Constitu- tion and the Citizens." 1896. — Fitzgerald, John Francis. 1897. — Hale, Edward Everett. "The Contribu- tion of Boston to American Independence." 1898. — O'Callaghan, Rev. Denis. 1899. —Matthews, Nathan, Jr. "Be Not Afraid of Greatness." 1900. — O'Meara, Stephen. "Progress Through Con- flict." 1901. — Guild, Curtis, Jr. "Supremacy and its Con- ditions." 1902. — CoNRY, Joseph A. 1903. —Mead, Edwin D. "The Principles of the Founders." 1904. — Sullivan, John A. "Boston's Past and Pres- ent. What Will Its Future Be? " " There is a large paper edition of fifty copies printed from this type, and also an edition from the press of John Wilson & Son, 1876. 55 pp. 8°. w On Samuel Adams, a statue of whom, by Miss Anne Whitney, had just been completed for the City. A photograph of the statue is added. i» Contains a bibliography of Boston Fourth of July orations, from 1783 to 1889, inclusive, compiled by Lindsay Swift, of the Boston Public Library. *) Reprinted by the American Peace Society. APPENDIX. 33 1905. — Colt, Le Babon Bradford. "America's Solution of the Problem of Govermnent." 1906. — CoAKLEY, Timothy Wilfred. "The American Race: Its Origin, the Fusion of Peoples; Its Aim, Fraternity." 1907. — Horton, Rev. Edward A. "Patriotism and the Republic." 1908. — Hill, Arthur Dehon. "The Revolution and a Problem of the Present." 1909. — Spring, Arthur Langdon. "The Growth of Patriotism." 1910. — Wolff, James Harris. "The Building of the Republic." 1911. — Eliot, Charles W. "The Independence of 1776 and the Dependence of 1911." 1912. — Pelletier, Joseph C. " Respect for the Law." 1913. — MacFarland, Grenville S. "A New Decla- ration of Independence." 1914. — Supple, Rev. James A. "Religion: The Hope of the Nation." 1915. — ^Brandeis, Louis D. "True Americanism." 1916. — Chapple, Joe Mitchell. "The New Ameri- canism." 1917. — Gallagher, Daniel J. "Americans Welded by War." 1918. — Faunce, Willl^m H. P. "The New Meaning of Independence Day." 1919. — DeCourcy, Charles A. "Real and Ideal American Democracy." 1920. — Wiseman, Jacob L. "America and its Vital Problem." 1921. — MuRLiN, Dr. L. H. "Our Great American." 1922. — Burke, Dr. Jeremiah E. "Democracy and Education." Date Due n>oi ■f']S €-*7 f •:'iv-- ' / ' f) BOSTON COLLEGE 3 9031 01565820 6 121^^^ ^'^-'Cn4i^ BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY HEIGHTS CHESTNUT HILL, MASS. Books may be kept for two weeks and may be renewed for the same period, unless reserved. 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