FANEUIL 
 
 p c Ktciy 
 
 WHO ARE IIS CONSERIATOliS? 
 
 THE STORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 VICTORIA JUBILEE BANQUET 
 
 RETOLD 
 
 FOR 'IHE 
 
 BENEFIT OF THE AMERICAN PUBLIC. 
 
 WITH A SKETCH OF THE 
 
 FORMATION AND PRINCIPLES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 British - American Association. 
 
'OFFICERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 British- American Association. 
 
 President, JAS. WEMTSS, Jr. 
 
 Treasurer, J. H. STAEK, 
 
 Secretary, A. G. THOMPSON. 
 
 Vice Presidents : 
 
 R. B. Leuchars. \Vm. Lumb. 
 
 Henry Arnold. Henry Cornell. 
 
 Dr. Disbrow. E. W. Bradbury. 
 
 Robt. Bleakie. W. J. Symons. 
 
 John Kinnear. S. R. Priest. 
 
 Dr. W. Bryden. Dr. A. C. Howard. 
 
 C. Chaplin. J. S. Roberts. 
 
 Chas. Downer. VV. E. Tait. 
 
 J. J. Ewing. W. Spragg. 
 
 F. H. Kennedy. W. Wilson. 
 
 Chas. Williams. E. Orchard. 
 
 J. B. Grant. P. C. Anderson. 
 
 W. Wood. W. J. B. Oxley. 
 
A DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES. 
 
 The British-American Association feels it a duty to 
 place on record the considerations which have deter- 
 mined its creation, to set before the American people the 
 principles which it seeks to establish and maintain, and 
 the methods it.proposes to employ. 
 
 Recent events in this city have demonstrated the fact 
 that a large number of citizens, mainly of foreign birth, 
 have attempted to make sympathy with their alien agita- 
 tions the measure of the rights and privileges of other 
 foreign born citizens of this country. 
 
 ! The Association desires emphatically to repudiate all 
 connection with foreign agitators of any kind whatsoever, 
 
 1 declares that these have no place in American politics, 
 
 I and that the systematic abuse of the rights of citizenship 
 by a certain class of adventurers is a real danger and little 
 short of a disgrace to the American Republic. 
 
 The Association maintains first, last and always its loyal 
 I acceptance of and adherence to the principles of the 
 I Constitutions of the United States and the Commonwealth 
 of Massachusetts, and its determination to know no other 
 test of fitness in those who seek citizenship than a loyal 
 I acceptance of these principles and an honest renunciation 
 j of and disassociation from foreign politics and alien agita- 
 ' tions. 
 
 I It will oppose to the utmost of its ability and seek to 
 I create an effective public sentiment against any and every 
 attempt to use the public offices of the State and City to 
 bolster up the interest of foreign agitators and professional 
 I patriots, and to set the tide of popular feeling against the 
 ' prostitution of official position in that direction. 
 
4 
 
 BritisH'American Association. 
 
 It declares that the highest office of the State and City, 
 those of the Governor and Mayor, are too honorable to be 
 dragged at the heels of reckless, hysterical leaders of an 
 agitation which has little higher aim than the transfer of 
 American dollars from the pockets of its dupes to the 
 purses of political adventurers in other countries, or the 
 creation of ill-feeling between the United States and a 
 country with which it is at peace. 
 
 The Association emphatically declares its abiding faith 
 in the public school system, unfettered by any denomin 
 ational or religious restrictions, as the chief element in 
 the perpetuation of the Republic, and declares its hostility 
 to all measures, men or influences who seek to antagonize 
 the healthy influence of the Massachusetts common 
 school system. 
 
 As the question is of permanent importance to the wel- 
 fare of the Republic, the British-American Association is 
 fully content to stand on the same platform with the late 
 General Grant ; and repeat his emphatic words at the 
 re-union of the Army of the Tennessee, at Des Moines, 
 Iowa, in 1875 : 
 
 “If we are to have another contest in the near future of our 
 national existence, I predict that the dividing line will not be 
 Mason and Dixop’s but between patriotism and intelligence on 
 the one side and superstition, ambition, and ignorance on the other. 
 Now, in this centennial year of our existence, I believe it a good 
 time to begin the work of strengthening the foundation of the house 
 commenced by our patriotic fathers one hundred years ago, at 
 Concord and Lexington. Let us all labor to add all needful 
 guarantees for the more perfect security of free thought, free 
 speech, and free press; of pure morals, unfettered religious sen- 
 timents, and of equal rights and privileges to all men, irrespective 
 of nationality,’ color, or religion. Encourage free schools, and 
 resolve that not one dollar of money appropriated to their support, 
 no matter how raised, shall be appropriated to the support of any 
 sectarian school. Resolve that neither the state nor nation, nor both 
 combined, shall support institutions of learning other than those 
 sufficient to afford every child growing up in the land the opportunity 
 of agoodcommon-school education, unmixedwith sectarian, pagan, 
 or atheistical tenets. Leave the matter of religion to the family altar, 
 the church, and the private school, supported entirely by private 
 contribution. Keep the church and state forever separate.” 
 
 The Association declares its intention to use every 
 honorable means to induce residents of British origm to 
 
British- American Association. 
 
 5 
 
 become citizens. To this end it will disseminate informa- 
 tion that will enable such persons to intelligently and 
 fully comprehend the duties and obligations of good 
 citizenship, and will urge as a vital principle that no man 
 can serve two masters, and that a citizenship which is only 
 used as a means of international offence is a danger rather 
 than a help to the United States. 
 
 The Association is aware that a large number of British 
 residents of Boston and the State are not yet naturalized. 
 It desires to impress upon such the duty of considering 
 and coming to a decision on the matter, while it distinctly 
 asserts that a subject of such importance should not be 
 lightly undertaken. The bane of the large cities in the 
 United States is the active participation in their politics 
 of large numbers of voters who have hastened to throw 
 off their allegiance to one power, more from hatred of 
 the government they .have left than love of the country 
 to which they have come, and whose ignorant prejudices 
 and passionate resentments are skilfully manipulated in 
 the interests of the meanest class of politicians. 
 
 The man who is in a hurry to change his allegiance is 
 generally the least desirable and is too often a fraudulent 
 appendage to the country. 
 
 The Association therefore will seek to impress British 
 residents with the true issues involved in the change of 
 allegiance, that they may be carefully weighed and studied. 
 
 It will be ever ready to assist all who desire, after such 
 careful consideration to become citizens, and who 
 will loyally take up their new obligations with a single- 
 hearted purpose to use the newly-acquired privileges for 
 the best interests of the country in which they have ac- 
 quired new interests and new ties, which have softened 
 the memojy of old associations. 
 
 In the spirit of the foregoing principles, the British- 
 American Association earnestly asks the co-operation of 
 all men of British birth and descent. It calls upon all who 
 have acquired the right of citizenship to exercise it on all 
 possible occasions ; to regard the ballot as a trust to be 
 used at all times for the best interests of the country : 
 and to be ready to make sacrifices to vote when necessary. 
 It calls upon all who have not yet sought this high privi- 
 
6 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 lege, to do their duty to the land of their adoption, and 
 seek to arm themselves with this right in the interests of 
 good order, and for the protection of that liberty without 
 license, for which the fathers of the Republic fought ; for 
 the perpetuation of that true freedom which was won at 
 Naseby and Marston Moor, and re-asserted by men of 
 British extraction in this country against a British govern- 
 ment which had for a time forgotten its noblest traditions. 
 
 The Association feels that it has no difficult task to per- 
 suade those of British birth, educated in a love of freedom 
 in the crowned Commonwealth of the British Isles, to be- 
 come loyal and intelligent citizens of the Commonwealth 
 founded and maintained by their brave ancestors. 
 
 They have seen within the past few months, that when 
 an element alien to the true interests of the Common- 
 wealth, sought to create disorder, and infringe the liberties 
 of American citizens, with the tacit acquiesence, if not 
 actual connivance, of those in the city government, the 
 Commonwealth of Massachusetts, true to its noblest tradi- 
 tions of freedom for all, flung its protecting arm around its 
 citizens and the strangers within its gates, and showed 
 once more that it was more than equal to the maintenance 
 of its own laws- and the protection of those who, citizens or 
 otherwise, were subject to these laws. 
 
 This should commend itself to the consideration of all 
 citizens and residents of British birth in this Common- 
 wealth. Let it be seen that they are equal to the efficient 
 support of these principles of government which are at 
 the foundation of the Commonwealth, and be ready at all 
 times to maintain by the ballot, the grand gift bestowed 
 upon them by the liberty-loving and law-abiding Common- 
 wealth of Massachusetts. 
 
The British -American Association 
 
 OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 The British-American Association, in presenting this 
 pamphlet to the American public and asking their consid- 
 eration of its contents, desires to express emphatically its 
 appreciation of the attitude of the native Americans to 
 those residents and citizens of British birth who, with no 
 wish to antagonize or berate other foreign-born citizens 
 or residents, sought to celebrate* in the city of Boston the 
 close of the half-century reign of Queen Victoria over the 
 British Empire. This purely private undertaking, repre- 
 senting no hostility to American ideas, the British-bom 
 citizens of Boston supposed they had a right to carry out. 
 That their proceedings should have created adverse com- 
 ment from any portion of the community they had no 
 right to expect. Greatly to their surprise a certain class 
 of people rushed into print, and endeavored by means of 
 the newspapers of this city and by aid of some hysterical 
 and ill-balanced speakers, to create trouble. 
 
 From all this the committee concerned in carr}dng out 
 the private celebration studiously held aloof, making no 
 replies, and refusing to enter into controversy with their 
 opponents. They preferred to leave the whole matter to 
 the judgment of the fair public opinion of Boston ; to 
 carefully refrain from any newspaper or other quarrels, 
 and to wait till a fitting time to lay their side of the case 
 before the American public. 
 
 The statements found in the following pages need only 
 tills preface : That no citizen or resident of British birth 
 
8 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 has any apology to make to American citizens of any 
 sort or degree for having thus carried out a celebration 
 which expressed their regard for the land of their birth 
 and the illustrious lady who for fifty years has been at its 
 head. 
 
 They would be unworthy of the esteem of all good 
 citizens if they took any other stand. They would 
 deservedly lack the esteem of all loyal citizens, if this cele- 
 bration had been intended to express antagonism to the 
 land of their adoption, whose principles they hold dear, 
 whose dignity they seek to uphold, to whose defence they 
 are as ready to contribute in equal measure with that of 
 any class whatever. 
 
 To many of British birth in this city who have become 
 citizens, the fact that large numbers of people were living 
 in the State who had not applied for the privilege of 
 citizenship had always been a source of regret. Many 
 attempts had been made to create a more lively interest in 
 political affairs among their fellow countrymen, but with- 
 out effect. 
 
 The majority lived undistinguished and creating no 
 separate class or “element;” content to do their daily 
 labor ; quietly go about their business ; obey the laws, 
 and live without creating or encouraging any special 
 feeling of nationality, even while invariably animated 
 with an intense love for the land of their birth. 
 
 No better proof could be afforded of the quiet, self- 
 reliant and unostentatious feeling governing the habits 
 of this class of people, than the fact that few of them 
 ever joined their national societies. Organizations com- 
 posed of Englishmen exclusively, of Scots only, and of 
 Welsh, or of all three combined, existed, but they barely 
 touched the large masses of residents of British extrac- 
 tion. Not ten per cent, of them, even while retaining 
 their national feeling, sought association together, content 
 to live as law-abiding residents in the country in which 
 they had found a home. 
 
 None the less was the quiet process of assimilation 
 going on. Family ties were created; new friendships 
 formed ; the dear associations of their native land had 
 gradually mellowed into a loving remembrance, and the 
 
British- American Associahon. 
 
 9 
 
 ties that so strongly bound them to home were gradually 
 loosened by time’s dissolving fingers, till the conscious- 
 ness that he had taken root, and was part and parcel of 
 the community, impelled the British resident to take the 
 formal steps to declare the change of allegiance, which, 
 almost in spite of himself, had taken place. 
 
 In this way the average British- American was content 
 to let citizenship be brought about, and we venture to 
 think that this gradual process was of more value to the 
 country, and produced a better class of citizens than the 
 feverish haste to change which has made the naturalization 
 laws a synonym for a stupendous fraud, and dragged neck- 
 over-heels an undesirable ‘‘element” into power, sup- 
 ported by the suffrages of those whose leading principles 
 of action are spoils of office and the manifestation of hate 
 to some other class of people. 
 
 On certain classes of the American people the re- 
 luctance of the average British resident to become 
 naturalized, taken in connection with the haste of the 
 Irish population to secure the right to vote, operated in a 
 curious way. It forced them into the belief that the Irish 
 vote and the Irish influence were the only things neces- 
 sary to placate. In this way the press of this city has 
 become largely the catspaw' of Irish schemes ; the few 
 papers which do not make a living by a servile bolstering 
 up of their methods and ideas, being held in terror by 
 the fear of a “ boycott,’’ more than once hinted at in the 
 impudent fulminations of the Irish leaders of this city, 
 against any paper which dared to sneeze other than when 
 the Pilot or Republic took snuff.* The Herald, because 
 of its occasional and weak attempts to be fair, is called 
 an Anglophile paper, and its editor an Anglomaniac, 
 when it need only be American to satisfy every legitimate 
 “influence.” 
 
 The Boston Daily Globe has the conspicuous merit of 
 being consistent. It is Irish for revenue only, and cheer- 
 fully responds to the nod of Irish leaders, to abuse and 
 
 ^Witness John Boyle O’Reilly’s references to the Transcript, which 
 had “ dai'ed ” to publish an historical sketch pricking the bubble of 
 Irish pretensions; or the reception of R. A. Collin’s references to the 
 Advertiser, at theBostoa Theatre, August 28, 1887. 
 
10 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 misrepresent everything done by the British government. 
 More Irish even than the misnamed Republic^ or the hy- 
 sterical Pilot, it has reaped its reward. 
 
 The other papers, not committed to partisan defence 
 of everything Irish, contented themselves with keeping 
 on the right side of that element by carefully abstaining 
 from any criticism of their schemes, and being always 
 ready to “ go agin the [British] guv’ment,” in order to 
 “keep solid” and make their paths straight among the 
 Irish, who had secured the control of municipal affairs. 
 
 The effect of this servile method soon became felt., and 
 a quiet revolt was organized. The burden of Irish dom- 
 inance became intolerable, and Americans began to try 
 to disencumber themselves of this Old Man of the Sea, 
 whom they had suffered to climb upon their shoulders, 
 and who had changed from the cringing beggar to the 
 insolent bully. With the aid of the American 'legislators 
 from the yetun-Hibernianized districts, they succeeded in 
 wresting the government of the police of Boston out of 
 the hands of the Irish liquor Democracy, and in doing 
 so, presented in the Republican newspapers the pitiful 
 spectacle of servilely yelling for home rule for Ireland, 
 while begging the honest Berkshire farmer to relieve them 
 from the intolerable burden of Irish “home rule” in 
 Boston. It was an exhilarating spectacle, but one not 
 calculated to impress the British observer with the fair- 
 ness or freedom of the Boston press. 
 
 That the British side of the Irish controversy was, and 
 is, so persistently misrepresented in all the papers, was to 
 be expected. This was felt to be natural ; at any rate 
 no one of British birth was foolish enough to expect the 
 press of this country to be an echo of British opinion. 
 That which did surprise him was the studied misrepresen- 
 tation and belittling of everything connected therewith, 
 and which became every day more noticeable as the Irish 
 power grew stronger in the city. It didn’t pay to be fair, 
 and newspapers, like dime shows, were run to suit the 
 public. Therefore the Britisher read the “ news ” in the 
 light of his own experience, or waited till the mail brought 
 him something on which he could rely. In this way the 
 newspaper “ fake ” defeated itself. 
 
British-American Association. 11 
 
 Early in the present year the Daily Globe published 
 a letter from an anonymous correspondent, calling atten- 
 tion to the fact that the half-century of Queen Victoria’s 
 reign would be celebrated in the British dominions, and 
 urging the British Societies in Boston to take notice of 
 the event. This innocent missive immediately raised a 
 hornet’s nest. It is the experience of every newspaper 
 office in this city that it was immediately deluged with 
 letters from excited patriots denouncing any such cele- 
 bration, a very small proportion of these missives being 
 printed. To the ordinary obser\'er, the mere fact that 
 a number of foreign residents — assuming for a moment 
 that they were “ foreign residents ” and not American 
 citizens — desired to celebrate this great historic event of 
 a kindred nation, would have created little but approving 
 comment. That Americans should celebrate the Fourth 
 of July in London, under the auspices and with the 
 cheerful and cordial assistance of persons high in the 
 English governmental or social circles, was all right and 
 proper ; that Frenchmen, Germans, Spaniards and every 
 nationality on the face of the globe should thus meet’to 
 recognize the ties of blood in London, passes without 
 comment, or only with approval. Those who had no 
 interest or share in it, or w'ho disapproved of the object, 
 stayed away and held their peace. Such, too, would 
 have been the American method of treating such cele- 
 brations. 
 
 Not so our ardent Professional Patriots. They met 
 and “whereased” and ‘‘ resoluted,” and some of them 
 whose necks had been saved by the forbearance and 
 mercy that has distinguished the reign of Queen Victoria 
 were loudest in their denunciation of the idea that 
 British residents should celebrate her Jubilee. Not 
 realizing the fate of one of their countrywomen, 
 
 “ Miss Biddy Baxter, 
 
 Who refused the Cap’n afore he axed her,” 
 
 they hastened to repudiate an invitation that had not 
 been extended, and abuse the guests at a celebration to 
 which they were not asked. 
 
12 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 Allowance was made for the fact that hanging on to 
 the skirts of the Irish agitation in this city are a large 
 number of irresponsible hare-brained cranks, who hate 
 so earnestly that they cannot dissemble, — all the more 
 creditable to their honesty. This class is as often the 
 terror of their more politic leaders as they are the butt 
 of the more sober-minded citizens. 
 
 It was quite possible, however, that they did not rep- 
 resent the Irish people of this city. The movement to 
 celebrate the Queen’s Jubilee took its start after Presi- 
 dent VVemyss, of the Scot’s Charitable Society, replied to 
 the letter mentioned above, which had appeared in the 
 Globe. 
 
 At the first meeting of those mainly representing Eng- 
 lish and Scotch Societies, it was noticed with regret that 
 no one representative of an Irish Society was present. 
 
 The feeling among those present was that the oc- 
 casion represented a common ground on which the Irish- 
 men and Englishmen could meet. It was not necessary 
 to indorse or repudiate home.rule, or to approve the ac- 
 tions of the British government, in order to fittingly cele- 
 brate the fifty years’' reign of the lady whom, in God’s 
 providence, had been at the head of the British Empire, 
 As the Irish movement was loudly declared to be a ‘‘con- 
 stitutional agitation” (save the mark !) surely there was a 
 chance to show that political differences need not divide 
 former residents of the British Isles. For purposes of 
 their own, the Irish leaders had been preaching the gos- 
 pel of peace, according to their new prophet Gladstone ; 
 and some Britishers, who felt a lingering respect for the 
 ‘•grand old man,” began to reason that the whole home 
 rule agitation was now a part of British politics, and no 
 more sufficient to divide men socially than any other po- 
 litical question. Besides, there never was a better op- 
 portunity to show that there was no race feeling and no 
 natural animosity between Scot, Irish and English, and 
 Jack, Pat and Sandy in another land might be equally 
 comrades, as they had been on many a hard-fought field 
 which had made the British empire. 
 
 Such was the feeling which prompted the motion to 
 invite the Charitable Irish Society to join in the celebra- 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 13 
 
 tion. Only one gentleman opposed the motion, and he, 
 long-headed and shrewd, pointed out that the invitation 
 would only be rejected, with insult added. Even those 
 who were doubtful as to the result felt that such language 
 was unwarrantable. The officers of the Charitable Irish 
 Society were gentlemen ; we of the British Societies would 
 be only doing our duty in extending the invitation ; it 
 would be received courteously, perhaps accepted. At 
 any rate it would be courteously declined. 
 
 So the invitation was sent. The reception it met at the 
 hands of Past- President W. W. Doherty and Mr. Thomas 
 Flatley, justified the prophecy of the shrewd member who 
 had alone opposed the invitation 
 
 The courteous and friendly offer of the British com- 
 mittee was declined in terms of studied insult and con- 
 tempt ; Mr. Doherty uniting his contempt of “that 
 woman” with Mr. Flatley’s “indignation,” in order to 
 more insolently reply to the invitation. Fortunately for 
 the reputation of the society, the secretary was of a dif- 
 ferent calibre. His note — it would be charitable to say 
 the society’s note — was a courteous declination. 
 
 The British committee did not allow itself to be ruffled 
 over the matter. It declined to allow the Doherty-Flatley 
 “resolutions” to be read, but accepted the note. 
 
 Anticipating for a moment the events which followed 
 the declination of this invitation, it will be well to re- 
 member that the advocates of “constitutional agitation” 
 of Irish reforms placed themselves on record by this epi- 
 sode as the abusers of a lady who was the “constitutional” 
 sovereign of the realms in which they were carrying on 
 their alleged “constitutional” agitation, a very consistent 
 position, — from an Irish standpoint. 
 
 Consider for a moment the effect of the acceptance of 
 this cordial extension of the hand of friendship by the 
 Englishmen and Scots of this city. The presence of the 
 Irishmen, pledged to “constitutional agitation,” would 
 have sealed the lips of the veriest Tory, had any such 
 animal been present. Eveiy one would have been under 
 bonds to treat their new guests with studied respect ; the 
 Irish lovers could easily have captured the crowd, and 
 the celebration might have readily been swung in the in- 
 terests of a true “constitutional” agitation. 
 
14 
 
 British- American Association. 
 
 Had the Irish leaders possessed the ability to lead a 
 drove of pigs to market, they would have eagerly seized 
 the opportunity to send from Boston to London and Dub- 
 lin a verdict for home rule brought in by a jury of all 
 three nationalities, and showing in their own persons the 
 possibilities of a true union of the British nations. The 
 leading speech at Faneuil Hall at the banquet on the 
 2 1 St (that of Dr. Courtney), after the Irish leaders had 
 done their best to annoy, insult and berate the participa- 
 tors in the jubilee, showed how they had missed a glori- 
 ous opportunity, and proved once more that hatred, 
 malice and abuse make a poor capital with which to start 
 and maintain a “constitutional agitation.” 
 
 It would be a poor compliment to the Irish race to say 
 that they believe in their leaders in this city. Better by 
 far drop the gauzy pretension of “ constitutional ” agita- 
 tation, and come out square-fronted as Separatists and 
 Alienists, in which many of British birth will join, praying 
 heartily that all ties that bind the two together shall be 
 loosened, and Ireland be not only given her “ freedom,” 
 but i7iade io take it. The sooner the better, if such men 
 as the above represent the “constitutional” agitators. 
 
 The writer is aware that many, like the classical 
 scholar, Councilman Whall, “ hate England and every- 
 thing English,” except (God save us !) Englishmen. 
 This elegant specimen of a “bull” manufacturer does not 
 hate Englishmen — if they're Swiss, or Turks, or Swedes, 
 or Danes, or Russians — it’s only when the Englishmen are 
 English that he hates them. It is hard to have to put up 
 with it, but England and the English will have to bear 
 Councilman Whall’s hate, and laugh at his bulls. 
 
 « ' « « * * * « 
 
 Thus far the ripple created by the determination of the 
 British Societies of Boston to celebrate the Queen’s 
 Jubilee had been of little interest to the American peo- 
 ple. At best it was only a squabble between foreigners, 
 for the “ truly” native considers them all foreigners, and 
 he is about right, too. He is so accustomed to the dia- 
 tribes of Irish editors of alleged American papers that he 
 is prepared to believe that Ireland is oppressed, and that 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 15 
 
 these Hibernian scribes represent the victims of some 
 worse than Oriental despot. The subject was of little 
 importance to him, anyway, and he only manifested his 
 impatience of it by growling at his morning paper for 
 filling up with such rubbish,” or wished, with a cheerful 
 indefiniteness, that England or “somebody would do 
 something or other” and so stop the whole business. 
 And having relieved himself in this way he would dismiss 
 the subject, always supposing that he was not in politics, 
 and therefore not anxious to appease the Irish vote. 
 
 In the latter case it was always touching to behold how 
 his heart would bleed for the poor Celt, and how he 
 would rear himself up on his hind legs, and tell a de- 
 lighted audience that England should do something or 
 other, while the bosses of the entertainment laughed at 
 his ignorance of the whole subject, and chuckled at the 
 way in which he was engaged in making an ass of him- 
 self at their bidding. 
 
 As the promoters of the jubilee festival moved along, 
 it became evident that much interest was awakened in 
 the matter. A guarantee fund was raised, and in a com- 
 paratively short time nearly ;^30,ooo was promised to 
 secure the promoters against loss. 
 
 The promises to attend the banquet were so numerous 
 that it was difficult to find a hotel in the city capable of 
 accommodating them. Music Hall could not be had. 
 “Why not,” said some American citizens, “ask for Fan- 
 euil Hall?” It was done. The requisite number of 
 citizens applied for it. The purpose for which they 
 wanted it was fully known. For weeks the papers had 
 been full of the subject, and the committee on Faneuil 
 Hall knew it ; the Aldermen knew it, and they granted 
 the petition without the slightest demur. 
 
 The Aldermen and the Mayor alike cheerfully ac- 
 quiesced in the granting of the hall. To say that they 
 were ignorant of the purposes or intent of the petitioners 
 is a libel on the intelligence of the Aldermen and the 
 Mayor. Whatever reflections are necessary and proper 
 on the public conduct of these officials, no hint that they 
 lack intelligence is intended. Alderman Donovan of the 
 Faneuil Hall committee, with his esteemed colleague, 
 
16 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 Alderman Sullivan of East Boston, had an intelligent ap- 
 preciation of services rendered, and the latter, too, was 
 doubtless glad of an opportunity to show his respect for 
 the ‘‘element” out of whom, as stevedore, he was making 
 a comfortable living. 
 
 But the Patriots, with a capital P, were not so indiffer- 
 ently good-natured. A land league branch at Roxbury 
 promptly “lesoluted,” and Father McKenna of Marlboro, 
 of the Church Militant, saw a head and immediately 
 raised his shillelah to crack it. In a half column. letter to 
 the Daily Globe he hysterically called upon the Patriots 
 (still with a capital P) to prevent the desecration of 
 Faneuil Hall. This perfervid appeal struck the Globe so 
 forcibly that it suggested that the pictures on the walls of 
 Faneuil would come down like the pictured ancestors of 
 “ Ruddygore’s ” bad baronet and startle the offending 
 Britishers. In fact, the Globe^ knowing its constituency, 
 treated them to a childish approval, and seemed to the 
 outsider to be laughing at their folly. 
 
 There is something touching in Father McKenna’s 
 reverence for the sacred memories of the Revolution, 
 and his fear that the hall would be desecrated which was 
 given by the grateful Huguenot to celebrate his love for 
 the Monarch in whose free dominions he had found life, 
 liberty, and happiness, after having been driven from his 
 own home in France by the treachery and bloodthirstiness 
 of the Church of which Father McKenna is a priest. The 
 sturdy Huguenot might have fairly supposed the place 
 was desecrated by the presence of this minister of the 
 Prince of Peace, preaching hate and malice ; and he might 
 also have laughed at the funny spectacle of the Pope of 
 Rome presenting Jubilee congratulations and a fatherly 
 benediction on the Queen, whom the Pope of Marlboro, 
 (Mass.) was berating after the style of an Irish fish- woman. 
 
 “Sacred memories of the Revolution” forsooth! 
 Memories of the brave Irish who stormed Bunker Hill, 
 and of the other gallant Irish regiments who, with their 
 equally gallant comrades honorably did their duty in the 
 war of Independence.. 
 
 The “sacred” memories of his countrymen’s exploits 
 Father McKenna ignored entirely, just as he ignored the 
 
British- American Association. 17 
 
 spirit and the letter of George Washington’s advice to 
 keep out of foreign entanglements, when he and the 
 league he represented used the hall time and time 
 again to encourage an»d foster an organization to send 
 American dollars into another country, to foment discord 
 and disorder, punctuated occasionally by dynamite and 
 murder. 
 
 Since when have the American people made Father 
 McKenna the conservator of their sacred memories” ? 
 Father McKenna would do well, like Gilbert’s reformed 
 burglar, to set himself the task of deliberately forgetting 
 some undesirable things before he poses as a defender of 
 “the Sacred Memories of the Revolution.” 
 
 The result of the agitation thus set up was that the 
 aldermen were petitioned to revoke the order for use of 
 the hall by the British Societies, and a hearing was had. 
 At this hearing the Central Labor Union devoted itself 
 by delegations to matters utterly foreign to those for 
 which it was organized. Rev. James Martin Luther 
 Babcock and E. M. Chamberlin, distinguished apostles of 
 liberty, illustrated their liberality. E. M. White received 
 a set-back from Chairman Donovan, and the opposition 
 secured a defeat, greatly to the disgust of a gentleman 
 who vented his wratrh on Alderman Donovan by a threat 
 that he would be “downed” at the next election. Queen 
 Victoria received at this meeting the extraordinary com- 
 pliment of being considered no worse a personage than 
 E. M. White’s father, and the friends of the celebration 
 committee left after this remarkable compliment with the 
 assurance and the private suggestion to let nothing 
 interfere with their arrangements, for it “was all right.” 
 
 But Aldermen Sullivan and Donovan were too hasty in 
 the- assumption that they had “backbone” enough to 
 stand up against the threats of being “downed.” Just 
 what influences were set at work it would be easier to 
 guess than to tell. As a result of the “ hot spell” that 
 followed, the two aldermen’s “ backbone ” became of the 
 jelly-fish pattern, and by the time the Land League 
 branches had “ resoluted ” two or three more times, these 
 redoubtable aldermen, with their Irish Democratic con- 
 temporaries, had discovered that they never intended to 
 
IS British- American Association. 
 
 give the hall for the purpose of celebrating the jubilee of 
 Queen Victoria, and were engaged in the agonies of com- 
 position over a majority report of the hearing, explaining 
 why the permission to have the hall should be revoked, 
 and demonstrating to their own satisfaction that the con- 
 temptuous manner in which they had spoken of the op- 
 position, and the assurances they had given to the com- 
 mittee that it “it was all right,” and that they should “go 
 ahead with their arrangements,” were all figments of the 
 imagination. 
 
 Perhaps they were. The whole arrangement looked 
 like a farce gotten up to save Messrs. Donovan and Sulli- 
 van from the enraged “elements” of the “element” 
 they represented. The Aldermen, by a tie vote, decided 
 not to revoke the permission, and thus the Irish-American 
 Aldermen saved their bacon, satisfied their disgruntled 
 constituents and shuffled out of revoking the permit they 
 had unanimously granted a week before. 
 
 Among the triumphs of the occasion were Alderman 
 Carroll’s denunciation of the proceedings of the consoli- 
 dated committee on the jubilee banquet, and Alderman 
 Bromwich’s performance of a most humble salaam 
 to the Alderman from ward 13, who stood over 
 him with a stick in the shape of a pile of reports. How- 
 ever, the alderman from ward 14 voted to stand by the 
 original permission. This vote is instructive. Let those 
 who are anxiously deprecating “race elements” look at 
 the vote, as found in detail in the latter part of this pam- 
 phlet. Five Americans, one Englishborn citizen, against 
 six Irish-born citizens. Why should not the latter depre- 
 cate “race issues”? 
 
 At the same meeting permission was granted the oppo- 
 sition to hold a meeting in Faneuil Hall, on the evening 
 before the banquet, to protest against “the desecration.” 
 
 N o blame is attached to the Aldermen for this. They had 
 to do it. The story of that meeting is given in full later 
 on, and the performances of the speakers also. It will 
 be found to be instructive reading. 
 
 But what can be said of the men, who, knowing the 
 circumstances, deliberately set to work to impede, annoy, 
 obstruct and threaten their fellow citizens who had been 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 19 
 
 given permission — and had it confirmed after appeal — 
 to hold a meeting in the hall ; the men who were only held 
 back by force from holding the hall against them, and who 
 tore around at night, begging, entreating, bulldozing the 
 Mayor to take upon himself the power to veto the order. 
 Who, regardless of the fact that the Mayor was sick, 
 tried to force him out of his chamber to sign the veto, and 
 only settled down defeated, in the hope that the next day 
 would see a row that would' make the banquet impossible ; 
 and who on the day of the banquet requested the Police 
 Board, in order to keep the peace of the city, that 
 they forbid the banquet to be held in the hall. 
 
 Nevertheless the banquet was held. True, the Mayor 
 was sick, the Governor out of town, the Federal, State and 
 City officials invited (except Alderman Allen) were con- 
 spicuous by their absence. An epidemic of sickness, or 
 an avalanche of pressing engagements kept them away, 
 and the loss was theirs. The contemptible way in which 
 the politician and office-holder, Republican, Democrat, 
 or Mugwump, demonstrated his lack of ‘^grit” was an 
 object lesson to the banqueters. 
 
 Meanwhile the Commonwealth of Massachusetts was 
 engaged in doing its duty. Amid all the contemptible 
 features of the affair the good old Commonwealth came 
 out as might have been expected. Its officials de- 
 termined to see the rights of citizens protected, and it 
 carried out its purpose. Under the sure protection of 
 the Commonwealth’s police, who cared no more for an 
 alderman than for one of his constituents, the dinner was 
 held in peace, not even a ripple of disturbance coming 
 near the hall, when the principal speaker “heaped coals of 
 fire on the heads” of the mob outside by trying to excuse 
 their needless resentment ^ind passionate hatred. 
 
 The press of the city and country for the next few 
 days were universal in condemnation of the attempt to 
 create trouble. American citizens of all sorts saw the 
 folly and wickedness of the attempt to break the peace, 
 and even the leader of the bitter verbal attack on the 
 banqueters fell a victim to the epidemic of sickness, and 
 was glad to retire to his summer home to cool off, after his 
 friends had “rubbed him down” for his “indiscretion.” 
 
20 
 
 British- American Association. 
 
 It was indiscreet, to be sure. I'he distinguished gen- 
 tleman “ went off at half-cock ; ” his “tongue will cleave 
 to the roof of his mouth before he lifts his voice in 
 Faneuil Hall again in behalf of humanity.’’ Whether this 
 will prevent him speaking in behalf of the foreign Irish 
 Land League is a verbal puzzle with which we leave the 
 subject, and commend the detailed story that follows to 
 the reader’s consideration. 
 
EVENTS THAT LED TO THE FORMATION 
 
 OF 
 
 The British-American Association. 
 
 ORGANIZING THE BRITISH AND AMERICAN CLUB. 
 
 In the early part of January, 1886, a number of gentle- 
 men representing the English, Scotch, Irish and Welsh 
 elements of Boston, met at the Quincy House for the 
 purpose of organizing a social club, which should be a 
 bond of union for people of British birth residing in Bos- 
 ton and its vicinity, and also, as was stated in the pre- 
 amble, to be “ for the purpose of promoting feelings of 
 friendship between the governments of the United States 
 and Great Britain, ind its sole qualification for member- 
 ship is a desire tc promote that object it also stated 
 that it was for “tlie purpose of promoting social inter- 
 course and to afford the advantages of a club house.” 
 The British and Scots’ Charitable Societies, it was said, did 
 not cover the ground that this club was designed to occu- 
 py. It proposed to establish headquarters which would be 
 a centre of social association for those who desired to meet 
 on the basis of the preamble of the Club’. The newly- 
 organized club received a proposition from the Park Club 
 to amalgamate with it, and to occupy its, suite of 
 rooms, which were furnished with all the appliances of a 
 first-class social club. The Park Club was the second 
 oldest social club in Boston, having been in existence 
 nearly fifty years, and its members were composed of 
 some of Boston’s oldest and best known business men. 
 
22 
 
 British- American Association. 
 
 The offer of the Park Club was accepted, and the new 
 organization incorp*. rated under the name of the 
 “British and American Club,” its members being of both 
 nationalities. The new club moved into the suite of 
 rooms occupied by the Park Club, 7 Park street, the 
 former residence of James Russell Lowell, the poet, and 
 late Minister to England. The bond of union thus es- 
 tablished between the representative people of British 
 birth had an important effect on the events which soon 
 followed, after the organizing of the club. 
 
 THE QUEEN'S JUBILEE COMMITTEE. 
 
 The Scots’ Charitable Society, organized in 1657, 
 passed a vote at the annual meeting in January, 1887, to 
 appoint a committee to consult with kindred associations 
 on the question of celebrating Queen Victoria’s Jubilee. 
 Invitations were sent out by them to the various British 
 societies of Boston and its vicinity, with tlie request that 
 they send representatives to a meeting to be held at the 
 Quincy House for the purpose of consid • mg the question. 
 Thirty-four societies were represented, ' mposed of dele- 
 gates from the Scots’ Charitable Societ)', British Charitable 
 Society, British and American Club, Sons of St. George, 
 Order of Scottish Clans, Independent Order of Odd 
 Fellows, M. U., and Caledonian Club. The Grand Master 
 of the Orange Lodge of Massachusetts was also present, 
 with delegates from various lodges. He stated that he 
 and the societies he represented were in accord and 
 sympathy with the delegates in this movement, and their 
 members, as individuals, would assist in it ; but as an 
 organization they had decided not to take any part in it, 
 as a matter of policy ; for whatever they did their actions 
 would be misrepresented by their enemies. Not even 
 the press would do their order justice. 
 
 A permanent organization was formed, composed of 
 the delegates from the various societies, and kno’vn as 
 the “ Consolidated Committee of the Queen’s Jubilee;” 
 James Wemyss, Jr., was elected President, James H. 
 Stark, Treasurer, and P. C. Anderson, Secretary. 
 
British- American Association. 
 
 23 
 
 All the societies to which an invitation had been ex- 
 tended were re[jresented except “The Charitable Irish 
 Society.” A vote was passed extending to them a special 
 invitation to co-operate and take part in the Queen’s 
 Jubilee. On receipt of it W. W. Doherty, a former 
 president of the society, offered a resolution to the effect 
 that the society decline to partici])ate, on the ground that 
 “ that woman” had never done anything for Ireland. U. 
 S. Deputy Collector Thomas Flatley said he would vote 
 with pleasure for the resolution if it only contained 
 the expression that the society “ indignantly rejected ” 
 the invitation. It was then suggested that the two reso- 
 lutions might be made to coalesce, and the essential 
 features of each be preserved, which was accordingly done, 
 and the resolutions unanimously adopted and sent to the 
 Consolidated Committee. 
 
 At this early stage of making preparation to celebrate 
 the Jubilee it will be observ^ed that the Irish of Boston 
 showed their hatred and antipathy against the same, and 
 the seed thus sown soon brought forth bitter fruit. 
 
 When the final arrangement was made for celebrating 
 the Queen’s Jubilee it was decided to send an illumi- 
 nated address to Her Majesty, through Minister Phelps, 
 to hold a monster picnic, and in the evening to have a 
 banquet. The committee reported that as there would 
 probably be about 500 guests at the banquet, and as no 
 hotel in Boston could accommodate more than 300 
 people, they deemed it necessary to procure a hall, and 
 
 FANEUIL HALL ■ 
 
 was suggested as being the most suitable. This hall was 
 donated to the town of Boston in 1742, thirty-three years 
 before the Revolution, by Peter Faneuil, a Huguenot or 
 French Protestant, whose ancestors were driven from 
 France at the massacre of the Protestants on the night of 
 St. Bartholomew, by the Catholics. Peter Faneuil died 
 shortly after the hall was finished, and the first use it was 
 put to was the delivery of the funeral oration in relation 
 to the death of its noble giver. At the same time it was 
 
24 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 dedicated and named Faneuil Hall in his honor. In the 
 dedicatory address it was decided to be used for the 
 purposes of ^‘loyalty to the king,” and it was voted by 
 the town to have a portrait of King George II. painted 
 and suspended in the hall. During the past 143 years 
 Faneuil Hall has been used for all sorts of purposes. 
 The coronation of King George III. has been celebrated ; 
 pirates and robbers have been tried, and the Earl of 
 Elgin feasted there. Every political party in the country 
 has had its use at one time or another. Anarchists, 
 Socialists, Fenians and Land Leaguers have spoken there. 
 The Chinese have beer told to go, and the poor Indian 
 pitied by large audiences. The Constitution of America 
 has been styled “ a covenant with death and a league 
 with helL’ in this hall. And now, after 147 years, when 
 almost anyone who desired has been allowed to use the 
 hall and to have his say in it, it was deemed desecration 
 to use it for the purpose of celebrating Queen Victoria’s 
 Jubilee. 
 
 PETITION FOR THE USE OF FANEUIL HALL 
 
 According to the Rules and Ordinances of the City of 
 Boston, the Mayor and Aldermen have charge of the hall, 
 and any person desiring the use of the same must petition 
 for it. 
 
 Members of the Consolidated Committee accordingly, 
 petitioned the Mayor and Board of Aldermen “for the 
 use of the hall on the evening of June 21, for the pur- 
 pose of a banquet in connection with the British and 
 Scots’ Charitable Societies, and others.” James Wemyss 
 and other members of the Committee asked for the hall, 
 care being taken that only citizens and taxpayers signed. 
 This petition was referred to the Committee on Faneuil 
 Hall, consisting of Aldermen Allen, Donovan and Sullivan, 
 one American and two Irishmen. The petition was 
 approved by the Committee as they sat at their desks at 
 the regular weekly meeting of the Board ; the leave 
 granted without debate by the full Board, and on the 
 following morning it was sent to the Mayor and he signed 
 the order. 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 25 
 
 The next day there was music in the air. A letter ap- 
 peared in Boston Globe ^ dated at Marlboro, and signed 
 by P. A. McKenna, the Catholic Priest of that town, and 
 Vice-President of the Land League, who took such an 
 important part later on in the opposition to the use of 
 Faneuil Hall by the British Societies. This was 'a 
 reckless communication for any man to write, especially a 
 Priest who professes to be a follower of the meek and 
 lowly Jesus who preached the gospel of “ Peace on earth, 
 good will to men.’’ This letter was a passionate appeal 
 to the ignorant class over which his influence extends to 
 make this a race question, setting one man against another, 
 instead of inculcating the precepts of the Divine Master 
 among the masses. This letter we give in full, as it was 
 unquestionably the starting of all the trouble that fol- 
 lowed. For cool audacity it stands unequalled, when* 
 it is taken into consideration who the donor was, and that 
 death was the penalty, according to the law of this 
 Colony, if a person of Father McKenna’s profession was 
 found within its limits, at the time the hall was given 
 by Peter Faneuil. If Father McKenna “had had any 
 sense of the eternal fitness of things, he would surely 
 have chosen almost any other place than Faneuil Hall” 
 for his exhibition of hatred to Great Britain. 
 
 DESECRATION OF FANEUIL HALL 
 
 An American Citizen Protests Against Granting the Use 
 of the Hall for ^ Queen-Victoria Banquet. 
 
 To the Editor of the Globe'. 
 
 I read in your issue of this morning that “ permission was 
 granted, by the Board of Aldermen, for the use of Faneuil Hall 
 on the evening of June 21, for the purpose of a banquet to be 
 given by the British Charitable Society ‘ and others ’ in honor of 
 Queen Victoria.” 
 
 As an American citizen — born in Boston — and, therefore, a 
 lover of all the heroic traditions, and associations and inspirations 
 of dear old Faneuil Hall — I desire to enter my protest against the 
 proposed desecration of the hall. 
 
 Could the walls of old Faneuil speak, methinks they would say, 
 again, with Hamlet, “ To what base uses we may return, Horatio ! 
 
26 
 
 British-American Assocution. 
 
 Why may not imagination trace the noble dust of Alexander, till 
 we find it stopping a bung-hole?” 
 
 If the Irish Charitable Society demanded the use of this hall for 
 a banquet to Editor O’Brien, there might be fitting reasons given 
 for it. O’Brien represents the spirit of Faneuil Hall, because a 
 heroic representative of a people constitutionally struggling for 
 liberty, and the Irish Charitable Society represents the spirit of 
 men who fought, that places like Faneuil Hall might stand, when 
 England hired Hessians and Indians to prevent it; and when 
 Lord Salisbury embodied English hatred to the North, in the late 
 struggle, the sons of Ireland fell lighting in its behalf. 
 
 Why not spread the tables for this English jubilee banquet on 
 Bunker Hill, or in the Old South? It would be just as fitting as 
 to hold it in Faneuil Hall. Henceforth, if this desecration be 
 allowed, we will be able to understand better the meaning of the 
 phrase, “ the irony of fate.” 
 
 Faneuil Hall is not a place of feasting wherein these men should 
 gather for the purpose named. Until England — of which Queen 
 Victoria stands as the highest representative — is identified with 
 liberty and ceases to be identified with oppression and tyranny, 
 whether in India, Ireland or any other country, let Faneuil Hall 
 be refused to those who wish to thus celebrate this jubilee. 
 
 Their country, until then, will continue to be all that is most 
 alien to Faneuil Hall’s spirit. 
 
 Faneuil Hall is devoted not to mere animal feasting, but to the 
 feasts of reason, of exalted sentiments of patriotism that have 
 been held again and again within its walls. 
 
 To devote it to a reunion, to a banquet wherein, from the very 
 wording of the Aldermen’s order last night, mere animal feasting 
 is the paramount consideration, savors of the spirit which the poet 
 Horace stigmatized as coming “from the epicurean sty.” It 
 savors of the national characteristic of a country famed not for its 
 Faneuil Halls within its borders, but for its “ roast beef and plum 
 pudding.” The English received a lesson on that very point last 
 year, which cost them dear. For when they sought to carry a 
 measure imposing on beer the slight ta5c which would have enor- 
 mously relieved the national exchequer, while increasing the army 
 and navy supplies, so necessary for her if she is to retain her 
 position, even as a third-rate power, the ministry was ignobly 
 defeated. B^er did it ! Perish all considerations of army, navy, 
 national* honor, national defence, dignity, national credit, when 
 beer is the stake to be played for. 
 
 Why should not the British Charitable Society engage some of 
 Boston’s famed hotels for holding the banquet, as other organiza- 
 tions equally worthy have done ? Is it a cunning scheme to try to 
 weakly coun-teract the American sympathy existing here for Ire- 
 land? oris the English gold supply stopped? Has Lord Ran- 
 dolph Churchill’s denunciations of extravagance and impending 
 bankruptcy of England checked here the supply and the work of 
 the English secret service fund? 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 27 
 
 No ! do not let this threatened desecration take place. Let us 
 maintain the tiaditions of Faneuil I Jail on the exalted plane 
 whereon they rest. Whether called together for the purpose of 
 aiding Poland, Hungary. Greece, Italy, Ireland, the popular dem- 
 onstrations within Faneuil Hall were not in favor of any one 
 nationality as such, but the consideration of nationality was ever 
 subordinate to the cry of liberty — liberty for all mankind. 
 Liberty, emancipation of white serfs no less than black — oppo- 
 sition to political and social tyranny — these were the dominant 
 notes of Faneuil Hall gatherings. In the face of present — no less 
 than that of past events — can it be said that the banquet jubilee 
 of Queen Victoria will represent these ideas.? 
 
 If this banquet be held in Faneuil Hall let a committee be 
 appoin ed to first veil on its historic walls the painted forms of the 
 heroes and statesmen whose lives were dedicated to a contest 
 opposed to “Rule Britannia,” or “ God save the Queen.” 
 
 if it be held, let the liberty lovers, oppression haters of Boston 
 organize to hold another “tea party,” but this time on Bunker 
 Hih, and may we be the’e to see ! 
 
 Marlboro, June .3, 1887. F.A.M. 
 
 The seed thus sown brought forth the expected fruit ; 
 letters began to pour into all the news])aper offices 
 against ‘‘the desecration of Faneuil Flail, by alien mongrels, 
 English Tories, etc.,” but let it be said to the credit of the 
 press of Boston, that with one exception they refused to 
 publish any letter or make any editorial comment on the 
 subject that was unfavorable to the British Societies ; the 
 exception was the Boston Globe, who started out with 
 McKenna’s letter, and kept it up daily, sometimes three 
 or more appearing in one edition of the paper. The 
 following is the Globe editorial on the subject. 
 
 IN/^PPROPRIATE. 
 
 The Boston subjects and admirers of Queen Victoria could 
 hardly have made a more inappropriate selection of a place to 
 hold their jubilee exercises than Faneuil Hall. The historical 
 suggestions of the old cradle are anti-royalist and friendly to free- 
 dom. After the jubilee feast is over the very pictures on the walls 
 may be expected to come down, after the example of the ancestral 
 paintings in Ruddygore Hall, and hold a ghostly indignation 
 meeting. If the resident Britishers had any sense of the “eternal 
 fitness of things,” they would surely choose almost any other place 
 than Faneuil Hall for their exhibition of loyalty to the Queen. 
 
 Petitions began to pour in to the Board of Aldermen 
 calling for a hearing to show cause why the order grant- 
 
28 
 
 British- American Association. 
 
 ing the hall should not be revoked ; tire petitioners were 
 principally Land Leaguers, the Central Labor Union and 
 Irishmen gcmerally, and in order to have it appear that 
 other than Irishmen protested against its use, several 
 American and English Socialists sent in petitions. The 
 following account of what transpired at the hearing, is 
 taken from the Boston Herald. 
 
 THE QUEEN’S JUBILEE. 
 
 Opposition to the Use of FaneuU Hall by the 
 Britisi ocieties. 
 
 TheAldermanic chamber at City Hall held many people 
 yesterday afternoon; the occasion being a hearing on a 
 petition of the Central Labor Union and others that the Board 
 reverse its action granting the use of Faneuil Hall to the 
 British Societies for a banquet in honor of Queen Victoria’s 
 Jubilee. The hearing was given by the committee on Faneuil 
 Hall and county buildings, Alderman Donovan, Allen and 
 Sullivan. 
 
 Mr. E. M. Chamberlin, for the petitioners, said that most 
 of the signers thought that Faneuil Hall itself ought to object. 
 He had supposed the Aldermen had not fully given their per- 
 mit for what he deemed this desecration of Faneuil Hall; but 
 he was corrected by Chairman Donovan. Mr. Chamberlin 
 then referred to the fact that Faneuil Hall was not strictly a 
 government building, but was technically in the custody of 
 the city council. It has never been used for the purpose of 
 honoring any foreign luler, and ought not to be so used now. 
 The argument that the woman should be separated from the 
 ruler is fallacious. 
 
 In answer to a question from the chairman, Mr. Chamberlin 
 said that he objected to granting the use of Faneuil Hall to 
 citizens of Boston for the purpose of celebrating the Queen’s 
 Jubilee. 
 
 Mr. J. L. M. Babcock said that he was in favor of the largest 
 liberty, but very much disliked to criticise the action of a 
 woman. Still, he was a Boston boy, and he wanted the 
 sanctity of Faneuil Hall preserved. If these gentlemen had 
 wanted any other hall, he should not have objected. Mr. 
 Babcock thought the use of Faneuil Hall, for this purpose, 
 would be a gratuitous wound to the feelings of the Irish 
 citizens of this country. During the entire reign of Qireen 
 Victoria, he said, there is no record that she has ever pitied 
 the sufferers by famine in Ireland and India. She did not 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 29 
 
 head a subscription for their relief while other nations were 
 sending provisions and other means to aid them in their 
 distress. In answer to Alderman Sullivan, Mr. Babcock said 
 that he did not remember that a banquet was once given to 
 the Prince of Wales in Faneuil Hall. 
 
 Mr. George J. Moulton, chairman of the legislative com- 
 mittee of the Central Labor Union, appeared to protest. He 
 said that his ancestry dated from Massachusetts, but that he 
 condemned the acts of the reign of Queen Victoria. He said 
 that he was a Social Democrat, affiliated with the Socialists 
 of London and other foreign cities. 
 
 Mr. Edwin M. White, a lawyer and Labor Reformer, pro- 
 tested because such use did violence to all the traditions of 
 Faneuil Hall, hung as it is with portraits of men who defied 
 oppression and monarchial rule. He thought this invasion 
 was a vulgar trick to desecrate the altar of liberty, such as is 
 common with certain people. In answer to Alderman 
 Donovan, witness said he had no knowledge that his father 
 refused to rent houses to Irish tenants, and that he entertained 
 different opinions from those of other members of his family. 
 
 Objections were then raised to this form of enquiry by 
 Messrs. Chamberlin, Larkin and Murray, wffiereupon Aider- 
 man Donovan said that he should not have propounded the 
 question were it not for the fact that the gentleman had 
 strongly condemned the conduct of the Queen toward the 
 Irish people when his own father was equally cruel in this 
 country. 
 
 Messrs. Chamberlin, White and some of the crowd outside 
 the rail left the chamber in seeming indignation. Messrs. 
 Babcock, Moulton and Murray remained. 
 
 Mr. James Wemyss, Jr., said he was an American Citizen 
 of Scotch descent. The societies desired Faneuil Hall 
 because they could get no other. The hotels were not large 
 enough, and Music Hall could not be obtained. If he thought 
 that there was a member of the societies who considered the 
 use of the hall an insult to American institutions, he would 
 put his foot upon him as if he were a spider. Were these men 
 any less loyal because they participated in the exercises of the 
 occasion of the celebration of the anniversary of American 
 Independence.? During the war of the rebellion there were 
 99,000 British soldiers on the side of the North, and so far 
 were the ranks of one of these drawn upon that 14 members 
 could not be found to form a quorum. 
 
 Mr. William D. Parks said he was in favor of the use of the 
 hall, and had signed the petition for it. There was nothing 
 in the petition about a jubilee, but the simple request was that 
 the hall should be granted for a banquet under the auspices of 
 the English and Scotch societies. 
 
 Mr. William Lumb thought that all citizens had rights in 
 Faneuil Hall, and he favored its use. 
 
30 
 
 British-American- Association. 
 
 Mr. Wemjss then, in response to a question propounded by 
 Mr. Moulton, said the proceeds of the occasion w*ere to be 
 used for the purpose of buying five free beds in the Massa- 
 chusetts General Hospital, and other charitable purposes. 
 
 The hearing was then closed. 
 
 It was stated after the hearing that William Murray, one of 
 the Central Labor Union, came to Alderman Donovan in the 
 presence of Alderman Sullivan, before the hearing, and said: 
 “I am the man who downed McNeill a year ago, and I should 
 be sorry to do the same by you and Sullivan if you don’t 
 decide this thing right.” 
 
 The result of this hearing brought forth another letter 
 from McKenna, in which he attacked Mr. James Wemyss, 
 Jun., President of the Consolidated Committee ; the letter 
 and Mr. Wemyss’ answer, are here given. 
 
 IRISH NATIONAL LEAGUE, ' 
 
 Opposition to the Use of FaneuU Hall for 
 Celebrating the Queen's Jubilee. 
 
 At the meeting of Municipal council of the Irish National 
 League in Codman Hall, last evening, in opposition to the 
 occupancy of Faneull Hall for the purpose of celebrating the 
 approaching jubilee of Queen Victoria, a letter was read from 
 Rev. Fr. McKenna, as follows: 
 
 Dear Mr. O’Flynn — I lectured in Wakefield last evening, 
 and on arriving home this afternoon found, too late, your 
 notice of the meeting of the delegates of the Irish National 
 League for this evening. Important parochial duties, also, 
 will prevent me from attending, but I wish to say in writing 
 a word again in protest of the methods of the proposed 
 desecration of Faneuil Hall by the Victoria jubilee banquet 
 of next Tuesday evening. The matter is very important for 
 us to consider. For the methods resorted to, not only by the 
 principal mover.s in this business, but the intense partisan- 
 ship of the chairman of the aldermanic committee yesterday 
 •seem to show that certain unworthy inlluences are at work. 
 The aim of it all seems to be to send a cablegram to Lord 
 Salisbury from "Old Faneuil” to the effect that the citizens of 
 Boston, “in mass meeting assembled,” applaud his efforts for 
 maintaining the so-called integrity of the British Empire. I 
 wish to calf attention to a misleading— if not absolutely false— 
 statement of Mr. James Wemyss, president of the British 
 Charitable Society, at the meeting in City Hall yesterday. 
 According to the public press, he declared “our committee 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 31 
 
 tried to obtain quarters at every hotel in the city and every 
 hall, and could not get a place anywhere to hold the banquet.” 
 The impression which he aims to leave in the minds of the 
 public is evident However, this statement will not hold 
 water. For, on my way home through Boston, I went to 
 inquire at one of the hotels of Boston this morning, famed for 
 its immense social and national reunions, if Mr. Werayss 
 stated the facts when he used the words quoted. One of the 
 proprietors assured me that the only obstacle to holding the 
 iubilee banquet in their hotel was purely and simply a question 
 of price per plate — only this and nothing more. 1 presume, if 
 a visit were made “to every hotel in the city and every hall” 
 (to quote again Mr. Wemyss’ words), the same answer would 
 be given. Now, if Mr. Wemyss tells the truth when he said, 
 later on, that “^30,000 has been guaranteed by different 
 gentlemen toward meeting the e.xpenses,” how can the small 
 difference in price per plate be an obstacle.? Flimsy pretext! 
 What then is the motive underlying these inconsistent, these 
 irreconcilable statements? The love of Englishmen of 
 Boston for the Cradle of Liberty is a sentiment of too sudden 
 a growth altogether to pass unquestioned. It is evidently of 
 forced growth. When the Prince of Wales or any other royal 
 representative was banqueted in Faneuil Hall, it was because 
 they were the guests of the city. Boston would not violate its 
 well-earned reputation for generous hospitality by acting 
 otherwise even for the Prince of Wales present. I sincerely 
 trust Boston’s aldermanic committees will not violate the 
 traditions of Faneuil Hall for liberty, — eveo.. for Qiieen 
 Victoria absent, especially when such merhods^^^e employed 
 to secure it by her worthy over-zealous representatives of the 
 British Charitable Society of Boston. As for the chairman of 
 the committee, at the hearing, his partisan conduct is 
 apparently unexplainable in this matter. To pass by other 
 points, his statement that a threat had been made against him 
 by a remonstrant previous to the hearing, was not borne out 
 by Alderman Sullivan. The latter, according to the reported 
 account, denied hearing the threat. Is it possible that the 
 charges made against the chairman last evening by the Dem- 
 ocrats of Ward 4 for double dealing in other matters with his 
 constituents, have a foundation in this business also? Sift 
 the matter thoroughly. If necessary call a public meeting. 
 Balk the tories of Boston. P. A. McKenna, 
 
 Second Vice-President of the Irish National 
 League of America. . 
 
 The following resolution was unanimously adopted ; 
 
 Whereas, It appears that the Board of Aldermen of the 
 city of Boston has given the use of Faneuil Hall for the pur- 
 pose of celebrating the Qj.ieen of England’s Jubilee ; therefore 
 
 Resolved, That we, the members of the Municipal Council, 
 1 . N. L., in convention assembled most, earnestly protest 
 
32 
 
 British-American Association 
 
 against such profanation of this thrice hallowed sanctuary of 
 liberty, whose whole history is one grand, solemn protest 
 against the very government of which Queen Victoria is the 
 present living representative. 
 
 THE QUEEN’S JUBILEE. 
 
 To the Editor of the Herald : 
 
 My notice has been called to an article in Thursday morn- 
 ings issue of the Boston Post, written by P. A. McKenna, 
 Second Vice-President of the Irish National League of Amer- 
 ica, wherein he charges me with misrepresentations at the 
 hearing before the aldermanic committee on Tuesday last, 
 which I most emphatically refute in the following statement, 
 which I place before the public on my word of honor: That 
 
 the committee on banquet hall (which included myself) visit- 
 ed the Revere House, Parker House. Quincy House, and com- 
 municated by telephone with the Hotel Vendome, the com- 
 mittee considering those hotels having the largest accommo- 
 dations, and finding that none of them could accommodate 
 over 300 persons comfortably, the committee then visited 
 Music Hall, which would have answered our purpose, but 
 could receive no definite answer by reason of uncertainty of 
 their being granted a license. The committee had every rea- 
 son to believe that at least 500 people would participate in the 
 banquet. I here positively assert that the question which was 
 most seriously discussed with the above hotels was the mat- 
 ter of acconj|||wdation, and not that which has been insinua- 
 ted, namely ,^ire price. We felt satisfied that our party would 
 not be large enough for Mechanics’ Hall, and that place was 
 not considered. The committee, however, ascertained that 
 Faneuil Hall would offer the best accommodations for the 
 number expected. Over 40c tickets are sold to this dat^. and 
 if Mr. McKenna can name anj’- hotel in this city tljat will ac- 
 commodate even that number he can certainly enlighten the 
 public and this committee; and I would respectfully ask him 
 to reach facts before rushing into public print. He names me 
 the President of the British Charitable Society, which is not 
 correct. I have the honor, however, of the presidency of the 
 consolidated committee, who have the general celebration in 
 charge. This committee represents 37 associations, all of 
 which are neither aggressive nor antagonistic, and are abso- 
 lutely non-political. James Wemyss, Jr. 
 
 June 16, • 1887. 
 
 Before the Committee reported the result of the hear- 
 ing to the full Board, the remonstrants had large posters 
 printed and covered the walls of the poorer part of the 
 city with them, announcing a public indignation meeting 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 33 
 
 to take place in Fanueil Hall, the night previous to the 
 banquet, to protest against its desecration. This was on 
 Saturday, and on Monday the Board of Aldermen met 
 and granted the use of ike Hall for that evening. Then 
 came the report of the Committee on Faneuil Hall, when 
 to the surprise and disgust of all fair-minded people. 
 Aldermen Donovan and Sullivan handed in a majority 
 report recommending the Board to revoke the permit 
 already given to use the hall. It will be seen from the 
 following account copied from the Boston Herald^ that 
 by a tie vote the Aldermen refused to revoke the former 
 order, and the British Societies had the hall for their 
 celebration. 
 
 OF FANEUIL HALL 
 
 Alderman Donovan, chairman of the committee on Faneuil 
 Hall, presented a majority report in reference to the use of 
 Faneuil Hall by the British Charitable Society. Alderman 
 Donovan, in presenting the report, said that he had been re- 
 quested by the committee on Faneuil Hall to state that here- 
 after the committee will claim the right to hold all petitions 
 for a week before acting on them. 
 
 The majority report was as follows : 
 
 City Hall, Bostox, June 20, 1887. 
 
 The committee on Faneuil Hall and county buildings, to whom was 
 refeiTed the remonstrances against the granting of Faneuil Hall tor the 
 celebration of the Queen’s jubilee and the several petitions asking that 
 a hearing might be given on the matter, beg leave to report that a pub- 
 lic hearing was given, at which were present the remonstrants and the 
 petitioners, and, after carefully weighing the testimony given on both 
 sides, your committee are of the opinion that the permission granted 
 shoula be revoked. 
 
 The petition asking for the use of Faneuil Hall for June 21 was pre- 
 sented to this Board of Aldermen on May 31, with 65 or more other petit- 
 ions, and were severally referred to appropriate committees, and as is 
 usual in all public bodies, little notice was taken of them when read, as 
 the committees usually look carefully after them; but the petitioners in 
 this instance, being present, asked that the license be granted at once, 
 and supposing it to be only the usual form of meeting to be held, during 
 the session of the Board of Aldermen and without that due considera- 
 tion ordinarily given, without a thought of the date chosen, the com- 
 mittee reported that pei-mission be granted, which report was accepted 
 by the Board of Aldermen. But after careful deliberation and due 
 consideration of the day and object, it does not seem proper that the 
 “Cradie of Liberty” should be misused, as it is evidently designed to, 
 by those to whom the permit was granted. This may sound iike bad 
 doctrine and seem narrow to some minds, but when, as is the fact, the 
 preponderance of public opinion on this side of the Atlantic is that the 
 course of the English government is tyrannous in the treatment of its 
 subjects, it is not right, proper or just that that widespread feeling 
 should be falsified in the least degree by a body of men in our “Cradle 
 of Liberty,” dedicated to free speech for human rights, and not to be 
 desecrated by words of sympatliy with coercion and crimes acts. 
 
 It is especially an unfit time for the “Cradle of Liberty” to be rocked 
 
34 
 
 BRmSH-*\MERICAN ASSOCIATION. 
 
 now in favor of a ruler who, if she desired, could at once strike the 
 shackles from a burdened, downtrodden, impoverished people, and yet 
 she stands quietly by and sees millions of her subjects gi*ound down by 
 law3.which would be discreditable to arace of barbarians. Free speech 
 is the right of every American citizen, native born and adopted, and this 
 figlitwedo not question nor object to, but we do object to the olficial 
 hall of this city being used for the purpose of misrepresenting the pub- 
 lic sentiment in our midst, for while the avowed object of the banquet is 
 to raise money for free beds in a hospital, the gauze is too thin, and the 
 voices of those who intend to participate too loud in their declaratiL»u of 
 their intention, to wish Godspeed to the Queen and the Parliament 
 which is now passing through its last stages an infamous bill against 
 human rights. 
 
 The great old man, Gladstone, all his life a conservative until the last 
 few years, has blossomed out as the grandest champion of human rights, 
 has over and over acknowledged his indebtedness t.» the sentiment of 
 AraericA in aid of his heroic labors for the downtrodden and oppressed, 
 and yet are we to persist in allowing this license to stand. At one blow 
 we would have taken from beneath him one of the main props in his 
 support in the grandest battle of his life. 
 
 Believing therefore that the cause of liberty and human rights alike 
 demand it, your committee recommend the passage of the following 
 order. 
 
 PATRICK .1. DONOVAN. 
 
 JOHN II. SULLIVAN. 
 
 Ordered, That the permission granted May 31 to James Wemyss, Jr., 
 and others to use Faneuil IlaU on the evening of June 21 be and the 
 same is hereby revoked. 
 
 Alderman Allen of the committee presented the following 
 * minority report : 
 
 City Hall, Boston, June 20, 1887. 
 
 The committee on Faneuil Hall, to whom was refeirod the petitions 
 of the remonstrants asking for a hearing in relation to the use of Fau- 
 euil Hall by the English and Scotch societies on the evening of Jime 21, 
 for a banquet, beg leave to report : 
 
 That the petitioners were duly notified through the public press of a 
 hearing, ancl presented themselves before your committee, each petition 
 having one or more representatives in attendance. Due consideraiion 
 has been given to the various arguments as set forth by the petitioners, 
 but I fail to see that sufficient evidence has been advanced to warrant 
 me in recommending that the permit for the use of Faneuil Hall for a 
 banqueten the evening of June 21 be revoked. On the contrary, the 
 persons to whom the use of the hall has been granted on the above date 
 are American citizens, also citizens and taxpayers of Boston, and they 
 have complied with every condition that covers the granting and use of 
 said hall; hence, in the judgment of the undersigned, a member of your 
 committee, their claim to it is valid. I would, therefore recommend that 
 the petitioners represented severally by E. M. Chamberlain, William I. 
 Murray, Henry W. Brown, P. O’Neil Larkin and others, remonstrants 
 affainstthe use of Faneuil Hall by James Wemyss, Jr., and others, for a 
 banquet on the evening of June 21, have leave to withdraw. 
 
 C. H. Allen. 
 
 Alderman Allen moved that the minority report be substi- 
 tuted for the majority. Lost by a vote of 6 to 6, as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Aldermen Allen, Bromwich, Capen, Haynes, W. G. 
 Smith and C. W. Smith. 
 
 Naj's — Aldermen Carroll, Donovan, Lee, Maguire, Mc- 
 Laughlin and Sullivan. 
 
 A motion to accept the majority report was defeated by the 
 same vote. 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 35 
 
 Later in the session Alderman Carroll offered an order, that 
 the order granting permission for the use of Faneuil Hall to 
 fames Wemyss, Jr., and others on June 21, be revoked. 
 
 In support of the order Alderman Carroll said : 
 
 This is a question that is entirely an American one. VVe • 
 all know the history of Faneuil Hall. It was the birthplace 
 of liberty. Its doors have always been thrown open to the 
 mighty minds, that they might defend the oppressed of every 
 clime, and to promote liberty all over the world. It is Bos- 
 ton’s proudest boast that in her limits she holds Faneuil Hall. 
 As a bo}^ I have been taught to reverence that old hall and the 
 j sacred memories that are attached to it. Here has been heard 
 ' the eloquence of Winthrop, Adams, John Phillips, Sumner, 
 Choate, Webster, Beecher, Wendell Phillips and others in 
 defence of liberty. These men lived in three distinct periods 
 of the history of our country, and their utterances have left 
 these impressions on the life of this country. They have 
 inspired patriotism and fidelity to the sacred memories of 
 Faneuil Hall, and as one inspired by these teachings, and as 
 an American, I' raise my voice in holy protest against the 
 desecration of Faneuil Hall in the manner proposed. The 
 request is unprecedented in the history of this city; and as 
 Americans, with a proper respect for the memory of the dead, 
 with a just regard for the living, we should be true to our- 
 selves and teach the world that in the city of Boston, at least, 
 liberty still lives, and that the Cradle of Liberty will not be 
 disgraced by any jubilee celebration to the Qiieen or to the 
 government of England. I do not speak of the Queen as an 
 individual; but what she represents — the worst government 
 on the face of the earth, if the theory of the American republic 
 is correct; and with this knowledge it is proposed to desecrate 
 -that house, sacred to the name of liberty, by allowing its use 
 for the purpose mentioned. I hope the fire of patriotism is 
 not so low as to tolerate such a thought for one moment. 
 
 If such a thing should take place, it would be a just thing if 
 a kind providence would put life into the pictures on the 
 walls, that we might hear our condemnation from those 
 patriots, whose lives and happiness they gave, that Faneuil 
 Hall and what she represents might live. It maybe said th it 
 this is sentiment. I admit that it is sentiment, and I hope 
 that such sentiment shall ever live in this our country. And 
 above all, let this our city of Boston, with the memories of 
 Bunker Hill and Faneuil Hall forever in front of us, protect 
 with undydng devotion the Cradle of Liberty, and let us, the 
 representatives of the people of 1887 set our seal of condem- 
 nation on the attempt to desecrate that sacred spot, and by so 
 doing, show to the world that we are true citizens of the 
 United States and that we respect and revere our own Faneuil 
 Hall and will not allow its desecration. 
 
 Alderman Bromwich said — I hadn’t proposed to say any- 
 
36 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 thing in regard to this Faneuil Hall affair, but I have feelings 
 in this matter the same as every other man has. There is no 
 man at this board who has received more benefits from this 
 good old city than the individual who is now addressing you, 
 .a:id there isn’t another man in this hall who has received more 
 cuffs and buffs from the government of England than your 
 humble servant. I have received every advantage here, and 
 1 have always detested the government of Great Britain. I 
 know that the sentiments of people throughout Boston have 
 been in opposition to the granting of this permission, and 
 there is perhaps hardly a citizen here who advocates it. The 
 people of Boston generally regret, perhaps, that we gave a 
 permit for the hall to be used for such an occasion, but as we 
 have committed ourselves, it is perhaps better to let it stand. 
 I think so myself. I have been a member of the British 
 Charitable Association for nearly ten years, although I have 
 attended but two of its meetings. I joined it for the speci- 
 fic purpose of assisting — as people of different nation- 
 alities do for their countrymen — the indigent coming here 
 from England, and those suffering from poverty, to return to 
 their homes, or in some manner to assist them in business. 
 That is all I have to do with the society, and no one can gain- 
 say that some of the most estimable men in Boston belong to 
 that organization. But had I been consulted in any manner, 
 or had I a vote to give, when that committee met to engage the 
 hall, I should most certainly have been in favor of recommend- 
 ing that they should not do so. But it was done. I am here 
 a member of that organization, as I have said, for ten y'ears, 
 and I have never received notice, either from the secretary, or 
 any of the members, that they proposed to have any meeting 
 there at all. I think we shall commit no error in carving out 
 what we first did, but we shall gain more friends, for the sen- 
 timents of those opposed to it are spread far and near, and 
 such a thing will very likely not happen again. But at this 
 late hour, when provision and preparation for this occasion 
 have been made, and where many legal tax-payers are interest- 
 ed and intend to meet and dine ( it does not so specify, but we 
 all know what it means), I will say that although I am opposed 
 totally to the government of England, we should not now 
 recede from our action. 
 
 It will he observed that five of the six Aldermen who 
 voted in favor of the British Societies using the Hall,’ 
 were Americans, and the sixth an Englishman, and the 
 jix that voted against the use of the Hall were Irishmen. 
 
 Comment on this is needless, the facts speak for them- 
 selves. 
 
 In the evening the remonstrants marched through the 
 city with a band of music, scattering small handbills 
 
• British-American Association. 
 
 37 
 
 through the town, calculated to inflame the Irish against 
 those of British birth. The slums of Boston were emptied 
 that night, the inhabitants having flocked to Faneuil Hall. 
 What occurred there is best told in the following descrip- 
 tion published in the Boston Herald, 
 
 ••ANT! -DESECRATIONS 
 
 Irish-Americans Hold Three Spirited Meetings and 
 Protest Against the Use of FaneuU Hall. 
 
 The meeting held in Faneuil Hall last night to protest 
 against the use of that historic edifice for the celebration of 
 Qiieen Victoria’s jubilee bj the united British societies of 
 Boston, was, in point of attendance, in the enthusiasm exhib- 
 ited and in the nature of the protest made, one of the most 
 remarkable ever l>eld in this city. The people who came to 
 protest came early. They filled the street between Faneuil 
 Hall and Quincy market before the hour for opening the hall 
 liad arrived. It was at the beginning a good-natured crowd, 
 and jokes of varying' shades of respectability were cracked at 
 the expense of Victoria while the gathering waited for the 
 janitor to open the hall. But when the time for opening the 
 doors came and the people were denied admission, it began to 
 be conjectured that a game to outwit them was being played. 
 I'he true solution of the trouble was long in coming. Certain 
 mysterious policemen passed through the throng, made their 
 way into the hall, and then came back again. When a police- 
 man is in a hurry and has important matters of state on his 
 mind, he doesn’t interview well; consequently it was impos- 
 sible for the crowd to find out just how matters stood. It was 
 apparent to everybody, however, that trouble was brewing in 
 some quarter, but it was impossible to locate the centre of the 
 impending storm. Presently a partial explanation of the 
 trouble began to circulate through the crowd. It was said 
 that the permit presented to, the janitor for the use of the hall 
 was defective, and until one was offered in formal shape the 
 doors would not be opened. No one seemed to have any ad- 
 equate conception of the formula pursued at City Hall in the 
 granting of a permit. Some held that the permit should be 
 signed by the mayor, and others that the chirography of the 
 president of the board of aldermen should grace it before it 
 could be recognized by a janitor at Faneuil Hall. After de- 
 bating the matter at length — each man with his neighbor — 
 the crowd became of the opinion that either Mayor O’Brien or 
 
38 
 
 British-American Association. . 
 
 Alderman Donovan was responsible for keeping it out of the 
 hall. Had either of these gentlemen been present and list- 
 ened to the remarks made about them it might have made 
 them tremble for their political futures. Execrations, deep, 
 loud and prolonged, were called down upon their heads. 
 They were branded as traitors to their race, as designing and 
 untrustworthy politicians, and as utterly undeserving of the 
 respect of honest and earnest men. Alderman Donovan was 
 regarded as the greatest offender of the two, probably because 
 of his original stand in favor of the granting of the hall to 
 the British societies. His name was hissed and cursed upon 
 every hand. 
 
 The time sped by rapidly, and, as the hall did not open by 
 8 o’clock, the crowd began to think that no meeting would be 
 held. Not a man thought of going home, however. Every- 
 body was determined that if he could not protest in the hall, 
 he could in the street. There was an element in the crowd 
 bent upon violence. The cry was raised several times to force 
 the doors of the hall, and several attempts were made to surge 
 the multitude in that direction, but these efforts were of j o 
 avail. The crowd recognized that it was upon its good be- 
 havior and could not afford to resort to violence. 
 
 The most unique feature of the affair was that its real pur- 
 pose — to protest against the granting of the hall to the Brit- 
 ish societies — was for a great part of the time forgotten. The 
 real significance of the gathering was obscured by the fight 
 between Alderman Donovan and Philip J. Doherty, It 
 seemed the business of everybody to execrate the name of 
 Donovan, and to correspondingly laud the name of Doherty. 
 The injection of this political feud into the gathering added 
 intensely to its bitterness. It was risky business even to say 
 a word in favor of Donovan, or to even suggest that, after all, 
 he might not be to blame. 
 
 About 8.30 the orators in the crowd began to make them- 
 selves heard. At that hour all hope of securing the hall had 
 vanished. 
 
 THE OUT-DOOR MEETING. 
 
 Stirring Speeches Made and Ringing Resolutions 
 Adopted. 
 
 George J. Moulton of the Central Labor Union had called a 
 meeting to order, and after a few words of introduction, which 
 could not be heard above the noise of the crowd, he introduced 
 E. M. Chamberlin as the first speaker. 
 
 Mr. Chamberlin, though thoroughly used to public speaking, 
 could do little with such an audience. His voice could be heard 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 89 
 
 distinctly but a few yards from where he stood, so great was the 
 noise and confusion about the place. lie was heard to say, how- 
 ever, that Faneuil Hall should remain uncontaminated by the 
 touch of royalty, and this was sufficient to make the crowd yell as 
 if mad. It was not until Fr. McKenna was presented that any- 
 thing like attention was paid to the speakers. As soon as he was 
 recognized the great audience grew calm, and his words were lis- 
 tened to with respectful attention. Every reference to royalty 
 was greeted with hisses and groans. 
 
 Rev. P. A. McKenna of Hudson made a rousing speech amid 
 the darkness and the dampness of the east wind. He reviewed 
 tl;e attempts made by the British government to destroy this Re- 
 I'ublic in its infancy, as well as during the rebellion. I trust that 
 no act of ours, he said, will lower the manly, dignified, elevated 
 plane on which we seek to protect Faneuil Hall from desecration. 
 SVe protest as American citizens, as lovers of liberty, as haters of 
 despotism, of all that the English government has stood for. We 
 protest again and again against the proposed desecration of to- 
 morrow night. Is there any palliation for using this hall? Could 
 not some other hall or hotel have been taken for this pur- 
 pose? We have a country in which we enjoy, thank God, free 
 speech, but there are certain places and occasions where the 
 proprieties and the eternal fitness of things are to be observed. 
 There are three places known to Englishmen that are held sacred 
 by Americans — Bunker Hill, the Old South and Faneuil Hall. 
 They have desecrated the Old South, they have tried to desecrate 
 Bunker Hill, and now they are trying to desecrate Faneuil Hall. 
 I swear that, if that banquet takes place to-morrow night, I will 
 never enter the hall again. (Applause). Before this meeting 
 closes I propose to send across the water (and I will pay for the 
 cablegram myself) to one of the leaders there that Faneuil Hall 
 is to be desecrated to-morrow night, on account of misrepresenta- 
 tions that were made to secure its use. All in favor of that reso- 
 lution say aye. 
 
 THE DOORS FINALLY OPENED. 
 
 An Immense Cro^d Rushes in, Speeches, Applause, 
 Groans and Hisses. 
 
 About 8.45 Commissioner John R. Murphy appeared upon the 
 scene, took in the situation at once, and made a heroic endeavor 
 to push his way through the crowd and explain matters to the 
 janitor. He quickly convinced that functionary that the informal- 
 ity in the permit which was presented to him was of no conse- 
 quence whatever, and that the hall should be opened. Commis 
 sioner Murphy volunteered to assume all responsibility, and the 
 doors were soon opened. The crowd rushed, jammed and surged 
 in the doors. In a very few minutes the hall was packed to over- 
 
40 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 flowing. There were still people enough left upon the street tc 
 fill another hall of the same size, who refused to enter what they 
 called a desecrated hall. The most noticeable thing about the 
 audience in the hall was the absence of well-known locaj Irish- 
 men. John Bojle O’Reilly, Hon. John R. Murphy and John A. 
 Coffey were the only ones upon the platform who attracted much 
 attention. The audience was made up of the rank and file of the 
 Irish laboring population, and it cannot be exceeding the require- 
 ments of accuracy to say that no more uproarious, excited and en- 
 thusiastic gathering ever was confined within the walls of the old 
 halU The crowd did not consider itself under any obligation to 
 agree with any of the speakers, and frequent occasion was taken 
 to shout' in derision of some of the sentiments uttered. John 
 Boyle O’Reilly called the meeting to order. The enthusiasm was 
 simply indescribable as he walked to the front of the platform and 
 attempted to speak. Cheers and shouts of admiration went up 
 from the crowd, which only ceased applauding from inability to 
 shout no longer. When silence was secured Mr. O’Reilly said: 
 
 I don’t come here to-night to make a speech ; I came here as a 
 citizen to listen to men speaking in a protest to which I wished to 
 keep out of, because I know there are men mean enough to say 
 that I came to speak for the obvious motive of being an Irishman, 
 (Cheers). We stand here now in a desecrated Faneuil Hall (pro- 
 longed cheers and applause. 
 
 In a hall from which we were barred out until the threat of 
 public indignation made them open the doors [hisses and ap- 
 plause]; from a hall which fellow-citizens outside repudiate and 
 refuse to enter [cries of “Good”]. There is a larger meeting 
 outside Faneuil Hall than there is in it. I don’t speak as an 
 Irishman. I would as soon act against the Czar of Russia, if they 
 jubilated in his honor, with the prisons and mines of Siberia filled 
 with Poles. [Great applause.] I would as soon come here in the 
 interest of negroes, if their rights were attacked in any part of the 
 Union. I came as a fellow-citizen of yours to protest against the 
 murder of a tradition. Men say with their selfish interests that it 
 is no crime to hold a royalists meeting within this hall. [ Hisses.] 
 They say that no sentiment can be wiped out by violation ; but I 
 say those men do not understand the meaning of the awful words, 
 violation and pollution. There is no crime so terrible aspol'ution. 
 [Cheers.] There is no death so awful, as that which results from 
 violated honor. [Renewed cheers.] Faneuil Hall could stand 
 the waves of centuries, could stand against fire, but it can never 
 stand against the smoke of its own violated altar. [ Great 
 applause.] 
 
 I do not wish to bar the doors of this hall against royalists. 
 [A chorus of yoices — ‘We do.’] These men have been let in 
 against our protest. If we open the doors we must bear the 
 burden; on our heads is the shame. [A voice — Keep them 
 out.] I say, now, that after the banquet, after they have had 
 their baked meats, after their royalist speeches intended to 
 
British- American Association. 
 
 41 
 
 desecrate and destroy a holy tradition — after that is the end of 
 Faneuil Hall. [Cheers.] I speak for myself, honestly and 
 faithfully to my own conscience, and I know I must represent 
 many men in Boston. I say that hereafter we must remember 
 that the English have Faneuil Hall. [A voice — They can’t 
 have it.] I say that you cannot prevent it. [Voices — Yes, 
 we can.] No, no, no. The opposition is too late; the oppo- 
 sition would be undignified and unworthy of us. The man 
 who raises a finger against England tomorrow in Boston is 
 unworthy to be present here to-night. [Applause.] There 
 is a greater opposition than the opposition of paving stones 
 and bludgeons ; leave that to Lansdowne’s mob. [Cheers 
 and hisses.] It is not worthy of Boston, it is not worthy of 
 Faneuil Hall; but I say for myself what I came to say, that 
 after tomorrow night I trust we will have a hall in Boston to 
 which men may come for a sanctuary. There was a time 
 when this hall was a sanctuary for the oppressed. When a 
 hunted man or a weak cause were running from kings and 
 oppression, they found a sanctuary here. Kossuth came here 
 from Hungai*y. Parnell came from Ireland. This hall has 
 been made holy by the words of great men. This hall has 
 heretofore been unpoluted by the breath of royalty. [Ap- 
 plause.] I want to say that after the royalist banquet tomor- 
 row I shall never enter the walls of this hall again. 
 [Tremendous applause.] I will never, so help me God, I will 
 never. May my tongue cleave to my mouth if I ever speak a 
 word for mankind again in Faneuil Hall. [Cheers and 
 applause.] 
 
 We have quoted only from McKenna’s and O’Reilly’s 
 speeches because they were the most dangerous. In 
 connection with O’Reilly’s speech, it will be well to add 
 that Mr, James Wemyss, Jun., called on Mr. O’Reilly as 
 a representative Irishman and informed him that he 
 heard that there would be trouble from this excitement, 
 and that he did not want to see Boston disgraced by any 
 act of violence. Mr. O’Reilly said : Mr. Wemyss, if 
 
 you can let me know of any source from which you ex- 
 pect trouble, I w'ill do all in my power to help you, and 
 use all my influence to allay the excitement.” Right in 
 the face of that declaration he went to this meeting and 
 tried to inflame the worst passions of the crOwd by little 
 tricks of speech well understood by every political agita- 
 tor. 
 
42 
 
 British-American Assocution. 
 
 THE BANQUET, 
 
 The Speech of President Wemyss, 
 
 [Boston Herald, June 22, 1887.] 
 
 That the sons and daughters of ‘"the right little tight 
 little isle ” have reserved a place in tl\eir hearts for the - 
 land of their birth, despite the fact that a dreary waste 
 of water rolls and tumbles between them and that land, 
 was shown last night when upward of 400 of them as- 
 sembled at Faneuil Hall, and by song, speech, and merry- 
 making, did what they could to testify their love and 
 appreciation for Queen Victoria, who has passed the 50th 
 year of her reign as Queen of the United Kingdom, and, 
 after a life filled with years and with honors, is now pass- 
 ing the days that remained to her surrounded by subjects, 
 a portion of whom at least, love and venerate the woman 
 wlio now rules the destinies of Great Britain and Ireland, 
 not to mention her numerous possessions in other and 
 more remote portions of the globe. To say that the 
 scene was an inspiriting one but faintly describes it, and 
 that the ladies and gentlemen in attendance enjoyed 
 every moment of the occasion goes without saying. 
 The fact that outside the hall there was a large mob of 
 people who looked upon them with disfavor, to put it 
 mildly, did not seem in the least to disturb their calm 
 serenity. To use an expression borrowed from a well 
 known Methodist collection, “not a wave of trouble 
 rolled across their peaceful breasts.” 
 
 The guests began to reach the hall as early as 7 
 o’clock, and from that time until 8 :35, at which hour the 
 banquet commenced, the arrivals were numerous, so that 
 when the time came to march to the dining hall there 
 was a very large attendance. A little incident occurred 
 in the early evening that threatened, in the minds of 
 many of the committee, to put an end to the festivities 
 in a rather summary manner. When the police first ar- 
 rived at the hall they discovered that the gas had been 
 shut off ; in fact, there was a total lack of illum-inating 
 power. A council of war was hurriedly held, and a man 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 48 
 
 dispatched to the headquarters of the gas company for an 
 employe to remedy the difficulty, which was speedily 
 accomplished. Matters having thus been put to rights, 
 the ruffled feelings of the committeemen were smoothed, 
 and matters were allowed to proceed. 
 
 The banquet hall presented a magnificent appearance 
 as the guests marched in, it having been lavishly decorated 
 for the occasion by Lamprell & Marble. On the platform 
 were placed a large number of potted plants, while the 
 two tables which graced the platform were lavishly deco- 
 rated with splendid specimens of the florists’ art. Above 
 the front platform was the city seal, around which was 
 wreathed in an artistic manner the English, Scottish and 
 American flags, intertwined. On either side of the side 
 galleries were* the British coat of arms and the cross of 
 St. George, and the state seal of Massachusetts. Over 
 the end gallery were the British and American flags, while 
 depending from the ceiling were streamers and American 
 flags. In the body of the hall, and running lengthwise, 
 were lo tables, loaded down with things to make glad the 
 heart of man ; and that the aesthetic senses of the guests 
 were not forgotten was shown by the lavish floral decora- 
 tions, the sweet perfume from which permeated ever)' 
 portion of the hall. In the gallery was stationed the 
 British-American band, which discoursed English and 
 American airs during the courses, much to the satisfaction 
 of those present, who applauded them at intervals in the 
 most vigorous manner. 
 
 The banquet was given, let it here be stated, under the 
 auspices of the Consolidated British and Scottish Soci- 
 eties, and the money realized goes for the humane pur- 
 pose of the purchase of free beds in the hospital for the 
 benefit of Englishmen and Scotchmen who find themselves 
 in this country in a destitute condition. The societies 
 represented included the British Charitable, Scots Chari- 
 table, Caledonian Club, Sons of St. George (34 lodges). 
 Independent Order of Odd Fellows (Manchester Unity), 
 and the British-American Benevolent Association. 
 
 After all had been seated, the divine blessing was in- 
 voked by Dr. Derrick of New York, and without further 
 ceremony the ladies and gentlemen were invited to eat, 
 
44 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 drink and be merry to the long life and continued pros- 
 perity of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, which they 
 proceeded to do in a manner that made glad the heart of 
 Caterer Dooling, to whom had been intrusted the duty of 
 catering for the occasion ; and for upward of an hour and 
 a half there was nothing heard but the musical tin^kle of 
 knife, fork and spoon as they clicked merrily against the 
 wine glasses, which were emptied again and again to the 
 honor of Victoria. The menu was a work of art, and 
 drew forth many encomiums beVause of its handsome 
 appearance. On the outer leaf was a steel engraving of 
 Her Majesty Queen Victoria, as she now appears in state 
 robes, while on the inside was a representation of her 
 majesty as she appeared at her coronation 50 years ago. 
 The menu was also emblished with vie\v^ of Balmoral 
 and Windsor castles. 
 
 PRESIDENT WEMYSS' ADDRESS. 
 
 President Wemyss said, when the applause with which 
 he had been received had in a measure subsided ; Ladies 
 and gentlemen and invited guests, as president of the 
 consolidated committee I welcome you, every one of you, 
 to this banquet tonight. I trust when you leave this hall 
 you will go home satisfied and pleased with the exercises 
 of the evening. A liberty loving people meet to-night in 
 “the old Cradle of Liberty” [applause] to do honor to a 
 noble woman, one who has proved herself absolutely 
 beyond reproach as a woman, a wife, a mother a widow, 
 and a queen. [Prolonged applause and cheers.] It is 
 charged that we have insulted the American people by 
 holding this banquet here to-night. [Cries of “No, 
 no.’’J To this we say, God forbid ! [Applause and 
 cheers.] No truer or more loyal people to the glorious 
 stars and stripes can be fouud on this continent than the 
 people I see before me at this time. [Renew ed cheers 
 and applause.] And now Scotsmen, Englishmen, Welsh- 
 men and Irishmen — for I see many of them before me, 
 as noble fellows as ever walked the earth [applause] I 
 say to you let the statement go forth to-night from this 
 old Cradle of Liberty, and I trust it will reach the heart 
 
Briti^-American Association. 45 
 
 of every true American, that before many months go over 
 our heads our people shall demonstrate to those who have 
 the best interest of America at heart that we are with 
 them in all 'that pertains to the welfare of the land of our 
 adoption. [Applause.] ' No American will deny that we 
 are a law abiding people, and in the language of one of 
 our Massachusetts ex-Governors, we don’t come here to 
 fill your almshouses and your state prisons.” [Applause 
 and cries of “That’s so.”] To the question which has 
 been so often asked, what has Queen* Victoria done for 
 Ireland that her jubilee should be celebrated, the natural 
 reply is that the measure of the Queen’s duties and 
 powers, or opportunities, any more than the merits or. 
 dismerits of her government in relation to Ireland, is not 
 the business before this gathering. Nor do we admit that 
 any one presuming to speak for Ireland should challenge 
 our actions as American citizens. Further, that the 
 Queen of Great Britain is not the government, and that 
 the question is an absurdity. But, accepting the question 
 and the manner of its presentation, the answer is, and it is 
 given in response to direct contradictions, that Queen 
 Victoria, as the head of the British Government, spent 
 ^7,000,000 (^35,000,000) in the endeavor to alleviate 
 the woes of the Irish famine. It is not claimed that the 
 wisest course was pursued in the expenditure of this sum, 
 or that anything like the best results were obtained, but 
 that the will to do good and the money were there, even 
 though, as in too many cases, official incapacity rendered 
 the aid less efficient than it should have been. 
 
 From the time that Sir Robert Peel in 1845, anticipat- 
 ing the later famine, spent $500,000 in the purchase of 
 corn on government account for the sufferers, until 1849, 
 four years later, Queen Victoria put in force the stream 
 of money which sought to relieve Ireland’s woes. So did 
 the Quakers spend $840,000 and the British Relief Asso- 
 ciation $2,500,000. These facts are denied of passed 
 over. It has been claimed the landlords got it, and that 
 the poor people did not. It is also claimed that the 
 Irish people were very grateful. Sir Charles Trevelyan 
 wrote at the time on the union of heart shown by British 
 sympathy for Ireland. Addresses are even existing in 
 
46 
 
 British -American Asscvjaj ion. 
 
 this city, and can be shown, where this public’s gratitutJe 
 lor English assistance has been offered. The Queen’s 
 visit to Ireland in 1849 gave sufftcient evidence of liie 
 fact that the people were grateful notwithstanding all 
 this ; and today we find in the public prints, and bellowed 
 from the platform, statements to the effect that no help 
 was given by the British government. The en- 
 cumbered estates act of 1849, the compensation for 
 improvement and disturbance act of 1859, the clemency 
 shown the leaders of revolt, the disestablishment of the 
 Irish church, the two land acts of Mr. Gladstone, the 
 arrears of rent bill of 1882 that wiped out so much debt, 
 the security given to the holding of land and the legisla- 
 tion against the arbitrary raising of rent, Lord Ashborne’s 
 and other purchase acts — all these and more point to an 
 hon-est desire to meet Irish demands in a generous spirit. 
 No one regrets misunderstanding more than w^e, and we 
 believe it to be our duty to help on all legitimate and 
 proper aspirations of people for yet further measures of 
 liberty. But it is not necessary to this that all evil should 
 be called good, and good, evil, and that all the attempts 
 to make Ireland happy should be met with the too often 
 ignorant hate’ that refuses to accede good, or accepts it 
 and curses the giver. 
 
 TOASTING PRESIDENT CLEVELAND. 
 
 The first toast was submitted by Secretary P. C. Ander- 
 son, as follows : “ The President of the United States, 
 holding his office by the supreme will of a free people ; 
 may the United States and Great Britain, each represent- 
 ing the highest development of constitutional govern- 
 ment, be only friendly rivals in the spread of civilization 
 and righteousness.” The response to this toast was 
 given by the audience rising and joining in three enthusi- 
 astic cheers for President Cleveland. 
 
 President Wemyss — We are somewhat disappointed in 
 not having Collector Saltonstall wuth us to respond to that 
 toast. But you have responded effectively yourselves ; in- 
 ileed, you have showm a most marked esteem for the ob- 
 ject of the sentiment. [Applause.] We have now 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 47 
 
 reached that part of the programme at which we do honor 
 to the Queen. I will ask you to rise and drink to the 
 toast of Her Majesty Queen Victoria. 
 
 The gathering rose, and the toast was drunk with much 
 enthusiasm. The band thereupon played the national 
 anthem, and Home of My Childhood ” was sung by a 
 quartet. 
 
 President Wemyss then said : It affords me the greatest 
 pleasure to be able to introduce to you one who scarcely 
 needs an introduction — a gentleman whom we have learn- 
 ed to know, appreciate and respect, a gentlemen who is 
 held in the very highest esteem in our association — and I 
 assure you he is right welcome here, and I know he is a 
 great admirer of Queen Victoria. I take great pleasure 
 in introducing to you Rev, Dr. Courtney of St. Paul’s 
 Church. [Cheers.] 
 
 Rev. Dr. Courtney was enthusiastically received, and 
 made the speech of the evening, and was followed by Rev. 
 Dr. Derrick, an eloquent colored clergyman from New 
 York. 
 
 MOB OUTSIDE THE HALL 
 
 Disgraceful Scenes in and About Adams Square. 
 
 (Boston Herald, June 22, 1887.) 
 
 The scenes outside of Faneuil Hall last evening, between 8 and 
 12 o’clock, were simply disgraceful. An immense number of 
 persons gathered in the vicinity and kept up as much of a public 
 disturbance as their ingenuity would allow them to devise. It 
 happened that, although the occurrences of the recent horse-car 
 strikes had taught a Boston crowd how to gather and disturb the 
 peace, it has also taught the police authorities how to quell a dis- 
 turbance. The motto of the commissioners is that an ounce of 
 prevention is worth a pound of cme, and they made arrangements 
 last evening for a detail of men which would have been equal to 
 subduing a much larger demonstration. 
 
 Siipt. Small made up at the outset the following list, who were 
 to report at station 2 early in the evening : Capt. Dawson of sta- 
 tion 1, a lieutenant, a sergeant and 15 men; Capt. Hemmenway 
 of station 2 was to have his entire available force on hand, about 
 men, with lieutenant and sergeant; a lieutenant, sergeant and 
 15 men from stations 3. 5 and 6 respectively, and 20 from station 
 
48 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 4 .. This made 2 captains. 6 lieutenants, 6 sergeants and 126 
 men. Sergt. James Keelan was to report at Pemberton square 
 with IG mounted men from stations 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13 and 
 14. All the other reserve men in the city were ordered to wait 
 on call in their respective houses. And the inspectors of police, 
 19 in all, were sent about 8 o’clock to mingle in the crowd in 
 citizen’s dress. ’ The entire force thus detailed was placed under 
 the personal direction of Deputy Superintendent Burrill. 
 
 At 7.35 o’clock calls began to come in for additional men. 
 After that time as fast as men were called from station 2 to Fan- 
 euil Hall others were sent from other stations to keep the number 
 good. The first details were a sergeant and 15 men from station 
 1, sergeant and 10 men from station 3, sergeant and 15 men from 
 station 4, and a sergeant and 15 men from station 15. At 8.16 
 another sergeant and 10 men were detailed from station 1 ; 5 men 
 were sent from station 4, and a sergeant and 10 men from station 
 6. At 8.35 a lieutenant, sergeant and 20 men were detailed 
 from station 9, and an equal number from station 10. At 8.50, 
 a lieutenant, sergeant and 20 men were added from station 12. 
 
 At 7.15 o’clock, when a Herald reporter first went into Faneuil 
 Hall square there was hardly a person there except the police, 
 who looked ludicrously numerous. 'The crowd after that time 
 gathered at first very slowly. The officers insisted upon keeping 
 everybody moving, and in their zeal even came near “ firing” an 
 excellent and popular gentleman who is now a member of the 
 board of aldermen. The result of the police work was to induce 
 most of those who came to the vicinity to poise a little out of the 
 inner square and get together in knots upon the sidewalk. By 8 
 o’clock it became necessary to apply the hands of several officers 
 to the shoulders of individuals who started to argue their right to 
 stand about the doorway of the hall, and a quarter of an hour 
 later a good sized crowd was gathering in Adams square, a few 
 rods away. The early efforts of the police served to keep the 
 spaces about the market clear with little further difficulty, and 
 nearly all the disturbance which followed was in and about Adams 
 square. A deep antipathy seemed to pervade the crowd, which 
 now grew rapidly in numbers, to anything in the shape of a car- 
 riage or herdic which seemed destined to Faneuil Hall, and it 
 became the fashion to crowd up to each vehicle as it appeared and 
 greet it with insulting words and hisses. Sergt. Keelan and his 
 mounted men, however, began to interfere with the pleasant di- 
 version, and began to clear a respectable space, through which 
 carriages might pass from Washington street and other avenues in 
 that direction. It was also decided soon after to clear a part of 
 the sidewalks, and the horsemen rode upon the bricks and drove 
 the thickly packed crowd ahead of tfiem, amid the deepest exe- 
 crations of the mob, who demanded to know whether Queen 
 Victoria owned Boston sidewalks as well as the “ Old Cradle.” 
 Several of the streets leading into Faneuil Hall square were then 
 roped off, and no one allowed to pass unless he had a ticket to the 
 
British- American Association. 
 
 49 
 
 banquet or could give some other satisfactory reason. About S.30 
 two cannon crackers were exploded with a loud noise, causing a 
 rush in that direction and another charge by the mounted police. 
 The crowd had now got so thick that even w’ith the horses it was 
 hard to force a passage for a carriage without making a regular 
 charge down the line on a gallop. Ladies and gentlemen on foot, 
 clad in garments which gave the impression that they were bound 
 for the hall, were roundly hissed wherever they appeared. In one 
 of the charges of the mounted men a man was knocked down 
 near the curbstone and rolled over in the street. For an instant 
 cries of “Kill the ” arose on all sides, but the deter- 
 
 mined actions of the officers prevented any outbreak. Within 
 a short time the only serious accident of the evening occur- 
 red. A little 9-year-old fellow named Patsy Horan, who lives 
 at No. 25 Pitts street, got thrown to the earth by one of the 
 police horses and considerably bruised. This added fuel to the 
 ill-passions of the crowd, and many incendiary remarks were 
 made in reference to it. The rumor spread every w'here that a 
 boy had been “ killed,” and the story did not abate the senti- 
 ment previously formed that the populace were being op- 
 pressed by their rulers. The names of the various aldermen 
 and of Mayor O’Brien were shouted out in derision, and 
 hissed over and over again. This was attended with cheers 
 for Parnell, Gladstone and Boyle O’Reilly. A small boy who 
 ventured to shout “ God save the Queen ” in a spirit of fun 
 was instantly suppressed. Pretty soon an ambitious orator 
 mounted the pedestal of Samuel Adams’s statue and announced 
 that he was an Anarchist and a djmamiter. He proceeded to 
 declaim against the desecration of Faneuil Hall, and though 
 evidently worse for liquor, received hearty applause from his 
 hearers. Another speaker attempted to counsel order, and 
 w'as ignominiously hustled off. After this had gone on for an 
 hour or so the police did what they should have done long be- 
 fore, cleared the crowd from around the statue. Meanwhile 
 Mr. John A. Coffey, the orator of the preceeding evening, 
 ceated a temporary excitement by asserting his right to pass a 
 line of officers wffio were stationed out on Dock square. Al- 
 though Mr. Coffey pleaded his cause with some eloquence, he 
 failed to convince the bluecoats, and withdrew at last, threaten- 
 ing to carry his grievances to another tribunal. By this time 
 not less than 15,000 people were in Adams square or close to it. 
 It was decided to make another move at clearing out the 
 crowd, and it was driven by a large force of mounted and 
 unmounted patrolmen dx)wn Washington street as far as Han- 
 over, and part of it up to Scollay square. After this the assem- 
 blage gradually lessened in numbers, aud, before the banquet 
 adjourned, the police were nearly sole masters of the field. For 
 so large a crowd and so much noise and talk, an incredibly 
 small amount of real violence was used. What might have 
 happened but for the full police detail can only be surmised. 
 
50 
 
 British- American Association. 
 
 Not less than 400 policemen were on the. ground, and as manj 
 more were ready for any call. Commissioner Whiting spent 
 the evening on the steps of Quincy Market, utilizing a telephone 
 inside, communicating with Supt. Small at headquarters. 
 
 Not since the draft-riots in 1864 has Boston seen such 
 a dangerous mob as was collected in Faneuil Hall Square. 
 At that time a mob collected on this same spot and 
 sacked the gim stores located there, then attacked the 
 armory in Cooper street, where by the liberal use of 
 grape and canister they were dispersed. A mob of 
 15,000 composed of the same class, surrounded Faneuil 
 Hall on this evening for the purpose of preventing the 
 holding of the Banquet in the hall in honor of Queen 
 ViCoria. The police were early on the spot and chained 
 off the square surrounding the hall. The whole police force 
 of Boston, consisting of upwards of 800 were called out, 
 armed with revolvers ; 400 were stationed around the hall, 
 and as the patrol wagon drove up with their loads of men, 
 it appeared as if Boston was in a state of siege ; no per- 
 son was allowed to pass within the chain unless he had a 
 ticket. The mounted police repeatedly charged the mob 
 in Older to allow the carriages to pass to the hall. The 
 writer, when he came to the outskirts of the mob in a 
 carriage, with his wife, was greeted with deafening yells 
 and curses ; the mob was charged into by the mounted 
 police, who surrounded the carriage and escorted it with- 
 in the lines. This was the experience of nearly everyone 
 who attended the banquet. Several of the military com- 
 panies of Boston were under arms, and Gatling guns were 
 placed in position so they could rake the mob. The law- 
 abiding citizens were grateful that night that the police 
 force had been taken out of the hands of the city author- 
 ities and placed under the control of the State, which was 
 done as soon as Boston came under Irish Home Rule. 
 
 LION AND UNICORN ^TACKED. 
 
 An attempt was made at about 3 o’clock this morning by a gang 
 of nine men to pull down the lion and unicorn on the State street 
 end of the old State House. Entrance to the building was 
 effected by the side door, whence the men, or one or two of them, 
 
British-American ASSOCIA'IION. 
 
 51 
 
 reached the roof, where they fa.-^ened ropes to the lion and uni- 
 corn. They then threw the other ».nds of the ropes to the street 
 and descended, after locking the night manager of the Mutual 
 District Telegraph Company, Mr. Foley, in his office. He, how- 
 ever, had means of egress through a side door. From his room 
 he saw the men tugging at the ropes, but supposed they were 
 telegraph linemen. His curiosity being aroused by the hard time 
 they were apparently having in their work, he went out to see 
 wnat they were doing when they all ran. It would probably 
 have required but a few more strong pulls to accomplish their 
 object. The only damage done was the partial sawing of a 
 copper bolt that secured the Unicorn to the building. 
 
 At the first meeting of the Common Council of the 
 City of Boston after the Jubilee, the following order was 
 offered by an Irishman named Whall. 
 
 MEETING, OF THE COMMON COUNCIL 
 
 Thursday, June 23, 1887. 
 
 Regular meeting of the Common Council at 7 :30 P. M., President 
 Barry in the chair. 
 
 FANEUIL HALL. 
 
 hlarly in the session Mr. Whall offered the following : 
 
 NVhereas Faueuil Hall, by the words and deeds of the fathers in the 
 revolution, became the Cradle of Liberty, and the symbol of protest 
 against oppression and tyraniw, and 
 
 Whereas from the time of the fathers, Fanetiil Hall has echoed only the 
 people’s voice in behalf of liberty, and 
 
 Whereas Faneuil Hall has been lately used to sound the praises of a 
 foreign ruler, whose reign is marke«l by a series of assaults upon pop 
 ular rights, and is clouded by a record of starvation, exile, and oppres 
 sion of millions of her subjects ; 
 
 Resolved, That the Common Council of the city of Boston, deeply 
 deplores the faH that Faneuil Hall, consecrated to* the cause of liberty 
 by the words of Adams, of Otis, of Webster, of Sumner, and of Phillips, 
 has been devoted to the laudation and homage of a government that has 
 ever been the opponent of democratic principles, and a persistent 
 enemy of the American republic. 
 
 The preamble and resolution were declared ordered to a second 
 reading. Mr. Richards doubted the vote and called for the yeas and 
 nays, which were ordered. The second reading was ordered: yeas 37, 
 Aays 9 : 
 
 Yeas— Atwood, Barry, Carroll, Cochran, Coleman, Connolly, Coyle, 
 Davem, Desmond, Dolan. Duggan, Fisher, Foss, P. J, Gallagher, 
 Gomez, Hayes, Keliher, Kelley, Kennedy, Leary, Mahoney, McEnaney, 
 McKeimy, McNary, J. Mm-phy, J. J. Murphy, W. H. Mui-phy, O’Mealy, 
 E. J. Powers, Shaw, J. H. Sullivan, R. Sullivan, Sundberg, Teevens, 
 Tracy, Whall, Whitmore— 37. 
 
 Nays— Biume, Burr, Carstensen, Dewey, Fowler, Frost, Ladd, Latti- 
 more. Light, F. Morison, F. R. Morrison, Norton, Perkins, Richards, 
 Sanger, Snow, E. Sullivan, Thayer, Wilson- 9. 
 
 Absent or not voting— Bowman, Chamberlain, Clark, Drum, Fottler, 
 J. Gallagher, Haggerty, 'Harrington, Lauten, Nunan, Perry, C. C. 
 Bowers, Reilly, Short, Tuttle, Webster— 16. 
 
52 
 
 British -American Association. 
 
 The preambles and resolution were read a second time and put upon 
 their passage. 
 
 Mj. Ladd— It seems to me that the words of the resolution are alto- 
 gether too bitter for those who may feel like condemning the use of that 
 hall. The use of the hall was granted as a matter of courtesy merely. 
 The resolution is anything but comteous, and to my mind, it stamps 
 those who support it as anything but courteous. It looks to me like 
 a.very small thing to seize upon an opportmiity like this, when at least one 
 of the best queens that the world has ever seen is celebrating her 50th 
 anniversary upon the thi-one of that country which leads the civibza- 
 tion of the I'Jth centui-y. All the elements that are reaching to now 
 tear down that throne and to tear down that civilization are arrayed 
 against the best type of civilization that the world has ever seen ; and 
 all those who are arraying themselves in support of that throne and in 
 support of that civilization are, to my mind, arraying themselves on 
 the right side. The struggle in this country is the same as the struggle 
 in England and Ireland. It is a struggle between those who are trying 
 CO uphold civilization and those who are trying to caiTy us back to the 
 barbarism of the middle ages; and if their theories could prevail, this 
 whole country of ours would again be a howling wilderness, where 
 men would live only in tents, subjected to the elements and destroyed 
 by diseases, and famines, and contagious complaints, against which 
 their ignorance would present no barriers. Now, that is the question 
 for us to decide here tonight : Whether we will vote against this resolu- 
 tion and vote to sustain our present civilization, or whether we will 
 vote to go back to barbarism? Queen Victoria represents civilization; 
 the anarchists, tlie socialists, and these people who are supporting this 
 resolution are one and the same, and they are advocating barbarism- 
 nothing else in the world; and I challenge anybody to successfully 
 combat that proposition. 
 
 Whall replied with a bitter tirade against England, in 
 which he said I hate England and everything English.” 
 
 Mr. F. Morison— Mr. President, I am not behind the gentleman from 
 Ward 7 in my patriotism or in my desire to have Faneuil Hall used 
 only for liberty. But I would ask this body before thev pass tliis res- 
 olution whether in doing so they are not striking a blow at that very 
 liberty for which Faneuil Hall has always stood. It has been sacred 
 to the rights of minorities, always of minorities. When a man had an 
 idea, or a body of men had ideas, which might not be acceptable to 
 the majority of this comnnmitj', and, conforming to the statutes and 
 ordinances on the subject, petitioned for the use of Faneuil Hall, up 
 to this time there have been found very few occasions when the per- 
 mission was not granted. There has been one occasion before this 
 time, and that was the occasion when Webster, after liis celebrated 7th 
 of March speech, was denied the use of this hall. I look upon it as 
 a disgrace to the city of Boston, and I do not wish that disgrace repeat- 
 ed. Wliile not sympathizing at all with the governing classes of 
 England in their present attitude towards a large portion of the 
 Queen’s subjects, I should be very soiTy when a number of citizens 
 of Boston who do not agree with me in those matters respectfully 
 ask for the use of Faneuil Hall for any purpose that is decent and 
 respectable if they should not be allowed to have it. I believe that in 
 that my views are similar to those of many Democrats in the city of 
 Boston. One of them spoke to me before I came into this Council tonight. 
 
 He is a gentleman who has always, he told me, voted the Democratic 
 ticket. He has lived for 18 years in Calcutta in the early part of his life, 
 and he told me that every *ycar of his residence in Cai'eutta the Ameri- 
 cans of Calcutta ceiebrated the Fourth of July. And where did they 
 celebrate the Fourth of July? By the courtesy of the British governor 
 they occupied a hall in the government house, there celebrating the day 
 on which was declared our independence from Great Britain. Now I 
 think that shows a catholicity on the part of Great Britain which it 
 would be shameful for Boston not to emulate. Gentlemen, we are too 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 53 
 
 strong to exhibit this petty spirit. This great nation of sixty millions 
 of people cares not for such small matters as a few men celebrating a 
 small festivity in Faneuil Hall,— a few dissenting members from the 
 majority of this city and the majority of the people. The granting of 
 the use of this hall will not be construed by any one, it will not be con- 
 strued even by the British government or by any person abroad to 
 whose knowledge this may come, as an endorsement of the policy of the 
 British government. It has nothing to do with it : but it is a new tribute 
 to the strength and liberty of the American people that they will permit 
 a minority to say what they please and do what they please on an occa- 
 sion which is simply a festival. 1 hope, gentlemen, that these resolves 
 will not pass. 
 
 Mr. Whitmore of Ward 11, made a motion that the matter be refer- 
 red to the Judiciary Conamittee, which was thoroughly opposed by all the 
 Irishmen in the Council, and the fact thrown up against him that he 
 was the individual who caused the lion and unicorn to remain on the 
 Old State House at its restoration. 
 
 Mr. Richards— I trust that the motion of the gentleman from Ward 12 
 will prevail, because I think it would give time to all the members of 
 the Council to reflect upon what they are doing, and to see'how unwise 
 this motion of the gentleman from Ward 7 is, and how ungrateful it is 
 to the reigning sovereign of England, of a sovereign who, whatever her 
 position may have been toward her subjects, has always behaved 
 graciously toward the United States, has always been a friend of 
 America : who was one of the first to come forward in the day of the 
 assassination of President Garfield, and lay at his tomb her little flower 
 from across the ocean. We should not forget that day. We should not 
 forget that we are American citizens, and that no Celtic blood should 
 turn us from our duties as good American citizens. Queen Victoria has 
 been a noble woman, first of all among the sovereigns of Europe; to 
 her should bo given all praise for the liberal government wdiich she has . 
 made the advancement of England possible. Look at her reign. See 
 how the abolition of the corn laws first came about, and then how, up to 
 the present time, the citizens in London and throughout all England 
 have been more and more enfranchised, so that their power to vote has 
 been enlarged and* increased. This meeting was in honor of the 50th 
 anniversary of the reign of Queen Victoria. It was not to commend 
 anything that the English government had done. We may pick flaws 
 in what that government ha« done toward the Emerald Isle and deplore 
 it ; but still we can honor the Queen of England and Empress of India. 
 And who are those that come forward to make this row about Faneuil 
 Hall? Are they who suggest this action the descendants of those who 
 fought in the revolution? Nut one bears an historic name of that period. 
 It is the men who have come to this country and today make it their 
 home after naturalization. It is not those who were born here, but 
 those who were aliens only a few years ago. The city of Boston can 
 well afifurd to allow free speech in Faneuil Hall, and I trust that we shall 
 not be so mean, so base, as to throw into Queen Victoria’s face such in- 
 gratitude as the gentleman from Ward 7 would cause to be telegi’aphed 
 across the ocean. 
 
 Mr. Sanger— I assume that all of us in this body are in favor of main- 
 taining peace and order in our beloved city. It seems to me that the 
 introduction of this order in this body, will afford aid and encourage- 
 ment to the anarchistic element in our community which I regret to see 
 is so ripe for violence, and which violence was only prevented by the 
 timely action of the Board of Police. That element is a very small 
 one, cowardly, but dangerous, and they are easily subdued and pun- 
 ished, as was the case in Chicago. If this resolution is passed I believe 
 that that element will claim and can claim that they have the assistance 
 and support of the Common Council of the city of Boston in their ne- 
 farious schemes. God forbid that such a condition of affairs should 
 ever exist in this city. I hope the resolution will not be passed, but 
 will be referred to the Committee on Judiciary. 
 
 The preamble and resolution were passed, yeas 34, nays 21; 32 of the 
 84 yeas being Irishmen, 
 
54 
 
 British-American Assocution. 
 
 At a meeting held at New Era Hall, August 22, 18J /, 
 for the purpose of naturalizing British subjects, Mr. Jan *s 
 H. Stark was requested to offer a few remarks, during 
 which he observed that it was well to take notice of the 
 fact that when the vote was taken to revoke the order 
 granting Faneuil Hall to the British Society for the 
 Queen’s Jubilee banquet, that five of the aldermen that 
 voted in our favor were Americans and one Englishman. 
 The six that voted against us were Irish Roman Catholics, 
 and he advised voting against them every time whichever 
 party nominated them. This was made a pretext of by 
 some of the aldermen for refusing the use of Faneuil 
 Hall on the evening of Sept. 15, i 887 , for the purpose 
 set forth in the petition presented by Mr. Stark. The 
 committee reported in favor of granting the petition, 
 which brought forth the following discussion : 
 
 Alderman Carroll. — Mr. Chairman, this is a subject 
 that ought to receive from the members of this Board more 
 than a passing consideration. It is a subject that ought to 
 receive from them the most serious consideration, because the 
 use of this hall has been asked. for by men for a purpose that 
 is undemocratic, unrepublican, un-nothing that is known, not 
 American, and which is entirely against what the institutions 
 of this country intended. They are a few cheap braggarts who, 
 when it came to the test of losing their lives, in order to keep 
 this country together, were willing to sneak off to Canada, 
 England or anywhere else, and by your historic roll at the 
 State House you can find out where those braggarts were 
 during those times when this country needed every friend it 
 had. They were not to be found on the roll of honor, nor 
 where it required men of nerve, soul and patriotism. But. sir, 
 on that patriotic roll you will find the names of Irish Catholics, 
 fighting to support that which they su'ore to support — the 
 Constitution of the United States and all it meant. These men 
 are going to hire the hall, dedicated to liberty — always known 
 to be dedicated to liberty — for what.? For the purpose of in- 
 structing men to vote against you, and you, and you, and me, 
 and against all other men who have earned what we have by 
 our having the confidence of the people whom we represent, 
 d'hese men come here and insult us, and ask us to give them, 
 for that purpose, the hall dedicated to liberty. Is it so? 
 There it is in black and white. The man who asks for it is 
 Mr. Stark, an officer of this organization. I will read what 
 he says : 
 
 “He had found that in other places the spirit had taken 
 bold, but in Boston there ought to be citizens’ ward and city 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 55 
 
 committees, and then in a short time it would be possible to 
 do away with the present misrule.” 
 
 What misrule? Today, I think the members of this Board 
 will bear me out; the executive head of this city of Boston is 
 a man with Avhom I will differ when I do not think he is right, 
 but I believe he is to-day the most honored And able executive 
 that has ever sat in City Hall. Is that misrule? It is because 
 his name is O’Brien, and it is because the name of the chair- 
 man of this Board is Donovan, and it is because the name of 
 president of the Common Council is Barry, and it is because 
 the City Clerk’s name is O’Neil. That is the trouble with 
 these people, and they are blind who do not see it. They are 
 going to their own ruin. While others here agree with me, 
 Mr. Chairman, they do not think it is policy to give utterance 
 to that expression. I don’t care what any man’s opinion is of 
 my expression. I am responsible for what I say, and as 
 Almighty God is above me, I believe every word that I say. 
 
 And, Mr. Chairman, in the face of what I have read here, as 
 an Irish Roman Catholic, as an American citizen, with a full 
 knowledge of what that means, I think it would be un-American, 
 un-democratic and un-republican, to allow the use of Faneuil 
 Hall, that has been dedicated to the word liberty, for the pur- 
 pose explained and given in that communication. It is a shame 
 and an outrage. They did get the hall a little while ago under 
 disguise, but they now come with the thing plainly before 
 you, telling what they want, and what they want it for. And I 
 say that I, as one member of this Board, would be unworthy the 
 mother who bore me, and unworthy the father that fathered 
 me, did I consent to give it my vote. I do that, not only as an 
 Irish Roman Catholic, but as an American citizen, believing it 
 to be a disgrace and a shame to have a communication of that 
 kind to come before the board and receive favorable action. 
 
 Alderman Lee — I will not detain the gentlemen long, but I 
 want to say it is folly — the height of ft)lly — on our part, to 
 refuse to grant the use of this hall, and it will react on us to 
 the bitter end, and it will be many days before we can wipe it 
 out, were we to say to these gentlemen claiming to be citizens 
 of the United .States — and undoubtedly the committee have in- 
 vestigated and found such to be the fact — and asking that they 
 might have the use of Faneuil Hall to instruct every foreigner 
 where and how they can receive their rights of citizenship. 
 
 Would that the race I belong to had resolved years and years 
 ago to have taken that same stand, and declared from the pub- 
 lic platforms and instructed their people what their rights we^-e, 
 so that they might have become true and good American citi- 
 zens. Now, Mr. Chairman, I shall upon this occasion vote to 
 support the report of the committee. 
 
 Alderman Carroll — From appearances, I suppose this conver- 
 sation must be between the gentleman who has ju t taken his 
 seat and myself. While he makes a very elaborate argument, 
 
56 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 — Websterian with the finger, Choate-like with the voice, — he 
 has not said anything that every member of the Board does 
 not understand. But he has said, and I tell him so to his face, 
 that which he does not believe, and I mean what I say. When 
 he says he believes they should have the hall, it is ’possum — it 
 is policy to give them the hall. I believe they shouldn’t have 
 the hall, and I say so. He may call that ’possum or he may 
 call it policy. I say an organization that wants the hall for the 
 purposes they describe should not have the hall. 
 
 I tell you, Mr. Chairman, that this very same organization 
 has gone even into my district, and is naming men who are 
 Englishmen as candidates against me on those grounds, because 
 I am opposing them. You would laugh at that, but it is so, Mr. 
 Chairman. They tell me I am going to be beaten by an English- 
 man, but I don’t believe it, and I don’t think the citizens of the 
 district agree with them. The laugh may come on somebody 
 else— not on me. I say that candidly, as the Alderman appears 
 to laugh. . 
 
 Aid. Bromwich — I have been listening to some of t^ese 
 wonderful arguments. I don’t know anything about this 
 petition, and this is the first I have heard of it. As a British 
 subject at one time — as a countrymen of the British residents, 
 I will put it, being a native of the land — I believe it is necessary 
 that the Germans, P'rench, Irish — I care not what nation- 
 ality — should be educated in the best manner possible up to 
 the rights they possess and which they have a right to have 
 when they become citizens. 
 
 I have belonged to British societies now for many years, and 
 I believe that there are from ten to twenty' thousand British sub- 
 jects in the State who haven’t yet become citizens of this 
 country. I could give you a little idea of this by saying that 
 there are six who have worked for me for many years. I never 
 asked them to become citizens, as I thought they would them- 
 selves know when it was a right and proper time for them to do 
 so. Their children were born here; they received their educa- 
 tion here, and I thought at one time it was realty too bad for them 
 to receive their education here and not have their children 
 trained up to know something about their rights when they grew 
 to manhood. I certainly do not think we can afford to deny to 
 them, or to any other party, the use of Faneuil Hall. I don’t 
 think it is right for us to do so. I suppose that out of the per- 
 haps 500 British that I could name at the present time in 
 Boston, two-thirds of them vote the contrary ticket to myself, 
 and vote the ticket of the honorable alderman opposite. 
 
 Alderman Allen — I don’t propose to take any particular 
 part in the discussion, but I want to call attention to the fact 
 that this petition to which reference has been made contains no 
 allusion to race, nationality or creed. It reads thus, and I 
 want the citizens of Boston to understand the way it does read; 
 
British- American Association. 
 
 57 
 
 Boston, Aug. 22, 1887. 
 
 To His Honor the Mayor and the Honorable Board of Aider- 
 men of the City of Boston. 
 
 We, the undersigned citizens and taxpayers of the City of 
 Boston, petition your honorable body that we may have the 
 use of Faneuil Hall Thursday evening, Sept. 15, 1887, for the 
 purpose of discussing the question of naturalizing aliens now 
 residing in the United States. (-Signed) 
 
 James H. Stark, 
 
 W. H. Weir, 
 
 Wm. H. Mitchell, 
 John I. Loudon, 
 
 A. Loudon, 
 
 William Lumb, 
 
 Wm. D. Park, 
 Robert L. Walker, 
 Alex. J. Wemyss, 
 James B. Hill, 
 
 L. II. Ross, 
 
 Thomas Christian, 
 
 G. H. Devens, 
 
 R. J. Grant, 
 
 Joseph Curtis, 
 
 Joseph Breckinridge, 
 W. Wallace Waugh, 
 James Campbell, 
 
 C. A. French, 
 
 A. C. Howard. 
 
 It says nothing about creed, race, or religion. I move that 
 when the question be taken on the acceptance of the report, it 
 be taken by the yeas and nays. 
 
 Aid. McLaughlin. — Mr. Chairman, there are certain times 
 during a man’s career here in the Board of Aldermen when he 
 is called upon to act, and act with justice to himself. Now, 
 sir, I come from a district that contains a great number of the 
 people who have been so slanderously accused by the man who 
 assumes to be chairman of that committee ; and while, sir, I 
 would do anything in my power, while I would go out of my 
 road to injure that man and his following, politically or in any 
 other way, still, sir, as an American citizen, I want to tell those 
 people that, no matter what their feelings, no matter what their 
 assertions, I, as one of the members of this Board, as one of the 
 people they have so slanderously assaulted in the papers, do not 
 propose to go into my hole. I am not afraid of any member of 
 that society. The people whom I represent and whose mere 
 mouthpiece I am here today, in my opinion do not fear them. I 
 think, and possibly I feel, that they should have the hall. I 
 mean to give them the hall. I am glad of an opportunity to state 
 my position and state it fairly. I don’t believe they deserve any 
 kind of treatment from us, but when they come in under the 
 guise of American citizens and ask that the temple of liberty be 
 opened that they may preach and make converts to our govern- 
 ment, gentlemen, we have no alternative but to give them the 
 hall. It is a right we cannot keep from them. As a class I 
 detest them. I hate their very name, and I am safe to say that I 
 would go out of my way at any time to injure any man who 
 would make such an assertion. Mr. Chairman, I am going to 
 vote to give them the hall. 
 
58 
 
 British-American Assocution. 
 
 The report was accepted and leave granted on the usual con- 
 ditions ; yeas 9, nays 2 : 
 
 Yeas: — Aid. Allen, Bromwich, Donovan, Haynes, Lee, 
 McLaughlin, N. G. Smith, C. VV. Smith, Sullivan — 9. 
 
 Najs — Aid. Carroll, Maguire — 2. 
 
 It will be well to take notice that the Alderman that 
 was the most opposed to the granting of Faneuil Hall each 
 time that it was asked for, was Alderman William Carroll. 
 In this last bitter attack, he stated that “these braggarts 
 sneaked off to Canada, when their lives were in danger, 
 and their names are not found on the historic roll of 
 honor in the State House,” which is needless to say is a 
 false statement. Let us see where his name stands the 
 most prominent. Judging from the following statement, 
 it is likely to be found on the Court-records instead 
 of the roll of honor at the State House. 
 
 TAKE YOUR CHOICE. 
 
 Men to be Voted for next Tuesday in Boston. 
 
 (Record, Dec. 12, 1885.) 
 
 William Carroll, Democrat, came to Boston from New 
 York, is now an inspector in the water department, having 
 been appointed under the Simmons administration. 
 
 In December, 1S73, one William Carroll was indicted by the 
 grand jury of New York, for robbery in the first degree, tried, 
 convicted, and sentenced by Recorder Hackett, to 20 years in 
 the State Prison; and was pardoned before entering upon his 
 sentence. It is alleged that this William Carroll is identical 
 with the democratic candidate for alderman in District 6. In 
 1S76 he was indicted by the grand jury of Suffolk County with 
 one Thomas Murphy, for larceny. Murphy was sentenced to 
 two years in the House of Correction ; Carroll was bailed, and 
 January, 1877, he defaulted. April 27, 1877, the case was 
 placed on file, on payment of one-half the costs, and in 1883 
 it was Nol pressed. 
 
 Since Carroll became Alderman he has been in the 
 rum business, that being his occupation at the present 
 time. 
 
CONSTITUTION 
 
 — OF — 
 
 The British -American Association 
 
 OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Section i. This organization shall be known as 
 The British-American Association of Massachusetts. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 Sec. I. The object of this Association shall be to 
 unite within its membership citizens and residents of 
 British birth, and their sons who have or intend to 
 become American citizens. 
 
 Sec. 2. To promote good feeling and harmony be- 
 tween the governments of the United States and Great 
 Britain. 
 
 Sec. 3. To encourage our people to become American 
 citizens, and to intelligently exercise the right of 
 suffrage. 
 
 Sec. 4. For the mutual improvement and protection 
 of its members by a fraternal interchange of thought upon 
 questions affecting their political interests, and to bring 
 its members into social communion with each other. 
 
 Sec. 5. To aid in maintaining order and enforcing 
 the laws of the land, and to assist in securing an 
 honest count of all ballots lawfully cast at Political 
 Elections. 
 
 Sec. 6. To aid in the election of good men to political 
 office, and the adoption of the best principles as we 
 honestly understand them. 
 
60 
 
 British- American Association. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 GOVERNING GENERAL COUNCIL. 
 
 Section i. The executive body of this Association 
 shall be known as the General Council, to be composed 
 of one ( I ) representative from each Association, to be 
 elected annually the first meeting in January*, and for 
 every additional Association established ; such Association 
 shall be represented in the General Council by one 
 additional member. Any member of the Association may 
 be eligible to office. 
 
 Sec. 2. The officers of the General Council shall be 
 President, twelve Vice Presidents, one Secretary, an 
 Assistant Secretary, and a Treasurer. 
 
 Sec. 3. The duties of the General Council shall be to 
 transact all executive business of the Association ; to 
 make, alter and amend the Constitution, and to supervise 
 the workings of the Association toward advancing the 
 interests of the Association. 
 
 Sec. 4. To enquire into the qualifications of candi- 
 dates seeking political office and desiring the endorsement 
 of the Association. Any member of the Association may 
 be eligible to office. 
 
 Sec. 5. The General Council shall have the power to 
 make arrangements with regard to persons desiring die 
 support of the Associations, also with political meetings 
 and conventions, and all business that shall be deemed 
 for the best interests of the Association, and report the 
 same to. branch Associations through their delegates. 
 
 Sec. 6. The General Council shall hold its regular 
 meetings on the first Wednesday of January, April, July 
 and October, and special meetings may be called by the 
 President or Secretary for the transaction of important 
 business affecting the Association. 
 
 Sec. 7. All questions of a parliamentary character not 
 especially provided for herein shall be decided according 
 to the rules laid down in Cushing’s Manual. 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 61 
 
 BRANCH ASSOCIATIONS. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 GOVERNING SUBORDINATE ASSOCIATIONS. 
 
 Section i. Subordinate Associations of Boston Asso- 
 ciation shall be instituted by the Organizers appointed 
 by said Association until the election of the General 
 Council by the Branch Associations on the first regular 
 meeting in January, 1888. 
 
 Sec. 3. The Officers of Subordinate Associations shall 
 be President, Vice-President, Secretary', Assistant Secretary 
 and Treasurer, all of whom shall be elected at its first 
 regular meeting, and m the month of January in each year 
 thereafter. 
 
 Sec. 3. Each Subordinate Association shall be en- 
 titled to elect one delegate to the General Council 
 annually at the first regular rneeting in January of each 
 year thereafter. 
 
 Sec. 4. The Constitution of the General Council shall 
 govern all wherever applicable. 
 
 Sec. 5. The initiation fee of this Association shall be 
 25 cents or more at the option of the members, and the 
 monthly dues, if any, shall be not less than five cents nor 
 more than fifteen cents. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 Section i. The duties of the President shall be to 
 preside at all meetings, preserve order, and perform such 
 duties as pertain to the presiding officer. 
 
 Section 2. The duties of the Vice-President shall be 
 to assist the President, and in his absence perform the 
 duties of his office. 
 
 Section 3. The duties of the Secretary shall be to 
 keep correct minutes of all meetings, keep correct 
 accounts of all moneys received, pay the same over to 
 the Treasurer, taking his receipt for the same, keep a roll 
 
62 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 call of all members, and perform such duties as pertain to 
 his office. 
 
 Section 4. The Treasurer shall keep a correct ac- 
 count of all moneys collected and paid over to him by 
 the Secretary, pay out only on the order of the President 
 countersigned by the Secretary. 
 
 ARTICLE 111 . 
 
 Section i. Any male person 18 years of age or more, 
 who is of British nativity, or the son of either, who is or 
 who intends to become an American citizen, who is of 
 good moral character, shall be eligible to membership. 
 
 Section 2. Candidates may be elected by acclamation 
 or by a majority vote. When a candidate presents him- 
 self for election, the President shall forthwith appoint a 
 committee of three to hear any objections and investigate 
 the same. The report of said committee to be final. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 RULES OF ORDER. 
 
 Sechon I. I. Reading of minutes. 2. Proposition 
 for Election of Candidates. 3. Reports of Committees. 
 4. Communications and Bills. 5. Unfinished Business. 
 6. New Business. 7. Election of Officers. 8. Good 
 of the Order. 9. Report of Secretarv and Treasurer. 
 10. Adjournment. 
 
 ARTICLE V. 
 
 AMENDMENTS. 
 
 Section i. By-laws maybe enacted or amended, which 
 do not conflict with the Constitution, by serving notice in 
 writing at least one meeting before final action shall be 
 taken and by an affirmative vote of the members present. 
 
British-American Association. 
 
 63 
 
 LAW ON NATURALIZATION. 
 
 1. He must be included in one of the three following 
 classes, namely: “aliens, being free white persons,” 
 
 aliens of African nativity,” and “persons of African de- 
 scent.” 
 
 2. He must have resided within tlie United States 
 “for the continued term of five years next preceding.” 
 
 3. He must have resided for one year at least within 
 the State. 
 
 Exception. — If the applicant has been honorably dis- 
 charged from the armies of the United States. 
 
 A person who desires to be naturalized must make 
 application to the Circuit or District Court of the United 
 States, to the Supreme or Superior Court of this State in 
 the county within which such court is held, or to a Muni- 
 cipal, Police, or District Court of this State established 
 for the district in which the applicant resides. 
 
 If the applicant was over eighteen years of age when he 
 came to the United States, he must, two years at least 
 prior to his naturalization, file before one of said courts, or 
 with the clerk thereof, a declaration of his intention to 
 become a citizen. This constitutes what is known as 
 “taking out his first papers.” 
 
 If the applicant was under eighteen years of ^ge when 
 he came to the United States, and has continued to reside 
 here up to the time of his application, he may, after he 
 has reached the age of twenty-one years, be admitted to 
 citizenship without having made any preliminary declara- 
 tion of intention. 
 
 In tie nmtel States Courts tie folMng Rnles are Enforcel : 
 
 Each applicant, upon making his final application, must 
 bring with him before the clerk of the court two witnesses, 
 both citizens of the United States, who must be prepared 
 to swear that they have known him for five years, and 
 that he has during that time conducted himself as a man 
 of good moral character. 
 
 The applicant must bring with him his “ first paper,” if 
 he has taken out any ; and, if he is a soldier, he must 
 bring his discharge. 
 
BOSTON COLLEGE 
 
 Ill 
 
 III 
 
 III 
 
 III 1 
 
 131 
 
 03 - 
 
 CD 
 
 5615 
 
 64 
 
 90 
 
 British-American Association. 
 
 TO THE PUBLIC. 
 
 It must be evident to everyone that money is required to 
 carry on this movement. Printing and stationery must be 
 paid for, also rent, clerk hire, travelling expenses for speakers 
 and many other incidentals, too numerous to mention. One 
 thing especially we desire, and that is, to print this pamphlet 
 in great quantities and scatter them broadcast throughout the 
 land, from Maine to California; let this be our campaign doc- 
 ument, and the seed it sows shall bring forth a rich harvest. 
 
 This movement for good government has been started in 
 Boston, not by professional politicians or demegogues, but 
 by a few earnest, hard-working business men, who have devo- 
 ted their time and money to the cause in the most liberal 
 manner, and now they call on the public for aid and assist- 
 ance in this great movement. 
 
 If vje can receive the aid and encouragement we require^ 
 we can make enough new voters who will vote in the interest 
 of good government, ajid who will redeetn the cities now 
 under the rule of a class that is a 7nenace to the stability of 
 th is govern inen t. 
 
 Mayor O’Brien’s majority last year in Boston was but little over 
 4000, and many Americans voted for him that will not again. 
 
 If this work is pushed we can make over 5000 new voters in 
 Boston inside of two years. 
 
 According to the last census there were more emigrants 
 latided in the United States from Englajid, Scotlajid and 
 Wales iha/t fro7ti aiiy other country. 
 
 Persons who desire to contribute to the good of this cause can 
 do so by sending contributions. Address “ Finance Committee,” 
 British-American Association, care of James Wemyss, Jr., 82 
 Canal street, Boston, and the receipt of same will be ac- 
 knowledged by the treasurer, James PI. Stark. It is probably 
 needless here to remark that the statement so often made by our 
 enemies that it is “ British gold ” that is back of this movement 
 is false. Every dollar that has been spent in this cause so far 
 has been the voluntary contributions of individuals whose sole 
 aim and object has been to promote the cause of good govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Address all conimiinieations to Headquarters, 
 53 TEMPLE PLAt E, BOSTON, 
 
 A. G. THOMPSON, 
 Secretary.