ftv. 
 
 iaJim^^onvcoT^oimlm^uv Ih&'Pojse^ssiom of ike^ Uyi,wersi^ of2)i^Ufv. 
 

 MEMOIRS 
 
 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 RIGHT HON.' HENRY FLOOD 
 
 •OD/ M.P. 
 
 COLONEL OF THE VOLUNTEERS 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 REMIXISCENCES OF THE IRISH COMMONS, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE 
 GRAND NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1783. 
 
 'Nothing- stimulates to great deeds more strongly than great examples."— Flood, 
 
 BY WARDEN FLOOD, ESQ. 
 
 Lata Cplain 5hntsgTiS?i!Tr'"°^ 
 AUTHOn OF "A SKETCH ON THE POLITICAL AND MILITAKY STATE OF PHLSSIA.' 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 JOHN GUMMING, 16, LOWER ORMOND-QUAY ; 
 
 LONDON ; 
 LONGMAN, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS, 
 
 Mnrcrxxxvm, 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 CHESTjSUT HILL, iiAoS. 
 
DA 
 
 DUBLIN : 
 
 PKINTED BY GEORGE FOLDS, 1, ST. ANDRKW.ITREET, 
 
 (OPPOSITE TRINITY.STREET.) 
 

 TO 
 
 THE PROVOST, 
 
 FELLOWS AND PROFESSORS, 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN. 
 
 I dedicate this memorial of Mr. Flood to you, from a 
 sense of your eminence as men of literature and science, 
 who have elevated the character of the University you 
 preside over, to rank with the most distinguished of 
 Europe. Where could I, with equal propriety, have 
 sought patronage more pure and exalted? Where 
 could I, with more probability, have sought indulgence 
 for an imperfect performance ? 
 
 It is to men of genius, to instructors of moral and 
 political philosophy, to men respected for their private 
 virtues, and admired for their learning, that any account, 
 however indifferent, of a person of kindred spirit, is 
 justly inscribed. 
 
 I remain. 
 
 With the greatest deference. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
 18 46 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The period comprised in these memoirs, is the most 
 interesting portion of the constitutional history of Ireland. 
 We begin when the dawn of freedom pierces the gloom 
 of past centuries, and we advance as the morning of 
 nationality breaks upon us, which promises so much for 
 its meredian brightness. 
 
 The accession of George the Third was, to Ireland, 
 an era for the diifusion of principles of government, of 
 a more comprehensive character than hitherto practised ; 
 which something less than a quarter of a century 
 matured and ratified by an act of renunciation. 
 
 The infusion into the native legislature of a few men 
 
 who were enlightened by the philosophy of Locke, and 
 
 tlie learning of Molyneux, produced a gradual, but 
 
 manifest change in the sentiments and acts of the senate 
 and cabinet. 
 
VI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 " The case of Ireland" went to establish in the minds 
 of the learned, national distinctness and constitutional 
 independence, and to which the arbitrary mandate of 
 the British parliament, shortly after its publication, 
 gave a new and additional interest. The work was 
 instructive to the young legislator from the numerous 
 statutes it reviewed and explained. He rose from its 
 perusal imbued with the theory, — as it is said of the last 
 of the Roman Tribunes, " he arose more energetic, 
 f devoted, and patriotic, from the study of the pages of 
 Livy," — like the waters that receive their taste and 
 property from the ore they pass through. " The case of 
 Ireland," however, was limited to the intellectual, from 
 its philosophical gravity, legal research, and historic 
 allusion. 
 
 " The Letters of Swift" had a more general effect 
 from their extensive circulation : written too, in a style 
 so as to be accessible to every mind, and agreeable to 
 many tastes. They appealed to the patriotism of those 
 who were enlightened and influential, they instructed 
 those who were uninformed, and they sarcastically 
 reminded those who were in power. 
 
 It is true these productions appeared before the time 
 strictly within the limits of this work ; but this was the 
 season of their germination, and that of their fructuition 
 followed. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Vll 
 
 As we descend in tlie page of constitutional history 
 from Molyneux and Swift, the mind, without interrup- 
 tion, passes to Flood and Grattan, for, on the political 
 arena, none equalled or rivalled them, in learning, in 
 eloquence, or in devotion to their fatherland. Though 
 their destinies have been diversified, and they have 
 radiated with different and peculiar effulgence ; they, 
 of all their contemporaries in parliament, concentrated 
 the powers of their understanding to regenerate, to 
 adorn, and to elevate Ireland. 
 
 The national affairs and the statesmen of Ireland, 
 have generally received too partial a colouring. The 
 hand who has designed the picture, has uniformly occu- 
 pied the fore-ground with figures of his own predilection, 
 and represented them with perfections after his own 
 peculiar mannerism. We, therefore, need not be 
 surprised at the pointedness of an author* whose 
 
 * The anonymous author of " Strictures on Plowden." One sentence 
 will be sufficient to justify the text. My authority says — " Mr. Plowden 
 has thought proper to dignify his work with the title of ' A Review of the 
 state of Ireland,' while it is, in fact, nothing more than an intemperate, 
 and highly impolitic party pamphlet, differing only in bulk and price, 
 from those casual publications which attract notice for a short time, and 
 then sink into eternal oblivion." 
 
 Doctor Middleton has exhibited, as nearly as possible, the partialities of 
 Dion Cassius. 
 
 See " Strictures on Plowden." 
 
VIU INTRODUCTION. 
 
 acumen is undisputed, when he draws to the mind some 
 resemblance as annalists, in a "laborious compiler" 
 and Dion Cassias. 
 
 Mr. Hardy, as the biographer of the " noble Macsenas 
 of regenerated Ireland," had an opportunity of giving 
 a minute and national view of many momentous trans- 
 actions, which he did not accomplish. He has neglected, 
 or purposely suppressed, the refined friendship, and 
 early co-operation of lord Charlemont and Mr. Flood ; 
 at a time, when the flame of freedom had a vestal purity 
 with them. The noble earl in one of his letters after 
 a long course of years and trials writes to his friend in 
 these terms. " Is there upon earth a man I love more 
 than you, or in whose company I find more delight? 
 My friendship for you must be proof against everything, 
 since even an interval of deviation,* it is, thank Fate ! 
 no more in the ' idem de sentire de Reipublica,' has not 
 been able to aifect it." Mr. Hardy has descended to the 
 pedestrian path, and has interwoven the party views of 
 his political patrons, with portraitures of celebrated 
 men ; executed, indeed, with much astuteness and 
 jilausibility. He is entitled to my particular notice 
 from his superficial judgment of the motives of Mr. 
 
 * On the " Simple Repeal." 
 
INTRODUCTION. IX 
 
 Flood ; though he has in this, transgressed the canon 
 laid down by Cicero, and followed by Middleton — " that 
 we are not to form our opinions of illustrious men by 
 a particular part of their lives, but by the whole course 
 and tendency of their public services." 
 
 Lord Charlemont's own words, in reference to another 
 great man, who had his days of unpopularity, is the 
 mildest and most appropriate rebuke to his biographer : — 
 *' One thing, however, appears very extraordinary, if 
 not indecent, no member of the opposition speaks without 
 directly abusing lord Chatham, and no friend ever rises 
 to take his part ! — qui non defendit alio culpantej is scarce 
 a degree less black, than, ' absentem qui rodit amicum.' 
 Is it possible that such a man is without a friend ?' " 
 
 Such was the earl's indignant commentary in his early 
 correspondence with Mr. Flood. 
 
 An eminent writer says — " The reader will be sur- 
 prised to hear that upon that very question of reform 
 (which he condemns in his book) Mr. Hardy spoke and 
 voted with the right honorable mover." When he, 
 therefore, proceeded to stigmatize the " approvers of 
 the measure, he must have been marvelously candid, or 
 very forgetful." 
 
 In his life of Charlemont, he draws his party, stand- 
 ing out, as it were, in bold relief, while figures less 
 
X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 agreeable are faintly out-lined, or totally omitted. 
 Often he seems to emulate the sophists in the decline 
 of eloquence in Greece, — his blandishments and hyper- 
 boles are so disproportionate to many of his favorites, 
 that they remind one of the fife-player of Sophocles, 
 who used to inflate his cheeks to blow into a small instru- 
 ment. 
 
 The sources whence these memorials are drawn may 
 be enumerated. The letters of lord Charlemont to 
 Mr. Flood form a very essential contribution; they 
 display the amiable and patriotic virtues of the noble 
 correspondent, in a more attractive form than have yet 
 been presented to public admiration. He writes, in one 
 of them, when his political aspirations were high : — 
 
 " Farewell, my best of friends, let us keep up that 
 true and firm foundation of friendship, the idem valle 
 atque idem nolle; and while there are yet two who prefer 
 the public interest to their own, I will not despair of 
 the republic." 
 
 Familiar letters, written by men of elevated rank who 
 were conspicuous in the arena of contentious politics, 
 have been invested with eminent literary value from 
 the time of Cicero and Atticus, to that of Bolingbroke 
 and Swift. They, in fact, give the real motives which 
 actuated the writers, too frequently left to crude and 
 
INTRODUCTION. XI 
 
 imperfect conjecture, or to the mercy of a political 
 opponent. The correspondence embodied in this work 
 extends over no less than thirty years. 
 
 The senatorial disquisitions on state affairs are taken 
 from the " parliamentary debates ;" a work scarce, and 
 difficult to be found complete. 
 
 To major sir James Cauldwell, the first eminently 
 gifted reporter, I am indebted for the earliest notice of 
 the Irish commons — he confined his attention to the 
 most eminent men, on leading subjects of debate. 
 Seldom, indeed, has the glittering garb of Bellona 
 mantled, in modern times, so much ability and acquire- 
 ment. The earl of Rosse has left the public an admirable 
 treatise of the ancient literature of Ireland,* wherein 
 Mr. Flood's comprehensive views are eloquently unfolded. 
 The noble lord commemorated the character of his 
 venerated friend when the acerbity of faction knew 
 no limits, — the tomb had lost its sacredness. 
 
 The editors of the Dublin University Magazine have 
 paid homage to the great men of the last century, by 
 introducing graphic notices of their public services. 
 That periodical has presented to its readers sketches, 
 which, like the cartoons of the great masters, possess 
 
 *" Defence of Ireland. 
 
Xll INTRODUCTION. 
 
 all the bold configuration of the celebrated originals ; 
 they recall to the mind the lofty conceptions, the 
 impassioned eloquence, the varied learning, the philo- 
 sophy of what is noble and transcendant in our nature. 
 If I could express a compliment worthy of those who 
 have raised the national literature to a point of 
 distinction equally honorable to their country and to 
 themselves, I would embrace this occasion. 
 
 The principal public characters of the Irish commons, 
 which are introduced, are taken, for the most part, from 
 a valuable little work, written by Mr. Scott, M. A. of 
 Dublin University. His cognomen " Beau Myrtle," 
 will bring to the minds of many his celebrity for Attic 
 wit, and powers of delineation. 
 
 " The Original Letters," form the illustration and 
 versification of several remarkable incidents in the life 
 of Mr. Flood. This collection is the tanquam tabula 
 naufragice of the many valuable manuscripts that ought 
 to be the property of the literary world. 
 
 That Mr. Flood made a translation of the famous 
 oration of Demosthenes is well known to several now 
 living; his imitations of Pindar were extolled as worthy 
 of a mind highly favored for the sublime of lyric com- 
 position. It is with great regret that I have not been 
 enabled to give a more satisfactory account of his 
 
INTRODUCTION. Xlll 
 
 " literary remains." The censure justly fulls on his 
 testimental executors, wlio should have been more 
 solicitous about the papers of so remarkable a man, 
 wliether viewed as a statesman, or as a man of letters. 
 
 It would little become the biographer of Mr. Flood 
 to condescend to pander to the political prejudices that 
 govern the public mind at present. I disclaim the sen- 
 timent. While I have endeavoured to infuse into 
 my humble performance the spirit that animated the 
 epocha of the Irish revolution, I have done no more 
 than was consistent with the enlarged views, and 
 elevated character of the individual most prominent on 
 the scene. The state of the kingdom is, in every 
 political sense, dissimilar. Mr. Flood never entertained 
 the doctrine of a union of legislatures; the measures he 
 propounded were in consideration of Ireland being 
 capable of legislating for herself, and by a verisimilitude 
 of institutions and laws, to have as close a foedera- 
 tion of interests, as it was possible to reciprocally 
 enjoy, by the incorporation of the representative 
 assemblies. Peace or war, treaties of commerce, or 
 treaties of conquest, pertained to the first estate. These 
 were the concurrent sentiments of Charlemont, 
 Brownlow, and Grattan. 
 
XIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Rumour had first assigned the task of biographer 
 to the present earl of Rosse, from his friendship with 
 Mr. Flood in his latter days, his acquaintance with 
 the interesting politics of that period, and his 
 distinction as a man of letters. It is much to be 
 regretted by the literary public that his lordship has 
 not found time for the undertaking. 
 
 Mr. Commissioner Burrowes was likewise named : 
 and I regret to find he relinquished a performance to 
 which he was so capable of doing ample justice ; not more 
 from his comprehensive mind, than his ingenuous nature. 
 Therefore it was with much hesitation, doubt, and 
 anxiety, that I undertook the compilation. I was 
 impelled by a generous motive rather than an idea 
 of my own capability. Some little encouragement was 
 extended to me by some periodicals and literary men 
 of consideration, partly from my diligence in collecting 
 materials, and partly from the success of an essay 
 which I published when engaged with the active 
 duties of a military life.* 
 
 Should my efforts obtain the indulgence and appro- 
 bation of my readers, a second volume may be 
 expected to follow. 
 
 * " A sketch of the military and political state of Prussia," on the idea 
 of " a sketch of Russia," by sir Robert Wilson. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 Great men are contemporary with every age, every 
 country, and every individual of elevated mind. 
 It is from the bright examples of the past, that good 
 citizens, and eminent statesmen are prepared for the 
 present. Are Plutarch's characters studied with less 
 admiration and instruction — are their virtues and vices 
 less known ; is the lustre of their actions less useful in 
 exciting a noble emulation in the senate, the camp, 
 and the forum, because these great men are living 
 only in the mind ? 
 
 I have contemplated Mr. Flood as a man of genius, 
 and a public character worthy of biography. Such was 
 the sole motive which actuated me " to attend to the 
 neglected, and remember the forgotten." 
 
The portrait that is prefixed to this memoir is an admirable resemblance, 
 on a reduced scale, of the painting of Mr. Flood in the Univei-sity. 
 He is represented in the spirited attitude which conveys the notion of 
 " action," as applied by the Attic models of oratory. 
 
 Mr. Clayton has, in the finishing, far surpassed the harsh and uniform 
 colouring of the University portrait. In that there is something austere 
 and course in the lineaments, neither belonging to the features of the 
 man, nor felicitously inventive in the painter. 
 
 Mr. Clayton has caught the likeness, while he has more softly finished 
 it. Nor has the sketch suffered in passing through the lithographic press 
 of Mr. Allen. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER ONE. 
 ERRORS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 pag'e line 
 
 79, lo—for " Barateriaiia," read Baraterians. 
 137, -27— for " was considered," read were considered. 
 19a, II— for " he ultimate," read the ultimate. 
 226, 17— for " perpect," read perfect. 
 244, 2 — omit "as." 
 
 244, \7—-for "remuneration," read renunciation. 
 
 temple. — After seven years aosence icium^ ^^ *.^. — . .. 
 
 elected member for the county Kilkenny, 1759. — Cautious 
 
 reserve at first. — He is re-elected in 1760 Early instances of 
 
 friendship of lord Wandesford and of lord Charlemont. — His 
 marriage to lady Erances Maria Beresford. — Letter from William 
 Annesley, viscount Glerawley. — Poems.— Death of the lord 
 chief justice 
 
 CHAPTER TWO. 
 
 From 1764 to 1768. 
 
 Social state of the kingdom. — Evils caused by misgovernment. — 
 
 Mr. Fitzgibbon's description of the peasantry Mr. Flood's of 
 
 the courtiers. — Mr. Flood's defence of the liberty of the press. — 
 His efforts for the limitation of parliament, and three other 
 
 important measures Correspondence with Mr. Pitt, (lord 
 
 Chatham), Mr. Burke and lord Charlemont. — Character of 
 Charlemont. — His comparison of the oratory of lord Mansfield 
 and Mr. Pitt. — Character and anecdotes of Mr. Hutchinson.^ — 
 Sir William Osborne's characters of Mr. Perry and Mr. Flood. — 
 " The flying squadron." 30 
 
 a 
 
— «.^.., «^ ^j^piicu uy iiiu Auic models of oratory. 
 
 Mr. Clayton has, in the finishing, far surpassed the harsh and uniform 
 colouring of the University portrait. In that there is something austere 
 and course in the lineaments, neither belonging to the features of the 
 man, nor felicitously inventive in the painter, 
 
 Mr. Clayton has caught the likeness, while he has more softly finished 
 it. Nor has the sketch suffered in passing through the lithographic press 
 of Mr. Allen. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER ONE. 
 
 From 1732 to 1764. 
 
 Page 
 Notice of his lineage and family. — Members who were in 
 parliament. — Anecdote of Miss Warden, and her betrothed 
 cousin, Mr. Cuffe. — Early life and education of Mr. Flood. — 
 His want of application at first. — Remarkable change when under 
 the tuition of Dr. Markham. — His society with the learned 
 Dr. Tyrwhit at Oxford. — His compositions. — Studies at the 
 temple. — After seven years absence returns to Ireland. — He is 
 elected member for the county Kilkenny, 1759. — Cautious 
 
 reserve at first. — He is re-elected in 1760 Early instances of 
 
 friendship of lord Wandesford and of lord Charlemont. — His 
 marriage to lady Frances Maria Beresford. — Letter from William 
 Annesley, viscount Glerawley. — Poems. -=— Death of the lord 
 chief justice 1 
 
 CHAPTER TWO. 
 
 Fkom 1764 TO 1768. 
 
 Social state of the kingdom. — Evils caused by misgovernment. — 
 
 Mr. Fitzgibbon's description of the peasantry Mr. Flood's of 
 
 the courtiers. — Mr. Flood's defence of the liberty of the press. — 
 His efforts for the limitation of parliament, and three other 
 
 important measures Correspondence with Mr. Pitt, (lord 
 
 Chatham), Mr. Burke and lord Charlemont. — Character of 
 Charlemont. — His comparison of the oratory of lord Mansfield 
 
 and Mr. Pitt. — Character and anecdotes of Mr. Hutchinson 
 
 Sir William Osborne's characters of Mr. Perry and Mr. Flood. — 
 
 " The flying squadron." , 30 
 
 a 
 
XYlll CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER THREE. 
 
 From 1768 to 1773. 
 
 Page 
 
 Air. Flood's first acquaintance with Mr. Grattan Their literary 
 
 intercourse. — Mr. Grattan's pursuits The Mask of Comus 
 
 Plays. — Mr. Pope's estimation of Homer and Virgil how- 
 applicable to Flood and Grattan Octennial Bill causes a new 
 
 Election The Borough of Callan represented by two members 
 
 whose estates adjoined. — Dispute about votes between Mr. Flood 
 and " Jemmy Agar." — The latter's stentorian voice. — Duel the 
 
 first Duel the second — Agar killed Letters from lords 
 
 Charlemont and Lifford Delicate sensitiveness of lord chancellor 
 
 Lifford — Legal investigation. — The Barateriana. — Its value as 
 a literary and political performance. — The chief writers of it. — 
 Measures of lord Townshend's administration. — His protest, 
 prorogation, and resignation. — Supposition that Mr. Flood was 
 Junius 67 
 
 CHAPTER FOUR. 
 
 From 1773 to 1780. 
 
 Mr. Flood goes to England Letter from lord Camden The 
 
 political coterie of lords Camden and Chatham, and Mr. John Pitt. 
 
 — Lord Charlemont's opinion of men in office how judged Lord 
 
 Harcourt, Sir John Blaquiere, and Mr. Flood. — Character of a 
 
 chief secretary for Ireland Character of sir John Blaquiere ; of 
 
 lord Harcourt. — An absentee tax supported by government. — 
 Mr. Fortescue's speech and proposition . — The onorous debt. — 
 But two taxes available. — Lampoons on Flood, Hutchinson, and 
 
 Burgh Lord Charlemont's letters — Mr. Flood, vice-treasurer. 
 
 — His motives explained Mr. Jenkinson and Mr. Webb's 
 
 letters.— Unfounded statements of Mr. Hardy,— Lord Charlemont's 
 position among Irish patriots. — Acts of the administrations of 
 lords Harcourt and Buckingham — The volunteers 84 
 
CONTENTS. XIX 
 
 CHAPTER FIVE. 
 
 1780 AND 1781. 
 
 Pago 
 Mr. Flood resigns the vice-treasurership. — H;s reasons — Mr, 
 Jenkinson declines presenting his resignation to North — 
 
 Displeasure of the premier Mr. Flood opposes Mr. Eden in 
 
 some of the most important measures — The interpolations of 
 
 Hardy Letter from Mr. Webb. — Character of Sir Edward 
 
 Newenham. — Speech of Mr. George Ponsonby, collated with 
 
 fictitious passages of Hardy G rattan and Flood support a 
 
 limited mutiny bill Motion on Irish trade with the West Indies. 
 
 — Amusing story of Fitzgibbon, repartee of Flood Law of sir 
 
 Edward Poynings debated by Yelverton and Flood — The 
 former supported by government, the latter demands a total 
 repeal of the law. — Character of Mr. Yelverton, the Irish 
 
 Hyperides State of the catholic question in I78I — Opinions 
 
 of Charlemont, Flood, and Fox 129 
 
 - CHAPTER SIX. 
 
 1781 AND 1782. 
 
 Military force in lord Buckingham's government, — Cause of the 
 
 organization of volunteer corps. — Their spirit and discipline 
 
 Their political and military character closely united. — The 
 delegates, country gentlemen, in and out of parliament — Mr. 
 Eden, his majorities in the commons, in lord Carlisle's short 
 
 viceroyalty. — Mr. Grattan's remarkable speech Concessions of 
 
 the British cabinet Lord Charlemont as plenipotentiary. — 
 
 Duke of Portland sent over by the earl of Rockingham. — Mr. 
 Grattan's address to the crown, or an enumeration of constitu- 
 tional disabilities. — Four dissentient members, two only mark 
 their dissent with their votes. — Distinguished abilities of Mr, 
 
 Walshe His eloquence, learning, and patriotism. — The opinions 
 
 of Burke, Fox, and Beauchamp, on the declaratory act. — First 
 contest between Flood and Grattan on its adequacy to Irish 
 independence 160 
 
XX CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER SEVEN. 
 
 1782 AND 1783. 
 
 Page 
 A difference of opinion between lord Charlemont and Mr. Flood 
 on the adequacy of the " simple repeal." — Letter from the noble 
 earl. — Attempt to form fencible corps to supersede the volunteers. 
 — Intended motion of Mr. Flood in return for an act of 
 renunciation. ^:-Mr. Serjeant Coppinger, an old and valuable 
 servant, disseized of his office — Mr. Martin's memorable motion 
 on the subject — His able speech tracing the characters of 
 Coppinger, Ponsonby, and Flood. — Notice of Mr. Martin. — 
 Prejudices of Irish writers. 1 73 
 
 CHAPTER EIGHT. 
 
 1783. 
 
 Arrival of the earl of Northlngton. — Overtures made to Mr. Flood 
 through the archbishop of York, at the instance of the earl of 
 Northington. — Mr. Edmond Malone addresses a semi-official 
 letter to Mr. Flood. — Reasons why Mr. Flood declined such 
 invitations. — Parliamentary reform in Ireland, and a reduction of 
 the military establishment. — Early character of Mr. Parsons. — 
 Lord Charlemont's letter to the delegates of the volunteers. — 
 
 Crisis in the opinions of Irishmen Motion for retrenchment in 
 
 the military departments made by sir Henry Cavendish, seconded 
 
 by Mr. Flood Opinions of Mr. George Ponsonby and Mr. 
 
 Grattan, on the same subject Cause of the dispute between 
 
 Flood and Grattan. — Their speeches — These patriots compared. 
 
 — Letters from the duke of Chandos 184 
 
 CHAPTER NINE. 
 
 From the 10th to the 29th oi- November, 1783. 
 
 THE GRAND NATIONAL CONVENTION 234 
 
CONTENTS. XXI 
 
 CHAPTER TEN. 
 
 1783 AND 1784. 
 
 Page 
 Mr. Flood takes his seat, for the first time, as a member of the 
 British parliament. — The incidents attending his speech on the 
 
 India bill Analysis of that speech Identity of opinions of 
 
 lord Camden, Pitt, and Flood. — Courtney's ironical reply to 
 
 Flood Probable reasons why Mr. Flood's speech was decried 
 
 What constitutes a failure in an orator? — Correspondence of the 
 duke of Chandos about the borough of Winchester. — Evasiveness 
 
 of the duke ; a challenge ensues Singular deficiency in spirit 
 
 marked in his grace's conduct 275 
 
 CHAPTER ELEVEN. 
 
 From 1785 to 1790. 
 
 Mr. Commissioner Burrowes His interesting memoranda about 
 
 the borough of Seaford — His anecdotes of Pitt, Erskine, 
 Parsons, and Flood. — Notice of Mr. Burrowes as a public 
 
 character The bill for parliamentary reform again introduced, 
 
 by Mr. Brownlow and Mr. Flood. — The opponents to the 
 
 measure. — Mr. Gardiner and major Doyle, compared Mr. 
 
 Toler, and Mr. Mason ; their opinions Sir William Wraxall's 
 
 amusing account of the court cabinet, and parties The 
 
 commercial regulations of Mr. Orde First introduction ; 
 
 Mr. Flood in a minority of two — His opinion gains ground. 
 
 — Opinions of Pitt, Fox, Brownlow, Grattan ; the great 
 importance of this debate. — Mr. Flood's resolution. — Corres- 
 pondence of lord Charlemont. — Mr. Flood in the British 
 parliament. — His speech on the commercial treaty with France. 
 
 — Opinions of Wilberforce, and Grenville. — Its reference to 
 Ireland 308 
 
XXn CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER TWELVE. 
 
 1790 AND 1791. 
 
 Page 
 Mr. Flood on parliamentary reform in England. — Its simple, limited, 
 and practicable character. — A few passages of Mr. Flood's 
 exposition contrasted with Mr. Gifford's criticism in his " life 
 of Pitt." — Sentiments of Pitt and Fox in the debate. — Dissolution 
 of parliament. — Mr. Flood indisposed. — Accident that caused his 
 death. — Bequest of Mr. Flood. — Observations arising from this 
 
 act — Description of the property The different members of his 
 
 family considered by him Delicate inquiry into the liaison of 
 
 his father and mother which rendered him illegitimate — Mr. 
 Flood's bequest viewed in its literary magnitude. — Its munificence 
 eulogised by doctor Playfair, author of the " British Family 
 Antiquity" and the earl of Rosse in " The defence of Ireland."... 377 
 
MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD, M. P. 
 
 CHAP. L 
 
 From 1732 to 1764. 
 
 Notice of his lineage and family Members who were in parliament. 
 
 — Anecdote of Miss Warden, and her betrothed cousin, Mr. Cuffe 
 
 Early life and education of Mr. Flood. -^ — His want of application at first. 
 — Remarkable change when under the tuition of Dr. Markham. — His 
 
 society with the learned Dr. Tyrwhit at Oxford His compositions. — 
 
 Studies at the temple — After seven years absence returns to Ireland. — 
 He is elected member for the county Kilkenny, in 1759. — Cautious 
 reserve at first. — He is re-elected in 1760 — Early instances of friendship 
 of lord Wandesford and of lord Charlemont — His marriage to lady 
 
 Frances Maria Beresford Letter from William Annesley, viscount 
 
 Glerawley Poems Death of the lord chief justice. 
 
 Hasted,* in his history of Kent, gives an account 
 of the ancient lineag-e of this family, with its 
 various ramifications ; and doctor Playfairt has, 
 more recently, introduced a notice of some of its 
 members, in his large but unfinished publication. 
 
 * Hasted's History of Kent, — folio, 
 f Doctor Playfair's Family Antiquity. 
 
MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 The Kilkenny branch, which derives its origin 
 from the Kentish line, has been seated in Ireland 
 for nearly two hundred years. The progenitor 
 of this family was sir Thomas Fludd (whose arms 
 the descendants bear), of consideration in the 
 time of the Tudors, and conspicuously so in the 
 earlier part of the reign of Elizabeth. Sir Thomas 
 was receiver general and treasurer at war to her 
 majesty, and governor of the cinque ports, with 
 many other distinctions. He likewise accompanied 
 lord Willoughby with the English army sent to 
 aid King Henry IV. of France. 
 
 The knight had two sons, Thomas and Robert, 
 the elder inherited the property of Milgate in 
 the parish of Bearstead, which he afterwards sold 
 for a considerable sum, he was much in favor with 
 King James, and obtained many marks of royal 
 condescension. He changed the orthography of 
 the name to the modern style. Flood, it having 
 been previously written Fludd, probably from the 
 Saxon derivative Flod. The younger son,* 
 Robert, was remarkable for his eccentric philo- 
 sophy, being a follower of Paracelcus. He 
 travelled over the greater part of Europe, a very 
 unusual tour at that period, and was well received 
 by the learned, having taken two degrees at 
 Oxford previous to his excursion. 
 
 * Clialmer's Biograpliical Dictionary. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 He wrote his dogmas in the Latin language, 
 which Kepler and Menersius condescended to 
 notice, and the latter thought some of them 
 necessary to expose, by a particular confutation.* 
 Major Francis Flood, who was lineally descended 
 from the elder son of sir Thomas, was sent over 
 to Ireland in the English horse, and was employed 
 during the civil wars of the commonwealth, in 
 1647. He married Miss Warden, a young lady 
 of remarkable beauty, only child of colonel 
 Henry Warden, whose lineage is derived from 
 the county of Suifolk. The colonel, besides his 
 professional rank, was a member of parliament, 
 and inherited from his father, John Warden, 
 the baronial estate in the county Kilkenny, 
 called Burnchurch. On the death of colonel 
 Henry Warden this property devolved on his only 
 child, who espoused major Francis Flood. There 
 is an anecdote of some interest connected with 
 this lady which may appropriately have place 
 here ; — besides her personal attractions and what- 
 ever accomplishments that age could boast, she 
 succeeded to considerable affluence, and her grand- 
 mother had taken the prudent forethought of 
 betrothing her to her cousin, a young gentleman 
 of the Cuife family, but the beauty, heedless of 
 this engagement, selected for herself, the gallant 
 
 * Examcii Fluddanse Philosopliia?. 
 
MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 English officer whom tradition says, was hand- 
 some, agreeable, and certainly appreciated her 
 attachment. The grandmother of the fair prize 
 was relict of John Warden, and she espoused, 
 secondly, AgmondeshamCuffe,* who had acquired 
 lands in the same county, adjoining Burnchurch, 
 and was the father of the first baron Desart by this 
 lady, daughter of sir John Otway. 
 
 Major Francis Flood, was the founder of the 
 family in Kilkenny, and had seven sons and a 
 daughter, who subsequently established themselves 
 at Farmley, Polestown, and Floodhall. The first 
 was the right-honourable Warden Flood, lord 
 chief justice of the court of kings bench, eminent 
 for his abilities and acquirements, having passed 
 through the intermediate legal appointments till 
 he arrived at a distinction never before conferred 
 on an Irishman, as the bench and other high 
 offices of state were reserved, anterior to that 
 time, for members of the English bar, indeed, 
 they were a part of the patronage of the minister. 
 During his residence at the Temple, he formed an 
 attachment for a Miss Whiteside, but of what 
 family we are not in possession of any account. 
 
 It is certain, however, there were legal defects 
 connected with her marriage, and the illegitimacy 
 of her eldest child, was the opinion of a jury ; 
 
 ♦ Bmkc's Peerage, Desart. 
 
RIGHT HON. HEXRY FLOOD. 
 
 beyond this fact we are unacquainted with any 
 circumstance deserving place in this biography. 
 The lord chief justice had a seat at the council 
 board, and represented the borough of Callan when 
 solicitor general. 
 
 The issue he had by this lady were, Henry, 
 born in 1732, the subject of this memoir, Warden 
 and Isabella ; of these, the two latter died 
 prematurely, and the eldest survived to be con- 
 sidered " one of the ablest men Ireland ever 
 produced." Before devoting our pages more 
 particularly to him, we may give a short account 
 of some of the family who were in public life 
 during the last century, and in a degree contem- 
 poraneous. 
 
 The first in. lineal priority was sir Frederick 
 Flood,* bart. of Newtown-Ormonde, in the county 
 Kilkenny, nephew to the lord chief justice, being 
 son of his next brother John, first of Floodhall, t 
 he was a member of the Irish parliament for many 
 years, and was a zealous supporter of his cousin in 
 many of his political contests : he may be said to 
 have been rather an eflicient member than a bril- 
 liant one, and exerted himself in local matters 
 and useful undertakings. He represented the 
 
 ♦ Playfairs Family Antiquity, 
 f Sir Jonah Barrington has, in his " Personal Sketches," an absurd 
 story about a speech made by Sir Frederick, but the inventive faculty of 
 Sir Jonah, is too notorious to require a serious notice of his anecdotes. 
 
6 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 county Wexford, of which he was custos rotulo- 
 rumf in the imperial parliament : sir Frederick 
 married twice — first, lady Julianna Annesley, 
 and secondly, the honourable Miss Frances 
 Cavendish. A brief sketch of a person who had 
 been so many years in public life (upwards of 
 forty years), may not be too great an intrusion, 
 particularly as the sketch was composed by a 
 man of abilities. 
 
 " Sir Frederick* was first known in Parliament 
 as the friend and follower of his illustrious 
 kinsman, Mr. Flood, and for years co-operated 
 with him in all those measures that so justly 
 exalted his reputation, and rendered his name 
 dear to Irishmen. When Mr. Flood thought 
 proper to join administration, the baronet was 
 appointed a commissioner of the stamp office, 
 and since that period he has generally supported 
 the ministers, but without the furious zeal of a 
 convert, or the impetuous ardour of a proselyte. 
 His voice is far from good, and his elocution 
 has a kind measured dignity and stately pomp, 
 more suited, as we apprehend, to the judge 
 than the senator ; his language is plain, neither 
 elevated nor figurative, but flowing evenly, it 
 conveys his thoughts with sufficient clearness ; his 
 action has the common fault of most lawyers — 
 
 * Author of the " Principal Characters," &c. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 that of being strongly tinctured with the un- 
 graceful manner of the bar. In argument he is 
 diffuse, and comprehensive ; not without art and 
 acuteness in the management of a debate, and well 
 skilled where to advance with determination, and 
 where to recede with prudence. The arrangement 
 of his sentiments has commonly merit, as, though 
 not strictly methodical, it is orderly and regular, 
 and from thence each of them tends, to reflect light 
 on the other, whilst the matter of his harangues 
 deserves praise, being laboriously sought for, and 
 carefully selected. 
 
 The next in lineal descent, was Warden 
 Flood, judge of the high court of admiralty 
 of Ireland, nephew to the lord chief justice, 
 and member . for Baltinglass, a doctor of 
 laws, &c. The corporation of the city of Cork 
 presented him with a gold box in testimony 
 of their grateful sentiments for his exertions 
 in behalf of the commercial interests of the 
 kingdom, and of that part in particular. He 
 inherited from his father Francis, the estate of 
 Paulstown or Polestown. The castle, now in 
 ruins, was once the possession of sir Richard 
 Butler, knight, one of the Ormonde family, it after- 
 wards passed to the Agars,* and lastly to Francis 
 Flood, who married Miss Anne Hatton, sister 
 
 * Agar, Clifden family. 
 
MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 of colonel Henry Hatton, of Clonard, in the 
 county Wexford, a descendant of sir Christopher 
 Hatton ; his eldest son was Warden, the judge, 
 who married the sister of general O'Donevan.* 
 His political character by the same master- 
 handjt informs us, — " From the very outset 
 of his parliamentary career, he attached him- 
 self to his illustrious kinsman, and acquired 
 some fame in the cause the other invariably 
 pursued — the dignity and prosperity of Ireland. 
 Appointed many years ago to an office under 
 government, he has since abstained from all 
 acrimonious altercations, or momentous contests. 
 His voice is clear, sweet, and perfectly distinct, 
 though somewhat hurt by a slight tendency to a 
 lisp ; with a sufficient, but not very extensive com- 
 pass, its tones are always grateful to the ear, 
 free from all harshness, and dissonance, and 
 rudeness, and flowing in a dulcet stream of 
 harmonious modulation. It is more adapted 
 to persuade and conciliate, than to com- 
 mand or to agitate ; his management of it is 
 studiously directed to display all its advantages 
 of which he seems not unconscious, no warmth 
 of feeling or ardour of debate ever raising it 
 beyond its proper pitch, and he preserves to it 
 at all times that medium of tenor that exactly 
 
 * Burke's Commoners. f Author of the " Principal Characters." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 accords with its prevailing character. Though 
 not superiorly copious in a choice of words, he 
 has a celerity in speaking that impresses common 
 minds with an idea of quick conception, but 
 is merely the effect of constant practice and 
 daily habit ; and hence his delivery, without 
 being rapid or precipitate, is never dull or 
 drawing. His manner, neither confident nor 
 overbearing, is by no means diffident, it having 
 an ample portion of self-possession, and that 
 degree of modest assurance that appears to 
 respect others, without forgetting himself." 
 
 He died towards the close of the last century, 
 having been upwards of thirty years in parliament, 
 and for a considerable time presided at the 
 admiralty. 
 
 Another member of the family represented 
 the borough of Knocktopher for a short time, 
 at a much later period than those of whom a 
 notice has been made. John Flood, second of 
 Floodhall married Miss Aldworth of the county 
 Cork, grand-daughter of sir Richard Aldworth, 
 knight, provost marschal of Munster. Six 
 members of the family were returned for 
 counties or boroughs in Ireland. 
 
 The numerous anecdotes which give an interest 
 to the boyhood of celebrated men, whose lives are 
 interwoven either with the literature or politics 
 of their age, are in some measure deficient in 
 
10 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 this biography. AVhen the motive is exalted, it 
 is meritorious to trace the early indications of 
 g-enius, and to observe its brilliant cintilations 
 in the spring-time, as well as its infirmities in the 
 autumn, of life. There is another motive for 
 recording the tales of early youth. It is often 
 the lighter and more whimsical traits of character 
 that are acceptable to the reader, which, when 
 minutely and felicitously interspersed, contribute 
 to delineate faithfully the individual. 
 
 In many instances of Mr. Flood's early life the 
 writer had to depend on adventitious information, 
 and after all pass with rapidity from infancy — 
 almost with the omission of adolescence — to man- 
 hood, like a northern year in which Summer 
 commences without the apparent cpiickening 
 season of Spring. 
 
 The limited traditions which remain of Mr. 
 Flood's domestic education only permit us to 
 state, that it was committed to the care of atten- 
 tive and capable persons, who directed his early 
 habits with great assiduity, for he was prepared 
 in all the rudiments of elementary knowledge 
 antecedent to his being placed at a public school. 
 He must have early developed quickness and 
 extraordinary capabilities, for when he was six- 
 teen he entered Trinity college, as a fellow- 
 commoner. His father had the reputation of 
 being a learned man, and probably was mindful 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 11 
 
 of the classic maxim, that the character of the 
 after man mainly depends on early education, his 
 son, therefore, soon acquired from habitude a 
 careful and appropriate manner of expressing 
 himself, of which he displayed the advantag-e, at 
 a later period, both in composition and oratory. 
 The official occupation of solicitor general and 
 member of parliament, required the constant 
 attendance of his father in the metropolis, and it 
 is more than probable that his youthful mind was 
 too readily attracted by the amusements and 
 gaieties of the capital, then the resort of the 
 fashionable and best society in the kingdom, for 
 we find his residence at the Irish* university was 
 undistinguished by academical honors or studious 
 habits, and his manners and appearance are the 
 only circumstances for which he was then re- 
 markable. After three years residence, he was 
 removed to Christ-church, Oxford, and matri- 
 culated as a gentleman commoner, when he had 
 little more than laid aside the prsetexteral robe, 
 being about nineteen years of age, and was 
 placed under the very eminent preceptorship of 
 Doctor Markham, afterwards elevated to the 
 dignity of archbishop of York, whose kind and 
 friendly attention called forth his most earnest 
 acknowledgments, when his brilliant career 
 
 * Rvan's Worthies, 
 
12 - MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 enhanced the value of his sentiments. During 
 his sojourn on the banks of the Isis, he 
 developed enough of the extent and power of 
 his mind to show it was of no ordinary mould. 
 
 His genius and character are finely alluded to 
 by a master-hand,* whose delineation far surpasses 
 any the writer could give, though drawn from 
 the same sources of information. Here (Oxford), 
 as in Dublin, gaiety was, for a season, the order of 
 the day ; but the mind of the future senator was 
 rapidly ripening to a perception of his destiny, and 
 he began to be conscious of the hidden treasures 
 which he possessed in these mental powers which 
 had hitherto been too much neglected. 
 
 The converse of the able men to whose society 
 he was now admitted was calculated to awaken 
 his latent powers, and at the same time to impress 
 him with a conviction of his deficiencies. The 
 learned Mr. Tyrwhit was one whose conver- 
 sation he found particularly instructive, by whom 
 he was stimulated to betake himself to close 
 study, for the purpose of storing his mind with 
 knowledge, without which, he saw it would be 
 vain to expect to make a figure in the world. He 
 found that those who met at the table of that 
 accomplished scholar were all familiar with topics 
 
 •' The Rev. Mr. Samuel 0' Sullivan, in the University Magazine, for 
 June, 1836. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 13 
 
 of science and literature to vvliicli he was a total chap. 
 stranger, and he came to the noble resolution of w^^,^ 
 burying himself amongst his books, until, by dint 
 of application, he was qualified to converse with 
 them on equal terms. The learned gentleman 
 and his friends w ere in the habit of having evening 
 discussions on subjects to which their high attain- 
 ments gave additional lustre, this so heightened 
 the ambitious ardour of their youthful associate 
 that he preserved an almost total silence in their 
 company, till his assiduous reading enabled him 
 to participate. To attain this honor he is repre- 
 sented* to have devoted himself to a course of 
 mathematics and logic to which, it may be 
 presumed, the faculties of his mind gave him 
 facility, judging from his raciosination in which he 
 employed the *' entliijmema^'' a mode of argu- 
 mentation, by suppressing one of the members of 
 the syllogism, that was more adapted for a learned 
 audience than a mixed assembly. Simultaneously 
 with the severer studies, he read such of the 
 Greek and Roman authors as he had not before 
 perused. And it is a remarkable fact, worthy of 
 record here, that such was the effect of the salutary 
 example of having daily intercourse with learned 
 men, that from this time to his death he constantly 
 employed his leisure in recurring to classical 
 
 * Obituary of considerable persons. Gentlemen's xMagazine, 1991. 
 
14 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, literature, and it is recorded that he read Greek 
 ^ with the same ease as English. 
 
 He took his degree, as bachelor of arts, after 
 a residence of two years, as a gentleman com- 
 moner, at Christ-church, during which time he 
 composed his first poetical production, entitled, 
 " Verses on the death of Frederick, Prince of 
 Wales," published in the Oxford collection of 
 1751. At a later period an ode on Fame, and 
 a translation of the first Pythian ode of Pindar, 
 which were in private circulation. The orations 
 of Demosthenes and ^schines for the crown, 
 and some of the brilliant efforts of Cicero 
 were translated by him when he first entered 
 on his parliamentary career. In this he seems 
 to have followed the plan laid down by the 
 eloquent Roman for himself, who transfused 
 into his own language the most renowned speci- 
 mens of Grecian oratory. Thus it may be 
 remarked here, as it has been in other instances, 
 " that genius attracts and assimilates to itself 
 whatever is valuable either in the pursuits of 
 literature or the productions of art."* 
 
 He now enjoyed a university reputation which 
 must have been gratifying as a prognostic of his 
 future fame. His fellow students looked on him 
 as a man of no ordinary promise, and those who 
 
 » Roscoe, in Lorenzo. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 15 
 
 were competent from closer intimacy to form a t^^HAP. 
 more accurate judgment, regarded him as qualified w--,,^^ 
 to take a foremost station in any department of 
 science or literature, to which he might choose to 
 devote the faculties of his mind. *' But there were 
 very few men," says an eloquent and philosophic 
 authority,* *' of whom it might be so truly said, 
 that they seemed equally qualified for succeeding 
 in such a variety of different, and even opposite, 
 pursuits, — had he applied his powers to history 
 he would have been a first-rate historian, — had he 
 chosen to fill a professors chair, whether of 
 mathematics, moral philosophy, or modern or 
 ancient languages, there were few who could have 
 illustrated the several subjects that might come 
 under his review with more clearness, more 
 elegance, or more perspicuity. And the ardour 
 of his temperament as well as the energy and 
 determination of his character, gave him such a 
 command over the sentiments and the convictions 
 of those with whom he conversed, as naturally 
 begat the persuasion that his influence would be 
 equally powerful if he once obtained a seat in 
 parliament." 
 
 After he left Oxford he went to the Temple. 
 The profession of the law, was always highly 
 esteemed in Ireland, as qualifying the mind either 
 for the bench or the senate, and to the highly 
 
 • The Rev. Samuel O' Sullivan. 
 
16 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 gifted, it offered the combination of emolument 
 and fame ; but when the accumulation of wealth 
 was not the guiding" and paramount sentiment, at 
 least, jurisprudence was a noble and necessary 
 acquisition to senatorial distinction. The lord 
 chief justice had ample means to render his son 
 independent of the trammels of a profession ; he 
 wisely obliged him to pursue the devious and 
 difficult course of forensic learning ; the great 
 advantages of which he manifested in the discus- 
 sion of some of the delicate questions of that 
 period. 
 
 From the completion of his academical course 
 to the time he left England, was about seven 
 years, passed chiefly in the agreeable society of 
 the remarkable personages of the day, and where 
 he first met lord Charlemont, who had returned 
 from his extensive travels in Europe, with the 
 celebrated Murphy, the noble lord's tutor. 
 Occasionally Mr. Flood relieved his other occu- 
 jjations by the attractive one of poetry : he drank 
 deeply of Pirene's fount, and courted the Muses 
 in many fugitive pieces, among others an ode on 
 Hampden. Whatever tendency he had to this 
 delightful branch of literature, he cultivated with 
 care ; even amidst the turbulent course of Irish 
 politics he was not unmindful of this taste, as we 
 shall find constant allusions and compliments to 
 his muse, in letters which are interspersed in this 
 volume. 
 
RIGHT HOV. HENRY FLOOD. 17 
 
 He was seven and twenty when he returned to ^ "ap. 
 Ireland, to stand forward as the representative of ^^.^^^^ 
 his county, (Kilkenny,) for which he was duly 
 elected. And without drawing any comparison, 
 it is a curious coincidence in the lives of great 
 men, that in the same period of life " the 
 two most renowned orators of Greece and 
 Rome, figured on the public stage of the world, 
 as if in geniuses of the first magnitude, that 
 was the proper season of blooming towards 
 maturity." * 
 
 He entered on his parliamentary career at the 
 close of the reign of George the second, and 
 during the administration of the duke of Bedford 
 in Ireland. The short time that intervened 
 before the dissolution, occasioned by the death of 
 that monarch in the following year, scarcely 
 gave him an opportunity of addressing the 
 house ; and as some expectation was formed of 
 his oratorical qualifications, it evinced judgment 
 in so young a member abstaining from any display, 
 or inviting the attention of the house, till he 
 had a subject of sufficient interest for that purpose. 
 He took his seat on the opposition side, and 
 remained an observer more sedulous of acquiring 
 a knowledge of the rules and forms of parlia- 
 mentary procedure, and an acquaintance with the 
 
 * Dr. Middleton. 
 
18 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, opinions of certain politicians — the only way, in 
 v^x-v^^ those days, when the debates were not published — 
 than anxious to push himself on the notice of 
 the house unopportunely : probably from a just 
 notion of the value of first impressions, which, 
 on so many occasions in public as in private, 
 influence the destiny of the individual. 
 
 The new parliament received him a member 
 re-elected for the same county, and the two 
 following letters from lords Charlemont and 
 Wandesford evince the warmth of such friends: 
 but the latter marks clearly how the interest in 
 the county was divided at that time, and the 
 cordial support he received from the Butlers. 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 "My DEAREST Flood, 
 
 " I HAVE succeeded in your commission just as I would 
 always wish to do in your service. Inclosed you have two 
 letters from lord Wandesford which will, I hope, ensure your 
 success, and to-morrow he sets out for Castlecomer. He gives 
 you both his voices, though he fears that lord Mountgarrett 
 may be so piqued by his so doing, that he may be induced to 
 join with the speaker ;* so that you accept of his two voices at 
 your own hazard. 
 
 " I have often inquired about Rawlings, but he is as yet out 
 of town. I shall, however, constantly inquire after him, and 
 
 * Mr. Ponsonby. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 19 
 
 endeavour to secure him. I have declined Armagh, for reasons chap. 
 which I shall tell you when we meet. No more now, as I ^• 
 
 must not detain your express. 
 
 "Your's most faithfully, 
 
 " Charlemont." 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD WANDESFORD. 
 
 "Dublin, Sunday, three o'clock. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " I had the honor of seeing lord Charlemont this 
 morning, who gave me your letter, and also Messrs. Burke 
 and Hobson's. I should have answered your former letters, 
 but I was so uneasy in my mind about my children, that I 
 really could not think of it, which I hope you will excuse. 
 
 " It has given me great pleasure to hear of your success in 
 the county, and I flatter myself you will have greater yet. As 
 you was the first friend that applied to me in opposition to the 
 speaker and Agar, particularly the latter, I certainly must 
 support you with all my weight, and I flatter myself lord 
 Mountgarrett will give you all his interest also, which will 
 effectually destroy the combined interest in our county. 
 
 "If there is a possibility of serving Mr. Butler on this 
 occasion, I should be very glad of it ; but I fear the speaker 
 is too strong for us: you are the best judge of that. What 
 have you done with old Agar P I fear he will go against you; 
 but he will give all his interest to Mr. Butler. I would have 
 you consult lord Mountgarrett upon that head : he has great 
 influence over him. 
 
 " I hope to see you on Tuesday, if possible, in liilkenny. 
 
 " I am, dear Sir, 
 
 " Your sincere well wisher, &c. 
 
 " Wandesford/ 
 
20 IMEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. He addressed the house from the opposition 
 .--v^.,^ side on the national embarrassments, which 
 demanded the most serious consideration of 
 the legislature. In this speech he is represented 
 to have expressed himself with pointed energy 
 on the measures and policy of the lord primate 
 Stone, who had exercised an unbounded sway, 
 not more by his abilities than the blandishments 
 of his manners and the profusion of his pa- 
 tronage. In the council chamber every measure 
 was propounded before being introduced to the 
 commons, where the influence of his grace 
 secured its adoption. To this system Mr. 
 Flood directed the poignancy of his sarcasm, 
 which excited the ire of the primate, unaccus- 
 tomed as he was to any language not laudatory 
 of his government : and the bitterness and versa- 
 tility of his grace's sentiments are preserved in a 
 trite anecdote. It was however the scathing of 
 the venerable oak by aetherial fire, — the branches 
 were shattered and withered, but the trunk 
 remained uninjured. He lived to direct the 
 councils of Ireland for three years more, before 
 death removed him from the scene of his evanes- 
 cent powers. Possessed of a genius and an ambition 
 like Wolsey he exercised them on a more limited 
 and less conspicuous sphere. 
 
 In this year, Mr. Flood married lady Frances 
 Maria Beresford, with whom he obtained a 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 21 
 
 coiisiderable accession of fortune, and one of the chap. 
 most powerful connexions in Ireland. On his v-^-v^^ 
 marriag-e, Mr. William Annesley, (afterwards 
 created viscount Glerawley, married to lady 
 Anne Beresford,) wrote to his new brother-in-law 
 the following advice : — 
 
 LETTER* FROM WILLIAM ANNESLEY, ESQ. 
 
 " Castle-Wellan. 
 
 " I THINK, I may venture to say with certainty, that neither 
 you nor Frances imagine my wife or I, want any inclination 
 to pay our respects to you wherever you are, and therefore, I 
 shall only tell you the true reason why we cannot have that 
 pleasure this summer. I am engaged in a very heavy mass of 
 buildings, a market house for the use of the people who attend 
 this place every Monday, and eight houses in the town, all of 
 which I intend to finish, if possible, before I leave this for any 
 time together ; these buildings, I expect, will be the means of 
 making Castle-Wellan a comfortable country village. 
 
 "Fi'om your letter, I guess, you are entering on a new 
 scene — a country life — quite different from what has hitherto 
 opened to you, and if I am to form the same judgment of you 
 as of myself, I think you will find a country life a much more 
 pleasant and agreeable way of life, than that uncertainty, diffi- 
 culties and disappointments, of a political one, which is generally 
 attended with uncertainty, and often w'ith very disagreeable 
 disappointments. 
 
 " If, hitherto, you have not had it in your power to taste 
 the sweets of a country life (not having had a place of your 
 
 * The present earl Annesley, had the kindness to give me this letter. 
 
22 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 own to amuse yourself at,) the case is now altered. You are 
 now in possession of what before you had only the prospect 
 of, — a wide difference with respect to thinking and acting — 
 politics and books though they relish well, yet without 
 other associations become languid and insipid. Variety is by 
 most people thought agreeable, and I have almost brought 
 myself to be of opinion, that the best farmer may be the best 
 commonwealth's man ; for the best politician will see nature in 
 the country and will improve upon it. He will converse with a 
 different class of his fellow creatures, from those he meets in 
 what he calls ' the world.' He will leara to know himself — 
 the first object that every man ought to have in his mind. In 
 a country life he will have frequent, almost daily, opportunities 
 of judging of men and of things from what falls within his 
 own knowledge. I have no doubt but your good sense and 
 disposition will receive much more benefit and advantage 
 from such observations than I have. 
 
 " I do sincerely wish you success in all your undertakings 
 and with our good wishes to you and Fanny, your 
 
 " Affectionate brother, and 
 
 " Most obedient servant, 
 
 " Wm. Annesley." 
 
 This recommendation of a country life from a 
 man of abilities and experience to the young 
 politician, was admirably calculated to check his 
 ardor ; and he seems to have librated in the 
 balance of destiny, till his acquaintance with lord 
 Charlemont determined him, in favor of the scale 
 in which politics with all their brilliant chimeras 
 were placed. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENHY FLOOD. S3 
 
 The vicissitudes of nearly thirty years after 
 
 that letter, might have induced him to write over 
 
 his portal, as did the hero of La Sage, — 
 
 *' Inveni portum. — Spes et Fortuna valete ! 
 Sat me lusistuis, ludete nunc alios." 
 
 In consequence of his marriage, the lord chief 
 justice settled the whole of his estates on him, and 
 his fortune was increased by the bequest of his 
 uncle, and other accessory circumstances. 
 
 He now took up his residence at Farmley, a 
 small but agreeable seat, not perhaps, extensive 
 enough for his plans and pursuits, such, however, 
 as formed a pleasant retreat from the cares and 
 duties of parliament. It was here that the 
 amateurs of dramatic literature met and gave an 
 example which was successfully followed many 
 years afterwards in Kilkenny, where the histrionic 
 taste and talents of a Becher, a Power, and a 
 Rothe were rendered more attractive by the 
 presence of Miss O'Neil. In fact the traditions, — 
 for they are so to the writer, — of those days form 
 a brilliant and delightful retrospective view, when 
 contrasted with the political perplexities, and 
 the rise or ruin of families, — when unanimity 
 and friendly intercourse of society were in unison 
 with the proverbial hospitality and intellectual 
 pre-eminence of the county. The theatre, which 
 once contained the gay and the accomplished, is 
 now a mart of miscellaneous furniture without a 
 
24 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 vestige, except the wooden walls, to remind an 
 observer of the famed amateurs of the sock and 
 the buskin. 
 
 Mr. Flood laid the foundation of this taste, 
 then novel in Ireland, which had such repute, 
 subsequently. At the time to which we have just 
 alluded, he certainly was more distinguished for 
 classical pursuits, — those favourite studies which 
 we trace in the correspondence of his literary 
 friends, — than settled political opinions regarding 
 beneficial acts for Ireland. The warmth of his fancy, 
 and the cultivation of his mind, perhaps, gave him 
 a bias for poetry, that species, too, in which the 
 boldest figures are permitted — the lyric seemed to 
 have been most congenial. He wished to make his 
 habitation in the country a sort of Tusculum 
 where he might relax from the occupations of the 
 senate, and to associate with Leland, and Valiancy, 
 and Burke, and Charlemont, all votaries of the 
 Muses, " and whose medals the swans of Lethe 
 have caught, and carried to the consecrated 
 Fane."* 
 
 This is the time, when he made a systematic 
 application of the rules and instructions of 
 Quintilian, and followed the practice which Cicero 
 relates of himself, — that of transferring the most 
 beautiful passages of the ancient authors into his 
 
 * Lord Bacon. 
 
"AN ODE ON FAME. 
 I. 
 
 " O MIGHTY FAME ! 
 
 Thou for whom Caesar, reckless,* fought, 
 And Regulus his righteous suffering sought ; 
 What can the sense of mortals tame, 
 And Nature's deepest murmurings hush. 
 That thus on Death they rush ? 
 That horror thus and anguish they controul. 
 Touched by thy airy power, that lifts the daring soul ? 
 
 II. 
 
 Tlie Indian on the burning iron bound. 
 
 By busy torturers compassed round, 
 
 Beholds thee, and is pleased ; 
 And, with a towering frenzy seized, 
 
 * Reckless.— Pt'»' fas et nefas. 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 25 
 
 own language, and constantly keeping in view, the 
 qualifications set forth, as necessary to form 
 the complete orator. " Nemo poterit esse 
 omni laude cumulatis oratory nisi erit omnium 
 rerum magnarumy atque artium scientiam 
 consecutus." 
 
 The following ode which was printed for private 
 circulation, conveys a very favourable impression 
 of his poetic fancy, and may properly be placed 
 at the close of this chapter, with a letter from one 
 of his literary friends. 
 
26 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 Tells them they know not how to kill ; 
 Demands a torment fit for men to feel. 
 And dictates some fierce pang, some more envenomed wound. 
 
 III. 
 
 The female spirit, still. 
 And timorous of ill, 
 In softest climes, by thy commanding will. 
 Dauntless can mount the mournful pyre. 
 Where a dead husband waits the funeral fire. 
 No unbecoming human fear 
 The exalted sacrifice delays ; 
 In youth, in beauty's flow 'ring year. 
 Serene, she mingles w^ith the blaze. 
 Beholds, unmoved, the gazers' bosoms heave. 
 And takes, without a tear, her consecrated leave. 
 
 IV. 
 
 The hall of Odin rang — 
 
 Amidst the barbarous clang 
 Of boastful chiefs and dire alarms. 
 The wan'ior hears thy magic cry. 
 
 Thundering, " To arms, to arms," 
 Struck by the sound, behold him fly 
 O'er the steep mountain's icy bar. 
 And drive before him Shout and Pain, 
 And Slaughter mad, the dogs of war j 
 Then, of his bootless trophies vain. 
 Back to the hall of Death return. 
 And brood upon the name which his wide ruins earn. 
 
 V. 
 
 The orator renowned, 
 Foe to tyi'annic outrage blind. 
 At whose dread voice stood Macedon astound ; 
 What moved his mighty mind ? 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 27 
 
 He saw the Graecian genius braved, 
 And his own Alliens half enslaved ; 
 
 Beset by woes. 
 By base, domestic, treasonous foes, 
 
 And overwhelmed by arms : 
 Amidst these congregated harms. 
 He meditates the proud relief of death ; 
 And, whilst the future he surveyed. 
 Thus bursts into prophetic breath : 
 
 " My deeds shall sound 
 " Through all the wondering nations round, 
 " Wherever freedom's honours shall be found, 
 " And all my present ills shall be by Fame o'erpaid." 
 
 VI. 
 
 Long on the watery waste Columbus hung, 
 When Nature now, with boding tongue, 
 
 Seemed to pronounce his doom ! 
 FamiAe smote the blasted crew — 
 Portentous tides beneath him flew — 
 Her aid the astonished card withdrew : 
 And rushing to an untrod grave. 
 Desperate, he seemed the abyss to brave 
 Of Ocean's wild, immeasurable womb. 
 
 vn. 
 
 Rescued, at length, from Ruin's ways. 
 In vain Iberia's thankless shores he sought. 
 
 And a new world in triumph brought. 
 
 Envy, her slanders lewdly brays ; 
 His godlike toil, a ruffian train betrays. 
 Pensive he paused dejected for mankind. 
 
 And half his lofty thought resigned ; 
 
 When gloiy beamed upon his mind, 
 
28 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. And bade him ne'er bow down to sleep, 
 
 ^" Till o'er the vast Atlantic deep 
 
 His sails adventurous he again unfurled. 
 And snatched a deathless name from his recovered world. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Brief is the frame of mortal birth : 
 Wherefore the unsubmitting mind 
 Less brooks to pass forgotten into earth ; 
 And, whilst to anxious doubt inclined. 
 It longs for some setherial scope 
 Whereon to rest the aspiring hope. 
 
 Fame cries from heaven, " Be brave ; 
 " Dare greatly, and thy name shall live, 
 " And thou upon the tongues of men survive, 
 " Though death should shut thee up in an eternal 
 grave." 
 
 IX. 
 
 Hence that unquenched lust. 
 In noblest minds the noblest deeds to dare; 
 
 That, should they sink in dust. 
 Their memory may renounce this fleeting doom ; 
 And, shaking off the tomb. 
 May wander through the living air. 
 And traverse earth with their renown. 
 And eternize their date by an immortal crown. 
 
 LETTER FROM W. BLAKENEY, ESQ. 
 
 " Dear Flood, 
 
 " Webb is loud in praise of your odes : what, alas ! 
 shall Blakeney say ? His voice is much too low for fame ; he 
 must content himself with 
 
RIGFIT HON. HENRY FLOOD. qg 
 
 Praises not loud but deep, which the poor tongue 
 Would fain proclaim, but cannot. 
 
 Yet let me whisper, 
 
 ( Flacco etiara invito) tibi contigit Pindarum ccmulari penna parum solubili. 
 " Pray tell lady Frances (with my best respects) that Mr. 
 Mason makes a very good report of her young favourite. 
 
 Vale ac vive ! 
 
 Memor acta non alio rege puertise 
 
 Mutataeque simul togae. 
 
 W. B. 
 Scriptus et in tergo. 
 
 " I beg leave to send a note upon a line of Pope, in which 
 the lord bishop of Gloucester seems to have imitated the 
 punctuation, style, and spirit of alderman Faulkner more 
 happily tlian any of the moderns : — 
 
 Half froth, half venom, spits himself abroad. • 
 
 Ep. to Arbuthnot, 320 line. 
 
 " I shall set out for Dublin on the 15th of next month. 
 May I pass a week ift Dominick-street before I go to Farmley ? 
 
 " W. Blakenet. 
 " Bath, 3d July." " Scriptus et in tergo." • 
 
 In this ( 1764) year his father died at an advanced 
 age. The official situation of lord chief justice 
 of the court of king's bench, he retained till his 
 demise. 
 
 * Alluding to those frothy excretions called by the people Toad-spits, 
 seen in summer time hanging upon plants, and emitted by young insects 
 which lie hid in the midst of them, for their preservation, while in their 
 helpless state. 
 
30 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 From 1764 to 1768. 
 
 Social state of the kingdom. — Evils caused by misgovernment— 
 Mr. Fitzgibbon's description of the peasantry. — Mr. Flood's of the 
 
 courtiers Mr. Flood's defence of the liberty of the press. — His 
 
 efforts for the limitation of parliament, and three other important 
 measures — Correspondence with Mr. Pitt, (lord Chatham), Mr. Burke 
 and lord Charlemont. — Character of Charlemont. — His comparison of 
 the oratory of lord Mansfield and Mr. Pitt. — Character and anecdotes 
 of Mr. Hutchinson. — Sir William Osborne's character of Mr. Perry 
 and Mr. Flood. — " The flying squadron." 
 
 The acts of successive administrations had given 
 an arbitrary character to the statute-book, which 
 changed the assimilated charter* granted by Henry 
 the second to the assembled ecclesiastics and digni- 
 taries of the nation at Cashel, to an instrument of 
 oppression. Before the Elizabethan era had closed, 
 the constitution existed but in name ;t and the 
 inhabitants of the soil were degraded, without the 
 craft and cunning of an eastern tribe, to a state 
 little better than " hewers of wood and drawers 
 of water." 
 
 To trace with a transient pencil the moral and 
 political state of Ireland from the era of the new 
 
 Molyneux. f Phil. Survey. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 31 
 
 reign, to the acquisition of the octennial bill, will 
 not be inconsistent with the objects of this 
 biography. 
 
 The kingdom was in the extreme of poverty * 
 and degradation at the close of the reign of 
 George the second, arising from a misconception 
 of the extent of its resources, by the British cabinet, 
 and the supineness of the national parliament to 
 make these difficulties known. The accumulation 
 of debt was only equalled by inconsiderate profu- 
 sion. The loans required by the exigencies of 
 the state augmented the former, and the facile 
 and ignorant acquiescence of the commons, the 
 latter.t The establishments, civil, military, and 
 pensionary were onerous for a country so impove- 
 rished — the pensions alone amounted to a very 
 considerable t item, — these rendered taxation 
 oppressive, and all combined, lent a pretext to 
 turbulance, and extended impunity to the pro- 
 moters of insurrection long after foreign hostility 
 had fled the coast. The people of Ireland, shaded 
 by the gloom of intermittant storms, were easily 
 excited to discontent and alarm. And for a time 
 they wandered in darkness and calamity, *' without 
 the w ord as a lantern unto their feet and a light 
 unto their paths." 
 
 Gordon's History, vol. ii. f Caldwell's Reports. \ 72,000. 
 
32 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE IJFE OF THE 
 
 Amid the complexity of events* foreign and 
 domestic, it would be calumnious to assume that 
 ministers were exclusively indifferent to the 
 embarrassments of Ireland. Statesmen, however 
 gifted with public virtue and ability to govern, 
 were unable, at once, to counteract them. For, 
 in the words of an able historian,! " it is the 
 misfortune of those who are concerned in con- 
 ducting human affairs, that, however pure and 
 capacious their own conceptions may be, they 
 must accommodate themselves to the circumstan- 
 ces with which they are environed, and use the 
 instruments within their reach" — The taint 
 of corruption had infested the majority of the 
 national legislature, and the population remained 
 in ignorance of the advantages of civilized life. 
 
 As the governors were not residents, but visiters, 
 their titles form but a nomenclature in the history 
 of Ireland, for their policy (flagicious as it may 
 have been in former periods), neither belonged to 
 one party nor another, but was the uniform tenor 
 of domination. Votes of credit to a large amount 
 — an increase of the military establishment — an 
 increase of the viceregal grant — and immoderate 
 addition of pensions, formed the most prominent 
 acts of five administrations in Ireland. 
 
 To descend from the vicious features of polity 
 which are the enduring, and therefore historical, 
 
 • Belsham, vol. III. f Godwin Com. vol. 1. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 33 
 
 II. 
 
 points for contemplation, we have the fervid and chap. 
 eloquent description of a witness to the country's 
 social condition, humiliating as it was true : — 
 
 *" It is always with regret that I discover the nakedness of 
 my country, hut on this occasion I ought not to hide it. Upon 
 this occasion I must remind you, that Ireland is not more 
 than one-thu'd peopled ; our trade lies under such disadvantages 
 that two-thirds of the population are unemployed, and are, 
 consequently, condemned to the most deplorable indigence ; a 
 state that cannot fail to render them wretched in proportion as 
 the luxuiy" of a few has multiplied artificial wants, but of 
 which they have no further knowledge than just serves to excite 
 envy and discontent. We have neither foreign trade nor home 
 consumption sufficient to distribute the conveniencies of life 
 among us with a reasonable equality, nor sufficient to pay 
 any tax proportioned to our number. 
 
 "This island is supposed to contain three millions: of these, 
 two live like the beasit of the field, upon a root picked out of 
 the earth, almost without hovels for shelter or clothes for cover- 
 ing. What must become of a nation in this situation, which 
 at the same time is contracting a debt which must every year 
 increase, by a very considerable excess its expenses above its 
 income ? What method can ])e found to prevent the ruin of 
 a state in which these evils not only continue, but increase ? 
 
 " What mode of taxation can be devised ? — Shall we tax "^ 
 leather where no shoes are worn, or tallow where no candles 
 are burned ? What tax can be devised on the necessaries of 
 life where they consist wholly of roots and water P" 
 
 Mr. Flood's description of the courtiers may 
 appropriately follow Mr. Fitzg-ibbon'st state of the 
 people. 
 
 * Caldwell's Reports. 
 
 + Tliis Mr. Fitzfjibbon was father to lord Clare. 
 
34< MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 " Sir, it must give every member of this house the highest 
 satisfaction to reflect that we now meet freed and disencumbered 
 from the apprehensions under which we suffered the beginning 
 of the last session. We have also the happiness of being 
 acquainted with the dispositions of each other, so that no 
 requisite is wanting for the mature consideration of what may 
 be most for the advantage of our country, independant of every 
 other object. It is, however, a melancholy reflection, that 
 those who distinguish themselves by their independence, disin- 
 terestedness, and public spirit ; those who make the advantage of 
 their country their only object, are, too often, branded with 
 the name of ' faction,' and, under that approbrious appellation, 
 held forth to public obloquy and reproach, merely because 
 they will not concur with the mean, interested, and selfish views 
 of those who implicitly adopt the measures of a court, that 
 they may themselves become the objects of court favor. But, 
 whatever designing knavery may pretend or thoughtless igno- 
 rance admit, the word 'faction,' as a term of reproach, may 
 justly be retorted upon those by whom it is so liberally bestowed 
 on others. They are certainly a faction, in this sense, who 
 I unite upon any selfish or contracted view, against the public or 
 '' general interest, whether they are many or {ew. Those who 
 injudiciously endeavour to extend the prerogative under the 
 spacious pretence of supporting it, those who encourage the 
 exercise of unconstitutional power, assumed by a minister 
 under the colour of strengthening the hands of government, 
 and those who concur in the distribution of pecuniary grati- 
 fications to individuals, at the expense of the nation, as a 
 compliment to royal munificence, — those, and those only, 
 deserve to be stigmatized with the name of * faction.' It is 
 certain, indeed, that they do not more mistake their own true 
 interest, than the ti'ue interest of those in whose measures they 
 implicitly concur. As the supreme and only real happiness 
 I and honor of the prince are derived wholly from the freedom, 
 / wealth, and happiness of his people ; so the happiness and honor 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 35 
 
 of a minister, if he may be truly so called, — are nothing more 
 than the reflected honor and happiness of his prince ; so true 
 it is, that Providence has made the real happiness of the indi- 
 vidual depend upon the same conduct that produces the happi- 
 ness of the whole. That every vice is manifestly a folly, and 
 he who sacrifices the interest of his country, its freedom, 
 independance, or wealth, to any private advantage for himself, 
 his family, or his friends, eventually betrays the very individuals 
 he would serve, by taking away what is of infinitely more 
 value than he can give. For what, in the estimation of honesty 
 and reason, can be equivalent to a common interest in those 
 invaluable blessings that distinguish a free people ? God forbid 
 that I should renounce or disparage the forcible yet tender ties 
 of personal friendship, parental affection, or ingenuous grati- 
 tude ! Permit me to say, that no man in this house is more ;; / ..' f. 
 under the influence of these attachments than myself; no man / \iL^'*^ 
 has a more ardent love for his friend, a stronger sense of obli- 
 gation, nor warmer passions. Nor do I dream that any man 
 is bound to love those whom he has never seen more than these 
 who are endeared to him by the ties of nature and of blood \ 
 much less, that he can love the public who do not love his 
 relations and his friends, which must make, to every one not 
 devoid of humanity, the most endearing part of it ; but, I say, 
 that he only pursues the true interest of his friends and his 
 relations, who concurs in every measure to secure to them that 
 upon which every other blessing depends — freedom and inde- 
 pendance — without which neither labor is profitable nor rest 
 sweet ; without w-hich gold is not wealth, nor titles honor ! 
 
 " The narrow-minded, selfish court sycophant, who, in the 
 wickedness of his folly sacrifices the many to the few, does, in 
 fact, sacrifice the few with the many ; and does nothing more 
 than involve those for whom he is willing to betray his country 
 in the ruin which his treachery is bringing upon it. The fool 
 of court faction is like those who employ him — the dupe of his 
 own cunning and the scourge of his own vice. The nameless 
 
3G MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 vermin thai court sunshine quickens in the slime of venality 
 will soon find that the same influence which produced, will 
 destroy them ; when the moisture of that dirt in which they 
 crawl is a little farther exhaled, they ^vill find it stiffening 
 about them — they will first be deprived of motion, then of 
 life, and the next wind will sweep them away with the dust in 
 which they perished ! 
 
 " It is not, indeed, strange, that remote should be sacrified 
 to immediate good, when the temptation strikes stiongly upon 
 the sense, and the principles both of virtue and of wisdom, 
 by which it can be resisted, are wanting. But it is strange, and 
 not less deplorable, that in this country, many should be found 
 who sacrifice their chief interest to a subordinate one, still more 
 remote and precarious, who give away their share in the public 
 prosperity, not for immediate riches and titles, but for mere 
 names and shadows — for promises never meant to be fulfilled : 
 for painted vapours which appear solid only by their distance, 
 which float in airy regions where they can never be approached 
 and which vanish for ever with the light that gilds them ! 
 
 " Nay, in this age of vanity and dissipation, men are cor- 
 rupted even by less than a promise, a trivial compliment, a 
 familiar and gracious smile, or an extended hand are deemed 
 valuable considerations for those inestimable blessings which our 
 forefathers procured us at the expense of treasure, of ease, of 
 health and even of life itself. While this infatuation spreads 
 among us, and its effects are proportionally more extensive and 
 more alarming, it behoves those wdio are not yet circumscribed 
 with the enchanted circle — those who have still the use of 
 unperverted reason, and who still estimate the blessings of life 
 by their just value, to exert themselves in behalf of their 
 native country, and, like its guardian angel, ' watch over it for 
 good.' They are deeply concerned in its particular welfaj-e as 
 distinct from other parts of the British dominions ; they are 
 acquainted with its true interest and know how it is to be 
 pursued, which cannot be the case with those who honor us 
 with their company from the other side of the water. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 37 
 
 " This tender — this jealous vigilance is still more necessary 
 as it is not our happiness to have a native prince to wield a 
 sceptre among us, but must a})pear to our sovereign as we are 
 represented by others, and receive the benefits of his adminis- 
 tration, not directly, but as it were, by reflection." 
 
 The liberty of the press was, at this period, 
 shackled and restrained with many impediments. 
 The debates in parliament were unreported, and 
 even notes were forbidden, as against the rules of 
 the house ; all besides the ministers and members 
 were, not only totally uninformed on the progres- 
 sive subjects of legislation during the session, 
 but commentaries, indirectly made on the capacity 
 of members, or public functionaries, were punished 
 by arraignment at the bar of the commons. The 
 case of Wilson, a printer, cannot be considered 
 unimportant, since lord Bacon says, " maxima 
 e minimis suspendens." 
 
 Mr. Fortescue, a gentleman of consideration, 
 moved in the house of commons, " that the 
 printer of the * North Briton,' be committed to 
 Newgate prison." The motion was sustained by 
 a minister, and a person of great notoriety at 
 the time, the venerable Anthony Malone, a 
 privy councellor, and chancellor of the Irish 
 exchequer, whose character has been figuratively 
 expressed, " he was a great sea in a calm," in his 
 decrepitude ; " but a great sea in a storm," in the 
 energy of his youth. On this occasion, he used 
 
38 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 all the sophistry that his earlier and later years 
 had acquired, to attach the signification of 
 "defamatory libel," to the cited article of the 
 " North Briton," which he represented as reflecting 
 on the character of the individual, and on the 
 honor and dignity of parliament. 
 
 Wilson was arraigned at the bar of the house of 
 commons, though in a delicate state of health, 
 for a " heinous offence against the character of a 
 representative." Several, besides Mr. Malone, 
 were for committing him to Newgate ; fortunately 
 for the man, and the freedom of the press, there 
 was one young champion ready to avow his dissent 
 from such doctrines, and who obtained the 
 compliments of the venerable senator, even in 
 the unpopular seat of the opposition. 
 
 " Mr. Flood rose and said — ' Mr. Speaker, the right honorable 
 gentleman has in a very ingenious manner twined and twisted 
 the paragraph in question, to make it appear to be a libel ; 
 and I hope that I may be allowed to try if I cannot twine 
 and twist it till it appears not to be a libel. The ' North 
 Briton,' sir, whatever its merit or demerit as to its principles 
 and tendency, is universally admitted to be the performance of 
 a person who has acquired a habit of writing, an ability of 
 expressing sentiment clearly, con-ectly and forcibly ; and this, 
 sir, is an ability very different from quickness of conception, 
 soundness of judgment, or any other natural faculty of the 
 mind. Sir Arthur Brooke, therefore, may be a gentleman of 
 very quick conception, very sound judgment, and even exten- 
 sive knowledge, and yet may not have acquired the knack of 
 writing in the same degree as the author of the 'North 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 39 
 
 Briton.' To say, therefore, that he had not literary ability 
 for a work of that description, did not imply that he was 
 deficient in understanding ; nor is the mere want of literary 
 ability a disgrace to gentlemen who have more important 
 objects for their attention than literary performances. 
 
 " Suppose I should read some anonymous verses, and 
 should say, I thought them as good as Mr. Pope's; and 
 suppose somebody should add, they were written by sir 
 Arthur Brooke, would it be deemed a reflection on his under- 
 standing if I should say, I did not think him capable of 
 wTiting verse so well ? I therefore can never consider the 
 paragraph in question a libel. The right honorable gentleman 
 has, indeed, inferred that it is a libel in the sense of the house, 
 from the unanimous opinion of the members that it is a breach 
 of privilege; and this inference would be just, supposing the 
 paragraph to mention sir Arthur Brooke in his private capacity 
 only, but the paragraph mentions him, with a sneer, in his 
 political capacity as being one of the majority of this house ; 
 and I apprehend that the presuming to publish any inuendo 
 with respect to the majority or minority of this house, is a 
 breach of privilege, setting sir Arthur Brooke out of the 
 question. 
 
 " I am extremely soiTy to differ from the right honorable 
 gentleman whose yeai's, experience, and ability, must give 
 great sanction to his construction of the words in question, but 
 I thought it my duty to explain my own sense of them ; and 
 as in viy sense they are not a libel, I shall never give my vote 
 for sending the publisher to Newgate. 
 
 " Mr. Malone closed the debate in these words — ' It is very 
 indifferent in what sense the fire and imagination of that 
 young gentleman may consti'ue the words in question. His 
 sense is contrary to mine, and I believe to that of every one 
 else in this house. I am obliged to him for the compliments he 
 paid my abilities ; but, for my own part, I make no pretensions 
 
40 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 to any thing more than a little common sense, w hich naturally 
 understands words in their common and natural signification. 
 I shall, therefore, make no farther reply to what has heen said, 
 than to desire that the paragraph may be read, that every 
 gentleman may judge for himself." 
 
 Mr. Flood concurred, and the house divided in 
 favor of his opinion. This was an ovation for 
 the young statesman on a momentous subject, 
 contested by the most eminent member of the 
 house. 
 
 ** During- the same session, Mr. Flood greatly 
 distinguished himself by his efforts to limit the 
 duration of parliament.* It could not, however, 
 be expected that he should be, all at once, suc- 
 cessful. The pai'ties interested in the continuance 
 of things upon their old footing which ensured a 
 perpetuity of profitable abuses, were too numerous 
 and too powerful to be suddenly overthrown ; but 
 through him the commons were every day rising 
 in influence, and the liberal views and the manly 
 reasonings of the patriot were sure, in the long 
 run, to produce a result that would equal his 
 most sanguine expectations. Until the duration 
 of parliament should be limited, the constitutional 
 connexion between the representative and the 
 constituent could not be restored ; and until that 
 should be accomplished, it would be vain to 
 
 * Dublin University Magazine. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 41 
 
 expect that the house of commons would chap. 
 sympathise with the awakening intelligence of ^^^-ysj 
 the country." 
 
 So lightly and negligently was this important 
 question treated by the adherents of government, 
 that it was converted to a matter of jest and 
 ridicule. " Mr. Owen Winne said ' it was a mere 
 mouthful of moonshine, ad captandmn vulgus^* j 
 and sir Charles Coote said, he believed those 
 who proposed the bill had got their dinners, and 
 had the advantage over those who had been 
 fasting all day.' "t Illustrative of the supineness 
 of some members of the commons, one peculiar 
 instance is given by an itinerantt philosopher, of 
 a member who absented himself for seven years 
 from his parliariientary duties, who at last reluc- 
 tantly appeared at the summons of the speaker. 
 From these anecdotes we may fairly appreciate the 
 zeal, perseverance, and abilities of a few, in 
 the lower house, who laid the foundation of that 
 constitutional system which, for a time, Ireland 
 enjoyed ; but, like a brilliant coruscation, it was 
 of passing endurance. 
 
 At the close of lord Hertford's administration, 
 the four paramount considerations to which Mr. 
 Flood gave up his time and mental labor to 
 obtain, were, — the limiting the duration of 
 
 * Reports. f Caldwell's Reports. \ Dr. Campbell. 
 
42 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, parliament, — the elucidation of ** the law of sir 
 i^^-yi^j Edward Poyning," — the establishment of a con- 
 stitutional militia, — "to prove that the constitution 
 of parliament in the kingdom of Ireland did 
 still exist."* 
 
 When we consider the complication of these 
 subjects — the number of statutes to be explained 
 or repealed — the new ones to be enacted — the 
 power of veto assumed by the privy council of 
 Ireland — ^the power of alteration in that of 
 England — the numberless minor hindrances to 
 direct and salutary legislation, we must confess 
 it required a noble devotedness of mind, and 
 an unremitting exertion to overcome them. 
 
 LETTER TO THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 " Sir, 
 
 " I know not how to apologise for this address, 
 except I may be allowed to offer in excuse the nature of its 
 subject, and the ardor of that admiration which I feel for the 
 virtues, and for the abilities of the person to whom it is 
 directed. Having had the honor to have been introduced to your 
 knowledge last winter, by a letter from lord Grandison, and 
 having then, in a conversation which I shall ever reflect upon 
 with pride, heard you declare your sentiments upon the 
 particular propriety' of a militia law in this countiy, I deter- 
 mined to take the first opportunity of endeavouring to digest a 
 
 * Vide, Case of Ireland. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 43 
 
 bill upon that subject, founded on that law, which England 
 owes to your wise and patriot perseverance, so far as it seemed 
 capable of being adapted to this kingdom, and have obtained 
 leave from the house of commons accordingly to prepare such 
 a bill. It is unnecessary for me to say, that I should esteem 
 it the gi'eatest honor and felicity of my life, if, amidst the 
 important concerns in which you are engaged, you would 
 permit me, when the biU is printed, to lay at your feet this 
 humble attempt, to which I have been excited by a love for my 
 country', and a reverence for your great example. Far be 
 from me the extravagance to imagine that it could merit your 
 minute consideration; but if by the glance of a superior 
 genius, you should perceive that there was nothing impracticable 
 in it, it might perhaps induce an inquiry into its fate, if it 
 should be transmitted to England, and procure its return to 
 this country, if it should not be unworthy of it. Upon this 
 principle it is that I have presumed so far ; happy if here, or 
 any where, I could have a share in promoting those wise and 
 public spirited endeavours, which have so deservedly endeared 
 and dignified your name. 
 
 " I have, sir, the honor to remain, 
 
 " With the profoundest respect, 
 " Your most humble, and most obedient servant, 
 
 " Henry Flood." 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 II. 
 
 LETTER TO MR. FLOOD. 
 
 "Sir, 
 
 "The honor of your most obliging remembrance 
 reached me just as I was leaving Bath, since which time much 
 gout, and some business in the house of commons, have left 
 me but little in condition to write : it is with great satisfaction 
 
44 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 that I now beg leave to exjiress, though late, the true sense 1 
 have of the very flattering sentiments you ai'e so good, sir, to 
 entertain on the subject of one who recals with particular 
 pleasure the conversation with which you honored him at 
 Hayes, on some matters relating to the country where you are, 
 whose welfai'e every thinking Englishman will ever consider as 
 his own. My wishes in general on this head are very sincere, 
 and my sense of the utility of an efiectual militia very strong. 
 Zeal without knowledge, or with quite an inadequate one, 
 concerning many particulars of essential importance in a 
 consideration of this nature, might greatly mislead me, were 
 I to hazard. a judgment how far the militia laws of England 
 would, with propriety and effect, apply to Ireland. In this 
 circumstance I must only respect and applaud the attempts, 
 always open to form ujjon proper grounds, a final judgment 
 with regard to so important an object. I will only add, that I 
 esteem myself fortunate in receiving so favorable a mark of 
 your opinion, and that I beg you will be persuaded of the true 
 esteem and consideration with which 
 
 " I have the honor to be, sir, 
 
 " Your most obedient, 
 
 " And most humble servant, 
 
 "William Pitt." 
 
 One of the first letters from lord Cliarlemont 
 to Mr. Flood, was during the short administration 
 of lord Hertford, and it illustrates a principle 
 very often acted on by the latter, in regard to 
 Irish affairs, — that " he did not run headlong 
 against government at one time, and with govern- 
 ment at another ; but adapted his conduct, as he 
 ought to do, to what he saw, and what he felt," — 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 45 
 
 it is estimable in showing the coincident views of 
 liis noble friend with his own. 
 
 A protest, remarkable for its boldness and dis- 
 tinctness of political sentiments, was, at this time, 
 entered on the journals. The passage most striking 
 is the following, which embodies the proposition 
 of Molyneux,* — " Although the crowns of 
 England and Ireland be united, yet Ireland is a 
 distinct kingdom, and as such, has a distinct and 
 separate executive, as well as a distinct and 
 separate legislature." There is every reason to 
 conclude that this protest was drawn up by 
 Mr. Flood, not only from the characteristic 
 principles it unfolds, but that lord Charlemont 
 almost wholly depended on him in matters of 
 such extensive' import, and wrote to him on the 
 subject. Lord Rockingham was then premier, 
 nevertheless, lord Charlemont in this instance as 
 in subsequent ones, preferred the interest of his 
 country to a uniform consistency to his party 
 in power, to which the little politician so rigidly 
 adheres. 
 
 At this time Mr. Burke entered the British 
 parliament, for the first time, under the auspices 
 of the earl of Rockingham, to whom he was 
 private secretary. From these circumstances Mr. 
 Flood wrote to him, as some novel restrictions 
 
 * One of the six propositions in the Case of Ireland. 
 
46 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 were apprehended by the few who occupied them- 
 selves about the welfare of Ireland. 
 
 The late protest by lords Charlemont and 
 Tyrone, was occasioned by a restriction on the 
 corn trade, and now some other measure was 
 contemplated, of a like tendency. Few, if any, 
 persons in England, have so well understood the 
 political and commercial state of Ireland as Mr. 
 Burke, and none owed her a more grateful 
 regard. 
 
 " To your inquiry, concerning some proposi- 
 tions in a certain assembly, of a nature injurious 
 to Ireland, since your departure, I know nothing 
 of the kind, except one attempt made by a Mr. 
 ShifFner to lessen the number of the ports of 
 entry in Britain and Ireland, allowed for the 
 trade of wool and woollen yarn, of the growth of 
 the latter country. This attempt was grounded on 
 the decrease of the import of these commodities 
 from Ireland, which they rashly attributed to the 
 great facility of the illicit transport of wool from 
 Ireland to France by the indulgence of a number 
 of ports. This idea, founded in an ignorance of 
 the nature of the Irish trade, had weight with 
 some persons ; but the decreased import of Irish 
 wool and yarn being accounted for, upon true 
 and rational principles, in a short memorial deli- 
 vered to Mr. Townshend, he saw at once into it 
 with his usual sagacity ; and he has silenced this 
 complaint, at least for this session." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 47 
 
 At the close of Lord Hertford's administration 
 Mr. Flood departed for England, and visited lord 
 Chatham at Bath. The object of this interview 
 partially transpires in lord Charlemont's subse- 
 qnent correspondence. It is probable that a 
 conditional support to lord Bristol was promised. 
 
 The conference on Irish affairs, which took 
 place on this occasion, is pointedly referred to in 
 the noble earl's own words, who even then had 
 little confidence in a minister when his native 
 land was concerned. We must feel an unlimited 
 admiration for the hig-li-minded character of his 
 patriotism ; yet an unnecessary degree of despon- 
 dency is often observable in his political anticipa- 
 tions. 
 
 CHAP. 
 II. 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 "London, Hertford-st, PicadiUy, 1766. 
 
 " Judge of my disappointment, my dearest Flood. 
 Detained in Ireland by contrary winds for almost three weeks, 
 in constant expectation of sailing every day, I had omitted 
 answering your lettei's, and was of course doubly anxious to 
 see you, in order to obviate any ill opinion you might have 
 conceived of me from my apparent negligence. At length 
 the wind served, and I set out with a thorough confidence that 
 I was travelling towards you. Arrived in London, my first 
 care was to send to the St. James's coffee house. The answer 
 was that you were gone to Paris, but were expected back in a 
 very few days, and the next morning I received your billet, with 
 an account of your having been obliged to set out for Ireland. I 
 
48 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 liad expected the utmost pleasure in meeting you here. A 
 thousand reasons concurred to render an interview necessary. I 
 well knew that in our circumstances letters were likely to be but a 
 poor resource ; indeed I hardly ever remember being more really 
 disappointed. The unexpected absence of a beloved mistress 
 could scarcely have affected me more. I am afraid that this was 
 almost the first time that, in the object of my ardent expectations, 
 the utile had been mixed with the dulce, which could not fail to 
 render my disappointment still more grievous to me. But now 
 to your letters, for which, and for your kind confidence in me, 
 ten thousand thanks. Your interview with the Patagonian* 
 has turned out pretty much as I expected. It is easier for a 
 camel to go through the eye of a needle, or for a rich man to 
 enter into the kingdom of heaven, than for a politician to lay 
 aside disguise, or for a minister here to think as we would with 
 regard to our affairs. A great deal was, no doubt, to be 
 expected from his peculiar character ; but that characters, even 
 the highest, almost always vary with a change in situation, the 
 difference between this and your former conference is, I think, 
 an incontestible proof. My disappointment of last year was 
 no way inferior to your's at present. The highest and best 
 founded esteem, a long acquaintance, nay, even a friendship 
 between us, made me entertain the most sanguine hopes. But 
 my friend was a minister ! Indeed, my dearest Flood, we must 
 depend upon ourselves alone. Firmness, as you well observe, 
 i may gain, or the ivant of it lose, every thing. I am, however, 
 extremely glad that you have seen and conversed with him, 
 and highly approve of every thing you said : his being made 
 acquainted with what I am proud to call our way of thinking, 
 niav be of the greatest advantage. As soon as he comes to 
 London, I shall be introduced to him, and if we should ever 
 have any conversation upon public matters, you may be sure 
 that he shall perceive that you and I are unisons. Even 
 
 * Lord Chatham. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 49 
 
 without the assistance afforded me by your letter, I flatter chap. 
 
 mvself that an exact similitude of principle and sentiment 
 
 would have rendered our discourse nearly of the same nnport ; 
 
 but our correspondence, which I beg may be constantly 
 
 continued, will still further arm and instruct me. I have been 
 
 asked bv several, by Bristol amongst the rest, whether it were 
 
 true that you were to undertake next winter in Ireland ? My 
 
 constant answer is, that I know nothing about it, but that 
 
 I was certain your political principles are unchanged and 
 
 unchangeable. 
 
 " Hamilton has this instant been here. I have just now 
 been told, says he, that Augustus Hervey has said that lord 
 Bristol has had a letter from lord Chatham, wdth an account of 
 an interview between him and Mr. Flood, in which the latter 
 had, in the handsomest manner, declared that he would support 
 lord Bristol's government ; in consequence of which declaration 
 he was to be the first man provided for. My answer was, that 
 in the manner the story was told, I did not give credit to it ; 
 that I thought it very likely that Flood might have seen lord 
 Chatham, that he might, in the course of conversation, have 
 said that his influence in the administration made him hope 
 for such measures as a man of principle might support, and 
 that upon this probability the report was founded : but that I 
 knew my friend too well to believe that he had made any 
 declaration M'ithout conditions and proper reservation. That I 
 wished, for the sake of my country, that it might be true that he 
 had so declared himself, as I was very sure, if he had 
 done so, it must have been upon such conditions as would be 
 highly advantageous to the public, the interest of which, I was 
 thoroughly convinced, he would always prefer to his own. 
 
 " I have just now received your's from Chester. What 
 you miscal teazing, is to me the most flattering of all compli- 
 ments : your confidence in me gives me the sincerest pleasure, 
 principally because I am conscious that I am not totally 
 undeserving of it ; for though I can by no means answer for 
 
 E 
 
50 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 my head, I think I can be responsible for my heart. You 
 may be sure that I shall conduct myself exactly according to 
 your instructions. I have called on lord Bristol, but have not 
 as yet seen him. If he should enter into any political conver- 
 sation with me, I will immediately give you an account of it. 
 If your name should come in question, I shall speak my own 
 thoughts of you, which will be, I am certain, just as you 
 would wish. 
 
 " With regard to him I shall carefully follow your instruc- 
 tions. Thurloe is not yet come to town, prevented I suppose 
 by the snow. Farewell, my dearest, best of friends, pardon 
 this incoherent letter, which has been fifty times interrupted. 
 I think we have a great deal to hope, and nothing to fear: such 
 is the ground we stand on. I shall inquire with regard to the 
 seat in parliament both for you and for myself. By the by, 
 I do not think it amiss that it should be supposed here that 
 WE BOTH intend to come into parliament. Once more farewell, 
 and believe me most sincerely your affectionate and faithful 
 friend, and as firm in my principles as I am in my friendship. 
 
 " Charlemont." 
 
 In this communication we find reference made 
 to a letter sent to tlie great minister of the day, 
 a copy of which Mr. Flood inclosed to his noble 
 friend : — 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD TO LORD CHATHAM. 
 
 " Saturday Evening. 
 " My Lord, 
 
 "Ever since I had the honor to pay my respects to 
 
 your lordship at Bath, I have continued to labor under a 
 
The connected interest which the following 
 correspondence preserves pending" the appoint- 
 ment of a viceroy in place of lord Hertford, 
 requires that it should assume a continuous form, 
 before entering on the government of lord 
 Townshend. 
 
 In this epistle we have the noble earPs com- 
 parison of the oratory of lords Mansfield and 
 Chatham, after a preliminary observation on his 
 friend's health. 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 51 
 
 severe feverisli clisoider, which at tliat time hiy so heavy on me 
 that I am conscious I was wholly incapable of explaining 
 myself with any degree of exactness or propriety. I wished 
 to have acquainted your lordship with the sentiments of some 
 gentlemen, who have done me more honor than I deserve in 
 permitting me to do so, and to whom therefore I think myself 
 responsible ; on which consideration alone I pi*esumed to 
 trouble your lordship with any such explanation. But as I am 
 sensible that, in the state in which I then was, I must have 
 been wholly unequal to so delicate a task, I think it my duty 
 to express my sense of it to your lordship, in as much as I 
 should not wish, by so imperfect a detail, to be the possible 
 instrument of the smallest misconception, either as to men or 
 things, with respect to any person, and, least of all, with 
 respect to that person for whom I have the highest reverence. 
 
 " I have the honor, to be, my lord, 
 " Your most obedient, and 
 
 " most humble servant, 
 
 "Henry Flood." 
 
52 MEMOIRS OF THE LTFE OF THE 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " London, 1766. 
 " The pleasure I received from your letters, my dearest 
 Flood, which vould otherwise be as perfect and as entire 
 as my friendship and regard for you, is not a little alloyed and 
 diminished by the disagi'eeable accounts they too often contain 
 of the very precarious state of your health. For heaven's 
 sake, what should sickness have to do with you ? Can she 
 then extend her baleful influence over the spirits ? for surely 
 otherwise you, who are all soul, could never be liable to her 
 attacks ! Are there not enough of those, whose souls, as well 
 as their bodies, seem to be moulded of clay, and who ought 
 therefore to be wholly and entirely subject to her cursed 
 domination ? Over such let her extend her tyranny, and 
 heaven knows that her empire will be sufficiently extensive, 
 indeed almost universal ; but let the few spirits that yet remain 
 unadulterated and unmixed with the dross of matter, be as they 
 ought to be, (if all be true which we are bound to believe), 
 free from her hated despotism. But spirit will in the end 
 triumph, and must remain superior to all her lawless efforts ; 
 and therefore I will lay aside my fears with regard to you, 
 and proceed to thank you for your last kind letter, which 
 afforded me the highest satisfaction, by informing me of your 
 glorious perseverance in what I am proud to call our common 
 cause, and of lord Tyi'one's deserved success. I could readily 
 have believed almost any thing of the complete and unalterable 
 servility of my worthy brethren, yet this last instance out-does all 
 the rest, and, had it been reported of any other body of men, 
 would indeed have been scarcely credible. That men on this 
 side of the water should be blinded by the dazzling light of court 
 sunshine, however extraordinary, is not out of nature ; but that 
 
RIGHT HON. HEXRY FLOOD. 53 
 
 a mouth fill of moonshine, for such, alas ! is the dim reflected 
 lustre of our secondary court, should be able thus to dazzle 
 and to blind, is indeed wonderful, and argues the most extreme 
 weakness of sight. * * * * -^ * * 
 
 * * ******** 
 
 But indeed, my dear Flood, I must stop here, for I am really 
 tired: besides I do not so well recollect lord Mansfield's 
 arguments as those of his antagonist, and that for many good 
 reasons ; — because they did not to me carry conviction with 
 them, — because sophistry is not so easily traced and recollected as | 
 plain and strong reasoning, and, — because my attention was more 
 fixed by Chatham than by Mansfield, from a degree of partiality 
 and prejudice in his favour which I am by no means ashamed 
 to confess. There never was a better fight ; each of them spoke 
 thrice; both as eloquent and as ingenious as possible, but in my 
 opinion the victory in argument remained with lord Chatham. 
 The bill was however committed without a division. For me to 
 attempt a comparison between these two great men would be 
 much too hardy an- enterprise. In all tlie parts of oratory they | 
 are, I think, nearly equal ; though they who pretend to be -, 
 unprejudiced, (which I am proud to say I am not), may perhaps \ 
 think that Mansfield in his speaking has more of the orator, i 
 though all will allow that Chatham has, even in his manner, ? 
 more of the good citizen and virtuous man. The one seems 
 always to speak from conviction, and more from his heart than 
 his head. The general good of mankind seems to be his ■ 
 particular interest, and the warmth of his zeal persuades as much 
 as the strength of his argument : the other apparently speaks 
 for a party, and harangues as if his cause were not his own, but 
 merely his client's. Lord Mansfield's manner seems to command v, 
 your attention, and to order you to be convinced, under the ' 
 penalty of passing for a fool. Lord Chatham entreats you to 
 listen to him, a request which it is impossible to refuse, and sues , 
 you to be convinced for your own good. ISIansfield can neve^ 
 divest himself of the lawyer; he speaks as if he were fee'd : 
 
.54 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 nor is his manner, though excellent, void of the bar cant. 
 
 Chatham is the polite gentleman, without cant, or the smallest 
 
 degree of affectation, and seems to deliver his sentiments for no 
 
 other reason than that he thinks himself in the right, and that it is 
 
 his duty to persuade others to think as he does. Mansfield, in 
 
 short, seems to persuade for his own advantage ; Chatham for 
 
 j that of his audience : the one commands your admiration, the 
 
 i other gains your love. Mansfield is strong in sophistry, and 
 
 \ puzzles you out of your senses ; Chatham is as strong in 
 
 " unravelling that sophistry ; and you thank him for restoring 
 
 'you to your reason : but I have foolishly and unwittingly 
 
 undertaken a task which I cannot accomplish. * * * 
 
 Mr. Flood's first negotiation to become a 
 member of the British senate — 
 
 " My dearest Flood, 
 
 * "I have not as yet been able to see John Pitt upon the 
 
 business which you so very kindly recommended to my care, 
 but I shall endeavour to talk with him about it before I finish 
 this letter. You may be assui'ed that I shall be a faithful and 
 diligent agent, even though I must confess that in this matter I 
 shall in some respects be forced to act against my inclination, 
 nay, even perhaps, in some degree, in contradiction to that warm 
 love of my country, which is, I hope, one of my most ardent 
 passions. Can we spare you ? must we then lose you ? But 
 you are even too good for us ! yet you will not, you cannot be 
 lost to us, of this I may be certain ! Nay, perhaps, in your 
 double capacity you may still be more useful : it must be so, 
 and that is one of your reasons for desiring a footing here. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 55 
 
 This argument 1 confess is necessary to obviate the remorse chap. 
 which I might otherwise feel in being any way instrumental ^^' 
 
 in depriving my forlorn country of her principal support, 
 of her dulce decus ct prcesidium ! 
 
 " I have seen and talked to John Pitt. He has spoken to his 
 friend, who has promised to give him the preference. The price 
 cannot be exactly determined, but will probably not exceed 
 £3,000, of which it also may fall short, and should it exceed, 
 it will be by a trifle. There will be a security, as far as that 
 matter can be secured, of re-election ; you have no other step 
 to take but to determine, and, as soon as possible, to write to 
 me an account of your determination. After that, you will have 
 nothing else to do but to hold the above mentioned sum in 
 readiness, and to think about a qualification. He expressed 
 the greatest pleasure at being any way instrumental in 
 bringing this matter about, which pleasure, he said, was 
 increased by his knowledge of your sentiments with regard to 
 his cousin, lord Chatham. I told him that I was well acquainted 
 with your veneration for his character, of which he might be 
 sure, while he continued to act as he hitherto has done. So 
 tliis matter is in a fair way of being settled, and poor Hibernia 
 is likely to lose the only tuneful string of her harp. * * 
 
 LETTER. 
 
 "London, April 9, 1767. 
 " My Dearest Flood, 
 
 " Though my health is at present in a more 
 promising situation than it was when I last wrote, I am not 
 however, by any means equal to the attempt of writing so 
 much as my heart would dictate to me in answer to the 
 contents of your last. I must therefore content myself with 
 saying a very few words upon an occasion, which, if justice were 
 
56 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 done to it, would certainly require a very long letter ; yes, my 
 dearest Flood, I fear indeed that you have been treated ill, 
 and that we have in some degree both of us been deceived, and 
 yet I cannot think that we have any reason to find fault with 
 our own conduct, or to repent either our credulity or our 
 moderation, since, had we been less credulous and less 
 moderate, I do not see that it would have been possible for 
 us in any way to have prevented what, at all events, would 
 certainly have happened. For my own part, I know little or 
 nothing of the transaction. Tyrone, who used to be my con- 
 stant visiter, seldom now comes near me, and I have had 
 no opportunity for this long time past of saying a word to him 
 in particular ; I hear that he declares that lord Bristol's great 
 openness and unreserve towards him in communicating his 
 thoughts and intentions, has won his heart. Lord Bristol's 
 policy I do not well understand, but take it for granted that 
 he over-rates Tyrone's influence over those, who are falsely 
 termed his party ; and even with regard to you, I have some 
 reason to believe that he thinks himself tolerably secure. 
 Lord Chatham has, I believe, misunderstood, for he is not 
 capable of misrepresenting, some part of your conversation 
 with him. I have several times been assured that lord Bristol 
 received a letter from him in consequence of your visit at Bath, 
 in which he informed him that you had, in the handsomest 
 manner, and without stipulating any thing for yourself, offered 
 to support him in Ireland, and this account, I was informed, 
 came from Augustus Hervey : my answer has always been that 
 it must be a mistake, for that I was sure you had tied yourself 
 down in no way. Perhaps your warmth of expression, animated 
 as you were by your veneration for lord Chatham, might have 
 made you drop something in that conversation which might 
 have been thus misinterpreted : but all this is of little 
 consequence, when compared to the much more important 
 consideration of the part which you ought to take in the present 
 critical emergency. There never was yet a point which seems 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 57 
 
 to me to require more coolness of deliberation, nor must your 
 heat of resentment, however justly you may he inflamed, have 
 any share allowed it in your decision. That, which has ever 
 
 BEEN YOUR FIRST PRINCIPLE, THE DESIRE OF SERVING YOUR 
 COUNTRY, IS THE STAR BY WHICH YOU MUST STEER, nor mUSt 
 
 you suffer the storms of passion in any degree to bias or turn 
 you out of your direct course. This is, I well know, a different 
 manoeuvre, but your guiding constellation will ever remain 
 unclouded, and you have a pilot in your breast, who will, if 
 you trust implicitly to him, infallibly steer you clear of all 
 danger. If lord Bristol should, as it is possible he may, come 
 over to Ireland, armed with those long expected benefits which 
 have ever been the object of our wishes, public and private, 
 an opposition to his measures would most certainly in that case 
 be impossible from those whose first aim is their country's 
 sen'ice. This, however, may or may not be, and indeed 
 unfortunately the latter is, I fear, more probable, but I only 
 mention it as a jiossibility to be maturely weighed and reflected 
 on. My treatment has also been none of the most satisfactory; 
 for though certainly of some consequence, and though inti- 
 mately known to most of his family and connexions, I have 
 never been in any degi'ee confidentially treated; a civility which 
 I undoubtedly might have expected. Yet I am determined 
 not to suffer any pique, which may naturally rise from a slight 
 of this sort, in any way to bias my public conduct: but I need 
 expatiate no further upon this head. You see at once, I 
 am sure, the whole drift of my argument, and your goodness 
 will, I make no doubt, incline you to excuse my presumption 
 in hazarding these needless hints. Yet the most truly upright 
 man, and the most incapable of being influenced by any other 
 motive whatever, may sometimes yield to the almost irresistible 
 impulse of resentment, nor is there, perhaps, any of our 
 passions so powerful to shake the best guarded resolution. 
 Tristes ut tree. From all that I have now hinted you will 
 readily conclude what is my opinion ; reserve is still absolutely 
 
58 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 necessary, nor do 1 think that any thing which has yet happened 
 ought in any degree to change our system ; let us keep ourselves 
 yet clear ol" all engagements, and wait for those events by 
 which we must finally be decided. In the mean time be as 
 angry as you please, for indeed I fear you have great reason ; 
 nor do I think it at all necessary, any more than it would be 
 manly to conceal your anger from him who has offended you. 
 You cannot be more ti'uly angiy than I am, and that entirely 
 upon your account: I too should like to show it, but shall 
 wait in this point for your directions. But let our anger be 
 only pointed against those who deserve it, nor let it in any sort 
 influence us with regard to our public behaviour. But perhaps 
 all this wise discussion may turn out absolutely nugatory, and 
 the system upon which all our deliberations are founded may, 
 long before the time of reducing them to practice, vanish like 
 the ' baseless fabric of a vision.' ***** 
 ***** ***** 
 
 The following letter refers to the negotiations 
 for a seat in the British parliament, which Mr. 
 Flood contemplated at this period : — 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " London, April 18, 1767. 
 " Mv Deakest Flood, 
 
 " Immediatelt upon the receipt of your last letter 
 I wrote to John Pitt, whose hurry of business had prevented 
 me from seeing him for some time past, to beg that he would 
 call on me as soon as possible, and this morning he has been 
 with me. I told him that you were uneasy at the uncertainty 
 with which this affair seemed to be attended ; that you were 
 desirous of knowing the name of the person with whom you 
 were to treat, as well as of the place in question ; and that you 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 59 
 
 wished to be at some certainty with regard to the event. To 
 this he replied, that he was totally ignorant both of the 
 principal to be treated with, and of the name of the place ; 
 that the person who had mentioned the affair, was one on whom 
 lie could depend, who, being under obligations to liim, would, 
 he was certain, give the prel'erence to any' person of his recom- 
 mending ; that, however, he was but an agent in this business, 
 and that, from some words which had dropped from him in a 
 late conversation, he was rather induced to believe that the 
 matter was not as yet upon a secure footing, but was to be 
 soon determined by some event at law, which event, however, 
 his friend appeared absolutely secure of. He concluded by 
 saying, that though he himself thought it could not fail, he 
 would not, however, upon any account, have you rely wholly 
 upon this overtin-e, but that, if you had any thing surer in 
 view, he would, by all means, have you prefer it. He enlarged 
 upon the strong desire he had to see you in parliament, and 
 said, but that in a sort of confidence to me, that if some 
 invincible obstacles, did not stand in his way, he should be 
 delighted to have the honor of bringing you himself into 
 parliament. By this conversation you see that matters are by 
 no means so certain as could be wished, and that you are 
 entu'ely at liberty to declare yourself off or on as you may 
 think best. Whatever you may resolve on, you have but to 
 communicate to me, and Mr. Pitt shall be immediately informed 
 of your determination, and the sooner this was done, I should 
 think, the better. As to him, I do not believe that there is 
 in the world an honester man, or one on whom you may with 
 more safety depend. His only reason for desiring not to be 
 mentioned in this affair arises from his delicacy, as he is in 
 general an utter enemy to this kind of sale ; and were it not 
 from his high opinion of yon, and, his idea of the great use 
 you would be of, I am certain he would not have interfered 
 in a transaction of this kind. * * ^- * * 
 
 * ^ ^ tJ * * ^- * -X * 
 
 " Lord Chatham still continues vcrv ill, and does no business. 
 
60 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 His doctors, however, promise fairly. The ministry, however, 
 seem upon the whole in a better situation than they have yet 
 been, especially since the late victory. 
 
 " Pardon this lame account, from a lame man. I am still 
 a prisoner, and, if at all, mend but very slowly. The weather 
 is sadly unfavourable to me. Farewell, my dearest Flood ; 
 believe me ever your's most faithfully. 
 
 " A few posts ago you received a long letter from me : I 
 long for an answer. 
 
 " You ask me whether I do not think that it would be right 
 that certain persons should be undeceived with regard to their 
 mistaken idea of their friend's influence ? I think so most 
 certainly, but in what manner is it to be done ? I have 
 declared to all who visit me what I know of that matter, 
 but whether that will ever reach lord Bristol's ears is doubtful. 
 If you think of any proper method, communicate it. 
 
 The preceding- letters certainly display lord 
 Charlemont to great advantag-e : the contrast of 
 the two leading orators, lords Chatham and 
 Mansfield, is so just and discriminating that the 
 mind of the reader easily appreciates the several 
 peculiarities of their eloquence. 
 
 The noble earl eminently excelled in a grace- 
 ful diction ; neither studied nor pedantic, yet 
 conveying his thoughts perspicuously ; with a 
 propriety and a warmth of expression which 
 entitle his letters to a place in epistolary litera- 
 ture. There was a singular coincidence in the 
 sentiments and efforts of lord Charlemont and 
 Mr. Flood at the period which this correspon- 
 dence perpetuates ; and without presumption the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 elegant expression of Seneca, with regard to 
 another great man, may be applied to him — 
 ** nomen Attici perire Ciceronis ejnstolce nonY 
 sinunt." 
 
 Lord Charlemont and Mr. Flood lived long 
 enough to experience the mutability of political | 
 fame, and to see the unprofitableness of their / 
 long and assiduous labors. 
 
 Since the time of Titus Pomponeus, we find 
 but few in the pages of history who possessed, in 
 an equal degree with the noble earl, the more 
 endearing virtues adorned with the accomplish- 
 ments that polite literature and foreign travel 
 afford. In every letter, almost in every sentence, 
 we trace the warm affection of a friend in the 
 most refined conception. As a politician, he 
 stood the mediator of parties and the untiring 
 patriot. In his character seems to be blended 
 much of what is noble in nature, with what is 
 most attractive in learning and the arts. 
 
 His munificence was without ostentation ; his f 
 political exertions were without reward ; his i 
 integrity was without spot. Endued with a mild 
 and limited genius, a quick perception, and a 
 discriminating taste ; the more ardent faculties of 
 his mind were subdued by the benign influence 
 of benevolence : and of the illustrious men of his 
 country, he most deserved the name, as he most 
 resembled the character, of Atticus. 
 
 61 
 
62 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 Such was lord Charlemont, divested of that 
 adulatory language which overstrains the ordi- 
 nary incidents of life into a fantastic verbiage.* 
 
 The state of oratory was by no means deficient 
 in the Irish commons ; and so forcibly was sir 
 James Caldwellt impressed with the style and 
 classical purity of some eminent members, that 
 he compiled his " Reports," and thought them 
 worthy of being dedicated to Mr* Pitt. 
 
 Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Flood were the most 
 conspicuous ; and though their characteristics 
 were distinct and opposite, yet they were both 
 admired. 
 
 They entered parliament in the same year. Mr. 
 Hutchinson attached himself to the court party 
 almost from the outset of his career, and con- 
 tinued, through many administrations, its ready 
 and plausible defender. Mr. Flood joined the 
 opposition, and continued there, with the excep- 
 tion of five years, during his public life. 
 
 The courtier was the more skilful, prudent, and 
 pliant ; his obsequiousness to power often ren- 
 dering him the more successful. The patriot was 
 bold and indefatigable ; neither regarding with a 
 minute delicacy persons in office, nor passing with 
 
 * Mr. Hardy constantly makes him the companion and friend of foreign 
 potentates, and the rival in heraldic lore of " Mowbray, Lanchaster 
 Heralds, Blue Mantle, and Rouge Dragon!" 
 ■f See his " Dedication." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 6S 
 
 indifference the flagitious system of policy pur- 
 sued, nor the constitutional violations of the 
 privy council. 
 
 The shades of contrast were remarkable. The 
 dark and portentous aspect of the patriot never 
 assumed a tone of umbrag-e deeper than the 
 vernal alternations in the courtier. 
 
 Though Mr. Flood's eloquence was not 
 Demosthenean at this early indication of his style, 
 — being more Livian, — yet Mr. Hutchinson's less 
 resembled that of Hyperides, but rather the style 
 of the rhetorician Gorg-ias. Doctor Campbell* said 
 of this statesman, at a time more advanced, when 
 his oratory had improved by the acquisitions of 
 art, and the advantages of display, " that he had } 
 a mellifluous voice and pleasing elocution. His 
 exordium gave me great hopes of great matters, \ 
 but his oratory is of that wordy ostentatious 
 character which sometimes disappoints your ex- 
 pectation. Here he is called the " prancer," 
 from a similitude they find in him to a horse in 
 the Manege — curvetting at the height of his \ 
 mettle without making any ' progress forward^* \ 
 which peculiarity was not attic in the days of / 
 Hyperides, no more than the agnomen could I 
 have been affixed to him by his Athenian rivals. 
 
 Two anecdotes related by a fellow of Trinity ' 
 college, t are so characteristic and amusing, 
 
 * Phil. Survey. f The author of " Lacrymse AcademicsR," 
 
64 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 that they claim a place in any notice of Mr. 
 Hutchinson. 
 
 " When addressing- the board of Fellows, he told 
 us, ' though we took great pains to instruct the 
 students in the sciences, we did not exact an 
 equal attention in instructing them in the clas- 
 sics, that at Eton the lads were actually better 
 skilled in the learned languages than the students 
 of Trinity college. He told us that before his 
 son went to Oxford, and while yet a school-boy, 
 when he came home at long vacation, he opened 
 the famous oration of Demosthenes for * the 
 crown,' for his son to translate some pages into 
 English, which he easily performed, although on 
 inquiry, his son told him he never read the 
 book before !' The indignant Fellow exclaimed, 
 ' he found it very difficult to believe that a school- 
 boy could explain at sight a book that had 
 exercised, and in some instances baffled, the 
 acumen of some of the most able critics since the 
 revival of letters in Europe.' Mr. Hutchinson 
 wished to qualify his assertion, but the perti- 
 nacious doctor said, — * No ; the difficulties of 
 
 ! that book are thicker set than the stars of the 
 
 ! firmament.' " 
 
 The other anecdote is in reference to a public 
 examination of the candidates for the first fellow- 
 ship. Mr. Hutchinson inquired of one, at what 
 period eloquence flourished most amongst the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 Greeks ? The candidate, not recollecting the 
 precise answer, guessed, — in the time of the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war. Here, in his turn, the candidate 
 puzzled Mr. Hutchinson, who forgot the era of 
 Alexander's death. He remained for some time in 
 very laughahle perplexity, but wishing to say 
 something that would neither fully admit nor yet 
 deny the propriety of the answer, observed, — 
 * Right, sir, but at what time in that war ?' Thus 
 killing Alexander the Great during the Pelopon- 
 nesian contest, to manifest his knowledge of his 
 favorite author, Thucydides." 
 
 The earlier cast of Mr. Flood's public charac- 
 ter we conceive to be justly presented in the 
 words of sir William Osborne* on an occasion 
 of an address to the crown : — -" Whatever may 
 be my opinion of the motion of the honorable 
 gentleman (Mr. Perry) on the opposite bench, I 
 shall most heartily concur in the subsequent 
 motion of the honorable gentleman (Mr. Flood) 
 whose steadiness and uniformity of conduct give 
 a sanction to his proposals, and a confidence to 
 his professions ; uniformity of conduct is a proof 
 of integrity, and there is no reason to suspect 
 him of prostituting his abilities to private pur- 
 poses under the specious appearance of patriotism 
 and public spirit, who steadily opposes the destruc- 
 
 * Reports of Sir James Caldwell. 
 
66 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 tive projects of jobbers and the friends of 
 jobbers, whether they affect in general to display 
 their oratory for the court or against it.* I shall 
 always think those measures most worthy of 
 attention which are recommended by members 
 whose inquiry with regard to any question is, not 
 from what party it comes, but what is its 
 tendency J* A sentiment well worthy of the 
 patriotic sir William Osborne, whose speech is 
 highly descriptive of his parliamentary conduct 
 through life. Mr. Perry on this occasion sup- 
 ported the court with a small party called the 
 " flying squadron," from the facility with which 
 they veered from side to side, not indeed as 
 " fickle fancy chose," but as court influence was 
 more or less seductive. 
 
 This is one of the many instances where we 
 find that, for personal aggrandizement, a certain 
 tact and moderate talents, with an expedient 
 manner of directing them, are far more profitable 
 than the master-mind that disdains to ascend by 
 low degrees. 
 
 * Mr. Hardy has decorated the wigs of the court officials of this period 
 with a grotesque profusion of garlands of forget-me-nots and araaraths. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. Gj 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 From 1768 to 1773. 
 
 Mr. Flood's first acquaintance with Mr. Grattan — Their literary inter- 
 course. — Mr. Grattan"s pursuits. — The Mask of Comus Plays 
 
 Mr. Pope's estimation of Homer and Virgil how applicable to Flood 
 and Grattan. — Octennial Bill causes a new Election. — The Borough 
 of Callan represented by two members whose estates adjoined. — Dis- 
 pute about votes between Mr. Flood and " Jemmy Agar." — The 
 latter's stentorian gesture. — Duel the first. — Duel the second. — Agar 
 killed. — Letters from lords Charlemont and LifTord Delicate sensi- 
 tiveness of lord chancellor Lifford. — Legal investigation. — The 
 
 Barateriana — Its value as a literary and political performance The 
 
 chief writers of it. — Measures of lord Townshend's administration 
 
 His protest, prorogation, and resignation. — Supposition that Mr. Flood 
 was Junius. 
 
 It was at this period that Mr. Flood first chap. 
 became acquainted with Mr. Grattan, through 
 dean Marley. He was a much younger man, 
 and did not enter parliament for six years after 
 lord Townshend's resignation ; however, he ex- 
 ercised his brilliant talents in many political 
 essays on the governments considered inimical to 
 the freedom of parliament and national indepen- 
 dence. Private plays were then much the fashion, 
 and Mr. Grattan assisted at these amusements at 
 Farmley, to which allusion is made in a memoir 
 
 III. 
 
68 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 preceding a collection of his speeches. Little 
 did he think that he was destined to become the 
 corrival of the fame of his host in oratory and 
 patriotism. Both men can be estimated without 
 the deterioration a partisan is sure to follow, — 
 an error, Mr. Pope remarks, of those who draw 
 their parallels of Homer and Virgil, " as if one 
 should think to raise the superstructure by under- 
 mining the foundation." 
 
 Mr. Grattan, however, just now, was pursuing 
 a less perilous course than politics. He was 
 wandering at leisure amidst the groves of Aca- 
 demus. The Mask of Comus was written about 
 this time. 
 
 A very unfortunate event occurred shortly 
 after the passing of the octennial bill : writs for 
 the new election had been issued, the borough of 
 Callan, which returned two members, had long 
 been jointly represented by the Agars and the 
 Floods. Sir William Petty mentions one of each 
 family in the parliament of the duke of Grafton 
 for that borough. On the new election " Jemmy 
 Agar of Gowran,"* and Mr. Flood of Farmley, 
 divided the representation ; but a misunder- 
 standing occurred about disputed rights, which 
 terminated fatally to the former. 
 
 • The familiar style he was known by at the time. This family was 
 afterwards elevated to the peerage, and assumed other names in addition 
 to Agar. 
 
RIGHT HON'. HENRY FLOOD. 69 
 
 The pistol was considered a more honorable 
 mode of deciding political differences than logic, 
 rhetoric, or constitutional means. Duelling was 
 thought by many, in those days, an eclat neces- 
 sary to character ; a good shot might with greater 
 confidence spit forth the aspic venom of his 
 nature, or when it failed, he might freely exercise 
 a loud voice and determined gesture. 
 
 Mr. Agar was a practised shot, and felt perfect 
 security in his skill ; he, therefore, readily chal- 
 lenged his opponent to end their electioneering 
 dispute. Mr. Flood accepted the message, and 
 a meeting took place at Holyhead, where Agar 
 was slightly wounded ; but so incensed was he 
 at having missed his adversary, that before the 
 election was ov«r Mr. Flood received a second 
 cartel. The hostile interview took place on the 
 race course of Kilkenny, where lots were drawn 
 for the first fire : Agar got it ; he aimed, and 
 grazed Flood, but without wounding him. Agar 
 demanded, in the voice of a stentor, for Flood to 
 fire ; he did so, and shot him through the breast. 
 Before sufficient medical aid could be procured 
 Agar expired. This lamentable circumstance 
 caused deep chagrin to Mr. Flood ; and an 
 important correspondence was interchanged be- 
 tween lord Charlemont, lord chancellor Lifford, 
 and Mr. Flood, on the mode of justificatory trial 
 to be pursued. 
 
70 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD LIFFORD. 
 
 " My good Lord, 
 
 " The precedents which your lordship left, being 
 very defective, I have caused a diligent search to be made at 
 the secretary's office from the beginning of the present century, 
 but without discovering any one precedent which, in my appre- 
 hension, applies to the present case. Under these circumstances 
 it will be too much for me, in so delicate a business as this is, 
 to make myself responsible for a measure which seems open 
 to the objection of its being unprecedented ; an objection 
 which, in any thing respecting the administration of justice, is 
 with me a formidable one. 
 
 "I must, in justice to his excellency my lord lieutenant, 
 lay before him the result of my inquiry, and it is probable 
 that he will, as seems to be natural, call upon the attorney and 
 solicitor-general for their opinion ; and possibly they, in their 
 knowledge and experience in public business here, may recol- 
 lect something that may afford more light than is to be had 
 from searches at public offices. Your apology last night 
 was quite unnecessary to me, who can never think it any 
 any trouble to receive your lordship's commands, and who am 
 happy whenever I can give you any just proof of my respect. 
 I shall return my answer to my lord lieutenant's letter to-day. 
 I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect, 
 
 " My lord, your lordship's 
 
 " most obedient and faithful 
 
 " humble servant, 
 
 "LirroRD," 
 JJrumcomlra, Sunday morning, 
 Wth September, 1769. 
 
RIGHT HON HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 71 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT TO MR. FLOOD. 
 
 " My dearest Flood, 
 
 " In truth I have passed but a bad night ; this 
 morning, however, I have been somewhat comforted by the 
 consequences of a visit which I made to the chancellor. 
 Determined to try a new method, I resolved to talk of the 
 lord lieutenant's behaviour in a more violent style than what I 
 had hitherto used. ' My lord,' said I, ' I am come to inform 
 you, that a petition has yesterday been presented from the 
 
 borough of L d, desiring, &c. ; to which his excellency 
 
 has been pleased to give a most extraordinary answer, that he 
 would consult your lordship upon the matter, which, as you 
 well know, he has ah'eady done long since ; so that, by what I 
 perceive, the affair is left in the same situation in which it was 
 a month ago. Now, my lord, is not this conduct most 
 amazing ? What must we judge of it ? What but that which 
 every one does think, that his excellency has a mind to 
 prevent Mr. Flood's attendance in parliament, till some 
 favorite scheme be agitated, to which he fears my friend's 
 opposition.' The chancellor seemed startled, but endeavoured 
 to excuse him by talking of his dilatoriness and indolence. 
 ' My lord, that may possibly be ti'ue, but no one will believe 
 it, nor think it possible that a person in his character should 
 not be actuated by a motive of a much worse kind ; and, 
 indeed, if that should be the case, some friend ought to let him 
 know the certain consequence which must follow from this 
 dilatoriness, and the infinite mischief he will bring upon him- 
 self by it.' Some more conversation of this kind ensued, when 
 at length he told me that he now saw the matter in a very 
 different light ; that the petition had entirely altered the state 
 of the question ; that if no objection upon further conside- 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 III. 
 
7^ MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, ration should occur, he now saw none to the measure, and 
 ^^^' should certainly recommend it ; that he should see the 
 lord lieutenant this day, who would undoubtedly mention 
 it to him. 'For heaven's sake, my lord,' said I, 'don't leave 
 it to him ; speak to him yourself about it, or ten to one it may 
 as usual be omitted or forgot.' ' I certainly will,' said he, 
 * and every thing in my power shall be done ; in the meanwhile, 
 I would have you know of Mr, Flood whether he has any 
 objection to the judges Henn and Smith, who, as youngest 
 judges, will probably be appointed. For, if he has, I shall 
 take care that others be sent in their place.' For this reason 
 principally I send off this letter by express, in order that you 
 may answer it by the same express, and inform me whether 
 those judges are pleasing to you. Matters are now, I think, 
 upon a good footing, and the only fear I now have is of the 
 attorney and solicitor. 
 
 " Lord Annaly is now in town, so that, if you think of bail, 
 you ought to come to town." 
 " Wednesday 11th, one o'clock." 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Bayley's Office, Sept. 6. 
 "My bearest Flood, 
 
 " On a consideration of your letter, which I this 
 day received, I thought it not improper to wait on our friend 
 the chancellor, from whom I am this minute returned. I told 
 him that I had heard from you, and that you having applied 
 for the commission, did suppose that lord Townshend has 
 already refen'ed the matter to him ; and, in consequence, had 
 desired me to apply to Mr. Wolfe, in order that precedents 
 might be laid before him. He answered, that he had as yet 
 heard nothing of the matter from the lord lieutenant ; but had 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 7^ 
 
 already considered the point, and did believe that precedents 
 might be found; and that, when referred to, he should take 
 care to put the affair upon the proper footing, renewing the 
 warmest assurances that, in every thing not inconsistent with 
 the law of the land, he should be happy to serve you. He 
 desired, however, that I would take cai-e that Wolfe should 
 have the precedents in readiness. Those two you mention he 
 was already apprised of ; indeed, I had mentioned them to him 
 before. I then told him that, supposing the commission to be 
 granted, I believed you would not choose that the trial should 
 come on before the first week in October, premising that I now 
 spoke to him rather as a person who honored me and my friend 
 with his friendship and good wishes, than as the lord chan- 
 cellor ; and therefore begging, that if my ignorance or zeal 
 should induce me to mention anything improper, he would be 
 so good as to stop me. He replied, that with regai'd to the time, 
 it could not be earlier than what I had mentioned, as time is 
 always given upon these occasions to prepare for a defence ; 
 and that, even whep the time had been appointed, you might 
 have it postponed, by alleging that you were not ready. 
 
 " I now hinted delicately and distantly, that I did believe 
 there were certain persons who might not be so eligible, &c. 
 Here he stopped me with — ' this, perhaps, may not be quite 
 proper : if there be any person a relation to the deceased, or 
 any one who can be supposed to harbour any resentment 
 against the person to be tried, these, as men of honor, must 
 refuse the commission.' And after thinking a little, he added, 
 * I don't know but that I may think it right, when the appoint- 
 ment shall be made, to call upon your lordship, as a person so 
 nearly connected with your friend, to desire to know of you, 
 whether any exception lies against such appointment.' This, 
 with many strong professions of desire to serve you, was the 
 sum of our conversation, which I have put down in such a 
 huiry, as my eyes ache sadly, that I fear you will scarcely 
 understand me. On the whole, all goes on, I think, very 
 
74 
 
 CHAP. 
 III. 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 well ; but I wish my lord lieutenant would be speedy. I only 
 fear the desire of keeping you from parliament, for which reason 
 I tell every where that the offence is bailable- 
 
 " The chancellor, unprovoked too, made use of an expres- 
 sion that pleased me : ' it would be most dishonorable and 
 unworthy to keep an affair of this kind hanging over such a 
 man's head during the session of parliament. 
 
 " Pearson is out of town, but Bayley has undertaken your 
 business. 
 
 " No excuses for heaven's sake ! Is not your business really 
 my own ? Indeed it is so much like my own, that I wonder 
 I go about it with so much alacrity. 
 
 " Adieu my dearest, dear friend ; write to me immediately. 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Sunday Morning. 
 " My dearest, dear Flood, 
 
 " Without making any remarks upon it, I send 
 you, by express, the inclosed letter from the chancellor, which 
 has, indeed, given me the greatest uneasiness. His arguments 
 to me against granting the commission, in the two last visits 
 which I made him, were, — that there is no precedent where a 
 commission has been granted at the request of the defendant ; 
 that the legality of such procedure may be doubtful, as he has 
 met with a passage in lord Coke which seems to point that 
 way. That unless the measure were clear from all objection, it 
 would not only be dishonorable for you, but might also be 
 attended with bad consequences to you, as an appeal might be 
 made. Notwithstanding this perhaps too great caution of his, 
 he is, I am convinced, sincerely your friend, which truth, the 
 trouble which he shows at not being able immediately to comply 
 with your desire, and the pains he has taken in this affair, 
 sufficiently evince. Still I think, however, there are some 
 
HIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 75 
 
 ho])es ; but should they fail, for God's sake come to town, and give chap. 
 in bail at the king's bench, as soon as it is possible so to do. 1 ^^i- 
 
 will not tell you how greatly I am distressed at the ill success 
 of my negotiation, because you well know how warmly, how 
 sincerely, how really I am your friend. 
 
 " The chancellor agreed perfectly with me, that the present 
 agitation of the country was a strong additional reason for the 
 measure ; and seemed to wish it as warmly as I could do. He 
 thinks, that in case you should fail in regard to the commission, 
 you ought to consider whether it will not be more eligible to 
 be tried at the kinsr's bench. 
 
 It would have been improper to have mentioned 
 this painful incident and to have omitted the 
 above letters, which give an insight into the 
 motives and elevated character of lord LifFord 
 on a delicate matter, wherein all the efforts of 
 private intimacy could not shake him from the 
 impartial attributes of his high office, which he 
 so justly felt. 
 
 After a judicial investigation, Mr. Flood re- 
 sumed his parliamentary duties. 
 
 The exertions of the preceding eight years had 
 done much ; — a few distinguished men had worked 
 a visible change in the policy of government, and 
 which now auspiciously began to operate more in 
 unison with a representative system. The period 
 of lord Townshend's administration was univer- 
 sally allowed to be the spring-time of a practical 
 adaptation of the British constitution to Ireland. 
 
76 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. A bill for rendering" the judges permanent had 
 v^^-y-i^ received a virtual sanction ; and the bill for 
 limiting the duration of parliaments in this king- 
 dom passed in its octennial form. The aurora of 
 freedom had risen with healing on her wings, and 
 smiled with promises of benefits to come. 
 
 An authority * of discrimination has said,— 
 " There can be no doubt, that it was mainly 
 owing to the energy, the ability and the perse- 
 verance of Mr. Flood, who stood out from the 
 rest of his contemporaries at this early period, 
 with a bold distinctness that rendered him the 
 principal figure in the picture.'* And it for- 
 tunately happened that there was a virtuous 
 coincidence in the motives and actions of lord 
 Charlemont and his friend ; and what the earl t 
 desired above all things, but was incapable of 
 giving utterance to in the commons, his friend 
 conveyed in a chaste and convincing eloquence. 
 The noble lord's nervous temperament was to 
 him an insuperable impediment to public speak- 
 ing, and he was not a member of the commons, 
 though Armagh wished to return him ; hence he 
 was invariably obliged to depend on an able 
 leader, and he avers in his letters " that he would 
 neither sign a protest, nor make a political en- 
 gagement, without first consulting his friend." 
 
 * Dublin University Magazine. 
 
 f He was not at this time an earl ; that creation was subsequent. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENUY FLOOD. 77 
 
 The leader of the opposition of the house of 
 commons was eminently successful in the promi- 
 nent acts which passed in lord Townshend*s 
 viceroyalty. At first he was inclined to give 
 adhesion to this government, from his cordial 
 intimacy with Mr. Charles Townshend, the secre- 
 tary, from whom much was expected. The 
 preceding letters of lord Charlemont testify the 
 intricacies and uncertainties coimected with any 
 minister's policy for Ireland ; which, indeed, may 
 be attributed to the concatenation of circumstances 
 with an equal probability as disinclination. Mr. 
 Flood says,* — " I never opposed lord Townshend 
 till after the prorogation and protest. — Now 
 what did I oppose ? — The violation of the privi- 
 leges of this house with regard to money bills, 
 and the wanton augmentation of offices by the 
 division of the board of commissioners into two 
 parts." The nature of his opposition was marked 
 more by a high-minded direction of policy, than 
 a factious hostility. In one of the ephemeral 
 essays of that time, we have a strict delineation 
 of the course he pursued. 
 
 t " But what language can we find to express 
 our gratitude to him, who proved by irrefragible 
 
 • Irish Parliamentary Debates, 1783. 
 
 f This sketch has been attributed to sir Hercules Langrishe, one of the 
 writers of the " Barateriana. " 
 
78 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. arguments our inability to support the expense 
 v^-y-^ which would be incurred by the intended 
 increase of foxes ! * 
 
 *' His calculations were so fair, that even your 
 own scribe was forced to acknowledge they were 
 just. Indeed, upon whatever subject this cham- 
 pion of our liberty speaks, he does so with such 
 knowledge, accuracy, and perspicuity, that one 
 would imagine that subject had been the particular 
 and chief object of his inquiry. 
 
 " Does he make calculations ? — what mathe- 
 I matician more exact. Does he plead his country's 
 cause ? — what breast does not glow with patriot- 
 ism ; he seems nearly to approach that great 
 original, Demosthenes — whom he so well under- 
 stands. He_Jias all his fire, brevity, and perspi- 
 cuity. And, we trust, he will be handed down 
 to posterity not only as a genius and orator, but 
 what is much more to his honor. 
 
 " Your excellency (lord Townshend) we are 
 certain, will excuse this digression on the character 
 of one you cannot help but admire." 
 
 It would appear from this essay, that the 
 financial plans, and an undue exercise of power 
 by the viceroy, were the debated points. The 
 opposition were, at this time, more numerous 
 than those which preceded ; and were additionally 
 
 * Placemen. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 79 
 
 formidable from being composed of the leading chap. 
 families in the kingdom, assisted by great parlia- ^^^yyiu 
 mentary talents. 
 
 " The exertions in the commons were consi- 
 derably aided from without by the fugitive pieces, 
 and pasquinades by anonymous writers ; those 
 comprised in the * Barateriana,' were most favored, 
 from their elegance of composition, sarcastic wit, 
 and pointed and brilliant figures. 
 
 The chief governor was facetiously designated 
 Sanclio, and his immediate adherents had appro- 
 priate cognomens, which thinly veiled their 
 political delinquencies and vices, which were not 
 allayed by a single patriotic virtue. There was 
 some exaggeration on the part of" Barateriana ;"* 
 and if they were deficient in epigrammatic turn 
 and delicate satire, at least, their imitative talents 
 were felt, for the drastic and scourging effect of 
 Juvenal. 
 
 After the close of the session, lord Townshend 
 returned to England ; and a gentlemant whose 
 traits are penciled with happy boldness, relieved 
 with the justest lights and shades, proposed to the 
 commons a vote of thanks to his majesty for the 
 continuance of his excellency as viceroy. The 
 
 * The eminent writers were, Sir Hercules Langrishe, Mr. Grattan, 
 (then a young barrister not in parliament), and Mr. Flood. 
 
 I Mr. Hutchinson in the " Barateriana." 
 
80 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. motion caused Mr. Ponsonby to resign the 
 ,^^-Y-^j speaker's chair ; Mr. Flood dissented, and with 
 him the opposition. 
 
 Mr. Perry, whom the historian says, "Jirom a 
 patriot had become a courtier"* was elected by 
 a government majority to be speaker, who in 
 lord Northumberland's ministry was remarkable 
 as leader of the " flying squadron,'* a party the 
 well known couplet of Lucretius would describe. 
 
 Mr. Perry voted for the continuance of lord 
 Townshend, after his excellency's censure on the 
 commons, expressed in a protest. The viceroy 
 resigned ; but the parliamentary triumphs were 
 important. The fundamental franchise, without 
 which "the house of commons was but a shadow, "t 
 was obtained, — the practice of the Irish privy 
 council to certify money bills to the British, was 
 rejected. This last effort determined his excel- 
 lency to exile the parliament from the capital, by 
 a long prorogation. 
 
 Without resting on barren and uninteresting 
 spots, in the interval of time before the measures 
 of lord Harcourt, we may pass to where the view 
 is more extensive and varied, and to objects 
 more worthy of any memorial. 
 
 * Gordon's Hist. vol. ii. 
 
 f The impotence of the Irish legislature, before 1 768, is truly described 
 in the " Philosophical Survey." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 81 
 
 It has been said, with every degree of proba- 
 bility, that the fugitive pieces of political satire 
 in prose and verse tended to overwhelm and 
 confound the courtiers and government of lord 
 Townshend, fully as much as the formidable 
 opposition. This remarkable effect leads the 
 biographer to relate the current opinions that 
 Mr. Flood had pretensions to the authorship of 
 Junius. And without more than recording a 
 few anecdotes on the subject, he may have had as 
 well sustained pretensions, as some who have been 
 put forward ; since hypothetical arguments, 
 however lengthened, in support of a particular 
 and popular personage, do not give greater 
 certainty to the fact.* 
 
 A literary inquiry so curious as the authorship 
 of the celebrated letters of Junius, has baffled 
 for years the most ingenious conjectures. The 
 nearer we approach the object of our inquisitive- 
 ness, when we are almost about to place the chaplet 
 of immortal bays on the head of the supposed 
 author, he eludes the completion of our labor, 
 — like a delightful delusion of nature which 
 pictures to our vision an imaginary object that we 
 pursue with confidence till nearness informs of 
 its unreality. It is fortunate Junius has left no 
 
 • Lord Rosse has been mentioned, as strongly of o[)inion that Mr 
 Flood was Junius. 
 
82 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 III. 
 
 CHAP. certain trace of his personal distinctness, — no 
 clue to say, he was the man. 
 
 Mr. Flood, however, possessed much of the 
 peculiar genius of that writer, and a classic 
 commentator* remarked, when the political war- 
 fare was carrying on, that his satire had much of 
 the epigrammatic point of Archil ocus. The 
 time Mr. Flood flourished, his politics, his 
 compositions, and his position in society, gave a 
 sort of colouring to the supposition that was 
 hazarded by many of his acquaintances, regarding 
 his identity with Junius. The following anecdotes, 
 however, are all the materials with which the 
 biographer has to sustain the fact. Colonel Luttrel, 
 (the first lord Carhampton), was a great stickler 
 for abuses, particularly in the army and pension 
 estimates ; he gave bitter and unmitigated oppo- 
 sition to any measure suggested by Mr. Flood, 
 for their diminution. In one of the letters of 
 Junius the colonel is exhibited in no very enviable 
 position. He happened to visit the house of a 
 friend, whom he found attentively perusing a 
 paper : — * What are you reading?' inquired Luttrel 
 — * A letter of Junius,' responded his friend, ' who 
 do you think is he ?' — * Why,' said the colonel, 
 * to be sure, that d d fellow, Harry Flood.* 
 
 • Author of the " Principal Characters." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 83 
 
 III. 
 
 The conjecture of colonel Luttrel operated as a chap. 
 well-attested fact, and gave an acerbity to his 
 observations, within and without the doors of 
 parliament, when opposed by his Junius. 
 
 When sir Lawrence Parsons was on a visit at 
 Farmley, one evening the conversation turned on 
 Junius. Mr. Flood, who had been in his study, 
 entered the room just as lady Frances said that 
 Junius ought to make his real name known. Mr. 
 Flood sat down, and looked fixedly at lady 
 Frances ; the conversation on the authorship 
 dropped, and afterwards Mr. Flood turned it to 
 some other subject. Sir Lawrence Parsons 
 thought he traced, in the manuscript of the 
 letters at Woodfall's, the small, cramped, hand- 
 writing of lady Frances Flood. 
 
 The question he put to a connexion of his, is , 
 characteristic enough of the man, and of Junius. 
 ' What is your definition of a secret ?' — * A cir- 
 cumstance only known to two persons.' — * No ;* 
 replied Mr. Flood, * it ceases to be a secret the 
 moment it is known to any one hut yourself* 
 
84 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 From 1773 to 1780. 
 
 Mr. Flood goes to England. — Letter from lord Camden. — The political 
 coterie of lords Camden and Chatham and Mr. John Pitt. — Lord 
 
 Charlemont's opinion of men in office, how judged Lord Harcourt, 
 
 Sir John Blaquiere, and Mr. Flood — Character of a chief secretary 
 for Ireland. — Character of sir John Blaquiere ; of lord Harcourt. — An 
 absentee tax supported by government. — Mr. Fortescue's speech and 
 proposition. — Theonorous debt. — But two taxes available. — Lampoons 
 
 on Flood, Hutchinson, and Burgh Lord Charlemont's letters. — Mr. 
 
 Flood, vice treasurer. — His motives explained. — Mr. Jenkinson's 
 and Mr. Webb's letters — Unfounded statements of Mr. Hardy. — Lord 
 Charlemont's position among Irish patriots — Acts of the administra- 
 tions of lords Harcourt and Buckingham. — The volunteers. 
 
 Mr. Flood took his departure for England, 
 where his political connexions were rather 
 influential than numerous. A letter from lord 
 Camden is introduced, to indicate the circle of 
 statesmen he moved in : — 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CAMDEN. 
 
 « Sir, 
 
 " I was very unfortunate tliis morning to be abroad 
 when you did me the honor of calling at Camden Place j and 
 I was the more vexed, as I returned not ten minutes after you 
 was departed. I shall hardly forgive your impatience to leave 
 my house, unless you will favor me with a second visit, and 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 85 
 
 give me an opportunity of renewing an acquaintance which 1 
 remember to have been connnencecl between us some years ago 
 at Bath.* It is hard to say whether I wish it more upon your 
 own account, or upon lord Lifford's recommendation. If you 
 will be only so good as to let me know by a line if you intend 
 me this favor, your letter will reach this place every day in the 
 week at seven o'clock in the morning; but you must not return, 
 as you did to-day, before you have fau'ly seen the place, as well 
 as the owner. 
 
 " From your most obedient, and 
 " faithful servant, 
 
 "Camden." 
 Aiuj. 12, 1773, Camden-place. 
 
 But the principles distinctive of the two great 
 parties contending for power, were apart and 
 inapplicable to' the state of Ireland, then a weight 
 of little consequence in the imperial balance of 
 power. The justness of lord Charlemont's 
 opinion on this point is strikingly apposite, 
 when he says to his co-patriot, — *' Men in office i 
 are to be judged by their actions alone ; I will ' 
 suspend my judgment till I see the good or evilj 
 effects of their administration." Such was the* 
 uncertain policy with regard to Ireland, when 
 lord Harcourt came over as viceroy. Mr. Flood 
 was written to by sir John Blaquiere, secretary 
 and confidential adviser to his excellency : 
 
 * With lord Chatham and Mr. John Pitt. 
 
86 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 IV. 
 
 CHAP, several notes, indicative of the light Mr. Flood 
 was placed in at this juncture, remain ; one, 
 however, will suffice to attest the fact. 
 
 LETTER FROM SIR JOHN BLAQUIERE. 
 
 " Castle, Uth Feb. 1774. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " Surely you must well know that my lord lieutenant 
 is always at home to see you, when you desire it. I am at this 
 moment preparing dispatches, which must be sent off before 
 two o'clock ; and I believe we are are all engaged to be in the 
 house soon after that hour. I am, nevertheless, at your service 
 when you please. I shall not stir till I go to the house, and I 
 shall always be happy to wait upon you, being 
 
 " Most faithfully, 
 
 " your obedient servant, &c. 
 
 "J. Blaquiere." 
 
 He certainly was courted and honored with 
 every degree of confidence by his excellency and 
 the secretary ; in return, he lent a dignified 
 support to many of the government measures. 
 The ordinary character of a chief secretary for 
 Ireland is thus described by a contemporary 
 writer. — "The efficient minister of a lord 
 lieutenant is commonly considered as the 
 transient enjoyed of an official department, un- 
 connected with the country, and only concerned 
 to execute with punctuality the orders he had 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 87 
 
 received. The permanent prosperity of the 
 nation is, with him, a secondary object, while the 
 temporary ease and convenience of his master's 
 government is his aim, and the splendor or 
 emolument of his own administration is his 
 end ! But should a secretary attempt to reside 
 in that kingdom to which he had come as a 
 guest of short continuance, — should he have 
 formed there the dearest and tenderest con- 
 nexions, and should he have acquired, by their 
 means, considerable and extensive property, he 
 is impelled by the most powerful motives to a 
 decided regard for the lasting welfare of the 
 country, and cogently induced to give to the 
 statesman a strong colouring of the character of 
 the citizen." 
 
 " Sir John Blaquiere is the only secretary we 
 remember to have resided here after the termina- 
 tion of his ministerial office, and though doubtless 
 during its continuance, some exceptionable 
 measures were introduced and carried, yet one 
 boon was offered to the acceptance of Irishmen, 
 of such magnitude and importance as could have 
 fully compensated for many faults, and which 
 nothing but the most unaccountable caprice or 
 undue private influence caused to be rejected — 
 The tax on absentees* — that eminent feature of 
 
 * A tax much in favor with the educated and resident proprietary of 
 Ireland, in 1773. 
 
88 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 his administration evinced a sedulous attention to 
 the truest interest of the nation, and a sincere 
 desire to promote it. Without a most fortuitous 
 concurrence of accidents it will never again be 
 offered to our option ; but the offer justly entitles 
 sir John Blaquiere to the meed of public gratitude. 
 
 As he inherits from nature a masculine under- 
 standing and good sense, and has taken pains to 
 store his mind with no small fund of useful and 
 various knowledge, the matter of his speeches 
 has real merit, being pregnant with instruction 
 and weighty with information ; not heedlessly 
 gleaned or negligently produced, but selected 
 with judgment and prepared with ability. Since 
 he ceased to be a minister, though possibly, too 
 compliant in general with his successors in office, he 
 has, in a variety of instances, manifested a warm 
 inclination to promote the trade, to improve the 
 manufactures, and to advance the^ agriculture of 
 Ireland. 
 
 Such is the biographic notice of sir John 
 Blaquiere,* written by a member of the Irish 
 university, a person! of no ordinary powers of 
 discrimination, and from the anonymous character 
 he assumed, may be fairly supposed to have 
 written his characters without undue bias. 
 
 * Mr. Hardy treats him with contemptuous pleasantry. 
 f Mr. Scott, M. A. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 Of lord Harcourt it may be said, lie was. 
 distinguished for benevolence, generosity and) 
 kindness, — those " leniores aniincB virtutes"\ 
 which captivate the aifections. In his political 
 capacity he is represented as a different personage 
 from lord Townshend, " being fitted quietly to 
 follow the directions of the British ministry," but 
 after an administration of between four and five 
 years he was removed because he was not suffi- 
 ciently obsequious.* His endeavours to amelio- 
 rate Ireland were numerous, considering the 
 portentous difficulties Great Britain as well as 
 Ireland had to contend with. 
 
 In the Autumn of this year, 1773, Mr. Flood 
 and lord Charlemont returned to Ireland. The 
 object of the* former was to obtain from lord 
 North a favorable consideration of commercial 
 propositions and a moderate tax on " monies 
 transmitted to landlords not residing in the 
 kingdom,^* At that time there appeared no 
 other possible means of alleviating the country, 
 burthened with a national debt of nearly a million. 
 A right honorable member, Mr. Fortescue, ener- 
 getically defined the subject in these words : — 
 " When I mention the word abse7itee, I mean a 
 person possessed of landed property in this 
 kingdom which he never sees, and where he has 
 
 * Gordon's History, vol. II. 
 
 89 
 
90 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 no habitation, out of which he draws as much 
 money, and spends as little in it, as he possibly 
 can. We have gone on in the old Irish way 
 heaping- debt upon debt, — Pelion upon Ossa, — 
 till like the giants of old, we are now crushed 
 with the weight of them." 
 
 The only two taxes available were, one on 
 imported beer, the other on absentees, but of 
 such limitation that would not lead to a general 
 land tax. The proposition of this distinguished 
 senator (Mr. Fortescue) was simply,* — "That one 
 shilling in the pound be taxed on all sums 
 actually remitted owl of the kingdom to absefitee 
 landlords.^* 
 
 Mr. Flood's proposition was, "that a tax of 
 two shillings in the pound should be laid on the 
 net rents and annual profits of all landed 
 property in Ireland, to be paid by all persons 
 who should not actually reside in the kingdom 
 for the space of six months in each year." Mr. 
 Hardy says, — " This measure, for a long time 
 past very generally favored by the people of 
 Ireland, was particularly supported by Mr. 
 Flood in the house, and out of doors by lord 
 Charlemont, * who, however, was by no means so 
 zealous in the sequel for its adoption.'" Mr. 
 Hardy in his anxiety to adapt his statements to 
 
 * Gentleman's Magazine, 1773. f Hardy, vol. 1. p. 331. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 91 
 
 the opinions of the time in which he wrote, 
 (1812), and for a particular party, has laid 
 himself open to be contradicted by the evidence 
 of lord Charlemont's letters ; for in one of these 
 he writes to Mr. Flood, — " an administration 
 which, as you may well remember, I, even at 
 first, amidst all its Jlatteri?ig promises, suspected, 
 and which in every instance, one only excepted, 
 — the absentee tax, — I had strenuously and 
 uniformly opposed." The noble earl supported* 
 the absentee tax on three several occasions. 
 Twice when proposed by Mr. Fortescue and 
 Mr. Flood, in the first part of lord Harcourt's 
 government j and then again when Mr. Flood 
 was vice treasurer, and moved by him as a 
 minister of the crown. 
 
 It has been sophistically stated that, — " this tax 
 was very generally favored by the jjeople of 
 Ireland," — as if this portion of the community 
 were of minor or indifferent consequence, com- 
 pared with the great land holders. If this 
 financial scheme was untoward, so were the 
 necessitudes of the Irish nation. The tax was 
 not unprecedented or an innovation, for it was 
 practised in the reign of Richard the second. It 
 is fair to assume it was considered applicable to 
 the exigencies of the kingdom in 177^, for the 
 
 By the vote of the Hon. Mr. Caufield, M. P. for Charlemont, 
 
9^ MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 divisions in the commons were nearly balanced, 
 having- been 12 to 14,* and the last time a motion 
 was made by Mr. Flood, it was thrown out by 
 ministers changing their views during the debate. 
 
 Long preceding the acceptance of office by 
 Mr. Hussey Burgh and Mr. Flood, innumerable 
 pasquinades and satires issued from the press 
 written with the most poignant sarcasm, clothed 
 in such classic attire that something pleasant was 
 extracted from their very bitterness.t 
 
 The provostship was first conjectured as likely 
 to satisfy at once ambition and avarice in Mr. 
 Flood ; and the duke of Leinster was to find a 
 post for his protege, Burgh. A school-master 
 named Irwine, first invoked the classic muse at 
 the altar of the black Nemesis, not, indeed, to 
 reward, (one of the attributes of the goddess), 
 the virtues of these statesmen, but to chastise 
 them for joining ani/ administration, however 
 promising ! The inexorable Parcse had deter- 
 mined to cut the thread of their political 
 existence. Irwine was certainly the most 
 distinguished of these jealous patriot-poets, and 
 his imitations of the drama of ^schylus should 
 adorn this work, — though the " dramatis 
 
 * Annual Register, 1773. 
 
 f Translations from the Greek, in dramatic verse, dedicated to 
 Flood and Burgh. 
 
LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Dublin, March \8/h, 1775. 
 "After a tedious and anxious expectation, so tedious 
 indeed, tliat expectation was almost lost in despair, a letter was 
 at length brought me from my dear Flood ; I new the super- 
 scription, for I had not yet forgot your hand-writing, and 
 opened and read it with the utmost eagerness. It comes from 
 you — it contains assurances of your friendship — it is a mark of 
 your remembrance, and, as such, I thank you for it ; but is it 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 93 
 
 personce'' be all the monstrous progeny of 
 Tartarus, — had circumstances permitted. How- 
 ever, his arrangement was a strophe, antistrophe, 
 and chorus, with an apposite application of 
 mythic names to the objects of his vengeance. 
 
 The poet's vaticinations were, however, not 
 strictly indicative of the official cast of places. 
 Mr. Hussey Burgh accepted the high legal 
 rank of prime serjeant ; some time after, Mr. 
 Hutchinson honored the university of Ireland 
 by becoming provost ; and lastly, in October, 
 177'5, Mr. Flood was gazetted to the office of 
 vice-treasurer, and, at the time, a privy councillor 
 in both kingdoms. 
 
 Lord Harcpurt had now a united force of 
 influence and talent ; the hon. Mr. Caulfield 
 had supported his excellency, notwithstanding 
 lord Charlemont remained aloof. 
 
94 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 IV. 
 
 exacdy such a letter as the unprecedented interval in our 
 correspondence, your former kind and unlimited confidence, 
 and our long and uninterrupted friendship, had given me 
 reason, nay, perhaps a right to expect at the present crisis ? 
 I dare not answer this delicate question. Ask your own heart, 
 for mine may be mistaken. At least, I am sure that the two 
 first pages are perfectly useless : they are filled with excuses for 
 not having sooner answered the notification of my son's birth. 
 Excuses are civil, but are they friendly ? I wanted no answer 
 — it was not an answer — it was a letter I expected : but no 
 more of this — already I have said more than I intended ; but 
 there is a jealous sensibility in real friendship; it is alive all 
 over, and smarts at the slightest touch of neglect. Neither is 
 it always possible to restrain its effusions ; and, writing to you, 
 why should I endeavour it ? I have been ill too, nervously ill, 
 and of consequence am the more easily wounded. Disorders 
 of this kind have upon the mental eye an effect nearly simUai" 
 to that of the jaundice upon the corporeal organ, and the mind 
 tinges every object with its own dark colour. I have, indeed, 
 been very ill, and various vexations have contributed to make 
 me so ; but the approaching fine season may be of service, 
 and, if matters should turn out as I wish, the bustle of next 
 winter may prevent any ill consequence from that unsalutary 
 time of the year. 
 
 " You know this place too well to expect much news, and 
 are too much engaged in the important transactions of the busy 
 metropolis to prize any which I might be able to send you 
 from hence. A relation of grievances is not pleasant, and in 
 truth I have nothing else to send you. Every day produces 
 new cause of complaint. The present administration is such 
 as to make us look back even upon the last with regi'et, and this 
 leaden is even worse than the former iron age ; in short, my 
 visionary hopes that there might be a possibility of seeing 
 such an administration in this country, as might induce me to 
 alter my mode of conduct, are now absolutely at an end ; and 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 95 
 
 I firmly believe that, however ineffectually, I shall remain an 
 opponent even to my dying day. You have, no doubt, heard of 
 the college transactions : they have been whimsically enter- 
 taining ; but H and Mason have, I fear, ruined the cause, 
 
 and given triumph to the adversary, by refusing to sign the most 
 reasonable, and indeed, at present, the most necessary, of tests. 
 Yelverton, who has consented to sign it, is, as I hear with 
 pleasure, likely to succeed ; the provost, finding it impossible to 
 bring in the two members, will, it is supposed, join him, in 
 opposition to his first antagonists, and by that means may 
 possibly bring in his son. 
 
 " When shall I see you in Ireland ? I never longed for it 
 more, and that for many cogent reasons. I have a thousand 
 things to say to you. I wish you also to account for your long 
 and unprecedented silence, which my heart assures me you will 
 be able to do in the most satisfactory manner. Indeed, my 
 dearest Flood, notwithstanding the apparent gloom of my 
 letter, that heai't is still the same, and confidently believes 
 your's to be unalterable ; and bereft, as I have been for a tedious 
 inten'al, of every support to my confidence, I still trust that 
 the idem velle and idem nolle, that only true basis of friendship, 
 will still subsist between us, and that I shall ever remain, as I 
 now am, most sincerely, 
 
 " Yoi.r warmest and truest friend, 
 
 " Charlemont." 
 
 CHAP. 
 IV. 
 
 " Since I wrote the above, I am informed that Yelverton 
 absolutely disclaims the smallest connexion with the provost. 
 So much the better ; and I the more ardently wish him success. 
 There will be many elections warmly disputed, and some 
 changes ; whether for the better time will show — for the worse 
 they can hardly be. All our respects to lady Frances. My 
 love to such friends as you may see." 
 
96 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 The noble earl's brother, shortly after the date 
 of this letter, was lost in his passage from Holy- 
 head to Dublin, where his parliamentary duties 
 called him ; and we find in two or three of his 
 lordship's letters the most delicate tender of the 
 borough of Charlemont to his friend — " I wish I 
 were armed with an hundred votes, or what would 
 be nearly equal, with your unbiased tongue to 
 render my opposition thoroughly effectual. Yes, 
 from the bottom of my heart, I do most sincerely 
 hate and detest our present administration. 
 
 " Exclusive of public motives, for private 
 reasonSy if private they may be called, — it 
 seduced my brother, and has done far worse — it 
 has endeavoured to seduce my friend !" In the 
 same epistle the amiable lord writes — " Nothing, 
 not even the acknowledged fallibility of human 
 nature — even in the best of men — can give me a 
 right, even for a moment, to suppose that you 
 are capable of acting otherwise than as you ought ; 
 yet, what I have written you must see, for I 
 should esteem it a crime against friendship to 
 conceal from you any thought of mine which in 
 any way regarded you. Neither can I fear that 
 anything contained in this letter can possibly dis- 
 please you, when you consider that all I have 
 written proceeds from two motives only, which 
 are, I am confident, equally dear to you — Friend- 
 ship and Patriotism." 
 
LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Dublin, June 5th, 1775. 
 " Meph^us, a madman of the fourteenth century, wrote 
 an additional book to the -^neid ; and some blockhead or 
 other, if I remember right, even ha^iarded a supplement to the 
 Iliad ! These are authorities, though by no means excuses : 
 yet, bad as it is, (and it cannot be worse than I think it,) take 
 what follows : — 
 
 Hence with that adage proud. 
 By haughty stoics preached aloud. 
 
 That virtue is its proper meed ! 
 No ; bounteous heaven, her sons t' incite, 
 Hath plac'd in view the guerdon bright, 
 
 A guerdon bright indeed ! 
 Tis fame — for this my Henry stands 
 Firm in his country's cause ! 
 
 'Gainst ev'ry foe her right maintains. 
 Asserts her liberty, her laws ; 
 And views with scorn the hireling bands 
 Of mercenary, willing slaves, 
 Exulting in their chains ! 
 
 H 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 97 
 
 After forcibly putting the argument of opposi- 
 tion and patriotism being thereby discredited 
 among the people, the earl adds — " that of public 
 confidence, I am certain, applies more precisely 
 to you than any man since the fall of Pulteney — 
 
 ' Facilis descensus Averni : 
 
 Noctes atque dies petet atri janua Ditis : 
 
 Sed revocare gradum, suprasque evadere ad auras. 
 
 Hoc opus, hie labor est, 
 
98 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 For this the tyrant's frown he braves ; 
 
 Nor can the tempter's dangerous skill 
 
 Decline the soul to ill. 
 
 Or stoop his mind to shame ! 
 Though from her cloud of vapours bland 
 
 Rais'd from th' exhausted land. 
 Dark corruption round him shower 
 Riches, titles, pomp, and power, 
 Unmov'd his steady course he bends 
 To where the glitt'ring goal ascends. 
 And gains eternal fame ! 
 
 " Heaven grant that it may be so ; that you may ever 
 retain unimpaired those honors for which you were born ; and 
 that you may still continue an object of my admiration, as I 
 feel you ever must be the object of my love. Such are the 
 zealous, the warmest wishes of a faithful, a tender, but, alas ! 
 an anxious heart; which, though it be sufficiently sanguine to 
 hope the best, still, in a matter so essential to all its feelings, 
 cannot be entirely void of fears. Indeed, my dearest, dear 
 Flood, I am completely miserable about you. This impenetrable 
 gloom of mystery which still hangs over you — this cloud 
 which shadows and obscures the pious -^neas, disagreeably 
 puzzles my hopes, though it cannot extinguish them. I had 
 flattered myself that our meeting might have cleared the 
 important point ; but still shadows, clouds, and darkness rest 
 upon it ! Many and many are the causes which render this 
 state of uncertainty highly distressful to me ; and you know 
 me well enough to guess them all. Yet there is one cause 
 which, whatever it may cost me, for both our sakes, I think it 
 my duty to mention. You remember an interesting conver- 
 sation that passed between us not long before your departure. 
 At that time, as you may well judge by the tenor of my 
 conduct, compared with your knowledge of my sentiments, I 
 was thoroughly persuaded that you were as I wished you. / 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 99 
 
 then flattered myself ivith a hope of the most pleasing kind ; 
 and was almost selfish enough to ivish that you might have 
 occasion to make use of my offer.'^ But alas ! that dear 
 object of my heat't is now, J doubt, unattainable. The 
 uncertainty of your present situation, notwiihstanding my trust 
 and confidence in you, renders the execution of that darling 
 project moraWy impossible. For, though I woidd still stake my life 
 and fortune upon the propriety of your political condtict, my 
 conscience tells me that I have no right to hazard that ivhich is 
 not my oivn, but ivhich I hold in trust for my country. One 
 method alone remains, which would perfectly reconcile my 
 wishes to my duty, and would make me the happiest of mortals. 
 But this I need not now mention, and, if ever the mentioning of 
 it should be necessary, I woidd much rather it came from 
 you than from me. But no more of this ; — what I have ah'eady 
 said has shaken every nerve in my frame. It has come from 
 me like the teai'ing away a forked aiTow. Neither do I believe 
 it was necessary, ag I am certain that you are sufficiently 
 acquainted with my heart, and with all its feelings, to know as 
 well as I do all that passes therein, upon this delicate point. 
 Indeed, I should have mentioned it when we last met, but the 
 joyful surprise of our meeting, and the suddenness of your 
 departure, afforded me no opportunity. Adieu, my dearest, 
 dear Flood — I can write no more. Indeed I am not well — 
 my family, too, is still distressed. My child, though better, 
 is not yet well, and Mary is of consequence still uneasy ; an 
 anxiety of which I thoroughly partake. — Adieu. 
 
 " Believe me ever unalterably, 
 " your faithful, and 
 
 " truly affectionate friend, 
 
 " Charlemont." 
 
 * The borough of Charlemont. 
 
100 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 " Upon reading over my letter, I am thoroughly persuaded 
 that I have given myself a deal of unnecessaiy trouble, certain 
 as I am, from my thorough knowledge of your sentiments, of 
 your heart, and of its feelings and friendship for me, that this 
 matter must long since have appeared to you exactly in the 
 same light as it does to me." 
 
 *' That the noble earl would have chosen Flood 
 above any other man, to represent his boroug-h 
 interest, in the event of such interest being 
 required to secure his return to parliament, is 
 clear, we think, from the intimation which this 
 letter contains ; and the manner in which 
 principle triumphs over personal regards, and 
 the patriot rises above the friend, reminds us of 
 the purest days of Grecian and Roman virtue. 
 Flood must have been greatly struck by the 
 noble lord's magnanimous candour, as well as 
 touched by his affectionate expostulations."* 
 
 On Mr. Flood's return to his seat, Farmley, in 
 the county Kilkenny, he received the following- 
 letter, which is the last extant prior to his 
 acceptance of office. 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Dublin, Jtme I5th, 1775. 
 " My dearest, dear Flood, 
 
 " As you promise to write to me with respect to the 
 principal subject of my last, I will at present enter no farther 
 
 • Dublin University Magazine. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 101 
 
 into that point ; neither do I think it by any means necessary, 
 us I am thoroughly confident that all my ideas upon that head, 
 and all the thoughts of my heart with regard to it, are as well 
 known to you as they can be to myself. Of this, indeed I was 
 fully convinced, even before you told me so : and my letter 
 was rather calculated to confirm and to justify your already 
 formed opinion, than to give you any information respecting 
 my sentiments, which, how deeply soever they may be impressed 
 on my soul, I wear so much on the surface, that one far less 
 quicksighted than you are, both from natural sagacit}', and 
 from the sympathy of friendship, might easily have discovered 
 them. 
 
 " The letter which I wrote in answer to y our's from England, 
 desiring intelligence with regard to some particular points and 
 persons, was wholly taken up with a matter which appeared to 
 me far more important than any information I could have 
 communicated. I could, indeed, only have said in general, 
 that administration was unpopular, even among its own creatures 
 — that the kw real good men were daily more and more confirmed 
 in their opinion of the rectitude and necessity of opposition ; that 
 the fluctuating band would probably be fixed by their dislike to 
 the secretary, and by the critical period of the parliament ; that 
 a proper and unusual spirit seemed to be rising in the country, 
 especially in the northern parts ; and that the particular person 
 at whom you hint, was likely, as well from interest as from a 
 sort of acquired principle, to be firm and active, provided only 
 he were assured of concurrence and support, an assurance 
 which the tenor of the last session seemed to give him some right 
 to require. This was all I knew ; and even this appeared to 
 me a ground-work sufficient on which to build a respectable 
 opposition ; at least it was certainly so to one who thinks as I 
 do, that, though every possible method is to be pursued towards 
 the strengthening a national party, yet that a failure in success, 
 or even a certainty of defeat, is no reason for ceasing to oppose, 
 where there is well-gi'ounded reason for opposition. In truth. 
 
102 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 IV. 
 
 my dearest friend, I am well nigh sick of politics, and begin to 
 think that the utmost an honest man can do, in the present 
 state of affairs, is to preserve himself untainted, to watch the 
 turn of the times, in expectation of a more favorable conjunc- 
 ture, and to act, in the mean while, upon every occasion, 
 according to the unbiassed dictates of his conscience. An 
 opposition, exclusive of its success, is, I am convinced, 
 essentially and indisjjensably necessary to the existence of a 
 constitution circumstanced as ours is ; and the more respectable 
 and formidable it is, the better. I am also thoroughly persuaded 
 that no season ever called for and warranted opposition more 
 than the present. The share I shall have in this party, the 
 part I shall act, will ever be unimportant. Yet I have a name 
 — I have a character — I have, however inconsiderable it may 
 be, an hereditary following ; and nothing will, I trust, ever be 
 able to induce me — no, not all tlie wealth and pre-eminence 
 that kings can bestow, though I am, through my own folly, a 
 needy man, and though I am by no means unambitious of the 
 power of serving my friends, — to withdraw my mite from the' 
 almost exhausted treasury of the nation. There it shall lie ; 
 small as it is, it lies there free from interest ! With regard to the 
 plans of union, and to all those means which you call human, 
 I should be happy and proud, according to the utmost extent 
 of my abilities, to co-operate in them. But though they should 
 fail, as it is by no means improbable they may ; though our 
 numbers should be reduced to the few perhaps imprudent 
 men who think as I do ; nay, though I were left alone, 
 unassisted, and derided for my singularity, I should think it 
 stiU my duty to myself, however unprofitable it might be to my 
 country, to stand alone ; and, in doing that which I should 
 deem right, to dissent from every one. Every possible means 
 to procure success, or to render even defeat in some degree 
 profitable, ought undoubtedly to be pursued. But rectitude, 
 in the end, though it cannot command success, can never fail in 
 one great and important point, — the satisfaction of our own 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 103 
 
 conscience. Were I the member of a Roman republic, and . 
 that there existed a Caesar, I trust I should act the part of Cato ' 
 in one instance only excepted — that I would die in the attempt i 
 of the tyrant's destruction, rather than by my own hand. | 
 Excepting that single particular, he acted, I think, the only j 
 part which was left him to act. The gods take care of Cato ! I 
 So they did ; they gave him spirit to save himself from I 
 slaveiy, and to eternize his date by an immortal crown. 
 
 " With respect to the declaration to which you allude, I am 
 heartily sorry, my dearest friend, that we differ in opinion. 
 There is no point which I have weighed more carefully ; and 
 upon the most mature consideration, I am so thoroughly 
 convinced of the propriety of that measure, in the present 
 situation of affairs, that, were I myself now a candidate, I 
 would not suffer myself to be elected without having previously 
 made such a declaration, every one of which I look upon to be, 
 as far as it goes, a partial place-bill, and the only one assuredly 
 within our reach. I can, however, easily conceive a difference 
 of sentiments upon, this head : and according to his own opinion 
 every man must act. But that this is the light in which I see 
 it, and the only light in which I probably ever shall see it, 
 you have kindly and fairly concluded from the hint hazarded 
 in my last letter. 
 
 " You tell me that you wish I should pay you a visit at 
 Farmley ; so do I most sincerely — nothing could give me more 
 pleasure. Is there upon earth a man I love more than you, or in 
 whose comjjany I find more delight ? My affection for you must 
 be proof against every thing ; since even an interval of deviation, 
 (it is, thank fate ! no more,) in the idem sentire de Republica has 
 not been able to affect it. But indeed, my dearest friend, I am 
 by no means as yet in a state of health for excursions — I am 
 still liable to those cursed attacks upon my head and eyes, which 
 make my life miserable ; and have at this instant, in order to 
 obviate them, a perpetual blister upon my neck. Till the 
 physicians permit me to leave off this troublesome remedy, it 
 
104 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 is impossible for me to stir from home; and this was the principal 
 reason why I did not see you in England. They flatter me, 
 however, that a little time will put an end to this disagreeable 
 necessity ; and as soon as I can be certain that the stopping of 
 the blister is attended by no ill consequence, I shall be at liberty 
 to take my jjleasure, that is to say, to visit you. 
 
 " Your friendship, and not your judgment, approves of the 
 lines I sent you. The approbation, however, makes me happy, 
 for I would much rather you were my friend than my judicious 
 admirer. But I am not a little vexed at your supposing I 
 could have a better theme. 
 
 " Farewell my deai-est, dear Flood. All our compliments to 
 lady Frances ; and believe me, ever unalterably, 
 
 " Your faithful and 
 
 " truly affectionate friend, 
 
 " Charlemont." 
 
 " Lady C. directs this letter, and it is sealed with a Medusa's 
 head, for fear of openers." 
 
 Mr. Flood succeeded in the office of vice 
 treasurer of Ireland,* Mr. Jenkinson, afterwards 
 lord Hawkesbury, whose predecessor had been 
 the earl of Chatham. 
 
 The British cabinet was embarrassed by the 
 unfavorable turn which external politics had 
 taken ; and the ill-starred policy of lord North 
 
 * Since the days of sir Henry Sidney to the time of Mr. Flood, the 
 office of vice-treasurer had been considered the best appointment of the 
 crown in Ireland. It was useless in later times. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 105 
 
 required the assistance of an individual who 
 directed or influenced the greater part of the 
 Irish commons. The invidious, however, con- 
 sidered his acceptance as a dereliction from the 
 consistency of party views ; and others, a 
 desertion of the national cause. He had, 
 therefore, to contend with the malicious insinu- 
 ations of avowed enemies, and the aspic venom 
 of anonymous assailants. 
 
 Conscious rectitude may afford to contemn 
 ordinary slander, which emanates from a super- 
 ficial knowledge of the conditions, or crude 
 examination of the motives of the person. But 
 lord Charlemont's epistolary interposition with 
 his friend arose from the most elevated consi- 
 deration. 
 
 The first symptom of that jealous guardianship 
 of every honorable and patriotic action is 
 contained in the preceding letters ; and among 
 the many admirable ones, those selected for this 
 volume are most delineative of the motives and 
 actions of the noble earl and his friend. They 
 discover, too, the distrustful opinions of lord 
 Charlemont with regard to administrations 
 generally, when the improvement of the social 
 condition of the people of Ireland was concerned. 
 
 Doubtless, Mr. Flood must have been deeply 
 affected by the arguments and sentiments of an 
 individual so ardently devoted to his country, 
 
106 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 who, while his mind presented the justest 
 reflections on " the patriot in office and out of 
 office," his heart infused the warmth of an 
 affectionate regard. 
 
 We find the delicacy of this negotiation, which 
 was pending for a considerable time, unfolded in 
 the subsequent letter from Mr. Flood to lord 
 Harcourt, then viceroy. 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD. 
 
 " 1775. 
 "My Lord, 
 
 " About two months since, when I had the honor 
 to receive a message from your excellency, offering me the 
 vice-treasurership, I reminded your excellency that above a 
 year ago I signified to you in writing, by a friend of mine, 
 that I was not to be considered as a person who had pledged 
 himself to accept that office ; and that if any thing had passed 
 that led your lordship to that opinion, it was no longer to be 
 regarded as having passed. The waiting remains, and is alone 
 sufficient to prove that I cannot be charged with causing the 
 vice-ti'easurership to be vacated, or Mr. Fox's pension to be 
 granted, both of which events were long subsequent. 
 
 " Seeing afterwards in the London papers, however, various 
 reports about such a negotiation, I went, before last Christmas, 
 to a person of consequence in England, your excellency's 
 friend and mine, who had intei-posed with me first on the 
 subject of government, and to him I declared, in the most 
 express terms, that I would not accept that office : that person 
 did convey this to Mr. Jenkinson ; Mr. Jenkinson has since 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 107 
 
 told ine he refused to communicate it as a message to your 
 lordship ; but I was never apprised of that refusal ; nor can 
 his not communicating my desire affect me on the share I had 
 in the matter, which was none at all. Mr. Jenkinson certainly 
 knew my declaration before any negotiation began with him, 
 or with Mr. Fox ; hence it is clear that I was not responsible 
 for that pension. I saw that it must be highly disagreeable to 
 your excellency to be stated in England as having vacated, by 
 strong means, an ofBce of rank, without sufficient authority from 
 the person to whom it was to be offered. I wished to disembarrass 
 you by any reasonable concession; I wished to lighten the burden 
 to the public ; and if I could do neither by an absolute refusal, 
 and both by a conditional accepting of it, I thought it a duty 
 to the public so to accept it, retaining to myself the power of 
 relinquishing it at any time when public duty demanded such 
 a relinquishment. I declined the office, therefore, as it came 
 originally to me with the burden upon it ; but said that, if it 
 should come eased as to that incumbrance, I should not object 
 to it. In a subsequent conversation, Mr. Jenkinson stated, 
 that, by a retrenchment of £1000 a year, viz., the additional 
 salary of the Almager, Mr. Fox's pension would be counter- 
 balanced all but £700 a year ; and that by your raising of the 
 absentee tax, the net burden of the whole pension would be but 
 about £350. To this state of the matter, the restoration to the 
 kingdom of a great office with a considerable salary was to be 
 added, which in one light was a point of decorum and dignity 
 to the countiy, and in another was a point of pecuniary 
 advantage and national saving. I confessed that this state 
 altered the matter : it brought it so near in effect to the idea I 
 had originally stated, as one upon which I was capable of 
 accepting the office, that I thought it but candour to say, that 
 upon that ground I could concur on the subject, and possibly 
 disembarrass your excellency. Your lordship seeming to doubt 
 that lord North might have disposed of the office in the 
 interim, asked me whether I desired you should write to stop 
 
 CHAP. 
 IV. 
 
108 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. him from doing so ; I said not, my motive being to disem- 
 
 ^]^' BARRASS YOUR LORDSHIP, AND TO SERVE THE PUBLIC, 
 
 WHEREAS THAT WOULD HAVE THE APPEARANCE OF ASKING 
 THE OFFICE FOR MY PERSONAL EMOLUMENT. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, 
 
 "your excellency's most obedient, 
 
 " and most humble servant, 
 
 "Henry Flood." 
 
 It would appear that no person could have 
 been more sensitive of his public character, from 
 the stipulations on which alone he acceded to the 
 offer of becoming vice-treasurer of Ireland ; 
 besides the above explanatory letter, it was 
 agreed to make the " absentee tax" a government 
 question, with many other measures of a more 
 liberal and extensive tendency. That these 
 benefits were urged chiefly by Mr. Flood both 
 in the privy council and the house of commons, 
 during lord Harcourt*s viceroyalty, — that a 
 political land tax on absentees had, at first, the 
 approbation of the English and Irish govern- 
 ments, are sufficiently authenticated by lord 
 Rockingham's letter, wherein his lordship 
 says : — " Lord North's second answer to owr 
 application contains an explicit account of 
 the design. It is coloured over with the usual 
 pretences of supplying the revenue and restoring 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 109 
 
 public credit. But if the ordinary revenue of chap. 
 Ireland, by any management, is become, now in v^-v-*^ 
 the time of profound peace, so unequal to the 
 establishments as to require extraordinary aids, 
 we cannot conceive that the necessity of new 
 taxes can furnish a reason for imposing such as 
 are unjust. * * * * Many gentlemen* of 
 consideration for their interests and abilities, will 
 oppose this project in Ireland ; but, with the 
 previous countenance it has received here^ it 
 is to be apprehended their opposition may prove 
 ineffectual, and that the tax may be transmitted 
 to England before the end of November."t 
 There cannot be a more complete proof of lord 
 Rockingham's ignorance of the financial distress 
 of Ireland and the burden of taxation and 
 restriction with which it was afflicted ; neither 
 was there any tax X more just^ because then the 
 absentees were, compared with the period since 
 the union, few but of immense wealth, and hence 
 able to bear the very moderate imposition of two 
 shillings in the pound. Tiberius Gracchus could 
 not have suggested a more disinterested imposi- 
 
 * Those who were nominees, a very numerous body indeed. 
 
 f Letter to lord North, 
 
 \ The eflFect of this tax would have been to secure a resident nobility 
 and gentry ; consequently, local improvements around them, and a 
 general extension of the ways of social order : facts that no sophistry, 
 even from a political economist, can distort. 
 
110 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 tion ; and it was righteous because it saved the 
 poor and needy, and fell on the affluent, 
 luxurious, and anti-national. Lord Charlemont, 
 Mr. Brownlow, and Mr. Fortescue concurred 
 with Mr. Flood, in the propriety of this measure, 
 and their opinions, founded on a personal 
 knowledge of their country, were of far more 
 weight than the sophistical and selfish protests 
 of the five dissentient peers to whom lord North 
 succumbed. Besides, throughout Ireland the 
 project was received with acclamation. 
 
 The political reader ought to consider lord 
 Charlemont the point on which all the great 
 luminaries corradiated, and he reflected a 
 brilliancy that was not his own. His delicate 
 health, and his inability to speak in public, limited 
 his efi'orts to protests and interpositions. His 
 gentle nature was more remarkable for the 
 leniores virtutes, than bold pre-eminent genius. 
 He, therefore, directed his influence to secure 
 co-incident views in some individual leader of 
 the opposition in the Irish house of commons. 
 
 The circumstance of dean Marley recommend- 
 ing his young relative, Mr. Grattan, then a 
 barrister, to the noble earl for the representation 
 of the borough of Charlemont, was a fortunate 
 accident for the fame of both. And when the 
 oratorical powers of Mr. Grattan attained a 
 certain importance, from that moment lord 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. Ill 
 
 Charlemont rose conspicuously into notice as a 
 politician. But the impediments nature placed 
 in the composition of his character, irremediably 
 determined that he must be dependant on the 
 abilities and popularity of another, for political 
 renown, and though he might have been eminently 
 good, (and really was so) yet he never alone 
 could have been transcendantly great. He was 
 estimated therefore, in his political career by the 
 aggregate body according to the administration, 
 when his timid reserve was more or less manifest ; 
 during the Rockingham cabinet, when all was 
 unanimity, his position was brilliant and he shone 
 forth with the lustre of the eminent men who 
 gained the triumph of the constitution ; but in 
 the ministry of Mr. Pitt, when the political 
 atmosphere was more troubled, he faded away 
 almost imperceptibly. 
 
 Though a reformer and supporter of an 
 absentee tax, yet he was against the extension of 
 the elective franchise to catholics, and against 
 any measure which appeared democratic: hence 
 he alternately countenanced and discouraged the 
 volunteers and the delegates of the four provinces 
 of Ireland. 
 
 The intimation which we find in the letter of 
 Mr. Jenkinson may be considered a semi-official 
 notification to his successor ; and it is important 
 as it alludes to the difficulties that arose in the 
 
112 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 negotiation, which are minutely described by- 
 Mr. Flood himself in his letter to lord Harcourt, 
 and referred to by his confidential friend Mr. 
 Webb in a communication here subjoined : — 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. JENKINSON. 
 
 "London, Oct. I8fh, 1775. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " By a letter from Dublin I understand that you 
 have detennined to accejDt the office of vice-treasurer ; and I 
 see by the gazette that the king has already signed a letter, 
 appointing you to be my successor. Allow me to take this 
 early opportunity of expressing the joy which I feel on this 
 occasion. As a private man, I take a warm and sincere part 
 in every advantage that happens to yourself; and i lament 
 
 THAT IN THE PROGRESS OF THIS BUSINESS ANY THING SHOULD 
 HAVE HAPPENED THAT WAS DISAGREEABLE TO YOU. As a 
 
 public man, I rejoice that the king has brought into his service 
 a gentleman of so great importance, and of such distinguished 
 abilities. Permit me, at the same time, to make my acknow- 
 ledgments to you for the many proofs of friendship and regard 
 which I received from you during my residence in Ireland ; 
 and to assure you that I am, with great truth and regard. 
 
 " Dear sir, 
 
 " Your faithful humble servant, 
 
 " C. Jenkinson." 
 " My best respects attend lady Frances." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 113 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. WEBB. 
 
 " My Dear Sir, 
 
 " Immediately on the receipt of your letter I went 
 to Batli, and put the inclosed manuscript and printed paragraph 
 into hands of quick circulation : the next day I found that the 
 substance of both had made its way into most of the London 
 papers. It is asked — what security hath the public that a 
 salary taken from one office may not be annexed to another ? 
 I answer, that it is hard to make you responsible for the tem- 
 perance or vij'tue of men in power ; that the difficulty which 
 you have thrown upon administration to make an office fit for 
 your acceptance, proves in you a greater attention to the i^ublic 
 than to them, and should produce in us a fair presumption 
 that your future cenduct with regard to both will be of the 
 same complexion. On this ground, rejecting minuter circum- 
 stances, I dwell : — or, as your eloquent secretary would more 
 manfully express it, ' I fix my foot upon this rock.' Heavens! 
 how long shall eloquence assume the part of a prize-fighter, 
 and, half bold, half timid, balance under the shelter of a 
 hanging guard ? Restore her, for you can, to her wonted 
 dignity, and look into confusion the pi-inter s devils. 
 
 " Farewel, my dear friend. How is your health P How 
 does good lady Frances ? 
 
 " I am, 
 
 " Your ever faithful 
 
 " And affectionate friend and sen-ant, 
 
 " Daniel Webb." 
 " Newton, Uth A'ov., 1775." 
 
 CHAP. 
 IV. 
 
111< MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 Viewing- these papers collectively, they bear 
 clear evidence that the paramount motives of 
 Mr. Flood were to render a high office accessible to 
 Irishmen, hitherto reserved for members of the 
 British cabinet, and next, by becoming" a minister, 
 to exercise his influence in the privy council of 
 Ireland in forwarding measures which he had 
 unavailingly debated in parliament. Before tracing 
 in a very transient manner, the most remark- 
 able features of the governments of the lords 
 Harcourt and Buckingham, which comprise the 
 term of Mr. Flood's official capacity, we must be 
 permitted to correct some misrepresentations to 
 be found in the very partial work of Mr. Hardy. 
 
 There are feelings of the heart which instinct- 
 ively influence us to guard the laurel on the 
 consecrated tomb of genius, from wanton 
 aggression, or unsustained aspersion ; at the 
 time that our noblest feelings are thus exerted, 
 the mind controls them within truth and justice. 
 
 Mr. Hardy has stated — " Mr. Flood's object 
 in accepting a lucrative situation was the large 
 addition to his income, exhausted as his estate 
 then was by parliamentary and election contests 
 of various kinds," this is unfounded. 
 
 Mr. Flood possessed about five thousand pounds 
 a year unincumbered, exclusive of the fortune he 
 got with lady Frances Beresford. He had no chil- 
 dren — the elections from 1759 to I768 were three. 
 
IV, 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 11.5 
 
 The first was an uncontested election for the ' hap 
 county Kilkenny ; the second, on the accession of 
 George the third; and again, after the passing of 
 the octenniel bill : it may be, the second and third 
 were contested, but the constituents of Kilkenny 
 or Callan were not numerous, and tenants always 
 voted with their landlords. The above facts are 
 stated from the impression, that even the most 
 veracious are not to be depended on, where they 
 make an averment and give no authority for it. 
 Mr. Hardy again, has stated, " till Mr. Flood's 
 acceptance of office, he was the uniform friend 
 and supporter of lord Charlemont : their inti- 
 macy then ceased^* #*#*** 
 The whole tenor of the noble earl's correspond- 
 ence, both on the eve of the appointment of Mr. 
 Flood, and immediately subsequent, renders this 
 likewise unfounded, but the following sentence is 
 too apposite not to be cited : — *' My affection," says 
 lord Charlemont, " for you must be proof against 
 every thing ; since even an interval (it is, thank 
 fate ! no more) in the idem sentire de repuhlica 
 has not been able to affect itP So much for the 
 authority of Mr. Hardy. In like manner on many 
 particulars, he has been more anxious to establish 
 his own partial views, than the truth of the 
 
 * The indelicacy of such a statement, without evidence, or the possibility 
 of knowing accurately, is more malicious than veracious. 
 
116 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 cHAv transactions. Passing- unnoticed Mr. Hardy*s 
 
 v.^irY>^ epithets of " defection" and " rays of vanity," 
 
 we arrive at a more plausible paragraph. 
 
 " At such a period Mr. Flood indulged himself 
 with the prospect of an almost entire ascendancy 
 in the cabinet of Ireland. He flattered himself 
 that his talents could easily sway a very amiable, 
 1 very well bred incurious old nobleman, and an 
 active, adroit colonel of dragoons. In short, 
 like the Roman lyric poet, on another occasion, 
 he menaced many and charming things, and like 
 him too, he lived amid such menaces and his new- 
 occupations nor rightly according to the ideas 
 of others, nor agreeable to himself. He soon 
 discovered that the vice-treasurership was given to 
 him not to call forth any novel ambition, but as 
 far as it could effect it, to extinguish even the 
 embers of the old. The castle of Dublin was, 
 to him, the castle of indolence, and, like other 
 Irishmen of eminence, in those days, however 
 he might endeavour to win his way to power and 
 emolument, by public activity, he could only 
 obtain both by public repose.'* 
 
 This is altogether a misrepresentation. 
 " No despicable plans of private emolument — 
 no paltry schemes of party interest debased the 
 dignity of his character, or reduced him to the 
 low level of common men ; but his object was the 
 national welfare, and to improve the condition 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 117 
 
 of the people."* In the obituary of considerable ^^^^p- 
 persons t there is a lengthened account. Mr. \..^y^sj 
 Hardy compiled his book in 1812 (twenty-two 
 years after the death of Mr. Flood,) under cir- 
 cumstances which we presume made him forgetful 
 of, or indifferent to, that classical recommendation 
 which Doctor Middleton says was Cicero's, " that( 
 a writer should not dare to affirm what was- 
 false, or to suppress what was true; nor to givef 
 any suspicion of either favor or disaffection.'* » 
 
 To form our notions of a great man from some 
 separate points of conduct without regarding their 
 connexion with the whole, or the figure that they 
 make in his general character, is like examining 
 things in a microscope which were made to be 
 surveyed in the gross ; every mole rises into a 
 mountain, and the least spot into a deformity, 
 which vanish again into nothing when we contem- 
 plate them in their proper medium, and in their 
 natural light." t 
 
 However party feelings may have endeavoured 
 to mislead, it cannot be denied that lord Harcourt 
 administered the government of Ireland in a 
 high-minded and beneficent manner. The first act 
 on his arrival in the country, was calculated to 
 augur well. An extension of advantages to the 
 
 Principal Characters. f Gentleman's Magazine, 1791. 
 
 \ Doctor Middleton. 
 
118 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 IV. 
 
 Roman catholic propriatory, which was received 
 with acclamation and gratitude by them. — The 
 second was an absentee tax to enable the revenue 
 to meet the ordinary expenditure ; and thus by a 
 simple mode to avoid a complicated system of 
 finance, called " the Tontine scheme." * — The 
 third was the reduction of the twelve commissioners 
 of the revenue to seven, by which act alone 
 twenty thousand a year was saved, a considerable 
 item in the Irish budget ; these commissioners 
 were men of powerful interest, which rendered 
 their diminution a greater difficulty than can well 
 be imagined in the present time. The fourth was 
 a saving of the salary of the vice-treasurer, of 
 three thousand five hundred a year j as explained 
 in the letter of Mr. Flood to lord Harcourt. 
 The fifth, the passing of a militia law in the 
 Irish commons : moved by Mr. Ogle, at the 
 request of Mr. Flood. The sixth, the relaxation 
 of certain commercial restrictions. The seventh, 
 < — (the last act of the government of lord 
 Harcourt) — His excellency, in November, 177'^, 
 sent a message to the commons, desiring their 
 concurrence with the king's intention to send four 
 thousand men to America, thereby disburdening 
 the Irish finances of nearly one hundred thousand 
 a year. These soldiers were to be replaced by an 
 
 * Gordon's History of Ireland. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 119 
 
 equal number from England, without adding- to 
 the expenditure of Ireland. 
 
 The embargo which was placed on Irish exports 
 can in no way be attributed to the government 
 of lord Harcourt. It was, in fact, an exercise 
 of the prerogative which nothing less than the 
 untoward exigencies of Great Britain could 
 justify. 
 
 The social war with America annihilated, for a 
 time, the commercial resources of the capitalists 
 at home ; and, therefore, compelled lord North 
 to recommend an act of the crown, which 
 necessitated Ireland to share in the calamities 
 which endured for two years. 
 
 The efflux of Irish commodities was but scanty, 
 — a limited supply of linens and provisions : nor 
 was Ireland capable of carrying on, at this 
 period, an extensive and important trade with 
 foreign states, owing to the long continued com- 
 mercial restrictions, which settled trade and 
 capital in the neighbour-kingdom. 
 
 The sending four thousand men to America, 
 and the two years* embargo, formed two points 
 of exclamation in the famous invective of 
 Mr. Grattan, in 1783, (seven years after), but, 
 however we may admire the rhetorical figures of 
 that ardent orator, yet the first was with 
 the concurrence of both legislatures, in both 
 kingdoms j and the second an act of 'prero- 
 
120 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 gativCi during the prorogation of the Irish 
 parliament. 
 
 Neither lord Harcourt nor Mr. Flood, in point 
 of constitutional history, deserved to be stigma- 
 tized for acts arising from the necessitudes of the 
 empire. 
 
 His excellency was now removed from the 
 viceroyalty of Ireland. Why ? — Because he had 
 not sustained the plan of government laid down 
 by his predecessor, lord Townshend ; or, as an 
 historian* expresses himself, — " because he was 
 not energetic and obsequious enough to the 
 British cabinet." 
 
 The criteria by which we ought to be guided 
 in our opinion of lord Harcourt, are the mea- 
 sures passed by the legislature with the support 
 of government, the colonial embarrassments, 
 diplomatic relations with foreign powers, and 
 the domestic views of the "secret advisers"! 
 of the crown j thus comprehensively considered, 
 his excellency would be rather entitled to the 
 gratitude and praise of Irishmen, than any 
 expression of disparagement. 
 
 Before closing this part, it must be mentioned, 
 to Mr. Flood's advantage, that, even at this 
 early period, he urged in the privy council 
 the following important measures, which were 
 embodied in the concessions of 1782 : — 
 
 * Gordon's Hist, vol. ii. f Wraxall's Memoirs. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENllY FLOOD. 121 
 
 IV. 
 
 A limited mutiny bill for Ireland. That all chap. 
 altered money bills should be thrown out. That 
 privy council bills should not be defended by the 
 crown. 
 
 Every one acquainted with the political 
 history of Ireland,* of times antecedent to this 
 era, must be aware of the importance of three 
 such objects : for these he strove with all the 
 influence of his position.t 
 
 The two following letters cannot be omitted, as 
 showing how much the lord lieutenant confided in 
 Mr. Flood, and the sentiments of the latter with 
 regard to his countrymen at a crisis of invasion. 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD HARCOURT. 
 
 " Dublin Castle, August 20. 
 " Sir, 
 
 " I am Sony to hear that the nocturnal meetings are 
 
 not discontmued, as they may be productive of great disorder 
 
 and riot. The sheriff of the county has, I apprehend, ah-eady 
 
 suiEcient authority to call out the posse comitatus whenever the 
 
 exigencies of the case may require it ; and the army, when 
 
 called upon, is obliged, in common with all other subjects, to 
 
 assist the sheriff in the preseivation of the peace. Upon 
 
 inquiry at the office, it does not appear necessary to issue out 
 
 any particular order to the troops on this occasion ; but if you 
 
 know any two neighbouring justices, either of the county of 
 
 Kilkenny or Tipperary, a general order shall be lodged in their 
 
 * Dr. Campbell's " Political Survey," and Mr. Molyneux's " Case 
 of Ireland considered." 
 
 f Gentleman's Magazine, Obituar) 1791. 
 
122 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. hands, empowering them jointly to call upon the troops for 
 ^^' their assistance, whenever it shall he deemed necessary. If you 
 
 think such an order would he of use, you will send to 
 Mr. Waite, (in sir John Blaquiere's ahsence) the names of the 
 two gentlemen in the commission in whose hands you would 
 wish to have it lodged, and the order shall he dispatched 
 without loss of time. 
 
 " I had a good deal of conversation with Mr. Warden 
 Flood,* who called upon me the day before yesterday at 
 St. Woolstan's. I heard yesterday from sir J. Blaquiere, 
 who seems now to entertain rather a more favorable 
 opinion of the affair which he is soliciting, than he did for 
 some time ; I am sorry, however, it is not in his power to write 
 with more certainty of success, but that depends on others, not 
 on him. I was in hopes the matter would have been decided 
 before now ; but in a transaction where more persons than two 
 are unavoidably concerned, delays will happen in spite of all 
 Blaquiere's diligence and activity, which have been fuUy exerted 
 on this occasion. 
 
 " I am, sir, 
 
 " with the greatest regard, 
 " your most humble and obedient servant, 
 
 " Harcourt." 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD. 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " Permit me to take the earliest opportunity to 
 acknowledge the honor of your excellency's communication, 
 and to express my happiness to find that the security of the 
 countiy is in a state satisfactory to your lordship, whose 
 information is universal and of the best kind. 
 
 * Judge of the high court of admiralty. 
 
Mr. Charles Townsliend, secretary to tlie new 
 viceroy, addressed the annexed communication to 
 Mr. Flood. 
 
 LETTER FROM THE RIGHT HON. C. TOWNSHEND. 
 
 " Stanhope-street, June 29th, 1777. 
 " Sir, 
 
 " I am exti'emely obliged to you for the honor of 
 your letter, which I should have acknowledged sooner, had I 
 not entertained hopes of paying my respects to you in person. 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 1^3 
 
 " I should not have ventured to have mentioned what I did, 
 but from the testimony of my own eyes in observing how the 
 idea of invasion, when thought certain, affected several here, 
 where I had an opportunity' of personal remark. I am 
 perfectly content that my individual safety should depend on 
 that of the public, about which, though I am with reason 
 solicitous, I have as few fears as any body. I do not deny that 
 an enemy may infinitely distress, who cannot conquer. I 
 know that gi'eat reliance is to be had on the native valor and 
 generosity of the Irish, and I have not mentioned to any 
 body here what sti'uck me in the countenances of many of the 
 lower order, who have come within my observation. 
 
 " My wishes have confided in a favorable reception from 
 your excellency, feeling that they have his majesty's service and 
 the public good for their object. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, 
 
 " your excellency's most respectful, 
 
 " obedient servant, 
 
 "H. Flood." 
 
124 
 
 CHAP. 
 IV. 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 I wished much fo have qualified myself in Ireland for the new 
 office to which the king has been graciously pleased to appoint 
 me ; but, it being necessary for lord Nugent's health that he 
 should go this summer to Spa, we shall be obliged to keep the 
 king's letter here till the end of August, or the beginning of 
 September next, in order that the great seal of Ireland may 
 not be put to our patent till within less than three months of 
 the meeting of our parliament, when the usual bill enabling us 
 to qualify ourselves here may pass. 
 
 " I think it a very fortunate, as well as honorable circum- 
 stance for me, that I have two such colleagues as lord Nugent 
 and yourself: you may be assured that I shall be happy to 
 receive your instructions, and to concur with you in every thing 
 which relates to our office. 
 
 " I am, with great regard. Sir, 
 
 " your most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 "Charles Townshend." 
 
 No terms could have been more flattering as to 
 the political importance of Mr. Flood than these ; 
 and certainly had lord Buckingham been accom- 
 panied by such a secretary, much might have 
 been anticipated. 
 
 When his excellency did arrive, a Mr. Heron 
 assumed the important duties of the chief 
 secretary's office, and so disgusted those who 
 knew the duties and difficulties of such a post, 
 as to disincline the most eminent to give any 
 but a qualified support. We find Mr. Flood, 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 125 
 
 when tracing his political conduct, speaking of 
 this period thus — 
 
 " I felt myself to be a man of too much 
 situation to be a mere placeman ; if not a minister 
 to serve my country, I would not be the tool of 
 salary. I voted with government in matters of 
 importance when they were clearly rights and 
 against them in matters of importance when 
 they were clearly wrong ; and on matters of 
 small moment I did not vote at all."* 
 
 No expression is more repugnant to a 
 great mind than, — " ibimuSy ibunuSy ut cunque i. 
 prcBcedes ;" and no line of conduct could have ' 
 been more exemplary and high minded than 
 that observed by this statesman. 
 
 The moral and social conditions of Ireland 
 were almost the reverse of analagous to those of 
 England ; hence, either whig or tory working 
 out rigidly a party policy would so far err, 
 that instead of being remedial, such a course 
 would infallibly be detrimental j because as yet, 
 Ireland had not, practically, an identity of laws 
 and institutions. 
 
 The provost, Mr. Hutchinson, published his 
 commercial propositions, which were so patriotic 
 in their character as bear ample testimony that 
 
 * Parliamentary Debates, 1783. Vindication. 
 
126 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 the placeman can likewise be deserving of the 
 honorable appellation of patriot. 
 
 This pamphlet, probably, suggested to Mr. 
 Hussey Burgh the idea of moving parliament to 
 the consideration of the commercial interests of 
 the kingdom. Mr. Burgh, at the opening of the 
 session of this year, moved the address to his 
 majesty, in which the following sentence was 
 introduced, — " It is not by temporary expedients, 
 but by an extension of trade, that Ireland 
 can be ameliorated.*' Mr. Flood, who was seated 
 in the vice-treasurer's place, said audibly, " why 
 not 2^ free trade !"* The amendment electrified 
 the house ; the words were adopted by his friend, 
 and the motion was carried unanimously. 
 
 The noble, ingenuous conduct of Mr. Burgh is 
 finely alluded to : — " I shall return once more to 
 the sentiments of that beloved character I have 
 just described. — He was a man over whose life or 
 over whose grave envy never hovered ; he was a 
 man wishing ardently to serve his country himself, 
 but not to monopolise the service, — wishing to 
 partake and communicate the glory of what 
 passed. He gave me, in his motion for a fi'ee 
 trade, a full participation of that honor."t 
 
 At a subsequent stage of this motion, before 
 
 Barrington and Hardy agree in admitting this fact. 
 f Parliamentary Debates, 1783. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 127 
 
 the British parliament, lord North observed <-hap. 
 
 III. 
 that these commercial advantag-es were resumable \^^y^sj 
 
 at pleasure — "that the act would be a boon 
 resumable at pleasure."* This expression of the 
 premier hurt the rising spirit of the Irish legisla- 
 ture, the consequence was, that Mr. Grattan 
 embodied in a motion one of the propositions 
 with regard to the independency of Ireland to be 
 found in the celebrated little work of Mr. 
 Molyneux, (which has often been referred to in 
 this volume), which engaged the attention of every 
 member of the house. The debate lasted to an 
 unusual hour, and Mr. Secretary Heron collected 
 all the forces of government to oppose this 
 declaration. Mr. Grattan had introduced his pro- 
 position in one of his earliest and most impressive 
 efforts of his eloquence ; but before he divided 
 the house, Mr. Flood rose, in office as he was, 
 and requested him to withdraw his motion, as a 
 majority was engaged to oppose it, Mr. Grattan 
 did so, and thereby a declaration of rights was 
 saved from defeat. 
 
 Shortly after the close of lord Buckingham's 
 administration of Ireland, Mr. Grattan, who 
 henceforth appears prominently active in every 
 great measure, made a motion for a "limited 
 mutiny bill ;" this was seconded by Mr. Flood, a 
 
 * Belsham, vol. iv. 
 
128 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 IV. 
 
 measure he had already urged in the privy council. 
 It was rejected ; yet the repeated efforts awakened 
 that spirit of independence which assumed so noble 
 and imposing a form but two years subsequent. 
 
 The alarm generally felt in both kingdoms 
 about an invasion of the French in Ireland called 
 forth and armed the famous volunteers. This 
 extraordinary army was^jnagifallyLraised^without 
 religious distinction. The fabled caduceus had 
 noTamore instantaneous spell than that produced 
 by the apprehension of an incursive war. At 
 this momentous period the earl of Buckingham 
 was recalled. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 1'29 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 1780 AND 1781. 
 
 Mr. Flood resigns the vice-treasurership. — His reasons. — Mr. Jenkinson 
 
 declines presenting the resignation to North Displeasure of the 
 
 premier. — Mr. Flood opposes Mr. Eden in some of the most important 
 
 measures. — The interpolations of Hardy. — Letter from Mr. Webb 
 
 Character of Sir Edward Newenham. — Speech of Mr. George 
 Ponsonby, collated with fictitious passages of Hardy. — Grattan and 
 Flood support a limited mutiny bill — Motion on Irish trade with 
 the West Indies. — Amusing story of Fitzgibbon, repartee of Flood. — 
 Law of sir Edward Poignings debated by Yelverton and Flood. — 
 The former supported by government, the latter demands a total 
 
 repeal of the law Character of Mr. Yelverton, the Irish Hyperides. — 
 
 State of the catholic question in 1781. — Opinions of Charlemont, 
 Flood, and Fox. 
 
 Towards the close of the earl of Buckingham's chap 
 government, Mr. Flood resigned his official 
 situation. The reasons assigned by himself for 
 this step are, — that the legislative measures 
 contemplated by him were not acquiesced in ; and, 
 now that the social war carried on against the 
 American settlements had terminated, there was 
 no ostensible grounds for the continuance of 
 restrictions commercial and fiscal. 
 
 His resio-nation had been intrusted to the same 
 
 o 
 
 friend through whom the first overtures of office 
 
 K 
 
 V. 
 
130 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 had been made. This gentleman, instead of ten- 
 dering the letter to lord North, delayed, hesitated, 
 and finally declined presenting it ; probably, from 
 an idea that the vice-treasurership, — the best gift 
 within the patronage of the crown in Ireland, — 
 ought not to be lightly disregarded, and there 
 was no adequate reason for a severance from the 
 cabinet. Be this supposition as it may, it is but 
 just to attribute the most favorable construction 
 to the motives of a person who was esteemed in 
 the light of a friend, however erroneous and 
 detrimental his judgment may have been. Hence 
 there appeared a suddenness in Mr. Flood's 
 opposition, which, had his sentiments been known 
 to the premier, they would have prevented the 
 very marked displeasure, manifested in the act of 
 deprivation of his official rank and a seat at the 
 council board, which happened in the opening 
 session of the lieutenancy of lord Carlisle. 
 
 Mr. Hardy has stated in his work, that, — 
 " several members had now joined the ministerial 
 standard, or were disposed to a junction. Mr. 
 Flood, on the contrary, separated himself from 
 administration, and was ironically felicitated by 
 Mr. George Ponsonby (who supported Mr. Eden) 
 on his departure from his long and lamentable 
 taciturnity.* 
 
 * H.ardy, vol. ii. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 131 
 
 O lux Darilanae, spes O fiilissima Teucium, 
 Quae tantac tenuere morse ? 
 
 ^^If this, or any thing like it, was addressed to 
 him, — / know not that it was, — it no way 
 affected his determination." No such felicitation 
 is to be found in the reports, nor does the speech 
 of Mr. George Ponsonby bear any such insinu- 
 ation. His words on the occasion were : — 
 
 " He rejoiced to see the right hon. gentleman, 
 after an eclipse of seven years, burst forth in 
 such a blaze of eloquence. Though at all times 
 he had the utmost reliance upon his judgment 
 and integrity, particularly in the present case, 
 where nothing but public spirit could induce 
 him to risk the loss of one of the best appoint- 
 ments government could bestow ; yet he must 
 differ from him in the representation he had 
 given of this country, Ireland. And he thought 
 he himself was entitled to some credit, when it 
 was considered that he was the son of a man 
 who had given up even the chair of that house 
 rather than support a ministry which he thought 
 was doing wrong. If employments were in his 
 gift, few persons should stand before the right 
 honorable gentleman, but he did not think it 
 imparliamentary to mention the risk he ran from 
 obeying the dictates of conscience."* 
 
 * Irish parliamentary debates, vol, i. 1781. 
 
132 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 It is difficult to comprehend how Mr. Hardy 
 could have justified to himself an interpolation, 
 which, however euphonous and classical, con- 
 veyed a stigma on a public character not 
 warranted by any impartial testimony, or by 
 the speech to which he alluded. Sir Edward 
 Newenham remarked on the observations of 
 Mr. George Ponsonby, " that he lamented that 
 gentlemen should forfeit their places for acting 
 conscientiously." What did Mr. Flood oppose ? 
 — The new secretary's view of the state of the 
 nation ; — he opposed the perpetual mutiny bill, — 
 he opposed the war restrictions on Irish trade, — 
 he opposed a modification of the law of sir 
 Edward Poynings. Such were the real causes 
 of his opposition to Mr. Eden. 
 
 It has been observed by a writer on the public 
 character of Mr. Pitt, — "that few operations of the i 
 mind demand a more refmed discrimination, — a 
 
 greater diversity of in formation, — and a more 
 patienFresearch, than the estimating the motives 
 and actions of men who have been universally 
 aIIowedntonhaye~Been eminent ; and the very 
 great reserve there ought to be in questioning 
 the^ro^rie^y^of^either.'* How far Mr. Hardy 
 felt and understood this delicacy, we shall have 
 occasion to see in the progress of this work. 
 
 Mr. Flood replied : — " The honorable gentle- 
 man has said that I am emerged from a seven 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 133 
 
 V. 
 
 years' eclipse.* It is true I supported lord ^hai 
 Harcourt's administration ; but was I eclipsed 
 when, on several occasions, I went not with 
 them, and stated my reasons for doing so ? I 
 also supported lord Buckingham. On that 
 eventful day when a free trade was demanded, 
 was I eclipsed ? When a bill of rights was 
 the subject of debate, did I shrink from the 
 question ? My ambition has been, when out of 
 office, not to be factious, and when in office, not 
 to be venal. 
 
 His friend and constant supporter, sir Edward 
 Newenham, is thus characterised by an able 
 writer.! 
 
 " Few representatives have appeared in a more 
 conspicuous station for many years, than sir 
 Edward, and he has attempted, with undeviating 
 assiduity, to acquire the fame of patriotism, and 
 to rival those names rendered illustrious by its 
 glory. Should he in his attempt at any time have 
 trangressed those bounds of moderation beyond 
 which even virtue degenerates into vice, the 
 sincerity of his zeal pleads loudly in his defence, 
 and the rectitude of his intentions sanctifies his 
 conduct." 
 
 Of Mr. George Ponsonby anon. He gave his 
 adhesion to lord Carlisle's short lieutenancy. 
 
 » In fact, he was not six years in office, 
 f Author of " Principal Characters. " 
 
134 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 and became a placeman in the duke of 
 Portland's. 
 
 Mr. Grattan moved for a limited mutiny bill, 
 seconded by Mr. Flood, who said, — that the 
 perpetual mutiny bill was a pillow upon which 
 liberty could never repose — it was a matter that 
 should be reiterated through every period of the 
 session — there was no corner of the kingdom in 
 which it shoidd not be spoken of, — nor was there 
 a person in the kingdom, who had a regard for 
 its freedom, that should not be active in opposing 
 it. The supporters of Mr. Eden said, — that the 
 perpetual mutiny bill was a law for the govern- 
 ment of an army, eventual on your having an 
 army, and your having an army, was eventual on 
 the will of parliament. This sort of sophistry was 
 little calculated to abate the ardour, or deceive 
 the understanding of such men as the mover and 
 seconder, but it sufficed to give the secretary a 
 majority. The discussion of this question 
 produced some of the noblest effects of eloquence, 
 intermingled, however, with an acerbity which 
 nothing but the keenness of debate could 
 excuse. The subsequent anecdote had the 
 effect of dispelling the storm that lowered on 
 the opposition side : — 
 
 The attorney-general said — " When I was at 
 the temple, there was a parish clerk who used to 
 raise the psalm, and who went by the name of 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 13.5 
 
 Harry Plantagenet. I had taken it into my 
 liead that the family of the Plantagenets was 
 quite extinct, and was induced by curiosity to ask 
 this man how he came to be called by that name. 
 Accordingly I went to him one day, and men- 
 tioned to him my wish to know his story : — ' I 
 was once a king,' said he, ' and reigned with 
 uncontrolled dominion over hounds, greyhounds, 
 beagles, and terriers, by which 1 have acquired 
 this name ; but if you please, I will relate my 
 story at large.* ' Go on, Harry,' said I. — * I 
 lived in the neighbourhood of Windsor forest, 
 when a boy, and used frequently divert myself 
 with hunting the king's deer,' — * Go on Harry,' 
 said I. ' I hallooed, and 1 shouted so loud and 
 so often, that there was not a dog in the pack but 
 what obeyed my voice — not a lad in the forest 
 but attended my call.' — ' Go on, Harry,' said I. 
 'At last, sir, the chief huntsman, perceiving what 
 command I had over the dogs and the sportsmen, 
 resolved to take me into his pay.' — 'Go on 
 Harry,' said I. ' I accepted of his offer ; but I 
 now found myself so much at my ease, that I 
 grew indolent, and insisted upon riding out to 
 hunt in furniture j for I always loved to hunt in 
 furniture,'' — ' Go on Harry,' said I. 'I was 
 indulged with furniture ; but I soon perceived 
 that the younger fellows, who could now outride 
 me, became greater favorites with the chief 
 
136 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 huntsman.' — * Go on Harry,' said I. ' This stung 
 me to the quick, and I determined to pick a 
 quarrel about the fringe of my furniture, which 
 was torn, and which I would have repaired at 
 the chief huntsman's expense.' — * Go on, Harry,' 
 said I. ' I immediately began to hunt in oppo- 
 sition, but not a dog obeyed me, nor a sportsman 
 attended my call.' — * Go on, Harry,' said I. * I 
 hallooed, and I roared, and I shouted, until I 
 was weary, but still without any effect. I had the 
 mortification to find I had totally lost my influence 
 in the forest, and retired to this parish, to devote 
 the remainder of my days to the making of my 
 soul, and now raise the psalm, and join in the 
 thanksgiving.' " 
 
 The attorney-general told this story with 
 infinite humour, and he had scarcely proceeded a 
 few sentences, when the gloom which had pre- 
 vailed was dispelled, and the house was convulsed 
 with laughter at the point and pleasantry with 
 which he applied his fable. 
 
 The suddenness of this witty and successful 
 attack, which was evidently prepared, did not 
 prevent Mr. Flood from making a brilliant 
 repartee, which, perhaps, is more to be admired 
 from the quickness of the impromptu : — 
 
 *' I cannot perceive the smallest similitude 
 between this story and my situation, except that 
 my name is Harry, I have, indeed, been a 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 137 
 
 liiiiitsniaii, but never a whipper-in. The right chai'. 
 honorable gentleman has the happy talent of v^^,^^^ 
 turning every thing to his advantage. When he 
 became an object of popular resentment, he 
 traversed the streets with a guard — he looked 
 melancholy at the bar — sighed in the house — 
 cried in the council-chamber — and blubbered in 
 the ante-room. The people were astonished — the 
 women went into mourning — government, through 
 all her functions, was suspended, — and nothing 
 could allay the general concern, but a plentiful 
 reversion to the right honorable gentleman. 
 
 " When the fleets of England made a number 
 of unimportant descents, at a great expense, on 
 the French coast, during the last century, it was 
 wittily said, — * we were breaking panes of glass V 
 with guineas ;* — and though the right honorable 
 gentleman's house is filled with the richest and 
 most costly furniture, yet, I will venture to say, 
 that no part of it cost so much as the crown 
 GLASS with which his windows were repaired.'* 
 
 This repartee restored both speakers to good 
 temper, and the house fully enjoyed the amuse- 
 ment thus afforded. 
 
 The granting of a "free trade" to Ireland 
 had given rise to many very important commercial 
 questions, and the West Indies was considered 
 the key-stone by which the commerce of Ireland 
 was upheld. Mr. Grattan supported the prin 
 
138 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. ciples that Mr. Flood developed on this particular 
 
 V. 
 
 (^^-y,,^ measure. The "Jura amicissima gentes, to 
 speak in fsederal language," said Mr. Flood, " is 
 applicable to Ireland, which is an independent 
 kingdom, having a completely free and supreme 
 legislature of its own ; it has, accordingly, a full 
 right to enter into commerce, and conclude 
 treaties with every nation on the globe." 
 
 He was for giving expansion to the recently 
 acquired commercial advantages, an impetus to 
 home manufactures, and for legislating in a manner 
 conciliatory and deferential to the British senate. 
 The mere granting a direct trade was insufficient, 
 without a protecting duty, to give vigour and 
 strength, hope and stimulation, to the Irish 
 merchant and refiner. Mr. Eden opposed this 
 view with an overwhelming majority.* 
 
 In a memoir like this, it would be misplaced to 
 introduce the interesting dissertation on the law 
 of sir Edward Poynings. The two resolutions 
 moved were, — first, "that a committee be ap- 
 pointed to examine the precedents and records 
 this day produced, and such others as may be 
 necessary to explain the law of Poynings." — 
 Second, " to declare from the report of that 
 committee, what the law of Poynings and the 
 constitution of this kingdom actually were." 
 
 * Irish parliamentary debates, 1781. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 139 
 
 The provost had been selected to reply to this 
 exposition of the law, in its perverted practice, 
 not only from his acknowledged erudition, but 
 that a pretext might be afforded the secretary for 
 opposing Mr. Flood's propositions, and extend 
 government protection to the moderate views of 
 Mr. Yelverton. The provost confessed the high 
 authorities produced by the mover, and expressed 
 himself in these terms, — '* If he had not been 
 acquainted with them, he would have given credit 
 to the researches of the right hon. gentleman who 
 with such labour and industry had produced them 
 to the house. He agreed to the first resolution, 
 but opposed the second, because it led to a 
 *' declaration of rights," which should never be 
 used, except' in matters of the utmost necessity. 
 He had heard every syllable of the right honorable 
 gentleman's very learned " and eloquent oration, 
 but he had heard no abuse the privy council had 
 made of their power." The provost considered 
 the three links of the adamantine chain which 
 united the crowns of both nations, were, — " the 
 law of sir Edward Poynings — the declaratory act 
 — and, the power of appeal !" 
 
 Of this contumelious condition Mr. Yelverton 
 only proposed a modification. Mr. Flood's view 
 of the subject was more comprehensive, — *' To 
 restore the constitution to its original vigour, and 
 obviate the evil effects of misrepresentation." His 
 
140 MEMOIRS or THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 final amendment was conceived in these words, — 
 " Whereas doubts have arisen on the construction 
 of the law, commonly called ' Poynings,' and of 
 the third and fourth of Philip and Mary, expla- 
 natory thereof, — be it enacted, by the king's 
 most excellent majesty, by and with the consent 
 of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, 
 in this present parliament assembled, and by the 
 authority of the same, that the said law of 
 Poynings and the said law of Philip and Mary be 
 and stand repealed, save only as follows : — * *'* 
 His peroration contained all the chief points 
 adverse to Mr. Yelverton's modification^ and con- 
 cluded with this pathetic address : — " And now, 
 Mr. Speaker, if I have a feeling in the inmost 
 pulse of my heart, it is that which tells me, that 
 if, after twenty years' service, I should pass this 
 question by neglectingly, I should be a base 
 betrayer of my country. It is that which tells 
 me that the whole earth does not contain a bribe 
 sufficient to trifle with the liberties of this land. 
 I do, therefore, wish to subscribe my name to 
 what I now propose, to have them handed down 
 together to posterity, that posterity may know 
 there was, at least, one man who disapproved of 
 the temporising bill now before the house — a 
 bill that future parliaments, if they have power, 
 will reform, if they have not, with tears will 
 deplore. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 141 
 
 The contest between Mr. Yelverton and Mr. 
 Flood was sustained throng"hout every stage of 
 this bill with unexampled ability and learning, 
 marked by the most subtle discrimination of 
 the law. Mr. Yelverton was distinguished 
 for bland and captivating manners, and a 
 commanding eloquence, which always pleased, 
 and frequently succeeded. Perhaps of all his 
 political associates, he approached nearest the 
 character of Hyperides. His bill, too, was 
 within the ministerial limit ; and he exulted with 
 conscious triumph, when he chided his rival with 
 having *' abandoned this child of his meditations 
 and labours for seven years," — however inwardly 
 he must have felt, that now was the only time 
 that offered for its realization. His great com- 
 petitor burst forth with sentiments of indig- 
 nant pride at the idea of a compromise, and 
 exclaimed — " Nothing short of the restitution 
 of the powers of the legislature, without the 
 appearance of a fetter, would suffice." The 
 annexed letter pictures distinctly his efforts, the 
 style of his eloquence, the peroration, and 
 the pathetic close to successive debates on the 
 perversion of the law of Henry the seventh. 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. WEBB. 
 
 " I will trust lord Charlemont another time. You 
 are now just what I wished you to be seven years ago; you 
 
142 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 V. 
 
 have filled up the measure of my most sangume hope. Is it 
 I a tempered energy, a manly self-possession ; an articulation 
 supported through every syllable ; an action liberal, unme- 
 thodized, sometimes gi-aceful, and always impressive. I will 
 speak well of you where I can ; where I cannot — be silent. 
 That Close was exquisite : it was a perfect accord of voice, 
 sentiment, and gesture. Is not this, that which Demosthenes 
 understood by the word action ? While I triumphed with 
 you, I suffered for another — omnium judicio capex imperanJi 
 si nnnqnam imperasset. Mr. Pulteney has taught me to quote 
 Tacitus, and you well know how to make it applicable. The 
 secretary is not a man of abilities. The amendment was not a 
 subject for a division at the opening of a session : the with- 
 drawing it would have been popular and handsome ; but he is 
 in trammels, as poney, and will never do more than shuffle. 
 
 " Ever your's. 
 
 "D. Webb, 
 
 Suffolk-street, Wednesday J" 
 
 Another question of the utmost importance 
 agitated the Irish senate at this epocha, the 
 consideration of catholic disabilities. The fol- 
 lowing- lucid statement is given by an authority of 
 leading notoriety : — '* And here it is necessary to 
 remark, that this great man was a decided oppo- 
 nent of catholic emancipation. He was one of 
 the first who drew a clear distinction between 
 personal liberty and political power ; and while 
 he readily consented to repeal all such enact- 
 ments as placed any restriction on the former ^ 
 
V. 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 11-8 
 
 he exercised a jealous guardianship over the chap. 
 latter ; and maintained, that if ever the elective 
 franchise was extended to the Roman catholics, 
 there would be an end to the integrity of our 
 protestant constitution."* On the 19th of 
 February, 178!2, a motion was made by Mr. 
 Gardiner to empower Roman catholics to take, 
 purchase, and enjoy estates, &c. ; to which an 
 amendment was added, — to have, hold, and 
 inherit estates in fee simple, except avowsons, 
 and lands to which a right of making seneschals 
 is annexed, or any burgage or borough right, by 
 which members might be returned to parliament." 
 On this amendment Mr. Flood said, — That he 
 always wished to embosom the Roman catholics 
 in the body o'f the state ; yet, without courting 
 praise from one party or censure from another, 
 he should, speaking neglectful of both, deliver 
 his opinion on this great subject ; and hoped 
 it would be received with the same candour it 
 was given. 
 
 " About five years ago, (1773), a law was 
 passed, granting the Roman catholics infinitely 
 less than is now proposed : the day was celebrated 
 with rejoicing, and it was thought we had 
 reconciled every party. I am sorry to hear 
 gentlemen speak as if we had done nothing for 
 
 * University Magazine, July, 1836. 
 
144 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 V. 
 
 CHAP. them. The right lionorable gentleman, Mr. 
 Gardiner, who prepared the bill now before us, 
 well knows I did object to that indiscriminite 
 clause J one reason was, that while you were 
 endeavouring to conciliate that estimable and 
 beloved body of men, you seemed to hide your 
 bounties, and to show only the severity of the 
 laws. If a sorry popish agent had done this, he 
 would have been unworthy the man for whom he 
 acted, nor would it much surprise me ; but a 
 protestant parliament should be wise and frank 
 to explain and declare the whole scope of their 
 intention. In the former laws, leases for years 
 were granted to them, upon the avowed principle 
 of restraining them from any influence in elec- 
 tions. This law, then, goes beyond toleration ; 
 it gives them a power, and tends to make a 
 change in the state. I have a great respect for 
 the Roman catholics ; and, though I will not 
 condemn, yet I will not approve their conduct. 
 
 *' The question ninety years ago was, whether 
 
 popery and arbitraryL^ower_should"be^tablished 
 
 inThe person of king James, or freedom and the 
 
 the protestant religion in the person of king 
 
 / William. Four fifths of the inhabitants of 
 
 i Ireland adhered to the cause of king James ; 
 
 I they were defeated, and I rejoice in their defeat. 
 
 The laws that followed this eve nt were no t laws 
 
 orperseciition, but of political necessity : and 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 14v 
 
 V, 
 
 are you now prepared for a new government? ^hap 
 Can yon possibly suppose that, though the Roman 
 catholics prefer you to every other people, they 
 will prefer you to themselves ? What, then, is 
 the consequence if you give them equal power 
 with the protestants ? — Can a protestant consti- 
 tution survive ? Yet should the majority of this 
 nation attempt to alter the constitution, I 
 firmly believe they would be repelled by the 
 minority, and then a total convulsion must 
 follow. 
 
 " It is necessary, when you are granting Roman 
 catholics indulgence, that you should distinguish 
 between the rights of property and the rights 
 of power. While a man is engaged in acquiring 
 property he is in a habit of industry, and 
 when acquired it ties him to the state. But 
 with great respect to my right honorable friend, 
 I think the question of religious toleration 
 should have been brought on first, because 
 I am certain it would not have met with 
 a single dissentmg voice, and it woidd have 
 been a glorious opportunity of showing the 
 liberality of a protestant parliament : but though 
 we wish to extend toleration to Roman catholics, 
 we do not wish to shake the government. We 
 should allow them to purchase lands, but we 
 should carefully guard against their possessing 
 
140 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. any power in the state. Therefore, for the 
 --.--w benefit of all, and that we may not destroy the 
 balance of the state, — for I am sure no Roman 
 catholic wishes to unhing-e the state, — let us grant 
 them full security in matters of property, but 
 prevent their interference in matters of state. As 
 to what has been said of the indulgences g-ranted 
 to protestants in other countries, 1 must observe, 
 that nothing can be more mischievous than for 
 one state or one individual to follow exactly the 
 example of another. Difference of circumstances 
 should produce different modes of action. The 
 emperor of Germany is himself the sole legislator 
 of the state, — he is himself a catholic, — nor do 
 the protestants in his dominions bear a propor- 
 tion of more than one in a hundred to his popish 
 subjects. Besides, the protestants of every 
 country acknowledge the Sovereign as head of 
 the Church, whereas catholics look to a foreign 
 jurisdiction in matters ecclesiastical." 
 
 These opinions lord Charlemont and several 
 distinguished men participated. A critic of 
 remarkable shrewdness* says, " Mr. Flood seems 
 to have been one of the small number of 
 politicians in whose mind the experience of the 
 past excited some distrust of the future." 
 
 * Author of " Strictures on Plowden." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 147 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Dublin, Jan. \st, 1782. 
 " Mt dearest Flood, 
 
 '• You should have loug since heard from me, but 
 that I have been prevented by illness ; and though I now sit 
 down to write, it is merely because I must write to you, and 
 not that I conveniently can : my stomach complaint is not 
 much better, and consequently my nervous sufferings grow 
 worse and worse, and particularly my eyes are so weak as to 
 render them scarcely fit for use. 
 
 " The altered money bill, as I sujipose you have heard, 
 succeeded beyond expectation. In the committee, ministry 
 attempted to smuggle through a bill, adopting one of the 
 alterations out of three, but were defeated by the perseverance 
 of a few, and by the want of sufficient numbers for a division ; 
 and afterwards in a fuller house they fairly gave up the point, 
 and sent the bill back, word for word, as it was formerly sent, 
 resei-ving to themselves the power of inserting the clause which 
 had been added (and which all parties agi'ee is not only usual, 
 but useful, and was omitted by mistake) into some other bill. 
 This seems to be a point gained, and I believe we owe our 
 success, not only to the perseverance of our friends, but 
 principally to the lord lieutenant's* thinking himself insulted 
 by the alteration. TTie house seems to me to be running mad 
 on the subject of popery. Gardiner's bill, ivhich, as castrated, 
 may, for aught I know, be rendered innocent in its operation, 
 is, however, in my opinion, extremely exceptionable in its 
 mode ; ivhich, in direct opposition to what ought to be the 
 first principle of all laws in favor of papists, seems calcu- 
 lated to irritate the protestants as much as possible, and to 
 oblige the papists as little. A^o law of this kind ought certainly 
 
 » The Duke of Portland. 
 
148 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 to he proponed without a moral certainty of its being carried 
 almost unanimously ; yet will this bill, I believe, be strongly 
 opposed in the commons, and possibly rejected by the lords. 
 For my own part, I have not yet made vp my mind about it, 
 as I have not seen it, and know its purport only by report : 
 but I ivish to heaven that gentlemen would, in this delicate 
 point, let the country alone ; suffer things to remain as they 
 are, and not hazard the ruin of that growing coalescence, 
 which, to my certain knowledge, was beginning to take place 
 between men of all persuasions. 
 
 " Neither is it, as I am told, at all certain that even the 
 exploded jjai't of the law may not again be brought into 
 question, and that some ivise man may not move, by way of 
 amendment, that which it would, in my opinion, be ruin to 
 gi'ant. Indeed, I begin to fear that the humorous account 
 given by some wag of the present house of commons, may 
 not only have humour but truth in it. 
 
 " Well, but my dearest Hany, I can write no more ; my 
 eyes begin to fail me, and I must conclude. My spirits are 
 very low, and that circumstance may, j^erhaps, make me see 
 matters in an unfavorable light : but I do not like the present 
 progress of affairs. There is, to be sure, one luminous spot, at 
 which I love to gaze, and which administers comfort under all 
 my oppressions : you may guess what that spot is, when I 
 assure you that I am,* 
 
 " My dearest, dear Flood, 
 " your faithful and more than affectionate friend, 
 
 " Charlemont. 
 
 " Can you read this scrawl ? I am sure I cannot wi-ite it 
 over again. All our ladies send their compliments to you 
 and to lady Frances : mine to her ladyship ; and to her, and 
 to you, the compliments of the season." 
 
 * This letter does not bear out Mr. Hardy. Had their intimacy 
 ceased ? — Was the earl's admiration diminished ? 
 
RIGHT HON. HENftY FLOOD. 149 
 
 Mr. Flood concluded his sentiments on this 
 great question thus, — " I am as much a friend to 
 the principle (toleration) as any gentleman in this 
 house. I love and admire the Roman catholics ; 
 they ought to do likewise by the protestants ; for 
 I challenge the world to show a similar liberality 
 to that which we now manifest : but an unbounded 
 confidence is not to be placed in mankind. There 
 should be a salutary caution — a constitutional 
 jealousy — and though we talk as sentimentally as 
 we please, yet we should not give without con- 
 sideration. Gentlemen say, ' we should not clog 
 or disgrace our gift,' but our constitution must 
 be partial, and our policy must be partial too." 
 
 As this view of the subject has been considered 
 replete with political wisdom and " statesmanlike 
 sagacity worthy of admiration,"* it has been 
 deemed a duty to embody it in this memoir. 
 Mr. Fox's opinion, expressed at the same time, 
 is given in these words, " The intestine divisions 
 of that country, Ireland, are no more, — the 
 religious prejudices of former ages are forgotten, 
 — and the Roman catholics being restored to the 
 rights of citizens, would become an accession of 
 strength and wealth to the empire." " Alas !" 
 says my authority, " how often are the most 
 sanguine and the best founded expectations of 
 mankind disappointed." t 
 
 * Dub, Univ. Mag. 1836. f Author of " Strictures on Plowden." 
 
150 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 1781 AND 1782. 
 
 Military force in lord Buckingham's government. — Cause of tiie orga- 
 nization of volunteer corps. — Their spirit and discipline — Their 
 political and military character closely united. — The delegates, country 
 gentlemen, in and out of parliament. — Mr. Eden, his majorities in the 
 commons, in lord Carlisle's short viceroyalty. — Mr. Grattan's remark- 
 able speech. — Concessions of the British cabinet — Lord Charleraont 
 as plenipotentiary. — Duke of Portland sent over by the earl of 
 Rockingham Mr. Grattan's address to the crown, or an enumera- 
 tion of constitutional disabilities Four dissentient members, two only 
 
 mark their dissent with their votes. — Distinguished abilities of Mr. 
 
 Walshe His eloquence, learning, and patriotism. — The opinions of 
 
 Burke, Fox, and Beauchamp, on the declaratory act. — First contest 
 between Flood and Grattan on its adequacy to Irish independence. 
 
 The want of a sufficient reg-ular military force, 
 towards the close of tlie earl of Bucking-liam's vice- 
 royalty, gave rise to the volunteer corps, who soon 
 became animated with the noblest sentiments of 
 patriotic devotion, as well as emulative of military 
 dclat. This domestic force felt proud of the confi- 
 dence reposed in them, to an unlimited degree, and 
 the national vanity was gratified by the splendour 
 of their costume, and the martial precision of 
 their evolutions. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 151 
 
 No more than three years had elapsed from 
 their first organization, till they assumed a political 
 character, by the delegation of a select body of 
 their officers to convene at Dungannon,* to 
 propound measures for the consideration of the 
 national legislature. This meeting the delegates 
 themselves designated as the effluence of a 
 "corrupt representation." The overwhelming 
 and well-organized majorities of Mr. Eden, who 
 had opposed some of the most popular measures, 
 seemed to countenance the epithet that was then 
 applied to the parliament of Ireland. 
 
 Thetwoprecedingsecretaries differed essentially 
 in character and in consequence, from the present. 
 Mr. Heron was considered as devoid of com- 
 manding talents, unskilful in bringing forward or 
 withdrawing questions, and his supporters fluctu- 
 ated, from a consciousness of his defects. Sir 
 John Blaquiere, with more talent and activity, 
 introduced, as government measures, many of an 
 ameliorative tendency, and of a comprehensive 
 description ; yet, he never was certain of a 
 cordial and powerful co-operation. 
 
 Therefore, these secretaries were dubious as to 
 the strength of their partizans, and their parlia- 
 mentary successes were neither complete nor 
 important. It was reserved for Mr. Eden, a 
 
 * Belsham, vol, iv. Irish Parliamentary Debates. 
 
 CHAl'- 
 VI. 
 
152 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 gentleman of superior abilities and considerable 
 tact in the management of his retainers, to 
 negative questions by large majorities that had 
 been brought under consideration of the house 
 of commons by its most popular members. 
 
 His pertinacity in opposing for two years all 
 the measures for legislation, superinduced that 
 incipient demonstration of a novel political power 
 — " the Dungannon convention,'* — which at once 
 embodied a series of resolutions that apprised 
 him how little he was aware that the majorities 
 he directed did not represent the national will. 
 Not till his recall was he aware of his delusion ; 
 and then he tried to mitigate the fault of his 
 precipitancy in Ireland by a hasty motion in the 
 British senate. * 
 
 The line of policy hitherto pursued,! with but 
 few exceptions, called forth this extraneous effort 
 of enthusiasm for national independence. The 
 resolutions at Dungannon though considered 
 within constitutional limits, yet the " address to 
 the minority in parliament," was in a style too 
 dictatorial and resolved to avoid the imputation 
 that, without a Camillus, the meeting seemed, 
 however, to adopt the sentiments of the Roman, 
 in their most elevated interpretation, — " Arma 
 aptarey atque ferro, non auro patriam et 
 
 * Hansard, 1 782. f Belsham, vol. iv. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 153 
 
 libertatem recuperare^^^ — thus verging the line 
 of demarkation between the legitimate means of 
 representing grievances, and the awful alternative 
 of a social war. Confident in their power and 
 popularity, the volunteers of Ulster extended 
 their plans into three provinces, diffusing an 
 emulous energy in the cause of national freedom, 
 which they had reason to believe the majority in 
 the commons were unwilling to advocate. 
 
 Lord North had early foreseen the probable 
 issue of the enrolment and organization of a 
 popular force, when the apprehension of an 
 incursive war had passed away ; he, therefore, 
 discouraged the policy of lord Buckingham, of 
 arming and equipping this tribunitian body, 
 except temporary for the impending crisis. 
 Though the premier had anticipated what took 
 place three years subsequent, yet, during the 
 government of that viceroy, no sentiment tran- 
 spired but of a loyal and generous devotion 
 to their country. The example of America, 
 however, was too recent and too remarkable not 
 to excite the fears of lord North, who perceived 
 in the patriotic endeavours of Ireland's ablest 
 and most disinterested statesmen and the sym- 
 pathies of the people, a determined and powerful 
 resistance to his policy. In lord Carlisle's 
 government they increase in numbers and con- 
 sequence J and in the duke of Portland's their 
 
154 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 spirit was indomitable and their determination 
 declared — " to be free."* 
 
 In Ireland all institutions, civil, military, or 
 ecclesiastical, have ever evinced a political bias : 
 it, therefore, could not be expected that a 
 national and domestic force could abstain from 
 making their martial character accessary to the 
 attainment of political rights with which they had 
 been made familiar. Even had the simple and 
 effectual plan of lord Shelbourne for England t 
 been applied to organize an internal defensive 
 body for Ireland, instead of the volunteers, it 
 would have been equally instrumental in obtaining 
 national independence, alike ancillary, however 
 hypothetical the advantage. 
 
 Mr. Grattan collated the Dungannon resolu- 
 tions with his motion, and " stated in a sentence 
 the provocations of a century." As herald of 
 that assembly, he offered, in portentous words, 
 either peace or war. — *' From injuries to arms, 
 
 FROM ARM S TO LIBERTY ; LIBERTY WITH EnGLAND, 
 
 IF England is so disposed ; but at all events 
 LIBERTY." These words, uttered in an ardent 
 and eloquent address, electrified a credulous and 
 romantic people. From the circumstance of the 
 earl of Rockingham becoming premier, lord 
 Charlemont was invested with a diplomatic com- 
 
 * Gordon, vol. ii. and Bclsham, hist, f Dodsley's An. Reg. for 1782. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 1.55 
 
 He declined, however, this solicitation ; pro- 
 bably he knew that Mr. G rattan had undertaken 
 
 VI. 
 
 mission to unite his party in support of the duke <^map 
 of Portland: he interested himself as a cfiarge 
 cf affaires for the new ministry. Lord Rockingham 
 writes, — " I should hope that an adjournment of 
 the house of commons in Ireland, for a fortnight 
 or three weeks, in order to give the duke of 
 Portland an opportunity of inquiring into the 
 opinions of your lordship and of the gentlemen 
 of the first weight, will be readily assented to." 
 Immediately the noble earl communicated with 
 Mr. Flood, and the following short note abun- 
 dantly indicates the earnestness with which he 
 claimed and considered necessary, his assistance. 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 "Dublin, \^th April, 1782. 
 " My dearest Flood, 
 
 " For heaven's sake come immediately to town ; 
 matters are in as good a train as possible, but we want your 
 wisdom and advice. I have but a moment to write, and must 
 therefore conclude my short note, as I shall conclude my life. 
 
 " Your most truly 
 
 " affectionate and faithful 
 
 " Charlemont." 
 
156 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 the enumeration of Irish grievances, each of 
 which had been the subject of a separate motion 
 and of his especial recommendation either at the 
 council board or in parliament. 
 
 The new ministry were conscious that not a 
 moment was to be lost in presenting to the Irish 
 Cerberus a political confection which might avert 
 his vigilance for a season, as the only means by 
 which they could enter the cabinet with security 
 and success. Accordingly Mr. Fox, (the Orpheus 
 of our illustration,) wrote to the noble earl 
 requesting his aid and that of his protege^ Mr. 
 Grattan, in preparing a confect at once agreeable 
 to the taste and sufficient to appease the appetite 
 of the monster. 
 
 Mr. Grattan, therefore, was intrusted by lord 
 Charlemont with the drawing up a summary of 
 constitutional defects which was to be moved by 
 him in the form of an address or petition to the 
 throne. The marquess of Rockingham and Mr. 
 Fox having taken the initiative in this measure, it 
 assumed the gracious form of a concession, and 
 was received as such by the majority in parliament, 
 who expressed their gratitude in a language too 
 adulatory not to excite the contempt of the high- 
 minded of the British senate. 
 
 The honors that the Mitylenians paid to 
 Pittacus scarcely surpassed those decreed by the 
 Irish senate to Mr. Grattan for his short though 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 157 
 
 valuable service ;* but there are two points of 
 dissimilarity between the sag-e of antiquity and 
 the modern patriot. The extent which the cast 
 of a javelin passed over was the moderate limit 
 which Pittacus chose for long and arduous 
 services, and his precepts of government and 
 philosophy were worthy of being inscribed on 
 the temple of Delphi ; but Mr. Grattan, who 
 was personally anxions to imitate the Mitylenian, 
 was rewarded munificently for his service ; and 
 the elaborately wrought temple which contained 
 his precepts, dissolved like the poet's t on the 
 appearance of the day-god. 
 
 We shall narrate the parliamentary and consti- 
 tutional history of this important renunciation 
 on the part of England ; which, either in a 
 retrospective or an eventual consideration, is one 
 of the most interesting subjects in the page of 
 our national transactions. 
 
 When Mr. Grattan had moved his address, 
 sir Samuel Broadstreet, the recorder, rose to 
 express his gratitude at the present event, and 
 gave his concurrence in every point but one — 
 "that all constitutional questions between both 
 nations were at an end." Mr. Flood followed,t- 
 and thus expressed his opinion : — " A great reform 
 
 * Mr. Grattan was returned for Charlemont at the end of 1775, and in 
 April, 1782, he made his famous motion, 
 f Mr. Pope's " Temple of Fame." 
 \ Irish parliamentary debates, vol. iii, 1782. 
 
158 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, must ensue in consequence of what had been done. 
 
 v^-^^-v^ It was true, nothing appeared to him at present 
 which could disturb the general harmony, but 
 there were many English acts still existing, which 
 operated in this kingdom, and notwithstanding 
 the laudible acquiescence which appeared in 
 the renunciation of English claims, who could 
 engage that the present, or another, administra- 
 tion might not, at some future period, change 
 their minds ? He begged gentlemen to consider 
 the language held out in the English house of 
 commons. 
 
 "They asserted the right io external legislation, 
 and the honorable member who seconded the 
 motion on Irish affairs, did not give up that 
 right, but as a matter of convenience and com- 
 pact. Even the secretary, Mr. Fox, asserted 
 this right to external, though he gave up that of 
 internal, legislation. It may, therefore, be 
 imagined in England, that you imply what they 
 asserted, — ' that they had a right to bind you,'' 
 He could not see the necessity of that paragraph — 
 * that all constitutional questions between both 
 nations were at an end.' At a moment freer from 
 excitation than the present, he would recommend 
 that no expressions should be used which after- 
 wards could be laid hold of to their prejudice. 
 He thought the paragraph dangerous, and begged 
 to have it withdrawn." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 159 
 
 Mr. Martin and Mr. Walslie were of a like chap. 
 opinion ; the latter in a luminous speech, in ^^^-y^ 
 vvliicli the following remarkable passage occurs — 
 " He thought it a duty he owed to his consti- 
 tuents — ^he thought it a duty he owed to himself, 
 as an Irishman, to state in the face of his country 
 those objections which to him seem decisive 
 against that part of the address." 
 
 Mr. Flood said he did not entertain a murmur 
 of discontent, and declared to Mr. G rattan that 
 he meant not, by any means, to oppose the 
 address, but to deliver his opinion. 
 
 That power of the mind which we understand 
 by prescience, distinguished this statesman above 
 any of his contemporaries, at least in the Irish 
 senate, and is singularly instanced on this very 
 occasion. Amidst all this excitation attendant 
 on the fancied reality of national independence, 
 ushered in with the superlative eloquence of Mr. 
 G rattan, that, like the glorious orb of day, gilds 
 and beautifies all he touches, and, like him 
 too, causes an illusive image which the fond 
 expectation longs to reach, but, when arrived at, 
 is but a mirage — a delusion ! Amidst the 
 acclamation of the populace, and the pompous 
 applause of many an ignorant and venal senator, 
 the ungracious and daring scepticism was uttered.* 
 
 * Parliamentary History. 
 
160 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 Four members were dissentient — Broadstreet, 
 Walslie, Martin, and Flood. Two marked their 
 opinions by tlieir votes, the other two with their 
 voices only. The calm and dignified sentiments 
 of these men, unmoved by immediate causes, 
 conveyed doubts of the perfectness of the 
 " Address to the Throne" from the hour it 
 was first announced in parliament. Let us see 
 now if their sceptical views were justified by 
 the history of this transaction. 
 
 *'When the matter of establishing* the legis- 
 lative and judicial independence of Ireland 
 was under the consideration of the late ministry 
 (lord Rockingham's), two ways of doing it had 
 occwi'ed. The one, by a renunciation of what 
 the country held to be rigid, but which it was 
 ready to give up. This mode, however, it was 
 foreseen, might give offence to the people of 
 Ireland, who contended that England had never 
 any such right. The other mode was, — by 
 declaring that England, though she had exercised, 
 had never been legalli/ possessed of such a right ; 
 but to this mode of renunciation it was justly 
 apprehended that the 'parliament of Great 
 Britain would not he brought to consent."* 
 
 The measure of a simple repeal of the 
 declaratory act of the 6th of George I., was 
 
 * Dodsley's Register. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. l6l 
 
 therefore moved by Mr. Fox, and adopted as most 
 consistent with the spirit of the people tliere^ 
 (Irehmd), and the dignity of the government 
 here^^ This explanation is taken from the Annnal 
 Register, at a time when Mr. Burke was supposed 
 to have written for it. Now, Mr. Burke's speech 
 in the British parliament coincides with this, and 
 shows with what reluctance even he relinquished 
 internal, tjo^sa^nothing- of external^ legislation. 
 Mn^urke said : — *' So many and great revolu- 
 tions have happened of late, that he was not 
 surprised to hear the right honorable gentleman 
 treat the loss of the supremacy of England over 
 Ireland as a matter of very little consequence. 
 Thus, one star, and that the brightest ornament 
 of our orrery, having been suffered to be lost, 
 those who were accustomed to inspect and watch 
 our political heaven, ought not to wonder that it 
 should be followed by the loss of another." — 
 
 " So star would follow star, and light light. 
 Till all was darkness and eternal night." 
 
 Mr. Fox's disinclination to concede the full 
 extent of unfettered legislation, was as avowed 
 as that of Mr. Burke. He expressed himself, 
 when alluding to his reluctant concession of 
 internal and external legislation, which " the 
 Irish had imprudently insisted on having, and 
 which he had himself given up in com- 
 
 M 
 
162 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 pliance with tlie strong prejudices of that 
 nation, though with a rehictance that nothing 
 but irresistible necessity could have overcome." 
 Such was the confession of that eminent 
 orator ; and it is but justice to an Irishman 
 whom Fortune did not so graciously smile 
 on, but who was not inferior to him in 
 qualities of the mind, or in attainments which 
 give strength and efficacy to it, to state, that 
 Mr. Walshe penetrated the hidden motives and 
 springs of the British cabinet. Mr. Walshe 
 said : — " These expressions in the address he 
 thought too strong ; because, in his opinion, 
 they preclude any future address^ if it should 
 be found that any matter had been stated in the 
 former address that required amendment or 
 regulation. 
 
 *' With respect to the repeal of the 6th of Geo. I. 
 he relied on it as a lawyer that it was inadequate 
 to the emancipation of Ireland. The Cth of Geo. I. 
 is merely a declaratory law, — that law declares 
 that England has a power to make laws to bind 
 Ireland ; what then does its repeal do with 
 respect to Ireland ? simply this, and not a jot 
 more, it expunges the declaration qfthepoiver 
 from the English statute book, but it does not 
 deny the power hereafter to make laws to bind 
 Ireland, whenever England shall think herself in 
 sufficient force for that purpose. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. lC3 
 
 VI. 
 
 " How pregnant this doctrine of Mr. Fox's is chap. 
 with every mischief — nay, with absolute destruc- 
 tion to this country ! The parliament of Ireland 
 may make laws for their internal legislation ; 
 that is, he gives us leave to tax ourselves — he 
 permits us to take money out of our purses for 
 the convenience of England, but as to external 
 legislation, there Great Britain presides : in 
 any thing that relates to commerce, to exportation, 
 there Great Britain can make laws to bind 
 Ireland. 
 
 " The fair construction of the matter is this : — 
 Ireland, you shall not enjoy your natural and 
 constitutional rights — that of making the most of 
 the produce of ,your land ; you shall not send 
 your goods to the best and most profitable 
 markets. No, said Mr. Fox, that may hereafter 
 interfere with the interests of England — that may 
 hurt the pride of the British legislature. So that 
 by this doctrine, England may shut or open our 
 ports at pleasure. See then the absurdity of our 
 situation ! Ireland is said to have a * free trade,* 
 but the key of it is in Mr. Fox's pocket."* 
 
 The preceding observations on the " address 
 to the throne," demonstrate that it was considered 
 imperfect by four of the most able and learned 
 men in the Irish commons, and that two 
 
 * Parliamentary history, 1782. 
 
l64 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 members, at least, of the English cabinet were 
 adverse to the legislative independence of Ireland. 
 But a very short interval elapsed when Mr. 
 Flood's judgment was found to rest on more sure 
 basis than men of shallower understandings 
 contemplated. 
 
 The new secretary, Mr. Grenville, iu conse- 
 quence of a decision of lord Mansfield, made a 
 motion for leave to bring in a bill " for removing 
 and preventing all doubts which have arisen or 
 might arise concerning the exclusive rights of the 
 parliament and courts of Ireland in matters of 
 legislation or judicature, and for preventing any 
 writ of error or appeal from any of his majesty's 
 courts in that kingdom, from being received, 
 heard and adjudged, in any of his majesty's courts 
 of Great Britain." * In the same important debate, 
 Mr. Eden, whose acquaintance with the affairs and 
 statesmen of Ireland gave a high degree of value 
 to his opinion, said, " A doubt originated by the 
 learned lord, with whom he had lived twenty years 
 in habits of friendship, forcibly stated in Ireland by 
 the legal precision of Mr. Walshe, supported by 
 the admirable and luiwearied abilities of Mr. 
 Flood, and countenanced by the manly firmness 
 and eminent integrity of the recorder of Dublin, 
 was certainly not to be treated otherwise than with 
 
 * Hansard's debates. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. l65 
 
 respect." But of all who addressed themselves chap. 
 
 VI. 
 
 to this subject, lord Beauclianip was the most \,^y^s^ 
 2)erspicuous in language, irrefragible in argument, 
 and historically correct in narrative. His lordship 
 spoke on this occasion in these words. — " That 
 there were many jealousies in Ireland was not to be 
 doubted, that there were grounds for these 
 jealousies was an incontrovertible position the 
 right honorable gentleman (Mr. Eden) who spoke 
 last made evident. He had said, ' that the writ 
 of error from Ireland returnable into the king's 
 bench of England was coeval with the constitution 
 of Ireland.* It was impossible therefore, that the 
 mere repeal of the 6th of Geo. I. could take this 
 writ away. Now, if it did not take it away, with 
 what truth in argument could the right honorable 
 gentleman say, that this country had completely 
 surrendered every legislative and every judicial 
 jurisdiction over Ireland. But the right honor- 
 able member would say, ' it was only the appellant 
 jurisdiction of the house of lords that the Irish 
 complained.' Then, to what did a writ of error 
 brought into the king's bench ultimately tend ? 
 why, to establish that very appellant jurisdiction 
 of the British house of lords, of which the Irish 
 had complained ; for no man could doubt but 
 the party, who, in the appeal to the king's bench 
 
 * Hansard's debates, 1782. 
 
166 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. should think himself aggrieved, nay, by law 
 \^^ysj entitled to take out a writ of error returnable to 
 parliament, and thus the English lords would 
 come once more into possession of that very 
 judicial jurisdiction, the right honorable gentle- 
 man would have the Irish erroneously believe 
 had been fully surrendered up to them. 
 
 " Though it was erroneously said, that the right 
 of England over Ireland in matters of legislation 
 had been surrendered, scarcely three weeks had 
 passed when the English parliament legislated 
 for Ireland^ by passing an act prohibiting the 
 exportation of blocks used in calico printing, in 
 which act Ireland was expressly named,* not- 
 withstanding the very recent repeal of the 6th 
 of Geo. I. 
 
 " Had not the Irish just cause for alarm at this 
 breach of faith with them ? But was this the 
 only instance of attempting to legislate for 
 Ireland ? No : for that kingdom was expressly 
 named in the act which opened the British ports 
 for the importation of sugars, &c. the produce of 
 St. Kitts, and other late British islands in the 
 West Indies. Surely an attempt to open the 
 ports of a kingdom was one of the highest acts 
 of sovereign power." Mr. Pitt acquiesed in this 
 motion of Mr. Grenville, and it was carried. 
 
 * Hansard's debates. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. l67 
 
 The concession of so much power by the British 
 nation was, in fact, matter of the gravest reflection 
 for those who were capable of comprehending the 
 extent of such a relinquishment ; — -judicial and 
 legislative jurisdiction, internal and external legis- 
 lation. The latter would, in a degree, have altered 
 the course of the marine commerce of Great 
 Britain. Hence, we perceive lord Abington direct- 
 ed the force of his abilities against the concession. 
 He made a motion to that effect, and laid his claim 
 to the future assumption of rights and laid his 
 protest before the lords against the claims of 
 Ireland, whilst the delegates of the volunteers were 
 on the spot in their ambassadorial capacity. 
 
 Consequential from this motion and protest, 
 Mr. Flood said in the Irish parliament, — " I will 
 not speak at large to a question which I have 
 already so fully explained, unless some opposition 
 shall be made. I will only premise one idea. It 
 has been granted that Ireland ought to obtain the 
 best possible security for her liberties, and it was 
 manifest that legal security was the best, as was 
 proved in the case of the union between England 
 and Scotland. Now, though I do not think such 
 a union would be desirable, the circumstances 
 of the two countries being so different, yet I 
 think such sort of security as that which England 
 gave to Scotland at the union, would be advan- 
 tageous to Ireland. The union of England 
 
168 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 and Scotland was the union of both crowns and 
 both leg-islatiires. The crowns of both nations 
 are ah-eady united by a strong bond ; for by a 
 law of our parliament it is declared, — ' that 
 whosoever wears the imperial crown of England 
 shall also wear the crown of Ireland.' The 
 consent of that personage under the great seal 
 of England, and consequently with the knowledge 
 of all the great officers of England, must always 
 be had to the acts of the Irish houses of legisla- 
 ture before they can become laws. This bond of 
 union I would never wish to impair, but I should 
 like to see parliament as well secured in its rights 
 as the crown. Therefore, ' I move for leave to 
 bring in heads of a bill for the purpose of 
 affirming the sole and exclusive right of the 
 parliament of Ireland for to make laws for this 
 country, internal and external.'" The right 
 honorable Denis Browne, in an able speech, 
 seconded the motion. Mr. Walslie followed, and 
 his words deserve the more attention from his 
 unspotted integrity as a patriot, and the eloquence 
 with which he embellished the most difficult 
 forensic matters. " The question under debate," 
 [/ said he, " I am confident is one of the greatest 
 ' magnitude that ever came before the commons of 
 I Ireland. This day may for ever decide the fate 
 I of this country ; I shall therefore hope that on 
 this great constitutional question, on which the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. l69 
 
 very existence of Ireland depends, — I say, I hope 
 reason and sonnd judgment, not nwnherSj may 
 govern the decision of this assembly. If my 
 right honorable friend fail this day in asserting , 
 the rights of his country, he will, at least, have , 
 this satisfaction, — that of proving himself a faith- 
 ful servant of the nation." Mr. Flood was, 
 however, left in a minority of thirteen. 
 
 It is probable that Mr. Grattan himself began 
 to feel the force and cogency of the arguments 
 urged, and demonstrated by events ; for he was 
 induced to move a resolution which was unworthy 
 the "magnanimous champion,'* as he has been 
 styled by his admirers. The resolution was, — 
 " That the legislature of Ireland was indepen- 
 dent, and that any person who should propagate 
 in writing or otherwise an opinion that any right 
 whatsoever, whether external or internal, existed 
 in any other parliament, or could be revived, 
 was inimical to both kingdoms."* The unjusti- 
 fiable personality of this resolution, its arbitrary 
 inconsistency with the subject-matter of debate, 
 betrayed a want of wisdom, though much of 
 prejudice, in the mover. Mr^ Flood instantly 
 observed, " he never would agree to a resolution 
 to put the nation under a worse than Russian 
 government. Shall this house, — shall the house 
 
 * Pailiamcntary debates, 1782 j and Baiiington's Historic Memoirs. 
 
170 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. of peers — sliall every man in tlie land be 
 v^^Y^ prohibited from speaking-, be prohibited from 
 writing, because a particular set of men shall hear 
 the truth? — That they have not done adequate 
 justice to Ireland. Are they so very sensitive to 
 hear their actions and opinions canvassed ? Did 
 the honorable gentleman intend to pull down the 
 liberty of the press and deface the constitution?" 
 
 Mr. Grattan then altered his resolution, upon 
 which Mr* Flood sarcastically falicitated him* — 
 " I am glad to see it introduced in place of the 
 first proposed by the honorable gentleman, I am 
 happy to find men's mouths are not to be closed, 
 or their pens prevented from asserting the rights 
 of Ireland ; that the child of the mind might still 
 be delivered, and the offspring of the imagination 
 was not to be abortive. I rejoice to find that 
 my opposition has given the honorable member 
 an opportunity of changing his resolution, as his 
 former one would not receive too sudden or too 
 severe a rebuke which tended to prevent investi- 
 gation and for ever sink the constitution." 
 
 To follow these great men in the display of 
 their transcendant powers, would be to forget the 
 limits prescribed in biographical writing ; from the 
 halcyon days of Mr. G rattan's address, till the 
 time when Mr. Flood finally obtained a renun- 
 
 * Parliamentary debates, and Barrington's historic memoirs. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 171 
 
 elation on the part of Endand it was a continuous tH^p. 
 
 . . . . VI. 
 
 argumentative combat, in which the inexhaustible K^xy^^^ 
 munition of their intellects was lavished at each 
 successive position. 
 
 The former, as it were, stood arrayed in a 
 highly burnished mail and glittering arms, 
 holding a charter of liberty for his country in his 
 hand, too confident in his recent success to 
 require its ratification. The latter, panoplied 
 in the old rusty armour of the constitution, 
 demanded that its forms should be observed, the 
 parchment of your " rights" being worthless 
 without a legislative renunciation and the royal 
 signet. 
 
 This most interesting and all-important debate, 
 (at the time), closes with this fine peroration, 
 which for a noble assemblage of ideas and exalted 
 sentiments is not easily rivalled : — 
 
 " Were the voice with which I utter this, the 
 last effort of my expiring nature, — were the 
 accent which conveys it to you the breath that / 
 was to waft me to that grave to which we all tend, f 
 and to which my footsteps rapidly accelerate — I 
 would go on ; I would make my exit by a loud 
 demand of your rights. I call upon the God of/ 
 truth and freedom, who has often favored you, 
 and who has of late looked down upon you with 
 
 * Hampden. 
 
17^ MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP such a peculiar grace and glory of protection, — 
 
 \.^yyj to continue to you his inspirings, — to crown 
 
 you with the spirit of his completion, — to assist 
 
 you against the errors of those that are honest 
 
 I as well as the machinations of those that are 
 
 ' not." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. I73 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1782 AND 1783. 
 
 A difference of opinion between lord Charlcniont and Mr. Flood on the 
 adequacy of the " simple repeal." — Letter from the noble earl.— 
 
 Attempt to form fencible corps to supersede the volunteers Intended 
 
 motion of Mr. Flood in return for an act of renunciation Mr. 
 
 Serjeant Coppingcr, an old and valuable servant, disseized of his 
 office — Mr. Martin's memorable motion on the subject. — His able 
 speech tracing the characters of Coppinger, Ponsonby, and Flood. — 
 Notice of Mr. Martin — Prejudices of Irish writers. 
 
 The political differences which had arisen from chap, 
 recent discussions threw a shade over the friend- .^^ry-v^ 
 ship that had so long- subsisted between lord 
 Charlemont and Mr. Flood. This was the first 
 and only instance of any serious alienation of 
 regard, or severence in their politics. The 
 mediatorial character the noble earl thought it 
 right to assume from the moment the marquess of 
 Rockingham had confided to him the intentions 
 of his cabinet, made him feel with peculiar 
 tenaciousness any opinion or sentiment, that 
 might lead to disruption of the connective chain 
 which united the nominal independence of the 
 
174< MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. kingdom of Ireland with the party whom he 
 ^^-Y^xj considered its benefactors in England. 
 
 In all his views there was a spirit of chivalric 
 inconsequence which might easily be traced ; 
 but to confine the observation to acts of the 
 legislature, he maintained the adequacy of a 
 repeal of a declaratory law for all subjects of 
 national legislation, and he was offended by the 
 suggestion of doubts ; again, we find him indignant 
 at the idea of " commercial propositions" from 
 England, yet, he had resigned external legislation 
 when he accepted the " simple repeal ;" — again, 
 on the " regency question" he hastened to bear 
 the resolutions of the Irish commons which were 
 in contradistinction to those of the British : and 
 lastly, he established a whig club at Belfast, which 
 soon descended from the lofty sentiments of that 
 party to a reunion which spawned many of the 
 rebellious subjects of 1798. Hence, though he 
 had neither the sagacity, nor the clear compre- 
 hensive view, nor the thorny knowledge which 
 form the great statesman, yet, he will always be 
 admired for benevolence, adherence to his party, 
 and devotion to his fatherland. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. l?^ 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Dublhi, 2Slh June, 1782. 
 " JMy dear Flood, 
 
 " My journey to the south, after having gone through 
 
 all ni}' northern business, will be so precipitate, that it will, I 
 
 fear, be absolutely out of my power to comply with my own 
 
 inclination in acccepting your very kind invitation. In short, 
 
 I have so much to tlo, and so little time to do it in, that 
 
 I must attend to business only, without any thought of 
 
 pleasure. Foreign news I know of none ; and respecting 
 
 domestic intelligence, you are, I suppose, ah'eady informed 
 
 that the Dungannon meeting have unanimously entered into 
 
 what I think very proper resolutions, declaratory of their 
 
 satisfaction. Some there are still discontented, and I am sorry 
 
 for it; but how could it be otherwise, when they have the 
 
 sanction and impression of your opinion — of your eloquence ? 
 
 O, my dear Flood, what are you about ? You never have 
 
 taken a part so disagreeable to my feelings, because you never, 
 
 //// noiv, have done any thing which I could not some how 
 
 justify to myself, and consequently to others. The cry is 
 
 against you; I do not join in it: friendship forbids me. But, 
 
 alas ! why must I be silent ? why cannot I defend you, as 
 
 hitherto I have ever done ? 
 
 " I did not mean to have mentioned this matter, but in 
 
 writing to you, I am so used to speak my thoughts, that I 
 
 could not avoid it. I desire, however, no answer to this part 
 
 of my letter, as I do not wish to enter into a controversy with 
 
 you upon a subject on which, after the fullest deliberation, 1 
 
 am clearly decided. 
 
 " All our affectionate compliments to lady Frances, and 
 
 believe me, in spite of the essential difference in our present 
 
 opinion, 
 
 " Ever your's, 
 
 " Charlemont." 
 
 CHAP. 
 VII. 
 
17^ MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 VII. 
 
 CHAP. The new ministry attempted to form at this 
 
 period fencible regiments in Ireland, so as to 
 supersede the necessity of the continuance of the 
 volunteers in arms, who were now looked on with 
 as much suspicion as the pretorian legions of 
 Rome j and, in fact, though there was nothing 
 sinister or subversive in their contemplations, it 
 cannot be denied, they demanded rather than 
 petitioned for their rights. The duke of Portland 
 attemj)ted, too late, the introduction of what might 
 have been a good substitute for a militia, and a 
 more amenable force than the volunteers. But 
 what might have been salutary at first, now 
 occasioned jealousy and apprehension. 
 
 Mr. Flood, therefore, was altogether opposed 
 to the raising of fencible corps, as a misapplica- 
 tion of the funds voted by the house of commons 
 for a more noble purpose,* and useless and 
 unpopular as a military body. The retainers of 
 government and the personal friends of the duke 
 acquiesced in the plan. 
 
 The project Mr. Flood contemplated in the 
 event of the concessions to Ireland being as 
 complete as he considered necessary for the 
 national welfare, is accurately given in the 
 following paragraph found in a letter from the 
 duke of Chandos : — 
 
 * To raise sailors for the British navy. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. .17' 
 
 VII. 
 
 " I have heard from good authority, that if tHAP. 
 the English ministry wouhl consent to the 
 darling measure of the volunteers, — an Irish bill 
 of rights, — a proposition would be made in the 
 Irish parliament of the greatest advantage to 
 England. The proposition is, that the commons 
 of Ireland should vote four ships of an hundred 
 guns each, to be called after the four provinces of 
 this kingdom, to be presented to the king and 
 parliament of Great Britain, as an earnest of 
 what Ireland would do for her sister kingdom 
 when, by a free trade, her means shall have been 
 increased. I understand that Mr. Flood is the 
 person who intends to make this motion, and that 
 he will meet with support from all parts of the 
 house. I wish that persons in power may not 
 stand in the way of so noble a grant." 
 
 The lofty patriotism of such a design reflects 
 no small degree of honor on the projector, when 
 the critical situation of the British navy, which 
 had to sustain an unequal conflict with the 
 combined fleets of France and Spain, is taken into 
 consideration. 
 
 There was nothing unreasonable in the 
 concessions required. Mr. Fox had said in 
 parliament that " the measure of 'simple repeal' 
 could not stand alone, but must be accompanied 
 by a final adjustment, on solid basis, of perma- 
 
 N 
 
178 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, nent connexion between the two kinofdoms ;" 
 
 VII. . . 
 
 \^^~y^^ and lord Rockingham had expressed himself 
 similarly. 
 
 LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS. 
 
 " MinchemJ en-house, 22cl April, 1783. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " My letters are so frequent, I fear you will 
 necessarily look upon them as persecutions ; but I had 
 engaged in my last to give you some information relative 
 to the progress of the Irish legislature bill through our house. 
 It was moved to be read a second time yesterday se'nnight ; 
 there was no debate on the merits of the bill, but all parties 
 being pretty full of matter, a long desultoiy conversation took 
 place, and great part of it had as much to do with the bill, or 
 Ireland, as it had to do with Pekin or Canton. Upon the 
 whole, I thought the duke of Portland did not seem much 
 pleased with the bill, and in my opinion lost a very favorable 
 opportunity of paying some proper compliments to Ireland, 
 and totally declined any explanation of his Irish system, or 
 even informing us whether he had any. In the course of the 
 ideas I sul)mitted to the house, I could not refrain from 
 acquainting them with the veiy violent proceedings of lord 
 North towards you, in advising the king to strike your name 
 off the council books of both countries, imheard, without 
 notice, and M'ithout giving any reason : I threw out, that 
 it was not improbable but, after the recess, I might move 
 the house to take that business into serious consideration. 
 However, before I determine upon that point absolutely, I 
 must know whether I have your permission so to do ; if I 
 have, you will be pleased to send me any particular information 
 
MR. martin's defence OF COPPINGER. 
 
 A very affecting incident occurred at this 
 time, and, from its extraordinary unjustness, was 
 the subject of a motion in parliament and a 
 petition to the duke of Portland, viceroy, in 
 behalf of Mr. Coppinger, who had been tortuously 
 deprived of his ojffice to make room for Mr. 
 George Ponsonby. Mr. Martin, the mover, 
 represents this unjust proceeding in an oration 
 that would not be unworthy of the genius of 
 Tully ; he closed his motion by a reference to 
 the conduct of Mr. Ponsonbv towards Mr. Flood, 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 179 
 
 yon may think of use. After the house was up, lord C'arlilse 
 tokl me that it was at his instance that you were removed from 
 tlie council, and that, on his informing you of it, you said that 
 he had done very right. In my idea, this makes no ditTerence ; 
 for a measure of the lord lieutenant's, adopted hy the minister, 
 becomes his own, and he must be responsible for it. 
 
 " I wish to hear from you on this subject as soon as 
 possible. The lord lieutenancy of Ireland at present goes a 
 begging : the duke of Devonshire, lord Fitzwilliam, and lord 
 Derby have refused ; lord Northington is the person at present 
 talked of. Both houses are at present adjourned for the holidays. 
 
 " The duchess joins me in sincere good wishes to yourself 
 and lady Frances. 
 
 " I am, dear sir, 
 "your very faithful and obedient humble servant, 
 
 "Chakdos." 
 
180 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. to which aUiision has been made before, and 
 
 VII. 
 
 ^^,m^^^^ presents a striking portrait of the latter. Coming 
 from a person of so mnch weight and conse- 
 quence in the Irish parliament, conveyed in 
 language highly oratorical, it cannot be misplaced 
 or inapplicable here. To Mr. George Ponsonby 
 he said, — 
 
 " Let me council him, let me say to him, tear from you, as 
 you would the poisoned shirt, the ill-fated gift of Dejanira — 
 the office your character is now encumbered with ; tear from 
 you that office before you warm in it — tear it from you before 
 its infamy commixes with your blood and tarnishes your 
 honor. I, now, sir, call on the old gentleman, father to the 
 gentleman to whom I have been addressing myself — I say to 
 3'ou, go to the castle — you have often gone there for worse 
 purposes — I say worse purposes, because you never could go 
 on so good a purpose : say to his grace, without the servility of 
 a courtier — ' Sir, you meant to serve me and my family ; you 
 have injured me, and you have disgraced your government : 
 my son has abilities, and he wishes to rise on the broad basis 
 of his own merit, and if he cannot thus rise, I desire to see 
 him low for ever. Take back this gift, and give it to the 
 proper owner.' I desire the old gentleman to go while it is 
 possible he can get admission to the castle; for when the 
 enormity of this foul deed has got to the ear of the public — 
 I appeal to the bar, I appeal to the galleiy, I appeal to the soft 
 breast of beauty that adorns that box (formerly consigned to 
 court sycophants) — if you do not now go, the serjeant of the 
 battle-axe guard will not open the door for you, the aid-de-camp 
 in waiting will not present you, for both will suppose that your 
 return is the signal of your dismissal. If you do not go, I 
 pledge myself that I will, though my horse's feet have not torn 
 up the smooth pavement of the castle ^ard — though I have 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 181 
 
 not unnapped the carpet of the presence-chamber with ray chap. 
 frequent visits, nor dinned in the viceregal ear servile flattery. ^'^^* 
 
 I will exhort the representative of majesty, as the ambassador ~ "< ~ 
 of the unhapi)y man, to redress him ; and if he does not 
 redress him here, I will lind the way to the palace of St. James ; 
 I will get myself presented to the royal sovereign, and deplore 
 the injustice the best chief governor, with the best intentions, 
 has done, by an act that would dishonor Verres — that would 
 disgrace the regions of Constantinople. I will tell this, because 
 in his royal breast to know and to redress a grievance are one." 
 
 After this pathetic appeal to the feelings of 
 his audience on Mr. Copping-er's destitute 
 situation, after thirty years' arduous service, and 
 now supplanted by Mr. George Ponsonby ; the 
 orator turns to contrast this act with the public 
 character of Mr. Flood. 
 
 " I have now told you what Mr. Coppinger has done; let 
 me now inform you what he has not done (alluding to Mr. 
 George Ponsonby). He never, sir, at an early or at a late 
 period in life, stood forth the avowed advocate of corruption ; 
 he never said within these walls, to the greatest cliaracter that ■ 
 ever adorned this countiy — a character not to be profaned by '- 
 the tongues of impious men, whose name will die only when < 
 our constitution expires, whose transcendant abilities will be 
 handed down to posterity, while the history of this island shall 
 be read, her laws and her constitution survive — who is the 
 present adoration of this nation, and whose death will be 
 lamented as the bitterest calamity with which angry heaven 
 visited this land — whose transcendant merit is such, that it 
 keeps the merit of every other man at an awful and respectful 
 distance — whose abilities are of such a god-like nature, that 1 
 
182 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 protest, if ever I sluiU stand forward the advocate of the present 
 aera, I shall do it hy telling my son, if God should bless me 
 with one, that the period in which I acted wa^ preferable to 
 that in which he might hope for. I say preferable, because I 
 lived in the same sera, and had the honor to be born in the 
 same country with that great man." 
 
 The orator continues the contrast between Mr. 
 George Ponsonby and Mr. Flood. The portrai- 
 ture may be overcharged, — the glowing colours 
 may be unsuited to the present taste or the 
 present concef)tion of the man ; but they are the 
 deliberate sentiments of Mr. Martin, a gentleman 
 of rank, property, and learning, who was imjDelled 
 by the most honorable motives to expose the 
 corrupt traffic of an office, whereby an honest, 
 tried, and humble servant of the crown was 
 reduced to penury, merely to give place to an 
 individual of strong parliamentary connexion.* 
 
 AVe have now brought the biography of Mr. 
 Flood to the close of this year ; and, in reference 
 to his political conduct, the parliamentary 
 debates, as published, have been diligently con- 
 sidered : for, in a country so uncongenial to 
 impartial representation, where the page of 
 history is often stained with the gall of party 
 
 * The author of the " Priiifipal Characters." 
 
IllCIIT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 183 
 
 bitterness, it is difficult to arrive at a just 
 appreciation of men and measures. We had to 
 trace back to the pure sources of truth, or its 
 nearest resemblance, and drink of those waters 
 before they commingled with tributary streams, 
 which, though they add volume and force, 
 generally destroy their purity and flavour. 
 
iS'i MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 1783. 
 
 Arrival of the earl of Norlhington — Overtures made to Mr. Flood 
 through the . archbishop of York, at the instance of the earl of 
 Northington. — Mr. Edmond Malone addresses a semi-official letter to 
 
 Mr. Flood Reasons why Mr. Flood declined such invitations. — 
 
 Parliamentary reform in Ireland, and a reduction of the military 
 
 establishment Early character of Mr. Parsons — Lord Charlemont's 
 
 letter to the delegates of the volunteers Crisis in the opinions of 
 
 Irishmen Motion for retrenchment in the military departments made 
 
 by sir Henry Cavendish, seconded by Mr. Flood — Opinions of Mr. 
 George Ponsonby and Mr. Grattan, on the same subject. — Cause of 
 the dispute between Flood and Grattan — Their speeches. — These 
 patriots compared — Letters from the duke of Chandos. 
 
 Previous to the arrival of the earl of Northington, 
 almost on the formation of the coalition ministry, 
 an overture was indirectly made to Mr. Flood to 
 join the government, which he declined, though 
 advantageous to his personal aggrandizement. 
 Indeed, a considerable part of the British nation 
 averted their eyes from a union which militated 
 against political integrity, and a cabinet, whose 
 members did not entertain coincident principles, 
 could not promise a long duration, but must 
 divaricate, with diminished public confidence, and 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 185 
 
 VIII. 
 
 personal lustre. His political sagacity, as well as chap. 
 his principles, prevented his taking- office, however 
 plausibly the present instance might have suggested 
 the reflection, that the attachments and aversions 
 of statesmen are often guided by their interests 
 or convenience. 
 
 One of the letters which elucidates Mr. 
 Flood's situation and conduct, at this period, is 
 from Mr. Edmond Malone, a friend of his, who 
 was connected with the administration. In 
 one part of this communication he says, — " I 
 am well, though not officially, informed that the 
 new g-overnment is thoroughly impressed with the 
 sense of your importance," and hints to place in 
 these terms, — " I have good ground for believing 
 that the office of chancellor of the exchequer may 
 be vacated, and if any office is an object to you, 
 I take it for granted that must be one." — 
 These expressions of Mr. Malone are concurrent 
 in time and tendency with a letter from the 
 archbishop of York, Dr. Markham, to his former 
 pupil. His grace writes at the instance of lord 
 Northington — " who wishes for nothing so much 
 as the assistance of your abilities ; and it should 
 depend on yourself what share of the public 
 business you might choose to engage in." 
 
186 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII. 
 
 ^•^^-^^ LETTER FROM MR. MALONE. 
 
 " Dear Flood, 
 
 " You will probably, before you receive this letter, 
 have heard that lord Northington is appointed lord lieutenant 
 of Ireland, and Mr. Wyndham, of Norfolk, (not lord 
 Egremont's brother,) a gentleman of good fortune, his 
 principal secretary. 
 
 "This new appointment is the occasion of my taking up 
 the pen at present, for the purpose of asking you whether 
 you mean to come to England shortly, or have any wish or 
 intention to form any part in the new administration in the 
 next session in Ireland. I trouble you with these inquiries 
 not from idle curiosity, but because I am iccll, though not 
 ojjicially, informed that the new government is thoroughly 
 impressed with the sense of your importance ; and, of course, 
 I should think, would wish to make an arrangement that 
 should be the means of obtaining your friendshijj and 
 assistance. 
 
 " I shall not enlarge farther on this business till I hear 
 from you what your intentions or wishes are. Among other 
 things that I have reason to think are attainable, I have good 
 grounds for believing that the office of chancellor of the 
 exchequer may be vacated ; and if any office is an object to 
 you, I take it for granted that must be one. 
 
 " It is so long since 1 have seen you, that I am entirely 
 ignorant whether such an office, or any other, is at present an 
 object of your wishes ; and I am also aware, that you may 
 have particular reasons for not choosing to disclose your 
 intentions to any one. I request, therefore, you will be so 
 good as to communicate or withhold your thoughts from me 
 on this subject as you please. If you think fit to employ me, 
 I think it may be in my ])0wcr to put things in such a train as 
 
LETTER FROM W. MARKHAM, ARCHBISHOP OF YORK. 
 
 " Bloomsbury-square , May 3, 1783. 
 " JNFy Dear Sir, 
 
 " My friend, lord Xorthiiigton, lias undertaken the 
 government of Ireland ; and, knowing as I do the rectitude of 
 liis mind, and his many respectable qualities, I have anxious 
 wishes for the success of his administration. I had a conver- 
 sation with him tliis morning. Your imjiortance was too 
 conspicuous to escape making a part of it. I told him that I 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 187 
 
 will be agieeable to you ; and you well know that there are 
 many occasions in which a middle-man is a useful one. 
 
 " You will, I am sure, readily believe that I have no other 
 object or interest in this business, but doing you, and the public 
 at the same time, a ser\ice. I must, however, once more repeat, 
 that what I write is neither at the desire, nor even with the 
 knowledge, of any person concerned in government ; but is 
 merely in consequence of my putting together a number of 
 things that have lately fallen within my pri\ate observation, 
 and in which, I think, I can't be mistaken. Mr. Wyndham, 
 the new secretary, is an acquaintance of mine, but I have not 
 seen liim since his new appointment. He is a man of strict 
 honor, and does not go to Ireland with any view to emolument, 
 it being with great difficulty that he was prevailed upon to 
 accept of his present employment. 
 
 " I am doubtful where you are at present, but will direct to 
 
 Dublin. I Avish either business or inclination led you a little 
 
 more to this part of the world, being, my dear I'lood, with 
 
 perfect truth, 
 
 " Your sincerely affectionate, 
 
 " Edmond Malone." 
 "London, April 24, 1783, 
 
 Queen Anne-strcet, East." 
 
188 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. thought myself justified, by long experience of your chai'acter, 
 ^^^^- in assuring him, that though you had expressed quick 
 resentments of what you thought ill treatment, yet no man 
 had a clearer or purer sense of a fair and honorable conduct. 
 That it was impossible you should have any views contraiy to 
 the public interest ; and that, while the measures of government 
 were honestly directed, I did not believe you would seek an 
 interest in opposing them ; and that as no man possessed the 
 means of doing so essential services to government, I wished 
 him, if possible, to look to your support. I went so far as to 
 tell him, that if he thought my long friendship with you might 
 be made useful in facilitating the approaches to a friendly 
 intercourse, he might use my services. 
 
 " He expressed himself much obliged to me, said he knew 
 your value, and esteemed your character, and wished for 
 nothing so much as to have the assistance of your abilities : 
 that it should depend upon yourself what share in the public 
 business you might choose to engage in : that you should be as 
 confidential to him as you pleased, and should never have 
 reason to complain of his conduct. 
 
 " I was led by the esteem and affection which I have always 
 had for him, and my unremitted wish to make myself useful 
 to you, to make that ofler to him, persuaded that it will be an 
 act of kindness, essential to the honor and interest of both, 
 and I heartily pray it may be with effect. 
 
 " I wish you to send me an answer which I may communi- 
 cate to him. Our kindest compliments to lady Frances. 
 
 " I am, dear sir, 
 
 " Your most faithful servant, 
 
 " W. Ebou." 
 
 However amiable and conciliatory this inter- 
 position of Dr. Markliam must have appeared to 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 189 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Mr. Flood, recommended by a long course of ^^hap. 
 friendship and disinterested benevolence, yet lie 
 was obliged to oppose, in some degree, the 
 government of lord Northington. Such is often 
 the contrariety of politics, that when they do not 
 sever, they disregard the claims of amity. 
 
 The two points of opposition Mr. Flood felt 
 it consistent to give — but which did not prevent 
 his attending court, — were on a financial re- 
 trenchment, and a parliamentary reform. The 
 transitory but diligent administration of earl 
 Temple, with whom Mr. Flood enjoyed a 
 confidential intercourse, pointed to where economy 
 might be practised in the one, and rendered 
 manifest the impurity of the other." * 
 
 In these views many of the younger members 
 of the house, and some of the more experienced, 
 concurred. This minority amounted to about 
 forty, who were uninfluenced by the secretary. 
 Among the former was Mr. George Molyneux 
 and Mr. Laurence Parsons ; among the latter, 
 were sir Henry Cavendish, sir Edward Newenham, 
 Right Honorable Denis Browne, Mr. Coote, and 
 Mr. Jephson, whose exertions in the national 
 welfare were considerable. Mr. Parsonst claims 
 
 * Gordon Hist. vol. ii. 
 j- His Defence of Ireland, to which is prefixed an account of Mr. 
 Flood's views and opinions on the literature and antiquity of Ireland. 
 
190 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 VIII 
 
 CHAP, a pre-eminent place in this biography, as he exerted 
 in more matnre years, his abilities and acquire- 
 ments to diffuse a knowledge of the great literary 
 objects that were contemplated by his venerated 
 friend, and to protect his posthumous fame. The 
 character of the youthful politician is thus 
 described : — ** Educated in the university of 
 Dublin, he early distinguished himself by regu- 
 larity of conduct, a sedulous attention to literary 
 pursuits, and a winning affability of deportment 
 that conciliated the affections of all. Thus 
 qualified, the university elected him, when yet 
 young in years, as one of its representatives, and 
 his abilities fully justified the propriety of its 
 choice. In oratory his language is simple and 
 flowing, though seldom figurative, is ever correct — 
 his reasoning is close and argumentative ; his 
 matter always good, not skimmed from the 
 surface, but drawn from the depths of his subject 
 — not the frippery and tinsel of a superficial 
 declaimer, but the sterling one of a well informed 
 speaker. 
 
 " On all public questions Mr. Parsons has uni- 
 formly acted with integrity, honor, and patriotic 
 virtue ; hence he has secured (which next to the 
 approbation of his own mind is most valuable,) the 
 applause of genius, of learning, and of virtue."* 
 
 * Tlic author of the " Principal Characters." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. IQl 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Such was the promising commencement of a chap. 
 g-entleman whose mature years have been honored 
 by literary fame, in addition to his academic 
 rejjutation and patriotic services. 
 
 The period of the earl of Northington*s vice- 
 royalty forms a crisis in the political and moral 
 condition of Ireland. What had been conceded 
 by the British legislatures in the earlier part of 
 the year preceding did not suffice for the rising 
 spirit of the Irish nation ; and on reflection, we 
 ought to be the less surprised when we recollect 
 the axiom — " that nothing can repress the^ general 
 will of ajiation to be free.'* (Grateful and sensible 
 the majority were, yet as long as the grave 
 imperfections of the representative body were 
 permitted to exist, the free-will offering of Great 
 Britain was, as unproductive as the talent that the 
 unwise servant placed in a napkin. At this period 
 it was computed that no more than sixty members 
 of the Irish parliament were independent, or 
 beyond the influence of the crown ! The earl of 
 Charlemont, a conspicuous individual from the 
 accidents of his rank and the ascendancy of his 
 party, strove to keep the nation within the 
 trammels which would give power and efficacy to 
 his political connections, forgetful that Machi- 
 evelli* had written, " that it is hopeless to reduce 
 
 ■^ II Principe. 
 
192 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, to slavery (or to a particular party) a nation 
 v^^-y-v^ embued with the spirit of freedom," and the bold 
 spirits that entertained the thought, were not 
 likely to mind the delicately defined boundaries 
 which he would feign impose. His mind, indeed, 
 was more at ease in translating the euphonous 
 language of the laureat Petrarcha, or writing 
 eulogies on the character of sir Phillip Sidney, 
 than in devising means to avert or guide the 
 political storm that he might have perceived, 
 lowered on the horizon. The delegates of the 
 volunteers had sent him a programme of their 
 intentions, and the earl, as their general and 
 mentor, wrote from Lurgan his rescript — to 
 meditate on *' reform alone." 
 
 In his early correspondence with Mr. Flood, 
 he was wont to compare him to Hampden, from 
 the energetic boldness of his nature, and other 
 peculiarities of his life, traits of character, and 
 habits of study, which might seem to bear out a 
 resemblance ;* and such a character was adapted 
 to the present state affairs of Ireland. His 
 energies, then, were called forth to direct this 
 new development of political power, which 
 the nation evinced, by convening an association 
 of some of her wealthiest, most intelligent, and 
 most disinterested members. 
 
 Clarendon and Godwin. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 193 
 
 To what did his exertions tend? To obtain chap. 
 an independent parliament, as the constitntional v^,,.^^ 
 means of correcting- other abuses. The conven- 
 tion, which was shortly to assemble in the capital, 
 probably did not exceed in number one hundred 
 and sixty deleg^ates, who professed moderate 
 doctrines of civil liberty, and whose practical 
 wisdom was not inferior to their disinterested 
 patriotism : there was, indeed, an extraneous 
 spirit, not guided by such honorable motives. 
 The great mass of the volunteer army, from 
 north to south, from east to west, were armed 
 spectators, and might well awaken a timorous 
 spirit in some, and point the declamation of 
 others. For such a struggle, — for working the 
 principle involved in the concessions of 1782, in 
 its most enlarged consequences, we can perceive 
 in the character of Mr. Flood some of those 
 faculties, and that intrepidity of soul, which 
 induced the earl of Chai lemont to compare him to 
 the immortal patriot of the seventeenth century. 
 
 His stake, too, was considerable, in fortune, in 
 reputation, and in connexions who would take 
 umbrage at the extinction of family boroughs. 
 He was, as it were, thrust from the constitutional 
 ground of political warfare, on which he would 
 willingly have taken issue, to a site where the 
 national feelings were more truly represented. 
 Such is the portraiture of him at this contentious 
 
 o 
 
194 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 VIII. 
 
 CHAP, and perilous time of Irish history ; and we shall 
 presently have to follow him to a scene where he 
 conducted the national impulse to a peaceful, 
 though not triumphant, issue. 
 
 The summer of this year, Mr. Flood went to 
 England, in the course of which he made a visit 
 to Avington, the seat of the duke of Chandos, 
 where he probably concluded his negotiation with 
 his grace for the representation of Winchester, 
 which borough he canvassed in September, and 
 then returned to Ireland, preparatory to the 
 opening of the session. He caught a severe 
 cold in his passage over, and an attack of gout 
 added much to retard his accustomed activity » 
 Nevertheless, he resumed his parliamentary 
 duties, which commenced in October, 1783. 
 After the usual preliminaries, a motion of con- 
 siderable financial importance was moved by sir 
 Henry Cavendish, on the 28th of the same 
 month, the scope of which was to make a 
 " retrenchment in the military establishment of 
 Ireland." Nothing was more necessary than a 
 diminution of the national expenses, and none 
 seemed to afford a curtailment so advantageously 
 as this department of the state ; particularly, as 
 peace was established, and a militia or the 
 volunteers were equally adequate, under wise and 
 judicious direction, to the exigencies of Ireland 
 at the time. This question was introduced by 
 
RIGHT HOy. HEXRY FLOOD. 195 
 
 sir Henry Cavendish without a word of person- 
 ality or offensive alhision to any member of the 
 house ; however, ]\Ir. Geo. Ponsonby replied to the 
 bai'onet,* in terms too exciting not to give a tone 
 to the debate, which brought forth the celebrated 
 invective of Mr. Grattan, the probable cause of 
 which we shall briefly narrate. — A good under- 
 standing and a co-operation on many political 
 transactions, continued between Mr. Grattan 
 and Mr. Flood, till the difference on the "simple 
 repeal ;" the ultimate triumph of the latter gave 
 a deeper tinge to the umbrage occasioned by 
 their first contentions. " The reasonings of Mr. 
 Flood rapidly propagated themselves through the 
 country. The most eminent authorities assented 
 to the correctness of his positions. The volun- 
 teers caught the alarm, — he was addressed by one 
 body after another, until all Ireland seemed to 
 be converted to his opinion, and * simple repeal* 
 was scouted as utterly inadequate and delusive." 
 Mr. Flood, in his reply to the addresses from the 
 Connaught volunteers, used some words at which 
 Mr. Grattan took offence ; a challenge ensued, 
 and the parties were prevented meeting only by 
 the interference of the civil power. Both were 
 men of the coolest courage ; and it is to be 
 feared, that had they met in the field the conse- 
 
 * Parliamentarv debates of Ireland. 
 
19C MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, quence would have been fatal. Two remarkable 
 
 VIII. 
 
 incidents show that no ung-eneroiis thought, or 
 ignoble act characterised his public exertions, 
 which shall be noticed subsequently. 
 
 Mr. Flood supported sir Henry Cavendish's 
 motion, at the the same time he wished to extend 
 its operation. His opening speech is thus given 
 in the parliamentary reports : — 
 
 " Sir, I find myself little capable of speaking to this 
 question, oppressed with sickness as I am, and not in the least 
 degi'ee expecting such a question this night, and more 
 astonished than ever I was in my life, to find the least symptom 
 of opposition arising on the opposite side of the house. 
 
 " The opposition to it should originate here, for the 
 resolution does not go so far as it ought to do. In lord 
 Townshend's administration a resolution was proposed — ' that 
 the condition of this country required every practicable 
 retrenchment to be made in its expenses,' — and the adminis- 
 tration of that day thought they had done enough, and allowed 
 themselves latitude sufficient, by amending it with the words, — 
 ' consistent with the w elfare thereof, and the honorable support 
 of his majesty's government,' The resolution, so amended, 
 stood then exactly like the present motion, which I think still 
 allows too great an inlet to public profusion. 
 
 " Some men will think of their own welfare, when the 
 welfare of the country is the object, and include their own 
 support within the honorable support of his majesty's gevern- 
 ment. I did not think any man on the side of adminis- 
 tration, would have opposed this motion — I rather supposed 
 they would have called out, in triumph, to let it pass — they 
 would have exulted to see the new commons — ' the new country, 
 Ireland, in her emancipated and dignified state, would not 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 197 
 
 tolerate the nonsense that was current in lor J Townshend's chap 
 
 1 • • . .■ VIII. 
 
 adninnstration. ^^ 
 
 " I am as willing as aiiy man to pay compliments to 
 ministers, hoth here and in England ; to allow them every 
 degi'ee ot" credit lor their honorahle intentions ; I have not the 
 smallest ground for animosity or resentment to them ; and 
 when I hear economy recommended from the throne, almost in 
 the words of the hon. haronet, I am the more astonished at a 
 ministerial opposition to this motion. 
 
 " Indeed, I helieve the words of that recommendation were, 
 by some accident, misplaced, or that government has not 
 digested a plan of retrenchment ; it should not have followed 
 immediately the mention of the Genevan colony* — a body of 
 virtuous men, who, to avoid the most ignominious slaveiy, 
 have sought an asylum in this country, — it was not the proper 
 place to use the word economy — there, it disgraces the virtuous 
 and generous acts of men who have just recovered their own 
 liberty ; by placing it there, we may lose a great deal of honor, 
 yet can save very little money. It is not to such little things 
 we are to look for relief, — our retrenchments should reach 
 establishments, — and, not like England, plunge deeper each 
 day in ruin. Ministry both here and in that kingdom, have 
 often been warned of the consequence that must follow, but 
 these warnings have been treated as the visions of speculative 
 men. England, that great and mighty country ! now staggers 
 under a load of debt, distress, and dismemberment;* her 
 expenses overwhelm her, and where is the man who will say, 
 she shall be redeemed ? Where is the man who will say, 
 I will redeem her, and will say how P Though every little 
 minister, or every little man who imagines he is a minister, is 
 ready to undertake the management of her affairs. 
 
 * For the history of the immigration of Genevese, see Gordon, vol. ii. 
 f The separation of America, and embarrassment in hidia. 
 
198 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 " Where is the man who will say, Ireland ought to have a 
 peace establishment of fifteen thousand men ? When the 
 augmentation took place, in lord Townshend's administration, 
 tliis countiy was unable to bear it^ and, since that day, we have 
 been involving her deeper and deeper, because at first we 
 embarrassed her in an undertaking beyond her strength. 
 
 " When all the world united against Britain, and she was 
 surrounded by enemies, we gave way to the feelings of our 
 hearts, and spared her four thousand men ; and some time after, 
 in the moment ' de flagrante bello,' we granted her more than 
 half our remaining troops. If, then, in time of war, the 
 country remained secure without regulars, will any man say, 
 that in the time of profound peace, she ought to support fifteen 
 thousand men ? No. Now is the time of reducing your 
 military establishment ; let your intention be known this day 
 that the right honorable secretary may have time to communicate 
 with England ? If you neglect the present opportunity no 
 minister will have even a j^ietence for restoring the finances 
 of this country. 
 
 " I am no partizan, either here or in England ; I can gain 
 nothing — I am, in either place, ready to support ministers, 
 when they are right, and, whenever they are wrong, to oppose 
 them, and resist measures. At present, I hope my honorable 
 friend will allow me to alter his motion, and state a precise 
 idea. I would have it run thus, — Resolved, ' that the condition 
 of Ireland requires every practicable retrenchment, and that 
 the military establishment, in its present state, aifords room for 
 effectual reduction.' I love the army as a body of brave and 
 worthy men, but I would not sacrifice the kingdom to their 
 benefit. 
 
 " Now, sir, if ministers really mean economy, they will 
 agree to this amendment of mine : if not, they will amuse us 
 with the words only." 
 
 I 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 199 
 
 MR. GRATTAN. 
 
 " I shall not trouble you long, nor take up the time of the 
 house by apologizing lor bodily infirmity, or the atlcctation of 
 infirmity. I shall not speak of myself, or enter into a defence 
 of my character, having never apostatized. I tliink it not 
 necessary for the house now to investigate what we know to be 
 fact. I think it would be better for the house now to go into 
 the business, as the house did on another occasion, without the 
 formality of the committee's report. 
 
 " As to myself, the honorable reward whicli a grateful nation 
 has bestowed on me, for ever binds me to make every return in 
 my power, and particularly to oppose every unnecessary 
 expense. I am far from thinking with the honorable gentleman 
 as to the speech, and I believe he will find instances where 
 economy was recommended from the throne, but prodigality 
 practised. This was the case in lord llarcourt's administration 
 — one which had the support of the honorable gentleman, and 
 therefore he, of all men, cannot be at a loss to reject that 
 illusory economy which has so often appeared in the s[)eeches of 
 viceroys. 
 
 " With respect to the Genevese, I never thought it possible 
 to give the speech such a bias as has been mentioned ; and 
 that people will be deceived if they give credit to any declama- 
 tion that infers from the words of the speech from the throne, 
 anything but an honest economy in applying the public money 
 fairly to their use. The nation has deserved great honor by 
 this transaction, and I should be sorry to have it tarnished by 
 inference or insinuation. 
 
 "In 1781, when the burdens of Ireland were comparatively 
 small, I made a motion similar to this on the table ; the 
 honorable gentleman then opposed me. I have his sanction 
 now, that I was right and he was wrong; and I say this, that 
 
 CTIAP 
 VI 11. 
 
200 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. though gentlemen may for a while vote against retrenchments, 
 ^^11' they will, at last, see the necessity of them. Yet, while I 
 think retrenchments absolutely necessaiy, I am not very sure 
 this is just the time to make it in the army. Now, when 
 England has acted justly, — I will not say generously, — now, 
 when she has lost her empire, when she still feels the wounds 
 of the last unhappy war, and comforts herself only with the 
 faithful friendship of Ireland. 
 
 "If, in 1769, when the liberties of Ireland were denied, and 
 those of America in danger, it was thought unadvisable to 
 retrench our army ; there can be no such reason to reduce it 
 now, when both are acknowledged and confirmed. 
 
 " When we voted four thousand men to butcher our brethren 
 in America, the honorable gendeman should have opposed 
 that vote : but, perhaps, he will be able to explain the propriety 
 of sending four thousand men thither. But why not look for 
 retrenchment in the revenue and other dejjartments ? 
 
 " In my mind, the proper mode would be to form a fair 
 estimate of what would be a reasonable peace establishment, 
 and reduce our several departments to it." 
 
 In the preceding speech of Mr. Grattan, it 
 would be impossible to excuse the spirit of 
 its personality, were we not provided with the 
 introductory sentences which elucidate the motive. 
 The depreciation of the statesmanship of Mr. 
 Grattan was very general, owing to the limited 
 view he advocated of the important questions 
 pending between the legislatures of England and 
 Ireland, from April, 1782, to January, 1783. 
 From their incompleteness at the first period, to 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 201 
 
 VIII. 
 
 their accomplishment at the second. It has been chap. 
 assumed that his opinions originated in his magna- 
 nimity, and an unqualified reliance on the good 
 faith of England ; and while the sentiment does him 
 honor, yet its sufficiency has never been considered 
 in international transactions. The context of his 
 speeches on two occasions quoted by authorities,* 
 would not seem to imply that confiding sentiment 
 attributed to him. 
 
 " The act of renunciation," writes Mr. 
 Belsham, " was a necessary consequence of the 
 general plan of Irish freedom, for the mere repeal 
 of the declaratory act, did not in the views of the 
 common law make any difference in the relative 
 situation of the two countries," i. e. the dependency 
 of Ireland. 
 
 Hence, when this wordy contest arose, Mr. 
 Flood was in his meridian of fame, and his distin- 
 guished antagonist almost in the nardir point of 
 obscuration. 
 
 The next point in the foregoing speech is, the 
 Genevese colony, to whom Mr. Flood wished to 
 extend the shield of Irish protection and to main- 
 tain by Irish hospitality, an accession of protestants 
 as well as hardy peasants to colonise a district 
 uninhabited by natives. Mr. Grattan, however, 
 as the champion of government and defender of 
 
 * Belsham, vol. ii. "Author of the Strictures on Plowden." 
 
202 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 their measures and establlsliinents just now, thought 
 differently. The advantage was hypothetical at 
 the time, from the circumstance of the adventurers 
 being republicans, but which was counterbalanced 
 by their being uncompromising protestants. 
 
 The next point is lord Harcourt's ministry. 
 An analytical view of that nobleman's acts has 
 been given in another part : but he certainly lost 
 the confidence of lord North by his too great 
 partiality to Irish interests. From the first to the 
 last act of his government, we have historically* 
 before us, instances of a remarkable liberal policy, 
 and even economical for that time. 
 
 When Mr. Grattan in the last paragraph refers 
 to a motion he made in 1781> for retrenchment, 
 which was then opposed by Mr. Flood, and thus 
 to mark his inconsistency, we are at a loss for a 
 reason why he should have assumed such a position 
 for an argument against the motion on the table. 
 
 There was no analogy between the state of 
 affairs in 178 1 and 1783, no more than there was 
 between a state of war and a state of peace. 
 
 If Mr. Flood opposed a retrenchment of the 
 military establishment at the first named period, 
 a wise caution countenanced his views ; but no 
 circumstance whatever forbid a reduction at the 
 last period. 
 
 * Gordon's history, vol. ii. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 203 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII. 
 
 MR. FLOOD'S REPLY. 
 
 " The riglit lionomLle member can have no doubt of the 
 propriety of my saying a iew Avonls in reply to what he has 
 delivered. Every member of this house can bear witness of the 
 infirmity I mentioned, and, therefore, it required but little 
 candour to forbear a nocturnal attack on that infiraiity. But I 
 am not afraid of the right honorable member, — I will meet him 
 any where, or on any ground, by night or by day. I would 
 stand poorly in my own estimation, and in my country's 
 opinion, if I did not stand far above him. I do not come here 
 dressed in a rich wardrobe of words, to delude the people — I 
 am not one Avho has promised repeatedly to bring in a ' bill of 
 rights,' yet does not bring in that bill, or permit others to do it. 
 I am not one who has threatened to impeach the chief justice 
 of the king's bench, for acting under an English law, and 
 afterward's shrunk from that business. I am not the author of 
 the * simple repeal,' — I am not one who, after saying, ' the 
 parliament was a parliament of prostitutes,'* endeavoured to 
 make their voices subservient to my interest. I am not one 
 who would come at midnight, and attempt by a vote of this 
 house to stifle the voice of the people, which my egregious 
 folly had raised against me. I am not the gentleman who I 
 subsists on your accounts. I am not the mendicant patriot 
 who was bought by his country for a sum of money, and sold his 
 country for promjit payment. I am not the man who in this 
 house loudly complained of an infringement made by England 
 by including Ireland in a bill, and then sent a certificate to 
 Dungannon, that Ireland was not included ; I never was bought 
 liy the people, nor never sold them. The gentleman says, * he 
 never apostatized,' but I say, I never changed my principles, — 
 
 * Pailiamcntary debates. — I\Ir. Gratfan's epithet. 
 
204 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 let every man say the same, and let the people believe tliem if 
 they can. 
 
 " But if it be so bad a thing to take office in the state, how 
 j comes the gentleman connected with persons in office ? They, 
 I hope, are men of virtue, or how comes the gentleman so 
 closely connected with colonel Fitzpatrick ? I object to no 
 man for being in office, — the patriot in office is the more a 
 patriot for being there. There was a time when the glories of 
 the great duke of Marlborough shrunk and withered before 
 those of the right honorable gentleman. When palaces 
 superior to Blenheim were to be built for his reception, — when 
 pyramids and pillars were to be raised and adorned with 
 emblems sacred to his virtue : but the pillars and pyramids are 
 now sunk, though then the great lord Chatham was held inferior 
 to him ; however, he is still so great, that the queen of France,! 
 dare say, will have a song written on the name of Grattan. 
 
 " Lord Harcourt practised economy ; but Avhat was the 
 economy of the duke of Portland ? One hundred thousand 
 pounds were voted to raise twenty thousand seamen, though it 
 was well known, that one-third of the number could not be 
 raised ! And what was the application of the money ? — it was 
 applied to the raising the execrable fencibles ! 
 
 " It is said, I supported lord Harcourt's administration, 
 — it is true ; but I never deserted my principles, but carried 
 them into the cabinet with me. A gentleman who now hears 
 me, knows that I proposed to the privy council, an Irish mutiny 
 bill, and that not with a view to a parliamentary grant. I 
 supported an absentee-tax, and, while in office, I registered my 
 principles in the books of government. The moment I could 
 not influence the ministry to the advantage of this nation, 
 I ceased to act with them. 
 
 " I was the first who ever told them, than an Irish mutiny 
 bill must be granted. 
 
 " If this country is now satisfied, is it owing to that 
 gentleman P No — the ' simple repeal,' disproved and scouted by 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 205 
 
 all the lawyers in Englaiul and Ireland, shows the contrary : i chap. 
 and the only apolooy he can make, is that he is no lawyer at ^'^^^• 
 all. A man of warm imagination, and brilliant fancy, will 
 sometimes be dazzled by his own ideas, and may for a moment j 
 Ml into eiTor ; but a man of sound head could not have made i 
 so egregious a mistake, and a man of honest heart would not 
 persist in it after it was discovered. 
 
 " I have now done. Give me leave to say, if the gentleman 
 enters often into this sort of colloquy with me, he will not have 
 much to boast of at the end of the session."* 
 
 MR. GRATTAN'S INVECTIVE. 
 
 " In respect for the house, I would wish to avoid personalit}', 
 and return to the question ; but I must request liberty to 
 explain some circumstances alluded to by the honorable 
 member. The honorable member has alluded to St. Chris- 
 topher's bill ; I will declare the fact, he may tell a story. 
 
 ♦ Wlien this reply was made, Mr. Flood had been four and tweiity 
 years in parliament ; his antagonist little more than seven, — which gave an 
 air of assumption to the speech of the younger member. Hence the 
 indignation of the veteran senator, at so sudden an attack. Lacedemonian 
 and Roman deferential manners, in this respect, were more commendable, 
 
 A pecuniary grant from an impoverished nation, was consistent enough 
 with the majority of the commons, — always prodigal of the public 
 money. Parliaments were generally so ; for what could be more easy 
 than enunciating the little monosyllable, "aye." Mr. Grattan was 
 superior to them : he at first declined, and only accepted a lesser sum 
 after much hesitation. He seemed to feel this was paying him by 
 anticipation. 
 
 The British senate did not vote a grant to lord Chatham till the lapse of 
 many years' devoted service ; which was consistent with their own dignity 
 and respect for the man. Milton defended, with his eloquence, the 
 commonwealth, and sacrificed his eye-siyhl in the cause, without pecu- 
 niary reward. 
 
20f) MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 When I received a copy of that hill, it gave me much }3aiu 
 and much offence ; I thought I saw the old intention of 
 hinding Ireland by English laws ; I, therefore, spoke to that 
 effect in this house. I also showed the hill to the most virtuous 
 and able in this kingdom, who were of opinion, • that my 
 suggestion was wrong ;' in this opinion I acquiesced, 
 
 " As to coming at midnight to obtain a vote imposing 
 
 I silence on the people, I deny it ; it was mis-stated in the 
 
 I papers. My resolution was, ' to declare this coiuitry free, and 
 
 { that any person who should speak or write to the contrary, was 
 
 I a public enemy.' All this house, all the revered and respected 
 
 characters in this kingdom heard me, and know what I say is 
 
 true. But it is_n^t_the^lander of a bad tongue, of a bad 
 
 character, that can defame me ; I maintain my reputation in 
 
 puKlicmidin private life : no man who is not a bad character 
 
 can say I ever deceived him ; no country has ever called me 
 
 cheat. 
 
 " I will suppose a public character, — a man not now in this 
 house, but who formerly might have been here. I will suppose 
 it was his constant practise to abuse every one who differed from 
 him, and to betray every one who trusted him. — I will suppose 
 him active, — I will begin from his cradle, and divide his life 
 into three stages. In the first, he was intemperate ; in the 
 second, corrupt ; and in the third, seditious. Suppose him a 
 great egotist, his honor equal to his oath, and I Mill stop him 
 and say — Sir, your talents are not so great as your life is 
 infamous ; you were silent for years, and you were silent for 
 money. When aft'airs of consequence were debating, you 
 might have been seen passing these doors like a guilty spirit, 
 just waiting for the moment of putting the question, that you 
 might hop in and give your venal vote ; or, at times, with a 
 vulgar brogue aping the manner, and affecting the infirmities 
 of Chatham ; or, like a kettle-di-ummer, lathering yourself into 
 popularity to catch the vulgar ; — or you might be seen hovering 
 over this dome, like an ill-omened bird of night with sejiulchral 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 notes, a cadaverous aspect and broken beak, ready to stoop and 
 pounce on your prey. You can be trusted by no man — the 
 people cannot trust you — the minister cannot trust you ; 
 you deal out the most impartial treachery to both. You tell 
 the nation that it is ruined by other men, while it is sold by 
 you. You fled from the embargo, you fled from the mutiny 
 bill, you fled from the sugar bill ! I, therefore, tell you, in 
 the face of your country, beiore all the world, and to your beard,) 
 you are not an honest man"* 
 
 207 
 
 CHAP, 
 VIII. 
 
 It is said Mr. Grattan never liked recurring 
 to this exertion of vituperative eloquence, which, 
 like *' the fly of Ethiopia," maddened and plagued 
 whom it pursued. We no where find in English 
 elocution an instance of so much personal^acerbity 
 in debate. This speech, and two others of Mr. 
 Grattan, against Mr. Corry and Mr. Giffard, 
 will always be remembered, as much from the 
 inordinate excess of villification in which he 
 indulged, as from the celebrity of his oratorical 
 powers. However, Mr. Grattan's invective 
 against Mr. Flood is pre-eminent for its sustained 
 length. The figures^ he chose tp__ cpnveyhis 
 vengeful ire, gave it much the c haracter of 
 premeHItation. The apostrophe, by which he 
 dexterously brought before the house a supposi- 
 tious character, allowed him to observe the 
 
 * Report in llie parliumcntcrv debates. 
 
208 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII. 
 
 courtesy due to it, while tlie other figure, the 
 aparinthmesis, permitted him to enumerate the 
 assumed political derelictions and personal defects 
 of his adversary, with a minuteness and bitterness 
 that is without parallel. 
 
 The promethean vulture did not gorge on the 
 vitals of his victim with a more insatiable appe- 
 tite, than did Grattan on the character of his 
 political opponent. 
 
 MR. FLOOD'S VINDICATION. 
 
 " I have heard a very extraordinary harangue indeed, and I 
 challenge any member to say, that any thing half so unwar- 
 rantable was ever uttered in this house. The right honorable 
 gentleman set out with declaring he did not wish to use 
 personality, and no sooner had he opened his mouth, than 
 forthwith issues all the venom that ingenuity, and disappointed 
 vanity, for two years brooding over corruption, had produced. 
 But it cannot taint my public character, — four and twenty years 
 employed in your seiTice has established that ; and as to my 
 private character, let that be learned of my tenants, my friends, 
 and those under my own roof; to them I appeal, and this 
 appeal I boldly make, with an utter contempt for insinuations 
 false as they are illiberal. The whole force of what has been 
 said rests on this, — that I once accepted office, and this is 
 called apostacy ! Is a man the less a patriot for being an honest 
 servant of the crown ? As to me, I took as great a part with 
 the first office of the state in Ireland at my back, as ever the 
 1 right honorable gentleman did with mendicancy behind him." 
 
 Here Mr. Flood paused, and the speaker took 
 the opportunity to interpose, and said he had 
 
RIGHT HON. HENKY FLOOD. 209 
 
 Vlll. 
 
 suffered inexpressible pain during the contest, and <^mai 
 nothing but the calls of the house to hear the two 
 members, could have made him sit silent. Mr. 
 Flood being constrained to discontinue, left tlie 
 house, and a message was immediately sent to 
 Mr. Grattan. They had almost reached the 
 ground appointed for a serious meeting, when 
 they were arrested, and bound over to keep 
 the peace, in recognizances of twenty thousand 
 pounds each. It was, however, felt by every one 
 that Mr. Flood should have a further opportunity 
 of vindicating his fame from an attack, which he 
 certainly had not provoked, and which, from tlie 
 intensity of its virulence, and concatinated 
 severity, bore so many marks of pre-meditation. 
 The most ample report is to be found in a 
 recent number of a periodical ; * but the points 
 of this denunciatory harangue are preserved in 
 the foregoing report. On the 1st of November 
 Mr. Flood was permitted to continue his vindica- 
 tion, during which time the house extended to 
 him, the indulgence of speaking in his place 
 seated, ow ing to the continuance of his indisposi- 
 tion. As this speech has been characterized 
 in the following words, I shall present it without 
 any curtailment. — " Mr. Flood never forgot what 
 was due to his audience or to himself; and, 
 
 * University Review. Marcli, 1830. 
 
210 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII. 
 
 accordingly, his defence does not contain a single 
 sentence which at any future period he coidd 
 have wished unuttered. It is free from a single 
 particle of ungenerous personality, or envenomed 
 vituperation." 
 
 "Mr. speaker, I wish to take the earliest opportunity of 
 addressing a few words to you, and likewise to the house, on 
 the situation I left you in last Tuesday. You heai'd, sir, and 
 this house heard me, the subject, as I think, of an unwarrantable 
 attack. I rose to defend myself, I am sure with temper — I 
 am not lightly moved — I was, however, interrupted, though I 
 did not bring any fictitious subjectbefore you, or set out without 
 the appearance of an argument. In consequence of interruption 
 I left the house, but soon after, I understood the house would 
 give me liberty to proceed, and I wish to take the earliest 
 opportunity of returning you my thanks for that permission ; 
 and at the same time that I do so, I hope you will suffer me not 
 to render it an empty indulgence, but, on the present occasion, 
 permit me to take up the subject where I left off: — 
 
 " When, sir, you find me out of order, — when you find me 
 drawing a suppositious character, — when I say any thing 
 unparliamentary, stop me. I rise, sir, in defence of an injured 
 character ; and when I recal the aspersions of that night, — while 
 I despise them, they shall be recalled only to be disproved. As I 
 have endeavoured to defend the rights of this country for four 
 and twenty years, I hope the house will permit me to defend 
 my reputation. My public life, sir, has been divided into 
 three parts — and it has been despatched by three epithets. The 
 first part, that which preceded lord Harcourt's administration; 
 the next, which passed between lord Harcourt's and lord 
 Carlisle's ; and the third, which is subsequent. The first has 
 a summary justice done it, by being said to be ' intemperate,' — 
 the second is treated in like manner, by being said to be 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 211 
 
 ' venal,' — and the conduct of the third, is said to ho that of an 
 ' incendiary.' 
 
 " Sir, there are some cases of so pecuhar a nature, that a 
 strict adherence to the order of the house would be the height 
 of injustice. The attack made on my character went hack, not 
 only to the arguments of two or three nights before, but to the 
 conduct of twenty years antecedent : therefore, sir, I hope that 
 if animadversions of twenty yeare are allowed to one, I may 
 have an opportunity of referring to arguments used three 
 days ago. 
 
 " With respect to that period of my life which is despatched 
 by the word ' intemperate,' I beg the house would consider 
 the difficult situation of public men, if such is to be their 
 treatment. That period takes in a number of administrations, 
 in which, the jDublic M'ere pleased to give me the sentence of 
 their approbation. Sir, it includes, for I wish to speak to facts, 
 not to take it up on epithets, the administrations of the duke 
 of Bedford, lord Halifax, the duke of Northumberland, lord 
 Hertford, and lord Townshend. Now, sir, as to the fact of 
 'intemperate,' I wish to state to you how that stands, and let 
 tlie honorable member see how plain a tale will put him down. 
 Of those five administrations there were three, to which I was 
 so far from giving an ' intemperate' opposition, that I could not 
 be said, in any sense of the word, to oppose them at all — I 
 mean the three first. I certainly voted against the secretary, 
 (Mr. Hamilton) of the day, but oftener voted with him. In 
 lord Hertford's administration I had attained a certain view, 
 and a decided opinion of what was fit, in my mind, to be done 
 for Ireland. I had fixed on three gi'eat objects of public utility, 
 I endeavoured to attain them, with that spirit and energy with 
 which it is my character and nature to act and to speak, — as I 
 must take the disadvantages of my nature, I will take the 
 advantages of it too, — they were resisted by that administration. 
 What was the consequence P A conflict arose between that 
 administration and me, but that conflict ought not to be called 
 
^1'2 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 Vlll. 
 
 opposition on my part ; no, it ought rather to be called 
 opposition on theirs. I was the propounder — they resisted my 
 propositions. This may be called a conflict with, not an 
 opposition to, that administration. What were those three 
 great objects ? One was to prove that the constitution of 
 parliament in this kingdom did still exist ; that it had not been 
 taken away by the law of Poynings, but that it was by an 
 infamous perversion of that statute, by which the constitution 
 had snflered. The second was, the establishment of a consti- 
 tutional military force, in super-addition to that of a standing 
 army, — the only idea that ever occurred in England, or in any 
 free country in Europe, was tliat of a constitutional militia. 
 The third great object I took up, as necessary for Ireland, was 
 a law for limiting the duration of parliaments in this countr3\ 
 These wei"e three great, salutaiy, and noble projects, worthy of 
 an enlarged mind. I pursued them with ardour, I do not deny 
 it, but I did not pursue them with intemperance. I am sure I 
 did not appear to the public to do so, since they gave my 
 exertions many flattering testimonies of their approbation ; 
 there is another proof, however, that I was not ' intemperate' — 
 I was successful. Intemperance and miscarriage are apt to go 
 together, but temperance and success are associated by nature. 
 This is my plain history with regard to that period. The 
 clumsiness or virulence of invective may require to be sheathed 
 in a brilliancy of figures, but plain truth, and plain sense are 
 best delivered in simple language. 
 
 " I now come to that period in which lord Harcourt 
 governed, and which is stigmatized by the word 'venal.' 
 
 "If every man who accepts an office is 'venal,' and an 
 * apostate,' I certainly cannot acquit myself of the charge, nor 
 is it necessary. If it be a crime universally, let it be universally 
 ascribed ; but it is not fair that one set of men should be 
 treated by that honorable member as great friends and lovers of 
 their country, notwiilistanding they are in ofllce, and another 
 set of men should be treated as enemies and apostates. What 
 
RIGHT HON. HEJJKY FLOOD. 213 
 
 is the truth ? Every thing of this sort depends on tlie chap. 
 principles on which office is taken, and on which it is retained. viii. 
 With regard to myself, let no man imagine I am preaching up 
 a doctrine for my own convenience; there is no man in this 
 house less concerned in the propagation of it. I have no treaty 
 with the right honorahle member on this floor, nor will I have 
 any. Sir, I beg leave briefly to state the manner in wliich I 
 accepted the vice-treasurership : — 
 
 " It was ortered me in the most honoralile manner, with an 
 assurance not only of being a placeman for ray own profit, but 
 a minister for the benefit of my country. My answer was, 
 that I thought in a constitution such as the British, an inter- 
 course between the prince and the subject ought to be honorable. 
 The circumstance of being a minister ought to redound to a 
 man's credit, though I lament to say, it often happens other- 
 wise; men in office frequently forget those principles which 
 they maintained before. I mentioned the public principles 
 which I held, and added, if consistently with them, from an atom 
 of which I would not depart, I could be of service to his 
 majesty's government, I was ready to render it. I now speak 
 in the presence of men who know what I say. After the 
 appointment had come over to this kingdom, I sent in wiiting 
 to the chief governor, that I could not accept it unless on my 
 own stipulations. Thus, sir, I took office. 
 
 " The administration before, I opposed only in part, the first 
 session I did not. I never opposed lord Townshend till after his 
 prorogation, and protest, and money bills, which appeared to 
 me an infamous violation of the privileges of parliament. 
 
 " By the protest he endeavoured to make the journals of the 
 house of lords instead of being a record of their privileges, a 
 monument of their disgrace. What did I oppose in that 
 administration ? The violation of the privileges of tliis house 
 with regard to money bills, and the wanton augmentation of 
 offices by the division of the board of commissioners. 
 
21 4i MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. " In lord Harcourt's administration what did I do ? I had 
 
 ^^^^' the board of commissioners again reduced to one, by which a 
 saving of twenty thousand pounds a year* was effected. I 
 went further, I insisted on having every aUered money bill 
 thrown out, and privy-council bills not defended by the crown. 
 Thus instead of giving sanction to the measures I had opposed, 
 my conduct was in fact, to register my principles, in the records 
 of the court — to make the privy-council witness the privileges 
 of parliament, and give final energy to the tenets with which I 
 commenced my public life. The right honorable member who 
 has censured me, in order to depreciate that economy, said, 
 ' tliat we had swept with the feather of economy the pens and 
 paper off onr table,' a pointed and brilliant expression, is 
 fai" from a just argument. This country had no reason to be 
 ashamed of that species of economy, when the great nation of 
 Britain had been obliged to descend to a system as minute, it 
 was not my fault, if infinitely more was not done. If adminis- 
 tiation were wrong on the absentee tax, they were wrong witli 
 the prejudices of half a century, — they were wrong with every 
 great writer thathas treated of Irish affairs, — they were wrongwith 
 some of the plainest principles of human nature in their favor. 
 Conversely, I will suppose the determination not to except this 
 tax to be right, still it was meritorious in lord Harcourt to have 
 offered it. To show that I was not under any undue influence 
 of office, I appeal to the memory of many gentlemen present, 
 whether, when the disposition of the house was made to alter 
 on the absentee tax, and when administration yielded to the 
 violence of parliament, — I appeal to the consciousness and 
 public testimony of many present, whether / did veer and turn 
 ivith the secretary, or, whether I did not make a manly stand in 
 its favor. After having pledged myself to the public I would 
 rather break with a million of administrations, than retract ; I 
 not only adhered to that principle, but, by a singular instance 
 of exertion, found it a second time under the consideration of 
 this house. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 215 
 
 " Thus, in lord Townshend's time I brought the bill for 
 limiting the duration of parliaments to a final and triumphant 
 close, by which I restored to the universal community of Ireland 
 a right, of which they had been deprived for a century, without 
 it, this house was but a shadow. Having restored this root of 
 all other rights, I practised economy in lord Harcourt's vice- 
 royalty. Hence, then, instead of relinquishing my principles, 
 I presened them — instead of getting a minority * to vote for 
 them I brought a majority to give an efficient sanction to their 
 truth. By accepting office at that time, and acting as I did, I 
 acted the part of an honest minister between the prince and the 
 people; in doing so I think I was more a patriot, than if out of 
 office, I had made empty declamations without any advantage 
 to the public. 
 
 " In lord Harcourt's ministry the vice-treasurership was offered 
 me, accompanied with every declaration that could render it 
 acceptable to an honorable mind. Did the administration of 
 England send over an office usually reserved for one of their 
 distinguished members, and, of their own accord, otter it to a 
 reprobated man ? I take the facts of both countries to disprove 
 this calumny. 
 
 " Is it since I have justly become a mark of obloquy ? I 
 flatter myself not. With regard to lord Harcourt's administration 
 the charge is, 'I did too much; with regard to lord Buckingham's, 
 I did too little :' these two accusations run a little in contrary 
 directions, and like a double poison, each may cure the opera- 
 tion of the other. The fact is, I acted not on visions and 
 imaginings, but on sound common sense, — the best gift of God 
 to man, — which then told me, and which still whispers, that 
 some administrations deserve more active support than others. 
 I adopted my conduct to these conditions — to what I saw and 
 what I felt — neither giving a headlong opposition to govern- 
 ment at one time, nor an indiscriminite support at another. 
 
 CHAP, 
 VIII, 
 
 * The minority that general!} supported Mr. Flood. 
 
216 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 " Did I support lord Harcourt ? — Why ? Because he gave 
 me an influence in his government ; and it would be nonsence 
 to say, a man would not support his own councils : but lord 
 Temple did not give me an influence, and I did not give him 
 my support. Was there any thing more fair P I felt myself 
 a man of too much situation to be a mere placeman ; if not a 
 minister to serve my country, I would not be the mere tool of 
 salary. What was the consequence ? I voted with govern- 
 ment in matters where they were clearly right, and against 
 them in matters of importance where they were clearly wrong ; 
 in questions of little moment I did not vote at all. Why ? 
 Because I scorned, by voting for them, on such occasions, 
 to seem to pay court : such was my plain way of dealing. 
 
 " I told lord Buckingham I could not attend the cabinet 
 councils of the sage Mr. Heron ; was that duplicity ? I did 
 more; I sent my resignation to England through the same 
 friend by whom the first communication was made me on the 
 subject of office ; but from an idea of friendship to me, he took 
 time to consider, and at length declined to deliver my resigna- 
 tion. Thus much of the middle period. 
 
 " The third, commencing with lord Carlisle's administration, 
 in which my conduct has been slandered as an " incendiary." 
 There was not a single instance in which the right honorable 
 gentleman (Mr. Grattan) did not co-operate. If I am an 
 incendiary, I will gladly accept of the society of that right 
 honorable member, under the same appellation. If I was an 
 incendiary, it was for moving Mhat the parliaments of both 
 kingdoms have since given their sanction to. If that is to be 
 an incendiary, God grant that I may continue so. Now, sir, 
 I do not know that my dismission from ofl^ce was thought any 
 disgrace to me ; I do not think this house or the nation thought 
 me dishonored. The first day I declared those sentiments for 
 which I was dismissed, I thought it to my honor. Many very 
 honorable and worthy gentlemen, one of whom is since dead, 
 except in the grateful memory of his country, — one who tliought 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 217 
 
 nie so little the character of an ' inceiuliarv,' that he crossed chap. 
 
 the house, together with others, to congratulate me on the viii. 
 
 honor of my conduct, and to emhrace me in open parliament. ~ ^ ~ 
 
 At that moment I surely stood free of the imputation of 
 
 an 'incendiary!' But this heloved character, (Mr. Burgh), 
 
 over whose life or over whose grave envy never hovered. He 
 
 was a man wishing ardently to serve his country, but not 
 
 wishing to monopolise the service, — wishing to partake, and to 
 
 communicate the glory of what passed ! He gave me, in his 
 
 motion for ' free trade,' a full participation of the honor. On 
 
 a subsequent occasion he said, — I remember the words well, 
 
 they are traced with a pencil of gratitude on my heart, — * that 
 
 I was a man whom the most lucrative office of the land had 
 
 never warpt in point of integrity.' The words were marked, 
 
 and I am sure I repeat them fairly ; they are words I should 
 
 be proud to have inscribed on my tomb. Consider the man 
 
 from Avhom they came — consider the situation of the person 
 
 concerned, and it adds and multiplies the honor. JMy noble 
 
 friend, — I beg pardon, he did not live to be ennobled by patent, 
 
 but he was ennobled by nature, — was thus situated : he had 
 
 found himself obliged to surrender his office, and enter into 
 
 active opposition to that government from whom he had obtained 
 
 it ; at the same time, I remained in office, though under the 
 
 circumstance of having sen! in my resignation. That he did 
 
 not know ; but, careless to every thing except honor and 
 
 justice, he gave way to those sentiments of his heart, and he 
 
 approved. 
 
 " I have mentioned, sir, that short period during which the 
 character of an 'incendiary' must have come on me, 'like a thief 
 in the night,' and taken me unawares. 
 
 " Sir, I have received this day, from the united delegates of 
 the province of Connaught, an a]>probation, 'with one voice,' 
 fis they emphatically express it, of that conduct that has been 
 slandered by the epithet of 'incendiary !' An assemblage, not 
 one of whom I have ever seen, not one of whom I have even a 
 
218 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. chance of doing a service for, and, therefore, coukl have nothing 
 VIII. in contemplation, but the doing an act of justice. Sir, I had a 
 similar expression of approbation from another province — 
 Ulster. Therefore if I am an incendiary, all Connaught are 
 incendiaries — all Ulster are incendiaries ! With two provinces 
 at my back, and the parliament of England in my favor, (by 
 theact of remuneration) I think I need not fear this solitaiy 
 accusation. I have also the judicial power in my favor : if my 
 arguments were not right, lord Mansfield's were not right. I 
 ask, was he wrong ? After having mentioned the judicial 
 power, let me bring before a highly respectable body — the corps 
 of lawyers of Ireland — who, after six months' meditation in a 
 committee by ballot, gave their sanction to that opinion, which 
 is the opinion of an * incendiary,' if I deserve that name. 
 Then, if lord Mansfield be an incendiary — if the parliament 
 of England are incendiaries — if the corps of lawyers of 
 Ireland are incendiaries — if the Ulster delegates are incendiaries, 
 if the Connaught delegates are incendiaries — if all the societies 
 who joined in that opinion throughout this kingdom are 
 incendiaries, — then, in the name of God, let me be added to 
 the number, let me be an incendiary too ! 
 
 " Sir, one circumstance more I must mention, as it is 
 somewhat extraordinary. It has been said by the right honorable 
 member (Mr. Grattan,) that ' I am an outcast of government 
 and of my prince.' Certainly, Sir, my dismission from office 
 was attended with the extraordinary circumstance of my 
 dismission from council, hence I suppose it is, that the right 
 honorable member has called me the ' outcast of Government 
 and my prince ;' it was certainly sir, an extraordinary transaction ; 
 but it likewise happened to Mr. Pultney, and the duke of 
 Devonshire;* therefore it is not a decisive proof of a reprobated 
 or factious character, and it is the first time it has been 
 mentioned to disadvantage. 
 
 * Mr. Fox, was likewise erased from the list of privy councillors, in 1798. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 219 
 
 "Sir, I have trespassed too long, and I am impressed with chap. 
 
 tlie wciglit and multitude of thanks which I owe you and the ^^^^• 
 
 house. I have troubled you too long on a private subject; 
 with your permission, I will endeavour to make amends the next 
 day, by bringing before you, one of greater importance — the 
 economy of the nation. 
 
 "Sir, you have heard the accusation of the right honorable 
 member. I appeal to you if I am that suppositious character 
 he has drawn, if I am that character, in any degree, I do not 
 deprecate your justice, but I demand it ; — I exhort you for the 
 honor of this house — I exhort you for the honor of your 
 country, to rid yourselves of a member who would be unworthy 
 to sit among you." 
 
 This justification, closed the colloquy between 
 Mr. Flood and Mr. Grattan, and with it, their 
 acquaintance. " They met accidentally a short 
 time after, ancj Mr. Flood bowed in such a way 
 as to show he was quite willing to forget what had 
 occurred ; but his advances were received so 
 coldly as not to encourage a repetition of them : 
 and it is but reasonable to suppose that Mr. 
 Flood would have found it easier to forgive a 
 charge of apostacy, which he felt he had triumph- 
 antly disproved, than Mr. Grattan a charge of 
 incapacity, which the feeling of the public, as 
 likewise the conduct of the British minister, was 
 calculated to impress on him, the belief was well- 
 founded."* There is another instance of Mr. 
 Flood's magnanimity towards his rival. After 
 
 * Dublin University Magazine. 
 
220 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 the luminous introductory speech of Mr. Grattan 
 when he brought before parliament the edicts of 
 Dungannon, in the shape of a motion of his own, 
 when he apostrophized the daughter of " Virginius 
 sacrificed to virtue, and the seven bishops sacri- 
 ficed to liberty." He hurried away his auditors 
 by this memorable effort of impassioned eloquence, 
 glowing with figures and sentiments of the 
 boldest character, and inspired them with the idea 
 of a public meeting complimentary to the mover. 
 Mr. Flood was invited to take the chair at an 
 aggregate meeting of the officers of the volunteers, 
 on the 18th of April, 1782 :— 
 
 COLONEL the RIGHT HON. H. FLOOD, M.P. in the Chair. 
 
 " Resolved unanimously — That the thanks of this meeting 
 be given to Henry Grattan, Esq. for his extraordinary exertions 
 and perseverance in asserting the rights of Ireland." 
 
 This was one of several resolutions moved and 
 acquiesced in by lords Granard, Aldborough, 
 Charlemont, and many other distinguished men. 
 
 Both these instances indicate how little Mr. 
 Flood was actuated by jealousy, or any of the 
 meaner motives, which his detractors have indus- 
 triously attributed to his political doctrines. 
 
 The subsequent letters from the duke of 
 Chandos are descriptive of the sensation caused 
 by this violent attack of Mr. Grattan. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 221 
 
 LETTER FROM THE DUDE OF CHANDOS. 
 
 " Ari)i(jto», 9lh Xor. 1783. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " The great anxiety of iiiiml wliicli the duchess and myself 
 have snftered from the receii)t of your letteis of the 30th past 
 and 1st. instant, you must much easier conceive than I can 
 express. We hoth unite in one idea and one request. We are 
 most thoroughly convinced that you have heen most grossly, 
 maliciously, and enviously attacked and insulted hy Mr. G rattan, 
 which uothing can jusfifi/, and irhose conduct must be repro- 
 bated by every one breathlny, possessed either of good sense or 
 honor. You have acted like a man of honor and feeling in 
 consequence of his ill usage ; and to take any further steps, 
 particularly after what had passed in the house of commons 
 afterwards, would draw down the censure of rashness on 
 yourself. You are amply possessed of the sentiments of the 
 house, by their not suffering him to reply to you ; that alone 
 was a full and most honoi'able justification of you, and the 
 severest censure upon him. It is from these reasons that we 
 do most earnestly intreatyou to pursue this business no further ; 
 and we shall be under the crudest anxiety till we receive an 
 assurance from you to that effect. I intreat yon to be persuaded 
 that I feel for your honor, as much as I could for my own, 
 and nothing should induce me to join in this request, was I 
 not convinced in my own mind that you have received and done 
 every thing becoming a man of the nicest honor, and such 
 satisfaction, that, in your circumstances, I should be most 
 perfectly satisfied with. His conduct has been that of an assassin, 
 an assassin for Government, who, I suppose, is to pay him. 
 Unprovoked as he was, there is but one way to answer for his 
 conduct. There is but one opinion here relative to the shameful 
 business; and whatever glosses hireling winters may put upon 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII. 
 
2^22 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 his outrage, no man of honor or common sense can have any 
 other tlian wliat I have imputed to him above. I conjure you 
 to consider the value your life is of, to your family, friends (in 
 which number we must place ourselves in the first class), and 
 to both countries. Be assured Mr. Grattan must lose himself 
 in the eyes of all men, and parties ; even his own must abhor 
 him. 
 
 " I received in two letters a full account of the whole business; 
 from my friend Coote;* to whom I should not do justice, was 
 I not to inform you the part he takes in the ill usage you have 
 received, and how highly he venerates and respects you : I have 
 a veiy gi'eat regard and esteem for him (not the less for his, 
 feelings on this late affair), and shall be much obliged to you 
 for any countenance you may be kind enough to give him. I 
 think 3-ou judge right in your intentions relative to the castle. 
 It was my wish to have remained here till after Christmas, but 
 on further consideration have determined to remove to London 
 to-morrow, to be in readiness for the meeting of parliament. 
 I will write to you from thence; at present our minds are too 
 full of you to think either of the poplins or the lawsuit, but 
 beg you and lady Frances to be convinced we are most perfectly 
 sensible of your kind attention to us ; our best wishes attend 
 you both. 
 
 " I intreat you to send me a line by the first mail. 
 
 " I am, dear Mr. Flood, 
 
 " your very faithful and 
 
 " obedient humble servant, 
 
 " Chandos." 
 
 * Mr. Charles Henry Coote, J^LP., for the Queen's County. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. Q'-23 
 
 LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS, 
 
 " London, Nov. 12, 1783. 
 
 " Dear Mr. Flood, 
 
 " I CANNOT but remain under very great anxiety 
 about you till I bear from you again, wbicb I am in hopes of 
 every hour. To corroborate the opinion I took the liberty of 
 giving you in my last, I have the satisfaction of finding every 
 body in the same way of thinking ; and this morning at the 
 levee it icas much talked of, and his majesty expressed his 
 astonishment at the violence. Every body exclaims at the 
 speaker's suffering members to run such lengths. Believe me, 
 as an honest man, your honor and character stands perfectly 
 clear in this country ; the attack appears malicious, unprovoked, 
 and unjust, as it is untrue: I do flatter myself that you will 
 see the business in the light I wish, and in which all others 
 behold it. The parliament met yesterday, when we received a 
 speech from the throne, as innocent as it Avas gracious ; so 
 innocent, that the address in both houses passed nem.con. Our 
 address was presented to-day, but I did not go up with it, as it 
 did not contain what I think it ought to have done : and though 
 I may think the ministers have succeeded in not saying too 
 much, yet 1 think they ought to have said more. 
 
 " The house of commons are to go upon the East India 
 business next Tuesday, Yesterday I had viuch conversation 
 ivith Lord Temple, who mentioned you in the kindest manner, 
 and expressed the highest indignation at the treatment yon met 
 tvith the other day. The houses are by no means full, though 
 more of the leaders in town than I could have expected. All 
 is quiet at present ; every one looks shy upon his neighbour. 
 There has nothing yet come to my ears worth your notice ; 
 except, that I am informed the king has positively refused the 
 making the peers. The duchess, whose feelings I assure you 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII. 
 
224 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 have been much anbcteJ by the hite husiness, joins nie in every 
 good wish to you : our minds are at present not a little agitated 
 as our daughter was this morning inoculated. We desire you 
 to remember us most kindly to lady Frances. 
 
 " I am, dear Mr. Flood, 
 
 " Your very obedient, and 
 
 " Faithful humble servant, 
 " Chandos." 
 
 FLOOD AND GRATTAN COMPARED. 
 
 Within the period of their lives, some of the 
 most memorable circumstances occurred in the 
 constitutional history of their countrjj since its 
 unstipulated submission to Henry the second, 
 and his investiture with the regal diadem.* 
 
 Mr. Flood entered the Irish senate towards the 
 close of 17<59, in his twenty-seventh year, and 
 continued for sixteen years unrivalled ; dissemi- 
 nating the doctrines of Molyneux and Locke, and 
 receiving the encomiums of the venerable Malone, 
 and the upright Osborne. Many acts of great 
 national importance are comprised in that period. 
 
 Mr. Grattan entered the senate, the autumn 
 of 177<5, in his twenty-fifth year, sixteen years 
 after his rival, and began his labours when the 
 constitution of his country assumed the semblance 
 of the British. Though endued with the spirit of 
 
 * " The Case of Ireland." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 225 
 
 VIII. 
 
 the ag-e, yet, till he moved the *' address to the <^hap. 
 
 throne," he ineftectually toiled. That moment 
 
 was propitious, — the moral and physical energ-ies 
 
 of Ireland were roused, and he was instrumental 
 
 in effecting-, after a brief career of six years, 
 
 what had been the meditations of his rival for 
 
 twenty-four. 
 
 The talents and acquirements of these g-reat 
 men were characteristic of their natures. Mr. 
 Flood seemed to condense all the powers of his 
 mind to convince ; energy, strength, and ratiocina- 
 tion, were more eminent in him, than his contem- 
 porary. To assist and keep in action these facul- 
 ties, his memory was the most retentive, and his 
 perception the most discriminating : his imagina- 
 tion was made' subservient, which the frequent 
 use of the syllogism was adapted to effect. — 
 ** Therefore, in argument he was superior, in this 
 respect, surpassing any man in the Irish senate, 
 displaying as the subject demanded, a close and 
 compact, or a diffuse and comprehensive style ; 
 pertinently enforcing the principal points of the 
 question, connecting what was separate, and 
 scientifically unfolding what was abstracted."* His 
 acquirements as a scholar, combined with his 
 natural temperament, directed him to follow the 
 
 Mr. Sfolt, M.A. 
 
S26 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, severest model of Grecian eloquence, and, it may be 
 
 VIII. 
 
 v-,^ — v-'O said of him, as Plutarch has said of Demosthenes, 
 " his ability to explain himself, was a mere 
 acquisition, and not so perfect but that it required 
 great candour and indulgence in the audience."* 
 Mr. Flood aimed at the force and vehemence of 
 his model, and the habit of versification gave 
 him a power of condensing his thoughts with 
 sententious brevity. 
 
 Mr. Grattan had more brilliant talents ; and 
 I an unrestrained imagination gave a magnificence 
 
 I to his style. His mind cintilated with new-born 
 ^ sparks of patriotic fire, that with the rapidity of 
 ■ the electric fluid, passed from one to another. 
 The profusion, the splendour, the variety of his 
 imagery, received all the art and accuracy 
 of the most perpect rhetorician ; therefore, his 
 powers were such as would captivate and persuade, 
 rather than convince.! " In invective, a species 
 of elocution ill-suited to the purposes of public 
 deliberation, he endeavoured to excel. His 
 weapons though sufficiently sharp, were totally 
 destitute of polish ; and the composition of his 
 famed philippic, t had much more of the broad 
 and coarse ribaldry of the bar, than the pointed, 
 the elegant, and the witty raillery of the senate ; 
 his reproaches had a sting that refused to be 
 
 * Langhonie. f Mr. Scott, M.A. | Against Mr. Flood. 
 
 I 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 227 
 
 healed, which Cicero must have told him " the 
 orator should avoid." 
 
 Mr. Flood in invective peculiarly excelled ; he 
 gave it a poignancy and severity which the iambic 
 measure of Archilocus hardly exceeded ; and 
 which the most conversant and most obstinate 
 in such contests, had after months of preparation, 
 felt to be more keen and more cutting than their 
 studied philippics. His arrangement was clear, 
 regular, and accurately scientific, gradually leading 
 from what was easy to what was abstruse — from 
 what was conceded to what was disputed ; forming 
 a connected chain of argumentation, wherein not 
 a link could be broken without diminishing its 
 force, nor one removed without injuring its 
 evidence. 
 
 Mr. Grattan's voice was thin, sharp, and not 
 powerful ; his stature short, his action* peculiar, 
 and his delivery rapid. Mr. Flood's voice was 
 clear and distinct ; his delivery though not rapid, 
 was suited to the ardour of his language. His 
 action was spirited and dignified ; his figure tall, 
 and manners courtly. 
 
 Mr. Grattan, in the memory of his countrymen 
 is the more popular patriot and orator, from his 
 advocacy of the catholic claims, and abolition 
 
 * Lord Byron says, " harlequin manner," in his observations on him. 
 — Zi/e and Correspondence by Moore. 
 
228 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 VIII. 
 
 CHAP- titlies, and the comparative recency of his 
 triumphant endeavours. It has been said of him 
 in regard to these great questions — " that as from 
 the laurel leaf of the conqueror's crown is 
 extracted a poison destructive of the human race, 
 so splendid services and indisputable deserts may 
 be converted into means of disturbing the public 
 mind, and embittering the public happiness by 
 sapping the firmest foundation of property, and 
 agitating questions pernicious in their origin and 
 pestilent in their progress."* 
 
 Mr. Flood made the greater sacrifices^for his 
 country ; but he maintained the opinion of 
 protestant ascendancy in the institutions, as in 
 the property of the country ; he was therefore 
 against the extension of the elective franchise to 
 catholics at that period, — his political scepticism 
 diminished the regard of the catholics for him. — 
 With men of letters and with statesmen, he is the 
 more to be admired. 
 
 He was profoundly versed in all constitutional 
 and political learning, familiarly acquainted with 
 law, and deeply skilled in the theory of commerce. 
 *' To record his parliamentary conduct would be 
 to enumerate all the great questions that have 
 been discussed for the last thirty years,t in each 
 
 * Mr. Scott, M. A. 
 f Mr. Scott, the writer of this paragrsph, published his '* Characters," 
 in 1789. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 229 
 
 of which he took the most decided part in favor 
 of the prosperity of Ireland, and the honor of 
 the crown.*' 
 
 His felicitous application of classical allusion 
 is exemplified in the following instance. — When 
 pressing a question of importance on ministers, 
 he was evasively replied to, "that the secretary 
 who was acquainted with the subject was absent," 
 then turning to the empty bench of the secretary 
 he said, " formerly the oak of Dodona used to 
 utter oracles of itself, but the wooden oracle* of 
 our days is obliged to give his responses by 
 deputy." On an important debate, when thirteen 
 of the Hillsborough club, who had been enjoying 
 a bacchanalian festival, came in at the close of 
 the discussion to give their votes against him. He 
 stopped on seeing them enter the house dressed 
 in orange and blue, (the colours of the club). 
 " Hah ! what do I behold ! I hail those glorious 
 colours auspicious to the constitution ! These 
 honorable men have, no doubt, spent the night 
 in vigils for the glory and fortune of the com- 
 monwealth ;" — then, extending his arms, — "come, 
 come, to this heart with all your patriotism." 
 This raillery had a magical effect ; it put to 
 confusion and flight the herd of partisans. 
 
 " The wooden oracle '" was Mr. Ilerou. 
 
230 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 VIII. 
 
 CHAP. A very remarkable instance is related of his 
 
 apostrophising- the figure of Corruption. In the 
 midst of his speech, he saw a whipper-in of 
 government taking- down the names of such as 
 promised their votes, and soliciting- others, as he 
 was gliding from bench to bench, on his venal 
 errand. The orator saw him, — he instantly 
 stopped, and looking with astonishment as if 
 he saw a frightful apparition ; he broke silence, 
 —"What," he said, "is that I see! Shall 
 the temple of freedom be still haunted by the 
 foul fiend of bribery and corruption? I see 
 personified before me an incarnation of that 
 evil principle which lives by the destruction of 
 public virtue !" Then, using an exorcism, — 
 " Avaunt, thou loathsome sprite, — thou pander 
 to ministerial profligacy ! and no longer pollute 
 with thy presence this edifice consecrated to the 
 constitution !" 
 
 We are assured that the sensation produced in 
 the house was indescribable ; the personification 
 of Corruption disappeared, and the orator was 
 admired for the happy application of the noblest 
 but most hazardous figure of elocution. He 
 resumed the subject of debate with a more 
 favorable disposition of the house. 
 
 Mr. Grattan always prepared* himself for 
 particular subjects ; his eloquence was glowing, 
 
 * Vide Grattan in the Gall. 111. Irishmen. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 231 
 
 VIII. 
 
 impassioned, amplifying-, and figurative, — pour- chap. 
 traying splendid idealities, which, as they decoyed 
 the administration, not unfrequently carried 
 persuasion to the breasts of his auditors. His 
 argument abounded in postulates and generalities 
 so dexterously introduced, as to appear just and 
 apposite, when most fallacious. This remark will 
 not be supposed depreciatory, when it is consi- 
 dered, that the cautery of his eloquence was so 
 often applied to the protestant ecclesiastical 
 establishment, more with an irritating effect, than 
 a tendency to remove, or to redress grievances. 
 
 There was also a marked diiference in their 
 introduction to the British senate : — 
 
 Mr. Flood was too proud to be strictly a 
 follower of a party, — nor would he have a patron. 
 He, therefore, entered the new political arena 
 in no way constrained to either side. He had 
 taken ojffice from a tory minister, (lord North) 
 and was an admirer of lord Chatham and his son, 
 successively. His avowed principle about parties 
 was, — " With respect to Ireland^ I regard 
 measures^ not men.''* Hence, he had no political 
 supporters in the British senate ; but he had a 
 reputation of thirty years to save him from the 
 calumny of the " chartered libertine." 
 
 Inconsistencies in his public conduct are much 
 less apparent, than in many other statesmen, 
 contemporaneous and subsequent. His genius 
 
232 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, was less indebted to those accessories which are 
 
 VIII. 
 
 ^^ ^ indefinitely placed under the head of fortune. 
 
 Mr. Grattan was an undeviating whig', 
 and from the outset, had patrons, — first, lord 
 Charlemont, then Mr. Fox, next, lord Fitzwilliam. 
 
 He appeared in the British senate, under the 
 auspices of the whig leader, to speak on that 
 " multum vexata questio^^ the catholic claims, — 
 one, of all others, he was most familiar with ; he 
 therefore was prepared to second the motion, and 
 encouraged by Mr. Fox, who brought him from 
 a remote seat, he spoke with a success which 
 determined his renown. 
 
 Fortune put forth all her accessories to secure 
 him never-fading glory. He was the morning- 
 star that rose with the dawn of freedom over his 
 fatherland ; he appeared sixteen years later, and 
 continued thirty years after, his rival luminary 
 had set. The period, the measures, and the 
 administrations were auspicious : and his plastic 
 disposition secured him the favor of his patrons 
 and his party. He said of his rival, " that he 
 
 (* forgot he was a tree of the forest too old and too 
 great to be transplanted at fifty ;" yet, he himself 
 was transplanted at sixty ; but the solution is 
 readily found in this contrast, — Flood was a 
 member of two legislatures, Grattan of one ; the 
 affairs of Ireland were not so generally enter- 
 tained in the British senate in the time of the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 233 
 
 VIII. 
 
 former, as in that of the latter ; the complexity chap. 
 of domestic and foreign politics in the time of 
 Flood, their convergence and unity in that 
 of Grattan. Both were ardent advocates of 
 freedom ; the one with a learned and philo- 
 sophic mind, the other with an enthusiastic and 
 impetuous nature. 
 
 Had they lived in times of national political 
 vicissitude, amid an energetic commonwealth, the 
 capacious and learned mind of Flood — like that 
 of Vane or Hampden — would have constructed 
 a temple to liberty ; while the persuasive elo- 
 quence of Grattan would have adorned and 
 illumined the shrine. 
 
 Nor have their posthumous honors been less 
 contrasted. The ashes of Grattan have been 
 inurned with the great at Westminster ; and the 
 storied marble is a memorial of his glorious life. 
 But of Flood, no monumental tablet records his 
 fame ; no living statue bent in allegoric grief ; nor 
 even, lowly slab to mark who sleeps beneath.* 
 
 • The characters of Flood and Grattan are conceived from the following 
 authorities — Dublin University Magazine, Gordon's History, Barrington's 
 Historic Memoirs, and Lord Byron's Remarks on Grattan and Flood, and 
 Mr. Scott's " Principal Characters." 
 
 Mr. Flood is buried at Burnchurch, the family burying place for 
 several generations. When the writer was quartered in Kilkenny, in 
 1835, he went out to see Mr. Flood's tomb. He a^ked the grave-digger, 
 " Where is Mr. Flood's tomb?" " Is it the grave of the great sir Harry ?" 
 (the bye-name the country people had for him) — " Yes, where is it?" 
 " Why, there's none — he's buried there by the church wall." 
 
234i MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 From the 10th to the 29th of November, 1783. 
 
 THE GRAND NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 CHAP. Both kingdoms were involved in a concatenation 
 
 IX 
 
 K^^^Jy^ of colonial and domestic events, when Mr. 
 William Pitt considered the parliament of 
 England below a virtual representation, and 
 Mr. Flood maintained the parliament of Ireland 
 was scarcely above a nominal representation, of 
 the people. In both assemblies, the great minis- 
 terial leaders of parties were rigidly adhered to, 
 as transcending in importance the welfare of 
 constituencies, and the primary duties of repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 But if the evil was observable in England, 
 what was it in Ireland ? Where the accumulation 
 of borough interest in the hands of a few, was 
 exercised for their particular advantages, and 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 23^ 
 
 IX. 
 
 where a Harpalus was sure to find a mercenary <^hap. 
 advocate. These defects led the volunteers at 
 the second Dungannon meeting-, to draw up 
 categories,* which they addressed to their general, 
 the earl of Charlemont, for his approbation. 
 " We humbly hope," said they, " your lordship 
 will favor us with your sentiments at large on 
 this subject, (reform), pointing out such a specific 
 mode of reform, and the most eligible steps 
 leading to it, as come up to your lordship's ideas. 
 We have yet another favor to request — that your 
 lordship would inform us whether shortening the 
 duration of parliaments, exclusion of pensions, 
 limiting the number of placemen, and a tax on 
 absentees, be, in your lordship's opinion, subjects 
 on which the' volunteers of Ireland ought to 
 interfere ?" 
 
 In this passage we have an averment of the 
 deliberative character of the meeting, their 
 precise objects, and their reference to lord 
 Charlemont how far they ought to interfere. 
 After a few introductory compliments, the noble 
 earl replies in the following words : — " A reform 
 in the representation of Ireland is a measure 
 which, most certainly, meets with my warmest 
 approbation ; and you may be assured that 
 I shall co-operate with every sincere lover 
 
 * Belshatn, vol. iv. 
 
Q36 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 of his country towards the attainment of that 
 desirable object : but to point out a ' specific 
 mode,' is a matter of so difficult a nature, that I 
 should esteem myself presumptuous if I should 
 attempt it.* 
 
 *' Respecting- the other points upon which you 
 desire my judgment, they are all of them 
 important and of nice discussion ; but I will 
 abstain from entering into them, for this plain 
 reason — that I would heartily recommend it to 
 you, to confine yourselves to the one great 
 measure only, which, when once carried into 
 execution, will infallibly secure all benefits of 
 inferior magnitude." 
 
 Such was the advice of lord Charlemont, 
 though spontaneously invested by the delegates 
 with the power of putting a veto on any one, or 
 all, of the topics enumerated. But, on the contrary, 
 he only gave priority to reform, and consecutively 
 would follow " benefits of inferior magnitude." 
 As a privy-councillor — as an avowed supporter 
 of Mr. Fox, (now one of the ministry), lord 
 Charlemont might, with propriety, have suggested 
 doubts on the compatibility of this second Dun- 
 gannon meeting to discuss questions, which 
 seemed to be an encroachment on the province 
 of parliament. Instead, however, of the high 
 
 * Hardy, vol. ii. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 237 
 
 consideration of the impolicy of encouraging the chap. 
 bold innovations contained in the categories, he v^^-y'x^ 
 enjoined them in persuasive language to meditate 
 on the attainment of their plans. From this time 
 the volunteers had four months to digest their 
 schemes, and to correspond with members of the 
 British legislatures. The resolution for a select 
 committee of delegates to assemble in Dublin, in 
 the beginning of November, to decide definitely 
 on a bill of reform, had been taken before Mr. 
 Flood arrived from England. 
 
 It was too late to change their opinions ; 
 but it was possible to control them. While lord 
 Charlemont and others cautiously withdrew from 
 the effects of that force they themselves had 
 contributed to encrease, Mr. Flood took the 
 more statesmanlike course, of directing them. 
 
 From the 10th to the 29th of November, the 
 convention sat continuously, discussing plans of 
 parliamentary reform, but pre-eminently that 
 submitted to the committees of examination by 
 Mr. Flood. It may be in the recollection of the 
 reader that several members of parliament were 
 likewise delegates, and no hint was given that their 
 proceedings were considered unconstitutional, 
 though nineteen days had elapsed, and the parlia- 
 ment were simultaneously deliberating, and the 
 privy -council were inimical to the convention. Yet 
 neither body took a step to assert their dignity, 
 
238 
 
 CHAP. 
 IX. 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 if it were really impugned. No ; the first act of 
 the new parliament was to vote an address of 
 thanks to the volunteers, and, by inference, to the 
 convention that was about to assemble ! 
 
 Here it may be deemed excusable, if once 
 more we introduce Mr. Hardy. The context of 
 his book and his speech may be instructive to 
 view him in his duplex character, as a member 
 of parliament for the manor of Monaghan, and, 
 on this particular event, apologist for the earl of 
 Charlemont. 
 
 SPEECH 29th NOVEMBER, 1783.» 
 
 " That from the gentlemen who composed the convention, 
 he could apprehend no danger to the constitution. That as to 
 the military assembly sitting in the metropolis, he agreed with 
 gentlemen that it was a novel and extraordinary proceeding, 
 nor did he wish to see it drawn into a precedent ; but he would 
 ask, was not the situation of Ireland itself novel and 
 extraordinary? ********** 
 
 "But in fact, whatever share the convention might have had 
 in it, the honorable gentleman who made the motion, and the 
 right honorable gentleman who seconded it, bring it forward 
 as their own act, and not that of any supposed body of men 
 whatsoever. Does not this disavowal of conventional inter- 
 ference, tacitly pay this house that resjject, the infringement of 
 which, is so loudly exclaimed against ? and may not those who 
 are the most severely jealous of its dignity be, in some measure, 
 satisfied when the right honorable gentleman, (Mr. Flood,) 
 notwithstanding all the predominant influence which his great 
 
 Irish parliamentary debates. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 and over-shadowing abilities are said to have secured to him in 
 that convention, does not attempt to appear before gentlemen 
 in any other character than an undistinguished member of 
 parliament, properly, and constitutionally asking leave to 
 bring in a bill to remove certain defects in the representation of 
 the people ?" 
 
 BOOK VOL. II. p. 131.* 
 
 The convention was, independent of its military 
 orig-in, which alone was sufficient to condemn it, 
 the least justifiable of any convention that ever 
 sat in Ireland. It thought proper to meet, not 
 only immediately t after the revolution of 1782, 
 but directly at the same time with the new 
 parliament, whose character or whose temper, on 
 any subject, had not been tried at all ; and super- 
 added to that, the particular subject for the 
 promotion of which the convention now met — 
 parliamentary reform — had never, as a question 
 of debate, been entertained by any house of 
 commons whatever in Ireland. 
 
 SPEECH.— 29th NOVEMBER, 1783. 
 " It behoved the house of commons to take the subject 
 proposed into their own hands, and as soon as possible to meet 
 it with temper and with firmness, to be above the little finesse 
 of setthig their dignity against their duty, — of sheltering them- 
 selves in their dereliction of the latter, by an affected support 
 
 ^39 
 
 CHAP. 
 IX. 
 
 * Memoirs, 
 
 f One year and seven months after, 
 thought his readers. 
 
 How credulous he must have 
 
240 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 IX. 
 
 o( the former ; and above all, by one great comprehensive and 
 honest investigation of this subject, to invite the people to 
 prefer an early confidence in them, their newly elected natural 
 guardians of their rights, to any body of men in the world. 
 ****** It had been said that the bill for 
 a reform was the work of the convention, to that he could only 
 say, that had there been the slightest allusion to, — the slightest 
 avowal of the interposition of the convention in this business, 
 he would not hesitate a moment as to the manner of his voting 
 that night." 
 
 BOOK VOL. II. p. 135. 
 
 Several of the minority, and all the deleg-ates 
 who had come from the convention, were in 
 nniforms,* and bore the aspect of stern hostility. 
 On the other hand, administration being- 
 supported on this occasion by many independent 
 gentlemen, and having at their head very able 
 men, such as Mr, Yelverton, presented a body 
 of strength not always seen in the ministerial 
 ranks, looked defiance at their opponents, and 
 seemed almost unassailable. They stood certainly 
 on most advantageous ground, and that ground 
 given them by their adversaries.'* 
 
 SPEECH 29th NOVEMBER, 1783. 
 
 " It was, in fact, beneath tlie dignity of any house of 
 commons, to evade the discussion of a great consdtutional 
 
 * No very unusual practice. Party costume was one way of knowing 
 the retainers. The reader will be amused at observing the context of 
 the booli and speech ; how admirably the latter nullifies the former. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 241 
 
 question ; but for the present house, which luul been so 
 recently elected, and elected almost in the very eflulf^ence of the 
 Irish revolution ; for such a house to shrink totally back from 
 the VERY FIRST coNSTiTUTioyAL QUESTION that came before it, 
 without any stipulation on the part of those who opposed it 
 now, to su]iport it on a future day, when brought forward in 
 what appeared to them a less questionable form, would, in his 
 opinion, be rather disgraceful. * * * * If they 
 
 did not — if they merely shifted off the question on account of 
 THE CONVENTION, without any serious intention of taking it 
 upon themselves, what would be the consequence ? The 
 question might, indeed, be exiled again and again from that 
 house, but it would not be in their power to banish it from the 
 people. They would have " scotched the snake, not killed it." 
 The idea of a reform has already been taken up by many 
 respectable counties, and if absolutely rejected to-night, will, 
 in all probability, be taken up by many more, — the minds of 
 people will be more heated than ever, and the event will be, 
 that after many a conflict in this house, instead of a long 
 digested, moderate, rational plan of reform, — if reform shall 
 be found necessary, — such a reform as shall be found congenial 
 to the principles of the constitution, and no more * * Jt^ 
 instead of this, we shall in some giddy inauspicious moment, 
 precipitantly adopt some plan, every feature of which will 
 denote the wild hostility against the constitution which produced 
 it. * * * * The honorable member closed 
 
 his speech, by giving his affirmative vuice to JNIr. flood's 
 proposition !" 
 
 Probably, we could not find a more perfect 
 example of tergiversation. It must be borne in 
 mind by the reader, that the above citation is 
 from the maiden speech of Mr. Hardy, who 
 took his seat, for the first time, as the nominee 
 
 R 
 
242 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 of lord Granard on the important 29th of 
 November. As the inceptive address of a man 
 of talent it is well worthy of perusal, as being 
 the longest and most comprehensive made on 
 that occasion. It is evidently a studied one, as 
 indeed most first speeches are, the common-places 
 of the subject matter, being neither trite nor 
 unconnected ; and the arrangement being lucid 
 and to the point. But it is pitiable to trace 
 how prejudicially he wrote against himself 
 twenty-six years afterwards, and how wrongfully 
 he stigmatized the reputation of a great 
 public character. His work having the name 
 of " Charlemont" prefaced to it, gained a circu- 
 lation and credence by no means its merit, either 
 from the narrative of events, the exactness 
 of his biography, or the impartiality of his 
 personal sketches. His speech and his book are 
 a modern instance of the facility of argument 
 which is recorded of Callisthenes, *' who, when 
 asked to speak, chose for his theme the Mace- 
 donian nation, which he did in so good a manner 
 as to excite the plaudits of his hearers, whereupon 
 Alexander said — " it is easy to be eloquent upon 
 so good a subject, but turn your style and let us 
 hear what you can say agamst us" which 
 Callisthenes did with that sting and life, that 
 Alexander interrupting him, said — the goodness 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 of the cause made him eloquent before, and 
 despite made him eloquent theri againr* 
 
 More extended citations, alternately from his 
 speech and book, would rather be further 
 corroborative of his humiliating servility to a 
 party, than conclusive as to facts. We may now 
 be pardoned for turning to a few passages where 
 he descends again into personality : — 
 
 BOOK VOL. II. p. 108. 
 
 "A dictator was appointed, not indeed in 
 name but substance. The bishop of Derry moved 
 that Mr. Henry Flood, who had not been one of 
 the committee should be appointed an assessor ; 
 and here was displayed the potency of oratorical 
 talents in such a body of men, and the justice of 
 lord Bolingbroke*s observation, that the house of 
 commons, or, in short, any assembly partaking of 
 the nature of the house of commons, is like a 
 pack of hounds — * they will always follow the 
 man who shows them most game.* " If lord 
 Bolingbrooke ever made so vulgar a simile, we 
 can easily apply it to his meaning — pensions, 
 places, and perquisites ; what Mr. Hardy's 
 pedestrian idea may have been, we need not take 
 the trouble to seek. He is not very courteous 
 to the lords, commoners, members of parliament. 
 
 Lord Bacon on learninsr. 
 
 243 
 
244 IMEMOIIIS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 whom he had praised shortly before ; but it is 
 as astutely said. A warm intimacy had long 
 subsisted between the earl of Bristol and Mr. 
 Flood, they coincided and acted together in the 
 convention, one point of difference only excepted. 
 The right reverend earl wished the elective fran- 
 chise extended to the catholics, in which opinion 
 the duke of Richmond concurred ; Mr. Flood, on 
 the contrary, limited his bill to the protestants, 
 which was analogous to the ancient laws of the 
 constitution, and consistent with the state affairs 
 of the period ; and this peculiarity in the framing 
 of his reform, preponderated almost unanimously 
 with the delegates. His legislative wisdom was 
 confessed by the addresses of three provinces, the 
 opinions of the lawyers of both kingdoms, and 
 the British act of remuneration : his ascendancy, 
 therefore, was complete, and not without 
 plausibility, he may have been a " dictator." The 
 last sentence of the paragraph does little honor 
 to the genius of lord Bolingbroke, if he ever 
 used the expression, still less to the house of 
 commons his reflection was drawn from. 
 However, its application to Mr. Flood and the 
 convention is unfortunate — the duke of Richmond 
 recommended universal suffrage " in the most 
 decided language," says Mr. Belsham, and on the 
 same subject men of the first abilities were 
 consulted, lord Effingham, Mr. Pitt, Dr. Price, 
 
RIGHT HON. HENllY FLOOD. 245 
 
 Dr. Jebb, and major Cartvvright. Mr. Flood, in 
 fact, lost some of his popularity by the limitation 
 he put to the elective franchise ! 
 
 As Mr. Hardy pretends that Mr. Flood was 
 " the dictator" of this assembly of gentlemen, a 
 reflection arises — how a far presiding* mind 
 was beneficial or hurtful in such a political scene '^ 
 A philosophic and eloquent historian resolves 
 the theorem at once in a lucid and instructive 
 form : — " But in the complicated scene of human 
 affairs there is no theory that will fit all cases. 
 Among beings capable of pleasure and of pain, of 
 enjoyment and suffering, the general advantages 
 is the supreme law to which all others give place ; 
 the hazard and the evil are in one man, setting 
 up his judgment and superseding the judgment 
 of others when the affair is theirs. His intention 
 may be the purest that can be imagined — his 
 judgment may be enlightened in the highest 
 possible degree ; but this is perhaps one of the 
 cases, in which the event nnist decide upon the 
 soundness of the proceeding." 
 
 What was the event here ? We shall find it to 
 have been the rejection of parliamentary reform 
 in any shape or guise. This was only the 
 immediate result. But what was the ultimate 
 one ? The easy management of a legislative 
 union — the abrogation of the constitution of 
 Ireland j and, though the efforts of science 
 
246 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAF. may render distance unimportant — though the 
 v^_^ unwearied application of statesmen may 7ioiv do 
 much, yet for nearly half a century Ireland felt 
 her destitution. 
 
 BOOK VOL. II. p. 116. 
 
 "Flood's angry frown and angry comments 
 exiled them all. His plan, notwithstanding all 
 his subtle interpretations and comments, was, on 
 sober investigation^ found not much superior to 
 many which preceded it. Nay, there were some, 
 who like Dangle in the play, thought the 
 interpreter was the hardest to be understood of 
 any of his coadjutors." 
 
 AVe find here some malignancy superadded to 
 circumstantial misrepresentation. 
 
 Mr. Flood's plan of reform for Ireland, 
 submitted to the convention at the Rotunda on 
 the motion of the right honorable and right 
 reverend the earl of Bristol, bishop of Derry, and 
 approved by the lords, commoners, members of 
 parliament, and delegates, assembled 28th of 
 November, 1783. 
 
 SCHEME OF REFORM. 
 
 "That every protestant freeholder or leaseholder, 
 possessing a freehold or leasehold for a certain 
 term of years of forty shillings value, resident in 
 any city or borough, should be entitled to vote at 
 the election of a member for the same. 
 
 I 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. ^247 
 
 " That decayed borouglis should be entitled to 
 return representatives by an extension of franchise 
 to the neighbouring parishes. That the suffrages 
 of the electors should be taken by the sheriff, or 
 his deputies on the same day at the respective 
 places of election. That pensioners of the crown 
 receiving their pensions during pleasure, should 
 be incapacitated from sitting in parliament. That 
 every member of parliament accepting a pension 
 for life, or any place under the crown, should 
 vacate his seat. That each member should 
 subscribe an oath that he had neither directly nor 
 indirectly given any pecuniary or other consi- 
 deration with a view of obtaining that suffrage of 
 an election. Finally, that the duration of 
 parliament shoirld not exceed the term of three 
 years." 
 
 This was the plan he considered applicable to 
 the exigencies of Ireland, in 1783 ; neither 
 enigmatical, nor difficult of interpretation : and 
 with reference to the sera, and the moral and social 
 condition of the kingdom, appeared simple and 
 effectual^ What was the consequence ? *' It was," 
 writes Mr. Belsham,* " received with great 
 applause, and resolutions to the same purport 
 unanimously passed."* 
 
 The suggestions of the earl of Bristol though 
 
 * Vol. iv. p. 38, ct seq. 
 
248 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 admirable for philantropliy, were scarcely pre- 
 ferable to " universal suffrage" recommended by 
 the Duke of Richmond. But there is another 
 proof that this measure was not forced on the 
 house. Mr. Flood was left in a minority of 
 forty-nine* which in the venal state of represen- 
 tation at that time, was the most powerful minority 
 on a great question since the absentee tax. The 
 sentiments of a learned and eloquent testimony, 
 Dr. Browne, subsequently, we believe, fellow of 
 Trinity College, may conduce to give a right view 
 of this important historical transaction, adorned as 
 it is with a lustre of language, which invests a 
 by-gone subject with attraction and interest. " He 
 could not endure the thought, that while the great 
 names who offered the bill, floated down the stream 
 of time, his little bark should not be seen to 
 pursue the triumph. t The question is magni- 
 Jicent and simple j it is, whether you will receive a 
 bill of the first magnitude, introduced by the first 
 men in this house ? A bill which professes to 
 restore the constitution to its pristine vigour, and 
 that beauty with which it appears in theory and 
 in history — which proffers to add sinews to virtue, 
 and perpetuity to liberty. It seems to be * the 
 messenger of glad tidinGi-s.* It bears a promising 
 countenance — " multum magna et prceclara 
 
 * Hardy says, seventy-seven. f Iii!>h parliamentary debates. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. '^49 
 
 minantis ! we oiiglit to receive it, even if its garb 
 were a little exceptionable, but it is not : it 
 approaches you in the robes of decency, with the 
 
 modesty and firmness of DETERMINED VIRTUE. 
 
 It does not enter this house with force ; but it is 
 received with force. It is unattended with 
 violence ; but it is met with violence. I have 
 seen no violence this night, but on the part of 
 admi7iistration : but the frenzy of administration 
 has conjured up terrific forms, which no man in 
 his sober senses could see." 
 
 " Mr. Brownlow at the desire of the delegates, 
 seconded the motion to bring in the bill, he was 
 opposed, with uncommon violence by the 
 servants of the crown, and with such threats 
 of intimidation as ought never to be heard in a 
 legislative assembly ; by him they were heard and 
 despised.* His respectable character is well 
 known, and generally esteemed ; but no where 
 more than in his own county, where no person 
 should be so absurd as to think of voting against 
 him. Of ample fortune and liberal birth, these 
 form his smallest praise, whose foundations are 
 much deeper laid, and are not to be shaken by the 
 stormiest blasts of calumny or envy. As an orator, 
 he has, indeed, few claims to public distinction, 
 for his voice is thin, sharp, and disagreeably toned, 
 
 * Author of the principal characters of the Irish commons. 
 
250 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 alike deficient in strength and melody ; and his 
 manner is neither pleasing nor conciliating. His 
 matter, though far superior to either, and some- 
 times solid and sometimes new, is not yet of the very 
 first impression, it forcibly strikes but does not 
 always convince. His language though sparingly 
 ornamented, is yet neither low nor mean, but pos- 
 sesses a degree of easy and unstudied elegance, 
 rather the effect of polite intercourse than of careful 
 choice ; his arguments are easy and natural, con- 
 genial to common apprehensions, and free from 
 all sophistical involution. Spirited, indeed, he is, 
 and sometimes bold even to daring ; but though 
 the fire of his elocution is strong, it is more the 
 steadiness than the splendour of its blaze that we 
 have to admire. If he does not animate his 
 audience by the qualities of ardour and of energy, 
 he yet ever obtains their complacent attention by 
 the dignity of his conduct, by the decision of his 
 actions, and by his unblemished moral reputation. 
 But what gives an irresistible weight to every 
 word he utters, is the acknowledged independence 
 of his mind and the undeviating rectitude of his 
 parliamentary conduct. No tool of party, and no 
 slave of state, he is the real representative of an 
 independent county, supporting its rights with 
 steadiness and echoing its sentiments with integrity. 
 Dashing defiance in the teeth of the minions* of 
 
 ' Minions of power, Yelverton, Scott, and Fitzgibbon. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 261 
 
 power, lie stands firm as on a rock ; and in a 
 certain perilous situation* showed himself undis- 
 mayed by their opposition, and unterrified by their 
 threats ; whilst others are to be applauded for 
 abilities and eloquence, he is to be revered for 
 worth and patriot virtue." Such was the indivi- 
 dual who presided as chairman of the committee 
 convention, and who was selected from his moral 
 and political influence to second the measure of 
 reform . His speech in the commons is preserved,t 
 and pithily expresses the exact state of affairs in the 
 following remarkable words, which are indicative 
 of the retainers of government. — " Gentlemen 
 opposite are at a great loss for arguments when 
 they conjure up aerial phantoms of armed men 
 presenting it on the point of the bayonet." 
 
 The opinion of a moderate and judicious 
 recurrence to the first principles of representation, 
 was entertained by some in both houses of 
 parliament, and very generally in the country. 
 Hence we find almost the first act of the house 
 of commons, on the 14th of October, was 
 deliberately to vote an address of thanks to the 
 volunteers for their continued patriotic services, 
 which body had delegated a select number 
 of their officers to meet on a day appointed, and 
 for the discussion of a subject premeditated. 
 
 * The convention. f The parliamentary debates of Ireland. 
 
252 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. The motion of lord Siidley, in the commons, 
 
 ^y^^ was followed by a proposition from the earl of 
 Montnorris in the lords, who presented a bill for 
 the " frequent holding and assembling* of parlia- 
 ments in this king-dom."* The first act counte- 
 nanced the volunteers in their proceedings, and 
 the second implied the necessity of a more 
 vigorous system of legislation. 
 
 Lord Charlemont, who had been but recently 
 made a privy councillor by the viceroy, ambitioned 
 the honor of being president of the convention ; 
 a post, it is fair to assume, he would not have 
 sought, had Mr. Fox, who was in power, 
 expressed his disapprobation, or had the earl of 
 Northington considered it discourteous. Mr. 
 Hardy, however, thought it requisite to write, in 
 1812, an apology for the noble president in 
 reference to his conduct, in 1783 ; for he sayst — 
 '* to the astonishment of lord Charlemont, Mr. 
 Flood arose about four o'clock in the afternoon 
 of Saturday, November 29th, and proposed that 
 he, accompanied by such other members of 
 parliament, as were then present, should 
 immediately go down to the house of com- 
 mons, and move for leave to bring in a bill 
 exactly correspondent, in every respect, with that 
 he had submitted to, and was approved of by, the 
 
 * Belsham, \o\. IV. f Hardy's Memoirs, Vol. II. 
 
RIGHT IlOy. HENRY FLOOD. ^SS 
 
 convention." If this statement be not a fiction, 
 it is difficult to account for the noble 
 lord's astonishment, for he, in his letter from 
 Lurgan, had selected that precise subject, and that 
 alone for their consideration ; he was conscious 
 that reform was canvassed in every possible 
 manner, and that the very convention he presided 
 over was composed of gentlemen, who for four 
 months had studied and prepared schemes more 
 or less applicable. It is likewise unfortunate that 
 facts do not coincide with the precipitancy Mr. 
 Hardy has given to the discussion ; but the truth 
 is, the bill for parliamentary reform was 7iot the 
 first subject that engaged the attention of the 
 house of commons, on the 29th of November, for 
 on reference to the reports,* a parliamentary 
 debate took place on a financial system, when Mr. 
 Yelverton defended that of government, and Mr. 
 Flood strongly recommended the report of the 
 committee of accounts, of I768, as a model for 
 the plan to be pursued in 1783. Therefore, he 
 could not be said to have hurried from the bar of 
 one house to that of another. The committees 
 having examined the bill framed by Mr. Flood, it 
 was finally approved on the 28th, the day previous 
 to the debate, and then Mr. Brownlow was 
 chosen by the convention to second the motion. 
 
 * Irish Parliamentary debates. 
 
2.54 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 Mr. Hardy again says, *' to this proposition" he, 
 Mr. Flood, added another — " that the convention 
 should not adjourn till the fate of the motion was 
 ascertained." Now, sir Jonah Barrington, an au- 
 thority, on this subject, preferable to Mr. Hardy, 
 because more free from disingenuous subtlety 
 and malice, gives the resolution in these terms : — 
 " That the sittings of the convention should be 
 permanent till the parliament had decided the 
 question."* The implications of these propositions 
 are essentially different. It is apparent, however, 
 throughout the narrative of the biographer, that 
 he was anxious to avert the odium from the noble 
 president to the individual whom he designates 
 the " dictator," and lord Charlemont gains little 
 by so indifferent a compliment, for it follows, he 
 had no power to amend the resolution, or even 
 to negative it — that Mr, Brownlow was beyond 
 the pale of his authority, and likewise the greater 
 part of the assembly — that he presided less with 
 the active energies of a man than the quiescent 
 decorum of a pagod. 
 
 " A more complete designation and avowal," 
 says Mr. Hardy, "of a deliberative assembly 
 co-existing with the lords and commons, and 
 apparently of co-extensive authority could scarcely 
 be made." 
 
 * Historic Memoirs. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 255 
 
 IX. 
 
 And where could censure be more properly chap 
 applied, than on a government which permitted 
 such innovations, without an effort to suppress 
 what was contumatious to the legislature and 
 executive ? The remark militates strongly against 
 the coalition ministry, who thought to sway the 
 gigantic influence of popular opinion, by the 
 instrumentality of a new-made privy councillor, 
 who, by his presence, might seem to legalize the 
 meeting, though he were not 
 
 " Of Atlantean shoulders fit to bear. 
 The weiglit of heaviest cabinets." 
 
 Mr. Hardy continues — " Lord Charlemont had 
 received a hint of this extraordinary movement 
 from Mr. Flood, but it was no more than a hint." 
 It would be ridiculous in any one but an apolo- 
 gist to state, that the president of a dangerous 
 meeting, which, as he asserts, assumed powers 
 co-extensive with the legislature, knew nothing 
 of the proceedings, except " a hint," particularly, 
 when a session of three weeks of ajiimated discus- 
 sion had elapsed. Mr. Flood having recently 
 differed with the noble earl, on a point already 
 noticed, it is more than probable he did not 
 consult lord Charlemont, what line of conduct he 
 should pursue, when as a statesman he must have 
 perceived, that the fever which had risen almost to 
 its crisis, by the almost abrogation of popular rights 
 
256 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. for centuries, required instant means to alleviate, 
 v-^'xj ^y carrying" off the humours and evils of the 
 state by popular remedies* If the means were 
 unconstitutional and perilous, the irresolution 
 of ministers on the one hand, and the exuberant 
 eloquence of popular orators in both countries on 
 the other, had encouraged this political distemper.* 
 The wretched condition of the Etrurian peasantry 
 in the time of the Gracchi, scarcely surpassed the 
 distresses of the unrepresented and unheeded 
 peasants and farmers of Ireland up to this period ; 
 and the humane and touchino* exclamation — "The 
 
 o 
 
 wild beasts of Italy have their caves to retire to, 
 but the brave men who spill their blood in her 
 cause, having- nothing left but air and light /" 
 " Without houses, — without any settled habita- 
 tions, they wander from place to place with their 
 children : and their g-enerals (their represen- 
 tatives) do but mock them — " could be appositely 
 paraphrased to depict the destitution of the Irish. 
 A powerful oligarchy had long enjoyed ascen- 
 dency, and their nominees formed a part of the 
 national representation. 
 
 Before proceeding- to the more interesting- 
 coUition of the parliament and the volunteers, 
 it is hoped that a personal slander may be repelled 
 
 * This hypothesis is used merely for the argument. Mr. Hardy himself 
 admitted in his speech, when mists and visual delusions had not obscured 
 his ken, that it was constitutional. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. ^57 
 
 without unnecessarily detaining the reader. Mr. 
 Hardy says, " Nor would he, Mr. Flood, perhaps, 
 have brought the measure forward at all, had he 
 not been impelled by personal motives. His great 
 ambition was to take the lead in this business of 
 reform, as at that time he looked to a seat in the 
 British parliament." If the plan of parliamentary 
 reform had received a close investigation by two 
 committees, during a session of three weeks, it 
 could not be said to be hurried into the house of 
 commons to serve Mr. Flood's personal conveni- 
 ence ; neither could the house reject it on the 
 hypothetical argument, that it was the identical 
 measure adopted by the national convention. Mr. 
 Flood was a member of the British parliament at 
 the time. Befoi'fe October the 8th, the negotiation 
 for the borough of Winchester had been con- 
 cluded. The visit Mr. Flood made the duke of 
 Chandos, in the summer of this year, terminated 
 the affair, and the agent*s, and the duke's letters, 
 refer to the writ of election being ready on the 
 12th of October. 
 
 Yet, as such documents are of no interest except 
 that they substantiate the fact, they are purposely 
 omitted here. But a communication from a man 
 of letters,* his unalterable friend, bearing date the 
 
 * Mr. Webb, author of essays on tlie antiquities of Ireland, and 
 poems, &c. 
 
 s 
 
258 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 ytli of November, which shall be introduced a 
 little subsequently, has this conclusive sentence — 
 " You remember from the first of our acquaintance 
 I wished to see you a member of the English 
 parliament. You tell me, ' that you are come in 
 on the most unexceptionable form,' I had not the 
 least doubt of that from the moment that I first 
 heard of it." 
 
 Mr. Hardy has thought proper to follow 
 Mr. Flood and his friend, the earl of Bristol, 
 with an acrimonious spirit of detraction, which 
 can only be accounted for, as suitable to the tastes 
 and opinions of his party ; not, indeed, unlike the 
 petty politicians alluded to by Mr. Burke — " Tria 
 faciunt monachum^ — bene loqui de supei'ioi'e, 
 legere hreviarium talitei' qualiter, et sine res 
 vadere ut vadunt" as the best recommendation 
 to notice. 
 
 The collision between the government and 
 the volunteers, commenced by sir Edward 
 Newhenham acquainting the house, " That, pur- 
 suant to a notice he had given some time since, 
 he would have brought on the business of parlia- 
 mentary reform but a right honorable friend of 
 his, who had promised his assistance, would now 
 bring it forward instead of him." After these 
 introductory words from sir Edward, Mr. Flood 
 rose and said : — " Sir, though the subject on which 
 I propose troubling the house is of the first 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 259 
 
 importance, yet I shall not anticipate the future 
 discussion of it. I therefore, sir, most humbly 
 move you for leave to bring in a bill for the more 
 equal representation of the people in parliament.'* 
 Brief and decorous as these preliminary observa- 
 tions were, Mr. Yelverton, then attorney-general, 
 violently repudiated the idea, as originating in an 
 armed assembly, and therefore, inconsistent with 
 the freedom of debate to receive it. In a highly 
 declamatory speech, on a measure not regularly 
 before the house, he expressed himself with 
 so much art and insinuation, as to engage the 
 passions of both sides. It is true, that the 
 coalition ministry were averse to the proceedings 
 of the convention and the volunteers ; and instruc- 
 tions were transmitted on the advent of the bill, to 
 the servants of the crown in Ireland to offer every 
 opposition to the present design. Such was the 
 policyof "the monstrous coalition," as Mr. Powys 
 emphatically termed that, between lord North and 
 Mr. Fox — " the lofty asserter of the prerogative, 
 had now joined alliance with the worshipper of the 
 majesty of thepeople !" Theinfluence of thecabinet 
 was too nicely balanced to be unmoved by the 
 agitation which pervaded every part of the sister 
 kingdom. The plausible grounds taken up by 
 the able placemen of the Irish government 
 complied to the letter of their instructions. They 
 resisted the introduction of a bill of reform as a 
 
260 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 IX. 
 
 CHAP. mandate from an armed assembly ; though the 
 same argument would have been applicable to the 
 formidable first and second Dungannon meetings 
 which had equally dictated to the legislature. 
 
 As Mr. Yelverton, took the initiative in this 
 momentous debate, Mr. Flood, replied on the 
 inferences to be drawn from one of the wisest 
 political maxims — " Principiis obsta." 
 
 MR. FLOOD'S REPLY TO MR. YELVERTON.* 
 
 " Sir, I have not mentioned the bill, as being the measure of 
 any set of men, or body of men whomsoever. I am as free to 
 enter into the discussion of the bill as any gentleman in this 
 house, and with as little prepossession of what I shall propose. 
 I prefer it to the house as the bill of my right honorable friend 
 who seconded me, — will you receive it from us P (Here Mr. 
 Flood sat down, and after a short pause he rose and said,) In 
 the last parliament it was ordered, ' that leave be given for the 
 more equal representation of the people in parliament' — this was 
 in the duke of Portland's administration, an administration the 
 right honorable gentleman (Mr. Yelverton) professes to admire, 
 and which he will not suspect of overturning the constitution. 
 
 " I own, from the turn which has been given to this question, 
 I enter on it with the deepest anxiety ; armed with the authority 
 of a precedent I did not think any one would be so desperate 
 as to give such violent opposition to the simple introduction of 
 a bill. I now rise, for the first time, to speak to the subject, and 
 I call on eveiy man, auditor, or spectator, in the house, or in the 
 galleries to remember this truth, — that if the volunteers are 
 introduced in this debate it is not I who do so. The 
 right honorable gentleman, says, ' if the volunteers have 
 
 ■» Irish parliamentary debates. 
 
lUGlIT IIO.V. HENRY FLOOD. 26l 
 
 ajiproved it he will op})ose it;' but 1 say, 1 bring it in us a chap. 
 member of ibis house, supported with the powerful aid of my ^^* 
 
 right honorable friend (Mr. Brownlow,) who sits behind me. 
 We bring it in as members of parliament, never mentioning the 
 volunteers. I ask you, will you receive it from us — from us 
 your members neither intending by any thing within doors or 
 without, to intimidate, or over awe you ? I ask, will you — will 
 you receive it as our bill, or will you conjure up a military 
 phantom of interposition to alFright yourselves ? 
 
 " I have not introduced the volunteers, but if they are 
 aspersed, I will defend their character against all the world. By 
 whom were the commerce and the constitution of this country 
 recovered ? — By the volunteers ! 
 
 " Why did not the right honorable gentleman make a 
 declaration against them when they lined our streets — when 
 parliament passed through the ranks of those virtuous armed 
 men to demand the rights of an insulted nation ? Are they 
 different men at this day, or is the right honorable gentleman 
 different P He Avas then one of their body ; he is now their 
 accuser! He, who saw the streets lined, — who rejoiced — who 
 partook in their glory, is now their accuser ! Are they less wise, 
 less brave, less ardent in their country's cause, or has their 
 admirable conduct made him their enemy ? ]May they not say, 
 we have not changed, but you have changed. The right 
 honorable gentleman cannot bear to hear of volunteers ; but I 
 will ask him, and I will have a starling taught to hollow 
 IN HIS EAR. — Who gave you the free trade P who got you the 
 free constitution ? who made you a nation /' The volunteers !* 
 " If they were the men you now describe them, why did you 
 
 * l)eclaration of the volunteer army of Ulster. " That the dignified 
 conduct of the arini/ lately restored to the imperial crown of Ireland its 
 original splendour — to nobility, its ancient privileges, and to the nation 
 at large, its inherent rights as a sovereign independent state." Such was 
 the assumed power of the volunteers, in 1782. The parliament was 
 considered then almost anti-national. 
 
262 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 accept of their service, why did you not then accuse them ? If 
 they were so dangerous why did you pass through their ranks 
 with your speaker at your head to demand a constitution — why 
 did you not then fear the ills you now apprehend ?" 
 
 Mr. Flood, in this reply, overwlielmed his 
 adversary by these unanswerable facts, which are 
 compressed within one paragraph of his speech. 
 The declamation of Mr. Yelverton was a matter 
 of expediency, he conjured up the military 
 phantom to awaken the political pusillanimity 
 of his adherents ; " a corrupt and all-subduing 
 influence, which, with a silent course had borne 
 down every barrier of Jiberty and of virtue. It 
 has done what power," said a learned professor of 
 the Irish university,* " never could have done. 
 
 * Quod nee Tydides, nee larisseus Aehilles, 
 Nee decern anni.' 
 
 " Corruption did not approach them with the 
 haughty air of a Strafford, but with the courtly 
 elegance of a modern secretary, or the mild 
 insinuating manners of an attorney-general." In 
 this sense, truly indeed, has Mr. Hardy written, 
 that the ministerialists " looked defiance at their 
 opponents, and seemed unassailable :" and his 
 speech is the counterpart of what he has written 
 on the convention. Mr. Flood was left in a 
 
 ' Dr. Browne, Trinity College. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. ^6S 
 
 minority of forty-nine ;* and as the house of 
 commons of Ireland was tlien constituted, it 
 was supposed to have about sLvti/ members 
 uninfluenced by the crown or not nominated to 
 their seats. 
 
 The four most eminent placemen of the day 
 were, Mr. Yelverton, Mr. Scott, Mr. Fitzgibbon, 
 and Mr. Hutchinson — the athelatae of the political 
 arena — rose from a common level to the most 
 conspicuous offices of the state, and were all 
 rewarded for their consistency to government, 
 by elevation to the peerage. 
 
 An able writer, their contemporary, has thus 
 sketched one of them, which bears characteristics 
 of each severally. — *' To rise from the middle rank 
 of life to fame and to fortune, to high dignity and 
 exalted station by the exertion of conspicuous 
 talents and superior abilities, is a distinction 
 highly honorable and meritorious, enjoyed but 
 by few, however aimed at by many. Elevation 
 is truly pleasing when the ascent to it has been 
 facilitated by the labours of genius, and when 
 conscious worth has ennobled those toils that a 
 laudable ambition had inspired. Such was the 
 fate of some of the most respected names of the 
 ancient world, who, unaided by the blazonry of 
 illustrious ancestry, or the powerful support of 
 
 * Parliamentary debates. 
 
264 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 family connexions, raised themselves to the 
 first rank in their respective states, by the sole 
 force of their own deserts. Remarkably different 
 as the constitution of our government is, from 
 the republics wherein they flourished, yet still the 
 same path, to reputation, to opulence, and to 
 honors, which they trod, is open ; and the modern 
 orator, eminent at the bar and in the senate, 
 commands the issues of success, and fixes at 
 pleasure the fortunes of his family. We find 
 these results singularly coincidental to the public 
 characters and fortunes of the four most able 
 supporters of the Irish government, for a quarter 
 of a century. 
 
 Mr. Yelverton instantly received as a reward for 
 his labours the chief baronship of the exchequer, 
 and Mr. Fitzgibbon the attorney-generalship.* 
 
 * An anecdote, of Fitzgibbon and Scott, was related to the writer 
 by a gentleman who knew the fact. — After the elevation of these 
 men to their new dignities, they were invited to dine with an 
 attorney, who first brought them into notice in the Four Courts, 
 by giving them briefs ; they accepted his invitation, not wishing to discard 
 their old friend ; but as he lived in an unfashionable street they did 
 not like to have noticed the " lowly means by which they did ascend.'' 
 Fitzgibbon drove to an adjacent street, and then alighted from his carriage, 
 and walking sneakingly to the house, he met Scott, they passed without 
 recognition : to avoid detection they walked to the end of the 
 street in opposite directions, and turned ; both met again, but finding they 
 were engaged to the same host, Scott said to Fitzgibbon — "Ah ! Mr. attorney- 
 general, 1 see we are both engaged to the same place, do not be ashamed, 
 pray let me show you the way" They entered the alley which led to 
 their old benefactors house, which their new-born vanity wished to 
 conceal. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 265 
 
 Mr. Flood, finding the organs of government 
 had found it expedient to stigmatize the 
 delegates and their proceedings, he moved an 
 address to the king in the convention, on Monday 
 the 1st December, two days after the debate, in 
 the name of the delegates of all the volunteers of 
 Ireland. 
 
 " The delegates of the volunteers of Ireland, 
 beg leave to address your majesty, expressive of 
 their duty and loyalty, claiming the merits of 
 their past exertions, and imploring your majesty 
 that their humble wish to have certain 
 manifest perversions of the parliamentary 
 representation of the kingdom of Ireland, 
 remedied by the legislature in some reasonable 
 degree, might" not be attributed to any spirit of 
 innovation, but to a sober and laudable desire to 
 uphold the constitution, to confirm the satisfaction 
 of their fellow-subjects, and to perpetuate the 
 cordial union of both kingdoms." 
 
 Such was the address which Mr. Flood thought 
 incumbent on the delegates to lay at his 
 Majesty's feet, after what had transpired in the 
 house of commons. He then moved " that the 
 convention do adjourn sme die" which was put 
 by the president, lord Charlemont, and carried 
 unanimously. 
 
 The noble earl published a protest, in which 
 he ratified the opinions and acts of the convention. 
 By which manifestation of his sentiments he 
 
^66 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, gave umbrage to the viceroy, the earl of 
 ,^^-Y-v^ Northington, and the usual court civilities were 
 discontinued during the brief period that remained 
 of his excellency's government. 
 
 The generous and high-minded earl of Bristol, 
 took too conspicuous a part, as the rival of lord 
 Charlemont, not to have a place in the memorials 
 of that brilliant political anomaly. Whatever 
 the meanness of Mr. Hardy may have poked out 
 against that nobleman, — whether true or false, — 
 no person can deny his princely munificence, and 
 his disinterested regard for Ireland, united in one 
 of the most accomplished peers of the realm. 
 
 The general tenor and scope of Mr. Flood's 
 policy with regard to Ireland, are distinctly deve- 
 loped in the following sentence of an annalist of 
 much ability* — " To reform the government and 
 constitution upon protestant principles, and still 
 to preserve the protestant ascendancy, was all 
 that, in present circumstances, the state of the 
 kingdom could bear ; and all that an enlightened 
 benevolence would consequently aim to accom- 
 plish." This was evidently the object of the 
 present bill, and had it not passed through the 
 ordeal of the convention, there could have been 
 no constitutional argument for its rejection by 
 the house of commons. It requires an intimate 
 knowledge, and a minute, and patient investiga- 
 
 ^ Bclsham, vol. iv, p. 38. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 2G7 
 
 tion of the local history of that time, to form 
 a judgment on the idea, — how far such an 
 assemblage of men of property, of character, and 
 of influence, were justified in convening, in a 
 manner they must have known was anomalous 
 to the constitution, and constructively con- 
 tumatious to the legislature. 
 
 The opinion of a disinterested man of letters, 
 who witnessed this debate, which has been 
 meretriciously coloured by some narrators, will 
 be found worth a volume ; from the point 
 and pleasantry with which it shadows forth the 
 whole scene, — like the touches of a master-hand, 
 which give vivacity and character to a picture. 
 
 LETTERr FROM DANIEL WEBB, ESQ. 
 
 " My dear Sir, 
 
 " As I cannot have the pleasure of seeing you 
 
 before you leave town, you must indulge me in a {q\v moments' 
 
 conversation on paper. I congratulate with you on the abrupt 
 
 dismission of your bill. It was the victoiy of power, not 
 
 of prowess. Unable to cope with you hand to hand, they 
 
 viounted the flying island of Gullivar, and crushed you under 
 
 the wc'ujht of their rubbish ! I shall reserve for a future 
 
 conversation the particular remarks I made on the whole 
 
 debate. But I cannot withhold my impatience to declare the 
 
 pleasure I received from your conduct throughout. It was 
 
 masterly, to my apprehension, consummate. 
 
 " Your very affectionate 
 
 " And obedient humble servant, 
 
 " Daniel Webb." 
 " To the Rifjht IIoiu Henry Flood." 
 
268 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 A g-ood deal of cordiality, and some friendly acts, 
 in the ordinary acceptation of the term, were 
 interchang-ed by Mr. Flood and the duke of 
 Chandos, whose correspondence was frequent, 
 and for the most part, of a political character. 
 Such letters of his grace as were found to 
 contain interesting matter, or collateral evidence 
 as to the affairs Mr. Flood was prominently 
 engaged in, are embodied in this work. The 
 following illustrate two remarkable points — his 
 position at this crisis in history of Irish affairs, 
 and his opinions with reference to future policy. 
 
 LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS. 
 
 " London, November I8fh, 1783. 
 "Dear Mr. Flood, 
 
 "Your kind letters of the 7th and 11th (the last of 
 wliich I received last night) are now before nie ; I return you 
 my hearty thanks for them, as they have made our minds 
 something easier relative to you. The salutation that a certain 
 gentleman met with, I am not surprised at ; it is such a one as 
 he must expect from every unprejudiced person every wliere, 
 and is exactly what he deserves, and is strict truth. I had 
 written thus fai' when your's of the 13th came to my hand. 
 I am highly pleased with the couipUment, a very distin(jiushed 
 one indeed, which you have received from the delegates,* 
 which I think must be a finishing stroke to the person I have 
 alhided to above. 
 
 " Few honorable and distinguished situations fall to a man's 
 lot without their difficulties ; there are no roses without thorns : 
 
 * The unanimous addresses of the volunteers. 
 
 ^ 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 269 
 
 yet your abilities and good sense, assisted by bonest and truly chap. 
 patriotic principles, will, I am certain, carry you tbrough tlie ^^' 
 
 slippery path you have to tread, with safety to yourself, and 
 real advantage to your country ; I need not say to your own 
 glory, for, had not that been firmly rivetted in the eyes and 
 hearts of the public, you had not been called to the situation. 
 You are now endued with the power of carrying your countiy 
 to the attainment of the objects they wish for, in a temperate 
 and constitutional process, and of making parliament the 
 channel of tchat may yet be wanting to complete, legally, what 
 the parliament of England meant to convey to them. Other 
 modes, the offspring of violence and intemperance, might 
 overturn the constitution ; but could never establish a settled 
 free government. A gust of wind may overset a vessel ; but 
 no storm, however strong or great, can ever set her right 
 again. Conduct like yours cannot fail of making Ireland a 
 great country ; not only without prejudicing England, but even 
 making her more splendid, from the reflecting beams. It has 
 ever been my firm 'opinion, long before this question* was 
 agitated between the two countries, that the more Ireland was 
 freed from the heavy shackles with which she was formerly 
 loaded, the more advantage this country must reap from her ; 
 and I firmly believe, a confined idea of the true policy of 
 government, and an avaricious and unjustifiable desire of 
 monopolising trade in a few manufacturing towns in England, 
 were tlie causes of such mischievous and ungenerous measures 
 towards the sister kingdom. Whenever Ireland becomes 
 possessed of her natural advantages to their due extent, and 
 her constitutional privileges, in amity and conjunction with 
 England, I will pledge my little knowledge in predicting that 
 both counh-ies must increase in honor, wealth, and commerce. 
 What then must be the result ? Respect from foreign countries, 
 plenty and peace at home, and the firmest foundation of our 
 
 * Mr. Flood's doctrine of external, as well as internal, legislation. 
 
270 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 natural constilution — that is to say, the free enjoyment of that 
 heavenly united government of limited monarchy, and liberty 
 witliout licentiousness, or the anarchy, of a republic. Feeling 
 your present situation, and knowing your principles, I have 
 ventured to ivritc my sentiments thus freely to you, not pre- 
 suming to offer you an idea, hut to give you my reasons, tvhy 
 (almost preceding my friendship to you) I rejoice so greatly 
 in your present unexampled, glorious, and (permit me to add) 
 most righteously deserved situation. I must now speak to you 
 as a private man, and I beg you to attend to me ; for if I know 
 my own abilities, I think I am better qualified for a friend 
 than a politician. I have no deficiencies in my heart, though, 
 God knows, very many in my head. Last week the duchess 
 and I were very apprehensive lest you might be assassinated ; 
 ?now we agree equally in opinion, that wet feet, or over 
 exertion in a fit of the gout, may be as fatal as a leaden bolus, 
 or incision of a toledo blade ; therefore, we entreat you, keep 
 house till you are well, and do not make pi'ocessions on wet 
 ground. I honor the house of commons for the indulgence 
 ;■ given you to sj^eak sitting. In that posture, your language, 
 I eloquence, and argument have raised you to the skies : had 
 / you been on your legs, you must have soared to the heavens. 
 You make me happy in your increasing numbers on the 
 different divisions ; when a snowball is once sent rolling, every 
 turn it makes increases its magnitude : roll it on, therefore, 
 till it comes to the size of the globe, and when it has com- 
 pleted that dimension, no one can be so fit to guide its 
 motions as yourself. 
 
 " I can easily conceive, from the pain of the gout, what 
 you must have suffered, when you retired from the house; 
 and the relief from nature that you received, reminds me that 
 the oak perspires, whenever an hardy and daring man attempts 
 its root with the axe ; an elm may, but no oak can, be under- 
 mined, for that has a tap root. / hitherto approve of every 
 step the delegates have taken ; their last move, as I have 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 271 
 
 told you above, has charmed me. How much do I feel 
 myself indebted to you, in the centre of all your business, to 
 vindicate me from general Luttrcll's attack. The general was 
 in part right ; however, there never was an office I more 
 ambitioned, if I could have been appointed to it at a time that 
 I could have served Ireland, and have been invested with full 
 powers ; but he is indeed much mistaken in me, if he could 
 imagine I would have taken the office from a spring adminis- 
 tration, the bastard ofispring of an unnatural conjunction,* to 
 have loaded Ireland with a peace establishment of fifteen hun- 
 dred men ; when one rotten part of that corrupt administration 
 had drawn every effective man out of the country, and left it 
 to fall a sacrifice to any foreign power that might have invaded 
 it, in order to protract a war which Lord North, for years, 
 had made a job of. No ! I had rather wait behind his chaii', 
 or give him his stirrup, than occupy the castle at this 
 moment. The volunteers preserved Ireland in time of war, 
 and have certainly a right to expect a reduction^ of the 
 forces in time of • peace ; and ivhilst they exert themselves 
 for that purpose constitutionally, and as loyal subjects to their 
 sovereign, they have a right to my best wishes, however 
 insignificant they may be. Nothing of any moment passes 
 here worth your notice. This day Mr. Fox is to bring on the 
 East India business in the house of commons. You may 
 depend upon hearing from me, as often as I can find any 
 thing to make a letter tolerable. Your most admirable defence 
 has been very imperfectly printed in our papers j I shall 
 therefore endeavour to get it into one of them correct. 
 " Dear Mr. Flood, 
 
 " Your very faithful and sincere friend, 
 " And humble servant, 
 
 " Chandos." 
 
 * Tlie coalition between lord North and Mr. Fox. 
 f The object of sir Henry Cavendish's motion, which Mr. Flood 
 supported, and Mr. Grattan opposed. 
 
272 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS. 
 
 "London, 2Qth of November, 1783. 
 " Dear Mr. Flood, 
 
 " Your letter of the 19th has given us very great 
 comfort. The East India hill occasions great commotions, 
 and I think is very likely to blow up the present administi'ation 
 very speedily ; and therefore I cannot but lament your being 
 absent at this very critical period, and yet am aware how much 
 you are wanted where you are. It is said, and I believe with 
 truth, that . lord Mansfield and lord Stormont have both 
 refused to support the bill. Yesterday the duke of Richmond, 
 lord Thurlow, and lord Temple, dined with me, to talk the 
 bill over. Mr. Pitt was to have been with us, but was kept in 
 the house of commons. We were all unanimous, that it was 
 best for us to take no steps in the house of lords, for some days 
 at least. To-moiTow the second reading is to take place in the 
 house of commons : it seems to be the firm determination of 
 administration to drive the bill first through that house ; but as 
 we have yet not a single evidence or paper before us, I think 
 they must give us some time. I hope we may be able to 
 protract till after the holidays. On the event of this bill, I 
 think will depend the fate of the present ministers. I do not 
 absolutely wish for an alteration before Christmas, yet I think 
 much art and ability must be exerted to prevent the fever 
 coming to a crisis too soon. 
 
 " We are much pleased with the contents of your last 
 Dublin paper. I have now only to add our best compliments 
 to you and lady Frances. 
 
 " I am, dear Mr. Flood, 
 
 " Your very sincere and faithful 
 
 " Friend and servant, 
 
 "Chandos." 
 
niGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 273 
 
 " P. S. — If you can send u liieuil some of lord Cellamont's chap. 
 or lord Mountniorris's oratory, without egotism, it may be ^^' 
 
 acceptable ; but it must be duty free." 
 
 Amid domestic affairs, we have accompanied this 
 statesman throug-h the most tempestuous season ; 
 his star, which had guided him felicitously in 
 a long" and perilous course, now waned faint into 
 a dubious light, as he neared the long-expected 
 harbour of his ambition. 
 
 A complimentary short missive from the 
 duchess of Chandos, on the dedication of some 
 fugitive poems to her grace, may with propriety, 
 close this part of the memoirs of Mr. Flood. 
 
 LETTER FROM THE DUCHESS OF CHANDOS. 
 
 " Chandos-Home, 29 fh Nov. 1783. 
 "Dear Sir, 
 
 " I FEAR you will have concluded by this time, that 
 
 the first fruits devoted to me from your consecrated quill have 
 
 been slighted, and that I have even forgot you ; but I knew 
 
 not where my thanks and good Mnshes might meet you, till I 
 
 heard of your arrival in Dublin. What happened to you 
 
 then, I would wish to obliterate ; retaining only in mind the 
 
 joy I felt at your having so honorably triumphed over your 
 
 enemies. The duke's sentiments went hand in hand with mine 
 
 to you upon that subject, therefore he has left nothing for me 
 
 to add upon it. I must renew my rerp.iest to you, to take care 
 
 of your health ; first, from the friendship I bear to you ; and 
 
 next, for the sake of tins unfortunate country, where your 
 
 T 
 
274- MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 assistance is much wanted, to save it, if possible, from sinking. 
 I will hope you may not come too late. Rapid are the strides 
 Mr. Fox is making to establish himself arbiter of these 
 kingdoms, which he will effectively do, if his East India bill 
 passes both houses of parliament : then adieu to the liberties 
 of these countries. 
 
 " You have now done every thing you can do for the benefit 
 of Ireland, consistent with your principles of moderation. Is 
 it your opinion that Ireland ' cannot exist as a nationi inde- 
 pendent of England P You are in the minority in your own 
 parliament — you probably may be in the same predicament 
 here ; but then you will have a more ample field for the display 
 of your unbounded abilities. You will shine forth as a bright 
 luminary in our darkened hemisphere — you will make the 
 hacknied rogues bow down their heads, abashed at your 
 superior talents, .founded on just and .right^principles. You 
 have moderated the spirit of rebellion in your own country ; — 
 you may do more here — you may prevent it. 
 
 " I shall not trouble you with any news, as the duke 
 writes constantly to you, though, by your account, you have 
 only received one letter from him. 
 
 "We join in compliments to lady Frances and yourself, 
 with every good wish ; and hope you will soon afford us the 
 pleasure of seeing you in England. 
 
 " I am, dear sir, 
 
 " Your faithful humble servant, 
 
 " Anna Eliza Chandos." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 9!J5 
 
 A.. 
 
 ^ R, ? \.. >,A .f I ,.. ;; 
 
 
 
 > ,'• ) ,->■■■ -51-^1 .V--. 
 
 :.:? Ir 
 
 1 \ 
 
 \ t: ' ^ VI V") ; ,;' 
 
 » ^-fri'f*^- - ^ "i 
 
 r 
 ■4 
 
 .t''" ... - ■- .; " > t-i^^ify 
 
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 J 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 ^ '■> /■•:?/): 7: '? 
 
 1783 AND 1784. '/ ---"'^ '■■•" '^'' ^ 
 
 '■■■>■■■ ■•:,... ^^.Afetf;it*| ^■.;ir- . r — 
 
 Mr. Flood takes his seat," for the* first time, as aTnember of the British 
 
 parliament The incjdents;*attending his speech on the India bill 
 
 Analysis of that speech identity, of opinions of. lord Camden, Pitt, 
 
 and Flood. — Courtney,'s' iroriical -reply to' Flood ^Probable reasons 
 
 ; why Mr. Flood's speech was decried — ^-Wliat constitutes a failure in.an 
 orator ?—Corregpon4ence of the duke of Chandos about the borough 
 
 of Winchester Evasiveness of the duke ; a challenge ensues. — 
 
 Singular deficiency in spirit marked in his grace's conduct. ^ 
 
 Mr. Flood took his seat, for tlie first time, as a 
 member of the British senate, for the borough of 
 Winchester. He arrived on the nig-ht of the 
 3d of December, at the close of the debate on 
 Mr. Fox's India bilL His intention ;was simply 
 to vote with Mr. Pitt against the bill, which had 
 unceasingly occupied the mind of the nation ; 
 besides which, it was the great trial of strength 
 between the antagonist parties. The subject 
 matter, however transcendental in importance to 
 British interests colonial and domestic, had been 
 exhausted by statesmen, who devoted the whole 
 
SyO MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. energies of tlieir minds to it alone : whose 
 
 X. 
 
 v^^-,^ eloquence delineated every diversity of view, and 
 clothed with a fresh verdure the arid portions of 
 oriental history. Reason, too, examined with 
 scrupulous precision every point in the newly 
 suggested theorem of government. Mr. Flood, 
 therefore, entered the house almost under every 
 conceivable disadvantage ; — a subject of polity of 
 the first magnitude, — a new field of contention, 
 — a double phalanx, inspired and led on by 
 rival genius. Fatigued from a long journey at 
 an inclement season — suflFering from that lassitude 
 of nature, which the spirit struggles ineffectually 
 to overcome — he rose, unprepared to speak at 
 any length, either as to the details of the bill or 
 the results to be expected from it, but merely to 
 accompany his vote with a few sentences on the 
 principle of so comprehensive a measure. A 
 concatenation of circumstances insidiously in- 
 duced him to trespass beyond the limit his better 
 judgment had first suggested. 
 
 It would have been fortunate for his fame, had 
 he remained silent, or had he inflexibly adhered 
 to his intention ; there was ample excuse for 
 either. The affairs of British India presented no 
 incident untouched, nor new line of argumenta- 
 tion undebated ; and his having been so recently 
 occupied in Ireland, precluded the possibility of 
 his acquiring an accurate knowledge of the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 voliiininoiis reports on the table of the house. 
 But the k)fty station he had always held in his 
 own country, and the high circle he moved in, 
 placed him prominently before the commons of 
 Great Britain ; in which he had many acquaint- 
 ances, but no political connexions. His bold 
 announcement, "that he rose to speak independent 
 of either of the great leaders," has been censured 
 as putting both sides against him, without taking 
 the trouble to examine the probable reason of 
 such a declaration. 
 
 Mr. Flood sat for a borough in the nomination 
 of the duke of Chandos, but which, on this 
 occasion, had been purchased for the sum of four 
 thousand pounds ; he therefore took his seat, not 
 as the nominee of his grace, but as an indepen- 
 dent member, as to vote or opinion. This proud 
 sentiment was highly characteristic of the man, 
 exemplified in former instances. 
 
 In this expression he delicately implied though 
 he gave his negative to the bill, yet he was 
 not thereby to be considered an adherent to the 
 opposite side. In mental powers that constitute 
 genius of a superior order, he could not be said 
 to have been inferior to any around him, and in 
 various and profound learning, few, if any, sur- 
 passed him in that house. Consequently, we 
 find Hansard, (who probably was indebted to 
 Woodfall), has given the following relation of 
 
278 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. Mr. Flood's speech, as well as a particular mention 
 v^^^yv; of the courtesy of the house : — " Mr. Flood rose, 
 and in compliment to him as a new member and 
 as a speaker of ' great expectation, profound 
 silence prey ailed directly y and he was listened to 
 for a considerable time with the utmost attention. 
 Mr. Flood began with apologising to the house 
 for venturing, unacquainted as he was with the 
 subject of Indian affairs, neither having read the 
 reports on the table, nor knowing more of their 
 contents than he had heard at a distance, to 
 deliver an opinion on a bill so important as that 
 under Consideration. He thought it, however, 
 an-iiidfepettsai3le act of parliamentaiy duty, to say 
 a'few words on the occasion ; and when he did 
 so,' he 'begged the house to give him credit for 
 spfe'al^ng^his sentiments impartially. 
 "^ *' He was" connected with no party ; and equally 
 unacquainted witb' administration or opposition. 
 He iefttertaiijed 'the* most ' profound , r^J)eot and 
 veneration" for maiiy-ge'ritlemeii; oil botli^-' stdes of 
 the house, whose characters ^were^-'jus.tly entitled 
 to his esteem, as they had alVe'ady eJfetaiHed that 
 of the public. He declared' that, he- artid^jusly 
 desired to be present before a measure of such 
 magnitude had passed that house. When he 
 assured the speaker that he was in the Irish 
 parliament on Wednesday last, he trusted it 
 1- wOuld be admitted that he had been as expeditious 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 279 
 
 as possible in order to reach the place he had the chap. 
 
 X. 
 
 honor to stand in. y^^y-s^ 
 
 " It conld not be expected, after his acknow- 
 ledged want of acquaintance with the subject, 
 that he should enter into the particulars or 
 details of the system proposed by the bill for the 
 future government of In,dia. He thought, 
 however, that a measure of such serious im- 
 portance ought not, on any account, to be 
 precipitated; lest that, instead of proving an 
 adequate recovery, it should tend to increase 
 the grievance, it was professed to be intended to 
 cure. He urged the novelty of the plan, its 
 extensive operation, and the violent effect it 
 would necessarily produce. In support of this 
 assertion he iristaueed 'chartered rights,' ought 
 undoubtedly to be held sacred, and never to be 
 interfered with, but in. -.the most urgent and 
 pressing necessity. - ^^j >>;I 4, 
 
 ** By what he had learned in the course of the 
 day, the confusion, of .the company's affairs began 
 with the interposition of parliament. The bill 
 of 1773 was intended as a regulation for the 
 company, and that bill appeared to have been the 
 cause of miich disorder and distress. Ought not 
 the house, therefore, having before their eyes the 
 evils occasioned by having once interposed, to 
 take warning, and avoid the still greater evils 
 that might follow their interfering again ? 
 
280 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 " Charters oug-ht to be held sacred : they might 
 be regulated, but they ought not to be demo- 
 lished. It was a rule with him to treat public 
 bodies with respect, especially so, a great company 
 who had abundant merit, and who had done 
 their country several essential services. It had, 
 however, been said, that necessity justified the 
 demolition of the company's charter in the 
 present instance : that necessity, nevertheless, 
 remained to be proved. The exercise of power 
 ought always to be governed by discretion, by 
 what lawyers termed *a sound discretion.* It 
 was neither decent nor wise to proceed to dis- 
 franchise the East India company, and to assume 
 the direction and government of their territorial 
 acquisitions, with precipitation. 
 
 " He had always been accustomed to hear a 
 high character of Mr. Hastings ; to consider 
 him a man of good heart, sound understanding, 
 and not given to rapacity. A plan, therefore, 
 that went to disjiossess Mr. Hastings of the 
 governor-generalship of India, did not come to 
 him recommended in the strongest manner. The 
 bill seemed questionable on other grounds. It 
 was to continue four years. — Did the right 
 honorable secretary intend to make the system 
 permanent, or was it to last no longer than four 
 years ? Before a new system was adopted, — 
 one, too, that was bv manv declared not to be 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 281 
 
 X. 
 
 constitutional, — the house ought to be certain tHAP. 
 that it would answer the end proposed. Could 
 the rig-ht honorable secretary say, that at the 
 expiration of four years, it would have had time 
 to accomplish any permanent good ? If he could 
 not, he had better not try the experiment, 
 notwithstanding the large majority at his back." 
 
 Having put this strongly, Mr. Flood touched 
 on several parts of the bill. 
 
 " The bill struck him as either conveying a 
 great additional influence to the crown, or lodging- 
 influence in hands where it would be more 
 dangerous, in proportion as it was more uncon- 
 stitutional. 
 
 •' With regard to the sixteen directors who were 
 to manage the company's affairs in future, he 
 made no scruple to say, he had every possible 
 good opinion of their integrity and other parts 
 of their character : but were they attentive to 
 business ? Were they conversant in the aflairs of 
 India, and likely to conduct the aflairs of the 
 company in a better system than the directors 
 had done hitherto ? The nine assistant directors 
 had all been, he understood, formerly employed 
 in the business of the company ; and two of the 
 seven directors had been in that capacity likewise, 
 but the remaining five had not. This, therefore, 
 did not appear to him a presage of the business of 
 the company being likely to be better carried on 
 
282 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 in future than it had been heretofore. Why take the 
 management of their affairs out of the company's 
 hands ? Property was universally admitted to 
 be the best ground- of legislation ; hence, the 
 company were entitled to legislate their own 
 concerns, because they would, undoubtedly, 
 legislate the best. 
 
 **The commissioners authorised by the bill, he 
 compared to the Roman deceilaviri, and fatal had 
 been those decemiviiH to Rome. He expatiated 
 on the danger of so far weakening the preroga- 
 tive or the influence of the crown, as to set up 
 an authority sufficiently powerful to keep the 
 crown in subjection. 
 
 " He feared the board of seven was to be like 
 the , board of admiralty, the board of treasury, 
 or "the board, of trade, where 07ie man bad all 
 the power, and the rest were but ciphers. Three 
 of the directors are to be a quorum, a circum- 
 stance which confirmed him in the opinion to 
 which he had just alluded ; thus three would 
 govern the majority of four." 
 
 Mr. Hansard has the following note on this 
 speech :—*' After' a variety of remarks, delivered 
 with great cori^^ctness of phrase, but in a more 
 deliberate and' sententious manner tliati is the 
 custom of ,0'iU'pai-Ji^nientary speakers, Mr. Flood 
 concluded with more apologies,; declaring that 
 under all circumstances of the nlea'sure, he could 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 283 
 
 not think of voting- for the third reading of the chap. 
 bill."* <J^ 
 
 The heads of the whole speech have been 
 transferred to these pages, that the observations 
 which follow might sustain the char^ter of 
 impartiality, from the facile reference to it. As 
 emanating from a persoii who had given almost 
 undivided attention to the government of Ireland, 
 it required little candour to accept his excuses 
 for not having a minute acquaintance with this 
 particular bill, for colonial regulation on a novel 
 plan. To examine and digest the voluminous 
 reports on the alleged mismanagement of the 
 company's affairs, required time and a secluded 
 application ; and to address the house as a 
 legislator in a style commensurate with the extent 
 and variety of the topic, demanded the concen- 
 tration of the faculties of the mind for some time 
 previous to the debate. Beyond a general 
 historical knowledge of India, the information 
 derived from the daily press, and. sucli opinions 
 as his correspondents in England might have 
 afforded him, it cannot be supposed that he was 
 anywise conversant. . . •• 
 
 To this intent his opening sentences were 
 directed, to prepare the house for the imperfect 
 remarks he had to offer. He evidently wished 
 
 * Hansard, 1783. 
 
^84 MEMOIRS 01? THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. to remove any impression tlie house might have 
 v^^Y^ entertained, of his intention to speak comprehen- 
 sively on the question. However, the great 
 politeness of the house, the profound silence, and, 
 every other mark of courtesy, induced him to 
 extend his remarks, in obedience to those une- 
 quivocal signs of their wishes. He pressed, with 
 much political acumen, certain points and 
 principles of the bill, which were assumed as 
 defective. His evil genius, " whose eyes drop 
 poison," possessed Mr. Courtney to mock his 
 ambitious aspirings for infinite renown, and to 
 mark conspicuously for future distinguished men, 
 an example, how transitory is that fame which 
 is dependent on the capriciousness of public 
 applause. Mr. Courtney arose, and with the 
 aspic venom of an evil tongue, he began his 
 reply, in a strain of irony commingled with latent 
 malice, which, as he proceeded, displayed all the 
 vindictiveness of his nature, in an unprovoked 
 attack. Mr. Flood rose to resent this asper- 
 sion of his fame, when the speaker interposed, 
 as it was already three o'clock, and he had 
 spoken. 
 
 Sir William Wraxall, in his memoirs, says,* — 
 " Mr. Henry Flood, one of the most celebrated 
 orators in the Irish parliament, (who had just 
 
 * Wraxall's Memoirs, vol. iii. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 285 
 
 X. 
 
 been brought iii for Winchester), rising for the chap. 
 first time, proposed to speak in the British house 
 of commons. His appearance produced an 
 instant cahn, and he was heard with universal 
 curiosity while he delivered his sentiments, which 
 were strongly inimical to the East India bill. 
 Though possessing little local or accurate infor- 
 mation on the immediate subject of debate, he 
 spoke with great ability and good sense ; but the 
 slow, measured, and sententious style of enuncia- 
 tion which characterised his eloquence, — however 
 calculated to excite admiration it might be in 
 the senate of the sister kingdom, appeared to 
 English ears cold, stiff, and deficient in some of 
 the best recommendations to attention. Unfortu- 
 nately, too, for'Flood, one of his own countrymen, 
 Courtney, instantly opened on him such a battery 
 of ridicule and wit, seasoned with allusions or 
 reflections of the most personal and painful kind, 
 which seemed to overwhelm the new member." 
 Mr. Moore, in a recent work,* has a passage 
 which was only known to some of Mr. Flood's 
 relatives and a few others, — that Mr. Covu'tney 
 confessed to lord Byron that he was actuated by 
 resentment — personal pique. So pitiful are the 
 motives of some men ! " When I met old 
 Courtney, the orator, at Rogers*, the poet's, in 
 
 * Life of Lord Bvron. 
 
286 MEMOIRS OF TifE-LiPt:' OF' The 
 
 1811-12, I was much taken with the portly- 
 remains of his fine figure, and the still acute 
 quickness of his conversation. It was he who 
 silenced Flood in the English house, by a crushing 
 reply to a hasty debut of the rival of Grattan in 
 Ireland. 
 
 " I asked Courtney, — for I like to trace 
 motives, — if he had not some personal provoca- 
 tion, for the acrimony of his answer seemed to me 
 to involve it ? Courtney said, he had. That when 
 in Ireland, (being an Irishman), at the bar of the 
 Irish house of commons. Flood had made a 
 personal and unfair attack on himself, who, not 
 being a member of that house, could not defend 
 himself; and that some years afterwards, the 
 opportunity of retort offering in the English 
 parliament, he could not resist it." ' 
 
 ■ Probably, in parliamentary history, there is 
 not a more ignoble . instance of . resenting a 
 "personal and unfair attack," even supposing the 
 assumed pretext" to be a fact undisputed. .■ 
 
 The affectation of a debut for a man who had 
 been a public character for nearly thirty years of 
 his life, would have been ridiculous enough : he 
 had evidently not the remotest notion that his 
 reputation as an orator would be compromised by 
 tlie shortness of his address, or that any one 
 could harpy on it as his "failure," when no 
 ostentatious display was intended. But the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 287 
 
 analysis of that speech, which his detractors 
 eagerly trumpeted as his failure, bears evidence 
 of a clear insight to the novel power about to be 
 created by Mr.. Pox. .,'>■■ , , 
 
 The coincidfettce of the principal points of 
 Mr. Flood's speech, with Mr. Pitt's in the 
 commons, and lord Camden's in the lords, may be 
 succinctly adverted to. Plie attack on chartered 
 rights,— the unconstitutional power • placed in 
 irresponsible" hands,- — the insecurity thereby occa- 
 sioned to all gr^at corporations,— l-the incongruity 
 of the seven commissioners,-^^tlie creation of a new 
 executive colonial government, independent of 
 the crown, and therefore dangerous to the realm. 
 In so many particulars, Mr. Pitt and Mr. Flood 
 agreed in their opposition ; but the latter added 
 the important historical fact, that the measure of 
 1773 was practically unfavorable to the present 
 scheme of interposition with the company's 
 affairs.* : .. i . 
 
 In the following particulars, there will be found 
 a like coincidence betweeii lord Camden and 
 Mr. Flood. The wrong done the India company, 
 by divesting them of the mahagemetit of their 
 own affairs, — the violation of private property, — 
 the influence given to any one who chanced to be 
 minister, 
 
 ♦ Hansard's debates, vol. for 1783. 
 
288 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 Mr. Flood made allusion to the decemviral 
 power, and tlie disastrous effects of such an 
 innovation on the Roman constitution ; and by 
 parity of reasoning, the novel power of a board 
 of commissioners created by the bill, with unli- 
 mited and irresponsible controul, who only 
 required an Appius to render them dangerous. 
 In fact, as sir William Wraxall says, the speech 
 displayed "great ability and good sense," and 
 not intended to exceed a comment de improviso. 
 
 It is possible it would have been uncensured, 
 had not the spirit of the worst of the Eumenides 
 taken possession of the breast of Mr. Courtney. 
 Mr. Flood's political opponents in Ireland were 
 delighted at this reception from his countryman. 
 Slander winged her rapid flight, and appeared 
 in multiformed shapes in every part of his native 
 land where he had an antagonist. 
 
 Such is the abstract pleasure which the herd of 
 mankind have, in removing the wreath of merit 
 from the brow of the illustrious, often from the 
 most pedestrian motives of party, or from an 
 unwillingness to give the meed of praise to those 
 who are not their favorite models of excellence. 
 These, however, never forget to evince an elabo- 
 rately minute attention to accidental or impromptu 
 speeches ; and estimate abilities and services on 
 such slender pretensions : thus being deliberately 
 inattentive to acts and characteristics which form 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 the basement and ennoblement of genius, while 
 the more fragile ornaments of the superstructure 
 are preserved for sinister detraction. 
 
 Mr. Webb, who has been introduced as one of 
 the friends and correspondents of Mr. Flood, was 
 an early contributor to the Irish academy, when 
 in its infancy ; he added likewise to the literature 
 of his country, by throwing light on the druidical 
 remains of his fatherland ; and whether regarded 
 as a philosopher or friend, he is entitled to far 
 more than the poor encomium of the author of 
 this memoir. One of his last letters extant was 
 written in this year, and may suffice to indicate 
 his judgment and taste. 
 
 LETTER FROM DANIEL WEBB, ESQ. 
 
 " My Dear Sir, 
 
 " You may remember that it was my wish, from the 
 first of our acquaintance, to see you a member of the English 
 parliament : if it was from the recollection of this circumstance 
 that you gave me the friendly notice of my wish being 
 accomplished, I am the more obliged to you for this instance 
 of your attention. I thought the scene of your action too 
 narrow for you, and, though it has been greatly enlarged since 
 that time, yet, the volunteers must pardon me, if I think that 
 even now, the British senate is the first political theatre in the 
 world ; and if the first, the fittest for such abilities as yours. 
 You tell me that you are come in on the most unexceptionable 
 form ; I had not the least doubt of that, from the moment 
 that I first heard of it : little spirits arc made to be instru- 
 
 U 
 
 289 
 
290 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 ments, the superior to employ them. Talents like yours \?ould 
 be disgraced by acting under any otlier direction than that of 
 the public good and your own honor, two things in name, and 
 but one by their nature. You say you could put a great 
 many questions to me, touching things past ; I could put 
 many more to you, concerning those which are to come, and 
 with a certainty of being much better answered : take two or 
 three with this indulgence, that you may answer them or not 
 as it happens to suit you. Can you so temper independence 
 as to stop short of separation ? Can you trade, in your present 
 circumstances, without protection ? And, are protection and 
 independence reconcilable ideas ? Equalization of trade, what 
 a conception ! is not the thing itself founded in equality ? I 
 should be more explicit to another ; you will understand me. 
 What is trade, if successful, but a system, in which the 
 individual outwits, and the government bullies ? You want 
 strength for the one, and experience for the other : I will not 
 question the happiness of your disposition for either. Things 
 will mend, and the time will come when you may trick and 
 cozen as well as your neighbours. Apropos ! give me your 
 opinion of the following lines ; it will be less trouble 
 than to answer such old-fashioned questions : if you 
 approve them, they shall become a part of my little poem on 
 the madness of men, a subject inexhaustible, whether the 
 examples be drawn from the aggregate or the individual. You 
 will judge of the poem as it may deserve, but I will admit of 
 no abatement in the good opinion which I wish you to have 
 of your very affectionate 
 
 " And obedient humble servant, 
 
 "Daniel Webb. 
 
 " Let the nations bow down to a senate or king, 
 With respect for the name, and distaste of the thing ; 
 It matters not much how we vary our plan. 
 One, many, or {ew, still the agent is man. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 291 
 
 Senate, monarch, and mob, are composed of one clay ; 
 
 If they're mad who command, are they wise who obey P 
 
 Who was he who first brought bitter herbs from the east ? 
 
 They are nauseous — ' That's right, import sweets from the west;' 
 
 Is this right ? — ' Very right, it is well understood, 
 
 ' That to multiply wants is a national good : 
 
 ' Mark the progi'ess of things, — traffic, taxes, a fleet, 
 
 ' Sti'etch your arms round the globe, till your colonies meet ; 
 
 ' Let your flag, in its pride, to th' antipodes roam, 
 
 ' Send your thunders abroad, — and stop payment at home ;' 
 
 The dominion of wealth, a commercial controul. 
 
 Founds a greatness of state on a meanness of soul ; 
 
 Exults in a splendour, which, fatally bright. 
 
 Self-destroying, consumes that which gives it its light. 
 
 Not such were thy principles, Sparta, thy pride 
 
 Was by virtue, no less than in arms, to 2:)reside : 
 
 Hear, ye statesmen, and blush, when on record ye find, 
 
 That the poorest and best were the first of mankind " 
 
 CHAP. 
 X. 
 
 A little preceding we related the transaction 
 of the purchase of the borough of Winchester, 
 and that it was concluded in the beginning of 
 October, 1783. A new incident occurred, — the 
 dissolution of parliament, shortly after the 
 rejection of Mr. Fox's India bill. The party 
 now in power never contemplated such a reverse 
 to their antagonists, which entailed a complete 
 overthrow to their political ascendancy, when 
 on the eve of establishing a basis of prepon- 
 derance, of, almost, ever-during influence. Mr. 
 
292 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. William Pitt had become the star of the ascendant ; 
 
 X. 
 
 v---^^ Mr. Fox had culminated, and gradually declined 
 to his immersion. The duke of Chandos was a 
 supporter and partisan of the former ; and, 
 consequently, he exerted his borough interest to 
 accommodate and strengthen the premier, who 
 was in a minority. Mr. Flood, in expressing his 
 opinion on the India bill, declared himself quite 
 independent ; and, we think, with a true sense 
 of self-dignity by no means unbecoming in a 
 person like him, who was in every way on 
 equality with the celebrated leader of the British 
 senate. It is easily conceded that the very idea 
 of a purchase implies an acquisition of something 
 unshackled and unrestrained. Hence, we have 
 the motive of the duke for violating his engage- 
 ment, in favor of his relative, Mr. G anion ; and 
 the motive of Mr. Flood for insisting on his right 
 in equity, to the full extent that an honorable 
 and sensitive mind could adventure. 
 
 A portraiture of the duke, drawn from the 
 admissions in his own letters, will aid us in 
 appreciating his grace, and the sequence of his 
 lengthened correspondence. 
 
 The character political of the duke of Chandos 
 lay lightly on the surface of events and contin- 
 gencies ; he neither wearied his faculties by 
 sounding the depths of Machiavellian polity, nor 
 idealized amid the schemes of Utopians. No ; 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. ^QS 
 
 he smoothly glided along, like such practical 
 politicians, on the unruffled surface of borough 
 interest, in the political value of which he was 
 familiar ; preferring this mode to the divings of 
 the Florentine secretary, or the imaginings of 
 classic philosophers. 
 
 The mundane shrewdness of his grace, is 
 clearly hinted in this missive : — 
 
 LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS. 
 
 "Avington, lOth October, 1783. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 "Mr. Harmood dined with me yesterday, who told 
 me that he had settled eveiy thing relative to your business 
 with your friend at Winton, and that his deputy will 
 deliver, on Saturday, to Mr. Graham, the instrument wanted. 
 I inclose you a letter I received last night from Mr. James 
 Graham. I think you had better let him wait upon you, 
 unless you will take the trouble of calling upon him at Lincoln's 
 Inn, and talk to him upon the subject. I shall write to him 
 by this post, and desire he will send the instrument down by 
 one of his clerks, as he will be able to swear to the delivery, 
 and prevent the under-sherilf from playing any tricks : it may 
 be attended with some small additional expense, but certainly 
 will put the business on a surety. 
 
 " I hope you will not think me impertinent in hinting 
 another matter to you, M'hich may have escaped you, which is 
 a qualification. It will be best to settle that whilst you are in 
 town ; for, though they cannot oblige you to specify your 
 qualification before you take your seat, yet I apprehend they 
 may, on election, oblige you to swear to one ; but Mr. Graham 
 will inform you of this most minutely, if you think proper to 
 
294 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 "•^^yKJ 
 
 CHAP. consult him upon it. We were very glad to hear that you 
 ^' got safe to town without losing your trunks. In a company 
 
 of twenty-two, at dinner here yesterday, your health, &c. went 
 round in bumpers of champaign ; the company were much 
 disappointed at not seeing you here, hut said that of you 
 which would make you blush, could you be ignorant of your 
 meriting the best which can be said of you. 
 
 " Another company, I believe not less numerous, will follow 
 the steps of their predecessors yesterday, this day. Since you 
 left Avington, I have been informed lord Sandwich is to resume 
 his seat at the head of the admiralty, in the room of lord 
 Keppel. The duchess always joins me in every good wish, 
 and the whole circle desire their proper compliments. I remain 
 with the greatest truth, 
 
 " Dear sir, 
 
 " Your very obedient, 
 
 " Faithful, humble servant, 
 
 " Chandos." 
 
 Instead of Mr. Flood being re-elected to serve 
 in the new parliament of 1784'> a Mr. Gamon, 
 brother-in-law to the duke, was returned. 
 
 Mr. Flood naturally felt keenly this. An 
 interchange of letters took place, between the 
 borough proprietor and the late member. The 
 sentiments of Mr. Flood are conveyed in the 
 succeeding letters, which, we apprehend, place 
 the character of the duke of Chandos in a very 
 unfavorable light. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. ^2.05 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD. 
 
 " .i/rnl, 15, 1784, Cleveland Row. 
 
 " Mr. Flood sends his compliments to the duke of Chandos. 
 Late at night, the 13tli, he received the honor of his grace's 
 letter of that date, which contains matter so new as to require 
 explanation. On seeing the return for Winchester, when he 
 got to London, Mr. Flood supposed some uncommon change 
 to have taken place ; and lest, if he went himself, some 
 awkwardness might arise, he requested an intimate friend to 
 wait on his grace, to express certain grounds of Mr. Flood's 
 surprise. The day after his arrival, namely, the 6th instant, 
 Mr. Flood had the honor of seeing the duke at Cleaveland 
 Row, and, in the respective conversations with his friend and 
 with Mr. Flood, the grounds of fact were admitted by his 
 grace on which Mr. Flood reposes. The duke told Mr. Flood 
 he would do every thing he could to remedy what Mr. Flood 
 complained of. Mr. Flood said that the chiltern hundreds 
 were certainly in las gi'ace's power. His grace said, but without 
 dwelling on it, that there was a difficulty in the people of 
 Winchester, This mentioned, Mr. Flood did not enter fully 
 into the ground, but said, it would be strange if his support 
 of the Winchester address should have hurt him at Winchester, 
 when his very worthy colleague had not been prejudiced by the 
 contrary conduct. That topic being resumed in his grace's 
 letter, Mr. Flood adds, that he knows Winchester enough to 
 respect highly the constituents of it, and not the less for 
 knowing that their attachments are not to be shaken, and that 
 the same persons who recommended him before, could certainly 
 recommend him again with equal effect. In short, ]\Ir. Flood 
 has a conscious knowledge that his own vote at Winchester is 
 not to be sliaken by any event, and that he would give it at 
 any time in support of a certain interest, against any pretensions 
 
296 
 
 MEiVIOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 X. 
 
 of liis own, or of any other person : he knows how many 
 others are in the same sentiment. 
 
 " On Saturday, the 10th inst., Mr. Flood put on paper, for 
 his grace's recollection, the grounds of fact that had heen 
 admitted as before mentioned, thinking it a matter of necessary 
 attention so to do, in a case where both their honors were 
 concerned, and in which, he presumes, it is equally the wish 
 of both that nothing injurious to the feelings of either should 
 happen. He must, therefore, confess his surprise that in the 
 duke's letter of the 13th, after the subject had taken its position 
 for so many days, his grace should refer to the recollection of 
 his law agent, and to a period of time antecedent by a year 
 to those expressions and events which govern the present 
 question. 
 
 " It is true that, in the year 1782, the subject of a seat in the 
 British parliament for Mr. Flood (generally, however, and not 
 specifically for Winchester) was brought forward by the duke, for 
 it never originated with Mr. Flood. On the day before Mr. 
 Flood was to leave his grace's house at Avington, for London, 
 the subject was particularly pressed by the duke, and he 
 expressed concern that it had not occurred to him when they 
 were near the Isle of Wight, where a vacancy had just happened : 
 the duke said he would write directly about that vacancy, and 
 send to London after Mr. Flood, if necessary. I\lr. Flood 
 went next morning ; the duke unexpectedly came after him, 
 and then, at Chandos house, there was a short conversation 
 with his grace's law-agent to this effect : the agent was sent to 
 a person in London, concerning the before-mentioned vacancy, 
 but it was found to be engaged. He was then desired to look 
 out any where else he could for a seat at Mr. Flood's expense. 
 There was no vacancy at Winchester at that time, nor was 
 Winchester mentioned but incidentally, thus. The agent was 
 desired to try whether INIr. Stanhope would accept the chiltern 
 hundreds, on condition of a seat being to be acquired for him 
 at Mr. Flood's expense, as soon as possible; or upon the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 297 
 
 means being supplied to Mr. Stanhope himself. If a vacancy chap. 
 
 in Winchester could be so obtained, the duke declared he ^* 
 
 would bring in Mr. Flood for that parliament. Mr. Flood 
 
 admits the declaration went no farther at that time ; but was 
 
 not till a year after that Mr. Gamon's name was mentioned for 
 
 Winchester at all, as is stated in Mr. Flood's letter of the 10th 
 
 instant. It is evident that on that occasion INIr. Flood was to 
 
 have treated with INIr. Stanhope, not with the duke, for the seat 
 
 at Winchester. Now, that Mr. Flood should agree to be at 
 
 the expense of another seat in order to vacate Winchester, on 
 
 the condition of rendering his seat dependant on another, is an 
 
 idea which confutes itself, and is worthy mentioning, as it 
 
 manifests a radical misconception, which he presumes will be 
 
 no longer retained. The sentiment, however, namely, that 
 
 Mr. Flood would render either his seat or conduct dependant 
 
 on the approbation or disapprobation of another, is totally 
 
 inconsistent with his being a free representative, and is a 
 
 conception which cannot meet with too speedy or too perfect 
 
 a disavowal. The whole idea of the chiltern hundreds, from 
 
 beginning to ending, amounted simply to this, that, whenever 
 
 another seat could be procured, at Mr. Flood's expense, he was 
 
 ready to vacate Winchester. As to Mr. Stanhope's conduct in 
 
 not vacating Winchester, as above proposed ; certainly, as 
 
 the proposition then made was to allow Mr. Stanhope to make 
 
 an advantage of the duke's influence at Winchester, which the 
 
 duke himself had never made, Mr. Flood thought it would be 
 
 extraordinaiy if Mr. Stanhope should refuse such an offer. 
 
 Mr. Flood's conclusion to the agent was, that an independent 
 
 seat was his object, and he commissioned the agent to get such 
 
 a seat for him. So much for the year 1782, which, however, 
 
 cannot alter what is subsequent, however what is subsequent 
 
 might affect that. 
 
 " As to his grace's assistance in looking now for another 
 seat, with reference that ought to have preceded the omission 
 of Mr. Flood at Winchester ; nor could such a search, in his 
 
298 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 gi'ace's present situation, and with Mr. Flood's readiness to: 
 accommodate, have miscan-ied : an micertainty, rendered now 
 more precarious by delay, is not an equivalent for a certainty, 
 which was the only advantage that Mr. Flood ever sought from 
 Winchester. As to his grace's friendship, Mr. Flood will 
 always respect it as he ought ; but in this case, he has only to 
 desire that the duke will adhere to his own declarations. Mr. 
 Flood is duly sensible of his grace's rank ; but the duke well 
 knows, that in certain descriptions of men, though of different 
 ranks, their never can be any idea of friendship but on the 
 ground of perfect and equal reciprocity ; that his gi-ace's 
 friendship and Mr. Flood's, never had, and never could have, 
 any other foundation. His grace declared (not privately 
 either) that his object was, that Mr. Flood should be in a 
 situation of efficiency, which his grace has not sought for 
 himself: his gi'ace stated Mr. Flood's situation and claims, as 
 high as it was possible for Mr. Flood to wish. Mr. Flood 
 need not, therefore, enter into any estimate of them himself; 
 neither needs Mr. Flood to remind his grace of words used by 
 Mr. Flood at the time of his election, and upon his grace's 
 going into office last Christmas. They were too marked to 
 escape his grace's recollection, and contained the most explicit 
 stipulation of parliamentary liberty. 
 
 " The duke, in his letter, admits that both before and after 
 Christmas last, his grace intended to bring Mr. Flood in for 
 Winchester ; it is clear, therefore, that then his grace was not 
 engaged to Mr. Gamon. On the 10th of March last, about a 
 fortnight before the dissolution, the duke wrote a friendly letter 
 to Mr. Flood to Ireland, but made no mention of tliis change 
 of sentiment. Is it just, that, at so late a period, engagements 
 should be taken regardless of Mr. Flood, without communica- 
 tion with him, and without any notice to look elsewhere ; or 
 any care on the part of the duke and of his agent to provide 
 a substitute for the seat so to be taken away from Mr. Flood, 
 conti'ary to his confessedly just and grounded expectations ? If 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 299 
 
 such declarations are of no weight in matters of honorable 
 engagement, what can constitute claim, or establish security ? 
 As to any reluctance in the constituents of Winchester, Mr. 
 Flood has already said enough on that part of the subject. As 
 to his grace's having spoken to Mr. Flood after Christmas, about 
 his conduct, he is sure that his gi'ace does not mean to insinuate 
 that he thought himself authorised to animadvert on Mr. Flood's 
 parliamentary conduct ; or that his grace did not say that he 
 wished that no decided difference might arise between adminis- 
 tration and Mr. Flood, lest it might induce some application 
 to embarrass his grace in his purpose of having Mr. Flood 
 returned for Winchester, in case of a dissolution. 
 
 " The promise to Mr. Gamon, as to Winchester, mentioned 
 to Mr. Flood in 1783 by the duke and duchess, was relinquished 
 by them for Mr. Gamon, as soon as mentioned : a place was 
 stated by them as the object for Mr. Gamon, and Mr. Flood 
 was engaged by their graces to assist in obtaining it whenever 
 he could. The duchess repeatedly expressed her wish that Mr. 
 Flood might sit for life for Winchester. Mr. Flood always 
 said he was ready to acquire a seat, without expense to the 
 duke, for any friend of the duke's, or for himself : that it has 
 not been required, lies not on Mr. Flood, but on the agent. 
 
 " Mr. Flood's situation was not an object for adventure. 
 The duke has so fully expressed his sense of that, that Mr. 
 Flood will not dwell on it. 
 
 " The more that Mr. Flood revolves this subject, the more 
 he is convinced that there cannot be two sentiments, finally, 
 with respect to it, between his grace and Mr. Flood ; and, 
 therefore, he is the more desirous to be thus explicit in the 
 matter." 
 
 We find the facts herein mentioned confirmed 
 by the testimony of the bearer of this commiini- 
 
300 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, cation from Mr. Flood ; yet the duke thoug-lit it 
 v^^'Y'v^ requisite to involve himself in a labyrinth of 
 explanations, the first of which is — 
 
 LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS. 
 
 " Chandos House, 22d April, 1784. 
 " The duke of Chandos makes his compliments to Mr. Flood, 
 and lord Bellamont having done him the honor of delivering 
 Mr. Flood's letter of the 15th to him on the 19th, trouhles him 
 with a few lines in answer. As it was the duke's wish to be 
 correct in what he said, he thought it would be equally 
 satisfactory to Mr. Flood, as to himself, to have the relation of 
 the original gi'ounds of recommending Mr. Flood at Winchester 
 stated by a third person who was present. And the duke 
 conceives wliat then passed to be material, because he never 
 intended to pledge or bind himself to a greater extent than he 
 did at that time. If Mr. Gamon's name was not then men- 
 tioned, the duke repeatedly declared that he could not assist 
 Mr. Flood, at Winchester, for a longer period than that parlia- 
 ment, consistent with his own views and engagements towards 
 his own family and connexions. The duke assures Mr. Flood, 
 that he never had the smallest idea that he could have any 
 pretence to controul or animadvert on INIr. Flood's parliamentary 
 conduct : and nothing could be further from his intention than 
 from any expression to give him the least degree of offence, or 
 offer any thing that could be injurious to his feelings. 
 
 " The duke cannot help repeating what he said in his former 
 letter ; that he never meant to pledge himself to recommend 
 Mr. Flood to Winchester for a longer period than the last 
 parliament ; and that even had it been otherwise, the duke 
 could not effectually have recommended Mr. Flood at this time 
 to the city of Winchester : for the consequence would most 
 certainly have been the ruin of his interest there, as most of his 
 friends were determined not to re-elect Mr. Flood. This last 
 
LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD, 
 
 " Mr. Flood sends his compliments to the duke of Chandos : 
 in answer to his grace's letter of yesterday, he begs leave to 
 repeat, tliat, in his conception, the year 1782 has nothing to do 
 with the present question. Winchester was not then in object ; 
 nor was there an expectation of a vacancy there, unless it could 
 be found at Mr. Flood's expense. Add to this, that notwith- 
 standing any thing the duke could declare in 1782, yet, on his 
 grace's changing his purpose in 1783 and in 1784, the former 
 declaration must fall to the ground of course. The duke admits 
 that before and after Christmas last, he meant that Mr. Flood 
 should come in for Winchester this parliament, and that he 
 never intimated a change of intention until he wrote to Mr. 
 Flood, in Ireland, a letter dated the 24th of March last. The 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 301 
 
 reason alone the duke knows Mr. Flood himself (if he had been 
 upon the spot) would have deemed sufficient, and Mr. Flood 
 may be convinced of the fact, on the slightest inquiry. 
 
 " The duke most certainly would have communicated with 
 Mr. Flood, both as to his intentions and the situation of 
 Winchester, had not his very sudden departure for Ireland 
 (which was so much so, that though the duke had the pleasure 
 of seeing Mr. Flood the night before he went, he either did not 
 know of his going the next morning, or did not think it 
 necessary to apprise the duke of it) and the as sudden 
 dissolution of parliament prevented him. 
 
 " As soon as the duke did know of the dissolution, he wrote 
 to INIr. Flood. 
 
 " In no part of this business hath the duke ever had an idea 
 of want of attention or regard to Mr. Flood ; so far from it, he 
 has always been happy in giving him every possible proof of 
 both." 
 
302 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 new return for Winchester being dated tlie 2d of April 
 following, thus the information was of no possible avail. 
 
 " Mr. Flood left London suddenly ; he staid to the last 
 moment, till he ^vas sent for express, and till he was near being 
 too late for the business to which he was summoned. Before 
 he stepped into his chaise, he WTOte to the duke, it being too 
 early to see him : and several days before he had informed his 
 grace that he must soon go for a short time to Ireland ; he could 
 not name the day or hour. 
 
 " Mr. Flood left London the 5th of March last ; the duke 
 might have communicated a change of sentiments by letter, as 
 well as in conversation ; but though his gi'ace did ^vrite to 
 Mr. Flood on the 10th of March, he never intimated any such 
 change. Mr. Flood cannot doubt the duke's influence at 
 Winchester ; neither can he doubt his grace's opportunities to 
 obtain a succedaneum at Mr. Flood's expense ; and it is 
 impossible for him to add more for the removal of difficulty or 
 doubt. 
 
 " April 23, 1784, Cleveland- roic." 
 
 LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF CHANDOS. 
 
 " Minchenden House, 26 tk April, 1784. 
 
 '* The duke of Chandos makes his compliments to 
 Mr. Flood, and is favored with his letter of the 23d. The duke 
 cannot but regard the transaction of the year 1782 as the 
 basis of every thing which has passed since. 
 
 " The duke, in a former letter, admitted that about 
 Christmas, when he imagined a dissolution was likely to happen 
 immediately, he was inclined to recommend Mr. Flood for 
 Winchester, though he never had engaged so to do : and his 
 reason was, that he thought at that time, if Mr. Flood could 
 be accommodated with a seat, he might probably come into 
 office, and that there might, at that moment, be no other means 
 
LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD. 
 
 " Tuesday, 27th April, 1784, Cleveland Roiv. 
 
 " Mr. Flood sends his compliments to the duke of Chandos : 
 he hoped his last letter would have finished the explanation 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 303 
 
 of his getting a seat ; therefore, under that pressing circum- 
 stance, he would have trusted to Mr. Flood's giving up his 
 scat at Winchester, as soon as he could have got another seat 
 for himself, rather than he should have risked coming into 
 })lace. 
 
 " Mr. Flood's not coming into office, and the parliament 
 not being dissolved, certainly altered the case. 
 
 " The duke has some reason to think, that it was Mr. 
 Flood's opinion, as well as his own, that as the parliament 
 was not dissolved before he went to Ireland in March, that the 
 dissolution would not take place till the summer. This was 
 the reason that the duke did not communicate with Mr. 
 Flood on the subject of Winchester by letter. 
 
 " The duke never could think of endeavouring to obtain 
 a perpetuity at Winchester for Mr. Flood, to the prejudice 
 of his own tamily, or that any of them should be brought 
 into parliament at Mr. Flood's expense. The duke meant to 
 accommodate Mr. Flood for the remainder of the last parlia- 
 ment; but must repeat, that he never looked upon himself 
 as imder any engagement relative to a new one : and cannot 
 conceive it possible, that the friendly disposition alluded to 
 above, under very pressing circumstances, can ever be 
 constrained into a new engagement. 
 
 " Having said this, the duke begs to repeat what he said 
 in his former letter, that he will be very happy to assist 
 Mr. Flood's wishes, relative to his obtaining a seat to the 
 utmost of his power." 
 
304. MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 of this matter, but his grace's answer of yesterday's date 
 requires a word. Mr. Flood has stated the transaction of 
 1782 exactly according to the fact, and he leaves it to speak 
 for itself. The duke expressed his intention, as well after 
 Christmas as before, that Mr. Flood should come in for 
 Winchester this parliament. Neither was Mr. Flood going or 
 not going into office mentioned as having any thing to say 
 to the matter. This Mr. Flood positively affirms. Mr. 
 Flood is free to say that intentions repeatedly declared in 
 serious matters, and between serious men, embarking persons 
 of a certain description, in concerns of depth and moment, 
 affecting their whole situation, held on to the last moment, 
 and until opportunities are lost that cannot be retrieved ; he 
 is free to say, that in his mind, and as he conceives in that 
 of all mankind, such circumstances do constitute a serious 
 ground of obligation to all the feelings of honor. To those 
 feelings in his grace's breast Mr. Flood has confidently appealed, 
 and to those feelings he wishes to give the freest scope. 
 
 " His grace, he is sure, will be so good as to remember 
 that Mr. Flood never has wished to occupy Winchester for 
 one moment longer than until another seat was obtained, and 
 that without the smallest expense to the duke." 
 
 Lord Bellamont,* who was bearer of the several 
 letters to and from the duke, finding- the result 
 likely to be more responsible than he thought 
 it prudent to undertake ; yet not wishing to 
 break friendship with Mr. Flood, wrote several 
 evasive excuses for declining any further interpo- 
 
 * A newly created peer. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 sition, though he acknowledged Mr. Flood's claim, 
 ill equity and honor, on the duke. Sir Lawrence 
 Parsons, actuated by a more elevated mind, and 
 impressed with a more just sense of the simulated 
 conduct of the duke of Chandos, presented the 
 last communication from Mr. Flood. 
 
 305 
 
 CHAP, 
 X. 
 
 A MEMORANDUM OF SIR LAWRENCE PARSONS. 
 
 " AVednesday, the 19th of May, Mr. Parsons 
 received from Mr. Flood the following letter, 
 with a desire to read it to the duke of Chandos, 
 which Mr. Parsons did the same day : — 
 
 " ' Cleveland Row, Wedmsday, \9fh May, 1784. 
 
 " ' My dear Sir", 
 
 " ' I am sure you do me the justice to feel that no 
 man can more lament the peculiarity of my situation respecting 
 the duke of Chandos than I do, or can be more disposed to 
 accommodate his gi'ace to every wish to rectify it. You know 
 it is not the value of a seat, hut superior feelings that actuate 
 me. A necessity to vindicate those feelings in a manner incon- 
 sistent with the honor of the duke, I should esteem a very great 
 misfortune ; I wish, therefore (as you permit me so to do,) 
 to suppose it may be prevented ; and if it should not, I will give, 
 beforehand, every satisfaction to his grace for the liberty I must 
 take, which my life ran offer. 
 
 " ' I am, my dear sir, 
 
 " ' Yours faithfully and affectionately, 
 
 " ' Henuy Flood," 
 " ' Sir Lair rente Parsons."' 
 
306 
 
 :memoiks of the life of the 
 
 " For an answer to this the duke referred Mr. " 
 Flood to what he had already stated to him, in 
 his letters on the subject of Winchester ; and 
 added, that he was still ready to assist Mr. Flood, 
 as far as lay in his power ; and expressed a wish 
 that Mr. Flood would wait till the fourteen days 
 after the meeting of parliament were expired, or 
 till the opening of the next session, as some 
 opportunity might occur, in the interim, of 
 obtaining a seat for him. Mr. Parsons asked the 
 duke, if Mr. Flood was satisfied to wait till the 
 opening of the next session, would the duke then 
 return Mr. Flood for Winchester, unless, or 
 until, a seat could be obtained elsewhere ? The 
 duke answered in the negative. 
 
 " Saturday, the 12th of June, Mr. Parsons 
 took the same letter to the duke of Chandos, 
 with a message indorsed. Mr. Parsons had 
 directions from Mr. Flood to read both to the 
 duke, and, on the duke*s desiring personal satis- 
 faction, to appoint the shortest day, as Mr. 
 Flood was obliged to return to Ireland the week 
 following. 
 
 " The message indorsed was as follows : — 
 
 " * The within letter signified, that, as matters then stood, 
 Mr. Flood, if he were to deliver his sentiments, must declare, 
 that the duke of Chandos had acted dishonorably hy him. 
 It is with great pain that he feels this declaration is at 
 length extorted from him. 
 
 "'June \2th, 1784.'" 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 307 
 
 " To this the duke answered, that he could 
 only repeat what he had already said so often — 
 that he was ready to give Mr. Flood every 
 assistance in his power to procure him a seat in 
 parliament. Mr. Parsons asked the duke, was 
 that the answer he should take back to Mr. 
 Flood ? The duke said he could give no other. 
 Mr. Parsons then said, he thought it necessary to 
 inform the duke, as he might have something 
 further to add, that Mr. Flood would be obliged 
 to leave the kingdom in a few days. The duke's 
 answer to this was, that if Mr. Flood would 
 furnish any friend here with powers to conclude 
 for a seat in his absence, he would do what he 
 could to obtain one for him. 
 
 « L. Parsons." 
 " Uth Juney 1784." 
 
308 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 From 1785 to 1790. 
 
 Mr. Commissioner Burrowes His interesting memoranda about the 
 
 borough of Seaford His anecdotes of Pitt, Erskine, Parsons, and 
 
 Flood Notice of Mr. Burrowes as a public character — The bill for 
 
 parliamentary reform again introduced, by Mr. Brownlow and Mr. 
 Flood. — The opponents to the measure. — Mr. Gardiner and major 
 
 Doyle, compared Mr, Toler, and Mr. Mason ; their opinions. — 
 
 Sir William Wraxall's amusing account of the court cabinet, and 
 parties The commercial regulations of Mr. Orde. — First introduc- 
 tion ; Mr. Flood in a minority of two His opinion gains ground. 
 
 —Opinions of Pitt, Fox, Brownlow, Grattan ; the great importance 
 
 of this debate Mr. Flood's resolution — Correspondence of lord 
 
 Charlemont. — Mr. Flood in the British parliament. — His speech on 
 
 the commercial treaty with France Opinions of Wilberforce, 
 
 and Grenville. — Its reference to Ireland. 
 
 It is always a pleasing duty to record the virtues 
 of the good, as well as the efforts of the great ; 
 and, at this period of Mr. Flood's biography, we 
 are gratified by the contemplation of a public 
 character who has passed a long life of unspotted 
 integrity. 
 
 Mr. Burrowes, when but a young man at the 
 temple, was selected by Mr. Flood, from his 
 brilliant and promising talents, his assiduity in 
 business, and his engaging manners, to canvass 
 for him in the borough of Seaford, at a time when 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 309 
 
 the two oreat rivals, Pitt and Fox, sent each a chap. 
 
 XI. 
 
 competitor from their respective parties against \^^y^^ 
 Flood. — But we shall give the preference to the 
 authentic and interesting narrative of Mr. 
 Burrowes himself, to any imperfect endeavour of 
 ours. 
 
 MEMORANDA OF MR. COMMISSIONER BURROWES. 
 
 " Finding myself disabled, by my present 
 infirm state, from collecting such documents and 
 materials as would otherwise be within my reach, 
 and as would enable me to give you in detail, all 
 particulars relating to Mr. Flood's connexion 
 with the borough of Seaford, I shall merely 
 confine myself to such circumstances as occurred 
 within my own knowledge, and are still perfectly 
 within my recollection. 
 
 " In the year 1784, being then a law student in 
 London, in the last year of my preparation for 
 being called to the Irish bar, the present earl of 
 Rosse, (then sir Lawrence Parsons), introduced 
 to me his friend Mr. Flood, who had been invited 
 and importuned by a large body of men, who 
 claimed to be entitled to vote for the borough of 
 Seaford ; and who pressed him to become a 
 candidate, and with his powerful abilities, to 
 advocate and establish rights of which they had 
 been illegally disfranchised. 
 
310 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 " A similar trust had been, it seems, confided to 
 other persons, who, it was suspected, were unduly 
 influenced to betray the cause, and abandon the 
 pursuit. Mr. Flood examined the question, and 
 became of oj)inion that the borough ought to be 
 opened, and he and my friend, sir Lawrence 
 Parsons, requested, a few weeks before the 
 election, that I would personally go down to 
 Seaford, live amongst the claimants, (who were 
 generally fishermen) until the day of the election, 
 and, as representative of Mr. Flood, superintend 
 and manage the cause. I shortly found that 
 very many of the claimants were anxious to have 
 a candidate for the second seat, and actually 
 pressed me to become that candidate, — a request 
 with which I could not think of complying. It 
 occurred to me, however, that a talented and 
 popular associate would be a highly useful acqui- 
 sition to Mr. Flood ; and knowing that the assizes 
 in East Grinstead were to be held in a few days, 
 where Mr. Erskine (perhaps the most talented 
 and popular advocate then in England) always 
 attended, I conceived the project of tendering to 
 him the same support upon vvhich Mr. Flood was 
 standing, and soliciting his co-operation. I 
 therefore posted to East Grinstead, and at a very 
 early hour on the first day of the assizes, before 
 the court was open, procured access to Mr. 
 Erskine, stated to him the legal grounds upon 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. SI 1 
 
 XI. 
 
 which I conceived the petitioners would succeed, chap. 
 under good and prudent management, and 
 requested him to unite with Mr. Flood. He 
 heard all I had stated, and read all such papers 
 as I produced, with great interest : and, after 
 declaring himself to be quite satisfied of the 
 justice of my conditions, said he would at once 
 accept my offer, but that he was so circum- 
 stanced, that he ought not and would not take 
 any important step in politics, without the 
 approbation of his friend and patron, Mr. Charles 
 Fox. In proof of his zeal and sincerity, he 
 immediately sent back all his briefs, and repaired 
 to London, to confer with Mr. Fox upon the 
 subject, assuring me, that he would communicate 
 the result to me, by a letter to Seaford, A few 
 days after, I received a letter from Mr. Erskine, 
 communicating his regret that he could not unite 
 with Mr. Flood, not being able to obtain the 
 permission he sought. 
 
 " Sir Lawrence Parsons was then prevailed 
 upon to become a candidate, in conjunction with 
 Mr. Flood. I remained at Seaford until the day 
 appointed for holding the election, and attended 
 at the hustings, as representative of Mr. Flood, 
 followed by a mob of claimants, not one of whose 
 votes was admitted ; and after struggling ineffec- 
 tually, equally against the candidates supported 
 by Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt, 1 returned to London, 
 
312 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 finished my term duties, came to Ireland, and 
 was called to the bar in Easter, 1785. 
 
 *' A petition was lodged against the return, and 
 it was vacated, on the ground, I believe, that no 
 proper and legal notice had been given of the time 
 of holding the election. 
 
 " Mr. Flood again became a candidate, and 
 was again defeated. There was a second petition, 
 which succeeded ; and Mr. Flood again becoming 
 a candidate, was finally returned, and sat in 
 parliament for Seaford. 
 
 *' All these proceedings having occurred while 
 I was in Ireland, following my profession, I am 
 unable to give particulars as to state details. 
 
 *' After my return to Ireland, I lived in strict 
 intimacy, — I might almost say friendship, — with 
 Mr. Flood, until the day of his death ; and 
 confess that I indulged the vanity of myself 
 recording to posterity, the history and personal 
 qualities of, perhaps, the ablest man Ireland ever 
 produced, — indisputably, the ablest man of his 
 own times : but the vice of procrastination, which 
 I fear is deeply rooted in my nature, has frustrated 
 my ambitious and anxious wish ; by year after 
 year diminishing, while it should have increased, 
 my stock of materials, until it has at length left 
 me equally destitute of necessary details, the 
 means of collecting them, and the power of 
 equably combining and laying them before the 
 public. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 313 
 
 " In this state, I cannot but be gratified to 
 find that so near a relative of Mr. Flood, with 
 ample means of obtaining information, and deeply 
 interested in rescuing so great a name from 
 oblivion or misrepresentation, has undertaken 
 the task. I most heartily wish success to your 
 pious labours. Had the condition of my body 
 and mind allowed it, I would have laboured to 
 procure for you more than the anecdote (I cannot 
 well call it by any other name) which I have 
 supplied. It is, however, strongly illustrative of 
 the character of Mr. Flood, and of the opinion 
 entertained of him at the period to which I 
 allude, — namely, that he could not be lulled, 
 intimidated, or deceived ; and that, born with 
 powers calculated to lead, he would not — he 
 could not — dwindle into a mere instrument. 
 Examine the public prints of that period, and 
 you will find ail (as well those that supported the 
 ministers, as their antagonists) agreeing and vying 
 with each other in traducing, and, as it is 
 called, writing down, Mr. Flood". In many of the 
 prints, sjjeeches are ascribed to him which he 
 never made, and which, from their folly and 
 absurdity, no man well acquainted with him 
 would have, on any evidence, believed to be 
 his." 
 
314" MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 It would have been fortunate for the fame of 
 Mr. Flood, had the compilation of the incidents 
 of his life been undertaken by a gentleman so 
 capable of the performance. As a member of 
 parliament, Mr. Burrowes was distinguished for 
 his patriotic endeavours. His eloquence, whether 
 on forensic matters or those of general legislation, 
 displayed a capacious mind, a keen perception of 
 facts, and a skillful adaptation of his powers. To 
 the former, either a close reasoning or a pathetic 
 address, — to the latter, a philantrophy and 
 benevolence in unison with his character. 
 
 After presiding for some time at one of the 
 courts of law in Ireland, the octogenerian has 
 now retired from the public scenes of life. But, 
 even now, there remains a vivacity of manner, 
 and a quickness of memory quite remarkable ; 
 which, with his handsome phisiognomy and portly 
 figure, leave an impression on his visiters, not 
 very easily obliterated. 
 
 Sir William Wraxall has amusingly related the 
 political intrigues and mysteries of the times 
 preceding the dissolution of the late parliament, 
 and has discovered to his readers the devious 
 course a minister had to steer, — how many 
 obstructions and hidden rocks periled his way on 
 the ocean of politics. We find narrated, as 
 historical facts, the efforts of the secret cabals, 
 the double cabinets, the influence behind the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 315 
 
 throne, wliich, for the greater part of half a 
 century, alternately guided and thwarted succes- 
 sive governments. Amid such entanglements, 
 we may wonder how so many and great things 
 were achieved ; even though the premature 
 separation of the American provinces was an 
 effluent part of such a system. 
 
 Now, however, Mr. William Pitt obtained the 
 confidence of the monarch, and shortly after, 
 that of the nation. He, at once, emancipated 
 himself from such difficulties, and gave a bold 
 distinctness to his political views. In the 
 instructive and interesting volumes we have just 
 noticed, the superior claim to attention he evi- 
 dently holds, places him next to lord Chatham 
 for probity, afid the arrowy directness of his 
 conduct, in the earlier jDart of his career. But 
 of all the interesting remarks and delineations of 
 character, none is more worthy of reflection than 
 the illusory prophecies, — the complete absence of 
 prescience in some of the brilliant orators and 
 statesmen, who were admired and followed in the 
 senate ; the blindness of party resentments, which 
 often restrained the best designs for improvement, 
 merely because they did not emanate from them- 
 selves : and these failings are most remarkable 
 among those who imagined they were the more 
 liberal. 
 
 Such observations are not irrelevant to this 
 
SU) MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 biography, and the state aflfairs of Ireland. — 
 That kingdom being removed from the imme- 
 diate sphere of the young premier, the only 
 consequence of the change, was the removal of 
 the earl of Northington, who was succeeded 
 by the duke of Rutland. Insular transactions 
 were not less complicated, nor was the public 
 mind dissuaded from reform by the violent debate 
 in the commons, the preceding year ; but 
 conversely, more ardour was displayed, and a 
 more pronounced opinion in the utmost parts of 
 the island. Hence Mr. Flood and Mr. Brownlow 
 brought before the commons the measure detailed 
 in the preceding chapter ; yet, though no pretext 
 could be found for its instant rejection, it was 
 received with little cordiality by the majority, 
 and with derisive declamations by the crown 
 officials. 
 
 Lord John Cavendish and sir Edward Crofton 
 were among the minority of eighty-five who 
 voted for the bill of Mr. Flood and Mr. Brownlow. 
 
 The state of Ireland, in political sentiments, 
 cannot be more accurately portrayed than in the 
 words of Mr. Flood, in rising to present the 
 bill, — *' When last I did myself the honor of 
 moving the house for leave to bring in a bill for 
 the more equal representation of the people in 
 parliament, it was the pleasure of the house to 
 negative the proposition by anticipation, and to 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 317 
 
 XI. 
 
 declare, you would not suffer the bill even to be ^"^^i 
 brought in, but fancied to yourselves ' a dagger 
 of the mind,' which marshaled yt)u the way, to 
 an iniquitous deed against the constitution. 
 
 " The subject was sent back to the people, by 
 whom it had been discussed with excess of 
 application. The approbation it met could only 
 be equalled by the ardour with which it was 
 adopted. The more examination it underwent, 
 the more it appeared founded in right, and the 
 unanimous, and the persevering spirit with which 
 it came back to this house, proved it too firmly 
 riveted in the hearts of the people, to be easily 
 erased by an abrupt and unusual mode of refusal. 
 It contained not my sentiments alone, but the 
 sentiments of the nation, declared both publicly 
 and privately, in every capacity. I was therefore 
 anxious to return to this kingdom, that I might 
 be in my place, in order to stand forward in 
 promoting the measure. 
 
 " I admit, that it will be thought by some 
 gentlemen injurious to their py'ivate interest^ if 
 the constitution were restored to its original 
 security ; but they must also admit, that it is 
 contrary to every principle of right and justice, 
 that individuals should be permitted to send into 
 this house two, four, or six members of parliament, 
 to make a traffic of venal boroughs, as if they 
 were household utensils." 
 
318 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. It seemed a point agreed on in England, that 
 
 K^^y-Kj ^ parliamentary reform was necessary. I shall 
 mention the opinion of lord Chatham, upon 
 whose posthumous fame the present administra- 
 tion* so firmly stands, defended by the nation, 
 (though that great and illustrious man had been 
 for ten years neglected by the public, and so 
 large a portion of his valuable life suffered to be 
 lost to the community,) — "his sentiments on this 
 important matter most strongly enforced its 
 necessity." 
 
 In continuation, Mr. Flood drew from analogy 
 the more pressing necessity of infusing fresh 
 vigour into the Irish representation. 
 
 On the second reading, Mr. Monck Mason 
 replied to all the arguments urged within and 
 without the doors of parliament. His attachment 
 to the opinions of men of the adverse party, and 
 unlimited influence, rendered his opposition 
 unavailing, among politicians who understood the 
 character of the speaker, as well as the speech 
 itself. Mr. Mason had qualities which gave him 
 precedence of many placemen. His abilities 
 were considerable, his learning abundant and 
 various, his taste in literature the result of 
 a cultivated mind. The political propensities of 
 this person were not quite so flattering. " He is 
 
 * Mr. William Pitt's. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 319 
 
 not only the friend, but the eager and ready 
 partlzan of all ministers, however dissonant their 
 views, or discordant their plans ; defending with 
 promptitude the profusion of one, and the 
 parsimony of another ; stepping forth to the 
 front of the battle in their defence, and hazarding 
 all attacks in that sacred cause with dauntless 
 intrepidity ! Such merit is never unrewarded."* 
 
 There were other members who objected to 
 this measure of reform, owing to its exclusive 
 provisions, at least so they pretended. Some 
 argued from an instinctive prejudice in favor of 
 borough interest ; some from the opacity of their 
 understandings ; and some from a conscientious 
 conviction. 
 
 The bill proposed was founded on three parti- 
 culars, by which we must estimate its relative and 
 intrinsic value. The state of property, the state 
 of society, and the existing state of the statuary 
 laws. 
 
 The simulation of philantrophy in a few, 
 extended their providence to the erection of a new 
 political power ; and the real benevolence of a still 
 smaller number, desired to bestow acts of seeming 
 beneficence, (notwithstanding the jealousy of the 
 constitution,) to the whole catholic population 
 of Ireland. Mr. Luke Gardiner, and major 
 
 « Author of the " Principal Characters." 
 
320 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 John Doyle, may be selected to illustrate 
 these doctrines and motives of action. They 
 were diametrically opposed in character, in 
 fortune, and in attainments. Mr. Gardiner 
 represented in parliament the county of Dublin, 
 and was an old and prominent member of the 
 commons. Major Doyle, on the contrary, was 
 known as the nominee of lord Granard, and 
 under such patronage obtained a seat in the 
 legislature of his country. The former, at an 
 early period of his life, advocated the partial 
 repeal of the laws restrictive of the catholics in 
 the disposition of property, — he was the first 
 promoter of this particular object. The latter, 
 was for a promiscuous extension of the elective 
 enfranchisement to both persuasions. The one, 
 offered his sentiments with ability and learning, 
 his speeches always evincing a careful preparation 
 and a courteous deference. The other, harangued 
 " at a venture," in a rude idiom and provincial 
 accent. The correct reasoning, and deep research 
 of Gardiner, commanded the attention of his 
 auditors. The desultory argument, and unme- 
 thodized style of Doyle, would have secured him 
 oblivion, but for humorous stories happily 
 introduced, and quaintly told. 
 
 " His matter, now to sense, now nonsense leaning, 
 Means not — but blunders roinid about a meaning." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 321 
 
 Among the class of minor politicians v\lio 
 opposed reform on the present, and on the former 
 occasion, none deserve precedence more than Mr. 
 John Toler, second sergeant. We will essay a 
 portrait, or a few touches of a portrait, of this 
 member, though in some features it is difficult to 
 arrive at a close resemblance. 
 
 The art of creeping, and the art of pushing, 
 were equally practised and equally successful 
 in this golden age ; to the extent, that 
 men, neither remarkable for their talents, nor 
 for their family pretensions, — " who knew no 
 omens but their patron's cause," — obtained 
 place, emolument, and even rank. Mr. John 
 Toler is noticed by our austere delineator, 
 " as working his way to the judicial bench, — 
 advancing with the daring confidence of one of a 
 majority. As a placeman and a lawyer, seeking 
 to be a judge, his political conduct is readily 
 known — it is invariably guided by the polar star 
 of the castle !"* Such directness, of course is, 
 albeit, preferable to that meandering line which, 
 like Hogarth's curve, has ample sufficiency of 
 windings, v^'ithout any marked consistency or 
 determination. 
 
 Mr. Brownlow and Mr. Flood were obliged 
 to concede to the ministerial majority, in con- 
 
 • Scott, Barrington. Parliamentary debates, passim, 
 
 Y 
 
325 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. tradistinction to tlie general expression of opinion 
 \^-y^ throughout the kingdom. 
 
 In the summer and autumn of 1785, the most 
 transcendantly important subject was discussed 
 in parliament, that had engaged it since the 
 introduction of the charter of independency, — the 
 commercial regulations introduced under the 
 auspices of Mr. secretary Orde. We shall view 
 them with the advantage of the sentiments of the 
 four most conspicuous statesmen of both countries. 
 First, however, let us glance at the relative fitness 
 of Britain and Ireland, for a community of trade 
 with reciprocal duties ; and how such regulations 
 were received by the persons immediately inte- 
 rested. In England, the merchants and manu- 
 facturers coveted the rich and certain harvest of 
 a monopoly ; they required it too, after the 
 stagnation occasioned by colonial wars ; they felt 
 earnestly therefore, on a system of dubious, and 
 only prospective, advantage to them. England 
 had, besides, a certain influx and efflux of 
 commerce, so unremitting as to entitle her, the 
 emporium of Europe. They believed it their 
 own immediate interest to oppose the first series 
 of commercial regulations. Ireland was conversely 
 situated. Trade was in its infancy ; ardour 
 indeed was felt, but speculation was wanting. The 
 merchants and traders had petitioned the legis- 
 lature for protecting duties ; so impotent were 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 323 
 
 their efforts at competition. Ireland had no chap. 
 
 , XI. 
 
 certani or permanent trade to any extent ; there- v,^^^-v/ 
 fore she opposed the commercial regulation 
 from an apprehension, that her puny sources 
 would be lost in the mighty channels of British 
 commerce. To misrepresent the project, a pest 
 of pamphlets troubled the public mind in both 
 kingdoms. 
 
 It is curious to contrast the balancing of this 
 question, by the merchant and by the statesmen ; 
 the positive and present tenacity of the former, 
 with the refined, more distant, yet not less sure, 
 inductions of the latter. 
 
 The commercial intercourse between, the two 
 kingdoms proppsed by Mr. Pitt, is thus luminously 
 explained by him — 
 
 " In a business of such moment, he knew that 
 it was equally unnecessary for him to desire the 
 attention of gentlemen, as to intreat that they 
 would enter into the consideration of the subject 
 without prejudice, and with the earnestness which 
 its political magnitude required. 
 
 *' There was not a man in the house, of 
 whatever party or description — however attached 
 or connected, who would not agree that the 
 settling of the commercial intercourse of the two 
 countries, on a firm, liberal, and permanent 
 basis, by which an end might for ever be put to 
 jealousies and clamour — by which all future 
 
324 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 pretexts to discontent might be removed, and by 
 which the surest foundations of future strength 
 and opulence might be laid, was one of the 
 greatest topics which could be agitated in parlia- 
 ment, and one of the most desirable objects that 
 they could accomplish. 
 
 With regard to this important question, he 
 conceived it to be simply this — What ought to be 
 the principles on which the relative commercial 
 interests of the two kingdoms should be settled, 
 in the system of intercourse to be established 
 between them ? In answering this question, he 
 had no difficulty in saying, that the system should 
 be founded on principles of expediency and 
 justice. He should confine himself to general 
 principles in the exposition of the subject this day. 
 The motion with which he should conclude would 
 fully explain the principles. It had a reference 
 to the commercial regulations which had been 
 read at the table, and which the houses of lords 
 and commons of Ireland had declared to be the 
 basis of what they should consider as a proper 
 and effectual system of intercourse. 
 
 *' It required not philosophy," said Mr. Pitt, 
 *' to reconcile us to a competition which would 
 give us a rich customer instead of a poor one. 
 Her prosperity would be a fresh spring to our 
 trade. The stipulation was, the surplus of the 
 hereditary revenue, wherever there should be a 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 325 
 
 surplus, and this fund, the committee would per- chap. 
 ceive, was precisely that from which it would be ^^^ryx^ 
 best collected, — proportionate to the degree the 
 Irish should be benefitted by the commercial 
 regulations. * * # * Then it would be 
 found that our strength would grow with the 
 strength of Ireland ; and instead of feeling 
 uneasiness or jealousy at the increase of her 
 commerce, we should have reason to rejoice at 
 such a circumstance ; because this country would 
 derive an aid for the protection of trade, propor- 
 tioned to the increase of conmierce in Ireland/* 
 
 The resolution with which Mr. Pitt concluded, 
 was — " That it is the opinion of this committee, 
 that it is highly important to the general 
 interests of the empire, that the commercial 
 intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland, 
 shall be finally adjusted ; and that Ireland 
 shall be admitted to a permanent and irrevocable 
 participation of the commercial advantages of this 
 country, when the parliament of Ireland 
 SHALL per:manently and irrevocably secure 
 AN AID out of the surplus of the hereditary 
 revenues of that kingdom, towards defraying the 
 expense of the general commerce of the empire 
 in time of peace."* 
 
 Lord North and Mr. Fox not only differed, m 
 toto cceloy from Mr. Pitt, but considered the 
 
 * Hansard. 
 
3^6 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. manner the proposition came before the house, 
 
 K^^-Y^^ derogatory to its dignity. Mr. Fox, emphatically 
 
 said, — " He would trust every thing to the 
 
 * generosity of Ireland, but not much to her 
 
 prudence."* 
 
 The great leader opposed to the young and 
 magnanimous premier, dissented from his project, 
 and the merchants and manufacturers involved 
 him in the mazes of twenty propositions, which 
 Mr. Fox scattered to the winds, in his famous 
 reply on the SOth of May : he said, — " Compare 
 the twenty propositions on your table with the 
 eleven original ones as introduced to the house ; 
 compare his language that day, with the language 
 of to-night ; compare the nature of the two strings 
 of propositions, substantially and fundamentally 
 subverted in many parts ; in all, materially 
 altered, with those reiterated declarations, * that 
 not one principle would, on any terms, be meddled 
 with.' 
 
 *' Who proposed the scheme to Ireland, as a 
 digested system, final and complete, pledging the 
 faith of government that the eleven propositions 
 contained the whole, and that not one of them 
 should be altered ? — The honorable gentleman. 
 Who swelled the eleven to eighteen propositions, 
 in a variety of points radically altered and 
 overturned ? — The honorable gentleman. Who 
 
 * Hansard's debates. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. ST/ 
 
 assured the body of British traders and manufac- 
 turers that their respective branches should be 
 faithfully secured from every evil ? Who denied 
 that assurance after ? Who solemnly declared in 
 the face of this house, that the principle of the 
 eleven propositions should be inviolate ? Who 
 was it afterwards that openly violated this solemn 
 declaration ?" Such was the rebuke the young 
 inexperienced judgment of Mr. Pitt received, on 
 his vacillation between his simple and involved 
 plans. Mr. Fox spoke in the most pointed terms, 
 on the fourth resolution, " which," he said, 
 " would appear to any man living, of common 
 sense, to be virtually to make laws for Ireland, 
 and would be to renovate, rashly and wantonly, 
 the jealousies of the whole Irish nation, upon a 
 point of the most peculiar tenderness and delicacy. 
 In vain were attempts made to assimilate this 
 surrender of the legislative independence of 
 Ireland, with the treaties between two sovereign 
 states." 
 
 He concluded his review of the whole question 
 with these remarkable words : — " I would not 
 sacrifice the commerce of England, to destroy 
 the constitution of Ireland ; that is not the price 
 I would pay, and that is not the thing I would 
 purchase." 
 
 The commercial regulations may, even now, 
 command considerable interest : it is with that 
 
^28 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 impression, the writer imagines, the jiidg-ment of 
 the reader is more consulted by presenting, 
 condensed, the opinions of the first statesmen of 
 Britain, than his crude and imperfect notions. 
 
 We shall follow the sentiments of the parlia- 
 ment of Ireland. The first series comprised, 
 under eleven heads, passed the legislatures from a 
 feeling that the native legislature was "unshorn 
 of its glory" by approbation. The Irish legis- 
 lature had as many vacillators and sophists as 
 any public assembly ; therefore, it was never 
 remarkable for steadiness of purpose ; and as the 
 by-views of many must have been of a mixed 
 description, a secretary, with the personal 
 advantages of Mr. Orde, was sure to make a 
 debut the most flattering. He carried his first 
 series of propositions, leaving Mr. Flood in a 
 minority of two. They were returned to Ireland 
 with the additions of which Mr. Fox complained 
 in England. Again, Mr. Orde ushered them in 
 with expressions the most conciliatory ; for to 
 advance to a committee was the grand desideratum 
 of his diplomatic mission. Mr. Flood opposed 
 this pricipitancy, in the following words : 
 
 " Sir, I did not know that this subject would have been 
 forced forward, or, indisposed as I was, I would have come 
 down here, when the motion was first proposed. This subject 
 is of a most important nature, and demands our most seriour^ 
 attention. I beg a pause for consideration with regard to these 
 resolutions. For the reception of them I confess myself not 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 329 
 
 prepared. It would have been more decorous to have allowed 
 the house some days for their discussion, when a measure of 
 such magnitude, was to be a measure of permanent legislation, 
 and which had been entertained by the right honorable 
 secretary and his coadjutors, for months preceding their 
 introduction to this house. I am equally against an hasty 
 disapprobation, and an hasty approbation. Were I to supplicate 
 you for some little indulgence, on account of my own infirmi- 
 ties, it would be the height of presumption indeed ; but I 
 implore you for the sake of the empire at lai'ge — for the 
 interests of this nation in particular — for the satisfaction of 
 posterit}' — for the honor of parliament — nay, for the honor of 
 administration, I desire, I implore a short delay. "^ 
 
 " Every member must know, if ever there was a subject 
 that required a man to be regardless of pride, regardless of 
 health, regardless of his own feelings, it must be this. No 
 member of this house can have less objection to the adminis- 
 tration of England, and that of Ireland, than I have : but I 
 have not an implicit faith in any minister. 
 
 " I agi-ee with INIr. Pitt, ' that, considering what before had 
 been given, verv little, indeed, remains at present to give.' I 
 agree with him, also, ' that it can never be supposed that 
 Ireland, poor as she is, and young in manufacture, can ever 
 rival England, established in trade, and rich in capital ;' and I 
 cannot help expressing my surprise at the contrast of the 
 reception of these words of the minister in England, and in 
 this kingdom ; in the former, they are understood as a presage 
 of integrity and wisdom ; yet, when reiterated in the latter, 
 they are converted to instances of faction or design. 
 
 " The infancy of our commerce and manufactures, the 
 })overty of our people, have forced us into a variety of bounties 
 and encouragements, in order to give some stimulus to the 
 languor of the nation. Donations from societies and parlia- 
 
 * The secretary pushed his advantage, and the house went into 
 committee on the propositions. 
 
330 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. ment, are applied to this purpose. In a word, every thing 
 ^^' respecting manufacture and husbandry, receive some pecuniary 
 encouragement. Duties of protection and preference, necessary 
 to foster the infant commerce of Ireland, of a similar complexion 
 to those enjoyed by the British merchant, were demanded and 
 granted by this house. The right honorable secretary, when 
 he first mentioned the idea of tribute, did it with a trembling 
 diffidence ; and mentioned it, not as a condition on the part of 
 Britain, but as a presentiment of spontaneous generosity on 
 the part of Ireland. On its first introduction, it was delicately 
 and timorously announced at the end of the propositions ; 
 now, it is in the van of a host, as a peremptory demand and 
 absolute condition ! 
 
 " To speak at present to the third resolution. What does it 
 except ? Not less than all the countries between the Cape of 
 Good Hope and the Straights of Magellan ; in the least 
 exaggerated estimate, a fourth of the terraqueous globe, above 
 what Britain has any title of prescriptive or conquestorial 
 right. We hear with surprise of a Roman pontifi' giving this 
 hemisphere to one prince, and that hemisphere to another 
 prince ; yet here we have half a hemisphere cut off in a paren- 
 thesis ; and that in a resolution purporting to extend the 
 commerce of Ireland ! 
 
 " As to foreign trade, one word dispatches that, — indepen- 
 dence. Independent Ireland has every right of foreign trade 
 which Britain possesses ; for this, therefore, she had no 
 compact to make; this had been adjusted in 1780, for the 
 English parliament declared in that year, by resolution, ' that 
 the unshaken loyalty of Ireland entitled her to a participation 
 in colonial ti'ade with like advantages.' In equity and good 
 faith, what have we to ask that this did not give ? Britain 
 boasted of the liberality of the transaction, and Ireland 
 illuminated !" 
 
 These sentences present but an epitome of 
 his extended purview of the statutory history of 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 331 
 
 XI. 
 
 Ireland, as connected with the proposed com- chap. 
 mercial regulations. 
 
 To enter more minutely, in memoirs which do 
 not pretend to give Mr. Flood's speeches, but 
 merely particular passages in this very interesting 
 debate, would be impertinent to the design. Yet 
 there was no national question that he examined 
 with more critical acumen, and followed to its 
 relinquishment with more pertinacity. He 
 opposed Mr. Orde from the commencement, and 
 was left in a minority of two ; as the propositions 
 became better understood, they appeared less 
 favorable and auspicious, even to the parliament ; 
 but when they were again brought forward, with 
 an enumeration much increased and involved, the 
 national feeling flushed with indignation. Instead 
 of Mr. Flood being in a minority of two, he 
 divided with a support of one hundred and ten. 
 Disapprobation was not limited to the strong 
 minority in parliament : the nation denounced 
 the scheme as insidious, and what Fox and Flood 
 early pointed out to be an infringement on the 
 legislative capacity of the commons of Ireland, 
 received a fresh and glowing colouring from 
 G rattan. 
 
 From the moment Mr. Pitt became premier, 
 he forgot reform in England, and opposed it in 
 Ireland. In regard to the latter country, the 
 motive readily presents itself, — the house of 
 
33'2 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, commons would be less manageable. Is the 
 K^yy^ motive more difficult to be evolved on the 
 commercial treaty ? — We imagine not. He would 
 be less embarrassed in negotiations on trade with 
 foreign states, and the parliament would, by their 
 acceptance, relinquish external legislation. 
 
 Mr. Pitt had already an amenable body in the 
 parliament of Ireland, whose names we forbear 
 to mention, though in all ages and countries 
 there are some recorded who gloried in successful 
 delinquency. 
 
 We have given the resolution with which Mr. 
 Pitt concluded his introductory address to the 
 commons of England. Mr. Flood ridiculed the 
 idea of *' a perpetual and irrevocable law," and 
 " a perpetual and irrevocable tax/' which the 
 casual transactions of a few years would be 
 sufficient to demonstrate the futility. The vanity, 
 too, of any man wording a condition, " perpetual 
 and irrevocable," but more particularly in 
 reference to a surplus revenue that had no 
 existence, but was eventual on the state of 
 commerce. Then, turning from what was condi- 
 tional in the proposition of Mr. Pitt, he fixed on 
 what was positive in the condition of trade and 
 manufactures in Ireland, and the inalienable 
 rights of the constitution. He conducted the 
 mind through the intricacies of statutes, and less 
 oratorical portions of history, and rested on the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 333 
 
 commercial concession of Charles the second, 
 after the restoration, by which a free trade was 
 clearly conveyed, and the right was only 
 renovated in 1789. Then, by a simple process of 
 induction, and self-evident interrogatories, he 
 convinced the understanding how inapplicable 
 they were as a boon, and how unnecessary 
 as a means of closer federation, between the 
 kingdoms. 
 
 It was from Mr. Flood's unwearied application 
 to such subjects, that furnished a distinguished 
 lawyer with the observation, — " That it was not 
 by a single instance that he could characterise 
 him ; he was a debater of every night, bringing 
 to the contest erudition and diligence, to aid 
 character and eloquence."* 
 
 Mr. Flood considered it necessary to assert 
 the dignity of the constitution by the following 
 resolution : — " That we hold ourselves bound 
 not to enter into any engagement to give up the 
 sole and exclusive right of the parliament of 
 Ireland to legislate for Ireland, in all cases 
 whatsoever, as well externally as commercially 
 and internally." It was on this remarkable 
 occasion, that eccentric genius, Curran, ex- 
 claimed, — " The siege that was round the 
 constitution is raised ! — the enemy is gone ! We 
 
 * Phillips. 
 
334 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. may go abroad and trace the dangers we have 
 v^^-y,^ escaped. Nor let us forget, in our exultation, to 
 whom we are indebted for our deliverance." To 
 Mr. Flood he said, " Here all the wisdom of the 
 state is collected, exploring your weakness and 
 your strength, detecting every ambuscade, and 
 pointing to the hidden battery that was brought 
 to bear on the shrine of freedom." 
 
 Mr. Orde relinquished his commercial regula- 
 tions, and the city of Dublin illuminated. 
 
 Mr. Brownlow, Mr. Forbes, and Mr. Conolly, 
 were eminently distinguished on this occasion, as 
 they were on every subject of national interest. 
 Filial duty has been careful to preserve the 
 speeches of Grattan ; there we may turn for the 
 brilliant antithesis, the daring metaphor, and the 
 exciting thought ; but he was rather an orator 
 on particular stages of the measure, than a 
 debater of each successive proposition. 
 
 Imitative writers, even of eminence, have 
 followed each other in a by-path to a conclusion 
 without premises : at most, a mere assertion or 
 postulate, that the minority in parliament were 
 erroneous in rejecting such a scheme of marine 
 legislation. Yet, if Britain proffered to her 
 sister the treasures of the east and the west, it 
 was at a time of feebleness and inability, when 
 she had neither capital to engage, hands to secure, 
 nor strength to execute. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 335 
 
 We shall now resume the correspondence of 
 the amiable earl of Charlemont. It is like turning" 
 to a rich and goodly prospect, which at once delig-hts 
 the imagination and gratifies the heart. The first 
 letter in continuation, and which immediately 
 alludes to Mr. Flood's consistent conduct 
 throughout the foregoing debate, and to his 
 consummate disquisition on " the doctrine of 
 attachments," one of the most important con- 
 siderations, in regard to the liberty of the 
 subject. 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Do not be afraid, my dearest Flood, nor do me the injustice 
 to harbour the least doubt of my being capable of preferring 
 any country whatsoever to that which you inhabit. As long as 
 the younger sister can boast of such children as you, and one or 
 two more, selected out of her numerous offspring, there is no 
 sort of chance, that the elder should ever prevail over her in 
 my affectionate and dutiful regard ; and though I may like 
 well enough, to pass some of my time with my rich and 
 magnificent aunt, yet I shall ever esteem my poor mother's 
 humble cottage as my real home, and as the maternal hearth 
 to which both my duty and my inclination will ever recal me. 
 
 "How very unlucky I have been in not arriving in time to 
 find you in town ; and how much more so do I account myself, 
 in not having it in my power to indulge my inclinations by 
 accepting of your kind invitation, and by following you to the 
 country ! But the truth is, that though I am now tolerably 
 well, my health is still in so precarious a state, as to oblige me 
 to a perpetual continuation of sea-bathing, the only sure 
 preservative against that cursed complaint which has so hoiTibly 
 tormented me, and the dread of which still continues to alarm 
 
336 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. me. Were it not for this important consideration, though I 
 ^^' never had any thoughts of going to Killarney, I should 
 
 certainly see you in the county of Kilkenny ; for, indeed, I 
 can by no means content myself with constantly hearing of 
 you, though the universal applause of your autumn's achieve- 
 ments, which is from all sides echoed to me, might certainly be 
 sufficient to satisfy a friendship less selfish than I confess mine 
 to be. Is there no chance of business calling you to town P 
 Indeed, I long to see you ; nor is it possible that I should be 
 satisfied with this distant method of assuring you that I am, 
 with the strictest truth and sincerity, my dearest Flood, 
 
 " Your most faithful friend, 
 
 " and affectionate humble sei-vant, 
 
 "Charlemont. 
 "Marino, WtJi Juhj, \786. 
 
 " My best respects to lady Frances, and my affectionate 
 compliments to Langrishe." 
 
 The efforts of Pitt and Fox to exclude Flood 
 from parliament, in England, Mr. Burrovves has 
 shown us, were unavailing. He was returned for 
 Seaford ; and time pressed him to proceed to 
 London, to take his part in the debate on 
 the commercial treaty with France ; in which 
 negotiation, a vigilant guardian of Irish trade 
 was required. 
 
 Mr. Pitt and his party quickly perceived the 
 advantage of a union, either by a commercial 
 code and treaties with foreign states, (including 
 Ireland, though not expressly named), or an 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 337 
 
 Open assault on the legislature. The former, was 
 quite within the scope of political circumvention ; 
 the latter, required time and a gradual sapping 
 beneath the firm foundation of the constitution. 
 To these projects the noble correspondent refers. 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Dublin, I2(h Nov. 1786. 
 "My dear Flood, 
 
 "The renewal of a correspondence which has been 
 too long interrupted, is much too precious to allow me to leave 
 your letter for a moment unanswered ; and I therefore sit down 
 to write a few lines, in spite of a distressful and alarming- 
 weakness in my eyes, which renders the smallest exertion 
 difficult and painful to me. I heard of your being in Dublin, 
 and immediately inquired where you were to be found. The 
 fruit of my inquiries was, to be informed that you had sailed. 
 One would imagine that you were under the jurisdiction of 
 Shakspeare's witches — 
 
 " Come like shadows, so depart," 
 
 " The English papers have lately been infested with the 
 idea of a union ; but, except from them, I know nothing of it : 
 neither can I suppose it possible that any such notion can have 
 entered the heads even of our present administration. When 
 we had no constitution, the idea was scarcely admissible : 
 what then must it be now ? I hope and believe, however, that 
 it is merely the inflammatoiy lie of the day, grounded perhaps 
 upon CERTAIN LATE BRITISH PEERAGES. At all events, the 
 attempt would tend only to disgrace the movers, and to raise a 
 flame in the country. 
 
 Z 
 
338 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 XI. 
 
 " As to the comnieicial treaty, it is difScult to say any tiling, 
 as its real contents have not, I believe, transpired. I have, 
 however, generally talked about it to some mercantile people. 
 Opinions seem divided : some few think it possible that we 
 might send our linens with advantage to France ; but I will 
 mention my fears, and those of many others. If we should 
 send any linen, which I think doubtful, it could only be of the 
 superfine, the least essential article of the trade ; and if French 
 cambrics were to be poured in upon us, that profitable branch 
 of manufacture would be annihilated. But the great danger 
 I take to be, that if the French be favored in the article of 
 linens, other nations (the Prussian dominions, for example, 
 and other parts of Germany, who have all of them treaties 
 with England, under the terms of ' the most favored nation,') 
 might lay claim to the same immunities, which would be not 
 only dangerous, but, I should fear, fatal to our staple and 
 only real commerce. Whether you will be able to understand 
 my meaning, I know not ; but I send these ideas, crude as 
 they are, to one who is, I am convinced, an unalterable friend 
 to the constitution and commerce of Ireland, and whose 
 abilities are equal to his wish to serve his native country. 
 
 " Adieu, my dear Flood ; — my eyes will not suffer me to do 
 more than to assure you that I am 
 
 " Your most faithful, 
 
 " And affectionate humble sei*vant, 
 
 " Charlemont. 
 
 " I wish to heaven you would give us something better for 
 the support of our infant academy, than your money !" 
 
 Before passing* to the commercial treaty with 
 France, in the discussion of which Mr. Flood 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 339 
 
 LETTERS FROM THE MSS. IN THE CAULFIELD 
 LIBRARY. 
 
 The traits of character of the late earl of 
 Charlemont assimilate, in many instances, to those 
 traced with the golden pen of eloquence of a 
 modern biographer.* 
 
 The amiable earl was the " patricE liater.^^ 
 Besides, he had the Florentine's taste for virtu ; 
 his taste for the poets; and his preference for 
 freedom, instead of tyranny in any form. On 
 leaving the Caulfield library, all these ideas 
 possess your mind at once. Of any private 
 collection, it is the most extensive and best 
 selected in Ireland : every arrangement gives 
 the visiter an impression of the earl's inclination 
 to magnificence. — Statues, busts, antiques, appro- 
 priately placed, amidst the literary lore of Greece, 
 Rome, and modern Europe. 
 
 » Roscoe's life of Lorenzo de Medici. 
 
 XI. 
 
 took so remarkable a part, the reader is chap. 
 requested to extend his indulgence, and forgive 
 an anachronism, occasioned by the introduction 
 of some interesting letters, which were only 
 obtained when the greater portion of this work 
 was in the press. 
 
340 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. Secret history of the defeat of the " militia 
 
 v^^-Y^v^ bill," which Mr. Flood propounded for Ireland, in 
 1766 :— 
 
 " My Dearest dear Lord, 
 
 " I find it in vain to attempt any expression of the 
 infinite pleasure I receive from your admirable letters ; they 
 satisfy in every thing but one — in that particular they render me 
 more dissatisfied — that you, who speak so inimitably of others, 
 will not speak for yourself. 
 
 "1 waited for the fate of my militia bill before I 
 acknowledged your last. It was finally determined yesterday : 
 the whole power of government was set against it, merely 
 because I was the proposer of it. Monday last, when I was to 
 make my report, Gisborne, in an elaborate argument, 
 controverted the whole bill, and moved that the report 
 stand postponed to the first of July. Lord Beauchamp 
 (strange ?) seconded the motion. I endeavoured to confute 
 what they had said, our friend Langrishe supported me. 
 Neville Jones spoke sensibly in my favor, which you will 
 wonder at. The trumpet of the house turned ; and the attorney 
 general, who is offended, joined against the postponement in 
 favor of recommittal. Gisborne, Beauchamp and Hutchinson 
 were obliged to retract. 
 
 "Yesterday having moved heaven and earth to get, and keep 
 people away, and after having amused weak men with promises 
 of a militia bill next session of parliament, they (government,) 
 got sir Archibald Achison to move, ' that Mr. Carew,' who 
 had taken the chair for me, ' should leave it.' We had a long 
 debate, and Hutchinson and your humble servant had another 
 pitched battle. On whatever side argument was, numbers went 
 lamentably against us. 
 
 "One awkward circumstance happened in the debate. I 
 had received a letter about a week before, from the Genius of 
 
Reply to Lord Charlemont's proposal to 
 accompany him to London, to consult on Irish 
 politics ; with an allusion to some anonymous 
 letters which were directed against Mr. Flood : — 
 
 " My dearest Lord, 
 
 " You set me on fire. I would that I could accompany 
 you ! I know nothing in the world that would be so pleasing 
 to me, and nothing that is so impracticable. I am glad that 
 you go to shake hands with your friends, though their Irish 
 politics and ours are so repugnant. I sent inclosed a paper 
 last night, without examining it — I see now, that it is incautious, 
 and wish it burned. Mr. Knappf writes to your lordship an 
 
 * Lord Chatham. f A confidential clerk. 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 341 
 
 Hayes,* in which he repeated his favorable sentiments for 
 militia in this country ! I mentioned this to two or three 
 friends in confidence; Beauchamp heard of it; he supposed, I 
 presume, that I would make use of this, (which was very 
 absurd,) and prepared a little harangue, which obliged me to 
 call on him for an explanation. On this he allowed he had 
 no foundation, and retracted. Was it intended to make a 
 malicious use, or was it mere absurdity ? 
 
 " Forgive my hurry, and the very ill amends I make you 
 for your invaluable correspondence, and believe me to be, 
 with the most heartfelt sincerity, 
 
 " My dear lord, 
 
 " Your very affectionate and obedient, 
 
 "Henry Flood." 
 "March 27, 1766." 
 
342 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 authentic account^ which I entreat your lordship to make use of 
 in England. 
 
 " The marquess of Rockingham, the dukes of Bedford and 
 Portland, lords Clare, and Shelburne, Rigby, Cust the speaker ; 
 lords Bristol, Hillsborough, and Chatham, had the anonymous 
 letter. I beg that you will devise the best means of justifying 
 me that occurs, and that can be followed with convenience. It 
 is of the last moment to, 
 
 " My dearest, dear lord, 
 
 " your ever affectionate, 
 
 "Henry Flood." 
 "March 26, 1769." 
 
 Account of two duels between lord Townsend 
 and lord Ancram — sir John Blaquiere and Mr. 
 Bag-enall : — 
 
 "My dearest Lord, 
 
 " Your letter to-day has given me infinite pain. I 
 hope, however, it is your solicitude for our valuable friend, 
 rather than his danger, that awakens your apprehensions. I 
 entreat you will remember me to him, as one who takes the 
 most real part in what concerns him, and feels the most 
 anxious wishes for his safety. His honor needs no guardian ; 
 and yet, since there is to be a narrative, I think it right and 
 manly in lord Ancram to put his name to it. 
 
 " The world is the tribunal of honor : and our friend may 
 appeal to it with securify. 
 
The mind of the reader will readily recur to 
 some verses, composed by lord Charlemont, in 
 one of his letters, in lyT-^* conveying- advice and 
 eulogy on the political conduct of his friend. 
 We have, in the following, an acknowledgment 
 and some brief observations, explanatory of his 
 new position with regard to administration. 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. FLOOD. 
 " My ever dear Lord, 
 
 " A thousand tlianks for your excellent lines ; I wish 
 them a better theme, however. 
 
 " Your last letter, was not necessary to make your ideas 
 known to me upon another subject, with respect to which, 
 I will write with that frankness that becomes us both. I 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 343 
 
 " I am glad, for the sake of soldiership, that lord Townshend 
 has acted properly. Would that he had been as meritorious, 
 without being so successful a combatant ! 
 
 " You will have heard before this of a duel here between 
 secretary Blaquiere and Mi\ Bagenall, in which both behaved 
 very bravely, the former even with a peculiar gallantry, as the 
 account goes. 
 
 " I have not been in the same, but almost equal dangers, by 
 becoming a huntsman, and have got a wound without any 
 honor to console me for it ! However, it does not signify, and 
 I dismiss my bandage to-morrow, and return to the chase 
 again. I beg to hear from you, and that you will remember 
 me particularly to lord Ancram. 
 
 " My dearest, dear lord, 
 
 " ever yours, 
 
 "^Henry Flood." 
 "February 5, 1773." 
 
344 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 told you my present situation exactly. — I had nothing to 
 add on it. I hoped you could have told me something of 
 other persons, particularly one about whom I wrote to you 
 from England. Without union nothing can be done; and 
 union is not to be obtained merely by wishing it, or by its 
 being right. Human means must be taken. 'The gods 
 take care of Cato,' sounds well, but it ended very ill. Recti- 
 tude, without activity and practical wisdom, or policy on the 
 means, will, in the end, almost always fail. Here has been 
 the cause of every thing that has gone wrong ; and I fear the 
 cause does not diminish. 
 
 "A declaration such as your lordship alludes to, unless 
 made by a sufficient number, is unwise. As the world goes, 
 it lessens the influence of those who make it ; and made by a 
 individual without reference to a particular object, it implies a 
 condition and engagement, as incompatible with fame as with 
 interest. It would be said to be a bartering of a possible 
 change in a man's sentiments as to what would be best for the 
 public, and the selling of the freedom of a man's mind, for that 
 which an inconsiderable sum could purchase. 
 
 " You have not seen it in this light, I well know j 
 possibly you never may : but it is evidently so to me. 
 
 " I would to God you could pay us a visit here : you can 
 
 spare time now better than ever. I could then enter minutely 
 
 into the state of men, which is the first thing to be considered 
 
 upon the head of practicability — no small point in public 
 
 measures. 
 
 " I am, my dearest lord, 
 
 " Yours, ever unalterably, 
 
 "Henry Flood." 
 "June 8tk, 1775." 
 
 When men of hig-h rank and character are 
 engaged in matters that immediately regard their 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 345 
 
 CHAP. 
 XI. 
 
 good or evil report, there is a sensitive delicacy 
 
 in the stipulations, no less than a dignified ^^-^vv; 
 
 secrecy, which must tenaciously be observed ; 
 
 otherwise embarrassment ensues, which may mar 
 
 arrangements beneficial to the public. Next, there 
 
 was an invidiousness that Dr. Leland noticed 
 
 as common among Irish statesmen ; caution, 
 
 then, on Mr. Flood's part, was indispensable. 
 
 We perceive all this, even without Leland's 
 
 testimony, in the disunion and want of harmony 
 
 of public men. The political aphorisms, those 
 
 only, who have known and acted with a variety 
 
 of politicians can fairly judge. 
 
 During the recess of the autumn of 177«5, 
 Mr. Flood and lord Charlemont renewed their 
 correspondence on literary matters ; a sort of 
 relaxation he enjoyed at such intervals. 
 
 His notion as to blank verse, will be better 
 appreciated by the poet. 
 
 "My EVER DEAR LoRD, 
 
 " You have convinced me that even lyric poetry 
 would be better in blank verse : at least I see there is some- 
 thing in the turn of the ancients, that rhyme cannot give — 
 a certain grace, and, like all grace, it lies in motion. Now, 
 rhyme constrains the poet in the movement of his numbers, 
 as for so much, is destructive of grace. The motions of a 
 child, tolerably made, are more graceful than those of the best 
 dancing master. 
 
 " I am afraid rhyme is a dancing master ! and with that 
 
346 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 XI. 
 
 smart observation, I will make my bow ; and assure you I am, 
 not merely in the conclusion of a letter, 
 
 " My dear Lord, yours ever, &c. 
 "August \Qth, 1775. "Henry Flood. 
 
 " You are answerable for my sin ! 
 
 TO QUINTUS HIRPINUS, 
 
 HORACE B. II. ODE 11. 
 
 What the Cantabrian fierce, or Scyth, 
 (Severed by Adria's gulph opposed,) 
 Revolve, — cease, Quintus, to inquire ; 
 Nor tremulous, toil about a life 
 That seeks but little. Comeliness, 
 And sleek youth fly ; and sapless age 
 The wanton loves and easy sleep 
 Dismisseth. On the vernal flower 
 The same bloom sits not always ; nor 
 Fix'd to one aspect shines the moon. 
 All ruddy. Wherefore then fatigue 
 With endless thoughts the unequal mind ? 
 
 Why not beneath this plantane tall. 
 Or pine thus idly laid, with rose 
 Our grey locks scented, whilst we may 
 Carouse, we with Assyrian nard 
 Anointed ? Say, what nimbler youth 
 Shall in the cool stream passing by. 
 Our cups of hot Falernian slake ? 
 Who the sequester'd '^ wanton lure, 
 Lyde from home P Go, bid her haste; 
 In Spartan guise, with artless knot. 
 Her hair ; and with her ivory lyre. 
 
 * Tlie iinpoetic genius of a commentator on the MS. corrected the expression to 
 " irayvard," we fancy, by no means au emendation ; probahly, for the alliteration, 
 fur a " irayrrard ivanton" is a scarce animal enough. " Sequester'd," as used by 
 Mr. Flood", is qnite analogous to the sense, and ({iiite poetical, as we find it iii 
 Milton, Pope, and Shakspeare. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 347 
 
 Here follows a very elegant short missive from 
 Mr. Flood, remarkable for delicacy of compliment, 
 and energy of thought, which has a sybilline value, 
 derived from its conciseness ; it touches, — but 
 merely touches, — the popery laws ; and it would 
 be well for the posthumous fame of other 
 statesmen, had equal caution and penetration 
 marked their acts. 
 
 " My ever dearest Lord, 
 
 " A thousand thanks lor your kind letter. The 
 weakness of your eyes proved the strength of your friendship ; 
 you have an happier art than that of Midas, — you touch 
 every thing into virtue. 
 
 " I agree with your lordship, tliat we are too apt to run 
 mad on all subjects, and on that of liberality or the very name 
 of it, above all others. I wish we could borrow some of the 
 politic virtues from our sister England, and I think we could 
 lend her some of the liberal ones. 
 
 " I am frightened aboutthe popery business. It ought to be 
 touched only by a master-hand. It is a chord of such won- 
 derful potency, that I dread the sound of it, and believe with 
 you, that the harmony would be better, if, like that of the 
 spheres, it were, at least for a time, inaudible. 
 
 " This county, you know, is not the soil of patriotism. 
 All I hoped for here, was to be tolerated. To my surprise, the 
 Kilkenny volunteers have broken the enchantment, and their 
 first accents have been those of liberty. Who knows how we 
 may improve ? 
 
 " Lady Frances joins me in every compliment and respect 
 to lady Charlemont, and all the felicitations of the season. 
 " My ever dearest lord, 
 
 " Yours unalterably, &c. &c. 
 " JaiiKunj, I'SQ. "Henry Flood." 
 
348 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 Mr. Edmond Malone, the writer of the 
 following letter, deserves a more extended notice 
 than the prefatory observations to a letter. He 
 was the literary friend and correspondent of 
 lord Charlemont ; he was the undeviating friend 
 and anonymous defender of many acts in Flood's 
 political career. With the noble earl his 
 histrionic taste and judgment were appreciated 
 and confided in. His mind pervaded the whole 
 scope of dramatic literature, not confined by 
 our language, but embracing the most approved 
 authors of France and Italy. Lord Charlemont 
 often took advantage of so valuable a friend to 
 increase his collection of books ; his letters, 
 therefore, are almost altogether literary, and the 
 lighter and more agreeable efforts of criticism. 
 The subsequent communication is not strictly of 
 the above character, as he enters into a 
 lengthened commentary on Mr. Flood's speech 
 on the celebrated law of lord deputy Poynings, 
 and his resignation of the vice-treasurership. 
 
 Mr. Malone moved in the first circles, and 
 took upon him a very delicate mission from Mr. 
 Flood to the duke of Chandos. 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. EDMOND MALONE. 
 
 "London, 1782. 
 " My Dear Lord, 
 
 "You say you will not trouble me with politics^ as 
 
 I am not much addicted to that science. I was once deeply 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 349 
 
 engaged by it ; but a most unfortunate attachment, which never 
 could have redounded much to my honor, and has ended 
 most unhappily, has estranged me from that and almost every 
 thing else except a few friends, the recollection of whom is one 
 of the last sentiments that I shall part with. 
 
 " I endeavour to employ my thoughts with books and writing, 
 and when I am weary of them, fly into company, and when 
 disgusted with that, return back to the other. But all will not 
 do : there is little chance in getting over an attachment that has 
 continued with unabated force for thii'teen years, nor at my 
 time of life is the heart very easily captivated with a new object. 
 " You see how frankly I confess my weakness to you ; but 
 if I am not much mistaken, you will make some allowance for 
 the extravagance of this sort of sensation, which is allied, 
 however remotely, to some of the best feelings of the heart. 
 I am a very domestic kind of animal, and not at all adapted 
 for solitude. 
 
 " Notwithstanding what I have said, I was, I assure you, 
 not a little pleased to hear of the noble part that our friend 
 Flood has acted. W. Jephson and I, in a paper that we wrote, 
 I believe seven years ago in his defence, on his accepting an 
 office, predicted that he would do exactly what he has done. 
 It was a long essay in the Freeman, but I have forgot the 
 signature and have no copy. I wish he had thrown up two 
 years ago, he would still have appeared more brilliant; 
 however, his fame, as it is, will be immortal. 
 
 " I see all the lawyers have differed with him about the 
 construction of Poyning's law. When I saw the account 
 of such men as Crookshank, Fitzgibbon, &c. browbeating him 
 and setting him right, I could not help thinking of ' girls with 
 spits and boys with stones waging puny war' with Coriolanus ! 
 " I have, for my own part, no doubt of his interpretation 
 being right, and I hope this opposition will rouse him to do 
 what I have long urged him to do — I mean, to aiTange all the 
 curious matter that he has collected on that subject and to 
 
3.50 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. publish it. After his three hour's speech about ten year's ago 
 ^J^^^^l, upon it, I endeavoured when I went home, to put as much of it 
 on paper as I could recollect, and I have still the copy by me. 
 If, therefore, he does not do what I have suggested, his 
 admirable argument will go down to posterity in a sad corrupted 
 and imperfect state. I hope you will urge him to it. It surely 
 is a NATIONAL CAUSE, and will do him the highest honor. 
 
 " Believe me, my dear lord, 
 
 " Most affectionately yours, 
 
 "Ed. Malone." 
 
 The idea of " girls with spits and boys with 
 stones waging- puny war on Coriolanus," is happily 
 descriptive of some of the belligerents. It is 
 unfortunately true, that Mr. Flood neglected to 
 publish his famous dissertation on the perverted 
 law, and no correct copy of that speech has yet 
 come to the hands of his biographer ; for true it 
 is, that all memorial of Mr. Flood is in " a sad, 
 corrupted, and imperfect state." 
 
 " Beneath we have lord Charlemont as busy 
 with his volunteer army, as if Cajsar and the 
 tenth legion had engaged his morning studies. 
 Considering the noble general's delicate frame, 
 he certainly made some attempts at Roman 
 celerity. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 351 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Dublin 26th June, 1787. 
 
 " My Dearest Flood, 
 
 " As you have flattered me with the hope of meeting 
 you in the north, I delayed writing till I could be able with 
 some degree of precision to give an account of the manner in 
 which my northern progress is to be conducted. On the 9th of 
 July I shall be at Bellewstown hill, but shall i-eturn from 
 thence to Dublin ; shall set out again on the 15th, shall be at 
 Newry on the 16th, and the 17th at Belfast, where the reviews 
 last three days : on the 25th I shall be at Derry, and shall 
 remain there two or three days : from thence to sir Annesley 
 Stewart's, in the county of Donegal, from whence, after a short 
 visit, I shall proceed to the county of Armagh, where I have 
 many visits to pay, which will fill up the time till the Newry 
 review on the 20th of August ; which being concluded, 
 I shall return to Dublin. And so finishes my campaign, 
 prosperously I hope, but still more so, if I should have the 
 pleasure of meeting you at any or all the places I have 
 mentioned. No news stining. My letters from England 
 assure me that there is an implacable animosity and violent 
 quarrel between lord Sand« ich and lord G. Germaine. 
 
 " I have lately been much out of order with a weakness in 
 my stomach, which still continues troublesome. 
 
 " Believe me ever, my dearest Flood, 
 
 "Your faithfully and truly affectionate, 
 
 "Charlemont." 
 
352 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " I>ubli7i, 27 fh July, 1787. 
 
 "My dearest Flood, 
 
 " If Griffith* still be with you, return him my most 
 sincere thanks for the information he sent me of your recovery, 
 for which I am the more obliged to him, as, by his alacrity in 
 performing that duty of friendship, he evidently testified the 
 kind justice of his opinion, that every thing which concerns 
 you must at all times most intimately interest me. I received 
 his letter during the hurry of reviews, and had not then a 
 moment's leisure to thank him for it, and I now chuse rather 
 to write to you than to him, in hopes that your health may be 
 sufficiently confirmed to allow you to send me a single line, 
 which may vouch its confirmation ; but if writing should still 
 be inconvenient to you, at all events let him add to the 
 obligations already confen'ed by another line of comfort, 
 assuring him that his last letter was not only in the highest 
 degree a consolation to me, but was honored by the joy of 
 armies ! Farewell, my dearest Flood ; believe me ever, with 
 truth and sincerity, 
 
 " Your most faithful, 
 
 " and truly affectionate, 
 
 " Charlemont." 
 
 • Mr. Richard Griffith, one of the ablest men in the Irish commons 
 of 1785. " He has ever been one of the foremost in supporting every 
 scheme of public utility or national improvement; earnest and strenuous 
 in the defence of constitutional freedom, and seldom favored ministers 
 with his countenance or vote." 
 
RIGHT HON. HF.XRY FLOOD. 353 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Marino, 2(1 Augimt, 1 787. 
 
 " My Dearkst Flood, 
 
 " A letter written by your own hand must necessarily 
 have afforded me the most sensible pleasure, since I look upon 
 it as a proof of your recovery ; than which, besides the jirivate 
 considerations of friendship, nothing can be more desirable to 
 me, whose ruling passion is, I trust, the love of my country, and 
 of its honor. The body of the volunteer army is undoubtedly 
 diminished; though the north still keeps up a very respectable 
 peace establishment. I this year reviewed at Belfast, notwith- 
 standing the homd weather, above eighteen hundred men, near 
 one thousand at Broughshane, and full eight hundred at 
 Downpatrick. Their appointments and discipline are as good 
 as ever, a certain sign that their spirit is unaltered, and indeed 
 I believe it is unalterable. 
 
 "The Roval Irish Academy is at present adjourned for the 
 summer season, to meet again in October, at which time, or 
 possibly sooner, we shall give the world a specimen of our 
 labours, which will not, I hoj^e, upon the whole displease you ; 
 nay, I will venture to flatter myself, that it will so far meet 
 your appi'obation, as to induce you to render our second 
 volume still more valuable. Indeed we expect it from you, 
 not only as a man of letters, but as a patriot. As you will 
 discover among the essays a trifle, de ma fagoyi, I find 
 myself inclined to make my excuse for it beforehand, 
 assuring you that I produced and suffered it to be inserted, 
 though conscious of its total want of merit, merely pour 
 encovrager les autres. 
 
 " The ladies desire their best good wishes and congratulations 
 upon your recover}^ joining witli me in tlie most sincere 
 
 2 A 
 
354 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. respects to lady Frances. Adieu, my dearest Flood : believe 
 ^^" me ever unalterably, 
 
 " Your most faithful and truly affectionate, 
 
 " Charlemont." 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 "Marino, \6th Sept. 1787. 
 " My dearest Flood, 
 
 " I did, it is true, forget to mention in my last letter 
 the discovery which has been made with regard to Ossian, which 
 however is not, I believe, of that importance which you seem to 
 suppose. Doctor Young, one of the most ingenious, learned, 
 and amiable men now existing, in a tour to the North of 
 Scotland, and to the Hebrides, obtained in manuscript several 
 Krse ballads, of which he has given a literal translation : from 
 parts of these ballads it is clear that M'Pherson has taken many 
 passages in his poem, though so strangely altered, and bedaubed 
 with ornament, so swollen with bombast and disfigured by 
 figui"es, that their simple origin is barely cognizable. One 
 circumstance is, however, whimsical and curious, that wherever 
 Ireland is mentioned, as it frequently is, the Caledonian has 
 taken care to put Scotland in its place. These translations, 
 with a short dissertation, in which not a word is said against 
 the Pseudo-Ossian, will be published in our transactions ; and 
 indeed, though their antiquity be certainly not very remote, 
 you will, I think, find them both curious and amusing, as well 
 from the simple poetic beauties of Some, as from the oddity and 
 whimsicality of others. 
 
 " With regard to my paper, your friendly affection will be 
 totally disappointed. It is, thank fate, far below criticism ; and 
 when you perceive how extremely trifling it is, you will do me 
 the justice to believe that I suffered it to be inserted merely 
 
A letter from the poet Jeriiingliam, the 
 literary friend of Malone, Charlemont, and 
 Flood, cannot be omitted, however imperfect our 
 acquaintance with the extent of Mr. Flood's 
 classical pursuits ; yet this note, with the allusions 
 scattered throug-hout lord Charlemont's corres- 
 pondence, convey a clear notion as to his taste : — 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. E. JERNINGHAM. 
 
 " Conduit-sfreef, Jan. 27. 
 " Sir, 
 
 " I take the liberty of presenting you my best regards, 
 and of begging the favor of your acceptance of my poem. The 
 poefce minor es at Rome were ambitious of reading their verses 
 to the most celebrated orators : it is the same kind of ambition 
 that prompts me to trouble you with mine. I should be happy 
 in renewing our theatrical conversation at the playhouse, where 
 I recollect having the honor of frequently meeting you last 
 year. 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. S55 
 
 with the view of encouraging my diffident brethren ; and I have 
 the satisfaction to think that it has had the desired efiecl. 
 
 " The man who can speak like you can always write ; but, 
 even though I had the assurance and folly, which indeed I have 
 not, to think myself a writer, alas ! the i-ice versa is not true. 
 
 " All our compliments to lady Frances, and believe me ever 
 unalterably, 
 
 " Your most faithful, 
 
 " and truly affectionate, 
 
 " Charlemont." 
 
356 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 " I wish you was here, particularly now, that you might 
 enjoy the singular entertainment of a French gentleman. 
 Monsieur Tesier, affords in his reading a play. Nothing can 
 give an idea of his excellence, but the imagining a troop of 
 comedians equally perfect. The last time I saw him perform, 
 Mr. Garrick was present, who owned he had exceeded his 
 expectation. He read a comedie harmoiante, in which he had 
 frequent opportunity of displaying both his tragic and comic 
 powers. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, 
 
 "Your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 " Edward Jerningham." 
 
 We owe to the oratorical fame of Mr. Flood in 
 the British parliament, a particular notice of his 
 long and learned speech on the commercial treaty 
 with France. 
 
 He went over prepared for this subject, and 
 had he failed to make a display equal, if not 
 superior, to any member who spoke on that 
 occasion, his opponents would have had fair 
 grounds for depreciating him as a statesman. 
 
 A short analysis of this speech, we trust, will 
 be pardoned by the reader. 
 
 Mr. Flood spoke in reply to Mr. Pitt, on the 
 wide extending consequences of such a treaty — 
 that, if the reasoning of the merchants and 
 manufacturers had weight and preponderance in 
 regard to Ireland, on the commercial propositions, 
 how much more forcibly would it apply to such a 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 357 
 
 rival as France on the present question. To 
 apply this arg-ument, he reviewed the existing 
 state of the three kingdoms, showing clearly, it 
 was always hitherto the policy of Britain to oppose 
 such concessions, and always the policy of France 
 to obtain them. The anomalous position of 
 Ireland and France by this projected treaty, and 
 inferentially the want of consistency in the policy 
 of Mr. Pitt on this question. Tracing with 
 precision international transactions by treaties in 
 any degree referable to commerce ; and closing 
 the whole with an emphatic answer to Mr. 
 Grenville. 
 
 We prefer giving the observations of a 
 gentleman* of distinguished character in literary 
 circles, to a continuation of our less enlightened 
 remarks. 
 
 *' As a proof of the undecaying vigor of his 
 intellect, we will subjoin a few extracts from a 
 speech which he delivered in 1787» in reply to 
 Mr. Pitt, whose commercial system he combated 
 with a force of concentrated ratiocination, which, 
 whatever may now be thought its value in the eyes 
 of political economists, certainly at the time when 
 it was delivered, received no sufficient answer. 
 
 ' It is not natural for men to believe that the maxims, by 
 which they have permanently flourished, are absurd and 
 
 *The Rev. Samuel 0' Sullivan, 
 
3.58 MEiMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 erroneous. Neither is it natural for them to believe that two 
 enlightened nations have, for a century, contemplated the 
 same object in one view — and that both of them are mistaken. 
 Yet all this must be admitted before we can admit, that opening 
 the ports of these two kingdoms to each other is not advanta- 
 geous to France and prejudicial to Great Britain. I will not 
 repeat what has been stated, that this treaty is the progeny of 
 those of 1677 and of 1713. I will not repeat that the treaty of 
 1677 was dictated by France to the ignominious king who 
 dishonored your throne j that even a pensioned parliament 
 rejected it, and substituted protecting duties and prohibitory 
 laws ; that James the second, when he v.ished to conciliate 
 France, and to enslave England, re-opened the ports ; that 
 King William and the revolution barred them up again ; that 
 from the commercial ignorance of our negociators in 1713, 
 (confessed by themselves,) the treaty of Utrecht, as to that 
 part of it by which the two kingdoms were to be opened to 
 each other, was also dictated by France; that the parliament, 
 though greatly obsequious to the queen, reprobated that pai't of 
 the treaty ; that all wise men, and all subsequent parliaments to 
 this day applauded their conduct. I will omit these consider- 
 ations, though weighty and considerable ; but what happened 
 in 1763 ? Amidst all her calamities and concessions, France 
 struggled for this principle with peculiar avidity. The situation 
 of Great Britain was commanding ; and rather than not have 
 a peace at all, France receded. What happened in 1783 P 
 France returned to this principle with equal ardor. The 
 situation of Great Britain was not equally commanding. But 
 though the principle was not peremptorily rejected, as before, 
 yet neither was it admitted. It was referred to future discussion ; 
 that is, in fact, it was evaded. And what, then, are we desired 
 to do now ? To admit a principle, which, for an hundred years, 
 France has been importunate to gain ; and which, for an 
 hundred years, Great Britain has been resolute to refuse; 
 Avliich would Ijave made the treaty of 1763 worse than it was. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 359 
 
 when it was thought to be inadequate to our glory ; and which 
 wouhl have made the treaty of 1783 worse than it was, when it 
 was thought to be too humiliating for our distress. 
 
 * It is much boasted, indeed, that the manufacturers are 
 pleased with this treaty. As, however, when they were 
 displeased with the Irish treaty, their strongest and most 
 express disapprobation was thought immaterial by ministers ; 
 their surmised satisfaction in this treaty now cannot be argued 
 by the same men as weighty in its favor. When I look upon 
 your table, however, I see no application from any manufac- 
 turers in favor of this measure ; but I do see there a petition 
 from a chamber, containing various classes of manufacturers, 
 against it ; for so the petition certainly is as far as it reaches. 
 It is true, it is on the face of it a petition only for time and 
 deliberation ; and therefore it is ridiculed, with what reason I 
 see not. What else could they have done with equal propriety '' 
 In so few days after the completion of the treaty, to call on you 
 to give an instant and undeliberate negative to a measure 
 comprehending every state, as well as every commercial 
 consideration, would certainly have been censured as premature 
 and presumptuous. How much more absurd and presumptuous 
 would it have been to desii-e you to give an instant negative 
 where they neither had as yet, nor could have becomingly 
 given a negative themselves. But I will not refer to what the 
 manufacturers may think, or to what they may talk, while it is 
 doubtful ; but to what they have publicly reasoned, of which 
 we can judge, and to what they have sworn, which we must 
 credit. On the Irish treaty they gave evidence, and till they 
 come to your bar to retract that testimony, I have a right to 
 the benefit of it; and if the manufacturers were now standing 
 at your bar, I would ask them, were they afraid of Ireland at 
 that time ; and are they not afraid of France now ? And if 
 any of them should answer in the affirmative, I will ask him, 
 W'hat could be his possible reason ? Is it that France is one of 
 the most industrious, enterprising, and manufacturing nations 
 
360 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 in the world ; and that Ireland is not so ? Is it that France has 
 all labour, and manufactural labour in particular, cheaper than 
 Ireland ? Is it that France has five times the territory, eight 
 times the population, and forty times the capital of Ireland ? 
 If England had committed an eiTor in her treaty with Ireland, 
 were they afraid that she could not rectify her en-or without 
 war ; whereas, with France, are they sure it might not cost a 
 war ? If Ireland should have gained in the event, were they 
 afraid of it ; because it would have been the gain of fellow 
 subjects and of the empire; and as to France, are they not 
 afraid of it; because it will be the gain of our rival, and 
 therefore a loss to the empire ? These opinions are too absurd 
 to be credible. 
 
 ' Of the woollen manufacturer I would ask, whether in dyes, 
 in oils and Spanish wool, France has not advantages which 
 Ireland had not, (nor Britain either); whether France does not 
 rival British woollens in many parts of the world, whereas 
 Ireland did not P Whether France has not one hundred towns 
 engaged in the woollen manufacture for one that can be 
 reckoned in Ireland ? And whether France sends either wool 
 or woollen yarn to Great Britain ; whereas Ireland sends both ; 
 whilst Great Britain sends neither to Ireland, whatever she may 
 to France ? I would ask of the cotton manufacturer whether 
 in the raw material, France has not many advantages, while 
 Ireland had not ? (nor Britain either herself.) Of the iron 
 manufacturer, I might demand what mighty advantages had 
 Ireland to render her more formidable than France ? And I 
 might ask Mr. Wedgwood himself, if no other country could 
 rival his manufacture, why he was so much afraid of Ireland ? 
 And if any other country can, why he is not at all afraid of 
 France ? 
 
 'As to the wines and brandies of France, it is evident that 
 by her climate she has in them a physical monopoly of 
 expensive luxuries, for which it is her interest to secure the 
 richest and the most luxurious customer she can — namelv. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 36l 
 
 Great Britain ; whereas, Ireland coiikl have no such object in 
 a treaty with Britain, nor Great Britain with Ireland. And 
 here I might ask, not of manulacturers only, but of all 
 mankind, whether necessaries will not make their way without 
 treaty, and even in spite of prohibition, where superfluities will 
 not make their way ? I would then desire it to be remembered 
 that the exports from France to Britain are luxuries, and 
 next to luxuries ; and that our exports to France are mostly 
 utilities of the first or second necessity. What follows ? That 
 our exports stand less in need of treaty, and less in fear of 
 prohibition than those of France ; and therefore, that treaty is 
 advantageous to France.' 
 
 " We do not cite these extracts for the purpose 
 of claiming" entire approbation for Mr. Flood's 
 opinions as a political economist. We know how 
 widely the clearest sighted men have differed 
 respecting- the important positions discussed in 
 his speech ; and even if our inclination led us to 
 stray beyond the strict limits of biography, and 
 to engage in that discussion, our space would not 
 permit us to do it justice. No, our only object 
 is to exhibit the matchless power of lucid and 
 energetic logic which that great man possessed, 
 and to prove that what is called ^ his Jailure," in 
 the English house of commons, did not prevent 
 him from subsequently exhibiting those powers, 
 in a manner that must have extorted the admi- 
 ration of his hearers. Well might Grattan say 
 of him, ' give him the thunderbolt, and he had 
 the arm of a Jupiter.' 
 
36^ 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 ' What, I ask, is the object of a commercial nation ? Not 
 to be for ever busy in supplying other countries, and to leave 
 itself to be supplied by them. That would be absurd. 
 Its first object is, to supply itself; its second, to supply others. 
 What follows P That two great neighbouring countries of 
 manufacture can never be capital objects to each other; and 
 that, for this plain reason, that they must have the greatest 
 quantity of similar commodities ; the greatest quantity of home 
 supply; and, therefore, the smallest quantity of reciprocal 
 wants. No axiom can be clearer than this ; and therefore, the 
 right honorable member, (Mr. Pitt,) who always states what is 
 strongest for his case, did argue that a profitable exchange 
 might take place between these two countries. And why ? 
 Because France, he said, is a country of produce, and because 
 Great Britain is a country of manufacture. Now, this is true 
 in sound, but false in reality. To make it true in reality, it 
 would have been requisite to add, that the produce of France 
 is a produce necessary or useful to Great Britain — whereas it is 
 luxurious as to wines, and as to brandies it is mischievous. It 
 ought, also, to be added, that France is not a country of 
 manufacture ; that is to say, that she is unable to supply 
 herself with manufactures — because, in that case, it is likely 
 she would consume ours. But this is so far from being the 
 ti'uth, that she manufactures enough not only to supply herself, 
 but to acquire a yearly balance of bullion, much larger thaji 
 any other country in Europe. We also, it is true, manufacture 
 enough not only to supply ourselves, but to obtain a balance 
 in specie, though not to the amount of France ; that is, France 
 manufactures enough for twenty-four millions of people, and 
 we manufacture enough for eight millions. I will not, however, 
 infer from thence that she manufactures three times as much as 
 we do ; I mean to reason fairly ; and therefore, I admit that 
 eight millions of our people consume more manufactures than 
 eight, but not than twenty-four millions of Frenchmen. Now, 
 if the quantity of her manufacture is at least equal to the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENilY FLOOD. 363 
 
 quantity of ours, we can only surpass Iwr in the quality ; and 
 though even in quality some of her manufactures excel ours, 
 yet I am willing to suppose that, as to quality, we excel her in 
 more. But what does this conclude as to the home consump- 
 tion of France ? Nothing at all. As long and as far as, from 
 poverty, from economy, or from nationalty and prejudices, she 
 is content with her own manufactures, she will not consume 
 ours. She could only import them for the use of other countries. 
 jYow, does any man seriously wish to make France the medium 
 of our commerce with other countries, and to yive up an active 
 for a passive trajjfic P To give all the advantages of freight, 
 commission, correspondence, and the preference as to the raw 
 materials, or useful produce of those other countries in return, 
 to France, instead of to England, and to make her the 
 mercantile factor of Great Britain ? Can any man entertain 
 so insane an idea ? Is any man so blind as not to see how 
 much that would put this country into the power of her rival in 
 peace, and of her enemy in war ? What a wound it would 
 enable France to give to this kingdom, upon the outset of 
 hostilities ? Or how difficult it might be, in such circum- 
 stances, to induce a mercantile people like the English to 
 endure such a shock ; and not rather to suffer the basest 
 indignities that could be heaped upon a nation ? 
 
 'The great objects of suth a country as this, are those 
 countries which are destitute of manufactures, but rich in 
 bullion, or in necessary or highly useful commodities. Spain, 
 from defect of industry and from abundance of bullion, is such an 
 object. Holland, from defect of temtoiy, and from commercial 
 opulence, is such another. The northern kingdoms are objects 
 from a plenty of commodities of the first or second necessity. 
 Both the Americas are objects. Portugal is an object. But, 
 look round the world, and, perhaps, you will not find many 
 countries that are less objects to Great Britain than France — I 
 mean of useful commerce ; and to negociate for unuseful, or 
 for pernicious traffic, would be ton absurd.' 
 
304 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 "The following observations upon the impor- 
 tance of the home market, may, even at the 
 present day, not be without their use to our 
 tentative experimenters in commercial legis- 
 lation : — 
 
 * If I be told that the manufacturers of Ireland were nearly 
 as adverse to that treaty as the manufacturers of Great Britain, 
 I admit it, and upon the same principle — a principle that I 
 should not now mention, but that it bears fully and directly 
 upon the present subject. Now, what was that principle ? That 
 the certainty of the home market is better than the chance of 
 any otlier. Great Britain had protected her market for a 
 century, and, at the end of that century they saw how she 
 flourished. Ireland had not been permitted to protect her 
 market during the same period, and at the end of it they felt 
 how she stood impoverished. Spain had adopted, during 
 almost the same period, a system contrary to that of protection, 
 and, in spite of Peru and Mexico, it had beggared her. The 
 market of the world is a great thing in sound ; but, in reality, 
 the home market is to every country greater than that of all the 
 rest of the icorld. As to Great Britain, this is peculiarly true. 
 One illustration will prove it. The corn of Great Britain is 
 encouraged in its foreign consumption by a bounty on export; 
 yet, though thus foi'ced into the foreign market, what is the 
 proportion of the foreign to the home consumption of British 
 corn ? Not one in thirty-two. I know, however, that corn 
 being a first rate necessary of life, is in greater consumjition 
 at home, and greater production abroad, than less necessary 
 commodities; and therefore, (meaning to reason fairly,) I do 
 not state the disproportion between the home and the foreign 
 consumption to be as great in all things, as it is in that 
 particular commodity ; but, after having rendered the idea 
 striking by this example, I will, by another and a short illustra- 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 365 
 
 tioii, render it precise. Every nuui nuist see this, that it' tlie 
 home consumption were equal to the whole produce of the 
 national industry, foreign consumption would be of no value 
 to British industry. What follows ? That foreign consumption 
 is only worth to British industry that sum by which the exports 
 of Great Britain exceed all that she imports for home 
 consumption. The home consumption, it is evident, is equal 
 to all the rest, saving the sum of that excess. Now, compare 
 that excess with the national consumption of eighty or ninety 
 millions, and the immense superiority of tlie home market of 
 Great Britain, over that of all the rest of the world, will be 
 apparent. Wliat follows P That it would be absurd to hazard 
 this, for the chance of the market of one foreign country; and 
 especially of France, that is so peculiarly capable of supplying 
 herself. 
 
 'Besides the extent of the home market, there is a steadiness 
 in it that is invaluable. The caprice or hostility of foreign 
 powers may make great and sudden revolutions in the foreign 
 market; but the home market, if we are wise, we can always 
 depend on, for steadiness, and, in effect, for monopoly. 
 Reflect on the immense exjDense to which we have gone for 
 distant colonies. And why ? Was it not for the sake of their 
 monopoly ? Though in distant colonies that must always be 
 imperfect. How absurd, then, would it be to relinquish the 
 monopoly of the home market, which is so much more perfect, 
 and so much more extensive than that of all the colonies in the 
 M'orld !' 
 
 " After some fine observations, showing the 
 impolicy, the dishonor, and the danger of 
 certain provisions in the treaty, he thus 
 proceeds : — 
 
 ' To talk, therefore, of making France the most favored 
 nation by Great Britain, appears to me to be absurd ; and to 
 
306 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 XI. 
 
 make lier so at jiresent, to be dishonorable too. What must 
 the nations of Europe think of it ? They know that in the 
 glory of the duke of Marlborough's victories, you rejected the 
 principle. They know that in the triumphs of 1762, you 
 rejected it ; and if now, in the fresh dismemberment of your 
 empire by France, you shall, for the first time, submit to it, 
 they will not impute it to gratitude — they will not impute it to 
 philosophy — I dare not say to what they may impute it. 
 Heretofore they must acknowledge that, though you may, 
 sometimes, have been unfortunate, you never were depressed. 
 You have stood, (as your own Baillie* did in Asia,) presenting 
 a front to every danger ; so that nothing but an explosion from 
 heaven could undo you. But if they read this treaty, they must 
 think that day is over ; and if they see you recede from the 
 other countries of Europe to bury yourselves in the embraces of 
 France, they may imagine that you have deserted that station 
 which you have hitherto maintained in Europe. Now, I ask, 
 can you desert that station P And I answer, that you cannot ; 
 first, because it would be inglorious; and next, because it 
 would be unsafe. The moment that yoti ivere to let fall that 
 standard, it tcould pass to some other poiver ; and you would 
 cease to be the hope, and cease to be the jjride of Europe. 
 The enemies of your former gi'eatness would pursue your 
 retreat, though they would stand aloof from your power. The 
 
 » NATION THAT HAS ONCE DARED TO BE GREAT, HAS NO 
 
 Njf SAFETY IN LITTLENESS — slie must coiitiuue her darings, or 
 
 
 she will suffer the pains of pusillanimity 
 
 " This is worthy of Chatham ; and will surely 
 be allowed to contain profound political wisdom. 
 We owe Mr. Flood this acknowledgment ; 
 
 as 
 
 * Colonel Baillie, who, being suddenly attacked and surrounded by the 
 troops of Hyder Ally, formed his men into a solid square, and thus 
 repelled his assailants. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 367 
 
 The following passage exposes its defective 
 points, in relation to the commercial interests of 
 Ireland, and refers to the superintending influence 
 that the British parliament ought to possess and 
 exercise. This he spoke a da}^; or two after the 
 preceding : — 
 
 " I can assure the house I feel no extreme anxiety for the 
 obtainment of any benefits for Ireland, through the medium of 
 
 XI. 
 
 our readers may recollect tliat we gave Mr. chap. 
 Grattan great credit for a similar sentiment, when 
 it now appears that he was merely repeating what 
 had been much better said by his illustrious rival 
 nearly twenty years before. After a fine allusion 
 to Elizabeth and Cromwell, both of whom, in 
 most trying circumstances, placed England at the 
 head of Europe, he thus concludes : — 
 
 * With these glories before my eyes, and remembering how 
 nobly they have been augmented within an hundred years, 
 I stand in astonishment at the preamble of this treaty, which 
 calls on us, in a tone of triumph, to reverse the system of that 
 century. I cannot help asking myself, who those men are, 
 who thus summon a mighty nation, to renounce its honors, and 
 to abdicate its superiority ? But, be they who they may, if they 
 ask ME to depose Great Britain, and to put France into the 
 throne of Europe—;! answer, no. If they ask me to repeal 
 the revolution, I answer, no ; — or the liberty that came with it, 
 or the glory that followed it, or the maxims of commerce and 
 of government that have cherished and adorned both ; — I 
 continue to answer by a reiterated negative. I confide that 
 you will do the same ; and I conclude.' " 
 
3G8 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 a treaty to which I have so many objections, on the gi'ound of 
 its being disadvantageous to Great Britain. On a former day 
 I stated, that if the sentiments of the merchants and manufac- 
 turers remained unaltered, they could not be but adverse to a 
 treaty with France, founded on principles so transcendantly 
 more injurious to their interests, than the principles of the 
 former treaty with Ireland. Nothing could be more self- 
 evident than if the reasoning of the manufacturers had been 
 right on that occasion, and their apprehensions had been 
 justified, the same chain of facts and arguments would apply 
 more forcibly on the present occasion; and their apprehensions 
 would be still more justifiable. With regard to the cabinet of 
 France, (understanding that Ireland was implied and compre- 
 hended in the present treaty, although it was not so declared in 
 express words, in any part of it), I would ask, what security 
 had Ireland for her share of the advantages or privileges which 
 the treaty held out to Great Britain ? Were privileges or 
 advantages likely to arise from it, any more than those she had 
 obtained by the cabinet of Lisbon, extending to her those of 
 the Methuen treaty, in which it was well known they had 
 refused to suffer Ireland to participate, though in violation of 
 the spirit and meaning of that treaty ? For this breach of 
 faith on the part of Portugal, no redress had been obtained on 
 the part of Ireland, although it had been five years in 
 negotiation. I must express my conviction that the commercial 
 treaty before the house is neither calculated to benefit Great 
 Britain nor Ireland; and I think a stronger proof of its 
 objectionable invalidity could not be stated to the friends of 
 Ireland, than the extraordinary position in which it would 
 place the two countries of France and Ireland, by entitling the 
 former to commercial advantages and privileges in Great Britain, 
 to which the latter was not entitled ; and likewise extending to 
 Ireland benefits from France which she could not obtain from 
 England. I feel that every honest Briton must be a friend to 
 Ireland, because her interesis were so deeply interwoven with 
 those of England, that they were inseparable considerations." 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 369 
 
 The closing- sentences angered. Mr. William 
 Grenville, who rose with warmth to defend the 
 commercial arrangements offered by that house 
 to the Irish parliament, and extolled the liberality 
 of the twenty-one propositions in no very 
 measured language ; and he imputed to Mr. 
 Flood, primarily, the cause of their rejection : to 
 which Mr. Flood replied, — 
 
 CHAP. 
 XI. 
 
 " I could not have conceived it possible for three or four 
 natural expressions, to have drawn down on me an animad- 
 version delivered in so high and imperative a tone. Being a 
 native of Ireland, and having the honor to possess a seat in the 
 parliament of that kingdom, I thought it my indispensable 
 duty not to sit silent when so much had been said on the 
 subject of Ireland, and its commercial interests ; but I plainly 
 see, if any man professes himself to be the friend of Ireland, 
 he is to be repi'ehended and stigmatized as the enemy of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 " I have before declared, that I am a friend to both countries, 
 and I said that every honest Briton must he the same. The 
 I'ight honorable gentleman has contended that Great Britain 
 is not the dependant of Ireland, it is undoubtedly true ; 
 but is not Great Britain bound to take care of the interests 
 of every part of the empire ? The parliament of Great 
 Britain is the imperial parliament. Is it not then the 
 indispensable duty of that parliament, in every great national 
 measure, to look to the general interests of the empire, and to 
 see that no injurious consequences folio vv to the particular 
 interests of any part of it ? If this is admitted, will any 
 man say that Ireland is not to be considered on this important 
 
 2 B 
 
370 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 XI. 
 
 occasion — and wliy ? — Because the parliament of Ireland had 
 rejected with disdain the commercial treaty of 1785. The 
 right honorahle gentleman told them * that in 1785, this house 
 had made a liberal offer to Ireland ;' this is the first time that 
 it has been owned that the treaty of 1785 was the offer of 
 <jreat Britain ! At the time, I believe, the right hon, member 
 called them ' the Irish propositions,' and stated them as coming 
 from Ireland. The right honorable gentleman has now 
 confessed the fact, that the propositions were English propo- 
 sitions, sent originally from hence to Ireland, and then sent 
 back, and finally returned from England in a shape widely 
 altered from their original appearance ! 
 
 " The right honorable gentleman has talked of delusion, 
 and insinuated, that those who endeavoured to open the eyes of 
 the parliament of Ireland, are ashamed to avow their conduct. 
 The right honorable gentleman is mistaken : I glory in the 
 share I took in that transaction. The offer had been insidious, 
 and, under colour of commercial advantages, the constitution 
 of Ireland was endeavoured to be bartered away. 
 
 " I hope it would not be thought, that I have obtruded the 
 subject of Ireland upon the house j it was agitated by several, 
 before I interfered : nor should I have said thus much, had I 
 not thought, that my silence would have been deemed a 
 dereliction of duty on my part, of a cause which it would ever be 
 my pride to assist in supporting. There was something so high 
 in the tone of the right honorable gentleman, that it struck my 
 ear as extraordinary. I could not imagine he meant any thing 
 personal, but I beg to say, that no man living shall brow beat 
 me, or awe me into an unbecoming silence." 
 
 Mr. Grenville apologised. Mr. Wilberforce 
 answered from the ministerial side. His exor- 
 dium was highly eulogistic of Mr. Flood's speech. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. Sjl 
 
 though he considered the treaty would have 
 different results. 
 
 " Such was Mr. Flood in England. We have 
 felt it our duty to be thus copious in our extracts 
 from this most able speech, because of the idle 
 notion that was so current, that he was unable to 
 maintain his reputation before a British audience. 
 His first appearance, unquestionably, did not 
 serve him ; but who can read the passages which 
 we have quoted, and not be ready to admit, that 
 his failure, as far as it could be called a failure, 
 was owing, purely, to the accident of having been 
 betrayed into a speech without having made any 
 sufficient preparation ? He now fully vindicated 
 the estimate of his early admirers ; and were he 
 a younger man, or had he enjoyed better health, 
 it is probable that many such efforts would have 
 given him a station and an influence in the British 
 house of commons that would have satisfied his 
 highest ambition. — But he was now declining- 
 into the vale of years ; and the motives which 
 stimulated to parliamentary enterprise, could 
 operate but weakly on the veteran politician, 
 whose youth and manhood had been passed 
 amidst the stormy contentions of the Irish senate, 
 and who felt himself now, in advanced life, a 
 stranger in a strange land, politically invalided. 
 Such was Mr. Flood's precise position at the 
 period of which we write. His conduct upon 
 
372 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. the renunciation clause in his own country, and 
 
 XI. 
 
 v^^ryx^ his opposition upon the India bill in England, had 
 alienated Fox. His breach with the duke of 
 Chandos separated him from the party of Pitt, 
 from whom, indeed, he would in any event have 
 been separated, by his impracticable self-will, and 
 his sturdy independence. Even if Pitt were not 
 too haughty to court him as a follower, he would 
 have been too proud to follow a leader. He was, 
 therefore, ' himself alone.* There was no section 
 of the house, of which he was acknowledged as 
 the head. And, without a parliamentary gather- 
 ing, such as it would have been perfectly hopeless 
 for him to attempt to muster, he clearly saw that 
 permanent senatorial pre-eminence was not to be 
 attained. He, therefore, we think, judged wisely 
 in not addressing the house often ; and never 
 except upon great occasions, when the weight of 
 his character, as well as the importance of the 
 subject, were sure to command attention."* 
 
 LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " Dublin, 25th Nov. 1788. 
 " My Dearest Flood, 
 
 " How it has happened I do not know, but, 
 though you have written, I have not received any letter from you 
 since your departure from Ireland, and even began to be a little 
 
 * Dublin University Magazine, — Gall. Illus. Irishmen. 
 
LETTER FROM LORD CHARLEMONT. 
 
 " DuUhi, \9ih Dec. 1788. 
 " ]\Iy Dearest Flood, 
 
 " I HAVE this moment recuivftl a note from lady E. 
 Packenliam, with Mrs. Greville's answer to lier appHcation. 
 She is, it seems, determined not to make any engagement on 
 the subject till the vacancy happens. 
 
 RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 373 
 
 uneasy at not hearing. Your letter, hy our friend Parsons, 
 relieved mc. Lord Longford not being in town, I had 
 recourse to his sister, lady Elizabeth, who confirmed what I 
 before believed, that her brother had resolved never more to 
 sell. She has, however, at my request, written to Mrs. Greville, 
 who is now in England, and will soon receive an answer 
 explanatory of her terms, which I will take care to transmit to 
 you. I have also employed some active friends to inquire 
 elsewhere. 
 
 " I am not sure whether I ought to wish you success at Sea- 
 ford, but, since it is a favourite object, my wishes must, in 
 spite of me, coincide with your's. An English seat deprives 
 us of your attendance in your most proper place. Your abili- 
 ties are transplanted to a foreign soil, where, however they 
 may flourish, they do not afford, as they ought to do, a shelter 
 to your country. 
 
 " Before your departure for England, may we not hope to 
 see you in Dublin ? 
 
 " Your's ever, 
 
 " Most faithfully and most affectionately, 
 
 Charlemont." 
 
 " The king's life does not seem to be in immediate danger, 
 though his situation is, I fear, most deplorable." 
 
374 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 XI. 
 
 " In the present critical and unprecetlentecl situation of public 
 affairs, however ardently I generally wish for your attendance 
 here, I am happy that you are in London, as the interests of 
 Ireland require a vigilant guard, who knows and loves her 
 constitution. Nothing can, in my opinion, be clearer than 
 her rights. Freed from the slavish bondage of English acts of 
 parliament, she can never submit to be in any degree bound 
 by resolutions, declarations, or adjudications of a convention. 
 This however must, I conceive, be well understood by all 
 parties, and especially by that with which you seem to be 
 connected, whose genuine Whiggish principles must prevent 
 their entertaining a doubt upon this head ; yet, in the present 
 hurry and confusion, watchfulness may be necessary, and 
 where can we find a more alert watchman? Our present 
 lieutenant must, I conceive, be left here till he opens the ses- 
 sion, since, till there shall be an Irish adjudication, no change 
 can, I should think, be made in the viceroyalty; and when 
 proper documents shall be laid before us, I will venture to 
 assert his royal highness will find an unanimity here far more 
 perfect than (I am sorry to say) he is likely to find in England. 
 What these documents should be, is a question of some diffi- 
 culty. Perhaps letters from the two English to the two Irish 
 speakers, supported as they would be by public notoriety, might 
 be deemed sufficient, or perhaj)s it might be better the state 
 physicians should visit his majesty, and make their report. 
 This, however, I do not look upon as very essential, but 
 certain it is that whatever is done in England, in point of 
 adjudication, must be repeated in Ireland. Though at first 
 glance, somewhat startled at Mr. Fox's proposition, it has, I 
 confess, upon mature consideration, greatly pleased me. Our 
 monarchy is, thank fate, hereditary, and nothing but extreme 
 necessity should induce us to admit of election in any part of 
 it. You observe hoM^, in writing to you, I hazard all my 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 375 
 
 ideas crude and indigested; a certain symptom of that invari- chap. 
 able friendship with which I am ^^' 
 
 " Your ever affectionate and faithful, 
 
 " Charlemont. 
 
 " Love and compliments to all friends." 
 
 The epistolary intercourse which had continued 
 for so long a period, between the amiable earl of 
 Charlemont and Mr. Flood, and which reflected 
 many of the political scenes for thirty years, is 
 now brought to a close. No doubt, many inte- 
 resting letters were destroyed, by some ignorant 
 and careless persons who were permitted to touch 
 Mr. Flood's papers after his death.* 
 
 The opinions he entertained and expressed on 
 the regency question, were coincident with those 
 of Mr. Fox. Had he been in Ireland, we feel 
 assured he would have participated in the trans- 
 actions at Charlemont house. 
 
 The closing reminiscence of the parliament of 
 Ireland, within the limits of this work, is not the 
 most pleasing for contemplation, whether we 
 regard it in reference to a learned and grave 
 
 * Lady Frances Flood was so overcome with grief as rendered her 
 incapable of giving any directions ; and none of his testamental 
 executors were on the spot. 
 
376 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 national assembly, or the individual pursuits of 
 public men. The historian* has found an epithet 
 the most contumelious for some, and the exalted 
 mind of Grattant dared others, in the commons of 
 their country, to a defence of their by-interests. 
 
 The influence which Catherine the second 
 obtained over the Polish diet, was scarcely more 
 complete, than the control Mr. Pitt was rapidly 
 securing in the legislature of Ireland. 
 
 • Gordon, vol. ii. f G rattan's speech, 1789. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 
 
 377 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 1790 AND 1791. 
 
 Mr. Flood on parliamentary reform in England. — Its simple, limited, 
 
 and practicable character A few passages of Mr. Flood's exposition 
 
 contrasted with Mr. Gifford's criticism in his " Life of Pitt." — 
 Sentiments of Pitt and Fox in the debate. — Dissolution of parliament. 
 
 Mr. Flood indisposed. — Accident that caused his death Bequest of 
 
 Mr. Flood. — Observations arising from this act Description of the 
 
 property. — The different members of his family considered by him. 
 Delicate inquiry into the liaison of his father and mother, which 
 rendered him illegitimate. — Mr. Flood's bequest viewed in its literary 
 magnitude. — His munificence eulogised by doctor Playfair, author of 
 the " British Family Antiquity," and the earl of Rosse, in " The 
 Defence of Ireland." 
 
 When Mr. Flood produced his moderate scheme 
 of reform, in the parliamentary representation of 
 England, the incipient commotions of revolution 
 in France had excited sentiments inimical to his 
 views, however constitutional and salutary, among* 
 the powerful party in office, and their adherents 
 in parliament. Now, we know that event, in the 
 the cycle of change, was, in its sequel, beyond 
 the worst anticipation in March, 1790 ; but 
 politicians feigned or felt an alarm, and commu- 
 nicated their apprehensions before the evil had 
 developed itself. Not that they could find in 
 
 CHAP. 
 XII. 
 
378 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. England a coincident state of society, in its most 
 (^^-y-v^ comprehensive meaning", to give a shadow of 
 argument to their fears ; — not that the political 
 integrity of Great Britain would lose its equipoise, 
 but that the party in power might be weakened. 
 Mr. Burke* was the first to change sides ; and 
 the humble dependant of Mr. secretary Hamilton, 
 who, by the condescension of lord Rockingham, 
 was brought into parliament, now arrayed himself 
 among the aristocratic champions against reform, 
 and he who had lived so long on the bounty of 
 others, was naturally unwilling to extinguish 
 rotten boroughs himself. 
 
 Mr. Pitt considered the charge of innovation 
 to have been fairly attached to his own plan in 
 1783, and therefore he opposed Mr. Flood's in 
 this year. The acknowledgment was convenient. 
 He, probably, felt secure in the favor his govern- 
 mental projects were likely to receive ; audit was 
 politic, as well as courteous, to attribute a fallacy 
 to himself, than to a new opponent : thereby he 
 
 * Mr. Burke, like all birds of passage, knew when to emigrate. As 
 °' an Irishman, he had little claim to the gratitude or affection of his 
 countrymen. His political conduct was too chequered, — too careful of 
 his own interest to be a model. Fox, or even Sheridan, we imagine, far 
 surpassed him, in the best feelings of the heart. Envy predominated in 
 his literary and political character. Though the style of his elaborate 
 compositions had admirers, and his speeches are text-books of political 
 '■ philosophy ; yet, when he rose to speak, it was the signal to leave the 
 house ; and his grotesque appearance astonished and amused prince 
 Frederick of Prussia. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 379 
 
 XII. 
 
 rid himself of all I'eform. Whatever degree of chap. 
 insincerity may have actuated him, we are not left 
 in any doubt as to Mr. Fox's sentiments. That 
 ingenuous statesman, with a candour so perfectly 
 his nature, not only discountenanced some 
 hyperbolical expressions of his friends, but 
 concluded by saying — " He thought the outline 
 of the present proposition, the best of all that he 
 had yet heard suggested. If, therefore, the 
 question was put, he would vote against the 
 adjournment."* That was an handsome acknow- 
 ledgment, and must have satisfied Mr. Flood, 
 whose scheme was impliedly preferred to those of 
 lord Chatham and Mr. William Pitt. 
 
 Gifford, the biographer of Mr. William Pitt, 
 has thought proper to make the following remark : 
 " The principle which Mr. Flood laid down as 
 the ground of argument was this — that as the 
 whole nation were bound to abide by the decisions 
 of the majority, the representatives of the nation 
 should be chosen by the majority of the people, 
 and if this were not the case, the people were not 
 represented at all. The proposition," continues 
 Mr. Gifford, " was novel, though not very intelli- 
 gible ; nor was it rendered more so by the 
 arguments Mr. Flood employed to illustrate it. 
 The remedy he suggested for the alleged evil, was 
 
 * Hansard. 
 
380 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP, the addition of one hundred members to the 
 ■ J- ' i house of commons, to be chosen by the resident 
 householders in every county."* 
 
 Such is Mr. Gilford's style of dispatching the 
 mover and his motion. It often happens that a 
 biographic writer raises himself in his own 
 fond imagination, to a level with the genius of 
 the person of whom he treats, and from that 
 elevated point, looks with contempt on minds he 
 deems inferior. He likewise attunes his note of 
 praise or dispraise, in harmony with the key of 
 his patron. We shall see how superficially Mr. 
 Gifford examined this motion, even though the 
 sentiments of Mr. Fox lay before him ; the par- 
 liamentary part of his work being no more than 
 a metaphrased edition of the debates. 
 
 MR. FLOOD'S SPEECH AND PROPOSITION. 
 
 Let us perceive the just value of Mr. Gifford's 
 criticism by a few passages : — 
 
 "Before I go farther into this subject, however, I must stop 
 to notice a declaration of a right honorable member (Mr, Fox), 
 that he was an enemy to absolute government, whether in the 
 form of monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy ; — I go farther, 
 and am an enemy to any two of those orders combined, without 
 the intervention of the third. And though I do not distinguish 
 
 * " Gifford's Life of Pitt," vol. ii. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 381 
 
 betwoon any of the three, so as to express a preference, yet I chap. 
 have a right to say, that as all just government must be founded ^'^" 
 
 in the choice of the people, and must have their benefit for its 
 end ; so it is clear, that the popular order of government is at 
 least, as indispensable and as valuable as either of the other. 
 Now, what is the popular order of government in the British 
 constitution ? It is the representation of the people ; that 
 gi-eat arcanum and wise mystery of our government, by which 
 it so much excels all the governments of antiquity. By this 
 principle, though scattered over a great country, a great people 
 can possess an efficient influence in their own legislature, 
 without being legislators themselves. But how ? not by the 
 shadow, but by the substance of representation : or, in other 
 woi'ds, by an actual and not a virtual representative. Now in 
 what does actual representation consist ? In this, that as, by 
 the general law of the constitution, the majority is to decide 
 for the Avhole, the representative must be chosen by a body of 
 constituents, whereof the elective franchise may extend to the 
 majority of the people. For what can be so evident, as that, 
 if the constituent body consisted of but one thousand for the 
 whole nation, the representatives chosen by that thousand 
 could not, in any rational sense, be the actual representatives of 
 the people ? It is equally clear in reason, that nothing less 
 than a constituent body, formed on a principle that may extend 
 to the majority, can be constitutionally adequate to the return 
 of an actual representative of the people, and that, unless the 
 people be actually represented, they are not constitutionally 
 re])resented at all. 
 
 " I admit that property, to a certain degree, is a necessary 
 ingi'edient to the elective power ; that is to say, that franchise 
 ought not to go beyond property, but at the same time to say, 
 that it ought to be as nearly commensurate to it as possible. 
 Property, by the original principle of the constitution, was the 
 source of all power, both elective and legislative ; the liberi 
 tenentes, including at that time, in effect, the whole property of 
 
382 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. the country, and extending to the mass of the people, were the 
 ^^^' elective hody. The persons whom they chose to parliament 
 sat in right of the property of their electors ; and the barons sat 
 in right of their own baronies, that is to say, of their own 
 property. At that time they were not creatures of I'oyal patent, 
 as now. But now that the lords are creatures of royal patent 
 merely, and that freehold property is a very inferior part of the 
 property of the nation, the national property is not as fully 
 represented as it was originally, and as it ought to be still by 
 the constitution." 
 
 He then finely alludes to the state of France, 
 and for that very reason he recommends 
 preparation for the coming storm, — 
 
 " But I am told this is not the time. And why ? because, 
 forsooth, there are disturbances in France. Now, first, I say, 
 that if those disturbances were ten times greater than, with 
 every exaggeration, they are represented to be, yet that mass 
 of confusion and ruin would only render the argument more 
 completely decisive in favor of a timely and temperate reform 
 here. And why ? because it is only for want of timely and 
 temperate reform there, that these evils have fallen upon France. 
 They could not begin with reparation in France ; there Avas 
 nothing to repair : they did not begin with ruin ; they found 
 ruin accomplished to their hands. Neither the king nor his 
 ministers knew where to find the constitution. The king called 
 upon the notables (no legal body) to see where the constitu- 
 tion was to be found. Not a vestige of it could be recovered ! 
 They had lived so long as slaves, that they had unlearned the 
 constitution ; they were driven to speculation, because practice 
 had vanished ; and hence all those calamities which have 
 excited such tragical exclamations hei'e. 
 
 " To what have the convulsions at former times in England 
 been owing ? to the same want of temperate and timely correc- 
 
BIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 383 
 
 lion. Had the eiicrouchments of the Tudors heen seasonably 
 repressed, Charles the first might not have mistaken those 
 usuqjations to be his constitutional prerogative ; and so the 
 miseries of the nation might have been avoided. Had not the 
 evil practices of Charles the second been so tamely endured 
 as to encourage the tyranny of James, the last revolution might 
 not have become necessary. I am no friend to revolutions, 
 because they are an evil : I am, therefore, a friend to timely 
 reform, and for this reason, that it renders revolutions unne- 
 cessary ; Avhilst they who oppose such reform may be enemies 
 to revolution in their hearts, but they are friends to it in 
 their folly. 
 
 " Another strong argument from the situation of France, 
 in favor of a reform, is this, that France will improve her 
 constitution. Now what has enabled this country to be at 
 all times equal, and sometimes superior, to France ? Not her 
 climate or soil, which are not superior ; nor her ten-itory nor 
 population, which are so greatly inferior; it is only in the 
 excellence of her government she has found her superiority. 
 What follows ? that if France improves her government you 
 must restore yours. Again, what is your situation as to 
 external danger ? France, the great object of external danger 
 to England, can no longer give alarm : during her disturbances 
 she cannot have the power ; and after her liberty is established, 
 she will not have the inclination to make ambitious war. The 
 better her government is, the more rational will be her councils ; 
 the more rational her counsels, the more pacific they will be. 
 Kings may hope for glory, and their ministers and minions 
 may hope for plunder from warfare ; but what can the people 
 expect from an ambitious war ^ Nothing but an accumulation 
 of taxes, and an effusion of blood. Now if a state of external 
 danger would be a strong argument against a reform, a state of 
 external safety is as strong an argument in its favor. Again, 
 w'hat is your situation at home ? You are not in a state 
 of despondency, on the one hand, that might tempt you 
 
384« MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. to a measure of despair ; nor in a state, on the other hand, of 
 ^^^' that drunken prosperity by which nations are rendered 
 ignorant of the present, and regardless of the future. You 
 are in that happy medium which is the best friend to sobriety 
 of judgment, and consequently the fittest state for framing a 
 rational and temperate reform ; the only one that I would 
 propose, and the only one to which I would consent." 
 
 First g-lancing" at the true cause of the American 
 war, he then presents the plans and opinions of 
 lord Chatham and Mr^ William Pitt, — 
 
 " Again, this secret of inadequate representation was told 
 to the people in thunder in the American war, which began 
 with virtual representation, and ended in dismemberment. To 
 the inadequacy of representation I charge that war. Profuse 
 counsels attendant on unconstitutional majorities had left upon 
 you a debt, which induced the minister to look to America for 
 taxes. There the war began ; the instinctive selfishness of 
 mankind made the people and parliament wish that others 
 should be taxed rather than themselves. At first, and until 
 America resisted, I agree that this wish was common to the 
 parliament and people : but when America resisted, and the 
 measure came to deliberate judgment, the people were the first 
 to recover their senses, Avhilst the minister with his majority 
 went on to ruin. I say that the inadequacy of representation, 
 as it was the cause, so it was the only argument that was 
 attempted in justification of that war. When the American 
 exclaimed that he was not represented in the British House of 
 Commons, because he was not an elector, he was told that a 
 very small part of the people of England were electors ; and 
 that he was therefore in the same state, in which an infinite 
 majority of the peojile of England were placed. As they 
 could not call this actual, they invented a new name for it. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FTOOD. 385 
 
 and called it virtual representation, and gi'avely concluded that chap. 
 America was represented. The argument, no douht, was ^^^' 
 fallacious ; it was perfectly sufficient, however, to impose on 
 nudtitudes, in a nation wishing that others should he taxed 
 rather than themselves ; and who were in the hal>it of thinking 
 that the Americans being an inferior species of beings, they 
 ought to be contented with their situation, though they did not 
 partake at all in the elective capacity. The influence of cor- 
 ruption within doors, and of this fraud of argument without, 
 continued the American war. 
 
 " It terminated in separation, as it began in this empty 
 vision of a virtual representative ; and in its passage from one 
 of these points to the other, it swept away part of the glory, 
 and more of the territory of Great Britain, with the loss of 
 forty thousand lives, and one hundred millions of treasure ! 
 Virtual parliaments, and an inadequate representation, have 
 cost you enough abroad already ; take care they do not 
 
 COST TOU MORE AT HOME, BY COSTING YOU YOUR CONSTI- 
 TUTION. 
 
 " But the people of England have not only read this secret 
 in the dead and decisive letter of events, but they have 
 imbibed it from the living oracles of their ablest statesmen. 
 When the city of London, the greatest and freest metropolis of 
 the world, applied to lord Chatiiam to assist them in shortening 
 the dm*ation of parliaments, what was the answer of that great 
 minister ? it was this, ' that shortening the duration of parlia- 
 ments alone would not be sufficient ; that alone, it might do 
 hurt ; that the representation itself must be amended :' and his 
 proposition was, to infuse a fresh portion of vigour into the 
 representative body by an addition of county representatives, 
 leaving the rotten boroughs to drop off by time. The authority 
 of the son, both when a minister, and when not a minister, has 
 been added to that of the father. The authority of many 
 other of the most eminent men might be cited in addition ; 
 indeed of all, except those who are wise enough to startle at 
 
 2 c 
 
386 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. restoring, as if it were innovating the constitution ; and wlio 
 XII. grow enamoured of abuses, provided they are old. 
 
 After recapitulating- the assigned defects in 
 the preceding motions, Mr. Flood recommends 
 his simple proposition : — 
 
 " My proposition is free from all these objections ; for it is, 
 that one hundred members should be added, and that they 
 should be elected by a numerous and a new body of responsible 
 electors ; namely, the resident householders in every county- 
 resident, I say, because that the principle of the constitution is 
 so strongly in favor of residence, that it ordained that no non- 
 resident could be an elector : and with reason ; first, because 
 residents must be best acquainted with every local circumstance ; 
 and next, because they can attend at every place of election, 
 with the least inconvenience and expense to themselves or to 
 the candidate. Householders, I say, because, being masters or 
 fathers of families, they must be sufficiently responsible to be 
 entitled to franchise. There is no country in the world in 
 which the householders of it are considered as the rabble : no 
 country can be said to be free, where they are not allowed to 
 be efficients ; — they are, exclusive of the rabble, the great mass 
 of the people — they are the natural guards of popular liberty 
 in the first stages of it : without them it cannot be retained ; 
 as long as they have this constitutional influence, and till they 
 become generally corrupt, popular liberty cannot be taken away. 
 Whenever they do become generally corrupt, it cannot be 
 retained : neither will it be long possessed if they have not this 
 constitutional influence ; for the liberty of a nation, like the 
 honor of individuals, can never be safe but in their own 
 custody. The householders of this country have a better right 
 to consideration and franchise than tliose of any other country, 
 because they pay more for it. It is admitted, that every 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 387 
 
 individual of this country, one with another, pays fifty chap. 
 
 shillings a year t© the revenue in tax. The master or father of ^^^• 
 
 a family must contribute, in proportion, for himself and for 
 
 each individual of his family, even to the child that is hanging 
 
 at the breast. Who shall say that this class of men ought to 
 
 be confoimded with the rabble ? Who shall dare to say that 
 
 they ought to be prescribed from franchise ? They maintain 
 
 the affluence of the rich, the dignity of the noble, the majesty 
 
 of the crown; they support your fleets and your armies; and 
 
 who shall say, that they shall not have this right to protect 
 
 their liberty ?" 
 
 Mr. Flood arrives at his conclusion, after 
 citing the reflections of Machiavelli and Mon- 
 tesquieu, on the polity of free g-overnments ; 
 Blackstone, Hume, and Sherlock, on the existing 
 state of influence and prerogative, in the British 
 constitution : — 
 
 " Let us not flatter ourselves that there is a destiny peculiar 
 to England : she has lost her liberty more than once — it is our 
 business to take care that she shall never lose it again. Machi- 
 avelli says wisely, that no free government can last that is not 
 often brought back to its first principles ; — and why ? Because 
 the excellence of a free government is, to control the evil 
 passions and practices of rulers. What is the consequence ? 
 Those passions and practices are at perpetual war with such a 
 constitution — they make a constant eflfort to undermine or evade 
 this bamer which is opposed to them. What is perpetually 
 assailed, must be perpetually defended — what is incessantly 
 sapped, must be incessantly repaired. It is nonsense to say 
 that the English constitution, because it was once the best in 
 the world, can never want reformation. A bad government 
 cannot easily become worse; it therefore may not want, and 
 
38eS MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. certainly does not deserve, reparation. A good government 
 ^^^' does easily become worse: it is with difficulty it can be pre- 
 served even by vigilance ; and, of all things in the world, it 
 best desei*ves to be repaired. The proposition which I make to 
 3'ou is practicable — that cannot be denied — it cannot be denied 
 to be efficient — it will add a body of responsible constituents, 
 of such number that a majority of the people may have the 
 exercise of franchise : thus it cures the defect of the constituent 
 body ; and on the repi-esentative body it will have this good 
 effect, that there will be no longer a decided majority in the 
 house of commons, under another choice and another influence 
 than that of the people ; it leaves every county, city, town, 
 borough, manor, as it finds them — it molests none of the 
 private proprietors of that which ought not to be private. And 
 what does it ask of them in return ? Nothing, but that they 
 will suffer the constitution to be indemnified, and the influence 
 of the people to re-enter the representative. To carry all this 
 into execution would require but one short provision ; namely, 
 that the sheriff of each county be required, by himself and 
 his deputies, to take the poll of the resident householders of 
 his county, in each parish, on the same day : thus this gi'eat 
 remedy to the constitution may be obtained in one day, with 
 less tumult and expense than attends upon the election of a 
 diminutive borough ; thus the representative will be chosen, as 
 he ought to be, by the people; and, by shortening the duration 
 of parliaments, he will continue to act as if he were so 
 chosen." 
 
 Mr. Flood's reply to a host of opponents, we 
 conceive to be a liappy combination of memory, 
 arg-ument, and a dignified consideration of what was 
 due to himself. A single passage must suffice : — 
 
 " I have given an opportunity to some of the most 
 distinguished members of the most distinguished parts of the 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 389 
 
 kingdom to express their approbation of this proposition. I chap. 
 have given an opportunity to a right hon. member (Mr. Fox) ^^^* 
 
 to declare himself again a friend to an amendment of the 
 representative, in those clear and unequivocal terms which 
 ])est become the manliness of his talents; and I consider 
 myself as eminently fortunate that my plan has so far 
 recommended itself to a judgment of such authority, that he 
 has not hesitated to say, that it is the best plan which has yet 
 been suggested ; and to add, that by the introduction of the 
 resident householders it is well adapted to give representation 
 to that mixed kind of property which is now become general in 
 this kingdom. I am glad to acknowledge myself to be further 
 indebted to him for having answered the objections of a right 
 hon. member (Mr. Windham), so as to leave me little to say 
 beyond that acknowledgment. In a superior tone of argument 
 he has jiroved to that gentleman (and by a friendly voice) the 
 emptiness of his objections; and tlierefore, whilst I admit with 
 pleasure, the urbanity and neatness of the right hon. gentleman's 
 reply, and the wifand humour with which it was replete, I 
 have only to reiterate, that it was he, and not I, that assumed 
 every thing which it was requisite to prove ; and that his speech 
 Mas like a fair vision that captivates the eye by an agreeable 
 illusion, but that vanishes before the touch, and fades into 
 innihilation." 
 
 Now the mine was about to spring under his 
 feet, which was to close his j^olitical career. 
 
 A dissolution of parliament was shortly to 
 take place in both kingdoms ; and there is much 
 reason to suppose, that the great leaders in both 
 kingdoms conspired to keep him out of both 
 parliaments. The people nowhere took him up ! 
 
390 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 XII 
 
 CHAP. This is mentioned not to cast any uncommon 
 stigma on the Irish, — though he was the last man 
 in the senate whom they ought to have suffered to 
 be neglected. — However, the greatest characters 
 in all countries and in all ages, have experienced 
 similar mutability. 
 
 At length both parliaments were elected, and 
 Mr. Flood was a member of neither. He retired 
 to his seat, Farmley, in the county Kilkenny ; 
 and his great mind, which was never depressed 
 at the most malignant misrepresentations of his 
 political antagonists, was not so well able to 
 sustain the neglect and ingratitude of his 
 countrymen. 
 
 He had a severe attack of gout, when he made 
 an imprudent exertion to extinguish a fire in 
 some of his premises ; he caught a severe cold, 
 which turned to a pleurisy, that occasioned his 
 death, on the 2d of December, 1791, in the 
 fifty-ninth year of his age. 
 
 MR. FLOOD'S BEQUEST OF FIVE THOUSAND A-YEAR 
 TO THE UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN. 
 
 The consideration of this important subject 
 divides itself into three parts : — 
 
 First, the description of property bequeathed ; 
 second, the members of his family, and his 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 391 
 
 own illegitimacy; third, the literary scope and chap. 
 usefulness of his object. '^-•v** 
 
 The estate in fee, now designated Farmley, 
 was anciently a baronial property, and is thus 
 recited : — " The baronial castle, with the estate 
 or appurtenances, comprising one thousand and 
 sixty-five Irish acres, was granted to Colonel 
 Warden* which was enrolled in August, 1666." 
 This was the only grant to him from the 
 crown, for particular service. It was a con- 
 fiscated property, originally the possession of 
 a powerful family, the Barrons of the county 
 
 • EXTRACT FROM DR. PLAYFAIB's FAMILY ANTIQUITY. 
 
 " Agmondishasi Cuffe, Esq. eldest son of Joseph, his father, was 
 attainted by king James's parliament, in 1689, with his brother Thomas, 
 and had his estate sequestered ; but was restored to it again by king 
 William, to whom he did great service in the reduction of the kingdom, 
 being the chief person his Majesty relied on for the quick dispatch and 
 safe conveyance of the ammunition and provisions to his camp. He 
 married Anne, widow of John Warden, of Burnchurch, in the county of 
 Kilkenny, Esq. and died in December, 1727, having had many children, 
 of whom four sons and one daughter survived their infancy, and were, 
 1st, John, created lord Desart by patent dated 10th November, 1733. 
 Hence, Mrs. Warden, daughter of Sir John Otway, was mother of the 
 first baron, whose grandfather, Joseph Cuffe, took up arms in 1649, 
 under Oliver Cromwell, when he came to reduce Ireland to the obedience 
 of the English parliament, commanding then a troop of horse, and with 
 Major Warden was instrumental in reducing the city of Cork, the 16th 
 of October that year, for which they (Major Warden and Captain 
 Joseph) had an order of government, dated 1st of August, 1653, to have 
 their arrears stated from that day, (the reduction of Cork), or the dates of 
 their respective commissions at their elections. Cuffe obtained deben- 
 tures from the government, and made several purchases, and had two 
 grants of lands under the acts of settlement. He married P/Iartha, 
 daughter of colonel Agraondisham Muschamy, and had twenty children !" 
 
392 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. Waterford, who were the lords of Burnchurch. 
 v^^-Y-^ The other estates were leaseholds, on lives 
 renewable for ever, or ecclesiastical, on renewable 
 fines. 
 
 The whole of Mr. Flood's property extended, 
 (not continuously,) from near Knocktopher to 
 the city of Kilkenny ; and may have produced 
 a rental, in his time, from six to seven thousand 
 yearly — five thousand of which was ultimately to 
 devolve to the University of Ireland. 
 
 The above property in fee, was derived from 
 the Warden family. It appears that major 
 Warden distinguished himself in the reduction 
 of the city of Cork, in the Cromwellian 
 conquest. 
 
 It is certain that John Warden resided at 
 Burnchurch castle, (the old town still exists,) no 
 despicable place of security in times of civil com- 
 motion. When that family became extinct, in the 
 male line, the property became heritable in Anne 
 Warden, who brought it to the Flood family, the 
 members of which were, in the first and second 
 generations, men of exertion and ability. 
 
 The lord chief justice extended the property, 
 in, and about Kilkenny, and his sixth brother, 
 Francis, followed his example at Paulstown. 
 
 The father of the subject of this memoir 
 did not make him heir to all the estates — but, 
 in consequence of a distinguished connexion 
 
RIGHT HON. HEXKY FLOOD. 393 
 
 XII. 
 
 by marriage, and with provisions for his chai 
 brother and sister. Indeed, his being illegi- 
 timate was sufficient ground for hesitation ; 
 though Mr. Flood was not " the accident of an 
 accident," nor the spurious offspring of inconti- 
 nency, but the premature evidence of a liaison 
 before marriage.* The court of exchequer found 
 this to be the fact in law ; not, however, without 
 much difficulty ; and chief baron Yelverton had 
 the inexpressible satisfaction of pronouncing his 
 opinion on the immorality of the act, the illegi- 
 
 " EXTRACT FROM DR. PLAYFAIR S FAMILY ANTIQUITY. 
 
 " This highly respectable family is descended (in Ireland) from 
 Francis Flood, who married the only daughter and sole heiress of 
 Colonol Warden, of the county Kilkenny, who possessed a large estate 
 in that county, by whom he had seven sons and one daughter. First, the 
 right honorable Warden Flood, lord chief justice of the king's bench in 
 Ireland, who died in possession of that office, and left two sons, Henry, 
 of Farmley, in the county Kilkenny, who married lady Frances Maria 
 Beresford, seventh daughter of the first earl of Tyrone, by lady 
 Catherine La Poer, — Warden, Jocely'n, and a daughter Isabella, 
 who died without issue. The heir at law to Mr. Flood in the male line, was 
 John, brother to sir Frederick Flood, a baronet of the kingdom of Ireland, 
 3rd of June, 1780, who married, first, the right honorable lady Juliana 
 Annesley, second daughter of the sixth earl of Anglesey, and sister to 
 the earl of Mountnorris ; he had no issue. He married, secondly, the 
 honorable Miss Frances Cavendish. He possessed two or three small 
 estates in Wexford and Kilkenny, and obtained a considerable sum in his 
 alliances. 
 
 " Sir Frederick married his daughters to opulent men ; yet he hoarded 
 money to a large amount, though he did not know for whom. He 
 censured the bequest of his cousin for neglecting him, though he had 
 more thousands than he had years to live, according to ordinary 
 longcvitv." 
 
394 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 XII. 
 
 CHAP. timacy of his deceased opponent, and the nullity 
 of his bequest. 
 
 After appointing lady Frances Flood (with 
 whom he received a marriage portion of ten 
 thousand pounds) his residuary legatee, to hold, 
 during her natural life, all the lands, houses, 
 hereditaments and estates, whatsoever, lying in 
 the county Kilkenny, city and liberties thereof, 
 and parish of St. Canice, all of which were settled 
 on him, upon his marriage with lady Frances, — 
 amounting to about five thousand a-year, — he 
 distributed the eventual possession of his real pro- 
 perty among his relations by consanguinity. He 
 bequeathed the freehold and leasehold interests 
 which he received from his uncle, Charles Flood, 
 late of Ballymack, in the said county, esquire, to 
 Warden Flood, of Paulstown, esquire, in as full, 
 ample, and beneficial a manner as they were 
 bequeathed to him by his uncle. 
 
 He bequeathed to his cousin, colonel Hatton 
 Flood, of the first dragoon guards, son of his late 
 uncle Francis, of Paulstown, esquire, " All that 
 and those, the house, demesne, houses, lands, 
 hereditaments and estates, so settled on him on 
 his marriage, as aforesaid, lying and being in the 
 county Kilkenny, in fee and for ever." This 
 distribution was to have effect from the death of 
 the lady Frances Flood, and conditional, on his 
 bequest to the University of Ireland not being 
 accomplished. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 395 
 
 XII. 
 
 Colonel Hatton Flood relinquished every chap 
 claim that he mig-ht have, in right of the above 
 bequest, to John Flood, esquire, his cousin, who, 
 in consideration of that act, gave him four 
 thousand pounds. 
 
 The colonel had served his majesty so long in 
 the wars of Germany and Flanders, that his health 
 was much impaired ; he could not expect a long 
 tenure of life, and, being unmarried, he therefore 
 had no interest but that the property should be 
 possessed by the family. We have no reason to 
 offer, why John Flood, esquire, the heir-at-law to 
 the above properties, was overlooked ; but the 
 court of exchequer, in 1793, determined that he 
 was the legitimate and rightful claimant to the 
 property devised to the University of Ireland, 
 
 A number of dependants were considered by 
 Mr. Flood, and two trust-worthy servants are 
 particularly noticed. 
 
 It is impossible to know, and useless to inquire, 
 why Mr. Ambrose Smith, his confidential law- 
 agent and man of business, was noticed beyond 
 an ordinary consideration, and in preference 
 to those whom natural ties pointed out to 
 the mind of every one : but the eccentricities of 
 genius, like the inventions of Daedalus, are often 
 unaccountable. 
 
 " To the University of Ireland, commonly 
 called Trinity College, Dublin, by whatsoever 
 
396 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. style, and under wliatsoever title it is most 
 
 XII , 
 
 v^^-yv^ properly and legally characterized and distin- 
 guished, to hold in fee and for ever for the 
 purposes hereinafter mentioned ; that is to say, I 
 will and direct that on their coming into possession 
 of this my bequest, on the death of my said wife, 
 they do institute and maintain, as a perpetual 
 establishment, a professorship of and for the 
 native Irish or Erse language, and that they do 
 appoint, if he be still living, colonel Charles 
 Vallancey to be the first professor thereof, with a 
 salary of not less than three hundred pounds 
 sterling a-year, seeing that by his eminent and 
 successful labours in the study and recovery of that 
 language, he well deserves to be first appointed. 
 And I will and appoint, that they do grant one 
 annual and liberal premium for the best, and 
 another for the next best composition in prose or 
 verse, in the said native Irish or Erse language, 
 upon some point of ancient history, government, 
 religion, literature, or situation of Ireland ; and 
 also one other annual and liberal premium, one 
 for the best, and another for the next best com- 
 position in Greek and Latin prose or verse, on 
 any general subject by them assigned ; and one 
 other annual and liberal premium, one for the 
 best, and another for the next best composition 
 in English prose or verse, in commemoration 
 of some one of those great characters, either 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 397 
 
 "As the bequest of the late Mr. Flood to Trinity 
 College, Dublin, has been much misunderstood 
 and misrepresented, I have been induced to lay it 
 before the public, with some explanatory observa- 
 tions. Not meaning-, however, at all to touch 
 upon any of those questions respecting it, which 
 are now pending before the courts of law, but 
 merely to vindicate his posthumous fame from the 
 aspersions of the ignorant and disingenuous. 
 
 *' It has been said most untruly, and believed 
 most absurdly, that it was Mr.Flood's design, in his 
 
 XII. 
 
 of ancient or modern nations, who have been <^'hap 
 eminently serviceable and honorable to their 
 country, seeing that nothing stimulates to 
 
 GREAT DEEDS MORE STRONGLY THAN GREAT 
 
 EXAMPLES ; and I will that the rents and profits 
 of my said lands, houses, hereditaments, and 
 estates, shall be further applied by the said 
 University to the purchase of all printed books 
 and manuscripts in the said native Irish or 
 Erse language, wheresover to be obtained, and 
 next, to the purchase of all printed books and 
 manuscripts of the dialects and languages that 
 are akin to the said native Irish or Erse language, 
 and then to the purchase of all valuable books, 
 and editions of books, in the learned, and in the 
 modern polished languages." 
 
398 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. legacy to the College of Dublin, to bring the 
 v^^^Y^ Irish language again into general use in this 
 country. But his will shows that his only object 
 was to have it studied by some men of letters ; 
 there being many curious and valuable records in 
 that language, which would throw a considerable 
 light upon a very early era in the history of the 
 human race, as well as relieve this country from 
 the most unjust charges of ignorance and 
 barbarism, at a time when it was by far more 
 enlightened and civilized than any of the adjacent 
 nations. 
 
 " Mr. Flood, therefore, in his bequest, desired 
 that all the manuscripts in the Irish language, 
 which could be obtained should be purchased, 
 and deposited in the library of Dublin college. 
 Probably many of them are now mouldering in 
 public and private collections on the continent, 
 whither the ancient families of Ireland conveyed 
 them in troubled times. Many of them in the 
 reign of queen Elizabeth were in Denmark ; 
 which induced the king of Denmark to apply to 
 her by his ambassador to send over some learned 
 man from this country to translate them, and one 
 actually was engaged for that purpose : the 
 English council, however, in the illiberal spirit 
 of those times, prevented it, lest, as they said, it 
 might be prejudicial to the English interest. 
 Many of the Irish manuscripts were lately in 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. f 399 
 
 libraries in France, some also in the Vatican, and chap. 
 if diligent search were made, and large prices v--v-<^ 
 offered, probably many more might now be saved 
 from the depredations of time, and which will 
 otherwise very soon be lost irretrievably. Mr. 
 Lhuyd, the great antiquarian of Wales, prizes 
 especially the books of the Irish laws, as likely to 
 throw a great light on the customs and manners 
 of early times. Yet were there many books of 
 these laws extant even in the last century, the 
 names only of which are known at present. It 
 is time to save what remain." 
 
 " Often did Mr. Flood remark to me, that 
 while in the East ingenious men were collecting 
 and translating, with such laudable industry, the 
 ancient writings of the inhabitants of that region 
 between Indus and the Ganges, the valuable 
 memorials of our own island were neglected and 
 perishing. He thought that many of the truths 
 of ancient history were to be found at these two 
 extremities of the lettered world ; that they 
 would reflect light and knowledge upon each 
 other, and lead to a more certain acquaintance 
 with the early history of man. His great mind 
 was wont to combine the most distant things ; to 
 bring the east and west into a juxta-position, 
 and by the comparison of these extremes to 
 examine the immutable coincidences of truth." 
 
400 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 XII. 
 
 CHAP. " There is nothing novel in crediting the great 
 
 antiquity of the Irish nation. Some very high 
 authorities of Greece and Rome attest it. The 
 ancient English and Spanish histories attest it. 
 But there is one instance in which it was admitted 
 on so solemn an occasion, that I must relate it 
 particularly. 
 
 " At the council of Constance, a.d. 1417, a 
 dispute arising between the French and English 
 about precedency, the English canonists urged, 
 * that the world being divided into three parts, 
 Europe, Asia, and Africa, Europe was distributed 
 into four kingdoms ; namely, first the Roman, 
 second the Constantinopolitan, third the Irish, 
 which is now transferred to the English, and 
 fourth the Spanish. From which it is plain, that 
 the king of England and his kingdom are among 
 the most eminent and most ancient of the kings 
 and kingdoms of Europe.' And in consequence 
 of this plea England was declared the fifth nation 
 in the council. 
 
 " Here, at a most solemn convention ; after a 
 deliberate investigation, by the most learned men 
 of the times ; in a case where the rank and 
 precedence of kingdoms were at issue ; the great 
 antiquity of the Irish monarchy was stated and 
 pleaded by Engluhme?!, as surpassing that of 
 England and of France, and almost every other 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 401 
 
 XII. 
 
 European nation. Yet we often hear men now, chap 
 vain of their own uninformed fancies, treating as 
 extravagant and absurd, whatever is said of the 
 antiquity of this nation, and speaking of it as a 
 weak whim in Mr. Flood to give any credence 
 to it. 
 
 ** But Mr. Flood's authority alone ought to 
 impress upon these manuscripts a deep stamp of 
 credit and estimation. He was certainly one of 
 the greatest men that ever adorned this country. 
 His mind was the most capacious ; his reason the 
 most athletic ; his judgment the most balanced ; 
 his erudition the most profound. His nature was 
 too dignified to deceive others ; his intellect too 
 piercing to be deceived himself. Yet he, in the 
 most solemn act of his existence, when he was 
 going to leave a great memorial to all posterity 
 of his unabating patriotism, and to make the 
 termination of his life accord with all his actions 
 while living, in which his country was his first 
 and paramount object ; for the prosperity of 
 which he lived and laboured ; and in the same 
 ardour for its fame was just about to die : he, I 
 say, consecrated with his dying breath these 
 venerable records, and embalmed them, and his 
 own fame together, to all posterior ages ; and 
 thus, by such a conduct, at such a time, when he 
 knew that nothing but truth could throw glory 
 around his declining orb, and when there was an 
 
 '2 b 
 
402 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 XII. 
 
 end of every inclination, which could cast 
 obscurity upon truth, has g-iven a testimony, 
 which ought to satisfy uninformed men of the 
 value of these ancient writings, though uncor- 
 roborated by all the high authorities that bear 
 evidence in their support. 
 
 " Nor was Mr. Flood singular in his opinion 
 on this subject ; the learned doctor Johnson 
 strongly recommended the cultivation of Irish 
 literature, as will appear from the following 
 letter to Charles O'Connor, Esq. ; author of 
 the dissertations on the history of Ireland : — 
 
 'Sir, 
 
 'I have lately by the favor of Mr. Faulkner, seen 
 your account of Ireland, and cannot forbear to solicit a 
 prosecution of your design. Sir William Temple complains 
 that Ireland is less known than any other country, as to its 
 ancient state. The natives have had little leisure, and little 
 encouragement, for inquiry ; and strangers, not knowing the 
 language, have had no ability. 
 
 *I have long wished that the Irish literature were 
 cultivated. Ireland is known by tradition to have been once 
 the seat of piety and learning ; and surely it would be very 
 acceptable to all those who are curious, either in the original 
 of nations or the affinities of languages, to be further informed 
 of the revolutions of a people so ancient, and once so 
 illustrious. 
 
 ' What relation there is between the Welsh and Irish 
 languages, or between the language of Ireland and that of 
 Biscay, deserve inquiry. Of these provincial and unextended 
 tongues, it seldom happens that more than one are understood 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 403 
 
 by any one man ; and, therefore, it seldom happens that a fair chap. 
 comparison can be made. I hope you will continue to cultivate ^^^• 
 
 this kind of learning, which has lain too long neglected, and 
 which, if it be suffered to remain in oblivion for another 
 century, may, perhaps, never be retrieved. As I wish well 
 to all useful undertakings, I would not forbear to let you know 
 how much you deserve, in my opinion, from all lovers of 
 study, and how much pleasure your work has given to, 
 
 ' Sir, your most obliged, 
 
 ' And most humble servant, 
 
 ' Sam. Johnson.' 
 
 ' London, 9th April, 1755.' 
 
 " But his great bequest did not terminate here. 
 He has ordered by his will that, after all the 
 manuscripts in the Irish lang-uag-e that can be 
 purchased have been obtained, then those books 
 and manuscripts in the languages that have an 
 immediate affinity to the Irish shall be likewise 
 purchased ; thereby showing" the great chain of 
 thought that moved through his mind upon this 
 subject ; and that though the fame of Ireland, 
 as preserved in these ancient records, was his 
 primary object, the wide horizon of his intellect 
 embraced the early history of the whole human 
 race, which he hoped would be illustrated by 
 the connexion and comparison of these collateral 
 
404 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 CHAP. testimonies. After this his bequest extends to 
 L^ ' , the purchase of books in all languag-es, at the 
 discretion of the governors of the University ; 
 thereby insuring to Ireland, in a course of time, 
 the greatest library in the world. Of all the 
 stupendous works of the Egyptian Ptolemies, 
 none have transmitted their memories to posterity 
 with a more luminous fame than their great 
 library at Alexandria. The bequest of Mr. 
 Flood is not less worthy of renown : it is the 
 same in object, and not less in extent.* How 
 I can a nation be truly great without learned men ? 
 And how can men be truly learned without such 
 i great repositories of literature to resort to ? If 
 the acts which have most stigmatized the most 
 stigmatized barbarians, the Vandals and the 
 Goths, have been the destruction of such 
 collections of lettered works, surely he who 
 founds and institutes such must receive propor- 
 tionate applause from the civilized world ? But 
 his great bequest, which, for wisdom and 
 magnificence of design, exceeds any thing of 
 this kind upon record in ancient or modern 
 times, goes further still : to use his own expiring 
 words, 'seeing that nothing stimulates to great 
 
 * The estate he bequeathed for this purpose is worth five thousand 
 pounds a vear. 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 405 
 
 xn. 
 
 deeds more strong-ly than great examples,' he chap, 
 orders that the characters of some of those great 
 men in ancient and modern times, who have been 
 eminently serviceable and honorable to their 
 country, should in annual compositions be \ 
 commemorated in our University ; that their I 
 exalted actions may stand forth and be portrayed | 
 in living colours before every rising generation f 
 here to the end of time : that their ennobling; 
 sentiments may be poured into the minds of the 
 young, to swell their thoughts to high conceptions 
 and illustrious deeds : that the wreaths of true '\ 
 honor and of fame may be hung up in their 
 view to excite them to those actions of refined 
 and sublimated virtue, by which alone they can 
 hope to reach' them, 
 
 *' This was the extensive range of Mr. Flood's 
 bequest to the public ; having first manifested 
 in his will all the wise and tender anxieties and 
 cares for those around him, for whom duty and 
 affection taught him to provide : having for these, 
 when he was about to retire from the world, 
 provided every means of competency, and spread 
 every shade of protection which a prudent and 
 liberal mind could suggest ; he then turned his 
 eyes upon Ireland — Ireland, for whose prosperity 
 and liberty and glory he had so many years so 
 illustriously toiled, and which was now to be 
 
406 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 closed from his view for ever. His g-reat spirit, 
 while it was just hovering- over the tomb, was 
 still busied about the future fame of his country. 
 It dictated those expiring accents, which direct 
 that the materials of learning-, from all parts of 
 the earth, should be from time to time collected 
 and deposited in the bosom of our University. 
 Thus founding- for his country an everlasting- 
 pyramid of all the accumulated knowledg-e of 
 man, which should out-top the works of all other 
 nations, and by which every future genius of our 
 island might climb to the summit of human 
 intelligence, and take his towering flight. — 
 Lastly, to excite to this and to every thing else 
 great and worthy, he orders that the most exalted 
 examples of the most exalted men, that have ever 
 improved and dignified human nature, may be 
 applied to transfuse their virtues into the 
 expanding bosoms of our youth ; that thus, 
 as it were, through the medium of his last will, 
 his voice, though dead himself, might call 
 continually from the tomb upon the aspiring 
 offspring of every succeeding age to ennoble 
 their minds, and spread glory over their country, 
 by their knowledge, their talents, and their 
 virtues. 
 
 " Thus this great patriot, after having made 
 every possible provision ft)r the past and future 
 
RIGHT HON. HENRY FLOOD. 407 
 
 fame of Ireland, sunk into his grave. The 
 impartial judgment of subsequent ag-es will 
 consider him as unrivalled in his own country ; 
 and had it been his fortune to have moved upon 
 a theatre as capacious as his own mind, his cele- 
 brity would not have been exceeded by any man's 
 in any other." 
 
 Doctor Playfair follows lord Rosse with 
 enthusiastic expressions of the literary design of 
 this bequest. Doctor Playfair, from whose 
 literary mine, many of the compilers of histories 
 of families have stolen the materials of their 
 little pyramids of fame, writes — " What could 
 have been more noble ? What could have been 
 more wise ?^ What could have been more 
 characteristic of a mighty mind, and a patriotic 
 heart, than the whole scheme of that bequest ? 
 A bequest to the people of Ireland, under the 
 direction of the University ! To draw the 
 ancient national records from neglect and 
 oblivion ; to make a great deposit in the 
 kingdom of all the valuable works of literature, 
 to encourage learning and learned men ; and 
 to inflame posterity by the annual celebration 
 of great exploits, to the sublime ambition of 
 emulating them !" 
 
 We have now performed our duty ; we have 
 endeavoured to portray with the utmost fidelity 
 the character of a great man, who was, in an 
 
 CHAP. 
 XII. 
 
408 MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE, ETC. 
 
 XII. 
 
 CHAF. essential degree, the founder of constitutional 
 rig-lits in Ireland ; — of sufficiently eminent family 
 and large fortune, he never v^as debauched by 
 ambition in his public character ; nor are there 
 any instances of his private life deficient in 
 amiability, courtesy, and beneficence. Yet the 
 words of Nerva, in his missive to his adopted 
 successor, may appropriately close our imperfect 
 biography : — 
 
 " Telis Phcehe, tuis Jacrymas ulciscere nostras." 
 
 THE END. 
 
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