TRANSFER OF ERIN Tee :AcQmsirio?( of Mee^k^ by ^cz■ BY THOMAS C. AMOKY PHILADELPHIA : J. B. LIPPIKCOTT cSs CO 1877. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1877, By THOMAS C. AMORY, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at "Washington. '^ u u 1 u David Clapp & Son Printers, 564 Washington Street, Boston. ^i-^bxo PREFACE. For a large portion of. the period which elapsed from the Anglo- Norman invasion to the reign of Qiieen Anne, the history of Ireland was little else than a struggle to acquire or retain property and pos- session of the soil. Conflicts of race and creed, of rival dynasties and ambitious chieftains, of enterprising and unscrupulous adventurers, modified or disguised the issues and the strife, but the root of Irish discontent, resentment and resistance was the systematic spoliation which finally succeeded in divesting the descendants of the ancient pi'oprietors of all interest in their native land. Loyalty to estab- lished rule and common nationality too often yielded to this sense of wrong, and had not statesmanship devised methods of readjusting what was objectionable and at times seriously imperilling the stability of the social fabric^ itself, ^Ireland would have continued to prove rather a source of weakness than of strength to the realm. Parliament has been sustained by public opinion, in recognizing the duty of making amends, and the impolicy of leaving an}' just ground of jealousy to the millions who fight the national battles, and who in time must participate more largelv in making the laws. The tenure act is an initial step, which if followed out in the same spirit will soon disarm what remains of disaffection. It cannot be denied that the pres Mit state of tranquillity and order is in striking contrast to the restlessness which prevailed before these measures were adopted. As Ireland under just legislation starts on a new era of commercial and industrial activity, without infringement on 4 PEEFACE. vested right or disregard of any reasonable pretension the future will discover ways of restoring to the masses, who till the ground, a larger share in its ownership. The plea on which the land is now held, that government may take from one and give to another for national security and consolidation, would justify redistribution, and the increasing value afford a fund for compensation. With the de- velopment of its natural resources under good government the wealth of the island would be increased manifold, and landlords derive from less extended areas or less absolute control revenues largely augmented. Any such course, however, if within the bounds of eminent do- main would be denounced as radical and agrarian, and happily is not called for to effect the object. Generations are of little account in the life of nations, and those who shape their destiny may safely leave results to time. With the more general diffusion of education and consequent equalization of property, with modified laws of suc- session likely to approve themselves to growing enlightenment, what is unreasonable will rectify itself. While, goaded by a sense of injustice, Ireland was ever on the verge of rebellion, the stranger might feel some reserve in intruding his researches into this depait- ment of her history. But now that faith in honestly intended re- paration has appeased long cherished animosities, and that history, consisting largely of these successive spoliations, cannot otherwise be understood, the selection of the subject needs no apology. CONTENTS. I. National Bias, ..... i^age 9-1 1 II. English Invasion, ..... 11-16 III. Irish Resistance, ...... 17-20 IV. Early Appropriations, .... 20-31 V. Extent of Possession, ..... 31-34 VI. Homes of the Septs, ..... 35-37 VII. Subdivisions of the Island, .... 38-40 VIII. Ancient Septs of Leinster and Meath, . 4^-44 IX. Ancient Septs of Ulster, .... 45-49 X. Ancient Septs of Connaught, . . . 49-53 XI. Euegenians and Dalcassians of Munster, . 53-56 XII. Ancient Septs of Munster, . . . 56-61 XIII. Thomond, ........ 62-6S XIV. Desmond, 69-7S XV. Government and Laws, ..... 78-SS XVI. Language and Literature, . . . 88-109 XVII. Manners and Customs, ..... 110-121^ XVIII. Ireland u.vder the Plantagenets, . . 12:^-129 6 CONTENTS. XIX. Edward III. — 1327-1377, . . . Page 129-145 XX. Richard II. — 1377-1399, .... 145-157 XXI. Henry IV. — 1399-1413, ..... 157-167 XXII. Henry V. — 1413-1422, . . . . 167-171 XXIII. Henry VI. — 1422-1461, 171-190 XXIV. Edward IV. — 1461-1483, .... 190-207 XXV. Edward V. — 1483, 207 XXVI. Richard III. — 1483- 1485, .... 20S-211 XXVII. HenryVIL— 1485 1509, .... 211-238 XXVIII. Henry VIIL— 1509-1547, .... 238-260 XXIX. Henry VIIL (Continued).— 1509-1547, . . 260-288 XXX. Henry VIII. (Concluded). — 1509-1547, . 288-305 XXXI. Edward VI.— i 547-1553, .... 205-333 XXXII. Philip and Mary.— 1553-1558, . . . 333-347 XXXIII. Elizabeth.— 1558-1572 ; Shane O'Neil, . 347-376 ■ XXXIV. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1558-1572 ; Leinster and the Pale, . . 376-393 XXXV. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1558-1578 ; MUNSTER, OrMOND AND DeSMOND, . 394-434 XXXVI. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1578-1584; Grey, Glenmalure, Sxierwick, . 435-472 XXXVII. Elizabeth (Continued).— 1584-15S8 ; Perrot's Parliament, Spenser, Bingham, ...... 472-494 XXXVIII. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1588-1593 ; Armada, O'Donnel, Fitzwilliam, .... 494-504 XXXIX. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1594-1597; Catholic War, . ' . . . 504-524 CONTENTS. XL. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1594-1598; De Bourgh, Blackwater, . Page XLI. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1594-1598; MuNSTER, Spenser's View, . XLII. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1599; Essex, Clifford's Defeat, XLIII. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1599-1601 ; Tyrone, Mountjoy, Carew, XLIV. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1600-1601 ; LOUGHFOYLE, CaRLINGFORD, XLV. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1601-1602 : Siege of Kinsale, .... XLVI. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1602 ; Siege of Dunboy, .... XLVII. Elizabeth (Continued). — 1602; Donal Coom's March to Leitrim, XLVIII. Elizabeth (Concluded). — 1 602-1 603 ; Tyrone's Resistance and Surrender, ..... XLIX. Conclusion. — 1603, ...... Index of Names, ...... Index of Battles and Sieges, Errata, 524-54^ 541-548 548-555 555-574 574-591 591-605 605-615 615-627 627-632 632 645 653 655 I TRANSFER OF ERIN. I. NATIONAL BIAS. XTISTOIIY, which formerly dealt almost exclusively with politi- cal revolutions and religious controversies, with kings and courts, war, its campaigns and battle-fields, of late has extended its province. It tells us more of the inner life of nations, the develop- ment of their industry and trade, progress in intelligence and civili- zation. It condescends to render more clear and intelligible the course and causes of events, by taking into view the origin, character and vicissitudes of families, classes and individuals. Under patri- archal governments like that of Ireland for twenty centuries, know- ledge of what concerned the whole would be incomplete without some acquaintance" with the annals of each clan, and of its leaders where they chance to be of note. It is also a help to know some- thing of the place they inhabited , its geographical and other jjlij^sical conditions, the extent of their possessions, and how they became from century to century enriched or impoverished. It is not easy to com- prehend with precision the feuds and alliances of this ancient race , their hates and attachments, customs and traditions, for they form a tangled web. But they constituted an important part of what rendered them peculiar, and invest their history with a romantic interest as yet but partially improved. 2 10 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Our population in America, and especially in New-England, is so largely composed of families of Irish birth or origin, that what- ever relates to their history recent or remote, falls legitimately within the scope of our assumed obligations. It is of peculiar interest now, for Irish questions which have been for centuries fruitful sources of controversy, have attracted of late more than ordinary attention. Recent works, from imputed want of fidelity to truth, or from their gross partiality, have provoked resentment not confined to those whose country or ancestors have been maligned, but arousing every where the sympathy of the generous, who love fair play. All hon- orable minds, Irish, English or American, regard with indignation the paltry attempts of the wealthy and powerful for selfish objects to prejudice by misrepresentation the victims of that injustice on which rests their present preeminence. Ever since the invasion of Ireland seven centuries ago, from Barry to Trench and Froude, Englishmen have been striving to jus- tify their intrusion upon a people weaker than themselves in numbers and military resources, and to still their own consciences and the reproach of other men, for appropriating lands not their own simply because they coveted them, by misrepresentation. Throughout their writings, public documents, even acts of legislation, is exhibited a design to vindicate that intrusion, by disparaging or vilifying those they dispossessed. Ware, Stanihurst, Temple, Davis, Campion, Spencer, Wood, and a multitudinous throng of others of more or less reputation, hardly one of them but betrays, in relating his ex- periences, or stating the results of his investigations, his par- ticular national bias, misrepresenting events and characters to uphold a theory, flatter a prejudice or justify a wrong. Many of them were the paid advocates of vested interests, of a government or class. Where passion or dishonesty thus poison the fountain head of infor- mation, whatever is said represents an opinion, an aggression past or intended, some conflicting claim. It comes consequently with sus- picion, is obnoxious to criticism, and should be received with caution. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 11 For the full and fair consideration of these questions, all the judi- cial attributes of impartiality and candor are demanded. One cannot be either a bigoted Protestant or a bigoted Catholic, English owner of Irish soil or dependent upon those that are, and weigli evidence so conflicting, or pretend arrogantly to be wiser than any body else. The authorities, however much they profess to be calm and dispassionate, are advocates not witnesses, invariably one- sided. Where there is occasion for praise or reproach, events and characters change their identity. Soldiers and statesmen, the most exemplary, lose all claim to respect as traduced by those seeking to disparage them ; monsters of extortion and iniquity are portrayed as saints and heroes by their partisans. Vindication of one side in- volves reflection on the opposite. Temper begets recrimination, and even honest effort to ascertain the truth but leads farther astray. Though favorably placed here in America for impartial judgment upon contentions in another land, we can hardly hope to avoid alto- gether the paths beneath which are still smouldering the embers in their ashes. It is of little service to any one to disturb them, folly to fan them into fresh flame by discussion. But when injustice is added to injury by misstatement of fact or perversion of evidence, silence becomes pusillanimous. No one of late has done more to exasperate the sensitiveness of Ireland, or aggravate its grievances by stirring up strife, at a moment when parliament and public opinion were alike combining to redress them, than Mr. Froude, and his statements have met with signal and eloquent rebuke from Father Burke, Mr. Prendergast, and others, from all sects and nationalities and from every standpoint. 12 TRANSFER OF ERIN II. EXGLISH INVASION. Interesting as it might prove, in the light of recent archasological discoveries in the okl world and the new, it is not our present pur- pose to dwell on the earlj settlements of Ireland. Whether Caisser's or Partholan's, Nemidian, Forraorian, Firbolg, Tuatha de Danaans, Belgian or Damnonian, they are no doubt in some measure fabulous, fact and fiction intermingled. Yet it cannot be disputed that long before the Christian era, strangers from Britain or Gaul, from Medi- terranean or Baltic, brought into the island, early famed as flowing with milk and honey, diversities of race, of language and of law. Nor that later still, about the time that Troy fell and Rome was founded, from Scythia through Spain, with harp and battle-axe and an advanced stage of civilization, proceeded that remarkable dynasty of Milesian chiefs who for centuries formed its governing and enlight- ened class, moulded its institutions and shaped its destinies. Enough remains of tradition, entitled to equal faith with what has been transmitted of other nations of Western Europe, to inspire re- spect and interest curiosity. But passing over what has come down to us of the many among them who left their mark on their day and generation, over Druids, Ossian and the Sagas, Scotch kings, and by Scandinavian pirates, St. Patrick, Bridget and Columba, and those Holy men and women that gave Ireland its designation of the " Island of Saints," and " School of the West," by Norman and Dane, we proceed to dwell for a moment on that event of all others in its annals most pregnant with serious consequences to Ireland, the Eng- lish conquest, a struggle which commenced seven centuries ago for national independence on one side and subjugation on the other, and which has lasted from that day to this. Many wrongs have been righted and grievances redressed, but much remains to be done before Irishmen will consider that struggle at an end. Whether the bull of 1153 of Nicholas Brakespeare, the English- TRANSFEROFERTN, 13 man, known as Pope Adrian 4th, or that of Alexander 3rd, twenty- years later, were genuuie, or the fabrication of Barry or some other man clever and false, they profess to give Ireland to the English Kings. But tlae pope had no authority divine or human to dispose of lands or nations, no right actual or admitted over an unwilling bride. Nor were other enforced espousals of happier augury. Der- forguill, daughter of the prince of Meath, when in 1153 attached to Dermod son of Morough, king of Leinster, was compelled to marry O'Eourke, prince of BrefFney, and unhappy in her conjugal relations, she fled several years later to her early lover. Roderick O'Connor, king of Connaught and then likewise monarch of Ireland, ordering restitution, Dermod, who had succeeded his father as king of Leins- ter, refused to obey, and being consequently deposed, appealed to Henry II. to reinstate him. With Plenry's sanction, he invited Strongbow, Eichard Clare earl of Pembroke, younger brother of Gilbert, earl of Hertford, to help him, promising to bestow upon him the hand of his daughter Eva in marriage, and, what he had no right to promise, the succession after his death to the kingdom of Leinster. It was natural for the sturdy and grasping race who had taken forci- ble possession of Normandy, England and Wales, to wish to extend their conquests. What had already been realized was only a greater incentive to farther acquisition to such as had had no lot or part in the original distribution, or who had already wasted what had been assigned them. The conqueror and his successors looked across the channel with covetous eyes to that great island in the west, which since Brian Boroihme, 150 years before, in 1014, expelled the Danes or greatly crippled their power, had been growing in wealth. The permission given by Henry to his nobles to aid Dermod was gladly improved, and besides Strongbow, the Geraldines, that remarkable progeny of Nesta, princess of Wales, and concubine of Henry the First, Prendergast, De Courcy, DeBraose and St. Lawrence, with hosts of other stalwart men, readily volunteered, embracing with alacrity this opportunity for bettering their condition. Thousands 14 TRANSFER OF ERIN. of adventurers from England and Wales joined or followed them ; and the strongholds and wall towns of Dublin and Wexford along the shore belonging to Dermod's dominion, and Waterford and Lim- erick which had been built by the Danes and were still occupied largely by thek descendants, being taken possession of with little re- sistance, from their strength and accessibility for supplies and rein- forcements from England, long proved a serviceable base of opera- tions to carry out their projects. That the invaders should have gained and kept with comparative ease this base of operations, yet for centuries failed to complete their conquest, is sufficiently explained, when we bear in mind hoAv not only Ireland with her clans or septs at this period, but Europe gen- erally under the feudal system, was broken up and subdivided into petty possessions and principalities each under its hereditary chief- tain. These chieftains were not merely rulers and leaders of their people, but proprietors of the territory. The actual occupants, in their several ranks and degi'ees, were tenants as well as vassals, their rights and duties being defined by established law and usages of mutual oblio-ation. Their alleoiance was not so much to the kino; or country as to the immediate chief, who as liege of some superior lord, emperor, or king, rendered him military service, rent in money, arrows, roses, or spurs, and represented in his own person his subordinates for whose proceedings he was responsible. English monarchs owed and paid tliis homage and fealty to the French, who in a few instances in history in their turn held the reversed relation to them as royal vassals. Retaining their conquests by intimidation or superior military force, it was the Norman policy to complicate so far as they were able the network of feudal relations, to impart to them additional strength, and better keep the people in subjection. William after Hastings had recompensed his principal followers with fiefs and manors scattered broadcast over the land, interspersed among those retained by himself, or bestowed upon his kinsmen and more devoted TRANSFER OF ERIN. 15 adherents, that he might rely with more confidence on their fidelity, and they be enabled more readily to combine their forces from their different possessions for mutual support, or to repress disaffec- tion. This policy strengthened the hands of the nobles in curbing the tyranny of evil-intentioned kings, and brought to bear upon the subjected races a power Avhich they were too feeble and too little or- ganized to resist. The feudal laws regulating succession and inheritance, if not quite uniform, bore a general resemblance. When a proprietor died leav- ing daughters, but no son, his estates by the Norman rule were dis- tributed among them in equal shares, and passed with the consent of his superior lord to their husbands and children of other names ; titles of honor, if any, remaining generally in abeyance, or passing in some instances to male heirs more remote. As the same law regulated these successions and their own rights which were valuable, tenants were not inclined to risk the displeasure of those on whom they depended, and acquiesced in what they could not control. This change of masters without their being consulted came to be re- garded as the natural course of events. When some stranger became invested by conquest, marriage, inheritance, gift or other recognized title with baronial or royal functions, the people claimed no effectual right to object, and allegiance and homage, the condition on which they held their lands, soon warmed into affectionate loyalty towards their new lord on whose favor their prosperity depended. These personal attachments to their feudal superior, through fear, self- interest or gratitude, for kindness received or expected, thus taking place of any patriotic love for their country at large, the sense of common nationality and of obligation to defend it grew weak. Feuds and jealousies from disputed rights and rival pretensions between neighboring loi'ds, clans or people, engendered resentments transmitted from generation to generation, discouraging any general rally of the clans or national forces, and rendering powerless every combination formed to resist aggression. It was only when peril was 16 TEANSFER OF ERIN. unusually imminent, and the sovereign sufficiently wise and popular to quiet these animosities, that it became possible to consolidate the national strength. In 838 the Irish under Niall drove into the sea the earlier Norman invaders, and when the Danes were expelled a few years later by Malachi, and again in 1014 by Brian Boroihme, there existed more unanimity, and their efforts resulted in regaining the possession of the island. The existing relations between kings and princes, chiefs and their clans in Ireland, corresponded in some essential points with the pro- visions of feudal law, in others they greatly differed. All the chiefs derived from Heremon, Ir or Heber, sons of Milesius, or fi'om Ith his uncle, and held their several territories by royal grants. The people, unless forming separate communities like the Firbolgs in Connaught, or Danes in Dublin and other seaports, or later as the Flemings near Waterford, or Scotch in Antrim and Derry, through intermarriages Avith younger branches of princely families, gradually blended into one race. When surnames were adopted by law at Tara, under Brian Boroihme, in the eleventh century, the clans generally came to be designated by those of their chiefs, or one of his ances- tors. If not all of Milesian blood they formed part of the clan which was governed by Brehon laws established under earlier kings. By these laws the land was regarded as belonging to the sept as well as to the hereditary chief, whose right to his castles and immediate domains Avas defined and passed by fixed rules to his heirs or to his tanist, who like our vice j^resident was at the same time as himself elected to succeed him, in case his heirs at his demise were too young or infirm to administer the government. Of these clans there were nearly a hundred in all, respectively subordinate to the several kings of the five or six provinces, who in their turn were feudatories to the monarch of Ireland, who mounted the throne sometimes by virtue of his superior power, sometimes by the consent of the princes. TRANSFEROFERIN. 17 III. IRISH RESISTAXCE. Such was the political aud social state of Iieland when the Eng- lish came, and if we glance our eye upon its "^map, we shall find a clue to its sad destiny. Its area, nearly rectangular, about two hun- dred and eighty miles in greatest extension, by one hundred and twenty-five in breadth, comprised about thirty thousand square miles, or eighteen millions of English acres, in five chief divisions, Ulster, Connaught, Munster, Leinster, aud Meath. At the time of the invasion, and for long ages before, the government was a confederated monarchy, not unlike that of the Saxon Heptarchy, as it existed a few centuries curlier in England. Roderick O'Connor, destined to be the last monarch, was on the throne, the several provincial kings acknowledging his supremacy. Munster was divided into two kingdoms, Thomond under Donald O'Brien, Desmond under Dermod ]\IcCarthy. The Leinster kings were Mc]\Iurroughs, eld- est branch of the Cavanaghs, princes of Kinsellagh. Ulster was under the O'Xeils and O'Donnels. Meath, earlier set apart for the mensal domains of the monarch of Ireland, had been alienated by Laogaire in favor of the sons of his predecessor Daniel, and was under the McLaghlins, while the McMahons Avere princes of Uriel, a territory comprising the present countries of Louth, Armagh and Monaghan. These chieftains virtually independent were often at variance among themselves, and their country, fertile in soil and weak from their dissensions and at the same time exposed all around its shore to depredations, offered an irresistible temptation to its poAverful and restless neighbors. Two years before the invasion, on the demise of Turlough O'Brien, king of Limerick, after a long reign as monarch of Ireland, when Roderick of Connaught had been chosen to succeed him, at a convention of princes in 1167, to give in their allegiance, Der- mod McCarthy king of Cork or Desmond, Dounel O'Brien king of 3 18 TRANSrEROFERIN. Limerick or Thomond, Dermod of Leinster, Dermod McLagh- lin prince of Meatli, Tiernan O'Rourke prince of Breffhey, Duncan McMahon prince of Uriel, Eochaid prince of Ulad, Fitzpatrick prince of Ossory, Duncan O'Phelan prince of Decies, and others, in all thirteen hundred principal men and thirty thousand followers, as- sembled at Athboy. With them came Asculph, son of Torcal, prince of the Danes, from Dublin. The power of Roderick differed greatly from that of his predecessors. Meath with Tara having been alienated from the crown, Roderick had no national capital, offi- cers, revenues, flags or forces. He was indeed little more than king of Connaught, liis ancestral dominions. He did what he could to prevent or stay the menaced invasion. He early anticipated what was impending, even before Strongbow landed, striving by remonstrance, concession and conciliation to divert Dermod of Leinster from an alliance fraught with such fatal conse- quences. He made an earnest appeal to the princes of Ulster and Munster and to his own lieges in Connaught to rally for their gen- eral defence, and urged the king of Man to prepare and forward his quota. In May, 1169, took place the first landing of Anglo-Nor- mans near Wexford. Roderick assembled an army, and at Tara convoked a council of princes. Adjourning to Dublin, the king of Ulster, and ]\IcMahon prince of Uriel, disaffected, drew off their forces. The King led his army to Femes, Dermod's stronghold, and compelled him to recognize his authority, and secretly to promise to send away his allies. Dermod proved a traitor, or utterly power- less to close the gates he had opened. Numbers of English knights and their followers were already swarming in to join their country- men, and it was too late to organize against them with effect. Cor- mac McCarthy, son of the king of Desmond, repossessed his clan of Waterford, and after Dermod's death at Femes, in 1170, Strong- bow claiming to be heir to the throne of Leinster as husband of Dermod's daughter Eva, King Roderick defeated liim at Thurlcs in Ormond, seventeen hundred Englishmen being slain. Such sue- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 1$ cess (lid not, however, always or perhaps often attend the efforts of the chiefs to stem the tide of ao;o;ression on their territories. The invaders were the flower of England's knighthood, younger sons with every thing to gain, depending for their subsistence and prosperity on their profession of arms, which they had studied in the best schools in the crusades, on the continent, or in civil strife. From her French possessions retained by naval force, and the deve- lopment of her arts and trade, England had greatly the advantage over her sister isle, in all the implements and sinews of war. Her warriors, on powerful chargers, both alike invulnerable in steel, rode unharmed through battle-fields, on which the Irish without de- fensive armor, and with inferior weapons, too brave to retreat, fell a useless sacrifice. The forces that accompanied Henry t}ie Second, October, 1171, were forty-five hundred knights- and men at arms ; but the lower orders and ranks greatly exceeded that num- ber, and there were already in Ireland as many more who had come over before the king. Possibly from a sense of inability successfully to cope with tliis formidable armament, or that the chiefs, realizing the growing power of England, and the inadequacy of their own confederate govern- ment to oppose them or other foreign foes, regarded consolidation with England only as a matter of time, all but the O'Xeils and O'Donnels of Ulster, wdiose remote position protected them from immediate molestation, even Roderick, on condition that his riirhts as king of Connaught and monarch of Ireland, and those of his subordinate kings and princes should be respected, recognized Henry perhaps as sovereign. Henry took a surrender of Leinster from Strongbow, and gr&nted it back on condition of fealty, whilst Meath with Tara and eight hundred thousand acres was granted to DeLacy the chief justiciary. If the chiefs inputting faith in Henry's 2)rdmise not to disturb their possessions expected to be protected from the rapacity of the adventurers, it was a fatal blunder, and they soon discovered theii- mistake. Dermod McCarthy, the aged king of 20 TRANSFEROFERIN. Desmond, whose territories were invaded by this formidable array, which he had no adequate force to resist, acknowledged Henry's supremacy. If in this disloyal to his country and its national inde- pendence, he was sufficiently punished, having been slain a few years later when nearly ninety, by Theobald Walter, at a friendly conference. IV. , EARLY APPROPRIATIOXS. Dermot ]Mac Morrough died, as has been stated, the spring after the arrival of his English allies. He had given Fitzstephen, the city of Wexford, and made other liberal grants of territory. Upon his death Strongbow's claim to Leinster was of course disputed ; it was contrary indeed to all law and precedent. Neither could Der- mod give nor Eva take what belonged to the nation, and with their consent to the male representative of the McMorrough Cavanaghs, its hereditary chieftains. This vast domain, out of which many grants had also been made by Strongbow prior to his own death, six years later passed through Eva's daughter Isabel wife of William Marshal, earl of Pembroke, first in succession to her fiA^e sons, who each in turn became earl, married and died without issue, and afterwards was distributed in 1243 among her five daughters or their representatives. Carlowwas assigned to the eldest, Maud, who mar- ried Mowbray duke of Norfolk, whose descendants never made good their claim against its Irish possessors. Joan carried Wexford, which seems to have reverted from Fitzstephen through Montchesney to William de Valence. With Isabel Kilkenny passed to the elder branch of the Clares, whilst through Sybil to William de Ferrers, earl of Derby, came Kildare, which went in 1290 through the De Vecies to that branch of the Fitzgeralds, created earls of Kildare, in TRANSFER OF ERIN. 21 1316. Eva, who married William dc Braose, had for her share Ossory, which through their daughter went to Lord Mortimer and merged two centuries later in the crown. Meath, with its eight hundred thousand acres, given by King Henry to Hugh de Lacy, was subsequently divided by him into baronies, bestowed on his principal followers, Tyrrel, Petit, Fitz- henry, De I'Angle, Tuite, Chappel, Constantine, De Freigne, Nugent Nisset, Hussey, Dullard and Fleming. When slain in 1186, by an adherent of the dispossessed chieftain, his son Walter succeeded, and after Walter's death Meath went to his granddaughters, wdio had married De Gcnevil and De Verdon, and De Genevil's portion passed afterward through Roger Mortimer to the crown. In direct violation of his agreement two years before with King Roderick, Henry at Oxford, in 1177, without any other pretext than his sovereign will and pleasure, gave Robert Fitzstephen and Milo De Cogan the kingdom of Cork, which belonged to the McCarthys- Of the millions of acres it contained, however, less than two hundred thousand, near Cork, was all of which they could then gain possession. Of his share of this, Robert Fitzstephen gave his nephew Philip de Barry, also descendant of Nesta, three cantreds or seventy-five thousand acres, which continued in Philip's line and name, ennobled as Viscounts Butte vant and earls of Barrymore, down to 1824. A year or two later De Cogan and his son-in-law, the son of Fitzstephen, were slain near Lismore by a chief of the Mac Tyres. Wexford, which Dermot McMurrough had given with the barony of Forth to Robert Fitzstephen on his landing in 1169, the king took away from him and bestowed it on Fitzadelm, ances- tor of the De Burghs in Ireland, No family connected with the. English invasion, and the subse- quent history of the island, is more renowned or more remarkable than that of the Geraldines springing from Xesta Tudor, princess of Wales. After attaching to her early maidenhood the affections of Henry the First, by whom she had two sons, Henry and Robert, ^^ TRANSFER OF ERIN. Nesta married Stephen, constable of the castles of Cardigan and Pembroke, by whom she had Robert Fitzstephen, who took a prominent part in the expedition into Ireland. She subsequent- ly became the wife of Gilbert Fitzgerald, by whom she had three sons and a daughter. The eldest son, Maurice Fitzgerald, whose wife was Alice Montgomery, granddaughter of Morough O'Brien, king of Munster, formed also one of the company of Strongbow, his kinsman, and received from him what is now the county of Wick- low, then and for five centuries later the territory of the O'Byrns and O'Tooles, as also Naas and OfFaly that of the O'Connors in Kaldare. He received a few years afterward Connelloe, one hun- dred thousand acres in Limerick, the country of the O'Connels, who received an equivalent in Clare and Kerry, still possessed in part by their descendants, one of whom was the distinguished liberator. By marriage with the daughter of De Marisco, his third son, Tho- mas, acquired the territory of Wexford, and his grandson Decies and Dromenagh with the heiress of Fitz Anthony. His grandson Maurice married Margaret, daughter of De Burgh the third earl of Ulster, and was created, 1329, first earl of Desmond; his grand- son the seventh earl bought of Robert de Cogan, half Desmond, part of Limerick, Waterford, Cork and Kerry, which was not, for John's gift at Oxford 1177, any more his to sell ; and Gerald the six- teenth, four generations later, when slain in 1583, had nearly six hundred thousand acres in Munster to forfeit to the crown, to be- come the spoil of adventurers. Offshoots from this line, knights of Glynn and the Valley, Kerry and Fitzgibbon, of Dromanagh and Imokilly, and many more, held also vast domains in Munster, acquired by inheritance or marriage. From William the brother of the first Maurice descended Raymond le Gros, a distinguished com- mander, whose wife was Basilia, sister of Strongbow and willow of Robert de Quincy, and whose two sons were respectively the progenitors of the earls of Kerry, and the family of Grace. William received, besides Idrone, Fethard and Glascarrig, a large domain in TRANSFEROFERIN. 23 Kilkenny, wliich, transmitted by liim to his second son, was long known as Grace's country. A tract of territory in Kerry given to Raymond by Dermot McCarthy, for aid in reducing to obedience his son Cormac, who disapproved of his father's acknowledging fealty to the English king, has been for seven centuries the estate of the Fitz- maurices, barons and earls of Kerry and marquises of Lansdowne. From "William, the eldest son of Maurice, derived the lords of Naas in Leinster, ending in an heiress, who married David de Londres ; while from Gerald the second, sprang the lords of Offaly, of whom one married the heiress of Rheban in Kildare, and another, receiv- ing in 1291 a grant from King Edward, of that country, forfeited by De Yecies, was created, as before mentioned, in 1316 earl of Kildare, one of the titles of the present duke of Leinster, hie repre- sentatives and their line having ever since possessed them. Anghared, sister of Maurice and daughter of Kesta, became the wife of William de Barry, father by her of Gerald Cambrencis, the earliest English writer of note on Ireland, and of Philip, who as above stated receiving three cantreds of land in Munster from his uncle Fitzstephen founded the house of Barrys, viscounts of Butte vant and earls of Barry more. The matrimonial alliances of the different branches of the Geraldines with the families of the Milesian chiefs materially strengthened the hold of the British crown. On the island they made common cause with the O^Briens and McCarthys, in opposition to any encroachments attempted on their independence from beyond the channel, were often themselves in rebellion, yet ever interposed an insuperable obstacle to any general and well or- ganized plan of operations by which the British yoke could be shaken off. John de Courcy and Amory St. Lawrence, brothers-in-law, also joined thecompany of adventurers, sworn brothers also, like D'Oilly and D'lvry of Oxford, in the Norman conquest of England, to divide their spoils. They first attacked Ulidia, consisting of Down and Antrim, and later penetrated into other parts of Ulster, but after 24 TRANSFEROFEEIN. much hard fighting were driven out in 1178, by the O'Xeils and their kindred chieftains. A few years afterward, however, after his marriage with Africa, daughter of Godred, king of Man, in 1182, De Courcy was in a measure more successful, and in consequence was created earl of Ulster. He died ahout 1229, but long before King John bestowed the province and earldom on Hugh de Lacy, second son of the justiciary, whose wife was King Roderick O'Con- nor's daughter, and they passed with Maud, the daughter of Hugh, to Walter de Burgh descended from Fitz-adelmn, head of that house in Ireland who had acquked extensive tracts in Connaiight through or by marriage with a daughter of another O'Connor. By the mar- riage of the heiress of the De Burghs to Lionel, duke of Clarence, son of Edward the Third, these passed to Mortimer, his son-in-law, vesting finally in the crown, and among the royal titles that of earl of Ulster and that of Connaught are still preserved. As some compensation for the lost earldom of Ulster, given to De Lacy, INIilo son of John de Courcy was made lord of Kinsale in the south of Munster, both land and title having ever since been retained in the line of his descendants, of whom the present is the thirtieth viscount. John's companion, Amory St. Lawrence, was created lord of Howth, and for seven centuries his representatives have retained that title, now an earldom, and the estate then granted to their progenitors. A niece of St. Lawrence was wife to Roger le Poer, one of the most valiant of Strongbow's company, and their posterity with various fortunes, but generally prosperous, long ruled over Curraghmore, or Powers country in the county of Waterford, and were created earls of Tja'one in 1673, the third, who died in 1704, being the last. The De Pi*endergasts have ever been among the most honored races in Ireland, highly esteemed and connected. Barnwell w^as also one of the early invaders ; his descendants obtain- ed later a grant from tlie crown of Bearehaven, belonging to the O'Sullivans, wljo rose and destroyed them utterly, only a mother quick with cliild being spared. The O'Sullivans at about the time TRANSFER OFERIN. 25 of the invasion, finding their possessions imperilled at Knoc GrafFon, Ti^iperar}', in the east of ]Munster, removed to the country about the Bay of Bantry, Bearehaven, Glanerought, Iveragh and Dunker- ron in the southwest, and there among mountains almost inaccessible for four centuries remained substantially undisturbed and independent. The rise and long continued power and prosperity of the Butlers in Ireland, has generally been supposed to have originated in the remorse of Henry the Second at the assassination of Thomas a Bec- ket, whose disposition to subject the king to his ecclesiastical domi- nation had provoked resentment. The sister of Becket was the wife of Theobald Walter, and to make amends he was appointed by that monarch Butler of Ireland, with prisage of all wines imported, he himself and his descendants taking their name from this office. Upon them valuable tracts of land were bestowed, Avhich belonged to Carrols, Kennedys, Meagliers, Sheas, Donnelly s, Fogartys, Ryans, in Kilkenny and.Tipperary, and among these also Knoc Graf- fon. Their estates stretched from the Barrow to Lake Derg, and different branches of the name received titles of rank from the crown to which they were generally loyal in reducing Ireland to subjection. They were created lords of Carrick and Galmoy, viscounts Dun- boyne, earls and dukes of Ormond, the greater part of their territory being forfeited in 1714, from the preference of the last duke for the house of Stuart to that of Brunswick. The name of Burke is even more extensively multiplied than that of Fitzgerald. If not tracing their origin directly to Nesta, their founder married the mother of King William the Conqueror, Arlotta of the inn. Richard the Great, his descendant, had for wife Una, daughter of Hugh, son of King Roderick ; and his son, Maud, daugh- ter of Hugh de Lacy, earl of L'lster, by a granddaughter as before mentioned of another king of Connaught. The gr. gr. grandson, third or red earl, left for his heir a granddaughter, Elizabeth, who marrying the duke of Clarence, carried the title of earl of Ulster and lord of Connaught to the crown. When PhOlippa Plantagenet, 4^ 26 TRANSFER OF ERiN. daughter of tliis Elizabeth De Buro;h and oranddauo-hter of Edward the Third, married about 1360, Edward ]\Iortimer, third earl of March and gr. gr. grandfather of Edward the Fourth, their united possessions according to English law covered the province of Ulster, and half of Connaught, her inheritance, half of Meath which had come to him throuo-h the marriao;e of his o;r. o;randfather with Joan de Genevil, granddaughter of Hugh de Lacy, and portions of Lein- ster and Munster, Ossory and Kilkenny from that of a more re- mote ancestor still, Hugh de JNIortimer with Annora daughter of AYilliam de Braose. Theirs were, however, for the most part mere nominal titles, for they had hardly an aci'e of this territory in peace- able possession, and their son Roger, fourth earl, who inherited with this vast domain forty thousand marks ready money, and who was sent as lord lieutenant into Ireland, was treacherously slain there in 1398 by his own countrymen. Several generations earlier. Car- thai O'Connor had been forced to yield extensive territory in Con- naught, to the De Burghs his kinsmen, and on the death of the third earl this was taken possession of by the male representatives of the family, who giving up the name of De Burgh, for a while assumed the designation of Mac William Eighter of Galway, oi' Clan Rich- ard, from whom derive the earls and marquises of Clanrickard, and Mac William Oughter, from whom proceeded the earls of Mayo. Another branch of the name were lords of Castle Connel and Brittas. Identified with the Milesian races by these matrimonial alliances, com- mon interests and habits of life, as also by their language, they could often be of service to them by their support in perilous conjunctures. They became to all intents Irishmen, and probably in blood repre- sent to-day equally their Norman and Milesian progenitors. Ten has been usually stated as the number of principal leaders in the invasion, amongst whom Henry II. at Oxford in 1129 divid- ed the island ; and Sir John Davis, in his Historical Relations, enu- merates Strongbow, Robert Fitz Stephen, Miles de Cogan, Philip de Braose, Sir Hugh de Lacy, Sir John Courcy, William Fitz TR A X S F E R OF E EI N . 27 Adelmn, Sir Thomas de Clare, Robert le Poer, andOtlio de Grandi- son as the favored individuals. The grant of Tipperary to the last mentioned, took place a century later, when the eminent crusader of the name returned with the first Edward from Jerusalem. Whether then or earlier, after passing through several of his representatives, the estate vested, 49 Edward III., in females. Any supposed grant of Thoraond to Thomas de Clare at Oxford, would be an anachron- ism. If the best known of the name is intended, the son of the sixth earl of Hertford who married Amy daughter of the ancestor of the earls of Desmond, then called Fitz Gerald as his de- scendants afterwards, he took advantage of a' family quarrel for the chieftainship of the O'Briens to gain possession, under his grant, of the northerly portion of Thomond called Clare, from his thus possessing it, and there about 1280, erected several strongholds and castles, among them Bunratty, where he dwelt and his sons after- wards. Early in the reign of Edward the First, he had been ap- pointed governor of London, and appears to have been a favorite with the n^reat Plantao-enet. The Leinster estates which came to h'is grandfather, the fifth earl, wath Isabel one of the five heiresses of Pembroke and which were then vested in Gilbert his elder brother, led probably to his connection with Ireland, and to his procuring this grant of Thomond. It Avas not a fortunate acquisition. His career there was stormy and violent, an incessant warfare. He showed a crafty, cruel and rapacious disposition, and the murder of his ally Brian, from jealousy or disappointment, was a crime with- out extenuating circumstances. His death and that of Fitzgerald occurred in 1286. His two eldest sons, Gilbert and Eichard, left no issue, the latter and his son being both slain on the same battle field, in 1217, when thefiimily of de Clare, burning Bunratty, left Thom- ond never to return. Margaret and Maud, daughters of Thomas, the third son, carried to their husbands, Lord Clifford and Lord Badlesmere, a barren inheritance, for the Dalgas resumed possession of their lands and have kept, if not all, large portions to a recent day. 28 TRANSFEROFERIN. The kingdom of Limerick had been bestowed upon Philip de Braose, of Brecnock, who not wilHng to brave the perils attending forced occupation of territory in possession of fierce and hostile septs disposed to dispute his pretensions, transferred his claims to his son William. In consequence of a quarrel with King John for murdering certain Welchmen, the w^ife and son of William were starved to death at Windsor, he himself escaping into France, where he died. His nephew William married Eva, daughter of the earl of Pembroke, and received for her share of Leinster, Leix and Ossory, the claim to which passed with their daughter and heiress to Lord Mortimer, but no claim Avas ever made to Limerick under this grant, which leads to the conclusion that it Avas forfeited when William fled into France. Hervey de Monte Marisco, brother to the first earl of Pembroke and uncle of the son-in-law of Dermot MclNIorrooh, was one of the principal leaders in the invasion of the English forces and received his share of the spoils in Wexford. His wife was Nesta, daughter of Maurice Fitzgerald. After tAventy years of activity, not attended Avith much success, or redounding to his glory, he parcelled out his estates, in part among his followers, retaining as Avas usual his signorial rights, and consecrated large portions of Avhat remained, by gift, to the convent of Dunbrody, Avhich he had erected, and of Avhich he Avas the abbot. His nephcAV JeflTrey Avas lord lieutenant in 1215, and his descendants continued to flourish down to 1491. In the history of the Montmorencies Hervey is called constable of that house. When in 1004, Brian Boroihme ordered the clans to adopt sur- names, it was in consequence no doubt of some necessity specially felt at the time. Other European nations Avere gradually in- troducing this convenient usage, but it Avas of sIoav groAvth, and among the Normans and Saxons Avas far from being general. Even much later, several of the principal families of England Avere still designated in the ancient mode, and it Avas not for some years that Fitzstepheu, Fitzgerald, or Fitzmaurice, about the time of Henry TRANSFER OF ERIN, 29 tlie Second, became family names. Thomas Fitz Anthony was an in- stance of a distinguished personage of wealth and power and large landed possessions of Avhose origin nothing is known. He was lord of Decies and Desmond, and held lands in Kilkenny. Four of his daughters married, their husbands being Gerald Roche, JefFery de Norragh, Stephen Archdeken, and John Fitz Thomas. In one of the discontents against Henry IH* for bringing over French nobles into England, the earl marshal took sides against the king. Orders were sent to the Fitzgeralds, De Lacies, Eichard de Braose and JefFery de Marisco to waste his lands and secure his person, whereupon all the son-in-laws of Fitz Anthony, except Fitzgerald, took part with the earl. In 1260 Fitzgerald applied to Edward, then lord of Ireland, for the shares of his brothers-in-law in tlie succession of Fitz Anthony, and Decies, Desmond and Dungarvan with other lands were so granted and constituted part of the territory forfeited by his descend- ant, the earl of Desmond, in 1583. ^ On Maurice Prendergast, one of the first to land upon the island, Strongbow bestowed Fernenegal, near Wexford, Avith lands besides in Kinsellagh. His son Philip had for wife Maude dauohter of Robert de Quincy, who was slain by O'Dempsy in Ofaly, and who had been the first husband of Basilia, Strongbow's sister, afterwards the wife' of Raymond Fitzmaurice. Of Philip's granddauohters coheiresses of his son Gerald, Mary married John de Cooan, and Matilda, Maurice de Rochefort. William, brother of Gerald, before 1244, held valuable possessions in IfFa and OfFa, in Tipperar}^, as also the barony of Xew-castle, and his descendants gaining many acces- sions along the Suir retained them till 1653, when driven into Con- naught or across the sea. Strongbow gave William de Birmingham Carbry in Ofaly, whose descendant John was made baron of Athenry and earl of Louth for killing Edward Bruce. To Hugh de Roche, he gave the cantred Roches country in Cork, which with accessions continued in that family, well connected by marriage, till viscount Fermoy was dispos- 30 TRANSFER OF ERIN. sessed by Cromwell. The representatives of Arcliibald Fleming, lords of Slane, Plunkets later barons of Dunsany, Killeen, Louth and earls of Fingal, Nettervilles intermarrying with Lacies and Yeseys, viscounts Louth, Walshes, lords of Oldcourt, Dublin, one of whom gained glory in crossing the Shannon under Eaymond le Gros, Aylmers and Whytes, in Kildare ; Herberts, Colby s. Moors, in Kings ; Wale and Carew in Carlo w ; Devereux, Sinnott, Chee- ver, Hore in Wexford ; Louth, Foi'esters, Comerfords in Kilkenny ; Talbots of Malahide, Tyrrels of Castleknock, Warrens of Cordiff, Luttrells, Ushers, Purcells, in Dublin ; Husseys, barons of Galtrim, Everards, Garlands, Griffins, Ivers, Aliens, Cussacks, Garvys, D'Altons, in Meath ; Hurleys, Chases, Supples, in Limerick; Yer- dons, Tates, Clintons, Dowdals, Gernons, Waltons, Brandons, Moors, Chamberlains, in Louth; Russells, Anthonys, Savages, Eiddells, Mandevills, Jordans, Stantons, Copelands, in Dow^n, are all well-known names connected with the early days of English rule in Ireland, and nearly all of them common here. Camden also mentions as in the country, from the twelfth to the sixteenth centuries, Wolwastons, Peppards, Wallaces, Blacks, Redmonds, Esmonds, Chattans, Tobins, Aliens, Gennits, Wades, Sweetmans, Grants, Archers, Rochefords, Datons, Rothes, Wares, Purfields, Smiths, Cooks, Hooks, Dens, in Leiuster ; Con- dons, Nagles, Morris, Keating, Johns, Pierce, Cummings, Rice, Lombard, Tallon, Gold, Baggot, Skiddy, Coppenger, Porter, Den- ny, Terry, Gough, Picket, Dondon, Waters, Wolfe, in Munster ? Blake, French, Bodkin, Martin, Crofton, in Galway. These names are multiplied in America, and mentioned as a help to students of family history. At what pi'ecise period or under what circumstances they originally settled in Leland cannot in all cases be ascertained. The family of Dillon created barons of Kilkenny and earls of Ros- common in 1622, and viscounts of Castle gillenin 1621, derive from Huo-h Slaine of the O'Neills monarch of Ireland in the sixth cen- tury. After being settled manifold generations in Aquitaine, they TRANSFEROFERIX. 31 came back to Ireland in the person of Henry secretary to King John. It would be vain to attempt to enumerate the families of ad- venturers and undertakers established in the island in periods com- paratively modern, and there is not the same object. Y. EXTEXT OF POSSESSIOX. These grants from Dermot, Strongbow, Henry, or his immediate successors, to the feudatories above mentioned, covering nearly the whole island, had neither by Brehon nor feudal law the slightest validity. If might makes right, if" they may take Avho have the power, and they may keep who can," if overrunning neighboring states by superior military power and confiscating private property, could rightly or justly affect its title, neither by conquest, submission nor continued possession by common, feudal, or Brehon law, as respects three fourths of Ireland, was it transferred before the seventeenth cen- tury. Parchments under royal seals could neither create nor transmit title which the grantor had not to bestow. Neither king of Lein- ster, Connaught, nor Desmond, could give or sell to strangers what belonged not to themselves, but to their clans. These gifts from Henry, after fealty accepted from Dermod and Eoderick Avith its well known obligations and solemn pledges not to disturb their rights or those of the chiefs of the clans under them, were simply acts of perfidy, entitled " t/i foro conscientice,^'' or by the rules of eternal justice, to no effect or consideration whatsoever. Outside the pale consisting of portions of what are now" Dublin, Kildare, Lowth and Meath,and the ports of Wexford, Waterford, Cork and Dundalk, or where Geraldines, Butlers, De Courcys, Pow- ers and Roches in Munster, or Burkes in Connaught, were allied by marriage to Milesian families, and more Irish than the Irish them- 32 TRANSFEEOFERIN. selves, in repugnance to English rule, with many interests in common, speaking the same language and wearing the same dress, the clans under their chieftains retained their ancient possessions, rarely paid tri- bute, much more often exacted it, were governed by their own Brehon laws, retained their OAvn usages, and instead of assimilating to the English, it was the constant complaint of the English statutes, state papers and works on Ireland, that the English assimilated to them. Before the eleventh century, as already mentioned, surnames were not customary any where, and it is reasonable to presume the Irish adopted them slowly. The previous mode of distinguishing individ- uals by the line of ancestors in three or four generations by christian names often led to embarrassment, especially as certain giv- en names were of constant recurrence in particular families, and the surname itself had originally been of this character. Mac and O indicating descent, the strangers resorted to similar forms to render less conspicuous their English origin. In the fourteenth century, the De Burghs assumed the name of Mac William, ISIac Hubbard and Mac David ; Berminghams took the name of Mac Yoris, Dexters that of Mac Jordan, Nangles of Mac Costello, one of the Butlers, Mac Pheris, and the White Knioht, Fitzo-ibbon. With these precautions taken in order that they might possess their lands without disturbance from Milesian chiefs or Ensrlish gov- ernors, though active lord lieutenants, de^^uties or justices made oc- casional forays out of the " pale " and by concentration of forces were able to slaughter and despoil, after the first century of invasion to the reign of Queen Elizabeth not one fourth part of Ireland was in the possession of the English race. The victories of the Milesian chiefs were as frequent as theirs. These chiefs w^ere constantly on the defensive against the evident design to appropriate their lands and reduce them to subjection. They did what they could under many discouragements and jealousies, constantly breaking out into embittered warfare. Accumulation of capital, or its application to agriculture or the useful arts, the pursuit of learning beyond what TRANSFER OF ERIN. 33 could be obtained from tlie priests and monks, comfortable houses or garments, or many other appliances of civilization which Englishmen are apt to mistake for civilization itself, were not possible in the pre- sence of the despoiler. The clans tended their flocks and herds, raised their own corn, pursued the game with which the 'woods abounded. Eeligious, social and fond of music and similar recreations, and frequently at war among themselves, or Avith the English, the life they led was better fitted to make them brave, self-sacrificing and generous, quick- witted and wise, than one such as is commonly called industrious. The numerous beautiful castles erected by Irish chieftains, superb conventual establishments they founded, now mouldering all over Ireland with dilapidated walls mantled with ivy, testify to their taste and resources, to their devotion and determination to preserve their independence. If constantly in arms, punctilious and quick to resent aggression or insult or to espouse the quarrels of their neighbors, their history overruns with sanguinary conflicts, it was the part of wisdom, while so powerful a nation as the English occupied the sea-board, wdiile fortresses about the island menaced their liberties and the security of their possessions, and they were them- selves prevented by the disturbing presence and influence of a rest- less and treacherous foe from any national consolidation, to encour- age wars which educated their people to resistance. In the early part of the fourteenth century Edward Bruce, after conquering at the head of the Irish clans the English in sixteen bat- tles, at last was slain. Ormond and Kildare, rivals for power, for two centuries after divided the pale with their disputes. In Mun- ster, near Cork and Waterford, Fitzgeralds earls of Desmond, Roches, Courcys-and Barrys occupied strong holds, while McCar- thies kings oT Desmond and their kindred chiefs bore actual sway. In Connaught, the O'Connors, O'Briens, Burkes, Macnamaras and McMahons, intermarried or fought. Meath and Leinster were inces- santly traversed by armed men going to battle or maraud. Ulster kept 5 34 TRANSFER OF ERIN. out the stranger for a time, but Scots crept in from across tlie cliannel or from the isles, McDonnels settling in Antrim, marrying O'Donnels and O'Neils. The government at the castle was at times severe or lax. Usurpation was as often requited by reward as punishment. Whatever authority England possessed was employed by the fac- tions which chanced to be uppermost, York or Lancaster, Geraldine or Butler, to wn^est more land from its previous owners, the welfare of the people or security of the state being secondary considerations to individual aggrandizement. But still Ireland was Irish. Four centuries had made no more impression than the tide upon the shore. Ireland had cost the Eng- lish treasury many times its revenues to keep Geraldiues, Burkes and Butlers in their possessions, but still remained the weakness and embarrassment of England, and often curiously its reproach. It is isad to think that Surry's advice had not been taken. Had Ireland been left to the Irish, as Scotland to the Scots of the same original stock, the peojile, enjoying the same rights and privileges as English- men, would have soon sought, for mutual strength and protection, a union wdth the sister island. Irishmen, lords of their own soil, masters of their own destinies, and not tenants and bondsmen to strangers, would have become the honor and safety of the united realm ; %vith education, the arts and refinements of life, industry and its devel- opments, with religious liberty and toleration, they would have been in Ireland what they have proved themselves here, an intelligent, thrifty, law-abiding, patriotic, brave, generous and noble-hearted ■ people ; they would have vindicated their claim to be possessors of that best blessing of Providence, self-government which they have learned by sad experience at home how to enjoy in their adopted country. TRANSFEIIOFERIN. 35 VI. HOMES OF THE SEPTS . lu order to imdcrstand the gradua] transfer of ownership in the soil from the races in possession at the time of the invasion, before pnr- suing further the course of events that brought that transfer about, ■\ve must consider the geographical distribution of the chins of whom the popuhition consisted. There have been times not very remote when researches in this direction might well have suggested suspicion of ulterior purpose ; but it is not so now. Laws of limitation both for rights and wrongs are everywhere recognized as indispensable to public tranquillity, and the actual tenures are too intimately inter- .woven with the whole social structure for any pretention to disturb them. Without apprehension of misconstruction, whatever in this department of Irish lore can be turned to account to elucidate our subject is collected here for convenient reference. The authorities consulted if Avithiu reach of diligent inquirers are not equally acces- sible to all wlio feel an interest in their progenitors. The districts occupied by the forty one Scotch clans three centuries ago have been recently mapped. For reasons sufficiently obvious there, not only the clans but the chieftains, in modified relations, continue to exist in their present representatives. In Ireland, from circumstances reflecting no discredit upon the chiefs who from fidelity to principle have been divested, the old race remains under unlineal lords. New conditions and bounds have effaced the ancient landmarks, but the same names familiar for centuries in their respective neighborhoods are still extensively multiplied. Rarely elsewhere can be found in these days more distinctly marked traces of that patriarchal system common to the early stages of social devel- opment, for the study of whoever is interested in human progress. In many parts of Ireland not even the incessant strife of ages or dis- turbing elements of industry and improvement in the arts have wholly removed them, though they have materially affected the character and modes of life. 36 TRANSFER OF ERIN Keating, the Four Masters, M'Geoghan, following the ancient annals all place the arrival of Heremon and Heber more than ten centuries before the christian era. This great antiquity is disputed by Woods and other English writers, but no good reason is advanced to shake the probability of a period very remote. In other lands at corresponding epochs, legends too precious to be discarded inas- much as if not true they are founded upon truth and point the way to it, have been handed down by tradition or preserved in such records as they had. Tigernach in 1080 dated the earliest authentic Irish history to which implicit credence could be accorded as three centuries before Christ when Cymbaoth erected the palace of Eraania, near Armagh. But before the colony fi-om Spain, Firbolgs, w^hose nine Kings from Slainge to Eochaid and Tuatha de Danaans, whose eighteen from Nuadat to 2737 A.M. over two centuries ruled over the land, were numerous and their posterity variously intermingled are still represented in the present population. Keating enumerates three families known in his day as derived from the former, Gad- braigh, Tairsigh, and Galvin. Cromwells notion of hedging in the conquered in Connaught was not original Avith him for there what remained of the two previously subjugated nations had been rele- gated by the Milesians. They long remained as distinct communi- ties till Muradach of the race of Heremon, one of whose grandsons Brian was the progenitor of the Hy Brunes consisting of O'Connors, Rourks, Reileys, Malleys, Flynns and kindred septs, and another Fergus of O'Dowds, Shaughnessies, Clerys and others, was in the fourth century the first king of Connaught after defeating the Clan Morna warriors of the Firbolgs. Conqueror and conquered inter- mingled, and both alike represented in the present inhabitants. The early divisions of the island by Partholan, Nennius, and the Firbolgs gave way to lines agreed upon by Heremon and Heber, to the former of whom was assigned Leinster, and to the other Munster. To the son of their brother Ir, drowned off the Skelligs in disem- barking, was given Ulster and the Clan Rory, his descendants, TRANSFER OF ERIN. 37 held it undisturbed till the fourth century, when the sons of Neal the Great wrested away the larger part of it. To the descendants of Ith uncle of Milesius, slain by the Tuathade Danaans Avhilst on a friendly visit to the island, and to revenge whose death his nephews came over from Spain, a district was allotted on the southerly shore of Cork, about Baltimore, where under the name of Driscolls they are still to be found. Ugainc the Great, three centuries before Christ, divided the island into twenty-five principalities, the names and boundaries of which are little known unless they are in a few instan- ces the same which from beyond memory have attached to certain districts. Tuathal in the first century taking a portion from the other prov- inces had set it apart for the special domain of the monarchs. It did not long, as we have seen, remain inviolate. Near its easterly bound was Tara where the chiefs and kings often assembled for con- ference and legislation, as they did at Tailtan for annual games after the manner of the Greeks, attracting a large concourse of all ages and conditions, and the occasion it is said was improved by the chiefs who were much given to diplomacy in forming matrimonial alliances for their children. INIunster was divided by Oliol Olum in the second century between Owen and Cormac Cas, the former re- ceiving Desmond, the latter Thomond while Kian a third son was provided elsewhere. The Keniads posterity of Kien embraced the Carrols of Ossory, Meaghers of Kilkenny, Haras, Garas, Hen- nessys, Caseys, Conors of Deny dispossesred by the Kanes, Breens of Lune, Flanagans, Corcorans of Cleenish in Fermanagh, Lough- lans of Moggalion in Mcath and Clankee in Cavan. 38 TRANSFER OFER IN. VII. SUBDIVISIONS OF THE ISLAND. It was one of the prerogatives of the king and chiefs to bestow Surnames on those subject to their rule. These may have exceeded two or three hundred in all. The number of Chieftainries was much more limited, computed variously at from sixty to a hundred and eighty-five. These subdivisions varied with the vicissitudes of war, marriage or inheritance. The whole island was divided into gixty-six thousand six hundred ploughlauds estimated to average about one hundred Irish acres each. As usually computed allowance being made for land less produc- tive, one Irish acre was about equal in area to two English, but the more approximate difference is about two-fifths more for the Irish, or as twenty to twelve. This difference proceeds more legitimately from an Irish rod of long measure being equal to seven yards, the Eno'lish to five and a half. But there is another embarrassment in estimating the extent of a plantation acre when mentioned in histo- rical works. In grants from the crown, the quantity of prime or irood land within certain bounds, or embraced in certain denomina- tions Avas alone estimated, all less valuable thrown in. Under color of his grant of blackacre, whatever of whiteacre or inferior soil the patentee by force or fraud could appropriate, he was permitted to hold, and his title thereto confirmed and quieted. The average area thus passed has been estimated as high as thrice the c^uantity actually expressed in the grant. It was not before the seventeenth century that surveys were made on which any dependence could be placed, and then it is easy to see how deceptive they must have proved. County lines established at different periods by the English, as they extended their rule, corresponded generally to the boundaries now existing. King John created twelve counties, Dublin, Kildare, Meath, Louth, Carlow, Wexford, Kilkenny, Waterford, Cork, Limerick, Kerry and Tipperary. 34 Henry VIII. Meath was divid- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 39 etl in to two counties, the westerly portion becoming West Meath ; and tlie land of the O'Byrnes, before part of the county of Dubhn, Wick- low. 3 Philip and Mary, Leix and part adjacent after the O'Moores liad been subdued, Avere formed into Queens ; OfFaly with part of Glenmalire into Kings. In 15G5 out of Annaly was made the county of Longford by Sir Henry Sydney, who divided Connaught into Gal- Avay, Sligo, jMayo, Roscommon and Leitrim. Clare, before a part of Munster, Avas added to Connaught in 1G02 at the request of the carl of Thomond. Ulster Avas diA-ided in 1584 into the shires of Armagh, Monaghan, Tyrone, Coleraine, now Londonderry, Done- gal, Fermanagh and Cavan. Earlier mention is made of Down and Antrim. Besides these thirty-tAvo counties, the cities of Dublin and Cork Avere separate shires. For centuries these lines Avere of little significance. English authority AA-as confined to the Pale as it Avas first called under the Tudors. It embraced portions of Dub- lin, Louth, Meath and Kildare, extending along shore from Dund- alk to Dalkey eight miles south of the Lifly and inland to Ardee, Kells, Castletown — Delvin, Athboy, Trim, Maynooth and thence to Clane and Bally more — Eustace.* County courts AA-ere established Avherever protected by military force ; but their jurisdiction could not be sustained ca^cu over the king's subjects. Against English rebels or Irish enemies his Avrit was powerless. The former lords enumerated under Henry the Eighth, as thirty-one in number held their courts palatine, baron or leet, administering common and statute law, or in the Marches, where both races dwelt, these combined Avith the ancient laAv of the land and usages growing out of existing need. The latter acknow- ledged no authority or control over them except that of their chiefs, * 1515. 6 Henry VIII. State Papers. Part III. Vol. II., pp. 9-22. The English Pale doth sti-etch and extend from the town of Dundalk to the town of Dervor, to the town of Ardye, always on the left side, Icavinfr the marche on the riffht side, and so on to the town of Sydan, to the town of Denfilc, to KylcolvC, to the town of Clanne, to the town of Nasse, the bridge of KilcuUen, to the town of Ballymore, and so liaclvwards to the town of Ramore, to the town of Rathenoo, to the town of Tallaght, and to tlic town of Dalkey, leaving the march always on the right hand, from the said Dundalk, following the said course to the said town of Dalkey. 40 TRANSFER OF ERIN were governed by their own laws enforced by tlieir own tribunals. These independent chieftainries were, at that time, set down as fifty- eight in all : nine in Ulster, ten in Leinster, nine in Desmond* twelve in Thomond, fifteen in Conn aught and three in the western part of Meath then not divided. English process, in a language few understood, if served no one obeyed, and levies where attempted on their cattle provoked repraisal on the nearest English families whose herds were exposed and resentment was only quieted in blood. This arbitrary exercise of power confused every distinction of right, and if in later days property in Ireland lias been less inviolate, it is simply the poisoned chalice returned to the lips that sent it. In the general view now proposed of the geographical distribu- tion of the septs, an approximation to exactness can alone be attempt- ed. If incomplete or occasionally incorrect, it may still afford some guidance amidst the perplexities of a difficult subject. In some in- stances the name may have become extinct in the locality designated, in more only to be discovered under circumstances greatly reduced. Dispossession, pursuit of employment, increased facilities of inter- course, have carried many into exile, or to other parts of the island. In great cities and larger towns nearly every Irish name may be represented. But generally numerous branches remain in their original neighborhoods, and by assigning each family group to the province and county where they formerly flourished, some idea may be formed of the dwelling places of them all at the time their possessions respectively passed to the stranger. TRANSFEROFERIN. 41 VIII. ANCIENT FAMILIES OF LEINSTER AND MEATII. The southeast corner of the ishmd betwen the Barrow and the sea was the special domain of the Cavanaghs, and Femes about twenty- miles north of Wexford the early residence of tlie McMorroghs their chieftains, princes of Hy Kinscllagh and kings of Leinster. Along the easterly shore were Larkins chiefs of Forth, Murphy s of Hy Felimy or Ballaghkeen, Doyles, McKeoghs, Dowlings of Ballynacor, Garveys, Horans, Cullen ; and inland Ryans of Idrone, Cosgrys of Bantry, Nolans of Forth and Gahans lords of Shillelagh in Carlow. In Wicklow near the vale of Avoca and Glendalough were the O'Byrnes of Ranelagh, Newcastle and Arklow, and farther north and west O'Tooles of Fercular and Imaile, Kilkea and Moone. In Kildare were the O'Connors of Offaly, Carys of Car- berry, Colgans of Ikeathy, Dunns of Great Connel, Murrigans of MoylifFy, Cullens of Kilcullen, Kellys of Reeban and Norragh. In Kilkenny dwelt Brodars of Iverk, Bolgers of Ida, Donaghoes of Knocktopher, Sheas of Shillelogher, Brennans of Idough. In Queens were O'Moores of Leix, Fitzpatricks of Ossory, Carrols of Ely; and in Kings, Dunns of Hy Regan, Molloys of Fercal, Mooneys of Garrycastle, O'Dempseys lords, viscounts and barons of Clanmalier. About Dublin the Danes had held for many years before the English invasion exclusive possession, so that nearer than Bray to the south where the O'Tooles retained their ascendancy few septs remained. North of the city Kellys of Bregia, and in Louth Carrols of Orgiel, Heas of Slane, Rorys of Moygallion, Branagans, and both north and south the MacGiol- lamholmoges of Cualan were at times formidable when allied to septs more remote. Of the Meaths the McLaghlins of royal race were kings long after the invasion, or were recognized as sovereigns by their ancient sub- 6 42 TEANSFEROFERIN. ordinates. Their chief seat was early near Tara, but later farther west. The system adopted by De Lacy in subdividing his domains amongst his principal followers weakened the power of the chieftains, but the Connollys of Navan, Dunns of Lune, Finelans of Delvin, Kearnys of Fore, McGeoghans of Tertullagh and Moycashil, O'Ferrals of Annaly, Quins of Rathcline in Longford, Hennesseys of Moygoish, Higgins of Usneach, Tolargs near Athlone, Hanra- hans of Corcaree, McCoghlins of Delvin Ara, were ready when occasion offered to assert their rights. Besides the names already mentioned are many others, branches of Cahir More of the race of Heremon, whose posterity supplied the principal dynasties to Leinster and many monarchs and roydamnas to the throne of Ireland. Many of them were distinct septs, subse- quently dispossessed and dispersed among their neighbors. Others long retained their lands and independence, subject only to the more powerful chieftains. Heelys, Loughnans, Callans of Ormond ; Gormans, Dorans, Lawlors and Dowlings in Queens ; Brehans, Coghlans, Hartys, Bergins in Kings ; McDonnels in Kildare> Deignans in Longford, Sculleys, CofFeys and Dooleys were at times of note, though not, it is believed, as important as the rest. Within the bounds of these two more central provinces, besides some remnants of Danish race and name and a larger infusion than anywhere else of English, there are naturally to be found represen- tatives of nearly every sept and family of th£ island, attracted to the neighborhood of the capital and its busy marts. Of thirty-six hundred thousand acres in Leinster three-fourths are under cultiva- tion, of the nine hundred and fifty thousand in the Meaths less than one twelfth are mountain or bog. The climate is excessively moist, the yield in grass and grain heavy, and markets are at hand. The former province constituted the territory which Dermot McMorrogh instigated by resentment offered witli Eva to Strongbow ; the latter what Henry the Second bestowed on De Lacy his justiciary. TRANSFEROFERIN. 43 IX. ANCIENT FAMILIES OF ULSTER. This province, embracing what now constitutes the counties of Donegal, Londonderry, Tyrone, Antrim, Down, Fermanagh, Ar- magh, Monaghan and Cavan, was assigned to Heber Don, son of Ir, the brother of Heremon and Heber. There his posterity the Clan Rory* long dwelt, some of them passing away or finding abodes in other parts of the island. They gave twenty-five kings to Ireland. Cearmne and Sobhance A.M. 2870, who reigned forty years, divid- ing the island between them by a line from Drogheda to Limerick, the latter having his residence at Dun Patrick. 011a Fodhla, an author and lawgiver of renown, who reorganized the administra- tion of the government and established or revived the triennial assemblages at Tara ; Ciombath 3539 who erected the palace of Emania at Armagh, which work his wife Macha, of a bold and en- terprising genius, who ruled over and after him, would seem to have completed ; Roderick the Great 3402 ; Fachtna the wise 3470 ; Mai. 109, and Caobdoch 550, were of most note. Thirty-five of this race were kings of Ulster, among whom Connor estab- lished or renovated the Red Branch Knights of Emania, one of three orders then existing in the island, the other two being in Con- naught and Munster. The Clan Rory lost their supremacy in Ulster, in the third and fourth centuries, when two sons of Neil the Great of the race of Heremon, Owen from whom descended the O'Neils, Keans, MacSweenys, Donnellies of Tyrone, and Conal from whom descended the O'Donnels, O'Dohertys, O'Galaghers, Boyles * The Rudricians, as the posterity of Ir were also called, consisted of the families of M'Guinnis, M'Carthan, More, Cronnelly, Dufran, Moran, Leniian, Corsan, M'Gowan or Smith, M'VVard, M'Scanlan, Kenny, Lawlor, Lynch, Mannion, Maginn, M'Colreavy or Gray, Carolan, Connor Core and Kerrv, Loghlin of Burren, Kirliy, Shanly, M'Brien, Ferfal, Roddv, Gavnor, M'Connack, M'borcliy, M'Raghneils or Reynolds, Quinn, Mul- vey, Conarv, Dioclialla, M'Keogh, Bcice, M'Maehisas, M'Rory or Rogers, Corca-Dallan, Corca-Antim, Dal-Conlinn, Ciarruighe, Cinal-Brine, Gailcnge, Liodan, Drennon and Duan. 44 TRANSFEROFEKIN. and O'Dalys dispossessed them, and for more than twelve hundred years retained their hold of the country. This event deserves to be borne in mind, marking an interesting epoch and serving as a starting point in unravelling many perplexi- ties. Besides Owen and Conal, Neil, who was slain in 405 after a prosperous and brilliant reign of twenty-seven years, had Carbrei ancestor of that sept in Sligo, and Ende of Tir-Enda, in Donegal and Meath. From these four sons proceeded the northern Hy Nials, whilst from Laogaire the first christian monarch, ancestor of the Kindellans in Meath, Conal Crimthan of the Melaghlins, Feacha of the Macgeoghans and Molloys, and Maine of the Caharnys, Breens and Magawleys, were derived the southern. From Laogaire to Malachi, deposed by Brian Boru, the former branch gave twenty-six monarchs to the island, the latter nineteen. To prevent jealousies it was provided that these two branches should fill the throne alternate- ly, the successor or roydamna being selected when the king was in- stalled, a ceremonial attended with many rites and solemnized before the assembled chiefs and people at the place and upon the stone kept sacred for the purpose. The original stone, it will be remem- bered, was carried into Scotland for the coronation of Fergus in the seventh century. After being long at Scone it followed the Stewarts into England, where it is still preserved in Westminster Abbey as a venerable relic and used on similar occasions. This rule of alternate succession with its modifications of tanistry may well have been suggested to Nial by one prevailing since Oliol- Oliim in Munster and brought home to him in his own family Qxpe- rience. His father Eochy Moyveon, by Mongfinn sister of Crim- than, sixth in descent from Oliol, had four sons : Brian, ancestor of the O'Conors of Connaught ; Fergus of the O'Dowds, Haynes and Shaughnessys ; Fergus, and Oliol. His own mother was Carinna, daughter of the king of Bi-itain. When Eochy died, his children being too young to rule, their uncle Crimthan raised to the monarchy TRANSFEROFERIN. 45 selected Conal of the Dalgais to succeed him on the throne of ISIun- ster. This incensed tlie Eoghanacth, who claimed that their princq. Core was the next in succession by the alternate rule, and this being left to the states of Munster was so decided. To this decree Conal peaceably submitted, and when Core died, in 3Gfi, succeeded liim. "When Crimthan was poisoned by his sister Mongfinn, that her son might rule in his stead, it was Xeil and not Bryan who was by the choice of the country called to the throne. Tyrconnel now Donegal was the chicftainry of the O'Donnels, of whom Rory Avas created earl of Tyrconnel in IGOo, and his descend- ants have been variously ennobled since for their distinguished mili- tary and civil services in Austria and Spain. Their feudatories were the O'Dogherties of Inishowen between Lough Swilly and Lough Foyle, under whom were the M'Gonigles and Donnellys, M'Davets and O'Coyles. The territory west and south was occupied by oifsets from these stems — McFadden, Bradley, Laverty, Ilaggerty, Dor- nin, Sheeran, McCrosky, McCroissan, Curran, Duffy, Kernaghan, M'Bride, M'Ward, Gettyghan,- Preel, Eafferty, M'Gowan, M'Hugh, M'Nulty, M'Closky, Dorrian, M'Gilbride, Clery, Muldory, Gormly, M'Lean, Kenny and Quiny. The MacSweenys, variously derived by different authorities from Swain, king of Norway, from Ir and from Heremon, were lords of Tuatha, Castle Duff, Finad, Banagh and the Rosses. Other principalities were Kilmacrenan, Raphoe, Boy- lagh, Tirhugh and Ballyshannon. At Donnegal, the capital, the Four Masters, one of the standard books on Irish history, was com- piled. The county of Londonderry, originally Coleraine, between Lough Foyle and the river Bann outlet of Lough Neagh, comprises the baronies of Tuckerin, Coleraine, Loughlinsholin and Keenaught which belonged to the O'Keans. Branches of Hara, Mullen, Ma- guin, McGilligan, Conor, Carolan, Mulligan, Brolihan, Cassidy, Quigley, McConnel Devlin, Keenan, McCracken, Scallan, MoNamee 46 TRANSFER OF ERIN. occupied the territory, making way early in the seventeenth cen- tury for King James's settlers. After the destruction of Emania in the fifth century, the kings of Ulster had their principal abode at Aileach, six miles from the city of Londonderry. Tyrone formed but part of the dominions of the O'Neils, which were called Hy Neil or Kind Owen, of which the castle of Dungan- non was the chief seat and its barony, and those of Cloghcr, Omagh and Strabane principalities. Tlie O'Xeils held sway at times over nearly all Ulster, and ftu*nished many kings to the throne of Ire- land. Their chiefs were created earls of Tyrone and barons Dun- gannon in 1542, and a branch viscounts in 1793, but the most noted were Shane and Hui>h under Elizabeth and Owen in 1643. Eaflferty, Mellan, Connellan, M'Shane, M'Eory, M'Taggart, MTntyre, M'Guire, M'Owen, Croissan, Curran, Duvany, M'Gol- rich, M'Breen, M'Caghwell lords of Kinel Feradaigh, Tomalty, Etegan, Donnegan, Hagan, Laverty were their lieges. Armagh, separated from Tyrone by the Blackwater, contains Fews, chieftainry of the second branch of the O'Neils, Clanbresail formerly of the MacCanns, Orior of the O'Hanlons, and its baronies are Armagh, Turany, east and west Neilland, upper and lower Fews and Orior. Larkins, Hanrattys, Heirs, Kiernans, Carneys, Tier- nays, Callans, M'Evoys and Marrons are family names. Antrim in the northeast, bounding south on Lough Neagh and Carrickfergus Bay, consisted of North and South Claneboy, belong- ing formerly to the O'Neils and later to the MacDonnels earls of Antrim. Carey, Dunluce, Glenarm, Kilconway, Toome, Masarene and Belfast were baronies. The family names not Scotch or En- glish, most common within its limits, are Shiel, Hara, Flynn, Don- nellan lords of Hy Tuirtree, Quillan, Keevan, Criordan, Magees of the race of Heremon of Oilcan ]\Iagee, and north of Carrickfergus Bay, the M'Nallys. It was formerly also known as Dalrieda, the north portion of Dalaradia, and earlier as Endruim. TKANSFEROFEKIN, 47 Down or Ulidia, part of what was formerly Dalaradia, consisted of Ards originally under a branch of the O'Neils, Iveagh, Lecalc and Moylnis, patrimony of the IVIagennises of the race of Clan Rory, Castlereagh and DufFerin of the INIacCartans, Kinelenty and Mourne. Among other names familiar in the county of ancient origin are Rooney, Lonagan, Colgan, Cormac, Moore, Garvey, Kelley, Rohan, Macken, Lawlor, Lynch, Moran, Ileoghy, M'Rory, Colteran, and Dunlevy prince of Ulidia. A large share of the present population is of course Scotch and English. Arthur, chief of Magennis, whose wife was daughter of O'Neil, earl of Tyrone, was created viscount of Magennis of Iveagh in 1622. Bryan the fifth lord died in 1693 compromised in the war which proved fatal to most of the peers of Irish race. Fermanagh surrounds Lough Erne. It belonged to the Magulres whose chief Bryan was made baron of Enniskillen in 1627, a title for- feited by his son Connor, attainted in 1644. Clonkelly, Lure, Magheraboy, Clanawley, Coole, Knockiniuy, INIaghaira, Stephano and Tyr Kennedy are baronies. Mac-Tiernan, Fadagan lords of Tura, Magrath, M'Lenon, Mehan, Casey, M'Garahan, Corcoran, O'Keenan, Gorman, M'Enteggart, Mulrooney, Tracy, Cassidy, Corrigan, M'Manvs, M'Corishenan, Devins, Leonard and Muldoon chiefs of Lure, Tully, Gilfinnen, were the family names most multiplied. Monaghan or Uriel formed with Armagh and Lowth, at the time of the invasion, the kingdom of Orgiel, of which M'Mahons lords of Dartry were chiefs. Its other principalities were Clankelly, Cremorn, Donagmain belonging to the O'Nenys, and Trough of which M'Kennas were chieftains. Other familiar names in this county were Hughs, Hoey, Ileany, M'Gilvray, Connolly, Cassidy, M'Ardle, Duflfy, M'Quade and Boylan. Cavan with Leitrim formed Brefney, di\idcd between two branches from Ard Fin of the race of Ileremon, the O'Rourkes being princes 48 TRANSFER or ERIN. of Leitrim, O'Reillys of Cavan created by Queen Elizabeth earls of Branny and lords of Cavan. Clanmahon, Clonkee, Castlerrahan, upper and lower Loughtee and the three Tullaghs are among the chief subdivisions, and Daly, Clery, Fitzsimmon, Govvan, Brady, Conaghty, Tully, Mulligan, IM'Hugh, Dolan, Sheridan, Brogan, M'Cabe, M'Tiernan lords of Tullaghodonoho and M'Gom^- an of Tullaghar names most familiar. In Clonkee dwelt a sept of that name peculiarly warlike, a terror to their foes. They are now said to be extinct, and of the numerous proprietors of the princely race of Cavan but one family, that of Heath House, is mentioned by Walton as remaining. There are more in Meath and Louth, but Butlers, Bells, Cootes, Hamiltons, Hudeons, Lamberts, Max- wells, Pratts, Sandersons, Singletons and Shirley s representing the earls of Essex, with others of Scotch and English descent, have super- seded the O'Reillys. With Lough Erne which lays chiefly in Fer- managh and its river flowing into Donegal Bay, its lofty highlands to the west, some reaching an elevation of two thousand feet, among which rises the Shannon, and its other lakes, streams and mountains, the country abounds in the picturesque. Ample spaces are enclosed in parks and pleasure grounds, but high rents and improving land- lords have driven away the people, who now number less than two hundred to the square mile. Extremes of opulence and destitution here as everywhere else in the country are disingenuously attributed by English writers to race or sect, Avhile mainly due to vicious legis- lation and to the exclusion of the people from interest in the soil they till. This is justified on the specious plea of the political necessity of maintaining the union and protestant ascendancy. But it is of no practical utility for either. What is true of this county is true of the rest ; our limits forbid wtth regard to them the same particularity. The province covered an area'of over five millions four hundred thousand acres. Of 1,165,107 in Donegal, about one-half are im- proved; of 518,425 in Londonderry, one-fifth only waste; of TRANSFEROFERIN. 49 754,395 ia Tyrone, nearly three-fourths. In Armagh nearly all its 328,000 acres are susceptible of cultivation ; in Antrim two-thirds of its 780,000 and in Down five-sixths of 611,404 are productive; of 456,538 in Fermanagh, 327,048 in Monaghan, 477,300 in Cavan, the soil is generally good. INIuch of what is now waste if not stripped of its growth would have remained of value. That all the territory before its settlement by the Scotch was improved to advan- tage is plain from the amount expended by the O'Ncils under Eliza- beth in their campaigns, — eighty thousand pounds in a single year. At that period the revenue of the crown from such portions of the country as were subject to its collectors was far less than this, and the value of money several times greater than it is at present. X. ANCIENT FAMILIES OF CONN AUGHT. The westerly projection of the island into the ocean embraces tlie counties of Mayo, Sligo, Leitrira, Roscommon, Gal way, and before 1602, of Clare. It was set apart by Heremon and Heber for the Firbolgs and earlier races, but in the fourth century was con- quered by the descendants of Fiachra of the posterity of Heremon. Muradach, son of Fiachra, was its first king of that dynasty, and from his grandsons Brian and Fergus branched the Hy Brunes and Hy Fiachras ; the former consisting of O'Connors Don, Roe and Sligo, Rourkes, Reillys, MacDermots, MacDonoghs, Flaherty s, O'Malleys, Flins and Flanagans, Hanlys, MacManus, Fallons, MacKiernans, MacBradys, Donellans, Garvys, Malonys, MacBren- nans, Lallys, Creans, Fahys, Breslans, MacAodhs, Crowleys, Finnigans, Hallorans. The descendants of Fergus were the Dowds, 50 TRANSFEROFERIN. Shaughnessys, Haynes, Kilkellys, Keanaighs, Clerys, Ceads and Lennains. In Roscommon, between the Shannon and the Suck, at Ballin- tobber, famous for its abbey, was long one of the chief seats of the O'Connors, kings of Connaught, from whom, through the De Burgs, descends the royal family of England. Another of their regal residences was at Cong, between lakes Mask and Corrib, on the borders of Mayo and Galway. This place was also famous for its abbey, founded by Domnal II., one of the O'Connor kings, who was monarch of Ireland. The duties and responsibilities of government demanding health and vigor, kings and chiefs, as they grew old or infirm, if they escaped the battlefield, retired to the cloister. Roderick, the last unfortunate monarch of the island, spent many of the last years of his life at one of these abbey retreats, dying in 1198 at the age of eighty-two. In the fork between the two rivers, the Kellys, princes of Hy Maine, ruled over Athlone and Moycarne, part of Mainech, which extended across the Suck into Galway. Dugans, Donegans, Mac- Brides, Meanys, Fallons, MacKeoghs and Nortons were septs under them. North of Athlone the barony of Roscommon, the more special demesne of the kings, were Donnalans, Bernes, Hanleys, Conroys, Monahans, Flannagans, MacDo wells. Farther west were Baltimoe and Ballintobber, divided later between the O'Connors Don and Roe, Connellan, Moran and Fenaghty, and to the north MacDermots, princes of Moylurg. East of the Shannon and form- ing part of Brefney, Leitrim was the patrimony of the O'Rourks, comprising Dromanaine, Mohilland Carrigaleen under the Reynolds, and Rossclogher under the MacClancys of Dartry, with MacFergus, Meechan, MacGlom, MacKenny, O'Carrols of Calry, Fords, Mac- Gowan of Tullaghar, MacGartlan, MacKeon, MacColreavy, Shanly, MacTeigue and INIacDorchy ftir septs well known but not equally powerful. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 51 Mayo, extending east to Lough Gara and south to Lough Corrib, borders for a long distance on the sea. A large portion of its terri- tory was early under the rule of O'Dowds and O'Malleys, the former furnishing a dynasty of princes to Tyrawly and Ennis, the latter to Barrishole and Morrisk. Below, on Lough Mask, were domains of the O'Connor kings on the easterly side ; the country of the Joyces, a fine race of men originally from Wales, tall and vigorous, on the west. North of the Lake is Curra, where Murrays and Tiernays were chieftains ; and on the east Clanmorris, of which the Burkes, Mac Williams Oughtar, in later days earls of Mayo, were principal proprietors, and where the Prendergasts had possessions ; farther east again, Costello of the MacCostellos or Nangles, and north of the Burkes, Athleathan of the Jordans de Exeter. Fin- negans, Gearans, Connegans, Callaghans, Cahanys, Rothlans, Ronans, Bradys, Blighs, Quinns, Lennons, Milfords, Mulroys, . Mulrenins, Mogahns, MacHales, Flynns, Cummins, Creans, Tooles, DufFys, Gradys, MacDarells, Dorchys, Lavels, Morans, Larissseys, MacGowans, Gormlys, wdth some other families of English patro- nymics, such as Lawless, Barret, Cusack, Petit, Lynch and Brown, held under them or succeeded to their possessions. Sligo, on the north shore, embraced Tireragh, part of the large possessions of the O'Dowds, Gallen and Leny of the O'Haras, Cooltavin of the O'Garas, Corran and Tyrerrill of MacDonoghs, Carberry of O'Connors Sligo, and under them were Brogans, Flan- ellys, Colemans, MacGeraghtys, Morrisons, Morrisseys, Kernaghans, Howleys, Laughnans, Feenys, McFirbis, Morans, Keevans, Dur- kans, Spillane and MacConways. The seven lower baronies of Galway, Longford, Clare, Dunkel- len, Loughrea, Kiltartan, Athenry and Leitrim were early appropri- ated by the MacWilliams Fighter or Burkes »f Clanrickard, — whose chief abode was at first the castle of Loughrea, and later that of Portumma. They held no exclusive possession, for the 52 TRANSFEEOFERIN. O'Sliaiignessys, connected Avitli them by various matrimonial alli- ances, retained portions of Kiltartan, of which they once were chief- tains, as did the INIullalys of Longhrea, the Hallorans of Clare or Clan Fugail, Donnellans of Clan Brassail in Leitrim, Maddens and Hoolaghans in Longford, Haverties, Haynes and Connollys in Athenry. To the westward toward the Atlantic stretches a wilder- ness of rock and bog and mountain, with wild and romantic scenery, intermingled with patches of luxuriant vegetation, kept fresh from its proximity to the sea. In this territory, well known as Conne- mara, the O'Flahertys once ruled in Ire Connaught and the Mac- Conrys in Moycullen. Farther north and east was Conmayne, the Cross of Tuam, the seat of the archbishops, forming part of Dun- more, from which the Birminghams, barons of Athenry, expelled the O'Connors and O'Flahertys, lords of Dunamore, after the fall of Edward Bruce, at which time the Flynns were lords of Cloinmoel- roin. Tyaquin, Kilconnel, Clonmacnoon, Killian, Ballimoe, form- ei part of Maineech or Hy Maine, of which the Kellys of the race of Heremon were princes, one of whom lord of Aughrim forfeited his possessions. Cowleys, MacHughs, Duanes, Lees, Calla- nans, Kirwans were other families of Connemara. Heynes, princes of Hy Fiachra, Sheehans, Cullens, Cahills, Fahys, MacTullys, MacNevins, MacEgans, Traceys, Larkins, Coffeys, Doyles, Daleys, Maginns, Cashins, Tourneys, Degans, Connollys, Mulroo- neys and Mannings Avere also names much multiplied in Galway. Though a large part of the four millions and a half of acres in the five counties are not very fertile, and two-thirds of them only under any cultivation, the population before the famine of 1849 and exodus that followed exceeded fifteen hundred thousand, that of Mas- sachusetts to-day on the same area. It has of course greatly dimin- ished since by emigration. The traveller attracted into the country by the beauty of its scenery and abundance of its salmon, will observe in the various races traits and lineaments which afford abundant TRANSFER OFER IN. 53 evidence of their different origin. Here in Mayo Avere once preemi- nent the Chan Morna, said to be Damnonians as also the posterity of Eadan in Koscommon and of Enda in Sligo. XI. EUEGENIAXS AND DALCASSIANS OF MUNSTER. After Mogha Xuadat or Angus (81), King of Munster, born A.D. GO, defeated Con of the hundred battles, they divided the island by a line from Dublin to Galway, Con taking Leath-Con to the north, Mogha Leath-Mogha to the south. Leinster or Ensellagh remained subject to tribute for a time under the kings of Munster, but this settlement Avas of short duration. When Oliol son of Mogha, and son-in-law of Con (82), born in 92, came to die, he gave Fiacha son of his elder son Owen, Waterford, Cork, Kerry and part of Tippe- rary or Desmond, and Cormac Cas his son next in seniority surviving- Limerick and Clare with the rest of Tipperary and part of Kinos county or Thomond, providing that the representative of each line alternately should hold supreme sway in INIunster. It may prove serviceable to the reader to have at hand the respec- tive main lines of the Eoghanaght and Dalcassians, from the time this settlement was made to the coming of Strongbow. The former consisted of : (84) Fiacha Mullathan b. 154 (85) Oliol Flanbeg b. 190 (8Q) Daire Cearb and Luaglmaid b. 228 (87) Core b. 2G9 (88) Nadfraoch b. 320 (89) Angus b. 346, the first christian king (90) Felim b. 386 (91) Criomthan b. 423 (92) Hugh Dubb father of (93) Finghin ancestor of the O'Sullivans and of (83) Falvey b. 511 father of (94) Colga the generous chief b. 555 (95) Nadfraoch b. 597 (96) Daolgiasa b. 640 (97) Doughaile b. 682 (98) Seach- nusa b. 723 (99) Artgaile b. 764 (100) Lachtna b. 806 who lived 54 TRANS FEROFERIN. in the reign of Cormac son of Culenan king of Munster, who com- piled the Psalter of Cashel (101) Buadhachan b. 848 (102) Ceal- lachan b. 88G, who conquered the Danes (103) Justin b. 925 (104) Carthach b. 969 (105) Muireadach (106) Cormac b. 1054, who founded Cormac's chapel at Cashel, and (107) DermodMorrna Cille Baine, king of Cork and Desmond, b. 1008, who married Pe- tronilla de Bleete, an English lady of good family, and who made his submission to Henry the second and was slain in 1185, near Cork, by Theobald Fitzwalter. The main lines of Cormac Cas who married the sister of the poet Oisin MacCumhale were : (84) Mogh Corb b. 167 (85) Fearcorb b. 198 (86) Angus b. 232, the peacemaker, (87) Luighaid b. 286, who dispossessed the Firbolgs of Clare (88) Conal Eachluath b. 312 (89) Cas (90) Blod (91) Carthin who had a son Angus pro- genitor of the Currys Cormacans and Seasnans, and (92) Eochy Balldearg, baptized by St. Patrick (93) Conal (94) Hugh Coiheme, or the comely king of Cashel and first christian king of the family. His son Congal was ancestor of the O'Neils of Clare and O'Noons of Thomond ; (95) Catlial, from whose son Algenain derive the O'Mearas (95) Torlagh b. 641 (96) Mahon b. 683 (97) Core (98) Lachtna (101) Lorean (102) Kennedy (103) Brian Boru born at Knicora 926, who conquered the Danes at Clontarf April 23, 1014, driving them out of the island. (104) Donogh was succeeded by his nephew (105) Torlogh, who died 1086. (106) Murtough d. 1119. (107) Dermod, whose wife was Sarah McCarthy daughter of Thad- deus, d. 1120. (108) Conor d. 1142 was succeeded by his brother (108) Torlogh d. 1167. (109) Murtogh, slain by O'Brien whose eric was three thousand cows, exacted by his brother and successor (109) Donal King of Cashel who maiTied Orlecam daughter of Der- mod king of Leinster by a daughter of O'More of Leix. He founded the cathedral church at Cashel on the existing site. "When Henry the second landed he tendered his submission, but in 1176, after TRANSFER OF ERIN. 55 that king violated at Oxford his pledge to king Roderick, Donal ex- pelled the English from Limerick. He died in 1134. The rule of alternate succession between the Eoghanacht' and Dalgais^ was not observed with equal strictness and fidelity as that of a lilce nature adopted by the northern and southern Ily Nials to the central monarchy. The kings of the southern pro- vince, of Casliel as commonly called, while their scat of govern- ment was in that city, were more frequently selected from the former, their territories being nearer at hand. Between Conal of the Swift Steeds (87), and Lorcan (101), grandfather of Brian Boru, Dalgais furnished few kings to the throne of Munster. They sorely felt the injustice of this exclusion, and it led to deso- lating wars. When Cormac MacCuillenan, king and bishop of Cashel, in 908, was preparing for an expedition against Munster, which ended in disaster, he reminded the assembled princes of the law of Olioll Olum, and named Lorcan, king of Thomond, whom he had summoned from Kincora as his successor. But his wishes were not regarded, and though the two lines contended for the throne, seventy years elapsed before Brian Boru, son of Kennedy, conquered the Eugenians in 1078, and obtained the crown of Munster as the j)rize of victory. It is not proposed at present to follow either line later down ' The Eoghanachts, or Eugenian Families, are : — Mac Carthy Mor, Mac Carthy Muskery, Mac Carthy Carrignavar, Mac Caithy Aglish, Mac Cartliy Cloghroe, Mac Carthy Na-Mona! Mac Carthys Mac Donogh, Mac Carthy Mac Donnell", Mac Carthy Reagh, Mac Carthy Diina, Mac Carthy Ballynoodic, Mac Caithy Glas, Keeffc, Mac Auliffe, Donoghue of Kerry, Donogliiie of Ca^hcl, Donoghue of Ossory, Collins, Conncll, Daly, Mahony, Cal- laghan, Callanan, Moriarty, Cullen, Sullivan, Mac Gilliciukly, Quill, Hiordan, Shea, Lyon, Cronan, Bnadhach,^, Cahalan, Maolins, Flathniadh, Flynn, Conal, Ceallaghan, Donnell, Duilgin, Hca, Ceanduibh, Mac Trialladh, Longadh, Dubhachain, Ncill, Feichin, Flanlaoi' Dudhain, Leary, Riun, Donall, Caonihloingfiidli, Conall, Cronnelly, Dann, Ailgnin, Hooly^ Ccitin, Meargan, Aignach, Canty, Eoghan, Agha, Maothagan,Maolcrain, Glamhin, Berain, Loingseach, Angal, Finellj^, Donovan, Feely. ^ The Dalcassian Families are : — O'Brien, M;ic Lysaght, Ailchc, Ahern, Mac Namara Gunning, Kennedy, Meara, Mac Brody, Mulcsihy, M'Einery, Liddy, Lenaghan, Lonergati M'Clanfhy, M'Coghlan, Mac Curtin, Grady, Moron}-, Molony, Griffin, Hanraghty, Ilanra- han, Hehir or Hare, M'Innerney, Ilartigan, Plickey, Hogan, Hurley, Lynch, Casey Cudihy, Conolly, Cormacan, Crotty, Mac Mahon, Lanigan, Kirwan, Magrath, Neill, Dea^ Spelman, Fogarty, Sheehan, Toomy, Regan, Kelleher, Shanahan, Hely, M'Arthur, Sex- ton, Reidy, Slattery, Kearney, Noonan, Quin, Mac Considine, Scullj', Curry, Heffernan Cahill, Hea, Finnellan, Glorau, Toler, Durcan, Silk, Mukhaoine, Heavy, Caisin, Noon' Larkin, Bowen, Aingidy, Maine, Fiahcrty, Conroy, Heynes, Hanity. 56 TRANSFER OF ERIN. than the invasion. There are manifest reasons on the face of both as we derive them from Cronelly, and from the interesting history of the O'Briens by O'Donoghuc, for doubting their absohite ac- curacy. The intervals in the many instances are of undue length for average generations ; but possibly this may be accounted . for by grandsons, and not sons succeeding. From the similarity of names in the two lists at about the same date, there seems also ground for suspicion of possible confusion. But the historical incidents with which they were severally connected are too well established for any very important error. The mode of numbering the genera- tions, though suggesting a degree of credulity far below the ac- cepted standards of historical scepticism, in beginning at the cradle of the race, is that common to all works of Irish genealogy, and is too convenient not to improve. XII. ANCIENT FAMILIES OF MUNSTER. How it chances that the Milesians are so peculiarly genealogical, may possibly be accounted for from their having retained, down to periods comparatively recent, the pati-iarchal system of government, the earliest form of civil polity. With their property and indepen- dence constantly menaced by strangers ever at hand to take advan- tage of their weakness, their family ties were drawn closer for mutual protection, and shut out from other pursuits, their shores and larger towns in hostile occupation, clansmen went little from home unless on military service. Their laws of succession, tenure of their lands, hereditary castes and military organization, all demanded an accurate record and transmission of descent, and officials specially qualified and trained and in some instances hereditary were appoint- TRANSFEROFERIN. 57 ed and set apart for this duty. The family lore thus preserved is an important help for the elucidation of our particular subject, and with the tribal boundaries baronial and county lines might better perhaps be presented on map or in tables. Such are to be obtained, but are not everywhere accessible, and we are reduced to the necessity of placing here what information of this description our readers may require to bear in mind. Enumeration of names and places may prove somewhat irksome and cannot of course pretend to be absolutely exact or complete. Many names are purposely omitted, as simply modifications or repe- titions, others through inadvertence, but if we succeed in imparting the knowledge of which we have ourselves felt sorely the need in studying the history of Ireland, our end will be attained. Our sub- ject is the social and political condition of two races, differing widely in character and circumstance, placed side by side for centuries, de- veloping in their mutual relations whatever is good or evil in human nature. If not always at strife, their friendly intercourse was often fraught with greater peril to the weaker and more confiding race than when engaged in actual hostilities. They readily combined for com- mon objects of ambition or resentment, but there was a natural antagonism engendering jealousy and contention, and when the immediate objects for uniting their forces were effected they re- vived in their original virulence. In this long struggle the chiefs and clans eventually succumbed. The stranger, with a powerful na- tion of larger and constantly augmenting resources to lend aid when needed, rooted himself in the soil, and like the parasite of the tropics, extended his deadly embrace over his less fortunate and per- sistent neiorhbors, absorbing their substance and gaining vigor from their decline, leaving, as time proceeded, his victims helpless. This was the course of events in many parts of the island, it Avas peculiar- ly so in Munster. The northern province defended by bog and stream, with passes 58 TRANSFER OFEEIN. impervious to hostile penetration, under ite brave and sagacious rulers, kept its gates for centuries barred. If pressure from without aided by internal dissension ever swept in its tide of devastation, it soon ebbed, not again for long intervals to return. From the less homogeneous character of its people, and the hold the De Burghs early gained in Galway, the west if defiant of English authority was more under the influence of English interests. By Irish rules of succession, which excluded females, Eighters and Oughters had better claim than INIortimer or Plantagenet to the family lands of the De Burghs in Connaught, but if feudal law were to govern where it had never been accepted and could not be enforced, they were intruders, and if placed at disadvantage might be compelled to surrender. This led them to form for their security frequent alli- ances with the neighboring princes, and furnishes the key to the policy which long ruled in Connaught. In the central province and south toward the sea and St. George's Channel, the tenure of the representatives of Eva was constantly disputed and generally with success by the sons of Heremon. The southerly shore was fringed with harbors, open to a maritime power and easily defended against land attack. \\e have seen how the map of Munster became curiously checkered with the demesnes of the two races, intersj^erscd. There were septs of other stock than Hebers, English lords Avho did not trace to Nesta, but not many of either with sufficient extent of territory or influence to control events. From Waterford to Tralee, from Cashel to Derrynane, after assimilation in speech and dress had broken down the barriers which kept the races hostile and distinct, it was not so much two nationalities that were contending for mastery, as Fitzmaurice and Fitzgerald against Eugenian and Dalgais. Even these distinctions were constantly losing force as their houses became knit together by bonds of consanguinity. The line of Kaymond lords of Kerry, now represented by the Marquis of Lansdown for seven hundred years, TRANSFER OF EKIN. 59 have been gaming in territory and influence. Certainly no English blood has been more largely tinctured by Milesian. It was in the eighteenth century before a baroness of Kerry died of Saxon or pure English stock. The first lord had for wife Grace Cavanagh, grand- daughter of the noted Dermod McMorrogh, King of Leinster, father of Eva, the second Mary iNIcElligot of Connaught, the third, fourth and eighteenth princesses of Thomond, the seventh Catherine McCarthy, the ninth Maud O'Connor, the tenth Una McMahon ; the sixth, eighth and nineteenth Fitzgeralds, also Avidely connected through Roches, Barrys and de Burghs Avitli both bloods. The wives of the second, ninth and eleventh earls of Desmond were O'Briens, of the twelfth and thirteenth McCarthies, the fourteenth espoused Mora O'Carroll. Dermod McCarthys More (107) born 1098, king of Desmond at the time of the invasion, had for his wife an Englishwoman, Petronilla de Bleete. His great grandson Donal (110) b. 1204, also king, espoused Margaret daughter of the third Kerry ; Donal's grandson, Cormac (112) born 1271, Honoria daughter of the sixth. In the next generation Donal (113) b. 1303 — 1358 had to wife Joanna, only child and heiress of the second earl of Desmond, and four generations later the wife of Cormac (117) b. 1440 was Ellenor Fitzmaurice, daughter of the ninth Kerry by jNIora O'Connor. Of the children of Donal an Druim in (118) b. 1481 Catherine mar- ried Finghin McCarthy Reagh, Honoria James fifteenth earl of Desmond, Donal (119) b. 1518 created earl of Clancarre espoused Honoria Fitzo-erald, dauii-hter of his brother-in-law. The house of Kincora early selected their brides from O'Connors, O'Moores, O'Cavanaghs, O'Kennedys, MacNamaras, Fogarties and McCarthies, but Torlogh (116) who died 14G0, his sou (117), and great grand- son (119) married Burkes, while the wives of Torlogh (118), and Conor (121) third, earl, were daughters of Kerry. Another wife of Conor (119) was Alice daughter of Desmond; Donogh 60 TRANSFEROFERIN. (120) second earl of Thomond married Helena Butler, daughter of the earl of Ormond, and Donogh (122) the fourth Amy Roche and Elizabeth Fitzgerald, dauo-hter of the eleventh earl of Kildare. The Carberry and Muskery branches were also as variously and in- timately allied to the English race. Their sons and daughters intermarried in each successive genera- tion, forming a curious lace work of both races more or less harmoniously blended. With their territory coterminous and inter- mingled, their abodes not far apart, with constant occasion for social intercourse or friendly interchange, the marriage banquet or funeral rite, hostings, the chase, festivals of the church, to bring them into constant companionship, their stability and security depending in a great measure on mutual support, the religious sense extending far and wide, culture, refinement and civilization, earls of Desmond with their subordinate barons and knights of the Valley, Kerry and Glyn, white and black and five hundred established branches, Roches, Barry s, Condons and Barrets, the twenty powerful houses derived from the IVIcCarthy More, Dalcassian chieftains subordinate to the kings of Thomond, O'Connors, O'Sullivans, Moriarties and Donovans held a singularly complicated sway over Munster. They experienced strange vicissitudes of fortune, and not the least remarkable what we shall have occasion to allude to later, the last representatives of both earls and kings of Desmond, in the begin- ning of the seventeenth century, were caged in the tower of London. The Queens earl in 1601 and Sugan or earl of straw in 1G08, seven- teenth and eighteenth earls of Desmond died there, and Florence McCarthy Reagh, who had married without Queen Elizabeth's con- eent Helena, heiress and only child born in wedlock of Donal McCarthy jSIore earl of Clancare, also ended his days after forty years' imprisonment more or less strict in London. The male repre- sentative of the eighth earl of Desmond, beheaded at Drogheda in 1467, ended in James Desmond descended from his fifth son who mar- TEANSFEKOFERIN. 61 ried an O'Brien and was living in 1687. The lineal representative of the McCarthy ]Morc, derives from an offshoot from the parent stem in the fifteenth century. Of the McCarthy Keagh there is a branch still resitling in France. Justin of Cork represents the house of Muskerry, descended from Daniel of Carrignavar, second son of Sir Cormac of Blarney castle, and the line of Glenachroim now or not long since was represented by Charles Duna (124) whose principal abode is or was in the same city. We have been tempted to loiter by the way to exhibit some of the modes by which the two races, naturally discordant and antagonistic, were gradually brought together and assimilated at the period under revicAv. The same process was going on throughout the province and all over the country, more of course among chiefs and rulers and principal landholders with whom intercourse was more frequent, than lower in the social scale where the condition kept both sexes at home. It shows how difficult if not impracticable it becomes to expel a stranger race when it grows dominant and domineering, of what doubtful policy it may often prove to allow it to gain a foothold. Historical retributions find vent fiir apart from the origi- nal wrong, and at times the peace and order of America have been rudely shaken by the infusion of large numbers who do not under- stand how much its liberties and blessings depend for their preserva- tion upon implicit obedience to wise laws justly and honestly administered ; but this will probably correct itself. 62 TRANSFER OF ERIN. XIII. THOMOND. Before crossing the Shannon, from what anciently was all Connaiight, Clare, originally set apart with that province for the Firbolgs and other races the Milesians conquered, but which was wrested from them by Luighaid, one of the progenitors of Brian Bom, and, at the request of his descendant, third earl of Thomond, constituted 1G02 part of Munster, spreads out its area of 802,352 acres, 500,000 arable land, the rest waste or pasturage. Embraced south and east by the river, its westerly bound extends a long distance by the sea into the bay of Galway. Its nine baronies, subdivisions established by the English govern- ment under Queen Elizabeth, and substantially the same in their limits as those previously existing, contained in 1841 three hun- dred thousand inhabitants, double its present population. In Tulla, its most easterly barony near the southeast corner of Lough Derg, once stood the celebrated palace of Kincora, near the pass of Killaloe, where the Kings of Limerick, when the Danes pressed hard upon them in that their earlier residence, took up their abode. Here Brian Boru was born and held his court as king of Thomond, Munster, or as monarch of the island ; and there also dwelt other generations of his line, before and after him. At the other end of Lough Dearg, twenty-three miles to the north, was the castle of Portumna, one of the strongholds of the Burkes of Clanrickard, Avith which family the O'Briens were often at war, and as often in amity. The shores of the lake must have frequently resounded to the war cries of the chief- tains, often returned the softer echoes of harp and other musical instruments of peace, as processions passed along the lake for festive entertainment or funereal rite. Kincora was frequently demolished and rebuilt, and only abandoned some centuries later, TRANSFEROFERIN. 63 when the Kings of Thomond possessed more convenient resi- dences, and more central as their hold relaxed on Tipperary, in Clonroad, nearEnnis, their first castle constrncted of stone, erected by Donogh Cairbrcach about 1200, Clareniore near Clare, Moy in Ibrickan and Bnnratty. The castle of Bunratty, erected by Thomas De Clare, soon after his grant from Edward the First, continued the abode of that family during its troubled possession in Clare. After the last ftital battle of Dysert O'Dce in 1318, in which were slain, his son and grandson, the wife of his son Richard gave it to the flames, and the family left the country never again to return. It has since stood many a siege, and experienced the fortunes of war ; but its position in command of the pass of the river Raite was one of importance to defend, and after each fresh disaster it was restored. It was at one time the residence of General Lud- low, the favorite general of Cromwell, and passed away from the O'Briens in 1712, when the eighth earl of Thomond sold it to a kinsman, not of his own name, who conveyed it in 1728 to the family of its present proprietor. It still stands, its central mass little diminished by time, though long since abandoned as a dwell- ing except for the constabulary force which occupies its lower apartments. Round about buried in the turf are lines of walls, formerly part of out buildings enclosing its outer wards, or form- ing part of its defences. What remains of the castle consists of a large square tower, about one hundred feet in elevation, flanked at the corners by four of smaller dimensions and com- municating, containing each many rooms. The main structure is chiefly composed of four or five large halls, the length of which is given by Thackeray as seventy feet, though it is probably less, the roof of the upper one now being reversed. On the walls as into the plaister decorations of the smaller rooms arc wrouo;ht the armorial bearino-s of the O'Briens. At one end 64 TRANSFEROFEKIN. between the towers have been constructed on several floors modern aj)artments of the fashion of Queen Anne. Not draped with ivy or environed by trees, this castle stands out stern and grim against the sky, and from the solidity of its structure may well, if undisturbed, remain for many ages an interesting historical relic of the warlike age it has survived. Near by Kincora in Tulla, once extended the territory of the O'Gradys of Cincl Donghaile, supplying many dignitaries to the chm'ch, contributing many works of value to the national annals. They have long since passed from their ancient prosperity in Clare, but are now represented by the O'Grady of Kilballyowen Castle, in the barony of small county in Limerick, by Carrol of Shore Park, and by the Viscounts Guillamore, connected with the Blennerhassets. The northern portions of Tulla, and of the adjacent barony of Bunratty, were long the domain of the Macnamaras of the Clan Coilean, or Hy Caisin, one of whose chiefs, Sioda, in 1402 founded the abbey of Quin, among the largest medieval ecclesiastical establishments, and the ruins of which are considered the finest in Ireland. This line of chieftains were hereditary marshals of Thomond, and its several branches, two of whom are honorably represented among the present landed proprietors of Clare, possessed no less than fifty-seven castles. The lower part of Bunratty was called Hy-bloid, from the old name of the O'Briens, and was the early home of the Shannons, Kennedys, Creaghs and Kearneys, and near by were Moloneys, Magraths, Griffins of the castles of Ballygriffy, and Moygowna in Inchiquin. The Hehics or Hares of Hy Cormac possessed Magh- adare between Tulla and Bunratty. Inchiquin or Hy Fermeic was the patrimony of the O'Deas and O'Quins, the last now en- nobled as earls of Dunraven, of Castle Adare, and there dwelt the McBrodys, still celebrated as for many centuries earlier as poets and historians ; Hogans, bishops of Killaloe, HefFernans and T R A N S F E R OF E R I N . 65 O'Neils of Finlora. In Ibrickan still dwell in prosperity the Moronys and INIac Consedines, derived from Consadan, son of Donogli Cairbreach, of the twelfth century. Kilfenora, along the bay of Galway, was the inheritance of a branch of Clan liory, divided in the eleventh century between O'Connors Core, of Dough Castle, to whom was assigned the southerly half or Cor- cumroc ; and O'Loghlins, lords of Burren, the northerly. The latter are still represented amongst the present landholders in Clare; but the lands of this branch of the O'Connor name, of which Avere the O'Connors Keny, passed under Queen Elizabeth through O'Briens and Fitzgeralds to Gores, Stackpoles and other English families. There are now to be found Mac Lysaglits, repre- sented by the lords Lisle, Cullenans, Davorens, Currans, Liddys, and Gormaus, formerly chiefs of Hy Cormac. In the southwest corner of Clare are the Corkavaskins iNIoj-arta and Clonderlaw, of which the MacMahons were long chieftains. From John, born in 1715, son of Patrick and Margaret O'Sullivan Beare, who became ]Marquis d'Equilly in 1763, descends Marshal Mac^Iahon, duke of Magenta, present ruler of France. This house of Mac- Mahon descends from Mortough More, king of Thomond, who died in 1110, and they are said to be the eldest extant branch of the O'Briens in representation of their great ancestor, Brian Boru. Sir William, late Master of the Rolls in Ireland, and his brother, General MacMahon, are of this race. Across the Shannon, east and southwest of Clare, Tipperary, with its million of acres, four-fifths under cultivation, has at pre- sent but half the population within its borders before the famine of 1849. Its subdivision into eleven baronies corresponds very nearly to the ancient chieftainries. What is Lower Ormond was long under the rule of the Carrols of Ely, from whom descended the noble race distinguished on this side of the ocean, — Charles of Car- rolton, being one of the signers of the declaration of indepen- 9 66 TRANSFER OFERIN. dcnce, and his brother the venerable archbishop of Bahimore, the descendants of the former having intermarried with Englishmen of the highest rank and note for public service. Kennedys were also its chiefs, Breslins, Qiiinlevans, MacGilfoyles and Donnellys had possessions, and there, as in many other parts of this kingdom of Thomond, McEgans and INIcClanchys held lands as brehons or here- ditary judges. Upper Ormond was also the territory of the Ken- nedys, and there Sextons, Gleesons, Cullenans and O'Mearas had their abodes. O'Meaghers, of whom one has held in these present days an honored place in arms and literature, were lords of Ikerrin, Dermodys being their neighbors. O'Fogartys were lords of Eliogarty, now represented by the Lanigans of Castle Fogarty, MacCormans, Meehans, Cahills being the names most multiplied. This country early vested in the Butlers, and near Thurles stands one of the most interesting eccle- siastical remains in the island, Holycross, with its beautiful win- dows, and which long boasted amongst its many relics a fragment of the true cross. O'Deas and Corcorans ruled in Slievardagh, whilst to the southwest, in what is known as Middlethird, was Cashel, with its sacred hill, crowned with abbey and round tower, and the chapel of Cormac, the last of beautiful proportions and of solid stone, dating back to before Strongbow came. Near by are the mouldering walls of KnockgrafFon , abode as birthplace of eighteen of the Munster kings, and which, at the time of the invasion, was the chief seat of the O'Sullivans, eldest branch of the Eoghanatch ; there also was Hy Rongally, and Shannahans, Slatterys and Kearneys had their home. In IfFa and OfFa resided Keans and Morrisseys, and there is the present abode of the O'Callaghans of Shanbally Castle, Viscounts Lismore, of whom the first created in 1806, married Eleanor, daughter of the seventeenth Earl of Ormond. A branch of the Burkes were long paramount in Clan- william, whose castle of Cappa Uniac, memorable for many re- TE ANSFER OF ERIN . 67 markable incidents in their histoiy, stood midway between Caliir and Tipperary. Among their more powerful neighbors were O'Cuires, lords of Muscry Cuire, Dwyers, lords of Kilnemanagh, Ivclleliers, Spillanes, Dineeus and Lennahans. Along the Shannon, in Owuey and Arra, reigned the once powerful house of Mac-I- brien Arra, derived from Brien Roe, whom De Clare murdered. Of this territory O'Ryans and Doncgans were previously chieftains and near by were branches of the Hogans, Heffernans and Scullys. This county early passed under the sway of the Butlers, being created their special palatimate, and although its former chieftains retained their lands and rule even as late as the sixteenth century, sometimes exacting tribute, and sometimes paying it, the kings of Thomond relinquished all pretension to sovereignty to a large part of it not long after the invasion. JS^o part of the country more abounds in relics of the past. Ruined castles and shattered fanes everywhere recall the days of strife and persecution. It was border-land and the scene of many hard fought conflicts. One of the most memorable was the suc- cessful defence of Clonmel, now a thriving city of twenty thousand inhabitants, under Owen O'Neil, against Cromwell in 1652. The marvels of the county are not all above the surface. At Mitchels- town are caves of great beauty, extending nearly a thousand feet into the bowels of the earth, turned no doubt to good account in the days of persecution for the concealment of priest or rapparee from the myrmidons of the law. South of the Shannon extends the fertile region of Limerick, of which the capital, sixty miles from the Atlantic, was a place of strength and consequence in the days of the Danes. It was subse- quently the regal abode of the kings and often beleaguered and now and then burnt. Its present population of forty thousand souls appears to be diminishing. Its lace works and other trades are on the increase. The baronv about the citv is another Clanwilliam where 68 TRANSFER OF ERIN. the Burkes of Castledonnel formerly flourished. East of the town O'Briens -sverc chiefs of Owney Beg, and west another branch derived from Conor, second son of kings Mahon Moinmoy, and who died in 1426, were chieftains down to the sixteenth century. On the opposite bank of the river Kenny were the possessions of the O'Douovans, and there Clerkins and Hannerys dwelt. West and south was the broad domain of Connelloe, originally of the O'Connells lords of Hy-Conal-Gaura, a branch of whom are still prospering in Enneis as also at Derrynane and Dunloh. This was the earliest grant to the Fitzgeralds in Desmond. Here near the Shannon is Askeaton, one of their principal residences and burial places, and remains of their grandeur abound in and around it. One of the five hundred offshoots of the race that made the name of Geraldine famous, the Knights of Glynn, held tlie northeast corner nearly twenty miles square, and Sheehys, Hallinans, Scanlans, Kinealys, Sheehans, CuUens, MacEninys, INIulcahys, occupied portions of the territory. In Coshma and Small county ruled the O'Gradys, and Sarsfields viscounts of Kilmallock took their title from that once splendid fortress and abode of the Desmonds. The O'Bi'ians lords of Coonagh deriv- ed from Morrogh of the Short Shield, grandson of Brian Boru and grandfather of Devorghal, wife of Tiernan O'Ruarc of Brefny, whose family quarrels were fraught with such woe to her country. Besides the septs or families already mentioned, Hartigans, Hon- ans, Kerwicks, Conlans, Healys, most of them Dalcassians, are still to be found in different localities. The Fitzgeralds then as now are numberless, and intermingled with them are the families of the under- takers, who succeeded with Cromwell's ironsides and palatines from Germany to the confiscated lands of Desmond. TRANSFER OFERIN. 69 XIV. DESMOND. Whatever forces Avcre at work, whether of attraction or repulsion, assimihitiug or setting farther apart the two races in other parts of the country, their process and effects in Munster can be easily fol- lowed. Quite as much in Kerry, Cork, Waterford, and those parts of Tipperary which constituted the kingdom of Desmond, alternated between peace and war, much after the fishion of nations on a grander scale, English and Irish neighbors, with one unvarying and deplorable result for the latter. The land and political power which attends its ownership gradually drifted away to the former, not in consequence of any superior honesty, prudence or other deserving, but that the English crown and people at home lent them help and fought their battles. In the north west corner of county Limerick, in Connelloe, spread the fertile plains of the knight of Glynn, one of the Fitzgeralds, extending over twenty miles. Further to the Avest, forming the southerly bank of the Shannon at its mouth, and sloping down toward Tralee bay and the Avaters dedicated to St. Brandon, was what in early days formed the kingdom of Cran (54) son of Fergus, of the Clan Rory by Maeva the celebrated queen of Connaught. From him it Avas designated Clareaigh Luachaid, the former name attaching to the county. Here, for nearly forty generations, his posterity had ruled and dAvelt, when Dermod King of Cork or Des- mond, as lord paramount, gaA'C the southerly portion to Ivaymond le Gras for aid in reducing his son Cormac, opposed to English rule, to obedience. Clanmaurice, the territory thus bestoAved, has ever since belonged to Raymond's lineal descendants, the Fitzmaurices barons and earls of Kerry and noAv marquises of Lansdown, and some of the means have already been suggested in their intermar- riages Avhich have helped them to keep it. The upper portion, 70 TRANSFEROFERIN. known as Iraghticonnor, from Connor, of the race of Ir, continued in the line of tlie O'Connor Kerry, down to the seventeenth cen- tury, and their matrimonial alliances' afford some clue to their power and importance as chieftains. Under divided sway Fitzgeralds knights of Kerry held land and rule in the territory, which with what belonged to the O'Connors was seized under the protectorate. Utterly disloyal to his sacred obliga- tions to the families who had made such sacrifices for his own, Charles the second granted in 166G Iraghticonnor and part of Clanmaurice to Trinity College. The O'Connors had various castles in these fertile domains, earlier Listowel the chief abode of the lords of Kerry, Ballybunion Minegalan Knocnacashel and Carrigasoil were others. The last mentioned long withstood the attack of the protec- tor, and when at last surrendered, his soldiers hung up its defenders and with them six women and a child. The earls of Desmond had many pleasanter abodes then Tralee. Askeaton on the Shannon, Kilmallock on the southerly borders of Limerick, Imokilly down by the sea, or Strancally, were more ele- gant and cheerful dwellings, but from its strength and ftivorable position for resistance to English interference or native resentment, this fortress throughout their troubled sway in Desmond was the central seat both of their military power and civil rule. Marauders of either race hardly cared to venture within the long peninsula of Corkaguiney to the w^est with Tralee commanding its gates, and there the Gcraldine lords found safe retreat for their flocks and herds, their vessels or themselves when sorely pressed. There were other septs and chieftains there, Moriarties, Fahies, Doohns, and at Dingle, ' Core 92 Imd for wife an O'Keefe of Diihallow. Mahon 93 Johanna Moriarty of Lough Lene. Dcrmod 94 Mora O'Donoghue. Mahon 95 Mora O'Mahony daughter of the lord of Rathcullar. Dormod 93 Johanna Fitzmaurice of Kerry. Conor 97 Winafred MacMa- hon of Corcavaskin. Conor 98 Margaret Fitzgerald daughter of John of Lorcan. Connor 99, slain in 1445, Knathleen de Brunell. John 100, who founded Leslaghton Abbey in 1470, Margaret Nagle. Conor 101 Johanna Fitzgerald, d. of the kTiight of the Valley. Conor 102 Margaret d. of the lord of Kerry and Slany of O'Brien of Killaloe. Conor 103 Honora d. of second earl of Thomond. John 104 Julia d. of O'Sullivan More. Charles 105 Elise- beth d. of the 19 Kcny, widow of Thomas Amory. TRANSFER OF ERIN, 71 sheltered by its liills, Husseys, Trants and Ilubberts. Ormond, after hunting down the last great Geraldine, obtained from the crown a grant of this tongue of land of magnificent proportions, but not long after it was restored to the knights of Kerry who for many generations liad been its immediate lords under the earls. Trughen- acmy, the barony of which Tralee was the capital, was partially pos- sessed at times by the McEllygots and MacSheehys, INIacSweenys, and the hereditary brehous, McEgan and MacClancy. Of Kerry below, IMcCarthys More, whose jDrincipal residence was at Pallace, were lords paramount. Their supremacy was there rarely disputed, and their lieges contributed a chief rent to their treasuries and contingents to their array. But they were otherwise independent, except that they were bound to entertain their chief and his followers when they came to visit them. The answer in court under queen Elizabeth of a clansman that he knew no kino- but O'Sullivan More, cost him his ears, but goes to show that neither to the English crown, nor to the representative of tlicse ancient kings, existed any very exacting obligations. Moriartys were early of the kings Eoghanact and O'Douaghoes, lords of Lough Lene and Ross Castle. 0"Connals, O'Xeils and Dalys were established in the barony of Masonihy, which passing from its former lords later be- came for the most part the property of the Brownes earls of Kenmare. One branch of the O'Donaghoes, that of Glenflesk, more fortunate longer retained their twenty-one ploughlands. The present member of parliament from Tralee is their representative. In 1556 Donal McCarthy More was created baron of Valentia andearl of Clancarre. Under due subordination to their lords paramount the kings of Desmond the O'Sullivans ]More formerly of Knoc GrafFon, actually the senior branch of the Desmond race, being derived from Finghin or Florence, elder brother of Faihlbe Flan (93), born 511, the progenitor of the ]MacCarthies — held all the rest of the county, if we except Iveragh of the O'Slieas and Mahonys from Dingle Bay — 72 TRANSFER OFE KIN. Branches such as the Mac Gilhcudclys of the Peaks or Tunacruacha, honored and prosperous, and the jNlcFinnens, secured their share of the family territory, but throughout Dunkerron and Glanerought they were immediate if not absolute lords, holding the official posi- tion of hereditary marshals of Desmond. They intermarried with the various branches of McCarthies, O'Briens and Geraldines, Donovans and O'Callaghaus. They lost their estates in defending them from spoliation in loyalty to the house of Stuart or in vindi- cation of their religious liberties. Their representatives, by their military services to the united realm, the second baronet was killed at Bayonne in 1814, and by their civil career and contributions to literature, have done credit to an honored name. In Glanerought on the east bank of the Kenmare close by its shore long stood the castle of Ardea, belonging to a branch of the O'Sullivans Beare, for so were designated the lords of Beare and Bantry whose domains extended north of and around Bantry Bay. If rocky and mountainous, upon them dwelt in the days of their pros- perity a considerable population, and in the sixteenth century five hundred of their principal followers after their unsuccessful struggle for independence were included in the general amnesty. All the several branches of the name were intimately connected with the other leading families in Munster by marriage and consanguinity, with the McCarthies More, Reagli and Muskerry, O'Briens, Dono- vans, Butlers and Geraldines. Dermod chief of the Beare family was blown up in his castle of Dunboy in 1549, and that castle in the days of his grandson Donal, afterwards count of Bearehaven in Spain, stood a memorable siege for several weeks against a force of five thousand men under Sir George Carew. The defects in the system of government peculiar to Ireland and the efficacy of the English policy by dividing to conquer were both cui-iously illustrated in their fall. Dermod, to whose fate we have alluded, married the daughter of TRANSFER OF ERIN. 73 McCarthy Reagli by the daughter of the eighth carl of Kildare. Upon the death of his son Donal, whose wife was Sarah O'Brien of Thomond, Sir Owen second son of Dermod succeeded as tanist. His wife was daughter of the viscount Buttavant ; his son's, of the fifteenth earl of Desmond. Other descendants of Sir Owen were widely connected and influential. Unwilling to yield up the rule and estates to his nephew Donal when he came of age, he sur- rendered them to Queen Elizabeth, as INIorrough O'Brien had Thom- ond to her father, and received them back to hold by English tenure. Donal petitioned for his right ; whereupon Bantry was given to Sir Owen, Ardea to Philip Owen's brother, Bearehaven to Donal, the rightful heir to the whole. Indignant at this injustice and the evi- dent design of the English government to deprive him of his rights, and his country of its liberties, he appealed to arms. After the battle of Kinsale, which ended disastrously for the septs in 1602, he continued for a time in hostile defiance of the English forces, taking possession of his castles, but after a hopeless struggle he passed with his wife into Spain, where both he and his son received many acts of kindness from the king, but he was assassinated in 1618 by John Welsh. After the protectorate ended in the restoration, a portion of the estates were restored to the then O'Sullivan Beare, and the family for a brief period enjoyed their earlier prosperity. They were ardently attached to the faith of their fathers and naturally took part in 1689 with James the Second. For this, which no sophistry could construe into a crime or justification for sequestering their property, they were de- prived of nearly all that remained of their domains. A revenue officer named Puxley obtained possession of Bearehaven and the castle of Dunboy. The race who had held for centuries were not of a nature to submit tamely to injustice ; they made what resistance they could, but were forced to yield to the overwhelming superiority of English power. All the westerly portions of the county of Cork long remained 10 74 TRANSFEROPEEIN. under the McCarthy chieftains. Near Mizen Head the Mahonys whose several branches were scattered over Desmond, O'Driscolls of Baltimore, sons of Ith, Donavans of Clancahill, Ilorgans, Dugans, Crowley s, Kegans, Hartigans and Fihilly were multiplied in Corgha Luic br east and west Carberry, but this large territory between the sea and the river Lee was bestowed by Donal McCarthy More NaCurragh, king of Desmond, on his second son Donal Gud with the castles of Dunmanway and Kilbrittain. This Dcmal Gud (109) the first McCarthy Reagh dethroned the O'Mahonys, chiefs of Ivaugh, but was himself slain in 1251 by John Fitzgerald of Callan. His grandson Donal the handsome (HI) was the ancestor of the branches of Glenachroim and Duna Glas, and his grandson (113) espoused a daughter of Kerry, theirs (115) Catherine daugh- ter of the eighth Desmond, and their son (116) Elinor, daughter of the eif]jhth Kildare. The marriage of their orandson Florence to the only child and heiress of JNIcCarthy More, earl of Clancarre, led to his forty years' imprisonment and forfeiture of a large part of her estates and his own. The direct line of Carberry still possessed, in the early part of the seventeenth century, the castles of Kilbrittain and Dunmanway, but lost them under the protectorate, recovering an inconsiderable part of their lands at the restoration. Donogh (121) purchased Springhouse in Tipperary, where he died in 1713, and his frreat-ofrandson, born there in 1 744, died in 1812. The son of the latter married and dwelt in France, where his son Justin was born in 1811. On the sea near the east of Carberry were the Barrys Roe and Oo-e, De Courcys lords of Kinsale, Mahonys lords of Kinel- mealky, Currys of Kerricurrihy, a Dalcassian family. Across the cove was Imokilly extending to Youglial, and farther north Hy Lehan where ruled the earls of Barry more, west of which lay the Barretts, of English origin, and East Lismore and Kenataloon the former possessions of the earls of Desmond and now of the Dukes of Devonshire. T R A N SF E R OF E R I N . 75 Between the Lee, running cast before it changes its course south to the city of Cork and the Cove, and the Blackwater, which form- ing the easterly bound of the county empties its waters into the sea at Youghal, are the fertile fields of Muskerry, which Cormac, king of Desmond, wdiose fiither-in-law was the sixth lord of Kerry, be- stowed on his younger son Deinnod (113), 1310— 13G7, its first lord. His great-grandson (116), 1411-1494, built Blarney castle, and founded the monastery of Kilcrea, and his great-grandson Cor- mac (120), 1552-1G20, described by Sir Henry Sidney as "the rarest man that was ever born among the Irishes and who possessed of many handsome castles was very hospitable," was father of Cormac Oge (121) , 1564-1G40. Cormack, whose wife was Margaret O'Brien daughter of the fourth earl of Thomond and who was ancestor of the earls of Kenmare and Kerry, was created viscount of Muskerry, and his son Donogh 1594-1666 who married Ellen Butler, sister of the first duke of Ormond, in 1558 earl of Clancarthy. His grand- son Donogh was unjustly deprived of estates worth later two hundred thousand pounds annually, for taking part with the Stuarts, and Robert the fifth earl his son died at Boulogne in France, in 1774, aged 94. The estates forfeited were sold to the Hollow Sword Blade Company, Chief Justice Payne, Dean Davis and Sir James Jeffries and others, whose descendants still hold them. North of Muskerry, extending to the boundaries of county Lime- rick, an elder branch of the McCarthies the MacDonoghs were long chiefs of Duhallow. They descended from the eldest son of Cormac Fionn McCarthy More, king of Desmond, born 1170, who was also the progenitor of the MacCartneys viscounts of Antrim in 1776. In the seventeenth century, the lord of Duhallow erected the castle of Kanturk, the completion of which was arrested by the order of the privy council, as too strong for a subject. With much of the territory the castle passed through the earls of Egremont to the Wynhams, lords Leconfield. The O'Keefes of Donogh castle, mar- 76 TRANSFEROFERIN. shals of Desmond, chiefs of Glenavon in Fermoy, Irebraeken and of Poble O'Keefe on the borders of Cork and Kerry, were long power- ful in Duhallow, the present representative of the name being Manus of Mount Keefe New Market in the county of Cork. One other family, the McAulifFes, chiefs of Clanawley, had possessions in the mountains near the Limerick line, which were forfeited by the last lord in 1641 with those of his nephew MacDonogh lord of Kan- turk and Duhallow. Noonan, Dugan, Herlihy, Desmond, were names well known in Duhallow. These princij)alities, Duhallow, Muskerry and Carberry, in posses- sion of the three most powerful feudatories of the chief of Desmond, protected the southwesterly portions of the island from encroach- ment ; while along their easterly bounds Orrery and Kilmore in the hands of the Barrys, Fermoy belonging to the Roches and Clan- gibbon to the white. Knight north of the Blackwater, the Bar- retts, Barrymore formerly Hy Lyhan, Imokilly, Kinnatalloon and Kilmore, the domains of the earls of Desmond, which passed through the Boyles and Cliffords, to the Dukes of Devonshire, protected Cork from any hostile approach unless in considerable force. The outer- wall of the castle of Lismore remains with the interior restored, and at Youghal at the river's mouth Myrtle Grove, the abode of Sir Walter Raleigh, to whom was granted tliis property when for- feited by the earl of Desmond. He sold it to Roger first earl of Cork, through whose son it passed to the present proprietor. With so much of the picturesque and beautiful everywhere in Ireland it seems out of our special theme to indulge in terms of admiration, but the cove of Cork and the Blackwater from its mouth to Lismore rank high in beautiful scenery, in graceful hills and luxuriant vegeta- tion, lawns and pleasure grounds, varied by stretches of water. This great county divided into two ridings contains an area of nearly two millions of acres, with a population of about seven hundred thousand. From You2;hal harbor to AVaterford and boundino; cast TRANSFER or ERIN, 77 on the Suir, extends the county of Waterford with less than half a million of acres, about three to every one of its inhabitants. It was for the most part early held under the kings of Desmond, by the O'Phelans, but was too accessible to English power to be re- tained by them. The earls of Desmond had Coshmore and tlie Decies, which coming to them from the Fitz Anthonys was settled by the seventh earl on his second son. This earl had been by royal permission entrusted for his training to the prince of Thomond, and when he superseded his nephew for marrying Catherine Cormac he gave Glenahiry to (114) Turlogh the ancestor of a branch of the O'Briens, long settled in Waterford. There were numerous settlers of English race in the county, but the family most honored and prosperous from the invasion were the Poers, earls of Tyrone, now represented by the marquesses of Waterford. Mullanys, Gearys, Flannagans, Brics, Magraths and Conrans, if not extinct, have greatly fallen away from their earlier prosperity, and the names asso- ciated with wealth and influence now are Lombards, Talbots, AVhites, Morrises, Dal tons, Wyses, Barrens, Walls, Sherlocks and Comer- fords, with others of English race. Of the total area of Munster, 6,067,722 acres, 5,915,561 are land, and 152,161 water. At the last census of 1871, 1,362,664 were under tillage ; 3,326,035 plantation ; 108,752 waste bog ; and mountain, 1,118,110. There were inhabited houses, 234,757 ; un- inhabited, 7,183 ; building, 474. The population of the province in 1871 was 1,393,485 ; in 1861, 1,513,588 ; in 1841, 2,396,161. Of Cork, 85,000 in 1851 ; 80,000 in 1861 ; 78,642 in 1871. Limerick had decreased to 39,353 ; Waterford slightly gained. The constituency of Cork consisted of 4307 electors ; Limerick, 2193 ; Waterford, 1404 ; Kinsale, 179 ; Mallow, 233 ; Ennis, 225 ; Bandon, 253. Of the different religious sects, 1,304,684 were Catho- lics ; 74,213, Protestant Episcopalians ; 4091, Presbyterians ; 4758, ]\Icthodist ; and 5729 of other beliefs. 62,039 persons spoke L-ish 78 TRANSFEROFERIN. alone; 483,402, Irish and English. There were 91,299 farmers ; 126,013 farm holdings; 4 over two thousand acres, 2175 vmder five. Between 1851 and 1871, 738,443 persons, 381,055 males and 356,788 females, had emigrated from Mmister ; 15,561 in 1870. XV. GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. "We have thus endeavored to familiarize our readers with the names of the tribes and septs most frequently mentioned in histori- cal works, with the several ancestral stems from which they derived their origin, places where they dwelt, and family ties that united them. For reasons already made sufficiently obvious such matters enter more largely into Irish history than any other, and without this knoAvledge it cannot be understood. It has been also our aim to individualize so far as we were able, chief or noble taking active part in aifairs military or political, although their special pre-emi- nence was rather proportionate to the extent of their territories and number of their adherents, than to their own personal character or desert. It remains, before resuming our narrative of events leading to the exclusion of Irishmen from property in their natal soil, to allude briefly to the light shed by recent publications upon the government and laws of Erin, the language and literature, manners and customs of its people from early ages through their various modifications and changes until swept away or forced out of view by English ascen- dancy. For this flood of illumination upon what seemed not long ago hopelessly wrapt in obscurity, we are indebted to the life-long devotion of professor Eugene O'Curry, who through the judicious selection of Mr. Newman its president, was called to the historical cliair of the catholic universitv, where his attainments in the Gad- T R A X S F E R O F E R I X . 79 Ihiilic tongue and intimate knowledge of its literary remains could be made best available for their elucidation. His lectures on the manuscript materials of Irish history, and on the manners and customs of the ancient Irish, delivered nearly twenty years ago, were j)ublishcd last year under the auspices and at the charge of the university. The second series has been edited by his associate pro- fessor, W. R. Sullivan, who, though in a different department of learning, has proved himself a proficient in this, greatly adding to their value by an introductory volume, and appendices rich with the later harvests from researches still pursued. ^luch we are told may be still gleaned from the materials worked by these zealous explorers, and as the field cannot be exhausted in a single generation, it has been wisely decided to communicate what has been already reduced to in- telligible form and not to withhold it till the work is complete. The chief sources of information are manuscripts mouldering or fading, into illegibility on vellum or more perishable paper, widely dispersed, and shame to sa:y not all accessible even to scholars, and in a lan- guage passed for the most part into desuetude and diflBcult of inter- pretation for w^ant of adequate dictionaries and glosses. More than ever of late attention has been given to these treasures, which like the Italian cities preserved under ashes and lava for modern instruc- tion, are being revealed to us, fortunately at a time when investiga- tion in similar fields of research has enabled us to appreciate their value and turn them to account. What has already been imparted to the world in these lectures and other recent publications of the like nature, has tended less to satisfy than whet curiosity. The misapprehensions and errors which have grown out of imperfect information create an eagerness to be set right. Criticism has become especially exacting, and the learned men entrusted vrith interpretation of these ancient oracles have by frequent and often flagrant mistakes been taught to proceed with caution. What receives their sanction resting in no instance on 80 TRANSFEROFERIN. conjecture or assumption, but drawn by conscientious and competent scholars from reliable and original sources, may justly claim implicit confidence. Before many years this whole mass of material, trans- lated and in print, will no doubt be given to the public, and, after its due examination and study, the history of the country become a possibility. Authentic accounts have come down to us in the pages of scrip- ture and ancient historians of eastern civilization at the earliest date assigned to the colonization of the island. Offshoots from that Aryan stock, in the van of progressive development, carried from Asia around the borders of the great inland 'sea to beyond the pillars of Hercules and possibly to this western hemisphere, its arts and in- ventions, language and laws, and their nomad habits and reputed maritime facilities and enterprise justify the belief, that whatever enlightenment anywhere existed, Egyptian, Assyrian, Phoenician or Roman, had been, if not extended and adopted, at least heard of and more or less dimly reflected in the remotest confines of the then known world. Neither Nemidians, Firbolgs nor Tuathade Danaans were savages. They belonged to this highest human type, and in natural endowment and intelligence equalled Jew or Greek. If their simplicity of life and polity harmonized with their pastoral pursuits, they for mutual defence and safety were gregarious, and wherever any large number gathered together the inherent elements of their nature implanted by providence for their improvement and happiness rapidly germinated in political institutions, education and refinement of manners. No reason exists for believing that the Milesian colonies who found their way seven centuries before the christian era, or possibly earlier, from Spain, in sufficient force to overj)OAver the nations then in pos- session of the land, were in any respect their inferiors. Coming from nearer the centres of existing enlightenment, the reverse would seem more probable. All that has been related of the Tuatha dc TRANSFER OF ERIN. 81 Danaans, their dwellings, arms, usages and magical incantations, indicate a people well advanced in the modes of civilization then prevailing, and among them, if we may credit tradition, there Avere many sages and historians. When after the conquest by Eber and Eremon the island was divided between them, Ona one of their fol- lowers, a proficient on the harp, fell to the lot of the former ; to the latter, Cir famous in song ; while Amergin, one of the brothers that survived, gained celebrity as a lawgiver. OUamh Fodhla of Clan Eory, establishing his court 4463^ atTara, appointed governors to each cantred, chiefs to each village. The instructions to his son of Moran, of the golden collar which tightened round his neck if he made judi- cial blunders, or according to Sullivan choked the prisoner if guilty, are still extant after nearly twenty centuries. In what is known as the book of invasions, compiled by O'Clery in 1G30 from earlier manuscripts, it is stated that the laws brought over by the ^Milesians were derived from the Jews. But experience of new wants led constantly to modifications adapted to their differ- ent condition and circumstances. From time to time these laws were revised, old and new consolidated into codes, and what had been repealed or fallen into desuetude, if they left no historical trace passed out of mind. When St. Patrick under the monarch King Leary introduced cliristlanity, in order that the laws might better conform to its precepts, a commission consisting of three kings, the monarch, Daire king of Ulster and Core of Munster, three ollamhs, Dubhtach of history, E.os of technical law, and Fergus of poetry, vrith three bishops, Benen, Cairneck and the saint himself, revised them. They reported the code known as the Seanchas Mor, which adopted by the collected kings and chief rulers at Tara remained in force, of course with modifications, from 403 for a thousand years, and as late in Thomond as 1600. This code defined and punished ' The chronolo.ir.y adopted by O'Cnny is predicated upon tlic following intervals or eras : Adam to the Deluge, 2242 years ; Deluge to Abraham, 942 ; Abraham to David, 940 ; David to the Captivity, 48-5; Bondage to the birth of Christ, 590 : together, 5199. Orosius compu- ted from Adam to Abraham, 3184; Abraham to Christ, 2015, with same aggregate. 11 82 TRANSFER OF ERIN. crime, regulated contracts, social rank, military authority, land tenures and domestic relations, made provision for the poor, and at the instance of the saint, eriCs or compensation for life were substi- tuted for the less merciful rule of blood for blood, tooth for tooth, laid down in the Mosaic law, and of which trace is found in the earlier laws and annals. The code of Justinian was established half a century later ; but the saint, and probably many priests and laymen of Ireland had been brought in Rome or Roman cities to the knowledge of Roman law, and it is not surprising that many resemblances should be discovered between its provisions and those established outside the imperial limits in Erin or other lands. Besides these statutes of general obligation called Fennachas or Cain laws, there were others of local or limited operation. The several subordinate kino-doms and tribes had laws and customs of their own for their special government, which formed part of the common law of the country or Urradas, and there existed besides certain contracts known as cairde between adjoining territories. The courts corresponded to territorial limits or distribution of power. The airecht fodeisin or king's court presided over by the chief ollamh and his " brethrem no dolbeir," airechtaeb for settling dis- putes between different territories, the urnaide or common pleas, and foleith, had each its jurisdiction ; and above all was the culairecht, one for each province and one at Tara, courts of appeal. Four grades of advocates duly qualified for fixed fees, practised under rules complicated and tending to the furtherance of justice, their process and proceeding suggesting their having been borrowed from the English or from an origin common to both. Land- lords were responsible that their tenants should do right and prose- cuted their plaints, and in evidence much weight was attached to character. After the central ride came to an end with Roderick, kings and chiefs maintained their several tribunals, but their decrees were TRANSFER OFERIN. 83 less respected and the governing po^ver became more absolute and arbitrary. Land and office alike followed generally established rules of succession. Rigs and tanists, ollamhs and brehons, poets and physicians, even cerds or smiths, saers or carpenters and other arti- sans held their employments and their lands by inheritance, and ceilles bond or free held according to possession or descent, paying in kine or military service. The ceille bond took his land with stock and followed his lord to war, the ceile free found his own cattle. Of the aire or freemen the bofeirech feblisa had twenty-one cows ; the bruigfer who seems to have been both judge and publican, sixty- three. The fothla became noble when he had amassed double the fortune required for the lowest order of nobility. The aire coisring represented his community, the aire fine his family, in responsibility to the laws, the king or his liege lord. Of superior rank socially and politically to the bo-aries or bothachs seven orders of flaths or nobles had their special functions, privileges and obligations, holding their deis or estates free from rent, but subject to the tribal laws, and, of course, to military service. The lowest degree or aire desa embraced them all, and they were clothed with power to preserve order, and three together authorized to hear complaints at custom or urradas law, and act as magis- trates. The term aire echtai or high-constable of a tuath, au'e- ard with manorial court and clothed with authority to hear in the first instance informations and plaints under cain or statute law, with duties as steward to his superior lord or king ; the aire-tuisi, commander of the levies of the tuath, and the aire forgail or chancellor, with supervision of the rights of minors, family disputes, common land and other similar responsibilities, and among them that of presiding over the court of the chief whether king or other flath, were rather titles of office than of rank. A certain number of tenants fixed by law from twelve to fifty, of cencleithe or personal 84 TRANSFER OF ERIN. retainers, a certain following of personal attendants, dwellings or lisses of prescribed size and elegance, steeds with green, gold or silver bridles, brooches and other appointments, were the required qualifications or insignia of each degree corresponding to their re- spective consequence. The wife of a flath was to be his equal in rank and a maiden. Such rules if for a while observed would soon very naturally fall into neglect, and probably were greatly modified with the changing condition of the country. Besides these freemen or aires bofeirech and flaths, fuidirs originally strangers, captives or the empoverished were tenants at sufferance of their hold- ings, and if sometimes acquiring by their industry or other worth property and consideration, were for the most part hewers of wood and draAvers of water to the rest, at the mercy of the lord and his dependents. They had no rights known to the law, and for them as for his other tenants the flath was responsible in the courts and represented them in their claims for redress when aggrieved. If the power of the flath over his tenants and adherents as defined by law was abused by him, he was compelled to make amends. His duties were also prescribed, and as their protector in peace and leader in war, the relation was one of mutual obligation and reciprocal regard- Above the five orders of flaths we have mentioned were two more, the Rig and Tanaisi Rig, king and his tanist. The office of king, whether simply of a single tuath of which there were one hundred and eighty-six, rig of a cluster of tuatlis or king of com- panies, a rank military rather than territorial, rig rurech or bonad such as were the five or six provincial kings, and the Ard Rig or monarch of the island, who was generally if not always one of them, was essentially hereditary, and although of limited prerogative was one both of dignity and power. Inter arma silent leges, and when war became the constant occupation, law martial or military, or arbitrary mandates of the chieftain, took place of the well-ordered procedures of the tribunals. Still frequent instances are met in an- TRANSFEROFERIN. 85 clout annals of kings relinquishing' the supreme power Avitliout hesi- tation when this was recjuired by law from his loss of sight, of an eye or other maim or hrfirmity, disqualifying for royal functions. The regal office was elective as well as hereditary. The freemen flaths and aires, after three days consideration at the house of the bruigh fer or at some other central place, selected from amongst the candidates, but always out of the family or fine of the chief and out of the roydamnas or such as came within the prescribed degrees, gene- rally the nearest in blood to the deceased competent to ride. In most instances the son or brother succeeded. This usage or law of election engendered jealousies and led to bloodshed, but held under restraint despotic tendencies. When elected, the chiefs were inaugurated with form and ceremonial in special places consecrated from time im- memorial for this purpose. In some instances the tanaisi or success- or was chosen at the same time as the rig, but more often later in the reign of the chief, though the uncertainties of life nmst have ren- dered it judicious to have him defined in case of emergency. When other than the next in succession assumed the government as tanist, it Avas not simply as regent, for he did not surrender the con- trol to the immediate heir when of age or disabilities were removed. His deis or territory was often that appertaining to tanists, besides Avliat more particularly belonged to himself, and the duns or castles of Avliich a king Avas bound to have three, consisting of double Avail of masonry and moat, Avere occupied by him as king. In cases of alternate succession, such as of the Eoghanacht and Dalcas, northern and southern Ily-nials, the tanaisi rig Avas naturally often chosen Avith the Kig himself, but not invarialjly. Indeed hoAvever specific the regulation, practice under it under Avent constant modi- fications and Avas at no period or place very uniform. This usage of tanistry Avas not confined to the royal power. Even among the class of bo-aires, tanaisis at times took charge of the land and represented its responsibilities, furnishing soldiers to the army, 8Q TRANSFEROFERIN. and performing other duties requiring mature age and expe- rience. Besides subsidies from his flaths and stipends from his superior lord, fees, booty, waifs and escheats, the royal revenues consisted of the produce of his own demesne, rents of his daer and saer ceiles, and the maidens' marriaf>;e rino-s sometimes wei2:hin2; an ounce of gold. Reciprocal payments were notable features in the relation of liege and lord in Ireland. Each paid the other stipends in token of their mutual obligatiojis. A king was not permitted to engage in any derogatory employment or go about unattended, and the court of the more wealthy and powerful consisted of hostages pledged for the fidelity of vassals, and of numerous officials and dignitaries, Avho sat at his table and took part in his amusements and counsels. In the Crith Gablach, an ancient law tract on the social and politi- cal relations of the Irish published with the lectures, there is little intimation given of any peculiar clan or family structure in the social organization, and as already suggested whatever at any time existed the influx of strangers and other causes were constantly tending to break up. In early days the inhabitants Avere of many races, and though under Brian Boru each tribe or nation took its name from its cliieftain or one from whom he descended, they were not all of his blood. In course of time by intermarriages, larger numbers through lines paternal or maternal might derive from his ancestral stem. But as the law limited the succession to the immediate family of the deceased chief, and only recognized as belonging to it those within a few degrees, the tie of common name or even consan- guinity became little else than a sentiment, chiefly operating in inspiring loyalty and devotion in the field, and rendering less disa- greeable other services. In some parts of the land where there was little intercourse from without, the clan after centuries may have been not only of one name but essentially of the same stock. In what is known of Tara and its triennial gatherings, the last in TKANSFEROFERTN, 87 554, there was consultation among kings and chiefs, and even assemblages duly constituted, perhaps organized by law for delibera- tion. It is probable that these gatherings were more lilvc Polish diets for ratifying laws than framing them, the principal personages meeting privately together for that. Cemeteries of kings, heroes or men of note were the spots selected for the purpose. Aileach with its remains of fort and palace and tomb in stone masonry in Donegal, Carmen in "Wexford, possibly Cruachan in Rosscom- mon, and Tailtan in Armagh, may date back to the Tuatha de Danaans. The former in an old poem is described as the mound of the assemblies of noble Erin and long before Ernania was a royal dwelling. "What is transmitted of the arrangement and mode of con- struction of these abodes of the kings will be seen later. This sketch of the government and laws of Ireland in remote pe- riods, and which modified by time and cu-cumstancc, continued to prevail in some parts of the island down to 1605, is all that our limits admit. It is sufficient to show that the political condition was far removed from anarchy or despotism, well suited for the further- ance of justice and maintenance of right. It indicates considerable progress in civilization, love of order and appreciation of liberty. It certainly very conclusively proves that the people were able to govern themselves without help from Norman or Saxon. Under this rule they drove out the Danes, and if they had been equally fortunate with their selfish neighbors from across the channel they would have made as rapid strides in civilization of the baser sort, in luxuiy and art, as other nations. When the brchon-law-commission report, what these laws in reality were will be known. ^Meanwhile O'Curry and Sullivan are safe guides to what has been divulged. If we may depend upon what they tell us of those ancient laws, and both laws and ballads help to show what people were, no evi- dence exists to warrant the reproach that the Irish were either more lawless or savage than their neighbors. Much on the contrary to 88 TllANSFEROFERIN. show that they Avere sensible, devout and loyal, in their domestic re- lations kind conscientious and devoted. Tlieir social and political system was the best suited to foster whatever is most respectable in human nature by its cumplications of reciprocal duty and obligation. Constant war and exposure to danger and weather invigorated their physical powers, rendering them industrious, patient of labor and fatigue, engendering noble and heroic sentiment. Many nations were less favorably placed for development of character, few would have been more so for material and intellectual progress, had they been left alone. XVI. LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE. That the speech of the ancient Irish from long before our era was essentially that of the Gaedlic manuscripts still existing, no one pretends to dispute. It is substantially that used exclusively by hundreds of thousands of the present inhabitants of the island, and by one-sixth of the population who also speak English. Its origin can be traced to the Aryan ancestors of the successive waves of colo- nization spreading through the centuries from the Indus to the Atlantic Ocean. How this particular branch of the mother tongue assumed form and its own special development, is not now to be ascertained. In all probability it remained for ages a spoken lan- guage and of a very limited vocabulary before it was reduced to writing. The manuscripts preserved are in Latin characters slightly altered, and O'Curry expresses the opinion that the Cuilmen, Saltair of Tara and Cin drom Schnecta, the earliest known Gaedlic com- positions, were originally written in this alphabet, which had been introduced into Ireland by Druids or poets who had travelled into TRANSFER OFERIN. 89 Other lands, or which through other means had found its way into the country. But that tliere existed besides and earlier a system of writing and keeping records, quite different from and independent of the- Greek and Latin forms and characters, which gained currency in the country after the introduction of Christianity in the first part of the fifth century, if not known a considei'able period before that era, admits of as little doubt. What these earlier characters, called ogham or oghuim, actually were has been only partially ascertained. Their knowledge was not confined to druid or ollamh ; other persons of high social rank were initiated into the mystery which attended their use. They were employed to perpetuate the memory of the dead or mark their sepulchres, to record historical events and even sustained historical or romantic tales, long before the Roman letters were used and probably afterwards. Bilingual inscriptions have been discovered in both Roman and ogham characters, of which brief passages are found in the manuscript volumes. Whether the ogham were hieroglyphics or some lost alphabet, they have not been suffi- ciently studied for much more than conjecture, and have proved as yet of no great value for linguistic investigation. Before parchment, bark of beech or other trees, probably covered with wax like the Roman tablets, for such excavated from bogs are in the academy museum, or else rods or staffs stripped of bark and notched with a knife, served instead. The letters or feadha, Gaelic for woods, of the ogham alphabet, which was sometimes styled nin from its term for the letter N, were possibly named from the different trees of the forest, or, as has been also conjectured, the names of the trees may have been taken from them. With such writing materials and the embarrassment attending their trans- portation and safety under the circumstances of the times, abbre- viations Avere important, and this may have affected the formation of the alphabet. Donald Mac Firbis, of the seventeenth century, speaks of having in liis possession, when he wrote, ancient writing 12 90 TRANSFEROFEEIN. tablets of the gael, in which coukl be distinguished some hundred and fifty different signs, besides others which were used on the rods alluded to. These are not to be regarded as distinct letters, but combinations or adopted forms of more or less general acceptance, equivalent to different vocal sounds or meanings, possibly of the nature of mnemonics, serving to aid the poet in his recitations or minstrel in his song. Staffs or tamhlorg, opening fanwise and cov- ered with these cabalistic characters, were of convenient form for travelling from dun to dun as was then" wont for use in the festal hall. By comparison of what is still extant of ogham with the cor- responding equivalents where known in Latin, much yet may be gleaned. Dr. Graves, Protestant bishop of Limerick, has in prepa- ration a work on this subject, and forming part of it will be a transla- tion of the tract on ogham in the book of Bally mote. Gaelic possesses many roots in common with the Sanskrit and other branches of the great ftxmily of Indoaryan language, such as Greek and Latin. Lottner, from inscriptions found in northern Italy and France, reached the conclusion that the ancient Celtic re- vealed forms which in antiquity yield in nothing to classic Latin, and that these languages as well as the old Germanic were as highly in- flected as that or Greek. Such inflections, clipped or worn by long use, are found in ancient Gaedlic, which varies in grammatical structure as in strict adherence to rule at different epochs and under different conditions. It seems probable that laj-ing side by side with classic language in the minds of scholars, both being equally familiar and in constant use, the vernacular may have gained in regularity, again lost when and where employed rather for speech than for literary composition. Dead languages embalmed in master- pieces generally known and interpreted by grammar and dictionary, remain fixed and constant like sculptured forms ; Avliile those living and in popular use continue in a transition state, new words and phrases being constantly adopted. They become more simple TRANSFER OF ERIN. 91 or complex, accordinp: as new wants are experienced, and dhcro;- ing into dialects often wander far away from their original matrix, where tribes speaking them have little education or intercourse with one another, and no common standard. How language thus improves or degenerates, expands or diversifies, is happily expressed by Sullivan in the introduction to the lectures : "like the life from which it emanates its decay being the cradle of new growth. Words coalesce, sounds are dropped or modified, to satisfy the feeling for euphony or greater ease of pronunciation, the same word is applied to express distinct ideas, these gradually cease to be used in the original sense, differences of physical nature produce corresponding effects upon the sounds and meaning of words, nay even the idiosyncrasy of individuals affects their language. These changes would not take place imiformly over a large area ; so that if a country of considerable extent Avere originally occupied by the same tribe speaking the same language, in process of time dialects would ari^e." This is illustrated by the different words and phrases coined or borrowed from new tongues to meet new needs, not only in differ- ent parts of the island, but in the Scotch Gaelic originally the same as the Irish. Not Ions: ao-o neiohborinof counties in Engl and differed greatly in their speech ; and from Chaucer to Macaulay, Froissart to Thiers, simplicity in orthography and elegance of expression keep- ing pace with the copiousness required by expansion of knowledge, the earlier English and French seem to us now almost different lan- guages from the modern. In pagan days habits of life were not propitious to scholarly pur- suits. Druids, ollamhs and files and even princes themselves who visited foreign lands attained what knowledge was to be had, and according to tradition diligently improved their opportunities. But the cloister offered far greater facilities for learning and its fruits. Copying the scriptures, sacred offices and lives of the saints, histori- cal accounts of other times and lands, record of passing events in 92 TRANSFER OF ERIN. their own as its importance was felt, employed their leisure and added to their means. Accomplished scribes became as accom- plished authors. To the ten centuries succeeding the conversion and before the invention of printing, are attributed most of the manu- scripts now known and the works which they contain. The number of conventual establishments, education of the priesthood at Rome or in countries deeply imbued with Roman civilization, their ac- quaintance with the great productions of human genius, explains the reputation enjoyed at home and abroad by Irish scholars. Their intimate relations with the laity under their spiritual guidance, ren- dered indispensable a thorough knowledge of their own language, which was greatly improved from their attainments in others living or dead. As late as the sixteenth century Gaedlic was the customary speech not only in remote places or amongst the septs, but with the Anglo-Irish whose safety in a measure depended upon assimilation with their neighbors, and who effacing so far as they were able every distinction of race not only spoke the language, but cultivated its literature and were diligent collectors of its books. This demand stimulated production. Each convent had it3 scriptorium, many of them not merely obtaining copies of whatever elsewhere existed of fiction or historical lore, but keeping up such records of their own. In the volumes preserved, the same compo- sitions are found with little variation, showing to what extent these interchanges took place. As hundreds of such institutions were scattered over the land, more of these works would undoubtedly have come down to us, but for the Danish and Norman devastations, wanton destruction attending the suppression of religious houses at the reformation, and numbers carried away, purposely or heedlessly destroyed by unscrupulous despoilers, ignorant soldiers and their nar- row minded commanders, or as a solace in their exile by priests in the subsequent persecutions. How many must have been hope lessly lost in the vicissitudes of their wandering and impoverished TRANSFER OF ERIN. 93 life, or Its untimely or solitary close, can never be known. The old book of Lismore, discovered in 1814 walled up in an old door-way of the castle, shows to what shifts they often had recourse for their preservation. Notwithstanding this sad havoc of ancient writings, which from the justly reputed learning of Irish scholars, and opportunities their education abroad afforded them, may Avell have end) raced priceless treasures from other lands and times now lost, an extensive literature remains. ISlore than what would be equivalent to three score thousand printed pages lays in manuscript in different libraries public and pi'ivate. Portions have from time to time been translated and printed, but far more remains out of reach in an unknown tongue except to a few zealous devotees to the literary antiquities of their country, who have been rarely in condition from their other pursuits to turn their knowledge to account for the public benefit. Indeed, though the time is approaching, it has not yet arrived for reaping the harvest probably ripening for other generations, and the present must be content with such windfalls as vouchsafed. When a large body exists of thorough masters of the language in all its forms modern and archaic, when glosses of greater perfection have been provided, writings faded from age or exposure subjected to strong lights, chemical restorers and the photograph, all or the important portions brought together in print and studied by many minds of various culture, their true value will be known. It is to be hoped that parliament will appropriate generously to this sacred duty, till these works in the original are transcribed, electrotyped , translated and multiplied in print, and supplied to every public library. Already the M'ork has been commenced. The Senchas mor and other legal codes, fragments and tracts have been entrusted to the brehon law commission. Nearly eight thousand pages have been transcribed, and when thoroughly studied, will be placed, with faithful versions in English and adequate glosses and commentaries, 94 TRANSFER OF ERIN. in tlic hands of the piibhc. The tale of the " White Bull " is now iu the press, and the "Leahbar-na-uidhre," one of the oldest volumes soon to be mentioned, was published during the past year. The manuscripts consist of material, historical, genealogical, topographical and religious, of science and medicine, law and poetry, historical tales and romances, fairy legends, and other flights of fancy, such as for the most part itinerant minstrels sang or recited, to amuse chiefs and their retainers in the banquet hall, in cloister or ladies' bower. These wanderers served also to gather up and' spread the news in the place of modern journals. As the best known works are in many copies made at long intervals, modernized in language and matter, and interpolated with additional portions, much that is incorrect, lost or illegible, can only be amended, restored or made clear by collation with other copies more exact and perfect. These writings are on vellum or paper, some in Latin, some in Gaelic, in many instances monographs on a single subject in the original forms, iu others compilations and collections of many sepa- rate works. Many of the larger volumes, thus embracing various distinct compo- sitions, consist probably of what once constituted the library of a castle or convent. We can only hope in our brief allusion to the more remarkable of them to direct attention to the interesting lectures of O'Curry, that visitors to the institutions that possess these trea- sures, or those who are debarred that privilege, may better under- stand what they are. The supposed oldest manuscripts are in the Royal Irish Academy : the four gospels orDomhnach Airgid in Latin, given by St. Patrick to St. Maccairthan, and the Cathach or mutilated copy of the psalms of St. Columcille, handed down for thirteen centuries in the line of the O'Donnels. The same institution, a perfect treasure house of lay relics, gold and silver, arms and ornaments, instruments of music and implements of toil, possesses vast numbers of shrines, crosiers, TRANSFER OF ERIN. 95 bells and rings, spoils of the clmrch. Trinity College Library owns an illustrated copy of the gospels of the seventh century, called Diomas book ; another of St. Molaisc, the INIiosach in the college of Columba near Dublin ; several private collections, and especially the Stowe formed and catalogued by Dr. Charles O'Connor, grandson of the distinguished antirpiarlan, now belonging mostly to Lord Ash- burnham who permits no one to see them, and numbers besides of both books and relics are of inestimable value. Of the sLs hundred volumes of manuscripts in the Dul)lin col- lections of the Royal Irish Academy and Trinity College, the latter possesses one hundred and forty. The oldest belonging to the former is the " Leahbar-na-H.-uidhre," only partially preserved with one hundred and thirty-eight pages, written by Maelmura of Clonmacnois in the eleventh century. It contains a fragment of Nennius trans- lated into Gaelic, an elegy on St. Colum, Mesca ulcdh or the burning of Tamhlar Luachra in Kerry by the men of Ulster cattle spoils or marauds, poems by Flanu of Monastcrbois. This, as already mentioned, has been printed. The book of Leinster, T. C. L., compiled for Dermod MacMorrogh in the twelfth century, comprises some of the above writings, besides, amongst much else of historical value, relations of battles of Ross-na-Righ, Cennabrat, Magh ]Machrumbi, of the Boromean tribute, poems on Tara, and the Dinnsenchas, a topographical tract of A.D. 550, in all about equivalent to two thousand pages. The book of Ballymote, com- piled about* 1393, begins with the Gabhala or book of invasions. It contains many relations historical or imaginative of Conor Mac Kessa king of Leister, Cormac Mac Art, Crimthan Mor and Xial of the nine hostages, translation of Nennius, grammar and proso- dy, tract on ogham, history of the O'Driscols, the Dinnsenchas, history of the Argonauts, the Trojan war and of Eneas afterwards, the whole erpiivalent to twenty-five hundred pages. The Leabhar Breac or speckled book, R. T. A., with one exception consists of 96 TRANSFER OF ERIN. translations Into Gaedhlic of a religious character, about equiva- lent to two thousand pages in print. The yellow book of Lecain T. C. D., equivalent to two thousand printed pages, written by Mac Donogh and Gilla Mac Firbis in the year 1390, like the other col- lections comprises many historical relations, poems and tales. Bound up with it, but forming originally no part of it, are family poems, of Kellys and Conors of Connacht and of the O'Donnells. It contains accounts of kings and battles, poems on Tara, the great cattle spoil or raid for the white steer, Maelduin's nautical adventures, legends relating to Conor Mac Nessa, Curoi MacDaire, Labhraidh Loinseach, Nial of the nine hostage and his poet Torna. The book of Lecain, equal to twenty-four hundred printed pages, 1416, by Gilla and Isa MacFirbis, resembles in its contents the book of Ballymote. There are eight other volumes in the college library, amounting to eight thousand printed pages, most of them without special name, of which the contents are varied and interesting. Its paper manuscripts are extensive, valuable, and embrace much not found anywhere else. The Academy besides its vellum has many hundreds of paper manuscript volumes. It has an excellent copy of the book of Lis- more, of which the contents are peculiarly interesting and varied, lives of saints, incidents in ecclesiastical history, battles and sieges, translations into Gaedhlic of the history of Charlemagne, of the Lombards, travels of Marco Polo, showing the acquaintance of priest and chief with ancient and modern history. The last piece is a dialogue of two old men, Caoilte son of Ronan and Ossian son of Finn, with St. Patrick, especially instructive from its local allusions. The Gaedhlic treasures of these two libraries are not to be valued by their extent, but there are in both together six hundred paper vol- umes, equal to thirty thousand printed pages. The gencaloo-ies in these collections are extensive, as some of those in the book of Leinster date from 1130; but the most frequently quoted are those of Duald Mac Firbis, 1650, in which is found the TEANSFEROFEEIN, 97 often quoted distinction between the three races, Firbolgs, Tuatha de Danaans and Milesians. " The Litter wliite of skin, brown of hair, bold, honorable, daring, prosperous, bountiful in the bestowal of property, wealth and rings, not afraid of battle or combat. Every one fair-haired, vengeful, large, and every plunderer, musical person, professor of musical and entertaining performances, adepts in Druidical and magical arts, are descendants of the second. But "whoever was black-haired, a tattler, guileful, tale-telling, noisy, con- temptible, wary, wretched, mean, strolling, unsteady, hai'sh, and inhospitable person, every slave, every mean thief, every churl, who loves not to listen to music and entertainment, disturbers of every council and every assembly, and the promoters of discord among people, were descendants of the Firbolgs." This of course was preju- dice, and if such distinctions once existed, they have long since been effaced by amalgamation of the different races. If we may judge from their loyalty to country and church, generous sacrifices for pa- rents and kinsfolk, comparatively few offences on the criminal calen- dar of the courts, their readiness to embrace the great reform of Father Matthew and their tln-ift and industry where they have had equal chance with other men, this amalgamation has worked favora- bly in the development of national character. Of the annalists, after Cormac MacArd, by whom was compiled the saltair of Tara, Mac Amalagaith of the Dinn Senchas, Cennfalath and Angus Ceille, and later Maelmura, Cormac Mac Cviilanan king and bishop of Cashel and author of its saltair in the ninth, Mac Lonan, O'Flinn and O'Hartiganin the eleventh century, O'Lochain, O'Seasnan, Flann of the Synchonisms and Gilla Caemlain who trans- lated Nennius into Gaedlic, the first in celebrity is Tigernac of the Murray race of Connacht, abbot of Clonmacnois and Roscommon and who died in 1085. His learning was varied and extensive, and his annals commencino: with the foundation of Rome cover the centuries to his ow^n time in excellent Latin. Seven old copies exist of his 13 98 TKANSrEROFERIN. work, some mutilated and one of them continued down by other hands- for the four subsequent centuries. The annals of the mon- astery of Inisfail on the island of that name in the lake of Killarney, were commenced in the tenth century, and are generally attributed to O'Carrol, prince of Loch Lene, who died 1009. It was continu- ed to 1215, the most perfect transcriptions being found in the Bodle- ian and Ashburnham collections. In the former are preserved the annals of Boyle from Noah to 1251, and of Ulster by Maguire about 1500, of Kilronan or Lochce 1014 — 1592, of Conacht, once from 911, now from 1224 to 1562, and the Chronicon Scotorum by Dualth MacFirbis, who compiled the pedigrees of Irish and Anglo- Norman families and who was murdered in 1 670. He was descended from Isa, who prepared the book of Lecain, and his chiefs were hereditary poets to the O'Dowds of Tyreril in Sligo. The Chronicon appears to have been written for Sir James Ware who knew no Gaedlic, and extends from the earliest historical ei^och to 1135. The only version of the annals of Clonmacnois known to be extant is an English translation made in 1627. It professes to be a history of the island from the creation to the English invasion. The principal compilation from these various books and others now lost is that known as the Four Masters, prepared by Michael O'Clery born in 1580, and Peregrin and Conaine O'Clery of Donegal, Ferfeasa O'Mulconry of Roscommon, and Duigenan of Leitrim 1632-1636, at Donegal. The succession of kings and saints and the Leabhar Gabla, or history of the early invasions by the same, and a valuable glossary of ancient words, date at this same period ; almost the latest when many of their materials could have been had. These were destroyed in large numbers by Cromwell and his ironsides, and other vandals, or lost in the confusion attending the banishment into Connaught and later or earlier confiscations. The Boromean tribute the monarch Tuathal exacted of Eochaid king of Leinster, in the second century, for marrying his daughter TliANSFEROFERIN. 99 Fitlui- in the life time of her sister Daraine whom he had previously taken to wife, become tired of, and imprisoned. Abolished in G80, it was I'evived in the eleventh centiuy, giving name to Brian Boru. This tribute and the wars of the Danes and of Thomond are subjects of separate works. The book of Munster chiefly relates to the sons of Heber, but contains much also of general interest, more particularly connected Avith that kingdom. It was a sensible arrangement, that of old Erin, for learning its history, that the ollamhs whose qualifications demanded twelve years of arduous preparation, had imposed upon them this charge. They were re- quired to be able to relate three hundred and fifty tales in prose or verse. Probably many of these were chanted, whoever were mu- sical being proficient in lullabies, pathetic and comic strains. About equal to four thousand printed pages remain classed as destructions and preyings, courtships, battles, sieges and slaughters, caves, naviga- tions, tragedies or deaths, expeditions, elopements and conflagrations, eruptions, visions, loves, hostings, and migrations, all shedding light on life and manners, and believed mainly to be truthful accounts of the incidents related. Among the most curious is the account of the visit of St. Brendan to the American continent. Besides the above much fairy lore exists and many imaginative tales and poems. Of the latter known as Fenian several are attributed to Oisin and Fergus, sons of Finn Cummhal. These tales, and among them the Tain Bo Chuailgne or raid for the white steer and wars of Cuchulain, are considered by Rev. Charles O'Connor to be of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the historical facts derived from Tigernac and the saltair of Cashel, but his grandfather Charles of Balenagar and O'Curry ascribe to them an earlier origin. Whether taken directly from Irish sources or indirectly as current in the high- lands, ]\IacPherson out of them unquestionably constructed his poems. The landscape and weather and other natural illustrations are taken from Scotland, but Oisin son of Finn the gaal or Fingal 100 TRANSFER OF ERIN. son of Cumhall, Cuthullin, Temora, Thorna and nearly all his per- sons and places are unmistakably Irish. Were we better acquainted "vvitli the originals and the Gaedlic itself, could go back into the spirit of the language and the times, we might find that not only in rhythm but in poetic expression there was greater similarity. AVhat we have of Irish poetry ancient and modern, dirges, lamentations, impassion- ed or emotional, displays a degree of feeling, elevated expression, and a sensitiveness to natural beauty, surpassed by few other nations. What distinguished their poetry as well as national traits from the Scotch is not difference of race but of climate, soil, and political condition. The Fenian tales are of various sorts, but whether in prose or verse they are not rhapsodies and rarely abound in pathos. The Ossianic poems on the contrary are wild and often plaintive ; steeped in the genius of Scotland, of a people who believed in second sight, and whose natural gaiety was subdued by the sombre charac- ter of its scenery. Their gloomy grandeur is at times suggestive of the masterpieces of Salvator Rosa, and their majestic movement has even recalled the inapproachable sublimity of the inspired prophet of Israel. It seems sad to think that these remarkable compositions, which Dr. Blair and other competent critics rate high for their sublimity and beauty, should have lost hold on popular favor. Literary taste is morbidly sensitive where any attempt is made to deceive. As with Chatterton, the poet's fame has been tarnished, not for having arro- gated too much to his own genius, but less than was justly its due. It ought not to be considered surprising that poems or legends founded on Irish incidents and characters, should have been transmitted orally or in wi-iting to a kindred race speaking nearly the same lan- guage, of similar modes of life and habits of thought, not remote, and for centuries in constant and intimate intercourse with the peo- ple amongst whom they originated. Many might well have been preserved there which had perished at home. But MacPherson TRANSFER OF ERIX. 101 never produced any manuscript such as he professed to have studied for twelve years, nor revealed any source from which he could have procured them. His characters and incidents are drawn from the Irish tales, but are not like them in structure or tone. The ground- work is borrowed, but the poems owe their principal charm to poetic fervor and fancy Avierd and mournful, peculiarly his own or his country's. Their tender sentiment and simple illustration from nat- ural objects and phenomena derive their inspiration from Scotland and from the Scandinavian sagas, and are much more in unison with their staid and solemn character, than with the cheerful sprightliness of the Irish. Prophecies not always deceptions or delusions, but simply one mode of describing historical events, abound among these remains. They are some of them evidently very ancient. How far file or druid improvised is not known, but before an excited gathering wrought upon by grief or resentment, poetic fervor might well assume tliis form, and the love of the marvellous was as fervent among tlie Irish as the Scotch. The scriptures afforded example and sanction for pro- phetic declaration, and for an imaginative people amidst perils and calamity with all their heroic passions on the strain, eloquence could assume no more effective form. That which Barry mentions in 1200, foreshadowing turmoil and war and distant and eventual subjugation which the subsequent history for several centuries seemed to verify, might well affect the faith of the credulous. But De Courcy's from the same source, that a knight on a white horse and bird on his shield would conquer the land, betrays its inspiration. Besides the manuscripts in Dublin there exist long lists of them in the British Museum, sixteen precious volumes in the Bodleian at Oxford, a few in the Advocates at Edinburgh, Burgimdian at Brus- sells, and in the Franciscan at Louvain, most of the latter dispersed at the revolution, twenty at least being now or lately in St. Isidora at Rome. Very many are in private collections, the most import- 102 TRANSFER OF ERIN. ant formerly at Stowe, which Lord Ashburnham withholds from Irish scholars. They are possibly in the main transcriptions from those already mentioned, but probably not one in competent hands would fail to afford new light on the history and antiquities of the island and valuable additions to its known literary treasures. What have perished, many even within comparatively recent pe- riods, is apparent from the numbers mentioned as existing in their time by Tigernac, the several Mac Firbises, Keating, O'Curry and other authors. The Cuilmen, saltair of Tara of the second centuiy, that of Cashel of the eighth, Cin of Drom snechta of the fourth by Ernin son of Diiach king of Connaught, books of St. Mochta, Cuana, Dubhdaleithe, Slane, O'Flanagan, Inis-an-Duin Monas- terboise, Dungiven, Downpatrick, Derry, Saul in Down, Cavan ; of Saint Molaga, Saint Moling, MacMurragh, Armagh, Mac Aegan, Leithlin, Clonmacnois, Dromseat ; of Clonsost in Leix ; of Glenda- loch, of Bally Mulconroy 1543, Bally Clery 1500, O'Duinegans, of Sligo, Loch Ree, Loch Erne, are all gone. The saltair of Tara was lost before the thirteenth century, but a copy of that of Cashel was known to have been in existence little more than a century ago. These sketches might be indefinitely extended, but we must bring them to a close. That what constitutes the excellence of our English literature, proceeds from the component elements of character de- rived from its Celtic stock as much as from its Saxon or Norman, is ably illustrated by Matthew Arnold. In his work on the study of Celtic literature published in 1867, the substance of four lectures delivered by him as professor of poetry at Oxford, he attributed to their derivation from the ancient Britton of Celtic race the quick instincts, poetic sensibility, wit and sprightliness, that with more solid qualities are characteristic of the higher type of Englishmen. Their poetic style, rhyme and rhetorical forms, he traces back to the same source as well as that play of imagination which he terms natural magic. He ascribes to the like inspiration, much of the TRANSFER OF ERIN. 103 tenderness which pervades some of the most remarkable productions of their poetic genius, therein of sadness or mehmcholy constituting so marked a trait of the Ossianic poems. He places as high an esti- mate on the vinpublished manuscripts we have been considering as O'Curry himself, and advocates the founding at Oxford of a profes- sorship of Celtic. We should still leave, however, this branch of our subject incom- plete without reference to the sources of information in print on which the student of Irish history must also depend. Our roll cannot pretend to embrace them all, but only those of greatest value or best known. One of the earliest authors was Giraldus Cambrensis or Philip Barry, whose account of the country, written about 1200, forms, translated, a volume of Bolin's Library. Its object was to justify invasion and conquest, and it is consequently unfair and abounding in misstatement. It is clever and entertaining, and con- sidering his brief residence and limited opportunity for collecting knowledge, very instructive. Stanihurst published in 1584 four books on Irish affairs, pronounced by Mageoghan to be prejudiced and unreliable. The work of Lombard of Waterford, a commentary in Latin on the history of Ireland, published after his death in 1632, is better esteemed. Keating, a parish priest, near Knocgraflfon, from manuscript sources and diligent study of his subject, wrote about 1630, in Gaelic, his history of Ireland from early times to 1170. It was translated and published in 1727, and though perhaps following too closely the marvellous accounts related in his authorities, is re- plete with instruction and especially valuable as drawn from manu- script works then in his possession, no longer in existence. Philip O'Sullivan Beare published in Spain in 1621 his compendium of the Catholic war, 1587-1602. It is in Latin, and though reprinted has not been translated. To the O'Clerys, aided by AVard of Donegal, Ave owe the Four Masters, compiled in 1636-50, from early manu- 104 TRANSFER OF ERIN. scripts, a standard authority as to events and dates, and greatly enriched by the notes of O'Donovan, its editor. Care\Y, Stafford's Pacata Hibernia published in IGOO, Roth's Hibernia Resur- gens in 1621, Morrison's account of events from 1599 to 1602, in 1735, Usher's fifty letters on the Irish in 1680, Sir James Ware's Irish authors of 1639 and his Antiquities in 1658, in which last work he was assisted by Duald Mac Firbis, abound most of them both in error and truth. Lynch in 1652 as Lucius Gratianus published his Cambrensis eversus in refutation of Barry. O'Flaherty's Ogygia in 1684 gave the history of early times, and of course has little pretension to be pre- cisely accurate. O'Reilly's case stated in 1692, King William said contained too many truths. Kennedy who deduces the Scotch kings from Fergus, Harris, Belling, Walsh and Porter, are mentioned by Mageoghan with various praise. His own history of Ireland written 1736-50, in French, and translated by Kelly, is one of the best. Camden's account of the island in his Britannia is brief. Hollinshed published Barry and Campion, which with his own sequel were put into English by the learned Hooker about 1600. He relates events from his own national standpoint. Doctor Hanmar's Chronicle of Ireland, collected in 1571, terminates in 1286, but was continued by Henry of Marlboro' to 1420. Of later histories Wright's is voluminous and elaborate, and gen- erally candid, but is more occupied with what concerns the English than the Irish. From Tom Moore, the poet whose exquisite lyrics breathed profound affection for the land of his heroic progenitors, much was expected, but in his four volumes of Lardner's Encyclopte- dia he bow^s too often to English prejudice. It is greatly to his credit that with his tastes and temptations, a social favorite of En- glish proprietors, he should have performed so well a task which was not a labor of love. Ilalloran's work is scholarly and conveys much information in succinct form, and Haverty's well calculated to impart TRANSFER OF ERIN. 105 information to readers of little leisure. Thomas Lcland's history is frequently quoted, Taafe 1810 seems less known. Miss Cusack, the nun of Kenmare, among other ■works of great interest has published one of the brightest and most readable of Irish histories. Mitchell, Magee, O'Meagher and O'Connell treat with ability different epochs. One of the best and which has elicited much applause from all parties is the Cromwellian Conquest, by Prendergast, whose services on the record commission have done much to illustrate the history of the country. Gilbert's viceroys brought down to 1509, presents his subject from a different point of view from the rest and is candid and well written. ISIooney's history of Ireland contains much that is peculiar to itself, especially in relation to Irish lyrics. Among the most interesting books on Ireland, as it is his only prose work, is the view of its condition in his day by Edmund Spenser the poet written in 151)6, after his unfortunate experiences at Kilcolman in the county of Cork. It abounds in just observations on the character of the people, but recommends their absolute subju- gation. Dowcra's narratives of his military experiences are often quoted. Sir John Davis attorney general under King James in 1612 printed his discovery of the causes why Ireland had not been sooner conquered ; it is one of the least prejudiced of the various works of that class on the country. It is remarkably honest, not sparing his o\\'n countrymen if occasionally unduly harsh in his judgment of the Irish. A collection of other historical papers on the country by the same author was published in 1787. Lord Castlchaven's memoirs of the campaigns under the protectorate are interesting, and considered a faithful recital of his own experiences. Colgan and Bruodine dealt chiefly with matters ecclesiastical. Sir Richard Belling under the name of Philopater Ireneus, in his two books Vindiciarum Catholicorum Hibernian treats with fidelity the events from 1641 to 1649, which praise cannot be accorded to Sir John Temple's account of the rebellion which abounds in prejudice and 14 106 TRANSFER OF ERIN. gross cxagf^crations. Willi;im Molyncux in his case of Ireland dedicated to the prince of Orange ably vindicates its right to self- government; archbishop King in 1G92 defended the cause of the protestants. John Curry's historical and critical review of the civil wars from the reign of Elizabeth to the settlement under King William, with the state of the Irish Catholics down to the relaxation of the popery laws in 1778, was published in 1786. The Ilibernia Anglicana of Sir Ilichard Cox and his manuscript remains are often quoted. Deside- rata Curiosa Ilibernica, 1772, Harris' Ilibernica 1770, and Matthew Carey's Vindiciai Ilibernicai have their value and are mentioned together from their peculiar titles rather than from similarity of sub- ject or treatment. Vallanccy's works have been harahlycriticisedperhaps with justice, but they are often suggestive. O'Brien, Bctham, Lascelles, Hatchell, Erck, have been diligent explorers among the archives, and Ilardi- man is especially thorough and conscientious. Lodge's Irish Peer- age and genealogical works of the present Ulster king of arms, so favorably known wherever the English tongue is spoken, are of indis- pensable help to historical research. Judge Barrington's historical memoir is a weighty work, Sir Jonah's rise and fall an impartial one and his reminiscences especially entertaining. The Castlereagh correspondence, Story's impartial history and the Charlemont me- moirs, explain many obscurities. Graves'St. Caniceof Kilkenny, Gough's Antiquities, Ledwich's and MacCurtin's 1717, Crof'ton Croker's legends of the Lakes and similar works, Franciscan Monasteries 1870;, and Mcrvyn Archdall's Monas- tieon llibernicum now being published in parts by ]>ishop Moran, Irish names of places by Joyce 1870, Tribes and Customs Ily-Many and of llyEiachrach 1844, O'Flaherty's lar Connaught, O'Connors, Annals of Tigernach, Inisfail, Ulster and Boyle, O'Daly's Tribes of Ireland 18G5, I*etrie's Tara and treatise on MacFirbis and tlic Dom- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 107 nach Airgld 1837, book of rights 1847, O'Brien's law of Tanistry and rudiments of English common law discoverable in the old brehon law or Senchas Mor by Ferguson 1867, are indispensable to a public library professing to be complete. The publications of the Royal Irish ArchaBological and Celtic Societies contain much that is precious, and the Dublin and Irish Penny Journals in five volumes scattered j)a- pers of O'Donovan and other writers nowhere else to be found. Dalton's Army List of King James and his many other works throw light on family annals, and the history of the Irish brigades in con- tinental service by O'Callaghan is well known. In the Harleian and Lansdowne manuscripts in the British Muse- um, is much relating to Ireland. Of the state papers under Eliza- beth and James, calendars have been lately published and in the in- troduction to the latter by Russell and Prendergast, there is much information not previously accessible. Several volumes of the publi- cations of the record commission, consisting of Irish inquisitions and fines, and two works entitled the Public Records of Ireland and our Public Records 1873 shed light on the subject. The treasures of the Birmingham tower in the castle at Dublin are being arranged and calendared by Sir Bernard Burke, and the record oflices attached to the Four Courts contain vast amounts of historical material inter- mingled with what is of little worth. The manuscripts of Sir George Carew out of which was compiled the Pacata Hibernia published in 1633 by Stafford as already mentioned, fill twenty volumes in the Lambeth library. A calendar of this collection has been recently published. Among local works of note are Piers' Chorographical history of West Meath in Collectanea 1770, Smith's histories of Down Water- ford and of Cork, Stuart's of Armagh, M'Gregor's and Fitzgerald's and Ferrar's of Limerick, Ilardiman's of Galway, and Miss Cusack's of Kerry, Ryan's of Carlow, Gibson's of Cork ; HigUands of Cavan ; Siege of Derry, by Walker, Graham and Charlotte Elizabeth, history 108 TRANSFER OF ERIN. of Bandon, and Gilbert's streets of Dublin. Topon-rapliical and otlier works b}^ Mrs. Hall and her husband are most elaborate and valuable, though often offending Irish sense of justice. Family histories of the Earls of Kildare and Dalys of the Geraldines, Gormans House of O'Reilly, O'Briens by O'Donoghoe, of the MacCarthies, and O'Sulli- vans Mor, O'Tooles and O'Byrnes, Ormonds by Carte, MacDonnels of Antrim, Graces and Montgomeries, Cronelly's Dalcas Eoghanacht and Clan Hory, and biographies of Usher, Perrot, Charles O'Connor, Florence MacCarthy, of Art McMorrrogh by Magee, Hugh O'Niel by Mitchell, of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, and later of the United Irishmen by Madden, of Grattan, Curran, Emmett, Flood, Holt, Wolfe Tone, O'Connel by Cusack and Father IMatthew by the same accomplished writer, are important auxiliaries to the student in his task. Young, Inglis, Head, Trench, Godkin, give interesting sketches of the country and of Irish questions from different stand points ; and Froude's prejudiced abuse has elicited able responses from father Burke, Mitchell, Prendergast and Thiboult. Lecky's "Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland " is especially valuable, affording a key to the views of the best men of both parties at the present day ; he discusses Irish politics from truly national points while presenting in vivid colors the careers of Swift, Flood, Grattan and O'Connell. Of works that should not be forgotten, connected with the island, not mentioned above, are Judge Finglas' Decay of Ireland, 1525—33 ; Clarendons' statement of 1668, Borlase's Rebellion of 1641, and Sir William Petty 's political survey 1719, and his tracts 1769. Plowden 1805, Crawford, Warner, Musgrave, Atkins, Anderson and Campbell, Mahoney, Carew, and Lanigan in church history ; O'Reilly's memoirs of Catholic martyrs, 1868, Sullivan's story of Ireland, Mrs. Ferguson's before the conquest, Beaumont's tour and Cardinal Wiseman's, Gaskin's varieties 1870, have each their value. The publications of W. Cook Taylor are highly esteemed, his civil wars being especially instructive. Matthew O'Connor also wrote a TRANSFER OF ERIX. 109 militarv liistorv of the nation, including that of the Irish brigade in tlie French service. Charles O'Connor of Belenagare, published in 1766, dissertation on historical subjects, and another of the name important events from Heremon and Heber to the present time. The O'Connor published in 1822 the chronicles of Eri translated from the Phenician. Sir William Betham takes high rank as an author by his Etruria Celtica, Gael and Cvmbri, and his antiquarian researches. Our limits forbid allusion to historical fiction, but it is pleasant to remember how much Lever, Lover, Griffin, Banim, Lady Morgan, ^liss Edgeworth and Mrs. Sadlierhave illustrated .historical epochs by their prose productions, Moore, Davis, Mangan and Sul- livan in verse. This enumeration of books connected with Ireland has no preten- tion to be complete. AVhat has been written on the many contro- vei'ted points in its history would fill a library. ]Many bibliographical works, catalogues of public collections and of bibliopolists are much more comprehensive. The simple aim has been to render available for readers who have no access to such sources, information they may find useful in selection. It is believed to embrace what are regarded of highest authority and most worthy of perusal. Credit is due to the catalogues of James Campbell of Tremont street, Boston, and of P. M. Haverty, Barclay street, Xew York, for information with regard to some of the works mentioned in tlie text not in our libraries. These well known bibliopolists make Irish literature a specialty. The name of Stafford (p. 103) in connection with the Pacat.i Hibernia was from inadvertence not corrected. He edited the work in IG33, Init from his preface it appears to have been prepared under direction of Carcw but not bv lum. 110 TRANSFER OF ERIN. XVII. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. Careful study of the literary remains of the ancient Irish, has given more exact information as to their modes of life. For this we are mainly indebted to the learned lecturer and his accomplished com- mentator. Much also has been contributed by other competent scholars whom growing interest in the subject has prompted to similar research. When English ascendancy had crushed out national life, and Xjaelic no longer employed for literary purposes and only spoken had become corrupt, rarely were found men of sufficient education with opportunity and leisure to make its literature their pursuit. It is not so now, and with the grammar already published and the dictionary promised when the Brehon law commission shall have completed its task, whatever the manuscripts contain not yet known will be revealed. From what has already been divulged some idea may be gathered as to what manner of people they w^ere, and how they lived from Heremon to Eva, and afterwards wherever they could keep them- selves aloof from foreign interference. Such exemption extended to much the larger part of the population, and over considerable areas, even of Leinster, Meath and Munster, and nearly all of Con- naught and Ulster, lasted even down to the seventeenth century. During this period, and this is no idle boast for it is admitted by Sir John Davis and other English writers, the people, class for class, if not superior, were quite equal in true civilization, intelli- gence and education, in integrity and honor, consideration for others, in politeness and hospitality, to any other. In the varied rites of their church and the social sports and intercourse which it encouraged, at mart or court, or in the halls of their chieftains listen- ing to historic tales with which O'Curry has made us agreeably acquainted, or taking part in the ordinary avocations for subsistence TRANSFER OF ERIN. Ill or complications of their civil rule, whatever was good in them had chance for development. An existence spent much in the open air and wholesome beverage of beer or ale in the place of later deleterious concoctions, gave to good constitutions thatperfect health which alone admits of complete enjoyment. Constant warfare and tlie impover- ishment it entailed, precluded for those Avho could not go abroad for education many accomplishments and some cultivation, but this was not their fault and certainly not one for Englishmen to impute. Fenachas or laws which provide for much that was else\Ahcre left to individual election, specify the number and size of buildings re- quired to be possessed by the flaths and aires, mention the domestic utensils and implements of toil, regulate the relations of rich and poor, parent and child, husband and wife, landlord and tenant, vas- sal and chief. Architects and artisans, teachers and physicians received ample compensation for their skill. That poets were generously recompensed is indicated by the amount received in later days by the MacNamees, hereditary poets of Tyrone, whose lands yielded them a rental of three thousand pounds. Cerds or smiths, saers or carpenters, workers in bronze and gold, wood and leather were encouraged by wages fixed by law. The spinning wheel Avas an appendage to every household and had its appropriate place, and cloths of flax and wool woven by women of all degrees, were dyed and fashioned into apparel. The tales and poems are precise as to what was worn by the different sexes and classes, and their descrij:*- tions if draw^n from imagination, were based upon what was usual and within reasonable bounds of probability. From royal palace to herdsman's hut were many sorts of dwellings, and there seems no reason why the early Irish should not have been comfortably lodged according to their respective rank. The first need even in milder climes is shelter from the storm, and Cain is men- tioned in scripture as building himself a city. As his family Avas not large, this of course signifies simply such a home as his circumstances 112 TRANSFER OF ERIN. permitted. Neither time nor element have wholly removed the ves- tiges of early edifices on the island. Tara in Meath was selected by Slainge one of the Firbolg kings for his residence, but it derived i ts name from Tea wife of Ileremon who desired tliere to be interred. It continued till the sixth century the abode of the monarchs, each of them afterwards holding his court in his own kino-dom. Aileach near Derry, erected by Dagda of the Tuatha de Danaan dynasty coeval with Pharaoh, had an enclosure Avith edifices of hewn stone, but when rebuilt by Frigind for his wife Ailech, daughter of the king of Albion, the house was of red yew, emblazoned with gold and bronze. Four royal houses stood within the walls of Cruachan now Roscommon, Avhen Ailill and his queen Mebh ruled over Connacht. The abode of the Ulster kings at Emania destroyed in the third century, of the Leinster at Naas, Munster at Cashel, and Meath near Mullingar, of the O'Briens at Kincora, where Brian and his descendants held their court, w^ere all on one general plan. These structures were chiefly of wood. Extensive forests furnish- ed timber easily wrought. Stone was occasionally used but not preferred, except for defence, anywhere at the period. Stone edi- fices exist, dating back eight hundred years. The chapel of King Cormac at Cashel, constructed of that material, though very moderate in its dimensions is a model of elegant proportion and skilful handi- work. Tiie terms applied to royal abodes, rath, dun, les, cashel or cathair had each its peculiar meaning, the rath being often an en- closure for cattle, the dun two concentric walls of twelve to twenty feet in thickness and height to prevent their being scaled with a moat between, the les of smaller dimensions, the cashel with a stone en- closure and cathair wholly of mason work. In the outer wall was a cell for the warder who kept vigilant watch over the approach. Even in the early Norman castles such as Conway or Caernarvon the hall was within the walls, though soon after improvements in architecture TRANSFER OF ERIN. 113 both in England and Ireland, led to the apartments forming integral part of the structure, as at Wanvick or Blarney. But in those now under consideration the dAvelling place and offices were in separate buildings of wood or wicker work inside the walls. There were seven different duns within the raths of Tara, each containing several buildings, the principal one measuring about eight hundred feet across. The residence of the ard-rig seven hundred feet in length, banquet hall or mead house and other edifices occu- pied the enclosure, and there were besides accommodations for an army. In all of the royal abodes, Tara, Aileach, Emania, Cniachan, Naas, there seems to have been the same arrangement. The hall consisted of several compartments separated by columns from the central space in Avhich in cold or wet weather burned the fire to warm the whole, the smoke making its exit through an aperture in the roof.* The columns fronting the centre space were coated with bronze as were arches over them, evidently not so much for ornament as for protec- tion against fire. King and ollamh and other officers of his court had each his special place assigned, and though sixteen windows with shutters and bars of bronze are mentioned as provided for one of these buildings, two doors sufficed. In early times people slept when tired, stretched on the floor, at least such tradition says was the case with Charlemagne, but feathers were plenty and used for couches and pillows, and even sheets and coverlids were not wanting in these Irish dwellings, or tubs for bathing. As refinement spread from cities or palaces, convenience led to separate apartments for men and women, old and young, master and servant, and early laws provided that at houses of hospitality they should be lodged apart. As the house of a flatli was required to be at least twenty-seven feet, with an ' This method of warming the hall or gathering place for the family was the usual one everywhere in Northern Enrope down to the tifteenth century. Trace of it is still to be discovered at Penshurst, the home of the Sydneys, and many otlier ancient edifices. Ciiimneys built into the wall for warming the apartments were common at least two centu- ries earlier. 15 114 TRANSFER OF ERIN. addition of sixteen all on the same floor, these dimensions when not exceeded admitted of little privacy. Food was plentiful and various and served at one table to all. Flocks and herds abounded, fish and game ; and eight kinds of grain supplied bread, cake, and porridge. Ale often mingled with honey, for bees then supplied the sugar, was freely quaffed, leather bottles, wooden casks of staves, wooden quaighs, cups of horn, silver or gold being used. Stronger beverages not being easily obtainable, in- temperance which has brutalized and degraded later generations the world over, was hardly known. Metheghlin or honey and water was drank rather by women than by men, but milk was abundant, and but- ter and cheese biu'ied centuries ago in the bogs are still preserved. Their active habits in war or other pursuits, games such as took place at Carmen or Tailtaan or in the Curragh of Kildare practised at home, compelled repose, and after then* campaigns they gathered under the roofs of the chief, each in his appropriate place, playing at chess or listening when the feast was over to harp, psaltery or viol, or to historic tales which related their own achievements or those of their progenitors. Although contrary to law in these legends to exaggerate, the temptation was too great to be always withstood, and marvel mingles with fact in many preserved. These stories were recited or chanted, the Gaelic being a musical language, the verses preserved serving often merely as groundwork for language and incident impassioned to suit the occasion and the audience. Though Boeck traces a relation between the rhythm of Pindar and musical notes, and poetic measures may yet prove a key to an- cient song, Sullivan who is at home in this science as in many be- sides, does not concur in his view. The earliest music which is known of the ancient Irish is homophonous for many voices in unison. It is in what is called gapped quinquegrade, and without semi-tones is well adapted to harp accompaniment. This characteristic betrays the origin of many melodies claimed by other people. How early TRANSFER OF ERIX. 115 the instruments above mentioned were introduced is conjectural. In second century talcs, the harp is alluded to and proficients in its use were required to lull to sleep, excite to laughter or melt to tears. It was earliest known in Eg'}-]it which the Milesians visited in their migration west, but possibilities ai-e not historic facts, and that and other instruments maj^ have been later brought over to the island. In very early times harps and viols and pipes, corns or horns, buines or trumpets, cloccas or bells, timpans, cymbols, and musical branches were played upon, and probably from long before our era contribu- ted to the festal entertainment in royal and princely halls. Barry in the twelfth century bore witness to the musical accomplishments of the Irish, but there is ample proof that centuries earlier they were distinguished for their skill and taste in the art. Charlemagne when perfecting his church choir is said to have sought for choristers from Ireland for his cathedral, as he did professors for his colleges. Eveiy house of consequence was required by law to have its can- dlestick, in palace halls were candelabra of many branches, and wax was abundant for light. Bronze and silver and bright colors deco- rated the columns and arches, and when Ugaine jSIor, Cormac jNIac Art, Con of the hundred battles, Nial of the nine hostages kept their state at Tara, there was as much enjoyment, if not as great magni- ficence as at the courts of cotemporary monarchs. Fergus Avho died 331, was the last Ulster king who dwelt at Emania, Ragnallach of Connaught at Cruachan 645, Cormac of Munster at Cashel 903, Cearbhall of Leinster at Naas 904, and Muu'cheartack of the Hy-Nials at Aileach in 941. O'Conors removed from Loch En to Cluain Fraich in 1309. Dermot Mc^NIorrogh had his abode at Femes at the time of the invasion ; Dermod ^McCarthy at Cork. But as the law required each provincial king to have three duns and they all had probably more, we cannot enumerate them all. Their residences after this event were much the same as those of the Anglo-Normans, and while retaining many of their early customs, in others they followed the example set by the invaders. 116 TRANSFER OF ERIN. To Tigernmas, seventh from Heber andlleremon, who according to the generally accepted chronological authorities reigned fifteen centuries before our era, and who first melted gold and introduced cnps and brooches, is ascribed a law regulating the colors to be worn in dress. His successor, Eochaid, ordained that servants should wear but one color ; rent paying farmers, two ; officers, three ; chiefs, five ; ollamhs and poets, six ; kings and queens, seven. O'SuUivan himself eminent in his specialty as professor of chemistry as for nu- merous other accomplishments, tells us that dye stuffs of many sorts, moss, bedstraw, madder, woad, alder, bogbean grew wild or were cultivated on the island, and when alum was not to be procured, saline incrustations on the western coast might well have served as mordants in its stead. He doubts the general use of saffron for shirts, unless limited to some particular clan or neighborhood. Among garments mentioned in the manuscripts, the lena and cam- aisi composed of flax, silk or syriac or wool, white or variously col- ored, without sleeves and extending to the knees, were Avorn next the skin ; not by the poorer classes, whose brat or cloak and berrbroc or kilt covered them. In the museum are brecee or trews of diamond pattern like the Scotch plaid, tight fitting and reaching to the ankle, over which were drawn hose bound with bands sometimes not reach- ing the assai or shoes. Both men and women wore a jacket called the ina of green, scarlet or crimson silk or other stuff" with a oris or girdle round the waist, and over it the brat or fuan, a cloak of many colors fringed often with silver and gold, and fastened with a brooch or thong. Matals or mantles, coculs or capes with a hood much used by monks, served as protection from cold or wet. Females wore the lena longer but no trews, covering the head with veil or head cloth called caille. Culpaits, ats and bars, the latter a square cap, were used by men --^stead of the cowl. Besides torques and minds and spiral fastenings for the hair, crowns, bracelets, chains and rings used as ornaments have escaped the havoc of time. TRANSFER OFERIN. 117 Arms aud tools of many kinds are described and preserved in the Royal Museum, some of iron or steel, but more often of bronze made of copper and tin. Craiseclis, heavy and thick handled spears, maces, manais, and fiarlan or curved blade of the Firbolgs, sleg or light spear of the Tuatha de Danaans, goth manai'S or broad spear and fogad of the Milesians, laigen or lance of Leinster, cletine or spear of Cuculaiu, bir or spit, faga or fork, stegin or goth, with the claidem or sword, claybin or little sword, and clay m or or larger sword, and skene or dagger, were their principal weapons. Hand stones, slings, clubs and flails were also used. Bows and arrows are not mentioned nor battle axes very early, but what are supposed to be the latter are found in the royal collection. Shields, long or round, of iron, bronze or yew Avere common and when of wood had metal rim and boss. Reference is made to defensive armor of hide with iron rings sewed on, but before the tenth century it was little used of any sort even by the chiefs. Soldiers going to battle threw aside their cloaks as en- cumbrances ; the chiefs and some small portion of their followers fought on horseback without saddles. In after times both kernes and gallowglasses were armed as the English, as will be seen in the sequel. The importance attached in rude times to skill in arms and the sci- ence of war, led not only to the foundation of schools for military education and to placing young men for their training with experi- enced chiefs, but to the orders of knighthood already mentioned such as the red branch of Emania, the Clan INIorna of Connacht and Dearguil of ]Munster. Cormac Mac Art grandson of Con in the third century organized the Fenians, a standing military force consisting of about nine thousand men divided into caths or battallions, each under its chief, with an officer to each nine men. They eat once a day and half the year supported themselves by the chase. Barracks were constructed for them at Tara, but they were quartered on the people in winter. To marry for fortune, insult a woman, accept a bribe, 118 TRANSFER OF ERIN. fly from a foe, disqualified them for its ranks. The family of the soldier gave pledge not to avenge his death. He was to be well read in poetry, able to protect himself from harm against nine assailants standing still in a hole or coursing through the forest, to keep his hair in its plaits, run lightly enough not to break a withered twig, jump a tree as high as his forehead, stoop beneath one as low as his knee, pluck a thorn from his foot without losing speed. He w^as under oath of obedience and fidelity to his king or commander. The Fenians did not outlast the century. At the battle of Gawla fight- in o- with their leader Ossian his nepliew for jMogh Corb king of Munster, against Cairbre, ard righ or monarch, who employed the Clan Morna in their stead, this force wdiich had won so many victo- ries under Cumhall and Finn were nearly annihilated, Oscar, Ossian's son, being slain. They were never reorganized, and the want of that steady and well regulated discipline provided for in these rules and which under good generals w^on Benburg and Fontenoy, has occasioned many a disaster to Irish armies. Of what has been transmitted of Carmen and Tailtan and similar gatherings at the burial place of heroes where games were played, consultations held and laws promulgated, young men and maidens met from different parts of the country and formed their attachments, or were mated by parental authority. Equality of rank and condi- tion controlled selection, and portions were fixed upon equitable rates and established custom. The bride-price paid after the Avedding by the husband went in part to her father. Females had no share in the landed inheritance, except on failure of nearer 'male heirs, and only half a share with their brothers in the personalty. Sons even of flaths in early times divided equally, some exception beins: made in the case of the elder who with his oblic-ations as chief had a larger portion. Woman's rights were respected, and if falsely accused by her husband, abandoned, beaten or otherwise maltreated, neglected by him, or if he was unfaithful, had used undue means to TRANSFER OF ERIX. 119 gain her affections, or she was deprived of her full right in domestic and social mattei's, she was entitled to separation and to retain her coibche or bridal gift, tincur or portion and her tindscra or bride- price. The Boromean tribute, dethronement of Dermod Mac ]Mor- rough, show that both in pagan and christian times marriage obliga- tions were not violated with impunity and that the rules of the church were piously respected and generally obeyed. Only one queen ever sat on the Irish throne, Macra, wife of Cymbaeth, the third century B. C, who built Emania. They Avere of course excluded from the chieftainries, but from Eva Mac Morrough to Grace O'Malley, women stand out in bold relief in Irish story, for Avisdom, courage, and heroic deeds, and the high eulogium, passed upon their feminine excellence by the annalists in noting their decease, indicate a dis- criminating standard often reached. Family trees show how much marriages were influenced by neighborhood and previous alliances, affording opportunity for meeting and forming attachments. Wo- men do not seem to have taken part in the family councils, an institution which obtained in Ireland and probably prevented or appeased many of the misunderstandings and quarrels aa liich other features of their social system tended to engender. Their social and gregarious tastes were variously indulged. Re- ligious rites, weddings and funerals brought them together, and at the aenachs or fairs all ranks and both sexes congregated. These fairs were held pei'iodically and less for interchange of commodities than for amusement. Athletic games, dances and music, courting and matchmaking Avere the principal attraction ; but laws Avere pro- mulgated, disputes adjusted and acquaintance made. Mathluagh Avere of more restricted attendance and called to protest against arbitrary acts of the rig, denial of justice by a court, distribution of propei'ty of deceased members of the fine, Aveapon shows, to take measures of defence or for battle speeches. The mithal flatha Avas the meeting of the tenants of a flath ; mithal tuatha of the freemen 120 TRANSFER OF ERIN. of the tuath, dais of the nobles, tocomrach for election of kings, adoption of laws and ordinances. Inaugurations of rigs or chiefs were occasions of great ceremony. They took place in the open air, on special spots designated by some rock or tree, and the oaths of faithful service were administered with much solemnity. In relation to Tara we are tempted to cite the following passage from Ancient Ireland, a magazine devoted to Irish antiquities pub- lished at Waterford in 1835. In connection with Ollav Fodla, who reigned according to accepted chronology, 921-42 B. C, it says : " This illustrious assembly was called in Irish by the name of Feis Teav-rach, or, ^ the Parliament of Tara.' The object of as- sembling it was two fold. 1st. To revise the entire body of the established laws, and to correct or amend them, or to enact new laws, as the exigence of the kingdom might require. 2d. To exam- ine and digest all the annals, historical records, and genealogies of the kingdom, so as to transmit down to posterity a correct history of the several emigrations, wars, and other memorable transactions of his royal ancestors, from the Phenician king Fenius Farsa, down to his own time. The nobility, gentry and learned men, who at- tended this great convention, took their places thereat, according to their dignity, rank, or office ; all of which were strictly defined and regulated by the heralds or genealogists. Irish writers are loud in their praises of this monarch, for his abilities, wisdom, virtue, and valor. This assembly of the states at Tara, subsequently took place every third year." We shall not apologize for another extract from the same valuable repository, as it is a work extremely rare, at least in America. " The office of historian in ancient Ireland, was kept up by the State, without interruption or intermission ; and when a historian died, his place was filled immediately, in the same manner, and with the same reo^ularity, as our office of judge is now filled up. The writing of the national history was not left as in modern countries to the whim, or T K A X S F E R O F E R I X . 121 caprice, or prcjucTice, of individuals. All the learned professions Avere hereditary, in particular families, in Ireland. Thus we find repeatedly in the Irish writers, such a name mentioned as the " hereditar}' judges " of a particular district ; another name as the "hereditary historians;" another as the "hereditary bards," — the "hereditary physicians," — the " hereditary standard bearers," — and other offices, civil as well as military. All the provincial kings, princes, and dynasts, kept up these "hereditary institutions" within their respective territories, as well as the monarch. These profes- sions Avere assiduously cultivated by the respective tribes or families to whom they hereditarily belonged. On the death of any profes- sor, his office Avas filled up from his own tribe ; but it was not the eldest son, or the nearest a-kin, that was appointed, but he, of the tribe, who was proved to be the most eminent and most learned in the particular profession. Thus the most active competition was kept up, and, at the same time, the entire mind of a tribe or family was kept fixed upon the cultivation of the one pursuit, without dis- traction or Avavering, from their infancy ; circumstances eminently calculated to produce a very high degree of cultivation in each. Large estates and ample fortunes were settled upon the diflferent pro- fessions, and thereby those Avho cultivated them left at ease and leisure to apply. Camden, by no means fiivorably inclined towards Ireland, attests this fact. He says that "the Irish have their judges, whom they call brehons ; their historians who record historical events ; their physicians, poets, and musicians, Avho instruct their children or relatives, each in his own i^rofession ; and they always have successors.^'' Sir John Davis attributes to the laws of tanistry under which the successor elect Avas always a rival of the ruling chieftain, and to the custom of gavelkind, Avliich A'ested no permanent or hereditary in- terest in the soil but left it to the discretion of the chief to redistri- bute, much of the turmoil and calamities of the country. Irishmen 16 122 TRANSFER OF ERIN. could not fail to perceive the advantage of the better defined estates under feudal law where the rule worked for their personal benefit. Any such distribution of land rarely however occurred and the law did not everywhere prevail. Their main object in life was not accu- mulation, or even subsistence. These were secondary to their other pursuits of duty or enjoyment. Their wealth consisted of cattle, little effort sufficed to satisfy their wants, and less importance was attached to landed possessions except among the chiefs for increase of military strength or political influence. Rank was virtually hereditary yet followed as a consequence to territorial power and resources, measured by the number of fighting men they could rally to their banners. But both chiefs and people were so much more indiflTerent to acquisition of property as the principal motive which governed them, that they cannot be judged by the standards prevail- ing in modern communities . Obligations assumed at the baptismal font, held sacred by good catholics, when between the races were viewed by the home govern- ment with distrust. Such alliances between its rebellious subjects and the chiefs rendered both too independent of its authority. Gos- sipred was consequently interdicted by various acts. Among the Irish themselves it was a bond of fellowship from early Christian times punctiliously regarded. Fosterage, also prohibited between Irish and English to as little purpose, signified not simply takiilg in- fants to nurse, though this was one of its meanings and another tie of peculiar sanctity, but also receiving children to educate. It was wisely thought that young persons away from the pernicious effects of parental indulgence and subject to stricter discipline, would be more zealous for improvement, better under control. This system of fosterage was not confined to any rank, but universal for both lofty and loAvly. Peasant girls were taught to grind, sift and knead, as also needlework ; farmers' sons to rear cattle, dry corn, prepare malt ; maidens of superior station to sew and embroider, their brothers to TRANSFER OF ERIN, 123 play chess, to swim, ride, use tlie swoixl and spear; and all of them such other culture as befitted their condition. Eochaid rig of Cliach in Limerick had at one time under his charge forty pupils, sons of the chiefs of Munster, avIio, mounted on steeds richly caparisoned? attended him on a visit to king Ailill and his queen Medbh at their palace of Cruachan. The sacred rites of hospitality were often carried to excess, not of intemperance, for there was neither the inclination nor the appliances since beer was the chief beverage, but to extravagance. Cosherings or visits to their vassals not extended beyond modera- tion were a reasonable charge or rent service among the Irish, but became oppression when claimed as a right by English lords, and enforced with insolence and cruelty. Before the reign of James the first there were no inns so called, but houses of hospitality which were kept by the bruighfer or other person entitled to no compen- sation, but who held his land on condition of entertaining travellers. Their social position was one of eminent respectability, if we may judge from what is said of them in obituary notices by the annalists. Such visits to their own tenants or those of other persons by English proprietors were fruitful sources of complaint and pro- hibitory legislation. In a work entitled the presentment of Irish grievances under Henry VIII. it is stated that the earls of Desmond, Kildare and Ossory, with their wives and children, and a multitude of people, resorted to monasteries or gentlemen's houses, taking meat and drink at their pleasure, their horses and servants being quartered on the poor farmers, paying nothing, and so stayed for more than half a year, sparing their own houses. Other customs originally not objectionable, degenerated into like abuse. Coyne and livery, or quartering and cess of soldiers, bonaghts which generally amounted to their support from the farmers on the line of march, risings out and compulsory military service enforced by lords of either race, were grievous burdens. Cuttings and cess and other rents cheerfully paid to their own chieftains became intolerable when ex- 124 TRANS FEROFERIN. acted by strangers. The acts however to restrain coshery and bon- acht were passed not for the benefit of the Irish, but of the poorer English settlers who often escaped these impositions by abandoning their farms and leaving the country. Raids and hostings were regarded by the young and enterprising as expeditions of enjoyment. They loved the adventure and com- panionship, coveted the distinctions awarded to signal bravery. Of- ten the sept invaded averted attack by joining forces and assailing some common foe. The lays of their bards taught them to emulate the heroic deeds of their ancestors, and to this and the prevailing temperament of their race may be ascribed their noted indifference to danger and death. As they were always armed and easily pro- voked, they often slew nearer kinsmen than they ought. At their funerals open house was kept and feasting mingled with dirges and lamentation. Chiefs were often carried long dis- tances to be interred with their ancestors. James the ninth earl of Desmond, slain at Rathkeele in Limerick in 1487, Avas buried at Xoughall more than a hundred miles away. These ancestral tombs were generally selected for dais and other gatherings, civil and mili- tary, the memory of the dead being perpetuated by the games, marts and marriages of the living. Great respect was paid to places of sep- ulture. The traveller about the island is frequently reminded of hon- ored names by inscriptions on dilapidated monuments of ancient date crowding some ruined chapel or long neglected church-yard. These customs and manners became greatly modified after the in- vasion, but they were the groundwork of the Irish social system to a much later period nor have they yet wholly disappeared. Whoever cares to understand the subject thoroughly must read Curry's lectures. Our purpose is simply to point the way. What has been said will only stimulate curiosity to resort to the fountain head for rich stores of knowledge which Avill not disappoint expectation. INIuch in rela- tion to the habits of the Irish later, will find a place as we proceed. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 125 XVIII. IRELAND UNDER THE RLANTAGENETS. In our earlier cliapters the historical events connected with the in- vasion were recalled to the reader. Its easy and early success was explained by the political state of the island, divided amongst many independent septs and chieftains comparatively powerless to cope, even if united, with soldiers trained in the best schools of war- fare, better armed and equipped, and drawing their reinforcements and supplies across the channel frt)m a nation vastly superior in numbers and resources. Some account Avas attempted of the more prominent leaders, and the share each I'cceived of the spoil. It was shown, how, establishing themselves in the seaports long occupied exclusively by Danes and other strangers, tliey contrived to preserve and extend their conquests by more thorough military discipline, and occasionally by their favorite policy of stirring up strife among the septs, of dividing in order to conquer. We then endeavored to group in forms convenient for reference all that local and family lore, Avhatever concerns the political, intellectual and social condition of the country in early times, without some knowledge of which its history is a puzzle. Resuming the narrative at the close of the first century from the landing, at the death of Henry the Tliird, we pursue the course of events bearing on our subject down to the epoch when the battle of Bosworth transferred the Enolish crown from Plantajrenet to Tudor. Even in the early period of occupation the pressure of English power was not constant, and when 02:)portunity offered the septs re- sumed possession of their territories, driving out the intruders. In Ulster, except near the eastern shore in Antrim and Down, the English retained no foothold ; and in Munster, McCarthy More con- fined them to their castles. Hugh O'Connor of Connaught, after defeating the English under De Burgh at Moynise in 1270, with 126 TEANSFER OF EEIN. great slaughter, reduced Eoscommon, which with Athlone, Rath- done, Carrickfergus and otlier cities along shore were their principal strongholds, demolishing that and destroying other of their settlements. Under a grant of Thomond, from Edward the First Thomas de Clare brother of the Earl of Hertford, and whose wife Juliana was daughter of Maurice Fitzgerald, taking advantage of a disputed suc- cession between two of the O'Briens, made his way into the country and erected fortifications. Beset by the exasperated clans whom he sought to subject, from jealousy or an ebullition of temper he cruelly murdered Brian Roe O'Brien, wlio had befriended him, and to Avhom he was indebted for what measure of success had attended his enter- prise, ordering him to be torn asunder by horses. In 1280 when captured with his father-in-law by the O'Briens, no other repara- tion was exacted of him but the surrender of Roscommon. He died 1286, and thirty years later, two of his sons being defeated and slain, the remaining members of his family, burning Bunratty Castle which they had erected for their abode, quitted Thomond never to return. John Fitz Geffroi, in 1266 justiciary for the third time, obtained a orant of the Barony of Islands in Clare, seventy thousand acres. In 1281 the O'Neils, aided by the English, defeated the O'Donnels at Desertcreigh in Tyrone. De Burgh, two years later, invaded Ulster, but in 1285 was overcome by the men of Connaught at Ballys- adare, sustaining great loss. The endeavors of O'Hanlon and McMahon to expel the intruders were attended with partial success, and McLaghlin of Meath defeated and slew Richard Tuite the great baron. The O'Connors of Offuly sacked the Castle of Kildare. At a later period, in 1305, their chiefs, invited to a banquet at the Castle of Sir Pierce Birmingham, were massacred. Birmingham was arraigned for the crime, but no justice was done. He was soon after defeated at Ballymore. The hard fought battle of Glen- fel was won by Mandeville, but the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles gained a decisive victory at Glendalough. TRANSFER OF ERIX. 127 The presence within their borders of a power ever aggressive l:)re(l distrust and stirred np strife among the septs and sometimes from temper or jealousy, often through the ingenious machinations of the stranger, they imbrued their hands in fraternal blood. Their laws ceasing to restrain their passions when aroused, their only recourse was the arbitrament of arms. The English had their quarrels, but the royal authority was invoked to adjust them, or interposed with its strong arm. Under weak kings it was less respected, and the red earl of Ulster from his castle of Trim set at defiance Piers de Gove- ston at Dublin who proved an over active governor, but in 1311 the earl was defeated and taken prisoner in Thomond by Richard De Clare at the head of the Geraldines. De Wogan sent again as gov- ernor, found Deverdon as troublesome as the Byrnes and O'Tooles. De Yerdon had inherited half of Meath from his mother Margaret heiress of Walter Lacy. This turbulent lord of both parliaments and viceroy in 1314 married Elizabeth De Clare after the death of her first husband son of the earl of Ulster. Plis death took place in 1317 and his four daughters, one Isabel by his second wife, carried his moity of Meath into the families of Furnival Burghersh, Dever- eux and Ferrers. After the battle of Bannockburn, 1314, Edward Bruce, brother of King Robert, was invited to become king of Ireland. Robert's wife was daughter of the Earl of Ulster : her sisters married Fitz- geralds of Offaly and Desmond, De Clare and Multon. De Lacys and De Bissets lent aid to the project, but soon sought pardon for their imprudence and returned to their allegiance. Ulster gath- ered an army, but lost it at Coleraine where the Scots gained a deci- sive victory. Felim O'Connor of Connaught at first took sides against Bruce, but after defeating his kinsman Roderick, who sought to supplant him with his sept, he went with his countrymen, nearly all of whom favored and sustained the movement. They were pro- foundly disgusted with English rule, of which the manifest policy 128 TRANSFER OF ERIN. was to dispossess them of their lands and subject them to servitude. In an admirable address to the Pope, signed by the O'Neil and other chiefs, they state that they were treated as enemies, not subjects; that any Englishman might take the huv against an Irishman, but if he killed an Irishman, falsely and perfidiously, as often happened, he could not be brought before the English tribunals. They had urged on Edward I. the extension to them of the laws of England, and though the king had consented the measure had come to naught from the opposition of the English settlers. Bruce Avas one of their own race.' For two years he was eminent- ly fortunate, defeating the English forces on eighteen battle-fields. His brother Robert joined him from Scotland, and they marched into Connaught. Circumstances seemed propitious, for Edward the Sec- ond was a weak king, and the nation apparently of one mind. But when all promised success, Robert was called back to Scotland, dis- putes arose among the chiefs, and the Irish having wasted their streng-th in mutual slaughter were defeated with great loss at the fatal battle of Athenry, helped by Birminghams and De Burghs. After waiting in vain for happier auspices, Edward Bruce marched to meet the English forces, and fell at the battle of Faughard near Dun- dalk in 1318. Thus faded away for Ireland the hope of escape, by uniting the two branches of the Milesian race against foreign domi- nation, from a connection she had every reason to dread. The event gave strength and stability for a time to English rule, but even in the ten counties and liberties it was mostly nominal, the preponderance of the natives setting at naught any eflfort to molest them. The power of the kings of Connaught, however, was broken at Athenry, their territories after a few generations being divided between two branches of the race, O'Connors Don and O'Connors Roe. 1 In 1240 Robt'vt Bruce, grandfather of Robert and Edward, married Ii^abcl De Clare de- scended from Eva. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 129 XIX. REIGN OF EDWARD III. If sire and son of the second Edward were energetic monarchs, his own weak and vacillating character brought contempt on royal station. Governed by worthless favorites, overawed by turbulent barons, he was dethroned and murdered at Berkeley castle in 1327 at the instigation of his queen and her paramour Roger Mortimer. At Bannockburn in 1314 had ended all hope of adding Scotland to his realm, and though at Faughard Edward Bruce proved less fortunate than liis brotlier, the island was not subdued and hardly more de- pendent on the English crown. Two years after the latter combat O'Connors and McDermots, near neighbors, were at war in Con- naught. Roderick king after Feidlim had been killed by Cathal, who in turn yielded life and throne to his kinsman Turlogh. English in Meath defeated O'Connors of OfFaly and in Tliomond were put to rout by Brian O'Brien. MacGinnis of Fermanagh, Ferrals in Analy, Rourkes, Reillys and O'Neils were rioting in mutual blood- shed, and Geraldines in Desmond were vanquished by McCarthies as disastrously as sixty years before at Callan. The English among themselves were restless and quarrelsome. Grasping and domineering, like birds of prey they pounced down upon whoever were weak, their allies of to-day being their enemies on the morrow. There was, perhaps, often more of policy than temper in their course. The Geraldines with Butlers and Birminghams warred with Powers and De Burghs. Talbots and Birminghams were butchered by Gernons and Savages, Bodnets and Condons by Barrvs and Roches. Fiohtin^:, indeed, was the business of life at the period, not in Ireland alone, but in England, France and every- where else. Bermingham had been created earl of Louth in reward for conquering Edward Bruce. At his death in 1330, when he was 17 130 TRANSFER or ERIN. slain by his own countrymen, his earldom became extinct, and three years later that of Ulster passed away from the De Burghs. When Bruce in 1315 set up his standard, Richard red earl of Ulster and father-in-law of king Robert rallied an army to stay his progress. When repulsed his defeat was attributed by himself to the defection of Feidlim O'Connor. But his haughty rejection of help from Edmund Butler exciting suspicion of his own disaffection, the mayor of Dublin arrested him at his abode in that city, and when set at liberty by Roger Mortimer sent over to assume command, he was watched. Feeling the approach of infirmity in 1326, he sumptuous- ly entertained his kindred and friends at Trim, and formally surrendering his estates to his grandson William, son of John and Elizabeth de Clare, entered the cloister at Athassel, where William Fitzadelim his first Irish ancestor and the founder of the family had been interred. Upon his death soon after, this grandson, known as the dun earl, succeeding to his honors inherited with the earldom one fourth the island. Gal way and Trim were the chief abodes of the De Burghs, but Bally mote, Corran, Sligo, Castleconnel and green castles at Carlingford Bay and Lough Foyle were other of their strongholds. The annual revenue of what they actually possessed of this vast territory had exceeded ten thousand pounds. The young earl under these extraordinary responsibilities was active and enterprising but unfortunate. With Turlogh king of Connaught, and Mortogh king of Munster, he joined in an attack upon Brian Bane O'Brien, but they were badly defeated. He was accused of starving to death one of his kinsmen, and this is said to have been the provocation which led to his own taking off. His dis- position if exhibiting many generous traits was imperious, and when his kinsman Walter for some wrong to the earl's mother was suffered by him to die of starvation in his red castle at Inishowen, Mande- ville under the influence of his wife, sister of the victim, watching his opportunity slew him as they were riding together to mass at I TRANSFER OF ERIN. 131 CaiTickfergus. His infant heiress by IVIaud, (laughter of the earl of Lancaster and Maud Chaworth, by her marriage with Lionel son of the third Edward, transmitted, as already- stated, Ulster and Connaught through the Mortimers to the crown a century later in the person of the fourth. Offshoots from the race of the De Burghs descended from the brother of the first earl according to Lodfje, but sons of the red earl to the annalists, claimed the estates as male fiefs by Irish tenure, taking respectively William the name or title of Mac William Oughter of Clanrickard, Edmund that of JNIac William Eighter or the lower of Mayo. In the existing state of the country even the crown was powerless to resent this intrusion, and possession somewhat shorn of its original pretensions and with many vicissitudes has continued with little interruption to the present day in their de- scendants. The O'Neils resumed Clannaboy in Antrim, portions of which about Shanes Castle remain in that namcj nearly all the re- sidue of its ancient domains in Ulster having long since passed to the stranger. Disputes arose over the spoils of the late earl, between two Burkes named Edmund, and one drowned the other in Lough Mask. Turlogh O'Connor thereupon drove the Burkes and English gener- ally out of Connaught. Unfortunately Turlogh was not proof against feminine enticements. Enamored of the widow of. the drowned Edmund, daughter of his brother king of Thomond, and repudiating Dervail O'Donnel, his lawful spouse, "whom no woman of that race prolific in female excellence surpassed in goodness," he took her instead. He did not keep her long, for indeed both wives died the same year in 1343. Kor was he otherwise prosperous. The Sil Murray, MacDermots of Moylurg, O'Rourkes and Burkes rose against him, and with the chief of Tirconnel who was incensed at the wrono- to his daughter, set up Hugh son of Hugh son of Cathal as king, with Hugh son of Felim for tanist. He was reinstated, and 132 TRANSFER OF ERIN. "vvlien slain in 1345 his own son Hugh took his place. Hugh was deposed by the tanist in 1351, but restored the next year. Unfor- tunately endowed with the fatal jDroclivities of his father he abducted in 1356 the wife of O'Kelly of Hy-Many, and dethroned the tanist Hugh reigned in his stead. This king foremost among his countrymen for valor and prowess, seems to have inspired their confidence, though in 1362 he burned fourteen churches in Kilkenny and Meath used by the English as fortresses. His last warlike expedition was with Mac William of Mayo and William O'Kelly against Clanrickard, from which he returned triumphant, and when two years later in 1368 he died after penance at Roscommon, another Roderick son of Turlogh ascended the throne by consent of the people. These successive trans- fers of the supreme authority in Connaught aiford some insight into the working of brehon institutions. Other earldoms, destined from the powder and influence which at- tached to them to further English ascendancy, were created at this period. John Fitzgerald in 1316 was made earl of Kildare. Two contradictory versions of the wager of battle which transferred to him from Yesci a large part of what is now the county of that name, are given by Hollinshed and Gilbert, and probably neither is correct. In 1327, James Butler on his marriage with Eleanor de Bohun was created earl of Ormond, and in 1329 Maurice Fitzgerald earl of Desmond, and for several centuries earls of Ormond, Kildare and Desmond were principal powers in the land. They signalized their new rank by expeditions against their neighbors, selecting their op- portunity so as to guard against defeat. The matrimonial alliances of the De Burghs and Butler with the royal family of England became too important an element in the subsequent history of the island to be overlooked. From Joan d' Acres, born to Edward the First on his crusade, wife of Gilbert De Clai'C, earl of Gloucester, descended Elizabeth De Burgh the heiress of Ulster. Joan's sister Elizabeth married Humphrey TRANSFER OF ERIN, 133 de Boliun, eurl of Hereford, and their daughter Eleanor James earl of Ormond, who in consequence of this alliance was made lord palatine of Tipperary. Their daughter espoused Gerald the poet, fourth Earl of Desmond, and their descendants thus transmitted the blood of the Plantagenets, of Charlemagne and Alfred to most of the nding fivmilies of Ireland, — English and Irish. Eor the first earl of Desmond, son of Thomas Simiacus so called from a domesticated ape having carried him an infant in 12 GO, up to the battlements of the castle of Tralee, after his fsither and grand- father Avere slain by the McCarthies at Callan, Kerry had been created in 1330 a palatinate. It was the eighth so constituted, with power to make barons and knights, establish courts, choose judcfes and sheriffs, and within their limits the king's writ did not run. As their jurisdiction could not be maintained over tlie septs, it was limit- ed, but the ]Munster Geraldines gaining gradually in power, their court at Tralee was said later to have been better administered than that of the king at Dublin, and was attended by both races. Lands ecclesiastical, called the crosses, had sheriffs of their own and their tenants Avere subject to special regulations. These tribunals, with their conflicting modes and process, gov- erned by common law and statute, march law and usage, bred confusion. Attached though they were to th*eir own ancestral code, greater uniformity was to be wished, and the Irish, who when with- in reach of the English law were subjected to its oppressions without enjoying its benefits, would gladly have seen it universal. The pro- tection extended to the five bloods, O'Xeils, O'Connors, O'Briens, Cavanaghs and McLaghlins, was very naturally coveted by the rest. The request to the first Edward and his grandson for its extension led to an ordinance of Parliament that there should be one and the same law for both races. It was frustrated by landholders, who recognized in their own race alone any rights to be respected. Where they could with impunity, they shot down the Irish as 134 TRANSFER OF ERIN. game upon the mountains, despoiling tliem of their cattle, their lands or their children, leaving no redress but retaliation. That these atrocities engendered no implacable animosity can only be explained by the lawless state of the country and incessant war- fare. Memory of them, even when preserved in the cloister, passed out of mind among the people, and each generation, as it succeeded, received what existed as the natural condition of affairs, and, powerless to improve, acquiesced in what could not be remedied. Our Salem witchcraft of 1691 finds curious parallel at this period in Irish history. Practice of the black art in various lands having provoked papal decrees against sorcery from John XXII., the bishop of Ossory professed to discover sorcerers in his diocese, and among them Alice le Kyttler who from her four husbands and her own in- heritance had derived a plentiful fortune. Three thousand pounds entrusted to her son William Outlaw for safe keeping had been buried in his garden at Kilkenny, but carried oif by the sheriiF and confiscated to the king as treasure trove. Her efforts to recover her property led in 1325 to charges against her and twelve other per- sons her accomplices of denying Christ, sacrificing to demons, ob- taining from them revelations, profaning the sacred offices, andprac- tisinsi: incantations. It was further alleoed against Alice that she had compassed the deafh of her three first husbands after procuring them to leave her their estates, reduced her surviving husband Sir John le Power to a miserable condition by her powders and oint- ments, and held unholy intercourse with Robert Arturson "one of the poorer sort of hell." As the lord chancellor kinsman to Outlaw and Arnold le Poer seneschal of Kilkenny were her friends, Dalrede the bishop pro- ceeded with some hesitation. The accused claimed to be heard by counsel, but when the bishop overruling her plea was about to arrest her, the seneschal seized upon him and held him in confinement till the return day was past. Alice disappeared. The TEANSFER OF ERIN. 135 angry prelate being set free placed his diocese under an interdict, but came off second best in the quarrel. He was sued for defamation, excommunicated, imprisoned till 1328 in the castle at Dublin, and later accused of the same crime himself was compelled to escape into Italy. All the witches had not been so fortunate as Alice. One Petronilla of Meath, confessing under torture and accusing her mis- tress was flogged and burnt as were others of "her pestiferous society." Some were whipped in the market place, a few banished. We are more enlightened now, sorcery has become a lucrative profession patronized by our educated classes. Some idea may be gathered of the actual condition of the people from what affected its chiefs. In the north-east corner Hugh lord of Th'connel, Kinelmoen, Inishowen, Fermanagh and Brefnev, eminent for his laws and their administration, hospitality and munificence, after reigning half a century died in 1333, vic- torious over the world and the devil. He had assumed the habit of a monk, a custom not unusual upon approaching dissolution, as in the instance just related of the earl of Ulster. His sons contested the succession. Conor slew his brother Art, and in 1342 met his own fate from Xial, who driven out by Angus was made way with by Manus in 1348, as was also Angus five years afterward. Felim son of Hugh was killed in 1357 by John son of Conor, who in 1380 fell at Assaroe in combat with Turlogh son of Xial. In Tyi'one after Donnel expelled by the English in 1325 reioned Hugh, " best of his time, and bearing the palm for humanity, hos- pitality and valor." Nial his son followed in 1364, and when he died in 1397 he is described "as aspirant for the Irish crown, pillar of the dignity and preeminence of his own principality, destructive to the English, uniting his own countrymen, exalting the church and the sciences." Strange to say Brian Bane, grandson of the chief cruelly murdered in 1277 by Thomas De Clare, commanded the native auxiliaries of 136 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Eichard de Clare in 1318 at Dysart, which fatally terminated the in- trusion of that family into Thomond. Banished cast of the Shannon by his victorious kinsman, his branch known later as the Mac I'Brien Ara became powerful, he himself till the middle of the century taking active part in military operations, When Mortogh after ruling thirty-two years died in 1343, Brian succeeded to the crown and seven years later he was slain by the sons of Lorcan. Dermod brother of Mortogh reigned fourteen years, and then the son of that chief, Mahon Moinmoy, who in 1369 made way for his own son another Brian, Cathan an Oinaigh, rivalling Brian Boru in stature and vigor. He defeated the English in Munster, taking the earl of Desmond captive, and burnt Limerick and ex- acted black rent throughout Munster. He made close alliance with the Burkes of Clanrickard, and gave to their chief his daughter in marriage. He was one of the four kings entertained by Richard the second at Dublin, and after a reign of forty years ended his life with the century. In 1328 Donald McMorough, representative of the ancient king of Leinster, then for the most part regained by McMoroughs and O'Moores, declaring his right to its throne and marshalling his clan, Desmond and O'Brien attacked him and his allies, O'Nolans and O'Dempsys. He was taken prisoner, but escaped from the tower by means of a rope provided for him by Adam Nangle who was executed for his generosity. Other chieftans were more fortunate. The Mageoghan gained a complete victory over Thomas Butler, who was slain with one hundred and forty men at Mullingar. O'Brians burnt Athassel, Bunratty and Tipperary. Inasmuch as both races were represented on either side of many hostile encounters at this pe- riod, neither could claim any special glory, and both were equally responsible for the inhumanities of war. An English army with auxiliary septs invaded Clancuilen, subduing Macnamara and burning a church and one huudreJ and eighty persons who had taken refuge TRANSFER OF ERIN. 137 therein. Another under Desmond in 1339, overcame the men of Kerry slaying twelve hundred of them. Among the prisoners was Maurice Fitz Maurice, fourth baron of Kerry, who Avas fighting on the side of the native chiefs. This is the more remarkable that havin": been attainted for some atrocious deed of violence in 1325, he had murdered Desmond son of McCarthy More in the court room at Tralee. Farther south there were few incidents to be recorded. Three Donals successively McCarthy More maintained their ascendency, intermarrying with the Geraldines of Kerry and Kildare, and branches of the race under them ruled over Duhallow, Carberry and Muskerry. O'Donoghues kings of Lougli Lene were para- mount about Killarney, Sullivans in Dunkerron, at Beare and Ban- try. O'Driscolls, Mahonys, Callaghans and Donovans being rarely molested retained in peace their laws, customs and possessions. Nearer the centre hostilities were of more frequent occurrence. O'Carrols, O'Reillys, Mac Mahons and Cavanaghs possibly from motives of policy kept the country in a turmoil to discourage Eng- lish settlement, and the English on their part addicted themselves to strife that they might be ready to defend what they had. Edward dissatisfied that his subjects should squander blood and treasure needed for the successful prosecution of his wars in France, issued a decree that all lands granted by his father or himself should be resumed. It was easier even for him, though sufficiently strong in purpose, to order than to accomplish, and what were seized he was compelled to restore. However eager for contention with Irish sept or their own countrymen, the English banded together as one for their own security, and were too remote to be much endangered. Growing independence of the crown excited the jealousy of its representatives and led to a distinction between those of English birth and English blood. Edward the Third, in 1342, instructed Darcy his justiciary to remove from official position whoever had 18 138 TRANSFER OF ERIN. married or held lands only in Ireland, and replace them by such as having estates in England were more within reach of the royal dis- pleasure. A long course of similar orders and decrees, as well as of acts of legislation, proved how utterly ineffectual such measures were to prevent what they prohibited. The resentment provoked by this interference with the estates of the great landholders, to whom the crown was indebted for what hold it still retained of the island, was not easily appeased. Refusing to attend the parliament called by Darcy at Dublin they assembled at Kilkenny, and with Desmond to preside over them passed a remon- strance to the king inveighing against the maladministration and ex- tortion of the government officials. It was attributed to their ra- pacity that the royal revenues had become reduced and many arbi- trary measures against loyal subjects, exactions and imprisonments without cause were enumerated. The change of policy wrought by this spirited opposition, and conciliatory answer of the king served to allay the growing disaffection . When Dufford as deputy summoned another parliament in 1345 the barons still kept aloof, and Desmond called an opposition meeting at Callan which from apprehension of possible consequences was not so largely attended. The deputy marched into Munster, issued orders that the estates of the earl should be seized and his rents distrained into the exchequer. He contrived to gain possession of the castles of Inniskelly and Castle- maine and hung Poer, Grant and Cottrell their warders. The earl surrendering gave bonds for peaceable behavior, but not submitting to the imperious commands of the governor, his bail given in 1333 was declared forfeited and his bondsmen, more than a score in number, were reduced to poverty. Some years after when he had regained the royal favor by submission and surrender, their sequestered es- tates were restored in most instances, though some of them were irretrievably ruined. Dufford summoned Thomas earl of Kildare to join him with his forces, sending at the same time Burton with a TRANSFER OT ERIN. 139 writ to arrest him. His followers gathered too speedily for his ar- rest to be effected, but Burton persuading Kildare to accompany him to Dublin he was there seized in the council chamber and kept in close confinement. To meet the vast expenditures of his wars in France soon after the battle of Cressy both laity and clergy were taxed by Edward, and in both kingdoms the latter refused to pay, Ralph O'Kelly arch- bishop of Tuam with his suffragans issued a decree, that any beneficed clergyman in their dioceses who paid the tax should be deprived and incapable of future preferment. They presented them- selves in their pontifical robes in the streets of Clonmel and excom- municated the royal commissioner and his subordinate tax gatherers. When informations were exhibited against them they pleaded magna charta that the church should be exempt from taxation. It was ruled against them, but they were not farther molested. The clash of arms was not incessant, and an event to which we have already had occasion to allude took place at this period. William O'Kelly when sorely beset in 1340 by his enemies, not knowing he was beaten, retrieved the fortunes of the day, gaining that chieftainship of Hy-Many in Connaught which he retained for forty years, and when he died received praise from the annalists for his great worth and preeminent hospitality. This last virtue was signally displayed at the Christmas holidays of 1352 in his enter- tainment at his castle near Athlone of two thousand ollavs, poets, brehons, harpers and other learned men that chose to attend, to their great content. His piety was equally conspicuous in the founda- tion the next year of Kilconnel for Franciscan friars. Amongst his guests at his memorable festival were O'Dugan his own his- torian, Davoran, Mac Firbis, O'Curuin of Brefny, Sgingan of Tyr- connel, Mac Egan, O'Nain, all scholars of renown, and the scarcely less famous minstrels Finnaghty, Conway and Mac Carrol. When in September 1361 Lionel the Duke of Clarence came 140 TRANSFEROFERIN. over as deputy and issued a proclamation that the old English should not come near his camp, they kept away, but when defeated in Munster he rallied them back to his standards. He seized Art Mac Morrogh king of Leinster and his son in their own residence and while in prison they were both put to death. After an arbitrary rule of three years he was recalled, but sent back a third time in 1367, and prompted it is said by his resentment against the Burkes of Counaught for withholding the inheritance of his wife, he procured the enactment of the famous statute of Kilkenny already men- tioned. This law constituted intermarriages, gossipred or fostering with the Irish, adopting or submitting to Brehon law, treason. As- suming an Irish name, using the Irish language, apparel or customs, worked forfeiture of estate. The act further forbade the English from making war without permission of the government, allowing Irish to pasture cattle on their lands, admitting them to benefices or religious houses, or entertaining their minstrels, rhymers or news- tellers. These unfriendly dispositions towards the septs, expressed in a language they did not comprehend, if known to them produced little effect and went soon out of mind. When a chief was inau- gurated, to enure them to their vocation of war he led his new subjects against some neighboring sept of either race against whom there was a score to be paid. When the maraud was over, little rancor remained, the despoiled biding their time for retaliation, and their general policy being simply to dislodge the intruders. The moral sense of the people displayed in the dethronement of Turlogh and his son O'Connor king of Connaught twenty years before for their disregard of sacred obligations finds another example farther north. Brian Mac Mahon lord of Oriel in 1365 induced Sorley prince of the Hebrides to divorce the daughter of O'Reilly and marry his own, and afterwards drowned his son-in-law when partaking of his hospitalities. All the other chiefs of Ulster confed- TRANSFER OF ERIN, 141 erated to punish him, and driven in disgrace fi-om Oriel he was slain by one of his own gallow-glasses. Two years later when William de Windsor was lord lieutenant Gerald Mac Morrogh, heir presumptive to the throne of Leinster, rallied his sept but was slain by the black knight an Englishman of Dublin, and Dermod the king then also a captive was put to death. O'Briens and O'Connors defeated and slew in 1370 the earl of Des- mond and several of his principal followers and captured Lim- erick, placing there as governor the chief of the Macnamaras. That the exercise of arbitrary power was not the true policy for Ire- land is clear from its effects. Xearly all tlie septs were in revolt or alienated and only the four shires about Dublin actually under royal authority. When Pembridge was selected to try his hand as gov- ernor he absolutely refused the responsibility, and successfully con- troverted the rioht of the crown to send him aoainst his will. De Windsor reappointed with a revenue of more than eleven thousand pounds effected nothing, and was not even able to approach the ter- ritory of the Ii'ish chieftains. An incident is related by the annalists of Sir Robert Savage of Ards in Down which speaks well for his nobleness of nature. When going to battle with his army of retainers he spread his hos- pitable board against their return. It was suggested that in case of defeat they would have been making preparation for the enemy, and it would be more prudent to conceal their effects than thus expose them to depredation. But he replied that the world was an inn, of which they were only tenants of will to the Lord. If it please him to command us from it as if it were from our lodging and to set other good fellows in our rooms, what hurt shall it be for us to leave them some meat for supper ? If they enter our dwellings good manners would do no less than welcome them with such fare as the country breedeth, and with all my heart much good may it do them. Notwithstanding I presume so far upon your bravery, that verily 142 TRANSFER OF ERIN. my mind giveth me assurance that we shall return at night and feast upon our own provisions. He was not deceived and gained the vic- tory. When building a castle and enjoining it upon his son to complete it, the reply made exhibited the like noble spirit. Better, he said, a castle of bones than of stones. Where strength and courage of valiant men are ready to help us, never will I with God's grace cumber myself Avith dead walls. My foot shall be wheresoever young bloods are stirring, and where I find room to fight. A chance chat in the royal ante-chamber at Eltham with Frois- sart, who was bringing a poem of his own composition to king Richard rather to be appreciated by him for its splendid binding than its meaning, affords us one of his bright glimpses into the social ways of distant generations. His companion was Christede from Bristol, who related to him his experiences many years before when under the earl of Ormond, in battle with border foes, his horse ran away with him into the hostile ranks and he was captured by Brian Costerea. This noble looking personage as he is described in the narration gave his daughter, also possessed of great personal at- tractions, to the stranger, who for many years made his home in the country, acquired its language, and adopted its modes of life to which he became greatly attached. In process of time another occasion of the kind was improved by the steed to deliver Costerea to the Eng- lish, and the horse being recognized led to explanation. Brian reluctantly consented to part with his daughter and her husband, who left one of their children to console him and marry in Ireland, whilst her sister goino; back with their father to his home in Somer- setshire raised up descendants for him there. This talk of a few moments whilst waiting the pleasure of the king for an audience, jotted down by the prince of annalists and gossips, sufficiently re- futes the charge studiously urged by prejudice that one race was in any way superior to the other under like conditions. TKANSFER OF ERIN. 143 Impatience at events led to frequent change of rulers, more than twenty in this single reign selected for their abilities and station, and in most instances with estates on the island, took their turn in rapid succession, and with equal inability to effect what was ex- pected of them. Not one was permitted to remain long enough to gain wisdom or experience, and however sanguine when accepting office they were all glad to surrender its responsibilities. It may be of convenience to our readers to pass once again over the period under consideration to gain a clearer idea of the chronological order in which they exercised their functions. Roger de Mortimer, with an inheritance both in Meath and Leinster, had been defeated with his predecessor Edmund Butler in 1316. He five years later gave place to the new earl of Louth who had conquered Bruce at Faughard, but after a single year Ealph de Gorges and John Darcy were appointed governors. In the new reign the second Kildare died in office, and Roger Utlagh, prior of Kilmainham, kinsman of the victim of the witchcraft persecutions, suc- ceeded. The rule of Ulster ended before his assassination by Mandeville, and Darcy who had married his aunt, widow of Kildare and daughter of the red earl, was appointed viceroy, but his services being needed at Hallidon Hill and in France, he left his brother-in- law Thomas de Burgh as his deputy. The language used by Edward in reproof of this deputy's unfaithful administration sounds well for the king, who might well have profited himself by his own discourse. He reproached him with favoring persons of power, yielding to men and not to right, making one law for the rich and another for the poor, allowing the strong to oppress the weak, usurping the royal authority, detaining debts due to the crown, per- petrating heinous crimes ; instead of protecting the poor, who were willing to be obedient subjects, he had harassed and grieved them against all justice, thereby giving a pernicious example to others. Considering therefore, he adds, that princes are appointed 144 TRANSFER OF ERIN. by God to punish evil doers and reward the good, we expressly command you to treat and judge equitably all those under the law of England, both small and great, rich and poor, so as to silence those who blame you and to merit our approbation. Bishop Charlton, superseding his brother in 1337, by arrest of truculent nobles and his memorable cattle prey in Carlo w, by marching about the land with horse and foot, gratified the king, who ordered that his salary should take priority of all other payments. Under Sir John Morris, deputy of D'Arcy, appointed for life in 1340, the septs regained possession of at least one-third of what had been wrested from them, reducing Athlone, Ros- common and even Randown, which from its strong walls and position on Lough Rea had been deemed impregnable. O'Neils were spreading again over Antrim ; settlers in Louth paying tribute to O'Hanlon ; Leinster from Carlow to the sea reverted to O'Byrnes, O'Tooles and Cavanaghs, the chief of the latter receiving an annual payment from the authorities at Dublin not to molest them. The next choice Sir Raoul D'UfFord had espoused Maud, widow of the murdered Ulster. His progress towards the north ended in disaster, Mac Artan giving him a humiliating overthrow in Down. He rendered himself universally detested, when to the general joy disease malignant as his temper brought relief to the land, and he died in 1346. Lord Athenry, brother of the Bermingham, executed by De Lacys in the castle in 1332, and from whom its famous tower de- rived its name, next in succession, warred Avith Kildare against O'Moores and O'Dempseys, and was followed in 1349 by the model governor Rokeby, who checked extortion and conciliated the septs. It was he who preferred to be served on wooden platters rather than not pay in gold and silver the wages of his men. Desmond, ap- pointed for life, for a few months proved an efficient and just governor; but on his death in 1556, St. Amand, lord of Gormans- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 145 town, inherited through the De Verdons, was sent over with in_ creased appointments. His report lionic exhibited the sorry pHght of the land under misrule, which he for three years did what he might to reform. The second Ormond was followed by Lionel, created duke of Clarence, who rendered his third visit to the island memorable by the passage of the act of Kilkenny. Having lost his first wife, heiress of Ulster, immediately after the passage of this law, he betook himself to Italy to marry his second, Violante Vis- conti, and there died. The fourth Desmond Gerald " the poet," from his attainments in many arts regarded as a magician, was in 1369 replaced by Wind- sor, who when Edward died in 1377, espoused Alice Piers the royal favorite. Kildare appointed in 1371, was succeeded l>y the chancellor William de Taney. Then came Windsor again, who with an exhausted treasury and the island in arms, effected little, and made way in 1375 for the fourth Kildare, whose successor the second Ormond in 1376 proved the last of Edward's viceroys. XX. REIGN OF RICHARD II. — 1377-1399. The black prince, hero of Cressy and Poictiers, than whom for nobleness of nature or heroic action no character in English history shines with more brilliant lustre, died the year before his father. His son Richard, by Joan the fair maid of Kent, grand-daughter of the great Plan tagenet, at the age of eleven years, succeeded to the throne. With such progenitors, if dependence could be placed on transmitted trait, the young king should have proved one of the best of monarchs, instead of the worst and weakest. In vanity, extravagance and foolish fondness for favorites, his career certainly exhibits curious parallels to those of his ancestors the second Edward and third Henry, but there w^as little resemblance to be found in him 19 146 TRANSFER OF ERIN. to the wise or strong of his race. Brought up in the purple, with- out restraint or counsel, his kinsmen powerless to control him, and no courtier disposed to risk his displeasure by opposing his caprice, he developed slowly but surely into a frivolous voluptuary. Wast- ing thirty thousand marks on a single garment, decking himself with trinkets, three hundred servants employed to pamper his ap- petites, his days passed in feast and pageant. In administration of affairs, self-willed and arbitrary, the affectionate loyalty which greeted his accession, due in a large measure to the "respect attach- ing to the memory of his father, and which reluctantly yielded its hold, since there was much in his personal appearance and manner to prepossess, changed into contempt. His uncles York and Lan- caster, able men, endeavored in vain to exercise some influence over his wayward courses, but soon mortified and disheartened withdrew into retirement, and Gloucester who longer persevered, nobly ac- tuated by affection for the king and solicitude for the welfare of the realm, was cruelly and treacherously murdered at Calais in 1397 by order of his royal nephew. For the first year of this reign, James the second earl of Ormond, 1331—1383, continued viceroy, followed by Balscot and Bromwich. English rule was at a low ebb. Ireland was indeed nearly lost. Absentee landlords abandoned estates, which they could not enjoy in security, to the older titles of the septs sustained by adequate force, and went home making such composition as they might. They were ordered to return or find substitutes under penalty of forfeiting two-thirds of their revenues, or one-third if students in English colleges. Permission was given them to dig for gold and coin it and to import wines free from Portugal. But these gracious boons offered no compensation for discomforts and perils to which they were not inclined to expose themselves or their families. When Art McMorragh claimed arrears of tribute and eric for his brother Donald, they were promptly paid, as also subsidies to TRANSFER OF ERIN. 147 O'Connor and O'Brien by assessment on royal functionaries. In 1380 the government was entrusted to Edmund Mortimer, who at the age of twenty-nine had ah*eady gained reputation for ability and discretion by negotiations in France and Scotland, and who by right of his wife lord of Ulster, Connaught and Trim, seemed especially fit to cope with the embarrassments attending administration. He went over with a numerous following and full purse. Several chief- tains hastened to welcome him and showed their disposition to ac- cede to propositions which he offered. But want of good faith in making prisoners of Magenuis and O'Hanlon whilst his guests, checked their misplaced confidence and barred his furtlier progress into Ulster. He constructed a bridge over the Bann in Coleraine with oak from his lands at home, fortifying it with three castles ; he plundered clergy and laity of cattle and other spoils ; captured St. Aubyn of Cumpsy, confining him in the castle of Kilkenny, and re- duced Athlone ; but taking cold crossing a river, died at Cork on the twenty-sixth of December, 1381. De Colton chosen in his place by the council was shortly after superseded by Roger de Mortimer then but eleven years of age, son of the deceased Edmund, with his uncle Thomas for his deputy. They made way in 1385 for Philip de Courtenay, another cousin of the king, who for alleged rapacity and arbitrary rule was taken into custody, dispossessed of his official functions and severely punished. Records exist to show that his oppressions if not inventions in the interest of his successor were grossly exaggerated. That successor, Robert de Vere, ninth earl of Oxford and grandson of Duflford, the abuses of whose administration have been already mentioned, by his personal attractions secured an ascendancy over the mind of Richard, the one steadfast passion of his life. In 1385, with the consent of his council, the king bestowed upon his favorite the whole of his Irish dominions with the islands round about, and whatever else he could conquer, creating him first marquis of Dublin and then 148 TRANSFER OF ERIN. duke of Ireland. Not willing to lose his companionship, Sir John Stanley, lately enriched by marriage with the heiress of Lathom, was sent over as deputy, De Vere himself never setting foot on the island. Levying war against the duke of Gloucester, whose niece Phillippa de Couci, he repudiated for the daughter of a Portuguese joiner, or for a German landgravine, both stories are told, he was de- feated in Oxfordshire. He escaped on to the continent, and attaint- ed in 1388 was killed in hunting by a wild boar four years later in Louvain. Stanley again governor in 1389 was not inactive. He contrived to capture NialOge O'Neil, but soon surrendered him. The English in Waterford, Cork, Limerick and other cities dared not leave their walls. Kildare was laid waste, its principal towns were sacked by the neighboring septs , and Carlo w overrun. Two years later James the third Ormond, who succeeded his father as earl in 1383, was ap- pointed viceroy with three thousand marks allowance. The Butler abode at Nenagh having been wrested from them by its earlier pro- prietors, he had built the castle of Gowran, but the year of his ap- pointment he purchased of the Spensers, heirs of Isabel de Clare, the castle of Kilkenny, which has been ever since the chief abode of his line. In 1393, the duke of Gloucester nominated as his suc- cessor made preparations to go over, but his loyalty being suspected his commission was revoked, and the king announced his intention of proceeding to Ireland in person. The death of his wife Ann of Bohemia caused delay ; but in October with four thousand men at arms and thirty thousand archers he landed at AVaterford. His troops were discomfited in Offaly and Ely, and Art MacMorrogh, king of Leinster, molested his march to Dublin where he passed his Christmas. Of Art the Four Masters tell us in noting his death in 1417 that he had defended his province against Irish and English from his fifteenth to his sixtieth year. HosjDitable, well informed and chivalric, right royal and prosperous, he enriched churches and TKANSFER OF ERIN, 149 monasteries by liis alms and oiFerings. Succeeding Donogli, slain in 1775, his reign lasted forty-two years, and by his activity, wis- dom and valor, he acquired and retained such ascendancy over the descendants of Cahir Mor that they willingly accepted him for their leader and king. His wife was an Englishwoman, baroness of Norragh, Avhose estates were within reach of the government at Dublin. They were confiscated on the plea that she had married an Irishman. Thus Avith monstrous ingratitude the representative of Dermot McMorrogh, who with his daughter Eva had given all Leinster to vStrongbow and the English, was deprived of the small portion of the land of his ancestors which had returned to him by virtue of English law under a like title. The decease of Roderick king of Connaught by the plague in 1484, after a reign of sixteen years, led to a disputed succession which embroiled the country in blood for many years. Two Tur- loghs, Don and Roe, brown and red, contended for the throne of which the former held uneasy possession twenty-two years. AVhether he or Roderick his uncle was the last king of Connaught is a subject for dispute; but when he was slain in 140G, the partition of the family domains of Roscommon was carried into effect under compact made some years before. From this epoch the power of the royal family of O'Connor greatly declined. To follow out the vicissitudes of their incessant strife would occupy more space than our limits permit ; but the waste of strength in such unnatural warfare and subdivision of territory paved the way to eventual subjugation. O'Dowds, O'Malleys, O'Flahertys, O'Kellys, McDermots, O'Haras, McMurtoghs, MacJordans d'Exeter, both houses of the Burkes and other septs of Connaught took part, and O'Rourks, O'Reillys, O'Ferrals, O'Rannals engaged on either side, O'Donnels interpos- ing to allay or aggravate the turmoil. Brian Catha an Aonaigh ruled over Thomond for thirty years, dying in 1399. AVith his son-in-law Ulick de Burgh of Clanrick- 150 TRANSFER OF ERIN. ard he levied tribute upon the English of Munster, and proved both an able and successful ruler. In 1380 Murrogh the tanist of Thomond plundered Fitzge raids and Fitzmaurices, defeating the English under Mortimer at Athlone, and in 1395 Bryan, son of Mahon, made war upon the O'Brien whom he drove out from Thomond, taking John fifth earl of Kildare and Dermod O'Brien prisoners. In 1398 McCarthy Reagh defeated O'Sullivan ; his two sons, and Owen and Conor O'Sullivans Beare being slain. The Bar- rets and some branches of the Geraldines were at strife, but for the most part the lords of Munster of either race were too sensible to shed each other's blood. The fourth earl of Desmond called the poet left his camp one evening in 1396 and disappeared for ever. His son John the fifth was drowned in the Suir in 1399 ; and another son James who in 1388 by special permission of the crown was placed at fosterage with Conor O'Brien, became later the seventh earl by usurpation, Thomas the son of the fifth being set aside for selecting his wife for her beauty. At this period two sage monarchs ruled over Tyrone and Tyrcon- nel. They had occasionally to contend with discontent at home or attack from without, but allied by marriage they were generally care- ful not to waste their strength upon each other. Nial defeated the Maguiresin 1379, depredated Orial in 1383 and invaded Savages of Down, and the next year burnt Carrickfergus . In an interval of peace he rebuilt in 1387 Ermania two miles west of Armagh, the ancient palace of the Clan Rory monarchs destroyed a thousand years before, and appropriated it to the entertainment of the learned men of the country. In 1392 he conquered the English at Dundalk and later invaded Tyrconnel, but after the two armies lay opposed at Fearsat More, they made peace, and again in 1397 separated without fighting. This was the last expedition of Nial, for "the contender for the crown of Ireland, pillar of the dignity and preeminence of his principality and of resistance to every attack, TRANSFER OF ERIN. 151 destroyer of the English, imiter of the Irish, exalter of the church and sciences, died after the victory of unction and penance, and his son Nial Oge assumed his place." His son Henry Aimreigh who was called the contentious died five years earlier. Whilst he lived he took an active part in the affiairs of Tyrone, as did later his sons not always on the side of their grandfather. Along the southern bor- der of Tyrone and to the west, O'Rourkes and O'Reilly's, Mac Kennas and Mageoghans, O'Ferralls O'Molloys and Maccogh- lans of Delvin were constantly in contention, generally amongst themselves, but often also against the English in Meath, who in 1385 sustained a disastrous defeat from O'Connor of Offaly. In oue of those family quarrels which grew out of the social condition of the septs, Turlogh O'Donnel son of Nial Garve with his followers in 1380, attacked at night in his camp John lord of Tyrconnel, g. g. s. of Donnel Oge. John fell in the combat. Tur- logh inaugurated in his place continued chief forty-two years, when he resigned in favor of his son Nial Garve, and entered the monastery of Assaroe, near which John was slain. "He was a peace- able, affluent and graceful man, and died in the habit of a monk after victory of unction and penance." If peaceably disposed and this epithet justly attaches to his career, he was frequently engaged in warfare with his neighbors. When Murtogh O'Connor made an on- slaught upon him, killing his chiefs O'Boyle andO'Gallaghar and cap- turing MacSweeny and his son, with great prey of horses, arms and armor, he led his army into Carbury and spoiled the Clan Murtogh Thereupon Donel son of Murtogh made submission, yielding what Avas demanded of him and surrendering the prisoners and hostages taken on the previous expedition. Four years afterward his neighbor Kial king of Tyrone invaded Tyrconnel as did also the Clan Mur- togh. The latter Turlogh defeated and at Fearsat Mor took place the reconciliation already mentioned with O'Neill, whose daughter Graine was Turlogh's wife. In 1395 O'Donnel defeated her 152 TRANSFER OF ERIN. nephews, sons of Henry O'Niel at that time at war with their grand- ftither, and the next year the Clan Murtogh in Carbury, burning the town of Sllgo with its splendid edifices of stone and wood. Quick to take offence Nial the next year, and the last of his life, made an incursion into Tyrconnel, but withdrew without sustaining much loss. Turlogh then invaded Fermanagh spoiling land and castle but sparing churches, and likewise invaded Carbury, expelling Donnel and setting up O'Connor his grandson in his stead. The same year he again defeated the meii of Carbury and concluded peace with them, but soon after was taken at disadvantage at Brena- oge. This reverse, alienated his chieftains, and Nial Oge now king of Tyrone aided by some of his own lieges, O'Doherty and the Clan Sweeny, plundered Assaroe of its riches and reduced him to straits, but in 1400 the Kinel Owen again invading Tyrconnel they were driven out and many of them slain. The plague of 1383 was peculiarly fatal to the magnates of Ire- land. Art Magennis, Roderick of Connaught, Murrogh the tanist of Thomond, Mora O'Madden wife of Clanrickarde, Joanna daugh- ter of Ormond and wife of O'Carroll of Ely, O'Kennedy, the lord of Corcovascain , the Gilpatrick and the son of his tanist of Ossory, O'Conor Kerry, Magauran tanist of Tullyhar, O'Farrell lord of Annaly, the son of Fircall and many more were its victims. William O'Kelly the hospitable lord of Hy-Many died in 1382, and Quintin O'Kane whose tomb is at Dungiven in 1395. Among the prominent personages whose deaths are recorded, were many of the Mac Sweenys originally of the northwest corner of the island, where they flourished in great power as feudatories of O'Donnel, but M'ho for their military skill and prowess became hereditary constables to the kings of Connaught, Desmond, Thomond, Clanrickard and of many other chieftains, their duty being to marshal the septs and attend to all the functions of war. The number of learned men who are mentioned in the annals as TRANSFER OF ERIN. 153 passing away from life during this last quarter of the fourteenth century gives us some notion of the general intelligence of the people. O'Donnellan ollav of Sil Murray the most learned man of the island, O'Beaghan, MacCurtin historian of Thomond, O'Rooney poet to Magennis, O'Mulvany ollav to O'Kane, Donogh MacFirbis a good historian, Ruarcan O'Hamill poet to O'Hanlon who had kept a house of general hospitality and never refused to receive any one, O'Rodaghan a general scholar and Fiutan a good poet, acquired reputation and slept with their fathers. O'Sgingan ollav of Kinel Connel in history, Mac Egan chief brehon of Lower Connaught, sage without contention or reproach, another MacFirbis, jNIacCarrol most eminent of the Irish in music, another Sgingan intended ollav of Kinelconnel, O'Duiganan chief historian of Conmaine in Leitrim, left if not monuments of their genius at least its memory. O'Mulconry chief of Con- naught in history and poetry, O'Daly chief poet of Ireland, O'Keenan a learned historian and ollav of Oriel, Mac Egan ollav of Brefny in judicature, Matthew O'Luinin eranagh of Arde in Fer- managh, two Mac Egans in 1400, one skilled in Fenecha law and music and who had kept a celebrated house of hospitality, and the other arch ollav of Fenecha law, added futher lustre to names already familiar in connection with Irish literature. The meagre materials afforded by the annalists at this period shed little light upon the condition of the people beyond what we have gleaned. Froissart describes the country as one of the most evil to make war upon or bring under subjection. It was closely, sharply and widely covered with high forests, great waters and marshes, and places uninhabitable and hard to enter to do damage. There were no towns or persons to speak withal. The men drew to the woods and dwelt in caves and small cottages under trees and among bushes and hedges. A man of arms might be ever so well mounted, yet run as fast as he might the Irishman would overtake him, leap up be- 20 154 TRANSFER OF ERIN. hind his horse and draw him off. The chiefs were better lodged, but for safety selected islands in the lakes of which a well known instance is the majestic ruin of Eoss Castle in Killarney the home of the elder branch of the O'Donofjhoes. It is difficult in the changed condition from good roads, large cities and rapid locomotion to realize the isolated existence of the septs at this remote period. We know enough of their habits of life and occupations to know they did not stagnate. Their constant warfai'e with their neiEjlibors was a OTira struijo-le for honor as well as for spoil ; it developed manly and generous sentiment, induced social tastes and brought them into comj)anionship in their sports, occupations and religious rites. Enough has been said in former chapters of what their duties and pleasures consisted. They had resumed possession of much of the land. The lords of English race had assumed their language and dress, and related by blood were regarded simply as chieftains like their own. The govern- ment at Dublin was looked upon as little else than another sept, an English colony planted on the shore like Waterford or Kinsale. What had long existed occasioned no surprise, but the arrival of king Richard in 1394 with his large army must have at- tracted attention and produced some consternation. The mani- fest intention of the king to subjugate the island at a time when no unusual provocation had been given for a long previous period, proves the prudence of the chiefs in the precautions M^hich they took for safety. Many of the more powerful, realizing their inability, divided as they were, to make head against the for- midable armaments he brought with liim, accepted the situation and made overtures of peace. The king at Drogheda received in person the homage of O'Niel and other chiefs of Ulster, and Art of Leinster and MacCarthy of Desmond near Carlow tendered similar submission to Mowbray earl of Nottingham. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 155 Seventy-five chiefs entered into bonds payable in the apostolic cham- ber to keep the peace. O'Connor king of Connaught, O'Brien of Thomond, O'Nial of Ulster, and Art of Leinster were entertained by Richard in Dublin and received knighthood at his hands, Henry Crestede already mentioned and the earl of Ormond initiating them in the mysteries of the rite. Art in giving in his adherence made it conditional on the restoration of the lands of his wife in Kildare, but when this condition was not complied with, he con- sidered himself absolved from any obligation. The king in reporting to his council the success attending his progress Avrote that there were in Ireland three kinds of people, the wild Irish our enemies, the rebel Irish and the English who are in obedience ; that the Irish had been driven into rebellion by inju- ries and wrongs for which they had no remedy, and if not more wisely treated and placed in hope of favor they would join the enemy. He had therefore granted them a general pardon and taken them under his special protection. There was disappointment at home that the costly aiTay in Ireland should not have been employed to better purpose in subduing more eiFectively the septs as had been his intent, but the council yielded their assent to the course adopted, provided fines and penalties were exacted to defray the expenses in- curred. They soon after urged his return to repress the Lollards and take measures against hostile menace from Scotland and in 1395 he went home to receive the plaudits of his English subjects for his achievements. Roger de Mortimer presumptive heir to the throne, then approach- ing his majority and married to the niece of the king, daughter of the duke of Surrey, once more was appointed viceroy. His vast estates in both countries and twenty thousand marks of accumulated rents made him rich. He was " a stout champion at tournaments, a famous speaker, a bountiful giver, in conversation affable and jocose, in beauty and form surpassing his fellows, but although warlike and 156 TKANSFER OF ERIN. renowned and successful in his enterprises, he was disolute and re- miss in matters of religion." His brother Edmund married a daughter of Owen Glendower, his sister Elizabeth Henry Percy, more familiarly known to readers of Shakespeare as Hotspur. Soon after his appointment appeared Romin de Perellos, a Spanish magnate on his way to visit the purgatory of St. Patrick in Donegal. Mortimer tried to dissuade Ramon from his enterprise but without eflfect, and the Spaniard was hospitably entertained by the chiefs who remembered that their progenitors came also out of Spain. Le Scrope, justiciary of Leinster, to whom the king had confided his hostages, was rapacious and cruel till his wife refused to live with him unless he changed his course ; whereupon he became generous, promoted the public welfare, and died generally beloved. Sir Thomas de Mortimer, uncle of the viceroy, not so easily con- verted from the error of his ways, perhaps having no wife to save him from the bad, was impeached, declared a traitor, and forced to seek asylum beyond the pale. Gerald fifth earl of Kildare taken prisoner paid large ransom to O'Connor of Offaly. The viceroy himself soon afterwards fell at Kenlis in Carlo w, where his army was put to rout and cut to pieces. Surrey succeeded, but the king giving him the lands of Art's wife in Kildare, neither he nor Janico d'Artois his gascon general could make any impression on the septs, and Richard in 1399 returned with like numbers as before. After three weeks at Waterford he marched, on the 23d of June, against Art who claimed to be king of Ireland, and who with three thousand men set his brother king at defiance. Richard burnt his villages and woods and by the blaze knighted Henry of Lancaster afterwards the hero of Azincourt. The army after eleven days of fruitless efibrt to take McMorrogh at disadvantage or to penetrate within his domains would have famished had not tlu-ee vessels brousfht supplies from Dublin. They rushed into the waves to satisfy their craving, drank the wines till intoxicated and quarrelsome, and TRANSFER OF ERIN. 157 Richard made what haste he could to Dublin. ]\Iac jNIurrogh prof- fered peace and the earl of Gloucester was sent to parley, when Art on a splendid steed, valued by the prevailing standards at four hun- dred cows, rode down the mountain, a fine large able man, won- drously active, of stern indomitable mien. A long dart which he held in his hand he threw from him as he approached. The confer- ence was long and earnest, but, as the chief insisted upon peace without condition, led to no result. The king vowed he would not depart from Ireland till he had Art alive or dead ; but soon arrived the tidings that Henry of Lancaster had taken possession of his own throne. The duke of Albemarle his nephew, in the plot, discouraged his immediate re- turn, and when in September, 1399, he reached Milford the mischief was done, and Henry the fourth ruled in his stead. His crazy and wicked obstinacy in seeking to dethrone Art brought fitting retri- bution in his own deposition. The murder of his uncle Clarence, spoliation of the son of his uncle Lancaster, his heedless extrava- gance and oppressive taxes alienated the affections of his people, and a violent death, in what manner has never transpired, closed at the age of thirty-four his reign of twenty-three years. XXL REIGN OF HENRY IV. 1399-1413. The nearest in lineal succession after Richard H. was not Henry, but Ednwnd Mortimer then seven years of .age, son of Roger, slain at Kenlis in 1398, and representative of Lionel duke of Clarence third son of Edward HI. ; Avhile the new king derived from John of Gaunt the fourth. This usurpation proved for eighty years a fruitful source of contention and jealousy between the houses of York and Lancaster, the white rose and the red, drenching England 158 TRANSFER OF ERIN. in blood. Richard of York, son of Edmund Langley, fifth son of Edward III. married Ann Mortimer the rightful heir after the death of her brother, Edmund the last earl of March, who wliile viceroy in 1424 died of the plague. From them descended the house of York. Henry's wars with Scotland led to repraisals, and the north-easterly shores of Ireland were exposed to depredation from the isles. A fleet fitted out by the Anglo-Irish at Dublin encountered the enemy near Strangford, but met with disaster. Expeditions from Drogheda with better fortune, took many prizes ; and privateers from the capital emulated their example, plundering Wales and carrying off to their cathedral the shrine of St. Cubin. Eoyal license was given in 1400 to merchants of Bristol to make war with four vessels against the De Burkes, who aided by Ormond had seized Galway, but there is no record of their design being carried out. Soon after the accession of the new monarch Stanley was ap- pointed for three years for the fourth time viceroy, Balscot, bishop of Meath, his brother William and Scrope representing him in turn as deputy. Thomas of Lancaster, second son of the king, com- missioned for twenty-one years as lord lieutenant, but who was still a youth, reached Dublin in November, 1402. O'Byrnes the next summer rose in arms four thousand strong, but were defeated near Bray by Drake, mayor of Dublin. The royal treasury running low, the soldiers unpaid became discontented, and the duke after compacts with O'Byrne, O'Reilly, O'Connor and Mac Mahon to keep peace went home. Scrope left as deputy soon made Avay for the third Ormond, kinsman to the king, "a mighty man" who after holding . a parliament to confirm the statutes of Dublin and Kilkenny, died at Gowran in 1405. The fifth Kildare chosen by the council was removed in favor of Scrope, whose life was also brought by the plague to a premature close at Castle Dermod in TRANSFER OF ERIN. 159 1408. Lancaster again came over, and among other severi- ties threw Kiklare into prison for appointing a prebendary to Maynooth. He was seriously wounded in an engagement at Kil- mainham with tenants of the crown, barely escaping with his life, and in 1410 left Ireland in charge of Thomas Butler son of the third Ormond. His only exploit was an invasion with fifteen hundred Irishmen against the irrepressible O'Byrnes, when more than half his army deserting him he succeeded with difficulty in effecting his retreat. Wright, whose relation of events is tinctured by his national bias, tells us " that the island seemed sinking into barbarism and confusion amid the domestic quarrels of the septs, and their wars with one another and the English, that its history at this period was a continuous story of chiefs deposed, imprisoned and slaugh- tered, towns and villages rifled and burnt and outrages of every description." Gilbert, with better opportunities for information, comes to an exactly opposite conclusion, and historical candor will, no doubt, concur with his views even thouoh the relation of events by the former writer should be accepted as generally correct. Indeed this fifteenth century was comparatively for the native septs their golden age, their best certainly since Scandinavian pirates dis- turbed the saints' rest which St. Patrick brought with Christianity. The ancient laws and institutions, that Brehon code which with minute precision laid down rules for adjudicating on almost every variety of dispute, encroachment or breach of law, were in full operation. Jus- tice was enforced, religious observances respected, institutions of learning received generous support. Their intimate relations with Scotland and frequent pilgrimages to France, Spain and Italy ren- dered the chiefs conversant with the affairs of the continent, with which constant communication w\as maintained by their clergy and ecclesiastical students. Elegancies of life found their way into the- c.xstles of the chieftains, and as these were the gathering places of the 16U TRANSFER OF ERIN. clans the people generally pnrticipated in their refining influence. Castles were built by MacDonogh and ]MacDermots ; the abbey of Quin by MacNamara, Portumna by O'Madtlin. The septs h;ul been gradually gaining on the English race, so that only portions of the four counties of Dublin, Meath, Kildare and Lowth were subject to the crown. Nor were these limits to be ex- tended during the next hundred years. Lowth or Oriel paid O'Xiel forty pounds, Meath three hundred and Kildare twenty to O'Con- nor of Oifaly, the royal exchequer eighty marks to Art MacMor- rogh as tribute, and large portions of the common people within reach of English rule were of Irish birth, habit and language. Be- yond this limited space of twenty miles square stretched what were called the marches, and only there by payment of black rent could proprietors of alien race retain any part of their possessions. All around the English precincts, the liberties swarmed with kerns, light armed infmtry with "jivelins, darts and skcynes," or Avith gallow-glasses "with iron helmet, coat of mail, cuirass and battle axe," formidable antagonists even for men-at-arms, " with bas- nets, sallets, visor, spear, axe, sword and dagger," or for archers "with jack of defence, salet, sword and sheaf of forty arrow^s." The Irish soldiers were not always arrayed upon the side of their countrymen, bat retained for protection against their forays and raarauds by the fL-w colonists that ventured to remain in 2)ositions so exposed. Beyond the marches, accessible to enemies only through dense forests and {)asses easily defended, dwelt the septs with fields well tilled and well stocked pastures. Their laws were framed with ample provisions to prevent disagreement, and their chieftains, whose election depended upon their consent, led them in war and studied their interests. It is not surprising that they should have preferred their own system to the venality and corruption which marked every department of English administration, or that, at one period in Munstcr, the English themselves should have adopted it in preference to their own. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 161 The O'Connors were still restless. Circumstances already stated and many foreign elements besides contributed to stir up strife. They captured in 1400 the castle of Dunamon from the Burkes. For ]\Iulconry the renowned historian of Sil Murray accidentally slain in the assault, an eric of one hundred and twenty-six cows Mna paid to his family by Garv who slew him. O'Hanly, O'Kelly, O'^NIally and many other chiefs after long periods of prosperous rule died at advanced ages in their beds. McDermot in asserting his su- premacy over his sept fell at Lough Loubain in 1405. The next year Turlogh Don king of Connaught was slain by Cathal son of O'Connor Roe and the Burkes. Cathal son of Roderick succeeded, but his rule was contested. He was captured after the battle of Kil- leachy by the O'Kellys and MacDermots in 1407, and though he lived a third of a century longer he was of little account, his sept having been broken up into feeble fragments. A curious incident is related connected with the marauds of the period. A party of English had invaded Offaly, and Calvagh son of its chief went in pursuit. It chanced as he was overtaking the plunderers- who were not aware of his approach he met a kern bring- ing back to him a brazen cauldron used for brewing beer which he had lent to one of his neighbors. Calvagh flung a stone, possibly the missile earlier described as part of the military equipment, at the cauldron, and the deafening sound of its reverberations startlinof the marauders, they incontinently took to flight, three hundred of them being put to the sword in the pursuit. The mitre of St. Pat- rick a precious relic kept at Elphin was recovered on this occasion from the English. Turlogh the peaceable still ruled over Tyrconnel, defeating the Kinel Owen who invaded his territories. Two years later he made peace with their chieftain at Cael Uisge. In 1402 he drove out from his dominions Brian O'Xeil son of Henry, who lost his life in the expedition, spoiling the O'Kanes and Carbury, and in 1411 the 21 162 TRANSFER OF ERIN. O'Rourkes. On the death of Nial Oge of Tyrone, his son Owen was not accepted as chieftain, but Donnel the son of Hemy, his cousin, succeeded by the rules of tanistry. In 1410 Donnel was captured by Mac Mahon of Oriel and surrendered to his son-in- law .Owen, who entrusted him to Maguire, by whom he was delivered up to the English. His brother Hugh had been ten years a captive in the castle of Dublin. They both escaped. Donnel was reinstated to be again driven out seven years later by Owen, aided by Turlogh of Tyrconnel, and when in 1432 Donnel was slain, Owen was inau- gurated, and reigned twenty-four years. Art was not to be trifled with ; he renewed the war till reparation was made him for his wife's inheritance, and in 1402 took part with the Geraldines against the Butlers. In 1404 O'Moore de- feated the English at Athdown, and the next year Art harried Wexford and Carlow, but with O'Nolan was 'routed in 1407 after a hotly contested combat by Scrope, Ormond and Desmond, who then attacked O'Carrol of Ely at Callan, that chief and eight hun- dred of his- followers fallin"^ in the fio^ht. This success was attributed by English chroniclers to a special miracle in their favor, the sun standing still that day as related in Holy Writ for Joshua. O'Carrol a patron of learning had been on a pilgrimage to Rome, and on his return been entertained by king Richard at London. The next year Art came off* again victorious, and in 1413 he gained a decisive victory in Wexford. O'Byrnes were equally successful against a force from Dublin, and O'Connor Faly captured the sheriff of Meath and many knights and gentlemen, holding them to ransom. O'Sullivan Mor at war with McCarthy, lord of Desmond, was drowned in a naval engagement, but his successor with better for- tune drove McCarthy out of Munster. Later taken prisoner, he was deprived of his sight by Donnel Duv, and his son Owen was slain. Gilla Mochuda, grandson of the first lord of the Reeks of Killarney, fell in a family feud in 1411. Such incidents would I TRANSFER OF ERIN. 163 seem to confirm tlie view taken by "\Yriglit, but quarrels cndino- in bloodslied were not confined to the Irisli. Dowdall, sheriff of Louth, was set upon and killed by Whites and Verdon, who were pardoned by the king. Donuel O'Brien fell in combat with lord Barry, O'Connor of Offaly with Meiler Bermingham. Gihnory burnt forty churches, held Savage to ransom, and then put him to death, but was himself slain bv his kinsmen in a church, Maarennis was killed by his own people. But this period when the septs had regain- ed most of their possessions was marked by iew instances compara- tively either of family feuds or deaths by violence. During the previous century alien lords had abounded in Mun- ster. Besides Ormond and Desmond, the marquis of Carew had enjoyed revenues of twenty-two hundred pounds sterling, Barnwall sixteen hundred, Cogan of Green castle thirteen thousand, Balram of Enfort thirteen hundred, Courcy of Kilbritton twelve hundred, I\Iandeville of Barrenstallie twelve hundred, Arundel of the Strand fif\een hundred, Steiney of Baltimore eight hundred, Eoche of Poole one thousand, Barry eighteen hundred. There were more- over knights, esquires, gentlemen and yeomen, to a great number who might expend yearly from eight hundred to twenty. The in- habitants of Youghal, Cork and Kinsale, were now complainino- that these proprietors had fallen at variance and called in the Irish to help them in tlieir quarrels, who soon became the stronger, and drove them out or reduced them to subjection. Before this century closed, besides Desmond, Courcy and Barry, few were to be left of any account. What Gilbert tells us of English rule in Ireland at this period sufficiently explains how it 'came to naught. lie says : " The internal condition of the settlement, and the manifold injustices perpetrated by the officials of the colonial government on every one under their control tended to repel, rather than to attract, the independent Irish towards the English system, as then ad- 164 TRANSFER OF ERIN. ministered. Many of the judges and chief legal officials of the colony were illiterate and ignorant of law, obtained their appoint- ments by purchase, and leased them to deputies, who promoted and encouraged litigation, with the object of accumulating fees. Com- missioners of Oyer and Terminer were multiplied, before whom persons were constantly summoned, by irresponsible non-residents, to such an extent, that no man could tell when he might be indicted or outlawed, or if a process had issued to eject him from his property. The king's officers often seized lands, and appropriated their rents, so long as legal subterfuges enabled them to baffle the claims of the rightful proprietors ; and thus agriculture and im- provements were impeded. Ecclesiastics, lords and gentlemen, were not unfrequently cast into jail by officers of the crown, on un- founded charges, without indictment or process, and detained in durance till compelled, by rigorous treatment, to purchase their liberation. The agricultural settlers and landholders were harassed by troops of armed Mverns' and mounted 'idel-men,' who levied distresses, maltreated and chained those who resisted, and held forcible possession of the farmers' goods, till redeemed with money. " The troops, engaged for the defence of the colonists, became little less oppressive than enemies. Under the name of ^ livere,' or livery, the soldiery took, without payment, victuals for themselves, and provender for their horses, and exacted weekly money pay- ments, designated 'coygnes.' It was not unusual for a soldier, having a billet for six or more horses, to keep only three, but to exact pi^o vender for the entire number; and on a single billet, the same trooper commonly demanded and took Mivery' in several parts of a county. The constables of royal castles, and the purveyors of the households of the viceroys, seldom paid for what they took ; and for the purpose of obtaining bribes, to release their seizures, they made exactions much more frequently than needed. These grievances, wrote the prelates, lords and commons, to the king of TRANSFER OF ERIN. 165 England, have reduced your loyal subjects, in Ireland, to a state of destruction and impoverishment, and caused them even to hate their lives. "Most of the king's manors, customs and other sources of reve- nue, havino; been irranted or sold to individuals, but little came into the treasury of the fees, fines, and crown profits, which previously had defrayed part of the expenses of the colonial govern- ment. These reduced finances were nearly exhausted by pensions and -annuities, paid to propitiate the chiefs of the border Irish, and to secure the settlement aoainst their inroads. Various oood towns and hamlets of the colony were destroyed, while several royal castles and fortresses became ruinous, as those in charge of them embezzled the rents and profits, allocated for their maintenance, repairs and garrisons." Thus corrupt, English authority relaxed its hold on the people it was powerless to restrain, and secured partial immunity from molestation by paying tribute. Its exclusive policy yielded to necessity. Encouragement to trade with the septs took the place of prohibition. English proprietors on the borders gladly leased their lands at moderate rents to Irisli tenants, who were thus enabled often to regain their own. Fosterage of English children with Irish nurses, and intermarriages between the races, became com- mon, and were openly sanctioned. Mac jNlahon in Louth and other chieftains did what seemed to them good with impunity, and Tibetot, speaker of the house of commons, admitted that the gTcater part of Ireland had been conquered by the natives. The Irish annalists dwell little on details of domestic life, but mention many deaths of chiefs and scholars. They tell us that O'Rourke, heir to BrefFney, powerful, energetic and comely, was slain in his own house by the Danish clan of MacCabes ; that O'Dowd, universally distinguished for his nobleness and hospitality ; that Conor, son of the lord of Hy-Many, the serpent of his tribe 166 TRANSFER OF ERIN. arid of all Ireland ; that Conor MacDermot, a bear in vigor ; that Mahon MacNamara on his way to Rome ; that O'Gormly, heir to Kinalmoen ; that O'Kelly, archbishop of Connaught, eminent for wisdom, hospitality and piety ; that Conor, son of Ivor O'Hanly, of Kinel Dofa, on the Shannon ; Donnel O'Hara, heir to Leyny ; that O'Farrell who had never been reproached ; Conor O'Doherty, lord of Inishowen, generous to the wretched and poor ; besides numberless other chiefs, poets and brehons, passed out of life. Another death is mentioned of a different character. When whiskey or usquebaugh was first introduced into Ireland does not appear, but its earliest recorded victim, Richard Mac Ran- nall heir to the chieftainry of Muinter Eolais, died in conse- quence of drinkhig too much of it at Clmstmas tide in 1405. It is subject of controversy whence the name was derived. Uisge, in Inishowen in Donegal, the burial place of Owen son of Nial of . the nine hostages, who died in 465 of grief for the loss of his brother Conal, and from whom his descendants took the name of the Kinel Owen, lay not far removed from the abode of the Mac Rannals. Human ingenuity readily devises what suits its needs, and the hu- midity of the climate and soil of the island affecting the vegetable products used for food required correctives tonic in their nature, drying up moisture, and less inflammatory than the distillations of the grape. Such beverages adapted to a wet climate prove delete- rious in a dry, and Americans are losing their taste for what expe- rience proves prejudicial to healtli, and if in Ireland from poverty and inadequate nourishment its use was once carried to excess it is less so now. It is not supposed that in the fifteenth century po- tations stronger than ale and wine were common. But that the latter might prove a dangerous temptation is indicated by the following incident. The sons of Ith at Baltimore were troublesome neighbors to Waterford. . Christmas night its mayor arrived off the castle of TRANSFER OF ERIN. 167 O'Driscoll with a cargo of wine, and bringing presents and claiming hospitality his purpose was not suspected, and he re^'eived cordial welcome to the family banquet. In the midst of the dance which formed part of the festal entertainment a force sufficient to over- power the host and those of his kinsmen who were present, con- trived to take them at disadvantage and carried them prisoners to Waterford. XXII. REIGN OF HENRY V. — 1413-1422. Stanley for the fifth time viceroy landed at Clontarf in September. Age had not im[)roved his disposition. Enriching himself by his rapacity he yet left his debts unpaid. Neither clergy, laity, nor men of science received mercy at his hands. Plunderino^ Nial O'Hiafo-in hereditary bard at Usnagh in Meath, the poet, with his own special weapons of retaliation, lampooned him to death. Henry D'Alton, indignant at any injustice to a class so sacred as the poets, swept down upon the pale and from his prey made ample reparation. This was not Xial's first exploit of the sort. When the Clan Con- way wronged him at Cladan, his venomous shafts turned them all grey in a night. Crawley, archbishop of Dublin, "greatly praised for his liberality, a good almsman, a great clerk, a doctor of divinity, an excellent preacher, a great builder, beautiftd, courteous, of a sanguine com- plexion and of tall statm-e, was elected by the council to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Stanley. But being nearly fourscore he prayed at castle Dermod whilst piior Butler and the bisliop of Ferns marched against the septs. O'Connor of OfFaly and Mageo- glian put the priests to rout, carrying off many prisoners, slaying a baron and receivini^ fourteen hundred marks ransom for his son. 168 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Sir John Talbot lord of Verdon lands in Meath, then forty-one years of age, oame over in November, 1414. Calling out the whole English strength he organized it into bodies of twenty, one hundred and a thousand, arrested outlaws, seized upon children at fosterage, plundered Dalys, Magrath and Mac Keogh the poets and spared neither church nor sanctuary. He twice hai-ried Leix for six days, razed two castles, built a bridge at Athy duly defended, forced the O'Moore and O'Keating to sue for peace. He compelled the former to march w^ith him forty leagues to assist in reducing the MacMahons Avho in their turn w^ere forced to join him in reducing the O'Connors. O'Byrnes, O'Tooles and Cavanaghs, O'Dempsys, O'Molloys, O'Ferrals, O'Reilys, 0"Hanlons, even the O'Neils and O'Donnells submitted. Talbot's strong arm laid heavy on English lord as on Irish chieftain. His extortions, the coin and livery he exacted, his raid on the Geraldines who held as prisoner the unfortunate earl who had married for love, pi-ovoked resentment. His return home in 1415 gave but brief respite. Art McMorrogh grown old died in 1417, and Talbot soon after seized upon his son and successor Donogh, who was imprisoned in the tower of London, Talbot being allowed by the king to extort from him what ransom he could. He purchased O'Connor of OfFaly from De Freigne who had captured him, but O'Connor escaped and his venture was lost. In Ulster Magennis and O'Neil of Clanaboy gave him a check and many of his soldiers were slain. His services being needed elsewhere his brother Richard, now archbishop of Dublin left as deputy, arrested Kildare, Preston and Belle w, for conniving with the prior of Kilmainhann to subvert his authority. Richard made way in 1420 for the fourth earl of Or- mond, before whom upon his arrival two of his kinsmen fought a wager of battle, one being killed and the other grievously wounded. The earl iiivaded Leix with some success and De Burgh in the west defeated the O'Kellys. At the same time, O'Connor Faly gained a TRANSFER OP ERIN. 109 victoiy over a portion of the English troops, obtaining considerable spoil and what they especially valued, arms and armor and accoutre- ments. Parliament when convened harped on the old grievances of maladministration and extortion, illegal arrests, illiterate officials, plurality of offices, and that the inns of court at London allowed no Anglo-Irish to study law. In 1416 statutes forbade all ecclesiastical preferment to Irishmen, prohibited their leaving the island without permission, and ordered all Englishmen holding official positions in Ireland to return to them. It enforced the old law asfanst intermarrias'es between the races, a rule now unjustly applied to the earl of Desmond. After Gerald the poet disappeared in 1398, or according to another account was slain by the O'Briens, John his eldest son the fifth earl succeeded, and after holding the earldom for a year was drowned in the river Suir. His only son Thomas, the sixth, hunting near Tralee, and benighted, took refuge under the roof at Abbeyfeale of William Mac Cormac, with whose beautiful daughter Catherine he became enamored. This imprudent marriage with one of inferior rank alienating from him the respect and favor of his worldly-minded kins- men and followers, it afforded an opportunity to his ambitious and stronger minded uncle, James the seventh earl, to supplant him. Thomas, after long and obstinate resistance twice driven from his estates and detained in durance, on the plea that his marriage con- flicted with the law prohibiting such connections between the races, was deposed in 1418, and by the interposition of OnnonJhad as- signed to him with Moyallow and Broghill, Kilcolman, afterwards the abode of Spencer, and which his descendant Raymond forfeited with his life under Elizabeth. The elder branch still continues under the name of Adair in Scotland and Ireland. The unfortunate Thomas repaired to France, perhaps to procure redress from the king, who attended his funeral obsequies as a kinsman when he died soon after at Ilouen in 1420. They were not very nearly related, 22 170 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Henry's mother Mary de Bohun having been niece once removed of Elinor wife of the first Ormond, from whom the earl of Desmond descended. The new earl was already in the prime and vigor of middle life when he succeeded his nephew. His marriage with Mary daughter of Ulick lord of Clanrickard strengthened his positionw He was appointed by the lord lieutenant, senischal for life of Imokilly, Inchiquin and Youghall ; and in 1422 made constable of Limerick. Ormond in 1419, invested with ample powers as viceroy, used them in repressing alike the septs and the refractory English. His parliaments granted liberal subsidies. He vanquished O'Moore and his ''terrible army" at the red bog of Athy, reduced O'Dempsywho had taken possession of the castle of Ley belonging to the earl of Kildare ; and MacMahon of Orgial who had spread havoc over the English possessions. Whilst employed in these military movements, the clergy of Dublin went twice each week in solemn procession to the cathedral to pray for his success. Submission under coercion lasted only so long as power overawed. In 1420 the parliament re- presented that little more than the single county of Dublin remained in the undisturbed possession of the English, that Limerick, Tippe- rary, Kilkenny and Wexford, Meath, Orgial, Carlow and Kildare were in the possession of native chiefs or degenerate English or under tribute to them. In the last parliament of this reign Richard O'Hedian, archbishop of Cashei, was tried on thirty articles of accusation brought against him, chiefly for partiality shown to his own countrymen in promot- ing Irish clerks to benefices, for harboring the design of making himself king of Munster and giving his concubine a ring, the pious offering of Desmond to St. Patrick. In representations to the king on the state of the island, the oppressions and extortions of the deputies and their appropriating to their own use the royal revenues are especially dwelt upon. They urged the prosecutions of th^ TRANSFER OF ERIN. 171 bonds given to the apostolic chamber, andcomphiiu that huulholders, artificers and workmen were deserting the country. Among feminine accomplishments in vogue at this period one is noted for which the lakes that abound in the island afforded peculiar facilities. Richard O'Reilly king of Cavan with his son and many distinguished persons, whilst on an expedition to meet the English in 1418 in the royal barge, met with disaster from squall or other peril on Logh Finvoy, and were all drowned. Finola Mac Rannall, wife of Richard, escaped by swimming. xxm. "^ REIGN OF HENRY VI. 1422-1461. An order simply chronological in presenting the history of Ireland is not calculated to convey to the reader the fullest information or very clear impressions, either as regards character or events. So little connection is found to exist between what was taking place in differ- ent parts of the island, tha,t whilst it has been thought best to follow the generally accepted division of the subject into periods embraced by the reigns of the English monarchs, what concerns the administra- tion at Dublin, or affects Anglo-Irish' lords or sept and chieftain, will be kept as distinct as its complications permit. The succession of viceroys as a guide to the course of affairs has the first claim to attention, since it enters as an element of greater or less importance into occurrences all over the island, but their author- ity was so circumscribed and so little respected as to be hardly felt beyond the immediate vicinity of the capital. Ormond was soon superseded by Richard Talbot archbishop of Dublin, followed by Ed- mund Mortimer for whom Dantsy bishop of Meath acted as deputy. On the defeat of an English army in Meath, Ormond sent over 172 TRANSFER OF ERIN. with a strong force checked for a time the chiefs of Ulster. Morti- mer arrived soon after, but died of the plague at his own castle of Trim in February, 1424. Talbot again lord lieutenant remained for a year, and upon his departure Ormond pursued the same repressive policy. MacMahon and O'Toole surrendered the lands they had taken from English settlers, relinquishing their black rent, and O'Xeil, Donnel the Soft, the revenues belonging to the earls of Ul- ster, and after the death of Mortimer acknowledged fealty to his nephew and heir the duke of York. This submission was in latin, with which language it is not unrea- sonable to suppose O'Neil but imperfectly acquainted, and it is quite jDrobable that in this as in many similar transactions of the kind with Irish chiefs, the covenants and obligations set forth in the in- strument, even though signed and sworn to, were not understood. If assumed under duress or with any misrepresentation as to their meaning, he may not have considered them of any binding vali- dity either in honor or conscience. It is incredible that under the actual circumstances he should have known their purport. Sir John de Grey held the office of viceroy for a year spent in feeble efforts to repress the MacMorroghs, followed in 142^ by Sut- ton, lord Dudley, who diligently warred with the O'Byrnes, " burn- ing and destroying corn and houses, breaking down castles, cutting their woods and passes, making great slaughter," but it was intima- ted that notwithstanding these active measures the country was in great danger of being lost. The enemies of Ormond gave it to be understood secretly to the council at home that his courses were des- tructive and ruinous, and that he ought to be removed. To guard the borders of Louth, peculiarly exposed to forays from the Ulster septs, ten pounds were offered to any subjects who within five years should erect castle or tower, twenty feet long by sixteen broad and forty high. English merchants and the colonists generally were prohibited from resorting to fairs or markets of the Irish, or send- ing them commodities unless for ransom to redeem prisoners. TEANSFER OF E E I N . 173 Meanwhile, the colonists, despoiled by both friend and foe, were deserting- the island. Representations were made that the deplorable state of the country resulted less from maladministration, which was sufficiently bad, than from enormities pi'actised by the Irish, insti- gated by the nobility and gentry. Stanley, sent over in 1431, found Butlers and Talbots at vai-iance, Dundalk paying tribute to O'Xeil, Armagh to O'Connor, Waterford in ruins, one hundred and forty-eight castles lately defensible in Carlow demolished. Munster ^yas in possession of the enemy, and the walled towns of Kilkenny, Ross, Wexford, Kinsale Youghall, Clonmel, Kilmallock, Thomas- town, Carrick, Fethard and Cashel on the point of famishing, their supplies being cut off. Connaught had relapsed under Irish control, for Burkes and Birminghams were virtually Irish, no governor having been seen in Galway or Athenry for forty years. Even Ormond, whose kinsmen had intermarried with the McMurroghs, O'Carrols and O'Reillys, and who was personally popular Avith the septs, had lost most of his domains. O'Xeil, aided by Connors, Molloys, jNladdens, McLaghlins and McGeoghans, warred success fully against the English, and MclSIorrogh, who for seven years had been prisoner in the Tower and had recently escaped, marched an army to the walls of Dublin. When in 1432 Stanley contrived to capture Nial chief of Tyrcon- nel, O'Connor his son-in-law resenting his long imprisonment in Lon- don obtained possession in 1438 of William Welles soon after his appointment as his brother's deputy. In order to effect the release of the viceroy several prisoners in Dublin were set at liberty and ±sial sent over to the Isle of Man to be included in the arrangement, but he died the following year before it could be consummated as regarded him. Lord Welles held his office till 1442, Ormond his kins- man performing its functions as deputy when he was absent from the island. The Talbot faction fearing that Ormond would be appointed lord-lieutenant and their influence prevailing in the par- 174 TRANSFER OF EKIN. liament of 1441, charges were brought against him and repre- sentations made to the kinsr that some Enjjlish lord not born in Ireland could execute the laws with more efficiency and justice than any Irishman, and that his interests demanded a man of vigor and activity in the field as well as council ; that Ormond was aged, un- wieldy and unlusty to labor, and had lost in substance all his castles, towns and lordships ; and it was not likely that he should keep, conquer or get any grounds to tlie king who had thus lost his own. Instances were adduced of tyranny and injustice perpetrated by the earl during his administration. The articles drawn up by Talbot were not entitled to weight, and Ormond in 1442 was appointed lord lieutenant, and with James of Desmond as his friend and confidant set at defiance the machinations of his enemies. Little discouraged by their recent failure, however, they persevered in their efforts to undermine him in the favor of the young king. They found unexpected aid. Desmond had become too powerful for the viceroy. In 1438 he had purchased of Robert Cogan all his lands in Ireland comprising half the county of* Cork which belonged of right to the heirs general, De Courcy and Carew ; in 1444 he ob- tained a patent for the government of Limerick, Waterford, Cork and Kerry, with license to absent himself during life from attending all future parliaments sending a sufficient proxy, and to purchase any lands he pleased by what service soever they were holden of the king. The family of the Gherardini of Florence sent to acknowledge him as kinsman. His daughter Honora had married the eighth baron of Kerry, and Joan the seventh earl of Kildare. Occasions naturally arising for question and dispute between him and the vice- roy, controversy led to jealousy and resentment. Force was tried and conciliation. A truce between them was agreed to for a year, but the breach grew wider and Desmond went over to the enemies of Ormond and intrigued with the council and parliament to se- cure his downfall. TRANSFER OF ERIN. , 175 Fifteen fresh charges were brought against him; among them, that he prevented petitions reaching the king and had proposed a bill punishing with forfeiture of land and goods all who should make complaint not under the great seal ; that his real object was to enrich himself by these forfeitures, and that he had appropriated to his own use the public monies. He appealed to a parliament at Drogheda, calling upon them to declare in what he had offended, to point out any instance in which the subject had suffered from his in- justice or the state from his neglect. The parliament convinced of his innocence bore witness to the integrity of his administration and to his fidelity and services, and an address being presented to the king he was left in office. In this angry contention at this inopportune moment for English interests, between him and archbishop Talbot, it is not easy to deter- mine which was right, if either. The conclusion of Sir Giles Thornton, sent over to investigate, was that the prevailing misrule was equally attributable to both. The enemies of Ormond were not silenced. He was summoned to London, in 1444, and Thomas Fitzgerald, prior of Kilmainham, maintaining the truth of the charges against him, proffered wager of battle, which was accepted. The combat was prohibited by the King, who, examining the parties, de- cided in favor of Ormond. Henry confided the government, how- ever, to one of the opposite faction. Sir John Talbot, created earl of Shrewsbury as also now of Waterford and baron of Dungarvan, for his distinguished services in France. He was a good soldier, but sorry knight ; for, inviting O'Reilly to Trim, he held him to ransom. The thirty years since his former viceroyalty had not improved his temper, and it was said of him, that since Herod, there had been no man more wicked. Bermingham lord of Louth, in 1443, insulted by Barnwall son of the treasurer of ]\Ieatl>, by a caimin or filip on the nose, resorted to O'Connor Faly. Calvagh gladly undertook to punish the offend- 176 TRANSFER OF ERIN. er by a foray against the English which proved eminently successful. Three years later Talbot forced Calvagh to make peace and to ran- som his son who had fallen into his possession. This was a source of considerable income to successful warriors in fighting days, and one we have already seen turned to good account by this famous captain who preserved for a while to the English crown its possessions in France. His forty -eight battles in that country had secured him not only renown but the earldoms of Shrewsbury and Waterford. He perished there at the age of eighty in besieging Chatillon, and with his death began the downfall of English rule in France. The successor of John Talbot was Eichard, duke of York, earl of Ulster, lord of Connaught, Leix, Meath and Ossory, which titles he had inherited- from Ann Mortimer, his mother. He came over in the summer of 1449 with his wife, Cecilia Neville, the Rose of Raby, mother of Edward IV. and Richard HI., and adopting a conciliatory policy, Maginnis, McMahon, McArtan and O'Reilly joined his army with three thousand of their clansmen. O'Neils, O'Farrels, Mores, Dempsys, McMurroghs and Byrnes, with nearly all the English lords, swore fealty to Henry and the duke. This friendly spirit may be attributed to their appreciation of Richard's claims as the true heir. It could have proceeded from no sense of his superior power, for when McGeoghan, who soon after took offence at some injustice, advanced with a large force of cavalry to Mullingar, he made concessions and amends. James the fourth earl, or white Ormond, died in 1452, after sack- ing the fortresses of the Mulryans in Limerick and of the O'Dempsys at Leix, makino- a successful raid into Ulster and as far as Lonc:- ford, the last few months of his life. His son was appointed vice- roy for ten years, but the inveterate strife between Butlers and Ger- aldines " causing more destruction in Kildare and Meath than any inflicted by Irish or English enemies, so that neither life nor property were safe," the Duke was re-appointed, after St. Albans in 1455 be- I transfeu of erin. 177 coming protector of the realm. Deserted by some of his adherents at Ludlow, he betook himself to Dublin, where, supported by the Geraldines, he was recognized as viceroy, the parliament declaring its independence of that of England, and English laws and process of no force within their borders. Neither Henry nor his ministers took much thought of Ireland. France had slipped aw^ay from his incompetent fingers, which now and then by some feeble clutch sought to recover firmer hold of the island. To him Irish administration consisted of occasional marauds upon chieftains within reach and off their guard, and when a few lives were taken and villages burnt its duty was done. That govern- ment existed for the benefit of the governed, rarely crossed the threshold of medieval statesmanship. Its ends were answered when the territory of the sovereign was extended and his courtiers concili- a^ted by gifts and place. Spasmodic efforts of useful legislation in England to prop a tottering throne were rarely wasted across the channel, and governors set over Dublin and its immediate neighbor- hood indulged no other aspirations than to improve their own condi- tion. That fifteen hundred pounds more than the revenues of the kingdom for the year were required to pay the viceroy and his ofl&cials, affords some criterion of the boasted blessin'lc. Two other O'Donnels, sons of Hugh Boy, had agreed to betray the castle to Con, and with him proceeded to demolish the town in which Hugh then was, when sud- denly Shane and Hugh, brother of Calvagh, called to the rescue with numerous forces, broke in upon them in the darkness of the night and routed them, taking Con prisoner. His father greatly distressed at the loss of his son sought to obtain his release. Shane insisted upon the surrender of his castle of LifFord, and it was yielded as ransom for Con. Pride his besetting sin, Shane grew more bold and exacting with each fresh success, and vexed at the dilatory proceedings of parlia- ment as regarded the earldom, expressed his displeasure. His demands received no response unless in the form of menace. This provoked his resentment. His troops invading Tyrconnel carried off ten thousand head of cattle, whilst he attempted to surprise Armagh, Loftusthe archbishop having offended him by misrepresentation. In answer to the lord lieutenant who represented Ulster as verging on some great explosion, the queen wrote, that "his suspicions of Shane should give him no uneasiness, that he shoidd tell his troops to take courage, and that his rebellion may tm'n to their advantage, as there will be lands to bestow on those that need them." Cusack ao-ain contrived to bring; Shane to reason. He had disaiFected his kins- man Tm'logh, next to himself in power in Tyrone, and who had taken advantage of his absence at court to gain popularity and seek the chieftainshiji, but his hold upon the sept was not easily weakened, and the government, though not conceding what he asked, showed no disposition to drive him to extremities. Sussex himself as he was leaving Ireland wrote liim in terms of courtesy and kindness ; and both queen and chief seemed inclined to carry out in good faith the, articles of Cusack of 1563. 46 362 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Had he exhibited like sagacity and forbearance in his conduct to his neifjhbors as to the statesmen of the court, his reim mio;ht have been greatly prolonged and prospered. But such was not his temper. Not far from Sligo ruled O'Rourkes, from one of whose early kings killed in 1172, had been carried off Devorguil mother of Eva. Its chief Owen with Margaret his wife, daughter of Conor-na-srona, king of Thomond, founded in 1508, Can*igpatrick, for Franciscans, in which order twenty years after he died. His son Brian Ballagh, whose principal fame was as patron of poets, and of their works he possessed the best collection of his day, in 1540 constructed the castle of Leitrim and subdued Moylurg. After thirty-four years rarely disturbed by war or intestine dissension, his son Hugh Gallda suc- ceeded, and then in 1564 another son Brian. O'Neil, in furtherance of his ambitious projects, set up Hugh Boy, whom two years later the Kin el Connel slew in battle or by means less lawful, and rein- stated Bryan, nephew of Calvagh and who resenting the interference with his rights proved a dangerous foe. Sydney said of Bryan, he was the proudest man with whom he had to deal as deputy. His noble deportment and manly beauty charmed the queen, but did not prevent her putting him to death in 1591, when entrapped in Scot- land, for extending shelter to Spaniards shipwrecked in the Armada. At this particular epoch when by his pride, exactions and exorbitant pretensions Shane was losing popularity with the other chiefs about his borders, he had better have left Bryan alone. But he was never at rest. When Macdonnels and other clans from Scotland, extending their possessions in Antrim, rejected his claims to supremacy, and his overtures to alliance, he decided to bring them to terms. His treaty in London with the queen had stipulated that what he conquered from them should be annexed to his dominions. In August from the castle of Corcra in Tyrone, he communicated his designs to the deputy and councU, who expressed their appro- val. A few weeks later he constructed a castle in Colerane on TRANSFER OF ERIN. 363 the east side of the Bann, taking possession of a monastery across the river. It sustained an attack lasting for twenty-four hours, in which Sorley Boy was wounded. Occasional raids SAvecping over their settlements with fire and sword, gave the Scots further intimation of what was impending, and which they did not disregard. Three hun- dred young men selected from the best families of the clan, carefully trained in martial and athletic exercises, constituting the Luchtach or body guard of MacDonnel and commanded usually by his heir or tanist, were sent over to Lecale. After solemn celebration of Easter at Fedan, in April Shane marched by Dromore, and cutting a pass through the forest twelve mdes long, for ten men abreast, to near Edenduffcarrick, the forces of Clanaboy and his best troops there came to join him. Repairing an old fortress at that place he continued his march, defeating Sorley Boy who disputed a pass, and burnt James Mac Donnel's castle at Red Bay. That chief had been making preparation, and when the beacon fire on Torr Hill gave the signal, he crossed the channel, reaching Cushindun bay as the melting mists ushered in the May day morning of 1565. His burning castle and Sorley Boy in full retreat towards him were not encouraging, and expecting their other brother Alexan- der Oge with reenforcements from the isles, they withdrew with pre- cipitation to Ballycastle and encamped at the foot of Glentow giving its name to the fight which ensued, the river Tow being Anglicised Taisi. Alexander that evening left Scotland with nine hundred men to arrive the day after the battle, only again to hurry home. Shane who had himself passed the night at Bailecashlein or New Castle, Sorley Boy's town, at five in the morning of the second, marshalled his aiTay, and exhorting his troops to be of good courage, and true to their prince, made his onset, giving the MacDon- nels a complete overthrow, slaying seven hundred, and capturing James desperately wounded, Sorley Boy, the young MacLeod their brother-in-law, and nineteen other chiefs. James offered Shane all 364 TRANSFER OF ERIN. his lands and chattels in Scotland and Ireland for his ransom, but O'Neil answered that as he was acting for the queen it was for her to determine ; and when Mary of Scots, the earl of Argyle and the island lords earnestly besought him to release the two brothers, he made the same reply. Without delay he reduced Dunsverick and besieged Dunluce, be- longing to Sorley. The latter held out three days, but the garrison, informed that their chief was to have neither meat nor drink till the place capitulated, surrendered. Having thus killed or banished the Scots, he returned to Glenulla in Clanaboy, whence he sent James to his castle of Corcrato die of his wounds in a dungeon. James is de- scribed as " a paragon of hospitality and prowess, wise, bountiful and munificent, without peer in the Clandonnel, who would have paid his weight in gold for his ransom." Shane is said to have given him honorable interment in Armagh. The night of the battle of Glentow he wrote the lord justice Arnold and the council an account in Latin of his victory, and a month later his secretary Fleming wrote Cusack further details of the campaign. The acknowledgments of the council were presented to Shane for his success. It was hailed in England as a victory also for the queen, who still with the usual crookedness that marked her policy took him to task. Alarmed at the growing strength of O'Neil and fretted that he refused to surrender his prisoners, the queen sent over Sydney as deputy who wrote to request an interview at Dundalk. In his reply the chief, who by the articles of 1563 was absolved from any obliga- tion to wait upon the viceroy, declined, stating as reasons why his people would not suffer him to come : that his father refusing to deliver up Turlogh who had spoiled Tyrone, and visiting Dundalk, the depu- ty threatened to cut off his head, and after good service against the Scots entertaining the deputy at Armagh, he was carried off to Dublin, the repast untasted : that he had himself by agreement with St. Leger rendered aid for which he was to have three thousand TRANSFER OF ERIN. 365 pounds ; this Sussex refused to pay : that he had agreed to go into England, if the garrison was removed from Armagh, which it was not, and he was taken there as a prisoner handlocked. He had been un- lawfully detained and constrained to give nineteen of his best pledges before he was released, and upon his return his life had been attempt- ed by dagger and poison, and though he was assured of the friendship of the deputy his people were timid. In March Sydney wrote Leicester that Shane was the only strong and rich man in Ireland, that he had sent Stukeley and Dowdal to bring about an interview with him to no purpose. He received them kindly ; but when the wine was in him he spoke his mind freely, "that he cared not to be made an earl unless he might be better and higher than an earl, for that he was in blood and power better than the best of them, unless it were his cousin Kildare who was of his house. They had made a Avise man of MacCarthy Mor, but he kept as good a man as he. The queen was his sovereign, but he never made peace with her but at her seeking. When he came to Sussex he offered him the courtesy of a handlock. The queen said it Avas true he had a safe conduct to come and go, but it did not say when he might go, and he was kept till he had agreed to things against his honor and profit that he would never perform. That made him make war and he should do it again. He could bring to the field one thousand horse and four thousand foot, and march to the walls of Dublin and back unfought. His ancestors were kings of Ulster, and that Ulster was his and should be ; that O'Donnell should never come into his country, nor Bagnall into Newry, nor Kildare into Dundrum or Lecale. They were now his. With his sword he had won them and with his sword he would keep them." It would not be just to infer from the allusion to the habits of the chieftain that he was intemperate beyond what was the custom of the times. His repasts, as his progenitors' and those of all other ruling princes of the island as of other lands at that period, Avere 366 TEANSFER OF ERIN. taken at the head of his long and hospitable board, where his kins- folk and chiefs, his hostages and retainers bore him company, and where they all shared in the festal entertainment of harpist or trou- badour, whose hereditary function it was to render agreeable the hours passed in the banquet hall. It is impossible that one as am- bitious as Shane O'Neil, and of his strength of character, and dependent upon the esteem of his clansmen for retaining his position, if occasionally warmed as in the above instance by the wine which he shared with his guests, ever degenerated into a sot. When op- probriously charged by Stanihurst with excess in wine of which his cellars at Dundrum held two hundred tuns, this and his cooling off its effects in an earth bath are generally considered inventions. Campion, who wrote in 1570, tells us "that Shane ordered the north so properly that if any subject could prove loss of money or goods within his precinct he would force the robber to restitution, or at his owti cost redeem the harm to the loser's content. Sitting at meat, before he put one morsel into his own mouth he used to slice a portion and send it to some beggar at his gate, saying it was fit to serve Christ first." A work by Matthew O'Connor says of him : " that by the natural vigor of his mind he raised armies, erected forts, besieged fortified towns, defeated regular troops led on by ex- perienced generals, and made a resolute stand against the first nation of the world in riches, in arts and in arms. He was often victorious and never vanquished." His letters, many of which remain, to Eng- lish nobles whose acquaintance he had made on his visit to the queen, exhibit much culture and appreciation of what was of good report and meritorious in English institutions. His many defects of character and errors in conduct were exaggeratedby English writers. It should be borne in mind that his ulterior motive throughout appears to have been the independence of Ulster, possibly of Ireland, and that his eagerness to reduce to his sway the neighboring septs was mainly to further this end. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 367 In 1566 he had gained possession of all Ulster, Maguire and Calvaoh O'Donnell takins: refuQ-e in Dublin. He invaded Con- naught, wasting and destroying, received tribute or hostages from its principal chiefs as recognition of his sovereignty, devastating Clanrickard and carrying four thousand cattle back to Tyrone. He put away the wife of Calvagh and sought to marry the widow of James Macdonnel. Incensed at the duplicity of the queen who sent him the ratification of the Cusack articles whilst plotting his overthrow, he fortified LiflTord in the north and Dundrum in Lecale threatening Dundalk. He wrote in April to Charles the IX. and Lorraine proflfering allegiance if five thousand men were sent to his aid. In an engagement Avith Caffiir brotlier of Calvagh he slew him and one hundred and forty of his men, and treating with Hugh O'Donnel, then with him, for several castles in Tyrconncl, he obtained possession of them. In July he entered the pale with fire and sword and on the twenty-ninth besieged Dundalk, but was repulsed by Fitz- william. He broke down the cathedral at Armagh, occupied Fer- managh. He wrote Desmond that he had burnt Meath, and then or never was the time to strike. Alexander Oge with twelve hundred men from Cantyre sided with the queen and wrote from the Glynns that he was ready to enter Tyrone. Col. Randolph an able oflScer with a thousand men held Derry, and though the army of Tyr Owen quadrupled his force in numbers, they were powerless against its walls. In a sally towards Knocfer- gus in November Randolph, well supplied with artillery, in which arm O'Xeil was deficient, gave Shane a check, but fell himself in the combat near Derry, which place, in April demolished by an accidental explosion of its magazines, was abandoned, and its gar- rison in their march to the pale much harassed. Shane, after de- feating the English at the battle of the Sagums, killing four hundred, again invaded Tyrconnel, Connaught, Fermanagh and the lands of Bagenal in Xewry and Brefney, Sydney, deputy since the recall of 368 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Arnold in 1565, inarched against him, but discouraged by the seven thousand men, fifteen hundred of them Scots, whom Shane had under his command, or as also said his supplies exhausted, withdrew ; ,but early in the spring before he could well be expected, passed round Tyrone into Connaught, establishing Hugh in Tyrconnel, restoring Brefney to Brian O'Rourke, in place of the chief friendly to O'Neil, and Fermanagh, its chief dying on the way, to his kinsman equally loyal to the English. Cavan was raided, and Benborb burnt. Calvagh, son of Manus,* in the beginning of the winter, on the twenty-sixth of October, shortly after his return from England had fallen dead from his saddle in the midst of his cavalry, "without the slightest starting, stumbling, shying or prancing of his horse." No^ his son Con, but his brother "Hugh was chosen chief. This event not known in Dublin for some weeks changed greatly the posture of affairs. It added little to the strength of O'Neil who still persevered in his hostile operations. His renewed appeals to the cardinals pro- duced no effect ; his present of the costly suit, given by Henry VHI. to his father Con when created earl, to the religious and puritan Argyle, did not help his cause ; and the desertion of the timid and time serving, even among his most trusted followers, Hugh O'Neil Mor of the Fews, Maguire, McGrath and McArdle, presi- dent of his council, foreboded his approaching downfall. Had Hugh O'Donnel stood fast to their earlier friendship, they could have to- gether set at naught any army Elizabeth had to oppose to them, but with their conflicting claims to rule no sooner did Hugh become chief of Tyrconnel than forgetful of all obligations to Shane he made his inaugural hosting into his territory. Con, son of Calvagh, who had been described in his youth by Sussex as " wise, valiant and civil, the likehest plant that ever sprang in Ulster whereon to graft a good subject," and whose character is rated high by the annalists under 1583 when he died, was set at liberty and put by Shane in .possession * Son of Hugh Duv, son of Hugh Roe, son of Nial Garv, son of Turlogh. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 369 of Ballyshannon and Balleek, and this still further widened the breach. Before the winter was over, Hugh made a second expedition-' into Tyrone, wasting and destroying, driving off cattle and ravaging Strabanc. Shane gathered his clans to retaliate. Hugh, early in May, near the fords of the Swilly in Kilmacrenan with a small army, seasonably recnforced from the neighborhood, observing the Kinel Owenin hosts and squadrons crossing the ford, the tide out, sent his son Hugh with horse to engage their van, while he posted his in- fantry in a secure position whei*e they could not be surrounded. Many fell in the cavalry encounter, and among them Magroarty who had charge of the sacred Cathach of Columkille. The troop withdrew discomfited, but MacSweenys, Tuath, Fanad and Banagh came to their relief. O'Donnel addressed them complaining of the wrongs they had sustained from the Kinel Owen, and dwelling especially on the loss of his fortress of LifFord given in ransom for Con. Shane was promising himself submission or an easy victory, when the Kinel Connel came up. His men seized their arms and moved rapidly and in order to the combat. " Fierce and desperate were the grim and terrible looks that each cast at the other from their starlike eyes. They raised the battle cry aloud and their united shouting when rushing together was sufficient to strike with dismay and turn to flight the feeble andunwarlike. They continued to strike, mangle and cut down one another for a long time, so that many men were laid low, heroes wounded, youths slain, and robust warriors mangled in slaughter." At last the Kinel Owen defeated abandoned the field, and the tide having risen over the beach, crossed in the advance and by which lay their retreat, they plunged into the swollen sea. Countless numbers were drowned or slain by their pursuers, many of the Clan Donnell, O'Coinnes and O'Hagans, and Dudley O'Donnelly, Shane's faithful foster brother was killed. The loss of life is variously estimated from thirteen hundred to three thousand. 47 370 TEANSFER OF ERIN. Thus were avenged the wrongs of Calvagh and Mary O'Donnel. The chief, broken hearted, escaped up the Swilly under guidance of "the O'Gallaghers, possibly hostile to Hugh, and travelled on by retired and solitary ways, regaining his own domains to find Sydney approaching against him in force. Bewildered and losing his wonted prudence, he sent messengers to Scotland to invite Alexander, brother of James mortally wounded at Glentow, to his assistance. Come he did without delay to Cushindun, and there pitched his camp. Taking Sorley boy, no longer prisoner, Shane repaired thither, and was re- ceived with apparent kindness. But at the banquet, Aspuck son of Agnes, sister of the Mac Donnels and whose father had also fallen at Glentow, for the express purpose, it is presumed, of provoking a quarrel, entered into an angry altercation with the secretary of Shane, asking liim if he had said that his aunt the lady Cantyre would con- sent to marry him who had killed her husband. The secretary responded that Shane was fit match for Mary Stuart herself. On this Shane interposing, Aspuch withdrew, and stirring up his men who may possibly have been prepared for the conjuncture, and only waiting for the preconcerted signal, they rushed into the tent, and though his few followers and one of the O'Donnellys fought bravely to defend him, Shane was quickly despatched. Wrapped in a kerns shirt, he was interred near by in a ruinous church. Sydney, as also Piers governor of Carrickfergus who rivalled ma- jesty itself in taste and talent for indirection and who received ample equivalents for the head of Shane sent to decorate the battlements of Dublin castle, claimed what credit there was for his betrayal and death. His active nature that knew no weariness, great practical sagacity, insatiable ambition and indomitable pride, with the vicissi- tudes of fortune, extreme and varied, that attended his career, invest Shane with peculiar interest. Had he been less selfish and by justice and forbearance towards his brother princes won their regard, had his aim been his country's independence from a foreign yoke, or even the TRANSFER OF ERaN. 371 preservation of its ancient faith, his fame would have stood out in bold relief as a national hero. Or could he have escaped the too easy fascinations of Calvagh's wife, or when free made her his own, there would have been less to censure. But instead of reparation, when in his power, he provoked the resentment of her kindred by- overtures for the hand of her step-daughter, widow of that James Macdonnel who fell on the field of his triumph to miserably perish in his dungeon at Corcra. The Nemesis that haunted his paths sped swiftly to his undoing, and his strongly marked character and tragic end afford rich material for dramatic treatment. His sons by jNIary O'Donnel, Henry and Art, were children, and Turlogh Lineach, great-grandson of Con Mor, invested at Tullaghoge, succeeded with the acquiescence of the English govern- ment to the chieftainship. Objection was made to his claim of sovereignty over the border princes outside of Tyrone* ; and this pre- tention he renounced ; he likewise stipulated to leave Hugh, son of Ferdoragh baron of Duugannon in quiet possession of his private es- tates. The lull in the affairs of Ulster that ensued, Sorley before the new year returned in force from the isles to disturb, and Turlogh in- censed that Hugh should be supported by the English as chief of Tyrone, threw off his allegiance, proclaiming himself hereditary prince of Ulster, and entered into alliance with Sorley, whose army in Antrim, now augmented to four thousand men, set at defiance all opposition. Turlogh, though no longer young, sought in marriage not unsuccessfully the widow of James MacDonnel. Their nuptials did not take place before the summer of 1569, when at Kaghlin off the northeastern coast of Ulster, not far from the Giants' Causeway, the festal occasion was attended by a large concourse. To strengthen still further this powerful combination, Ineen DufF, daughter of this lady of Can tyre and Tyrone, became the wife of Hugh, chief of Tyrconnel. Though Turlogh made his usual abode , * McMahons, Magennis, Maguire, O'Hanlon, and Hugh McNeil Mor of the Fews. 372 TRANSFER OF ERIN. later at Strabane, liis hereditary castles of Toome and Castleroe lay further north, as also Dunnalong, his principal residence on Lough Foyle, which stood six miles above Derry, and about that distance from LifFord the favorite abode of O'Donnel. Sydney without defeating O'Neil had contrived to weaken his power by management and disafFecting his neighbors, and certainly proved a most efficient ruler. He was very popular among his own nation- ality in Ireland, and by the strict military discipline he maintained, administration of the finances and politic courses, paved the way for subjugation. His strong sense, energy of character, cheerful and kindly disposition, thorough knowledge of the queen and equanimity under her chidings to which he had always a ready but respectful re- sponse, fixed hini firmly in her favor ; and the friendship of Cecil, whose daughter was for a while the destined wife of his son Philip, stood him in stead whenever his brothers-in-law Sussex or Leicester took ofience or grew jealous. His denunciation of the " cowardly policy" of breeding dissension between septs and chiefs to weaken their power, exemplifies the honesty of purpose which generally con- stituted his sterling trait. When exposure in the field had under- mined his constitution, and with the death of Shane his main object was accomplished, he requested the grant of Athlone and the abbey lands of Connaught for his guerdon, and repaired by permission to court to further his quest by his presence. He went over in October, 1567, Weston the chancellor and Fitzwilliam, vice treasurer and also his brother-in-law, administering affairs for the twelve months that he was absent. The result of his ^deliberations with the queen and Cecil upon Irish affairs appears in the correspondence with the lords justices, and assumed more definite shape in his instructions for his future govern- ment when he went back. Substitution of English law for brehon, establishment of the reformed religion, a general system of grammar scliools as recommended six years before by James Crofts, appropri- TKANSFER OF ERIN. 873 ation of sept lands and their distribution amongst English settlers and soldiers, presidencies in Munster and Connaught formed part of their proposed policy. Legislation was needed and no time lost in carrying out these measures by the requisite enactments. Sydney's parliament, convened January, 1569, was a sham. The Irish were not represented, nor do we find mention made of it in their annals. Where there was any show of election, government by intrigue and corruption secured the return of its creatures. ISIayors returned themselves ; nominees of no character, education or estate, sate for places they had never seen. Stanihurst presided, and Hooker, who continued Hollinshed and had represented Exeter in the Eno;lish commons, havins: come over with Carew was member for Athenry. From his account the parliament was neither legally called nor decently conducted. It was simply a bear garden, noisy and disorderly. He framed rules for its proceedings, and after op- position of no avail against the majority, Shane O'Neil was attainted, the queen claiming an older title to' Ireland than Heremon or Heber's. Half Ulster, Tyrone, Clannaboy and the Fews, Coleraine of the Kanes, Routa of the McQuillans, Glins of the McDonnels, Iveach of the Maguinnis, Orior of the Hanlons, Farney, Uriel, Lochta and Dartry of the four branches of the McMahons, Tur- rough of the McKennys, Clanbressail of the McCanns were declared forfeited. Portions were subsequently restored, but the whole proceeding was a mockery on legislation. Captainries were abolished unless granted by patent, imposts laid upon wines, free schools established, the deputy empowered to fill vacancies in the church in Connaught and Munster ; fosterage with Irish, and keeping idle re- tainers were prohibited. «, The Ulster triumvirate of Sorley, Turlogh and Hugh might well view with composure this ostentation of power. Hardly a rood of the land thus confiscated passed from its lawful owners. All attem[>ts to colonize ended in disaster, and only in the next reign were attended 374 TRANSFER OF ERIN. with other result. The act attainting Shane set forth what he had done or left undone, much that was untrue ; but except in retaliatory raids on the pale or Dundalk, and burning the Armagh cathedral when Loftus traduced him, there had been no violation on his part of the articles unless in self-defence. What appears to have been uppermost in the minds of its framers as unpardonable were the three occasions, on which deputy and council for several days together assembled in solemn conclave to receive Shane summoned to their presence, when by the articles he was under no obligation whatever to obey their bidding and staid away. He had conquered the Scots as the queen requested. The moment after he became crippled by his defeat in Tyrconnel, Sydney in force crossed his border and English emissaries compassed his death. It was now proposed to appropriate Ulster as already Leix and Offaly. But if baffled in reaping the fruits of her rapacity, the queen was greatly relieved that tliis vexatious war was at an end. Her first six- teen years of Irish administration cost half a million of pounds sterling, three-fourths out of the English treasury. More than a fourth had been wasted in violating her treaty with Shane in fruitless hostings and official embezzlements, and thirty-five hundred men had perished by battle or disease, without laurel or loot, unless it were cattle found unguarded on the hill-side and driven within the pale. Parliament had confiscated Ulster. Taking possession was ano- ther matter. To Sir Thomas Smith had been granted Ards in Down, and his son to civilize the natives led 'there a colony, but O'Neil of Clannaboy slew him, leaving him little time to carry out his benevolent purposes. Essex with the queen had planned to send out two thousand settlers, and the earl raising ten thousand pounds on his English estates, proceeded to possess himself of Glyns, Routa and Clannaboy, partly occupied by the Scots. With a brave fol- lowing of lords and knights, full purse and numerous and well appointed force, Essex started on his ill-starred quest. To better TRANSFER OF ERIN. 375 learn liis purpose or perhaps not suspecting his design, Brian, lord of Clanaboy, received him kindly, but soon no longer in doubt, pre- pared for resistance by gathering his clans and calling in his allies. From Con O'Donnel son of Calvagh who came to greet him, Essex wrested LifFord, his principal castle, taking him prisoner without the slightest pretext or provocation. Courtiers soon wearied of the hardships of campaigning and went home. For the next two years w'ar waged with alternate fortune, now Mcdonnels and O'Neils for many hours together subjecting Essex to repulse and mortification, then driven themselves across the Ban with considerable slaughter. The earl had begun hostilities, whilst guest of Bryan, by seizing his flocks and herds. These dis- appeared from his bawns in the darkness of the night. When later superiority of weapons turned the scale, his troops scoured Clanaboy destroying its harvests, wasting in a single day six thousand pounds in value of its grain. The country till then abounding in every growth was changed to a desolate wilderness. The earl proposed that the chief should become his farmer. Grim humor mingled in the oiFer, and also in Bryan's reply, that man and beast swept off, it would not pay for cultivation. Every proposition of the chief to compromise, was met by treachery, and whilst receiving the hospitalities of Brian who represented the eldest branch of the Hy Xials, Essex seized him, his wife and brother, and they were hung and quartered at Dublin. Sorley Boy he enticed into submission, and at the same time sent Norris to Raghlin with six hundred men and guns. There Sorley Boy six years before had built from the woods of Antrim pleasant halls for Turlogh's wedding, and there had gathered Ulster and Cantyre in high festival, for an occasion auspicious of future safety. The castle, though strong and garrisoned with two hundred men, yielded to artillery, and the constable stipulating for his own safety, his Avife's and child's, made it is alleged no terms for his men. They were massacred by the English soldiers, and three 376 TRANSFER OF ERIN. hundred other inhabitants of the island, old and young, found in caves and coverts, shared their fate. Perhaps Essex if present might have spared even the garrison, but his wilhngness to appropri- ate the property of others, his bad faith to Bryan and Sorley inspire a doubt, and he mentions with like complacency the wholesale slaugh- ter of Raghlin and that of the two hundred shot down unarmed when he sent Bryan and his wife to death in Dublin. His settlement did not prosper. He hastened home to solicit aid from the queen. She refused it, though she appointed him lord marshal. He came back again in a few months to be poisoned soon after his return in Sep- tember, at Dublin, it is surmised by Leicester who repudiated his OAvn wife, daughter of Howard, earl of Effingham, to marry his widow. Smith wasted some thought and money on Ards, but to little use, for King James taking it away from his heirs gave it to one of his Scotch favorites. Some remains of that of Essex in Cavan are still held by his descendants of another name. XXXIV. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1602.— (Continued.) Thus far to avoid confusion Ulster has been dealt with apart. But all over the island the times were stirring and strong passions working themselves out in events of historical importance. Within the pale, as the field offered richer harvests, intrigue grew rank, and corruption became so open and intolerable as to call down printed denunciations from students at colleges and inns of court, and from anonymous sources, sometimes supposed to be Parker mas- ter of the rolls, sometimes Kildare, but probably Bermingham. Gerald, received upon his return in 1554 with enthusiastic demon- trations of attachment by the people generally, retained hold of the 'devoted loyalty of his Irish kinsfolk as well as of the many pow- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 377 erful friends and adherents of the Leinster Geraldlnes. "Whether he cherished or not any such aspu'ations himself, they regarded him as destined at no distant day to occupy the position of his father, grandsire and more remote progenitors, as viceroy. He had smoothed the way for his preferment by acknowledging the royal supremacy in matters ecclesiastical as well as temporal, and by embracing outwardly if not from conviction the new rites and tenets. His affection for his cousin Shane, for O'Connors and O'Carrols and all indeed allied to him by ties of consanguinity, was rarely disguised, and warmed into renew- ed vigor the long cherished partiality of the septs for his house. This often found imprudent expression, greatly distorted and exaggerated when it reached the queen. He found little difficulty, however, when in her presence in removing her distrust, the good offices of his sister, the fair Geraldiae, now wife of Lincoln, lord high admiral, and her especial favorite, being a help. His success in bringing Shane to tei'ms and to court, his services against O'Reilly, O'Coghlans, O'Moores and O'Conors, confirmed her confidence in his loyalty. He had however many enemies. Influential counsellors had lost their anticipated share of the spoils by his restoration to his paternal inheritance, and John Allen, formerly chancellor, now one of the com- missioners of crown lands, near akin to the archbishop who perished in the rebellion of his brother lord Thomas, harbored towards him a spirit of revenge, watching its opportunity with unrelenting rancor. Fitzwilliam loved him not, and in 1560 accused him of ambitious schemes, rudely demanding his follower Daly whom Kildare gave up. When at war with the O'Reillys, some of the Geraldines robbing the marshal, Stanley, of " a keg of drink," a battle ensued, threaten- ing serious consequences, when the earl interposed to separate the combatants. In 1565, Oliver Sutton, a gentleman of the pale, and one of his neighbors in Kildare, wrote Cecil twenty pages, complain- ing of his taking coyne and livery against the law, keeping three hundred Irish to attend his horses, and forty messengers to go 48 378 TKANSFER OF ERIN. his errands, and raising supplies for five hundred guests who came to visit him at the Christmas and Easter festivals ; and that when captain of Annaly, an office which Sydney had taken away from him, he quartered the eight hundred men who rode in his company on English colonists. Little heed was paid to these charges ; but when that year the earl arrested Tyrrel for slaying Gerald Nugent, uncle of Delvin, the lord justice advised Leicester that the queen should give him the garter. In reply she commended his good dis- positions and advised that he should dislodge Shane from Lecale, but was as cheery of her honors as of her gifts. He accompanied Sydney from Drogheda in the march to Clogher, burning twenty-four miles about that city ; and there seems little doubt that he continued loyal, and prudent enough to avoid suspicion. When Shane ceased to trouble, the queen restored to him what- ever belonging to his father remained in the crown, and parliament reversed his attainder. To make him president of Ulster was even under consideration. In the early summer of 1572, he persuaded Rory O'Moore to submission, Byrnes and Cavanaghs, and in 1573 with Essex held parley with Desmond and his brother at Water- ford. The next year John Allen and Keating, two of whose kins- men his people had waylaid and slain by his orders but under instructions from Fitzwilliam then deputy, accused him of complicity with rebel chiefs, but carried over by Fitton, at the examination be- fore the privy council the evidence produced betrayed its inspiration. After nine months incarceration his wife Mabel joined him. He was released in 1576, and two years after, when his eldest son Gerald had married the daughter of Sir Francis Knollys, own cousin of the queen, permitted to go home. For a while his enemies, disheartened, left him in peace. Baltin- glas in 1579 sought to engage him in the catholic cause, and, though refusing, he did not escape suspicion. To a general muster of the troops of the pale gathered at Tara, not long before, he rode in his TRANSFER OF ERIN. 379 M company ; and on his way back with Loftus was thought to have screened Baltinirlas from notice under circumstances somewhat sus- picious. Certain secret interviews with him later appeared equivocal, and when requested to arrest him he excused himself on the ground that he was his near kinsman, and such a step woidd weaken his influence in Leinster. When the catholic rising took place a few weeks afterwards, with his son-in-law Dclvin also compromised, he was again sent prisoner to the tower, recovering his liberty not long before his death in 1585. • His large possessions and extensive in- fluence constituted him a power in Leinster, and though somewhat in anticipation of the course of events, this sketch will serve to explain the part he took in its affairs. Elizabeth, like most well disposed rulers when first clothed with power, appreciated her obligations and opportunities. Under healthy influence in Cecil's, and prompted by her own sense of duty, she strove hard to amend whatever was amiss in Irish administration or working prejudice to the general w^fare. It was no easy task. Selfish officials, more concerned for their own emoluments than for the public, thwarted plans she was forced to abandon or defer. In others she persevered. The currency consisting of " harps " or other coins, debased one fourth below English standards, she called in by proclamation, and though merchants bought them up, sixty thousand pounds weight, three ounces fine, issued from the tower mint in London, and found their way into circulation. Whetlier working the mines of Wexford, parcelling out LeLx and Offaly, regulating trade by imposts or defending her cess, she looked sharp to her regal rights, and her own gains by the proceeding were estimated at two thousand pounds. Twenty years afterwards she adulterated the smaller coins, and just before her death the larger. As she was at that time feeble in mind and body, perhaps she herself had less to do wath it than Robert Cecil, whom experience in this particular had made wiser than his father. In 1602 royal proclamation was made 380 TRANSFER OF ERIN. that the good coin had been sent out of Ireland in such quantities to purchase arms and munitions of war for the rebels that little waa left, and that return to coin of inferior alloy had become a necessity. WhUst replacing where she could catholic bishops by protestant, it was not till pope Pius V. in 1569, issued his decree excommuni- cating and deposing the queen, and absolving her subjects from al- legiance, that their liberty to worship as they pleased was seriously infringed. So long as her encouragement of Alencon, heir pre- sumptive to the French throne, as her suitor, kept at bay the Spaniards, it was her policy to be tolerant. When his death placed Henry of Navarre, a protestant, one step nearer to the throne, and the massacre of St. Bartholomew brought into more intimate alliance Philip and the Guises, then in the ascendant, she lent strength to William of Orange to readjust the balance for her own security. Realizing that Ireland was the portion of her dominions most open to attack, from its religious beliefs, she redoubled her efforts to change them. Her English subjects in the island stood in her way. Of the twenty-eight Irish peers,* consisting of seven earls, four vis- counts, and seventeen barons, nearly all English in race, Ormond Kildare and Fitzpatrick had conformed or were lukewarm, the rest for the most part continued catholic. Penal laws but proved of little avail. Priests and Jesuits driven into exile, and fines imposed upon the laity for not attending church, converted indifference into zeal. But confiscation of church property, dispersion of the monastic orders left little revenue for maintenance of churches or priest. The former had fallen into decay, and if regular or secular performed * Students of history are frequently at a loss for the family names of persons designated by titles of rank or office. The upper house of the Irish parliament besides a score of bishops, consisted at this time of the Fitzgeralds, earls of Kildare and Desmond ; Butlers Ormond, Montgarret, Dunboyne and Cahir; McCarthy, Clancarre; O'Brien, Thomond; Burke, Clanrickard ; Barry, Buttevant; Roche, Fermoy ; Bermingham, Carbury and Ath- enry ; De Courcy, Kinsa'le; Fitzeustace, Baltinglas; Preston, Gormanstown; Nugent, Delvin; Fleming, Slane; St. Lawrence, Howth; Plunkets, Killecn, Louth and Dunsany ; Barnewal, Trimlestown; Fitzmaurice, Kerry; Power, Curraghmore; Fitzpatrick, Upper Ossory ; and O'Neil, Dungannon. TRANSFEK OF ERIN. 381 his functions, it was without observation or by steakh. Active manhood enjoyed its freedom from ii'ksome restraints, and im- moralities and disregard of religious obligation prevailed. So state authorities entitled to respect, and such was the natm'al conse- quence of destro}dng existing religious institutions, when the whole people were opposed to what were to be substituted in their stead. Eloquent preachers, and among them John Knox, sent over to convert in a strange language produced no effect. Not sixty out of two millions of whom the Irish consisted, according to Ma- geoghan, embraced the new doctrine. That request should be made to allow the clergy to officiate in latin, as that alone could be understood, shows hoAv generally the old rites must have rendered it famihar. The queen, obstinately set upon her object rather from policy than conscience, insisted that all her subjects should be catholic. Fines were imposed upon whoever refused to attend the protestant service, the roll was called in the churches of the cities and towns under English control, persistent contumacy constituted treason, forfeited substance and life, but men's minds were not to be convinced upon compulsion. Masses were attended, priests harbored and a feeling of bitterness engendered at this absurd spirit of dictation, rendering of no effect either persuasion or force. It was no excuse that catho- lic prelates and potentates had set the example. A Christianity professing nearer approach to its precepts should ha\e been more enlightened. Worldly considerations attached exclusively to neither race nor faith. Still grace quickens under persecution. Walsh dis- possessed administered the sacraments, kept alive what remained in the island of Catholicism as a church. Hundi'eds of priests and all but four bishops sufficiently confonned to retain their preferments. When Gregory in 1576 absolved Ireland also from allegiance, Loftus urged sterner measures and heavier penalties. A star chamber in Dublin with secret sessions, instruments of torture and no law, im- 382 TRANSFER OF ERIN. posed summary punishment on political or religious offenders, and public attention, on the stretch for what it portended, fretted and fevered. Correspondence preserved from this period proves that with its religious turmoil Christianity had little to do. Saints and martyrs, lay or cleric, were out of place in that cold pitiless selfishness, which shaping opinion and governing men's lives, usurped its name. Scram- ble for church dignities or confiscations, or for other valuable possessions, vesting in the crown and yielded up to favor or impor- tunity with wasteful prodigahty, demoralized, as the chance rotations of that later wheel of fortune now proscribed by enlightened nations. All alike, from deputy and primate down through all grades of civil and ecclesiastical administration, were beggars, and public policy had often to withhold its hand, lest in gratifying one, hosts of disap- pointed supplicants should become disaffected. For the church this was a poor school for the growth of christian grace. Self-denial, self-surrender, consecration of life to duty and the welfare of others, a contrite spirit accepting providence however disagreeable without repining, not for heaven or from fear of losing it, but to an- swer the divine will and purpose, such may well have been more generally the religion of persecuted priests, beset with peril, guiding passing souls from pain and poverty to joy and rest, than of prelates of the new church lapped in luxury and ease, caring little for their flocks unless to shear them. In the many parishes they controlled, if the sacred edifice had sufficiently escaped dilapidation, the new service in an unknown tongue suggested no single familiar association. Where from habit parishioners resorted with beads and rosaries to their accustomed de- votions within its walls, chilled by the change they found there they went saddened away. In Meathout of two hundred and twenty-four parishes, the glebes of nearly half were alienated or leased to farmers. Curates appointed by non-resident incumbents read the service, but TRANSFER OF ERIN. 383 only eighteen understood English. The rest were for the most part Irish priests, who may have o])enly conformed to perform in secret their ministrations. But in many places, English clerics, where they could without apprehension, occupied the pulpits and preached or prayed to empty walls. Their wives, if their stipends allowed, flaunted their rich attii'c in towns and villages to the aston- ishment and scandal of devout catholics, to whom a married clergyman was an abomination. In remoter sees, catholic bishops were vmdisturbed. Thomas O'Herlihy of Ross, M'Congal of Kilfenora, Hart of Achonry retained their posts, the latter rounding his centuiy in IGOS. Curwen, chancellor and primate, old and infirm, in 15G7 surrendered Dub- lin to Loftus, who Avas translated from Armagh, and accepted instead the bishoprick of Oxford. Lealy superseded Bodkin in Tuam. Magrath who had submitted to the pressure of the time, occupied Cashel, whilst his competitor Dermod O'Herlihy appointed by the pope, Gregory XIIL, arrested at the earl of Ormonds, after torture of peculiar aggravation, was hung in Dublin in early morning to avoid disturbance. Kildare's influence could not save from depriva- tion the companions of his exile ; Brady taking the place of Walsh in Meath, and Leverous giving way to Craik, who as dean of St. Patrick's put up the first clock in the caj)ital. He soon wearied of his post as the people of his preaching, and having from want of judg- ment parted with lands and manors belonging to his see for tithes of little value, was cast into the Marshalsea or debtors' prison for not paying his first fruits to the crown. Foley renounced the pope but without advantage, Cavanagh taking his place in Loughlin. Thonery successor of Bale in Ossory made way in 1566 for Gaffuey ; Skiddy held Cork and Cloyne for nine years, and a brother of O'Neil kept M'Caughwell out of Down. Maurice son of the chief of A ra re- tained Kylalloe. Lismore had a Catholic bishop to 1585, Clogher, Raphoe and Derry later. 384 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Of the prevailing disorders ecclesiastical revenues partook. The archiepiscopalsee of Dublin, in olden times the richest see under the crown, yielded but four hundred pounds. The greater part of the protestant bishops regarded the diocesan property as their own ; and by long leases and heavy fines impoverished their successors. Allen of Femes and Lynch of Elphin by ruinous alienations supplied their immediate needs, and others from improvi- dence exchanged what had been spared in the general confiscation of church property for inadequate considerations. The new faith was on its trial. It is not surprising that it attracted no converts. Ware and Spenser and the most prejudiced protestant authorities admit that greedy hicrarchs and a clergy neither devout nor instructed dishonored their profession. To remedy the latter evil, Loftus proposed in 1563 St. Patrick's in the capital should be appropriated for a university, greatly to the disgust of Curwen the existing incumbent of the see, but his views underwent modification when he himself succeeded. Among the magnates of the pale detraction was rife and venomous. Of one mind in appropriating what belonged to the septs, they were in perpetual contention amongst themselves as to the spoils, Ber- mingham censured Sussex for his extravagance, promising to save thirty thousand pounds in the annual expenses if allowed. Sussex and Sydney indulged in mutual recriminations. Arnold and Fitz- william judged and were judged. Sir Thomas Cusack happily escaped calumny, and by his wisdom and moderation, and especially as a peacemaker secured the esteem he deserved. He pacified O'Neil, reconciled Ormond and Desmond, interposed between Chevers and Carew, and though occasionally himself a petitioner for royal grants his memory stands out in bold relief amidst the frets and avidities of a corrupt age. Thomas Elyot, master gunner for thirty years, in charge of the artillery which battered down feudal strongholds and established English ascendancy, likewise stood high in the gen- eral estimation, and Draycot master of the rolls deserves mention for arranging and preserving the records in the castle. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 385 Lcinstcr was only comparatively quiet. I'lic dispossessed chief- taius from their mountain retreats watched for op])ortunity to wreak their resentment on the usurpers of their ancestral abodes, hovering about their settlements and inflicting what injury they could. For eighteen years Kory O'^Ioore, allowed even by his foes many esti- mable qualities, kept his clan organized in out of" the way places, the dread and scourge of the colonists, losing no occasion of molesting them and batHing every attempt at pursuit. O'Connors and O'Car- rols continued their marauds, O'Byrnes and O'Tooles, and Sir Edmund Butler, repi'csentative of Ormond then absent in England, and the Graces warred with Oliver Fitzgerald. Another grievance complicated the turmoil ; Sir Peter Carew set up a stale claim to half Cork, to Idrone in Carlow belonging to the Cavanaghs, and also to Macleitham in j\Ieath held by Chevers. Born of an influential family in Devon, Carew after adventures in many lands returned to study up this traditional [)retension to Irish estates ; and gaining favor with the queen persuaded her and (!ecil to allow its adjudication not in the courts of law but by the Irish coun- cil. His ancestor sixteen jjencrations before married a daughter of Bigod, earl of Noi'folk, who had inherited Carlow through an heiress of Eva, but the grandson of Bigod surrendered his lands to the crown for an annuity of one thousand pounds. Moreover any title derived from this source had been long forfeited under the act against absentees. In the next generation, William Carew is stated to have married l^^lizabeth daughter of Robert Fitzstephen, grantee with Cogan of Cork ; but Kobert left no lawful issue as proved in 1333, when the same claim on a grant made nearly two centuries before, of the larger portion of which there had not been even con- structive possession, was advanced and disallowed. Two generations later in the pedigree comes William, added by Hooker from ancient documents, upon which it is intimated little de- pendence can be placed. The grandson of this William is said to have 49 386 TKANSFER OF ERIN. married the daughter and heiress of Digon, baron of Idrone, which their son John who died in 1324 did not long retain. Recovered by the Cavanaghs its rightful owners it had been for two hundred and fifty years in their undisputed possession, when this claim was advanced and strange to say allowed by the council. Chevers not being able to show any fee in himself in six sevenths of the land in dispute which he held in Meath, was glad by a small payment to compromise and confess judgment, receiving back the whole, which confirmed his title. As will be seen later the claim of Carew to half Cork, was to as little purpose, his death at Ross by disease in 1575 and that of his cousin of the same name, four years later in battle, putting an end to this proceeding. Sir George, afterwards president of Munster and earl of Totness, brother of the second Sir Peter, and natural guar- dian of his niece, who grew up to marry two husbands, Wilford and Apsley, had the good sense in her behalf not to pursue it. The early death of the original claimant one year before that of Essex, and his cousin's, to whom he left his estates, so soon afterwards, suggests the fatality attending the De Burghs and Mortimers, and so many other landloupers of earlier days in the island. Many died natural deaths, none of course preternatural as intimated by chroniclers . But it was a wicked age . When the queen could connive at the assassination of Shane, deputy and earl take off the Keatings, Smith the apothecary of Dublin, who received for his mysterious reward a day's pay of the governor and army, may have been put occasionally to such uses as drugging Ormond's cup or platter at Ely House, or that choice wine which sent by one of his name, colonist of Ards, to O'Neil, all but succeeded in relieving administration of an embarrassment. When the council decided that Idrone belonged to the claimant, the Cavanaghs naturally rose to defend this remnant of their once extensive possessions. Too near Dublin for effectual resistance, Ca- rew stationed at Leighlin dispossessed them with relentless cruelty, TRANSFER OF ERIN. 387 slaughtering hundreds unarmed, besides women and children- Possibly as some security against similar pretensions, Mac I'Brian Ara, Ferral and forty subordinate chiefs in Annaly, some of the Cavanaghs, Gilpatricks, JNIcFallons, Mageoghans, McShanes and many other chieftains surrendered their estates to the crown, taking back regrants on English tenure. In 1562 Annaly, the home of the Ferrals, had been created the county of Longford, and not long after Monoghan of the Ulster Mac Mahons, was made shire ground. Philipstown and Maryboro', already two years before licensed as market towns, were erected into boroughs in 1569. Parliament had appointed commissioners to parcel out the new counties into baronies, to be planted each by nine score planters. O'Mores were to have Leix beyond the bog, each chief to be answerable for his sept, and hold of the fort. Freeholders were to cause their children to learn and speak English, keep open the fords, destroy the strongholds and cut the passes. They were not to marry or foster with any but of English blood without heense from the deputy, and in every town were to build a church within three years. This was easier to order than carry out, and little progress was made. In 1575, drought and intense heat brought with them the plague, which raged virulently in Dublin, Naas, Ardee, Mullingar and Athboy. Before the year had ended, Sydney returned for the last time to find the country one scene of warfare and intestine commo- tion. He reconciled the Kinel Connel and Kinel Owen, and the annaHsts say compelled Essex to go home. Con O'Donnel escaped with Con O'Neil from the castle. The next year Mary Nugent jeal- ' ous of her husband, Hugh O'Keilly, burnt the monastery of Cavan and the town from the castle of Tullymongan to the river. O'Rourke was busy in raiding Annaly. O'Carrol surrendered his estates, taking them back on English tenure, and the chief of OfFaly by persuasion of the deputy accepted the actual situation of affairs, and though stripped of the larger and more valuable portion of his domin- ions pledged himself to peace. 388 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Eory O'More, recently yielding to the urgency of Kiklare, had also agreed to be quiet. His grandfiather Connal in 1557 had been hung at Leighlin. The territory of his ancestors had been parcelled out amongst strangers. He had himself been hunted down by the Eng- lish as a wild beast of the forest. Yet wearied of incessant warfare he longed for rest. The constant encroachments and interference of Francis Cosbie seneschal of Leix, an official grasping and of harsh and unpleasant disposition, fretted his temper and provoked hostilities, till every colonist, whose home was not a castle and protected by ar- tillery, was forced to abandon his newly acquired possessions, and seek shelter in the pale or the larger towns of Leix. In an engage- ment wliich took place between Rory and the English, Eory captured Alexander, son of Cosbie, and Harrington one of the council, and held them for ransom. It chanced that the huntsman of Rory, subjected by his chief to punishment for some misdemeanor, went over to the enemy and persuaded Harpol, seneschal of Carlow, to attempt their rescue. Harpol with two hundred men under guidance of the huntsman, one stormy night, surrounded Rory's abode, which protected by a rampart with two entrances, lay in the densest part of the wood. There Rory was sleeping, his wife, cousin of Ormond, and an old man being with him, and near by him his prisoners bound. When the net was spread and the avenues guarded, guns were fired, which rousing the chieftain from his slumbers, he seized his arms and taking for granted that it was a plot of his prisoners, he slashed at them with his sword, wounding Harrington severely in the arm. Cutting his way through the foe he escaped unharmed into the forest. The soldiers killed his wife and the old man, and relieved Cosby and Har- rington of their bonds. Rory naturally stirred to revenge by the fiendish murder of his wife, devastated Carlow, and bursting at night upon Naas, sat on a stone in the market place whilst his men gave the town to the flames. Not long after, Fitzpatrick baron of Ossory TRANSFER OF ERIN. 389 went with five hundred English and Irish in pursuit of Rory, who, while reconnoitring and watching their movements, taken at disadvan- tage was slain. His sept enraged at the loss of their beloved chieftain thereupon rushed upon the army of Ossory, and, though inferior in numbers, routed them with great slaughter, their leader effecting his escape by the sj)eed of his horse. The death of Ivory afforded some equivalent for their discomfiture, whilst his sept and subordinate chieftains realizing how much they were weakened, now that he was no longer their leader, considered the conjuncture propitious for favorable terms and entered into neo-o- tiations for peace. Their overtures accepted without hesitation, and never dreaming of treachery, the chieftains of the seven septs of Leix, O'Mores, Kellys, Lalors, Devoys, ]\[acaboys, Dorans and Dowlings with some hundred of their principal followers repaired, on the public faith and under protection of the government, to the rath of Mulla- mast, five miles from Athee in Kildare, for a conference ; and there surrounded by a large force of infantry and cavalry were slaughtered in cold blood. Harry Lalor, as he was entering the rath, having the wit to discover what was intending, shunned the snare by timely flight and warned others on their way. Responsibility for this massacre of unarmed men invited to a friendly conference, rests primarily and in all probability exclusivelv upon Cosbie and Harpol, Piggots, Bowens, Hovendons, and others, catholics as well as protestants, of whom there were then not many in Ireland. It may have been in retaliation for inroads upon their grants from the crown of land wrested from the septs. It is alleged that it was with the knowledge and assent of Sydney, and if so casts a cloud on a character generally estimable. If true it must have been one of his last acts before leaving Ireland forever, and he might well bemoan his twenty years service, which had made him twenty thousand pounds poorer, left him five thousand in debt, and loaded his memory with reproach. Although a supplicant for royal 390 TRANSFER OF ERIN. favors it is to his^creclit he did not enrich his family with Irish lands, and that Sir Philip, his son, had no part or work in Irish conquests. •That no mention is made of it in cotemporary public records has surro-ested doubt if this fiendish massacre ever took place. In 1577 a plan for extirpating the rebels was entertained, as Sydney states in his letter to the council, in which the cost of the war against the O'Mores and O'Conors is estimated at two hundred thousand pounds. In the same communication he mentions the rescue by Harpol of Cosbie on the eleventh of October 1577, and in the July following in another the death of Rory the thirtieth of June. The massacre is here described as related by the Four Masters, compiled in 1636 at Donegal, and by Philip O'Sullivan in his history published in 1621. Dermod, son of Dermod, prince of Beare and Bantry, and father of Philip with whom the author was residing in Spain when writing his work, died at the age of one hundred years after a busy life in military service about the time of its publication. He must have known the truth of what actually occurred, and it is un- happily too abundantly corroborated by tradition and other sources for reasonable doubt. If no distinct trace is found in state papers of the event, they were in the keeping of English officials, who may not have cared to preserve what reflected upon the honor of their own countrymen, and if known might justify or provoke retaliation. Evidence fortunately exists to exonerate Sydney from complicity. A memorial* of Thomas Lee, referring to this affair at Mullamast, says, " They have drawn unto them by protection three or four hundred of the country people, under color to your majesty's service, and brought them to a place of meeting where your garrison soldiers were appointed to be, who have there most dishonorably put them all to the sword, and this hath been by the consent and practice of the lord deputy for the time being. If this be a good course to draw these savage people to the state, to do your majesty service, and not * In the Desiderata Curiosa, vol. ii. page 91, and dated 1596. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 391 rather to enforce them to stand upon their guard, I humbly leave to your majesty." Lee, connected by marriage with Eustace, lord of Baltinglas, took part in his rebellion, but \vi],s reformed and sent into Flanders. His position was favorable for accurate information as to events. His expression of "deputy for the time being" evi- dently points at Drury, who succeeded Sydney the first day of September, 1578, two months after the death of Rory, and whose administration of a twelvemonth closing with his death made way for Sir William Pelham's, who surrendered the government to lord Grey in August, 1580. At this period began to be agitated a grievance sensibly felt by the lords of the pale, which reminds us here of one of our own, which led to our national existence. Impositions levied from necessity, at first W'ith some degree of moderation and submitied to without a murmur, had grown into exactions, oppressive and arbitrary, no longer to be patiently borne. A cess for support of the vice-regal household and the army, more intolerable even than coyne and livery, rested heavily upon proprietors within reacli of government process, who finding no other redress, sought relief fx*om the throne. In 1576, Baltinglas, Howth, Delvin, Sarsfield, Nenagh, Trimles- town, Talbot and Killeen petitioned the deputy and council to abandon or modify this system of purveyance, subjecting them to an annual damage of about seven thousand pounds, one tliird of which enured to the benefit of the court. For beeves worth twenty shillings not one half was allow^ed, for sheep a single shilling, when their value was half a crown, and no more for calves that sold in the market for five times as much. No satisfactory answer vouchsafed to their remonstrance, they despatched Netterville. Sherlock and Burnell, all able lawyers, to the queen who listened at first gracious- ly to their complaint, expressing her fear that she had committed her flocks not to shepherds but to wolves, but privately instructed by Sydney, at the same time with her usual inconsistency, threw the 392 TRANSFER OF ERIN. envoys into prison for their audacity in questioning her prerogative. She also ordered the arrest ot" the petitioners who had sent them. Sydney proposed to commute the cess for four marks for each town- land, but that was declined as too much like a rent charge. After several hearings on the subject and consultation with Kildare, then again in favor, and due humiliation, tliey were set free, and composi- tion made for seven years purveyance. Had the queen been more loyal to her pledges , held out no encour- agement to be disappointed, she would have better attained her ends. To Mulmorn. O'Reilly and the chiefs of Tyrone and Tyrconnel earldoms were promised. The patents passed the seal, robes were sent to the chiefs, and some of the three thousand royal garments, sometimes only the front of one of them, to their wives, to keep them in a state of expectation, whilst on one frivolous pretext or another the honor was deferred. To remove one obstacle in the way of Turlogh's preferment, it was proposed that the young baron of Dun- gannon, who had repudiated the daughter of Brian Mac Phelim O'Neil to take Judith O'Donnel, sister of Hugh, should marry his daughter. This plan now encouraged and then "impedited" stirred up strife as intended, and furnished a pretext for delay. Such courses did not increase the loyalty of the chiefs, who realizing that they were merely amused and trifled with, easily drifted into hostilities, when good faith would have secured their adherence at critical moments. Bryan, son of that Cahir oNIac Art Cavanagh who was created baron of Balian, son-in-law of Eustace, lord Baltinglas, and nephew of Gerald, earl of Kildare, " a brave and acomplished nobleman," killing Robert Brown lord of Malranken for having insulted him, and being too formidable a neighbor to be left unmolest- ed, Devereux and the principal inhabitants of Wexford assembled for the purpose of avenging the death of Brown, and curbing his power. An engagement ensued in which the Cavanaghs gained a decisive victory, Devereux and thirty of his officers and many soldiers falling TRANSFER OF ERIN. 393 in the figlit. For ten years Bryan representing liis ancient lin- eage, so long kings of Leinster, sustained his reputation as a distin- guished warrior. His abode at Borris has passed since through eight generations of his descendants, of scarcely dhiiinished lustre, to the present proprietor, in whose veins commingles the blood of Ormonds, Mac Carthies, through the branch of Muskerry, and Mac Morrogh. XXXV. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1002.— (Continued.) What relates to Munster, in the earlier years of Elizabeth, had few connecting links with affairs elsewhere in the land. Broken up into small but virtually independent sovreignties by mutual jealousy and from their political condition, intercourse discouraged by the dangers besetting its paths and mainly dependent, except in favored localities along shore, by the Shannon or about the lakes, upon minstrels, priests or merchants itinerant, hostings or raids, the south presented what in degree, greater or less, was observable of the whole island at that period, a curious epitome of those larger theatres, continents or embracing the earth, over which history has woven its web. They fought, intrigued and variously combined for mutual protection or to re-adjust the balance of power, with like restless ac- tivity as grander potentates. Pent up by their insular position, from their impassioned and fervid temper they formed a seething cauldron, which if occasionally cooled down by infusion of more phlegmatic elements from over the sea, soon resumed its more natu- ral ebullition when pressure was removed. Under Mary, they had enjoyed unwonted tranquillity. Distinction of race obliterated by consanguinity, common language, habits and interests, their religious rights respected, under hereditary rulers to whom they were attached, lightly taxed and exposed to no confis- 50 394 TRANSFEK OF ERIN. cations, the states of Munster had good reason for content. But they were now entering upon a period of strife and cahiniity, which before the century closed and Tudor dynasty ended subjected them to an un- scrupulous despotism, wasting farm and city, whoever survived, if not absolutely bereft of their possessions, left in bondage to taskmasters, strange and pitiless. The anarchs of misrule, whose personal ani- mosities unbarred the gates for all this misery, overwhelming one and his house with irremediable ruin, were the same Geraldines and Butlers, who commenced that subjugation four centuries before, which another century was destined to consummate. James the fifteenth Desmond whose death in 1558 has been noted, setting aside Thomas Ruagh, his eldest son by Joanna Roche who stood towards him within prohibited degrees, left the earldom to Gerald his second son by Mora O'Carroll. The new earl took his oath of allegiance at the end of November to the dead Mary, tidings of whose demise nine days before had not yet reached him. Teigue O'Brien, son of the first earl of Thomond, when his brother-in-law. Sir Donald, chief of Dalgais had been driven out by the help of Ormond, had taken refuge in Desmond. His cousin Conor, the third earl, in 1559, laying siege to Inchiquin his family castle, where his brother Donogh then was, he persuaded Gerald to go to his relief. Conor withdrew to effect a junction with his friend and kinsman, earl of Clanrickard, and their forces had united at Ballyally, near Ennis, when Desmond came up. " The two camps were not far asunder that night." In the morning, the opposing armies skirmished and manoeuvred for position, till they reached the ridges of Spancil Hill, four miles off. Here the combat was long and obstinate. The Dalgais, say the chroniclers, had been accustomed to drive the Ger- aldines, and ascribe the change of fortune that day to the presence of Teigue wath its enemies. Gerald gained the summit of the hill for which they were contending, and routed his brother earls, who lost on that bloody field many chiefs of Sil Aedha, seven of the Mac TRANSFER OF ERIN. 395 Sweenys, including both constables of Thomond and Clanrickard, and with them the ilowcr of their force. Leaving Teigue and Don- ogh in possessson of Inchiquin, Gerald returned home after victory in triumph. Another Teigue O'Brien, son of Sir Donald, most distinguished of his age for agility, strength, martial feats and horsemanship, died that year in Fermanagh ; and Eveleen, widow of the late earl of Desmond, already remarried to Conor, carl of Thomond, a "charitable, humane, friendly and pious countess," was laid not long after among her kindred, the Mac Carthys, in the abbey of Mucruss. When Christ- mas came, the two Geralds, earls of Kildare and Desmond held their festivities at Limerick, the varied experiences of the former in his earlier days in Italy and intercourse with Geraldines of Florence, doubtless forming for them both an interesting subject of discourse. Irish earldoms in the sixteenth century were no sinecures ; and for men in the vigor of life, energetic and more fond of glory and pow- er than studious of their ease, aiforded opportunities which might have been better improved by the heads of the two branches of the Geraldines now together at Limerick, than they were. But with such pressure from without and discordant elements within, although able and well disposed, such laudable intentions had they entertained them would have proved of little avail. Desmond claimed su- premacy throughout an extent of one hundred and forty miles over a medley of either race, who paid tribute when coerced, filled his marshal array if the object pleased them, but were too jealous of his authority to improve their condition at his dictation. They were content with their independence. Yet if these petty autocrasies, under his lead or that of an Irish chieftain, could have formed a fed- eral system for common objects, government might have exercised its legitimate functions for liberty and not oppression, and proved a blessing, not a curse. With their inheritance of misrule, however well disposed or fitted under happier auspices to meet the responsi- 396 TRANSFER OF ERIN. bilities of such a leadersliip in Munster, the embarrassments that attended the career of Desmond, if not his traits of character, hope- lessly discouraged any such aspirations for him. One of the most turbulent of his subjects was his uncle Maurice Duff, who twenty years before slew the court page, and who had re- ceived as his portion of the family domains, Kerricurrihy west of the cove of Cork. In 1560 his sons, James Fitsmaurice who afterwards occupied a conspicuous position in the history of Munster, and Thomas, invaded their neighbors, the Mac Carthys Reagh of Carbery, then ruled by Finnin, whose brother Donogh, father of Florence and their own brother-in-law, collecting a fine body of gal- loglasses under Turlogh Mac Sweeny of the Tuath branch of the name, pursued them to the Bandon, and at Inishowen defeated and slew two or three hundred. Gerald took umbrage at this procedure, either from its compromising his peaceable relations with so great a power as Carbery, or else from not brooking this disrespect shown to his authority. The resentment it occasioned if genuine was not easily appeased ; but correspondence home from Dublin represents it as feigned and for ulterior objects, one of them a wish not to be called away from his own dominions which demanded his care. Naturally of an overbearing temper, and elated by his recent vic- tory, he bore with little patience what he regarded as encroachments upon his rights. His neighbor Ormond, distantly related to the queen and a protestant, stood high in her favor and had received the ap- pointment of lord treasurer, an office held for life by the late Desmond and to which his son was naturally disappointed in not sue-- Deeding ; without much reason, as the father of Ormond had been the predecessor of his own. He had a grant of Oonagh for years of which Ormond was seeking the fee. There existed another and more serious source of contention between them. Joanna, only child of the elev- enth Desmond and mother of Ormond, after the death of her second husband Sir Francis Bryan, was now Gerald's wife. By devise or TEANSFER OF ERIN. 397 family settlement, she had received upon tlie death of her father the baronies of Clonmel on the Suir , Kilfeacle and Killethan . What were the terms of tlie grant does not appear, but Ormond claimed them before the death of his mother in January, 15G4, by some more an- cient title, although through her lie coidd have derived none Mdiilst she lived. In 1560, their respective pretensions by mutual defiance were about to be committed to the arbitrament of arms on the great road from Cashel to Tipperary, their whole musters confronting, when reflecting on the consequences or Sussex interposing, they parted without coming to blows. A few months after, in August at Clon- mel, Sir Thomas Cusack, Stanley the marshal and Parker master of the rolls decided in favor of Desmond. Not content to accept their decision as any settlement of the con- troversy, Ormond waylaid with hostile purpose his adversary, as they were returning home from Tyrone ; but desisted when Sussex forbad. He Avrote the deputy in February that Desmond had burnt a town and much corn, fallen out with his neighbors, and that his people had robbed one of his own near Limerick of five hundred pounds. Soon after at AVaterford, they promised Fitzwilliam, lord justice in the absence of Sussex, to go over to court, as requested, at Easter. Desmond was directed not to exert any authority over Barrys, Kinsale, Kerry, Decies, MacCarthies, Sullivans, Donoghues or Callaghans, but only over his own kindred. When the earls reached London, as O'Neil was taking his leave, Desmond, least in fault, Avas placed in custody of the treasurer, the queen assuring his wife she meant him no harm and nothing but kindness. Yet at the same time reversing the award of the commissioners, she vested the disputed baronies in 'Ormond, insisting that they should be friends before suffered to depart. Desmond requested in September pass- ports for himself and his thirty-seven attendants, but though Ormond was allowed to go home in January, he was detained a yeai- lono-er. Joanna besought the queen for his release, stating that in their quar- 398 TRANSFER OF ERIX. rel she had been strictly impartial between her husband and son. The queen remained inflexible, though releasing him from con- finement, inviting him to court, lending him money when four pounds was all he had left. It was not till his health had become seriously impaired, Cusack had entreated, and Cecil and Sydney extorted a promise that bonaghts, risings out, brehon law% rhymers, bards and dice players should be suppressed, subsidies regularly levied, crown rights to wardships and marriages enforced, and fourpence " cowe " agreed to be paid, that requesting artillery to reduce the chiefs to civility and leave to arrest oflfenders, he was permitted in December, 1G53, to repair to his dying wafe, who survived but a few weeks after his reaching Clonmel. Various points in the controversy still left undetermined, Cusack that summer reaffirmed, certainly in part, the judgment of the com- missioners, for Desmond later complained, and that after the death of Joanna, that Ormond had collected rents in one of the baronies in dispute. The prisage of wines in Kinsale and Youghal w^as adjudi- cated also to him, though given ten years afterwards to Ormond by the queen. Whilst these questions were pending, a messenger from France was arrested and upon him found a free pass for hounds and hawks sent from Desmond and O'Xeil to the king, and though in time of profound peace, it gave color to surmises, which lost nothing in circulation. Desmond w^as ordered to lend no aid to Sir Donald O'Brien against Thomond. Before the year closed Ormond wrote Cecil, that he had prohibited coyne and livery in his palatinate, but encroachments by Desmond compelled him to resume them. Kot long after his return home, Desmond's uncle, Maurice Duv, although over eighty, made an incursion in which he lost his life, into Muskerry. Dermod chieftain of that country, also son-in-law of Maurice as was Donogh of Carbery, overtook and rout- ed him, and whilst pursuing his men left the old man, wdiom he had captured, in charge of four of his own follow^ers. Maurice a trouble- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 399 some captive was slain by them, " tlioui>li the profit of sparing him would have been better than the victory gained by his death." As the thirteenth earl of Desmond his cousin whom he slew, had taken his bride from Blarney, this termination of his earthly career savors of re- tribution. Dcrmod being especially loyal and the friend of the deputy, this invasion of his territory by the near relatives of Gerald might have created fresh complications for him, had not Maurice been too head- strong and lawless for any one to be held accountable for his pi'ocecdings, In February, 1565, the feud assumed more serious proportions. Desmond claiming sovereign rights over Decies, Sir Maurice Fitz- gerald of Dromanagh, its lord, sent for Ormond to protect his cattle from cess ; who surprising Desmond with an inferior force at Affane in W^exford attacked him. Pride forbade retreat. The un- equal combat ended in disaster, and when Gerald borne wounded from the field on a litter by his foes was asked in derision " where was now the great earl of Desmond," he made his often quoted response, " where he ought to be, on the necks of the Butlers." Ormond accused him of treason, the deputy of harboring Cormac of Offaly a declared rebel, Thomond and Clanrickard with wasting their lands, and in April he was carried over by Liverpool to London, while Eliza- beth heaped upon her favorite Ormond whom she stykd her black husband, honor and possessions, abbey lands of Holy Cross and Athassel, releasing him from large arrearages to the crown. Desmond had for companion across, his brother-in-law Donald Mac Carthy Mor, 1518—1596, upon whom the queen now proposed to confer the titles of earl of Clancarre and baron of Yalentia. Chief of his name, from Pallis, on the river Lawne near Killarney, his rule extended over a wide range of country, fertile and picturesque, and he claimed supremacy over the various branches of the Eoghan- acht, sometimes conceded and as often denied. In June surrenderinjr his domains and dominions, he received them back to hold from the crown, and requested to be appointed vice-admiral upon his own 400 TRANSFER OF ERIN. shores, to have the patronage of all spiritual promotions within his county of Clancarre, and to have the appointment of head sheriff of his own realm and an abode within the pale. Prince and earl of Desmond thus proceeding together under such different auspices to the English court, offers one of the strange vicissitudes of Irish history ; the chieftain, lineal representative of the ancient kings of Munster, to receive such honor as the queen had long promised to bestow, — Gerald, of the powerful earls who had usurped and abused its sovereignty, with gloomy presentiments of what awaited him. Near kinsmen and closely connected, — for besides many ties of sim- ilar sort in that and former generations, Donald's wife, Honora, was sister of the earl, whose father's had been Donald's sister, — they were alike staunch catholics, and since 1490, when the tenth Des- mond slew in battle the then chieftain of Clancarthy, friendly relations between their two houses had been rarely disturbed. No immediate or important conflicting interest now existed to divide them, and pro- bably neither divined the motive which governed the queen in seeking to weaken Geraldine power and influence in Munster, by raising up a formidable competitor for its supremacy. In the same ship, intended for similar honors, went Owen O'Sullivan, chief of Beare and Bantry, an area stated to measure forty-two miles by twenty-four, which he also surrendered, re- ceiving it back Avith the honor of knighthood. His elder brother Donel, son of Dermod whose death in 1549 at Dunboy has been mentioned, had been slain in 1563 in some contention or contest by one of his race "lord of the Reeks."* Donel, "worthy son of * After the invnsion, in the thirteenth century, the O'Siillivans, defeated near Corli in an ambuscade in whicli fell eight of the ten sons of their chief, withdrew from Clonmel and KnocgratFon their former possessions to Bantry and Dunkerron. Their chieftain, Donald More, gave when he died one third of his territory to his grandson, " child of his affections and of his goods," whose descendants, lords of the Reeks, lofty mountains in Kerry, as- sumed the surname of Macgillicuddy, thus anglicised from Gil Mochuda or followers of that good bishop of Lismore of the seventh century, adopted for the patron saint of the sept. They shared in the misfortunes of their country. Their chief, who in the days of Cromwell preferred to burn his castle rather than surrender it, or perhaps his son, com- manded the Irish regiments sent into Germany by William III. They still retain consider- able portions of what Donald Mor gave his grandson more than six centuries ago, which Richard the late chief held forty years, and upon his death in 1866, which descended to another Richard his son. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 401 a renowned father," left children, but too young to rule, and Sir Owen as tanist had succeeded. Owen displayed less consideration for the eldest representative of his house than INIorrogh of Thomond, ancestor of the vounger Donnel, taking back the estates entailed upon his own sons, the eldest of whom in later years married Joan daughter of Desmond. During his life, which ended in 1593, he remained through all the disturbances loyal to tlie crown.* Off Galway bay, the isles of Arran from time immemorial had been inhabited by a branch of the O'Briens, freebooters of the sea. who infested the neighboring shores exacting tribute or striking by their daring exploits consternation in places more remote. In 1560 Mahon, their chief, with marauding intent visited Desmond, but the hospitable welcome he received changed his purpose and some of the inhabitants accompanied him back when he went as his guests. Upon his return voyage, his vessel driven at night by a furious tempest past Dun Angus, his abode, to the Moycullen coast, struck on a rock and foundering, all of the company, more than one hundred, perish- ed, except himself and three more. Tuathal O'Malley, whose kinswoman Grace, then wife of O'Flaherty we shall have occasion again to mention, "the best pilot of a fleet of long ships of his day," went down with the rest. Ever since St. Brendan a thousand years before made his famous seven years voyage to the land opposite conjectured to be America, and penetrated its interior, till water flowed west, fondness for mara- time adventure found opportunity, not only all round the island, but on distant shores. Mention is frequently made by the annalists of bold navigators, who issuing out from the deep bays of the western * His son Dermod married Desmond's daughter. Many other of his children by Elena Barry daughter of lord Buttevant influential ly connected retained their possessions till most of them were taken away under Cromwell or William of Orange. His daughter mamed Nicholas Brown cousin of Lord Bacon ; his descendants the earls of Kenmare, have been since large proprietors in Kerry. Near by their hereditary abode on the Lake of Killarney dwell the Herberts, whose ancestor derived large possessions, by similar devise to that of the last earl of Thomond in 1741 to the Wyndhams, from his kinsman, Charles McCar- thy Mor, representative of Clancarre, being the g. g. g. grandson of his daughter Ellen, and who died in 1770. 51 402 TRANSFER OF ERIN. coast, like vi-kings for conquest, or buccaneers for spoil, often on quests of more legitimate commerce, wandered over tlie seas. At this particular epoch Spaniards from their harvest fields of gold finding convenient refuge from tempest or hostile cruisers in its havens, carried on a lucrative trade in Mdiich the mariners of septs on the ocean participated in their own vessels. Elizabeth regarded this traffic with jealous eye, not pleased that catholic powers should gain any such hold over her Irish subjects, and eager besides to divert a portion of the profits into her treasury, by monopolising this com- merce for English bottoms. Her orders proved of little avail, for in that wild country there were no revenue officers or coast guard to en- force them, and the four pounds on each tun of wine she requested when at last granted by parliament could not be collected. Conor, earl of Thomond, speedily recovered from his defeat at Spancill Hill in 1559 and thecampaign after in West Connaught, chas- ed the O'Flahertys into the Joyce country. Their chief, Morrogh of the battle axes, withdrew beyond his reach, and for many years after, from amidst the twelve peaks of Bennabulla, lofty and inaccessible, made what war opportunity offered against O'Briens and all who supported English rule till Desmond's death in 1583 led to his sub- mission. Teigue O'Brien, son of Morrogh, whilst at Limerick a few weeks afterwards was arrested and sent to Dublin at the instance of the earl, but effected his escape to wreak his resentment. The earl in 1562 invaded O'Connor Kerry and the knight of Glynn on the other side of the Shannon. Soon after his uncle Sir Donald, returned home from Ulster with his brother Teigue,* who with Donogh, son of Morrogh, his brother-in-law, pounced upon Conor at Ballymacre- gan, in the barony of Inchiquin, taking much spoil. They were opposed at first with success, and retreated to Scamhall, but there they rallied defeating the earl. The campaign of 1563 at first re- sulted in Conor's favor, and Ballyally, where dwelt the sons of * Founder of the O'Briens of Ballycorick. TRANSFER OF EEIN. 403 Morrogh, and Ballycar had been demoKshed, when Sir Donald and his brother invaded Clancuilcn, near Rosrae the favorite abode of the earl, and after their maraud made good their escape across the Fergus with their prey. Soon reinforced by the Clansheehy and Clansweeny from Des- mond, who left behind them when they went fewer cattle than they consumed or droAC away, they reduced the carl to extremities, who was glad to compromise " for peace that winter," and as amends for depriving his uncle Donald of the chieftainship five years before, by bestowing on him Corcomroe, its rents, customary services and church livings. Thereafter Donald, too prudent to hazard his possessions by revolt, continued at peace, an energetic and sagacious ruler, some- times punishing with severity such as deserved it. Wlien one branch of the Dalgais slew their kinsman Mahon, he pursued and captured them and taking them in fetters to Ross near the places of their atro- city, "that their anguish might be the more," according to the an- nalists, hung some and burnt the rest. Towards the close of 1565, the queen ordered that all ckims of Desmond and Ormond should be submitted to chancery, and upon issue joined, to commissioners ; disputed lands to be left pending the controversy in charge of indifferent persons. She wrote Sydney that they were reconciled and about to go home, but that Des- mond must be detained at Dublin till his dues were paid. Cecil impressed upon the deputy in May that he must be favorable to Ormond, or the queen would not suifer the suit to proceed. When Warham St. Leger, president of Munster, met Desmond at Loch Girr and imparted to him what the queen intended, he expressed his indignation and Avrote Sydney that he had received great wrong, that he desired the benefit of the law and royal orders, and should distrain for his rents if withheld. St. Leger in consideration of his resolution and power advised ending the controversy, but Elizabeth recalling the president as too partial to him, urged in reply that 404 TRANSFER OFERIN. Ormond and his friends should be encouraged to resist him and that the rebels he harbored should be apprehended. In August she wrote from Kenilvvorth that he should not have a renewal of his lease of Oonagh, but that it should be given to Ormond. The royal temper thus perverted, ten thousand pounds lost to him by her injustice, and O'Neil soliciting his aid, disaifection would have had its excuse. But he did not yield to his resentment. He invad- ed the territory of his brother-in-law, the sixteenth lord of Kerry,* but soon after joined the general hosting with him, St. Leger, the white knight, Dunboyne and Corraghmore against the O'Reillys. Whilst on this service the Butlers brothers of Ormond and the sons of Dunboyne, depredated his territory. Instead of punishing them, orders came over in March from the queen to commit the earl to Dublin castle, and place his brother Sir John in charge of Desmond. The ostensible ground for this procedure was the old charge, that he had harbored traitors, which had received some confirmation from Cahir O'Conor, one of the very chiefs of OfFaly he had befriended but who was now making his peace. Late in January, 1567, the deputy proceeding towards the south, found Leix peaceable and its tillage improving ; the Butler domain in Kilkenny in excellent condition and increasing in wealth ; that of the Fitzpatricks " in indifferent good order," Florence and GeoiFry, younger sons of its lord, " evil doers," and engaged in depredations upon their neighbors ; Ely well ruled by William O'Carrol, who wish- ed to surrender and be made a baron ; Ikerrin of the O'Meaghers Avasted ; Tipperary in frightful disorder from contentions between Ormond and Dunboyne, the latter of whom was also at strife with his brother. Sydney determined the dispute with Ormond in his favor, imprisoning the others with their wi^es who had stirred up the tur- * Thomas son of the tenth lord of Leixnaw. Tidings of his unexpected succession to his brother and nephews liad l)cen brought to him in Italy in 1540 by his fiiithful nurse Joanna Harmon, when his kinsman Gerald after him in the line, not luiowing he was alive, had claimed the inheritance. He married daughters of Desmond, McCarthy More, and Sir Donald O'Brien. His daughter Joan was first Mife of Conor third earl of Thomond, and bis eldest son, nephew of Clancarre, son-in-law of David Roche lord Fermoy. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 405 moil, and quieted the land by his severities. The Butlers were law- less, and Desmond, little disposed ta be aggrieved and not retaliate, had raided Killethan to collect his rents, as also Oliver Grace. The brothers of" Ormond are described as " wanting both in justice and judgment and stoutness to" execute," for when directed to bring in the O'Kennedys, chiefs of Upper Ormond, the region between the But- lers and the Shannon opposite Thomond, as likewise some of the Burkes, the deputy had to go himself in pursuit of them and bring them to submission. Clonmel, Cashel and Fethard were greatly depopulated, tlie in- habitants not darino- to issue from their pates. After reforminor o o o abuses, regulating their governments and dispensing stern justice to offenders, Sydney summoned chief and freeholder to meet him at Waterford. Warham St. Leger had maintained order there whilst he staid, but the country had been since worried by the Powers. Corraghmore enjoined to aiTCst the chief malefactors produced but two, who were hung, and the baron for his remissness sent to the castle. From Dungarvan passing on to Youghal the deputy found it in evil case. Desmond there pled his OAvn cause, but one is in- clined to suspect from the terrorism of Tudor reigns that the judg- ment against him, not final or covering all the points, was a foregone conclusion, and not from any folly or fault of his own. When this decree was rendered " he did not a little stir and fell into some disallowable heats and passions, but was taught to understand his duty to your majesty, obedience to your laws and reverence for such as sate by your authority." Sydney adds that from that time forward he showed himself wayward and unwilling to further the weal of the country or the service of the queen. He was retained under various pretences and placed under guard. Naturally incensed at this treatment, for Cusack the chancellor had tAvice decided in his favor, he strove to discourage the great lords of Cork from coming in to the deputy. Barry, Roche and Courcy, Clancarre and 406 TRANSFER OF ERIN. O'SulHvans, Mac Carthies, Reagh and Muskerry, nevertheless ap- peared, complaining of his exactions, "with open mouths and held up hands, crying for justice, and that it might please the queen to cause her name to be known among them with reverence and her laws obeyed, offering to submit themselves, life, land and goods." Not only were the towns decayed and dilapidated, but the whole countr}^ from Youghal to Limerick, pleasanter naturally than any Syd- ney had ever seen, was wasted and desolate, as if war had swept over it. Fire, sword, famine and incessant extortions, had left everywhere their niark ; villages burnt, churches in ruins, castles and towns ; bones and sculls, women and mothers quick with child ruthlessly murdered, and Desmond sitting at meat with the perpetrators of these atrocities. Marriage was little regarded, perjury, robbery and murder counted allowable, no consciousness of sin or of future life or grace to gain it if any there had been. As they advanced further into Desmond, the earl chafed at his detention, threatening he would not put down his idle men or gallo- glasses, nor relinquish coyne and livery, but would keep five men for every one, and by midsummer have a thousand afoot. The deputy had ordered him to produce his base brother Thomas Ruagh and the white knight, and at Kilmallock one of his abodes, in presence of the chiefs of Cork and others who accompanied their march, reproached him with calling together his forces. This Desmond excused as the only mode of securing their presence. His countess, daughter of Dunboyne, an admirable woman and wife, recently a mother, he natu;.'ally wished to be near. Six hundred of his men laying west towards Limerick not South towards Youghall, where his wife then was, exciting suspicion, the deputy who had' with him but two hun- dred men-at-arms, charged him with treasonable designs, and threat- ened that if any outrage were oifered on their way to Limerick he should die. Sydney says the earl fell on his knees and confessed his fault. This frequently mentioned of Irish chiefs looks much like a TRANSFER OF ERIN. 407 figure of speech. It seems difficult to understand that the proud earl had occasion or mood for any such humiliation, or Sydney the bad taste to require it. Entrusting- Cork, Kerry and Limerick to Sir John the earl's bro- ther, the deputy dismissing the chiefs and lords who had attended his progress, reached Limerick in safety, escorted by three hundred men who came out to meet him. That city had been despoiled both by Desmond its neighbor on the south and from over the river by Tho- mond, whose lack of judgment and insufficiency to rule would have tempted the deputy to remove him could there have been found one loyal or reasonable enough to take his place. Gal way guarded its gates day and night against the earl of Clanrickard, whose two sons by different mothers, both ah ve, contended for his succession and arrested were taken to Dublin. The earl, whom Sydney pronounces as wise to rule and obedient to law but under control of his wafe, fretted by his unnatural progeny, worried by the Oughter branch of his name in Mayo and the O'Flaherties, " notwithstanding intentions of the best found himself often constrained to do the worst." Galway and Athenry with four only left of three hundred good householders suf- fered in consequence. His own baronies in the south of Connaught were Avell tilled and manured, and though Shane had not long before collected of him tribute by violence were prospering. Clanearre had^no power or influence to govern, and Sydney is severe on all the four earls of Munster except Ormond, though entertaining more favorable impressions of the chiefs of Muskerry and Carbery. He recommended presidencies there and in Connaught, and resolved to send Cusack, whose experience, faithfulness and willingness he had cause to commend, to pacify their disputes, deprecating as already mentioned breeding of dissension as cowardly and bad policy, inas- much as the population, not one fifth of what it should be, in their distress were never in more forwardness to reformation. Hugh O'Donnel and Donogh O'Conor Sligo at Galway renewed their 408 TRANSFER OF ERIN. pledges of allegiance, and surrendered their lands, the latter propos- ing to visit the queen. The deputy with his prisoners Desmond and the sons of Clanrickard returned home through the country of the O'Kelly and by Athlone, reaching Dublin on the sixteenth of April. His second visit to the south ten years later had sadder stories to tell. Sydney and St. Leger were alike reproved by Elizabeth for ex- cusinjr Gerald. She ordered that he should be indicted in Ireland before being sent over, and should bring but six attendants in his suite. In Augfust, Fitzwilliam with the master of the I'olls and justice Fitzsimmons passed nineteen days at Kilkenny the chief abode of Ormond, hearing the causes between the two earls. Sydney went over to England in October, Weston now chancellor and Fitzwil- liam taking his place as lord justices. Desmond was detained in the hope of securing the apprehension of his brother. The efforts to entrap him finally succeeded. Sir John had been left by Sydney in charge of the Desmond palatinate and had no reason to suspect any designs upon his own liberty. But upon his arrival in Dublin on the twelfth of December, 1568, to take leave of his brother, he was hurried on board the ship and they were carried over to London, w^here for the next four years they remained prisoners. Dunboyne, father-in-law of Gerald, was to have accompanied him to England, but had died in May in the castle at Dublin. Commissioners appointed for Munster summoned its great chiefs to the council, but they would not come unless the countess of Des- mond came too. She wrote from Kilmallock in January, 1568, " that the country was in such disorder that few could trust, father, brother or son. Scarcely abiding two days in one place, she trudged about day and night for safety, and the people were so worn out by cess she could not collect their dues fol- her husband's necessities." Lacy bishop of Limerick brought her to Cork, and by her help James Fitzmaurice, to whom the earl had confided the charge of Desmond, and Thomas Ruagh again contending for the earldom, were apprehended, but TRANSFER OF ERIN. 409 set free. Meanwhile the earl examined at court by KnoUys, Mildmay and Gerrard, admitted he had taken Kilfeacle and collected rents in Killethan, but pled pardon for his other transgressions. He made his respectful submission, expressing his willingness that the queen should deprive him of portions of his land for the more quiet govern- ment of the rest, and gave recognizance in twenty thousand pounds. He was still, however, detained in the tower, suffering from cold in the same small comfortless apartment with his brother. His letters home, sometimes as many as nineteen in a day, were in- tercepted and perused by the ministers, Walsingham having a special fondness for that kind of reading. Money was supplied for his sub- sistence, but in prison he remained until the countess came over in 1570, when they were placed in charge of Warham St. Leger, whose house at London or castle Leeds in Kent then became their abode. James Fitzmaurice able and active invaded the territory of the lord of Kerry, and ordered to desist, repeated his maraud. The inhabitants took refuge at Lixnaw with their herds. Intense heat and drought rendered the river brackish, and man and beast suffered from thirst and want of food. Coming up with a much more nu- merous army than theirs, James posted O'Connor Kerry with the Clan Sheehy on the east of the town, marching round, himself, to gain po- sition on the west. Edmund Mac Sweeny constable of Clanmaurice and John O'Mally, with fifty men on a visit, were there, and when the baron consulted them as to what should be done, replied, that "in their situation life was near unto death, that no mercy could be ex^ pected from the foe, and as he wished not to give hostages, he must trust to fortune and take for his portion of Ireland, the land under the feet of his enemies ; that he should first attack the Clan Sheehy* * Two septs of this name existed in Kerry one of Iveragh descendants of Core : king of Munster, and Conary monarcli of Ireland; tlie otlier originally of Corcaguiny beyond Tra- lee and later in one or more patches of territory fartUer east near the brehons, Egans and Clancy, from Eogan Mor. Like the Mac Sweenys they were professional soldiers, and con- stantly at this period engaged in fighting where any was going on. 52 410 TRANSFER OF ERIN. which especially deserved their resentment." Following the advice thus bravely tendered, the lord of Lixnaw marshalled his men and the Clan Sweeny in the van marched steadily against his adversaries, who welcomed his approach assured of victory. Both sides fought gallantly, " making trial of the temper of their sharp spears, strength of their battle axes, keenness of their swords and hardness of their helmets." The struggle proved long and desperate, but the fine army of the Geraldines was at length worsted. Three hundred fell, and among them O'Connor Kerry, "the mournful loss of the Clan Rory, the burning brand of his tribe and race ; a youth upon whom devolved the chieftainship in preference to his seniors ; a sustaining prop of the learned, distressed and the professors of the arts ; a pillar of support in war against his neighbors and foreigners." Edmund Mac Sheehy, chief constable of the Geraldines, affluent and as famous for his hospitality as for his dexterity, also fell, and O'Callaghan, the sons of O'Dwyer and of the white knight, and many more perished. The defeated Geraldines speedily rallied from their discomfiture, and in October captured the baron. The next year brought fresh cause for agitation. The decision in favor of Carew enraged wherever it menaced, and Clancarre, But- lers aud Fitzmaurice were quickly in arms. Clancarre, though not of much force of character, was wise enough to perceive that to wrest away the telritory of his race and trample out its faith was the policy of the queen and her ministers. By uniting all the catholic elements of resistance, these designs might be frustrated. Support- ed by O'Sullivan Mor and other chiefs of the Eoghanacht he renounced his English title and resumed that of McCarthy Mor, at the same time asserting his claim to be king of Munster as his ancestors had been for many generations. Desmond was a prisoner, and his pow- er and possessions naightpassto strangers, and unless the opportunity oflfered were improved, qo pther equally propitious might recur. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 411 With O'Donoghues, Keefes, INIacavvleys, the son of O'Sullivan Mor and Edmund Mac Sweeney, he spoiled Fermoy and Muskerry ; Edward Butler, brother of Orniond, whose castle of Killogrenan had been seized by Carew, Ely with eight hundred men. Thomas Ruagh joined Fitzmaurice, and the country completely disorgan- ized "no Geraldine was quiet or Butler content." Unable to reduce Kilkenny where Carew commanded in force, they harried above and below from Dublin to Waterford, and stripped, with the inhumanity usual on both sides, the fair of Enniscorthy of its horses and herds, gold, silver and foreign wares and of whatever else it had that was precious. At a conference of all the principal leaders of Munster except Decies, Roche, and Barry more, Maurice Reagh Fitzgibbon, titular archbishop of Cashel and the bishop of Ross were sent into Spain to request aid of Philip II., which was promised at Easter.* As two hundred Spanish vessels every year came to fish off the shore, rumors were rife that forty with guns had arrived* Citizens of Wa- terford opened their gates to relieve eleven hundred people in seeming distress, who breaking in tore down their houses arid committed great havoc. Kerricm-riliy given up in part to St. Leger was spoiled, the abbey of Tracton beset by half as many reduced j and its warders slain, Cork besieged by James with four thousand men. Pollard sent with Peryam to keep order was crippled with the gout and could not go, and though Desmond and Sir John begged Fitzmaurice and Thomas Ruagh to be still, Sydney wrote in June that rebellion raged all over the realm but within the pale. ■ By her prerogative the queen could do no wrong. Yet by setting aside the judgment of the commissioners as to the baronies out of partiality for Ormond, coercing her prisoner in the tower, to give * McGrath was at that time archbishop of Cashel, but suspected of disaffection was trans- lated to Down. Loftus wished to exchange Dublin for an English bishoprick. Bodkin of Tuam was loyal. The catholic primate of Armagh a prisoner in London was accused by the daughter of his jailer, but confronted with his accuser she retracted. Dixon of Cork did penance in the cathedral of Dublin, and was deposed on a similar charge. 412 TRANSFER OF ERIN. St. Leger Carrigolene in Kerricurrihy to alienate James Fitz- maurice, and helping Carew to Idrone and in his claim to half Cork, Munster had been overwhelmed with calamity, and there was hardly a faithful soul left within its borders who did not detest her. They were obliged to be wary or the heads of her pledges in the tower, the earl and his brother, would have dropped prematurely from their shoulders. With a quarrel so reasonable and disaffection wide spread, could the chiefs have forgotten their quarrels, abstained from fresh provo- cation, been all of one mind, they could have discouraged Carew in his Munster pretensions, enjoyed their religious liberties undisturbed. But feuds and jealousies estranged many of their leaders. Fineen of Carbery, " who had not placed his affections on this world or knew how much he had laid up," had been succeeded in 1568 by his brother Donogh, and neither that chief nor Dermod of Mu skerry, lately knighted by Sydney, loved their brother-in-law James Fitz- maurice. Sir Owen of Beare and Bantry opposed the movement, as did his neighbor O'Driscol, lord of Baltimore, who had lately surrendered. Fitzmaurice as a Geraldine and also from his over- bearing temper, was not as popular then as later, and many whose titles were menaced or whose attachment to the ancient church was unabated, grew timid or lukewarm. Fermoy, the lord of Decies and the Barrys were loyal to the queen, as also Thomas brother of Gerald and John uncle to James Fitzmaurice. Thus dissensions, ever Ireland's weakness, palsied all attempt at combination, and they found themselves borne along to destruction by events beyond their control. Sydney joined by Ormonde sent over by the queen to detach his three brothers from the league, marched with considerable force into Munster. Ormond after accomplishing his object, his brothers Ed_ mund, Edward and Pierce submitting without hesitation, probably upon promise of pardon, though this was not at once granted, crossed TRANSFER OF ERIN. 413 the Suir, and by Coshlea passed on to Louglilene. He demolished a strong castle of O'Sullivan Mor on an eminence at the mouth of the gap of Dunloh, doing much havoc. Opposition not strong enough to contend melting away, and the chiefs generally professing loyalty, the lord deputy placed a garrison under Humphrey Gilbert at Kilmallock, and himself repaired to Athlone. After establishing Fitton as president of Connaught including Clare, he thence proceeded toward Ulster, as Turlough O'Neil about to join the movement at the south was accidentally wounded as it Mas said by a jester at his table. During the winter of 1570 James Fitzmaurice spoiled Kilmallock, and the following year in February with Mac Sweenys and the Clan Sheehy took and utterly destroyed the place, removing its treasures which belonged to Desmond. They are represented to have been of priceless worth, that being his favorite abode though Tralee was the seat of his government. Fitton proved a tyrant, and his arbitrary proceedings and over- bearing insolence disaffected even the loyalty of Conor O'Brien who captured his uncle Sir Donal on his way from Corcumroe to the presidential court at Ennis. Ormond called in to appease the exas- perated governor persuaded the earl to surrender as amends Clonroad, Clare and Bunratty ; but indignant at thus being dispossessed of liis castles and his power, Conor gathered his fiiends and adherents at his remaining fortress of Aloy in Ibrackan. They were not many to come, for by accepting the earldom he had forfeited their support and brought these misfortunes on himself and the Dalgais. Dis- couraged, and sensible he had nothing to expect from English clemency, he escaped into France. Whilst at that court gaining the friendship of Norreys, the English minister, and proving to him that he had been greatly aggrieved by the president, through his good offices his peace was made and he was allowed to return. Richard earl of Clanrickard and Fitton at midsummer, 1570, laid siege to Shrule, a castle on the borders of Gal way and Mayo, with 4u TRANSFER OF ERIN an firmy Composed of all the fighting men of Upper Connaught, of Macdonnels, Mac Sweeneys and Clan Dugald, and three hundred cavalry in mail. John Burke, Chieftain of Mayo, gathered his clans to oppose them, and among them came from Benabulla Morrogh O'Flaherty of the battle axes and some Scots. Deciding to fight upon foot, they formed their array, agreeiiig hot to depart therefrom or stop to succor whoever might fall. Fitton and the earl occupied defiles of great strength, theit- artillery and halberdiers with the clans posted in the line of advance, the cavalry held in reserve; Mac William marched on, and though taken in flank his army kept their ranks and routed and drove the enemy, though reinforced or Replaced by fresh troops, two miles, and returned home in triumph; It was a mistake not to follow up their success, for the fugitives ral- lied on their reserves, regained the field, and that night occupying the camp also claimed the victory. The representatives of the old kings of Connaught, shorri of their ancient splendor and by family feuds and division of territory reduc- ed in power and consequence, still existed, though history had found little occasion to mention them for some generations. Fitton turned O'Connor Don out of Balintober his principal abode, and on the pretext that with O'Connor Roe and Mac Dermot he had committed hostilities against the O'Kellys, they Were summoned to appear at the presidential court to be held in 1572 at Galway. Fitton Wrote the council that by the coming Easter term the queen would be en- titled to half Connaught. This court the Dalgais and both Burkes attended. But Ulick and John, sons of Clanrickard, alarmed at what might be designed, went angry away. Thereupon the president carried their father prisoner to Dublin, and returning when they gathered in force, demolished a castle of O'Flaherty's. Burkes oughter and eighter, for once in amity destroyed castle and town from Burrento the Shannon, pillaging all friends of English rule. Passing into Westmeath they burnt Mullin- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 415 gar and Athlone out fl^om the bridge, seriously damaged Atlienry and raided West Connaught, all summer engaged in the like depreda- tions. James Fitzmaurice took part, seeking their help and the Scots to reduce Castlemagne, which Perrot president of Munster after siege the previous year ineffectually and for three months this, finally re- duced not for want of defence but of food. For twenty years presidential governments in the several provin- ces had been recommended as the sovereign remedy against Irish independence. The experiment was on trial also in Munster. It had been proposed for Ulster, but with few Englishmen to sustain it recognized there as impracticable, and in Connaught simply served to render English rule still more unpalatable. Fitton in October, 1571, prayed to be relieved of an office, "the duties of which were merely to have to speak the queen's enemies fair, to give his friends leave to bribe the rebels for their own safety, and to see the people spoiled before his face." The project in Munster had been thus far attended with no better result. Upon a plan well considered and adopted ostensibly to check the outrageous oppressions there prevailing, Sir Warham St. Leger had been^appointed in February, 1566, president, with a council to consist of the four earls, archbishop of Cashel, Robert Cusack and Nicholas White, with Owen Moore as clerk of the signet ; the three last to give their continued attendance to its administration. The president was not to quit his province for more than four days, to report monthly and with one of the council to hear all manner of complaints, real, personal and mixed, civil and criminal, and any eastle kept with force against him to overthrow. He was authorized to punish for contempt, and all malefactors at his discretion if not repugnant to law. With the council he had power to examine by torture and stay judgment, and was instructed to persuade all persons to conform to the established religion, and cause parish churches to be repaured. They were to appoint attorneys and fix their fees, and if 416 TRANSFER OF ERIN. needed authorized to apply fines to their own ■subsistence, to repair castles or build gaols. It was enjoined upon them to secure rents from crown lands especially from dissolved abbies to better the royal revenues, and seven hundred pounds annually was allowed for the presidential table. Warham St. Leger, first appointed president of Munster, soon afterwards received his recall. Sir John Pollard not able to serve was discharged in April, 1570. Peryam joined in the commission proved of little account. The troubled state of the province demanded no ordinary ruler, and few fit for the task cared to accept an office of such responsibility, arduous service and inade- quate recompense. Such the queen found in her illegitimate brother. In February, 1571, Sir John Perrot natural son of Henry VIII., a man of great physical power and strength of purpose, was created president of Munster, and set himself to work to hunt Fitzmaurice out of his hole. It was not an easy task, for he was frequently cajoled and discomfited, and his account of his adventures reads very much like the dance Puck led the lovers in the play. Reaching Waterford as James was burning Kilmallock, he was detained at the capital for many weeks, but visited its ruins on the first of May as he passed on to Limerick. James in his woody fast- nesses of Aherlow at the northern base of the Galtee mountains, held him at advantage, and though the president marched by night and by day through bog and through thicket, sleeping on the cold grass as a common soldier, and enjoying no rest from the constant and rapid movements of his adversary, his quarry baffled pursuit by intelligence received from his own camp. He at last settled down to the siege of Castlemagne, a strong fortress of Desmond's near the head of the bay of Dingle and the boundary of Clancarre ; but when the summer closed he went away without having made any impression upon its walls. In November he was badly defeated by Fitzmaurice, who perhaps as a blind to his designs challenged him to combat, singly or with TRANSFER OF ERIN. 417 fifty or half that nuiuber on a side. Perrot accepted the challenge and made due preparation, but at the same time wrote Ormond to despatch his brother Edward with all the force he could muster. It is not stated that for this Fitzmaurice failed to appear at the time and place appointed, which was Enily near Kilmallock, but if the case, it was reason enough. In June, 1572, the president again set to work to reduce Castlemagne, but though provided with artillery for a long time, without result. James in order to make a diversion and victual tlie place went into Connaught to the Burkes, taking part in their marauds, in the hope of inducing them to -aid in relieving the besieged fortress. For this Fitton kept them too busily employed. Still when their devastations were over and their troops disbanded in the autumn, some of their Scotch auxiliaries joined him and crossed with liim the Shannon. Perrot Avith Clancarre, McDonoffh, Mus- kerry and Carbery, Roche, Barry, Decies, Lixnaw, Poer, Sir Thomas of Desmond and Tibbot Butler attacked him at Killooge in Coonagh, killing a few of his men. Castlemagne was not relieved, and from want of provisions, after a siege of four months, forced to capitulate. James, no longer able to keep the field, lurked with his scanty followers in the recesses of the forest, generally defeating all efforts of the English to learn his whereabouts, whilst he inflicted, as oppor- tunity offered, what mischief he could upon them. " It is impossible," say the annalists, "to relate all that James encountered of perils and great dangers, from want of food and sleep." At the end of October the garrison of Kilmallock, which had been partially rebuilt, surprised his men at night in their cabins and tents, slaying thirty of them and carrying off horses and kine, weapons and apparel, but James not in force to contend made good his escape. Disheartened and prompted by the wish to expedite the return of Desmond, he conclu- ded to seek peace, and two years from the burning of Kilmallock, on the twenty-first of February, 1573, the Seneschal of Imokilly 53 418 TRANSFER OF ERIN. and Owen Burke appeared at the gates of Castletown Roche, where Perrot then was, to make terms. Perrot proceeded forthwith to Kihnallock near by, and in its church epared from the conflagration, Fitzraaurice and his followers on their knees acknowledged their fault and made submission. The phrases read by him, for himself and them, dictated by the president, if not purely formal, were shaped to please the queen, whose Tudor love of domineering delighted in such humiliation. For a brief pe- riod strife ended. During its continuance, correspondence from France and Spain had come freighted with promises of aid to be dis- appointed, one of six thousand Spaniards. Had they come, so general was the disaffection and the English force so reduced by royal parsimony, Sydney wrote, the island would have been lost to the realm, like Calais. Sir John Fitzgerald now set free, resumed in May the command of Desmond, which he had quitted four years before, when inveigled to Dublin to take leave of his brother, he was carried off with him captive to London. Perrot, elated by his success in accom- plishing his task, indulged in some arbitrary proceedings, among others, suggestive of the ancient adage, compelling all Munster men within his reach to trim their g-libbes or long- locks. He went home in the autumn to return later, and Sir William Drury after an inter- val of two years succeeded to the presidency of Munster. The queen and her ministers had either become convinced of their injustice in detaining Desmond and his brother in captivity without sufficient cause, or else of its impolicy. They wisely concluded it easier and more economical to bring back Munster to order and tranquillity under their rule, than that of their more energetic kins- man. Their detention caused expense; reimbursement depended upon the earl's restoration to his estates, and in December they were sent over not to their own homes but to Dublin. The promises the queen would have exacted from her prisoner in- dicate what she res-arded as abuses to be reformed. He was to allow 1* TRANSFER OF ERIN. 419 no galloglasses bonaght, beg or bowe, permit neither coin and liv- ery nor cuddy or kernety, nor use guns of greater calibre than that prescribed. He was to hold no parliaments on hills, or dispense brehon or cane law, levy black rents, cricks or other rccompence for murder or practice comerick ; but was to submit a book of his men, and cause his people to know God and swear only by him. The earl positively refused to relinquish his Irish customs or yield up the liberties of his palatinate ; but finally, in order to regain his freedom, made many concessions. His brother, less firm or more politic, and with little to surrender, accommodated himself to the situation and without demur accepted the conditions. John was released as above mentioned in May, 1573. Gerald was detained some months louder at Dublin. Havino- occasion to believe his life endangered, in November, when hunting and well mounted he distanced his companions, and taking to his feet with some few of his personal attendants, after three days reached the centre of his own dominions. Gerald again at home, indignant at the treatment to which he had been subjected and absolved from his allegiance by the capricious tyranny of the queen, yet aAvare of his inability to resist, should she choose to crush, felt compelled to dissemble. Her garrisons held his' castles. His lieges withheld rent and tribute, rarely yielded but to superior force. His territory lay waste from recent strife. To supply his needs in captivity, he had borrowed money on mortgage of Kerricurrihy from St. Leger, who selected his security probably to create enmity between the earl and his kinsman. As reparation other lands were substituted to hold till the debt was paid. His first object to regain possession of his strongholds, Gerald drove out their warders, and his people seized upon Castlemagne, which much to his displea- sure had been victualled by Lixnaw and Clancarre. The territory of the latter he claimed to be within the limits of his palatinate and he had other cause of 2:rievance a2:ainst him. ^ 420 TEANSFER OF ERIN. Clancarre, not content to occupy any position subordinate to one so imperious as James Fitzmaurice, and considering himself entitled to supremacy in Munster, when he found the Eoghanacht would not support his pretentions or take part in the struggle to maintain their independence, saw the inutility of prolonging hostilities. He made peace, and in 1571, in the cathedral of Dublin, renewing his pledges of fealty had received his pardon. This defection and the example it set to his neighbors crippled Fitzmaurice, and materially contri- buted to his overthrow. It provoked the resentment of Gerald, who collected a force, defeated Clancarre for withstanding his pretension to sovereignty, Mac Fineen of Kerry, Maurice and Owen Mac Sweeny the bravest among his captains and many more being slain. Disappointed of his reasonable expectation of strengthening his position south of the Shannon, Gerald entered into league with the O'Briens of Thomond and Clanrickard. A conference took place between them at Killaloe near Kincora, audit was rumored that they had despatched messengers to Turlogh O'Neil, O'Moores and O'Con- nors to gather in strength, and made earnest appeal to Spain and the Scots for assistance. Their efforts to conceal their proceedings led to suspicion, and their movements were watched and reported. Probably measures actually concerted were greatly exaggerated by designing men with an object, possibly from no dishonest motive, misrepresented. They seem hardly consistent with what is known either of Thomond or Clanrickard. But that the government was ready enough to believe them admits of no doubt. Whatever their truth, Desmond still kept up the show and tone of loyalty aggrieved, and in Jariuary, 1574, wrote the deputy from Dingle, that he would meet at Clonmel Edward Fitzgerald, sent to confer with him. Charges, seven in number, were preferred against him, to which he proudly responded, at the same time assuring Burleigh of his con- tinued attachment to the queen. He urged redress and reparation for the wn-ongs he had sustained, and restoration of such of his castles as were still withheld. TRANSFEK OF ERIN. 421 For ans\Yer came peremptory orders to surrender all liis castles to Sir George Boiirchicr, sent to receive them, whom he took and kept in durance till his kinsman Essex besought his release. The queen instructed the deputy to temiiorize with Turlogh O'Xeil till Desmond and Clanrickard were disposed of. In April news of Spanish preparation encouraging hostilities, Gerald gathered at Cahir three out of twenty thousand he had promised, thence to march to Tara. Proclamation issued against him which neither Gormanstown nor Delvin Avould sign. The government intimidated resorted to corruption, and to detach Sir John from Gerald, promised him a part of his brother's lands. Ormond and Fitzwilliam the deputy took Derrilair. Their show of power disheartened his adherents and allies, and Gerald weakenedby their desertion, was disposed to make terms. In July, Essex and Kildare at an interview with him and his countess at Waterford, persuaded him to keep the peace, give up his castles to which he finally consented, and accompany them under their safe- guard to Dublin, from whence he prudently soon after took his departure. His countess wrote the queen in September that her husband had become reconciled. The Spaniards had not come as promised, and hostilities without them of no advantage, his only al- ternative was to submit. Conor restored to grace, and the president removed to become treasurer at war, feuds broke out among the Dalcasians for causes not explained. Torlogh, brother of the earl, with Mac Sweeny s, Butlers and Geraldines marched from the Fergus by Inchiquin and Corcomroe, marauding as they went, and plundering the church at Kilnaboy which proved of ill omen to them. Their slumbers at night were disturbed by the lamentations of those they despoiled. Donald collected the clans Sheehy and Sweeny and what forces he could, Ulick Burke and the son of earl Morogh among the rest, and to quicken their courage exhorted them to remember what old men and historians had taught, " that not by multitudes was victory won or 422 TRANSFER OF ERIN". the issue of war to be foreseen. The invaders consisted of a medley of men with no object but booty, and to whom maintaining their ground or flying to save their lives was the same." On tlie morrow tlie two armies early astir marched on parallel lines to Knocachif, where the earl's army drew up in a strong position on the hill, but upon Donald's approach took to flight, the cavalry westwai'd by the sea, the infantry southeast. "INIany were slain, beasts and birds of prey feasting on their carcasses." Upper Thomond long reaped the benefit of this harvest of death, armor and ordnance, horses and lierds and prisoners in great number falling as spoil to the victors. Strife led to strife, and in 1575 Conor and his brother raided Moyburk and Clonderalaw, burning houses, cattle and corn. Sydney interpos- ed, and after hearing both sides, appointed Sir Donald governor of Clare with full powers, which he exercised with rigor, " hanging rebels and plunderers, so that cattle needed no watch, no door to be closed." The next year passed without event in Munster. In the spring Fitzmaurice and Edward Fitzgibbon went over with their families to the continent and were kindly received, Henry III. of France writing the queen to deal graciously with the former. From his abode at St. Malo he watched events at home and abroad, turning to account whatever promised for his country restoration of its ancient faith, or escape from the injustice of English rule. In September, 1575, Sydney for the third time lord deputy, and for the seventh head of Irish administration, receiving the sword at Drogh- eda, proceeded to adjust the disputes of Ulster. He then visited in turn the several provinces, reporting to the cj[ueen their condition. Newry held by Sir Nicholas Bagnallthe Marshal, he commended for the beauty of its buildings and its excellent tillage, lord and tenant be- ing prosperous and hospitable. The Fews of Phelim O'Neil and Oriel given by the queen to Chatterton were wasted by efforts to reduce them to possession. Maguire was dutiful. Beyond, land given to Malbie he reported devastated and almost depopulated, none but outlaws of TKANSFEK OF ERIN. 423 either race daring to dwell there, Clanaboy uninhabited from the efforts of Essex to civilize it, Carrickfcrgus uninterruptedly for centuries in English possession a Avreck. With Sorleboy lord of the Glynnes and Koute he made a treaty of amity, and at Armagh entertained the wife of Turlogh, whom he describes as " very well spoken, of great modesty, good nurture, parentage and disposition, eager to have her husband ennobled and a good subject." Turlogh joined them re- questing rule over his vu-raghs and passed two days in his company. Louth he found impoverished and scourged by the plague, JNIeath by Molloys and Conors ; east Breffney, the best ruled country in Ire- land under its ancient chief, O'Reilly, ''the justest of Irishmen;" Kildare, Carlow and Wexford overrun with outlaws ; Moores and Cavanaghs carrying their spoils into Kilkenny, receptacle of innumer- able cattle and stolen goods, but undone by its own idlemen. Eory O'Moore under safeguard of Ormond came in, promising " to live in better sort and worse he could not." Tiie deputy thence proceed- ed to the south, reaching Waterford about the middle of December, " w^here he was received Avith all shows and tokens of gladness and pomp, as well upon the water as the land, and presented with the best commodities they had." Entertained by Power at Corraghmore with great splendor he passed through Decies, badly governed, toDungarvan where though much decayed he lay three nights, and passing by Youghal, too much damaged in the late strife to receive him, reached Cork two days before Christmas. Here for six weeks his court was attended by the earls of Desmond, Thomond and Clancarre, accompanied by fourteen lords of countries, archbishop of Cashel, bishops of Cork and Ross, viscounts Barry and Roche, barons of Courcy, Lixnaw, Dunboyne, Barry Oge, and Louth who of slender means by his cul- ture and refinement of manner and life set a good example to other Irish chieftains. Thither came Donogh lord of Carbery and Cor- mac of MuskeiTy, neither of them but in respect of tei-ritory able 424 TRANSFER OF ERIN. to be viscounts, and he wished them to be made barons, for both were good subjects and the latter for obedience to law and disposition "the rarest man that was ever born in Ii'ishry." The O'Sullivans Mor and Beare, Carrolls, Donoghues of Loughlene and Glenflesk, Callaghan, Mahonys and Driscols, McTyrnans and Mac Finnins, Macauleys, rej^resentatives of the five powerful MacSweenys, were there, besides the brothers of the earl of Desmond, Thomas, John and James, and the ruined relics of ancient English inhabitants, Arun- dels, Rochfords, Barrets, Fleramings, Lombards and Tyrnys and many more of English name. " And the better to furnish the beauty and filling of the city, all these principal lords had with them their wives during all the Christmas festivities, who truly kept very honorable, at least very plentiful houses, and widows of earls," among them doubtless the ancient countess of Desmond who dwelt at Inchiquin near by, "and others of good note and account." His court was held with much magnificence and fitting ceremonial, to which many of the guests were unaccustomed, and led to the adoption of many improvements in elegance and refinement. The mornings after twelfth night were spent in judging and condemning dozens of malefactors, members of many of the most influential fami- lies in INIunster. When the month was over, sleeping two nights at Castletown Roche and passing by Kilmallock, noAv restored in part to its former condition, he entered Limerick accompanied by Desmond, Louth and the bishops, "received with greater pomp than he had ever before had or saw yielded to any other in the land." Irish chiefs re- paired thither requesting the benefit of English laws, in which the deputy, ever set on the main chance, saw promise of greater rents for her majesty than ever before. Ormond and Upper Ossory, Thomond, Sir Donald and other O'Briens, " near kinsmen " but "extreme enemies," and the two MacNamaras and the likewise sons ■ of Clanrickard attended his court. As February ended, with the latter in his train, he passed through Thomond. TKANSFER OF ERIN. . 425 Sligo appeared prosperous, abounding in strangers who drove a traf- fic more profitable to themselves than to the queen's customs . Athcnry presented a woful spectacle, college, church and all else of value burnt by the graceless sons of Clanrickard. Sydney partook of the hospi- tality of O'Kelly for a night, and having held his court for nine days atAthlone, where a Burke of distinction was condemned and executed, went on to Annaly. The old chief Hugh O'Reilly of Breffny was ill, and his approaching end threatened to breed dissension among his seven sons and their descendants, whose scramble for the throne resulted later in a division of the land, to the destruction of its in- dependence and its final transfer to strangers. Holding sessions as he passed, by law common or martial, or flat fighting, Sydney claimed credit for hordes of men " taking food without the good will of the giver, some of the best, the rest trembling, who fight for their dinner and many lose their heads before they are served with their supper. Down they go in every corner, and down they shall go, God willing." He concludes this is not " a dainty dish to set before the queen " though a Tudor, or to stuff his letters withal. At Galway he took into consideration all griefs and losses , complaints of murder, burning, sacrilege and spoils infinite and immeasurable that were brought before him. Much of the mischief attributable to the con- tention of Teigue, son of Morrogh, first sheriff of Thomond, and the earl, he exiled them both, and putting a brother of Conor in irons, appointed Sir Donal to rule over Thomond, now created the county of Clare. Connaught he divided into four counties, Sligo, Mayo, Galway and Roscommon. Mac^Iahons, Macnamaras resorted to his court. Richard jNIac AVilliam oughter of Mayo called the Iron, speaking Latin but no English, a lover of quiet and civility, desired to hold his lands of the queen, suppress extortion and keep out the Scots. He is described as ever clad in mail. His wife Grace O'Mal- ly of Carry gahooly, famous by sea and land for her exploits, afterwards on a visit to the queen, declined to be made a countess, though her son 54 426 TRANSFER OF ERIN. became viscount of Mayo.* Both attended ; and Flaherty s, Kelly s, Maddens and Naghtans came in, professing for the time being their attachment to Elizabeth and her representative. The archbishop of Tuam, bishops of Clonfert and Kilmacduagh and the baron of Athen- ry, a poor lord but honest and sensible, made also their obeisance. Besides beheading a vast number of insurgents and bad subjects, Sydney " abolished the custom of keeping poets and literary men, public festivals, kernes, bonaghts or retained soldiers and their leaders." From the peaceable disposition manifested during his progress, he came to the conclusion that seven hundred foot and three hundred horse would keep the country quiet unless in case of invasion, A church more disordered and overthrown by the ruin of temples, dis- sipation and embezzlement of its patrimony, want of ministers, nowhere existing where Christ was professed, he recommended that the queen's farmers should repair its edifices, clergymen properly qualified for its services, versed in English and Irish, be sent over from England and Scotland, and commissioners of good learning and religion inquire into its condition and provide for its reformation. A chief justice and attorney general, acquainted with English law* were needed ; no lawyer in the island possessing sufficient skill to fill these offices. Pressure of affairs detained the ever active deputy for a few weeks * The posterity of Fitz Adelmn, g. g. grandson of Harlowcn de Burg and Arlotta mother of William the Conqueror, progenitor of Burkes, Bourkes, de Burgs in Ireland, able, pro- lific and prosperous, rival the stars in multitude. The eldest line, from which proceeded the lords of Castleconncll and Brittas, ended with the third earl of Ulster in 1332, Avhcn two brothers, grandsons of William Athenkip, brother according to Lodge of the first earl, chang- ingtheir name and adopting Irish laws, habits and language, divided the family territory in Con naught between them. William the eldest, as Mac William Eighter, took in Galw.ay, of which his line, earls and marquisesof Clanrickard, still hold portions ; Edmund Albanach the younger, Mac Willi.im Oughter in Mayo, dying an aged man in 137-5. Edmund left by Sabina O'Malley, a son Thomas d. in 1402, from whose eldest son Walter d. 1449, derive the present earls of Mayo, so created in 1785; his second son, Edmund the bearded, pronounced by the annalists " the only Englishman in Ireland worthy to be chosen chief for his resolution, proportions of person, generosity, hospitality, constancy, truth, gentility of blood, martial feats and qualities by which a man might merit praise," was father by Honora of Clam-ickard of Ulick. Ulick and Sal)e O'Kelly were parents of Edmond, whose son David by Finola O'Flahcrty was the father of this Richard an Iran mentioned in the text as husband of Grace O'Mall}'. He died in 1583, described l)y th'e annalists as " a plun- dering, warlike, unquiet and reliellious man, who had often forced the gap of danger, and upon whom it was frequently forced." His son Theobald created viscount of Mayo in 1627, still a child, his distant kinsman, Richard, son of Oliver, sou of John, Wiis installed in his place. TKANSFER OF ERIN. 427 in the capital. The expected arrival of the new chancellor Gcrrard ; dealings with O'Kourke " the prondestuian in Ireland " ; a new earldom of Clan O'Neil for Turlogh and barony of Iveragh for Maginnis ; the grants of Malbie and Chatterton to be revoked ; disputes of Ormond with O'Carrol about the dower claim of lady Giles to Dorow, occupied his time and correspondence, when his attention was claimed by fresh outbreaks in Connaught. When at Galway the sons of Clanrickard had demurely volunteered their submission, and promised to be quiet. The deputy nevertheless by a stretch of au- thority carried them off prisoners to Dublin. Having no just cause to detain them, he set them free, extorting a promise that they would not go home without his permission. Out of his clutches, regarding an agreement under duress as of slight obligation, and summoned by their father, they crossed the Shannon, and the elements of discord, there abounding, speedily betrayed them into overt acts. They set the new gates of Athenry in ablaze, and drove away the masons from their work. Sydney gathering his forces started at once for the west, reaching Athlone by the tenth of July. Pouncing upon the earl, he placed garrisons in his castles and sent him to Dublin, where, in close confinement, without a soul to speak to, he had long to remain. On his way back Sydney established Sir William Drury in the presi- dency of Munster, to which Clare was now added. Fitton was removed from Athlone, and his administration having created abhor- rence, Sir Nicholas Malbie appointed colonel of Connaught took command of that province. Ulick and John, sons of Clanrickard, enraged at the harsh treat- ment of a father to whom, if not always respectful or obedient, they were attached, had recourse to arms to expel the intruders, who mas- ters of the fortresses in pleasant places and with superior weapons, retained their hold, and drove them back to the wild recesses of the forests and " rough topped mountains," the country ravaged by either party and countless herds destroyed. 428 TEANSFER OF ERIN. Drury, cruel and unsparing, occupied himself with hanging gentle and simple, boasting when he left of the many hundreds of which this disposition was made. The deputy had advised the queen to deprive both Ormond and Desmond of their palatine rights, and Drury, instructed to carry out this policy as regarded the latter, pro- ceeded to usurp the long vested rights of his progenitors, and to hold courts, civil and criminal, even at Tralee. As he approached the place with three score men as his guard, in the dense forest that then stretched down from the top of Brandon to its gates, his little party were surrounded by several hundred of the Geraldine forces, who swarmed around them, brandishing their arms and shouting their battle cry. The president with serried ranks, pressed directly on his course without other show of opposition, and reaching the gates, sounded his signal for admission. At the opening portal appeared the countess, the admirable Elinor Butler. She endeavored to appease the wrath of the angry president by representing it merely as a rude welcome, and accounting for the presence of so great a multitude by an intended chase for deer. He with scant courtesy accepted the explanation and entered the cas- tle. Down to the present century still stood, in all of its feudal grandeur, this ancient stronghold of the Geraldines, which for six- teen earls served as the seat of their judicial administration, though the pleasanter abodes of Askeaton and Kilmallock, Imokilly and Stracally, were their preferred residence. After indulging in his taste for the haher by suspending four score men by the neck, the presi- dent proceeded by Limerick to Cork, where he apprehended John of Desmond, for being on good terms with the Burkes whose sister he had recently agreed to espouse, and sent him a prisoner to Dublin. The court at Ennis held for eight days by Drury in June, 1577, largely attended by both races, ended in disappointment. His efforts to persuade tlie Dalgais of their own free will to acknowledge the queen by feudal relations and payment of rent, came to naught, and TRANSFER OF ERIN. 429 he went back to Limerick leaving a force to reduce them to obedience. The earl went over to London to ward off the impending blow, but before his return arbitrary measures overcame their resistance, and a cess of ten pounds for each barony was acceded to by his subordinate chiefs. The queen was gracious to him and disposed to favor his wishes, but not to give up the rents except of Ins own domains. She con- sented at his request to confirm the earldom in tail on his lineal heirs, but when he claimed the right, immemorial in the princes of Thomond, to make surnames, and after the decease of every chief, to nominate his successor, and also wardships and reliefs incident to feudal tenure, she demurred, leaving it to Sydney to grant him reliefs from the meaner freeholders, but wished the more powerfid to hold directly from herself. The customs of Clare and Clanroad he might have, and " exemption from bonaght on his own lands as it had been abolished." She also gave him the moiety of the abbey of Clare, still vested in the crown, he already having the other, and what be- longed to the abbeys of Ennis and Quin, but not the island of Scat- tery which might be wanted by the city of Limerick. His son Donogh had been brought up at court, and his daughter Margaret was about to marry James Butler second lord of Dunboyne, and her partiality for her distant kinsmen may account for her readiness to comply with his desires. Donogh Reagh lord of Cabery, brother-in-law of James Fitzmau- rice, ended his days in January, 1576, leavinga son Florence then fif- teen years of age, whose career was destined to prove peculiarly event- ful. His brother Owen,* under the brehon law, succeeded to the chieftainship. He left another son Dermod Moyle, who took also a conspicuous part in the subsequent turmoil, and a daughter Julia who became the wife of Sir Owen O'Sullivan Mor, prince of Dun- * Owen liy Helena O'Callnghan Iiad a son Florence in 1599, from whom descended a branch of the name eslal)li^hed at Ilochelle in France, one of whom, Seij^neur dc la Martiere, was by Louis XVI. created vicomte McCartliy in irsC. 430 TRANSFER OF ERIN. keiTon. The decease of Donogli received due commemoration from the annalists as "cause of lamentafion to the chiefs, of sadness to the husbandmen and farmers of his territory ; he is said to have out- shone his seniors and not to have been excelled by his juniors." His remains were laid with those of his father Donal and his grandfather Fineen in the monastery of Timoleague, which also served as the burial place of the Mahonys amongst the most powerful of his subordinate chieftains. The demise of another chieftain in Carbery, a year later, led to a domestic tragedy. Near the southern coast of Ireland, west of Kinsale, and along the banks of the Bandon, which winds its way through the fertile lands and picturesque scenery of Carbery, stood many of the twenty-six cas- tles of the southern branch of the Mac Carthy chieftains. In the fourteenth century, Cormac Don, son of Donald the handsome first prince of Carbery by the daughter of the marquis of Carew, re- ceived from his father Glen-a-Chroim, consisting of fifty-seven ploughlands, forming a considerable portion of east Carbery. Ac- knowledging no fealty to the McCarthy Reagh or bound to attend his rising out, this sept growing more vigorous from not being often molested, still formed part of his array. Their strong castles of Dunmanway and Togher were famed for hospitality, and they ranked high for power and influence. Whilst Drury was president of Mun- ster, Florence, sixth in descent from the first lord, ended his days, and though leaving sons his brother Cormac as tanist succeeded ac- cording to law, receiving the white wand as badge of his office. From their seven score castles in Cork and Kerry, two thirds of all that then stood, the Milesian chiefs thronged to his inauguration, celebrated with the traditional festivities of the house. Neither prince of Carbery nor lord of Glen-a-Chroim had ever surrendered, but this abandonment of ancient tenure extensively prevailed around among their neighbors, and rendered it less easy for the family of the deceased to yield up their abodes with composure, and subside into TRANSFER OF ERIN. 431 a position subordinate to that of their chief, who would ever regard them with distrust. When the guests had taken their departure, whether from simple ambition to rule, discontent at the provision made for their fnture, or under other extenuating circumstances, Cormac Don, eldest son of the dead Florence, killed his uncle the new chief in the halls of Dunmanway, and sent for by Drury to Cork was there tried and executed. His brother Tagh-an-Forsa claimed the succession, and to strengthen his hold proposed through Raleigh to surrender and take back the territory to hold under English law. Fynin, son of the murdered chief, went also over to court, and in a petition drawn up by Florence Mor, then a prisoner in the tower, set forth his pretensions. It was decided that the title forfeited by the murder had vested in the crown, and the queen bestowed Glen-a- chroim on Tagh who was succeeded by his son Tagh-an-Duna. In 1652, when both father and son had passed to their account, their do- mains were thought too precious to be left to Irish OAvnership, and upon an alleged crime perpetx'ated ten years before, not by either of them but by their retainers, whereby two English merchants named Ford had been slain, the property was wrested away. Though par- tially restored to their heir in 1685, it was again confiscated in 169G and the larger part of it vested in Sir Richard Cox the historian. The family afterwards continued impoverished for several generations, its lineal representative, another Dermod-an-Duna dying, in the last century, in the castle of Donovan, kindly cared for by its proprietors his distant kinsmen. They have regained prosperity and lustre in later years, one of the present generation having been governor of Ceylon, another author of the life of Floi-ence Mor, who befriended Felim without effect against Tagh-an-Forsa the successful claimant imder Elizabeth. Chancellor Gerrard allowed no opportunity to escape, in discharge of his official functions of letting the full weight of his authority be felt, whether in pi'ocuring evidence against Sir John of Desmond and 432 TllANSFER or ERIN. Clanrickard, or establishing circuits to administer injustice. His active spirit found less dignified but more useful employment in weighing beef, and making bread, that the one might be heavy and the other light. 0'E.ourke, having a mint of his own or suffering coiners in his realm, Sydney insisted upon the royal monopoly of making light money, and Malbie, aided by some of his turbulent sub- jects, seized castles and towns, which were speedily recovered or restored. Either from climate or bad habit, grown infectious, human life was held of little worth. Drury, like Sydney and Cosbie, revelled in its destruction, boasting of the hecatombs hurried by axe, halter or like method to account, among them Morrogh son of the first earl of Thomond.* The Irish, quick, [^passionate and contentious, took pleasure in combat, and welcomed death in what they regarded as the field of glory, but their task-masters restrained by no sense of responsibility for their deeds inflicted it without compunction, as they had the mind. Cotemporary historians and correspondence preserved express no hoiTor at what in our day would be considered barbarities, and which estop the dominant race from reproaching that forced to succumb for occasionally following their example. Sydney in September, 1578, after reconciling Drury with Desmond M'hose professions of loyalty were not dissembled, gladly went out to use his own phrase like the house of Jacob from among a strange people. "With painful labor, by day and night, in foul and fair weather, in storm and tempest, in scarcity and penury, in danger of the enemies and peril of his life, continually studying, devising, travelling, toiling and laboring to do them good, so long as they felt the ease and comfort, they were contented and grateful." But for much else that was less to their taste, as the obsequious Hooker adds, " they would have torn out not one eye as the Lacedemonians did from Lycui'gus for like efforts to civilize them, but both. Still few * Ancestor of the lord Inchiquin, present repvesentative of Brian Born, unless the Mahons have the elder claim. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 433 characters connected with Irish administration, for honesty of purpose, good temper, wisdom to phm or ability to execute, deserve more re- spectful and affectionate remembrance than his. At a period when all around him w^ere mercenary and grasping, covetous of what belonged to other men or to the state, he was almost the solitary exception of disinterestedness and singularly free from selfish motive or personal consideration. His nearly twenty years of arduous ser- vice, not all continuous, left him twenty thousand pounds poorer, and five thousand in debt. It was to his credit that he did not enrich his family with Irish lands, and that his sons had no part or work in Irish conquests. He survived his return to Penshurst till October, 158G, dying immediately after his eldest son the gallant Philip fell mortally wounded at Zutphen, and nearly a century before his great grandson, the equally celebrated Algernon, lost his head at Tower Hill for alleged connection with the Rye House plot. Clanrickard, accompanying him to London as a prisoner, in March vindicated his character and conduct from any taint of disloyalty, by an enumeration of his services to the queen and her predecessors. " Coming into Ireland under Edward VI. he recovered his territories at his own charges. Through his power and influence Kellys and Conors held back from the chiefs of Leix and OfFaly, in consequence forced to submit ; and he captured Cahir O'Conor who was executed. Under Anthony St. Leger, he crippled Donald O'Brien chief of Thomond, and with eight hundred men aided Sussex in 1558 to ban- ish him and substitute the earl in his stead. When Cusack waged war with OfFaly, he overthrew Mac Willam and the Scots at Cosliebh, and soon after took Meelick. Whilst Sussex raided Cantire in 1558, he defeated at the Moy twelve hundred Scots under Kichard-an-Irain, slaying Donnel and Dowell, cousins of Argyle, few escaping his four days pursuit. " He at a later period greatly strengthened Sussex, against Shane O'Neil, whom marauding in Sligo he drove off, and induced Hugh 55 434 TRANSFER OF ERIN. O'Donnel to desert. With Sydney he reduced Roscommon and re- covered Birmingham's castle ; sided with Fitton in his quarrel with Thomoud and at Shrule, extricating him from the meshes of O'Fla- herty ; and after killing, in 1561, two hundred Scots, took part with him the following November in the subjugation of Connaught, win- ning castles, burning and spoiling, and exacting pledges. Because his sons and Fitton disagreed, he was imprisoned eighteen months at Dublin. When released he had hung his own son, his nephew, sec- ond cousin, one of his captains and fifty of his followers that bore armor for then- rebellious behavior." In an admirably expressed letter to the queen he denied ever countenancing his sons in any treasonable practices, prayed that if any one accused him he might be permitted to prove his innocence, and promised to be ever loyal. His aj)peal proved unavailing. His enemies were many and powerful. He was detained till June, 1582, when he was released to die the month following, after an imprison- ment of five years, for no ostensible or conceivable cause than that he could not govern his wives and sons, or that some one coveted his possessions. Designated Sassanagh or Englishman by the Irish, his fate curiously illustrates the arbitrary rule of Elizabeth. XXXVI. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1602.— (Continued.) These arbitrary measures : transfer from the Irish of Leix, Offaly, Oriel, Idrone and the Fews ; grants to Essex and Smith ; tlie Carew claim in Munster, if suspended awaiting only more favorable conditions to push ; introduction of English law and courts, under which they had no rights to be respected, whilst they were subjected to every injustice, in place of the brehon, to which they were ac- customed ; substitution of feudal tenure vesting the territory in earls TRANSFER OF ERIN. 435 and barons for their old chieftainries, which left large liberties and defined rights to every clansman ; the fixed purpose of a protestant queen and her ministers to impose upon a people, all catholic, forms of faith and worship, which, from the corruption, hypocrisy and un- christian practices that attended them, outraged whatever religious sentiment they possessed, were generating one universal spirit of abhorrence to English rule, Avarily watching its chance. At catholic courts and especially at Rome, able representatives were pleading their cause. Fitzmaurice traversed the continent with various experiences, seconded by MacCreagh, O'Herlihy and other prelates, who were long deluded by promises of aid, which dangers nearer home prevented catholic monarchs from extending. Disap- pointment hardly chilled their ardor, and they persevered against every discouragement. Success came, but proved so inconsidera- ble and inadequate, that it served only to precipitate the calamities it was designed to avert. Men act from mingled motives. Even in Fitzmaurice, if analyzed might be detected elements of worldly aspiration, not all compact of religious zeal or generous patriotism. In his principal coadjutor, when his whole career passes in review, hardly one refreshing trait can be found but personal courage. He was vain, self-seeking and unscrupulous, wholly occupied with schemes for his personal aggrandizement, unwise as dishonest, and yet from manner and address, talent for intrigue, and tact in man- agement of men, far more influential than the staider and nobler Fitzmaurice. Thomas Stukely, from similarity of form and feature as well as other resemblances, deepened the impression sustained by tradition, that like Perrot he owed his being to Henry VIH. His reputed parentage at Ilfracombe in Devon, if not attended Avith affluence, af- forded him high social position for advancement Avliich he knew how to improve. His first employment in the household of a bishop did little to elevate his character, and marrying a fortune that he 436 TRANSFER OF ERIN. squandered of a lady he deserted, he sought to better his condition by planting a colony in Florida, of which he was to be the governor. When taking his departure he told the queen he preferred rather to be sovereign of a molehill than the highest subject of the greatest king in Christendom, adding that he was assured of being a prince before he died. Elizabeth banteringly answered, I shall hear from you when instated in your principalities. To which he responded he would write, and when asked by her in what language, rejoined, in the style of princes — to our dearest sister. Want of means blocked his American project, but he brought into an Irish port some captured French merchantmen. Little dis- tinction was then made between piracy and buccaneering, and less legitimate cruising yielded him yet better harvest. In hostilities ashore, his military talents and gallant bearing attracted the notice of Sydney, who turned to account his diplomatic shrewdness in ne- gotiations with O'Neil. The queen distrusted him, and refusing him the stewardship of Wexford, he cultivated the leading catholics, and with credentials from them in 1570 went into Spain. Philip at first favored him, promising aid to the cause he represented, but soon grew weary of his importunities and self-sufficiency, and Stukely disappointed repaired to Kome. Here again he made friends. The pope taking him at his own estimate and eager to retain what hold he had upon Ireland, listened patiently to his representations ; but on longer acquaintance, recognizing his vanity and the emptiness of his pretensions, amused himself by heaping upon him a multitude of titles, creating him baron of Ross and Idrone, viscount Murrogli and Kinsellagh, earl of Wexford and Carlow, marquis of Leinster and general of the army of the holy pontiff. It chanced then as often later that the states of the church were infested with bandits and other malefactors, whom the pope gladly pardoned on condition that they would go with Stukely, who select- ing a thousand or more from their number, to be paid by the Spanish TRANSFER OF ERIN. 437 king, set sail with them for Ireland in the spring of 1578. Put- ting into Lisbon to repair his vessels, he found the unfortunate Sebastian with two Moorish kings starting to dethrone the emperor of Morocco. Promised aid after their return for his own expedition, he consented to accompany them in their ill-starred enterprise. At the battle of Alcazar, stationed near the royal standard he endeav- ored to dissuade Sebastian from a charge at disadvantage, but with- out avail. They rushed to the encounter, which pro\ed fatal to the three kings as also to himself, and ended in utter rout. James Fitzmaurice, meanwhile zealously employed in Spain in procuring additional forces, when he heard of the disaster, hastened to collect the survivors, about eighty in all, and with a few Canta- brians. Dr. Saunders, Allen, and Ryan bishop of Killaloe, embarked in three small vessels, reaching Smerwick beyond Tralee in Kerry in July, 1579. Upon a rocky promontory connected with the main by a ledge, stood a small work which he strengthened, but had hardly disembarked his men and material, when a vessel of war under Court- ney, coming round from Kinsale, entered the harbor and captured his ships. John of Desmond and others came to welcome him, and the party soon distributed engaged in preparation against the enemy, whose coming they had reason to expect. As Desmond held aloof, John was doubted, but when urged to commit himself by some act of hostility, he assaulted at night Tralee where Arthur Carter the Eng- lish marshal had taken refuge, and with him Henry Davels, sent to keep Desmond to his allegiance. Both were slaughtered, Davels, according to the evidence of a small boy, who slept in his chamber, by Sir John. James started soon after for the abbey of Holy Cross to per- form a vow or collect his promised adherents. With a small force commanded by Thaddeus McCarthy, crossing a river a few miles southeast of Limerick, he encountered his cousin Theobald of 438 TRANSFEROFERIN. Castleconnal, who with his brothers Richard and Ulick and a force superior to his own entered the water on the other side to dispute his passage. In the combat that ensued, James was struck by a ball, whereupon putting spurs to his steed he rushed upon the enemy, drove them from the ford, and overtaking Theobald clove his head with his sword , his two brothers being also slain . James , mortally wounded, sought shelter in the forest, and begging his companions when he was dead to cut off his head, that his remains might not be recognized or subjected to indignities, breathed his last, six hours after the enfja^ement. His death was too great a relief to the English for his body to remain undisturbed, and exliumed it was after the fishion of the time quartered and exposed to gaze at Kil- mallock. William the aged father of the Burkes was forthwith created lord of Castleconnel. At his investiture in May he swooned and soon died ; whether from joy at his new rank, or grief for his sons, is differently represented by the historians. The loss of James was a serious blow to the catholic cause. Desmond, either from unwillingness to hazard his possessions, or else from his growing infirmities, being unable to mount his horse without assistance, though appointed chief of the holy league by the pope, chose to preserve his neutrality, and the command devolved upon his brother, Sir John. The queen, alarmed at the tidings from Ireland, offered her favorite Orraond, then at court, the territory of Desmond if he would hasten to suppress the rising. Drury marched south with six hundred men under Bagnal, Malby, Wingfield, Wa- terhouse, Fitton and Masterson, joined by Kildare, Montgarret, Dunboyne and Upper Ossory with some hundreds more as he went. At Kilmallock he sent for the earl of Desmond, wlio with some hesi- tation obeyed his summons. He was soon set free, but his lands were given up to pillage, and his brothers soon flew to arms to stay or to resent it. Sir John posted his men, who had rallied in goodly numbers to TRANSFER OF ERIN 439 his standard, in an advantageous position, a portion in ambuscade, when a strong- detachment of the English, under Eustace, Herbert and Price came up. Attacked in flank by the party hid in the wood, the captains with tlu-ce hundred of their men were slain, and their army put to flight. Reenforced by six hundred veterans recently arrived at Waterford, under Bourchier, Carew and Dowdal, and Perrot arriving at Cork with six vessels to protect the coast from Spanish armaments con- stantly expected, Drury marched into Connello. Destroying what he could and ill from excessive fatigue, he transferred the command to Malbie, and, carried in a carriage to Waterford, there died. We find it related that bishop O'Healy and his companion O'Kourke, who coming into the country, not long before Fitzmaurice, had been cap- tured, w-ere brought from their fetid dungeon before him at Limerick, and not able to persuade them to adopt the new faith, after cruel torture, he condemned them to death. As they left the apartment, Healy summoned his judge to meet them in two weeks, before a higher than earthly tribunal, and within that period they had all entered their appearance in that dread court from which nothing could be concealed. If they thus met, the martyred bishop probably grieved over his profanity, as Drury over his long and bloody record. Malbie in command, leaving three hundred and fifty of his men in garrison at Kilmallock, marched to Limerick for reinforcements. They poured in. Ulick Burke, recently from his imprisoned father in London, and whose youthful daughter Honora*was then or about to be Malbie's wife, joined him with his brother John and the Lacies. As October opened, they proceeded in search of the Geraldines, and nine miles to the southwest, encamped near the abbey of Monaster- nena, still magnificent in its ruins, but standing in its pristine com- pleteness till before his departure Malbie gave it to the rianies. * Ulick married Margaret Fitz Alan, daughter of the earl of Arundel, \-'M. Malbie died 1.584. His daughter Ursula became the wife of Sir Anthony Brabazon, 1581. After his connection with the Burkes he exerted his influence iu various ways for the release of the earl. 440 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Sir John of Desmond, that his troops might more effectively cope with their better disciplined adversaries, had availed himself of the officers from abroad to train them for the new methods of warfare. Their proficiency in the battle that ensued excited surprise, and Stan- ley the marshal wrote Walsingham that they came into the field as resolute to fight as the best soldiers of Europe, and later that the English had no advantage over them but discipline. Fitzmaurice had brought them arms. They had had little time to perfect them- selves in the new drill and tactics ; not all had become wonted to their new weapons ; the foreign officers placed over them often needed an interpreter, and the system may have proved rather an embar- rassment than a help. Desmond would have gladly deferred the combat until better prepared. He had been reinforced that morning by six hundred men under his brother, James Sussex, and overruled by the persua- sion of Allen he marched to meet the enemy. Whilst still at some distance himself, his van encountering their advance guard attacked them, and drove them to their camp. The fugitives discovering how scanty their numbers, sallied forth in great strength, and had al- ready gained an advantage, when Sir John coming up his troops re- sumed their ranks, and the battle became general. Historians disagree both as to the incidents of the fight and its result. O'Haverty says, the Geraldines twice broke the ranks of the royalists, and compelled them to retreat in order to reform ; Mageoghan , that both sides fought with equal bravery till the right wing of the English begin- ning to give way, and one of their principal officers killed, they were entirely routed, after an engagement of an hour and a half. O'Daly claimed the victory for his own countrymen, and that large guns, standards and other spoils fell into their hands. O'Sullivan, whose father Dermod was a principal leader in the war and near him when he wrote, counts it among the victories of the Geraldines. The Four Masters compiled when not safe to lisp a syllable against En- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 441 glish rule or English history, follow Camden, " who wrote of events he had not seen, according to the prejudices of his countrymen." Malbie, on the tenth, wrote Walsingham that all the Geraldine cap- tains wei*e slain, except John and James, who marched off with the papal standard in post haste through the woods. Tliis would seem an embellishment. The standard would have been a grand prize as well as the brothers, if Malbie had dared to overtake them. The loss was heavy on both sides, two hundred and sixty slain of the Geraldines, and no le^s of the English. The two armies no doubt were alike exhausted and demoralized, and neither of them inclined to renew the combat when interrupted by some chance of the day. Mal- bie, rallying his troops in his camp on the ground, claimed the glory of the victory, but continued to anticipate fresh attack from the foe, who still hovered around his entrenchments. These variances show how little dependence is to be placed on historical statements, where national vanity or interest sway. Papers on the person of Allen, killed in the fight, were said to have compromised Desmond. With anxious interest as to the event, with lord Kerry he had watched the battle from a neighboring height. His brothers and kinsfolk were among the combatants ; his teri'itory had been lately devastated ; he had suffered other grievous wrong from the queen, and his sympathies were naturally all with his own people. But his only son was hostage for his peaceable behavior ; he could not justly be held responsible for brothers beyond his con- trol ; he had cautiously avoided himself every act of retaliation, or word of resentment at which umbrage could be taken ; when rudely summoned by the president to come to him, former acts of treachery, when he had complied with like orders, warranted his staying away. He was eager to obtain intelligence about the battle and also as to what had betided his friends, and he wrote the next morning to Malbie, inquiring if he had been really victorious. The question may have been difficult to answer, and nettled the 56 442 TRANSFER OF ERIN. English commander. That same day he despatched a force to Eath- more, a castle of Desmond's not far from the battle-field, which with the town was sacked and valuable documents carried away. On the sixth, he spoiled Uathkeale, burning houses and corn, and the day after encamped witliin the abbey of Askeaton. He defaced the monuments of the earl's ancestors, desecrating the sepulchre of his first countess Joanna, fired the abbey, town and corn round-abouts, and shot at the w^arders within the castle walls. On the tenth Gerald wrote Ormond that Malbie had broken and burnt his mother's tomb, prayed that his own good services, enumerating them, might be cer- tified to the queen and the council, and these unauthorized outrages be punished. Rumors soon spread that he had joined the rebels, and in a letter from Sir Owen O'SuUivan to Leicester, on the twenty-fifth, complaining of Humphrey Gilbert, whom he had kindly received, but who had requited his hospitality with injury, allusion is made to them. Owen was himself obnoxious to suspicion, for his brother Dermod was with the Geraldines. Ormond had been instructed to seek an interview^ with Desmond, and it took place on the thirtieth. In the existing relations between them the pride of Gerald was not likely to bend. When demanded, as condition of immunity for past transgressions, restoration of his ancient privileges and other honorable terms, that he should seize and surrender to the queen, as her subject, Dr. Saunders, his friend and ghostly adviser, his reply, like one of Ormond's later, was doubtless anticipated. He refused to betray a pious clergyman who had been driven by his own people to seek refuge with the pope, and been at- tracted into Ireland by its sanctity and devotion to the faith. Three days after this conference, Pelhani, the new lord justice, marching an army into his palatinate issued a proclamation, which Gormanstuwn and Delvin refused to sign, declaring Gerald a traitor, and appointed Ormond, his hereditary foe, governor of IMunster. No alternative remained for Gerald but recourse to arms. He was TRANSFER OF ERIN. 443 buoyed up by expectation of Spanish aid, and that the catliohc league so termed in England as in France would unite in a general rising. Possibly, as had chanced before in the annals of his race, he hoped to procure better terms by prolonging the contest. He knew well that his enemies were bent upon his destruction, and as records reveal, that officials of the pale were ravening for his spoils. Twelve months before, when the lords of Munster pledged themselves to defend him against the injustice of Drury and all who coveted his inheritance, he had conveyed his territory to trustees for his lieirs to prevent its forfeitiu-e. Preferring the uncertainties of the future and fortunes of war, to the humiliations proposed or dangers that men- aced, without farther vacillation, he assumed command of the Geraldines, harried Barry and Roche, on his way to regain possession of his castles. After three days siege, at Christmas, aided from within, he stormed Youghal, Dermod (3'SulIivan, Avith six hundred men from Bcare, scaling its walls and overcoming its defenders. The place was vigorously disputed and the besiegers lost one hundred and eighty men. Gold and silver and much else had been removed. What belonged to the earl was carried to Stracally and Lcfmonen the castle of Sir John ; rich prey fell to the victors, and the town w^as burnt. Ormond invaded Connello, then marched to Cork, sweeping sad havoc, as he went with torch, sword and halter, slaughtering old and young, sparing no Irish or catholic, burning every house and stack of corn, till the land was bare as a floor. Re- turning south he sacked and burnt Lefmonen and wasted Coshbride and all Imokilly, slaying the brother of its seneschal. In Cork he took pledges from Clancai're, Barry Roche, Courcy, chiefs of Mus- kerry and Carbery, O'Sullivan Beare, McDonoghue and Keefc, and garrisoned Kinsale. His soldiers were worn with travel, sickly, without money, food, or garments. He contrived to seize the mayor of Youghal, who had helped Desmond to that place, hanging him at his own door. The only living person he found within its walls 444 TRANSFER OF ERIN. was a poor friar, who had brought the body of Davels a hundred miles from Tralee to give it christian burial at Waterford. Early in the spring, Ormond and the deputy marched through Desmond's territory, leaving a desert where they passed. They met near Tralee and laid siege to Carrigafoyle, garrisoned by nineteen Spaniards and fifty Irishmen. It was battered down by five thirty- six pounders, lauded from Winter's fleet, and its defenders hung or put to the sword. Alarmed by this new artillery against which stone walls were no protection, the neighboring castles of Desmond were abandoned, Ballyloughan being first destroyed, but the attempt to blow up Askeaton happily failed. Pelham, after forty days at Limerick, went back to Askeaton, occupied with putting to death sick and idiotic, women and children. Wall blind from his birth, and Supple a hundred years old. Well might he write the queen that all Limerick and Kerry were in rebellion. Clancarre, McCarthy Reagh, Fitzmaurice, even Muskerry at these horrors became disgust- ed and disaffected. Barry entertained John and James Fitzgerald. O'Neils and O'Donnels gathered their strength and Scots poured into Ulster. Ormond left Cashel early in June, and proceeding through Kerry, losing many horses and men on his march, at Castlemagne met Pel- ham, who crossing the mountains, startled Desmond, his wife and Dr. Saunders in their covert. They barely effected their escape, leaving behind them cups and bells, crosses and vestments, with their repast untasted. Desmond, shattered in constitution and worn out by his wanderings, would have gladly sought reconciliation. The countess made an earnest appeal to the privy council, but Ormond protested against any mercy being shown. With Pelham he visited Dingle and Smerwick, where, the previous year, Fitzmaurice had landed, soon to be the scene of memorable carnage. They hastened home on tidings of impending danger. Baitinglas and the catholics of the pale were in arms. Ormond returned to Cork, prevailing on TRANSFER OF ERIN. 445 the Munstcr lords to join liim, and applied for pardon for tlicm all but Desmond. James Sussex, in August, marauding in Muskcrry, was waylaid and captured by Cormac its chief, and surrendered to Ealeigh at Cork, after imprisonment for a mouth, was hung and quartered at the gates of that city. In August, 1580, lord Grey de AVilton, later one of the com- missioners that condemned Mary queen of Scots, at Fothering- gay, and who justified her execution, landed as lord deputy, and proceeded at once into AVicldow to attack the O'Byrnes, who with Cavanaghs, O'Tooles, one of the Fitzgeralds of Kildare and Eustace, lord of Baltinglas, Avere in arms. The van of his army fell into ambuscade in the pass of Glenmalure. This pass between high hills covered with heavy growth and thicket, in the county of Wicklow and about twenty-five miles from the capital, was boggy and full of slippery stones. Grey and Kildare, Wingfield and his nephew George Carew, a kinsman of the claimant of Idrone, remained on a Avoody eminence at the mouth of the glen, with a portion of the army, whilst the rest entered its gates. Their progress was slow, for the way was difficult, and when they had penetrated half a mile, volleys all around from an unseen foe against whom they could make no resistance, thinned their ranks. Thrown into confusion the Irish poured down upon them in overwhelming numbers, despatching them with spear and skein. Wingfield realizing the danger had en- deavored to keep back Peter Carew, heir of his cousin, from entering the defile, but without success, and now in heavy armor, Avhich em- barrassed his flight, he fell exhausted and was speedily slain. More, Audley and Cosby the tyi'ant of Leix, shared the same fate. Few escaped, and the deputy, crest fallen and dismayed, retreated in all haste to Dublin. This black day for the defeated was a bright one for the conquerors, and the Irish catholics were greatly encouraged. Among those saved from the catastr(jphe was George Carew, brother to Peter, afterwards president of jSIunster, who was held back from 446 TRANSFER OF ERIN. entering the pass by his uncle. By his vigorous administration and collection of documents relating to it, preserved at Lambeth, his name is conspicuously associated with Irish history. Grey had little time allowed him to lament his disaster. Alarming tidings from the west called him in that direction. Winter leaving the coast to reiit, Sebastian San Josefo landed in August, at Smerwick, with seven hundred Spaniards, sending back his vessels for more. He brought money and arms for five thousand men, inspiring the Geraldines with sanguine expectations, which de- rived additional encouragement from Glenmalure. Ormond led his troops to attack Fort del Oro, as the Smerwick rock was now called, which had been greatly strengthened by Spanish engineers. A sally drove him off, and he marched back to Rathkeale, where Grey joined him with eight hundred men. After they started for Corcaguiney, Raleigh lingered behind, not in vain, to catch any rebels that accord- ing to wont might be attracted to the abandoned camp by curiosity, or for spoil. A kern with withes in his hand, being asked to what use they were to be j)ut, replied to hang Englishmen, whereupon, Raleigh hung him. Sebastian, summoned to surrender, replied disdainfully that Ireland had been granted to his king by the pope, and he sliould hold what he had and get more if he could. Guns from the fleets of Bingham and Winter, now back, battered for three days at the walls, when the place being small and without water, on the ninth of November, a white flag was displayed for parley. The interpreter is said to have deceived the Spaniards, who understood that their lives were to be spared. This the victors deny, and say that from the first, the be- sieged were refused any protection from the usages of war or law of nations, that they had no commission to show when demanded, and as allies of rebels they were not lawful enemies, or entitled to any terms better than unconditional surrender. In the morning, troops under Raleigh and Macworth took posses- TKANSFER OF ERIN. 447 sion. Either by them or by sailors, who entered independently from the water, the garrison, from five to seven hundred in number, were slaughtered. Grey, wliosc reputation among the catholics for good fiiith suffered from his alleged perfidy on this occasion, admits to the queen the massacre was by his orders. In her reply she regrets that their lives had not been left to her justice or mercy. An army af four thousand men under Desmond to relieve the place had been hourly expected. Grey Avas smarting under his recent defeat at Glenmalure. His temper sour and puritanical, tinctured by no elements of amiability, he took to himself no reproach for what he conceived as timely severity. Kaleigh, MacAvorth and the subor- dinates, who took part, should be judged by the inhumanities of the times, the ways of warfare prevailing, which were cruel and merci- less. Edmund Spenser, there as secretary to Grey, defended his course. Besides the poet and Raleigh, there was present a son of Sir John Cheeke, famous as professor of Greek, another scholar of repute at the time, though of less celebrity later, who was slain in the attack. The whole country, except Ulster, Avhich enjoyed a brief respite of repose, was up in anus. The sons of Clanrickard, one year before, fraternally disposed, fighting together at Monasternena against the Geraldines, were again at strife between themselves. They both hated the intruders on their paternal inheritance, more than each other as competitors for its succession. John proffered implicit obedience to his elder brother Ulick, and surrender of Leitrim, Baltinlough and all claim to Loughrea, the principal residence of the earls, in acknowledgment of seniority, if he would render his assist- ance in expelling them from the family dominions. Ulick readily consented, and they demolished the white castles of Clanrickard, not sparing Loughrea or scarcely another from Clonfert to Kiltartan, from Leitrim to Oban. O'Briens, all but the young earl Donogh, who that year succeeded his father, now after twenty-two years of 448 TRANSFER OF ERIN. troubled rule, finishing his course at the early age of forty-five, and Turlogh, who had shortly before succeeded Sir Donald as lord of Ennistimmond and sheriff of Clare, marshalled tlieir men. In 1581 the Burkes agreed to peace, on condition that there should be no tax, fine or other servitude imposed upon their country or their allies, they paying certain specified rents twice a year to the crown. O'lvourke tlie proud, set at defiance Malbie, destroyed his castle of Leitrim,* that it might not harbor the foe, and when Malbie had done him the good service, not intended, of rebuilding it, compelled him to remove his warders. Calling to his aid his neighbors, the O'Connors of Connaught, they raided O'Naghtan near Athlone, and in December devastated Hy-Many, slaying the garrison of Lisdalon, w^here Hugh last chieftain of the O'Kellys, whose rule and life ended five years afterwards, made his abode. In Leinsterthe catholics, greatly encouraged by their recent victory, swept havoc where they could, and Dunlaingj- last inaugurated chief but one of the O'Byrnes plundered the pale up to the gates of the capital. Grey, surrounded by disaffection, knew not in whom to place trust. The catholic leaders of English race were sent to the tower. Nugent and forty-four more were executed ; Kildare and Delvin put under arrest, and as already related sent to London. Wheat was twenty-five shillings the quarter, the war had already made havoc of the army, and though the queen counselled the deputy to be tolerant in matters of religion, his temper not conciliatory, fret- ted by his embarrassments, rendered his task diflScult. John of Desmond, deprived of the command when his brother, the * There were two Leitrimf5, one a bai'ony of Clanrlckard in Galway, from which John Burke took his title of baron. The country of tlie O'Rourkes farther north lay east of the Shannon and constitutes the present county of the name. t Descended from Cahir More of the second century. Five of the line were kings of Leinster before the English invasion. Their dominion as that of the O'Tooles at the time embraced large portions of Kildare, but they subsequently dwelt in the mountains of Wick- low, or by the sea. Dunlamg, twenty-seventh from Cahir More, had two sons whose descend- ants shared alternately in the chicftainry, Dunlaing in the text of the elder line being in the thirteenth generation from his namesake; Fiagh his successor in the fifteenth of the j'ounger line. Fiagh was son of Hugh of Glenmalure, who invited treacherously to a conference in 1579, by the seneschal of Wexford, had been there put to death with a hundred of his youth and kinsfolk. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 449 earl, throwing- off his allegiance assumed it, had not been idle. "Whilst Gerald, in Jidy, 1580, was hiding in the mountains, out of health and despondent, he entered the woods of Aherlow, four miles south of Tipperar}', with less than one hundred shields and but thirteen horse- men. The Fogartys opposed him, but eighteen chiefs of that name paid with their lives for their temerity. Gilpatricks, O'Conors of OiFaly, Moores and Carrols, his kinsmen, gathered to his call, and he had soon an organized army. Sleeping on the cold ground, with a stone for his pillow, roasting his meat on twigs by his bivouac fire, and drinking from the palms of his hands water from the mountain streams, he proceeded to wreak his resentment on the Butlers. Abbey Leix, Maryborough, seven castles in a day, were given to the flames, and horses, arms and armor procured for his followers. Joining at Glenmalure the conquerors of the deputy, they spoiled Leinster and Meath, and defeating the garrison of Kilmallock, which came out to intercept their progress on their way to meet Eustace, marched west too late for the relief of Smerwick. AVith his brother, Eustace and Grace, Sir John attempted, at Bongonder, to waylay Ormond on his march from Cork, who hurrying to reinforce the dep- uty avoided an engagement. In May, he crossed the Suir, destroying Ardmayle and the monas- tery of Athassel, and at Lismore defeated a regiment of redcoats from Berwick, that color having already been adopted for English soldiers. AVIiilst collecting the spoils he was overtaken by a numer- ous force, three hundred of whom fell in the combat. A few weeks later he marched into Kerry to take vengeance on the MacCarthies, spoiling from Muskerry to Iveragh and driving his prey into Magun- nihy. Not all the Eoghanacht sided with Clancarre. The chief of Duhallow, Owen son of Donogh, died prisoner of the queen, as also James Barry ]More* closely allied to them. Owen O'Sullivan Beare * James d. 1-581, was frrnndson of John, s. of William k. by his brother David, archdea- con of Cork and Clovne in 1493, s. of Thomas who paid homage to Edgecombe, 1488, s. of John d. 1483, s. of William, s. of James, s. of John d. 1402, s. of David, s. of David d, 57 450 TRANSFER OF ERIN. was kept under guard of Fitton at Dunboy. The sept under IiIs brother and nephew took an active part with the Geraldines. Zouche, left by Grey in charge of Kerry, on his way to Cork sent a force from Carbery under Turlogh Mac Sweeny and Dermot O'Donovan to plunder Donal, nephew of Owen and next in suc- cession to the chieftainship. Donal overtook them with their spoil neaj' the monastery of Bantry, and though inferior in numbers, in a warmly contested engagement defeated them, slaying several hun- dred, and among them Dermod son of Donal lord of castle Donovan, It was a partisan warfare, and the incidents often bear close resem- blance to what Froissart relates of the free lances of France two centuries before. A considerable force of English soldiers from Adare sallied forth for fight or booty, and caring little whom they despoiled, David Oge Purcel, who had done good service for the queen throughout the war, suffered from their depredations » David and his people fell upon the plunderers and left them ^ a heap of bloody carcasses." Akin, their captain, learning what had bechanced,, proceeded forthwith in force to Ballycallane, a castle once of the O'Cathlains, then Purcells, and not finding David at home, killed all who were there, within or without, and with them one hundred audi fifty women and children. David, not long after, with sixteen mert crossed the Shannon from Kenry to Scattery. Turlogh Mac IMahoUy from east Corkavaskin on the c.orth shore of the river, entertaining some grudge against him, sailed over to the island, and set fire to the house in which he and his followers were sleeping. They rushed out unarmed, and speedily overpowered he hung them all but David, who, sent to Limerick, was put to def^th. Similar incidents about 1317, s. of David, s. of Jolin, s, of Lawrence, first lord of Ibavvne and Barry Roe (now or late in the faniily), s. of William and Joan.d.of second Kerry, s. of DavidOj^e,son of David tirst visconnt Biittevant.d. 1'278, s. of David k. 1262, s, of Robert, son of Philip, brother of Robert k. at Lismore 118-5, and of Geraldus Cambrcnsis the author, who were sona of William and Angaret, daughter of Nesta and sister of Robert Fitzstephen and Maurije Fitzgerald ancestor of the Geraldiucs. David s. of James aiid Ellen d. of Corniac McCarthy Reagli, paid a fine of five hundred pounds, and becoming loyal to the crown d. in 1617, and liis grand^on and successor David, 1605-1642, first earl Barrymore, m Alice Boyle, d. first earl of Cork. Upon the death of the eighth earl ia 1824 the title became ex^tijQi.et, TRANSFER OF ERIN. 451 the country suggest to an official writing home, resemblances this desultory warfare bore to the national sport of fox-hunting. It may have been animating, but it was attended with atrocities unparalleled. Desmond, now lurking: in irlen and forest, now at the head of considerable armaments, wasting and destroying, ranging through Kerry and Limerick, one day at Cork and then knocking at the gates of the capital, baffled pursuit. In May, 1581, with Barry, Imokilly and Condon he invaded Decies, one of his southern tributary prov- inces, burnt thirty-six toAvns and carried oif seven thousand kine. A few weeks later whilst encamped at Glen Aghadoe near Killarney, Avith two thousand men, he allowed himself to be surprised by Zouche with a smaller force. His army had been weakened by de- tachments sent to scour the neighborhood, that Clancarre feeling his strength might yield to its pressure and join the strife. All were sleep- ing, when one Sunday morning, before day break, Zouche stealthily approached. Sentinels off their guard were dispatched by concerted arrangement at their posts, and much mischief done before the camp startled from its slumbers. Desmond made what disposition the confusion allowed, but the captain not waiting for an engagement slipped away in the darkness, dragging off women and children. Pur- suit rescued the captives, but the troopers, too well mounted to be overtaken, reached Castlemaine. In September the earl marched down to the plains of Cashel, pil- laging that city audits neighborhood, obtaining what his army much needed, horses, cattle, clothing, iron and copper. Troops from the neighboring garrisons of Cahir and Moyalif, hastily assembled, were dispatched to oppose him. They avoided an ambuscade he had pre- pared to entrap them, but attacked in the open field were badly cut up and four hundred of them slain. Sir John at Christmas removed from the castle of Kilfeacle near Tipperary whatever it contained of value, and demolished it. Desmond looked for aid from abroad, and also from O'Neil. Un- 452 TRANSFER OF ERIN. happily for his cause, complications at home between the great cliiefs of Ulster, notwithstanding their various ties of blood and affinity very like his own and Ormonds, deprived him at this critical moment of succor from that quarter. Con and John Oge, sous of Shane O'NeU by Julia countess of Argyle, had plundered east Brenny. Philip O'Reilly, son of its aged chief, recovered the prey, capturing Con and killing his brother. Turlogh in revenge compelled Con's liberation without ransom, and erick for John. Soon after, with Con O'Donnel at feud with his uncle Hugh, chief of Tyrconnel, Turlogh encamped at Raphoe with a numerous army. Hugh from friendly relations with the English government had lost popularity with his people, but mustered what force he could to drive out the invaders. As Hugh, on the fourth of July, 1581, drew near, O'Neil in- quired of Con and Turlogh Mac Sweeny, what they thought would be the result of the combat ? Turlogh answered that if the Kinel Konnel drew breath or drank water, or in other words took time to advance leisurely and in order, they would gain the day. But that they did not. Confident of victory they rushed on tumultuously. The bat- tle was desperately contested, as when kinsmen are opposed, and after heavy loss they were badly defeated. Mac Sweenys fell on either side, O'Gallaghers and O'Boyles on Hugh's. The abbot of Kilmacrenan attributed the issue to his imprecation on the O'Don- nels, who had despoiled his abbey on their way to the battle field. The deputy hastened to the relief of Hugh, ordering Malbie up from Connaught to meet him. Early in August he made peace with Turlogh at the Blackwater, and returned vexed with Dungannon for not delivering up to him William Nugent. Not long after Turlogh with twenty-five hundred men went into Sligo threatening Malbie. Taking advantage of this confusion the sons of lord Kerry effected their escape from Limerick castle. Their father, iritated at the de- vastation of his territory, entered into their plans, destroying Lixnaw, Listovvel and other fc^rtresses. William O'Carrol, released from the TRANSFER OF ERIN. 45 3 tower upon pledge of ;illc<^iance, fell victim to the hatred of his elan towards the rulers of the pale and all who favored them. Envy, jealousy, personal animosities, and more than all else, greed for land and gain, color the official correspondence of the pe- riod, crippled the government, heli)ed the catholics. Malbie, Wallop, Waterhouse, St. Leger, maligned not only each other, Desmond and Kildare, but Ormond came in for a large share of their tergiversation. Raleigh wrote Walsingham, that Ormond had been two years lord general of Munster, and there were a thousand more traitors than at his coming. Ilis brother Gilbert had ended a rebel- lion not nnich inferior in two months, and he recommended him for the place. St. Leger represented that Ormond lost twenty English- men for one rebel slain. In a letter to the deputy the queen says that Ormond had promised a\ ith three hundred men to put down Desmond, and with fifteen hundred nothing had been done. Ormond replied that he had warded the castles of Barry Roe, but that David Barry cwnplained that Raleigh and St. Leger, then in command at Cork, hjKl procured warrant to kill him and garrison Barry Court, Castle Lyons and the other strongholds of his father, and driven him into rebellion. lie further stated that five hundred and ninety-eight prominent personages and four thousand of the connnon sort had perished through his means. It was not enough. He was thought too lenient and recalled, and going over to court regained the royal favor, which rarely withstood his personal influence. Cruelty did not propitiate the L-isli. David Barry burnt his father's castles, lest Raleigh should possess them. His three brothers-in-law, Roche, Fynnen and Donnel McCarthy and Philip O'Sullivan with a force of six hundred men joined him, " becoming Robin Hoods." Arch- bishop Magrath of Cashel in March reported that Clancarre, all the O'SuUivans and McCarthy Reagh were disaffected. AValsh urged that the cause w^as not religion, but cess. Both were operating, but in different deirrees in ditferent minds. In the death of the estima- 454 TRANSFER OF ERIN. ble prelate, Dr. Saunders, the papal nuncio, the former lost strength. Devout and indefatigable, disease contracted from exposure and pri- vations in his wanderings, as the spring opened, brought what must have been a welcome release, and four leading catholic warriors per- formed his funeral obsequies at dead of night in the forest, away from observation. Sensitiveness at indignities to the dead tended to pro- voke them, and secret burials of the eminent constituted a frequent experience of those troubled times. War, pestilence and famine stalked about the land, claiming innu- merable victims, thirty thousand perishing from disease alone. It was hardly necessary, as Wallop wished, that the survivors " should cut each other's throats, that better might be planted in their stead." Impoverishment reigned in castle as in cot or covert. Andrew Trollope relates " that Clancarre and Kerry came to Dublin in Septem- ber, who for all their bravery, wore but russet mantles, leathern jerkins and brogues, not worth a noble. At night all ages and both sexes slept in one small apartment, and in the morning shook their heads and went their ways without prayer or toilet. They had not always meat, and lived on the three leaved shamrock, and would have starved but for food sent out from England. He considers the Irish, judfyinf from his own standards of course, and blind to the faults common to all, and of which his own race had a few, as not christians, but savao'cs, as lately at Dublin they had planned to cut the throats of all Englishmen. The church bells rang, but their was no service. Loftus, the archbishop of Dublin, had many daughters to marry, and sharino- the profits of the faculty commission, was thought to have hud too easy a conscience, and even good bishop Brady the report char^-es with some foibles not in character with his cloth." Zouche, now governor of Munster, with Raleigh and Dowdal wintered at Cork marauding as opportunity offered. Raleigh with ninety men made a perilous expedition to Castletown and brought back \Yith him lord Roche and his wife, who professing allegiance TRANSFER OF ERIN. 455 were soon alloweJ to go home. Provoked, possibly at this unex- pected defection, Barry and the seneschal of Imokilly raided Fernioy, when some dispute led to estrangement, and their respective forces separating confronted each other near the Blackwater in angry menace. The earl and his brother lay north of the river in the country of their foithful ally, Patrick Condon, and alarmed at their quarrel, John went at once to make peace. Dowdal informed by a spy of his intention, started with Zouchc early in tlie morning, on the fifth of January, 1582, as if for Limerick, and at Castle Lyons learned that lord Barry had just before departed for the conference. Disappointed in not meeting John on the usual route to the place appointed, they laid in wait in the woods, through which they hoped he might pass. John with eight followers had crossed the mountains of Drumfinen, and the evening air refreshing after his noontide ride, dismounted as did his companions, who, thinking the English far off, moved unsus- pectingly along, leading their horses. Suddenly their attention was attracted by the appearance of Zouche and Dowdal whom they per- ceived rapidly approaching towards them with sixty troopers. All immediately mounted, except John, who usually the most skili'ul of them all, of great courage and strength, and peculiarly cool upon sudden emergencies, to whom, to leap to the back of his horse ordi- narily would have been an easy affair, was at the moment too much overpowered by fatigue ; and when his steed, generally docile and well trained, became restive, plunged and reared, lashing with his feet, he found it impossible to mount. Ordering his men to leave him he bade them farewell, saying his fated day had come. They started for the covert, but his kinsman, James Fitzgerald of Srou- .cally, turned back refusing to desert " the bravest of men, under iwhose lead they had so often conquered their unbelieving foe, and by whose hand so many had fallen ; he should not die alone ; they pliad often followed him through the ranks of the enemy, and he at 456 TRANSFER OF ERIX. least would be his companion in death." Thus speaking or thinking, he dismounted, and on foot, near John, who was mortally wounded at the first onset by their assailants, they both fell, preferring to die rather than surrender. James recovered of his wounds to perish on the scaffold. What was expected to result from killing John, may be measured by the general exultation at his death ; the five hundred pounds set upon his head. Before the month ended. Grey begged for his estate. Propositions for reducing the army to three thousand men, on(! third of its number six months before, AVallop opposed, as likely to lead to a general massacre, not twenty Irishmen being friendly. Barry with Mac Sweeny, gained a victory in Carbery and another over Fitton constable of Bearhaven, whose army enticed from the abbey of Bantry was annihilated, and himself, after three days hiding among the mountains, barely escaping to Dunboy with his life. In April the three sons of lord Kerry entered Ardfert and slew the commander of the place, and w^hilst besieging the garrison, their father, who had seen much military service on the continent in his early life, joined them. Zouche approaching in force, they withdrew into the woods. Desmond came to their aid, and returning they de- feated the English. The few survivors found their way back to Cork, and for the rest of the year throughout the western territory of the Geraldincs not a soldier remained. The warders were removed from Limerick, and Owen O'Sullivan set free at Dunboy. Desmond, " stronger than ever before," occupied Aherlow and the region from Kilmallockto Castle Lyons, raiding the Butlers as occa- sion presented. The country uncultivated lay waste, " not the lowing of cow or voice of ploughman heard in all Munster from Dun- quin to Cashel." In April, Condon and Imokilly slew four sons of lord Roche and their men, till only fourteen were left able to bear arms in Fermoy, which was nearly depopulated. In June, the sons and brothers of Ormond gathered what force they could, horse and TRANSFER OF ERIN. 457 foot, at Fcthnrd, and niarclied to Knocgraflon in pursuit of the carl, who turned upou aud defeated tliein with great slaughter, Colla Mac Sweeny, chief constable of the Butlers, falling with tlie rest. But the allies of the Geraldines were wearying of this continual strife. David Barry, since the death of hisfvther viscount Buttevant, purchased peace by payment of five hundred ])ounds ; Kerry came in with his sons, and Donogh son of jNIac-I-Brian-ara. Desmond who had had the war forced upon him and been always disposed to reasonable terms of reconciliation, tliinking the moment propitious, sent his wife to Dublin to propose a settlement. Her humble sup- plications to be permitted to go over to the queen were however rejected, the terms he demanded considered inadmissible, and uncon- ditional surrender insisted upon. Praying that her son Gerald, then at Dublin, might be sent across to London to be educated, she returned disappointed to her husband. He was forced to fight on. In the autumn while in Kerry, his men foraging in Pobble-0-Keefe were pursued by its chieftain Art witli his clan. Gerald fell upon them as they approached his camp and defeated them, taking Art and his sou captive. Grey bettered his mstructions. His faith of that sterner sort, not unlike the great protector's, drew its inspiration rather from the contention and carnage of holy writ, than frter, 1500; balance 6790. Deductions of one third for garrisons, hospitals and furloughs would leave the number in the text. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 533 Ulster and many from Connanght. They were far inferior in weapons, for both horse and foot were lightly armed. " Few of them were clad in armor like the English, but they had a sufficient quan- tity of spears and broad lances with strong handles of ash ; of straight keen edged swords and thin polished battle axes. They had besides javelins, bows and arrows and guns with matchlocks." O'Neil know- ing well the efficiency of the enemy, the deliberate courage of their leader and their superiority in arms and strength, hesitated as a cau- tious general might, and would have retreated had not O'Clery, an interpreter of the Irish prophecies, pointed out a prediction of Saint Bearchan in ancient verse, that on that spot the heretics would be conquered. O'Xeil encouraged, exhorted his soldiers to fight as christians and brave men. What they had long earnestly sought by prayer and sup- plication, had at last by difine grace been granted. They had always implored the father and the heavenly hosts, that they might fight the protestants on equal terms. This had been all that they asked. Now they were not only equal but superior in number, and if when few they had routed their enemy surely they would now Avhen they were superior in strength. Victory came not from life- less armor or empty sound of artillery, but from living fearless souls. They must remember how many greater generals, stronger armies they had conquered, how often Bagnal himself when they were less well armed and disciplined. Englishmen at no time were com- parable in valor with their own countrymen, who fighting with the enemy against their faith would be conscience stricken, whilst that faith would nerve their own arms in defence of religion, country, wives and children. Bagnal their most bitter enemy who sought their pos- sessions and thirsted for their blood, who had assailed his own honor, should receive the punishment he deserved. The insult at their tents, their comrades slain at Portmore, cried for vengeance. That stronirhold which had so long resisted their efforts must be reduced. 534 TRANSFER OF ERIN. With God and his saints to help them, the victory promised by his holy prophet was at hand.* The address of Bagnal to his army, if also the invention of the his- torian, indicates the temper of the times. Trusting in their fortitude, he had selected them as his comrades, leaving the ignorant, inexpe- rienced dregs of the army whose inefficiency might have encumbered their movements in the garrisons under Ormond. With them he promised himself a gioi'ious victory. His experience of their cour- age left no doubt of their triumph. He could not but think that they who had escaped safe from so many perils would not only that day wreath their own life with glory, but revenge their comrades slain under Norris and De Burgh. Could it be that their enemies without armor would dare encounter men strong and brave, clothed in steel, armed with the best of weapons. It seemed folly to doubt but that the coming battle would bring all Ulster under the yoke, subject Ireland to the queen, win vast spoils for themselves. They should remember their valor as they bore relief to Armagh, drove O'Neil from his tent. Whoever at evening should brinfj; him the head of that chief or O'Donnel's should have for guerdon a thousand pounds in gold, and the deserts of all however many should be fittingly ac- knowledged both by the queen and himself. But they should hasten on to battle and not delay their victory. His harangue over, Bagnal before sunrise of the fourteenth of August, the day Ormond was receiving his repulse in Leix from Brian O'^Ioore, left his camp at Armagh. His spearmen were in three bodies, cavalry and gunners before and behind. Perry led the * The address in the text is translated from the Catholic History. O'Clery, in his life of O'Donnel, gives the following as the speech of Tyrone, taken from the Gaelic version. Brave people, be not dismayed at the English on account of their foreign appearance, of their array and the strangeness of their armor and arms, the sound bf their trumpets and tabours and warlike instruments, or of their great numbers, for it is certain that they shall be defeated in the Ijattle of this day. Of this we are indeed convinced, for you are on the side of truth, and they of what is false, fettering you in prisons and beheading you in order to rol)you of your patrimonies. We have indeed high expectation that this very day will distinguish between truth, as Moran the son of Maen says : There has never l)eeu found a more veritable judge than the Ijattle field. Moreover it is easier for you to defend your own patrimony after being expelled from your native country which has been in yoar pos- session for twenty centuries (from 3o00 A.M.), than win a home from others. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 535 van followed by Bagual's own regiment, then Cosby's and Wlngiield't;, Qiiinn's and Billings' bringing up the rear. Brooks, Montague and Fleming commanded tlie cavalry. They left in Armagh their im- pediments and whatever could encumber their march. It was a bright mid-summer morning, and with banners flaunting, trumpets sounding, fife and drum, in all the pomp and pageantry of war, man and horse pushed on through fields exuberant in their vernal splendor, eager for the fray. The road soon grew narrow, set with a thin growth of low junipers. About tlic seventh hour from l)eliind these trees and flitting among them five himdred skirmishers, beardless youth, posted there by O'Xeil, poured into their ranks a hail of bullets as far as the wood extended, overthrowing horse and man, and with the more safety for themselves that the royal cavalry could not, for the trees, either help their own or hurt them. The ground served well for those that occupied it, but was out of reach of the advancing foe. From this strait Bagnal with difficulty disengaged his men, not a little damaged by this sharp skirmishing, the more vexatious from the boyish character of their assailants. Out of the junipers, the plain spread away towards the catholics and the royal cavalry charged at full speed against their advanced guards. O'Neil had taken the precaution to excavate frequent pitfalls and ditches about this open ground and the road they would naturally take, concealed from sight by grass spread over thin wattles or osiers ; and into these hollows plunged the heavy armed troopers to the danger of their horses and with broken limbs for the riders, the catholic skirmishers not allowing their comrades to extricate them. By this device, when the royalists reached less treacherous ground their courage was abated by the loss already sustained. The troops of O'Neil fresh and in full vigor relieved their jaded comrades, and Bagnal's skirmishers and his heavy armed infantry engaged in the fight. Spearsmen agile and dexterous, swooped about, again and again rushing into tlie melee, inflicting wounds, goring their foes and were off. Cuirassiers fought 536 TRANSFER OF ERIN. with spears six cubits long resting against their thighs, light horse with longer lances on their right shoulders, used less than the jave- lins, four cubits in length and with sharp iron points, which they cast. Bao-nal, often brought to a stand by these troublesome assail- ants whom he occasionally drove off after four hours incessant fight- ing, drew near the catholic entrenchments. Here the ground with boo"s on either side contracted. Tyrone had constructed a breastwork six furlongs in length and four feet in height with ditch deeper within, less to protect his own army than embarrass the foe, between whom and this rampart exuded from the marshes streams of turbid water, from which the battle field took its name of the yellow ford. For two hours, in which ancient and modern warfare raged side by side, was fought by men of intrepid bravery, of the best training under consummate leaders, amid volleys of artillery, showers of musket balls, charges of cavalry and hand to hand encounters with axe and sword, this memorable combat. It was here that the strife was most desperate, and its issue determined. At the hottest moment of the contest an English gunner, his powder expended, was replenishing, when his burning fuse exploded the cask and two more, blowing into the air all w^ho stood near. One of the guns battering the earth work burst, scattering havoc around ; another fastened in the marsh baffled all efforts to disengage it. The fire from the rest galled the unprotected ranks of the catho- lics, whose gunners and cavalry were powerless against its ravages. In time the breast-work crumbled down to the plain. Its defenders driven off, two royal regiments poured in, one turning against O'Neil, the other against O'Donnel, who commanded the left wing, some ranks crossing the lines, whilst the third pushed up to their support. The royal cavalry and musketmen rushed upon horse and foot of the catholics driven from then- entrenchments, and now on equal ground in close conflict the fight thickened, muzzle to muzzle, hand to hand, either side striving to dismount and overthrow their opponents. The TRANSFER OF ERIN. 537 catholic sj)earsnien removed from the fire of tlie batteries, observing that the guns no longer of use had been abandoned, took possession of them and turned them against their enemies. At this moment Bagnal, oppressed by cuirass and helm which were of steel, bullet proof and of great weight, believing the victory won and eager to breathe more freely, raised his beaver better to see the hap- py turn of the contest, and fell lifeless, struck in the brow by a ball. Dismay seized the third column which he led. The other two in front, not aware of what had chanced fought valiantly on, the catholics no less, O'Donnel with his musketmen, the Kinel Owen in the midst of the peril. The issue hungiu the balance, when Tyrone near by with forty horsemen and as many gunners ordered the latter to pour in their shot. Thrown into confusion by this attack from an unexpect- ed quarter, the chief with his cavalry charged into the midst of the royalists. His infantrj^, raising his battle cry, with overwhelming power followed the paths he opened, and the enemy struck with panic wavered and fled. It was then an hour past noon. The right wing opposed to O'Donnel witnessing the rout and likewise demora- lized, turned and rushed from the field. Montague and his troopers took to their spurs, the musketeers to their heels. O'Neil, O'Donnel and Maguire who commanded the catholic cavalry kept close to their backs, Ditch and rampart more in their way than when advancing, they fell one over the other, trampled upon by the foot, bruised by the hoofs of the horses. The third column, saddened at the loss of their leader and dismayed at the general rout, had no help to render. The splendid O'Reilly ex- horted his men to be of good heart and fight on, it being more honorable to die in battle than be slain unavenged, and that they might possibly not only sustain the attack but repel it. Emboldened by his words his young kinsmen renewed the combat, their commander ever present with aid to the hard pushed or imperilled. Abandoned 68 538 TRANSFER OF ERIN. by the royalists, hemmed in by the catholics, they all fell covered with wounds, the fall of "Pulcher " himself ending the battle. An utter rout, straggling over the plain, among the junipers, they were slaughtered, even up to the gates of Armagh. Within the sa- cred walls of its fortified cathedral, a thousand foot soldiers and half as many troopers at last found refuge. The royalists lost twenty-five hundred men, their general, twenty-three of his subordinates, besides standard bearers, aids and adjutants, and thirty -four military stand- ards, drums, cannon, vast quantities of arms, twelve thousand pounds in gold, and all their provision. The fight was not bloodless to the victors, two hundred being killed, thrice as many wounded. Armagh was besieged. Montague breaking out at night with his cavalry, Terence O'Hanlon from the camp of Tyrone pursued him, capturing his bajTsage train and two hundred of his horses, killing three of his officers. Komley, another, smoking his pipe of tobacco next day in a thicket not far from the road was caught and killed. Armagh and Portmore after three days surrendered upon terms. The garrisons were set free, but whether from the almost romantic generosity which marked Tyrone in his dealings with the conquered, prudence in case of reverse, or to conciliate the favor of the queen, will be differently interpreted by different minds. It was a glorious triumph for the cause of national independence. The chain was broken, and every catholic, every Irishman who did not wish to be subjugated, be deprived of his property or say his prayers at other men's dictation, felt himself free. Tyrone, cham- pion of the faith, saviour of his country, not Ulster alone, but the nation throughout all its tribes hailed leader and king. Dismay paralyzed the pale, Ormond shut himself up in Kilkenny, adventurers and undertakers trembled for land and life. Could the northern chiefs have improved their victory and marched upon the capital, for- eign domination might have tottered to its fall. That they did not, cannot well be attributed to want of wisdom or courage. The re- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 539 sources of England were unexhausted as the next two years proved. Bagnal's field pieces, Armagh's guns would have been powerless agauist stone walls. Their fallen braves were not to be swept into cavities in the earth like the holocausts of despotism, but reverently laid in the tombs of their ancestors with dirge and rite. Many minds were to be consulted, preparations made. What had been gained was too precious to risk by precipitate measures, and such moments of exultation in their perennial resistance to superior numbers, wealth and armaments, too rarely vouchsafed not to be enjoyed. Our historical sympathies lean naturally to the victors who were defending; their hearths and altars, for in the cause of human rights and independence they are excusable even where against our own countr3rmen if forging fetters for the free. There could be no jus- tification for the attempt to reduce Ulster to a conquered province. It had been tried and signally failed. It had cost vast expenditures of life and treasure, and now except the trembling garrisons in Dub- lin and Cork, Ireland was Irish. Leinster chiefs levied tribute under the walls of the capital, and when O'Moore marched into Desmond the southern septs with (jreraldines, Roches and Butlers rose in arms and joined him to expel the intruders. Much remained to be accomplished before their strength would be consolidated and in condition to cope with English power now lashed into rage and resentment by reverses deemed not only disastrous, but attended with disf^race. The two great leaders of the north were admirably suited to the conjuncture. Owen O'Moore, Maguire and O'Rourke, Donal Maccarthy, Dermod and Donal O'Sullivan, Des- mond and his brother John, were able and earnest in the cause. Ulster, menaced from without but not much endangered, within was of one mind. Connaught less united, with Clifford esteemed and both earls loyal, might prove in the crisis portending an element of weakness. Its charge naturally fell to Tyrconnel, who to be nearer his work bought of the Macdonoghs for four hundred pounds and 540 TRANSFER OF ERIN. three hundred cows the castle of Balliraotc, south of Sligo, Clifford the governor competing for its purchase. Hardly established with his creaghts about him in his new abode he raided Theobald of the ships, and after Christmas Clanrickard, carrying home unopposed whatever of value he found. In February after rallying his hosts he left part to prey such septs as were hostile at the north, and moved silently and rapidly with the rest under O'Rourke, Mag-uire, MacSwenys, Fanad and Banagh, O'Dogherty and O'Boyle, to Kilcolgan in Galway, which he reached at daybreak. Having rested his troops during the day, that he might take the country by surprise, they entered Clare at midnight in detachments, Maguire wasting Inchiquin, O'Donel himself proceeding by Kilnaboy to Kilfenora, directing the several parties to join him on his homeward march with their prey. Whilst halting, a bard of the Dalgais who had been plundered of his herds, his principal belongings, came for redress to his tent, ad- dressing him as the chosen agent of saint Columbkille, to avenge the destruction five centuries before of Oileach, the home of his royal progenitors, by Murrogh grandson of Brian Boru. This pleased the chieftain who gave him his cattle back. Not much of Clare suffered except Inchiquin and Corcomroe, the latter belonging to Torlogh of Enystimmond, son of Sir Donald, still friendly to the queen, which many other O'Briens, provoked at English tenures that deprived them of their lands or cut off their reasonable expectations, were not. Donoo'h the earl had been in England since the Christmas conference at Dundalk a year before with Tyrone and Tyrconnel, and lately returned was with Ormond helping him in Munster. Besides his early education in England, his second wife, daughter of Gerald eleventh earl of Kildare and Mabel Brown, attached him to the queen. But he was not a mere courtier, his efficiency in the field earned him the title of the great earl. He had left Thomond in charge of his brothers Torlogh and Daniel, sixty years later created first viscount TRANSFER OF ERIN. 541 Clare, but another brother Tcague was then, though soon after to change, in league with O'Donnel. When the earl heard of the raid to whieh his dominions had been subjected, he hastened home. Irri- tated that Mac Mahon of West Corcavaskiu his subordinate chief should have presumed to make war against his brothers whom he liad left in his place, he pLmted ordnance against Carrigaholt, one of his castles, hanging its wardei'S to the neighboring trees, and reduced Dunmore another stronohohl a mile off. He drove out the garrisons from Derryowen, Cloone and Lessofin, restoring the latter to Mac- namara, Cloone to O'Grady. XLI. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1602.— (Continued.) Its climate favorable to vegetation and soil responsive to labor, even Leix, recovered by its rightful proprietors, bloomed like a gar- den. The dozen summers since the Desmond wars wrought changes farther south equally marked. CV)lonists with capital constructed better abodes than had been destroyed, and the people generally re- sumed their avocations. Plenty reigned and food abundant supplied their own needs, whilst many from Connaught and some from Leinster their country wasted came there to be fed. Had Munster possessed leaders as experienced in war and with resources as great as the two northern chiefs, Ireland might have regained her independence. Donnal son of Clancarrc, bold and able, had at command no revenues and his birth worked to his disadvantage. With Dermot of Duhallo his comi)etitor he submitted to its chiefs his claims to the chieftainship of Clancarthy, and was inaugurated Maccarthy Mor. James, son of Thomas Ruagh recently deceased, recognized as earl of Desmond by Tyrone, shared with him the lead. Termed the sugan or straw earl by the enemy, this new Desmond in presence and bearing noble 542 TRANSFER OF ERIN. as in character and disposition, sensible and prudent yet brave and daring, might liave proved, had opportunity allowed, the commander that the crisis demanded. Donnal, too, displayed in his relations with his subordinates as later at court in London the shrewd good sense that marked his military movements. Fortunat(!ly no conflict of interest, no jealousy divided them, and tlieir united forces persuaded or compelled such cliiefs as were not irrevocably pledged to the queen to become their tributaries or enter their x'anks. They were more successful with O'Driscols by sea than with Donal lord of Carbcrry and his subordinate lords by land. Ormond had followed O'Moorc with three thousand men, joining the president at Kilmallock. They marched together into Duhallo, but proved no match for their opponents who drove them to Mallow. But when Owen returned to the north, the earl anxious for his pos- sessions also hastened home, whilst the president no longer assured of his safety betook himself to Cork. William Burke of Castle Connel with Thomas Fitzgerald reduced Molatif held by Sir Nicholas Brown, defeating a body of redcoats and capturing the hunting dogs of the president, who having collected twenty-five hundred men was marching to place his raw recruits in KilmaHock, and to take thence the veterans for service in the field. Returning, Desmond,. Montgarret, Cahir, Purcell, Burke and Tyrrel, about equal in number, drove him back with great loss, eight miles to that place. AVhen they disappeared from his front, he again strove to reach Cork, and occupied Rochefort, aban- doned by lord Fermoy who shut himself up in castle Roche near by. The catholics not far off hastened to help. For twelve days the two armies confronted in equal strength, skirmishing with varying success. When the president appeared rather disposed to retire than advance, the catholics moved their position to block his path. Resolv- ing to break through, he assailed their cam[)s before daybreak with cavalry and seven hundred matchlocks. The sleepers rudely dis- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 543 tiirbcd, Hed, i)nnic stricken, Avlicn l)iirkc from another part of the camp promptly brought aid, and the fugitives returning to their ranks forced the assaikints back to tlicir lines. The next day, his baggage sent before, the president proceeded towards Cork pursued by the catholics, Avho slew two hundred of his men at the monastery of ]Mona. Thomas, another of the Burkes, not long after reducing the strong- holds of ]Muskcrry Kurk, the president who lay near with twelve hundred horse and foot on his way to Thomastown, encountered him at Kittilly. Burke not strong enough to seek a batth' would have retired, but Xorris not content that he should escape charged their rear ranks, who turned upon their assailants ; and ^lohn Burke hit him through his visor with a spear of which the point stuck in his head. The Avounded president was carried to the splendid abode he had erected at ]\Iallow, and there died on the twentieth of June, fifteen days after the battle. Dermot O'Connor marauding the baron of Castle Connel and hemmed in by three himdred of his dependents and as many royalists from Limerick, rushed upon them and put thcni to rout, slaying their leaders the l)aron and his brother. English settlers, dismayed at this general disaffection and left •unprotected, abandoned their estates and took refuge in the walled towns or fell victims to tlie resentment of the catholics who ransacked or demolished their dwedings, burnt their crops and swept off such quantities of horses and cattle, that a cow in calf sold for sixpence, a brood mare for three. "In the course of seventeen days they left not within the length and breadth of the country of the Geraldincs, from Dunqueen to the ISuir, Avhich the Saxons had well filled with habitations and various wealth, a single son of a Saxon whom they did not either kill or expel. Nor did they leave a single head resi- dence, castle or one sod of Geraldine territory, Avhich they did not put in possession of the earl of Desmond, except Castlemagne, Askea- ton and Mallow." 544 TRANSFER OF ERIN. His genius did not save Edmund Spenser from grief. For ten years he had been quietly possessed of Kilcolman and his three thousand acres, near Mallow on the Mulla. His castle burnt and one of his children perishing in the flames, he escaped with the other and some few of his manuscripts, to die in London impoverished and broken-hearted on the sixteenth day of the new year at the early age of forty-five. His abode at the north side of a beautiful sheet of water abounding in fish and the resort of water fowl , was surrounded by mountains commanding a view of half the breadth of the island. Near by flowed the Mulla, bathing as it went the castle walls of Butte vant, Doneraile and Roche, falling into the Blackwatei- at Bridgetown. St. Legers, Norrises and Roches were thus his neigh- bors, and his position as clerk of Munster and of its council board, brought him into intimate and pleasant relations with all its officials. Whether his great poem, portions of which were published in 1591, was ever completed is unknown ; but quite probably it was still en- gaging his attention. His view of Ireland had been recently written, and escaped destruction, possibly from its having been sent to court, as its recommendations shaped the policy immediately afterwards adopted. Sir James Ware, into whose possession it fell, published it in 1633. In this work, which deserves the study of both races whenever sim- ilar questions are under discussion, he was cautious not to offend English prejudice or thwart English plans. Conclusions often at vari- ance with good judgment, justice and humanity from such a source must create suspicion, and charity suggests that he means the oppo- site of what he says, and that a vein of sarcasm lurked beneath his exaggerations. He inveighs in no measured terms against all Irish institutions, tanistry, erics, the whole brehon law as an obstacle in the way of English supremacy, and especially against the doctrine, that no chief could bind his sept beyond his own lifetime. Juries composed of natives would not render verdicts in favor of the crown or its subjects. Yet if consisting exclusively of strangers there would TRANSFER OF ERIN. 545 have been clamor against partiality and injustice. When evidence in court was shown to be false the orders of their chiefs were urged as sufficient justification. But such abuses were confined to neither race. Tipperary under Ormond was privileged ground for depreda- tors, a receptacle of stolen goods. Obsolete laws capriciously enforced made saffron shirts, hair on the upper lip, gilt bridles, coin and livery felony, and landlord or traveller accepting meat or horse bait liable to prosecution upon complaint of any hostile informer. Their property consisting of cattle, herdsmen pastured on the mountains, and their booths or huts the refuge of malefactors, they themselves became demoralized, setting authority at defiance. Their mantles served as fitting home for an outlaw, meet bed for a rebel, apt cloak for a thief, his pent house in rain, his tent against the wind, his tabernacle when it was freezing. Never heavy or cumbersome, it could be worn loose in summer or wrapt close in winter, his screen from the gnats, buckler against sword or spear. It concealed his weapons and liis plunder as also himself from observation, which latter purpose the glibbes also served. From strangers was acquired taste for bright colors, and horsemen and galloglasses learned from them to use saddles, coats of mail to the calf of the leg and heavy axes. Their kernes, valiant and hardy, bore without murmur cold, labor, hunger and every hardship. They were active and strong of hand, swift of foot, vigilant and circumspect in enterprise, undaunted in danger, scornful of death. When abroad and disciplined and put to musket or pike, soldiers of no other nation surpassed them in efficiency. Spenser shows little sympathy for his fellow craftsmen, the poets, whose profession being to set forth praise or honor, none dared to displease them since their verses and songs formed part of festal en- tertainments. Their teaching he says was not edifying. They glorified deeds of daring and rebellion, whatever worked prejudice against government or tended to throw off its thraldom, inciting the young not to eat meat unless won by the sword, to prefer night to day, to 69 546 TRANSFER OF ERIN. light their way by the flames of other men's houses, not to woo by harp or lay but by violence, by the lamentation of the aggrieved, by clash of steel, and when dying their natural death of the battle-field, " not to be bewailed by many, but to make many wail that dearly bought their death." Chiefs maintained numerous idlemen, horse boys and armor bearers ; even the foot soldiers had lads to carry their arms. No inns or hostlers existing on the road, these lads grew up to knavery, and when employed by Englishmen learned the use of fire arms. Car- roghs roamed from house to house living by cards and dice, gesters by their welcome news. Cess was the pest of husbandry. Soldiers quartered on the villagers quarrelled with their food, exacting better and consumed whatever they found, and the government tables and garrisons exhausted everything within reach. Annual leases led to rack rent to the disadvantage of both landlord and tenant and dis- couraging all improvements people dwelt in squalid destitution. Catholic priests imitating protestants took tithe and offerings, but neither preached nor administered sacraments. In the English fold gross simony, greedy covetousness, sloth and disorderly life pre- vailed, and the example was contagious. Officers and soldiers, even governors, were loath to end the war, lest they should lose their pay. They would occasionally cut off the head of an enemy to please some rival, and send it to the capital in proof of their zeal. Governors would not suppress evil for fear of reproach, or lest if creating disturbance their successors by suppress- ing it might gain praise to their prejudice. Envy and jealousy were the bane of administration. No steady policy, each new dep- uty adopted the opposite of his predecessor. Abuses were smothered up, no one caring what came afterwards. The remedy recommended was the sword, a powerful army in strong garrisons, to nip in the bud disaffection, paid and fed by government, operating in winter, de- stroying the resources of the people, exterminating all who did not TRANSFER OF ERIN. 547 submit, and if they did, sending them away from their homes into the interior. This pohcy of destruction and extermination had worked well in Munster, a beautiful country stored with goodly rivers full of fish, pleasant islands, lakes like inland seas, woods for building houses and ships ; if some princes had them they would be lords of the world ; ports and havens inviting traffic for their excellent com- modities, the fertile soil being fit to yield all kinds of fruit commit- ted thereunto and the climate moist, mild and temperate. The clans he would banish from their lands which he would have given to Englishmen, who might retain a convenient number of natives for their cultivation. Corporate towns should be multiplied as a check upon insurrection. Once subdued, and ten thousand men distributed in garrisons over the land with magazines well filled, fifty thousand pounds should be levied in rent or tax for their support out of that number of ploughlands. The two races should be intermingled, the refractory transported into Ulster. The old Saxon tything-men revived should be responsible each for his hundred, who at stated times should report themselves. Younger sons ndw left to seek their fortunes must be kept in check and put to employments, the rich and powerful giving pledge and being sworn to obedience. He recommended a general inquest to ascertain land titles, the disloyal to be deprived. Old names, O's and Macs, should be abandoned, and others assumed from employments or personal peculiarities. Idlers were to be put to trades, manual, intellectual or mixed. Capable protestant clergymen were needed to preach and teach, like the zealots from Rome and Spain. Churches should be rebuilt, schools instituted , bridges supersede fords ; roads one hundred yards in width be cut through the forests and provided with inns. Market towns w^hich furthered civility by more frequent intercourse ought to be es- tablished, and cattle marked to detect and discourage raids. Lord 548 TRANSFER OF ERIN. lieutenants with the council should have power unrestrained, and rather imitate the sternness of Grey with whom he had come into Ireland as secretary, and whom he defends from reproach, than Per- rot who befriended chiefs and slighted his own countrymen. But the crying evil of administration was the universal bribery and cor- ruption which should be reformed. From the numerous reports upon the country in public archives of similar import, this view of the poet may have well been prepared to enlighten the government at home, and bome of its suggestions were speedily improved upon and carried out. XLII. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1602.— (Continued.) Her armies annihilated, her ablest commanders defeated and slain, England determined to crush the catholics with whatever power she possessed. Bingham restored to grace was despatched as marshal to Dublin, where he died in a month, and then Sir Samuel Bagnal with two thousand men intended for Lough Foyle, but who landing at Dungarvan, reached the pale reduced in numbers by skirmishes on the route. Elizabeth had selected for deputy Charles Blount, who like Raleigh had qualities to win her favor. But Robert Dev- reux earl of Essex, later brother-in-law of Blount and already uncle of his children, persuaded the queen that he had neither the means nor experience for the charge. This he secured for himself, to the satisfaction of his rivals who rejoiced at his removal from court. Sir Francis Bacon his fi'iend wrote out considerations for liis government, counselling toleration for a time not definite, English colonization, and measures to cut off hopes of foreign succor as well as for fomenting feuds in order to divide and conquer. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 549 Essex, as viceroy, left London towai-cls tlie end of March, 1599, with twenty thousand men, to which were added at his request, upon his departure, two regiments of veterans. Arriving at Dublin he seemed about to invade Ulster where O'Neil with Tyrconnel ready to aid stood prepared to receive him, but contrary to expectation, wdtli seven thousand men and nine hundred horse started for Munster. Traversing Leix, Owen O'^Ioore with five hundred foot assailed his rear, killing many and taking much spoil in a defile, since, from the feathers which adorned the dismayed royalists, and Avhich were scat- tered over the scene of their disaster, known as the Pass of Plumes. Essex laid siege to Cahir, Desmond, Leitrim and his brother AVil- liam contriving to drive away Vinkle from the bridge leading to its gates and reinforce the garrison by fifty men. The walls at last shat- tered by artillery, notwithstanding the efforts of Desmond to embarrass the besiegers, James Butler who was in command sallied out with his troops and effected his escape. Essex went on to Limerick and thence to Askeaton to reinforce its ward. On his march with this design, Desmond and Doual Maccarthy with five thousand men endeavored to block his progress. William Burke and Dermot O'Conor were posted on the plain, Walter Tyr- rell and Thomas Plunket in the pass, through which his way laid. The plan to surround the royalists as directed by Lacy was discon- certed by Plunket disobeying orders, a charge he however denied. Essex led his army in four bodies under Thomond, Clanrickard and MacPhieris, passing Burke and O'Conor unopposed by them as ar- ranged, and then into the open plain by Tyrrell and Plunket, who also allowed him to pass unmolested. O'Connor astounded at what seemed treachery in Plunket attacked the enemy, but forced to yield ground joined Burke, and at Rosver in Adare for three hours they continued the combat, doing less damage to the foe now out of the pass where they might have been checked. Essex effected his purpose in strengthening Askeaton, the catholics 550 TRANSFER OF ERIN. making a nocturnal attack upon his camp but without result. Mon- day on his march south they attacked him at Finita along his whole line, Henry brother of the late president being slain as also many more of tlie royalists, and some of the catholics. The battle lasted eight hours, till five in the afternoon, when Essex reached Croom. For six subsequent days all the way to Decies Desmond followed Essex constantly skirmishing and thinning his ranks. Reaching Dublin at the end of July, "his soldiers wearied, sickly and their numbers more than a man can believe diminished," the lord lieutenant was mor- tified to find that six hundred of his troops left to watch the O'Byrnes had during his absence been routed with terrible carnage. Fretting over these repeated disasters, aggravated by the recapture of Cahir, he court-martialled the officers, decimating the surviving soldiers of the detachment for not succeeding better then he had himself. In explanation of his mischance he wrote the queen that the Irish troops were more powerful and better disciplined than her own, stronger in body and more perfect in the use of arms. He advised that the priests should be hunted down ; Bacon's policy of fomenting dissensions adopted ; coasts be guarded, garrisons planted and the country laid waste. An invasion of Leix and Offaly without success, though Morrison says he brake them with ease, still further dimin- ished his numbers, and requesting reinforcements that he might pro- ceed into Ulster another thousand were sent. Preparing to march north, he had ordered Clifford to occupy and rebuild Sligo, to hold in check O'Donnel, whom Donogh O'Conor strove to persuade the chiefs of Connaught to desert. O'Donnel too much for him drove him with some loss into Colloony, where besieged he held out for forty days, but was about from famine to surrender, when the governor hastened his movements on Sligo to relieve him. He ordered Theobald Burke of the ships to carry by water from Galway, food, guns, lime and other material for the w^orks, whilst he marched by land. O'Donnel apprised of his design TRANSFER OF ERIN. 551 left four liuiulred of his foot under Mac Sweeny Fanad and Mac William in charge of Sligo, O'Boyle with two hundred horse to prosecute the siege of Colloony, O'Doherty to occupy the Corlew mountain over which Clifford must come. In one of its passes nar- row and obstructed, he posted three bands in ambuscade to check the foe in theii' advance, in another more open, O'Doherty and himself with two thousand foot that had never known defeat, spread their tents. Theobald of the ships with twenty vessels reached Sligo, but not daring to land awaited the arrival of Clifford, who with an equal force of chosen troops and three squadron of horse, with O'Conor Don, Mac Sweeny Tuath still irate with O'Donnel, and lord Dunkellin son of Clanrickard, with thirty-nine banners, three of them hurse, march- ed from Athlone to Boyle. O'Donnel at Ballyboy, who had amused himself while waiting his approach, in chasing the stag, ordered trees to be felled in the way as an obstacle for the foe and protection for himself, and selecting that for his battle field, encamped a mile beyond. The day before, the eve of the assumption, had been passed in confession, ftisting and prayer, and in the morning which was cloudy and wet the sacrament was administered. Under the impression that the enemy would not advance in the rain, he kept quiet, whilst Mac Sweeny, concluding that he would not leave the shelter of his tents of skin in such weather, persuaded Clifford to push on. The governor had left his horse un- der Sir Griffin Markham at Boyle, as of no use on the mountains, and with his foot alone took possession of the unguarded pass. Scarcely had the sacred rite ended, when scouts came in to report to O'Donnel that the enemy had already passed the fallen trees. Order- ing his army to take their food the better to fight, he reminded them that by the help of the mother of God they had ever conquered the heretic, how much more noAv since in her honor they had passed the previous day in fasting and that were celebrating her feast. In her honor they should fight with her enemies, and by her help again they would triumph. 552 TRANSFER OF ERIN. With these words his soldiers kindlin^jj with renewed ardor for the coming conflict, he despatched Owen Mac Sweeny Tuath and the O'Gallaghers to check the advance of the royalists, till he should come up with the spearsmen. The enemy ascended the hill out of the pass on to even ground, when the rain ceasing the musketeers were hastened up by O'Donnel. There on equal footing in a hand to hand encounter, between combatants in the fire of youth, midst showers of balls, wounds were given and received. The musket- men of Tyrconnel were giving way, when their leaders reproached them for not doing their duty, or fighting as should the warriors of tiie virgin mother. Shame forced them back to the battle. With incredible courage, with the utmost constancy and skill, the infjintry fought on both sides with their firelocks. The royalists driven back on to the spearmen overwhelmed by a stream of bullets, wounded, surrounded in front and flank, thrice turned in a circle, at a loss which way they should go. O'Rourke to complete their con- fusion brought up nine score fresh men to the catholics, and as they came in sight the whole army of royalists turned and fled, strewing the field with their arms, the catholics in pursuit. O'Donnel has- tening up with his spearsmen came late to the fight, and the devout historian, whose account we render from the latin, adds that had not Heaven helped, the royalists would not have been beaten. Clifford beguiled by two Irish soldiers to whom he promised large reward for his safety, was pierced through the side with a lance, and Dunkellin barely escaped. The felled trees and obstructed pass, where they had left a portion of their arms and garments, embar- rassed the fugitives. Half a mile from Boyle, Mai'kham with his horse met the routed army, driving off their pursuers, who were chasing them in disorder, killing as they went. O'Rourke rallied the catho- lics, restored their array and becoming the assailant, Markham wounded in the hand and thigh ordered a retreat, the foe in hot chase hunting them to Boyle. There perished of the royalists, besides TRANSFER OF ERIN. 553 Clifford and his kinsman Henry Eadcliff, fourteen hundred of his men, nearly all English or of English race from Meath. The troops of Connaught familiar with the country effected their retreat. Arms were lost, and standards, drums, baggage and many garments. O'Neil on his way to help the Kinelconnel was two days' journey off. Theobald of the ships, learning the death of Clifford, sailed back to Galway. O'Connor submitted at discretion ; O'Donnel restored his principality of Sligo, loading him with gifts but binding him by oatli never afterwards to aid the protestants. "When at last as August ended Essex approached O'Neil, that chief appeared in force and sent O'Hagan to propose a conference. Essex answered that he would meet him the next day in battle array, and after some slight skirmishes with horse and musketry, a parley took place. At Anagelart then Ballyclinch on the Lagan, O'Neil rode into the river, the viceroy remaining on the opposite bank. For an hour or more in conversation too confidential with an enemy, Essex betrayed his schemes and his pretensions. They parted to meet again on the eighth of September, each of them accompanied by six of his officers, when a truce was agreed upon tiQ May unless terminat- ed by either side upon fourteen days notice. Freedom of religion, from interference in other affairs, restitution of lands, officials natives, half the army Irishmen, the terms demanded as preliminaries to negotiation by Tyrone, the viceroy thought sufficiently reasonable, and promised to use his influence to obtain. And what better could he do. But four thousand of all his grand army left, many of these deserted when ordered north. Ulster alone had six thousand shot and fifteen hundred horse ; Leinster and Meath, twenty-five hundred men ; Munster, fifty-three hundred ; Connaught, three thousand ; a force of nearly eighteen thousand warriors, to which the lords of the isles threatened to add two or three thousand more. English soldiers for the most part raw re- cruits, unwonted to cold and wet, poorly clad and ill fed, if better 70 554 TRANSFER OF ERIN. armed were less expert in the use of their weapons. Some of the bands were filled up with Irishmen, in others often a third. They carried off the guns given them to hill their countrymen, more of which they purchased from the faithless followers of the camp. Essex had shown military genius at Cadiz. Realizing that numbers without discipline did not make an army efficient, he yet felt obliged to conceal his weakness. Clifford slain and his army annihilated, had O'Neil gained another victory English rule would have been at an end. That the chieftain also inclined to peace may be attributed to the Kinelconnel being still engaged in Connaught, and a more favorable conjuncture anticipated, which never came. The queen nevertheless in her vexation with Essex, little disposed to make allowances and provoked at his course, expressed her displeasure in able but bitter phrase. Trusting to his hold upon her affections and to her sign manual when appointed authorizing him to return to her presence should he have cause, on the twenty-eighth of Septem- ber, delegating his post to Loftus and Carew, he hastened to court, and to the morning toilet of his ancient queen , who received him with tenderness, but on second thought put him under arrest. After a hear- ing in June before eighteen commissioners. Bacon not proving a judicious friend if an honest one, he was convicted of the charges, and escaping to stir up a crazy rebellion, another tribunal showed him no mercy, and on the twenty-fifth of February, 1601, he perished on the scaffold. TRANSFER OF ERIN. ^55 XLin. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1602.— (Continued.) Prejudice is the besetting sin of historians. Persistent misrepresen- tation by modern writers of events at this period and of the motives which brought them about, can only be explained by the many im- portant links that connect the present with the past. It cannot however be doubted that candor would prove the better policy to avert discontents at times seriously threatening public stability. No Englishman deserves the name who thinks less well of the northern chiefs for aiming at religious liberty or national independence. Their measures were prudent, their courage heroic, and if striving with inadequate means to compass laudable ends, imperial consolida- tion is not helped by futile efforts to tarnish their fame. So long as the truth is systematically kept out of view or intelligent minds disincline to understand and admit it, neither danger nor just ground for solicitude grows less. The imprisonment of Essex was not encouraging for any peaceable solution of affairs, and Tyrone in November issued an able appeal to his countrymen to unite in defence of their faith. Philip III. now king of Spain sent assurances of aid. When the government of the pale alarmed at rumors afloat, demanded explanation of his prepara- tions for war and other courses creating suspicion, Tyrone for answer gave notice that the truce was at an end. He informed Dermot O'Conor who visited him in December of his intention to repair to Holy Cross near Thurles in Tipperary, and leaving hia country well guarded he started as the new year opened with three thousand men on this pilgrimage. He wasted as he went Delvin, the baron submitting, and also the possessions of Dillon, and passing by the gates of Athlone, encamped nine days at Fircall. After ravag- ing Ely to punish O'Carrol for slaying some j\Iac Mahons in his 556 TRANSFER OF ERIN. service , he visited the venerable abbey, still much of it remaining, and which for five centuries had been the repository of a fragment of the true cross sent by Paschal II. to its founder. Recently Baranova had brought him from Spain substantial aid and friendly promisee, perhaps the phoenix plume sent by Clement VIII. in recognition of his regal claims, to be followed up in April by a papal bull in confirmation, and the following year by pardons and indul- gences and twenty-two thousand pieces of gold by Cerda to pay his soldiers. Had the country boldly proclaimed him king at Holy- cross, it might have slipped its yoke. But English catholics shrank from Irish rule, Irish chiefs from subordination to any one of their own number. They had some years before entered into a league of which Tyrone as acknowledged head corresponded with the disaffected. They had bound themselves never to make peace or war with the English unless all its members were included. No chief was to imperil the cause by standing out when the rest had submitted, or to expose himself to danger, by presuming out of any pride or presumption to spend himself in his own quarrel. These covenants had been acted upon with much consistency of purpose and consolidated re- sistance, but had failed to conquer an invincible repugnance to one man power. Tyrone, qualified for an authority needed as he knew by the country, bore patiently his disappointment. Moving south leisurely, he spent part of February among the O'Dwyers and friendly Butlers, Ormond and Thomond threatening but keeping aloof. Here James, his earl of Desmond, joined him and they proceeded together by the cromlech of Oliol Olum, near Gilbally in Limerick, through Clangibbon and Fermoy, wasting Barry who in the correspondence that ensued reminded Tyrone of his English descent, and that his allegiance was due to the crown. Crossing the Lee they pitched their camp between that river and the Bandon, at' Inniscartha, and there remained for twenty days. Thither came Donal Mac Cartliy More and his competitor for land TRANSFER OF ERIN. 557 and rule, and also many more of that name, but not Cormac lord of Muskerry. Donal had lost power, and Florence substituted by the sept through the influence of O'Sullivan Mor in his stead, was duly installed in his office and recognized by Tyrone. O'Donoghues and other chieftains of the south attended or sent gifts. Maguire, while foraging towards Kinsale, accompanied by two of his attendants and his chaplain, met accidentally or was waylaid by Sir Warham St. Leger with sixty horse. Between them, besides public grounds of hostility, existed a rivalry, each being respectively regarded by his own people as their especial champion for valor and skill. The chief of Fermanagh did not consider it consistent with his dignity to fly or to surrender, and putting spurs to his steed rushed upon St. Leger who shot him with a pistol as he approached, and who was himself pierced through the casque by the spear of Maguire, which nearly severed his head. The chief, though his companions were also wounded, leaving his sjjear in the body of his antagonist, turned and cutting his way with his sword through the enemy, es- caped to die as he reached the camp. Warham survived fifteen days. O'l^'Ieil grieving for the loss of his best and bravest officer, took pledges from the southern chiefs, promising soon to return, and authorizing Dermot O'Connor to levy two thousand men in his pay, proceeded homewards by a route west of Cashel. Ormond and Thomond, without disturbing his march, hovered near, but by the middle of April he was safe back in Tyrone. It was time. Charles Blount, created when the war ended earl of Devonshire for his Gcrvices, but then lord Mountjoy, more sensible than Essex, had been in February installed in his place. He verified Tyrone's scornful prediction that he would lose oppor- tunities waiting for breakfast, and reached Mullingar too late to in- tercept his march, which by rapid strides the length of the island baffled deputy and Ormond and vexed the queen. Ormond and Thomond repaired to the vice-regai court, separately returning into 558 TRANSFER OF ERIN. r- Munster. With the latter, Sir George Carew, appointed president of that province in the place of Norris, left the capital, Monday, seventh of April, IGOO, attended for two miles on his way by all the grand functionaries, and proceeded with eight hundred men by Naas and Catherlough to Kilkenny. The day after their arrival, which was the tenth, Ormond invited his guests to accompany him after din- ner to a conference appointed with Owen O'Moore the young chief- tain of Leix, to take place at Corronneduff, upon the borders of Idough eight miles off. Accordingly, when their noon-day repast was over, the party, miscellaneously composed of about forty persons, seventeen mount- ed troopers and a few lawyers and merchants armed with their swords and on hacknies, left the castle. An escort of two hun- dred foot, which must have retarded their movements unless sent in advance, were left to aAvait their return two miles from the place of parley, a heath near a ravine, surrounded by scrubby trees and boggy grounds. Owen Mac Rory with his body-guard of pikemen promptly made his appearance, some five hundred of his clan well armed and appointed, with twenty horse, being in view beyond the ravine half a culverin shot distant. The conference had already lasted an hour without result, when Ormond ui*ged by his compan- ions to withdraw begged first to see Archer the Jesuit to whom was chiefly ascribed the consolidation of catholic resistance to English rule. Conversation warmed into discussion, and soon the earl losing his temper called the priest a traitor, reproving him for embroiling her majesty's subjects in rebellion under pretext of religion. The gestures of the disputants grew menacing, and when Archer raised his staff, the lookers on naturally interested drew nearer and crowded about the wranglers as if at a fair. Suspicious of unfair dealing, which they had reason in their recent history to fear, many of the O'Moores crossing the ravine likewise gathered round. Thomond begged TRANSFER OF ERIN. 559 tlieii- cliicf to send them back, the president besouglit Ormond to retire. As they turned to depart, the latter was drawn from his horse and hurried off into the woods. Carew says the chief hiid hands upon himself, but their powerful chargers trampling down who- ever came in their way, bore him and Thomond, wounded in the back with a pike, out of the throng. The royalists, eager to secure the priest as pledge for the safety of Ormond, rushed upon him but were driven off by Cornelius O'Reilly. Skirmishing continued till nightfall ended the combat, and the next day both parties had disappeared. That no treachery had been intended is abundantly manifest. The men of Leix so largely outnumbered the royalists that they could have easily cut them off. Two months the earl continued in captivity pressed by the priest to return to the faith of his fathers, and he either dissembled or else was half persuaded to do so. At the request of Tyrone, he was liberated in June, giving the eldest sons of twelve of his principal vassals as pledges for the payment of three thousand pounds that he would not resent his capture. Owen was slain, the pledges escaped, and no ransom was paid. Meanwhile when the fugitives reached the castle, the countess and her only child, a maiden of eighteen, were sore distressed. Ormond,* though destined to survive fifteen years longer, dying quite blind in 1614, was already advanced in years and constantly exposed in the * This tenth earl Thomas Duff, captured by O'Moore, is said to have been of great parts, admirable judgment, vast experience and a prodigious memory, comely and graceful, and from his dark complexion called by the queen her black husl)and. The flower of his country, he kept the greatebt house, used the greatest hospitality, and his valor, wisdom and liberality made him known in many lands. He repaired Kilkenny and Carrick at great expense, made a deer park at Earlscrags near the former place, where he founded a hospi- tal, and also erected a castle near Holycross. Since 1.546 he had held the earldom, and lived beyond fourscore. As he lost his sight, according to Lodge, fifteen years before his death in 1614, this calamity must have overtidcen him at this time when he was about seventy. His son Thomas died without issue in 1605, and Eiizaljeth, the only survivor of the family, mar- ried Sir Robert Preston, created, 1614, earl of Desmond. Their only child, born 161-5, married her kinsman, grandson of Walter eleventh earl, James first duke of Ormond, 1607-1688. The second cluke their grandchild, 16-51-174.5, was attainted in 1715, but the earl of Arran purchased his estates under an Act of Parliament, which are still held in part by the present marquisscs created in 1825. They derive from Richard of Kilcash, iTothcr of the first duke, and their claim to the earldom was allowed on the ground that an English attainder did not affect an Irish peerage. 560 TRANSFER OF ERIN. field to danger, his death would involve a disputed succession. His next brother Edmund not restored in blood, his nephew, Walter of the rosaries, who eventually succeeded as eleventh earl, and lord Mount- garret had also their claims. Five hundred men left to protect the count- ess, the president reached Waterford on the sixteenth. Desmond at Youghall blocked his way to Cork with forces superior to his own, the whole army of Munster then consisting of but three thousand foot and two hundred horse. By recourse to one principal means of success, he contrived to induce Power and Fitzgerald, natural son of Decies, to desert the enemy and come in. Whilst disposed to admit all that his biographer claims of ability for Florence jNIacCarthy, his natural desire to recover his wife's in- heritance proved a fatal stumbling-block in the way of Irish consoli- dation. To become powerful and feared parallel instances pointed out as the path to success ; and this was the loadstone that influenced the devious paths which proved as fatal to himself as to his country. His wife discouraged his vacillations and politic courses. She was personally attached to the queen and a favorite at court. He had been eleven years a prisoner, three in the Tower in a cell in which he could not stand upright. But neither his character nor his good sense were improved by adversity. It simply rendered him crafty and selfish. His principal armed resistance to the crown, he defended as warranted by unjust aggression against his own people. He had in some way obtained possession of the old Head of Kinsale, the inheritance of the DeCourcies. His own patrimony vras not far removed, and this now suffered maraud, possibly on his part pro- voked, since as a new chief he may well have inclined to signalize his elevation by the customary hosting. Just before the president reached Waterford, captains Flower and Bostock had been sent by the commissioners with twelve hundred foot and two hundred horse to burn and spoil in Carbery towards Kosse. They took thirty-seven men of note prisoners. Florence TRANSFEK OF ERIN. 561 with two thousand bonoghs under Dermot O'Conor, laid in wait for them on their return, at Awnsby bridge mid- way between Coi-k and Kinsale. They lay concealed in a glen on the north side of the river, and on the south in a scrubby wood, wlien Bostock in advance espied the gleam of their morions and turned back. Perceiving they were discovered, they emerged from their covert and fell upon the foragers, who fled to a ruined castle half a mile oiF. In the pursuit Lane posted in ambush slew the brother of O'Conor as he passed. The catholics reached Kinalmeaky that night and stayed two days with their wounded. Both sides claimed the victory. The attention of the enemy thus occupied, the president reached his capital, visiting Barry as he went. Lacy for six hours fought with Slingby and four hundred men freebooting towards Kilmallock, Redmond Burke and six hundred men with one of the O'Dwyers, friendly to the queen. With seven thousand able and well armed foes serving for bonaght or as clansmen inside his province, and thrice that number without to aid them, Carew resorted to craft. The white knight not long before denounced by Fitzthomas, held to ransom by Burke, and preyed upon by Ormond, was angry and sore, and yielded easily to his blandishments ; Condon and Barret to his menaces in order to es- cape depredation. Florence, notwithstanding his late battle at the bridge, ventured under safe conduct to Shandon, and though object- ing to giving his oldest son as pledge, lest by disaffecting his follow- ers his wife's inheritance now nearly recovered should be lost, con- sented even to that if the queen would confirm his right to Clancarre, bestow upon him the earldom or recognize him as chief, and allow him three hundred men in her pay. Threatened with fire and sword if he persisted in hostilities, time was proposed for consideration, he promising meanwhile to remain neutral, furnish intelligence and per- form underhand service. Acknowledged Maccarthy Mor and chief of his name by Tyrone, his defection neutralized fifteen hundred of his immediate followers, and 71 562 TRANSFER OF ERIN. as many more dependents of its other branches. It worked greater prejudice to the catholics that he remained their ostensible friend. Their leaders at a loss to account for his conduct, yet reposing faith in his professions, remonstrated and demanded explanation, but were not disposed to break with one who constituted an important element of their strength. Honesty would have proved his better policy, and historians concur in the opinion that he merited his fate. But his duplicity, if not to be defended, grew out of his position, and was of a character with that of the queen and her ministers. It was not without parallel in the case of Tyrone, who, as will be remembered, in climbing the giddy heights of his ambition, played fast and loose. Maccarthies nolonger dangerous, Geraldines remained to be crushed. Lands had been confiscated but not hearts, and their loyalty baulked of its natural object in the protestant prisoner in the tower, cen- tred on James Fitzthomas, rightful earl but for the irregular marriage of his grandsire.* Margaret, wife of O'Connor general of the bon- oghs, yearned for the restoration of her captive brother to the earl- dom, and the president, an adept in intrigue, improved this feeling for his own purposes. Like the evil spirit in the garden, he tempted the wife and she her husband, poor but for his pay, offering them a thou- sand pounds to kill the Sugan or betray him into his power. About the same time he bought one Nugent, also in the catholic service, to kill John the Sugan's brother. His march for Limerick, announced for the sixth of May, the catholics collected in force to intercept, but their supplies exhausted before he appeared, they dispersed. Two weeks later, when the way was clear, he left Cork for Mallow, and at Kilmallock the white knight, who had requested time to recover his pledges, came in. Possession was taken as they went of Brough, abandoned by Lacy, of import- ance to keep open the road to Limerick, now for nearly two years * The first wife of James, fourteenth earl, was granddaughter of his brother Maurice. Such marriages, by dispensation, liave been sanctioned by the catholic church. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 563 impassable, and likewise to watch Lochguire, three miles oiF on an island not easily approached, where John Fitzthomas then lay. Carew reconnoitred the place as he passed, and at Limerick where he rested three days its warden, Owen Graem, from the north, left in charge by Tyrone, offered to betray it for sixty pounds. This sum paid to an emissary it is pleasant to think never reached the traitor. Nugent was already at work. When the army had passed, John left the island for Aherlow, where his forces were encamped, with Nugent whom he trusted riding as his companion, but who dropping to the rear, when he supposed himself unobserved aimed a double loaded pistol at his back. Coppinger, also of the party, seasonably discover- ing what he was about, struck up the weapon, and at his cry of treason Nugent fled. His horse stumbling he was caught, and when hung the next day confessed his design had been to kill both brothers, alleging that others had been employed by Carew for a like purpose. James, when twelve months later a prisoner, declared that this unex- pected treachery prevented his brother and himself from ever sleeping under the same roof, or appearing together at the head of their men, lest the destruction of both should prove disastrous to the cause. His army refreshed, the president raided the Burkes, lords of Clanwilliam and half-brothers of Lacy, who unlike their haughty sires bowed in the dust before the satrap, to escape plunder by his locusts, a fate which overtook Owny. Visiting Thomond at Bun- ratty to concert future operations, an armed vessel came in with ordnance to reduce the castles on the river. O'Donnell down again in Connaught, eight hundred men were detailed to drive him out. The president placed the rest of his forces in garrison, a step which, with so little effected, occasioned surprise, but it was to afford O'Connor opportunity to seize the Sugan, not easy when their armies were massed and which separated for subsistence whenever their foes did the like. To further the plot, Carew had addressed James a letter acknowledging pretended communications from him and his 564 TKANSFER OF ERIN. brother, confirming his assurance of a Hberal reward if they betrayed O'Connor as promised. Dermot contrived a conference on the eighteenth of June, with his colleague in command, when altercation purposely provoked between their officers as to the disposal of camp hides, James to appease the quarrel sent off his followers. Thus left powerless, Dermot denounced him as a traitor, producing the letter of Carew, alleged to have been intercepted, and sent him as prisoner of Tyrone to the castle of Ishin, removing thence his own wife and hos- tages to Ballyallinan, a castle of MacShyhy. Dermot had overreached himself. False and base he distrusted his confederate and had insisted on pledges for his blood money, and was not willing to lose hold of his prisoner until it was paid. Two sons of the archbishop of Cashel and two Powers, foster-brothers of his wife, selected to avoid suspicion, had been placed in his keeping, and one of the latter he now sent to the president to meet her at Kilmallock to consummate their infamous bai-gain. Carew waited there a week, but meantime the Sugan had been rescued. His brother John, Lacy, Fitzmaurice and William Burke gathered their forces, from eighteen hundred to four thousand as differently stated, and forcing the warden to surrender Ishin, carried off James in triumph. They then besieged Dermot. The president marched to his relief, but when three miles off the castle capitulated, and strange to say, either de- luded by the representation that the letter was without his connivance, or his command of the bonoghs made it prudent to dissemble, on his promises of fidelity Dermot was taken again into favor. The wits at court insisted that Carew had been duped. He went back discom- fited to Limerick, and thence by Askeaton seventeen miles to reduce Glynn, harassed as he went by Desmond, who encamped within striking distance had Carew inclined. O'Flaherty and Macwilliam now proposed to be neutral for a price, and O'Connor Kerry and the knight of the valley tendered submission. It being intended, how- ever, to occupy their castles of Glynn and Carrigophoyle which com- manded the Shannon, their submission was declined. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 565 On the fifth of July the army reached Glynn. This was a castle about one hundred feet square. Advantage was taken of a parley to land their guns and take a position of strength. Two days later the knight of the valley came in on safe conduct to the earl of Thomond, but standing upon conditions was commanded to depart. His son, six years old, Carew threatened to kill, and the child was actually placed upon the gabions as a mark from the castle wall, but removed before the battery opened its fire. It v/as probably designed as bravado or menace, but the president had a natural love for deeds of atrocity. The constable of the castle came also under safe conduct to persuade the besiegers to stay the attack as the catholic army was near, but without changing their purpose. Incessant fire after two days eflTecting a breach into the cellar beneath the great hall, Flower, sergeant-major, with five companies rushed in, and from the turrets above commanded the donjon to which the garrison had withdrawn. A sally at night was attempted and two warders escaped, but the constable was slain. The assailants fired the tower door. It burnt for two hours, and as the smoke cleared away the defenders proflTered terms, not accepted, of surrender. Power, Slingsby, Nevil, Harvey with hundreds of men filed up the windino- staii'case to the battlements, where after a desperate engagement thirty of the English were killed and wounded, eighty of the garrison being either thrown over into the water or slain, twenty-three of them followers of the lord of the castle. The knight of the valley had not been in arms, but had tendered submission which had been rejected. If civil war existed it should not have involved non-combatants, and this wholesale massacre in repeated instances, of prisoners or men defending their homes, burnt or cut to pieces by order of the president, was outrage without palliation. The treachery of Dermot paralyzed catholic action. John O'Connor yielded Carrigophoyle four miles down the river, the strongest castle in Kerry, earl Donogh giving him another and thirteen ploughlauds in 566 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Thomond, where he remained passive till the Spaniards came. The bonoffhs, eager for home, crossed the Shannon with Dermot O'Con- nor, the Burkes of Clanwilliam attacking them as they passed and slaying sixty of their number. After reducing various smaller castles, the president, again in Limerick on the sixteenth of July, refreshed his forces for a week, when Florence, who had been in camp with Desmond, strove to per- suade Talbot, lieutenant of Stack, to surrender to him Liscaghan. The president taking umbrage marched with a thousand men down the north shore of the Shannon, and at Carrigophoyle crossed the river, there six miles wide, to raid Clancarre. Both Desmond and Carew wrote the recreant Florence to take sides with them, but he chose to preserve his neutrality. Fitzmaurice, his chief castle of Lixnaw taken, died of vexation on the twelfth, and his son Thomas, eio'hteenth baron, succeeded. Tralee was seized and Rathown the episcopal abode. When the president was about to enter Kerry he remembered that four thousand men could be there arrayed against him. It also came to his knowledge that Florence was bringing about a matrimonial alliance between the Sugan and the sister of Cormac MacDermot, lord of Muskerry. Leaving the command to Sir Charles Wilmot, he started for Cork to circumvent them. He learnt on his way that Florence had sent to Tyrone for the release of his brother-in-law Owen O'Sullivan Mor, who refusing to pay bonacht to Dermot O'Connor had been carried by him to the north. Florence had consented to his capture, though not openly for he owed to him wife and chieftainship. Owen was now needed to brino- out the strength of Dunkerron. Lacy tendered submission, but Carew had lost faith in others, and it is difficult to believe Lacy could have been false to the catholics. The white knight, when Harvey burnt his town by mistake, and made war upon his son who protested, hurting sixty of his men, probably wished he had himself kept steadfast. Sir William Fitzgerald, knight of Kerry, refusing TRANSFER OF ERIN. 567 to entertain the Sugan at Dingle, and for this raided by his catholic neighbors, was received into favor. But when the new lord of Lix- maw through his brother-in-law, the earl of Thoraond, proffered submission, the conditions demanded, he wrote, stood not with his conscience or honor. His wife, Honora O'Brien, displayed at this time the fiery character- istics of her race, owing to her husband's integrity immunity from any misconstruction. Maurice Stack, of small statue but fierce and over- bearing, had been dining with her and her brother Daniel, first viscount Clare, at her castle, when taking him aside for some object of import- ance after the repast was finished, some indignity, word or deed, provoked her resentment. Summoning her guard they stabbed him with their skeins, and the next day her husband hung the brother of Stack who was in his keeping. The nature of the provocation never transpired. The earl, who sided with the queen as she with the catholics, according to English writers, condemned the conduct of his sister, but if so it was probably either from prejudice or not to lose favor with the party whose cause he had espoused. She did not long survive for regret or repentance, if occasion there was for either, for this year going home into Thomond she died. Carew meanwhile had given orders through Wilmbt, that the garrisons should secure what they could of the harvest and destroy the rest, a course pursued at this time throughout Ireland, creating the famine which the next year effected its subjugation. The supe- riority of English arms being in artillery, for fear the guns left by Essex at Cahir which James Gal die, brother of its lord, occupied, should fall into the hands of the rebels, Carew sent the baron, with Comerford the justice, to gain possession, threatening to destroy the castle if his orders were disobeyed. Dermod Mac Owen, of Duhallo, of great wit and courage, was won over, and his chiefs Macawley and O'Keefe, and Ardart after nine days' defence reduced. The president lived in perpetual dread of Florence, " a Saul taller 568 TRANSFER OF ERIN. than his fellows," vigorous, of great ability, and notwithstanding his vacillations influential at the English court and among his own peo- ple. His wife Ellen at times resented his hostility to the queen, and it is said even shut him or his warders out of castle Lough, her pat- rimonial abode on Killarney. Kerry, mountainous, rich in its forest wealth, and valleys thick with herds and grain, had hardly been reached by the war, and defended by thousands of a warlike race set English rule at defiance. The Sugan had agreed to relinquish to Florence all chief dues over Beare and Bantry, the famous beeves of Carbery extorted when Geraldines were strong, Killaha, Quirinie, Carrigowan and Balliny near Cork. Carew endeavored, by taking into fixvor Donal, Ellen's base brother, to disconcert their schemes. Raleigh advised the queen to send over from his English prison, James Fitzgerald as earl, who arrived at Youghal on the eighteenth of October in charge of Price, but their reception at Cork was discouraging, for they could not obtain shelter or food. At Kilmallock, a vast concourse assembled to greet him upon his arrival on Saturday, showering upon him wheat and salt in token of welcome ; but when the next morning he attended not chapel but church, he was discarded by all. His friend, Thomas Oge, warden of Castlemayne, yielded up that foi'tress at his request, which had hitherto been held for his rival, and through his means an alliance planned by his mother for his sister Joan* with O'Donnel, was averted. Another between himself and Lady Norris had been pro- jected, but was prevented by the queen who chose to dispose of him as her ward. Eager to see his brother-in-law, Dermot O'Connor requested safe conduct into Munster. When within twenty miles of Limerick he was set upon by Theobald of the ships, son of Grace O'Mally, who chased him into an old church, set it on fire, killing forty of his men * Joan afterwards married Dermod O'Sullivan Beare. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 5G9 driven out by the flames, and cutting off his head. Theobald to his countrymen excused the act as fitting punishment for betraying the Sugan to the English, and to the English as righteous retribution for Dermot having killed his own kinsman Bourke near Limerick. It cost him his men and his pay, but not many future preferments after the reign of the queen was over. Carew, restless when not destroying, improved also the law to jrlut his cravinof. He started from Kilmallock in November to exe- cute what he terms exemplary justice upon rebels decoyed into his clutch. At Limerick and Cashel his gaol delivery was the scaffold, as also at Clonmel, where he strove to persuade Ormond, sum- moned to confer with him, to permit him to sweep his palatinate with fire and sword. The aged earl no longer rioting in bloodshed, as once when Gerald was his foe, evaded this solicitation by under- taking himself the unwelcome task, from which he was set free by the loss of his countess. The president, as a terror to harborers of traitors, burnt house and harvest in Owney, killed all mankind in JNluskry quirk where some kind friend had succored Lacy, and in Aherlow left neither man nor beast. Capturing a lad who had been recently servant to the Sugan, he induced him by threat or promise of reward to betray his master, and guide Thornton, Thomond and Harvey to the place where he lay in Drumfinnin. Sentinels on the watch seasonably signalled their approach, and the hunted earl fled barefoot from his ruined cabin, MacCarthy, papal bishop of Cork, his companion, clad as a churl, passing by them unregarded. Carew boasted to the council that not a castle in Munster, not five rebels of seven thousand when he came, held out against the queen, a pious work to use his own expression to be attributed to God. John Berkeley helped on the good cause. He seized a thousand cows and two hundred horses from Macawley for extending hospitality common in 72 570 TRANSFEK OF ERIN. the land to the heart broken fugitives, and slew many who had sought safety in the bogs. The towns making merchandize of the war had thriven. Tliey wisely selected lawyers for their magistrates for their better protection against arbitrary exactions. One of the garrison of Limerick stealing a hatchet and cast into prison, the president demanded his release. This Gal way the mayor resisting as contrary to their chartered rights, he was arrested, carried off to a neighboring castle, fined four hundred pounds and the citizens compelled to choose another in his stead. The fine was expended in repairing the city walls, but this excessive punishment for a slight offence provoked ill will, and the more when their agent sent to the queen to remon- strate, returned in humiliation and without redress. Of "fifteen* thousand swordsmen" the president found in Munster when he came, two thousand he had placed beneath the sod. The rest he had disarmed by promises or dissimulation, by his skill in stirring up strife or creating fear for life or land. Ten thousand lest they should be compromised by their foes, he says were knocking at the gate for pardons, of which four thousand w^ere actually issued. Not an O'Connor the deputy boasted had been left in Offaly, not forty O'Moores in Leix, and the indomitable Tyrrell ranged a fugi- tive in Ulster. The mountain chiefs near the capital, and among them Daniel Spaniagh, the border septs towards the north, O'Hanlons, MacMahons and O'Reillys, Ferney and the Fewes were subjected, and a strong garrison in the Brenny ever ready like the spider to pounce upon its prey, enabled Maguire, fighting for the queen, to sweep high up towards Loughfoyle. Meanwhile James Fitzthomas, once more powerful than any Geraldine among his predecessors in rule, still strong in the hearts of the adherents of his house, wandered as his uncle Gerald twenty years before, lurking in glen and mountain evading pursuit. His * This is in the Falstaflf vein, but green was not then the color of their coat. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 571 courage buoyed up by Spanish promises of aid, with nothing to hope from president or queen, noble and trustful he accepted his lot, inspiring affection and never betrayed by any clansman in whom he placed faith. Diligent search, stimulated by the offer of four hun- dred pounds set upon his head, led to the capture of his garments, but his faithful harper and devoted priest baffled the efforts of his pursuers by their shrewd devices. The hiding places of his uncle about Tralee were too well known, and he ranged from one conceal- ment to another among the hills near Aherlow and the borders of Ormond, very frequently seeking refuge in Clangibbon, the territory of Fitzo'ibbon the white kniofht. That he had been seen thereabouts was reported to the president. By recourse to his wonted unscrupulous procedure Carew succeeded in effecting his capture through the white knight, who, though not friendly to the Sugan, would not willingly have betrayed him, if for no other reason than that it would have called down upon him the detestation of his neighbors. But the president, instigated by Barry who had some inveterate grudge against Fitzgibbon, held him responsible for producing the earl, and on the twenty-ninth of May, in a cavern many fathoms in depth in the mountains of Slewgort he was found. Convic- tion in Ireland of treason being indispensal)le to confiscation of lands there, this was not delayed, and other indictments were draughted to be sent over with him to the queen. As his brother John would have succeeded to his pretensions if he were executed, his life was spared, and for eight years he remained a captive in the tower. His competitor for the earldom soon realized that as a pro- testant his chance of happiness was small even if restored. But this, if seriously intended, had not worked to expectation. All the while he remained in ]Munster, Richard Boyle, afterwards earl of Cork, then clerk of the council and already proprietor, by purchase from Raleigh, of forty thousand acres of the Desmond confiscations destined to enrich his numerous posterity, had been employed to 572 TEANSFER OF ERIN. keep the earl in constant view, report who had resort to him, indeed his every word and act. James by his long imprisonment in the tower was ill able to cope with one so astute. It certainly was not for Boyle's interests that the project of restoring the earldom with its ancient prerogatives should prosper, and it did not. And besides he was only one of a score, then even more powerful than himself, whose interests were identical. To remain longer in Ireland became so distasteful to James that he longed to be set free from annoyances to which he was daily subjected, preferring, as he wrote, obscurity with independence, to any such restraint. He urged the queen to allow him free range and suitable maintenance, or else an adequate support near herself, with a wife of her own selection. When the estates of Fitzmaurice then in rebellion were offered him, he honorably declined them, and glad to escape, had gone back in April to await such provision as the queen would make for him in England. He did not long survive, dying in the tower, just as Kinsale fell a few months afterwards, it is said of poison. If the draught were mingled by undertakers who dreaded his restoration, not an uncommon experience in Geraldine history, and they thus lose their grants, deeds as atrocious for less motive in those days of dark- ness were not without example. Florence still hung like a dark cloud over the head of the presi- dent. Spain, indignant at English interference with her provinces, humiliated by the defeat of the armada, menaced with preparation which, if exaggerated by rumor, caused reasonable alarm. If from a prevailing sense of the inutility of premature resistance Munster remained quiet, Carew knew it was from no attachment to English rule and that it only waited opportunity. Even at Blarney close by the gates of his capital there were indications of disaffection, and if Muskerry joined the Eoghenacht he might be shut up within its walls. Florence, acknowledged as chieftain, in the prime and vigor of life, of noble presence and vigorous mind, trained in the best TRANSFER OF ERIN. 573 scliools of diplomacy and war, with all the qualities but disinterest- edness to be the leader of men, needed but gold and guns to imperil the hold on Munster. If Spain had not been dilatory and had come a twelvemonth sooner, tliis hold might have been shaken off. This wide-spread disaffection was sufficiently logical. The wrongs of Florence were not solitary instances. If the queen and her min- isters had been more honest they would have confirmed to him his wife's inheritance, hers not only by Irish rules but by the law under Avhich Elizabeth held her crown. The settlement made by her grandfather in due form, invalidating the surrender beyond the life of her father, vested in her in the extinction of all male heirs for several generations the family estates. If the rights of the other septs and chiefs to land and liberty of conscience had been re- spected, opposition to English rule would liave died out and a vast loss of life and treasure, much shame and guilt been spared. But this was not the disposition of the times, and the unjustifiable policy of colonizing without regard to the birthright of the people, im- poverishment which had led to frequent mortgages of estates to pay the cost of resistance, had raised up a crowd of anxious claimants powerful at court. Too weak to resist or resent, the chief was compelled to dis- semble in the trust that to him as to others better times might come. Desmond's reverses in Aherlow left no alternative but to temporize, and at the end of October, under protection, with forty mounted attendants he appeared at the gates of Mallow and received courteous welcome from the president. He promised his son as his pledge, but Carew having other hostages, he went as he came. It was charged against him later that whilst under the roof of the pre- sident he wrote the warden of Castlemagne not to surrender that stronghold ; to Redmond Burke in Ely to hold out, for aid would soon reach him from Ulster. He was again at Mallow in January, promising to surrender his son and take out his pardon. But 574 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Nicholas Brown and Pelliam were claiming his estates under mort- gage, and he was not till long after jjermitted to redeem them. It was rumored that two thousand of his followers were organized and armed in the west, and as he was leaving Cork for his own country he was arrested and thrown into prison, on the pretext that he had promised to take out his pardon, and that the period specified would be at an end in two weeks. In August with Desmond he was sent over to the queen to remain in captivity, much of it in close confinement, till his death. XLIV. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1602.— (Continued.) Whilst the president at the south, by fraud rather than by force, reduced Munster to seeming acquiescence in English rule, the deputy, aided by Dowcra, Morrison and Chichester in Ulster, by Savage in the west, and Lambert in the centre of the kingdom, e nployed the same weapons for the like objects. As the operations of these two years, by the application of three-fourths of the whole revenue of the royal treasury, effectually undermined and overthrew what remained of Irish independence, they claim especial notice. If, instead of relying upon foreign assistance. Irishmen had trusted to their own hearts and hands, and united had placed the direction of affairs in O'Neil who merited their confidence, even if consolida- tion of the two nations had been inevitable, they might as the Scotch have dictated the terms. Although the course of events at either extremity of the island had a reciprocal effect in bringing them respectively about, and alike conduced to the final result of the struggle, they were sufficiently independent for separate treatment. AYe now return to Blount, whom we left soon after his installation as deputy in February, 1600, disappointed at not having intercepted Tyrone on his way home from Munster. TRANSFEE OF EKIN. 575 Ilis instructions chiefly relating to details of administration, limited his forces to twelve thousand foot and twelve hundred horse. He was to provide hospitals for the sick, take care that the soldiers should not sell their arms or leave their colors, and plant garrisons in the rebel countries. He was empowered to protect or pardon such as sub- mitted, even Tyrone himself if assured of his sincerity ; one test of such sincerity, in all cases, to be having drawn blood one upon another. In dealing with the northern chiefs there should be no exaction of profit, but simply of military service ; and there should be no interference with religion till tliey were more completely sub- jected. Cities and towns were to raise and maintain forces fur their own protection. Surveys were to be made of their shipping against its being needed for public service, and knighthood was not to be conferred without the queen's sanction. Morrison, loyal to his master, represents Blount as estimable not only in his private relations, but as an accomplished general and able statesman. Success is not invariably the safe criterion of desert, and the conquest consummated under his sway was as much due to his policy of corruption as to his military operations or extraordinary wisdom. Thrice during the summer he approached the borders of Tyrone : early in May, in the middle of July and of September. His object in INIay, to engage the attention of the chiefs whilst Sir Henry Dowcra effected his landing at Loughfoyle, was crowned with success. This long contemplated measure, bridling the north with a chain of forts, if not carried out to the extent originally designed, favored by circumstances, notwithstanding various discouragements, proved efl&cacious beyond expectation. Towards the end of April three thousand foot and two hundred horse, under Dowcra, left Chester- ton to meet at Knockfergus another thousand of veterans from the garrisons, one-fourth designed under Morgan for Bally shannon. Their landing on Loughfoyle was effected on the sixteenth of May, without opposition, for the fighting men were in camp with Tyrone 576 TRANSFER OF ERIN. engaged against the deputy. In six days Culmore, surrounded by river and bog, open to the sea but not assailable by land, afforded them shelter and security, marauds into Inishowen fuel and food. Advanced posts were established, one at Aileach home of the ancient kings, another at Derry soon to be famous, w^here an area of forty acres occupied only by ruined abbey and church, castle and episco- pal abode, strong by nature and now further strengthened by works of earth and stone taken from its dilapidated buildings, became his principal headquarters. When known in Ulster what was intending, the chiefs gathered their clans. They marched five thousand strong with all speed to meet Blount, who, to divert their attention from this operation, had in May advanced to Dundalk, and on Whit-Sunday by the Moyry pass to Newry. Southampton, still in command of the cavalry, on his way to join the deputy, five hundred men were despatched under Blayny for his protection. Their united foi'ces encountered at Four-mile-water, a ford environed by dense forests in the midst of the pass, an enemy, of whose numbers they could not judge, and who, when Blount marched down from Newry to effect a junction with the cavalry, changed tlieir position and with little vigor charged the rear of Southampton who gained some glory in beating them off. Tyrone with no powder to spare, presuming Blount intended to penetrate further into Ulster for cooperation with the northern army, had burnt Armagh, dismantled Dungannon, and constructed lines three miles in extent at Loughlurken, where he hoped to repeat his late victory. But when news came from Chichester, at Carrickfergus, that the invaders were already entrenched, the deputy moved his army by the pass of Carlingford, that of Moyry being less safe, and dis- tributinceuliar en- dearment that he must never doubt her affection, or heed what ill nature might say to his prejudice.* Whilst the army was absent at the north, the neighboring septs kept the suburbs of Dublin alarmed by frequent raids. Tyrrell, with forces from the north, devastated Kildare, Carlow and Tippcrary, taking castles, prisoners and spoil, creating great havoc. The deputy after a few weeks of official duty, again took the field. Giving out tliat Leix and Ophaly were his objective points, he speedily crossed the snow covered mountains to the abode of Phelim, chief of the O'Byrnes, who escaped into the woods but left his family and Christmas repast to the deputy. Twenty daj^s were spent in wast- ing Ranelagh and Cashry, herds, houses and corn. Planting garri- sons at AVicklow and Tullogh, Blount visited Kildare, then deserted, jNIaynooth, occupied by jNIabel the ancient countess of Kildare, and the castle of Trim which he chose for his own abode. The next month he passed through Meath to Athlone, tarrying as the guest of Trimlestown, Delvin and Dillon, pressing heavily on their hospitality as his escort consisted of five hundred men. He wrote Carew ur- gently for a thousand more, which the president might well spare, since he held as pledges for the peace of his province the child or next of kin of nearly all its chieftains, and recognizances from the less powerful. On the nineteenth of March he reached Denoar, the castle of Mageoghan, and after driving Tyrrell out of his fastnesses into the borders of Leix, where he in vain endeavored to capture him, he wasted Feruey, and four weeks later was upon his return from Drogheda to the capital. By his activity, and that in winter, be had.disproved Tyrone's prediction of his military inaptitude, and deserved the high estimate formed of his generalship by English writers. • She addressed him as her " dear kitchen maid." 74 586 TRANSFER OF ERIN. The border chiefs exposed to aggression from the pale, with the sanction of Tyrone, submitted to the deputy, who, upon his return to Dublin, entertained them at the feast of St. George. O'Hanlon, Turlogh of the Fews, Ever MacCooly chief of Ferney, Daniel Span- iagh of the Cavanaghs, Felim O'Byrne, to reciprocate his Christmas banquet, and other chiefs were his guests ; his colonels and captains serving the meal or tending upon the table. Blount, as repre- sentative of royalty on this state occasion, perhaps hoped to conciliate respect for authority, by such an example of subservience to the crown. It probably had its effect in flattering the pride of chieftains welcomed as equals of sovereignity. Could they have read the correspondence of the period and known that this welcome was one to hospitable graves, that in the field their clansmen were exposed to especial danger to thin their numbers, and that their host advised the queen to send them into foreign service, inasmuch as they could not there become better soldiers, but would in all likelihood perish and never return to plague her, they would have taken less pleasure in these festive splendors. The destruction of the crops was already working its purpose. Before the year was over, families were perishing from famine, dying with their mouths green from the nettles and weeds on which they endeavored to appease their hunger. In the hope of quicken- ing the work the queen, with Cecil to advise, called in all the coin of the English or debased Irish standard, substituting two hundred thousand pounds of what was greatly inferior in value, and which from doubt of what it actually was worth soon ceased to be taken even at that. The army first suffered, then the tradesmen. Confidence at an end in money, interchange of commodities one for another grew sluggish, and trade lost its animation. It wrought even greater prejudice to its inventors than those against whom it was aimed, for Irish trade with foreign lands was less interrupted, and Spanish gold extensively circulated through the seaports. But that it con_ TRANSFER OF ERIN. 587 tributed with other diaboHcal measures of the crown to create the wide-spread distress which crippled resistance, seems generally ad- mitted. Arthur O'Xeil derived no personal advantage from betraying his country for his own aggrandizement. Fever killed him in October, and Turlogh his son accepted by government as heir to his promised reward w'hen the war ended was forgotten, and Hugh remained un- disturbed. Nial obtained no better treatment, for set aside on the pretext that he had swerved from his obedience, Rory succeeding his brother red Hugh, after his death, became earl of Tyrconnel. Nial deserved well his designation of roug-h and often o-ave offence. O'Don- nel aware of his unpopularity, and thinking his enemies all venal, for he had bought a deputy himself when regaining his liberty, sent Hugh and Phelim Macdavid to Culmore with wares to dispose of, instructed if opportunity offered to propose to Alford in command to give up the place with Nial in it, for a large pension from Spain, with money and a gold chain in hand. Dowcra received the chain, but the chief discovered in season that the trap was set for himself. John Doherty dying at Christmas, O'Donnel, according to laws of tanistry, recognized his brother Phelim as chief, neglecting his son Cahir to the great indignation of the Macdavids by whom he had been bred and fostered. Notwithstanding their abortive intrigue with Alford they agreed with Dowcra that if Cahir were confirmed as chief and made independent of O'Donnel, they and all they could influence would do good service. The promise -was made, the ser- vices rendered and faith broken. Absolving Inishowen from fealty to Tyrconnel still further exasperated the irascible Nial. That was also his rightful inheritance, and he claimed into Tyrone, Ferman- agh and Connaught, and whatever appertained to his chieftainry. MacSweeney Fanad, separated by an arm of the sea from O 'Doherty, spoiled by the royalists of a thousand cows, professed allegiance to recover them. Dowcra, helped by Nial, reduced as the spring opened, 588 TEANSFER OF ERIN. castle Derg in Tyrone. O'Donnel, in May, with fifteen hundred men hoping to take the enemy unprepared, invaded Inishowen where the partisans of Cahir had in guard at Binnen, on a tongue of land jut- ting out towards Scotland and protected by the old castle of Cargan, three thousand head of cattle belonging principally to the forts. Contingents from Connaught declining to take their appointed place in the front of his battle array, the chief with his own men broke into the defences of the enemy. They contrived to escape to where their cattle and men were defended by heavy guns and strong walls. His own force reduced by desertion of his followers and powerless against them without artillery, O'Donnel disappeared. Still, whilst Tyrconnel could at will raid the west for food, or join the Spaniards now expected there or further south in force, the urgency of some stronghold, such as Ballyshannon, to clip his wings became more than ever apparent. The country around swarmed with doughty warriors. O'Rourke with eight hundred, Eedmond Burke with six hundred, O'Malleys and O'Flahertys as strong, awaited in arms the signal to combine their colors. It had not been given, and they were far apart when Flower despatched by the deputy at an opportune moment, gathered on his way the hostings of Thomond and Clanrickard, and in an encounter at Quin, Teigue O'Brien and the MacWilliam, son of the black abbot, were slain. Carew with the rest of his army lined the stream to Athlone, and when the fugitives short of food, fearing to be hemmed in by a superior force, were fighting their way down to the boats of O'Madden to cross, they found their path blocked, and on the eighteenth of May in passing over the Suck two hundred were drowned and much of their ba2:2:ag'e and munition lost. Dis- heartened the clansmen dispersed to their homes ; the stranger chiefs with their aiTay shrivelling up under disaster, sought safety with friends or in concealment. The country clear, Boyle and Athlone were strengthened to facilitate the main design as the prospect improved. TRANSFER OF ERIN, 589 In May, Newton four miles from Lifford, another month Ainough castle of the O'Kanes, were occupied, both the year after recovered by the catholics, and in July the deputy sent for Dowcra to hasten to meet him at the Blackwatcr, who having no matches for his match- locks could not go. Tyrconnel and his chiefs lying in wait for his coming had left the abbey of Donegal, near the sea, unprotected. Nial Garve with five hundred English soldiers and other troops was sent to take it. The deputy retiring, O'Donncl laid siege to the abbey which on the sixteenth of September took fire. The garrison removed food and powder to a corner out of reach of the flames which raged through the night, the fight unremitted, and when the moment seemed ripe O'Donnel burst in. Tlie defenders fought bravely; nearly a thousand perished. The catholics delaying to take pos- session of the burning building, they escaped by a hidden way to a smaller monastery near, which they defended. Clanrickard sought to raise the siege by an im^oad upon Elphin, but O'Donnel went to meet him and the earl went home. The Ulster chiefs in May had sent O'Rourk, Leitrim and Duhallo with more than a thousand men to help Desmond. Duhallo was slain by a ball from the way- side, and it being rumored that Desmond was captured they stopped. Clanrickard attacked them and died within fifteen days, it is said, of wounds received in the combat. His son Richard, the fourth earl, succeeded,* and it wat him that O'Donnel drove home. Eager to be doing, perhaps to keep them effective, Blount with three thousand men on the twenty-fifth of May had marched to Faug- hard and constructed a fort. Three weeks later he proceeded by the * Ulick, third earl, besides his daughter Honora, who married Malby, had by his wife Margaret Fitzallen, wliom he married in 1564, five sons, who grew to manhood. Thomas, the third, commanded fifteen liumh-ed foot in tlie army of Elizabeth ; William, the fourth, whose wife was daugliter of Sir James MacSorleboy MacDonnel, was father of Richard, the sixth earl, who died 16^)6, and of William the seventh, in 1683; John, the fifth, viscount Clanmorris, died 163-5. Richard, tlie second son, who succeeded his father as fourth earl, called of Kinsale, from his services at the siege, married Frances Walsingham, widow of Philip Svdney, killed at Zutjihen, and of Robert, earl of Essex, beheaded Feb. 1601. His son, Ulick, 1604-1657, created marquis 1644, played an important part in the Cromwellian wars. He left an only child, Margaret, wife of lord Muskerry, killed in the sea-fight of 1665, mother of Charles, second earl of Claucarthy, who died young in 1666. 590 TRANSFEE OF ERIN. IMoyry pass to Newiy ; thence lie marched east into the territory of Evagh MacGuinness, planting a garrison under Morrison at Lecale. Seven miles beyond, the fortress of Dundrum, considered impregnable, was surrendered by Phelim O'Neil, and he passed on through the country of MacCartan, by Downpatrick, six miles to Ardglas. Here he relieved Jordan who, for three years, had been shut up in the castle. Passing through Russeltown he encamped at Blackstalf, and thence on the nineteenth marched by Five-mile-church to Car- rickbane, north of Newry. Tyrone occasionally appeared in sight, but not opposing, probably holding himself in reserve against the Spaniards came. The fourteenth of July, the deputy at the Blackwater wrote Dowcra, as mentioned above, to join him from Derry. Dowcra came down within sixteen miles on the north of Dungannon. Blount approached it somewhat nearer from the south. It was too well defended for successful attack, and the catholic authorities say he sustained a severe repulse when he attempted it. For want of matches Dowcra could come no nearer. Tyrone, avoiding a pitched battle, kept aloof. Skirmishes occasionally occurred, and in one Peter Lacy was killed. On the twenty-second of August, the deputy was still at Newry, and a few days later at Millifout, on his way to meet the council at Trim. On the fifteenth of September at Kilkenny, in daily expect- ation of the arrival of the Spaniards, he organized his army, largely reinforced from England, to oppose them. Three thousand he had left at the north, to watch and block the movements of Tyrone. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 591 XLV. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1602.— (Continued.) The end approached. Rumors of succor from Spain were rife in the seaports, and assuming definite form occupy considerable space in correspondence preserved. Tyrone and Tyrconnel had proceeded together at Christmas to the western shores, to receive and divide gold and munitions of war, promise of more to follow v.-ith an army to aid. But absolute monarchies, if sufficiently arbitrary, are not always very prompt or energetic. Philip was easily beaten by Cecil in the game of European diplomacy. False reports pur- posely set afloat and industriously circulated, tool: time for contra- diction, and the king, however eager to resent or retaliate interfer- ence with his own provinces, on the part of the queen and the protestants, was engrossed either with the duties and pleasures of his court, or with the affairs of his extensive dominions. His subordinates, with their own objects to be furthered by delay, procrastinated where they could, and preparations for the Irish expedition grew fitful and sluggish. Vessels were equipped, food and arms collected, ten thousand troops levied or organized ; but these extensive armaments melted away, diverted to other purposes, the men perishing by disease or wearied of the service deserting. Their place was to be supplied, and new recruits to be drilled and disciplined. As the case with the armada, the fitting moment flitted by unimproved. When the fleet sailed the force it carried was grossly inadequate to the undertaking, and when, after being shat- tered by storms on the ocean, the remnant reached the Irish coast and landed less than three thousand men, with a few small guns, an expression of utter disappointment the chiefs, who had long been fed with sanguine expectations of achieving independence through S^san- ish help, could hardly restrain. 592 TRANSFER OF ERIN. What followed is variously represented by the authorities on either side. We follow principally the catholic historian of the war, 1587-1602, whose work, though not translated from the Latin, rests upon relations made to him by the leaders who took jjart, especially by his own father, one of the most efficient of them all. It has been generally accepted as a faithful account of what actually occurred. "Whatever else exists available, Carew, Morrison and the calendars, has been compared with his statements, and where proceeding from sources of information not within his reach, has been interwoven in the narrative. Early summer had found the expedition in readiness to take its departure under protection of a fleet, when peremptory orders came to the admiral, Brochero, to proceed forthwith to Terceira with his men-of-war, and convoy home the American treasure ships. Upon his return fleet and army rendezvoused at Lisbon, the troops, thirty- five hundred in number, in transpoi'ts under command of Juan de Aquila, who had made many blunders and whose military record w^as not brilliant. There were forty-five ships in all, and when in mid- ocean, overtaken by heavy storms, they were dispersed. Seven vessels under Zubiar driven back, took refuge in Corunna. The rest gathering -to the flagship, reached Kinsale on the twenty-third of September. Its harbor at the mouth of the Blackwater opened to the south, guarded on the east by the castle of Rincorran, on the west by the Castle-ni-Park, both of them separated from the town by the river. Had these strongholds been properly armed and gar- risoned, approach from the sea would have been more difiicult. The town had greatly suflfered in the Desmond wars. It contained about two hundred houses, several castles and churches, and was environed by hills of no great elevation. Its shattered walls poorly reconstructed, could afford little resistance to heavy guns. An island in the harbor might have been fortified, but its communications with the main were liable to interruption by a hostile fleet, and fresh TRANSFER OF ERIN. 593 water could only be procured in sufficient quantity by pinnaces sent up into the country. North of the town rose an eminence called the Spittal, available to those who occupied it for assailing or defending the place, for which latter purpose the river also proved of service. The English garrison, consisting of about fifty men under Saxey, were withdrawn to Cork upon arrival of the Spaniards. Aquila disembark- ing, marched his men under forty captains into the place, at the gates of which they were cordially welcomed by the inhabitants, staunch catholics, ^v\\o put them in full possession of its defences. The com- mander, led to expect large and immediate accessions from home and the neighboring septs, and to take the field without delay, made little effort to strengthen the works. Four small guns were landed, as also their supplies in much haste from the fleet, when it sailed away to avoid attack for which it was ill prepared. A battalion with one of these guns occupied Rincorran, but there was a deficiency of ord- nance which by some fatality had been laden upon the ships blown home by the storm, and their heavy burden probably explains their not proceeding with the rest. Aquila, and Ovieto, archbishop of Dublin, who accompanied him, were not always of one mind, and the former possibly was not the least in fault. His temper, irascible and unreasonable, offended and discouraged the few chiefs who responded with alacrity to his call. Donal Coom O'Sullivan,* prince of Beare and Bantry, sent him word that he was on his way with two thousand of his followers, one-half of whom only were armed, and requesting weapons for the rest that he might engage the attention of the deputy and delay the siege until the northern chiefs arrived. This was not in the power of the com- * Donal Coom, 1560-1680, son of Donal, prince of Beare (killed 1-563), by Sarah O'Brien, daughter of Sir Donald and Slany, daughter of the first earl of TJiomond, was elected prince of Beare in 1692. His grandfither, Derniot, who died 1549, at his castle of Dunhoy, married Julia, daughter of Donal Reagh of Carliery, l)y Eh'nor, daugliter of the eighth earl of Kildare. Bv Ellen, daughter of O'Sullivan Moore and the sister of Florence Mac- Carthy, Donal Coom had two sons. Dermot, count of Bearehavcn, represented Spain in 1642 at Kilkenny, and according to Smith's History of Cork, his descendants were heredi- tary governors of the Groyne a century later. 75 594 TKANSFEROFERIN. mander to grant, as the arms intended for the Irish were likewise in the missing ships. Blount, in a personal interview, had concerted measures with Carew, and when intelligence reached him that the Spaniards had disembarked, he proceeded south from Kilkenny, giving orders to collect the army. Attended by a few of his council he reached Cork on the twenty-eighth of September, and after reconnoitering the enemy, advanced to Awnsby bridge, midway between Cork and Kinsale, where Florence fought his battle. Both generals appealed to the people by proclamation to invite cooperation. The insincerity of the inducements held out by the deputy is curiously displayed in his letters home. The late desolating warfare had left large numbers of the chiefs and their followers without subsistence. He proposed to take them into the queen's pay and use them hard against the Span- iards, and throw them over when they had accomplished their work. Paid in debased coin, it would be more rapidly circulated to the weakening of the country, which would be furthered by forcing them to obtain their own supplies. If they declined to serve, when the war ended they would be more completely in their power. When at last in sufficient strength to commence the siege, he advanced within half a mile of the town. Cormac MacDermot, the new lord of Mus- kerry , joinedhim, and his adhesion was ostentatiously paraded. Other troops from England or the north flocked in, and entrenching on the Spittal, on the twenty-sixth of October, his batteries sent by sea were planted, and soon after the month ended Rincorran surrendered. Meanwhile O'Donnel, leaving the siege of Donegal on the first of October, with his brothers Rory and Calvagh gathered his allies, O'Rourke, O'Doherty, O'Boyle, MacDonoghs, MacDermot, Mac- Sweeny Tuath, O'Kelly, two sons of O'Connor Roe, O'Flaherties, Redmond Burke and his brother William, Donal O'Conor Sligo, Dermot Moyl brother of Florence, and others, with three thousand troops, four hundred of them horse, and marched to aid Aquila. He TRANSFER OF ERIN. 595 crossed the Shannon at Artcroch into Fircal, and at INIoydrum, in Ikerrin, halted twenty days for Tyrone. He had reached Holy cross, when Carew, sent from the camp of the deputy on the seventh of November, having under his command, when reinforced by Barry and Bourke, thirty-five hundred foot and four hundi*ed horse, hearing at Cashel of his approach endeavored to waylay him, blocking the roads and passes with a view of bringing him to battle. Tyr- connel had other objects, and kindling wide-spread camp fires to convey a mistaken impression of his numbers and position, marched safely by the president, and sudden frost stiffening the bogs, on the twenty-third of November crossed the mountains, thirty -two miles in the night, by Owny and Crom, to the gates of Limerick, and thence south-westerly into Hy-connel-gaura. He took posses- sion as he went of Ardfert, Ballykealy and Lixnaw, their lord visit- ing Clanmaurice, his dominion, and John O'Conor Kerry repossessing himself of Carrygophoyle. Tyrconnel again halted at different stages of his progress, to effect a junction with O'Neil. Carew, outgener- alled, not wishing to be cut off from Kinsale, hastened back. After the surrender of Eincorran, a battery placed near by com- manded the Spanish lines on that side of Kinsale. Thomond landing at Castlehaven with one thousand reinforcements from England, reached the camp on the fifteenth ; on which day admirals Levison and Preston with the deet, and two thousand more, entered the har- bor. The former with his men, much disordered by their voyage, were ordered to Cork, and soon after, with his cavalry, the earl himself joined Carew, returning with him and Clanrickard on the twenty-fifth to the camp. Castle-ni-Park, commanded by the fleet, after a vigorous defence had been forced to yield on the twentieth, and the approaches, notwithstanding the severe frost and constant volleys from the besieged, were drawn nearer to the town. The heavier artillery of the royalists played incessantly upon the walls and battle- ments till their pieces were crazed with the heat, and sorties and 596 TRANSFER OF ERIN. skirmishes were constantly taking place with varied fortune, two hundred of the Spaniards being killed in one warmly contested. After an ineiFectual summons on the twenty-eighth, batteries were planted against the gate and wall west of it, when the night of the second of December, which was rainy and dark, the Spaniards came out in force, but after heavy loss were driven back. When intelli- gence of the arrival of the missing ships with troops, at Castlehaven, reached the camp, confirmed by a Scotch captain who treacherously brought eighty of them into Cork, the fire was slackened, the guns withdrawn to protect the lines, and two additional works thrown up to complete the investiture of the town. Early in December, Zubiar with his seven vessels approached too close the rock bound coast, near Castlehaven, for safety. The five O'Driscol brothei's, sons of the chief, extricated them from their danger, and delivered up their castles, Dermod, who spoke their language, explaining the state of affairs. Levison with his fleet des- patched from Kinsale, well armed, ably commanded and in greatly superior numbers, attacked the cruisers under the marquis of Santa Cruce, as well as the transports not designed for battle and out of condition from their recent voyage, as also the town and the castle which had no artillery to defend them. The English were about to land, when the Spanish commander realizing his danger wrote urgently to the prince of Beare to come to his rescue. That chief with his uncle Dermod, an able officer with much experi- ence in warfare, marched with five hundred foot and some horse from Bantry , fifteen miles distant, the same day, arriving as the English were leaping from their boats to crush the handfull of Spaniards ashore. O'Driscol Mor with his son Cornelius, O'Donovan and some of the Maccarthy chiefs joined them. Zubiar disembarking five of his guns battered the English fleet for two days, raking their ships from bow to stern with a heavy fire, penetrating their hulls with three hundred shot, killing sixty men in the flagship of the admiral, five TRANSFER OF ERIN. 597 Imndred and seventy-five in all, when the fleet discomfited warped out, and the wind favoring, sailed away. O'Sullivan delivered up to Saavedra, with food for two months, his principal castle of Dun- boy. It was supplied with guns, balls, powder, lead and gunrope, sent by water from Castlehaven. Its harbor, safe and frequented from ancient times by ships from Spain, from which circumstances, tradition says, it had derived its name of Bearehaven, was easy of access for friends but difficult for enemies. O'Driscol also admitted Spanish garrisons into his castles. After the fleet returned to Kin- sale, stormy weather for the fortnight ensuing impeded siege opera- tions, when on the twenty-first the scouts reported the approach of the army of relief. O'Xeil had not been dilatory, but various embarrassments had delayed his movements. He marched, the eighth of November, into Meath, and though opposed raided the country, English and Anglo-Irish, and in a combat provoked by Darsy Platen killed him, and having collected much spoil carried it home. He could not leave his dominions unprotected, or without adequate supplies of food and ammunition for those he left to defend them, or who were to accompany his march, since Dow^cra had an effective force in Derry, and towards the pale the garrisons were numerous and aggressive. The Avinter had already set in when he at last started to march two hundred miles to Kiusale. MacMahon, Maguire, brother of the cliief killed at Cork by St. Leger, Randal MacDonnel prince of Glynn, Fitzmaurice baron of Lixnaw, Richard Tyrrell and others of his family accompanied him, their whole force numbering twenty-six hundred foot and four hun- dred horse. Following O'Donnel into Barry orrery they encamped together at Belgooly, in Kinalea, organizing their array. Thither came Donal Coom, prince of Beare, w^ith his clansmen and three hundred Spaniards from Zubiar, under O'Campo. With Donal came likewise O'Conor Kerry, Daniel son of O'Sullivan Mor, Daniel MacS weeny and other knights. 598 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Without longer delay the catholic army advanced towards Kinsale, pitching their camp, protected by entrenchments, one mile and a half from the town on the road from Cork, where was then a wood about half a mile from the enemy. Thus cooped up between the besieged and the catholics, who cut off their supplies of provisions and prevented their marauds, the English could only venture far enough to hastily retreat, casting away their burdens when their enemy came in view. They soon abandoned all marauds by day, and soon after even at night. What they had was speedily consumed. Want, famine and at length pestilence wasted their army, whilst the Irish camp abounded in food. The besieged for many weeks had been supplied with what they brought with them, or the town afforded, secure from assault by their own valor, or by the defences which they had constructed. The chiefs of Munster, hitherto neutral, took heart and promised to be no longer wanting to their country or faith, but rally their forces as speedily as they might. Irish soldiers in the English ranks gave intimation to Tyrconnell, that before three days they would come over to him, and justified their sincerity by deserting in twos or threes together, often ten at a time. If their desertion to the side to which they naturally owed their allegiance had been awaited in patience it would have been all over with the English army, for of the fifteen thousand troops with which they had commenced the siege, half had already succumbed to the sword, hunger, cold or disease. A large part of them, recent recruits from England, were sluggish and un- accustomed to toil or danger. Of the residue scarcely two thousand were English or protestant, so numerous in the ranks were Irish or Anglo-Irish. The deputy appalled by the discouraging posture of affairs, resolved to send off his cavalry if not to raise the siege, and betakinsj himself to Cork to defend its walls. Thus without combat or loss the catholics by patience would have been left victorious. Their historian piously ascribes the very different course of events to the sins of his countrymen. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 599 Aqiiila, by frequent missives, urged O'Donnel to effect a jiuiction •with him. O'Xeil, O'Sullivan and others thought it wise not to precipitate affairs, but await the coming in of the expected deserters and the retreat of the enemy. This more prudent policy Tyrconnel and the majority of the leaders opposed, A day was appointed when O'Xeil, just before dawn, should draw near to the royalist entrenchments, and Aquila sally forth to join him. Letters inter- cepted or some traitor suborned by the deputy, betrayed their design. O'Xeil advancing with his forces drawn up in three lines to the speci- fied point, found it to his surprise already occupied by the English, who with drums and trumpets and firing of guns, appeared to be engaged in combat. Scouts from the town discovering the trick re- ported it to Aquila, who relinquished his part of the project. O'Don- nel led astray by guides ignorant or treacherous, wandered oft" in the dark, and no information could be had of where he was. O'Xeil and O'Sullivan, receiving an erroneous impression from what they heard that Aquila had reached the place assigned for their rendez- vous, hurried rapidly forward to his support. Finding the English had returned to their entrenchments and the camp silent, they also at last surmised the deceit. After some little delay they went cautious- ly on, in the gray of the morning, towards the place stipulated ; the army of O'Sullivan, in advance, halting near the lines of the English camp, but screened from their view by a hill. As it became day, O'Xeil surprised that the Spanish commander did not come forward or give signal for commencing the fight, with O'Sullivan and O'Campo ascended the hill, scanning with scrutinizing gaze the camp below. There it lay close by, in all its strength of rampart, ditch, batteries and towers, soldiers under arms and horses caparisoned. Even in numbers they exceeded their own forces if united, many of whom, and especially those from the south, had the day before gone out to forage. O'Donnel with his army did not appear. O'Xeil, after a consultation with his officers, concluding to 600 TRANSFER OF ERIN. defer the attempt to another night, ordered a retreat. Before they had retired four hundred paces, they met O'Donnel, greatly offended at their retrograde movement, who at this moment had encountered the English cavalry at the ford he was crossing and driven them back. The enemy renewed their attempt to cross the stream. O'Donnel sup- posing they could be easily crushed between the ford and his own troops, if he gained more space for evolution, drew back, when part of his own cavalry, either from accident or treachery, rode into the ranks of the rest ex-eating confusion. This disorder extended to the infantry, whose lines, broken by the charges of the cavalry, took to flight, after a resistance in which they lost many hundred lives. The panic spread. Ulster and Munster men, worn out by their long watching, not sufficiently instructed to realize that safety in battle was to keep cool and not break their ranks, and when thrown into disorder to reform with promptitude, repel cavalry charges in flank or rear as in front, lost presence of mind when the royalists moved rapidly down upon them. In spite of the efforts and entreaties of their officers to rally round their standards, they retreated. The royalist cavalry fearing this a snare to entrap them pursued with little vigor. Many Irish leaders on the royalist side endeavored to persuade the fugitives to renew the combat, promising their aid. Neither their efforts nor those of Tyrone and Tyrconnel availed. O'Sullivan, Tyrrel and the Spaniards prolonged the combat until they were overpowered by numbers. English writers say twelve hundred of the catholics were left dead upon the field. The catholic historian says one sixth of that number perished in O'Neil's army, probably in the retreat. Thomond and Clanrickard did good ser- vice. The latter, who had killed, in the engagement or retreat, twenty Irishmen with his own hand, and whose battle-cry was to spare no rebel, received from the deputy the honor of knighthood for his prowess on the field, where thanksgiving was rendered up for this unexpected victory. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 601 It is easy to reconcile discrepancies between this and other accounts of the battle. According to the most reliable, the deputy learning from MacMahon ^Yhat was designed, strengthened his outposts and kept his army ready for action. Towards daybreak, whilst in consultation with the marshal and president, Graham, in charge that night of the videttes, reported to them that his scouts had discovered the enemy's apjjroach, from their matches flashing through the darkness. Put- ting his men under arms and sending word to Thomond, Blount ordered batteiies to command the ford which the catholics must pass. Delcampo, eager to join Aquila within the walls with his eight hun- dred Spaniards, obtained leave from Tyrone to push on, but finding the ford thus guarded drew back. The president sent to prevent sorties from the town, Blount advanced to where Tyrone had taken position beyond another ford on strong ground , with a bog in flank, his men still in disorder from their retrograde movement. The marshal, with Power and Clanrickard, drove in their skirmish lines, but the gross or main bodies on either side en- gaging, the royalists were repeatedly driven back. Godolphin, Graham, Mynshal, Barkley, Da vers, Taafe and Fleming coming up with large masses of foot and horse, their charges were at first re- pulsed, but persevering, the catholics gave way, and covered by their cavalry, through the great exertions of their commanders, retreated in good order. Tyrrel, Donal Coom and Delcampo with the Spaniards, stood firm upon a hill to the right ; when assailed by Roe they retired to an eminence beyond. Their numbers melting away under the withering fire, Delcampo and forty of his men surrendered, all that were left in his ranks of the eight hundred, and this, it is said, ended the strife. Had the catholic king, or his ministers, heeded what Tyrone ur- gently wrote, this misery would have been escaped. "If sent to Ulster, four or five thousand men would be required, but if to Mun- ster, they should send more strongly, because neither he nor O'Donnel 76 602 TRANSFER OF ERIN. could come to help them." The event justified his foresight. For with their utmost exertions the northern chiefs could not muster, and leave their own country sufficiently guarded, more than six thousand for cooperation at the south, and these inferior in arms and especially in artillery. In the open field, in mid- winter, without town or castle for support or shelter, events they could not control baffled their prudence. They could neither select their ground nor a favorable season for battle, and they were prematurely and without prepara- tion entangled at great disadvantage. This disaster, fatal to national independence, has been attributed to the disloyalty of MacMahon, whose eldest son had been page to the president, and who betrayed what was designed. Occurrences during the night are difficult to explain upon any other hypothesis than treason in the ranks. Besides, strange lights flitting about on the lances of the English troops disturbed wanderers in a region not familiar, whilst thunder and lightning, unusual at that season of the year, for it was the day before Christmas,* increased their perplexities. But divided covmcils, the ancient rivalry for command between Tyrone and Tyrconnel, revived at this inopportune moment, and assuming form as they left tlieir entrenchments, proved the obstacle to success. From what is known of the condition of the royalists, had either of them been allowed to control operations, victory would have stood within their grasp. The three armies, though not far apart, acted without concert, and were a mutual embarrassment. The chroniclers tell us that few comparatively were slain, but that the glory of the island for valor, chivalry and noble traits, its prosperity and independence were thrown away in this battle. It is recorded that a prophecy was read to Blount from an old manuscript, and * Old style. These dates may confuse. In 1582, Gregory abolished the Julian calen- dar and adopted the Gregorian, dropping ten days after the fourth of October. Protestants were slow to accept an improvement emanating from Rome, and the English not before 1751. In their works the date of the l)attle is as given in the text, the twenty- fourth of December, by Spanish and Irish catholics the third of January. December then the tenth month, the new year dated from the twenty-tifth of March. Elizabeth died March 24, 1602, old style; by the new, April 3, 1603. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 603 repeated to him bj Thomond, that the Gael, or foreigner, was to gain a great victory at that time and place. Tyrone lost heavily, yet still formidable in numbers, strove inef- fectually to persuade his brother chieftains to resume their former methods of warfare, and taking at once some position of strength, to wear out their foes by famine and fatigue. But the other armies, more exposed had sustained greater loss than his own, and could not be reorganized in presence of an enemy emboldened by success. They withdrew, and the royalists doubting their own good fortune, or possibly conjecturing that appearances were deceitful, that the real design was to draw them away from their camp and afford Aquila a chance to attack it at advantage, did not pursue. That night the broken troops reached Innishannon, near Bandon, demoralized. Reproaches mingled with their disappointment. They could not sleep. They sought no refreshment. All realized the extent of their calamity. Consultation among their leaders as to what course should be pursued to guard against perils impending, led to little conclusion, and the measures adopted were precipitate and not harmonious. O'Neil, whose advice if adopted would have averted the catastrophe, retained his wonted calmness and cour- age, advocating a bold course. But opposition from O'Rourke, from personal considerations, which at critical conjunctures in Ireland, as elsewhere, have often defeated wiser counsels, prevailed. Learning that his brother, left in charge of Brefny, had improved his absence to supplant him, he was anxious to hurry home. Randal of the Glynns also objected to remaining, and their example spread. It was determined to end the campaign, and defend their own borders until fresh succors came. Donal Coom, of Beare, was directed meanwhile to take command of the troops, about three thousand, left in Munster. Tyrconnel, who had been wounded, with Redmond Burke and Mostyn sailed for Spain, on the twenty-seventh, from Castlehaven. 604 TRANSFER OF ERIN. They reached in eight days Corunna, near that tower of Breogan, from which the great-grandsons of its builder had started twenty centuries before to resent the slaughter of their uncle and his com- panions, whom the Tuatha de Danaans, then possessors of the island, had inhospitably slain. In the midst of winter, shut off by sea from reinforcements and supplies, the prospect of the besieged was not encouraging, and before the week ended their commander proposed a conference to arrange preliminaries for surrender. His demands, considering the changed aspect of affairs, were somewhat audacious, including a safe return home for his army, with treasure, guns and whatever else they possessed. These conditions were extended to cover Dunboy, Donneshed and Donnelong belonging to Sir Finnen O'Driscol, at Baltimore, and the fortresses of Sir Donogh at Castlehaven, with their respective Spanish garrisons. They were conceded after negotiation. The besiegers found themselves in no state to insist upon more rigorous terms, the besieged upon any more liberal. Some weeks were needed to collect transports. Civilities, custom- ary upon such occasions, were interchanged between the general officers, and a friendly intimacy grew up between Aquila and the president. This led later to expression in tokens of wine and fruit, returned by the crafty president, in horses, not of wood, but Irish pacers, the messengers conveying them instructed to ascertain what was intended and discourage it by misrepresentation. Fresh succor for the catholic cause in Ireland, to the extent of fourteen thousand men, prompted by the earnest solicitations of Tyrconnel, was already in preparation, and the king displeased at the precipitation of Aqui4a in surrendering Kinsale, upon his arrival threw him into prison where he died before many months. TRANSFER OF ERIN. G05 * XLVI. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1G02.— (Continued.) Tyrone realizing his clanger, remote from his own possessions, Avhich were seriously compromised by his reverses and heavy losses of men and arms, hastened north, it is said, on a litter from wounds received in the fight. Rory, on his way, encountered in Meath train bands from the towns, hastily collected and easily routed ; but ill for several months, the royalists beset Ballyshannon, from which O'Gal- laglier after bravely defending it escaped. O'Dwyer, too ill to remove, had killed an Englishman in honest warfare, and on this pretext with three hundred women and children, was slain. Rory recovered, routed Lambert in the Corlew mountains driving him into Boyle, and mounting his musquetecrs in croup behind his troopo's, over- takinor killed not a few. Lambert as^ain souo-ht to cross the mount- ains, but the cTiief and O'Conor Sligo blocked his path. When Guest, coming by sea, occupied Ballyshannon, Rory ordered the corn* cut about the place. The garrison interfering, he drove them off, their loss amounting to three hundred killed and wounded. Measures first taken for repairing Castle-ni-Park and Halbolin for protection of Cork, the deputy sent his kinsman George Blount to Tyrone to proffer terms of amity and pardon if he would make sub- mission, assist in quelling the rebellion, disclaim the title of O'Neil and all rule over the uriaghts, release the sons of Shane and his other prisoners, admit sheriffs, pay rents, duties and arrears, and within six months deliver twenty tliousand cows and build two forts. As assurance for his sincerity, he was to place in the hands of the queen his eldest son and four principal gentlemen of his blood. Sir Charles Wilmot, early in February, with two thousand men went back to his command in KeiTy. On his march, between Askeaton and Glynn, he surprised at night Hugh MacS weeny, in wait to stay his 606 TRANSFER OP ERIN. passage over the Cassan. He took Carrigophoyle and LIxnaw, and at Ballyho, ten miles from Castlemagne, still held by his warders, defeated Sir William Fitzgerald, knight of Kerry, who, with Donal Clancarre bringing five thousand cows of his own, and William Burke, as a peace oiFering, four thousand belonging to O'SuUivan Mor collected as he came, tendered their allegiance. Donal Coom not acknowleds-ino; the right to embrace his castles in the capitulation, took possession of them, entering Dunboy at night whilst the warders were asleep. Justifying his course to the king, he sent his eldest boy as pledge for his fidelity, with Dermod O'Driscol to solicit aid, resolved to keep the field till it came. His own adherents and two thousand auxiliaries,* constituted a consider- able force ; the more formidable from the mountainous character of the country which he controlled. He reduced, after a vigorous de- fence, Carriganass, the only castle his cousin Owen, always loyal to the crown as his father had been before him, retained. O'Donovan, who had deserted the cause, he attempted to win back by raiding within his bordei'S, and shut up within their walls the royalists, whose numbers, their loss at the siege and detachments gone north with the deputy in pursuit of Tyrone, had greatly reduced. Carew busily employed in embarking the Spaniards, part of whom were sent home in March and part in May, mustered at Cork what forces he could. Having but five hundred English soldiers, he de- pended mainly upon the Munster chiefs to assist him, who, staunch catholics, had little affection for a government arbitrary and tyranni- cal, and eager to spoU. Whilst hope could be reasonably entertained of success, many had openly or covertly manifested their natural sympathies ; but now that it was extinguished, they readily embraced the opportunity extended of amnesty and protection for then* property * Dermot O'Sullivan, uncle of Donal Coom, and father of the catholic historian, Daniel, son of O'Sullivan Mor, Donal, son of Clancarre, MacSweenj's, MacCarthies and O'Driscols, O'Connor Kerry, Lixnaw, knights of Kerry and Glynn, John Fitzthomas, James Butler, brother of Cahir, William Burke and Richard Tyrrel were under his command. TRANSFEE OF ERIN. 007 from confiscation, of their families from the fangs of their merciless foes.* From the havoc of war, subsistence had become an embar- rassment, and they greedily snatched at pay or ration offered by Carew. It would have proved in the end a wiser policy if the four thousand who responded to the call of the president had joined the catholics. With a considerable portion of these levies, Thomond was de- spatched, in March, to the west. Donal guarded the goat's pass into Beare, where Cromwell fifty years afterwards constructed his bridge part of which remains, declining an interview which the earl requested. Thomond leaving eight battalions on Whiddy Island, in the bay of Bantry, in a position of strength with competent sup- plies of guns, munitions and food, returned to Cork. After much skirmishing and some partial engagements, the troops left were forced, in May, to evacuate the island, and making their way to Bantry were about to be cut oflT, when the president, who had hastened upon the intelligence with his whole army to their rescue, coming into view, the catholics, not in force to contend, retired. Dermot Moyle MacCarthy, brother of Florence in the tower, had been sent into Carbery to forage, where encountering Donal na Pipi, its chief, they came to parley and parted ostensibly friends. The cattle gen- erally in Munster had been driven by order of the president towards Limerick or beyond Youghal. But those in Carbery, Donal had pastured about Kinsale. Dermod, on the thirteenth, was gathering his own from the herds into his castle, when the churls near by col- lected and setting upon his party he fell in the skirmish. He was an able officer and highly esteemed, a great loss to the catholics, who buried him with due solemnity at Timoleague. Wilmot had just before received orders from the president to * Thomond with O'Brien of Limerick, Maccarthies Reagh and Muskerrv, Denis and Florence, Barrymore, the white knight, Owen Beare, Dermot, brother of O'Stillivan Mor, with many chiefs of Onnond joined Cajrew. Some of them near Cork had no alternative but suhmission. 608 TRANSFER OF ERIN. join liim at Carew, or Downmark castle, two miles from Bantry abbey. This stronghold belonged three centuries before to the marquis of Carew, to whose extensive claims to half Cork, derived from Fitzstephen, Carew professed to be heir. But what title had ever vested had long before reverted to its more legitimate owners. His eagerness to establish hi^ claim by act of possession, led the president to disregard the dissuasions of Thomond and others from an enterprise attended with great hazard and cost. Wilmot obeyed the summons, and crossing Killarney by Mucruss abbey over Man- gerton mountain, effected a junction on the eighth with the main army, already at their rendezvous, a strong detachment being sent to meet him at Ardtully, the home of the MacFinnens. Carew reinforced to three thousand effective troops, had started on the twenty-third of April, to reduce the castles of Beare. He took Bal- timore on his march and reached Carew castle in a week. On the fourth of May, appeared in his camp O'Daly, whose ancestor had received from the marquis, during his brief possession in Munster, the country, towards the south, of Muinterbarra, to be held by him- self and his descendants as hereditary rhymers of the Carews. The bard had been sent by Donal Coom as emissary to his cousin Owen, chief of Bantry, to persuade him to join the catholics. Owen reported him to the president, who to retaliate offered biibcs to two Spanish gunners and an Italian in the garrison, to spike the guns and spoil their carriages. He sought also to persuade Tyrrel to a conference, but Archer and the rest prevented what they feared might jjrove a tempt- ation not to be resisted, Tyrrel having of late manifested an inclina- tion to make peace. After several weeks delay at Bantry, Carew's supplies and artillery at last arrived in twenty vessels from the seaports. Donal Coom laid wait for him about Glengariff, presuming his route would be through the mountains which lay w^est of the bay. But breaking camp on the first of June, and leaving his sick on Whiddy TRANSFER OF ERIN. i309 island, the president marched down to Kihiemanogc in IMuinter- barra and passed over his army in detachments, on successive days, having only boats for half his number at a time, to the island of Bearc, about twenty miles south of Bantry. This island, seven miles in length, at its southerly extremity ap- proached the main shoi'c so nearly that a chain when raised closed the entrance to the harbor. Here with Castletown, or Bearehaven, around it, stood the ancient castle of Dunboy, planted close by the water-side to protect the haven, which enjoyed considerable trade from foreign lands. Its excellent fishing grounds, the resort of many catholic nations, yielded its chief an annual revenue of five hundred pounds. The peninsula of Beare extends ten miles further to the southwest, where Dursey island forms its continuation to the sea. The castle itself, constructed of square masses of heavy mason work, contained on its second floor the spacious banqueting hall, an essential feature of both domestic and military life at this period. Its windows commanded wide views over the adjacent waters, but vvei'e so constructed fis to be easily barricaded against missiles from without. On the southwest of the castle, rose a circular tower to a greater elevation than the principal edifice, and on it was mounted an iron falcon. The bawn which, for guarding cattle or other purposes, surrounded this medieval fortalice, had been filled up in part with mounds of earth behind the walls, so that only eight feet were left in some places between them and the castle, but from the corres*pondence of Anias, it Avould appear that several buildings stood on the southerly side within its limits. From its barbican, sprung turrets mounted with artil- lery. Hides and earth were heaped before the openings, and powder mixed with balls ingeniously arranged to destroy storming parties. The garrison of one hundred and forty-four men was commanded by jMagheogan ; Taylor, who had married a niece of Tyrrel, suc- ceeding him when he w^as mortally wounded. Collins served as chaplain, and we gather from the admirable poem on the siege, by 77 GIO TEANSFEli OF ERIN. Mr. Sullivan, which follows the historical authorities with great ex- actness, that O'Daly had returned from his mission to cheer and inspire the garrison with his minstrelsy. Two or three miles north of Dunboy, stood a smaller fortress called Dermod, near by which opened Sandy Bay, the most practicable landing place above the haven, and a little to the north of it a small creek entered in among the hills. Opposite this castle and the bay lay the island of Deenish, not three hundred yards distant from the shore. Carew passed two or three daj's on Beare island in organizing his army. Owen O'SuIlivan, with his brothers, reduced the castle of Dunmanus, on the most easterly side of the Bantry peninsula, and on the fifth took place, with the assent of Donal Coom and the presi- dent, an interview between Thomond and Mageoghan to discover if any accommodation were practicable. The earl, under his instruc- tions, insisted upon unconditional surrender. This was declined respectfully but firmly ; but when Thomond proceeded to insult the noble chieftain by proposals to him to betray his trust, they were received with the scorn and contempt they deserved. Another event at this time exemplified the misery war brings in its train. MacMahon, last chief of West Corkavaskin,* which lies along the north shore of the Shannon at its mouth, and from which Thomond had driven him out three years before, had captured an English merchant- man at sea, which was now needed to expedite the promised succor from Spain. The urgency of the occasion justifying such an arbi- * Moyarta, or West Corkavaskin, granted at this time bv the crown to Daniel, brother of Donogh fourth earl of Thomond, and forfeited in 1690 by his g. g. son, was then granted to the Burtons who still hold. Daniel's attachment to the daughter of Tcigue Caec, displeased her father, and on one occasion, the preconcerted signal being neglected or unheeded, the lover, surprised on a visit to Carrigaholt, escaped by swimming his horse across the bay. As the eail, in 1599, after taking the castle, hung the warders on the trees, Teigue was naturally irate (see page 541). Daniel married Catherine, daughter of Gerald, earl of Desmond (killed 1583), and must have been nearly ninety when created first vis- count Clare in 1662. His g. g. g. son, sixth viscount, commanded the Irish brigade at Fontenoy. The representative of the Clonderala, or East Corkavaskin, branch of the Mac- Mahons, was Stanislaus, or Terence, who in 1724 maiTied at Bunratty castle g. g. daughter of 19th Lixnaw ; his daughter, the head of the Macnamaras, of Rossroe, lately represented by Gen. Bourchier of Ehii Hill. From another branch in France (ascending John, count d'Equilly, Patrick, Mortogh, Maurice, Mortogh, Bernard, Terence and Donatus who died 1472), its present executive chief is said to have descended. TKANSFEKOFEEIN. Gil trary proceeding, Donal, taking the cliicf ^Yitll him, went to the river to seize the vessel. As they approached, ]Mac^Iahon ordered his son Turlogh, in command, not to dehver it. Turlogh, in obedience to the parental order, fired upon the assailants, a chance shot from his own gun killing his father. The chroniclers in noting the catas- trophe, pass high encomium upon the skill and generosity of the deceased, and upon his taste for wine, horses and books. Carew discovered a spot flivorably situated for his batteries on the opposite shore, screened by hills, which he thought he could reach with- out observation, and Sunday, the sixth of June, was the time fixed for the attempt. Donal and Tyrrel, on the alert and apprized of the intended movement, marched down to Sandy Bay, where they had reason to believe the English would cross, and made their dispositions to dispute their landing. Early that morning, which was foul and stormy, the president, with one solitary attendant, rode forth to the place where the boats lay ready for the embarkation. To gain a nearer view of the coast he passed in the pinnace Merlin to the island of Deenish, where, without being perceived, he could see the cath- olics in force at the bay, strongly posted. He ordered Fleming, the captain of the pinnace, to land from it two falconets on the north end of the island. When Thomond's regiment and his own coming over disembarked as ordered, he marched them to that part of its shore nearest the bay, within full view and musket shot of the catholics, as if intending from thence to take a new departure across the few hundred feet of water that separated them. The boats returned for the other two regiments of Wilmot and Percy, who, making a feint to land at the same place as the others, moved on rapidly to a point out of view of the bay, and sufficiently remote to occupy and hold unmolested until the boats crossed over the two other regiments from Deenish to join them. The catholics, surprised and disappointed, hastened to the attack, but in their eagerness reached the i^round in some disorder. 612 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Against such odds, strongly posted and defended by artillery, their courage proved unavailing, and after considerable loss they were obliged to withdraw. Their disappointment was alleviated by intel- ligence that the day before a vessel had arrived at Ardea from Spain, bringing Donal twelve thousand pieces of gold to defray the expenses of the war, which he had previously borne out of his own resources. Tlie vessel carried back Cornelius O'Driscol, to urge immediate re>- inforcements. The royalists rested their first night near castle Dermod, and the following day advanced to within a mile of Dunboy, a creek sepa- rating it from their camp. Two falcons were planted to protect the lines, and on the tenth they drew nearer, the ordnance being safely transported under the guns of the castle by water. On the eleventh, now securely entrenched, the first shot was fired. Approaches were regularly made, culverings and demi-culverings mounted, and two minions landed and placed northwest of the castle. The night after, the catholics again attacked the entrenchments, but were a second time repulsed ; tlie opportunity being improved to throw into the castle various supplies brought by the late arrival at Ardea. Spanish engineers had thrown up ramparts of earth eighteen feet in thickness within the barbican, planting the guns on the top and low- ering the castle to the vault only a dozen feet above the rampart itself. This solid embankment, whilst it shielded the lower part of the wall from the fire of ships, proved an embarrassment to the de- fenders in tlieir sorties, and covered the approach of the besiegers from the castle guns. Constructing mounds and platforms twelve feet higher than the rampart, Carew directed his fire against the upper part of the castle, the besieged defending themselves as best they could from Avindow and battlement. Way having been made into the market place and trenches opened, platforms were constructed, and tlie guns mounted within seven-score yards of the walls. Mageoghan sallied forth to impede these opera- TRANSFER OF ERIN. G13 tions, but to little purpose. Early on the sixteenth, all being' pre- pared, they battered the devoted fortress for four hours, when the tower, not constructed to withstand artillery, toppled over on to the vaulted roof of the main building, burying in its ruins the falcon which had done good service. A messenger sent to pr()[)ose terms of surrender was hung up by the arrogant Carew, upon the plea that the castle had not discontinued its fire. After this battering for several days, the stones forced out of place, the outer walls grew weak, and a portion yielding the rest gave way. Through the breach the royalists rushed in. Large stones Avere hurled down upon them as they eifectcd their entrance within the enclosure. ]Many fell pierced by the spear or hacked to [)icccs by the sword. The besieged fought bravely on amidst terrible carnage of themselves and their assailants, whilst wall after wall crumbled beneath the balls from the heavy guns of the besiegers, or with crash after crash fell in vast masses, dragging with them soldiers crushed by the ruins. Gaining the barbican, Avith their immense superiority of numbers the besiegers fought their way into possession of one of the turrets, whilst the catholics, with several small pieces, from another opposite did much execution. Driven from that position, the battle con- tinued in the space between the barbican and castle wall. There the besieged had the advantage, till some of the assailants who had gained the roof found a passage opened by the battering, to win- dows overlooking this area, when forty of the besieged sallying forth were slain, or taking to the Avater were drowned or killed by Harvey stationed there with three boats to cut off fugitives. The con- centrated fire soon demolished what remained of the outer wall, and the defenders rushed towards the great hall of the castle, one half of which was already occupied by three battalions of the enemy, outnumbering what survived of their own reduced numbei's. There hand to hand the combat fiercely raged till the royalists were driven out, removing their wounded. 614 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Their ranks restored to order and strengthened by fresh troops In lar- ger numbers, the three battalions increased to seven, more than could be formed to advantage in the limited space, they burst again into the large apartment. The floor heaped with carcasses, strewed with weapons no hands to wield them, streaming with blood. Nearly all the garrison were wounded, and at last their noble leader dropped bleeding at every pore, and all but lifeless among his fallen comrades. The survivors quitting the hall betook themselves to the vaults be- neath, where still fighting with courage unabated and with despera- tion, often an incitement to a glorious death, they drove the enemy out, and not only of the hall but of the castle. Night alone suspended the combat. The following morning, the president sent his summons for sur- render, to which the besieged consented if allowed to quit the place with their lives, on the fifteenth of September ; probably by that time expecting relief. Whatever terms, if any, were agreed upon, the Eno-lish troops entered the castle, when Magheogan, still alive, endeavored to explode the magazine, stocked with nine casks of powder, to blow up the castle and his enemies, but seized fast hold of by Percy was slain before he could accomplish his design. Not many were taken alive, sixty that were, according to the humanity of the period, being hung in the market place to avenge the six hundred royalists who had perished. Twelve, including Tajdor and Collins, had been reprieved for a few days. Tyrrel offered heavy ransom for their lives. The terms proposed in return involved a sacrifice of honor, and he had to abandon them to their fate. The siege lasted from the seventh to the eighteenth, and considering the disparity of numbers and the powerful artillery arrayed against it, the place must have been both strong and ably defended. The president wrote, that a more obstinate and resolved defence had not been seen within the kingdom. Against so large an army of the royalists Donal Coom, at GlengarifF, was powerless, and any further TRANSFER OF ERIN. 615 attempt to raise the siege might have ended in destruction of tlie force upon which the main dependence was placed to cover the landing of the expected Spaniards. On the twelfth, a detachment sent to Durscy Island, occupied by the O'Driscols, had destroyed abbey, church and a castle built by Der- mot, father of the catholic historian of the war, slaughtering old and young, women and children, infants and mothers quick with cliild, or pitching them down the rocks into the sea. Dunboy demolished, the president carried Collins, a priest, who with Archer had incited tlie garrit^on to hold out to tlie last, to Cork, where, after inef- fectual efforts to allure him to apostacy, tortured and drawn by horses, his earthly career, in October, came to an end, at Youghal, his native town. XLYII. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1602.— (Continued.) After tlie fall of his castle, Donal, no way dismayed, followed with two thousand men the royalists to Cork, stripping on his way Carrignachor and Dundearv of lead and "uns, and satherino: into his ranks their dependents, compelled O'Donoghue of the valley to surrender Macroom. Wilmot and Bagnal on their march to the north, with forces more numerous than his own, came within a league of his camp ; but heavy storms swelling the streams kept them apart, and Donal leaving sufficient forces to hold ]\Iacroom as he sujjposed, swept through the country carrying back rich spoils into Beare. The royalists besieged the castle. But when Cormac, lord of Muskerry , arrested on suspicion of correspondence with Spain, and j)ut in chains for refusing to surrender Blarney, by help of Owen jNIacS weeny and his clansmen, effected his escape, the president alarmed lest his numberless retainers would be too many for him, ordered (he siege to be raised if the place should not yield within twenty-four hours. The besiegers 616 TRANSFER OF ERIN. early in October Averc on the eve of retiring, Avlicn the garrison, withont water to scald the swine for their' food, kindled faggots to singe off their hair. A building near by in the bawn caught fire and the flames extended to the castle, which was burnt. This being a favorite residence of the lords of Muskerry, much that was precious was destroyed. The garrison, leftexposed to the guns of the besiegers, cut their way out. Some of them perished, but more escaped into the woods. INIuskerry joined Donal who reduced Carrignaphoca , the stronghold of the sons of Teigue who had betrayed him, recovering the Spanish money paid them when professing allegiance. Donal delivered this castle and two more into his custody as their lawful proprietor, and raiding to the gates of Cork carried back much spoil to Glengariff. Wilmot holding Dunkerron, near Kenmare, with a thousand men, Donal, son of O'Sullivan Mor, put to the sword three battalions marching from Askeaton to reinforce him. jMeanwhile preparations in Spain for another expedition dragged slowl}^ along. Squadrons blockaded its ports, and neither munitions nor ships could be collected. Tyrconnel, upon his arrival, had been kindly received by the king, begging him to send relief, but not to allow any chief to be placed over him or his dominions to be lessened. This promised, he returned to Corunna to accelerate operations, but in August, vexed at the delay and on his way to court, died at Simancas, supposed to have been poisoned by James Blake, of Galway, whom in June, the president wrote the deputy, he had sent to put him to death. Tyrconnel at first suspicious Blake in time ingratiated himself into his confidence, and Carew, in October, wrote Blount in cypher he no doubt had poisoned him.* Carew takes pride in having A^a-itten, in the * Tins metliod of disposing of a dangerous enemy seems, in tlie present state of pub- lic opinion, difficult to credit. But the assassination of Donal Coom, at Madrid, in 1618, by Bath who had gained his confidence, as Blake that of Tyrconnel, cannot well be explained on any other hypothesis. The disappearance of Henry O'Neil, eldest son of Tyi-onc, ai)out the same time, can only be attributed to the secret machinations of unscrupulous power. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 617 name of one of his officers, to Aquila and De Soto, letters covertly designed to discourage further aid, enclosing a letter of Tyrconnel to O'Connor Kerry begging him not to let the Spaniards learn of their reverses. This other poisoned arrow readied its mark. The blockade of the coast, tidings from Diin])oy and murder of the chief by the president, staid farther preparation. This disappointment extin- guished all hope of relief and broke the hearts of the catholics. Tyrconnel's death produced profound consternation. Not thirty years of age, his military capacity and chivalric courage, his elevated statesmanship, aims and aspirations, high sense of justice and honor, with a disposition peculiarly amiable and aflfectionatc, endeared him to his country whilst he lived, and his memory since has been justly cherished as one of its most precious heirlooms. His charac- ter won respect even from his foes, and elicits from the chroniclers unqualified eulogium. His funeral obsequies from the royal palace of Valladolid, attended with all the pomp and circumstance for Avliich Spain was famous upon melancholy occasions , testified how high a place he occupied in the esteem of its king. Tyrone remained, but both were needed, and the death of red Hugh O'Donnel was generally recognized, for the time being if not forever, as the deathblow of national independence. He never married.* Carew, who had defeated the alliance of the sugan with the sister of ]\Iuskerry, had interfered with like success to prevent his marriage with Joanna, daughter of the beheaded earl of Desmond. He Avas betrothed, when he died, to Julia, second daughter of Muskerrv, later wife of Buttevant and of Sir Dermod O'Shaughnessy. His engagement to Julia proljably had its effect * According to one account he married a danslitcrof Tyrone, but it is not substantiated. His mother, Ina Daf. daughter of that James McDonnel "of Isla, wlio died 1565 prisoner of Shane O'Neil, married Hugh, chief of Tyrconnel, when her motlier maiTied Turlogh O'Neil. Her noijle and heroic traits of character were transmitted to her cliil(h-en. Her daughter, Nuala, abandoned her husband, Nial Garve, when he jiroved false to her brother, and went later, with Ror}-, to Rome. Ina remained in Ulster, and denounced Nial when he consjjired with Sir Cat)ir"0'Doherty. Nial had indignantly rejected the title of baron Lif- ford, and passed the hist eighteen years of his life in the tower of London. G18 TRANSFER OF ERIN. in detaching her father from his allegiance to the crown, to whom both king Philip and pope Clement wrote urgently, even during the siege of Kinsale, to join the catholics, a step which his wife and her brother, James Galdie Butler, openly in rebellion, likewise exerted their influence to bring about. But Cormac, if zealous in the faith, was politic. His wife and daughters were in custody at Cork, his eldest son, already betrothed to the daughter of Thomond, a student at Oxford, his second, Dan- iel, later head of the branch of Carrignavar, in pledge. Macroom his best abode had been destroyed, with five thousand pounds in value of his crops. Blarney and Kilci'ea were in possession of the president. His dominions, the most valuable in Munster, stretched close up to the walls of Cork, and were peculiarly open to attack. Though he had one thousand men actually in arms and could muster thrice that number to his banners, and if chosen Maccarthy Mor, as he hoped, as many more, however much he desired the catholic cause to triumph he was not inclined to become a martyr. When tidings came that O'Donnel was dead, and the lateness of the season precluded all hope of succor before another spring, he wavered. His surrender of the castles con- fided to his keeping by Donal Coom, reflects discredit on his sense of honor, but with large and vulnerable possessions which Carew would have gladly appropriated under his stale pretensions, his course had its embarrassments.' Soon after his overtures to submission, Bagnal with a large force, ascertaining from one of the sons of Teigue, that Tp*rel with about one thousand men lay near, in an exposed position, made a noctur- nal onslaught on his camp. By accident or design, a quarter of a mile before they reached the lines, some recruit stumbling his gun went oflT, and Tyrrel with his wife escaped. Eighty men were slain, forty chargers, four hundred beasts of burden, good store of Spanish money, household stuff, bolts of Holland, a piece of velvet uncut, gold and silver lace, good English apparel of satin and vel- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 619 vet, Tyrrel's own portmanteau, were the spoils. Tyrrel attributing this mischance to Muskerry, burnt his towns and villages, killed and hung many of his people, women and children. This exasperated and still further alienated the chief, whose power to hurt or help was too considerable not to conciliate. He soon after submitted, and was pardoned. Donal of Clancarre, the knight of Kerry and Donal O'Sullivan Mor giving up the cause as hopeless, made overtures to peace. Tyrrel, denied forgiveness, led his bonies into Connaught. Donal Coom, his army reduced by these defections, fought on for four days with Wilmot at GlengarifF. On the last day of December, 1602, with his uncle Dermot O'Conor and William Burke, in all four hundred, their wives having sought refuge as best they could , after a combat at Akaras Avhich cost their foes deaf, he started for the Shannon. On their second night at Bally vourney, six miles west of Macroom, they offered solemn sup- plications commending themselves to divine providence. The Mac- Carthies, faithless sons of Teigue, who betrayed their chief and kinsman, the next day for four hours worried their march, but fled when charged. In Duhallo, without food, O'Keefes andMacawleys, who should have befriended them, disturbed even their repose. Near Limerick, they repulsed Cuff and Barry, burying their dead and carrying their wounded twenty miles to bivouac in Aherlow. With no other refreshment than roots and water, they started at dawn, and their path beset- for eight hours by the dependents of the white knight, they proceeded, in a blaze of musketry the sky darkened by the smoke, to Ardpatrick, and passing four miles west of Tipperary, reached Sulchoid, where Donal confided to a faithful adherent his second son, Dermot, sent two years later to him in Spain. The fifth night at Kilnemanagh, they kindled fires as the cold was intense, and appeased their hungry appetites on dead leaves. The next day, however, at Donahil, they found food which they devoured as if fiimished, and bravely anticipating the attack of forces sent by 620 TRANSFER OF ERIN. Ormond, more numerous than their own, routed them. Daniel O'Mal- ley and Thomas Burke, with sixty hungry soldiers, off without orders foraging, were waylaid, the former with twenty others being slain. Donal rescued the latter who was captured, with the loss of his arms but saving his helmet. In a chapel, at Latteragh, they slept alter- nately, the attacks of the garrison of the castle warded off by those on guard. On the sixth, showers of balls, now their daily experi- ence, saluted them from every covert, the more vexatious that their successive assailants were always fresh and they weary. When they halted their foes retired, renewing the attack when their march was resumed. The strife only ended at night as they reached Bros- nach, near Portland, on the Shannon. There in the woods, girded about by felled trees and entrench- ments, Dermot, uncle of the chief, built a boat of saj^iings, covered Avith the skins of twelve horses which they killed and ate. Stiffened by cross boards, flat to escape the rocks and shoals, this boat, twenty-six feet long, six broad and five high, the prow more elevated to contend with the waves, was carried, when completed, at night to the shore. Thirty crossed at a time, the horses swimming behind held by their halters. A smaller boat, constructed by O'Malley, when half over swamped with him and ten more. At daybreak, MacEgan, from Redwood a castle near by, Avould have seized their baggage, killed the boys in charge and thrown the women into the river. He paid for this temerity with his life. Thomas Burke, with ^twenty kinsmen, slew him and fifteen of his followers, routing the rest for the most part, hurt. The firing attracting the neighbors and creating alarm, too many crowded on board and the vessel upset as it approached the west bank. No one perished ; and bailed out it brought over the rear guai'd and all but a few, who frightened by the country folk when they grew menacing, had concealed themselves. Lest it should help the foe in pursuit the corragh was destroyed. Food obtained in Gal way, they took up the line of march, eighty TRANSFER OF ERIN. C21 in the vfin, the trains in the centre, Donal Coom with two liuiulrcd bring'ing up the rear. At Aughrini, a spot destined for a less fortu- nate engagement fi)r Irish independence ninety years hiter, they encountered Richard Burke, Thomas, brother of Chmrickard, and Henry Malby witli a hirge force. The van broke and fled. The rest, after being exhorted by their leader, proceeded to occupy a suitable position for defence not far off, and had hardly reached it, in some disorder, when the enemy, who had sought to anticipate them, came up to receive a deadly fire of musquetry which killed eleven of them. In the engagement which ensued, ]Malby, Kicliard Burke and one hundred of the royalists fell ; the rest taking refuge in the castle. The catholic train, left unguarded in the conflict, Avas plundered, but the victors found some compensation in the spoils abandoned by the vanquished. Passing swiftly through Ilymany, near Kelley castle, they shel- tered themselves in the forests of Ballinlough, in Koscommon, but still in peril left their couches of stone in the darkness, and that night hurried through the deep snow to Drambrach, where they fin- ished their interrupted slumbers. Here the neighbors, generously disregarding the penalty attached to giving food to rebels, provided them Avith w^hatever they needed, and a horse for O'Connor, whose feet were blistered and frozen, but who bore his excruciating agony with great fortitude. Without guides, ignorant of their way, if the night clear the stars screened by the thick branches, their dangers multiplied. In the midst of their perplexities a man in linen gar- ments, barefooted, Avith a AA'hite cloak about his head and staff in his hand, presented himself and offered to guide them to Leitrim, castle of O'Rourke, some tAA^elve miles distant. Hesitating at first lest he might betray them, reassured they placed themselves under his guid- ance, and their chief paid him tAVO hundred pieces of gold, Avhich he courteously accepted. Sleeping that night at Knocvicar, in the Curlew mountains near Boyle, the next morning their guide, telling 622 TRANSFER OF ERIN. them that all danger was past, pointed out to them in the distance their destination and dissappeared. Before noon they reached the castle, but thirty-five in number, aD that remained of the four hundred who had left Glengariff twenty days before, the rest having deserted or been disabled or slain by the way. Of these only eight- een were armed men. One of the party was Joanna, mother of the historian, who had accompanied this march in the dead of winter, and lived on, notwithstanding its exposures, for thirty years after.* They were warmly welcomed and hospitably entertained by O'Rourke, with whom they found Maguire, chief of Fermanagh, and Mac Wil- liam, chief of Mayo. There for some days they rested ; when eager to aid Tyrone, Ma- guire, Donal Coom and Tyrrel, with three hundred men, started to join him in Glenconquin. Their route lay south of lough Erne, which was guarded by hostile forts, and three rivers over its tributa- ries were to be passed, which they eifected by aid of boats covertly provided by their friends. They had already crossed that at Beltur- bet, when the English, Maguire, McLaughlin and Esmond with five hundred men, not knowing they were over, ensconced themselves in ambush near the ford to waylay them. They bivouacked that night four miles beyond, and discovering on the morrow the camp of their assailants about that same distance farther on, amply supplied with herds and much else they valued, took possession, having despatched the guard of fifty left in charge. Maguire, with two hundred men, sallied forth in search of adventure, hoping to damage the foe, whilst Donal Coom, setting fire to the tents, removed with the spoil into the wood. The enemy informed by a scout of what had chanced, and hastening back, prepared for battle. Donal drew up his small force so disposed, even the women disguised as soldiers, as to give an im- * Dermot and Joanna died about 1634 at Corunna, at an advanced age ; Dermot over one hundred, as stated in an elegy, at that time composed in latin, on their death, by his son Philip O'SuUivan Beare, prefixed to his History of the War, ed. 1850. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 023 prcssion of more formidable inimbcrs, and the royalists not knowing jNIaguire was absent, wasted the day in doubt what to do. At dusk the foragers returned laden witii spoil. The royalists mortified at having been duped, and their supplies of food and })(»w- der a[)2iropriated, Avithdrew to defend their strongholds on the islands in the lake, till better able to contend. The shore too far off to reach that night, they betook themselves to an old dilapidated rath, in which the O'Xeil, from time immemorial, had inaugurated the lords of Fermanagh. But when, about four hours after sunrise, they had reached the water and were about to embark,- Esmond already off, they found themselves surrounded by their vigilant foes. Those that were able pushed on board the boats, some of which swamped, others leapt in their armor into the water and were drowned. Many clung by ropes to the vessels only to present a mark for volleys of mus- quetry from the shore. One bark, larger than the rest, crowded with fugitives within and hemmed around with others struofi^lino; to get on board, could not be loosed before many were slain. Con Maguire and his two sons found safety in a small boat that season- ably put off into the lake. Melaghlin, with four hundred, perished. Seven strongholds on the island captured, their defenders expiating the cruelties of Kinsale and Dunboy, Esmond and Con routed, the legitimate chief of Fermanagh was restored to much of his own.* Avoiding the Engbsh garrisons, after three days they reached Glenconquin to learn that Tyrone had submitted. Maguire, embraced in the terms of his surrender, was reinstated ; O'Conor Kerry repair- ing to Scotland, finding favor with king James, being also restored to his territory. Tyrrel and William Burke, who had, ever since Kinsale, made repeated overtures for pardon, were pensioned. Don- * The line from Con, d. 160.5, hrother of Hugh, killed by St. Le^er, is as follows : ii. Bri- an, restored to Tempo 2000 acres in extent, iii. Hush, m. O'Reilly, iv. Con, m. Mageniiis, killed with his whole regiment at Aughrim, after annihilating the second English cavalry. V.Brian, m. Nugent, vi. Philip, m. Morris, vii. Hugh, m. MacNamara, able, noble aiid generous, viii. Brian, m. Baker. 024 TRANSFER OF ERIN. al Coom retiinicd to O'llourke, against whom, in March, Lambert led three thousand men, and for twelve days vainly endeavored to cross the Shannon, but they were driven back by that redoubtable chief. Bostock contrived to transport seven companies to a peninsu- la convenient for raiding Leitrim,- but was killed, with many of his men, in a maraud, and the rest discouraged would have recrossed the river, but the brother of O'Kourke, w^hose defection in Brefny broke up the army before Kinsale, rose up against his brother, who died in a few months of fever. Philip had sent by Cerda thirty thousand pieces of gold with supplies for Tyrone and Rory, which arriving after tlie surrender, were sent back, MacWilliam going in the same ship, to die soon after in exile. Two thousand sent by Cornelius O'Driscol into Munster, for Donal, were also returned. When the chief crossed the Shannon with the remnant of his peo- ple, strife virtually ended in Munster. Lixnaw was in covert, and his brother-in law, Donal of Dunloh, eldest son of O'Sullivan Mor, kept together a small following, south of the lakes of Killarney. Wilmot upon his return, perhaps from his Christmas festivities, found the camp at Glengariff abandoned to the wounded and sick left to his compassion. This he showed by putting them to death. With a garrison of one thousand men he still held the lately recon- structed castle of Dunkerron, near the now beautiful town of Ken- mare, and under instructions from the president wasted Beare, sparing neither man nor beast. He destroyed houses, boats, the ship reserved to take the survivors to Spain, and every human creature in his path, reducing Ardea and Carriganass, the last shelter of the women who fled to the woods, forcing Ellen, wife of Donal Coom, and daughter of Dunkerron, to seek refuge wdth her brother in Iveragh. The president despatched Taafe and the white knight with six hundred horse and the foot of Fermoy, in pursuit of the sons of Owen, next after Florence in the succession to rule in Carberry, who TRANSFER OF ERIN. 625 •with Dermod O'Driscol, Mahon and some of the MacSwccnys* were in their own country but in arms. Many fell on either side in skir- mish, on one occasion the royalists being badly beaten. On the fifth of January, some of the Maccarthies cut off from their main body were routed, when the white knight pursuing lost two of his fingers in personal combat with O'Crowley " the fierce." Mac- Eagan, papal bishop of Ross, was slain in the fight, and another ecclesiastic, Dermot Maccarthy, who had signalized his faith by care of the wounded and dying of both sides, was captured. Carried to Cork, he was draAvn at the tail of a horse through the villages, quar- tered and disembowelled, and half dead executed on the scaffold, with the barbarity that marked the period. The chiefs submitted and were taken under protection. Carbery ravaged, no power anywhere existed to curb the merciless despotism which rioted in rapine and death over the land, crushing in deadly folds the marrow from its bones, whatever remained of its spirit or vitality. The destruction of the crops the previous summer had been so complete, that pestilence, which follows famine, found little to consume. The same desolation that marked the close of the Des- mond war, twenty years before, again brooded over Munster. Then, disputes growing out of the ill-starred dowry of Ormond's mother and Desmond's wife, drenched their palatinates in blood. Peter Carew, later, to gain Idrone slaughtered the Kavanaghs. The president, either for his niece or for himself, coveted, as his papers show, what Henry II. four centuries before gave to Fitzstephen, half the kingdom of Maccarthy Mor, extending from Limerick to Lismore, all Cork and Kerry. It did not signify that in 1333, by English forms, Fitzstephen had been pronounced illegitimate and had never married, that the marquis of Carew, neither as nephew or by marrvino; his daughter, ever became entitled to inherit what he never * The line of Tuath :— i. Maelmora. ii. Donogh. iii. Morogh. iv. Donogh. v. Turlogh. Ti. Edmund (1835). 19 626 TRANSFER OF ERIN. possessed, or that for three centuries the present proprietors had held. Nor did it prove an obstacle to the recovery of Idrone, that links in the pedigree rested on conjecture or violent assumption. The same claim had been, then and since, asserted to all Munster, and it was well understood that if circumstances favored, it Avould be pushed. It was much as if the chiefs and clans dispossessed by Cromwell or Orange, should in some future change of political power claim to be reinstated. The chiefs menaced, while sufficiently wary to avoid committing themselves, naturally looked to Spain for protection from these monstrous pretensions, and loved their own faith the more for what they saw of protestant profligacy in this unscrupulous greed for what belonged to them. Carew left no descendants, and his honored name has been too variously distinguished to suffer from his claims or crimes. Highly educated, of refined habits and polished manners, able and brave but arrogant and unscrupulous, he was utterly without moral sense, of a cold heart and malignant temper. His correspondence, which he took pains to preserve, proves that he employed Anias to make away, by assassination, with Florence, O'Conor with the sugan, Nugent with Sir John Fitzgerald, Blake with Tyrconnel. He hung prisoners, massacred women and children, tortured priests. That he should have been a favorite with the cold and cruel Tudor, whose favor he courted by the most abject subserviency, is less strange, than that he stood well with Cecil and Blount. Their record in Irish administration is by no means fleckless, still they had the grace at times to disapprove of what he did or intended. If allowance is to be made for the spirit of the times, there are bad men in power at all epochs, and will never be less unless duly stigmatized. He went, in January, to Gal- way to confer with the deputy, and in March proceeded to the couch of the dying queen. James created him lord Carew, Charles I. earl of Totness, and he lived on, variously employed, till 1629. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 627 XLVIII. REIGN OF ELIZABETH. — 1558-1602.— (Concluded.) Tyrone improved the months that he was left unmolested, in re- organizing his shattered army. Too wise and too noble to repine at events beyond his control, if not providentially ordained, he accepted hie lot and applied himself to such measures of preparation as his judgment dictated, to fend off the blow he well knew impended. With others, he shared in the faith that Spain would speedily retrieve the disaster at Kinsale, and not leave a people in jeopardy she had encouraged to fight the battles of the faith and her own. Frequent intimations came over the sea that such indeed wxre her intentions, and rumors that armadas, more considerable than they actually were, would be soon on the way. But besides the war in the low country, her peaceable relations witli France had become seriously compro- mised by revelations attending the conspiracy of Byron against Henry of Xavarre ; an English fleet blockaded her ports, and besides knowing the pecuniary straits of the English treasury, much might be gained by delay. Whilst there remained assurance of aid, no course remained for Tyrone but to wait patiently and avoid rather than seek occasions which might lessen his numbers or impair their efficiency. Why the deputy failed forthwith to follow up his victory, has been sufficiently explained by his heavy losses of men and material in the siege, and the necessity of leaving in Munster so large a portion of his force to reduce Dunboy. But another reason for his inactivity was the state of his health, undermined by exposure in his winter campaigns. Active operations necessarily deferred, he resorted to his old methods of weakening the enemy by detaching from him the border chiefs, and destroying the growing crops. As the war had already cost over three millions of money, and four hundred thousand 628 TRANSFER OF ERIN. were expended this very year, the queen -was impatient for peace and wrote in August that she would gladly pardon Tyrone if he would spare her dignity by submission. The deputy even advised Carew to accept the overtures of Tyrrel to accommodation if he seemed to be sincere. Early in June the president reached Dundalk, and on the foui-- teenth Armagh, crossing the Blackwater five miles eastward of Portmore. He employed Moryson in building a bridge and a castle, which he called Charlemont from his own name, placing it in charge of Caulfield, whose descendant took later from it his title of earl, one honorable in Irish annals. From this point there led a plain and open entrance into the country, and as he approached Dungannon, Tyrone set on fire his chief residence, and carried his creaghts into the woods. The deputy approached the place with a small force to reconnoitre, and after completing the works at the river returned there with his whole army on the twenty-seventh. Here Dowcra, who had advanced from lough Foyle to Owmy with large detachments, joined him, and after taking an island where Con, son of Shane, had long been incarcerated, he divided between him and his brother, Henry, the waste lands between the Blackwater and Newry. Effect- ing a junction with Chichester from Carrickfergus, he constructed another fortress at lough Xeagh, called Mountjoy from his title, and in it placed a thousand men. He planted another garrison at Augher, the castle of Cormac O'Neil. Tyrone took refuge in Slievegallen, a wide tract of moor and mountain extending from lough Foyle to lough Neagh, portions of what now constitute the county of Tyrone and Londonderry, and embracing Arachty on the Bann. Completely hemmed in by his foes, he kept up a brave heart, at castle Eoe, setting at defiance the royal army now concentrating for his destruction. With the desire of liberty in a conquered nation to work upon, he maintained his ascendency over his devoted clansmen, not one of whom could be TRANSFER OF ERIN. 629 tempted by bribes to betray him. Before July ended, the deputy marched to Monaghan and wasted Dartry, leaving strong garrisons there and in Fermanagh, under Con Maguire, Esmond and St. Law- rence, whom Ave have seen ineffectively trying to take in their toils Maguire and Donal Coom. The country still abounded in herds and grain. Dowcra, Chichester and Moryson busy with the sickle and the torch, utterly destroyed whatever was good for food. Houses and stacks in flames darkened the sky with smoke, cattle slaughtered, whose carcases, left to decay, tainted the air with pestilence and death. Magherlowny, the principal abode of Tyrone when not at Dun- gannon, and his principal magazine of military stores, as also Inis- loghlin, near lough Xeagh, Avhere the chiefs of Ulster had deposited for safety and concealment their plate and valuables, were reduced. The stone chair in which were inaugurated the chiefs, at Tullaghoge, home of the O'Hagans, was broken into fragments. Tyrone, realiz- ing castle Roe was no longer tenable, quitted it for Glenconquin, through which the Moyala flows into lough Foyle, and thence went south into the wild and inaccessible forests near lough Erne, a fastness which a handful of men could defend against an army. His numbers had dwindled to six hundred foot and sixty horse, but here for three months longer he kept at bay the thousands of troops that dared not venture within twelve miles of his covert. O'Rourke still unsubdued, occupied Lambert on the Shannon ; Nial Garve, his brother-in-law Rory, capturing Bally shannon and destroying Ennis- killen. Bryan MacArt, in Clanaboy, and O'Cahan held out for a time, but finding resistance fruitless submitted ; and when the news came of O'Donnel's death, in October, his brother Rory, invited to come in and promised not only amnesty but confirmation of his principality, yielded. Tyrone had urged Rory, O'Conors Roe and Sligo and O'Rourke, to meet him at lough Erne, to concert measures for prolonged resis- 630 TRANSFER OF ERIN. tance, or combine on terms to be proposed for accommodation. All but the latter chieftain had already entered under protection. The deputy, after his autumn sport of falconry, proceeded to Athlone, which he advised in future should be the capital, and there, on the fourteenth of December, Rory and O'Conor Sligo met him, and keeping christmas at Galway, and sending for Carew, he extended the royal amnesty to O'Conor Roe, O'Flahertys and MacDermots. Again at the capital, his attention, and that of the council, was occupied with the forlorn condition of the currency. The meas- ures adopted or suggested, betrayed an amazing stupidity. The point of debasement reached was one-fourth sterling, but impressions pre- vailed that the queen's coin was all base metal. She had thus tam- pered with it to support the war, calculating that out of three hundred thousand pounds manufactured for Ireland, two-thirds would be net profit for her. But by constant return to the offices of exchange on both sides the channel, it imposed an actual loss on the treasury, whilst importers made two hundred per cent, on a trade speedily exhausted, as there was no money to buy. Counterfeits abounded. Penalties attached to decrying the coin, or even refusal to receive it. Distrust became universal. Trade stood still, and the people, their crops destroyed and unable to obtain food from abroad, starved. The terrible suffering of his people from famine and pestilence, three thousand dying of starvation within his own borders, a thou- sand lying unburied between Toome and TuUaghoge, young children in one instance feeding upon the remains of their mothers ; aged crones in another killing and devouring a poor girl who came, at Newry, to their fire to warm herself, and similar tales of misery that failed not to reach him, wrung the heart of Tyrone. He did not feel justified in prolonging such agony from any feeling of pride. Hope was a long time extinguished, and having done his utmost to save his country from calamities, which verified his foresight, now TRANSFER OF ERIN. 631 that no further effort of his coiikl avail, he made overtures of peace. He wrote the deputy on the twelfth of November, to intimate his willingness to become loyal, provided submission involved no terms of humiliation. These were at first coldly received, but transmitted to Greenwich, appeared there at an opportune moment for their acceptance. The approaching death of the queen had its embarrassments. What political convulsions might follow the event could not be fore- seen ; there were rivals for her sceptre, catholic as well as protestant, and so many of the old faith remained in both islands, that Spain might well consider the conjuncture propitious for another invasion. The ministers were only too glad to be relieved of further anxiety about Ireland. The preliminaries to negotiation assented to, Moore and Godolphin, appointed commissioners to arrange the terms, proved little exact- ing. Among them were full pardon, restoration in blood and remo- val of the attainder, full and free exercise of religion, confirmation to hinlself and the other Ulster chiefs of their respective territories, excepting the Fewes, held by Turlogh O'Neil, and the county held by Henry Oge. Six hundred acres were reserved on the Black water to be divided between the forts of Mountjoy and Charlemont. Ty- rone, retaining his earldom, agreed to relinquish the title of O'Neil, his jurisdiction as chieftain, admit shei'ifFs and other oflficials into his territories, and recalling his son Henry from Spain surrender him as pledge for his fidelity. Not permitted to know that the queen had already expired, lest it should change his purpose, he was taken to Drogheda, and at Mellifont, on the thirtieth of March, made sub- mission before the deputy on his knees, a humiliation then imposed as fitting retribution for resisting authority whether just or unjust. They went together to the capital, and there the earl repeated his protestations of future fidelity to the queen, and after the ceremony was completed first became apprized of the royal demise. He re- 632 TRANSFER OF ERIN. gretted his precipitation, for at first it encouraged hopes to be bitterly disappointed in the sequel. Tears which started at the tidings were ascribed to affection for Elizabeth, but another construction to his grief was that he had not held out longer and made better terms. It was too late. He acknowledged fealty to king James, and wrote the king of Spain to inform him of his course and to request that his son Henry might be sent home to Ulster. Nial Garve had to content himself with the title of baron which he resented, and denouncing the bad faith of England before the council, not recognizing his own which, with Sir Arthur O'Neil's, had ruined his country. The times were not rife for wholesale spoliation, and satisfied with subjecting the island, that was reserved for the fulness of time. Donal Coom was exempted from pardon, and going into Spain received monthly three hundred pieces of gold, and was created count of Bearehaven, Beare vesting in his kinsman, son of Sir Owen. Waterford, Cork and Limerick attached to the catholic faith, declared against king James, and reopened their chapels for its rites, but were soon suppressed, and a new era of Irish history commenced. TRANSFER OF ERIN. 633 XLIX. CONCLUSION. In faith, race and nationality, neutral and impartial, we have endeavored to present the leading incidents of that momentous struggle for tribal or national independence, which at the commence- ment of the seventeenth century terminated in complete subjugation of the island to the English crown. After two centuries more of oppression and convulsion, what little of autocracy survived, merged at the union in the omnipotence of the British parliament. When another closes, its sense of right, no doubt, will have removed all ground of grievance, discontent or disaffection. For this desired consummation, both law and public sentiment must cooperate. Equal privileges, religious, social and educational, opportunities and prefer- ment professional and in the public service, above all still further reform in land tenures, if nothing else prohibition of that usurious exaction, double rents, should leave no invidious distinction to create jealousy or justify resentment. Might does not make right. That the strong man keepeth the house till a stronger than he cometh, may be the usage of the world, but it is a doctrine dangerous to progressive civilization, subversive of justice and order. Vested interests, although originating in wrong and robbery, cannot safely be disturbed. When Ireland was subju- gated at the beginning of the seventeenth century, one half its area had already been transferred to owners of English birth, ancestry or name, largely under parchment titles which were to gain validity and force as English rule acquired stability and spread. Besides Meath and the pale, nearly all Leinster, half of Munster, small portions of Connaught and the east of Ulster had been wrested from Milesian chiefs and septs, and the actual tillers of the soil, as the inhabitants generally of the older race, were liable to be ousted at the will 80 634 TRANSFEK OF ERIN. of alien landlords. Resistance continued feebly and without other effect than to bring down on the doomed land measureless calamity. What remained in Irish ownership yielded slowly and steadily to superior numbers, arms, education and cupidity ; to private greed, legal chicanery and arbitrary legislation, till before the century closed this too had for the most part followed, and the recent census reveals the strange result that an inconsiderable portion of the island is vested in other names than those of a race which, indicated by their pat- ronymics, forms but a small portion of the whole population. No reliable information has been transmitted as to their whole num^ ber, or that of the respective races, from the twelfth to the seventeenth century, but probably the inhabitants of Ireland were not one to four of the population of the sister kingdom, embracing England and Wales. That they should against such odds have so long baffled every attempt to subjugate them, when this disparity in numbers was by no means their greatest disadvantage, speaks favorably not only for their courage, but for the sagacious counsels that directed it. No one can study their history or the character of their institutions, without bias, and not come to the conclusion that their great misfor- tune was to have been placed geographically within reach of neigh- bors so aggressive, overbearing and powerful as the English. Left to themselves, the septs, if occasionally at variance, and compelled for security to form alliances and keep in working order their military organization, were virtually independent. They were governed by their own laws, and by chiefs to w^iom they were devotedly attached, and their habits of life, when outside pressure was removed, had elements enough of variety to prevent stagnation. If not 83'stematically industrious as Saxon yeoman or peasant of France, they supplied their wants by tillage, and their numerous herds constituted their wealth. As their laws contain rules for the government of artificers of different kinds, the useful arts were not neglected. Surrounded by the sea, frequent intercourse with TRANSFER OF ERIN. 635 France auti Spain afforded tlicm, in exchange for their wool, wine and clothes. For religious and secular education, this home rule seemed equally propitious. Public documents that remain emanating from their chieftains, annals and other works from the many writers of Irisli birth whose names and productions have come down to us, abundantly indicate that not only in natural endowment but in culture they were quite equal to the Anglo-Xormans, and fully as competent to govern themselves. Conventual establishments, if not now as useful, served then as asylums for the infirm and unprotected, kept alive a spirit of devotion, educated the young and refined *their habits. The number, several hundred in all, recorded in the Apostolic Chamber, founded and endowed before the reformation in Ireland, testify not to the superstition of the age, but to the sense entertained of their value. In one instance, such a foundation was an atonement for assassination, but they generally proceeded from an enlightened piety. The larger pi-oportion were erected by the chiefs, all the provinces contributing ; and if we may judge from the exquisite remains of Holy cross or Mucross Abbey, Roscrea and Quinn, there may have been more costly and imposing edifices in Avealthier lands, but few whose architectural beauty and adaptation to their intended use surpassed these and many others which might be mentioned mouldering about the old island of the saints. Private abodes corresponded in elegance and convenience with these religious structures. Blarney Castle, dating from the middle of the fifteenth century, is still a delight to every beholder, and had civil war spared more examples of the taste of that period, they would have helped to disprove much that sounds harsh in recent criticisms. When castles were demolished in war and rebuilt in haste for protection^ little heed was paid to symmetry or embellishment. Many ruined edifices remain haggard and ungraceful, but they were as often the work of English as of Irish men. The vulgar plainness 636 TRANSFER OF ERIN. of some old Irish cities, in marked contrast to those of the continent, speaks in terms not to be mistaken of the puritan notions of Cromwell and his ironsides. Disingenuously native chieftains would be held responsible for hills and moors denuded of their natural garniture. This was not their work, but adventurers wishing to realize, before their grants were reclaimed, cut off the forests. Much was wasted or went to operate unprofitable mines. If left to the beneficent design of Providence mould would have accumulated, and mountain slopes, now unsightly ledges, have furnished the best of pasturage. As an indication of the rudeness of manners prevailing at that time in the principal abodes of the island, the habit is instanced of housing cattle under the same roof with the master. This precau- tion against predatory neighbors or siege was not peculiar to Ireland, but to all lands exposed to disturbance. In large castles, either around or within their walls, capacious enclosures were provided into which flocks and herds were driven at night, or when there was apprehension of maraud. It was a custom not unknown a few gene- rations ago in New England, for in a house of the Went worths, near Portsmouth, the cellars were arranged for cattle or for cavalry mounts at least half a hundred when Indian depredation was imminent. If daughters of noble degree hovered in light attire around the family hearth in princely dwellings, the elegances of modern life were not then common, if we may credit authority, even in kings' palaces. What few comforts Irish castles had to offer were at the disposal of whoever came with friendly purpose. Hospitality, next to courage, was the cardinal virtue. Two thousand persons, rich and poor, as we have seen, partook of the Christmas banquet at one castle ; as many olavs, poets, historians and other learned persons for several days on other occasions. Harp and minstrelsy and intellectual entertainments of high order afforded recreation to TRANSFER OF ERIN. 637 the concourse assembled. The chiefs hall was ever open to his clansmen or to strangers, and no one sent unsatisfied away. Who- ever has examined the laws of Ireland, or is familiar with what has been transmitted of its chieftains, must admit they could not have been cruel task-masters, or oppressors of their clansmen. The relation was precisely that best calculated to produce the wise, just, efficient ruler ; with character to stand the test of constant scrutiny ; habits, not only of command and self-control, but of genei'ous and unceasing consideration for kindred, near or remote, who of their own accord entrusted themselves to his leadership. Sophistry and perversion of fact are near akin. That the Nor- man chiefs were born rulers of men, and therefore entitled to gov- ern Ireland, is quite untenable in the light either of historical evi- dence or of moral principle. Their valor, clothed in impenetrable steel, may be conceded, and they possessed advantages for education which in itself is power. But as to their giving security to life or property, and enabling those who cared to be industrious to reap the fruits of their labors without fear of outrage or plunder, the protection they afforded was that of wolves to lambs. Under color of royal grants, readily procured from their influence at court, they despoiled the defenceless without mercy or compunc- tion. The pretension that they strove to govern the country not as a vassal province but as a free nation, to extend to her the forms of English liberty, trial by jury, local courts, and parliamen- tary representation is utterly fallacious. The results abundantly show that the earnest request of the chiefs for one law for both races was frustrated through their intervention. The imputation that life was so little valued that those who took it were allowed to make reparation by cattle, was not strictly true, for in the "Four Masters," the life of a chief's son is demanded in one instance as the fitting amends. Erics for murder were not peculiar to Ireland, but common as well to German and Saxon. This 638 TRANSFER OF ERIN. lenity is certainly in contrast ' with the stern severities of English law, under which seventy thousand persons were hung under the Tudors, and poisoners boiled. In the last century, an Englishman could commit one hundred and sixty offences punishable with death, and his wife be burnt as a witch. Some of the Brelion regulations seem irrational in the light of modern civilization, but our modern statute books will not probably better stand the test in ages to come. In their taste for detraction, the works referred to berate both races alike. They gloat over Avhat has been said to the disadvantage of either. Their seeming candor might mislead, did not the drift of their strictures and defence of the harshest measures of English policy betray their inspiration. Their object, hoAvever disguised, is obviously to decry the old chieftains and foster in Irish minds, as education opens their eyes and gives importance to their opinion, respect for their present masters. They make no discrimination between Irish birth and race. Silken Thomas, son of Kildare, Avho with his five uncles were hung at Tyburn in 1536, had hardly a drop of Milesian blood in his veins. His family were educated in England, Angliores Anglis. He was near by when Archbishop Allen Avas slain, and this is cited as proof of Irish barbarism. The English later betra3'ed Catholic bishops and priests to torture and death by the score, they subjected old men and women to thumb screw and boot, to lash and starvation without mercy, but these are considered no crime. If Ireland possesses few national works of art, the wealth that should foster the genius of her children is squandered by absentee proprietors ; but Reynolds and Shea were presidents of the Royal Academy. The mother of Goldsmith, whose " Vicar of Wakefield " next to the Bible is the book most read in the language, derived from the Dalgais ; Wellington was Irish born and had no doubt Milesian blood in his veins ; certainly in those of the hero of Magenta, the present sagacious ruler of France, trickles that of all the best stock TRANSFER OF ERIN. 639 in Ireland of cither r.acc. Innumerable generals and statesmen in every part of the globe have given good proof of their political sagacity, lent lustre to honored names, showing it was not necessary for their countrymen to seek for rulers amongst a people by nature too domineering to be trusted wath any such responsibility. Whilst Irishmen bear in mind the O'Xeils, O'Briens, McCarthys of earlier times, or in those more recent, Burke, Sheridan and Moore, Curran, Grattan and O'Connel, transcendant in eloquence or letters, they will not be troubled by sneer or misrepresentation. Whilst such dispar- agement perpetuates animosity, there will be no love lost between the sister islands, and from incompatibility of temper, the only alternative will be separation, home rule and such federal relations as work well in Canada or Australia. In the old manuscript records deaths in battle or by violence are frequently mentioned, but this does not prove bloodshed more com- mon than in France or England at the time, any more than laAvs against murder on their statute-book indicate peculiar proclivities in a people to that crime. Such annals record what is extraordinary. If in an armed occupation of the country, as in those of other nations, their pages reek with slaughter, it is to be attributed to the false position of the English, who in utter disregard of all laws, human or divine, were seeking to subjugate Ireland because they chanced to be stronge;jt. China and Japan prudently closed their gates against European intrusion. Austria has the same claims to Italy, Russia to Turkey, Turkey to Greece. But all, unless uphold- ers of arbitrary power, who believe half the world booted and spurred to ride hard the other half bitted and bridled, rejoice when the rider is thrown. Irishmen are reproached for their restlessness under injury and insult, and with curious inconsistency that, while in number but one- sixth of the population of tlie realm, disarmed, strangers on their native soil, till lately cheated out of their just participation in industrial 640 TRANSFER OF ERIN. pursuits, and of all opportunity for education or advancement, they have not succeeded better in driving out their oppressors. Of English origin and affection, Americans w^ish well to their mother country, but as human beings such taunts, if they do not awaken the wish, raise reasonable apprehension that retribution may be only delayed, and that should poor Erin again resort to violence to vindicate her rights, the responsibility will rest upon the heads of her ungenerous defamers. It may be idle to mourn over events growing directly out of human infirmities, and constantly paralleled in other lands and ages. But a candid consideration of the past yields the most valuable lessons to statesmen who control the destinies of nations. Had England been governed by a wise and generous policy towards Ireland, and respect- ed the rights and liberties, civil and religious, of its people, she would have been spared a vast effusion of blood and waste of treas- ure, a heavy responsibility for infinite misery and wretchedness. For all these centuries Ireland was an expense to her treasury. If its inhabitants had been permitted equal privileges with her other subjects, they would in process of time have become loyal, and ad- vancing in prosperity and civilization contributed in a larger measure to her strength. To heap upon a favored few immense wealth which added little to their enjoyment, the masses were reduced to a condition of predial servitude. The process, if slow, was steadily onward. Proscribed for their religious beliefs, shut out from the advantages of education, of varied employment and other civilizing influences, dispirited and broken- hearted, they that could sought refuge in other lands. For such as remained, labor without capital and consequently without enterprise, permitted no abiding interest in the land it tilled, and withheld from industries it preferred to benefit English rivalry — what more deplorable condition can be conceived for any people — impoverishment, aggra- vated by early and prolific marriages nature and religion prescribed, TRANSFER OF ERIN. 641 ate Jike a cankci*. Despair, inadequate nourishment, enforced idle- ness, if not always repressing their inherent gaiety, found temporary relief or oblivion in demoralizing indulgences, then common to both races and all conditions, but which, where there offered fewer recrea- tions to take their place, wei'c less easily abandoned. Already with us such reproach is rapidly ceasing to attach to any people, and in this great i-eform of the age, Celts march shoulder to shoulder with the Saxon in the front. Refinements in life, in food or garments, are the growth of peace and plenty, of culture and education, intercourse with lands more advanced in these civilized arts. They were hardly to be expected where war, pestilence and famine had for generations wrought deso- lation, for a people by intolerance debarred from religious instruction, loaded down by rapacity with tithe and tax, whom unequal distribu- tion of property through laws or customs of primogeniture, dis- couragement of industry, inadequate compensation for labor had disheartened or incensed. The unpleasant modes and usages Mor- rison witnessed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, probably in instances exceptional and extreme, are sufficiently explained by the events we have related. Sad to say, they may still be observed in many countries, even in his own, under similar conditions pro- ceeding from equally efficient causes. Comforts and elegances that attend wealth may raise the standards around of taste, neatness and order, spreading, even where resources are limited for their indul- gence, from palace to hut. But people gi'ound down by poverty, enraged by injustice and struggling hard for subsistence, have little inclination, or temper, to be always nice in their necessary nourish- ments, habits or ways. It may be their misfortune, but the reproach does not always rest upon them. Sydney Smith, an honored t}^e of the best English development, in expressing, half a century ago, his admiration for their wit and eloquence, courage, generosity, hospitality and open-heartednees, 81 642 TRANSFER OF ERIN. alluded to their love of display, want of economy and perseverance, eagerness for results without the slow and patient virtues that control them. But he is frank to admit that their lack of unity among themselves, irritability, violence and revenge, disregard of law and its tribunals, of neatness and comfort among their poorer classes, were attributable to want of education, or the oppression to which they had been subjected. He pronounces " the conduct of his countrymen towards Ireland to have been a system of atrocious cruelty and con- temptible meanness, and that with such a climate, such a soil and 8uch a people, the inferiority in civilization was directly chargeable to the wickedness of the government." This strong language, applicable also, in some recent instances, to our treatment of the Indians, is borne out by the array of penal enactments which he cites in its support. These laws have been for the most part repealed, but the history of the past cannot be understood without taking them into account. Defects of char- acter which retarded improvement or blocked the path to individual progress and prosperity, often charged as idiosyncrasies of race, were the natural and logical growth of their political condition. Certainly here, where properly trained, they display equal industry, frugality, steadfastness of purpose, loyalty to law and obligation with any other nationality. So long as English opinion exasperates by arrogance, contumely or indifference, refuses to heed what is advanced in good faith in their defence, the realm will lose by their disaffection an element of strength, important for its security and also for the preservation of those representative institutions which we too have inherited as our birthright, and believe to have greatly improved. The immunity of both countries from foreign assailants, may at times be dependent upon their political consolidation, but persecution has only served to strengthen the attachment of catholics to their faith, and there can be no loyalty to a government felt only in op- TRANSFER OF ERIN. 643 pression. More liberal measures have already been adopted. Ten- ures have been made more permanent for those that till the soil, education more universal, suffrage extended, funds consecrated to religious instruction no longer one sixth only appropriated to the benefit of three-fourths of the people, but more justly divided. ^luch remains to be effected with regard to trade, taxation and official pat- ronage, but all interested in the welfare of Ireland, or indeed of the empire from which we so largely derive our existence in this country, justly claim an interest in what conduces alike to the glory and honor of rose, shamrock and thistle. Rancor for ancient wrongs throws obstacles in the way of reparation, renders more insupportable existing restraints. But religious toleration, equality before the law, blending of nationalities are indispensable to tranquillity, progress and strength. It behooves us to study the history of Ireland with peculiar at- tention. Its lessons and warnings teem with significance. For grievances far less bitter and intolerable than hers under Tudor and Stuart monarchs, we declared and asserted our independence. When we grow cold and indifferent to our political blessings, prize less our free institutions than our ancestors who planted them, its pages will teach us the danger we escaped in casting off a foreign yoke, the deplorable consequences of forfeiting our birthright, of relapsing under arbitrary rule. That rule may return, not in the guise of royal prerogative or alien legislation. Human nature unre- strained by principle or law is ever selfish and domineering. Des- potism is equally detestable whether imposed from abroad, by party power or individual ambition, by infuriated mobs or communes, an absolute monarch or class control. Our best safeguards, if we would avoid the misrule of Ireland, subjection to tyranny or caprice of the arrogant, are the preservation of our constitutional checks and balances, just and equal laws faithfully administered by virtue and intelligence, a spirit of compromise and conciliation, which, respect- 644 TRANSFER OF ERIN. ing right and susceptibility in all, will disarm antagonisms such as have tormented, torn and impoverished lands beyond the sea. We may then defer to a later day, and may it be far removed, the study of how the republic of Rome succumbed to the Caesars. English writers discuss what concerns other nations without reserve, and especially our own, whilst Americans, firm believers in equal rights before the law and to political privilege, have rarely been zealous in making proselytes. But when appeal was taken to public opinion here, where multitudes had come to escape from conditions at home no longer to be endured, in cities of which the inhabitants of Irish birth or parentage form one-third of the whole jiopulation, when obloquy was cast on their own character and that of their fathers, on their history and traditions by writers of ability disposed, if not prejudiced, rather to dazzle than instruct, it suggested inquiry and prompted investigation confined to neither race nor sect. Out of that desire for fair play grew this volume, deriving its material from both ancient sources and recent publications, and it is believed to embody information scholars of Irish history on this side the ocean, at least, may find of value for the period of which it treats. If presumj^tion for an American to venture upon such a field, or to controvert con- clusions of authors of better opportunities and more widely known, the motive must justify the temerity. INDEX OF NAMES. Acres, Joan d', 132 Adrian IV., 13 Adair. 169 Agard, 295 Allen, 192, 262, 263, 267, 268, 272, 282, 285, 307, 317. 342, 344 Amand, St., 144, 200 Angle, del', 21 Anderson, 108 Anne of Bohemia, 148 Anne of Cleves, 291, 308 Archer, 30, 558, 615 Arch da II, 106 Ardgall, 184 Arnold, Matthew, 102 Arran, 348 Artois, d', 156, 210 Arundel, 348 Ashburnham, 102 Atkins, 108 Aylmer, 319, 337 B Bacon, 349 Baggot, 30 Bagnal, 438, 490, 495, 502, 531 Bale, 328, 329 Barret, 60, 68, 188, 209 Barron, 77 Barry, 192, &c. Becket, 25 Bedford, 504 Bell, 48 Bellew, 168 Belling, 104, 105 Bellingham, 276 Betham, 105 Bingham, 520 Bis:set, de, 127 Bleete, 54, 59 Bligh, 51 Blod, 54 Blount, 548, 574, 575, 577, 584, 585, 580, 589, 601, 605 Boeck, 114 Bohun, de, 133 Bulger, 41 Boleyn, Ann, 334; Sir William, 199 Both well, 349 Bourgh, 524 Boyle, 253, 496, 571 Brabazon, 295 Bradley, 45 Brady, 48 Brakespear, 11 Branagan, 41 Brandon, 69 Braose, de, 13, 26, 29 Breasil, 232 Brennan, 41, 49 Brereton, 350 Breslan, 49 Brien, 16, 194, 190, 198, 277. 298, 304 Brien, 17, 54, 55, 56, 62, 72, 73, 108, 129, 130, 151, 203, 216, 323, 324 Brodar, 41 Brogan , 48 Bromley, 316 Brooks, 535 Browne, 285, 289, 316, 326 Bruce, 33, 127 Bruce, 33, 127, 128 Brunc, 36, 229 Bruodine, 105 Bryan, 308, 318, 319, 362 Burgh, de, 21, 24, 26, 50, 58, 59, 126, 130, 131, 143, 149, 297, &c. Burghersh, 127 Burke, 11, 21, 24, 27, 33, 34, 51, 59. 66, 108, 131, 160, 161, 173, 288, 304, 324 Burton, 139 Butler 25 &c. Byrne,' 39,' 108^ 126, 144, 162, 172, 176, 263, 295, 327, 329, 330 Byron, 504 6A6 INDEX OF NAMES Caemlain, 97 Cahany, 51 Cahill^ 52 Cahir, 303, 477, 524, 586 Cairneck, 81 Callaghan, 51, 107 Callanan, 52 Campbell, 309, 344, 506 Campeggio, 289 Caulfield, 584 Camden, 441 Campion, 311 Caobdoch, 43 Carey, 347 CarruU, 304, 427, 477, 524, 586 Carter, 437, 485 Casey, 37 Cassidy, 47 Carew, 385, 386, 410, 445, 563, 564, 569, 573, 585 Cathlain, 450 Cavanash, 17, 41, 59, 296, 310, 317, 318, 387, 392, 394, 395, 399, 407, 414, 420, 421, 424, 425, 427, 432, 433, 447, 500, 516, 520, 530, 540, 549, 588, 604 Cecil, 354, 355, 379, 398 Ceallachan, 54 Cearbhall, 115 Chamberlain, 30 Charles v., 346 Chase, 30 Chattan, 30 (JhicIiBstsr 577 Clancarre, 59, 417, 420, 443, 444, 451 Clancarthy, 458 Clanrickard, 296, 319, 338, 353, 367, 394, 395, .399, 407, 414, 420, 421, 424, 425, 427,432,433,447,516, 520, 530, 540, 549, 588, 604 Clare, 27, 63, 132 Clarence, 24, 25 Clery, 36, 45, 48, 49, 81, 98, 102, 103, 523 Clifford, 27, 76 Coffey, 42 Coghlan, 42 Colteran, 47 Condon, 129 Connor, 43, 49, 50, 95, 128, 133, 161, 183, 184, 228, 253, 258, 295, 297, 303, 305, 327, 420, 433, 448, 449, 465, 466, 478, 517, 527, 528, 543, 549, 555, 561, 562, 563, &c. Conroy, 50 Constable, 594 Conlan, 68 Coote, 48 Corrigan, 42, 51 Coleman, 51 Colgan,41,47, 105 Connolly, 42 Cosbie, 432 Cos^ry, 41 Copley, 494 Cowley, 52 Courcy, 443 Courtney, 485 Cox, 431 Cranmer, 309, 316, 317, 334, 336 Crimthan, 44, 53 Crofts, 319, 322, 324, 326, 328 Crofton, 30 Croker, 106 Crowley, 74 Cronelly, 106 Cromer, 289 Cromwell, 30, 36 Cuilmen, 102 Cullen,41,52, 68 Cullenan,65, 66, 97 Cumhall, 99, 100 Cummings, 30, 51 Cuire, 67 Curwin, 503 Curry, 53 Curran, 45, 46, 65 CuBack, 30, 51, 105, 107, 108 Cymbaeth, 119 D Daire, 81, 96 Daley, 44, 48, 52, 71, 106, 109, 168, 311, 608, 610 Dalton, 167 Danaans, 36, 37, 80, 87, 112, 117 Davis, 10, 26, 105, 109, 121 Davers, 519 Delhahide, 251,265 Delamare, 248 Delvin, 209, 260, 237, 331, 379, 391 Dempsey, 29, 41, 144, 168, 176, 242, 248, 296, 341, 343 Den, 30 Denny, 30, 309, 316 Derby, 20 Derforguille, 13, 362 Desmond, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 29, 33, 59, 76, 77, 123, 124, 127, 132, 136, 138, 186, 187, 188, 189, 213, 243, 245, 248, 249, 251, 260, 261, 263, 269, 273, 274, 277, 280, 282, 283, 286, 304, 306, 308, 319, 341, 344, 353, 367, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 408, 416, 418, 423, 428, 437, 438, 440, 441, 442, 444, 447, 453, 456, 45S, 459, 462, 464, 467, 470, 475, 484, 511, 542, 549, 550, 566 Dethyke, 264 Devereux, 30, 127, 548 Devlin,45, 243, 251 Dexter, 32, 209, 248 INDEX OF NAMES. ()47 Dillon. 30,248 DoliertY. 43, 183, 229, 253 258, 303 Dolan,'48 Done^an, 50, 67 Donncl, 19, 34, 43, 45, 94, 151, 152, 162, 172, 178, 180, 182, 183, 185, 189, 206, 207, 217. 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 231, 237, 339, 340, 344. 345, 352, 353, 354, 355, 357, 358, 362, 367, 368, 370, 371, 375, 434, 444, 469, 471, 476, 488, 489, 494, 492, 496, 498, 499, .501, 515, 516, 520, 523, 524. 525, 526, 5.30, 5.37, 541, 578, 580, 588, 589, 594, 597, 599, 600 (SeeTyrconnel.) Donnellan, 49, 52, 153 Donnelly, 369 Donoghue, 56, 137, 154, 189, 205, 248, 306 Donuvan, 60, 104, 205, 243, 306 Dowcra, 575, 579, 587, 590 Dowd, 44, 49, 51, 165, 180, 223, 232, 248, 256 Dowdal, 328, 350, 439, 443, 510, 539 Dowling, 41, 42 Dowell, 433 Doyle, 41 Drake, 158 Driscol, 542, 596, 604, 613, 615 Drury, 316 Duane, 52 Dudley, 172, 194, 238, 333, 348, 356 Dufly, 45, 47, 51 Dugan,50, 74, 76, 139 Duigenan, 237, 311 Dunboyne, 199, 296 Dunkellin, 551 Dunlevy, 47 Dunn. 41,42, 343 E Edgecombe, 214 Edward I., 27, 126 Edward II., 129 Edward III., 129 Edward IV., 206, 208, 209, 212, 341 Edward VI., 315, 326, 328, 329 Effingham, 376 Eginund, 336 Ellis, 336 Elizabeth, 26, 29, 60, 62, 139, 143, 145, 183, 192, 198, 199, 206, 208, 209, 212, 315, 333, 347, 349, 350, 351, 379, 402, 408 426, 454, 573, &c. Elizabeth of France, 348 Elyot, 384 Emmett, 108 Einpson, 291 Eochaid, 44, 54, 116, 123 Essex, 316, 378, 387, 421, 513, 520. 524, 549 550 Eustace, 190, 199, 209, 216, 260 Eva, 28, 58, 119, 149 Fahys, 49, 70 Faliero, 207 Fallon, 49, 50, 313 Falvy, 53 Farell, 152, 203, 220, 218, 311, 325 Fay, 319, 320 Fearcorh, 54 Feeny, 51 Feidlim, 130 Felton, 316 Fenaghty, 50 Fen ton, 458, 490 Feria, de, 348 Ferdinand of Austria, 348 Ferdoragh,321,322 Ferganin),284 Fergus, 36, 44, 81,99, 115 Ferguson, 107 Ferral, 149, 151,223,387 Ferrers, 106 Fiacha, 53 Finilan, 42 Finglas, 267, 310 Fisher, 289 Fitton, 413, 414, 437, 438, 450, 457, 473, 485 Fitz-Anthony.29, 77 Fitz-Getfroi, 126 Fitz-Gerald, 20, 27, 28, 58,59, 60, 68, 70, 74, 107, 126, 132, 150, 192-, 194, 197, 201, 213, 224, 231, 244, 262, 266, 267, 268. 269, 270, 271, 306, 334, 385, 419,&c. Fitz-Gibbon, .390 Fitz-Henry, 21 Fitz-iMaurice, 23, 28, 58, 137, 150, 284, 329, 367 Fitz-Patrick, 13, 338, 380, 388 Fitz-Stephen, 20, 26, 28, 385 Fitz- Walter, 34 1, 343 Fitz-VVilliam,342, 372 Flaherty, 49, 50, 102, 242 Flanagan, 37, 49, 50, 102, 242 Fleetwood, 485 Fleming, 21, 364 Fogarty, 25, 59, 66 Forth. 316 Fox, 330 Francis II., 349 Freigne, de, 21 Froissart, 210 Froude, 11,267,321 Furnival, 127 G Gadbragh, 36 Galdie, 567 Gallagher, 43, 151, 224, 253, 258, 452, 476, 492, 523, 552 648 INDEX OF NAME S Galvin, 36 Gara, 37, 51,223, 248 Gardiner, 334, 340 Garth, 216, 264 Geary, 77 Geraldines, 13, 21,23, 31,34,71,72, 108, 129, 133, 137, 168, 188, 243, 249, 264, 2t>6, 267, 269, 270, 271, 275, 276, 281, 315, 318, 326, 330, 351, 377, &c. Gherardini. 174 Gibson, 107 Giltinnen, 47 Giipatrick, 152, 277, 293, 297, 305, 338 Glendower, 156 Gloucester, 146, 148 Godkin, 108 Gold, 30 Gordon, 214 Gorman, 65, 108 Gormlaich,201 Gormley,45, 51, 166 Gough, 30, 106 Grady, 51, 64, 68 Grace, 22, 23, 330 Graeme, 107, 563 (jJrandison, 27, 197 Grattan, 108 Graves, 106 Grey, 172, 194, 200, 275, 276, 327, 334, 353, 381,391 Griffin, 30, 64, 109 H Hadesor, John, 196 Hagan, 46. 64, 67 Haines, 44, 50 Halton, 485, 493, 497 Hall,S. C, 108 Hallinan, 68 Halloran, 49, 52 Hamilton, 47 Hampden, 331 Hanley, 50 Hanlon. 46, 126, 147, 153, 168, 217, 220, 248, 373 Hanralian, 42 Hanratty, 46 Hara, 45, 51, 149, 166, 202, 231 Hare, 64 Hardy man, 106 Harley, 467 Harpol, 390 Hart, 108, 256 Hatchell, 106 Hartigan, 68, 74,97 Harty, 42 Harris, 104 Harrington, 388 Harvey, 565,569 Haugh, 336 Haver ty, 104 Haynes, 50 Ilealy, 42, 68 Heher, 13, 36, 43, 49, 58, 81, 99, 109, 116 Heifer man, 64, 67 Henry H., 13, 19, 25, 26, 29, 31, 42 Henry HI.. 125, 145 Henry IV., 151 Henry V., 170 Henry VI., 158 Henry VH., 188,212,267 Henry VHI., 123, 199, 277, 282, 286, 315 Herbert, 30, 180, 316 Heremon, 13, 36, 42, 43, 45, 46, 49, 58, 81, 109, 112, 116, 344 Herlihy, 167,311, 435 Hide, 485 Higgins, 41 Hooker, 373, 385 Honan, 68 Howard, 347 Howth, 477, 532, 577 Hovendan, 389 Hubbard, 71 Huntley, 214 Hussey, 71 Hy Brunes, 36 Hy Caisin, 64 Hy Cormac, 65 Hy Felimy, 41,236 Hy Fiachra, 49 Hy Kinsedlagh, 41 Hy Lyhan, 74 Hy Many, 52, 132, 139, 152, 181, 185 HyNial,85 Hy Reagan, 41 Hy Rongally, 66 Hy Tuirtee, 46 I Inchiquin, 521, 525 Inglis, 108 Ir, 16, 36, 344 Ireneus, 105 Ith, 74, 166. 344 Ivers, 30, 166 James I., 214 James n., 73, 123 James IV., 214, 223, 240 James v., 229 JeflFries, 75 Joan, Maid of Kent, 145 John of Gaunt, 157, 212 Jones, 499 Jordan, 51 Joyce, 106, &c. Keating, 578 Keefe, 74, 76, 567 K INDEX OF NAME 649 Keenan, 47, 153 Keevan, 46, 51 Kdley, 41, 47. 50, 132, 139, 149, 161, 185, 20-2, 203, 230. 233, 248, 320, 321, 322, 330, 448, 461, 476, 505, &c. Kennedy, 25, 26, 66, 104, 248, 279, 329 Kerry, Lords of, 23, 58, 59, 205, 286 Kian, 37 Kiernan, 46 Kildarc. 23, 74, 108, 123, 143, 144, 150, 156, 158, 187, 190, 195, 196, 199, 201, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220. 221, 224, 226, 227, 232, 239, 240, 243, 244, 250, 251, 253, 255, 260, 262, 263, 265, 271, 272, 273, 282, 317, 324, 326, 331, 337, 338, 345, 376, 377, 438, 448. 527, &c. Kyttler, Alice C, 134 152, 272, 488, 286, 145, 197, 215, 225, 246, 264, 325, 421, Lacy, 21. 24, 25, 26, 29, 42, 127, 208 Lalor, 47, 389 Lally, 49 Lambert, 48 Lanigan, 108 Larkin, 46 Lascelles, 106 Latimer, 308 Laverty, 45, 46 Lawless, 51 Lawrence, St , 24, 203, 204 Leicester, 372, 376, 378 Leger, St., 294, 304, 307, 315, 316, 317, 318, 337 Lennon, 51 Leo X., 288 Leonard, 47 Leverous, 325, 383 Lever, 109 LevisoD, 596 Liddy, 65 Lincoln, 211,213 Lisle, 65 Lodge, 106 Loftus, 383, 384 Loghiin, 65 Lombard, 77 Long, 481 Lonagan, 47 Lorton, 287 Lottner, 90 Louth, 143, 175 Lovell, 213 Lover, 109 Ludluw, 63 Lynch,47, 325,383, 384 82 M Macavoy, 389 ]Macartliy. 17, 19, 21, 23, 33, 53, 59, 61, 71, 72. 75, 108, 115, 125, 275,279,283, 306, 323, &c. MacCann, 46 Macauley, 91, 424 JNlacClancy, 50 Maclean, 471 MacCoghlin, 42, 477 MacCoghwell, 46 MacColreavy, 50 MacCoury, 51, 52 MacCracken, 45 Macl'roissan, 45 MacDarell, 51 MacDavet, 45 MacDavid, 516, 587 MacDermot, 49, 129, 131, 149, 160, 161, 166,202.204,230,235, 248, 253, 254, 255, 256, 253, 476, 520, 523, 566 MacDonnell, 109, 228. 255, 256, 314, 322, 344, 350, 352, 363, 372, 373 MacDonogh, 49, 160, 202, 204, 286 IMacDorchy, 50, 51 MacDowell, 50 MacEgan, 52, 71, 139 MacElligot, 59, 71 MacEnnery, 68 MacEvoy, 46 MacFergus, 50 MacFirbis, 51, 96, 102, 104, 106, 139 MacFinnen, 72, 420 M'Garahan, 47 Macgauran, 505 JNlacawley, 203 Macgennis, 129, 176, 179, 253, 478, 488, 5 12 523 M"Geoghan, 440, 477, 524, 585 McGioilamholmoge, 41 MacGeraghty, 51 M'Gilbride, 45 MacGilvray, 47 MacGlow, 50 M'Golrick, 46 Macgarman, 471 Macgowan, 45, 51 M'Grath, 168, 368 M'Gregor, 107 Macha, 41 Machair, 575 MacHale, 51 Maclan,229 Mac-I-brien-ara, 457 Mac Jordan, 149 MacMahon, 17, 18, 33, 47, 59, 65, 183, 261, 425, 512,526, 601 MacMorrogh, 135, 151, 155, 156, 178, 185, 194, 236, 247, 354 MacMorris, 468 250 INDEX OF NAMES . MacNamara, 59, 219, 239 MacOwen, 46, 567 MacQuade, 47 MacQuillin, 180, 182, 222 Macra, 119 Macbheehy, 71, 567 MacS weeny, 71 Mac Ward, 45, 312 MacWilliam, 414, 533, 564, 588 Macworth, 447 Madden, 52, 108, 180, 206, 248, 338, 342 Magee, 46, 105 Magroarty, 367 Maguire, 46, 47, 178, 181, 203, 204, 220, 223, 237, 244, 338, 367, 368, 422, 470, 474, 476, 488, 497, 501, 502, 503, 507, 508, 510, 512, 513, 519, 525, 537, 540, 557, 570, 580, 597 Mahon, 54, 68 Mahoney, 71, 74, 108, 137, 248, &c. Maine, 44 Malacbi, 16, 44 Malbie, 427, 432, 438, 439, 441, 442, 448, 452, 453, 468, 473 Mallen, 45 Malley, 36, 119, 130, 136, 149, 189, 248, 257, 312, 401, 425, 520, 521, 588 Mandeville, 130, 136 Mannering, 485 Matining, 52 Marisco, de, 22, 28, 29 Mairigan, 41 Massingbcrd, 335 Masterson, 438 Mattluagh, 119 Montaigne, 531, 537,538 Moore, 420, 423, 517, 522, 529, 539, 558, 577, &c. Morgan, 575 Moriarty, 451 Morogh,42l, 436 Morrison, 550, 574, 577, 590, 591 Mostyn, 603 Mountgarret, 477 Mountjoy, 557 Mountnorris, 512 Mulrooney, 514 Muskerry, 417, 444, 472, 523 N Nain, 139 Neil, 17, 30, 34, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47. 49, 54, 67, 71, 129, 131, 133, 144, 148, 154, 160, 16), 168, 172, 173, 176, 179, 180, 181, 185, 186, 196, 204, 206, 217, 220, 222, 224, 226, 227, 228, 241, 244, 245, 247, 250, 253, 257, 262, 269, 271, 313, 314, 337, 338, 356, 358, 359, 360, 362, 372, 374, 375, 387, 392, 398, 422, 427, 431, 436, 444, 451, 463, 474, 476, 489, 490, 500, 505, 513, 514, 518, 519, 522, 524, 526, 528, 533, 534 (See Tyrone.) Nennius, 36 Neny, 47 Nesta, 21,23, 25, 28, 58 Nevil, 365 Nolan, 41, 136 Norris, 458, 485, 511, 513, 519, 520, 531, 534, 543, 544, 568 Nugent, 21 Oisin, 99 Oliol, 44, 53 O'Naghtan, 448 Ormond, 421, 424, 428, 438,442,446, 449, 452, 453, 459, 462, 467, 468, 472, 473, 474, 505 Oliver, 267 Oscar, 118 Ossian, 118 Ossory, 263, 265, 266, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 307, 308 P Paget, 316 Pandarus, 247 Partholan, 12 Patrick, St., 12,245. 284 Pelliara, 442, 444, 574 Pembridge, 141 Pembroke, 13, 20 Percy, 156 Perrot, 242 Petit, 21, 189, 193,266 Phelan, 18 Picket, 30 Pierce, 30, 241 Piggot, 389 Plunket, 194, 195, 199, 299 Poer, le, 27, 77, 134, 201, 248, 306, &c. Pole, dela, 211 Porter, 30 Portlestcr, 200, 218, 271 Powers, 31 306 Poynings, 216, 221 Prendergast, 11, 13, 29, 107, &c. Preston, 200 Price, 439 Parcel, 450, 543 R Radcliffe, 553 Rafferty, 45 Raleigh, 197, 198, 316 Rawlins, 485 Rawson , 296 Reilly, 36, 49, 137, 149, 151, 1.58, 175, 176, 180, 220, 223, 241, 213, 253, 264, 297, 316, 343, 353, 377, 392, 423, 452, 476, 523, 5.32, 559, &c. INDEX OF X A 31 E S . 251 Richard III., 208 Kidde!, 30 Roche, 31, 33, 60, 76, 212, 213, 214, 296, 344 Rocheford, 30 Rudatrhan, 153 Roderick, 19, 21, 25, 149 Rohan, 47 Ronan, 57 Rothhin, 51 Roiirkc, 49, 432, 448, 469, 493, 495, 502, 508, 510, 530, 540, 588, 589, 594, &c. Ryan, 458 Russel, 30 Sadlier, 109 fcjainthili, 198 Salisluiry, 271, 347 Saunders. 437, 442, 444, 464 Savage, 30, 129, 141, 181, 229, 284 Scaiilan, 45, 68 Scrope, 158, 162 Scullcv, 42 Sebastian. 437, 446 St'grave, 514 Sexton, 66 Seymour, 348 Sgingan, 139 Shaughnessy, 297 Sheean, 52 Sheehy, 71 Sheridan, 48 Sherlock, 335, 391 Sherwood, 195, 200 Shiel, 46 Shrewsbury, 175, 176, 263, 278 Simnel, 215, 264 Skeffington, 261, 266, 269, 272, 275 Skiddy, 30 Slane, 30 Smith, 30 Sorleyboy, 359, 373, 423, 424, 474, 475, 476, 489, &c. Spenser, 105, 169 Spillane, 51, 67 Stackpole, 65 Stafford, 107 Stanihurst, 366 Stanton, 30 Stanley, 148, 158, 173, 342 Stone, 485 Stuart, 107 Stukeley, 365 Sullivan, 116, 137, 150, 186, 323, 390, 424, 429, 442, 443, 471, 477, 522, 557, 618 Sutton, 172 Surrey, 155. 246, 251, 253, 260, 265 Sus,«ex, 344, 351, 352, 353, 359, 360, 368, 384 Swartz, 213 Sydney. 408, 422, 425, 427, 429, 432, 434, 436, 494, &c. Tnlbot, 171, 172, 173, 175, 176 Tallon,30 Taylor, 614 Thackeray, 63 Tliornton, 485 Tobin, 30 Toole, 41, 168,267,445,500 Tracy, 47 Trant, 71 Tuathal, 37 Tuite, 21 Turner, 527 Tyrconnel, 470, 502, 506, 515, 529, 540, 580, 587, 588, 589, 591, .598. COO, 602 Tyrone, 497, 499, 502, 506, 513, 514, 518, 519, 527, 528, .529, 536, 537, 540, 553, 555, 559, 562, 563, 564, 575, 576, 578, 579, 581. 582, 583, 590, 591, 600, 601, 602, 603, &c. Tyrrel, 21, 478, 542, 570, 585, 597, 609, 610, 614, &c. Ufford, 167 Verdon, De, 127 U W Walwyn, 527 Wingfield, 438, 445 Waterhouse, 438, 453, 473 Walsingham, 440, 431, 459 Wilton, 445 Wallop, 453, 454, 456, 457, 512 Walsh, 104, 453 AVhite, 473 Wolsey, 494 Warren, 498 Williams, 519, 526 Wilmot, 611, 615 Walton, 30 War beck, 235 Ware, 30 AVaters, 30 Welsh, 30,73 Whyte, 30, 473 Windsor, 141 Wolfe, 30 Wolsey, 251, 289 Wolvaston, 30 Wyse, 77 INDEX OF BATTLES AND SIEGES. Ardnarae, 158H, Armagh, 1588, 1596, 1597, Asearoe, 1380, 1597, Ath-an-Choileir, 1497, Athdown. 1404, Athlone, 1380, Athenry, 1315, Athy, 1419, Aughrim, 1602, Awnsby, 1600, B Balerath, 1288, Ballalwy, 1494, Balleek, 1594, 1596, Ballihickey, 1496, Balliho, 1602, Balliloe, 1475, Balliehannon, 1433, " 1587, Ballieophy, 1548, Bannockburn, 1314, Beanna Boirche, 1490, Belfast, 1551, Binn, 1529, Binnen, 1600, Biscuits, 1593, Blackwater, 1597, 1598, Blarney, Bray, 1403, 453 Callan, 1260, 133 494 Camus, 1521, 250 518 Carrighee, 1588, 492 528 Carrickfergus, 1597, 529 135 Carrigafoyte, 1579, 444 525 Carlingford, 1600, 583 227 Claririckard. 1366, 132 162 Cioghan, 1596, 516 150 Clonmel, 67 128 Clontibret, 1595, 572 170 Colloony. 1599, 551 621 Cressy, 1345, 139-145 561 Crosmacrin, 1495, 203 CurlewMountuins, 1599, 550 217 224 503 576 218 601 203 182 525 320 127 226 322 262 588 503 526 532 615 158 D Derrj-ness, 1588, Derrylahan, 1589, Desertcreigh, 1281, Donegal, 1601, Doonierin, 1538, Drumleen, 1522, Dublin, 1431, Dufferin, 1444. Dundalk, 1270, Dundrum, 1517, Dunluce, 1571, Dysart, 1318, 63, E Ely, 1393, Enniskiilen, 1594, 502- Esker, 1475, Faughard. 1318, Fearsat iMor, 1392, Flodden, 1513, Finita, 1599, 128 150 229 550 G Gawla, 1250, Glanog, 1469, Glendalough. Gkntow, 1565, Glengariff, 1602, Glin,'l600, 118 203 126 363 619 565 I Inverlochy, Ishin, 1600, 228 564 K 496 126 5891 256 Kenlis, 1396, 156 254 Killeachy, 1407, 161 186;Kilmainham, 1409, 159 183 Kilmacrenan, 1566, 369 150 Killoony, 1596, 519 243 Kincora, 1558, 186 4~6 Kinsale, 1601, 599 136 Knocavo, 1522, 254 Knocto, 1504, 220 148 50i Leix, 1600, 517 203 Lifiord, 1600, 580 654 INDEX OF BATTLES AND SIEGES. Limerick, 1505, 235 Sligo, 1470. 204 Lismore, 1580, 449 Offaly, 158 " 1595', 525 Lougherne, 1602, 623 Omagli, 1471, 206 " 1597, 528 Orgial, 1466, 194 Smerwick, 1580, Stradbally, 1597, 446 522 M P Suck, 588 Maynooth, 1535, 270 Pillstown, 1462, 191 T Molachbreac, 1596, 519 Plumes, 1579, 549 Monairhan, 1595, 512 Poictiers, 1356, 145 Thurles, 1170, 18 Monbraher, 1510, 239 Portcrust, 1596, 521 Talks, 1593, 503 Monasteriorie, 1521, 249 Portmore, 1597, 531 Tyrrel's Pass, 1597, 528 Monasternana, 1579, 440 Mourna, 1492, 222 R W Mourne Abbev, 1521, 249 Moyalis, 1498;' 219 Rosver, 1599, 549 Waterford, 1171, 19 Moylung, 1490, 224 Moyry Pass, 1599, 576 S Y " 1600, 581 Mullingar, 1328, 136 Sandy Bay, 1602, Skurinore, 1468, 611 204 youghall, 1580, 443 1 ERRATA. Page 10, line IG, o»!(7 " Trench and." " 22, " 22, read Henry tlie Second's, instead of " John's." was for nearly, instead of " has been for." for, instead of "at." them, instead of " these." 1177, instead of " 1129." 1318, " " "1217." are. 109 A.D. 12, read Carrigaphoyle. kings of the. Batb, instead of " Welsh." R. I. A.- Duigenan. which, instead of " what." American edition by Mahoney. 1634 instead of " 1604." many, instead, of "twenty." Joyce's Irish Names, Flanagan's Lord Chancellors, 1870, and Hart's Irish Pedigrees, 1876. 1375, instead of " 177-5." Edmund, instead of " Edward." elegances, instead of " elements." scion, instead of " sire." O'Donnel, instead of " O'Donnor." third, instead of " first." Kilmallock. country, instead of " county." who was kept. raged, instead of " waged." chary, instead of " cheery." no wiser. Judith, instead of " Joan." MicSweeny Banagh. soon after, instead of " already." Note. — Gerald of Desmond, killed 1.583, is most usually termed sixteenth eai'l of his line ; his son Gerald, who died 1601, seventeenth. Tiie affix to the name of Burkes of Clanrick- ard is " Oughter" the upper; of those of Mayo, "Eighter" the lower. 23, " 5, 2.5, " 8, 25, " 16, 26, " 29, 27, " 28, 36, " 27, 43, " 16, 70, " 12, 71, " 19, 73, " 19, 95, " 32, 102, " 16, 102, " 21, 103, " 28, 104, " 3, 107, " 24, 108, " 13, 149, " 2, 157, " 20, 159, " 31, 233, " 14, 240, " 11, 279, " 13, 294, " 26, 304, " 26, 339, " 5, 375, " 8, 378, " 10, 379, " 32, 421, " 1, 496, " 17, 571, " 31, Date Due i DEC 18 '33 r f) BOSTON COLLfTGE 3 iffSflfll 42616 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY HEIGHTS CHESTNUT HILL, MASS. Books may be kept for two weeks and may be renewed for the same period, unless re- served. Two cents a day is charged for each book kept overtime. If you cannot find what you want, ask the Librarian who will be glad to help you. 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