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HENRY WRIOTHESLEY, 
 EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON 
 
ROSIER’S RELATION 
 
 
 
 OF 
 
 v^iyflooTH's voy/iGE 
 
 To IKe oJf Mmhq, 1605, 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. 
 
 BY HENRY S. BURRAGE, D. D. 
 
 Printed for the GORGES SOCIETY, Portland, Maine. 
 
 1887. 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 CHESTNUT HILL, MASS. 
 
Two Hundred Copies. 
 
 X 2^ 
 
 Fbom the Press op 
 STEPHEN BERRY, PORTLAND, ME. 
 
Introduction, 
 
 Survey of the Literature, 
 
 A Trve Relation, 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Portrait of Henry Wriothesley, 
 
 Earl of Southampton, - Frontispiece. 
 
 Facing 
 
 Page. 
 
 Autograph and Seal of Queen Elizabeth, - 20 
 
 Portrait of Thomas Arundell, Baron 
 
 OF Wardour, 81 
 
 Monhegan as seen from the North, 
 
 AND THE Camden Mountains 
 
 AS SEEN FROM MoNHEGAN, - - lOO 
 
 Chart of Coast from White Head to 
 Pemaquid Point. 
 
 Chart of Coast from Pemaquid Point 
 TO Seguin Island. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Rosier’s “ Trve Relation ” has been reprinted in this 
 country twice ; once in the Collections of the Mass. Hist. 
 Society, 3d Series, Vol. 8, (the copy for which was ob- 
 tained in England by Jared Sparks), and again (a reprint 
 of Sparks’ copy) in a pamphlet published by George 
 Prince, at Bath, Maine, in i860. Original copies of the 
 “ Relation ” are exceedingly scarce. Quaritch, the well- 
 known London bookseller, has a copy which cost him at 
 an auction sale not long ago ^275, and for which he 
 now asks ;^325. The John Carter Brown Library in 
 Providence, R. I., secured a superb copy of this rare 
 pamphlet several years ago. Through the kindness of 
 Mr. John Nicholas Brown, I obtained permission in 
 1884 for a transcription of this original copy; and the 
 work was performed by the Assistant Librarian of Brown 
 University, Mr. John Milton Burnham, to whom I am 
 greatly indebted for the painstaking service thus ren- 
 dered. 
 
VI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 dered. It is his transcription of the original pamphlet 
 that I have used in the present volume. 
 
 In the Introduction I have brought together such 
 facts as I have been able to secure with reference to 
 George Way mouth. 
 
 Hitherto but little has been known concerning him. In 
 my investigations I have been greatly aided by Mr. James 
 P. Baxter, of Portland, who, during his residence in 
 England in 1885 and 1886, left no place unvisited 
 where there was likely to be found any trace of Way- 
 mouth’s life and work. His labors were richly rewarded. 
 Manuscripts were discovered which have remained un- 
 noticed almost three centuries, and which throw much 
 light upon the character and the career of one who has 
 hitherto been known merely as a navigator. In the 
 notes I have expressed my obligations to Mr. Baxter for 
 the materials which he generously placed at my disposal. 
 I am also indebted to him for valuable suggestions con- 
 cerning difficult points that have presented themselves in 
 the course of my work. 
 
 I exceedingly 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 vii 
 
 I exceedingly regret that even with Mr. Baxter’s en- 
 thusiastic aid I have been unable to discover the time and 
 place of Waymouth’s birth and death. It has been inti- 
 mated that the late Henry Stevens, a resident of London, 
 with whom Waymouth was a favorite subject for study, 
 possessed facts concerning Waymouth’s life which had 
 eluded the search of others. But the recent publica- 
 tion of the Court Minutes of the East India Company 
 from 1599 to 1603,* prepared by Mr. Stevens, and pub- 
 lished by his son, Mr. Henry N. Stevens, leads me to be- 
 lieve that not much is to be expected from this source. 
 In these records is preserved the action of the Company 
 with reference to Waymouth’s voyage in 1602 in search 
 of a north-west passage to the Indies : and one would 
 suppose that either in the introduction, or in the notes 
 printed in connection with the record, at least some of 
 the facts which had been gathered concerning Way- 
 mouth would be inserted. But for any such facts one 
 will search this volume in vain. The omission is almost 
 as notable as would be the absence of any reference to 
 Waymouth’s life in a reprint of Rosier’s “ Relation.” 
 
 In 
 
 ♦The Dawn of British Trade to the East Indies, as Kecorded in the Court 
 Minutes of the East India Company, 1599-1603, containing an account of the 
 formation of the Company, the first adventure and Waymouth's Voyage in 
 search of the North-West Passage, now first printed from the original manuscript 
 by Henry Stevens, of Vermont. With an introduction by Sir George Bird wood, 
 Kt. London, Henry Stevens & Son, 1886. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 viii 
 
 In his preface, however, Mr. Henry N. Stevens ex- 
 presses the hope that some interesting particulars re- 
 specting Waymouth may yet be gleaned from memoran- 
 da made by his father. 
 
 The name of Waymouth’s vessel is not given by 
 Rosier ; nor is it found in the accounts of the voyage 
 recorded by Strachey, Purchas or Gorges. Prince (Me. 
 Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 6, p. 294) says that Waymouth’s 
 ship is “ supposed to have been called the Archangel.” 
 So far as I can ascertain, living somewhat remote from 
 large libraries, the name of the vessel first appears in 
 Dr. John Harris’s Collection of Voyages and Travels, 
 p. 223, Vol. H., Revised Edition, London, 1748. The 
 first edition appeared in 1702-5. John Harris, D. D., 
 (1667-1719) was one of the early members of the Royal 
 Society, and for a while acted as its Vice President. 
 
 In preparing the “ Survey of the Literature,” I endeav- 
 ored carefully to examine all the references in published 
 volumes to points in controversy connected with Way- 
 mouth’s voyage in 1605. It did not occur to me, how- 
 ever, to include in my search “ The Revised Statutes of 
 the State of Maine.” In this I erred, for Hon. C. W. 
 Goddard, by whom the revision was made, has an in- 
 troductory chapter on the “ Sources of the Land Titles 
 of Maine,” and in a note on page VI., he says: 
 
 “Although 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 IX 
 
 “ Although any further contributions toward a solu- 
 tion of the long vexed question of the identity of Way- 
 mouth’s explorations may seem superfluous, the com- 
 missioner, after a personal examination of those waters 
 in a sail-boat in August, 1882, ventures to express his 
 concurrence in the opinion of Captain George Prince, 
 of Bath, first published in 1858, that Pentecost Harbor 
 was probably George’s Island Harbor, and not Booth- 
 bay; that the very high mountains which might be discov- 
 ered a great way up in the main, could not possibly have 
 been the White Mountains, or any other than the Cam- 
 den Hills ; and that the great river trending alongst 
 into the main towards the great mountains, which 
 Strachey, (not Waymouth, or Rosier, Waymouth’s com- 
 panion and historian) calls ‘ that most excellent and ben- 
 efycial river of Sagadahoc,’ but which Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges calls the ‘ Pemaquid,’ must have been the George’s 
 and not the Kennebec or the Penobscot.” 
 
 If this testimony had come under my notice earlier it 
 would have been included in my “ Survey of the Litera- 
 ture.” 
 
 In my work, aside from the persons already mentioned, 
 I have received valuable assistance from Dr. C. E. Banks, 
 of the U. S. Marine Hospital Service. Many notes 
 which he had prepared with reference to Waymouth’s 
 
 voyage 
 
X 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 voyage of 1605 he kindly placed in my hands. I am in- 
 debted to him, also, for the use of his excellent etching 
 of Thomas Arundell, Baron of Wardour, after a photo 
 graph of a portrait in the possession of the Arundell 
 family. At my request, too, he has made for this work 
 two additional etchings, one of Monhegan Island from 
 the North, after a sketch on one of the Coast Survey 
 charts, and another of the Camden Mountains as seen 
 from Monhegan, after a drawing which I made near the 
 school-house on Monhegan in the summer of 1885. 
 
 To the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey 
 Office, Washington, D. C., I am indebted for the two ex- 
 cellent charts which will be found in a pocket at the 
 close of the volume. One of these charts, showing the 
 coast from White Head to Pemaquid Point, includes 
 also Monhegan, St. George s Island Harbor and the St. 
 George’s River; the other, the coast from Pemaquid 
 Point to Seguin Island. A line in red ink on the first 
 chart indicates the probable course Waymouth took 
 after leaving his anchorage north of Monhegan, in en- 
 tering Pentecost Harbor, and afterwards in sailing up 
 the great river he discovered. A like line indicates, so 
 far as this chart is concerned, the course he followed, if 
 we identify Pentecost Harbor with Fisherman’s Island 
 Harbor or Boothbay Harbor. Lines in red ink on the 
 
 second 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XI 
 
 second chart are used to indicate Waymouth’s course if 
 he entered the Kennebec at Bath by way of Townsend 
 Gut, Sheepscot Bay and the Sasanoa River, as Sewall 
 and others suppose, or if he sailed up the Kennebec 
 from its mouth, as is maintained by Ballard and others. 
 These lines in red ink, which were added by William 
 S. Edwards, first assistant city civil engineer, Portland, 
 cannot but be helpful to the readers of the following 
 pages. 
 
 My grateful acknowledgments for helpful sugges- 
 tions, are also due to Prof. James Bryce, of Oxford 
 University, England, and to Prof. Asa Gray, of Harvard 
 University; and especially to the Secretary of the Maine 
 Historical Society, Mr. Hubbard W. Bryant. 
 
 HENRY SWEETSER BURRAGE. 
 Portland, Me., P'eb. i, 1887. 
 
I 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 N the latter part of the sixteenth century, sev- 
 eral attempts were made to plant English 
 colonies in North America. The first of 
 these attempts was made by Sir Humphrey Gilbert," 
 who had been knighted in 1570, for distinguished mil- 
 itary services in Ireland. In 1578, having obtained an 
 extensive grant of land in the northern part of North 
 America, he sailed from England with his half-brother. 
 Sir Walter Raleigh;^ but on account of various disasters 
 
 which 
 
 by Lira had two sons, Carew and 
 Walter. At the time of Walter’s 
 birth, Humphrey Gilbert was thirteen 
 years of age. 
 
 2. “ He lived in the County of 
 Devon, bordering easterly upon the 
 sea, and saw the ships depart for the 
 new found lands, and, when they re- 
 turned, heard the stories of the cap- 
 tain and sailor, of the wonders they 
 
 1. For more than twenty years, 
 by petitions, and at length by an 
 elaborate treatise, Gilbert had urged 
 upon Elizabeth and her ministers the 
 importance of western discovery and 
 colonization. He was the second son 
 of Otho Gilbert, and his mother, 
 whose maiden name was Catherine 
 Champernown, married, after her 
 husband’s death, Walter Raleigh, and 
 
2 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 which befel the expedition, he was compelled to return 
 without having set foot on the shores of the new world. 
 
 Four years later, in 1583, with five ships and two 
 hundred and sixty men, Gilbert (Raleigh being detained 
 at Court by the Queen, who did not wish her favorite 
 to be exposed to “ dangerous sea-fights,”) again left 
 England for the land beyond the sea, and this time suc- 
 ceeded in reaching Newfoundland, of which he took 
 possession in the name of Queen Elizabeth. On the 
 return voyage. Sept. 9, 1 583, his vessel, of ten tons bur- 
 den only, too heavily laden, foundered, and Gilbert with 
 all on board perished.^ 
 
 In the following year, April, 27, 1584, Sir Walter 
 
 had witnessed and the exploits they 
 had performed. In his boyhood, he 
 read the tales of Spanish discovery, 
 conquest and possession in the new 
 world, and conceived a youthful ad- 
 miration for the heroism in danger, 
 and fortitude and patience in suffer- 
 ing, which he had occasion enough 
 to remember in his own subsequent 
 fortunes, and which he expressed in 
 the review of his life from the out- 
 look of the Tower, in his History of 
 the World.” Dr. Leonard Woods, in 
 the introduction to the Documentary 
 History of the State of Maine, Vol. 
 2, p. xlii. Concerning Raleigh, see a 
 well prepared memoir by Rev. In- 
 
 Raleigh, 
 
 crease N. Tarbox, D. D., in "Sir Wal- 
 ter Ralegh and his Colony in Amer- 
 ica.” Prince Society, Boston, 1884. 
 
 3. Only two vessels, the “ Squir- 
 rel ” and the “ Golden Hind,” re- 
 mained of the fleet that left England. 
 Sir Humphrey was on the “ Squir- 
 rel.” Hayes, Captain of the Golden 
 Hind, reports ; “On Monday, the 9th 
 of September, the frigate [the ‘ Squir- 
 rel ’] was near cast away, yet at that 
 time recovered ; and giving forth 
 signs of joy, the general, sitting 
 abaft with a book in his hand, cried 
 out to us in the ‘ Hind,’ ‘ We are as 
 near to heaven by sea as by land.’ ” 
 That night the frigate foundered. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 3 
 
 Raleigh, who after Gilbert’s death had been made lord 
 proprietor of a large tract of territory in the new world 
 — his patent, almost identical in terms with that of Gil- 
 bert, was dated March 25, 1584,'^ — despatched thither 
 two vessels under the command of Philip Amidas and 
 Arthur Barlow. On reaching the American coast, they 
 explored Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds, and on their 
 return to England they reported their discoveries in 
 such glowing language that the interest of the Queen 
 was enlisted, and she gave to the newly discovered terri- 
 tory the name Virginia. 
 
 In 1585, having received added favors from the Queen 
 to assist him in his work of foreign discovery, Raleigh 
 fitted out another expedition consisting of seven vessels, 
 with one hundred and eight emigrants, under the com- 
 mand of Sir Richard Grenville. A settlement was made 
 at Roanoke Island, and Grenville returned to England 
 with the ships, leaving Ralph Lane in command of the 
 colony : but in the following year, when reinforcements 
 reached Roanoke Island, it was found that the colony 
 had been abandoned, and that Sir Francis Drake, who 
 
 was 
 
 4. Strachey [Historie of Travaile 
 into Virginia, Hakluyt Soc., Re- 
 print, p. 8,] says it was “ a large 
 graunt, from 33 to 40 degrees of lati- 
 tude, exemplified with many ymmu- 
 
 nityes and priviledges.” The patent 
 is in Hazard’s State Papers, pp. 33- 
 38, also in “ Sir Walter Ralegh and 
 his Colony in America,” pp. 95-105, 
 Prince Society, 1884. 
 
4 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 was on the American coast that season, had picked up 
 Lane and his companions, and sailed for England.^ 
 
 In 1587, Raleigh made an added attempt to plant a 
 colony in the new world. A site farther north, on the 
 shores of Chesapeake Bay, was selected by him ; and a 
 large body of emigrants, who should become the found- 
 ers of an agricultural State, were sent thither under 
 command of John White, who left England April 27th, 
 with a charter of incorporation for the “city of Raleigh.” 
 But the colonists landed on Roanoke Island, in site of 
 the former settlement. Two vessels with supplies were 
 subsequently sent to them by Raleigh, but were so crip- 
 pled by Spanish cruisers that they were obliged to re- 
 turn 
 
 5. “Sayling along by a wasted 
 coast, they found certaine English- 
 men which had settled themselves in 
 Virginia, so named in honour of 
 Queene Elizabeth, a Virgin, whom 
 Sir Walter Raghley, a man in great 
 favour with Queene Elizabeth, had 
 sent thither of late for a colony in a 
 most commendable desire to dis- 
 courer farre countries, and to advance 
 the glory of England for nauigation. 
 To Ralph Lane, their captaine, Drake 
 offered all ofBces of kindness, and a 
 ship or two with victuals, and some 
 men, if he thought good to stay there 
 and prosecute his enterprise ; if not, 
 to bring them back into England. 
 
 But whilest they were lading of 
 victuals into those ships, an extraor- 
 dinary storine carried them away, and 
 dispersed the fleet in such sort, that 
 they met not again till they came into 
 England. Hereupon Lane and those 
 which were carried thither, being in 
 great penury, and out of all hope of 
 victuals out of England, and greatly 
 weakened in their number, with one 
 voyce besought Drake that he would 
 carry them back again to their owue 
 country, which hee willingly did.” 
 History of the Reign of Elizabeth, by 
 William Camden, London, 1685, pp 
 285, 286. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 5 
 
 turn to England, and the colonists, overtaken by “ a miser 
 able and untymely destiny,” perished. Having exhausted 
 all of his means, Raleigh made no further attempts to 
 colonize his possessions in North America, and when 
 the seventeenth century opened not a single English 
 man was to be found at any point on the coast from 
 Newfoundland to Elorida.^ 
 
 But notwithstanding the failure of the various enter- 
 prises with which Raleigh was connected, there were 
 those in England to whom the colonization of some part 
 of the American coast was still a cherished dream. 
 Newfoundland at that time was visited annually by a 
 large fishing fleet, “ about four hundred sails of ships,”^ 
 ^as an old document states. But Newfoundland was “a 
 
 cold and intemperate place, not to be traded nor fre- 
 quented at all times, nor fortified for security of the ships 
 and goods : oft spoiled by pirates or men of war : the 
 charges great for salt, double manning and double victual- 
 ling their ships, in regard that the labor is great and the 
 time long, before their lading can be ready ; they carry 
 
 outwards 
 
 6. Though Raleigh’s Virginia en- 
 terprise failed, “his hopes were 
 strong enough to withstand the fail- 
 ure of nine several expeditions, and 
 the natural discouragement of twelve 
 years’ imprisonment. Just on the 
 eve of his own fall from outward 
 greatness, he had written, ‘I shall yet 
 
 live to see it an English Nation. 
 That faith remained with him to the 
 Tower, and he did live to see his pre- 
 diction realized.” Edwards’ Life of 
 Raleigh, Vol. 1, p. 91. 
 
 7. Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., 3d Series 
 Vol. 8, p. 98. 
 
6 
 
 ROSTER’S RELATION. 
 
 outwards no commodities for freig'ht; and after six months’ 
 voyage, their return is made but of fish and oils.” If 
 farther south, therefore, in a more temperate and agree- 
 able climate, a flourishing colony could be established, 
 there would be a demand for the products of the mother 
 country, and a great and constantly growing trade 
 would thus be established. It was from motives like 
 these that a few enterprising Englishmen at the opening 
 of the seventeenth century turned their thoughts toward 
 these western shores. 
 
 The first effort in the seventeenth century to plant 
 an English colony in North America, was made by 
 Captain Bartholomew Gosnold,® who sailed from Fal- 
 mouth, England, March 25, 1602, in a small bark called 
 “The Concord.” He was accompanied by thirty-two 
 persons, eight of whom were mariners. Of the entire 
 number, twelve purposed to return to England “ upon 
 
 the 
 
 8. Gosnold was an experienced 
 mariner, and had been employed in 
 one of the earlier expeditions to the 
 American coast. Belknap [Am. Bi- 
 ography, 2, p. 101,] says, “ At whose 
 expense he undertook the voyage to 
 the northern part of Virginia does 
 not appear.” But Strachey, Historie 
 of Travaile into Virginia [Hakluyt 
 Society, reprint, p. 153] says : “A 
 great and right noble earle amongst 
 us. 
 
 ‘Candidus et talos a vertice pul- 
 cher ad imos,’ 
 
 Henry, Earle of Southampton,” large- 
 ly contributed to the fitting out of 
 this expedition. He also states that 
 at the same time. Sir Walter Raleigh 
 fitted out a vessel which he de- 
 spatched, in 1602, to Virginia, under 
 the command of Samuel Mace, “ to 
 fynd out those people which he had 
 sent last thither by Capt. White, in 
 1587.” 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 7 
 
 the discovery,” and the rest were to remain “for popu- 
 lation.” The point Gosnold aimed to reach was “ the 
 north part of Virginia,” the somewhat indefinite tract of 
 territory granted to Raleigh by the Queen ; arid he 
 made land north of Massachusetts Bay, not far from a 
 point which he called “ Savage Rock,” because “ the 
 savages first showed themselves there.” Sailing south- 
 ward along the coast, he passed Cape Cod, which re- 
 ceived this name from Gosnold because of the “ great 
 [Store of codfish ” he there secured, and at length came 
 to an island which he called Martha’s Vineyard, and 
 iwhich Archer describes as “ full of wood, vines, goose- 
 berry bushes, whortleberries, raspberries, eglantines,” 
 &c. Here also he “ took great store of cod, as before at 
 Cape Cod, but much better.” Sailing in toward the 
 main land, Gosnold came to an island which he called 
 Elizabeth’s Isle, now Cuttyhunk f and here he made 
 
 preparations 
 
 ‘rubbish,’ with strawberries, pease, 
 tansey and other fruits and herbs, 
 appear in rich abundance, unmolest- 
 ed by any animal but aquatic birds. 
 We had the supreme satisfaction to 
 find the cellar of Gosnold’s store- 
 house, the stores of which were evi- 
 dently taken from the neighboring 
 beach.” Dr. Jeremy Belknap, Am. 
 Biog., Vol. 2, p. 220. Harper’s Ed. 
 
 9. To this spot I went on the 
 20th day of June, 1797, in company 
 with several gentlemen whose curios- 
 ity and obliging kindness induced 
 them to accompany me. The pro- 
 tecting hand of Nature has reserved 
 this favorite spot to herself. Its fer- 
 tility and its productions are ex- 
 actly the same as in Gosnold’s time, 
 excepting the wood, of which there is 
 none. Every species of what he calls 
 
8 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 preparations for a settlement. A store-house and a 
 small fort were erected. But when Gosnold had loaded 
 his small vessel with sassafras,'” cedar, fur and other com- 
 modities, which he had obtained for the most part by 
 traffic with the Indians, and was ready to return to Eng- 
 land, some of the company who had “ vowed to stay ” 
 refused so to do, and “ the planters diminishing,” the 
 settlement was reluctantly abandoned. Gosnold, who 
 on his return voyage sailed Eriday, June i8, reached 
 England, Friday, July 23." j 
 
 The accounts of this voyage, one by Gabriel Archer, j 
 and the other by John Brereton, both of whom accom; 
 
 paniec 
 
 10 . “ Sassafras, a plant of souer- 
 eigne vertue for the French Poxe, 
 and as some of late have learnedly 
 written, good against the Plague ^nd 
 many other Maladies.” Pring, in 
 Mag. of Am. History, Vol. 8, p. 843. 
 ” The powder of sa.ssafras in twelve 
 hours cured one of our company that 
 had taken a great surfeit, by eating 
 the bellies of dog fish, a very deli- 
 cious meat.” Archer’s Relation of 
 Gosnold’s Voyage, Mass. Hist. Coll., 
 3d Series, Vol. 8, pp. 77, 78. “The 
 
 some bitterness : the leaves are like 
 fig leaves, of a dark green.” Josse; 
 lyn’s Two Voyages to New England, 
 Boston, 1865, p. 66. 
 
 11. In 1607, Gosnold, with Capt. 
 
 John Smith, led to Virginia a colony \ 
 
 sassafras tree is no great tree. I 
 have met with some as big as my 
 middle : the rind is tawny and upon 
 that a thin colour of ashes, the inner 
 part is white, of an excellent smell 
 like Fennel, of a sweet taste with 
 
 which settled at Jamestown. There, 
 not long after his arrival, Gosnold 
 died. In George Percy’s account of 
 the first settlement of Virginia occurs 
 this note : “ The 22d of August died 
 Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, one 
 of our council. He was honorably 
 buried, having all the ordnance in the 
 fort shot off, with many volleys of 
 small shot. After his death the 
 Council could hardly agree.” Pur- 
 chas his Pilgrimmes, iv, p. 1690. 
 
( 
 
 WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 panied Gosnold, were published in England after the 
 expedition returned. In glowing language their “ Re- 
 lations ” depicted the magnificence and fertility of the 
 country, compared with which, said Brereton, the most 
 fertile part of England was but barren. And he adds : 
 “We stood awhile like men ravished at the beauty and 
 delicacy of this sweet soil ; for besides divers clear lakes 
 ,of fresh water (whereof we saw no end), meadows very 
 large and full of green grass ; even the most woody 
 laces (I speak only of such as I saw) do grow so dis- 
 inct and apart, one tree from another, upon green, grassy 
 round, somewhat higher than the plains, as if nature 
 vould show herself above her power, artificial.”"^ Archer 
 said : “ This main is the goodliest continent that we 
 
 ever saw, promising more by far than we any way did 
 expect, for it is replenished with fair fields, and in them 
 fragrant flowers, also meadows, and hedged in with 
 stately groves, being furnished also with pleasant brooks, 
 and beautiful with two main rivers that (as we judge) 
 may haply become good harbors, and conduct us to the 
 hopes men so greedily do thirst after.”"^ 
 
 Especially in the seaport towns the publication of 
 these “ Relations ” awakened added interest in the new 
 
 world. 
 
 12. B rereton’s “Eelation,” Mass. 
 
 Hist. Coll., 3d Series, Vol. 8, p. 89. 
 
 13. Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d Series, 
 Vol. 8, p. 78. 
 
lO 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 world. “ Sundry of the chiefest merchants of Bristol,”''^ to 
 whom Master Richard Hakluyt,'^ Prebendary of St. Augus- 
 tine’s Cathedral Church, presented “many profitable and 
 reasonable inducements,” resolved to undertake further 
 discoveries. Having first secured the permission of Sir 
 Walter Raleigh, a recognition which Gosnold unhappily 
 had overlooked as he found on his return, they fitted out 
 two vessels, the Speedwell of about fifty tons, and the 
 Discoverer of about twenty-six tons, with Martin Pring 
 as “ Master and Chiefe Commander.” Sailing from Mil- 
 ford Haven, April lo, 1603, Pring took a direct course 
 for the “ North Coast of Virginia,” which he sighted in 
 latitude 43)^°, on an unknown day in June, and passing 
 along the coast of Maine, probably from Penobscot Bay, 
 he “ beheld very goodly groues and woods, replenished 
 with tall okes, beeches, pine trees, firre trees, hasels, 
 witchhasels and maples. We saw here, also, sundry 
 sorts of beasts, as stags, deere, beares, wolues, foxes, 
 lusernes and dogges with sharp noses.” But finding no 
 sassafras, Pring shaped his course for Savage Rock, 
 
 “ discouered 
 
 14. It was from this port that Se- 
 bastian Cabot in 1497 made his voy- 
 age to America. 
 
 15. This was the well known 
 author of “ The Principal Navigations, 
 Voyages and Discoveries made by 
 
 English Natives.'’ He was appointed 
 prebendary of Bristol in 1584 [Docu- 
 mentary History of the State of 
 Maine, Vol. 2, p. xxxviii, note] : and 
 of Westminster in 1605. He died 
 Oct. 2.3, 1610, and was buried in 
 Westminster Abbey. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. ii 
 
 “ discoiiered the yeere before by Captaine Gosnold.” 
 Here also he found no sassafras, and he “ bare into that 
 greate Gulfe [Massachusetts Bay] which Captaine Gos- 
 nold ouer-shot the yeere before, coasting and finding 
 people on the North side thereof. Not yet satisfied in 
 our expectation, we left them and sailed ouer, and came 
 to Anchor on the South side, in the latitude of 41 de- 
 grees and odde minutes; where we went on Land in a 
 certaine Bay, which we called Whitson Bajy, by the 
 name of the Worshipfull Master yohn Whitson^ then 
 Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, and one of the chiefe Ad- 
 venturers, and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyn- 
 ing, wee called it Mount Aldworth, for Master Robert 
 Aldwortk's sake, a chiefe furtherer of the Voyage, as 
 well with his Purse as with his Trauell. Here we had 
 a sufficient quantitye of Sassafras.”'^ 
 
 Bancroft and Palfrey, following Belknap, identify 
 Whitson’s Bay with the harbor of Edgartown, Martha’s 
 Vineyard, which is in the latitude of 41°; 25'. The lan- 
 guage of Pring’s narrative, however, seems to indicate 
 that he passed from the north to the south side of the 
 “greate Gulfe,” and Dr. B, F. DeCosta,'^ more accurately, 
 perhaps, identifies Whitson’s Bay with Plymouth Harbor, 
 and “ the pleasant Hill adioyning ” with “ Captain’s Hill, 
 
 or, 
 
 16. Mag. of Am. Hist., Vol. 8, p. 841. 
 
 17. Mag. of Am. Hist., Vol. 8, pp. 808, 809. 
 
12 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 or, possibly, Manomet.” The Discoverer was loaded 
 with sassafras and despatched to England at the close 
 of July. About the 9th of August, Pring followed in 
 the Speedwell, and arrived in England October 2.'® 
 
 18. There is a monument to Pring in St. Stephen’s Church, Bristol, England, 
 with this inscription : 
 
 TO THE PIOUS 
 
 MEMORIE or MARTIN FRINGE, 
 
 MERCHANT, SOMETYMB GENBRALL TO THE 
 FRATERNITY OP THE 
 TRINITIE HOUSE. 
 
 The living worth of this dead man was such. 
 
 That this fay’r Touch can give you but A Touch 
 Of his admired guifts ; Theise quarter’d Arts 
 Enrich’d his knowledge and ye spheare imparts ; 
 
 His heart’s true embleme where pure thoughts did moue ; 
 
 By a most sacred Influence from aboue. 
 
 Prudence and fortitude are topp this tombe. 
 
 Which in brave Pringe tooke up ye chiefest roome ; 
 
 Hope — Time supporters showe that he did clyme. 
 
 The highest pitch of hope though not of tyme. 
 
 His painefull, skillful trauayles reacht as farre. 
 
 As from the Arctick to the Antarctick starre ; 
 
 Hee made himselfe A Shipp, Religion 
 His onely compass, and the truth alone 
 His guiding Cynosure, faith was his sailes. 
 
 His anchour hope, A hope that never failes ; 
 
 His freights was charitie, and his returne 
 A fruitfull practise. In this fatal vine 
 His shipp’s fayr Bulck is lodg’d, bat ye ritch ladings 
 Is housed in heaven never fadings. 
 
 This monument was Beautified by Mrs. Hannah Oliver, Widdow, 1733. Mag. 
 of Am. Hist., Vol. 9, p. 211. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 13 
 
 Pring’s safe return, and the reports which he brought 
 of the fertility of the country and of the prospect of 
 trade with the Indians, (which in 1604, with the French 
 in Canada, in beaver and otter skins alone, amounted to 
 thirty thousand crowns), confirmed the report of Gos- 
 nold, and increased the interest that had already been 
 awakened in the new world beyond the seas. 
 
 Among those who had aided in fitting out Gosnold’s 
 expedition was Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southamp- 
 ton, the well known English statesman to whom Shake- 
 speare, in 1593, dedicated his “ Verrus and Adonis.” He 
 was connected with Essex in the conspiracy to seize the 
 person of Elizabeth, and though on his trial he protested 
 that he had never entertained a thought against the 
 Queen, he was stripped of his titles and estates and 
 thrown into prison. In the first year of James I., how- 
 ever, he was released from confinement, and his titles 
 and estates were restored to him by a new patent July 
 21, 1603. Shortly after occurred the return of Pring, 
 and, in his ardor for new enterprises, where could he find 
 so inviting a field for noble endeavor as in the land be- 
 yond the seas, concerning which Pring, confirming Gos- 
 nold, had brought such favorable reports ? Moreover, 
 by reason of the changed fortunes of Raleigh,'^ the lands 
 
 across 
 
 mentary History of Maine, p. xlvi, 
 says that Raleigh held this grant un- 
 
 19. Dr. Leonard Woods, in his in- 
 troduction to Vol. 2, of the Docu- 
 
14 
 
 ROSTER’S RELATION. 
 
 across the Atlantic, of which he had been lord proprie- 
 tor for so many years, had now reverted to the crown, 
 and wise management might secure the prize that so 
 suddenly had fallen from Sir Walter’s grasp. Accord- 
 ingly, in the year 1604, he planned a new voyage of 
 discovery. Associated with him were his son-in-law. 
 
 Thomas Arundel, afterwards 
 
 til its forfeiture by the attainder of 
 James in 1603. This seems to be 
 based upon a statement in Strachey’s 
 introduction to his Historic of Trav- 
 aile into Virginia [Hakluyt Society 
 reprint, p. 9] : “ which, true yt is, 
 before Sir W. R. his attaynder, with- 
 out his leave we might not make in- 
 trusion uppon, the title being only in 
 him.” Raleigh was arrested in the 
 summer of 1603 on the charge (of 
 which he is now believed to have 
 been guiltless) of having conspired 
 with others “ to deprive the king of 
 his crown and dignity, to subvert the 
 government and alter the true religion 
 established in England, and to levy 
 war against the king.” He was tried 
 before Chief Justice Popham, and 
 having been found guilty was by him 
 sentenced to death. Dec. 15, 1603, 
 while he was preparing to lay his 
 head upon the block, a reprieve came 
 from the king, and he was transferred 
 to the Tower, where he remained un- 
 til March 20, 1616, except for a brief 
 period, during the plague, in which he 
 
 Baron of Wardour,^° and Sir 
 
 Ferdinando 
 
 was confined in the Fleet Prison be- 
 cause of the unhealthiness of the 
 Tower. 
 
 20. Thomas Arundell, Baron of 
 Wardour, was the oldest son of Sir 
 Mathew Arundell, Kt., whose father. 
 Sir Thomas Arundell, married Mar- 
 garet, daughter of Edward Howard, 
 third son of Thomas, Duke of Nor- 
 folk, and sister to Queen Catherine. 
 He served as a volunteer in the im- 
 perial army in Hungary, and having 
 in an engagement with the Turks 
 near Strigonium taken their standard 
 with his own hand, he was created 
 by Rudolph II., Emperor of Ger- 
 many, a count of the Empire by 
 patent, dated Prague, Dec. 14, 1595. 
 He was elevated to the peerage, as 
 Baron Arundell, of Wardour, May 4, 
 1605. He died Nov. 7, 1639, at War- 
 dour Castle, and was buried at Tys- 
 bury. His first wife was Mary, 
 daughter of Henry Wriothesley, Earl 
 of Southampton. His second wife 
 was Ann, daughter of Miles Philip- 
 son, of Crook, County of Westmore- 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 15 
 
 Ferdinando Gorges,^' whose name is thenceforward so 
 prominent in the history of the colonization of this part 
 of the American coast. 
 
 The command of this new expedition was given to 
 Captain George Waymouth, a native of Devonshire,"'^ 
 probably of one of its seaport towns. He had a good 
 English education, and for many years continued his 
 studies in mathematics, especially in geometry. He 
 became also an accomplished draughtsman. His 
 studies, however, must have been continued after he 
 entered upon a sea-faring life, inasmuch as he had to do 
 with ships, as he tells us, as soon as he was able to do 
 
 anything. 
 
 land. Dr. C. E. Banks, of the U. S. 
 Marine Service, has a valuable gene- 
 alogical table of “ the noble family 
 of Arundell Baron Arundell of War- 
 dour”; also an old engraving by 
 Fittler of a painting by R. Sinirke, 
 representing Sir Thomas Arundell 
 taking the standard of the Turks. 
 
 21. This appears in a letter writ- 
 ten by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, dated 
 Plymouth, March 13, 1607, and ad- 
 dressed to ” Mr. Challinge ” — Capt. 
 Henry Challoung, who in 1606 was 
 placed by Gorges and others in com- 
 mand of an expedition to the Amer- 
 ican coast which proved a failure. 
 Referring to Challoung’s venture. 
 Gorges says: “You know that the 
 journey hath bene noe smale chardge 
 to us, yt first sent to the coast, and 
 
 had for our returne but the five sal- 
 uages,” i. e., the five Indians captured 
 by Waymouth, of whom Gorges, on 
 Waymouth’s return to England, re- 
 ceived three. As Sir John Popham 
 received the remaining two of these 
 Indians, it is possible that he also 
 had an interest in the voyage. 
 
 22. Narratives of Voyages towards 
 the Northwest. Publication of the 
 Hakluyt Society, London, 1849, p. 
 238. The place where Waymouth 
 was born I have been unable to as- 
 certain, although an extended search 
 was instituted. James P. Baxter, 
 Esq., when in England in 1885-6, 
 aided me greatly in this investigation, 
 but his usual good fortune failed him 
 in this instance. 
 
i6 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 anything, and served “ in well neere four prentize 
 shipps,” passing through all grades of the service, and 
 filling “ all the offices belonging to this trade, even from 
 the lowest unto the highest.” He extended his studies 
 beyond the art of navigation, and made himself familiar 
 with ship-building and also with the art of fortification. 
 
 We have no record of any of his voyages until 1602, 
 when, under the patronage of “the Worshipful Fellow- 
 ship of the Merchants of London trading into the East 
 Indies,” he mades a voyage in search of a Northwest 
 passage to the Indies. The proposal for such an under- 
 taking was brought to the notice of the Fellowship, July 
 24, 1601. On that day, a letter, “written by one 
 George Waymouth, a navigaE, touching an attempte 
 to be made for the discovery of the Northwest passage 
 to the Est Indies,” was laid before the General Court. 
 After deliberation, the matter was postponed to another 
 meeting, which was held August 7, and at which it was 
 voted to engage in such an expedition. Waymouth 
 entered the service of the Fellowship in September. 
 May 2, 1602, having made his preparations for the voyage, 
 he sailed from the Thames with two vessels, the Dis- 
 covery and the Godspeed, bearing with him the follow- 
 ing letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Emperor of 
 Cathay ; 
 
 Elizabeth, 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 17 
 
 “ Elizabeth, by the Grace of God Queen of England, 
 France and Ireland, Defender of the faith, &c.. To the 
 great, mighty and Invincible Emperour of Cathaia, greet- 
 ing. Wee haue receiued dyuers and sondry relacons 
 both by our owne subiects, and by others, whoe haue 
 uisited some parts of your Ma*^ Empire and Dominions, 
 whereby strangers that resorte unto yo^ Kingdomes with 
 trade of merchandize w^^ hath wrought in vs a desire to 
 fynde oute some neere waye of passage by seas from vs 
 into your countrey, than the vsuall frequented course 
 that hetherto hath byn houlden by compassing the 
 greatest part of the world : By which neerer passage, 
 not only opportunity of entercourse of traffique of mer- 
 chandize may be offred betweene y® subiects of both 
 o’^ Kingdomes, but also a mutuall league and amity may 
 growe, and be contynued, betweene yo’^ ma^’® and vs, 
 o’^ Cuntries and Dominions being in their distance of 
 scituacons not so farr remote, or seuered, as they are 
 estranged and vnknown the one to the other, by reason 
 of the long and tedious course of Navigacon hetherto 
 vsed from theis parts unto you: To which ende wee 
 haue heretofore many yeares past and at sundry tymes 
 synce, made choice of some of o’^ subiects, being a 
 people by nature enclyned to great attempts, and to the 
 discouery of contries and Kingdomes vnknowen, and sett 
 
 them 
 
i8 
 
 ROSTER’S RELATION. 
 
 them in hand the fynding out of some neerer pas- 
 sage by seas into yo^ Ma^® contries, through the North 
 or East parts of the world, wherein hetherto not pre- 
 uayling, but some of their ships neuer returning back 
 agayne, nor being heard of synce their departure hence, 
 and some of them retourning back agayne being hin- 
 dered in their entended voyage by the frozen seas, and 
 intollerable cold of those clymates : Wee haue yett 
 once more, of o^’ earnest desire to try the vttermost 
 y^ may be done to p forme at length a neerer discovery 
 of yo’^ Contrye, prepared and sett fourth two small shipps 
 vnder y® deriction of our subiect and seruant George 
 Waymouth, being y® principall Pylott of this present 
 voyage, a man for his knowledge and experience in 
 nauigacon specially chosen by vs to this attempte, whom 
 if it shall please God so to prosper in his passage, 
 y^ either hee or any of his company aryue in any part 
 of your Kingdome, wee pray yo^ Ma^’® in fauo’' of vs, 
 who haue soe desired y® attayning this meanes of ac- 
 cesse vnto yo'^, and in regard of an enterprize p formed 
 by hym and his company, w*-^ so great difficulty and 
 danger, y*- you will vse them w^^ that regard y*- may gyve 
 them encouragem*^ to make this their newe discouered 
 passage, w®*^ hetherto hath not byn frequented or knowne 
 by any to become a vsuall frequented trade from this 
 pte of y® world to y^ Ma^’®. “ By 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 19 
 
 “ By which Meanes yo^ contrey may hereafter be serued 
 the natyue comodityes of theis parts of speciall ser- 
 uice and use, both for yo^ Ma**® and subiects may be fur- 
 nished thinges of lyke seruice and vse ; out of 
 mutuall benefitt, amity and frendshipe may growe 
 and be established betweene vs wee for o*^ part will 
 not lett hereby to offer vnto you for the honorable re- 
 port w®^ wee haue heard of yo’^ Ma^^®. And because in 
 y^® first discouery of the waye to yo’’ contrey, it seemed 
 to vs not convenient to ymploy shipps of that burtlien 
 w®’^ might bring in them any great quantity of o^ natyue 
 comodityes whereby they might be pestered wee did re- 
 solue to vse small shipps as fittest for an vnknowen pas- 
 sage, laden for y® most part w^^ such necessaries as were 
 of vse for their discouery ; it may please yo^ Ma^'® by the 
 pticulers of such things as are brought in theis shipps, 
 to vnderstand yt of goods of those kyndes o^ kingdome 
 is able to furnish yo^ Ma^^® most amply, and also of sun- 
 dry other kynds of merchandize of like vse, where of it 
 may please yo^ Ma^‘® to be more pticularly enformed by 
 the said George Waymouth, and his company, of all 
 w®^ upon significacon vnto vs by yo^ Ma^® Lres to be re- 
 turned by o^ said subiect, yt our uisiting of yo^ king- 
 domes Wtij our shipps and merchandize shall be accept- 
 able and kyndly receiued, we will in the next fleet 
 
 w®^ 
 
20 
 
 ROSTER’S RELATION. 
 
 we shall send vnto you make it more fully appeare 
 what vse and benefitt or amity and entercourse may 
 bring to yo^ Matie and contrey. And in the meane tyme 
 do commend yo^ Ma*‘® to the protection of eternall God, 
 whose prouidence guideth and pserveth all Kinges and 
 Kingdomes. From our Royall Pallace of Greenwiche 
 the fourth of May an® dni 1602 and of o^ Raigne 44”. 
 
 (Superscribed) “ To the Right Tdigh mighty and In- 
 vincible Emperor of Cathaye.”^^ 
 
 On the 1 8th of June Way mouth sighted the southern 
 part of Greenland, bearing north about ten leagues. A 
 course more or less westerly was then followed until June 
 28, when land was discovered, which was at first sup- 
 posed to be the American coast, but which proved to be 
 Cape Warwick, or Earl Warwick’s Foreland, to the 
 northward of Resolution Island. July 8th, land was 
 again discovered, but on account of the ice the vessels 
 
 could 
 
 by the kindness of Mr. Hogarth, of 
 Portland St., laid this letter before 
 the Society of Antiquaries, in Lon- 
 don ; and the letter, with fac-simile of 
 the signature of the Queen and also 
 of the seal attached (of a type not 
 before engraved), was printed in 
 their proceedings. The original let- 
 ter has disappeared. For this curious 
 document, and its history, I am in- 
 debted to James P. Baxter, Esq. 
 
 23. The original copy of this let- 
 ter, written upon vellum, with a 
 highly illuminated border upon a red 
 ground, and signed at the bottom by 
 Queen Elizabeth in her largest sized 
 hand, was found in London about a 
 half century ago, in tearing away an 
 old closet, in a house where repairs 
 were in progress. The letter was ac- 
 companied by separate translations 
 on paper in Italian, Latin and Portu- 
 guese. Jan 28, 1841, Sir Henry Ellis, 
 
Queen Elizabeth’s signature and seal attached to the letter 
 which she sent by Waymouth. 
 

 
 « 
 
 V. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 21 
 
 could not approach it. The cold was now intense. 
 “ When the men came to hand them they found the 
 sayles, ropes, and tacklings so hard frozen, that it did 
 seem very strange, being in the cheefest time of sum- 
 mer.” Waymouth persevered, however, in his endeavor 
 to overcome the obstacles in his way. But at length a 
 mutiny broke out; and he was reluctantly compelled to 
 return to England. He arrived in Dartmouth Harbor 
 Aug. 5, 1602, a few days after Gosnold’s return from 
 Elizabeth Island. A narrative of the voyage was laid 
 before the “ Worshipful Eellowship of Merchants,” Sept. 
 16. The failure of the expedition was evidently keenly 
 felt by all the members of the company, and an investi- 
 gation of the causes that led to the failure was at once 
 instituted. Waymouth was examined not only by the 
 Court of Committees of the East India Fellowship, but 
 by the Lords of the Privy Council. He seems to have 
 cleared himself of all blame in the matter, and it was 
 decided that “ being very competent,” he should have 
 command of a second expedition. This second expedi- 
 tion was the subject of prolonged discussion at the meet- 
 ings of the company from Nov. 24, 1602, to May 24, 
 1603, and was then for a time abandoned, apparently 
 from pecuniary considerations. Waymouth’s connec- 
 tion with the Fellowship now probably came to an end, 
 and he was ready to embark in any other enterprise that 
 offered. His 
 
22 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 His experience as a navigator, and his skill in other 
 directions, deserved, as he believed, recognition from 
 the King, and in order to bring himself to the favorable 
 notice of his royal master, James I., he prepared a work 
 on navigation, ship-building, &c., entitled “The Jewell 
 of Artes.”^^ In his dedication to the King, referring to 
 his work, Waymouth says: 
 
 “ I undertooke the same for the wealth of youre 
 majestic my soueraine lorde and King and of your high- 
 nesse realmes and Dominions minding to haue pub- 
 lished it for the good of this whole comon wealth : but 
 considering with my selfe that if I shoulde comitt it to 
 the presse, the coppies thereof might be conueyed home 
 and so foraine nations, for whome I nothing meant it 
 should reape as much proffit of it as this my natiue 
 cuntrie I therefore of dutie present the same to youre 
 royall majestic, referring the publishing of the whole 
 booke or any parte there of only to youre majestie’s high 
 prudence and discretion, the other that youre highnesse 
 a most wise and gratious prince hauinge duely consid- 
 ered these my laboures and in them my good intent, 
 
 would 
 
 reer, he caused a fac simile copy to 
 be prepared, which is now in his 
 possession. For the use of this copy 
 and other manuscripts, references to 
 which will appear later, I am indebted 
 to him. 
 
 24. This manuscript James P. 
 Baxter, Esq., of Portland, Me., dis- 
 covered in 1885 in the King’s Library, 
 in the British Museum, London. On 
 account of the light which it throws 
 upon Waymouth’s character and ca- 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 23 
 
 would vouchsafe to give sentence of me whether I may- 
 be able to Deserue maintenance and imployment at 
 home, or for my necessarie releese enforced to seeke 
 the same a broade in foraine cuntries : for all though in 
 the performance here of I have so farre neglected my 
 necessarie affaires as I am all to gether unable any 
 longer to supporte my meane estate, yett shall your 
 highnesse but vouchsafe to afifirme me worthie of pre- 
 ferment at home in this youre famous Kingdome I 
 shall thinke my trauell herein fullie rewarded, be it only 
 with youre fauourable acceptance of the same which in 
 all humblenesse of Dutie I freely give unto Royall 
 Majestie and in it my whole state and this with all my 
 selfe, to be orderd at your highnesse princelie Discre- 
 tion, most humblie beseeching youre highnesse to ac- 
 cept the same as the worke of youre poore subject that 
 daylie indeauoreth to imploy that still that god hath 
 lent him to the increasment of the wellfeare of youre 
 royall majestie and to the benefett of this youre famous 
 monarchie being most desirous to make due proofe 
 unto youre highnesse of all things Demonstrated in 
 this present booke when so euer it shall please youre 
 highnesse to command me.” 
 
 “ The Jewell of Artes,” thus laid before the King, is a 
 manuscript volume of three hundred and twenty pages, 
 
 elegantly 
 
24 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 elegantly bound, the covers emblazoned with the royal 
 arms and sprinkled with lions rampant. 
 
 The work is divided into seven books, as follows : 
 
 1 In the first where of as well the auntient instru- 
 ment of nauigation newly corrected and most plainely 
 described by Demonstratiue figures, as other more 
 exact not before knowne 
 
 2 In the seconde the manner of building shippes by 
 a geometricall proportion both shewing the faultes here 
 tofore comitted in building and howe to a voyde them, 
 and allso howe to make them more offensiue and defen- 
 siue than those nowe used 
 
 3 In the thirde the manner, of making of Enjines 
 for diuerse uses most comodious both for sea and lande 
 newly inuented 
 
 4 In the foureth how to take height of, any tower 
 castle or other building with the demonstrations of the 
 most necessarie instrumentes to suruey lande with, and, 
 allso a most exact instrument for the inlargeing or re- 
 ducing of any lande keeping allwayes the selfe same 
 shape 
 
 5 In the fift diuerse most comodious plattes fore 
 fortification sett forth by plaine demonstrations with a 
 most exact instrument shewing the manner howe to 
 direct a mine to any object, and to knowe whether the 
 
 enimes 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 25 
 
 enimes doe countermine with Diuerse other deuises to 
 offend him, and to Defend the place beseiged in most 
 excellent manner 
 
 6 In the sixte the manner of making the most ser- 
 uiceable kinde of ordinance that ever was Deuised and 
 the most artificall cariages for the same being nimble 
 and easie to remoue by menes of an Engine there unto 
 added 
 
 7 In the seauenth the excellentist instruments for 
 gunners arte that euer were deuised with many most 
 plaine Demonstrations howe A gunner ought to place 
 his ordinance to batter any object all which conclusions 
 are to be wrought by the practise of Arithmeticke and 
 geometrie without the which no man can attaine to any 
 perfect knowledg in those artes. where unto is added 
 A breefe table for the findeing of the square and cubique 
 seruing to many right Excellent uses. 
 
 In the preface Waymouth states at some length the 
 reasons why he was unsuccessful in his voyage for the 
 discovery of the North-west passage. The following 
 are some of the “ Demonstrations ” with which the work 
 abounds : 
 
 “ The Demonstration of the astrolabe to take the 
 height or altitude of the sunne by her shadowe.” 
 
 The 
 
26 
 
 ROSTER’S RELATION. 
 
 “ The Demonstration of a most exacte astrolabe to 
 take the altitude of the sunne whose Degrees are 
 larger then any yet used, and will serue both at sea and 
 lande.” 
 
 “The Demonstration of A most excellent Instru- 
 ment to finde the height of the pole and the true hower 
 all times of the day if the Sunne geve any shadowe, the 
 place of the sume and the variation of the needle being 
 first knowne all those partes on both sides are partes 
 beloingen the this instrument. ” 
 
 “ The Demonstration of a most exact compasse seru- 
 ing most excellent to finde the variation of the needle 
 and allso to Direct a shippe by.” 
 
 “ The Demonstration of a compasse without a needle 
 seruing to direct a shipp by the shadowe of the sunne 
 and by the helpe of a watch when other compasses with 
 the needle are out of use.” 
 
 “ The Demonstration of an Instrument to finde the 
 tydes in all places, the flowing or the change of the 
 moone being first knowen.” “ The manner of making an 
 equinoctial! Diale. A example when you be to the 
 southe ward of the equinoctiall and the sunne haiien 
 south Declination howe to finde the height of the pole,” 
 
 “ How to finde the height of the pole by the merid- 
 ianall height of the sunne and her declination without 
 finding the height of the Equinoctiall.” Among 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 27 
 
 Among other drawings is one of an engine, by which 
 a ship may be defended from a multitude of men 
 assaulting the same with “pikes swords or small shot”; 
 Waymouth says: 
 
 “ This Engine ought to be made rounde A foote or 
 15 inches heigh from the superficies of the thing where 
 upon it is to be placed in the circumference where of 
 ought to be placed 6 or 8 small murdering peeces 
 which will carry some 40 or 50 muskett bulletes A 
 peece and betweene euery 2 of those murderers must 
 allso be placed one blad of Iron and steele made verry 
 sharpe as well upon both edges as allso on the pointe 
 being stronglie fastened in to the same the whole En- 
 gine being couered over with boardes verry close and 
 hauing in the very dest of it A winch of Iron to turne it 
 About to any corner or part of the shipp where in it 
 shall be Assaulted the men that use it being close cou- 
 ered under it out of sight and danger may so feircely 
 and speedely discharge the saide peeces in to any one 
 or diuerse partes of a shipp where it is Assaulted as 
 they may soone Destroy the enemie and preserue them 
 selves there shipp and goodes from being taken as 
 Aboue said and if this Engine shoulde suddenly be 
 forced uppon by great multitud of people yet might it 
 be so violentlie turned about by those that are under it 
 
 that 
 
28 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 that no man might endure to lay hand uppon it but 
 that those blades woulde euen chopp them in peeces you 
 may with this Engine hauing but lo or 12 men to use 
 the same defend a shipp from being taken by 3 hundred 
 yea if I were to builde a shipp my self after a propor- 
 tion that I could prescribe (god assisting me with out 
 whose blessing all policies are of no force) I would so 
 contriue the same as if it were but of one hundred tunne 
 and hauing only but 20 men in it by meanes of this En- 
 gine I would defend the same from being taken by hue 
 hundred men useing only the weapons Aboue rehearsed. 
 The Demonstration of this Engine you may see plainely 
 Demonstrated.” 
 
 In the fourth book we are told : 
 
 “ How to measure the height of A tower at 2 stations.” 
 
 “ To measure the deepnesse of any well.” 
 
 “To take the distance from any platform bullworkes 
 or such like yf the gunners be of good skill in this parte 
 and then hee shall not meese his marke that hee shoote 
 at or ther ways he may which would be A shame unto the 
 gunner and A increasement of the enemys Joye.” 
 
 “ The Demonstration of a Instrument to take the 
 height with of any wall or castle the use where of is 
 shewed in this booke by A geometricall table.” 
 
 The 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 29 
 
 The chapter on fortifications contains many excel- 
 lent and elaborate drawings, some beautifully colored. 
 
 One “ Demonstration showeth howe by a whole circle 
 to line out a fort, castle or towne in forme of a triangle,” 
 another “in forme of a quadrant angle,” another “in 
 form of a cinqu angle,” and another “ in forme of a sex- 
 tile angle.” There is a “ Demonstration of the founda- 
 tion and bullwarkes of a castle whose Ditches are De- 
 fended by there vaultes, and allso the Demonstration 
 of the same castle standing upright, and the skale to 
 measure euery parte there of.” Also the “ Demonstra- 
 tion of the foundation and bullwarkes of a castle whose 
 Ditches are Defended by there flanckes,” with many il- 
 lustrations. A “ Demonstration howe to be siege a 
 towne and howe the towne beseiged may Defend it selfe, 
 all whose bullwarkes are built circular.” A “ Demon- 
 stration of a castle beseiged on 3 sides with a scale to 
 measure ther distance betweene the castle and those 
 that Doth beseige the same.” Then follow directions 
 “ howe to guide any kinde of mine, leuel or not to wardes 
 any towne or castle or other object and to knowe when 
 yee are come derectly under' that place and howe much 
 yee ar under the same and how to guide any mine en- 
 clining upward or downward directly upon any point 
 Assigned allso the manner yf you shoulde by the way be 
 
 inforced 
 
30 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 inforced by water or workes or any other impede- 
 mentes, howe you may carrie the mine upon any other 
 pointe or degree what so euer from the direct coourse 
 and howe you shall all ways knowe still the certaine 
 place where you are and howe farre yee are distante 
 from the first entire of the mine and like wise the dis- 
 tance from the place yee desire to goe.” 
 
 In the seventh book are given “ demonstrations of 
 diuerse most necessarie Instrumentes for gunners arte 
 neuer yett knowne.” The drawings are exceedingly 
 elaborate and finely executed. 
 
 The Jewell of Artes ” bears no date, but this men- 
 tion of the voyage of 1602, as of recent occurrence, and 
 the silence of the work concerning the voyage of 1605, 
 enable us to assign it to the year 1603 or 1604. James 
 I. was proclaimed King on the death of Queen Eliza- 
 beth, March 24, 1603, but he did not reach London 
 until about the middle of April. As “ The Jewell of 
 Artes ” contains about two hundred pages of drawings, 
 many of them exceedingly elaborate and in several 
 colors, Waymouth could hardly have placed it in the 
 King’s hands earlier than the beginning of 1604. 
 
 The work must have made on the King and those 
 about him an impression exceedingly favorable to its 
 author. But it failed to bring employment in the royal 
 
 service 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 31 
 
 service as Waymouth evidently hoped. I like to think, 
 however, that the labor he had spent in its preparation 
 was not altogether in vain. Certainly it is possible that 
 among those who were permitted to turn its pages, and 
 look upon its beautiful and elaborate “ Demonstrations,” 
 was the Earl of Southampton ; and that in part, at least, 
 it was Way mouth’s skill as a navigator, as illustrated in 
 “The Jewell of Artes,” that led to his appointment as 
 commander of the vessel in which he visited the coast 
 of Maine in 1605. 
 
 It is the account of this voyage, and the important 
 discoveries made in connection with it, that Rosier gives 
 in his “ Relation.” 
 
 The success of this voyage of 1605 brought Way- 
 mouth into public notice, but it did not secure for him 
 what he so much desired — employment in the royal 
 service. One book in his “Jewell of Artes” is devoted 
 to a consideration of defects in ship-building, and the 
 way in which to remedy these defects. His views on 
 this subject he now again^^ put forth in a brief paper 
 entitled “ Errors and Defects in vsuall building of 
 Ships,” a manuscript copy of which, though not in 
 Waymouth’s handwriting, is in the British Museum. 
 In it occurs this reference to himself : “ My 
 
 25. The manuscript has no date, of Artes,” and seems best to belong 
 but it contains more points than the to this period of Waymouth’s life, 
 book on this subject in “ The Jewell 
 
32 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 “ My study this twenty yeares in ye Mathematicks 
 hath been cheefly directed to ye mending of these de- 
 fects. I have during this tyme applied my self to know 
 ye sevrall wayes of building, & ye secrets of ye best 
 shipwrightes in England & Christendome ; and haue 
 lykewise observed ye workings of ships in ye sea in all 
 ye voyages I have been. By these helps I have demon- 
 stratively gayned ye science of making of ships perfect 
 in Art, which of necessity must be wrought by a differ- 
 ing way from all ye shipwrights in ye world.” 
 
 Though Waymouth failed to obtain employment from 
 the King, his services were at length acknowledged. 
 By Privy Seal dated Oct. 27, 1607, and Patent dated 
 Nov. II, 1607, a pension of three shillings and four 
 pence per day was granted to him. The record in the 
 Public Records Office in London is as follows: 
 
 “ Georgio Waymouth, gentili, de annuitate sua ad 
 iii s. iiii d. per diem solvenda durante vita sua, ad 
 quatuor anni terminos, per litteras Domini Regis Pat- 
 entes dates XI die Novembri Anno Regni sue Auge. 
 etc quinto . . . Habendum a festo sancti Michaelis, 
 archangeli, ultimo preterito, ei debito pro dimidio anni 
 
 finito ad festum Annuntiationis pred xxx li, viii s. 
 
 nil d. 
 
 The first payment to Waymouth, as the Issue Rolls 
 show, was made May ii, 1608. Not 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 33 
 
 Not long after, Waymouth became involved in an 
 unpleasant controversy. On account of complaints made 
 to the King, a royal commission was appointed to in- 
 vestigate certain abuses in the public service, the 
 alleged purpose being the “ Reformation and saveing of 
 great sums to his majestic which he expended yearly 
 in the maintenance of his ships.” Phineas Pette,^*^ a 
 master shipwright, who at that time was engaged in 
 building a “great ship ” for the King, at Woolwich, 
 refers in his “ Journal ” to the investigations made by 
 this commission with reference to his own work. 
 From his account, it appears that Waymouth was em- 
 ployed by the commission as an expert. Referring to 
 his opponents, Pette says : 
 
 “ They had alsoe wonne to their Partie by much im- 
 portunity and by means of a particular letter directed 
 from the Lord Northampton to him to that very pur- 
 pose 
 
 time he attained to eminence as a 
 shipwright. This manuscript “ Jour- 
 nal,” which records his varying for- 
 tunes, and is of interest on account 
 of his public service and the glimpses 
 it gives us of King James I., the 
 Prince, and other prominent persons, 
 is in the British Museum. A copy, 
 containing 321 pages, is in the pos- 
 session of James P. Baxter, Esq., 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 26. Phineas Pette was the son'of 
 Peter Pette, of Deptford, one of her 
 Majesty’s shipwrights, and was born 
 Nov. 1, 1570. In 1586, he was sent 
 to Emmanuel College, Cambridge. 
 His father died in 1589, and in the 
 following year, for lack of means, he 
 was unable to continue his residence 
 at Cambridge, and was apprenticed 
 to a shipwright at Deptford. Further 
 misfortunes came to him; but at 
 length better days returned, and in 
 
34 
 
 ROSTER’S RELATION. 
 
 pose a great Bragadochio a vage and idle fellow some 
 time a Mariner and M’’ called by the name of Captaine 
 George Waymouth who having much acquaintance 
 abroad amongst gentlemen was to disperse the insuf- 
 ficiency of my business reporting how I was no Artist 
 and altogether insufficient to Performe such a service, 
 of noe experience,” etc. 
 
 At the hearing before the King, Pette’s opponents 
 failed to substantiate the charges they had brought 
 against him, and he was acquitted by the King. Pette, 
 who can hardly find words with which to express his 
 contempt for Waymouth, and gleefully narrates a case 
 in which the latter’s failure as a shipwright is sketched, 
 says that early in November, 1609, Waymouth humbly 
 apologized to him for the part he had borne in the accu- 
 sations made to the King. 
 
 The next we hear of Waymouth is in connection 
 with the siege of Julich, an important town in one of 
 the Rhine provinces, and about sixteen miles northeast 
 of Aix-la-Chapelle. A dispute had arisen in 1609, on 
 the death of the Duke, John William, with reference to 
 the Julich succession. The Duke died childless, and it 
 was seen that if the territory which he had ruled should 
 fall into the hands of the Roman Catholics, the hopes 
 of the States would be crushed. If, on the contrary, it 
 
 should 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 35 
 
 should fall into Protestant hands, the States would be 
 greatly strengthened. And so Prince Maurice marched 
 upon Julich in the summer of 1610, and, with other 
 forces which were added to his, laid siege to the place 
 and captured it. This was the beginning of the Thirty 
 Years’ War. 
 
 Our knowledge of Waymouth’s connection with this 
 siege is derived from a manuscript in the King’s Library 
 in the British Museum. It is entitled “A Journall Rela- 
 tion of the service at the takeing in of the towne and 
 castle of Gulicke this present yeare 1610, with a plott of 
 the towne and castle as it is againe to be fortified. 
 George Waymouth.”^^ The manuscript gives a detailed 
 account of the siege, the names of the officers in com- 
 mand, and the three places where battles were fought, 
 to which is added a plan of the fortification. It is possi- 
 ble that during this siege Waymouth had an opportunity 
 of testing some of his own speculations with reference 
 
 to military operations. 
 
 27. This manuscript, like the two 
 other Waymouth manuscripts to 
 which I have referred, was discovered 
 by James P. Baxter, Esq. It bears 
 upon the cover the royal arms, with 
 the initials G. 11. R. 1757, showing 
 that the manuscript belonged to 
 George the Second. It is in the same 
 handwriting as the manuscript on 
 
 Nothing 
 
 "Errors and Defects in usuall build, 
 ing of Ships.” The manuscript is not 
 signed or dated. “ The name George 
 Waymouth,” says Mr. Baxter, " is in 
 the hand of the scribe and has a line 
 drawn through it. It was neatly 
 written, but, contains many erasures 
 and corrections, probably suggested 
 by Waymouth after hearing it read.” 
 
36 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 Nothing further concerning Waymouth is known 
 except in connection with the payment of his pension. 
 The last entry which can be found is on the Issue Roll 
 for Easter, 1612, at which date Waymouth was still alive. 
 There are unfortunately no existing rolls for Michael- 
 mas, 1611, Easter, 1612, or Easter, 1613, and as the 
 name of Waymouth does not appear on the intermedi- 
 ate rolls, viz: those for Easter, 1611, Michaelmas, 1612, 
 and Michaelmas, 1613, nor in those of the following 
 years, 1614-1616, it may be presumed that the last pay- 
 ment made to him was either at Michaelmas, 1612, 
 Easter, 1613, or Easter, 1614, which payment would in 
 all probability precede or follow his death. 
 
 Waymouth’s writings show that he was a man of more 
 than ordinary intelligence in all matters pertaining to 
 his profession. As Mr. Baxter says : “ He was no rough 
 mariner, as we have heretofore supposed, but a scholar, 
 a dreamer indeed, like Raleigh, of whom he reminds me, 
 especially in his treatise on ships, which was also a 
 theme of Raleigh’s pen.” He must have had, however, 
 some important defects of character or his advancement 
 could hardly have been prevented. His end doubtless 
 brought to him a glad release. With the exception of 
 his voyage of 1605, ill fortune attended him for the most 
 part. Disappointment followed disappointment, and 
 
 death 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 37 
 
 death in all probability robbed him of no coveted honor. 
 
 Concerning Rosier, I have been able to learn no 
 more than what appears in his “ Relation.” Belknap 
 (Am. Biography, Harper’s Ed., Vol. 2, p. 208, note) says 
 that Rosier was connected with Gosnold’s expedition, 
 and wrote an account of the voyage, which he presented 
 to Sir Walter Raleigh. This is an error made by Pur- 
 chas, who in his “ Pilgrimmes ” (IV. pp., 1646-1653) cites 
 three documents relating to Gosnold’s voyage to Amer- 
 ica in 1602 : I. A letter from Capt. Gosnold to his 
 father ; 2. Gabriel Archer’s account of the voyage ; 3. 
 A chapter entitled “ Notes taken out of a tractate writ- 
 ten by James Rosier to Sir Walter Raleigh.” This 
 tractate presented to Raleigh was not written by 
 Rosier, but by John Brereton.^^ 
 
 It has beenTaid that in his “Relation,” Rosier wrote 
 obscurely so that enterprising navigators in other coun- 
 tries might not profit by Waymouth’s discoveries. This 
 is true so far as locality is concerned. There were 
 those in these countries who, as he says in his prefatory 
 note to the reader, “hoped hereby to gaine some knowl- 
 edge of the place.” And he adds : “ This is the cause 
 that I haue neither written of the latitude or variation 
 most exactly obserued by our Captaine with sundrie in- 
 struments 
 
 lives are in Mass. Hist. Col., 3d 
 Series, Vol. 8. 
 
 28. Gosnold’s letter to his father, 
 and Archer’s and Brereton’s narra- 
 
ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 38 
 
 struments, which together with his perfect Geograph- 
 ical! Map of the countrey, he entendeth hereafter to set 
 forth.”^^ He likewise omitted a collection of many In- 
 dian words, reserving them “ to be made knowen for the 
 benefit of those that shal goe in the next Voyage.” But 
 this was all that was withheld. “ Our particular pro- 
 ceedings in the whole Discouerie,” he says, “ the com- 
 modious situation of the Riuer, the fertilitie of the land, 
 with the profits there to be had, and here reported, I 
 refer to be verified by the whole Company, as being eye- 
 witnesses of my words.” Rosier could hardly have used 
 stronger language in insisting upon the absolute accu- 
 racy and trustworthiness of his narrative. 
 
 29. Hosier, near the close of his 
 “ Eelation,” again refers to this pur- 
 pose. Waymouth unquestionably 
 made a report, which included, as is 
 
 here stated, a carefully prepared 
 map ; but neither the report nor the 
 map can now be found. 
 
SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE. 
 
 EFERENCES to Waymouth’s voyage are to 
 be found in the narratives of subsequent nav- 
 igators, in histories, and other writings. The 
 following citations are from the more important of thdse 
 references. 
 
 Champlain was on the coast of Maine in 1605, as was 
 Waymouth. From his narrative (Voyages of Sieur de 
 Champlain, published in Paris in 1613, Prince Society 
 Ed., Vol. 2, pp. 55-93) we learn that he left the island 
 of St. Croix June 18 (N. S.) 1605. Following the coast 
 as far as Cape Cod, he reached the Kennebec on his 
 return July 29. From an Indian named Anasou he 
 then learned : 
 
 “ That there was a ship, ten leagues off the harbor, 
 which was engaged in fishing and that those on her had 
 
 killed 
 
40 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 killed^” five savages of this riveE' under cover of friend- 
 ship. Erom his description of the men on the vessel we 
 concluded that they were English, and we nam.ed the 
 island^^ where they were La Nef; for at a distance it 
 had the appearance of a ship.” 
 
 The next reference to Waymouth’s voyage is found 
 in a “ Relation of a Voyage into New England, begun 
 from the Lizard ye First of June 1607, by Capt“ Pop- 
 ham in ye Ship ye Gift, and CapP^ Gilbert in ye Mary 
 and John,” written, it is thought, by James Davies, one 
 of the Council of the Popham Colony, who accom- 
 panied the expedition.^^ Of the two vessels mentioned, 
 
 the 
 
 30. As will be seen in the “.Kela- 
 tion ” this was an error. The sav- 
 ages were made captives at Pentecost 
 Harbor, and were taken to England. 
 
 31. In the words “of this river” 
 Slafter, (Champlain’s Voyages, Prince 
 Society Ed., Vol. 2, p. 91) finds an in- 
 timation that the river discovered by 
 Waymouth was the Kennebec. If, 
 however, Waymouth had been in the 
 Kennebec with his ship, Anasou conld 
 hardly have failed to mention it. 
 What he doubtless meant was that 
 the Indians captured by Waymouth 
 belonged to the tribe to which he be- 
 longed. This tribe occupied the ter- 
 ritory between the Kennebec and the 
 Penobscot. That the captives were 
 Pemaquid Indians is evident for rea- 
 sons that will be given in connection 
 
 with Hosier’s account of their cap- 
 ture. 
 
 32. This island, as all writers agree, 
 so far as I am aware, was Monhe- 
 gan, and it is worthy of notice that 
 Anasou locates Waymouth’s ship so 
 far away from the Kennebec. It is 
 evident that he had received only 
 rumors in reference to Waymouth, 
 and those, too, of not a very recent 
 date, as Waymouth had sailed for 
 England several weeks before. 
 
 33. The manuscript of this sketch 
 was found in the summer of 1875, in 
 the Library of Lambeth Palace, Lon- 
 don, by the Eev. B. E. DeCosta, D. D., 
 of New York. “ A sort of title page,” 
 he says, “ has been prefixed to the 
 manuscript, in an early hand, by a 
 former possessor, reciting that it was 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 41 
 
 the first to arrive on the coast was the Mary and John. 
 August 6th, having sighted the Camden Hills — “ three 
 high mountains that lie in upon the mainland near unto 
 the river of Penobscot, in which river the bashabe makes 
 his abode,” — Capt. Gilbert stood in toward them until 
 noon. Changing his course then to the west, he sighted 
 three islands “ lying together, being low and flat by the 
 water, showing white as if it were sand, but it is white 
 rocks making show afar off almost like unto Dover 
 Cliffs.” They were Seal, Wooden Ball and Ragged 
 Islands of the Matinicus group, which “lie due east and 
 west one of the other.” The narrative continues: 
 
 “From hence we kept still our course west and west 
 by north towards three other islands that we saw lying 
 from these islands before spoken of eight leagues, and 
 about ten of the clock at night we recovered them, and 
 having sent in our boat before night to view it, for that 
 it was calm, and to sound it and to see what good an- 
 choring was under it, we bore in with one of them, the 
 
 which 
 
 Vol. 18, pp. 82-117. A comparison 
 of the narrative with chapters VIII, 
 IX. and X., of “ Strachey’s Historie of 
 Trauaile into Virginia Britannia ” 
 showed that either that manuscript, 
 or a copy of it, was used by Strachey 
 in his preparation of his work, as 
 “portions of the manuscript were 
 copied by him almost verbatim.” 
 
 found among the papers of Sir Fer- 
 dinando Gorges by one William Grif- 
 fith.” Dr. De Costa obtained per- 
 mission to copy the manuscript for 
 publication, and in May, 1860, he 
 laid his copy with a preface and notes 
 before the Massachusetts Historical 
 Society. His communication is print- 
 ed in the Proceedings of the Society, 
 
42 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 which as we came in by we still sounded, and found 
 very deep water forty fathom hard aboard of it. So 
 we stood into a cove in it, and had twelve fathom water, 
 and there we anchored until the morning, and when the 
 day appeared we saw we were environed round about 
 with islands ; you might have told near thirty islands 
 round about us from aboard our ship. This island we 
 call St. Georges Island,^'* for that we here found a cross 
 
 set 
 
 34. Dr. De Costa (Proceedings 
 Mass. Hist. Soc., Vol. 18, p. 101, note) 
 is of the opinion that the island near 
 which Capt. Gilbert anchored was 
 Monhegan. But Monhegan cannot 
 be reached on a “ west and west by 
 north” course from Capt. Gilbert’s 
 position approaching the Matinicus 
 Islands. Furthermore, on such a 
 course, Monhegan would not appear 
 as one of three islands, but an island 
 by itself. Nor would one at anchor 
 under Monhegan find himself “ en- 
 vironed round about with islands.” 
 There is not an island, except Ma- 
 nana, within five nautical miles. As 
 Rev. Henry O. Thayer, in a paper 
 read before the Maine Historical So- 
 ciety, Dec. 22, 1885, referring to this 
 point, says : “ This is a clearly im- 
 possible statement applied to Monhe- 
 gan. The nearest neighbors to the 
 lonely isle are Allen’s and Burnt, six 
 miles distant. Still further away on 
 the left, a practiced eye in fine weath- 
 
 er can make out three or four small 
 ones stretching towards Pemaquid. 
 In the clearest atmosphere, Seguin in 
 the west, and in the east, Matinicus 
 and Metinic, perhaps another, can be 
 distinguished at those long distances. 
 An ordinary observer would at first 
 notice only two, — Allen’s and Burnt ; 
 with a sharper eye sweeping the hori- 
 zon one might count nine or ten. 
 But their distance makes this lan- 
 guage wholly forced and inadmissi- 
 ble. Even the two of the Georges at 
 their distance would never be re- 
 ferred to as environing a ship. The 
 description is entirely inapt in appli- 
 cation to Monhegan.” The St. Georges 
 Islands, on the other hand, are eight 
 leagues distant from the Matinicus 
 Islands, and in the direction men- 
 tioned. In St. George’s Harbor, too, 
 one could very properly say that he 
 was “ environed round about with 
 islands.” There are more than thirty 
 islands in a radius of ten miles. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 43 
 
 set up, the which we suppose was set up by George 
 Wayman.”^^ 
 
 The Gift, Captain Gilbert’s consort, came to the 
 same anchorage on the following day, which indicates a 
 previous agreement on the part of the commander of 
 his vessels. In other words here was the chosen rendez- 
 vous.^^ The narrative continues : 
 
 “ This night following about midnight. Captain Gil- 
 bert caused his ship’s boat to be manned and took to 
 himself thirteen other, myself being one, being fourteen 
 persons in all, and took the Indian Skidwarres with us. 
 The weather being fair and the wind calm, we rowed to 
 the west in amongst many gallant islands, and found the 
 river of Pemaquyd to be but four leagues west from the 
 
 island 
 
 35. The finding of this cross is 
 significant. In Eosier’s “ Eelation ” 
 we read that on the 29th of May, 
 1605, AVaymouth, while his vessel 
 was at anchor in Pentecost Harbor, 
 “set up a cross on the shore side 
 upon the rocks.” Gilbert undoubted- 
 ly had a copy of Eosier’s “ Eelation ” 
 with him, and was evidently looking 
 for this cross, else why not mention 
 Pring who was on the coast in the 
 preceding year, or Champlain, or 
 Gosnold, who preceded Waymouth 1 
 
 36. This statement is confirmed 
 by Sir Ferdinando Gorges in his 
 Briefe Narration (Maine Hist. Soc. 
 Collections, Vol. 2, p. 21), where it is 
 
 remarked, “They arrived at their 
 rendezvous the 8th of August.” Eev. 
 Henry 0. Thayer adds : “ There 
 
 was evidently a design to tarry at this 
 place, — a politic and honorable one, — 
 to make early acquaintance with and 
 gain the favor of the natives. Skid- 
 warres, returning with them after his 
 knowledge of the world across the 
 sea, acted as guide, interpreter and 
 assistant in this bit of diplomacy and 
 incipient statecraft, as the represent- 
 atives of the British throne and pos- 
 sessions of choice chartered rights* 
 sought friendly alliance with a native 
 tribe in the new world.” 
 
44 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 island we call St. Georges, where our ship remained 
 still at anchor. Here we landed in a little cove by 
 Skidwarres direction, and marched over a neck of land 
 near three miles. So the Skidwarres brought us to the 
 savages houses where they did inhabit, although much 
 against his will, for that he told us that they were all re- 
 moved and gone from the place they were wont to in- 
 habit ; but we answered him again that we would not 
 return back until such time as we had spoken with some 
 of them. At length he brought us where they did in- 
 habit, where we found near a hundred of them, men, 
 women and children, and the chief commander of them 
 is Nahanada.”^^ 
 
 The next reference to Waymouth’s voyage is in 
 Captain John Smith’s Description of New England, 
 which was published in London in i6i6. Capt. Smith 
 was on the coast of Maine in the summer of 1614. In 
 
 37 . Nahanada was one of the In- 
 dians captured by Waymouth in 1605. 
 He must have returned with Pring in 
 his voyage of 1606. Skidwarres was 
 also one of WaymoutlPs captives. It 
 is supposed by some that Captain Gil- 
 bert, under the guidance of Skid- 
 warres, proceeding in his boat west- 
 ward, passed Pemaquid Point, and 
 thence made his way to Pemaquid 
 Harbor. He certainly did, if by row- 
 ing he found what is now known as 
 
 his 
 
 Pemaquid Kiver. The distance from 
 St. George’s Harbor to Pemaquid 
 Harbor is about the same as that 
 mentioned, viz: four leagues. But 
 from the fact that after landing, Gil- 
 bert and his party “ marched over a 
 neck of land near three miles,” seems 
 rather to indicate that they landed at 
 New Harbor and crossed the Neck to 
 Partridge’s Point, where they found 
 the Indian camp and also “ the river 
 of Pemaquyd.” 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 45 
 
 his Description (Veazie Reprint, Boston, 1865, p. 22,) 
 he says : 
 
 “ Northward six or seven degrees is the Riuer Saga- 
 dahock, where was planted the Westerne Colony, by 
 that Honourable Patrone of vertue Sir John Popham 
 Lord Chief lustice of Englandd^ Ther is also a rela- 
 tion printed by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnould, of 
 Elizabeth’s lies: and another by Captaine Waymoth 
 
 of Pemmaquid.”^^ 
 
 38. The fact that the Popham Col- 
 ony settled at the mouth of the Ken- 
 nebec has been urged in favor of the 
 theory that the river discovered by 
 Way mouth was the Kennebec. It is 
 to be remembered, however, that 
 Pring was on the coast in 1606, in 
 the interest of the same parties as 
 Waymouth in the preceding year, 
 and on his return, having made “ a 
 more perfect discovery of all those 
 rivers and harbors,” laid before 
 Gorges his “ most exact discovery of 
 that country.” Those familiar with 
 the history of the voyage of the Pop- 
 ham colonists will remember that as 
 the vessels proceeded westward from 
 the place of rendezvous, the landmark 
 they looked for was Seguin. “ Thurs- 
 day in the morning, break of day, 
 being the 13th August, the Island of 
 Sutquin bore north of us, not past 
 half a league from us, and it riseth 
 in this form hereunder following [a 
 
 ' In 
 
 sketch is given], the which island 
 lieth right before the mouth of the 
 river Sagadehock south from it neer 
 two leagues, but we did not make it 
 to be Sutquin, so we set our sails and 
 stood to be westward for to seek it 
 two leagues further, and not finding 
 the river of Sagadehock, we knew 
 that we had overshot the place.” (Pro- 
 ceedings Mass. Hist. Soc., Vol. 18, p. 
 103.) Rosier makes no mention of 
 this striking landmark, and such 
 knowledge must have been received 
 from Pring. Prince, in his pamphlet 
 on “ Rosier’s Narrative,” also sug- 
 gests that a good and sufficient rea- 
 son why the Popham colonists settled 
 at the mouth of the Kennebec was, 
 “ that the French laid claim to and 
 were at this time colonizing at the 
 eastward, and it was considered de- 
 sirable to locate as far from their 
 rivals as convenient.” 
 
 39. If Waymouth printed a “Re- 
 
46 
 
 ROSTER’S RELATION. 
 
 In Smith’s Generali Historie of Virginia (Book i. p. 
 1 8, sq.) published in London in 1626, there is a con- 
 densed account of Rosier’s narrative of Waymouth’s 
 voyage. After referring to the island (Monhegan) 
 where Waymouth first landed, Smith says: 
 
 “ Erom hence we might discerne the mayne land 
 and very high mountaines, the next day because we rode 
 too open to the Sea, we waighed, and came to the 
 Isles adioining to the mayn ; among which we found an 
 excellent rode, defended from all windes, for ships of any 
 burthen in 6, 7, 8, 9 or 10 fadom vpon a clay oze. 
 This was vpon a Whitsonday, wherefore we called it 
 Pentecost Harbourr'^° 
 
 Between the publication of Smith’s Description of 
 New England and his Generali Historie of Virginia, 
 William Strachey wrote, probably in 1618, his Historie 
 of Travaile into Virginia Britannia. In chapter vii. 
 (Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, Vol. 3, p. 287) he gives 
 an account of Capt. George Weymouth’s voyage.” 
 He says : 
 
 “ What 
 
 lation ” it has not been preserved. 
 In all probability, Smith has in mind 
 Kosier’s “ Relation,” which he used 
 in preparing his Generali Historie. 
 The fact w'orthy of notice here is 
 that hy Pemaquid, Smith evidently 
 meant a place, not a river. He also 
 knew Pemaquid from Sagadahoc. In 
 
 his narrative he correctly locates the 
 Pophara Colony on the Kennebec, 
 but he fails anywhere to connect 
 Waymouth with that river. 
 
 40. As Smith professes to give 
 only a condensation of Rosier’s “ Re- 
 lation,” it is not necessary that I 
 should quote further. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 47 
 
 “ What paines he tooke in discover)^ may witness the 
 many convenyent places upon the mayne, and isles, and 
 rivers, together with that little one of Pamaquid,"^' and 
 
 of 
 
 41 . As Strachey had Rosier’s “ Re- 
 lation” before him when he wrote, 
 the reference here evidently is to the 
 “little narrow nooke of ariuer” up 
 which the Indians endeavored to lure 
 Waymouth and his men for the pur- 
 pose of trade, as they claimed, but 
 with hostile designs as Waymouth 
 feared. That this “little narrow 
 nooke of a riuer ” was what is now 
 known as the Pemaquid River, as is 
 commonly taken for granted, is mere- 
 ly an inference. The references to 
 the Pemaquid River in early docu- 
 ments that have come down to us 
 show that, in most cases certainly, 
 what is now known as the Pemaquid 
 River could not have been in the 
 minds of those who used this designa- 
 tion in their writings. Thus in 1625 
 Purchas (His Pilgrimmes, Vol. 4, p. 
 1673), giving the names of the rivers 
 in the country of Mawooshen, men- 
 tions the Pemaquid, which he says is 
 “four days journey [sixteen miles, as 
 the estimate shows] from the mouth 
 of the Quibiquesson, with ten fathoms 
 of water at the mouth, and forty 
 miles up the river there were two 
 fathoms and a half at low water ; on 
 both sides of this river for a good 
 distance, the ground is like unto a 
 pleasant meadow, full of long grass.” 
 
 This certainly could not be what is 
 now known as the Pemaquid River. 
 
 In the letters patent to Robert Aid- 
 worth and Giles Elbridge, of Bristol, 
 under the seal of the President and 
 Council of New England, dated Feb. 
 29, 1631, signed by the Earl of War- 
 wick and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
 there is a grant of 12,000 acres, “ the 
 same land to be bounded, chosen, 
 taken and laid out neare the River 
 Comonly called or known by the 
 name of PEMAQUID, or by what 
 other name or names the same is or 
 have been or hereafter shal be called 
 or knowne by and next adioyning by 
 both along the Sea Coast as the Coast 
 lyeth ; and Soe upp the River as farr 
 as may Contains the said Twelve 
 Thousand acres within the said 
 bredth and length.” (Col. Me. Hist. 
 Soc., Vol. 5, p. 210.) The implication 
 is that the 12,000 acres might be laid 
 out “ upp the River ” without reach- 
 ing its source ; but no one would use 
 such language in laying out such a 
 tract of land on what is now known 
 as the Pemaquid River. 
 
 The members of the Plymouth 
 Council, in 1635, determined to sur- 
 render their charter to the King on 
 condition that the territory which it 
 included should be granted to them- 
 
48 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 of his search sixty miles up the most excellent and ben- 
 eficyall river of Sagadehoc, which he found capable of 
 shippinge for trafique of the greatest burden, a benefitt, 
 
 indeed, 
 
 selves. They proposed to divide the 
 territory into twelve Royal Provinces. 
 The first (Williamson, Hist, of Maine, 
 Vol. 1, p. 256) “ embraced the coun- 
 try between the St. Croix and Peraa- 
 quid, and from the head of the latter 
 in the shortest distance to Kenne- 
 bec, thence upward to its source.” 
 The second Province included the 
 territory from “ Pemaquid to Saga- 
 dehock.” Plainly the reference here 
 is not to what is now known as the 
 Pemaquid River. 
 
 The next reference to the Pemaquid 
 River which I find is in Maverick’s 
 Description of New England, written 
 probably in 1660. He says : “ West- 
 ward from Penobscott (which is the 
 Southermost Port in Nona Scotia) 
 fourteen Leagues of is Pemaquid in 
 which River Alderman Aldworth of 
 Bristole, setled a company of People 
 in the yeare 1625, which Plantation 
 hath continued and many Eamilies 
 are now settled there.” (New Eng. 
 Hist, and Gen. Register, Vol. 39, p. 
 34.) This settlement of 1625 was 
 made on the eastern side of the 
 Neck, and the reference to the river 
 must be to some other than what is 
 now known as the Pemaquid River. 
 
 In the grant to the Duke of York, 
 dated March 12, 1664, occurs the fol- 
 
 lowing : “ Charles the Second by the 
 Grace of God King of England, Scot- 
 land ffrance & Ireland Defender of 
 the ffaith &c To alt to whom these 
 p’nts shall come Greeting: Know yee 
 that wee for diverse good Causes and 
 Consideracons us thereunto moving 
 Have of our speciall Grace Certaine 
 knowledge and meere motion Given 
 and Granted And by these presents 
 for us our heires and successors Do 
 Give and Grant unto our Dearest 
 Brother James Duke of Yorke his 
 heires and Assignes All that part of 
 the Maine Land of New England be- 
 ginning at a Certaine place called or 
 knowne by the name of St. Croix, 
 next adjoyning to New Scotland in 
 America and from thence extending 
 along the sea-coast unto a certaine 
 place called Petuaquine or Pemaquid 
 and so up the River thereof to the 
 farthest head of ye same as it tend- 
 eth northwards and extending from 
 thence to the River Kinebequi, and 
 so upwards by the shortest course to 
 the River Canada northwards.” (Coll. 
 Me. Hist. Soc., Vol. 5, pp. 6 and 7 of 
 Pemaquid Papers.) The western 
 boundary here is evidently the same 
 as that of the first of the “ Royal 
 Provinces,” which the members of 
 the Plymouth Council carved out for 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 indeed, alwais to be accompted the richest treasure to 
 any land.”'*^ 
 
 In Purchas His Pilgrimmes (Vol. 4, p. 1660,) printed 
 in London in 1625, Rosier’s “Relation” appears in an 
 abridged form, but with a few additions. In the most 
 important of these we have the direction of the high 
 mountains seen by Waymouth from his anchorage 
 north of Monhegan. The passage is as follows : 
 
 “ From 
 
 themselves ; but no one would have 
 thought of making what is now 
 known as the Pemaquid River such a 
 boundary. 
 
 In the commission of Major Ed- 
 mund Andros, as Governor of New 
 York, which was dated July 1, 1674, 
 we read: “James Duke of Yorke 
 and Albany, Earl of Ulster, Ǥ;c 
 Whereas it hath pleased ye King’s 
 most Excellent Ma^s my Soveraigne 
 Lord and brother by his Lett^s Pat- 
 ents to give and grant unto mee and 
 my heyres and assignes all that part 
 of ye Maine Land of New England 
 beginning at a certaine place called 
 or knowne by ye name of St. Croix 
 next adjoyneing to New Scotland in 
 America, and from thence extending 
 along ye s^a Coast unto a certaine 
 place called Pemaquin or Pemaquid 
 and soe up the River thereof to ye 
 furthest head of the same as it tend- 
 eth northwards and extending from 
 thence to the River Kinebequi and 
 soe upwards by ye shortest course 
 
 to ye River Canada northwards,” &c. 
 (Documents relating to Colon. Hist- 
 of New York, Vol. 3, p. 215.) The 
 language here is similar to that al- 
 ready cited. 
 
 42. By the river of “ Sagadehoc ” 
 Strachey means the Kennebec. But 
 it should be remembered that Stra- 
 chey was never on the coast of 
 Maine. He came to Virginia in 1609, 
 and was for a time secretary of the 
 colony, but returned to England be- 
 fore 1612, and wrote the “ Historie,” 
 it is supposed, about 1618. His in- 
 formation, therefore, was second 
 hand. That Rosier’s “ Relation ” was 
 before him as he wrote his account 
 sufSciently indicates. He also had 
 before him, as has already been re- 
 marked, Davies’ narrative of the 
 planting of the Popham Colony at 
 the mouth of the Kennebec.. This 
 may account for the statement, made 
 by Strachey for the first time, that 
 the river discovered by Waymouth 
 was the Sagadahoc. 
 
50 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 “ From hence we might discerne many Hands, and 
 the Maine Land, from the west-south-west to the east- 
 north-east ; and north-north-east from vs a great way as 
 it then seemed (and as we after found it) vp into the 
 Maine, we might discerne very high Mountaines, 
 although the Maine seemed but lowe Land, which gave 
 vs a hope,” etc.'*^ 
 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in his Briefe Narration, pub- 
 lished in London in 1658 (Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, 
 Vol. 2, p. 17), says that Waymouth, 
 
 “ Falling short of his course, happened into a river 
 on the coast of America, called Pemaquid.”'*^ 
 
 Oldmixon, in his British Empire in America, pub- 
 lished in London, in 1702, (Ed. of 1741, Vol. i, p. 354,) 
 
 says: 
 
 43 . The words “ north-north-east 
 from vs ” are not found in Eosier’s 
 “Kelation.” It is a matter of no 
 slight significance that twenty years 
 after Waymouth’s return to England, 
 and before any discussion had arisen 
 in reference to the harbor and river 
 he discovered, just these words were 
 here inserted, not as an editorial 
 emendation, but as a part of the nar- 
 rative. Evidently the reason for 
 withholding the direction which ex- 
 isted in 1605 no longer existed, and 
 the direction was accordingly now in- 
 
 “ The 
 
 serted in its proper place by authority, 
 44. Dr. Edward Ballard (Popham 
 Memorial Volume, p. 313) says that 
 Gorges here does not mean that the 
 river was called Pemaquid, but the 
 coast on which the “ great river ” was 
 discovered ; and he refers to Capt. 
 John Smith’s statement, already cited, 
 which says that Waymouth’s (Ros- 
 ier’s) “ Relation ” described “ Pemma- 
 quid.” Manifestly, the reference 
 here is to a tract of country called 
 by that name. See the quotation on 
 page 45. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 51 
 
 “ The trading Voyages of Gosnold and the Bristol 
 men began to put the English on new Attempts for a 
 Settlement ; but before it could be brought to pass, 
 Henry Earl of Southampton, and Thomas Lord Arun- 
 del of Wardour, fitted out a ship under the command 
 of Capt. George Weymouth, who fell upon the Eastern 
 Parts of Long Island (as ’tis now called) where they 
 landed, and traffick’d with the Indians, made Trial of 
 the Soil by English Grain; and found the Natives more 
 affable and courteous than the Inhabitants of those other 
 Parts of Virginia which the English had discover’d ; 
 but the Adventurers, being greedy of Gain, overreach’d 
 the Indians, imposing on their Ignorance : of which 
 they growing jealous, it occasion’d the many Murders 
 and Massacres that follow in the Course of this History. 
 
 “ Capt. Weymouth enter’d the River of Powhattan, 
 southward of the Bay of Chesapeake. He sail’d up 
 above forty miles, finding the channel deep and broad, 
 being a Mile over, and 7 to 10 Fathom in Depth, having 
 Creeks on every Side at every half mile Distance, all 
 deep and safe, in which Ships of 500 Tons may ride in 
 many Places, with a Cable on Shore in the soft Oaze.” 
 
 Rev. William Hubbard, who died in 1704, in his 
 General History of New England from the Discovery 
 to 1660 (Cambridge Ed., 1815, p. 12), says Waymouth 
 
 “ Discovered 
 
52 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 “ Discovered a great river in these parts supposed to 
 be Kennebecke, neere unto Pemaquid.” 
 
 “Beverly, in his History of Virginia, (2d Ed., London, 
 1722), refers in his preface to Oldmixon’s British Empire, 
 and its various errors requiring correction, etc., and says : 
 
 “ Page 220, He says that Captain Weymouth in 1605, 
 enter d Powhatan River Southward of the Bay of Ches- 
 apeake ; whereas Powhatan River is now caWd 
 
 James River ^ and lies within the mouth of Chesapeake 
 Bay some miles^ on the West side of it ; and Captain 
 Weymouth’s Voyage was only to Hudson’s River, which 
 is in New York, much Northward of the Capes of Vir- 
 
 • *55 
 
 ginia. 
 
 But on page ii, with curious inconsistency, Beverly 
 thus describes Waymouth’s voyage: 
 
 “ § 12. In the Year 1605, a Voyage was made from 
 Londojt in a single Ship, with which they designed to 
 fall in with the Land about the Latitude 39°; but the 
 Winds put, her a little further Northward, and she fell 
 upon the Eastern Parts of Long Island (as it is now 
 call’d, but all went then under the Name of Virginia). 
 Here they traffick’d with the Indiaits, as the others had 
 done before them; made short Trials of the Soil by 
 English Grain, and found the Indians, as in other Places, 
 
 very 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 53 
 
 very fair and courteous at first, till they got more 
 Knowledge of the English, and perhaps thought them- 
 selves over-reached because one bought better Penny- 
 worths than another ; upon which afterwards they never 
 fail’d to take Revenge as they found their Opportunity 
 or Advantage. So this Company also return’d with the 
 Ship, having ranged forty Miles up Connecticut River, 
 and call’d the Harbour where they rid Penticost Har- 
 bour because of their Arrival there on Whitsunday.” 
 
 Thomas Prince, in his Chronological History of 
 
 New England (Boston, 1736, Part i, p. 14,) referring to 
 
 « 
 
 the river Waymouth entered, says in a note : 
 
 “ This seems to be Sagadehock ; and Sir F. Gorges 
 doubtless mistakes in calling it Pemaquid River.” 
 
 Rev. William Stith, who published his History of 
 Virginia, in 1747, referring to Waymouth’s voyage 
 (Sabine’s Reprint, pp. 33, 34,) says ; 
 
 “ What River this was, and what Parts of the Amer- 
 ican Coast they fell upon, is difficult to determine ex- 
 actly. For their neglecting to tell us what Course they 
 steered, after they were disengaged from the Shoals, 
 renders it doubtful, whether they fell in with some part 
 of Massachusetts Bay ; or rather farther Southward, or 
 the Coast of Rhode Island, Naraganset, or Connecticut; 
 
 altho’ 
 
54 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 altho’ I am most inclined to believe this river was either 
 that of Naraganset or Connecticut, and the Island, what 
 is now called Block Island.” 
 
 Having made his guess, Stith proceeds to demolish 
 that made by Oldmixon : 
 
 “ According to his usual custom [Oldmixon] is here 
 most egregiously bewildered and lost. For after having 
 injudiciously enough determined the small Island they 
 first made, of six miles in compass, to be Long Island 
 on the Coast of New York, he immediately after, with 
 still greater Obscurity and Crossness, calls this the 
 River of Powhatan, now James River, to the Southward, 
 as he says of the Bay of Chesapeake.” 
 
 In 1797, Jeremy Belknap, D.D., who was about to 
 prepare an article on Waymouth for his “American Bi- 
 ography,” requested Capt. John Foster Williams, of the 
 United States Revenue service, to examine the coast of 
 Maine with reference to Waymouth’s discoveries in 
 1605. Capt. Williams was furnished with an abstract 
 of Rosier’s “ Relation,” as found in Purchas His Pil- 
 grimmes. In his reply (American Biography, Vol. 2, 
 pp. 249-251), dated Boston, Oct. i, 1797, Capt. Williams 
 says : 
 
 “ The first land Captain Weymouth saw, a whitish 
 
 sandy 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 55 
 
 sandy cliff, W. N. W. six leagues, must have been San- 
 katy Head (Nantucket). With the wind at W. S. W. 
 and S. S. W. he could have fetched into this bay (Bos- 
 ton), and must have seen Cape Cod had the weather been 
 clear. But 
 
 “ The land he saw on the 17th I think must be the * 
 island Monhegan, as no other island answers the de- 
 scription. In my last cruise to the east ward I sounded, 
 and had thirty fathoms about one league to the north- 
 ward of the island. The many islands he saw, and the 
 mainland, extending from W. S. W. to the E. N. E., 
 agree with that shore ; the mountains he saw bearing 
 N. N. E. were Penobscot /A 7 A oy Mountains ; for, from 
 the place where I suppose the ship lay at anchor, the 
 above mountains bear N. N. E. 
 
 “ The Harbour where he lay with his ship, and 
 named Pentecost Harbour, is, I suppose, what is now 
 called George s Island Harbour, which bears north from 
 Monhegan about two leagues ; which harbour and 
 islands agree with his descriptions, I think, tolerably 
 well, and the name, Georges Islands, seems to confirm 
 it. 
 
 “ When the captain went in his boat and discovered 
 a great river trending far up into the main, I suppose 
 he went as far as Two Bush Island, about three or four 
 
 leagues 
 
56 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 leagues from the ship ; from thence he could discover 
 Penobscot Bay. 
 
 Miles. 
 
 Distance from the ship to Two-Bush 
 
 Island is about lo 
 
 Erom Two-Bush Island to Owl’s Head, 9 
 
 Erom Owl’s Head to the north end of 
 
 Long Island, 27 
 
 Erom the north end of Long Island to 
 
 Old Eort Pownal, 6 
 
 From the Old Fort to the head of the 
 
 tide or falls in Penobscot River, 30 
 
 82 
 
 I suppose he went with his ship round Two-Bush 
 Island, and then sailed up to the westward of Long 
 Island, supposing himself to be then in the river, the 
 mountains on the main to the westward extending near 
 as high up as Belfast Bay. I think it probable that he 
 anchored with his ship off the point which is now called 
 the Old Fort Point. 
 
 “ The codde of the river, where he went with his 
 shallop, and marched up in the country towards the 
 mountains, I think must be Belfast Bay. 
 
 “ The canoe that came from the farther part of the 
 codde of the river eastward, with Indians, I think it 
 probable came from Bagaduce.” Dr. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 57 
 
 Dr. Belknap accepted Capt. Williams’ view, and in 
 his American Biography, published in 1794 (Harper’s 
 Ed., 1855, Vol. 2, p. 252), he writes: 
 
 “Weymouth’s voyage is memorable only for the 
 discovery of Penobscot River, and for the decoying of 
 five of the natives on board his ship, whom he carried 
 to England.” 
 
 Abiel Holmes, in his American Annals (1805), Vol. 
 I, p. 130, refers to Waymouth’s voyage, and in a note 
 makes this citation : 
 
 “ The discovery of which they seem to be proudest 
 was that of a river, which they do on many accounts 
 prefer to any known American river ” ; and Holmes 
 adds : “ Dr. Belknap, in his first volume of American 
 
 Biography (See Harper’s Ed., Vol. i, p. 71,) says, this 
 great river is supposed to be either Penobscot or Ken- 
 nebeck ; but before the publication of his second volume, 
 he had satisfied himself, after careful examination and 
 inquiry, that it was the Penobscot.” 
 
 Capt. Williams’ view, adopted by Belknap, was also 
 adopted by Williamson in his History of the State of 
 Maine, published in 1832. Waymouth, he says (Vol. i, 
 pp. 192, 193), named the harbor where he anchored after 
 leaving Monhegan, “ Pentecost Harbor, now George’s 
 
 Island 
 
 8 
 
58 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 Island Harbor, a well known haven at the mouth of St. 
 George’s river.” Leaving this harbor, “ they proceeded 
 northwardly, by estimation, sixty miles. In their pro- 
 gress up Penobscot Bay they came to anchor on the 
 1 2th not far from the land, abreast the high mountains, 
 since called Penobscot hills [now Camden Heights].” 
 The next day they reached “ that part of the river which 
 inclines more to the westward [probably Belfast bay, or 
 possibly the waters between the lower part of Orphan 
 Island and the main].” 
 
 In a discourse before the Maine Historical Society, 
 at its annual meeting at Brunswick, Sept. 6, 1846, Hon. 
 George Folsom, of New York, referred to Waymouth’s 
 voyage, and said, (Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, Vol. 2, 
 p. 22), he “sailed up a noble river, now supposed to have 
 been the Penobscot.” 
 
 In 1857, John McKeen, Esq., of Brunswick, read be- 
 fore the Maine Historical Society a paper, in which he 
 aimed to show that 
 
 “ The Pentecost Harbour of Capt. Waymouth was 
 what we now call Boothbay or Townsend, and not St. 
 George’s Island Harbour; and the river which he dis- 
 covered and explored was the Sagadahock, and not the 
 Penobscot.” (See Maine Historical Soc. Collections’ 
 Vol. 5, p. 338.) 
 
 In 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 59 
 
 In his view, Waymouth ascended the Kennebec 
 from its mouth, and at Merrymeeting Bay passed into 
 the Androscoggin, “ formerly the Pejepscot, and origin- 
 ally the continuation of the Sagadahock,” p. 323. 
 
 Hon. William Willis, in the same volume of the 
 Maine Historical Society’s Collections, pp. 346-350, in 
 an introduction to a letter from George Popham to 
 King James I., declared his dissent from the views pre- 
 sented by Mr. Me Keen, and advocated the earlier theory 
 that the river Wa3^mouth discovered was the Penobscot. 
 
 In 1859, R. K. Sewall, Esq., published his Ancient 
 Dominions of Maine, in which he says, pp. 75, 76, that 
 no one familiar with the localities can doubt “ that the 
 Pentecost Harbor of Weymouth is the Townsend or 
 Boothbay Harbor.” Waymouth, in his shallop, he holds, 
 made his first excursion from Pentecost Harbor by “ the 
 inland passage northwesterly across or up the waters of 
 the Sheepscot and the Bay of Hockomock, through to the 
 Sagadahock, opposite Bath,” where he discovered “a 
 great river which he imagined ran ‘ far up into the land, 
 by the breadth, depth and strong flood ; ’ and following 
 the broad reach of the mouth of the Androscoggin, 
 which trends west into the main and flows from the 
 White Mountains, he explored that river as a part of 
 the Sagadahock.” 
 
 Palfrey 
 
6o 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 Palfrey, in his History of New England, the first edi- 
 tion of which appeared in 1858, referring to Waymouth’s 
 Voyage (Vol. i, p. 76, ed. of 1876), says: “Shifting his 
 course to the north, he entered the Kennebec or the 
 Penobscot River.” In a note he adds : “ The Kennebec 
 agrees best with Waymouth’s observation of the latitude.” 
 
 For some time George Prince, of Bath, had been in 
 doubt whether either the Kennebec or the Penobscot 
 theory was tenable, and Mr. McKeen’s paper led him to 
 investigate the subject anew. He says (pamphlet on 
 Rosier’s Narrative, Bath, i860, p. i): 
 
 In the summer of 1858, while reading Rosier’s Nar- 
 rative of Waymouth’s voyage in 1605 to the coast of 
 Maine, as published in the eighth volume of the Mass. 
 Hist. Col., kindly loaned me by the librarian of the 
 Maine Hist. Society, the suspicions which I had before 
 entertained were confirmed, viz., that the forty mile river 
 there referred to, instead of being as all writers and his- 
 torians had heretofore supposed, either the Kennebec 
 or Penobscot, was none other than the George’s, the 
 mouth of which is about 50 miles from that of the Pe- 
 nobscot, and some 30 miles from the Kennebec. Ac- 
 cordingly in August, 1858, I published an article in a 
 weekly paper published in Thomaston, taking the above 
 ground, and giving my reasons therefor.” 
 
 The 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 61 
 
 The favorable reception which the new theory re- 
 ceived, together with the urgent request of members of 
 the Maine Historical Society, led Mr. Prince to prepare 
 a paper, which was read before the Society at a meeting 
 held in Augusta, in January, 1859, and which after- 
 wards was published in the sixth volume of the Society’s 
 Collections. He also published, in i860, the pamphlet 
 from which the above citation is taken, in which he pre- 
 sented his views in connection with Rosier’s “ Relation,” 
 reprinted from Vol. VI 1 1 ., 3d Series, Mass. Hist. Soci- 
 ety’s Collections, and illustrated by a map of St. George’s 
 Harbor and River. 
 
 At a meeting of the Maine Historical Society in 
 June of the same year. Rev. David Cushman, of War- 
 ren, read a paper, in which he took the same position as 
 Mr. Prince. A part of this paper also appears in Maine 
 Hist. Society’s Collections, Vol, VI., pp. 293-318. 
 
 But the long controversy was not settled. Rev. 
 Edward Ballard, of Brunswick, prepared a paper for the 
 Memorial Volume, containing the proceedings at the 
 Popham Celebration, August 29, 1862, in which, pp. 301 
 -317, he aimed to identify the river which Waymouth 
 discovered with the Kennebec, and Pentecost Harbor 
 with Boothbay Harbor. 
 
 Eaton, in his History of Thomaston, published in 
 
 1865, 
 
62 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 1865, refers to Waymouth’s voyage, and says (Vol. i, p. 
 14): 
 
 “ Two days after [his arrival at Monhegan], begin 
 Whitsunday, Weymouth sailed two or three leagues 
 farther north among the ‘ islands more adjoining to the 
 main, and in the road directly with the mountains^^ and 
 entered ‘ a goodly Haven,’ which he named Pentecost 
 Harbor, now known as St. George’s Island Harbor/’ 
 
 The river which Way mouth discovered; in his opin- 
 ion, was the St. George’s River. 
 
 In his History of Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid, 
 published in 1873, Prof. Johnston (pp. 29-34) discusses 
 quite fully the points in dispute concerning Pentecost 
 Harbor and the river discovered by Waymouth. Hav- 
 ing presented the various theories, he says (p. 33): 
 
 “ The suggestion of Mr. Prince, that the George’s 
 river is the ‘true river of Weymouth ’ though still re- 
 jected by some, will probably, eventually, be accepted as 
 a satisfactory settlement of this long debated question. 
 Rosier’s description of Weymouth’s river applies well to 
 this; very much better certainly, than to any other on 
 the coast of New England.” 
 
 Samuel A. Drake, in his Nooks and Corners of the 
 New England Coast, published in 1875, has a chapter 
 
 on 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 63 
 
 on “ Monhegan Island.” Referring to Waymouth’s 
 anchorage north of Monhegan, he says (p, 105): 
 
 “ The main-land possessed greater attraction for 
 Weymouth. Thinking his anchorage insecure, he 
 brought his vessel the next day to the islands ‘ more ad- 
 joining to the main,’ and in the road directly with the 
 mountains, about three leagues from the island where 
 he had first anchored. 
 
 “ I read this description while standing on the deck 
 of the Katahdin, and found it to answer admirably the 
 conditions under which I then surveyed the land. We 
 were near enough to make out the varied features of a 
 long line of sea-coast stretching northward for many a 
 mile. There were St. George’s Islands, three leagues 
 distant, and more adjoining to the main. And there 
 were the Camden Mountains in the distance.”'*^ 
 
 Ex-Gov. J. L. Chamberlain, in his address delivered 
 at the Centennial Exposition, in Philadelphia, Nov. 4, 
 1876, referring to Waymouth’s voyage, says (p. 24): 
 
 “ In his superb ship the ‘ Archangel ’ he came to an- 
 chor under Monheean, whence he visited the mainland 
 
 45. In a note he says : “ A good 
 many arguments may be found in 
 the ‘ Collections of the Maine Histor- 
 ical Society,’ as to whether Wey- 
 mouth ascended the Penobscot or 
 
 and 
 
 the Kennebec. All assume Monbe- 
 gan to have been the first island seen. 
 This being conceded, the landmarks 
 given in the text follow, without 
 reasonable ground for controversy.” 
 
64 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 and explored what Strachey calls ‘ the excellent and 
 beneficial river of Sagadahoc,’ and afterwards it would 
 seem the regions of the Penobscot.” 
 
 Hon. Jos. Williamson, in his History of Belfast, (1877) 
 rejects the Kennebec theory. He says (p. 31, 32): 
 
 “ To any one familiar with the coast of Maine, it is 
 evident that this position cannot be sustained. The ab- 
 sence of the ‘ very high mountains,’ referred to by Ro- 
 sier, in the vicinity of that river, is alone sufficient to 
 negative it. Mr. McKeen contends that they were the 
 White Mountains, which are occasionally seen from 
 Monhegan. Yet, after going up the river and landing, 
 Waymouth’s party judged these mountains to be ‘with- 
 in a league of them.’ They are over twenty times that 
 distance removed. 
 
 “ Many of the indications noticed by Rosier are 
 irreconcilable with the Penobscot theory, and suggest 
 that Dr. Belknap and Capt. Williams found their con- 
 clusions on a misapprehension of the facts and localities. 
 So experienced a navigator as Capt. Waymouth could 
 hardly have mistaken Penobscot Bay, which is over ten 
 miles wide at Belfast Bay, for a river which beareth in 
 breadth a mile, some times three-quarters and half a mile 
 
 the narrowest The mountains, which were kept 
 
 constantly in sight, from the time of reaching Monhe- 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 65 
 
 gan, would have been left far astern, yet, after landing 
 in the ‘ codde of the river,’ they marched directly towards 
 them. There is wanting to Penob. Bay and River 
 the ‘ very gallant coves on both sides, every half mile.’ 
 . . . The fact that the river does not trend ‘ westward 
 into the main,’ but in an opposite direction, seems alone 
 to destroy the Penob. theory. 
 
 “ Perhaps the more satisfactory solution of this much 
 mooted question is that given by Capt. George Prince, 
 of Bath, who, in 1858, published the reasons for his con- 
 viction that the George’s River was the scene of Way- 
 mouth’s explorations.” 
 
 June 5, 1878, the Rev. B. F. DeCosta, D. D., of New 
 York, read a paper before the New England Historic- 
 Genealogical Society in Boston, on “ The Expeditions 
 of Weymouth and Popham, 1605-8.” Waymouth, he 
 said, 
 
 “ Upon his first exploration, visited the Kennebec, 
 going up the Sheepscot passage, as did Champlain in 
 1605, and Biencourt in 1 61 1, emerging through oppo- 
 site Bath, returning down the main stream, and ascend- 
 ing from its mouth to Boothbay. Afterward he went 
 down to the mouth again with his ship, and ascended 
 in the regular way to the neighborhood of Bath, com- 
 puting the distance at twenty-six miles. The account 
 
 of 
 
66 
 
 ROSTER’S RELATION. 
 
 of the voyage referred to the ‘ codde ’ of the river be- 
 yond the ship. This was Merrymeeting Bay, at the 
 eastern end of which he landed, and marched toward 
 the hills seen continually at their arrival on the coast, 
 and which, when at the bay, they judged to be close at 
 hand. The boat journey was extended up the Kenne- 
 bec, and upon returning in the ship, as was related in 
 the narrative, seven hours were required to reach the 
 mouth of the river. By those treating the subject in a 
 simple method, a perfectly harmonious result was ob- 
 tained, giving these slightly obscure phrases their proper 
 meaning, and changing the word ‘ westward,’ which had 
 been taken to refer to the Androscoggin, and was un- 
 doubtedly a clerical error to ‘ northward,’ and by throw- 
 ing out the White Mountains west of the Kennebec, 
 the arguments in favor of the Kennebec theory were 
 disembarrassed and had their full weight.”^^ 
 
 As many of the members of the Maine Idistorical 
 Society were not familiar with the localities mentioned 
 in the discussion of Waymouth’s discovery, the Field- 
 
 Day excursion, August 20-2 
 to give them an opportunity 
 
 46. This is a quotation from a re- 
 port of the paper in the Boston Daily 
 Advertiser of June 6, 1878. Dr. De 
 Costa, to whom I applied, was un- 
 
 >, 1879, was SO arranged as 
 of visiting Monhegan and 
 
 Boothbay, 
 
 able to furnish me with a copy of his 
 paper, but certified to the correctness 
 of the report as far as it went. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 67 
 
 Boothbay, and of exploring the passage to Bath by way 
 of the Sheepscot and the Sasanoa River. At a meeting 
 of the Society in May, 1881, R. K. Sewall, Esq., of Wis- 
 casset, read a report of this excursion, in which he reaf- 
 firmed the views he had already expressed in his “An- 
 cient Dominions of Maine.” Some of the members of 
 the Society, how'ever, who participated in the Field-Day 
 excursion of 1879 were unable to make the Kennebec 
 theory harmonize with Rosier’s narrative ; and the wish 
 was expressed by those who were familiar with St. 
 George’s Harbor and St. George’s River that the Soci- 
 ety should visit these waters for further investigations. 
 Such a visit was included in the Field-Day excursion 
 of September, 1881. The use of the Revenue Cutter 
 Dallas was secured through the courtesy of the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, and both the St. George’s River 
 and St. George’s Harbor were visited. A report of this 
 excursion was presented by the writer at the meeting of 
 the Society early in 1882, with the reasons that led him 
 to adopt the view that St. George’s Harbor is the Pen- 
 tecost Harbor of Rosier’s “Relation,” and that the river 
 which Waymouth discovered was the St. George’s River. 
 
 In the earlier editions of his History of the United 
 States, Bancroft, following Williamson and others, says 
 Waymouth “ ascended the west branch of the Penob- 
 scot 
 
68 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 scot beyond Belfast Bay.” But two letters to Hon. 
 Wm. Willis, of Portland, among the Willis manuscripts 
 (63 and 64 in Vol. A,) in the Public Library, Portland, 
 dated Oct. 21 and 22, 1857, show that at that time he 
 was re-studying the subject. In the new (1883) edition 
 of his History (Vol. i, pp. 81, 82,) he says, concerning 
 Waymouth’s discovery: 
 
 “Weighing anchor on Easter Sunday, 1605, on the 
 fourteenth of May he came near the whitish, sandy 
 promontory of Cape Cod. To escape the continual 
 shoals in which he found himself embayed, he stood out 
 to sea, then turned to the north, and on the seventeenth 
 anchored to the north of Monhegan Island, in sight of 
 hills to the nort-north-east on the main. On Whit- 
 Sunday he found his way among the St. George’s 
 Islands into an excellent harbor which was accessible by 
 four passages, defended from all winds, and had good 
 mooring upon a clay ooze, and even upon the rocks by 
 the cliff side. . . . Having in the last of May discovered 
 in his pinnace the broad, deep current of the St. 
 George’s, on the eleventh of June, Waymouth, with a 
 gentle wind, passed up with the ship into the river for 
 about eighteen miles, which were reckoned six and 
 twenty, and ‘ all consented in joy ’ to admire its width 
 of a half mile or a mile,” etc. 
 
 In 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 69 
 
 In the Magazine of American History (Vol. 9, p. 
 300,) in a notice of Mr. Bancroft’s revised first volume, 
 the Rev. B. F. De Costa, D. D., of New York, says 
 Bancroft makes Waymouth anchor ‘“in an excellent 
 harbor,’ among the St. George’s Islands, on the coast of 
 Maine, where there is no harbor, as all but blind men 
 visiting the coast may see. He afterwards sends Way- 
 mouth to explore a splendid river in a region where 
 there is so little water that fish can hardly swim.” 
 
 To this criticism, Mr. Bancroft replied (Magazine of 
 Am. History, Vol. 9, pp. 459, 460): 
 
 “As to the voyage of Waymouth in 1605, the ac- 
 count of its landfall and discoveries was revised after 
 the most careful inquiry. John Me Keen, of Brunswick, 
 Maine, proved beyond a doubt that the old theory, that 
 Waymouth entered the Penobscot, could not be main- 
 tained. George Prince, of Bath, confirmed by David 
 Cushman, of Warren, decided that the island which he 
 struck was Monhegan, that the group of islands among 
 which he passed was the St. George’s ; that the river 
 which he entered was the St. George’s. I have private 
 letters from Maine to the same effect ; but, to leave no 
 room for uncertainty, I went to my friend Mr. Bache, 
 then the chief of the Coast Survey, and he and the sur- 
 veyors specially employed by him in the survey of that 
 
 part 
 
70 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 part of the coast of Maine, explained to me that beyond 
 a doubt Waymouth touched at Monhegan Island, that 
 the mountains which he writes that he saw at the east- 
 north-east were the Camden mountains, that the islands 
 through which he passed were the St. George’s Islands, 
 that the river which he ascended was the river of St. 
 George. 
 
 “ The Magazine of April sets forth that I send Way- 
 mouth where there is no harbor. I have been again to 
 the Coast Survey, and asked if there are harbors in that 
 region, and the answer was ‘good harbors in abundance.’ 
 As to the depth of the river, which the Magazine repre- 
 sents as having so little water that fish can barely swim 
 in it, the Coast Survey chart tells the very different 
 story that there is a river of great uniform depth. Any 
 one who knows the coast of Maine, and reads the de- 
 cription of Waymouth [Rosier] with the charts of the 
 Coast Survey before him, will see that the case is clear 
 beyond a question.” 
 
 In a reply to Mr. Bancroft (Magazine of Am. His- 
 tory, Vol. lo, pp. 143-145), Dr. De Costa said: 
 
 “ A true interpretation of Waymouth ’s [Rosier’s] nar- 
 rative will carry the investigation to the Kennebec ; 
 while there is independent testimony which settles the 
 
 question 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 71 
 
 question beyond doubt. This testimony was not ad- 
 duced until long after Mr; Bancroft published his early 
 volumes. Originally it was supposed that the Penob- 
 scot was the river discovered. Belknap furnished a 
 captain in the revenue service with portions of Way- 
 mouth’s narrative, which he took with him to the main 
 coast, and after examination, reported that Waymouth 
 visited the Penobscot. In time the error was detected, 
 and the next river adopted was the St. George’s, which, 
 in turn, was abandoned by the majority of investiga 
 tors. Ultimately, however, the history of Strachey was 
 printed from the manuscript preserved in the British 
 Museum, and now we have the direct testimony of Way- 
 mouth’s cotemporary, who knew all the facts of the case, 
 and distinctly declares that Waymouth discovered the 
 Kennebec, then known as the ‘ benyficial river of Saga- 
 dahoc.’ Finally, a passage in the neglected works of 
 Champlain was pointed out confirming the statement of 
 Strachey, Champlain having entered the Kennebec only 
 nine days after Waymouth left the river, and there the 
 Frenchman heard of the five savages of the Kennebec 
 who were captured by the English explorer. The St. 
 George’s theory was framed and adopted before this 
 conclusive testimony of Strachey and Champlain had 
 come to light ; and if these facts had been known at the 
 
 outset 
 
72 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 outset there would never have been any wrong interpre- 
 tation of the narrative.”^^ 
 
 Rev. Henry O. Thayer, in a paper on the Popham 
 Colony, read before the Maine Historical Society Dec. 
 22, 1885, establishes “at the George’s Islands the Pente- 
 cost Harbor of the vexing voyage of Waymouth ; ” and 
 adds, “ This location of Pentecost Harbor cannot be 
 
 47. In this statement, to which 
 Mr. Bancroft made no reply, Dr. 
 De Costa has fallen into several 
 errors which this review of the liter- 
 ature of Waymouth ’s voyage enables 
 me to correct. When it was discov- 
 ered that the Penobscot theory was 
 untenable, the St. George’s was not 
 “ the next river adopted,” as Dr. De 
 Costa says, but the Kennebec, as the 
 citations already presented show. It 
 is difficult to imagine on what ground 
 Dr. De Costa states that the St. 
 George’s theory “ was abandoned by 
 the majority of investigators.” On 
 the contrary, it seems to have found 
 increasing favor, and the testimony 
 of the Portland Advertiser of Aug. 6, 
 1883, quoted in the Magazine of 
 American History, Vol. 10, p. 262, is 
 worthy of notice, as it refers to Dr. 
 De Costa’s reply to Mr. Bancroft. 
 Referring to the view of Mr. Ban- 
 croft that the St. George’s theory 
 best fulfills the conditions of the nar- 
 rative of the voyage, the Advertiser 
 
 successfully 
 
 says this “ is the conclusion of most 
 of the members of the Maine Histor- 
 ical Society after visiting the ground, 
 book in hand, and comparing the 
 two theories.” 
 
 As to Dr. De Costa’s statement 
 that “ the St. George’s theory was 
 framed and adopted before the con- 
 clusive testimony of Strachey and 
 Champlain had come to light,” an ex- 
 amination of the facts shows that so 
 far as Strachey is concerned this is^ 
 an error. Strachey’s narrative ap- 
 peared in the third volume of the 
 Maine Historical Society’s Collec- 
 tions, which was printed in 1853. 
 Prince read his paper before the 
 RIaine Historical Society in 1858, and 
 in his pamphlet published in 1860 he 
 refers to Strachey as “ the first to 
 mislead in this matter,” and devotes 
 a page to his statements. If the nar- 
 rative of Champlain’s Voyages had 
 been in Prince’s hands it would have 
 enabled him to strengthen his posi- 
 tion. 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 73 
 
 successfully assailed when there is fair dealing with 
 Rosier’s narrative.” 
 
 SUMMARY. 
 
 What facts does this survey of the literature of 
 Waymouth’s voyage suggest.? I submit the following; 
 
 I. In the three earliest records in which a reference 
 to Waymouth’s voyage is found, there are no indications 
 that Waymouth in his ship was west of Pemaquid. In 
 the narrative of Champlain’s voyages it is said that 
 when Champlain was in the Kennebec, Waymouth was 
 at an island which, from the description, is recognized 
 as Monhegan by all writers on the subject, so far as I 
 am aware. In the narrative of the Popham Colony, 
 found by Dr. De Costa in the library of Lambeth Pal- 
 ace, London, it is stated that a cross, set up by Way- 
 mouth as was supposed, was found on an island which 
 the colonists called St. George’s Island. De Costa and 
 others think the island was Monhegan, but statements 
 in the narrative, as already indicated, make this impossi- 
 ble, and point rather to one of the St. George’s Islands, 
 probably Allen’s Island. Capt. John Smith, who was 
 on the coast of Maine in 1614, and was well acquainted 
 
 with 
 
 10 
 
74 
 
 HOSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 with the Kennebec, refers to Way mouth without con- 
 necting him with that river, but simply states that Way- 
 mouth was at Pemaquid, which he says in another place 
 was opposite Monhegan. 
 
 2. Strachey, who never was on the coast of Maine, 
 but prepared his “ Historie ” with the Relations of 
 Rosier and Davies before him, was the first — writing, it 
 is believed, in i6i8 — to suggest that the river discovered 
 by Waymouth was the Kennebec. 
 
 3. Purchas, who published his “ Pilgrimmes,”in 1625, 
 in reproducing Rosier’s Relation, amends the narra- 
 tive by inserting the direction of the high mountains 
 toward which Waymouth went in passing up the river 
 he discovered. There was then no longer any reason, 
 as there was after Waymouth’s return to England, why 
 the direction should be withheld, and its insertion by 
 Purchas must have been with authority. Following the 
 direction indicated, Waymouth could have entered 
 neither the Kennebec nor the Penobscot, but must have 
 sailed up the George’s River. 
 
 4. Gorges, writing late in life, and who therefore 
 had long been familiar with matters pertaining to the 
 discovery and colonization of the country, mentions 
 Waymouth as happening “ into a river on the coast of 
 America, called Pemaquid.” 
 
 5. Hubbard 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 75 
 
 5. Hubbard, who was the next to refer to Way- 
 mouth’s voyage — he died in 1704 — says Waymouth dis- 
 covered a great river “ supposed to be Kennebecke neere 
 unto Pemaquid.” 
 
 6. Oidmixon, in a work published at the beginning 
 of the eighteenth century, and with a singular disregard 
 of the requirements of the “ Relation,” claimed that 
 Waymouth entered the Powhatan, now known as the 
 ■James River. Beverly, criticizing Oldmixon not long 
 after, affirmed in one part of his history that Waymouth 
 entered the Hudson River, and with a curious inconsis- 
 tency in another part, said that he entered the Connecti- 
 cut River ; while Stith, about the middle of the eighteenth 
 century, adding his guess, thought it might be the Con- 
 necticut or the Narragansett. 
 
 7. Prince, in his Chronological History of New 
 England, Boston, 1736, followed Strachey and Hubbard, 
 yet not with entire confidence. The river Waymouth 
 entered, he said, “ seems to be Sagadehock, and Sir F. 
 Gorges doubtless mistakes in calling it Pemaquid River.” 
 
 8. This lack of confidence Belknap shared in a 
 larger degree, and recognizing the importance of a care- 
 ful investigation, he secured in 1797 the aid of Capt. 
 Williams, of the U. S. Revenue Service, who proceeded 
 in his vessel to the coast of Maine, where from a study of 
 
 Rosie r’s 
 
76 
 
 ROSIER’S RELATION. 
 
 Rosier’s “ Relation,” as found in “ Purchas His Pilgrim- 
 mes,” he came to the conclusion that St. George’s Harbor 
 was Pentecost Harbor, and the Penobscot the river Way- 
 mouth discovered. This view was subsequently adopted 
 by Williamson and later writers down to the middle of 
 this century. 
 
 9. In 1857, John McKeen, in a paper read before 
 the Maine Historical Society, rejecting the Penobscot 
 theory as untenable, advocated the view that the Pente- 
 cost Harbor of Rosier’s narrative was Boothbay Harbor, 
 and that the river which Waymouth ascended was the 
 Kennebec, from which he passed into the Androscoggin. 
 
 10. George Prince, in a paper read before the Maine 
 Historical Society in 1859, presented objections to the 
 view advocated by Mr. McKeen, and insisted that Pen- 
 tecost Harbor was the present St. George’s Harbor, and 
 that the river which Waymouth discovered was the St. 
 George’s River. 
 
 1 1. This view was accepted by Rev. David Cushman 
 and others; also by officers of the United States Coast 
 Survey, who at the request of Mr. Bancroft gave special at- 
 tention to the subject, and was adopted by Mr. Bancroft 
 in the subsequent edition of his History of the United 
 States. 
 
 1 2. The Kennebec theory has retained a few earnest 
 
 advocates 
 
WAYMOUTH’S VOYAGE, 1605. 
 
 77 
 
 advocates to the present time ; but nothing is more evi- 
 dent than that the St. George’s theory is regarded by a 
 constantly increasing number as meeting far more satis- 
 factorily the requirements of the “ Relation.” 
 
A 
 
 TRVE RELATION 
 
 of the most prosperous voyage 
 
 made this present yeere 1605, 
 by Captaine George Waymouth, 
 in the Discouery of the land 
 of Virginia: 
 
 Where he discouered 60 miles vp 
 a most excellent Riuer; to- 
 gether with a most 
 fertile land. 
 
 Written by James Rosier, 
 a Gentleman employed 
 in the voyage. 
 
 w 
 
 
 LONDONI 
 Impensis Geor. Bishop. 
 1605. 
 
I 
 
Vindyafc,pa.ant« KtcheJ ty C.E.B 
 
 THOMAS ARUNDEL, 
 
 BARON OF WARDOUR, 
 
 OBIT 1639. 
 
1 . 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 KING employed in this Voyage by the right 
 honourable Thomas Arundelb* Baron of War- 
 der, to take due notice, and make true report 
 of the discouery therein performed : I became very dil- 
 igent to obserue (as much as I could) whatsoeuer was 
 materiall or of consequence in the businesse which I 
 collected into this briefe summe, intending upon our 
 returne to publish the same. But he soone changed the 
 course of his intendments ; and long before our arriuall 
 in England had so farre engaged himselfe with the 
 Archduke,"*^ that he was constrained to relinquish this 
 
 action. 
 
 48. Thomas Aruudell was elevated 
 to the peerage May 4, 1605, on the 
 occasion of the christening of Mary, 
 third daughter of James I., the first 
 princess of the new dynasty born in 
 England. In honor of that event, 
 11 
 
 many peers were raised to higher 
 rank, and numbers of knights were 
 created barons. 
 
 49. The reference is to the Arch- 
 duke Albert, a son of Maximilian II. 
 and a brother of the Emperor Rudolph 
 
82 
 
 TO THE READER. 
 
 action. But the commodities and profits of the countrey, 
 together with the fitnesse of plantation, being by some 
 honourable Gentlemen of good woorth and qualitie, and 
 Merchants^” of good sufficiency and judgment duly con- 
 sidered, haue at their owne charge (intending both their 
 priuate and the common benefit of their countrey) vnder- 
 taken the transporting of a Colony for the plantation 
 thereof being much encouraged thereunto by the 
 
 gracious 
 
 II. He had been Archbishop of Tole- 
 do, but had resigned his spiritual of- 
 fice, and was now ruling the Nether- 
 lands, of which he was made Governor 
 in 1596. He married the Infanta Isa- 
 bella Anne in 1599. Under date of 
 1605, in his History of the United 
 Netherlands, (Vol. 4, p. 228) Motley 
 says, “ Considerable levies of troops 
 were made in England by the Arch- 
 duke.” In August, 1605, Arundell 
 was appointed Colonel of one of the 
 English Regiments thus raised, and in 
 disguise crossed over to Holland 
 against the will of King James, who 
 was highly displeased and ordered 
 him to be recalled. Winwood’s State 
 papers ii, 59, iil, 144. As Governor of 
 the Netherland.s Albert was so well 
 known in England that it was not 
 necessary for Rosier to designate him 
 otherwise than as “ the Archduke.” 
 
 50. The credit of this expedition 
 has been given by some writers to 
 the Muscovia and Turkey Companies. 
 
 This is an error. Waymouth him- 
 self, strangely enough, was the first 
 to put this error on record. It has 
 recently been shown that the East 
 India Fellowship offered to share the 
 enterprise with the Muscovia Com- 
 pany on equal terms. The latter, 
 however, claimed the sole right and 
 privilege of navigating the northern 
 seas and declined the offer. The 
 East India Fellowship appealed to 
 the Privy Council, and later the Mus- 
 covia Company receded from its po- 
 sition and offered to unite with the 
 East India Fellowship in fitting out 
 the expedition ; but the offer was not 
 accepted. See Hakluyt Society’s 
 “Voyages toward the North-west,” 
 pp. 51-55. 
 
 51. Prominent among them were 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Sir John 
 Popham, Lord Chief Justice of Eng- 
 land. Sir Ferdinando, in August of 
 the following year, fitted out a vessel, 
 under the command of Henry Chal. 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 83 
 
 gracious fauour of the Kings Maiesty himselfe, and 
 diuers Lords of his Highnesse most Honourable Priuie 
 Councell. After these purposed designes were con- 
 cluded, I was animated to publish this briefe Relation, 
 and not before ; because some forrein Nation (being 
 fully assured of the fruitfulnesse of the countrie) haue 
 
 hoped 
 
 long, to whom were assigned two of 
 the natives brought over by Way- 
 mouth. Challong was instructed to 
 keep a northerly course to Cape 
 Breton, and then to follow the coast 
 southward “ till they found by the 
 natives they were near the place they 
 were assigned to.” But the Captain 
 was taken sick not long after leaving 
 port, and the ship’s course was then 
 shaped for the West Indies. There, 
 says Gorges, the vessel was captured 
 by a Spanish fleet from Havana, 
 “ and carried into Spain, where their 
 ship and goods were conflscated, 
 themselves made prisoners, the voy- 
 age overthrown, and both of my na- 
 tives lost.” Not long after Challong’s 
 departure, Sir John Popham sent out 
 another vessel, of which Thomas 
 Hanham was commander and Mar- 
 tin Pring, of Bristol, who had been on 
 the coast of Massachusetts, in 1603, 
 was master. They were to second 
 Challong in the proposed discovery. 
 At least one of the Indians brought 
 to England by Waymouth accom- 
 panied the expedition. Gorges’ in- 
 
 structions were followed, and the 
 vessel arrived safely at the designated 
 locality. Not flnding Challong, they 
 made “ a perfect discovery of all 
 those rivers and harbors ” to which 
 their attention had been directed by 
 Gorges, and then returned to Eng- 
 land. Their’s, says Gorges (Maine 
 Hist. Society’s Collections, Vol. 2, p. 
 19), was “the most exact discovery 
 of that coast that ever came to my 
 hands ” ; and the report brought 
 back by them made such an impres- 
 sion on Sir John Popham, Gorges 
 and their associates, that the Popham 
 Colony was sent out in the following 
 year. The Plymouth Company, in 
 a relation published subsequently, 
 say of this report : “ Upon whose re- 
 lations afterwards, the lord chief jus- 
 tice and we all waxed so confldent of 
 the business, that the year following 
 every man of any worth, formerly 
 interested in it, was willing to join in 
 the charge for the sending over a 
 competent number of people to lay 
 the ground of a hopeful plantation.’ 
 
84 
 
 TO THE READER. 
 
 hoped hereby to gaine some knowledge of the place, 
 seeing they could not allure our Captaine or any speciall 
 man of our Company to combine with them for their 
 direction, nor obtaine their purpose, in conueying away 
 our Saluages, which was busily in practise. And this 
 is the cause that I haue neither written of the latitude 
 or variation most exactly obserued by our Captaine with 
 sundrie instruments, which together with his perfect 
 Geographical! Map of the countrey, he entendeth here- 
 after to set forth. I haue likewise purposedly omitted 
 here to adde a collection of many words in their lan- 
 guage to the number of foure or fiue hundred, as also 
 the names of diuers of their gouernours, as well their 
 friends as their enemies : being reserued to be made 
 knowen for the benefit of those that shal goe in the 
 next Voyage. But our particular proceedings in the 
 whole Discouerie, the commodious situation of the 
 Riuer, the fertilise of the land, with the profits there to 
 be had, and here reported, I refer to be uerified by the 
 whole Company, as being eye-witnesses of my words, 
 and most of them neere inhabitants upon the Thames. 
 So with my prayers to God for the conuersion of so in- 
 genious and well-disposed people, and for the prosperous 
 successive euents of the noble intenders the prosecution 
 thereof, I rest 
 
 ^ I 
 
 Your friend 
 
 I. R. 
 
A TRUE RELATION 
 
 of Captaine George Waymouth his Voyage, made this 
 present yeere 1605 ; in the Discouerie of the 
 North part of Virginia. 
 
 PON Tuesday the 5 day of March, about ten a 
 clocke afore noone, we set saile from Rat- 
 cliffe,^^ and came to an anker that tide about 
 two a clocke before Grauesend.” 
 
 From thence the 10 of March being Sunday at night 
 
 62. Katcliffe was a hamlet on the 
 Thames, east of London, in the par- 
 ish of Stepney, and was inhabited 
 principally by sea-faring men. Rat- 
 cliffe Highway, which connected the 
 village with the metropolis, was the 
 Regent Street of London sailors, who, 
 according to an old authority, never 
 extended their walks beyond this 
 semi-marine region. It is said by 
 some to have derived its name from 
 the red cliff, or bank of the river 
 
 we 
 
 Thames, at this point. Others, more 
 correctly perhaps, connect the name 
 with the manor of Ratcliffe in the 
 parish of Stepney. 
 
 5.3. Gravesend is thirty miles be 
 low London on the Thames. It oc- 
 curs in Doomsday Book as Grave- 
 sham. It was burned by the French 
 in 1377. In 1573 it obtained a char- 
 ter of incorporation from Queen Eliz- 
 abeth. 
 
86 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 we ankered in the Dounes:^'^ and there rode til the 
 next day about three a clocke after noone, when with a 
 scant winde we set saile ; and by reason the winde con- 
 tinued Southwardly, we were beaten vp and doune : but 
 on Saturday the i6 day about foure a clocke after noon 
 we put into Dartmouth Hauen,” where the continuance 
 of the winde at South & Southwest constrained vs to 
 ride till the last of this moneth. There we shipped 
 some of our men and supplied necessaries for our Ship 
 and Voyage. 
 
 vpon Easter Upon Easter day, beine the last of March, the 
 
 day we put to ^ ^ •' ^ 
 
 sea. winde comming at North, North East, about fine a 
 
 clocke after noone we wayed anker, and put to sea. In 
 the name of God, being well victualled and furnished 
 
 Our Comnie 29 with munition and all necessaries : Our whole Company 
 
 persons. ^ •' 
 
 being but 29 persons ; of whom I may boldly say few 
 voyages have been manned forth with better Sea-men 
 generally in respect of our small number. 
 
 Munday the next day, being the first of Aprill, by 
 
 sixe 
 
 64. A body of water north of Do- 
 ver between Goodwin Sands and the 
 main land. 
 
 65. Dartmouth is an ancient sea- 
 port of England, 31 miles S. of Exe- 
 ter, and 229 miles S. W. of London. 
 It is a small town, but once occupied 
 
 an important place in the history of 
 England. It was the rendezvous of 
 the Crusaders’ fleet in 1190, and in 
 1346-47 contributed 31 ships in the 
 siege of Calais under Edward III. 
 Several expeditions to the new world 
 sailed from its harbor. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 87 
 
 sixe a clocke in the morning we were sixe leagues South- 
 South-East from the Lizarde.^^ 
 
 At two a clocke in the afternoone this day, the sounding, 
 weather being very faire, our Captaine for his owne ex- 
 perience and others with him sounded, and had five and 
 fiftie fathoms and a halfe. The sounding was some 
 small blacke perrie sand,^^ some reddish sand, a match 
 or two, with small shels called Saint James his Shels.^® 
 
 66. The most southern promon- 
 tory of England, 24 miles S. E. of the 
 Land’s End. Here are now two 
 lofty light-houses. 
 
 57. This should doubtless read 
 “ blacke ferric sand.” This is sand 
 mingled with grains of magnetic iron 
 ore, whicli make it black. Such sand 
 is found in many localities, as e. g., 
 on one of the islands in Moosehead 
 Lake. 
 
 58. For the following note, I am 
 indebted to the late Prof. Charles E. 
 Hamlin, of Cambridge, Mass. : “ In 
 the Middle Ages, pilgrims to the Holy 
 Sepulchre at Jerusalem, returning, 
 wore upon their hats or breasts, as 
 proof that the pilgrimage had been 
 accomplished, the shell of a cockle 
 (Cardium), or of one of two kinds of 
 scallop {Pecten ), — indigenous to the 
 Mediterranean. These were undoubt- 
 edly chosen as being both conspicu- 
 ous and ornamental. The favorite 
 was one of the scallops, of which 
 
 The 
 
 more anon. The association of the 
 name of St. James with the scallop 
 owes its origin to a Spanish legend, 
 of which the following is the sub- 
 stance: St. James, Patron of all 
 Spain, if Catholic accounts may be 
 trusted, has rested for nine hundred 
 years in the Metropolitan church of 
 Compostella (in full, Santiago de 
 Compostella, i. e. Saint Jago or Saint 
 James of Compostella), formerly 
 capital of the province of Galicia. 
 The legend has it that when the body 
 of the saint was being miraculously 
 conveyed in a ship without sails or 
 oars, from Joppa to Galicia, it passed 
 the village of Bonzas, on the coast of 
 Portugal, on the day that a marriage 
 had been celebrated there. The 
 bridegroom and his friends were 
 amusing themselves on horseback 
 upon the sands, when his horse be- 
 came unmanageable and plunged into 
 the sea; whereupon the miraculous 
 ship stopped in its voyage, and pres- 
 
88 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 The foureteenth of Apdll being Sunday, betweene 
 nine and ten of the clocke in the morning our Captaine 
 
 descried 
 
 ently the bridegroom emerged, horse 
 and man, close beside it. A conver- 
 sation ensued between the knight 
 and the saint’s disciples on board, in 
 which they apprized him that it was 
 the saint who saved him from a 
 watery grave, and explained to him 
 the Christian religion. He believed 
 and was baptized then and there, 
 and immediately the ship resumed 
 its voyage ; while the knight came 
 galloping back over the sea to rejoin 
 his astonished friends. He told them 
 all that had happened, and they, too, 
 were converted, and the knight bap- 
 tized his bride with his own hand. 
 Now when the knight emerged from 
 the sea, both his dress and the trap- 
 pings of his horse were covered with 
 scallop shells ; and, therefore, the 
 Galicians took the scallop shell as 
 the sign of St. James. The favorite 
 pilgrim badge was one of two kinds 
 of Mediterranean Pecten. That 
 which Linnaeus connected with the 
 legend of St. James, by giving to it 
 the specific name Jacobceus [Pecten 
 Jacobceus), is not found in the Eng- 
 lish Channel, where the St. James’ 
 shells were found by Way mouth. 
 The other species, Pecten opercularis, 
 smaller and less striking than the 
 former, but yet beautiful, occurs in 
 
 the Mediterranean, on the Atlantic 
 coast of Spain and Portugal and in 
 the English Channel. So that while 
 Linnaeus, in the name Jacobceus, 
 points to the scallop oftenest chosen 
 for the badge of pilgrimage, as being 
 the original St. James’ shell, the 
 Spanish legend probably refers to 
 Pecten opercularis. This is, how- 
 ever, immaterial, for no doubt the 
 saint’s name was in time bestowed 
 upon all European species of scallop. 
 Perfect specimens of any Pecten are 
 beautiful objects, and have always 
 been popular favorites. Some Roman 
 and Pompeian sculptures bear the 
 scallop shell, as do stone and leaden 
 coffins of the Roman period, which 
 have been dug up in England. And 
 curiously enough, one writer states 
 that Japanese pilgrims to the often 
 pictured cone of Fusiyama wear upon 
 the sleeve scallop shells as their 
 badge. Our own New England Pec- 
 ten irradians, Lamarck (the Pecten 
 concentricus of Say), found abun- 
 dantly at New Bedford and in Narra- 
 gansett Bay, is much used in making 
 pin-cushions and other ornamental 
 work. A pretty species from the 
 East Indies is often mounted for 
 scarf-pins.” 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 89 
 
 descried the Hand Cuerno which bare South-West and 
 by West, about seuen leagues from vs : by eleuen of the 
 clocke we descried Flores^° to the Southward of Cuerno, 
 as it lieth : by foure a clocke in the afternoone we 
 brought Cuerno, due South from vs within two leagues 
 of the shore, but we touched not, because the winde was 
 faire, and we thought our selues sufficiently watered and 
 wooded. 
 
 We fell with 
 the Ilauds of 
 Azores. 
 
 Heere our Captaine obserued the Sunne, and found 
 himselfe in the latitude of 40 degrees and 7 minutes : so 
 he judged the North part of Cuerno to be in 40 degrees. 
 After we had kept our course about a hundred leagues 
 from the Hands, by continual! Southerly windes we were 
 forced and driuen from the Southward, whither we first 
 intended. And when our Captaine by long beating saw 
 it was but in vaine to striue with windes, not knowing 
 Gods purposes heerein to our further blessing, (which 
 after by his especiall direction wee found) he thought 
 best to stand as nigh as he could by the winde to re- 
 couer what land we might first discouer. 
 
 Munday, the 6 of May, being in the latitude of 39 
 and a halfe about ten a clocke afore noone, we came to 
 
 a riplin, 
 
 59 . A small island, now Corvo, 
 belonging to the Azores. Its present 
 population is 1,000. 
 
 60. Another of the Azores group. 
 
 12 
 
 It derives its name from the abund- 
 ance of flowers that And shelter in its 
 deep ravines. The present popula- 
 tion is 10,508. 
 
90 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 a riplin,^' which we discerned a head our ship, which is 
 a breach of water caused either by a fall, or by some 
 meeting of currents, which we judged this to be ; for 
 the weather being very faire, and a small gale of winde, 
 we sounded and found no ground in a hundred fathoms. 
 
 Munday, the 13 of May, about eleuen a clocke afore 
 noone, our Captaine, judging we were not farre from 
 land, sounded, and had a soft oaze in a hundred and 
 sixty fathomes. At fowre a clocke after noone we 
 sounded againe, and had the same oaze in a hundred 
 fathoms. 
 
 From ten a clocke that night till three a clocke in 
 the morning, our Captaine tooke in all sailes and lay at 
 hull, being desirous to fall with the land in the day time, 
 because it was an unknowen coast, which it pleased God 
 
 61. In 1877, the Superintendent of 
 the U. S. Coast Survey directed Mas- 
 ter Platt, U. S. N., to make a series of 
 close observations on the direction 
 and velocity of the currents between 
 Nantucket Shoals and Cape Sable. 
 In his report Master Platt refers 
 to strong and well-marked tide-rips, 
 which were noticed during the 
 strength of the flood and ebb, and 
 are described as looking like break- 
 ers in shoal water. He says : “ When 
 Latitude 42° N., Longitude 66° 30' W., 
 we saw what looked like shoal water 
 or breakers ahead, but on sounding 
 
 in his 
 
 found one hundred and seventeen 
 fathoms. We drifted along with the 
 current until we came among these 
 apparent breakers, and found them to 
 be caused by a very heavy tide-rip. 
 The sea was so high and ‘ cramming,’ 
 that we were obliged to reduce sail, 
 three-reef the mainsail, and haul the 
 boom well out to save our mainmast. 
 These heavy tide-rips are nearly al- 
 ways well marked, and a stranger 
 coming among them, especially at 
 night, would be apt to be very much 
 alarmed.” Atlantic Local Coast Pi- 
 lot, Sub-Division 3, Appendix, p. 11. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 91 
 
 in his mercy to grant vs, otherwise we had run our ship 
 vpon the hidden rockes ’ and perished all. For when 
 we set saile we sounded in 100 fathoms: and by eight 
 a clock, hauing not made aboue fine or six leagues, our 
 Captaine vpon a sudden change of water (supposing 
 verily he saw the sand) presently sounded, and had but 
 fiue fathoms. Much maruelling because we saw no 
 land, he sent one to the top, who thence descried a 
 whitish sandy cliffe,^^ which bare West-North- West 
 about six leagues off from vs : but comming neerer 
 within three or fowre leagues, we saw many breaches 
 still neerer the land : at last we espied a great breach a 
 head vs al along the shore, into which before we should 
 
 62. Sighting Sankaty Head, a 
 steep sandy cliff on the eastern ex- 
 tremity of Nantucket, and the most 
 remarkable feature of the eastern 
 shore of the island. Way mouth ap- 
 proached the Great Rip, and ran on 
 to Rose and Crown Shoal. Two 
 fathom spots near the southern part 
 of the Rose and Crown are found 
 upon the Coast Survey chart, eleven 
 nautical miles E. by S. % S. from 
 Sankaty Head Light, in Latitude 41® 
 163^'. Vide a communication by 
 Henry Mitchel in the Nantucket En- 
 quirer of June 22, 1882. Capt. John 
 F. Williams, who, in 1797, at the re- 
 quest of Jeremy Belknap, made a 
 study of Rosier’s Relation, says 
 
 enter, 
 
 (American Biography, Hubbard’s Ed., 
 Vol. 2, p. 249), “The first land Capt 
 Waymouth saw, a whitish sandy cliff 
 W. N. W. six leagues, must have been 
 Sankaty Head.” In the Coast Sur- 
 vey Pilot from Boston to New York, 
 p. 82, occurs the following: “Nan. 
 tucket Island is surrounded by shoals, 
 those especially which lie to the east- 
 ward of it making it one of the most 
 dreaded parts of the coast. These 
 shifting sandy shores, which extend 
 in a south-easterly direction from the 
 south-eastern end of the island, have 
 various depths upon them, ranging 
 from six feet to four fathoms, and 
 change their positions more or less 
 after every heavy gale.” 
 
92 
 
 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 enter, our Captaine thought best to hoist out his ship 
 boate and sound it. Which if he had not done, we had 
 beene in great danger : for he bare vp the ship, as neere 
 as he durst after the boate : vntill Thomas Cam, his 
 mate, being in the boat, called to him to tacke about & 
 stand off, for in this breach he had very showld water, 
 two fathoms and lesse vpon rockes, and sometime they 
 supposed they saw the rocke within three or fowre foote, 
 whereon the sea made a very strong breach : which we 
 might discerne (from the top) to run along as we sailed 
 by it 6 or 7 leagues to the Southward. This was in 
 the latitude of 41 degrees, 20 minuts: wherefore we 
 were constrained to put backe againe from the land : 
 and sounding, (the weather being very faire and a small 
 winde) we found our selues embaied with continuall 
 showldes and rockes in a most uncertaine ground, from 
 hue or sixe fathoms, at the next cast of the lead we 
 should haue 15 & 18 fathoms. Ouer many which we 
 passed, and God so blessed vs, that we had wind and 
 weather as faire as poore men in this distresse could 
 wish : whereby we both perfectly discerned euery 
 breach, and with the winde were able to turne, where 
 we saw most hope of safest passage. Thus we parted 
 from the land, which we had not so much before desired, 
 and at the first sight rejoiced, as now we all joifully 
 
 praised 
 
t 
 
 NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 93 
 
 praised God, that it had pleased him to deiiuer vs from 
 so imminent danger. 
 
 Heere we found great store of excellent Cod fish, 
 and saw many Whales, as we had done two or three 
 dales before. 
 
 We stood off all that night, and the next day being 
 Wednesday; but the wind still continuing between the 
 points of South-South-West, and West-South-West: so 
 as we could not make any way to the Southward, in re- 
 gard of our great want of water and wood (which was 
 now spent) we much desired land and therefore sought 
 for it, where the wind would best suffer vs to refresh our 
 selues. 
 
 Thursday, the 16 of May, we stood in directly with 
 the land, and much maruelled we descried it not, where- 
 in we found our sea charts very false, putting land where 
 none is. 
 
 Friday the 17 of May, about sixe a clocke at night 
 we descried the land, which bare from vs North-North- 
 East ; but because it blew a great gale of winde, the sea 
 very high and neere night, not fit to come vpon an vn- 
 knowen coast, we stood off till two a clocke in the morn- 
 ing, being Saturday : then standing in with it againe, 
 we descried it by eight a clocke in the morning, bearing 
 North-East from vs. It appeared a meane high land. 
 
 as 
 
94 
 
 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 as we after found it, being but an Iland^^ of some six 
 miles in compasse, but I hope the most fortunate euer 
 yet discoured. About twelve a clocke that day, we came 
 to an anker on the North side of this Hand, about a 
 league from the shore. About two a clocke our Cap- 
 taine with twelue men rowed in his ship boat to the 
 shore, where we made no long stay, but laded our boat 
 with dry wood of olde trees vpon the shore side, and re- 
 turned to our ship, where we rode that night. 
 
 This 
 
 63. The island was Monhegan, the 
 most prominent landmark in ap- 
 proaching the coast. According to the 
 Atlantic Coast Pilot, it is situated in 
 Latitude 43° 46' N., and in Longitude 
 69° 18' W., and is distant from Thatch- 
 er’s Island (Cape Ann) about 84 
 miles in a N. E. % 3^- course ; from 
 Seguin 19 miles on an E. course, and 
 from Matinicus Light-houses about 
 20 miles on a W. by N. course. The 
 island “ lies N. E. and S. W. and is a 
 mile and a half long, high, with 
 steeply sloping shores, and quite bold 
 to. Its northeastern end, called 
 Green Point, is high and wooded; 
 and a little to the southward of this, 
 on the eastern face of the island, is a 
 bluff, precipitous head, called Black 
 Head. Thence the surface gradually 
 descends towards the southwestern 
 end, which is low and thickly wood- 
 ed, and is known as Lobster Point.” 
 The lighthouse, a grey stone tower 
 
 36 feet high, is about in the middle 
 of the island, on a summit 140 ft. 
 high, and is visible from a vessel’s 
 deck, on a clear night, 19 miles. 
 Close in with the western shore of 
 the island, about 200 yards off, is a 
 small island, bare of all vegetation 
 except grass, called Manana Island. 
 Between the northern end of Manana 
 and the western face of Monhegan 
 are two bare islets, which form, with 
 Manana and Monhegan, a small har- 
 bor of refuge, called Monhegan Har- 
 bor. Vide Atlantic Coast Pilot, Sub- 
 Div. 4, pp. 302, 303. Capt. John 
 Smith, who, in April, 1614, was at 
 Monhegan, says: (Description of 
 New England, p. 16, Force, Historical 
 Tracts, Vol. 2, fVeazie Eeprint, p. 
 46,) “ Monhegan is a rounde high 
 ile ; and close by it Monanis, betwixt 
 which is a small harbor where we 
 ride.” 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 95 
 
 This Hand is woody, grouen with Firre, Birch, Oke 
 and Beech, as farre as we saw along the shore; and so 
 likely to be within. On the verge grow Gooseberries, 
 Strawberries, Wild pease, and Wild rose bushes. The 
 water issued forth down the Rocky cliffes in many 
 places : and much fowle of diuers kinds breed vpon the 
 shore and rocks. 
 
 While we were at shore, our men aboord with a 
 few hooks got aboue thirty great Cods and Hadocks, 
 which gaue vs a taste of the great plenty of fish which we 
 found afterward wheresoeuer we went vpon the coast.^'* 
 
 From hence®^ we might discerne the maine land 
 from the West-South-West to the East-North-East, and 
 a great way (as it then seemed, and as we after found it) 
 
 64. “The coast aboundeth 2 with 
 such multitudes of Codd, that the in- 
 habitants of New England doe dunge 
 their grounds with Codd ; and it is a 
 commodity better than the golden 
 mines of the Spanish Indies.” New 
 English Canaan, p. 59, Force, Histor- 
 ical Tracts, Vol. 2. “ The abundance 
 of Sea-Fish are almost beyond beleeu- 
 ing, and sure I should scarce haue 
 beleeved it except I had seen it with 
 mine own Eyes." New England’s 
 Plantation, p. 8, Force, Historical 
 Tracts, Vol. 1. 
 
 65. It has been claimed that by 
 these words Hosier means from Mon- 
 
 vp 
 
 began ; but as he has just referred to 
 the return of the boat to the anchor- 
 age of the Archangel, and to the oc- 
 cupation of the sailors while the par- 
 ty were ashore, it seems most nat- 
 ural to suppose that he means from 
 the position of the ship, a league 
 north of the island. 
 
 66. These words are held by some 
 to mean “ barely see ” ; but the same 
 words occur in the former part of 
 the sentence where they certainly 
 cannot have this meaning, and it is 
 fair to infer that they have the same 
 signification in the two places. 
 
96 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 vp into the maine we might discerne^^ very high moun- 
 taines,^^ though the maine seemed but low land ; which 
 
 67. Capt. Williams, of tliej U. S. 
 Eevenue Service, who, in 1797, at the 
 request of Dr. Belknap, examined the 
 coast of Maine with reference to 
 Waymouth’s discoveries, identified 
 these mountains with what he calls 
 the “Penobscot Mountains,” meaning 
 what are now known as the Camden 
 Mountains. This was the accepted 
 view until John McKeen (Coll. Me. 
 Hist. Society, Vol. 5, pp. 313, 314) ad- 
 vanced the opinion that they were 
 the White and Blue Mountains. He 
 says ; “ It was this day probably 
 clear, and the White and Blue Moun- 
 tains in Maine and New Hampshire 
 were visible and might have been 
 seen thirty miles further to the east- 
 ward, as we are informed by the dec- 
 larations of old mariners.” No other 
 writer, so far as I am aware, has re- 
 ferred to the Blue Mountains in this 
 connection. E. K. Sewall (Ancient 
 Dominions, p. 59), adopted the view 
 that the high mountains seen by 
 Waymouth were the White Moun- 
 tains. He says : “ The text implies a 
 distant inland prospect of mountain 
 views, as landmarks, which ‘ might ’ 
 be discerned from the anchorage, un- 
 der what is conceded to be Monhegan 
 Island, though it is not positive that 
 they could be fully seen, as they were 
 only discerned, whichimplies dimness. 
 
 gaue 
 
 as well as distance, of vision ; and the 
 White Mountains, showing in their 
 magnificent outlines, terminating the 
 view in the horizon of the distant 
 west, along the valley of the Andros- 
 coggin, would seem to answer the 
 object of the narrator as well as the 
 description he gives, which was, so to 
 shade the locality of the exploration 
 and discoveries as to lead foreign 
 voyagers, who might follow, astray.” 
 Dr. Edward Ballard (Popham Memo- 
 rial Volume, p. 303) adopted the same 
 view, and it is still held by some 
 others. But William Willis (Coll. 
 Me. Hist. Society, Vol. 5, p. 346) ad- 
 hered to the earlier view advanced 
 by Capt. Williams. He says: “We 
 place ourselves by the side of the an- 
 cient mariner, Waymouth, as he lies 
 in the ‘ Gift of God ' [the Archangel] 
 on the northern shore of Monhegan, 
 and ; before us ‘ descerne the mayne 
 land and very high mountains.’ The 
 land surely can be no other than the 
 shore from Pemaquid to Owl’s Head, 
 and the mountains the Camden and 
 other heights bordering the Penob- 
 scot Bay, which now, as then, lift 
 their lofty heads in silent, solemn 
 grandeur before us. The White 
 Mountains lie far to the west, more 
 than 120 miles distant, and can only 
 be seen under favorable circum- 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 97 
 
 gaue vs a hope it would please God to direct vs to the 
 discouerie of some good ; although wee were driuen by 
 
 winds 
 
 stances.” Prince took the same view 
 (Coll. Me. Hist. Society, Vol. 6, p. 294, 
 He says : “ If we place ourselves 
 near Monhegan in clear weather, we 
 shall be at no loss to discover that 
 the ‘ very high mountains’ referred 
 to are no other than the Camden and 
 Union Mountains, which show their 
 lofty heads far inland. . . . They are 
 the only conspicuous heights along 
 the coast, and a noted landmark 
 for mariners approaching the land, 
 being visible long before the main 
 land comes into view.” Eev. David 
 Cushman (Coll. Me. Hist. Society, 
 Vol. 6, pp. 309, 310), Johnston (His- 
 tory of Bristol and Bremen, p. 31), 
 Bancroft (History of the United 
 States, Eevised Ed., Vol. 1, pp. 81, 82,) 
 and others adopt the same view. It 
 seems to me the only view that is 
 tenable. The White Mountains can 
 be seen from Monhegan only in the 
 very clearest weather, and therefore 
 only occasionally. Capt. Deering, 
 who in the steamer Lewiston for 
 many years has sailed along the coast 
 of Maine, between Portland and Ma- 
 chias, says he has never seen Mt. 
 Washington from the waters north of 
 Monhegan. Capt. Denison of the 
 steamer City of Eichmond, who also 
 has had a long experience on the coast 
 of Maine, bears the same testimony. 
 It is not denied that in very clear 
 13 
 
 weather Mt. Washington can be seen 
 from Monhegan, and on rarest occa- 
 sions from the waters between Mon- 
 hegan and the George’s Islands. I 
 spent a few days on Monhegan in 
 August, 1885. The days went by but 
 Mt. Washington was not visible. In 
 the night of the 14th there was an 
 aurora, and the wind, that had been 
 to the southward for two days, blew 
 very fresh from the northward early 
 the next morning. The sky was 
 without a cloud, and thinking that if 
 ever I was to see Mt. Washington 
 from Monhegan the time had come, 
 I rose about four o’clock and walked 
 over to the northern part of the Is- 
 land near the school house. The 
 Camden Mountains were clearly and 
 sharply defined against the horizon, 
 “a great way vp into the maine.” 
 But scanning carefully the horizon to 
 the west, I failed to discern the White 
 Mountains. A fisherman, whom I 
 met, told me they could be seen only 
 at sunset : at least, he had never seen 
 them at any other time. ' About half 
 past six o’clock, Mr. Humphrey, the 
 assistant light-keeper, who knew I 
 had visited Monhegan for the purpose 
 of obtaining a view of the White 
 Mountains from that point, informed 
 me that Mt. Washington had been 
 visible all the morning. With Mr. G. 
 N. Faught, of Boston, I at once ac- 
 
98 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 winds farre from that place, whither (both by our direc- 
 tion and desire) we euer intended to shape the course of 
 our voyage. The 
 
 companied Mr. Humphrey to the 
 summit of the hill on which the light 
 house stands. We halted at the en- 
 trance of the light house enclosure, 
 and Mr. Faught and myself scanned 
 the horizon to the west and north- 
 west; but neither of us saw Mt. 
 Washington until its exact position 
 was indicated by Mr. Humphrey. 
 Then we saw a faint blue mountain 
 summit a little to the westward of 
 Pemaquid Point light house. ' Hold- 
 ing it in view we descended the slope 
 in order to note the point at which it 
 was lost to sight. Just below the 
 school-house, ' and about sixty feet 
 from the ocean level 'as I estimated, 
 the mountain disappeared. It was at 
 this point that Capt. Charles Ed- 
 wards, of the U. S. Light House Ser- 
 vice, as he informs me, lost sight of 
 Mt. Washington a few years ago 
 when he made a like test. Mr. Hum- 
 phrey assured me that he had often 
 made this test with a like result. 
 But it has been seen at the shore. 
 April 11, 1885, at 6:39 p. m., Wil- 
 liam Stanley, keeper of the light, 
 who at my request was noting the 
 appearances of Mt. Washington from 
 Monhegan, “surprised at the seem- 
 ing near approach of Mt. Washing- 
 ton never before seen so plain,” after 
 lighting the lamp, left the lantern in 
 
 care of Mr. Humphrey and descend- 
 ing the hill to the water’s edge had a 
 view of Mt. Washington at that point, 
 and called several of the neighbors to 
 bear witness to this singular occur- 
 rence, of which the peculiar state of 
 the atmosphere was undoubtedly the 
 occasion. ' Mr. Stanley, Oct. 17, 1885, 
 sent me the following record of the 
 views he had of Mt. Washington from 
 Sept. 6 to that date : 
 
 “Sunday, Sept. 6, saw Mt. Wash- 
 ington plain from the shore at 
 6 a. m. 
 
 “ Thursday, 10th, from tower 3 
 p. m. 
 
 “ Thursday, 17th, very plain from 
 hill 6 p. m. 
 
 “ Sunday, 20th, 10 a. m. and from 5 
 to 6.30 p. m. Could not see it 
 from the shore. Lost sight 
 half way from the school house 
 to the shore. 
 
 “ Friday, 25th, plain from tower 7 
 a. m. and 6.30 p. m. 
 
 “ Friday, Oct. 9th, from 5 to 6 p. m. 
 
 “Sunday, 11th, very plain from 
 tower 4 to 6 p. m. Not visible 
 from shore. 
 
 “ Friday, 16th, plain from tower 4 
 to 6 p. m.” 
 
 Oct. 23, after receiving the above 
 record, I wrote to Mr. Stanley, re- 
 questing him to continue his observa- 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 99 
 
 The next day being Whit-Sunday ; because we rode 
 too much open to the sea and windes, we weyed anker 
 
 about 
 
 tions. Dec. 31, 1885, he sent me the 
 following additional report, signed by 
 himself and Frederic F. Humphrey, 
 assistant keeper. 
 
 “ Oct. 26th, from 3 to 6 p. m., Mt. 
 Washington was seen from light- 
 house hill. 
 
 “ Oct. 31st, 4.30 p. m., plain from 
 the shore. 
 
 “ Nov. 1st, 4.20 p. m., from tower. 
 
 “Nov. 10th, 4.30 p. m., from school 
 house. 
 
 “ Nov. 20th, 4.40 p. m., from tower. 
 
 “Nov. 26th, 4.25 p. m., very near 
 sea level. ' 
 
 “ Nov. 27th, 4.30 p. m., from tower. 
 
 “ Nov. 28th, 4 p. m., from school 
 house. * 
 
 “ Dec. 4th, from 3 to 5 p. m., plain 
 from tower. 
 
 “ Dec. 11th, 3.30 p. m., plain from 
 hill. 
 
 “ Dec 25th, plain all day from 
 tower. ■ Lose sight half way from 
 S. H.'to shore. • 
 
 “ Dec. 26th, plain 8 a. m., also 3.30 
 p. m., from tower. 
 
 “ Dec. 27th, from 8 a. m. to 5 p. m., 
 plain from tower.” 
 
 This record shows that from early 
 in September, 1885, to January, 1886, 
 the White Mountains were seen only 
 once all day from Monhegan, and only 
 three times from the shore, and only 
 
 occasionally, morning or evening, 
 from the hill or light-house tower. 
 
 Hon. C. W. Goddard, of Portland, 
 without any reference to the point 
 here at issue, kept a memorandum of 
 his observation of the White Moun- 
 tains from Portland during the three 
 months preceding Jan. 1, 1887. In a 
 communication, which will be found 
 in the Portland Press of Jan. .3, 1887, 
 he says : “A memorandum kept dur- 
 ing the past three months shows that 
 the White Mountains have been clear- 
 ly visible between 7 and 7.30 a. m., 
 only seven times, Oct. 17th, 24th, 25th, 
 26th, 'Nov. 5th, 27th and Dec. 6th. 
 During the same period, they have 
 been dimly discernable eight times ; 
 in all, 15 times only in 92 mornings, 
 or less than one morning out of six.” 
 
 I left Monhegan for Boothbay soon 
 after my own observation of Mt. 
 Washington as noted above; and 
 though I looked for Mt. Washington 
 again and again between Monhegan 
 and Ocean Point — sailing over the 
 same course traced by Way mouth, 
 according to McKeen and others — it 
 was not visible. And yet it was one 
 of the clearest days of the season, 
 and if ever the White Mountains 
 served as a landmark in these waters 
 they should have done so on that day ; 
 for the United States Meteorological 
 
lOO 
 
 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 about twelue a clocke, and came along to the other 
 Hands more adjoyning to the maine,^^ and in the rode 
 directly with the mountaines, about three leagues from 
 the first Hand where we had ankered. 
 
 When we came neere vnto them (sounding all along 
 in a good depth) our Captaine manned his ship-boat and 
 sent her before with Thomas Cam one of his Mates, 
 
 observer on Mt. Washington sent 
 that day, Aug. 15, the following de- 
 spatch to the associated press : 
 “ This has been a perfect day. Ships 
 on the ocean off Portland have been 
 easily distinguished.” Vide Port- 
 land Argus, Aug. 17, 1885. But 
 though I could not see Mt. Washing- 
 ton from the water level even under 
 these favorable circumstances, as 
 we sailed away from Monhegan 
 Harbor, and for miles, the Camden 
 Mountains were in full view, far up 
 in the main, their summits distinctly 
 outlined against the sky. They are 
 the most notable feature of the coast 
 line as seen from Monhegan, and cer- 
 tainly no mariner approaching the 
 coast could fail to mark them, and no 
 one giving a description of the coast 
 could fail to mention them. This 
 Rosier did, if the mountains to which 
 he refers were the White Mountains. 
 For the bearing of an addition to Ro- 
 ster’s “Relation” at this point, as 
 found in Purchas, His Pilgrimmes, 
 see note 43. Capt. John Smith, De- 
 
 whom 
 
 scription' of New England, p. 13, 
 Force, Historical Tracts, Vol. 2, refers 
 to “ the very high mountains of Pe- 
 nobscot, against whose feet doth beat 
 the Sea,” and adds, “ But ouer all the 
 Land, lies, or other impediments you 
 may well see them sixteene or eight- 
 eene leagues from their situation.” 
 
 68. It is natural to understand by 
 these words the islands between the. 
 place of anchorage (a league north 
 of Monhegan) and the main land. 
 The St. George’s Islands, sixteen in 
 number, extending in a line nearly 
 N. NE. and S. SW. for about five 
 miles, answer to this description. 
 They are “ in the rode directly with” 
 the Union and Camden Mountains. 
 Williamson (Hist, of Me., 1, p. 61) 
 says Monhegan lies nine miles south- 
 erly of the St. George’s Islands. The 
 southern end of the outermost, 
 Allen’s Island, according to the Coast 
 Survey Chart, bears N. by E. 3^ E. 
 from Monhegan Light-house, distant 
 about five miles and a half. The dis- 
 tance given by Rosier is of course 
 
Honfieg'<m Island 
 
 Majiana. I 
 
 Viev^ of Monliegan IslaaiAfTomMccscoTigus Bay, Light fcearinj SW.h^S- distant 3 z Mile’s 
 
 AlWs Isla-nd “*arnt Isl^Tid 
 
 1 
 
 j 
 
 ViewoE StGeorge's Groitp and the Cc|L,mden Mountanns from Monde gan Island 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 lOI 
 
 whom he knew to be of good experience, to sound a 
 search betweene the Hands for a place safe for our shippe 
 to ride in; in the meane while we kept aloofe at sea, 
 hauing giuen them in the boat a token to weffe in the 
 ship, if he found a conuenient Harbour; which it pleased 
 God to send vs, farre beyond our expectation, in a most 
 safe birth defended from all windes, in an excellent 
 depth of water for ships of any burthen, in six, seuen, 
 eight, nine and ten fathoms vpon a clay oaze very tough. 
 
 We all with great joy praised God for his vnspeak- 
 able goodnesse, who had from so apparent danger de- 
 liuered vs, & directed vs vpon this day into so secure an wMtsunday. 
 Harbour: in remembrance whereof we named it Pente- 
 
 cost harbor,^^ we arriuing there that day out of our last 
 
 only an estimate, and it will be seen 
 that throughout the “ Eelation ” 
 Eosier’s distances are in excess of 
 actual measurements. But this diffi- 
 culty is much increased if by “ the 
 other Hands” are meant the Damis- 
 cove Islands (McKeen, Me. Hist. Soc. 
 Coll.jVol. 5, p. 314), that is, the group 
 of islands off Boothbay, the nearest 
 of which must be fourteen miles from 
 Monhegan. Besides, no one on a ves- 
 sel a league north of Monhegan 
 could possibly speak of these islands 
 as “ more adjoyning to the maine,” 
 and they are certainly not “ in the 
 rode directly with ” the White Moun- 
 tains. 
 
 Harbour 
 
 69. McKeen (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
 Vol. 5, p. 314,) says: “To a person 
 well acquainted with the coast, the 
 several inlets, the harbors, and is- 
 lands, there cannot be the least 
 shadow of doubt that this Pentecost 
 Harbor is that afterwards called 
 Townsend Harbor, now Boothbay.” 
 But Boothbay Harbor cannot be 
 reached by running in, from Way- 
 mouth’s anchorage three miles north 
 of Monhegan, “ to the other Hands 
 more adjoyning to the maine.” Fur- 
 ther, Boothbay Harbor is not a har- 
 bor formed by islands alone, as the 
 narrative requires, but by the shores 
 of the main land and the outlying 
 
102 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 7 
 
 Harbor in England, from whence we set saile vpon 
 Easterday. 
 
 About foure a clocke, after we were ankered and well 
 mored our Captaine with halfe a dozen of our Company 
 
 went 
 
 islands. The depth of water, too, in 
 Boothbay Harbor, does not agree 
 with the statement in the “ Kelation.” 
 The narrative also implies that the 
 main land was at a distance. Evi- 
 dently recognizing the difficulties in 
 identifying Boothbay Harbor with 
 Pentecost Harbor, Sewall (Ancient 
 Dominions of Maine, p. 74), says that 
 Waymouth anchored between Eish- 
 erman’s Island and Squirrel Island, 
 off Boothbay Harbor. He has since 
 identified Fishermen’s Island Harbor 
 with Pentecost Harbor. But this har- 
 bor, like Boothbay Harbor, is not 
 reached by sailing in from Way- 
 mouth’s anchorage “ to the other 
 Hands more adjoyning to the maine.” 
 No one, too, would speak of the waters 
 between Fisherman’s Island Harbor 
 and Squirrel Island as " a most 
 safe birth defended from all windes,” 
 while in reference to the other 
 points of identification mentioned 
 above — the depth of water and the 
 position in relation to the main land 
 — the facts do not correspond with 
 the facts recorded by Eosier concern- 
 ing Pentecost Harbor. This is true, 
 also, with reference to Fisherman’s 
 
 Island Harbor. Moreover, other 
 points of identification to be consid- 
 ered further on are no less decisive 
 against this theory. On the other 
 hand, St. George’s Harbor answers 
 fully the requirements of the narra- 
 tive. From Waymouth’s anchorage 
 it can be reached by sailing in “ to 
 the other Hands more adjoyning to 
 the maine.” It is a harbor formed by 
 islands — Allen’s, Burnt, Benner’s and 
 Davis — and has four entrances. The 
 main land, as is implied in the “ Ee- 
 lation,” is at a distance. Moreover 
 the depth of water in the harbor, as 
 given by Eosier, corresponds with the 
 figures on the coast survey chart. 
 The least depth given near the shore 
 is four fathoms ; but in the harbor 
 proper there are six, seven, eight and 
 a half, nine, ten and eleven fathoms, 
 and the bottom is marked “hard.” 
 On the southern side of Davis Is- 
 land, and between it and Allen’s and 
 Benner’s Islands, according to the 
 Atlantic Coast Pilot, p. 303, “ is good 
 anchorage in from four to eleven 
 fathoms.” Other points of identifi- 
 cation will be considered as they oc- 
 cur in the narrative. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 103 
 
 went on shore^° to seeke fresh watering, and a con- 
 uenient place to set together a pinnesse, which we 
 brought in pieces out of England ; both which we found 
 very fitting. 
 
 Vpon this Hand, as also vpon the former, we found 
 (at out first comming to shore) where fire had beene 
 made : and about the place were very great egge shelles 
 bigger than goose egges, fish bones, and as we judged, 
 the bones of some beast. 
 
 Here we espied Cranes stalking on the shore of a cranes, 
 little Hand adjoyning^' ; where we after saw they vsed to 
 breed. 
 
 Whitsun-munday, the 20 day of May, very early in 
 the morning, our Captaine caused the pieces of the pin- 
 nesse to be carried a shore, where while some were 
 busied about her, others digged welles to receiue the 
 fresh water, which we found issuing downe out of the 
 land in many places. Heere I cannot omit (for foolish 
 feare of imputation of flattery) the painfull industry of 
 
 our 
 
 70. McKeen (Maine Hist. Soc. 
 Coll., Vol. 5, p. 315,) does not attempt 
 to identify the island upon which 
 Waymouth landed and afterwards 
 set up the “ pinnesse.” Sewall thinks 
 it was Fisherman’s Island. Allen’s 
 Island, one of the St. George group, 
 answers all the requirements of the 
 narrative. 
 
 71. Benner’s Island is separated 
 from Allen’s Island by a passage 
 about two hundred yards wide, with 
 three and a half fathoms at low water. 
 The island is about seven hundred 
 yards long. Sewall thinks “ the little 
 island adjoining ” was Earn Island, 
 which adjoins Fisherman’s Island. 
 
104 the last discovery of the 
 
 We fished. 
 
 Abundance of 
 many good 
 fishes . 
 
 our Captaine, who as at sea he is alwayes most carefull 
 and vigilant, so at land he refuseth no paines ; but his 
 labour was euer as much or rather more than any mans : 
 which not only encourageth others with better content, 
 but also effecteth much with great expedition. 
 
 In digging we found excellent clay^^ for bricke or tile. 
 The next day we finished a well of good and hole- 
 some cleere water in a great empty caske, which we left 
 there. We cut yards, waste trees, and many necessaries 
 for our ship, while our Carpenter and Cooper laboured 
 to fit and furnish forth the shallop. 
 
 This day our boat went out about a mile from our 
 ship, and in small time with two or three hooks was 
 fished sufficiently for our whole Company three dayes, 
 with great Cod, Haddocke, and Thornebacke.^-^ 
 
 And towards night we drew with a small net of 
 twenty fathoms very nigh the shore : we got about thirty 
 very good and great Lobsters, many Rockfish, some 
 
 Plaise, 
 
 what he will of them. For my owne 
 part I was some cloyed with them, 
 they were so great and fat, and Ins- 
 sious. I haue seene some my selfe 
 that haue weighed 16 pound, but 
 others haue had diuers time so great 
 Lobsters as haue weighed 26 pounds, 
 as they assured me.’' New England’s 
 Plantations, p. 9. Force, Historical 
 Tracts, Vol. 1. 
 
 72. Clay is found on Allen’s Island 
 near the harbor shore, and water can 
 still be secured in the manner de- 
 scribed in this paragraph. 
 
 73. “ We take plentie of Scate and 
 Thornbacke.” New England’s Plan- 
 tations, p. 9. Force, Historical 
 Tracts, Vol. 1. 
 
 74. “We take plentie .... of 
 Lobsters, that the least Boy in the 
 Plantation may both catch and eat 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 105 
 
 Plaise/^ and other small fishes, and fishes called Lumpes,^ 
 verie pleasant to the taste : and we generally obserued, 
 that all the fish, of what kinde soeuer we tooke, were 
 well fed, fat, and sweet in taste.^^ 
 
 Wednesday, the 22 of May, we felled and cut wood 
 for our ships vse, cleansed and scoured our wels, and 
 digged a plot of ground, wherein, amongst some garden 
 
 75 . The flounder. “There are ex- 
 cellent Plaice and easily taken. They 
 (at flowing water) do almost come 
 ashore, so that one may stepp but 
 halfe a foote deepe, and pick them vp 
 on the sands.” New English Ca- 
 naan, p. 61. Force, Historical Tracts, 
 Vol. 2. 
 
 76. So named from the clumsiness 
 of its form. It sometimes weighs 
 seven pounds, and its flesh is very 
 fine at some seasons. It is still occa- 
 sionally found in our waters. 
 
 77. In Wood’s New England Pros- 
 pect,” p. 36, in connection with an ac- 
 count of the fish in New England wa- 
 ters, occurs the following list in verse : 
 “ The king of waters, the Sea shoul- 
 dering Whale, 
 
 The snufBng Grampus, with the oyly 
 Seale, 
 
 The storme praesaging Porpus, Her- 
 ring-Hogge, 
 
 Line shearing Sharke, the Catfish, 
 and Sea Dogge, 
 
 The Scale-fenc’d Sturgeon, wry 
 mouthed Hollibut, 
 
 14 
 
 seeds. 
 
 The flounsing Sammon, Codfish, 
 Greedigut : 
 
 Cole, Haddocke, Haicke, the Thorne- 
 backe, and the Scate, 
 
 Whose slimie out side makes him 
 selde in date. 
 
 The stately Basse old Neptunes 
 fleeting post. 
 
 That tides it out and in from Sea to 
 Coast. 
 
 Comforting Herrings, and the bony 
 Shad, 
 
 Big-bellied Alewives, Machrills rich- 
 ly clad 
 
 With Eainebow colours, th’ Frost- 
 fish and the Smelt, 
 
 As good as ever Lady Gustus felt. 
 
 The spotted Lamprons, Eeles, the 
 Lamperies, 
 
 That seek fresh water brookes with 
 Argus eyes ; 
 
 These waterie villagers with thou- 
 sands more. 
 
 Doe passe and repasse neare the 
 verdant shore.” 
 
Come sowed. 
 
 io6 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 seeds, we sowed peaze and barley, which in sixteen 
 dayes grew eight inches aboue ground ; and so con- 
 tinued growing euery day halfe an inch, although this 
 was but the crust of the ground, and much inferior to the 
 mould we after found in the maine/® 
 
 Friday, the 24 of May, after we had made an end of 
 cutting wood, and carying water aboord our shippe, 
 with fourteene Shot and Pikes^^ we marched about and 
 thorowpart of two of the Hands; the bigger of which we 
 judged to be foure or fiue miles in compasse, and a mile 
 broad.^° 
 
 The profits and fruits which are naturally on these 
 Hands are these : 
 
 All 
 
 78. “ I made a Garden vpon the 
 top of a Kockie He in 48 ^, 4 leagues 
 from the Main, in May, that grew so 
 well, as it serued vs for sallets in 
 lune and laly.” Capt. John Smith, 
 Description of New England, p. 9. 
 Force, Historical Tracts, Vol. 2. 
 
 79. The flint-lock was not invent- 
 ed until the middle of the 17th cen- 
 tury. The matchlock, subsequently 
 referred to as used by Waymouth, 
 was a cumbersome weapon, fired by 
 a match like a cannon. The Pilgrims 
 brought with them matchlocks. Capt. 
 Miles Standish, however, had a Snap- 
 hance, a Dutch gun, which struck Are 
 with a flint, but had no cover to the 
 
 pan, and was a clumsy arrangement 
 superseded by the flint-lock. 
 
 80. If these islands belonged to 
 the St. George’s group, the larger was 
 Allen’s Island, and the other Burnt 
 Island, the next largest of the group, 
 half a mile to the eastward of Allen’s 
 Island. The latter, according to the 
 Atlantic Local Coast Pilot, “ is nearly 
 a mile and a half long.” Monhegan, 
 which to Rosier appeared “ some six 
 miles in compass,” is not so long as 
 Allen’s Island, though a little wider. 
 McKeen (Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 
 6, p. 315,) says : “The larger is sup- 
 posed to be Cape Newagen, the lesser 
 Squirrel Island.” 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 107 
 
 All along the shore and 
 some space within, where 
 the wood hindereth not, 
 grow plentifully 
 
 r 
 
 
 Rasberries. 
 
 Gooseberries. 
 
 Strawberries.^' 
 
 Roses. 
 
 Currants. 
 
 Wild-Vines. 
 
 Angelica.^^ 
 
 r 
 
 Within the Hands growe 
 wood of sundry sorts, some < 
 very great, and all tall : 
 
 Birch. 
 
 Beech. 
 
 Ash. 
 
 Maple. 
 
 Spruce. 
 
 Cherry-tree. 
 
 Yew. 
 
 Oke very great and good. 
 Firre-tree, out of which 
 
 The fruits of 
 the Hands, 
 
 issueth Turpentine in so maruellous plenty, and so sweet, 
 as our Chirurgeon and others affirmed they neuer saw so 
 good in England. W e pulled off much Gumme congealed 
 on the outside of the barke, which smelled like Frank- 
 
 81. Strawberries were greatly rel- 
 ished by the early settlers of New 
 England. The Pilgrims found on 
 Cape Cod “ great store ” of them. 
 Moart’s Eelation, Dexter’s Ed., p. 
 20. Koger Williams (Key in K. I. 
 Hist. Coll., 1, 90.) says : “This Berry 
 is the wonder of all fruits growing 
 naturally in those parts : it is of it- 
 selfe Excellent: so that one of the 
 Chiefest Doctors of England was 
 wont to say, that God could have 
 
 incense. 
 
 made, but God never did make a bet- 
 ter Berry. In some parts where the 
 Natives have planted I have many 
 times seen as many as would fill a 
 good ship within a few miles com- 
 passe.” 
 
 82. An umbelliferous plant, so 
 called because of its supposed angel- 
 ic virtues. One species, A sylvestris, 
 common in Britain, was formerly 
 greatly prized for its supposed virtues. 
 
io8 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 Pearle. 
 
 A Crosse 
 erected. 
 
 incense. This would be a great benefit for making 
 Tarre and Pitch. 
 
 We stayed the longer in this place, not only because 
 of our good Harbour (which is an excellent comfort) 
 but because euery day we did more and more discouer 
 the pleasant fruitfulnesse ; insomuch as many of our 
 Companie wished themselues setled heere, not expect- 
 ing any further hopes, or better discouery to be made. 
 
 Heere our men found abundance of great muscels 
 among the rocks ; and in some of them many small 
 Pearls : and in one muscell (which we drew vp in our 
 net) was found foureteene Pearles,^^ whereof one of prety 
 bignesse and orient ; in another aboue fiftie small 
 Pearles ; and if we had had a Drag, no doubt we had 
 found some of great valew, seeing these did certainly 
 shew, that heere they were bred : the shels all glittering 
 with mother of Pearle. 
 
 Wednesday, the 29 day, our shallop being now fin- 
 ished, and our Captaine and men furnished to depart 
 with hir from the ship : we set vp a crosse®"^ on the shore 
 side vpon the rockes. 
 
 Thursday, 
 
 83. The Pilgrims, when they an- 
 chored in Cape Cod Harbor, “ found 
 great Mussles, and very fat and full 
 of Sea pearle.” Mourt’s Relation, 
 Dexter’s Ed., pp. 4, 5. 
 i-‘ 84. This is the only cross Rosier 
 
 mentions as set up by Waymouth, 
 except the one which was set up on 
 the bank of the river which was sub- 
 sequently discovered ; and Rosier 
 states further on in the “ Relation ” 
 that they saw no crosses that had 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 109 
 
 Thursday, the 30 of May, about ten a clock afore 
 noon, our Captaine with 13 men more, in the name of 
 God, and with all our praiers for- their prosperous dis- 
 couerie, and safe returne, departed in the shallop : lean- 
 ing the ship in a good harbour, which before I men- 
 tioned, well mored, and manned with 14 men. 
 
 This day, about fine a clocke in the afternoone, we 
 in the shippe espied three Canoas comming towards vs, 
 which went to the iland adjoining, where they went a 
 shore, and very quickly had made a fire, about which 
 they stood beholding our ship : to whom we made signes 
 with our hands and hats, wefiing vnto them to come vnto 
 vs, because we had not seene any of the people yet. 
 They sent one Canoa with three men, one of which, 
 when they came neere vnto vs, spake in his language 
 very lowd and very boldly : seeming as though he would 
 know why we were there, and by pointing with his oare 
 towards the sea, we conjectured he ment we should be 
 gone. But when we shewed them kniiies and their vse, by 
 cutting of stickes and other trifles, as combs and glasses, 
 they came close aboard our ship, as desirous to enter- 
 taine our friendship. To these we gaue such things as 
 we perceiued they liked, when wee shewed them the 
 
 vse : 
 
 The Saluages 
 came first to vs. 
 
 been erected by others. The fact, 
 therefore, that Gilbert, in 1607, found 
 a cross on one of the islands of St. 
 
 George’s Harbor, is very strongly in 
 favor of the identification of Pente- 
 cost Harbor with St. George’s Harbor. 
 
no 
 
 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 Three sorts of 
 colours of 
 painting. 
 
 Their clothing 
 and buskins. 
 
 vse: bracelets, rings, peacocke feathers, which they 
 stucke in their haire, and Tabacco pipes. After their 
 departure to their company on the shore ; presently 
 came foure other in another Canoa : to whom we gaue 
 as to the former, vsing them with as much kindnes as 
 we could. 
 
 The shape of their body is very proportionable, they 
 are wel countenanced, not very tal nor big, but in stature 
 like to vs : they paint their bodies with blacke, their 
 faces, some with red, some with blacke, and some with 
 blew.®^ 
 
 Their clothing is Beauers skins, or Dearcs skins, cast 
 ouer them like a mantle, and hanging downe to their 
 knees, made fast together vpon the shoulder with leather ; 
 some of them had sleeues, most had none ; some had 
 buskins of such leather sewed : they haue besides a 
 peece of Beauers skin betweene their legs, made fast 
 about their waste, to couer their priuities.®^ 
 
 85. “ Most of them paint the face 
 black and red. These colors they 
 mix with oil made from the seed of 
 the sun-flower, or with bear’s fat or 
 that of other animals.” Voyages of 
 Samuel De Champlain, Prince Soc. 
 Ed., Vol. 3, p.l66. 
 
 86. Friday, March 16, 1621, Sam- 
 oset suddenly appeared at Plymouth. 
 The next Sunday he brought with 
 him five other Indians. Mourt de- 
 
 They 
 
 scribing them says : “ They had ev- 
 ery man a Deeres skin on him, and 
 the principall of them had a wild 
 Cat skin, or such like on the one 
 armej they had most of them long 
 hosen vp to their groynes, close made ; 
 and aboue their groynes to their 
 wast another leather, they were alto- 
 gether like the Irish trousers ; they 
 are of complexion like our English 
 Gipseys, no haire or very little on 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 Ill 
 
 They suffer no haire to grow on their faces, but on 
 their head very long and very blacke, which those that 
 haue wiues, binde vp behinde with a leather string, in a 
 long round knot. 
 
 They seemed all very ciuill and merrie : shewing 
 tokens of much thankefulnesse, for those things we gaue 
 them. We found them then (as after) a people of exceed- 
 ing good inuention, quicke vnderstanding and readie ca- 
 pacitie.^^ 
 
 Their 
 
 their faces, on their heads long haire 
 to their shoulders, onely cut before, 
 some trussed vp before with a feath- 
 er, broad wise, like a fanne, another a 
 fox tayle hanging out .... some of 
 them had their faces painted black, 
 from the fore head to the chin, foure 
 or fine fingers broad ; others after 
 other fashions, as they liked.” 
 Mourt’s Eelation, Dr. H. M. Dexter’s 
 Ed., pp. 87, 88. Morton, referring to 
 Indian apparel, says : “ The Indians 
 in these parts do make their apparrell 
 of the skinnes of severall sortes of 
 beastes, and commonly of those that 
 doe frequent those partes where they 
 doe live ; yet some of them, for vari- 
 ety, will have the skinnes of such 
 beasts that frequent the partes of 
 their neighbors, which they purchase 
 of them by Commerce and Trade. 
 These skinnes they convert into very 
 good lether, making the same plume 
 and soft. Some of these skinnes 
 
 they dresse with the haire on, and 
 some with the haire off, the hairy 
 side in winter time they weare next 
 their bodies, and in warme weather 
 they wear the haire outwardes.” 
 Morton’s New English Canaan, Prince 
 Soc. Ed., 141, 142. Smith has a like 
 description: “For their apparell 
 they are sometimes covered with the 
 skinnes of wild beasts, which in win- 
 ter are dressed with the hayre, but in 
 Summer without. The better sort 
 use large mantels of Deare skins, not 
 much differing in fashion from the 
 Irish mantels. Some imbrodered 
 with white beads, some with copper, 
 others painted after their manner.” 
 True Travels, Vol. 1, p. 129. 
 
 87. “ Take these Indians in their 
 owne trimine and naturall disposition, 
 and they be reported to be wise, lofty 
 spirited, constant in friendship to one 
 another, true in their promise, and 
 more industrious than many others.” 
 
I 12 
 
 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 Their boats. 
 
 Their Canoas are made without any iron, of the bark 
 of a birch tree, strengthened within with ribs and hoops 
 of wood, in so good fashion, with such excellent ingen- 
 ious art, as they are able to beare seuen or eight per- 
 sons, far exceeding any in the Indies, 
 
 One of their Canoas came not to vs, wherein we im- 
 agined their women were : of whom they are (as all 
 Saluages) very jealous. 
 
 When I signed vnto them they should goe sleepe, 
 because it was night, they vnderstood presently, and 
 pointed that at the shore, right against our ship, they 
 would stay all night: as they did. 
 
 The next morning very early, came one Canoa abord 
 vs againe with three Saluages, whom we easily then en- 
 ticed into our ship, and vnder the decke : where we gaue 
 them porke, fish, bread and pease, all which they did 
 eat ; and this I noted, they would eat nothing raw, either 
 fish or flesh. They maruelled much and much looked 
 
 Thus concerning the “ Tarrenteenes,” 
 Wood’s New England’s Prospect, 
 Prince Soc. Ed., p. 68. “ These peo- 
 ple are not (as some have thought) a 
 dull, or slender witted people, but 
 very ingenious and very subtile.” 
 New English Canaan, p. 31. Force, 
 Historical Tracts, Vol. 2. “ We haue 
 found the Indians very faithful in 
 their Covenant of Peace with vs: 
 
 vpon 
 
 very louing and readie to pleasure 
 vs : we often goe to them, and they 
 come to vs .... we for our parts 
 walke as peaceably and safely in the 
 wood, as in the hie-wayesin England, 
 we entertaine them familiarly in our 
 houses, and they as friendly bestow- 
 ing their Venison on vs.” Mourt’s 
 Eelation, Dexter’s reprint, pp. 133, 
 135, 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 113 
 
 vpon the making of our canne and kettle, so they did at 
 a head-peece and at our guns, of which they are most 
 fearefull, and would fall flat downe at the report of them. 
 At their departure I signed vnto them, that if they would 
 bring me such skins as they ware I would giue them 
 kniues, and such things as I saw they most liked, which 
 the chiefe of them promised to do by that time the 
 Sunne should be beyond the middest of the firmament ; 
 this I did to bring them to an vnderstanding of exchange, 
 and that they might conceiue the intent of our com- 
 ming to them to be for no other end. 
 
 About 10 a clocke this day we descried our Shallop 
 returning toward vs, which so soone as we espied, we 
 certainly conjectured our Captaine had found some vn- 
 expected harbour, further vp*® towards the maine to 
 bring the ship into, or some riuer ; knowing his determ- 
 ination and resolution, not so suddenly else to make re- 
 turne : which when they came neerer they expressed by 
 shooting volleies of shot ; and when they were come 
 
 88. If the Archangel was at an- 
 chor in St. George’s Harbor, and 
 Way mouth was returning from the 
 St. George’s River, this expression is 
 perfectly accurate. With reference 
 to St. George’s Harbor the main is 
 “ further vp.” The expression would 
 not be accurate, however, if Way- 
 mouth was returning from the Ken- 
 15 
 
 within 
 
 nebec, by the back waters from Bath 
 to Boothbay and the Archangel was 
 anchored either in Boothbay Harbor, 
 or in Fisherman’s Island Harbor, to 
 both of which the main is near. 
 Nor would it be accurate if Way- 
 mouth descended the Kennebec to its 
 mouth, and thence made his way to 
 either of these harbors. 
 
1 14 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 within Musket shot, they gaue vs a volley and haled vs, 
 then we in the shippe gaue them a great peece and haled 
 them. 
 
 Thus we welcomed them ; who gladded vs exceed- 
 ingly with their joifull relation of their happie discouerie, 
 which shall appeare in the sequele. And we likewise 
 gaue them cause of mutuall joy with vs, in discoursing 
 of the kinde ciuility we found in a people, where we 
 little expected any sparke of humanity. 
 
 Our Captaine had in this small time discouered vp a 
 great riuer, trending alongst into the maine about forty 
 miles.^9 The pleasantnesse whereof, with the safety of 
 harbour for shipping, together with the fertility of 
 ground and other fruits, which were generally by his 
 whole company related, I omit, till I report of the whole 
 discouery therein after performed. For by the breadth, 
 depth and strong flood, imagining it to run far vp into 
 
 the 
 
 89. This was an estimate and is ex- 
 cessive on any theory. The words of 
 McKeen (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 5, p. 
 317,) are worthy of notice here : “ In 
 travelling in any unfrequented region, 
 especially when the mind is occupied 
 and deeply interested in objects and 
 scenery around, we are naturally 
 prone to make no account of distance : 
 it may be exaggerated, or very much 
 diminished. So in going up a river, 
 with or against a strong current, we 
 
 may very much overrate, or fall short, 
 in the actual distance ; the principal 
 danger, however, is in the former. 
 We have an instance in this same 
 river [the Kennebec is here referred 
 toj. Soon after Capt. Popham ar- 
 rived at the mouth of the Sagadahoc 
 river, on the 17th of August, he, with 
 Capt. Gilbert, ‘ sailed up into the river 
 near forty leagues,’ and returned at 
 night. This must be an error, and 
 such errors are not uncommon.” 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 115 
 
 the land, he with speed returned, intending to flanke 
 his light horsman for arrowes, least it might happen 
 that the further part of the riuer should be narrow, and 
 . by that meanes subject to the volley of Saluages on 
 either side out of the woods. 
 
 Vntill his returne, our Captaine left on shoare where 
 he landed in a path (which seemed to be frequented) a 
 pipe, a brooch and a knife, thereby to know if the Sal- 
 uages had recourse that way, because they could at that 
 time see none of them, but they were taken away before 
 our returne thither. 
 
 I returne now to our Saluages, who according to their 
 appointment about one a clocke, came with 4 Canoas to 
 the shoare of the iland right ouer against vs, where 
 they had lodged the last night, and sent one Canoa to 
 vs with two of those Saluages, who had beene a bord, 
 and another, who then seemed to haue command of 
 them; for though we perceiued their willingnesse, yet he 
 would not permit them to come abord ; but he hauing 
 viewed vs and our ship, signed that he would go to the 
 rest of the company and returne againe. Presently after 
 their departure it began to raine, and continued all that 
 afternoone, so as they could not come to vs with their 
 skins and furs, nor we go to them. But after an howre 
 or there about, the three which had beene with vs before 
 
 Trifles left on 
 shore. 
 
 came 
 
ii6 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 came againe, whom we had to our fire and couered them 
 with our gounes. Our Captaine bestowed a shirt vpon 
 him, whom we thought to be their chiefe, who seemed 
 neuer to haue seene any before ; we gaue him a brooch 
 to hang about his necke, a great knife, and lesser kniues 
 to the two other, and to euery one of them a combe and 
 glasse, the vse whereof we shewed them : whereat they 
 laughed and tooke gladly ; we victualled them, and gaue 
 them aqua vitse,^° which they tasted, but would by no 
 meanes drinke ; our beueridge they liked well, we gaue 
 them Sugar Candy, which after they had tasted they 
 liked and desired more, and raisons which were giuen 
 them; and some of euery thing they would reserue to 
 carry to their company. Wherefore we pittying their 
 being in the raine, and therefore not able to get them- 
 selues victuall (as we thought) we gaue them bread and 
 fish. 
 
 The intent of Thus because we found the land a place answereable 
 
 our kind vsage . . _ . 
 
 ofthesaluages. to the intent of our discouery, viz. fit for any nation to 
 inhabit, we vsed the people with as great kindnes as we 
 could deuise, or found them capable of. 
 
 The 
 
 90. “Aqua vitce, a sort of cordial 
 Liquor formerly made of brewed 
 Beer strongly hopp’d, well fermented ; 
 now [1730] it is commonly understood 
 of Spirits, Geneva, and the like.” 
 — Bailey. Yet in Mourt’s Relation, 
 Dexter's reprint, p. 17, in a reference 
 
 to the landing of a party from the 
 Mayflower on Cape Cod, it is stated, 
 “ we brought neither Beere nor 
 Water with vs, and our victuals was 
 onely Bisket and Holland cheese, and 
 a little Bottle of aquavite.” 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 117 
 
 The next day, being Saturday and the first of June, 
 I traded with the Saluages all the fore noone vpon the 
 shore, where were eight and twenty of them : and be- 
 cause our ship rode nigh, we were but fiue or sixe : 
 where for kniues, glasses, combes and other trifles to 
 the valew of foure or flue shillings, we had 40 good 
 Beauers skins. Otters skins. Sables, and other small 
 skins, which we knewe not how to call. Our trade being 
 ended, many of them came abord vs, and did eat by our 
 fire, and would be verie merrie and bold, in regard of 
 our kinde vsage of them. Towards night our Captaine 
 went on shore, to haue a draught with the Sein or Net. 
 And we^carried two of them with vs, who maruelled to 
 see vs catch fish with a net. Most of that we caught 
 we gaue them and their company. Then on the shore I 
 learned the names of diuers things of them : and when 
 they perceiued me to write them doune, they would of 
 themselues, fetch fishes, and fruit bushes, and stand by 
 me to see me write their names. 
 
 Our Captaine shewed them a strange thing which 
 they woondred at. His sword and mine hauing beene 
 touched with the Loadstone, tooke vp a knife, and held 
 it fast when they plucked it away, made the knife turne, 
 being laid on a blocke, and touching it with his sword, 
 made that take vp a needle, whereat they much maruelled. 
 
 This 
 
 We traded with 
 the Saluages. 
 
ii8 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 Their Bowes 
 and Arrowes. 
 
 Their Bowes. 
 
 Arrowes, 
 
 I 
 
 This we did to cause them to imagine some great power 
 in vs : and for that to loue and feare vs. 
 
 When we went on shore to trade with them, in one 
 of their Canoas I saw their bowes and arrowes, which I 
 tooke vp and drew an arrow in one of them, which I 
 found to be of strength able to carry an arrow hue or 
 sixe score stronglie ; and one of them tooke it and drew 
 as we draw our bowes, not like the Indians.^' Their 
 bow is made of Witch Hazell, and some of Beech in 
 fashion much like our bowes, but they want nocks, onely 
 a string of leather put through a hole at one end, and 
 made fast with a knot at the other. Their arrowes are 
 
 made of the same^^ wood, some of Ash, big and long, 
 with three feathers tied on, and nocked very artificiallie : 
 headed with the long shanke bone of a Deere, made 
 very sharpe with two fangs in manner of a harping iron.^^ 
 
 91. For the following information 
 I am indebted to Francis Parkman, 
 Esq., of Boston : “ The English long 
 bow was held perpendicularly, the 
 left arm at full stretch, and the right 
 hand drawn back, in shooting, to the 
 level of the right ear. The Indians, 
 in drawing the bow, did not necessa- 
 rily hold it perpendicularly, but often 
 at a slant, and drew back the right 
 hand, not to the level of the right ear, 
 but to that of the shoulder, or some- 
 times below it. This, at least, was 
 the mode of shooting, which, as I 
 
 They 
 
 have myself observed, was, and in 
 some measure still is, practised by 
 the Indians of the Plains. The east- 
 ern Indians, there can be little doubt, 
 handled their bows in a similar way.” 
 
 92. In the copy of the “ Kelation ” 
 procured in England by Jared Sparks, 
 and published in the Collections of ^ 
 the Mass. Hist. Soc., 3d series, Vol„ 
 
 8, the following words are here omi^u- 
 ted: “a knot at the other. Their 
 arrowes are made of the same.” 
 
 93. The Pilgrims in their first con- 
 fiict with the Indians picked up eight- 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. ’ 119 
 
 They haue likewise Darts, headed with like bone, one 
 of which I darted among the rockes, and it brake not. 
 These they vse very cunningly, to kill fish, fowle and 
 beasts. 
 
 Our Captaine had two of them at supper with vs in 
 his cabbin to see their demeanure, and had them in pres- 
 ence at seruice : who behaued themselues very ciuilly, 
 neither laughing nor talking all the time, and at supper 
 fed not like men of rude education, neither would they 
 eat or drinke more than seemed to content nature ; they 
 desired pease to carry a shore to their women, which we 
 gaue them, with fish and bread, and lent them pewter 
 dishes, which they carefully brought againe. 
 
 In the evening another boat came to them on the 
 shore, and because they had some Tabacco, which they 
 brought for their owne vse, the other came for vs, mak- 
 ing signe what they had, and offered to carry some of 
 vs in their boat, but foure or fiue of vs went with them 
 
 in our owne boat : when we came on shore they gaue vs 
 the best welcome they could, spreading fallow Deeres 
 skins for vs to sit on the ground by their fire, and gaue 
 vs of their Tabacco in our pipes, which was excellent, 
 
 and 
 
 een arrows, which they sent to their 
 friends in England. Some of these 
 arrows were “headed with brass, 
 others with Harts home and others 
 
 with Eagles clawes.” Mourt’s Kela- 
 tion, with notes by H. M. Dexter, 
 D. D., p. 56. 
 
 / 
 
120 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 and so generally commended of vs all to be as good as 
 any we euer tooke, being the simple leafe without any 
 composition, strong, and of sweet taste ; they gaue us 
 some to carry to our Captaine, whom they called our 
 Bashabes ; neither did they require any thing for it, but 
 we would not receiue any thing from them without re- 
 muneration. 
 
 Heere we saw foure of their women, who stood be- 
 hind them, as desirous to see vs, but not willing to be 
 seene ; for before, whensoeuer we came on shore, they 
 retired into the woods, whether it were in regard of 
 their owne naturall modestie, being couered only as the 
 men with the foresaid Beauers skins, or by the com- 
 manding jealousy of their husbands, which we rather 
 suspected, because it is an inclination much noted to be 
 in Saluages ; wherefore we would by no meanes seeme 
 of their^women to take any speciall notice ot them. 1 hey were very 
 well fauoured in proportion of countenance, though col- 
 oured blacke, low of stature, and fat, bare headed as the 
 men, wearing their haire long they had two little 
 
 male 
 
 94. “The women and girls always 
 wear their hair in one uniform style. 
 They are dressed like men, except 
 that they always have their robes 
 girt about them, which extend down 
 to the knee. They are not at all 
 ashamed to expose the body from the 
 middle up and from the knees down. 
 
 unlike the men, the rest being always 
 covered. . . . There is a moderate 
 number of pleasing and pretty girls, 
 in respect to figure, color and ex- 
 pression, all being in harmony.” 
 Voyages of Samuel De Champlain, 
 Prince Soc. Ed., Vol. 3, pp. 166, 167. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 I2I 
 
 male children of a yeere and half old, as we judged, 
 very fat and of good countenances, which they loue ten- 
 derly, all naked, except their legs, which were couered 
 with thin leather buskins tewed, fastened with strops to 
 a girdle about their waste, which they girde very streight, 
 and is decked round about with little round peeces of 
 red Copper; to these I gaue chaines and bracelets, 
 glasses, and other trifles, which the Saluages seemed to 
 accept in great kindness. 
 
 At our comming away, we would haue had those two 
 that supped with vs, to go abord and sleepe, as they had 
 promised ; but it appeared their company would not suf- 
 fer them. Whereat we might easily perceiue they were 
 .much greeued; but not long after our departure, they 
 came with three more to our ship, signing to vs, that if 
 one of our company would go lie on shore with them, 
 they would stay with vs. Then Owen Griffin (one of 
 the two we were to leaue in the Country, if we had 
 thought it needfull or conuenient) went with them in 
 their Canoa, and 3 of them staied aborde vs, whom our 
 whole company very kindly vsed. Our Captaine saw 
 their lodging prouided, and them lodged in an old saile 
 vpon the Orlop ; and because they much feared our 
 dogs, they were tied vp whensoeuer any of them came 
 abord vs. 
 
 16 
 
 Owen 
 
122 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 The ceremonies 
 of ye Saluages 
 in their idola^ 
 try. 
 
 They lie with 
 their wiues se- 
 cretly. 
 
 Owen Griffin, which lay on the shore, reported vnto 
 me their maner, and (as I may terme them) the cere- 
 monies of their idolatry; which they performe thus. 
 One among them (the eldest of the Company, as he 
 judged) riseth right vp, the other sitting still, and look- 
 ing about suddenly cried with a loud voice, Baugh, 
 Waugh : then the women fall downe, and lie vpon the 
 ground, and the men all together answering the same, 
 fall a stamping round about the fire with both feet, as 
 hard as they can, making the ground shake, with sundry 
 out-cries, and change of voice and sound. Many take 
 the fire-sticks and thrust them into the earth, and then 
 rest awhile : of a sudden beginning as before, they con- 
 tinue so stamping, till the yonger sort fetched from the 
 shore many stones, of which euery man tooke one, and 
 first beat vpon them with their fire sticks, then with the 
 stones beat the earth with all their strength. And in 
 this maner (as he reported) they continued aboue two 
 houres. 
 
 After this ended, they which haue wiues take them 
 apart, and withdraw themselues seuerally into the wood 
 all night. 
 
 The next morning, as soone as they saw the Sunne 
 rise, they pointed to him to come with them to our 
 shippe : and haueing receiued their men from vs, they 
 
 came 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 123 
 
 came with fiue or sixe of their Canoas and Company 
 honoring about our ship ; to whom (because it was the 
 Sabbath day) I signed they should depart, and at the 
 next Sun rising we would goe along with them to their 
 houses ; which they vnderstood (as we thought) and de- 
 parted, some of their Canoas coursing about the Hand, 
 and the other directly towards the maine. 
 
 This day, about hue a clocke after noone, came three 
 other Canoas from the maine, of which some had beene 
 with vs before ; and they came aboord vs, and brought 
 vs Tabacco, which we tooke with them in their pipes, 
 which were made of earth, very strong, blacke, and sweet, 
 containing a great quantity: some Tabacco they gaue 
 vnto our Captaine, and some to me, in very ciuill kind 
 maner. We requited them with bread and peaze, which 
 they caried to their Company on shore, seeming very 
 thankefull. After supper they returned with their Canoa 
 to fetch vs a shore to take Tabacco with them there : 
 with whom six or seuen of vs went, and carried some 
 trifles, if peradventure they had any trucke, among which 
 I caried some few biskets, to try if they would exchange 
 for them, seeing they so well liked to eat them. When 
 we came at shore, they most kindly entertained vs, 
 taking vs by the hands, as they had obserued we did to 
 them aboord, in token of welcome, and brought vs to sit 
 
 doune 
 
124 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 The dwelling of 
 Bashabes is 
 Eastward fro 
 ye great Riuer. 
 
 doune by their fire, where sat together thirteene of them. 
 They filled their Tabacco pipe, which was then the 
 short claw of a Lobster, which will hold ten of our pipes 
 full, and we dranke^^ of their excellent Tabacco as much 
 
 as we would with them ; but we saw not any great quan- 
 tity to trucke for; and it seemed they had not much left 
 of old, for they spend a great quantity yeerely by their 
 continuall drinking : and they would signe vnto vs, that 
 it was growen yet but a foot aboue ground, and would 
 be aboue a yard high, with a leafe as broad as both their 
 hands. They often would (by pointing to one part of 
 the maine eastward) signe vnto vs, that their Bashabes^^ 
 
 (that 
 
 95. “ Drinking ” tobacco seems to 
 have been the term employed when 
 the reference was to smoking it; 
 Massasoit, when he met the English 
 at Plymouth for the first time, is de- 
 scribed as “ differing from the rest of 
 his followers only in a great chain 
 of white bone beads about his neck, 
 and at it, behind his neck, hangs a 
 little bag of tobacco, which he drank, 
 and gave vs to drink.” Drake, Book 
 of the Indians, p. 22, cites an entry 
 in the Plymouth records in 1646 as 
 follows: “Anthony Thatcher and 
 George Pole were chosen a committee 
 to draw up an order concerning dis- 
 orderly drinking of tobacco.” 
 
 96. This word Hosier evidently 
 understood to be a title. So did 
 Gorges, who (Briefe Narration, Me. 
 
 Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 2, p. 61,) says : 
 “ That part of the 'country we first 
 seated in, seemed to be monarchical, 
 by the name and title of a Bashaba.” 
 Godfrey (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 7, 
 p. 96,) cites Champlain’s Voyages 
 (see Prince Soc. Ed., Vol. 2, p. 45,) 
 and Kelations des Jesuits, 1, ch. 3, 8, 
 to show that Bashaba was a name, 
 not a title; and the testimony has 
 this value, that both Champlain 
 and the Jesuits had a personal ac- 
 quaintance with the Indian monarch, 
 while Eosier and Gorges did not. As 
 to the place of his abode, we learn 
 from Strachey (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
 3, p. 303) that the Indians who 
 visited the Popham colonists, “de- 
 parted in their canoas for the river 
 of Pamaquid, promising Capt. Gilbert 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 125 
 
 (that is, their King) had great plenty of Furres, and 
 much Tabacco. When we had sufficiently taken Ta- 
 bacco with them, I shewed some of our trifles for trade ; 
 but they made signe that they had there nothing to ex- 
 change ; for (as I after conceiued) they had beene fishing 
 and fowling, and so came thither to lodge that night by 
 vs : for when we were ready to come away, they shewed 
 vs great cups made very wittily of barke, in forme almost 
 square, full of a red berry'^^ about the bignesse of a 
 bullis,^^ which they did eat, and gaue vs by handfuls ; 
 
 of which 
 
 to accompany him in their canoas to 
 the river of Penobscott, where the 
 Bassaba dwells.” Champlain, who 
 sailed up the Penobscot in 1605 
 (Voyages, Prince Soc. Ed., Vol. 2, pp. 
 44, 45,) says : “I will drop this dis- 
 cussion to return to the savages who 
 had conducted me to the falls of the 
 river Eorumbegue, who went to noti- 
 fy Bessabez, their chief, and other 
 savages.” These falls were evidently 
 those a short distance above Bangor. 
 
 97. This could not have been the 
 checkerberry, the taste of which is 
 pleasant. The reference, probably, 
 is to the partridge berry (Mitchella 
 repens) which is found only in North 
 and South America and Japan. 
 “ The fruit is about the size of a 
 whortleberry, broader than long, and 
 being of two cohering ovaries shows 
 the calyces of the two flowers ; it is 
 bright scarlet, and each half contains 
 
 four bony nutlets in a white pulp. 
 The berries remain on the plant 
 through the winter, and it is not rare 
 to And ripe fruit at the same time 
 with the flowers in June. . . . The 
 berries, while edible, are almost taste- 
 less, and few care to eat them.” Ap- 
 pleton’s Cyclopaedia, art. Partridge 
 Berry. 
 
 98. The name of a round or spher- 
 ical kind of plum, and is usually 
 spelled now “ bullace.” In Polwhele’a 
 Glossary, “ bullum ” is stated to be a 
 term used in Devon and Cornwall for 
 “the wild plum, the bullace,” and, 
 with a similar meaning, is included 
 in the East and West Cornwall Glos- 
 saries of the English Dialect Society, 
 in Jago’s Glossary of Cornwall, and in 
 the Rev. H. Friend’s Devonshire 
 Plant Names. (Trans. Devon Asso., 
 xiv., 1882, 540-1.) It is remarkable for 
 being entirely, or almost entirely, re- 
 
 A red berrie 
 which they 
 feede on. 
 
126 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 of which (though I liked not the taste) yet I kept some, 
 because I would by no meanes but accept their kind- 
 nesse. They shewed me likewise a great piece of fish, 
 whereof I tasted, and it was fat like Porpoise ; and 
 another kinde of great scaly fish, broiled on the coales, 
 much like white Salmon, which the Frenchmen calle 
 Aloza,^^ for these they would haue had bread ; which I 
 refused, because in maner of exchange, I would alwayes 
 make the greatest esteeme I could of our commodities 
 whatsoeuer; although they saw aboord our Captaine 
 was liberall to giue them, to the end we might allure them 
 to frequent vs. Then they shewed me foure yoong Gos- 
 lings, for which they required foure biskets, but I offered 
 them two ; which they tooke and were well content. 
 
 At our departure they made signe, that if any of vs 
 would stay there on shore, some of them would go lie 
 aboord vs; at which motion two of our Company stayed 
 with them, and three of the Saluages lodged with vs in 
 maner as the night before. 
 
 Early the next morning, being M unday the third of 
 June, when they had brought our men aboord, they 
 came about our ship, earnestly by signes desiring that 
 we would go with them along to the maine, for that 
 
 there 
 
 stricted to these two counties. Vide 
 Western Antiquary, Jan., 1886, p. 
 
 prcestabilis), which attains a length 
 of about twenty inches, and varies in 
 weight from two to six pounds. 
 
 175. 
 
 99. The American shad {Alosa 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 127 
 
 there they had Furres and Tabacco to traffique with vs. 
 Wherefore our Captaine manned the light-horseman'°° 
 with as many men as he could well, which were about 
 fifteene with rowers and all ; and we went along with 
 them. Two of their Canoas they sent away before, and 
 they which lay aboord vs all night, kept company with 
 vs to direct vs. 
 
 This we noted as we went along, they in their Canoa ^ ^ 
 with their oares, would at their will go ahead of vs and 
 about vs, when we rowed with eight oares strong ; such 
 was their swiftnesse, by reason of the lightnesse and ar- 
 tificial! composition of their Canoa and oares. 
 
 When we came neere the poinF°' where we saw their 
 
 fires. 
 
 100 . A large boat without a deck ; 
 probably not unlike the wooden 
 whale-boat. 
 
 Peraaquid Indians. The earliest set- 
 tlement of the English at Pemaquid 
 was on the eastern shore. On 
 Smith’s map, John’s Town — the name 
 by which Smith designated Pemaquid 
 — is far up on this shore. J. Win- 
 gate Thornton (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
 Vol. 6, p. 183,) says: “There was a 
 popular ti’adition in the year 1750, 
 that John Pierce settled on the east- 
 ern shore of Pemaquid, at Broad 
 Bay.” John Brown, who purchased 
 of Samoset a large tract of land at 
 Pemaquid, is called in the deed 
 “John Brown of New Harbor.” I 
 am inclined to believe that at least 
 some of the Indians who visited 
 Waymouth in Pentecost Harbor 
 
 101. Sewall (Ancient Dominions of 
 Maine, p. 74,), who makes Fisher- 
 man’s Island Harbor Pentecost Har- 
 bor, thinks the reference is to Lini- 
 ken’s Point. If this were the fact, 
 there would have been no need of In- 
 dians to “direct” Waymouth and 
 his companions thither. The place 
 was near, and the smoke of their 
 camp would have been a sufficient 
 guide. But the impression given by 
 the entire narrative is that the main 
 was at a distance. Another fact is 
 to be borne in mind. These Indians 
 — as will appear further on — were 
 
128 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 fires, where they intended to land, and where they im- 
 agined some few of vs would come on shore with our 
 merchandize, as we had accustomed before ; when they 
 had often numbered our men very diligently, they scoured 
 away to their Company, not doubting we would haue 
 followed them. But when we perceiued this, and knew 
 not either their intents, or number of Saluages on the 
 shore, our Captaine, after consultation, stood off, and 
 wefted them to vs, determining that I should go on 
 shore first to take a view of them and what they had to 
 traffique : if he, whom at our first sight of them seemed 
 to be of most respect among them, and being then in 
 the Canoa, would stay as a pawne for me. When they 
 came to vs (notwithstanding all our former courtesies) 
 he vtterly refused ; but would leaue a yoong Saluage : 
 and for him our Captaine sent Griffin in their Canoa, 
 while we lay hulling a little off. Griffin at his returne 
 reported, thay had there assembled together, as he num- 
 283 Saluages. bcrcd them, two hundred eighty three Saluages, euery 
 
 one his bowe and arrowes, with their dogges, and wolues ^ 
 which they keepe tame at command, and not anything to 
 
 exchange at all ; but would haue drawen vs further vp 
 
 into 
 
 lived on the eastern shore, probably 
 at New Harbor, and that the “ point ” 
 mentioned by Rosier is at the en- 
 
 trance of the harbor, two miles and 
 a half NE. by N. of Pemaquid Light- 
 house. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 129 
 
 into a little narrow nooke'°^ of a riuer, for their Furres, 
 as they pretended. 
 
 These things considered, we began to joyne them in 
 the ranke of other Saluages, who haue beene by trauel- 
 lers in most discoueries found very trecherous ; neuer at- 
 tempting mischiefe, vntill by some remisnesse, fit oppor- 
 tunity affordeth them certaine ability to execute the 
 same. Wherefore after good advice taken, we deter- 
 mined so soone as we could to take some of them, least 
 (being suspitious we had discouered their plots) they 
 should absent themselues from vs. 
 
 Tuesday, the fourth of June, our men tooke Cod and 
 Hadocke with hooks by our ship side, and Lobsters very 
 great ; which before we had not tried. 
 
 About eight a clocke this day we went on shore with 
 our boats, to fetch aboord water and wood, our Captaine 
 
 leaning 
 
 as has been shown in the preceding 
 note, Waymouth was at this time on 
 the eastern shore of Pemaquid, and 
 so could not have discovered the riv- 
 er to which Dr. De Costa refers. 
 Rosier’s language seems to imply that 
 the “little nooke of a riuer” was 
 near if not in sight, and the creek at 
 New Harbor, on the southern side, 
 near the point at the entrance, would 
 seem to meet all the demands of the 
 narrative. 
 
 102. Dr. De Costa (Mass. Hist. 
 Soc. Proceedings, Vol. 18, p. 101, note) 
 remarks : “That this ‘ little nook of 
 a river’ was Pemaquid River appears 
 from the fact that, as Strachey says, 
 Waymouth discovered not only ‘the 
 most excellent and beneliciall river 
 of Sagadehoc,’ but ‘ that little one of 
 Pemaquid.’ ” The mention by Ro- 
 sier of “ this little nooke of a riuer,” 
 however, can hardly be magnified 
 into a discovery. He gives it no such 
 prominence. In all probability, also. 
 
 Fish, in the 
 Harbour. 
 
130 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 Our manner of 
 taking the Sal- 
 uages. 
 
 leauing word with the Gunner in the shippe, by dis- 
 charging a musketj to giue notice if they espied any 
 Canoa comming ; which they did about ten a clocke. 
 
 He therefore being carefull they should be kindly en- 
 treated, requested me to go aboord, intending with dis- 
 patch to make what haste after he possibly could. 
 When I came to the ship, there were two Canoas, and 
 in either of them three Saluages, of whom two were 
 below at the fire, the other staled in their Canoas about 
 the ship ; and because we could not entice them abord, 
 we gaue them a Canne of pease and bread, which they 
 carried to the shore to eat. But one of them brought , 
 backe our Canne presently and staid abord with the other 
 two; for he being yoong, of a ready capacity, and one 
 we most desired to bring with vs into England, had re- 
 ceiued exceeding kinde vsage at our hands, and was 
 therefore much delighted in our company. When our 
 Captaine was come, we consulted how to catch the other 
 three at shore which we performed thus. 
 
 We manned the light horseman with 7 or 8 men, 
 one standing before carried our box of Marchandise, as 
 we were woont when I went to traffique with them, and 
 a platter of pease, which meat they loued : but before 
 we were landed, one of them (being too suspitiously 
 feareful of his owne good) withdrew himselfe into the 
 
 wood. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 131 
 
 wood. The other two met vs on the shore side, to re- 
 ceiue the pease, with whom we went vp the Cliffe to 
 their fire and sate downe with them, and whiles we were 
 discussing how to catch the third man who was gone, I 
 opened the box, and shewed them trifles to exchange, 
 thinking thereby to haue banisht feare from the other, 
 and drawen him to returne : but when we could not, we 
 
 S- 
 
 vsed little delay, but suddenly laid hands vpon them. 
 
 And it was as much as flue or sixe of vs could doe to 
 get them into the light horseman. For they were strong 
 and so strong as our best hold was by their long haire 
 on their heads ; and we would haue beene very loath 
 to haue done them any hurt, which of necessity we 
 beene constrained to haue done if we had attempted 
 them in a multitude, which we must and would, rather 
 than haue wanted them, being a matter of great import- 
 ance for the full accomplement of our voyage. 
 
 Thus we shipped flue Saluages, two Canoas, with all 
 
 ... , Canoas, and 
 
 their bowes and arrowes. theirbowesand 
 
 arrowes. 
 
 The next day we made an end of getting our wood 
 aboord, and filled our empty caske with water. 
 
 Thursday, the 6 of June, we spent in bestowing the 
 Canoas vpon the orlop safe from hurt, because they were 
 subject to breaking, which our Captaine was careful to 
 preuent. 
 
 Saturday, 
 
132 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 Saturday the eight of June (our Captaine being de- 
 sirous to finish all businesse about this harbour) very 
 early in the morning, with the light horseman, coasted 
 fine or sixe leagues about the Hands adjoining, and 
 sounded all along wheresoeuer we went. He likewise 
 diligently searched the mouth of the Harbour, and about 
 the rocks'”^ which shew themselues at all times, and are 
 an excellent breach of the water, so as no Sea can come 
 
 the^TOcks^^’and offcnd thc Harbour. This he did to instruct him- 
 Harbour. selfe, and thereby able to direct others that shall happen 
 to come to this place. For euery where both neere the 
 rocks, & in all soundings about the Hands, we neuer 
 found lesse water than foure and fine fathoms, which 
 was seldome ; but seuen, eight, nine and ten fathoms is 
 the continuall sounding by the shore. In some places 
 much deeper vpon clay oaze or soft sand : so that if any 
 bound for this place, should be either driuen or scanted 
 with winds, he shall be able (with his directions) to re- 
 couer safely his harbour most securely in water enough 
 by foure'°^ seuerall passages, more than which I thinke 
 no man of judgement will desire as necessarie. 
 
 103. Such rocks are the Dry 
 Ledges between Allen’s Island and 
 Burnt Island. The depth of water 
 around them, according to the Coast 
 Survey chart, corresponds with the 
 figures given by Rosier. On the side 
 
 Vpon 
 
 next Burnt Island the channel is 
 three hundred yards wide. 
 
 104. St. George’s Harbor has four 
 entrances easily recognizable. First, 
 there is the passage between Burnt 
 Island and Allen’s Island, by which 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 133 
 
 Vpon one of the Hands (because it had a pleasant 
 sandy Coue for small barks to ride in) we landed, and 
 
 ^ A ponde oi 
 
 found hard by the shore a pond'°^ of fresh water, which 
 
 flowed 
 
 Waymouth seems to have entered, 
 when he left his anchorage north of 
 Monhegan. Then there is the pas- 
 sage between Allen’s Island and Ben- 
 ner’s Island. A third passage lies be- 
 tween Benner’s Island and Davis’ 
 Island. The fourth and widest pas- 
 sage is that between Davis’ Island and 
 Burnt Island. In all of these pas- 
 sages there is water enough to enter 
 safely. But Fisherman’s Island Har- 
 bor cannot be said to have four en- 
 trances, nor would one thus speak of 
 Boothbay Harbor. Vide Coast Sur- 
 vey chart. 
 
 105. Prince (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
 Vol. 6, p. 296,) identifies this pond 
 with the pond near the hamlets on 
 Monhegan. But this pond receives 
 its supply of water from surface 
 drainage, and is not “fed with a 
 strong run.’’ Sewall (Ancient Do- 
 minions of Maine, p. 74,) locates the 
 pond on Squirrel Island, where “ the 
 swamps of Waymouth’s ‘pond of 
 fresh water ’ still empties its rivulet 
 into the sea.” McKeen (Me. Hist. 
 Soc. Coll., Vol. 5, p. 319,) bears even 
 stronger testimony on this point. 
 “ It is a well-known fact,” he says, 
 “ that this island is now called Squir- 
 rel Island, with its sandy cove and 
 fresh water pond.” A fresh water 
 
 pond and a rivulet would add to the 
 attractions of this charming summer 
 resort j but if they ever formed a part 
 of the natural features of the place, 
 of which there is no indication what- 
 ever, they have now disappeared. De 
 Costa (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 
 Vol. 18, p. 101, note,) says : “ The 
 pond of fresh water, which flowed 
 over the ‘banks,’ fed ‘by a strong 
 run,’ which Rosier says could be 
 made to ‘drive a mill,’ is situated on 
 Cape Newaggin, opposite Pemaquid 
 River, and is indicated on one of the 
 maps of the Coast Survey. It has 
 been examined for the writer, and 
 corresponds exactly with Hosier’s de- 
 scription, proving that Waymouth 
 had been on the spot. The pond 
 still flows over into the sea.” Cape 
 Newaggin is not opposite Pemaquid 
 river, or any part of Pemaquid Point, 
 but is far away at the mouth of the 
 Sheepscot. It has no pond, nor is 
 there, according to the Coast Survey 
 chart, a pond on the island of which 
 it forms a part. Furthermore, a 
 careful examination of the Coast Sur- 
 vey chart fails to bring to view a 
 pond on any one of the islands near 
 the Pemaquid River. There is quite 
 a large pond of fresh water on Dam- 
 ariscove Island, but it is not “ fed 
 
134 the last discovery OF THE 
 
 flowed ouer the banks, somewhat oner growen with little 
 shrub trees, and searching vp in the Hand, we saw it fed 
 with a strong run, which with small labour, and little 
 time, might be made to driue a mill. In this Hand, as 
 in the other, were spruce trees of excellent timber and 
 height, able to mast ships of great burthen. 
 
 While we thus sounded from one place to another in 
 so good deepes, our Captaine to make some triall of the 
 fishing himselfe, caused a hook or two to be cast out at 
 the mouth of the harbour, not aboue halfe a league from 
 
 Great plenty of our ship, whcrc in Small time only, with the baitt which 
 
 Cod fish. ^ ■' 
 
 they cut from the fish and three hooks, we got fish 
 enough for our whole Company (though now augmented) 
 for three dales. ‘ Which I omit not to report, because it 
 shew^eth how great a profit the fishing would be, they 
 being so plentifull, so great and so good, with such con- 
 ueint drying as can be wished, neere at hand vpon the 
 Rocks. 
 
 This day, about one a clocke after noone, came from 
 the Eastward'”^ two Canoas abord vs, wherein was he 
 
 that 
 
 with a strong run ” or a run of any 
 kind. So far as I am aware, the only 
 fresh water pond fed in this way, on 
 any of the islands between Metinic 
 and Seguin, is found on the eastern 
 side of Allen’s Island, and is indicat- 
 ed on the Coast Survey chart. 
 
 106. It is stated farther on in this 
 
 paragraph that they came from “ the 
 Bashabes,” whose abode was on the 
 Penobscot. Those who had previ- 
 ously visited the ship are not spoken 
 of as coming from the eastward. It 
 seems to be a fair inference that the 
 direction from which these two ca- 
 noes came is mentioned because it 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 135 
 
 that refused to stay with vs for a pawne, and with him 
 six other Saluages which we had not seene before, who 
 had beautified themselues after their manner very gal- 
 lantly, though their clothing was not differing from the 
 former, yet they had newly painted their faces very deep, 
 some all blacke, some red, with stripes of excellent blew 
 ouer their vpper lips, nose and chin. One ot them ware 
 a kinde of Coronet about his head, made very cunningly, 
 of a substance like stiffe haire coloured red, broad, and 
 more than a handfull in depth, which we imagined to be 
 some ensigne of his superioritie ; for he so much es- 
 teemed it as he would not for anything exchange the 
 same. Other ware the white feathered skins of some 
 fowle, round about their head, jewels in their eares, and 
 bracelets of little white round bone, fastened together 
 vpon a leather string. These made not any shew that 
 they had notice of the other before taken, but we vnder- 
 stood them by their speech and signes, that they came 
 sent from the Bashabes, and that his desire was that we 
 would bring vp our ship (which they call as their owne 
 boats, a quiden^”^) to his house, being, as they pointed, 
 
 vpon 
 
 •was not the same as that from which 
 the Indians previously had come. 
 But if Waymouth was at anchor in 
 Fisherman’s Island Harhor or in 
 Boothbay Harbor, the Indians who 
 had previously visited the ship — it is 
 
 conceded that they were Pemaquid 
 Indians — must also have come from 
 the east. 
 
 107. The word used by the In- 
 dian was aquiden, the Abnaki word 
 for canoe, the initial letter being very 
 
136 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 vpon the main towards the East, from whence they came, 
 and that he would exchange with vs for Furres and Ta- 
 bacco. But because our Company was but small, and 
 now our desire was with speed to discouer vp the river, 
 we let them vnderstand, that if their Bashabes would 
 come to vs, he should be welcome, but we would not re- 
 moue to him. Which when they vnderstood (receiuing 
 .of vs bread and fish, and euery of them a knife) they 
 departed ; for we had then no will to stay them long 
 abord, least they should discouer the other Saluages 
 which we had stowed below. 
 
 We went TP Tucsday, thc ii of June, we passed vp'°® into the 
 
 with our ship 
 
 into the Biuer. riUCr 
 
 naturally regarded by Eosier as the 
 indefinite article. Aquiden is one of 
 the examples of the Abnaki noun 
 used by Eev. M. C. O’Brien in his 
 paper on the “ Grammatical Sketch 
 of the Ancient Abnaki Outlined in 
 the Dictionary of Fr. Sebastian Rale, 
 S. J.,” read at the meeting of the 
 Maine Historical Society, at Portland, 
 Dec. 23, 1882, and printed in Vol. ix., 
 of the Society’s Collections, p. 272. 
 
 108. These words accurately state 
 the course of a vessel leaving St. 
 George’s Harbor, and passing up 
 into the St. George’s Riyer. But if 
 Waymouth, leaving Fisl^erraan’s Is- 
 land Harbor, entered thq Kennebec 
 through Townsend Gut, Sheepscot 
 Bay and the Sasanoa River, it seems 
 impossible that Rosier should have 
 
 made the record as he did. It would 
 not be an easy matter for a stranger 
 to reach the Kennebec in this devi- 
 ous way. The Atlantic Coast Pi- 
 lot (Sub. Div. 4, p. 405,) in its de- 
 scription of the Sasanoa River, says : 
 “It flows through a vei-y eccentric, 
 crooked and dangerous channel. . . 
 In the narrowest part of the channel 
 the tidal current attains the extraor- 
 dinary velocity of thirteen nautical 
 miles an hour. Many ledges and 
 rocks obstruct the passage of this 
 river, and it is not possible for stran- 
 gers to attempt it without disaster.” 
 Rosier makes no mention of any 
 such perils in Waymouth’s passage 
 up the river, nor by any stretch of 
 the imagination could he have spoken 
 of the waters through which the ves- 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 137 
 
 riuer with our ship, about six and twenty miles. Of which 
 I had rather not write, then by my relation to detract 
 from the worthinesse thereof. For the Riuer, besides 
 that it is subject by shipping to bring in all traffiques of 
 Marchandise, a benefit alwaies accounted the richest 
 treasury to any land : for which cause our Thames hath 
 that due denomination, and France by her nauigable 
 Riuers receiueth hir greatest wealth ; yet this place of 
 itselfe from God and nature affoordeth as much diuersi- 
 
 tie of good commodities, as any reasonable man can 
 wish, for present habitation and planting. 
 
 The first and chiefest thing required, is a bold coast 
 and faire land to fall with ; the next, a safe harbour for 
 ships to ride in. 
 
 The first is a speciall attribute to this shore, being 
 
 most 
 
 sel made its way as “ the riuer.” 
 Champlain that same season sailed 
 up the Sheepscot to Wiscasset, and 
 thence by the waters of Back Elver 
 entered the Sasanoa at Hockomock 
 Bay. He says : “ Beyond this cape 
 [Hockomock Point,] we passed a very 
 narrow waterfall, but only with great 
 difficulty ; for, although we had a fa- 
 vorable and fresh wind, and trimmed 
 our sails to receive it as well as pos- 
 sible, in order to see whether we 
 could not pass it in that way, we 
 were obliged to attach a hawser to 
 some trees on shore and all pull on 
 18 
 
 it. In this way, by means of our 
 own, together with the help of the 
 wind, which was favorable to us, we 
 succeeded in passing it.” (Voyages, 
 Prince Soc. Ed., Vol. 2, pp. 58, 59.) 
 If, as McKeen (Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
 Vol. 5. p. 317) and Ballard (Popham 
 Mem. Vol., pp. 304, 305) suppose, 
 Waymouih, leaving Boothbay Har- 
 bor, followed the coast the mouth of 
 the Kennebec — called by the former 
 Sagadahoc as far as Merrymeeting 
 Bay — then ascended to the river, Eo- 
 sier’s language is equally inapplicable. 
 
 » 
 
r 
 
 The Land. 
 
 The wood. 
 
 140 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 Heere are made by nature most excellent places, as 
 Docks to graue or Carine ships of all burthens ; secured 
 from all windes, which is such a necessary incomparable 
 benefit, that in few places in England, or in any parts of 
 Christendome, art, with great charges, can make the like. 
 
 Besides, the bordering land is a most rich neighbour 
 trending all along on both sides, in an equall plaine, 
 neither mountainous nor rocky, but verged with a greene 
 bordure of grasse, doth make tender vnto the beholder 
 of hir pleasant fertility, if by clensing away the woods 
 she were conuerted into meadow. 
 
 The wood she beareth is not shrubbish fit only for 
 fewell, but goodly tall Firre, Spruce, Birch, Beech, Oke, 
 which in many places is not so thicke, but may with 
 small labour be made feeding ground, being plentifull 
 like the outward Hands with fresh water, which stream-^ 
 eth doune in many places. 
 
 As we passed with a gentle winde vp with our ship 
 in this Riuer, any man may conceiue with what admira- 
 tion we all consented in joy. Many of our Company 
 who had beene trauellers in sundry countries, and in the 
 most famous Riuers, yet affirmed them not comparable 
 to this they now beheld. Some that were with Sir Wal- 
 ter Ralegh"^ in his voyage to Guiana, in the discouery 
 
 of the 
 
 112 . Ealeigh, with five ships, 
 sailed for Guiana in 1695, and having 
 
 explored to a considerable extent the 
 country about the Orinoco, he re- 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 139 
 
 est, where you shall neuer haue vnder 4 and 5 fathoms 
 water hard by the shore, but 6, 7, 8, 9, and ten fathoms 
 all along, and on both sides euery halfe mile very gallant 
 Coues, some able to conteine almost a hundred saile, 
 where the sfround is excellent soft oaze with a to uo^h The ground of 
 
 ^ ^ oaze and clay. 
 
 clay vnder for anker hold, and where ships may ly with- 
 out either Cable or Anker, only mored to the shore with 
 a Hauser."° 
 
 It floweth by their judgement eighteen or twenty What flowe of 
 
 Heere 
 
 Townsend Gut, crossed Sbeepscot 
 Bay, and by the way of the Sasanoa 
 River — that “ eccentric, crooked and 
 dangerous channel” — reached the 
 Kennebec at Bath, these statements 
 by Rosier are strangely inaccurate. 
 
 If he ascended the Kennebec from 
 its mouth, the description is entirely 
 misleading. Capt. John Smith sailed 
 up the Kennebec a few years later, 
 and this is his record (Description of 
 New England, Veazie reprint, p. 42.) ; 
 
 “Along this Riuer 40 or 50 miles I 
 saw nothing but great l\igh Cliffes of 
 barren Rocks ouergrowne with 
 wood.” 
 
 111. The reference is to the flow- 
 ing of the tide. It was only a “ judge- 
 ment,” but the judgment was an er- 
 roneous one on any theory. The 
 mean rise and fall of the tide in the 
 St. George’s River is 9.4 feet. 
 
 foot at high water.”* 
 
 110. These statements with refer- 
 ence to the breadth and depth of the 
 river, also with reference to the char- 
 acter of its bottom and the boldness 
 of its shores, are true of the St. 
 George’s River. Then, too, on either 
 shore of the St. George’s River — a 
 notable feature of the river — are the 
 many “ very gallant Coues ” of which 
 Rosier speaks. Many of these have 
 names, and on the Coast Survey chart 
 of the St. George’s River I find Deep 
 Cove, Gay Cove, Turkey Cove, Maple 
 Juice Cove, Otis Cove, Watts Cove, 
 Cutler’s Cove, Broad Cove and 
 Hyler’s Cove. Furthermore, the di- 
 rection of the river as it “ runneth 
 vp into the main ” is, as Rosier says, 
 “toward the great mountaines.” All 
 the way up the St. George’s River to 
 Thomaston one has before him the 
 Camden and Union Mountains. If, 
 however, Waymouth passed through 
 
140 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 The Land. 
 
 The wood. 
 
 Heere are made by nature most excellent places, as 
 Docks to graue or Carine ships of all burthens ; secured 
 from all windes, which is such a necessary incomparable 
 benefit, that in few places in England, or in any parts of 
 Christendome, art, with great charges, can make the like. 
 
 Besides, the bordering land is a most rich neighbour 
 trending all along on both sides, in an equall plaine, 
 neither mountainous nor rocky, but verged with a greene 
 bordure of grasse, doth make tender vnto the beholder 
 of hir pleasant fertility, if by clensing away the woods 
 she were conuerted into meadow. 
 
 The wood she beareth is not shrubbish fit only for 
 fewell, but goodly tall Firre, Spruce, Birch, Beech, Oke, 
 which in many places is not so thicke, but may with 
 small labour be made feeding ground, being plentifull 
 like the outward Hands with fresh water, which stream-.^ 
 eth doune in many places. 
 
 As we passed with a gentle winde vp with our ship 
 in this Riuer, any man may conceiue with what admira- 
 tion we all consented in joy. Many of our Company 
 who had beene trauellers in sundry countries, and in the 
 most famous Riuers, yet affirmed them not comparable 
 to this they now beheld. Some that were with Sir Wal- 
 ter Ralegh”"" in his voyage to Guiana, in the discouery 
 
 of the 
 
 112. Ealeigh, with five ships, 
 sailed for Guiana in 1595, and having 
 
 explored to a considerable extent the 
 country about the Orinoco, he re- 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 141 
 
 of the Riuer Orenoque, which echoed fame to the worlds 
 eares, gaue reasons why it was not to be compared with 
 this, which wanteth the dangers of many Shoales, and 
 broken ground, wherewith that was incombred. Others 
 before that notable Riuer in the West Indies called Rio 
 Grande; some before the Riuer of Loyer, the Riuer 
 Seine, and of Bordeaux in France, which, although they 
 be great and goodly Riuers, yet it is no detraction from 
 them to be accounted inferiour to this, which not only 
 yeeldeth all the foresaid pleasant profits, but also ap- 
 peared infallibly to vs free from all inconueniences. 
 
 I will not prefer it before our Fiuer of Thames, be- 
 cause it is England’s richest treasure ; but we all did wish 
 those excellent Harbours, good deeps in a continuall 
 conuenient breadth and small tide gates, to be as well 
 therein for our countries good, as we found the here 
 (beyond our hopes) in certaine, for those to whom it shall 
 please God to grant this land for habitation ; which if it 
 had, with the other inseparable adherent commodities 
 here to be found ; then I would boldly affirme it to be 
 the most rich, beautifull, large & secure harbouring riuer 
 that the world affoordeth. 
 
 ^ Wednesday, the twelfth of June, our Captaine 
 
 manned 
 
 This riuer pre- 
 ferred before 
 the Orenoque : 
 and why. 
 
 turned to England the same year. 
 He published on his return a glowing 
 account of this voyage, entitled “ Dis- 
 
 covery of the large, rich and beauti- 
 ful Empire of Guiana.” 
 
142 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 manned his light-horseman with 17 men, and ranne vp 
 from the ship riding”-^ in the riuer vp to the codde”^ 
 thereof, where we landed, leaning six to keepe the light- 
 horseman till our returne. Ten of vs with our shot. 
 
 and some armed, with a boy to carry powder and match, 
 marched vp into the countrey towards the mountaines, 
 which we descried at our first falling with the land,"^ 
 Vnto some of them the riuer brought vs so neere, as we 
 judged our selues when we landed to haue beene within 
 
 113. Waymouth seems to have 
 anchored the Archangel near the 
 present ruins of Fort St. George, a 
 few miles below Thomaston. 
 
 114. This is an Anglo Saxon word, 
 meaning 1, a pillow or cushion ; 2, a 
 bag ; 3, the neck of a net ; 4, a pod ; 
 5, a large seed-ba.sket. See Hollo- 
 well’s Diet, of Archaic and Provincial 
 Words, 1, 262. It is conjectured by 
 Willis, McKeen and others, that it 
 means here a narrow hay or indenta- 
 tion into the land. Capt. John Foster 
 Williams, who in 1797 examined the 
 coast of Maine with reference to 
 Waymouth’s discoveries in 1605, in 
 his report says : “ The word ‘ codde ’ 
 is not common, but I have often heard 
 it, as ‘ vp in the codde of the hay,’ 
 meaning the bottom of the bay. I 
 suppose what he calls ‘ the codde of 
 the river’ is a bay in the river.” 
 Such a bay is found at Thomaston, at 
 
 a league 
 
 the bend of the river near where the 
 Knox mansion stood. 
 
 115. It is impossible to reconcile 
 this statement with the theory that 
 Waymouth ascended the Kennebec. 
 When the party landed, the moun- 
 tains they saw at their first arrival 
 on the coast seemed to be less than a 
 league distant ; and they started for 
 them, purposing to reach them and 
 return that night to the ship. The 
 White Mountains cannot be seen 
 from the landing at Bath, or at any 
 landing on the Kennebec, and if they 
 could, as Prof. Johnston (History of 
 Bristol, Bremen and Pemaquid) sug- 
 gests, “ who would think of making 
 a journey to them on foot, and 
 returning the same day 1 ” for they 
 are about one hundred miles distant. 
 On the other hand, Hosier’s language 
 answers fully to the geographical 
 features of the country back of Thom- 
 aston. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 143 
 
 a league of them ; but we marched vp about foure miles Sto“e?a^^d 
 in the maine, and passed ouer three hides : and because 
 the weather was parching hot, and our men in their 
 armour not able to trauel farre and returne that night 
 to our ship, we resolued not to passe any further, being 
 all very weary of so tedious and laboursom a trauell. 
 
 In this march we passed ouer very good ground, Goodpasture, 
 pleasant and fertile, fit for pasture, for the space of some 
 three miles, hauing but little wood, and that Oke like 
 stands left in our pastures in England, good and great, 
 fit timber for any vse. Some small Birch, Hazle and 
 Brake, which might in small time with few men be 
 cleansed and made good arable land : but as it now is 
 will feed cattell of all kindes with fodder enough for 
 Summer and Winter. The soile is blacke, bearing sun- 
 dry hearbs, grasse, and strawberries bigger than ours in 
 England. In many places are lowe Thicks like our 
 Copisses of small yoong wood. And surely it did all 
 resemble a stately Parke, wherein appeare some old trees 
 with high withered tops, and other flourishing with 
 lining greene boughs. Vpon the hilles grow notable 
 high timber trees, masts for ships of 400 tun : and at 
 the bottome of euery hill, a little run of fresh water; 
 but the furthest and last we passed, ranne with a great 
 streame able to driue a mill. 
 
 We 
 
144 the last discovery OF THE 
 
 Deere, Hares, 
 Hogges. 
 
 We might see in some places where fallow-Deere and 
 Hares had beene, and by the rooting of ground we sup- 
 posed wilde Hogs had ranged there, but we could descrie 
 no beast, because our noise still chased them from vs. 
 
 We were no sooner come aboord our light-horseman, 
 returning towards our ship, but we espied a Canoa com- 
 ming from the further part of the Cod of the riuer East- 
 ward,”^ which hasted to vs ; wherein, with two others. 
 
 was he who refused to stay for a pawne : and his com- 
 ming was very earnestly importing to haue one of our 
 men to go lie on shore with their Bashabes (who was 
 there on shore, as they signed) and then the next morn- 
 ing he would come to our ship with many Furres and 
 Tabacco. This we perceiued to be only a meere deuice 
 to get possession of any of our men, to ransome all 
 those which we had taken, which their naturall policy 
 could not so shadow, but we did easily discouer and 
 preuent. These meanes were by this Saluage prac- 
 tised, because we had one of his kinsemen prisoner, as 
 we judged by his most kinde vsage of him being aboord 
 vs together. 
 
 Thursday, the 13 of June, by two a clocke in the 
 
 116. According to those who hold 
 the St.George’s River theory, the “Cod 
 of the riuer Eastward” was what is 
 now known as Mill River. This was 
 the usual route of the Indians com- 
 
 morning 
 
 ing from the Penobscot. Prince (Ro- 
 sier’s Narrative, p. 34) says that this 
 carrying place has been used by the 
 Indians within his knowledge. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 145 
 
 morninsf (because our Captaine would take the helpe and we set vp an- 
 aduantage of the tide) in the light-horseman with our 
 Company well prouided and furnished with armour and 
 shot both to defend and offend ; we went from our ship 
 vp to that part of the riuer which trended westward into 
 the maine,”^ to search that : and we carried with vs a 
 Crosse,”® to erect at that point, which (because it was 
 not daylight) we left on the shore vntill our returne 
 backe ; when we set it vp in maner as the former. For 
 this (by the way) we diligently obserued, that in no place, 
 either about the Hands, or vp in the maine, or alongst 
 the riuer, we could discerne any token or signe, that 
 euer any Christian had been before ; of which either by 
 cutting wood, digging for water, or setting vp Crosses 
 (a thing neuer omitted by any Christian trauellers) we 
 should haue perceiued some mention left. 
 
 But to returne to our riuer, further vp into which 
 we then rowed by estimation twenty miles, the beauty 
 
 and 
 
 above Thomaston. The narrative, 
 however, clearly states that the cross 
 was set up at “ that part of the riuer 
 which trended westward into the 
 maine,” accordingly at the present 
 site of Thomaston, or on the point 
 opposite (Watson’s Point), as Prince 
 (Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 6, p. 302) 
 suggests. 
 
 19 
 
 117. At Thomaston the river takes 
 just such a course as is here de- 
 scribed. Making a right-angle, it ex- 
 tends westerly about two miles, and 
 then turns northward. The river 
 narrows where it trends westward. 
 
 118. Rev. David Cushman (Maine 
 Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 6, p. 316,) thinks 
 the cross was set up at the second 
 bend in the river, about two miles 
 
 \ 
 
146 
 
 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 and goodnesse whereof I can not by relation sufficient- 
 ly demonstrate. That which I can say in generall is 
 this : What profit or pleasure soeuer is described and 
 ua^portetfo^ truly verified in the former part of the riuer, is wholly 
 doubled in this ; for the bredth and depth is such, that 
 any ship drawing 17 or 18 foot water, might haue 
 passed as farre as we went with our light-horsman, and 
 by all our mens judgement much further, because we 
 left it in so good depth and bredth ; which is so much 
 the more to be esteemed of greater woorth, by how 
 much it trendeth further vp into the maine : for from the 
 place of our ships riding in the Harbour at the entrance 
 into the sound, to the furthest part we were in this 
 riuer, by our estimation was not much lesse than three- 
 score miles.”^ 
 
 From 
 
 river, which for any part of the coast 
 from the Penobscot to the Kennebec 
 was exaggerated one-half, these esti- 
 mates as to distance are much too 
 large. It is to be borne in mind, how- 
 ever, that the discovery awakened 
 great enthusiasm in Way mouth and 
 his associates. The greatest rivers in 
 the world were not comparable to 
 this in their excited state of mind ; 
 and Hosier’s record of what they saw 
 bears throughout evidence that he 
 shared the enthusiasm of the rest. 
 Vide also p 114, note 89. 
 
 119. The distance Waymouth 
 passed “ vp into the river” with his 
 ship was “about six and twenty 
 miles.” By this Hosier means the 
 distance in the river alone; for the 
 distance rowed in the boat on the 13th 
 was “by estimation twenty miles.” 
 This would make the total distance in 
 the river about forty-six miles. But 
 the distance from Pentecost Harbor 
 to the farthest point reached in the 
 river he makes “ not much lesse than 
 threescore miles.” These estimates 
 are excessive on any theory. Like 
 Hosier’s estimation of the tide in the 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 147 
 
 From ech banke of this riuer are diuers branching 
 streames into the maine, whereby is affoorded an vn- 
 speakable profit by the conueniency of transportation 
 from place to place, which in some countries is both 
 chargeable ; and not so fit, by cariages on maine, or 
 horsebacke. 
 
 Heere we saw great store of fish, some great, leap- 
 ing aboue water, which we judged to be Salmons. All 
 along is an excellent mould of ground. The wood in 
 most places, especially on the East side, very thinne, 
 chiefly oke and some small yoong birch, bordering low 
 vpon the riuer; all fit for medow and pasture ground: 
 and in that space we went, we had on both sides the 
 riuer many plaine plots of medow, some of three or foure 
 acres, some of eight or nine : so as we judged in the 
 whole to be betweene thirty and forty acres of good 
 grasse, and where the armes run out into the Maine, 
 there likewise went a space on both sides of cleere 
 grasse, how far we know not, in many places we might 
 see paths made to come downe to the watering. 
 
 The excellencie of this part of the Riuer, for his good 
 breadth, depth, and fertile bordering ground, did so rav- 
 ish vs all with variety of pleasantnesse, as we could not 
 tell what to commend, but only admired; some compared 
 it to the Riuer Seuerne, (but in a higher degree) and we 
 
 all 
 
 / 
 
 ( 
 
 } 
 
 Meddow and 
 Grasse^ 
 
148 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 We were 
 to leaue 
 Riuer. 
 
 all concluded (as I verily thinke we might rightly) that 
 we should neuer see the like Riuer in every degree 
 equall, vntill it pleased God we beheld the same againe. 
 For the farther we went, the more pleasing it was to 
 euery man, alluring vs still with expectation of better, 
 so as our men, although they had with great labour 
 rowed long and eat nothing (for we carried with vs no 
 victuall, but a little cheese and bread) yet they were so 
 refreshed with the pleasant beholding thereof, and so 
 loath to forsake it, as some of them affirmed, they would 
 haue continued willingly with that onely fare and labour 
 2 dales ; but the tide not suffering vs to make any longer 
 stay (because we were to come backe with the tide) and 
 our Captaine better knowing what was fit than we, and 
 betten what they in labour were able to endure, being 
 verie loath to make any desperate hazard, where so 
 little necessitie required, thought it best to make re- 
 turne, because whither we had discouered was sufficient 
 to conceiue that the Riuer ran very far into the land. 
 For we passed six or seuen miles, altogether fresh 
 water (whereof we all dranke) forced vp by the flowing 
 of the Salt : which after a great while eb, where we 
 left it, by breadth of channell and depth of water was 
 likely to run by estimation of our whole company an 
 unknow'en way farther: the search whereof our Cap- 
 taine 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 149 
 
 taine hath left till his returne, if it shall so please God 
 to dispose of him and vs.“° 
 
 For we hauing now by the direction of the omnipo- 
 tent disposer of all good intents ^far beyond the period of 
 our hopes) fallen with so bold a coast, found so excellent 
 and secure harbour, for as many Ships as any nation pro- 
 fessing Christ is able to set forth to Sea, discouered a 
 Riuer, which the All-creating God, with his most liberall 
 hand, hath made aboue report notable with his foresaid 
 blessings, bordered with a land, whose pleasant fertility 
 bewraieth it selfe to be the garden of nature, wherein 
 she only intended to delight hir selfe, hauing hitherto 
 obscured it to any, except to a purblind generation, 
 whose vnderstanding it hath pleased God so to darken, 
 as they can neither discerne, vse, or rightly esteeme the 
 vnualuable riches in middest whereof they live sensually 
 
 content 
 
 120 . As the tide the next day, 
 June 14 — see farther on — was falling 
 at four o’clock in the morning, Way- 
 mouth leaving his vessel at two 
 o’clock had the advantage of the tide 
 only a short distance. According to 
 the narrative, if he was in the George’s 
 Eiver, he was at the bend of the 
 river, where Thomaston is situated, 
 before daylight. At the highest point 
 in the river which he reached he 
 found, at least before he set out to 
 return, that it had been " a great 
 while eb.” If, therefore, he returned 
 
 on that same tide, as Eosier leads us 
 to infer — “ the tide not suffering vs 
 to make any longer stay,” — it could 
 not have been later than ten o’clock 
 in the forenoon, and was probably 
 earlier, when the bow of the light- 
 horseman was turned down stream. 
 Eaton (Annals of the Town of War- 
 ren, p. 15) thinks that Waymouth as- 
 cended the St. George’s Eiver as far 
 as the present town of Warren. Ships 
 of 1200 tons have been built at this 
 point. 
 
150 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 The cause of 
 our speedy : 
 turne. 
 
 content with the barke and outward rinds, as neither 
 knowing the sweetnes of the inward marrow, nor ac- 
 knowledging the Deity of the Almighty giuer : hauing 
 I say thus far proceeded, and hauing some of the inhab- 
 itant nation (of best vnderstanding we saw among them) 
 who (learning our language) may be able to giue vs fur- 
 ther instruction, concerning all the premised particulars, 
 as also of their gouernours, and gouernment, situation of 
 townes, and what else shall be conuenient, which by no 
 meanes otherwise we could by any obseruation of our 
 selues learne in a long time : our Captaine now wholy 
 intended his prouision for speedy returne. For although 
 the time of yeere and our victuall were not so spent, but 
 we could haue made a longer voyage, in searching far- 
 ther and trading for very good commodities, yet as they 
 might haue beene much profitable, so (our company be- 
 ing small) much more preiudiciall to the whole state of 
 our voyage, which we were most regardfull now not to 
 hazard. For we supposing not a little present priuate 
 profit, but a publique good, and true zeal of promulgat- 
 ing Gods holy Church, by planting Christianity, to be the 
 sole intent of the Honourable setters foorth of this dis- 
 couery ; thought it generally most expedient, by our 
 speedy returne, to giue the longer space of time to m.ake 
 prouision for so weighty an entirprise.'^' Friday, 
 
 121. This purpose was expressed compact signed in the cabin of the 
 
 by the Pilgrims in the memorable Mayflower in Cape Cod Harbor : 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 151 
 
 Friday, the 14 day of June, early by foure a clocke 
 in the morning, with the tide, our two boats, and a 
 little helpe of the winde, we rowed downe to the riuers 
 mouth'^^ and there came to an anker about eleuen a S mouth of 
 clocke. Afterward our Captaine in the light-horseman 
 searched the sounding all about the mouth and com* 
 ming to the Riuer, for his certaine instruction of a per- 
 fect description. 
 
 The next day being Saturday, we wayed anker, and 
 with a briese from the land, we sailed vp'^^ to our water- 
 ing place, and there stopped, went on shore and filled 
 all our empty caske with fresh water. 
 
 Our 
 
 “ Having vndertaken for the glory of 
 God, and advancement of the Chris- 
 tian faith and honour of our King 
 and Countrey a Voyage to plant the 
 first Colony in theNortherne parts of 
 Virginia, doe by these presents sol- 
 emnly & mutually in the presence of 
 God and one of another, covenant and 
 combine our selves together into a 
 civill body politike, for our better 
 ordering and preservation, and fur- 
 therance of the ends aforesaid.” 
 
 122. “ The riuers mouth ” was of 
 course the mouth of the great river 
 Waymouth had discovered Accord- 
 ing to the narrative the ship “ passed 
 with a gentle wind vp ” the river. The 
 inference from these words as well as 
 from the context plainly is that the 
 ship passed up from the mouth of the 
 
 river. It was now “ rowed downe to 
 the riuers mouth.” There seems to 
 be no escape from the conclusion, 
 therefore, that Waymouth returned 
 to Pentecost Harbor by the way he 
 came. If he entered the Kennebec 
 by the way of Townsend Gut, Sheep- 
 scot Bay and the Sasanoa River, he 
 returned that way, and was not at 
 the mouth of the Kennebec. If he 
 proceeded from Pentecost Harbor to 
 the mouth of the Kennebec, and 
 thence ascended the river, Hosier’s 
 narrative signally fails to indicate this 
 fact. 
 
 123 As St George’s Harbor is not 
 *' vp ” from the mouth of the St. 
 George’s River it is claimed that this 
 passage is fatal to the view that 
 the river discovered by Waymouth 
 
152 
 
 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 Our Captain 
 made his cer- 
 tain e obserua- 
 tion. -j 
 
 Our Captaine vpon the Rocke'^'^ in the middest of 
 the harbour obserued the height, latitude, and variation 
 exactly vpon his instruments. 
 
 1 Astrolabe. 4 Crosse Staffe. 
 
 2 Semisphere. 5 And an excellent compasse 
 
 3 Ringe instrument. made for the variation.”^ 
 
 The certainty whereof, together with the particulari- 
 ties of euery depth and sounding, as well at our falling 
 
 was the St. George’s Eiver, and Pente- 
 cost Harbor St. George’s Harbor. It 
 must be noticed, however, that Way- 
 mouth with his ship entered the river 
 which he had discovered in his shal- 
 lop. When he returned to Pentecost 
 Harboi*, the fact is recorded by Rosier 
 in these words: “We descried our 
 Shallop returning toward vs, which so 
 soon as we espied, we certainly con- 
 jectured our Captaine had found 
 some vnexpected harbour, /writer vp 
 towards the maine.” If the shallop 
 had been up it was now coming down. 
 So when Waymouth left Pentecost 
 Harbor with his ship to ascend the 
 river. Rosier says : “ We passed vp 
 into the river.” As the river de- 
 scended was the same as that as- 
 cended, it is evident that Rosier’s 
 language in this paragraph cannot be 
 pressed. 
 
 124. An identification of this 
 “Rocke” is attempted neither by 
 McKeen nor by any other writer, so 
 
 with 
 
 far as I have noticed. There is a 
 small island in St George’s Harbor, 
 and a little to the eastward ( Vide the 
 chart) is Carey’s Rock. 
 
 125. In Purchas IV., p. 1666, we 
 have the following reading at this 
 point in the narrative : “ Our Cap- 
 taine vpon the Rocke in the middest 
 of the Harbour made his certaine ob- 
 seruation by the Sunne, of the height, 
 latitude, and variation exactly vpon 
 all his Instruments: 1. Astrolabe. 
 2. Seraisphere. 3. Ring-instrument. 
 4. Cross Staffe. 5. And an excel- 
 lent Compas, made for the variation. 
 The latitude he found to be 43 de- 
 grees 20. minutes. North. The varia- 
 tion, 11. degrees 15. minutes, viz, one 
 point of the Compas Westward. And 
 it is so much in England at Lime- 
 house by London Eastward.” St. 
 George’s Harbor is in latitude 43° 
 25' 45" Boothbay Harbor is in lati- 
 tude 43° 50' 45" ; Fisherman’s Island 
 Harbor is in latitude 43° 48'. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 153 
 
 with the land, as in the discouery, and at our departure 
 from the coast; I refer to his owne relation in the 
 Map'^^ of his Geographical! description, which for the 
 benefit of others he intendeth most exactly to publish. 
 
 The temperature of the Climate (albeit a very im- Tte tempera- 
 portant matter) I had almost passed without mention- 
 ing, because it affoorded to vs no great alteration from 
 our disposition in England ; somewhat hotter vp into the 
 Maine, because it lieth open to the South ; the aire so 
 wholesome, as I suppose not any of vs found our selues at 
 any time more healthfull, more able to labour, nor with 
 better stomachs to such good fare, as we partly brought, 
 and partly found. 
 
 Sunday, the 16 of June, the winde being faire, and 
 because we had set out of England vpon a Sunday, 
 made the Hands vpon a Sunday, and as we doubt not 
 (by Gods appointment) happily fell into our harbour 
 vpon a Sunday ; so now (beseeching him still with like 
 prosperity to blesse our returne into England our coun- 
 try, and from thence with his good will and pleasure to 
 hasten our next arriuall there) we waied Anker and quit 
 the Land vpon a Sunday. 
 
 Tuesday, the 18 day, being not run aboue 30 leagues 
 from land, and our Captaine for his certaine knowledge 
 
 how 
 
 126. If Waymouth published this 
 map no copy, so far as I can learn, 
 
 20 
 
 has been preserved. 
 
154 the last discovery OF THE 
 
 how to fall with the coast, hauing sounded euery watch, 
 and from 40 fathoms had come into good deeping, to 70 
 and so to an hundred : this day the weather being faire, 
 after the foure a clocke watch, when we supposed not to 
 haue found ground so farre from land, and before 
 sounded in about 100 fathoms, we had ground in 24 
 fathomes. Wherefore our sailes being downe, Thomas 
 King, boatswaine, presently cast out a hooke, and before 
 he judged it at ground, was fished and haled vp an ex- 
 ceeding great and well fed Cod : then there were cast 
 out 3 or 4 more, and the fish were so plentifull and so 
 great, as when our Captaine would haue set saile, we all 
 desired him to suffer them to take fish a while, because 
 we were so delighted to see them catch so great fish, so 
 fast as the hooke came downe : some with playing with 
 the hooke they tooke by the backe, and one of the Mates 
 with two hookes at a lead at hue draughts together 
 haled vp tenne fishes ; all were generally very great, 
 some they measured to be fiue foot long, and three foot 
 about. 
 
 Afishiug This caused our Captaine not to maruell at the 
 
 banke, 
 
 shoulding for he perceiued it was a fish banke, which 
 (for our farewell from the land) it pleased God in contin- 
 uance of his blessings to giue vs knowledge of : the 
 abundant profit whereof should be alone sufficient cause 
 
 to 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 155 
 
 to draw men againe, if there were no other good both in 
 present certaine, and in hope probable to be discouered. 
 To amplifie this with words, were to adde light to the 
 Sunne : for euery one in the shippe could easily account 
 this present commodity ; much more than those of judge- 
 ment, which knew what belonged to fishing, would war- 
 rant (by the helpe of God) in a short voyage with few 
 good fishers to make a more profitable returne from 
 hence than from New-found-land: the fish being so much 
 greater, better fed, and abundant with traine of 
 which some they desired, and did bring into England to 
 bestow among their friends, and to testifie the true re- 
 port. 
 
 After, we kept our course directly for England & 
 with ordinary winds, and sometime calmes, vpon Sun- 
 day the 14 of July about sixe a clocke at night, we 
 
 127 . Thomas Morton, in the 
 “ New English Canaan," published 
 in 1632, in a chapter on the fishes 
 that abound on the coast of New 
 England, refers first of all to the 
 “ Codd, because it is the most com- 
 modious of all fish,” and says “ greate 
 store of train oyle is mayed of the 
 livers of the Codd, and is a commodi- 
 ty that without question will enrich 
 the inhabitants of New England 
 quickly ; and is therefore a principail 
 commodity.” Capt John Smith was 
 
 were 
 
 on the coast of Maine in 1614 and 
 obtained “40,000 of drie fish, . . 
 traine oile and Eurres.” New Eng- 
 land’s Trials, p. 10. John Winter, 
 writing June 18, 1634, at Eichmond’s 
 Island, to Eobert Trelawny, says : 
 “traine we haue made very little ac- 
 cordinge to our fish. All the winter 
 fish doth yeld very little traine ; we 
 haue made but 5 hodgheds all this 
 year.” Trelawny Papers, p. 26. 
 Vide also pp. 107, 162, 192, etc. 
 
156 THE LAST DISCOVERY OE THE 
 
 We came 
 sounding. 
 
 into were come into sounding in our channell, but with 
 darke weather and contrary winds, we were constrained 
 to beat vp and downe till Tuesday the i6 of July, when 
 by hue a clocke in the morning we made Sylly'^® ; from 
 whence, hindered with calmes and small winds, vpon 
 Thursday the i8 of July about foure a clocke after 
 noone, we came into Dartmouth ; which Hauen happily 
 (with Gods gracious assistance) we made our last and 
 first Harbour in England. 
 
 Further, I haue thought fit here to adde some things 
 worthy to be regarded, which we haue 'obserued from 
 the Saluages since we tooke them. 
 
 First, although at the time when we surprised them, 
 they made their best resistance, not knowing our pur- 
 pose, nor what we were, nor how we meant to vse them ; 
 yet after perceiuing by their kinde vsage we intended 
 them no harme, they haue neuer since seemed discontent- 
 ed with vs, but very tractable, louing, & willing by their 
 best meanes to satisfie vs in any thing we demand of them, 
 by words or signes for their vnderstanding: neither haue 
 they at any time beene at the least discord among them- 
 
 selues ; 
 
 128. The Scilly Islands, a group 
 at the west entrance to the English 
 channel. There are about one hund- 
 red and forty islands in all, besides 
 numerous rocks. “ The group was 
 sometimes used by the Komans as a 
 
 place of banishment, and was called 
 by them Sellinae or Silurum insulae. 
 They were annexed to the English 
 crown in the 10th century.” Apple- 
 ton’s Cyclopaedia. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 157 
 
 selues ; insomuch as we haue not seene them angry but 
 merry ;''and so kinde, as if you giue any thing to one of 
 them, he will distribute part to euery one of the rest. 
 
 We haue brought them to vnderstand some English, 
 and we vnderstand much of their language ; so as we 
 are able to aske them many things. And this we haue 
 obserued, that if we shew them anything, and aske them 
 if they haue it in their countrey, they will tell you if they 
 haue it, and the vse of it, the difference from ours in big- 
 nesse, colour, or forme ; but if they haue it not, be it a 
 thing neuer so precious, they wil denie the knowledge 
 of it. 
 
 They haue names for many starres, which they will 
 shew in the firmament. 
 
 They shew great reuerence to their King, and are 
 in great subiection to their Gouernors : and they will 
 shew a great respect to any we tell them are our Com- 
 manders. 
 
 They shew the maner how they make bread of their 
 Indian wheat, and how they make butter and cheese of 
 the milke they haue of the Rain-Deere and Fallo-Deere, 
 which they haue tame as we haue Cowes. 
 
 They haue excellent colours. And hauing seene our 
 Indico, they make shew of it, or of some other like 
 thing which maketh as good a blew. 
 
 Indico and 
 other excellent 
 colours in the 
 countrey. 
 
 One 
 
158 THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 One especial! thing is their maner of killing the 
 Whale, which they call Powdawe and will describe his 
 forme; how he bloweth vp the water; and that he is 12 
 fathoms long; and that they go in company of their 
 King with a multitude of their boats, and strike him 
 
 Their killing of with a bonc made in fashion of a harping iron fastened 
 
 the Whale. , . , , , . . , 
 
 to a rope, which they make great and strong ot the 
 barke of trees, which they veare out after him ; then all 
 their boats come about him, and as he riseth aboue 
 water, with their arrowes they shoot him to death ; when 
 they haue killed him & dragged him to shore, they call 
 all their chiefe lords together, & sing a song of joy: and 
 those chiefe lords, whom they call Sagamos, divide the 
 spoile, and giue to euery man a share, which pieces so 
 distributed they hang vp about their houses for prouis- 
 ion : and when they boile them, they blow off the fat, 
 and put to their peaze, maiz, and other pulse, which they 
 
 eat. 
 
 129. Kev. M. C. O’Brien, of Bangor, 
 who has made a special study of the 
 Abnaki language, writes: “‘Pow- 
 dawe ’ means he blows, and describes 
 
 the well known habit of the whale. 
 Pudebe is the Abnaki for whale. 
 Pudebe pudawe means the whale 
 blows.” 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 159 
 
 A Briefe Note of what Profits we saw the Country 
 yeeld in the small time of our stay there. 
 
 Trees. 
 
 Oke of an exellent graine, 
 strait, and great timber. 
 Elme. 
 
 Beech. 
 
 Birch, very tall & great ; of 
 whose barke they make 
 their Canoas. 
 Wich-Hazell. 
 
 Hazell. 
 
 Alder. 
 
 Cherry-tree. 
 
 Ash. 
 
 Maple. 
 
 Yew. 
 
 Spruce. 
 
 Aspe. 
 
 Firre. 
 
 Many fruit trees, which we 
 knew not. 
 
 Fowles. 
 
 Eagles. 
 
 Hernshawes. 
 
 Cranes. 
 
 Ducks great. 
 
 Geese. 
 
 Swannes. 
 
 Penguins. 
 
 Crowes. 
 
 Sharks. 
 
 Rauens. 
 
 Mewes. 
 
 Turtle Doues. 
 
 Many birds of sundrie col- 
 ours. 
 
 Many other fowls in flocks, 
 vnknown. 
 
 Beasts. 
 
 Reine-Deere. 
 
 Stagges. 
 
 Fallow-Deere. 
 
 Beares. 
 
 Wolues. 
 
 Beauer. 
 
 Otter. 
 
 Hare. 
 
 Cony. 
 
 Hedge-Hoggs. 
 
i6o THE LAST DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 Polcats. 
 
 Wilde great Cats. 
 
 Dogges ; some like Wolues, 
 some like Spaniels. 
 
 Fishes. 
 
 Whales. 
 
 Seales. 
 
 Cod very great. 
 
 Haddocke great. 
 
 Herring great. 
 
 Plaise. 
 
 Thornebacke. 
 
 Rockefish. 
 
 Lobster great. 
 
 Crabs. 
 
 Muscles great, with pearles 
 in them. 
 
 Cockles. 
 
 Wilks. 
 
 Cunner-fish. 
 
 Lumps. 
 
 Whiting. 
 
 Scales. 
 
 Tortoises. 
 
 Oisters. 
 
 Frvits, Plants 
 AND Herbs. 
 
 abundance. 
 
 Tobacco, excellent sweet 
 and strong. 
 
 Wild Vines. 
 
 Strawberries 
 Raspberries 
 Gooseberries 
 Hurtleberries 
 Currant trees 
 Rose-bushes. 
 
 Peaze. 
 
 Ground-nuts. 
 
 Angelica, a most soueraigne 
 herbe. 
 
 An hearbe that spreadeth 
 the ground & smelleth 
 like Sweet Marioram, 
 great plenty. 
 
 Very good Dies, which ap- 
 peare by their painting ; 
 which they carrie with 
 them in bladders. 
 
 The names of the hue Saluages which we brought 
 home into England, which are all yet alive, are these. 
 
NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 i6i 
 
 1. Tahanedo, a Sagamo or Commander. 
 
 2. Amoret 1 
 
 3. Skicowaros V Gentlemen. 
 
 4. Maneddo J 
 
 5. Saffacomoit, a seruant.'^° 
 
 130. The last of these names, John- 
 ston (Popham Memorial, p. 294, note) 
 says is a misprint for Sassacomolt, 
 as the Abnaki Indians never used 
 the letter f. Gorges (Briefe Narration, 
 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 2, p. 17,) 
 says that three of these Indians, on 
 their arrival in England, came into 
 his posse.ssion, and he gives their 
 names as Manida, Skettwarroes and 
 Tasquantum. The first two, it will 
 be seen, are found in Kosier’s list; 
 but the last is the name of an Indian 
 captured by Thomas Hunt, master of 
 a vessel in Capt. John Smith’s com- 
 pany in 1614, and through mistake is 
 introduced here by Gorges’ writing 
 many years afterward. The capture 
 of these Indians, Gorges (Me. Hist. 
 Soc. Coll., Vol. 2, p. 17.) says, “must 
 be acknowledged the means under 
 God of putting on foot and giving life 
 to all our plantations.” From them 
 Gorges learned “ what goodly rivers, 
 stately islands and safe harbors these 
 parts abounded with . . . what 
 great rivers ran up into the land, what 
 men of note were seated on them, 
 what power they w’ere of, how allied, 
 what enemies they had, and the like.” 
 Eeferring to the character of the three 
 natives who came into his possession 
 21 
 
 Gorges says: “After I had these 
 people some time in my custody, I 
 observed in them an inclination to 
 follow the example of the better sort; 
 and in all their carriages manifest 
 shows of great civility far from the 
 rudeness of our common people.” It 
 has been inferred from a remark by 
 Gorges that the other two Indians 
 brought over by Waymouth were as- 
 signed to Sir John Popharn. In 1606 
 Gorges put two of the Indians, one of 
 whom was Saffacomoit, on a vessel 
 which he dispatched to America, 
 under the command of Capt. Henry 
 Challoung, with instructions to “ keep 
 the northerly gage, as high as Cape 
 Britton, till they had discerned the 
 main, and then to beat it up to the 
 southward, as the coast tended, till 
 they found by the natives they were 
 near the place they were assigned to.” 
 But the Captain was taken sick, the 
 course was not followed, and the ves- 
 sel was captured by the Spaniards. 
 Of the two savages, one at least, 
 Saffacomoit, was subsequently re- 
 covered. A little later, the same sea- 
 son, and before the disaster that had 
 befallen Capt. Challoung’s expedi- 
 tion, another vessel, under Capt. 
 Pring of Bristol, was sent out by Sir 
 
i 62 last discovery OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 John Popham, with instructions to 
 follow and meet Challoung. Tahane- 
 do, whom Gorges calls Dehamda — 
 (Prof. Johnston, Popham Memorial, 
 p. 293, note, says the native word 
 was N’tahanada, and the change was 
 on account of the English ear losing 
 the first consonant and taking the 
 second, or vice versa , — )and possibly 
 Skicowaros, as Gorges intimates, ac- 
 companied Pring. Tahanedo was 
 found at Pemaquid when the Popham 
 Colony came over in ISO". If Skico- 
 waros also accompanied Pring he 
 must have returned to England, as he 
 
 came over with the Popham Colony 
 in the following year. After the 
 colony had located at the mouth of 
 the Kennebec Tahanedo visited the 
 colony twice. We hear no more of 
 him from that time until Capt. John 
 Smith visited Pemaquid in 1614. 
 Nor is he mentioned later. When 
 eight or nine years after the visit of 
 Smith, we again get a glimpse of 
 affairs at Pemaquid, the names of 
 Tahanedo and Skicowaros are no 
 more heard,— all is changed and their 
 places are filled by others (Johnston, 
 Popham Memorial, p. 297.) 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Pages, 
 
 Abnaki Indians, 161 
 
 Advertiser, Portland Daily 72 
 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, 34 
 
 Albert, Archduke. 81 
 
 Aldworth, Eobert 11, 47, 48 
 
 Allen’s Island,. 102, 103, 104, 106, 132, 
 
 133, 134 
 
 Aloza, {Alosa praestabilis) 126 
 
 Amidas, Philip 3 
 
 Amoret, 161 
 
 Anasou, 39, 40 
 
 Andros, Maj. Edmund 49 
 
 Androscoggin, 59, 66, 76, 96 
 
 Antiquaries, Society of 20 
 
 Aquiden, 135, 136 
 
 Archangel, The .viii, 142 
 
 Archer, Gabriel 8, 37 
 
 Arundell, Sir M 14, 15 
 
 Arundeil, Thomas. . . ^ .x, 14, 51, 81,82 
 
 Astrolabe 25, 26 
 
 Atlantic Local Coast Pilot,. 90, 91, 94, 
 
 102, 106, 136 
 
 Azores, The 89 
 
 Bache, Superintendent of Coast 
 Survey 69 
 
 Pages. 
 
 Back Elver 137 
 
 Bagaduce, 56 
 
 Ballard, Dr. Edward. xi, 50,61,96, 137 
 Bancroft, George. . ..11, 67, 69, 70, 71, 
 
 72, 76, 97 
 
 Bangor, 125 
 
 Banks, Dr. C. E. ix, 16 
 
 Barlow, Arthur 3 
 
 Bashabes,. .124, 125, 134, 135, 1-36, 144 
 
 Bath, ix, 59, 65, 67, 103, 139, 142 
 
 Baxter, James P.. vi, vii, 15, 20, 22, 33, 
 
 35 
 
 Belfast Bay, 56, 58, 64, 68 
 
 Belknap, Dr. J 6, 7, 37, 54, 57, 64, 
 
 - 71, 75, 91, 96 
 
 Benner’s Island,, . . . 102, 106, 132, 1-33 
 
 Beverly, 62, 75 
 
 Biencourt, 66 
 
 Birch wood. Sir George, vii 
 
 Block Island, 54 
 
 Blue Mountains, 96 
 
 Boothbay Harbor ix, x, 58, 59, 61, 
 
 65, 67, 76, 99, 101, 102, 
 
 113, 133, 135, 137, 152. 
 
 Brereton, John, 8, 9, 31 
 
 British Museum,. . . ,22, 31, 33, 35, 71 
 
164 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Brown, John 127 
 
 Brown, John Nicholas v 
 
 Brown Library, John Carter v 
 
 Bryant, Hubbard W xi 
 
 Bryce, Prof. James xi 
 
 Bullace, 125 
 
 Burnham, John Milton v 
 
 Burntisland, 102, 103, 133 
 
 Cabot, Sebastian 10 
 
 Calais, 86 
 
 Cam, Thomas 92, 100 
 
 Camden Hills, ix, x, 41, 63, 70, 96, 97, 
 
 100, 139 
 
 Cape Ann 94 
 
 Cape Breton, 83, 161 
 
 Cape Cod 7, 39, 55, 68, 116 
 
 Cape Cod Harbor, 150 
 
 Cape Newagen, 106, 133 
 
 Capes of Virginia,. 52 
 
 Captain’s Hill, 11 
 
 Carey’s Rock, 152 
 
 Catherine, Queen, 14 
 
 Challoung,Capt. Henry 15, 8-3, 161, 162 
 
 Chamberlain, Ex-Gov. J. L 63 
 
 Champeruown, Catherine 1 
 
 Champlain,. 39, 43, 65, 71, 72, 73, 110, 
 120, 124, 125, 137 
 
 Charles II, 48 
 
 Chesapeake Bay, 4, 51, 52, 54 
 
 Coast Survey Office, x 
 
 Codde of the River, 142, 144 
 
 Compass, 26 
 
 Connecticut River, 53, 54, 75 
 
 Coves in St. George’s River,- 139 
 
 Cross set up by Waymouth,.108, 138, 
 
 145 
 
 Cuerno (Corvo) 89 
 
 Cushman, Rev. David 
 Cuttyhunk, 
 
 61, 69, 76, 
 97, 145 
 7 
 
 Damariscove Islands 101, 1-33 
 
 Dartmouth, 21, 85, 156 
 
 Davies, James 40, 49, 74 
 
 Davis Island, 102, 133 
 
 De Costa, Dr. B. F. 11, 40, 41, 42, 65, 
 
 66, 69, 70, 72, 73, 129, 133 
 
 Deering, Capt, Charles 97 
 
 Dehamda,. 162 
 
 Demonstrations, Waymouth’s,.24, 25, 
 
 26, 28, 29, 31 
 
 Denison, Capt. W. E 97 
 
 Deptford, 33 
 
 Documentary History of Maine, 10, 13 
 
 Dover 86 
 
 Downs, The 86 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis, 3, 4 
 
 Drake, Samuel A 62 
 
 Drake, Book of the Indians,. . ..124 
 
 Dry Ledges, 132 
 
 Duke of York, 48, 49 
 
 Eaton. 61 
 
 East India Fellowship,, .vii, 16, 21, 82 
 
 Edgartown, 11 
 
 Edward III 86 
 
 Edwards, Capt. Chas 98 
 
 Edwards, William S ...xi 
 
 Elbridge, Giles 47 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen 1, 2, 3, 4, 13, 16, 
 
 17, 20, 21, 30, 85. 
 
 Elizabeth Isle, 7, 45 
 
 Ellis, Sir Henry 20 
 
 Emmanuel College, Cambridge,, , 33 
 Emperor of Cathay, 16, 17, 20 
 
INDEX 
 
 Essex, 13 
 
 Exeter, 86 
 
 Falmouth, England 6 
 
 Fish, Abundance of.. 95, 104, 147, 154 
 
 Fisherman’s Island, 103 
 
 Fisherman’s Island Harbor,. . .x, 102, 
 
 127, 133, 135, 136, 152 
 
 Fishes, Names of 160 
 
 Flint-lock gun, 106 
 
 Flores 89 
 
 Folsom, George 58 
 
 Force, Hist. Tracts .94, 95, 100, 
 
 104, 105, 106, 112 
 
 Fort Pownal, 56 
 
 Fort St. George. 142 
 
 Fortifications, 29 
 
 Fowles, Names of 159 
 
 Friend, Rev. H.. 125 
 
 Fruits, Names of 160 
 
 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey 1, 2, 3 
 
 Gilbert, Otho 1 
 
 Gilbert, Capt. . .40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 109, 
 
 1 14, 124 
 
 Goddard, Hon. C. W viii, 99 
 
 Godfrey, J. F 124 
 
 Goodwin Sands, 86 
 
 Gorges, Sir Ferdinando. . . viii, ix, 15, 
 41, 43, 45, 47, 50, 53, 74, 75, 
 82, 83, 124, 161, 162. 
 Gosnold, Bartholomew.. .6, 7, 8,9, 10, 
 11, 13, 21, 37, 43, 45, 51 
 
 Gravesend 85 
 
 Gray, Prof. Asa xi 
 
 Greenland, 20 
 
 Grenville, Sir Richard 3 
 
 Griffen, Owen 121, 122, 128 
 
 Griffith, William.. 41 
 
 165 
 
 Guiana, 140, 141 
 
 Hamlin, Prof. C. E 87 
 
 Hanham, Thomas. . . . 83 
 
 Hakluyt, Richard 10 
 
 Harris, Dr. John viii 
 
 Hazard State Papers,. . 3 
 
 Hockomock Bay, 59, 137 
 
 Hockomock Point, 137 
 
 Hogarth, 20 
 
 Holmes, Abiel, 57 
 
 Howard, Edward 14 
 
 Hubbard, Rev. William 51, 75 
 
 Hudson’s River, 52, 75 
 
 Humphrey, F. F 97, 98, 99 
 
 Hunt, Thomas .161 
 
 Indians captured by Waymouth. .15, 
 44, 71, 83, 130, 131,161 
 Indians described by Rosier, ...109, 
 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 131, 156, 
 157, 158. 
 
 Indians, Pemaquid 40 
 
 Infanta Isabella Anne 82 
 
 Jago’s Glossary of Cornwall,. 125 
 
 James I, 13, 22, 30, 33, 59, 81, 82 
 
 James River, 52, 54, 75 
 
 Jamestown, 8 
 
 Jewell of Artes 22, 23, 30, 31 
 
 John William, Duke 34 
 
 John’s Town, 127 
 
 Johnston, Prof.... 62, 97, 142, 161, 162 
 Jiilich, Siege of 34, 35 
 
 Kennebec,, ix, xi, 39, 40, 45, 49, 52, 67, 
 59, 60, 61. 63, 65, 66, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 
 75, 76, 113, 114, 136, 137, 139, 142, 
 151. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 1 66 
 
 King’s Library, 
 
 22 
 
 Lane, Kalph 3, 4 
 
 Library of Lambeth Palace, 40, 73 
 
 Light-horseman, 127 
 
 Liniken’s Point, 127 
 
 Lizards, The 87 
 
 Long Island, 51, 52 
 
 Long Island, Penobscot Bay, 56 
 
 Mace, Samuel 6 
 
 Mag. of Am. History, ... .8, 11, 12, 69, 
 
 70, 72 
 
 Maine Hist. Soc. Coll, viii, 43, 46, 47, 
 48, 50, 58, 72, 83, 96, 101, 103, 106, 
 114, 124, 127, 133, 136, 137, 145, 161. 
 
 Manana 94 
 
 Maneddo, 161 
 
 Manomet, 12 
 
 Martha’s Vineyard, ...... 7, 11 
 
 Massachusetts Bay,. 7, 11, 53 
 
 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.v, 5, 8 , 9, 37, 118 
 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings,. .41, 42, 
 
 129, 133, 138 
 
 Massasoit, 124 
 
 Matchlock gun, 106 
 
 Matinicus, 41, 42, 94 
 
 Maurice, Prince 35 
 
 Maverick’s Description of New 
 
 England, 48 
 
 Mawooshen, 47 
 
 Maximilian IL, 81 
 
 Mayflower, The 116, 150 
 
 McKeen, John 58, 59, 60, 64, 69, 
 
 76, 96, 99, 101, 103, 106, 
 114, 133,137, 142,1.52. 
 
 Merrymeeting Bay, 59, 66 , 137 
 
 Metinic, .42, 134 
 
 Milford Haven, .... 10 
 
 Mill Eiver, 144 
 
 Mitchell, Henry 91 
 
 Monhegan, x, 40, 42, 46, 49, 55, 57> 
 
 62, 63, 64, 66 , 68 , 69, 70, 73» 
 74, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 
 101, 103, 106, 133, 138. 
 
 Moosehead Lake, 87 
 
 Morton’s New English Canaan,. .Ill, 
 155. 
 
 Motley, J. L 82 
 
 Mount’s Relation, .. 107, 108, 110 , 111 , 
 
 112, 116, 119 
 
 Muscovia and Turkey Companies,. 82 
 
 Nahanada, 44 , 161 
 
 Nantucket, 91 
 
 Nantucket Shoals, 90 
 
 Narragansett, 54 , 75 
 
 Newagen, Cape 106, 133 
 
 New England Hist, and Gen. Reg- 
 ister, 48, 65 
 
 Newfoundland, 2 , 5 
 
 New Harbor, 44, 127, 128, 129 
 
 Northwest Passage to the Indies,.. vii, 
 
 16, 25 
 
 Norumbeague, 125 
 
 O’Brien, Rev. M. C 136, 158 
 
 Ocean Point, 99 
 
 Old Fort Point, 56 
 
 Oldmixon, 50,52, 54, 75 
 
 Oliver, Mrs. Hannah 12 
 
 Orinoco 149 
 
 Owl’s Head 56, 96 
 
 Palfrey, J. G 11, 60 
 
 Parkman, Francis 118 
 
INDEX 
 
 167 
 
 Partridge Berry, .125 
 
 Partridge’s Point, 44 
 
 Pejepscot, 59 
 
 Pemaquid, 42, 46, 49, 52, 73, 74, 
 
 75, 96, 127, 162 
 
 Pemaquid Harbor, 44 
 
 Pemaquid Indians, 40, 135 
 
 Pemaquid Lighthouse, 128 
 
 Pemaquid Point, x, 44, 133 
 
 Pemaquid River,. . ix, 43, 44, 47, 48, 50, 
 
 53, 129, 133 
 
 Penobscot Bay, 10, 56, 58, 64 
 
 Penobscot Hills, 55, 58, 96, 100 
 
 Penobscot River, ix, 41, 47, 57, 58, 59, 
 60, 63, 69, 71, 74, 76, 125, 134, 144 
 Pentecost Harbor,. ix, x, 43, 46, 53, 55, 
 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 67, 72, 75, 76, 101, 
 102, 127, 151, 152. 
 
 Pentecost Harbor, Cross at 43, 
 
 108, 109, 138 
 
 Percy, George 8 
 
 Pette, Peter 33 
 
 Pette, Phineas 33, 34 
 
 Philipson, Miles 14 
 
 Pierce, John 127 
 
 Piigrims, The 107, 108, 118 
 
 Pilgrims, Compact of the . . . .150, 151 
 
 Platt, Master U. S. N 90 
 
 Plymouth, .110 
 
 Plymouth Company, 83 
 
 Plymouth Council, 47 
 
 Plymouth Harbor, 11 
 
 Pole, George, 124 
 
 Pol whole’s Glossary, 125 
 
 Popham, Capt. Geo 40, 59, 114 
 
 Popham Colony 40, 45, 46, 49, 65, 
 
 72, 73, 124, 128, 162 
 
 Popham, Sir John. ..14, 15, 45, 82, 83, 
 
 161, 162 
 
 Powhatan, River of 51, 52, 54, 75 
 
 Prince, George, v, ix, 60, 62, 65, 69, 72, 
 76, 97, 133, 144 
 
 Prince, Thomas 53, 75 
 
 Pring, Martin 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 43, 
 
 44, 45, 83, 161, 162 
 
 Public Records Office,.. 32 
 
 Purchas, his Pilgrimmes,. . .viii, 8, 37, 
 47, 49, 54, 74, 76, 100, 152 
 
 Quibiquesson, 47 
 
 Rale, Fr. Sebastian, 135 
 
 Raieigh, Carew 1 
 
 Raleigh, Sir Walter,. . .1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 
 
 7, 10, 13, 14, 36, 37, 140 
 
 Raleigh, City of 4 
 
 Ram Island, 103 
 
 Ratcliffe, 85 
 
 Resolution Island, 20 
 
 Revised Statutes of Maine, viii 
 
 Richmond’s Island 155 
 
 Roanoke Island, 3,4 
 
 Rose and Crown Shoal, 91 
 
 Rosier, James.viii, ix, 31, 37, 38, 40, 43, 
 45, 46, 70, 73, 74, 76, 95, 100, 102, 
 106, 108, 124, 128, 129, 132, 133, 
 136, 137, 138, 139, 152, 161. 
 
 Royal Society, viii 
 
 Rudolph II, 14, 81 
 
 Saffacomoit, 161 
 
 Sagadahock River,, .ix, 45, 46, 48, 49, 
 53, 58, 59, 66, 71, 75, 114, 129, 151 
 
 Samoset, 110, 127 
 
 Sankaty Head, 55, 91 
 
 Sasanoa River,.xi, 67, 136, 137, 139, 151 
 Sassafras, - 8, 11 
 
i68 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Savage Tlock,.. 7, 10 
 
 Scilly Islands 156 
 
 Seguin x, 42, 45, 134 
 
 Sewal!, E. K.. ..xi, 59. 67, 96, 102, 103, 
 
 127, 133 
 
 Sheepscotj.xi, 59, 65, 67, 133, 136, 137, 
 
 139, 151 
 
 Skidwarres (Skico wares),. 43, 44, 161, 
 
 162 
 
 Slafter, 40 
 
 Smilli, Capt. John 8, 44, 46, 50, 73, 
 
 94, 100, 106, 127, 139, 155, 161, 162 
 
 Sparks, Jared v, 118 
 
 Squirrel Island, 102, 106, 133 
 
 Standish, Capt. Miles 106 
 
 Stanley, William 98 
 
 St. Croix, 48, 49 
 
 St. Croix, Island of .39 
 
 Stepney 85 
 
 Stevens, Henry, ...vii 
 
 Stevens, Henry N vii, viii 
 
 St. George’s Harbor,. ix, x, 44, 55, 58, 
 61, 62, 67, 76, 102, 109 
 113, 132, 136, 152. 
 
 St. George’s Island 42, 44, 73, 138, 
 
 St. George’s Islands, 42. 55, 63, 
 
 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 100, 103, 106 
 St. George’s River,. . .x, 60, 61, 62, 65, 
 67,68, 69, 70, 71, 74, 76,113, 
 136, 139, 149, 151, 152. 
 
 Stith, Rev. William 53, 75 
 
 St. James’ Shells, 87 
 
 Strachey, William, viii, ix, 3, 6, 14, 41, 
 46, 47, 49, 64, 71, 72, 74, 75, 124, 129 
 
 Tahanedo, 161, 162 
 
 Tarbox, Rev. Increase N., D. D., 2 
 
 Tarrenteenes, 112 
 
 Tasquantum, 161 
 
 Thames, The 141 
 
 Thatcher, Anthony 124 
 
 Thatcher’s Island 94 
 
 Thayer, Rev. Henry 0 42, 4.3, 72 
 
 Thirty Years W’ar, Beginning of 
 
 the 35 
 
 Thomaston, 142, 145 
 
 Thornton, J. Wingate 127 
 
 Tobacco, 123, 125, 127, 160 
 
 Tobacco, Drinking of 124 
 
 Townsend Gut, xi, 136, 139, 151 
 
 Townsend Harbor, .58, 59, 101 
 
 Traine Oil, 155 
 
 Trees, Names of 159 
 
 Trelawny Papers, 155 
 
 Trelawny, Robert 155 
 
 Two Bush Island, 55, 56 
 
 Virginia, 52 
 
 Virginia, Colonization of 3, 4, 5, 8 
 
 Warren, Town of 149 
 
 Warwick, Cape 20 
 
 Way mouth, Capt. George i . . .vi, vii, 
 Weymouth, ) viii, ix, x, 
 
 xi, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 
 
 30, 31, 32, 3.3, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 
 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 
 53, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 
 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 
 76, 82, 83; sails from Ratcliffe, 
 85; from Dartmouth Haven, 86; 
 reaches the Azores, 89; discovers 
 land, 91; amid shoals, 92; dis- 
 covers an island, (Monhegan), 94 ; 
 description of the island, 95; 
 thence discerns the main and 
 
INDEX. 
 
 169 
 
 high moantains ap in the main, 
 96 ; sails in toward the other 
 islands more adjoining to the 
 main, 100; finds a good harbor, 
 101 ; and anchors, 102 ; finishes 
 the shallop, 108 ; sets up a cross, 
 108; with thirteen men departs 
 in the shallop, 109 ; the ship vis- 
 ited by Indians, 109; Waymouth 
 returns with the shallop, 113 ; re- 
 ports the discovery of a great 
 river, 114; further intercourse 
 with the Indians, 115-131; 
 sounds about the rocks at the 
 entrance of Pentecost Harbor, 
 132 ; discovers a pond of fresh 
 water on one of the islands, 133 ; 
 is visited by canoes from the 
 Eastward, 134, 135; journey up 
 into the river in his ship, 136, 
 137 ; profits of the river, 138 ; 
 depth of the river and flow of 
 tide, 139 ; comparison with other 
 rivers, 140, 141 ; Waymouth 
 
 leaves the ship and marches up 
 into the country, 142, 143 ; re- 
 turns to the ship, 144; sets up 
 another cross, 145; distance in 
 the river, 146 ; excellency of the 
 river, 147, 148 ; extent of the dis- 
 
 covery, 149 ; cause of the speedy 
 return, 150; passes down to the 
 river’s mouth, 151 ; and thence to 
 Pentecost Harbor, 152 ; sets sail 
 for England, 153; on a fishing 
 bank, 154 ; continues his course 
 to England, 155 ; anchors in 
 Dartmouth Haven, 156. 
 
 Western Antiquary, 126 
 
 Westminster Abbey, 10 
 
 White Head, x 
 
 White, John 4, 6 
 
 White Mountains,. ..ix, 59, 66, 96, 97, 
 98, 99, 100, 101, 142 
 
 Whitson Bay, 11 
 
 Whitson, John 11 
 
 Williams, Capt. John Foster. ..54, 57, 
 64, 75, 91, 96, 142 
 
 Williams, Koger 107 
 
 Williamson, Hon. Joseph 64 
 
 Williamson’s Hist, of Maine,. .48, 57, 
 
 67, 100 
 
 Willis, Hon. William. ..59, 68, 96, 142 
 
 Winter, John 155 
 
 Wiscasset, 137 
 
 Woods, Dr. Leonard, 2, 13 
 
 Woods’ New England Prospect,. .105, 
 
 112 
 
 Woolwich, 33 
 
 Wriothesley, Henry. ..6, 13, 14, 31, 51 
 
 22 
 
The Gorges Society. 
 
 LIST OF MEMBERS, 1887. 
 
 Adams, Charles Francis 
 Allen, Stillman Boyd 
 American Antiquarian Society, 
 Anderson, John Farwell 
 Balcolm, George Lewis 
 Banks, Charles Edward 
 Barrett, Franklin Ripley 
 Barrett, George Potter 
 Baxter, Clinton Lewis 
 Baxter, Hartley Cone 
 Baxter, James Phinney 
 Bell, Charles Henry 
 Berry, Stephen 
 
 Boston. 
 
 a » 
 
 Worcester. 
 Portland. 
 Claremont, N. H. 
 Chelsea, Mass. 
 Portland. 
 
 U 
 
 (C 
 
 Exeter, N. H. 
 Portland. 
 
172 
 
 GORGES SOCIETY. 
 
 Blake, Samuel Harward 
 Blue, Archibald 
 Bonython, John Langdon 
 Boston Atheneum, 
 
 Boston Public Library, 
 Bowdoin College Library, 
 Bradbury, James Ware 
 Briggs, Herbert Gerry 
 Brown, Carroll 
 Brown, John Marshall 
 Brown, John Nicholas 
 Brown, Philip Henry 
 Brown, Philip Greely 
 Bryant, Hubbard Winslow 
 Burnham, Edward Payson 
 Burrage, Henry Sweetser 
 Chicago Public Library, 
 Cleaves, Emery 
 Cleaves, Nathaniel Porter 
 Colby University Library, 
 Cole, Alfred 
 Conant, Frederic Odell 
 Cutter, Abram Edmands 
 Dana, Woodbury Storer 
 Deane, Charles 
 Deering, Henry 
 
 Bangor, Me. 
 
 Toronto. 
 
 Adelaide, So. Australia. 
 Boston. 
 
 (t 
 
 Brunswick, Me. 
 Augusta, Me. 
 
 Portland. 
 
 u 
 
 ii 
 
 Providence. 
 
 Portland. 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 Saco, Me. 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Chicago. 
 
 Boston. 
 
 a 
 
 Waterville, Me. 
 Buckfield, Me. 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Cambridge. 
 
 Portland. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 173 
 
 De Costa, Benjamin Franklin 
 
 New York. 
 
 Denham, Edward 
 
 New Bedford. 
 
 Dent, John Charles 
 
 Toronto. 
 
 DeWitt, John Evert 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Dexter, Henry Martyn 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Drummond, Josiah Hayden 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Dufosse, Edouard 
 
 Paris. 
 
 Elder, Janus Granville 
 
 Lewiston, Me. 
 
 Elwell, Edward Henry 
 
 Deering, Me. 
 
 Fessenden, Francis 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Field, Edward Mann 
 
 Bangor. 
 
 Fogg, John Samuel Hill 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Gerrish, Frederic Henry 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Goldsmid, Edmund 
 
 Edinburgh. 
 
 Hackett, Frank Warren 
 
 Portsmouth, N. H. 
 
 Hale, Clarence 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Hale, Eugene 
 
 Ellsworth, Me. 
 
 Hammond, George Warren 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Harris, Benjamin Foster 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Harvard University Library, 
 
 Cambridge, Mass. 
 
 Healy, James Augustine 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Hill, Winfield Scott 
 
 Augusta, Me. 
 
 Hyde, William Sage 
 
 Ware, Mass. 
 
 Jackson, George Edwin Bartol 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Jillson, Clark 
 
 Worcester, Mass. 
 
 Johnson, Edward 
 
 Belfast, Me. 
 
174 
 
 GORGES SOCIETY. 
 
 Jordan, Eritz Hermann 
 Jose, Horatio Nelson 
 Lamb, George 
 Lapham, William Berry 
 Libby, Charles Ereeman 
 Library of Congress, 
 
 Library of Parliament, 
 
 Little, George Thomas 
 Littlefield, George Emery 
 Locke, Ira Stephen 
 Locke, Joseph Alvah 
 Maine Historical Society, 
 Maine State Library, 
 
 Maling, Henry Martyn 
 Manning, Prentice Cheney 
 Manson, Alfred Small 
 Massachusetts Hist. Society, 
 Massachusetts State Library, 
 Mosely, Edward Strong 
 New Bedford Public Library, 
 New England Historic Geneal- 
 ogical Society, 
 
 New York State Library, 
 Noyes, Edward Ailing 
 Otis, Albert Boyd 
 Paine, Nathaniel 
 
 Portland. 
 Portland. 
 Cambridge, Mass. 
 Augusta, Me. 
 Portland. 
 Washington. 
 Ottawa. 
 Brunswick, Me. 
 Boston. 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Augusta. 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Newburyport, Mass. 
 New Bedford, Mass. 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Albany, N. Y. 
 Portland. 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Worcester, Mass. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 175 
 
 Pennsylvania Hist. Society, 
 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Pierce, George J. 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Pierce, Josiah 
 
 London. 
 
 Poole, William Frederick 
 
 Chicago. 
 
 Portland Public Library, 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Pratt, John Frank 
 
 Chelsea, Mass. 
 
 Pullen, Stanley Thomas 
 
 Portland 
 
 Putnam, William LeBaron 
 
 u 
 
 Rand, George Doane 
 
 u 
 
 Reed, Thomas Brackett 
 
 a 
 
 Richardson, Charles Francis 
 
 Hanover, N. H. 
 
 Rich, Charles 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Scammon, John Young 
 
 Chicago. 
 
 Shapleigh, Waldron 
 
 New York. 
 
 Short, Leonard Orville 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Smith, Henry St. John 
 
 
 Soule, John Babson Lane 
 
 Highland Park, 111. 
 
 Stearns, Charles Augustus 
 
 Boston. 
 
 Stevens, Henry Newton 
 
 London. 
 
 Stewart, George Jr. 
 
 Quebec. 
 
 Sweat, Lorenzo D. M. 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Symonds, Joseph White 
 
 U 
 
 Thomas, George Albert 
 
 u 
 
 Thompson, Joseph Porter 
 
 (( 
 
 Trask, William Blake 
 
 Boston. 
 
 U. S. Dept, of State Library, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
i 
 
 Due 
 
 176 
 
 GORGES SOCIETY. 
 
 Williamson, Joseph 
 Woburn Public Library, 
 Woodbury, Charles Levi 
 Woodman, Cyrus 
 Woodward, James Otis 
 
 Belfast, Me. 
 Woburn, Mass. 
 Boston. 
 
 Cambridge, Mass. 
 Albany, N. Y. 
 
 Worcester Free Public Library, Worcester, Mass. 
 Wright, William Henry Kearley, Plymouth, England^ 
 
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