T THE LIBRARY ST. JOHN'S SEMINARY Brighton, Massachusetts ST JOHN'S SEMINARY UBRARY 99 LAKE' STREET BRIGHTON. MA 02135 /.^ I'i- > _ J BRIGhiuN.MA.QmS Digitized by tine Internet Arcinive in 2009 witii funding from Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries Iittp://www.archive.org/details/apologiaprovitas01newm APOLOGIA PEO VITA SUA: % ^isfoni of 1/is Eetrigious C)ptnioniS. *' Commit thy way to the Lord, and trust in Him, and He will do it. And He will bring forth thy justice as the light, and thy judgment as the noon-day." JOHX HEXRY XEWMAX, D.D. OF THE OEATOET OF ST. PHILIP yEEI. IfFTV EDITIOy. LOXDOy : LOXGMAXS, GREEN, READER, AND DYER. 1875. ^'i' ^^^^ ■ r- liBRARy BRIGHTON, iviA 02m V5)/:,^)fO,^ LONDON : GILBERT AND EIVINGTON, PEINTEES, ST. John's square. From the Library of L. W. McCxrath. Tr OSoCi^y PREFACE. The following History of my Religious Opinions, now that it is detached from the context in which it originally stood, requires some preliminary ex- planation ; and that, not only in order to introduce it generally to the reader, but specially to make him understand, how I came to write a whole book about myself, and about my most private thoughts and feelings. Did I consult indeed my own im- pulses, I should do my best simply to wipe out of my Volume, and consign to oblivion, every trace of the circumstances to which it is to be ascribed; but its original title of " Apologia " is too exactly borne out by its matter and structure, and these again are too suggestive of correlative circum- stances, and those circumstances are of too grave a character, to allow of my indulging so natural a wish. And therefore, though in this new Edition I have managed to omit nearly a hundred pages- of my original Volume, which I could safely consider IV PREFACE. to be of merely ephemeral importance, I am even for that very reason obliged, by way of making up for their absence, to prefix to my Narrative some account of the provocation out of which it arose. It is now more than twenty years that a vague impression to my disadvantage has rested on the popular mind, as if my conduct towards the Angli- can Church, while I was a member of it, was incon- sistent with Christian simplicity and uprightness. An impression of this kind was almost unavoidable under the circumstances of the case, when a man, who had written strongly against a cause, and had collected a party round him by virtue of such writings, gradually faltered in his opposition to it, unsaid his words, threw his own friends into per- plexity and their proceedings into confusion, and ended by passing over to the side of those whom he had so vigorously denounced. Sensitive then as I have ever been of the imputations which have been so freely cast upon me, I have never felt much impatience under them, as considering them to be a portion of the penalty which I naturally and justly incurred by my change of religion, even though they were to continue as long as I lived. I left their removal to a future day, when personal feelings would have died out, and documents would see the light, which were as yet buried in closets or scattered through the country. This was my state of mind, as it had been for PREFACE. many years, when, in the beginning of 1864, I unexpectedly found myself publicly put upon my defence, and furnished with an opportunity of plead- ing my cause before the world, and, as it so hap- pened, with a fair prospect of an impartial hearing. Taken indeed by surprise, as I was, I had much reason to be anxious how I should be able to acquit mvself in so serious a matter: however, I had lonof had a tacit understanding with myself, that, in the improbable event of a challenge being formally made to me, by a person of name, it would be my duty to meet it. That opportunity had now oc- curred ; it never might occur again ; not to avail myself of it at once would be virtually to give up my cause ; accordingly, I took advantage of it, and, as it has turned out, the circumstance that no time was allowed me for any studied statements has com- pensated, in the equitable judgment of the public, for such imperfections in composition as my want of leisure involved. It was in the number for January 1864, of a magazine of wide circulation, and in an Article upon Queen Elizabeth, that a popular writer took occasion formally to accuse me by name of thinking so lightly of the virtue of Veracity, as in set terms to have countenanced and defended that nes^lect of it which he at the same time imputed to the Ca- tholic Priesthood. His words were these : — VI PREFACE. " Truth, for its own sake, had never heen a vir- tue with the Roman clergy. Father Newman in- forms us that it need not, and on the whole ought not to be; that cunning is the weapon which heaven has given to the Saints wherewith to with- stand the brute male force of the wicked world which marries and is given in marriage. Whether his notion be doctrinally correct or not, it is at least historically so." These assertions, going far beyond the popular prejudice entertained against me, had no founda- tion whatever in fact. I never had said, I never had dreamed of saying, that truth for its own sake, need not, and on the whole ought not to be, a virtue with the Roman Clergy; or that cunning is the weapon which heaven has given to the Saints wherewith to withstand the wicked world. To what work of mine then could the writer be refer- ring ? In a correspondence which ensued upon the subject between him and myself, he rested his charge against me on a Sermon of mine, preached, before I was a Catholic, in the pulpit of my Church at Oxford ; and he gave me to understand, that, after having done as much as this, he was not bound, over and above such a general reference to my Sermon, to specify the passages of it, in which the doctrine, which he imputed to me, was contained. On my part I considered this not enough ; and I demanded of him to bring out his proof of his accusation in PREFACE. ^11 form and in detail, or to confess he was unable to do so. But he persevered in his refusal to cite any distinct passages from any writing of mine; and, though he consented to withdraw his charge, he would not do so on the issue of its truth or false- hood, but simply on the ground that I assured him that I had had no intention of incurring it. This did not satisfy my sense of justice. Formally to charge me with committing a fault is one thing; to allow that I did not intend to commit it, is another; it is no satisfaction to me, if a man accuses me of this offence, for him to profess that he does not accuse me of that; but he thought differently. Not being able then to gain redress in the quarter, where I had a right to ask it, I appealed to the public. I published the corre- spondence in the shape of a Pamphlet, with some remarks of my own at the end, on the course which that correspondence had taken. This Pamphlet, which appeared in the first weeks of February, received a reply from my accuser to- wards the end of March, in another Pamphlet of 48 pages, entitled, " \Yhat then does Dr. Newman mean ?" in which he professed to do that which I had called upon him to do ; that is, he brought together a number of extracts from various works of mine, Catholic and Anglican, with the object of showing that, if I was to be acquitted of the crime of teach- ing and practising deceit and dishonesty, according to VIU PKEFACE. his first supposition, it was at the price of tny being considered no longer responsible for my actions; for, as he expressed it, ''I had a human reason once, no doubt, but I had gambled it away," and I had " worked my mind into that morbid state, in which nonsense was the only food for which it hungered;" and that it could not be called "a hastv or farfetched or unfounded mistake, when he concluded that I did not care for truth for its own sake, or teach my disciples to regard it as a virtue;'^ and, though " too many prefer the charge of insin • cerity to that of insipience, Dr. Newman seemed not to be of that number." He ended his Pamphlet by returning to his origi- nal imputation against me, which he had professed to abandon. Alluding by anticipation to my pro- bable answer to what he was then publishing, he professed his heartfelt embarrassment how he was to believe any thing I might say in my exculpation, in the plain and literal sense of the words. "I am henceforth," he said, '' in doubt and fear, as much as an honest man can be, concerning every word Dr. Newman may write. How can I tell, that I shall not be the dupe of some cunning equivocation, of one of the three kinds laid down as permissible by the blessed St. Alfonso da Liguori and his pupils, even when confirmed with an oath, because ' then we do not deceive our neighbour, but allow him to deceive himself?' . . . How can I tell, that I may not in PREFACE. IX this Pamphlet have made an accusation, of the truth of which Dr. Newman is perfectly conscious ; but that, as I, a heretic Protestant, have no business to make it, he has a full right to deny it ?" Even if I could have found it consistent with my duty to my own reputation to leave such an elabo- rate impeachment of my moral nature unanswered, my duty to my Brethren in the Catholic Priesthood, would have forbidden such a course. Thej/ were involved in the charges w^hich this writer, all along, from the original passage in the Magazine, to the very last paragraph of the Pamphlet, had so confi- dently, so pertinaciously made. In exculpating my- self, it was plain I should be pursuing no mere per- sonal quarrel ; — I was offering my humble service to a sacred cause. I was making my protest in behalf of a large body of men of high character, of honest and religious minds, and of sensitive honour, — w^ho had their place and their rights in this world, though they were ministers of the world unseen, and who were insulted by my Accuser, as the above extracts from him sufficiently show, not only in my person, but directly and pointedly in their ow^n. Accordingly, I at once set about writing the Apologia pro vita sud^ of which the present Volume is the Second Edition ; and it was a great reward to me to find, as the controversy proceeded, such large numbers of my clerical brethren supporting me by their sympathy in the course which I was PREFACE. pursuing, and, as occasion offered, bestowing on me the formal and public expression of their appro- bation. These testimonials in my behalf, so im- portant and so grateful to me, are, together with the Letter, sent to me with the same purpose, from my Bishop, contained in the last pages of this Volume This Edition differs from the Apologia in the fol- lowing particulars: — The original work consisted of seven Parts, which were published in series on consecutive Thursdays, between April 21 and June 2. An Appendix, in answer to specific alle- gations urged against me in the Pamphlet of Accusation, appeared on June 16. Of these Parts 1 and 2, as being for the most part directly contro- versial, are omitted in this Edition, excepting the latter pages of Part 2, which are subjoined to this Preface, as being necessary for the due explanation of the subsequent five Parts. These, (being 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, of the Apologia,) are here numbered as Chapters 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 respectively. Of the Appendix, about half has been omitted, for the same reason as has led to the omission of Parts 1 and 2. The rest of it is thrown into the shape of Notes of a discursive character, with two new ones on Liberalism and the Lives of the English Saints of 1843-4, and another, new in part, on Ecclesiastical Miracles. In the body of the work, PREFACE. XI the only addition of consequence is the letter which is found at p. 228, a copy of which has recently come into my possession. I should add that, since writing the Apologia last year, I have seen for the first time Mr. Oakeley's " Notes on the Tractarian Movement." This work remarkably corroborates the substanceof my Narra- tive, while the kind terms in which he speaks of me personally, call for my sincere gratitude. May 2, 1865. XU PREE'ACE. I make this extract from my Apologia, Part 2, pp. 29 — 31 and pp. 41 — 51, in order to set before the reader the drift I had in writing my Volume : — What shall be the special imputation, against which I shall throw myself in these pages, out of the thousand and one which my Accuser directs upon me ? I mean to con- fine myself to one, for there is only one about which I much care, — the charge of Untruthfulness. He may cast upon me as many other imputations as he pleases, and they may stick on me, as long as they can, in the course of nature. They will fall to the ground in their season. And indeed I think the same of the charge of Untruth- fulness, and select it from the rest, not because it is more formidable but because it is more serious. Like the rest, it may disfigure me for a time, but it will not stain : Arch- bishop Whately used to say, "Throw dirt enough, and some will stick ; " well, will stick, but not, will stain. I think he used to mean " stain," and I do not agree with him. Some dirt sticks longer than other dirt ; but no dirt is immortal. According to the old sajdng, Praevalebit Veritas. There are virtues indeed, about which the world is not fitted to judge or to uphold, such as faith, hope, and charity : but it can judge about Truthfulness ; it can judge about the natural virtues, and Truthfulness is one of them PREFACE. XIU Natural virtues may also become supernatural ; Truthful- ness is such ; but that does not withdraw it from the juris- diction of mankind at large. It may be more difficult in this or that particular case for men to take cognizance of it, as it may be difficult for the Court of Queen's Bench at Westminster to try a case fairly which took place in Hin- dostan : but that is a question of capacity, not of right. Mankind has the right to judge of Truthfulness in a Catholic, as in the case of a Protestant, of an Italian, or of a Chinese. I have never doubted, that in my hour, in God's hour, my avenger will appear, and the world will acquit me of untruthfulness, even though it be not while I live. Still more confident am I of such, eventual acquittal, see- ing that my judges are my own countrymen. I consider, indeed. Englishmen the most suspicious and touchy of man- kind; I think them unreasonable, and unjust in their seasons of excitement ; but I had rather be an Englishman, (as in fact I am,) than belong to any other race under heaven. They are as generous, as they are hasty and byirly; and their repentance for their injustice is greater than their sin. For twenty years and more I have borne an imputation, of which. I am at least as sensitive, who am the object of it, as they can be, who are only the judges. I have not set myself to remove it, first, because I never have had an opening to speak, and, next, because I never saw in them the disposition to hear. I have wished to appeal from Philip drunk to Philip sober. When shall I pronounce him to be himself again ? If I may judge from the tone of the public press, which represents the public voice, I have great reason to take heart at this time. I have been treated by contemporary critics in this controversy with great fairness and gentleness, and I am grateful to them for it. However, the decision oi the time and mode of my XIV PREFACE. defence has been taken out of my liands ; and I am thank- ful that it has been so. I am bound now as a duty to myself, to the Catholic cause, to the Catholic Priesthood, to give account of myself without any delay, when I am so rudely and circumstantially charged with Untruthfulness. I accept the challenge ; I shall do my best to meet it, and I shall be content when I have done so. It is not my present accuser alone who entertains, and has entertained, so dishonourable an opinion of me and of my writings. It is the impression of large classes of men ; the impression twenty years ago and the impression now. There has been a general feeling that I was for years where I had no right to be ; that I was a " Romanist" in Pro- testant livery and service ; that I was doing the work of a hostile Church in the bosom of the English Establishment, and knew it, or ought to have known it. There was no need of arguing about particular passages in my writings, when the fact was so patent, as men thought it to be. First it was certain, and I could not myself deny it, that I scouted the name " Protestant." It was certain again, that many of the doctrines which I professed were popu- larly and generally known as badges of the Roman Church, as distinguished from the faith of the Reformation. Next, how could I have come by them ? Evidently, I had cer- tain friends and advisers who did not appear ; there was some underground communication between Stonyhurst or Oscott and my rooms at Oriel. Beyond a doubt, I was advocating certain doctrines, not by accident, but on an understanding with ecclesiastics of the old religion. Then men went further, and said that I had actually been re- ceived into that religion, and withal had leave given me to profess myself a Protestant still. Others went even further, and gave it out to the world, as a matter of fact, of which they themselves had the proof in their hands. PREFACE. XV that I was actually a Jesuit. And when the opinions which I advocated spread, and younger men went further than I, the feeling against me waxed stronger and took a wider range. And now indignation arose at the knavery of a conspi- racy such as this : — and it became of course all the greater in consequence of its being the received belief of the public at large, that craft and intrigue, such as they fancied they beheld with their eyes, were the very instruments to which the Catholic Church has in these last centuries been in- debted for her maintenance and extension. There was another circumstance still, which increased the irritation and aversion felt by the large classes, of whom I have been speaking, against the preachers of doctrines, 80 new to them and so unpalatable ; and that was, that they developed them in so measured a way. If they were inspired by Eoman theologians, (and this was taken for granted,) why did they not speak out at once ? Why did they keep the world in such suspense and anxiety as to what was coming next, and what was to be the upshot of the whole ? Why this reticence, and half- speaking, and apparent indecision ? It was plain that the plan of opera- tions had been carefully mapped out from the first, and that these men were cautiously advancing towards its accomplishment, as far as was safe at the moment ; that their aim and their hope was to carry ofi* a large body with them of the young and the ignorant ; that they meant gra- dually to leaven the minds of the rising generation, and to open the gates of that city, of which they were the sworn defenders, to the enemy who lay in ambush outside of it. And when in spite of the many protestations of the party to the contrary, there was at length an actual movement among their disciples, and one went over to Rome, and then another, the worst anticipations and the worst judg- ments which had been formed of them received their justi- XVI PREFACE. fication. And, lastly, when men first had said of me, *' You will see, he will go, lie is only biding his time, he is waiting the word of command from Rome," and, when after all, after my arguments and denunciations of former years, at length I did leave the Anglican Church for the Koman, then they said to each other, " It is just as we said : we knew it would be so." This was the state of mind of masses of men twenty years ago, who took no more than an external and common sense view of what was going on. And partly the tradi- tion, partly the effect of that feeling, remains to the present time. Certainly I consider that, in my own case, it is the great obstacle in the way of my being favourably heard, as at present, when I have to make my defence. Not only am I now a member of a most un-English communion, whose great aim is considered to be the extinction of Pro- testantism and the Protestant Church, and whose means of attack are popularly supposed to be unscrupulous cunning and deceit, but how came I originally to have any relations with the Church of Rome at all ? did I, or my opinions, drop from the sky ? how came I, in Oxford, in gremio Uni- versitatis, to present myself to the eyes of men in that full blown investiture of Popery? How could I dare, how could I have the conscience, with warnings, with prophe- cies, with accusations against me, to persevere in a path which steadily advanced towards, which ended in, the reK- gion of Pome ? And how am I now to be trusted, w^hen long ago I was trusted, and was found wanting ? It is this which is the strength of the case of my Accuser against me ; — not the articles of impeachment which he has framed from my writings, and which I shall easily crumble into dust, but the bias of the court. It is the state of the atmosphere ; it is the vibration all around, which will echo his bold assertion of my dishonesty ; it is that prepossession against me, which takes it for granted PREFACE. XVll that, when my reasoning is convincing it is only inge- nious, and that when my statements are unanswerable, there is always something put out of sight or hidden in my sleeve ; it is that plausible, but cruel conclusion to which men are apt to jump, that when much is imputed, much must be true, and that it is more likely that one should be to blame, than that many should be mistaken in blaming him ; — these are the real foes which I have to fight, and the auxiliaries to whom my Accuser makes his advances. Well, I must break through this barrier of prejudice against me if I can ; and I think I shall be able to do so. When first I read the Pamphlet of Accusation, I almost despaired of meeting effectively such a heap of misrepre- sentations and such a vehemence of animosity. What was the good of answering first one point, and then another, and going through the whole circle of its abuse ; when my answer to the first point would be forgotten, as soon as I got to the second ? What was the use of bringing out half a hundred separate principles or views for the refutation of the separate counts in the Indictment, when rejoinders of this sort would but confuse and torment the reader by their number and their diversity ? What hope was there of condensing into a pamphlet of a readable length, matter which ought freely to expand itself into half a dozen volumes ? What means was there, except the expenditure of interminable pages, to set right even one of that series of " single passing hints," to use my Assailant's own lan- guage, which, "as with his finger tip he had delivered" against me ? All those separate charges had their force in being illus- trations of one and the same great imputation. He had already a positive idea to illuminate his whole matter, and to stamp it with a force, and to quicken it with an inter- pretation. He called me a liaVi — a simple, a broad, an in- a Xviii PREFACE. telligible, to the English public a plausible arraignment ; but for me, to answer in detail charge one by reason one, and charge two by reason two, and charge three by reason three, and so on through the whole string both of accusa- tions and replies, each of which was to be independent of the rest, this would be certainly labour lost as regards any effective result. What I needed was a corresponding anta- gonist unity in my defence, and where was that to be found ? We see, in the case of commentators on the pro- phecies of Scripture, an exemplification of the principle on which I am insisting ; viz. how much more powerful even a false interpretation of the sacred text is than none at all; — how a certain key to the visions of the Apocalypse, for instance, may cling to the mind (I have found it so in the case of my own), because the view, which it opens on us, is positive and objective, in spite of the fullest demon- stration that it really has no claim upon our reception. The reader says, "What else can the prophecy mean?" just as my Accuser asks, ** What, then, does Dr. Newman mean ?" I reflected, and I saw a way out of my perplexity. Yes, I said to myself, his very question is about my meaning; "What does Dr. Newman mean?" It pointed in the very same direction as that into which my musings had turned me already. He asks what I mean ; not about my words, not about my arguments, not about my actions, as his ultimate point, but about that living intelligence, by which I write, and argue, and act. He asks about my Mind and its Beliefs and its sentiments ; and he shall be answered ; — not for his own sake, but for mine, for the sake of the Religion which I profess, and of the Priest- hood in which I am unworthily included, and of my friends and of my foes, and of that general public which consists of neither one nor the other, but of well-wishers, lovers of fair play, sceptical cross-questioners, interested PREFACE. XIX inquirers, curious lookers-on, and simple strangers, uncon- cerned yet not careless about the issue, — for tlie sake of all these he shall be answered. My perplexity had not lasted half an hour. I recognized what I had to do, though I shrank from both the task and the exposure which it would entail. I must, I said, give the true key to my whole life ; I must show what I am, that it may be seen what I am not, and that the phantom may be extinguished which gibbers instead of me. I wish to be known as a living man, and not as a scarecrow which is dressed up in my clothes. False ideas may be refuted indeed by argument, but by true ideas alone are they ex- pelled. I will vanquish, not my Accuser, but my judges. I will indeed answer his charges and criticisms on me one by one \ lest any one should say that they are unanswer- able, but such a work shall not be the scope nor the sub- stance of my reply. I will draw out, as far as may be, the history of my mind ; I will state the point at which I began, in what external suggestion or accident each opinion had its rise, how far and how they developed from within, how they grew, were modified, were combined, were in collision with each other, and were changed ; again how I conducted myself towards them, and how, and how far, and for how long a time, I thought I could hold them consistently with the ecclesiastical engagements which I had made and with the position which I held. I must show, — what is the very truth, — that the doctrines which I held, and have held for so many j^ears, have been taught me (speaking humanly) partly by the sug- gestions of Protestant friends, partly by the teaching of books, and partly by the action of my own mind: and thus I shall account for that phenomenon which to so ' This was done in the Appendix, of which the more important parts are preserved in the Notes. XX PREFACE. many seems so wonderful, that I should have left *'my kindred and my father's house " for a Church from which once I turned away with dread ; — so wonderful to them ! as if forsooth a Religion which has flourished through so many ages, among so many nations, amid such varieties of social life, in such contrary classes and conditions of men, and after so many revolutions, political and civil, could not subdue the reason and overcome the heart, without the aid of fraud in the process and the sophistries of the schools. What I had proposed to myself in the course of half-an- hour, I determined on at the end of ten days. However, I have many difficulties in fulfilling my design. How am I to say all that has to be said in a reasonable compass ? And then as to the materials of my narrative ; I have no autobiographical notes to consult, no written explanations of particular treatises or of tracts which at the time gave offence, hardly any minutes of definite transactions or con- versations, and few contemporary memoranda, I fear, of the feelings or motives under which from time to time I acted. I have an abundance of letters from friends with some copies or drafts of my answers to them, but they are for the most part unsorted; and, till this process has taken place, they are even too numerous and various to be avail- able at a moment for my purpose. Then, as to the volumes which I have published, they would in many ways serve me, were I well up in them : but though I took great pains in their composition, I have thought little about them, when they were once out of my hands, and for the most part the last time I read them has been when I revised their last proof sheets. Under these circumstances my sketch will of course be incomplete. I now for the first time contemplate my course as a whole ; it is a first essay, but it will contain, I PREFACE. XXI trust, no serious or substantial mistake, and so far will answer the purpose for which I write it. I purpose to set nothing down in it as certain, for which I have not a clear memory, or some written -memorial, or the corrobo- ration of some friend. There are witnesses enough up and down the country to verify, or correct, or complete it ; and letters moreover of my own in abundance, unless they have been destroyed. Moreover, I mean to be simply personal and historical : I am not expounding Catholic doctrine, I am doing no more than explaining myself, and my opinions and actions. I wish, as far as I am able, simply to state facts, whether they are ultimately determined to be for me or against me. Of course there will be room enough for contrariety of judgment among my readers, as to the necessity, or appositeness, or value, or good taste, or religious prudence, of the details which I shall introduce. I may be accused of laying stress on little things, of being beside the mark, of going into impertinent or ridiculous details, of sounding my own praise, of giving scandal ; but this is a case above all others, in which I am bound to follow my own lights and to speak out my own heart. It is not at all pleasant for me to be egotistical ; nor to be criticized for being so. It is not pleasant to reveal to high and low, young and old, what has gone on within me from my early years. It is not pleasant to be giving to every shallow or flippant disputant the advantage over me of knowing my most private thoughts, I might even say the intercourse between myself and my Maker. But I do not like to be called to my face a liar and a knave; nor should I be doing my duty to my faith or to my name, if I were to suffer it. I know I have done nothing to deserve such an insult, and if I prove this, as I hope to do, I must not care for such incidental annoyances as are involved in the process. CONTENTS, CHAPTER I. PACE History of my Religious Opinions up to 1S33 . , , , 1 CHAPTER 11. History of my Eeligious Opinions from 1833 to 1839 ... 36 CHAPTER III. History of my Eeligious Opinions from 1839 to 18 11 ... 92 CHAPTER IV. History of my Eeligious Opinions from 1841 to 1845 . , . 147 CHAPTER V. Position of my Mind since 1845 238 Xxiv • CONTENTS. NOTES. PAOE Note A. On page 14. Liberalism 285 B. On page 23. Ecclesiastical Miracles . . . .298 C. On page 153. Sermon on Wisdom and Innocence . 310 D. On page 213. Series of Saints' Lives of 1843-4 . . 323 E. On page 227. Anglican Church 339 F. On page 269. The Economy 343 G. On page 279. Lying and Equivocation . . . 348 SUPPLEMENTAL MATTER. 1. Chronological List of Letters and Papers quoted in this Narrative 364 2. List of the Author's Works 366 3. Letter to him from his Diocesan 368 4. Addresses from bodies of Clergy and Laity .... 371 ADDITIONAL NOTES. Note 1, on page 12. Correspondence with Archbishop Whately in 1834 380 2, on page 323. Boniface of Canterbury . . . • 388 MY EELIGIOUS OPINIONS. CHAPTER I. HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS TO THE YEAR 1833. It may easily be conceived how great a trial it is to me to write the following history of myself; but I must not shrink from the task. The words, "Secretum meum mihi," keep ringing in my ears ; but as men draw towards their end, they care less for disclosures. Nor is it the least part of my trial, to anticipate that, upon first reading what I have written, my friends may consider much in it irrelevant to my purpose ; yet I cannot help thinking that, viewed as a whole, it will effect what I propose to myself in giving it to the public. I was brought up from a child to take great delight in reading the Bible ; but I had no formed religious convic- tions till I was fifteen. Of course I had a perfect know- ledge of my Catechism. After I was grown up, I put on paper my recollections of the thoughts and feelings on religious subjects, which I had at the time that I was a child and a boy, — such as had remained on my mind with sufficient prominence to make me then consider them worth recording. Out of these, written in the Long Vacation of 1820, and transcribed with B ; 2 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS additions in 1823, I select two, whicli are at once the most definite among them, and also have a bearing on my later convictions. 1. *' I used to wish the Arabian Tales were true : my imagination ran on unknown influences, on magical powers, and talismans I thought life might be a dream, or I an Angel, and all this world a deception, my fellow-angels by a playful device concealing themselves from me, and deceiving me with the semblance of a material world." Again: "Reading in the Spring of 1816 a sentence from [Dr. Watts's] * Remnants of Time,' entitled ' the Saints unknown to the world,' to the effect, that * there is nothing in their figure or countenance to distinguish them,' &c., &c., I supposed he spoke of Angels who lived in the world, as it were disguised." 2. The other remark is this : " I was very superstitious, and for some time previous to my conversion " [when I was fifteen] " used constantly to cross myself on going into the dark." Of course I must have got this practice from some external source or other ; but I can make no sort of con- jecture whence ; and certainly no one had ever spoken to me on the subject of the Catholic religion, which I only knew by name. The French master was an emigre Priest, but he was simply made a butt, as French masters too commonly were in that day, and spoke English very im- perfectly. There was a Catholic family in the village, old maiden ladies we used to think ; but I knew nothing about them. I have of late years heard that there were one or two Catholic boj^s in the school ; but either we were care- fully kept from knowing this, or the knowledge of it made simply no impression on our minds. My brother will bear witness how free the school was from Catholic ideas. I had once been into Warv/ick Street Chapel, with my TO THE YEAR 1833. 3 father, who, I believe, wanted to hear some piece of music ; all that I bore away from it was the recollection of a pulpit and a preacher, and a boy swinging a censer. When I was at Littlemore, I was looking over old copy- books of my school days, and I found among them my first Latin verse- book ; and in the first page of it there was a device which almost took my breath away with surprise. I have the book before me now, and have just been show- ing it to others. I have written in the first page, in my school-boy hand, "John H. Newman, February 11th, 1811, Yerse Book ; " then follow my first Yerses. Between " Yerse " and '' Book " I have drawn the figure of a solid cross upright, and next to it is, what may indeed be meant for a necklace, but what I cannot make out to be anything else than a set of beads suspended, with a little cross attached. At this time I was not quite ten yjears old. I suppose I got these ideas from some romance, Mrs. Ead- clifie's or Miss Porter's ; or from some religious picture ; but the strange thing is, how, among the thousand objects which meet a boy's eyes, these in particular should so have fixed themselves in my mind, that I made them thus prac- tically my own. I am certain there was nothing in the churches I attended, or the prayer books I read, to suggest them. It must be recollected that Anglican churches and prayer books were not decorated in those days as I beheve they are now. When I was fourteen, I read Paine's Tracts against the Old Testament, and found pleasure in thinking of the objections which were contained in them. Also, I read some of Hume's Essays ; and perhaps that on Miracles. So at least I gave my Father to understand ; but perhaps it was a brag. Also, I recollect copying out some French verses, perhaps Yoltaire's, in denial of the immortality of the soul, and saying to myself something like " How dreadful, but how plausible ! " 4: HISTORY or MY HELIGIOUS OPINIO^'S When I was fifteen, (in the autumn of 1816,) a great change of thought took place in me. I fell under the influences of a definite Creed, and received into my intel- lect impressions of dogma, which, through God's mercy, have never been efiaced or obscured. Above and beyond the conversations and sermons of the excellent man, long dead, the Rev. Walter Mayers, of Pembroke College, Ox- ford, who was the human means of this beginning of divine faith in me, was the effect of the books which he put into my hands, all of the school of Calvin. One of the first books I read was a work of Ilomaine's ; I neither re- collect the title nor the contents, except one doctrine, which of course I do not include among those which I believe to have come from a divine source, viz. the doc- trine of final perseverance. I received it at once, and believed that the inward conversion of which I was con- scious, (and of which I still am more certain than that I have hands and feet,) would last into the next life, and that I was elected to eternal glory. I have no conscious- ness that this belief had any tendency whatever to lead me to be careless about pleasing God. I retained it till the age of twenty-one, when it gradually faded away ; but I believe that it had some influence on my opinions, in the direction of those childish imaginations which I have already mentioned, viz. in isolating me from the objects which surrounded me, in confirming me in my mistrust of the reality of material phenomena, and making me rest in the thought of two and two onl}^ absolute and luminously self-evident beings, myself and my Creator ; — for while I considered myself predestined to salvation, my mind did not dwell upon others, as fancying them simply passed over, not predestined to eternal death. I only thought of the mercy to mj^self. The detestable doctrine last mentioned is simply denied and abjured, unless my memory strangely deceives me, by TO THE YEAR 1833. 5 the writer who made a deeper imj)ression on my mind than any other, and to whom (humanly speaking) I ahnost owe my soul, — Thomas Scott of Aston Sandford. I so admired and delighted in his writings, that, when I was an under- graduate, I thought of maldng a visit to his Parsonage, in order to see a man whom I so deeply revered. I hardly think I could have given up the idea of this expedition, even after I had taken my degree ; for the news of his death in 1821 came upon me as a disappointment as well as a sorrow. I hung upon the Kps of Daniel Wilson, afterwards Bishop of Calcutta, as in two sermons at St. John's Chapel he gave the history of Scott's life and death. I had been possessed of his " Force of Truth " and Essays from a boy ; his Commentary I bought when I was an under- graduate. What, I suppose, will strike any reader of Scott's his- tory and writings, is his bold unworldliness and vigorous independence of mind. He followed truth wherever it led him, beginning with Unitarianism, and ending in a zealous faith in the Holy Trinity. It was he who first planted deep in my mind that fundamental truth of religion. With the assistance of Scott's Essays, and the admirable work of Jones of Nayland, I made a collection of Scripture texts in proof of the doctrine, with remarks (I think) of my own upon them, before I was sixteen ; and a few months later I drew up a series of texts in support of each verse of the Athanasian Creed. These papers I have still. Besides his unworldliness, what I also admired in Scott was his resolute opposition to Antinomianism, and the minutely practical character of his writings. They show him to be a true Englishman, and I deeply felt his influ- ence ; and for years I used almost as proverbs what I con- sidered to be the scope and issue of his doctrine, " Holiness rather than peace," and *' Growth the only evidence of Hfe.'^ 6 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS Calvinists make a sliarp separation between the elect and the world; there is much in this that is cognate or parallel to the Catholic doctrine ; but they go on to say, as I understand them, very differently from Catholicism, — that the converted and the unconverted can be discrimi- nated by man, that the justified are conscious of their state of justification, and that the regenerate cannot fall away. Catholics on the other hand shade and soften the awful antagonism between good and evil, which is one of their dogmas, by holding that there are different degrees of justification, that there is a great difference in point of gravity between sin and sin, that there is the possibility and the danger of falling away, and that there is no cer- tain knowledge given to any one that he is simply in a state of grace, and much less that he is to persevere to the end: — of the Calvinistic tenets the only one which took root in my mind was the fact of heaven and hell, divine favour and divine wrath, of the justified and the unjusti- fied. The notion that the regenerate and the justified were one and the same, and that the regenerate, as such, had the gift of perseverance, remained with me not many years, as I have said already. This main Catholic doctrine of the warfare between the city of God and the powers of darkness was also deeply impressed upon my mind by a work of a character very opposite to Calvinism, Law's " Serious Call." From this time I have held with a full inward assent and belief the doctrine of eternal punishment, as delivered by our Lord Himself, in as true a sense as I hold that of eternal happiness ; though I have tried in various ways to make that truth less terrible to the intellect. Now I come to two other works, which produced a deep impression on me in the same Autumn of 1816, when I was fifteen years old, each contrary to each, and planting in me the seeds of an intellectual inconsistency which TO THE YEAR 1833. 7 disabled roe for a long course of years. I read Joseph Milner's Church Historj^, and was nothing short of enamoured of the long extracts from St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, and the other Fathers which I found there. I read them as being the religion of the primitive Christians : but simultaneously with Milner I read Xewton on the Prophecies, and in consequence became most firmly con- vinced that the Pope was the Antichrist predicted by Daniel, St. Paul, and St. John. My imagination was stained by the effects of this doctrine up to the year 1843 ; it had been obliterated from my reason and judgment at an earlier date ; but the thought remained upon me as a sort of false conscience. Hence came that conflict of mind, which so many have felt besides myself; — leading some men to make a compromise between two ideas, so incon- sistent with each other, — driving others to beat out the one idea or the other from their minds, — and. ending in my own case, after many years of intellectual unrest, in the gradual decay and extinction of one of them, — I do not say in its violent death, for why should I not have murdered it sooner, if I murdered it at all ? I am obliged to mention, though I do it with great reluctance, another deep imagination, which at this time, the autumn of 1816, took possession of me, — there can be no mistake about the fact ; viz. that it would be the will of God that I should lead a single life. This anticipation, which has held its ground almost continuously ever since, — with the break of a month now and a month then, up to 1829, and, after that date, without any break at all, — was more or less connected in my mind with the notion, that my calling in life would require such a sacrifice as celibacy involved; as, for instance, missionary work among tha heathen, to which I had a great drawing for some years. It also strengthened my feeling of separation from tho visible world, of which I have spoken above. 8 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS In 1822 I came tinder very different influences from those to which I had hitherto been subjected. At that time, Mr. Whately, as he was then, afterwards Arch- bishop of Dublin, for the few months he remained in Oxford, which he was leaving for good, showed great kindness to me. He renewed it in 1825, when he became Principal of Alban Hall, making me his Vice-Principal and Tutor. Of Dr. Whately I will speak presently : for from 1822 to 1825 I saw most of the present Provost of Oriel, Dr. Hawkins, at that time Yicar of St. Mary's ; and, when I took orders in 1824 and had a curacy in Oxford, then, during the Long Vacations, I was especially thrown into his company. I can say with a full heart that I love him, and have never ceased to love him ; and I thus pre- face what otherwise might sound rude, that in the course of the many years in which we were together afterwards, he provoked me very much from time to time, though I am perfectly certain that I have provoked him a great deal more. Moreover, in me such provocation was unbe- coming, both because he was the Head of my College, and because, in the first years that I knew him, he had been in many ways of great service to my mind. He was the first who taught me to weigh my words, and to be cautious in my statements. He led me to that mode of limiting and clearing my sense in discussion and in controversy, and of distinguishing between cognate ideas, and of obviating mistakes by anticipation, which to my surprise has been since considered, even in quarters friendly to me, to savour of the polemics of Piome. He is a man of most exact mind himself, and he used to snub me severely, on reading, as he was kind enough to do, the first Sermons that I wrote, and other compositions which I was engaged upon. Then as to doctrine, he was the means of great additions to my belief. As I have noticed elsewhere, he gave me TO THE YEAR 1833. ^ the "Treatise on Apostolical Preaching," by Sumner, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, from which I was led to give up my remaining Calvinism, and to receive the doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration. In many other ways too he was of use to me, on subjects semi-religious and semi-scholastic. It was Dr. Hawkins too who taught me to anticipate that, before many years were over, there would be an attack made upon the books and the canon of Scripture. I was brought to the same belief by the conversation of Mr. Blanco White, who also led me to have freer views on the subject of inspiration than were usual in the Church of England at the time. There is one other principle, which I gained from Dr. Hawkins, more directly bearing upon Catholicism, than any that I have mentioned ; and that is the doctrine of Tradition. When I was an Under-graduate, I heard him preach in the University Pulpit his celebrated sermon on the subject, and recollect how long it appeared to me, though he was at that time a very striking preacher; but, when I read it and studied it as his gift, it made a most serious impression upon me. He does not go one step, I think, beyond the high Anglican doctrine, nay he does not reach it ; but he does his work thoroughl}", and his view was in him original, and his subject was a novel one at the time. He laj^s down a proposition, self-evident as soon as stated, to those who have at all examined the structure of Scripture, viz. that the sacred text was never intended to teach doctrine, but only to prove it, and that, if we would learn doctrine, we must have recourse to the formularies of the Church ; for instance to the Catechism, and to the Creeds. He considers, that, after learning from them the doctrines of Christianity, the inquirer must verify them by Scripture. This view, most true in its outline, most fruit- ful in its consequences, opened upon me a large field of 10 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS thought. Dr. "Whately held it too. One of its effects was to strike at the root of the principle on which the Bible Society was set up. I belonged to its Oxford Association ; it became a matter of time when I should withdraw my name from its subscription-list, though I did not do so at once. It is with pleasure that I pay here a tribute to the memory of the Eev. William James, then Fellow of Oriel ; who, about the year 1823, taught me the doctrine of Apostolical Succession, in the course of a walk, I think, round Christ Church meadow ; I recollect being somewhat impatient of the subject at the time. It was at about this date, I suppose, that I read Bishop Butler's Analogy ; the study of which has been to so many, as it was to me, an era in their religious opinions. Its inculcation of a visible Church, the oracle of truth and a pattern of sanctity, of the duties of external religion, and of the historical character of Revelation, are characteristics of this great work which strike the reader at once ; for myself, if I may attempt to determine what I most gained from it, it lay in two points, which I shall have an oppor- tunity of dwelling on in the sequel ; they are the under- lying principles of a great portion of my teaching. First, the very idea of an analogy between the separate works of God leads to the conclusion that the system which is of less importance is economically or sacramentally connected with the more momentous system \ and of this conclusion the theory, to which I was inclined as a boy, viz. the un- reality of material phenomena, is an ultimate resolution. At this time I did not make the distinction between matter itself and its phenomena, which is so necessary and so obvious in discussing the subject. Secondly, Butler's doctrine that Probability is the guide of life, led me, at ^ It is significant that Butler begins his work with a quotation from Origen. TO THE YEAR 1833. 11 least under the teaching to which a few years later I was introduced, to the question of the logical cogency of Faith, on which I have written so much. Thus to Butler I trace those two principles of my teaching, which have led to a charge against me both of fancifulness and of scepticism. And now as to Dr. Whately. I owe him a great deal. He was a man of generous and warm heart. He was particularly loyal to his friends, and to use the common phrase, "all his geese were swans." While I was still awkward and timid in 1822, he took me by the hand, and acted towards me the part of a gentle and encouraging instructor. He, emphatically, opened my mind, and taught me to think and to use my reason. After being first noticed by him in 1822, I became very intimate with him in 1825, when I was his Yice-Principal at Alban Hall. I gave up that office in 1826, when I became Tutor of my College, and his hold upon me gradually relaxed. He had done his work towards me or nearly so, when he had taught me to see with my own eyes and to walk with my own feet. Kot that I had not a good deal to learn from others still, but I influenced them as well as they me, and co-operated rather than merely concurred with them. As to Dr. Whately, his mind was too difierent from mine for us to remain long on one line. I recollect how dis- satisfied he was with an Article of mine in the London E,eview, which Blanco White, good-humouredh", only called Platonic. When I was diverging from him in opinion (which he did not like), I thought of dedicating my first book to him, in words to the efiect that he had not only taught me to think, but to think for myself. He left Oxford in 1831 ; after that, as far as I can recollect, I never saw him but twice, — when he visited the Univer- sity ; once in the street in 1834, once in a room in 1838. From the time that he left, I have always felt a real afiec- tion for what I must call his memory ; for, at least from 12 HISTOEY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPlNIOiXS the year 1834, he made himself dead to me. He had practicall}^ indeed given me up from the time that he be- came Archbishop in 1831 ; but in 1834 a correspondence took place between us, which, though conducted especially on his side in a friendly spirit, was the expression of dif- ferences of opinion which acted as a final close to our inter- course. My reason told me that it was impossible we could have got on together longer, had he stayed in Oxford ; yet I loved him too much to bid him farewell without pain. After a few" years had passed, I began to believe that his influence on me in a higher respect than intellectual advance, (I will not say through his fault,) had not been satisfactory. I believe that he has inserted sharp things in his later w^orks about me. They have never come in my way, and I have not thought it necessary to seek out what would pain me so much in the reading. What he did for me in point of religious opinion, was, first, to teach me the existence of the Church, as a substan- tive body or corporation ; next to fix in me those anti • Erastian views of Church polity, which were one of the most prominent features of the Tractarian movement. On this point, and, as far as I know, on this point alone, he and Hurrell Froude intimately sympathized, though Fronde's development of opinion here was of a later date. In the year 1826, in the course of a walk, he said much to me about a work then just published, called "Letters on the Church by an Episcopalian.'' He said that it would make my blood boil. It was certainly a most powerful composition. One of our common friends told me, that, after reading it, he could not keep still, but went on walk- ing up and down his room. It was ascribed at once to Whately; I gave eager expression to the contrary opinion; but I found the belief of Oxford in the afiirmative to be too strong for me ; rightly or wrongl}^ I ^^elded to the general voice ; and I have never heard, then or since, TO THE YEAR 1833. 13 of any disclaimer of authorsliip on the part of Dr. Whately. The main positions of this able essay are these ; first that Church and State should be independent of each other : — he speaks of the duty of protesting *' against the profana- tion of Christ's kingdom, by that double itsurpatioriy the interference of the Church in temporals, of the State in spirituals," p. 191 ; and, secondly, that the Church may justly and by right retain its property, though separated from the State. " The clergy," he says p. 133, '' though they ought not to be the hired servants of the Civil Magistrate, may justly retain their revenues ; and the State, though it has no right of interference in spiritual concerns, not only is justly entitled to support from the ministers of religion, and from all other Christians, but would, tmder the system I am recommending, obtain it much more effectually." The author of this work, who- ever he may be, argues out both these points with great . force and ingenuitj^, and with a thoroughgoing vehemence, which perhaps we may refer to the circumstance, that he wrote, not in propria persona, and as thereby answerable for every sentiment that he advanced, but in the professed character of a Scotch Episcopalian. His work had a gradual, but a deep effect on my mind. I am not aware of any other religious opinion which I owe to Dr. Whately. In his special theological tenets I had no sympathy. In the next year, 1827, he told me he considered that I was Arianizing. The case was this : though at that time I had not read Bishop Bull's De/ensio nor the Fathers, I was just then very strong for that ante- Nicene view of the Trinitarian doctrine, which some writers, both Catholic and non-Catholic, have accused of wearing a sort of Arian exterior. This is the meaning of a passage in Fronde's Remains, in which he seems to accuse me of •speaking against the Athanasian Creed. I had 14 HISTOllY OF UY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS contrasted tlie two aspects of the Trinitarian doctrine, which are respectively presented by the Athanasian Creed and the Nicene. My criticisms were to the effect that some of the verses of the former Creed were unnecessarily scientific. This is a specimen of a certain disdain for Anti- quity which had been growing on me now for several years. It showed itself in some flippant language against the Fathers in the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana, about whom I knew little at the time, except what I had learnt as a boy from Joseph Milner. In writing on the Scripture Miracles in 1825-6, I had read Middleton on the Miracles of the early Church, and had imbibed a portion of his spirit. The truth is, I was beginning to prefer intellectual excellence to moral ; I was drifting in the direction of the Liberalism of the day \ I was rudely awakened from my dream at the end of 1827 by two great blows— illness and bereavement. In the beginning of 1829, came the formal break between Dr. Whately and me ; the affair of Mr. Peel's re-election was the occasion of it. I think in 1828 or 1827 I had voted in the minority, when the Petition to Parliament against the Catholic Claims was brought into Convocation. I did so mainly on the yiews suggested to me in the Letters of an Episcopalian. Also I shrank from the bigoted "two-bottle-orthodox," as they were invidiously called. "When then I took part against Mr. Peel, it was on an academical, not at all an ecclesiastical or a political ground; and this I professed at the time. I considered that Mr. Peel had taken the University by surprise ; that his friends had no right to call upon us to turn round on a sudden, and to expose ourselves to the imputation of time- serving; and that a great University ought not to be bullied 1 ViJe Note A, Liberalise}, at the end of the volume. TO TKE YEAR 1833. 15 even by a great Duke of AYellington. Also by tbis time I was under the influence of Keble and Froude ; who, in addition to the reasons I have given, disliked tbe Duke's change of policy as dictated by Kberalism. Whately was considerably annoyed at me, and he took a humourous revenge, of which he had given me due notice beforehand. As head of a house he had duties of hospitality to men of all parties ; he asked a set of the least intellectual men in Oxford to dinner, and men most fond of port ; he made me one of this party ; placed me between Provost This and Principal That, and then asked me if I was proud of my friends. However, he had a serious meaning in his act ; he saw, more clearly than I could do, that I was separating from his own friends for good and all. Dr. Whately attributed my leaving his cUentela to a wish on my part to be the head of a party myself. I do not think that this charge was deserved. My habitual feeling then and since has been, that it was not I who sought friends, but friends who sought me. Never man had kinder or more indulgent friends than I have had ; but I expressed my own feeling as to the mode in which I gained them, in this very year 1829, in the course of a copy of verses. Speaking of my blessings, I said, "■ Blessings of friends, which to my door tinaskedj iinJioped, have come.'' They have come, they have gone ; they came to my great joy, they went to my great grief. He who gave took away. Dr. Whately's impression about me, however, admits of this explanation : — During the first years of my residence at Oriel, though proud of my College, I was not quite at home there. I was very much alone, and I used often to take my daily walk by myself. I recollect once meeting Dr. Copleston, then Provost, with one of the Fellows. He turned roimd, and with the kind courteousness which sat so well on him, 16 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOL'S OPINIONS made me a bow and said, *' Nimquam minus solus, quam ciim solus." At that time indeed (from 1823) I had the intimacy of my dear and true friend Dr. Puscy, and could not fail to admire and revere a soul so devoted to the cause of religion, so full of good works, so faithful in his aiiec- tions ; but he left residence when I was getting to know him well. As to Dr. Whately himself, he was too much my superior to allow of my being at my ease with him ; and to no one in Oxford at this time did I open my heart fully and familiarly. But things changed in 1826. At that time I became one of the Tutors of my College, and this gave me position ; besides, I had written one or two Essays which had been well received. I began to be known. I preached my first University Sermon. 'Nex.t year I was one of the Public Examiners for the B.A. degree. In 1828 I became Vicar of St. Mary's. It was to me like the feeling of spring weather after winter; and, if I may so speak, I came out of my shell; I remained out of it till 1841. The two persons who knew me best at that time are still alive, beneficed clergymen, no longer my friends. The}' could tell better than any one else what I was in those years. From this time my tongue was, as it were, loosened, and I spoke spontaneously and without effort. One of the two, a shrewd man, said of me, I have been told, " Here is a fellow who, when he is silent, will never begin to speak ; and when he once begins to speak, will never stop." It was at this time that I began to have influence, which steadily increased for a course of years. I gained upon my pupils, and was in particular iiitimate and affec- tionate with two of our probationer Fellows, Robert Isaac Wilberforce (afterwards Archdeacon) and Richard Hurrell Froude. AYhately then, an acute man, perhaps saw around me the signs of an incipient party, of which I was not conscious myself. And thus we discern the first elements of that movement afterwards called Tractarian. TO THE YEAR 1833. 17 The true and primary author of it, however, as is usual with great motive-powers, was out of sight. Having carried off as a mere boy the highest honours of the Uni- versity, he had turned from the admiration which haunted his steps, and sought for a better and holier satisfaction in pastoral work in the country. Need I say that I am speaking of John Keble ? The first time that I was in a room with him was on occasion of my election to a fellow- ship at Oriel, when I was sent for into the Tower, to shake hands with the Provost and Fellows. How is that hour fixed in my memory after the changes of forty-two years, forty- two this very day on which I write ! I have lately had a letter in my hands, which I sent at the time to my great friend, John William Bowden, with whom I passed almost exclusively my Under- graduate years. " I had to hasten to the Tower," I say to him, '' to receive the con- gratulations of all the Fellows. I bore it till Keble took my hand, and then felt so abashed and unworthy of the honour done me, that I seemed desirous of quite sinking into the ground.'' His had been the first name which I had heard spoken of, with reverence rather than admira- tion, when I came up to Oxford. When one day I was walking in High Street with my dear earliest friend just mentioned, with what eagerness did he cry out, ^' There's Keble ! " and with what awe did I look at him ! Then at another time I heard a Master of Arts of my College give an account how he had just then had occasion to in- troduce himself on some business to Keble, and how gentle, courteous, and unaffected Keble had been, so as almost to put him out of countenance. Then too it was reported, truly or falsely, how a rising man of brilliant reputation, the present Dean of St. Paul's, Dr. Milman, admired and loved him, adding, that somehow he was strangely unlike any one else. However, at the time when I was elected Fellow of Oriel he was not in resi- c 18 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS dence, and he was shy of me for years in consequence of the marks which I bore upon me of the evangelical and liberal schools. At least so I have ever thought. Hurrell Froude brought us together about 1828 : it is one of the sayings preserved in his " Remains," — " Do you know the story of the murderer who had done one good thing in his life ? Well ; if I was ever asked what good deed I had ever done, I should say that I had brought Keble and IsTewman to imderstand each other." The Christian Year made its appearance in 1827. It is not necessary, and scarcely becoming, to praise a book which has already become one of the classics of the lan- guage. When the general tone of religious literature was so nerveless and impotent, as it was at that time, Keble struck an original note and woke up in the hearts of thousands a new music, the music of a school, long un- known in England. Nor can I pretend to analyze, in my own instance, the effect of religious teaching so deep, so pure, so beautiful. I have never till now tried to do so ; 5^et I think I am not wrong in saying, that the two main intellectual truths which it brought home to me, were the same two, which I had learned from Butler, though recast in the creative mind of my new master. The first of these was what may be called, in a large sense of the word, the Sacramental system ; that is, the doctrine that material phenomena are both the types and the instruments of real things unseen, — a doctrine, which embraces in its fulness, not only what Anglicans, as well as Catholics, believe about Sacraments properly so called ; but also the article of " the Communion of Saints;" and likewise the Mj'steries of the faith. The connexion of this philosophy of religion with what is sometimes called " Berkeleyism " has been mentioned above ; I knew little of Berkeley at this time except by name ; nor have I ever studied him. On the second intellectual principle which I gained from TO THE YEAR 1833. 19 Mr. Keble, I could say a great deal ; if this were the place for it. It runs through very much that I haA^e written, and has gained for me many hard names. Butler teaches us that probability is the guide of life. The danger of this doctrine, in the case of many minds, is, its tendency to destroy in them absolute certainty, leading them to con- sider every conclusion as doubtful, and resolving truth into an opinion, which it is safe indeed to obey or to profess, but not possible to embrace with full internal assent. If this were to be allowed, then the celebrated saying, '' God, if there be a God, save my soul, if I have a soul ! " would be the highest measure of devotion : — but who can really pray to a Being, about whose existence he is seriously in doubt ? I considered that Mr. Keble met this difficulty by ascribing the firmness of assent which we give to religious doctrine, not to the probabilities which introduced it, but to the living power of faith and love which accepted it. In matters of religion, he seemed to say, it is not merely probability which makes us intellectually certain, but pro- bability as it is put to account by faith and love. It is faith and love which give to probability a force which it has not in itself. Faith and love are directed towards an Object; in the vision of that Object they live ; it is that Object, received in faith and love, which renders it rea- sonable to take probability as sufficient for internal conviction. Thus the argument from Probability, in the matter of religion, became an argument from Per- sonality, which in fact is one form of the argument from Authority. In illustration, Mr. Keble used to quote the words of the Psalm : " I will guide thee with mine eye. Be ye not like to l.orse and mule, which have no understanding ; whose months must be held with bit and bridle, lest they fall upon thee." This is the very difference, he used to 20 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS ssij, between slaves, and friends or cliildren. Friends do not ask for literal commands ; but, from their knowledge of the speaker, they understand bis half- words, and from love of bim tbey anticipate bis w^sbes. Hence it is, tbat in bis Poem for St. Bartholomew's Day, be speaks of tbe " Eye of God's word ;" and in tbe note quotes Mr. Miller, of Worcester College, wbo remarks in bis Bampton Lec- tures, on tbe special power of Scripture, as having " this Eye, like tbat of a portrait, uniformly fixed upon us, turn where we will." Tbe view thus suggested by Mr. Keble, is brought forward in one of the earliest of tbe '' Tracts for the Times." In 'No. 8 I say, " The Gospel is a Law of Liberty. We are treated as sons, not as servants ; not subjected to a code of formal commandments, but addressed as those who love God, and wish to please Him." I did not at all dispute this view of the matter, for I made use of it myself ; but I was dissatisfied, because it did not go to the root of the difficulty. It was beautiful and religious, but it did not even profess to be logical ; and accordingly I tried to complete it by considerations of my own, which are to be found in my University Sermons, Essay on Ecclesiastical Miracles, and Essay on Develop- ment of Doctrine. My argument is in outline as follows : tbat tbat absolute certitude which we were able to possess, whether as to the truths of natural theology, or as to the fact of a revelation, was the result of an assemhlage of con- curring and converging probabilities, and tbat, both ac- cording to tbe constitution of tbe human mind and tbe will of its Maker ; that certitude was a habit of mind, tbat certainty was a quality of propositions ; that probabilities which did not reach to logical certainty, might suffice for a mental certitude ; tbat tbe certitude thus brought about might equal in measure and strength the certitude which was created by the strictest scientific demonstration ; and tbat to possess such certitude might in given cases and to TO THE YEAH 1833. 21 given individuals be a plain duty, thougli not to others in other circumstances: — Moreover, that as there were probabilities which sufficed for certitude, so there were other probabilities which were legitimately adapted to create opinion ; that it might be quite as much a matter of duty in given cases and to given persons to have about a fact an opinion of a definite strength and consistency, as in the case of greater or of more numerous probabilities it was a duty to have a certi- tude ; that accordingly we were bound to be more or less sure, on a sort of (as it were) graduated scale of assent, viz. according as the probabilities attaching to a professed fact were brought home to us, and as the case might be, to en- tertain about it a pious belief, or a pious opinion, or a re- ligious conjecture, or at least, a tolerance of such belief, or opinion or conjecture in others; that on the other hand, as it was a duty to have a belief, of more or less strong texture, in given cases, so in other cases it was a duty not to be- lieve, not to opine, not to conjecture, not even to tolerate the notion that a professed fact was true, inasmuch as it would be credulity or superstition, or some other moral fault, to do so. This was the region of Private Judgment in religion ; that is, of a Private Judgment, not formed arbitrarily and according to one's fancy or liking, but con- scientiously, and under a sense of duty. Considerations such as these throw a new light on the subject of Miracles, and they seem to have led me to re- consider the view which I had taken of them in my Essay in 1825-6. I do not know what was the date of this change in me, nor of the train of ideas on which it was founded. That there had been already great miracles, as those of Scripture, as the Resurrection, was a fact establishing the principle that the laws of nature had sometimes been sus- pended by their Divine Author, and since what had hap- pened once might happen again, a certain probability, at 22 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS 0PIN10^'S least no kind of improbability, was attached to the idea taken in itself, of miraculous intervention in later times, and miraculous accounts were to be regarded in connexion w^tb the verisimilitude, scope, instrument, character, testi- mony, and circumstances, with which they presented them- selves to us ; and, according to the final result of those various considerations, it was our duty to be sure, or to be- lieve, or to opine, or to surmise, or to tolerate, or to reject, or to denounce. The main- difference between my Essay on Miracles in 1826 and my Essay in 1842 is this : that in 1826 I considered that miracles were sharply divided into two classes, those which were to be received, and those which were to be rejected ; whereas in 1842 I saw that they were to be regarded according to their greater or less pro- bability, which was in some cases sufiQcient to create certi- tude about them, in other cases only belief or opinion. Moreover, the argument from Analogy, on which this view of the question was founded, suggested to me some- thing besides, in recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Miracles. It fastened itself upon the theory of Church History which I had learned as a boy from Joseph ^lilner. It is Milner's doctrine, that upon the visible Church come down from above, at certain intervals, large and temporary Effusions of divine grace. This is the leading idea of his work. He begins by speaking of the Day of Pentecost, as marking " the first of those Effusions of the Spirit of God, which from age to age have visited the earth since the coming of Christ." Vol. i. p. 3. In a note he adds that " in the term ' Effusion ' there is not here included the idea of the miraculous or extraordinary operations of the Spirit of God ;" but still it was natural for me, admitting Milner's general theory, and applying to it the principle of analog}', not to stop short at his abrupt ?^jse dixit, but boldly to pass forward to the conclusion, on other grounds plausible, that as miracles accorapanicd the first efiusion of grace, so they TO THE YEAR 1833. 23 might accompany the later. It is surely a natural and on the whole, a true anticipation (though of course there are exceptions in particular cases), that gifts and graces go together ; now, according to the ancient Catholic doctrine, the ffift of miracles was \iewed as the attendant and shadow of transcendent sanctity : and moreover, since such sanctity was not of every day's occurrence, nay further, since one period of Church history differed widely from another, and, as Joseph Milner would say, there have been generations or centuries of degeneracy or disorder, and times of re^^ival, and since one region might be in the mid-day of religious fervour, and another in twilight or gloom, there was no force in the popular argument, that, because we did not see miracles with our own eyes, miracles had not happened in former times, or were not now at this very time taking place in distant places : — but I must not dwell longer on a subject, to which in a few words it is impossible to do justice \ Hurrell Froude was a pupil of Keble's, formed by him, and in turn reacting upon him. I knew him first in 1826, and was in the closest and most affectionate friendship with him from about 1829 till his death in 1836. He was a man of the highest gifts, — so truly many-sided, that it would be presumptuous in me to attempt to describe him, except under those aspects in which he came before me. Nor have I here to speak of the gentleness and tenderness of nature, the playfulness, the free elastic force and graceful versatility of mind, and the patient winning considerate- ness in discussion, which endeared him to those to whom he opened his heart ; for I am all along engaged upon matters of belief and opinion, and am introducing others into my narrative, not for their own sake, or because I love * Vide note B, Ecclesiastical Miracles, at the end of the volume. 24 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPI^JIONS and have loved them, so much as because, and so far as, they have influenced my theological views. In this respect then, I speak of Hurrell Froude, — in his intellectual aspect,— as a man of high genius, brimful and overflowing with ideas and views, in him original, which were too many and strong even for his bodily strength, and which crowded and jostled against each other in their effort after distinct shape and expression. And he had an intellect as critical and logical as it was speculative and bold. Dying prematurely, as he did, and in the conflict and transition- state of opinion, his religious views never reached their ultimate conclusion, by the very reason of their multi- tude and their depth. His opinions arrested and in- fluenced me, even when they did not gain my assent. He professed openly his admiration of the Church of Rome, and his hatred of the Reformers. He delighted in the notion of an hierarchical system, of sacerdotal power, and of full ecclesiastical liberty. He felt scorn of the maxim, *' The Bible and the Bible only is the religion of Protestants ;" and he gloried in accepting Tradition as a main instrument of religious teaching. He had a high severe idea of the intrinsic excellence of Virginity ; and he considered the Blessed Virgin its great Pattern. He d.e-. lighted in thinking of the Saints ; he had a vivid apprecia- tion of the idea of sanctity, its possibility and its heights ; and he was more than inclined to believe a large amount of miraculous interference as occurring in the early and middle ages. He embraced the principle of penance and mortification. He had a deep devotion to the Peal Pre- sence, in which he had a firm faith. He was powerfully drawn to the Medieval Church, but not to the Primitive. He had a keen insight into abstract truth ; but he was an Englishman to the backbone in his severe adherence to the real and the concrete. He had a most classical taste, and a genius for philosophy and art ; and he was fond of TO THE YEAR 1833. 25 historical inquiry, and tlie politics of religion. He had no turn for theology as such. He set no sufEcient value on the writings of the Fathers, on the detail or develop- ment of doctrine, on the definite traditions of the Church viewed in their matter, on the teaching of the Ecumenical Councils, or on the controversies out of which they arose. He took an eager courageous view of things on the whole. I should say that his power of entering into the minds of others did not equal his other gifts ; he could not believe, for instance, that I really held the Eoman Church to be Antichristian. On many points he would not believe but that I agreed with him, when I did not. He seemed not to understand my difficulties. His were of a different kind, the contrariety between theory and fact. He was a high Tory of the Cavalier stamp, and was disgusted with the Toryism of the opponents of the Beform Bill. He was smitten with the love of the Theocratic Church ; he went abroad and was shocked by the degeneracy which he thought he saw in the Catholics of Italy. It is difficult to enumerate the precise additions to my theological creed which I derived from a friend to whom I owe so much. He taught me to look with admiration towards the Church of Home, and in the same degree to dislike the Beformation. He fixed deep in me the idea of devotion to the Blessed Virgin, and he led me gradually to believe in the Beal Presence. There is one remaining source of my opinions to be mentioned, and that far from the least important. In proportion as I moved out of the shadow of that liberalism which had hung over my course, my early devotion towards the Fathers returned ; and in the Long Vacation of 1828 I set about to read them chronologically, beginning with St. Ignatius and St. Justin. About 1830 a proposal was made to me by Mr. Hugh Bose, who with Mr. Lyall 26 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS (afterwards Dean of Canterbury) was providing writers for a Theological Library, to furnisb tliem witb a History of the Principal Councils. I accepted it, and at once set to work on the Council of Nicsea. It was to launch myself on an ocean with currents innumerable ; and I was drifted back first to the ante-Nicene history, and then to the Church of Alexandria. The work at last appeared under the title of " The Arians of the Fourth Century ;'* and of its 422 pages, the first 117 consisted of introductory matter, and the Council of Nicsea did not appear till the 254th, and then occupied at most twenty pages. I do not know when I first learnt to consider that An- tiquity was the true exponent of the doctrines of Chris- tianity and the basis of the Church of England; but I take it for granted that the works of Bishop Bull, which at this time I read, were my chief introduction to this principle. The course of reading, which I pursued in the composition of my volume, was directly adapted to develope it in my mind. What principally attracted me in the ante-Mcene period was the great Church of Alexandria, the historical centre of teaching in those times. Of Eome for some centuries comparatively little is known. The battle of Arianism was first fought in Alexandria ; Atha- nasius, the champion of the truth, was Bishop of Alex- andria ; and in his writings he refers to the great religious names of an earlier date, to Origen, Dionysius, and others, who were the glory of its see, or of its school. The broad philosophy of Clement and Origen carried me away ; the philosophy, not the theological doctrine ; and I have drawn out some features of it in my volume, with the zeal and freshness, but with the partiality, of a neophyte. Some portions of their teaching, magnificent in themselves, came like music to my inward ear, as if the response to ideas, which, with little external to encourage them, I had cherished so long. These were based on the mj'stical or TO THE YEAR 1833. 27 sacramental piinciple, and spoke of the various Economies or Dispensations of the Eternal. I understood these passages to mean that the exterior world, physical and his- torical, was but the manifestation to our senses of realities greater than itself. Nature was a parable : Scripture was an allegory : pagan literature, philosophy, and mythology, properly understood, were but a preparation for the Gos- pel. The Greek poets and sages were in a certain sense prophets; for ''thoughts beyond their thought to those high bards were given.'* There had been a directly divine dispensation granted to the Jews ; but there had been in some sense a dispensation carried on in favour of the Gentiles. He who had taken the seed of Jacob for His elect people had not therefore east the rest of man- kind out of His sight. In the fulness of time both Judaism and Paganism had come to nought ; the outward frame- work, which concealed yet suggested the Living Truth, had never been intended to last, and it was dissolving under the beams of the Sun of Justice which shone behind it and through It. The process of change had been slow ; it had been done not rashly, but by rule and measure, '*at sundry times and in divers manners,'* first one dis- closure and then another, till the whole evangelical doc- trine was brought into full manifestation. And thus room was made for the anticipation of further and deeper dis- closures, of truths still under the veil of the letter, and in their season to be revealed. The visible world still remains without its divine interpretation ; Holy Church in her sacraments and her hierarchical appointments, will re- main, even to the end of the world, after all but a symbol of those heavenly facts which fill eternity. Her mysteries are but the expressions in human language of truths to. which the human mind is unequal. It is evident how much there was in all this in correspondence with the thoughts which had attracted me when I was young, and 28 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OFl^'lONS with tlie doctrine wliich I have already associated with the Analogy and the Christian Year. It was, I suppose, to the Alexandrian school and to the early Church, that I owe in particular what I definitely held about the Angels. I viewed them, not only as the ministers employed by the Creator in the Jewish and Christian dispensations, as we find on the face of Scripture, but as carrying on, as Scripture also implies, the Economy of the Visible World. I considered them as the real causes of motion, light, and life, and of those elementary principles of the physical universe, which, when offered in their developments to our senses, suggest to us the notion of cause and effect, and of what are called the laws of nature. This doctrine I have dra^Ti out in my Sermon for Michaelmas day, written in 1831. I say of the Angels, "Every breath of air and ray of light and heat, every beautiful prospect, is, as it were, the skirts of their gar- ments, the waving of the robes of those whose faces see God." Again, I ask what would be the thoughts of a man who, ''when examining a flower, or a herb, or a pebble, or a ray of light, which he treats as something so beneath him in the scale of existence, suddenly discovered that he was in the presence of some powerful being who was hidden behind the visible things he was inspecting, — who, though concealing his wise hand, was giving them their beauty, grace, and perfection, as being God's instru- ment for the purpose, — nay, whose robe and ornaments those objects were, which he was so eager to analyze ?" and I therefore remark that " we may say with grateful and simple hearts with the Three Holy Children, ' O all j^e works of the Lord, &c., &c., bless ye the Lord, praise Him, and magnify Him for ever.' " Also, besides the hosts of evil spirits, I considered there was a middle race, daifjiovia, neither in heaven, nor in hell ; partially fallen, capricious, wayward ; noble or TO THE YEAR 1833. 29 crafty, benevolent or malicious, as the case miglit be. These beings gave a sort of inspiration or intelligence to races, nations, and classes of men. Hence the action of bodies politic and associations, which is often so different from that of the individuals who compose them. Hence the character and the instinct of states and governments, of religious communities and communions. I thought these assemblages had their life in certain unseen Powers. My preference of the Personal to the Abstract would naturally lead me to this view. I thought it countenanced by the mention of " the Prince of Persia " in the Prophet Daniel ; and I think I considered that it was of such inter- mediate beings that the Apocalypse spoke, in its notice of *'the Angels of the Seven Churches." In 1837 I made a further development of this doctrine. I said to an intimate and dear friend, Samuel Francis Wood, in a letter which came into my hands on his death, "I have an idea. The mass of the Fath2rs (Justin, Athenagoras, Irenseus, Clement, TertuUian, Origen, Lac- tantius, Sulpicius, Ambrose, ISTazianzen,) hold that, though Satan fell from the beginning, the Angels fell before the deluge, falling in love with the daughters of men. This has lately come across me as a remarkable solution of a notion which I cannot help holding. Daniel speaks as if each nation had its guardian Angel. I cannot but think that there are beings with a great deal of good in them, yet with great defects, who are the animating principles of certain institutions, &c., &c Take England with many high virtues, and yet a low Catholicism. It seems to me that John Bull is a spirit neither of heaven nor hell ..... Has not the Christian Church, in its parts, sur- rendered itself to one or other of these simulations of the truth ? . . . . How are we to avoid Scylla and Charybdis and go straight on to the very image of Christ?" &c., &c. 30 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPIN^IONS I am aware that what I have been saying will, with many men, be doing credit to my imagination at the expense of my judgment — " Hippoclides doesn't care ;" I im not setting myself up as a pattern of good sense or of any thing else : I am but giving a history of my opinions, and that, with the view of showing that I have come by them through intelligible processes of thought and honest external means. The doctrine indeed of the Economy has in some quarters been itself condemned as intrinsically pernicious, — as if leading to lying and equivocation, when applied, as I have applied it in my remarks upon it in my History of the Arians, to matters of conduct. My answer to this imputation I postpone to the concluding pages of my Volume. "While I was engaged in writing my work upon the Arians, great events were happening at home and abroad, which brought out into form and passionate expression the various beliefs which had so gradually been winning their way into my mind. Shortly before, there had been a Eevolution in France; the Bourbons had been dis- missed : and I held that it was unchristian for nations to cast off their governors, and, much more, sovereigns who had the divine right of inheritance. Again, the great Reform Agitation was going on around me as I ^Tote. The Whigs had come into power ; Lord Grey had told the Bishops to set their house in order, and some of the Prelates had been insulted and threatened in the streets of London. The vital question was, how were we to keep the Church from being liberalized? there was such apathy on the subject in some quarters, such imbecile alarm in others ; the true principles of Churchmanship seemed so radically decayed, and there was such distraction in the councils of the Clergy. Blomfield, the Bishop of London of the day, an active and open-hearted man, had been for years engaged in diluting the high orthodoxy of the TO THE YEAR 1833. 31 Churcli by the introduction of members of the Evangelical body into places of influence and trust. He bad deeph^ offended men who agreed in opinion with myself, by an off-hand saying (as it was reported) to the effect that belief in the Apostolical succession had gone out with the Non-jurors. " We can count you/' he said to some of the gravest and most venerated persons of the old school. And the Evangelical party itself, with their late successes, seemed to have lost that simplicity and unworldliness which I admired so much in Milner and Scott. It was not that I did not venerate such men as Ryder, the then Bishop of Lichfield, and others of similar sentiments, who were not yet promoted out of the ranks of the Clergy, but I thought little of the Evangelicals as a class. I thought they played into the hands of the Liberals. With the Establishment thus divided and threatened, thus ignorant of its true strength, I compared that fresh vigorous Power of which I was reading in the first centuries. In her triumphant zeal on behalf of that Primeval Mysterj^, to which I had had so great a devotion from my youth, I recognized the movement of my Spiritual Mother. " In- cessu patuit Dea.'' The self-conquest of her Ascetics, the patience of her Martyrs, the irresistible determination of her Bishops, the joyous swing of her advance, both exalted and abashed me. I said to myself, " Look on this picture and on that ;" I felt affection for my own Church, but not tenderness ; I felt dismay at her prospects, anger and scorn at her do-nothing perplexity. I thought that if Liberalism once got a footing within her, it was sure of the victory in the event. I saw that Reformation princi- ples were powerless to rescue her. As to lea\ing her, the thought never crossed my imagination; still I ever kept before me that there was something greater than the Established Church, and that that was the Church Catho- lic and Apostolic, set up from the beginning, of which 32 HISTOHY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS she was but the local presence and the organ. She wa^? nothing, unless she was this. She must be dealt with strongly, or she would be lost. There was need of a second reformation. At this time I was disengaged from College duties, and my health had suffered from the labour involved in the composition of my Volume. It was ready for the Press in July, 1832, though not published till the end of 1833. I was easily persuaded to join Hurrell Froude and his Father, who were going to the south of Europe for the health of the former. We set out in December, 1832. It was during this expedition that my Verses which are in the Lyra Apo- stolica were written ; — a few indeed before it, but not more than one or two of them after it. Exchanging, as I was, definite Tutorial work, and the literary quiet and pleasant friendships of the last six years, for foreign countries and an unknown future, I naturally was led to think that some inward changes, as well as some larger course of action, were coming upon me. At Whitchurch, while waiting for the down mail to Falmouth, I wrote the verses about my Guardian Angel, which begin with these words : *'Are these the tracks of some unearthly Friend?" and which go on to speak of *' the vision " which haunted me : — that vision is more or less brought cut in the whole series of these compositions. I went to various coasts of the Mediterranean ; parted with my friends at Rome ; went down for the second time to Sicily without companion, at the end of April ; and got back to England by Palermo in the early part of July. The strangeness of foreign life threw me back into myself; I found pleasure in historical sites and beautiful scenes, not in men and manners. We kept clear of Catholics throuo^hout our tour. I had a conversation with the Dean of Malta, a most pleasant man, lately dead ; but it was TO THE YEAR 1833. 33 about the Fathers, and the Library of the great church. I knew the Abbate Santini, at Eome, who did no more than copy for me the Gregorian tones. Froude and I made two calls upon Monsignore (now Cardinal) Wiseman at the Collegio Inglese, shortly before we left Rome. Once we heard him preach at a church in the Corso. I do not recollect being in a room with any other ecclesiastics, except a Priest at Castro- Giovanni in Sicily, who called on me when I was ill, and with whom I wished to hold a controversy. As to Church Services, we attended the Tenebrse, at the Sestine, for the sake of the Miserere ; and that was all. My general feeling was, "All, save the spirit of man, is divine." I saw nothing but what was external ; of the hidden life of Catholics I knew nothing. I was still more driven back into myself, and felt my isolation. England was in my thoughts solely, and the news from England came rarely and imperfectly. The Bill for the Suppression of the Irish Sees was in progress, and filled my mind. I had fierce thoughts against the Liberals. It was the success of the Liberal cause which fretted me inwardly. I became fierce against its instruments and its manifestations. A French vessel was at Algiers ; I would not even look at the tricolour. On my return, though forced to stop twenty-four hours at Paris, I kept indoors the whole time, and all that I saw of that beautiful city was what I saw from the Diligence. The Bishop of London had already sounded me as to my filling one of the White- hall preacherships, which he had just then put on a new footing; but I was indignant at the line which he was taking, and from my Steamer I had sent home a letter declining the appointment by anticipation, should it be offered to me. At this time I was specially annoyed with Dr. Arnold, though it did not last into later years. Some one, I think, asked, in conversation at Rome, whether a D 34 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS certain interj)retatioii of Scripture was Christian ? it was answered tliat Dr. Arnold took it ; I interposed, ^' But is he a Christian?'* The subject went out of my head at once ; when afterwards I was taxed with it, I could say no more in explanation, than (what I believe was the fact) that I must have had in mind some free views of Dr. Arnold about the Old Testament : — I thought I must have meant, "Arnold answers for the interpretation, but who is to answer for Arnold?" It was at Rome, too, that we began the Lyra Apostolica which appeared monthly in the British Magazine. The motto shows the feeling of both Froude and m3^self at the time : we borrowed from M. Bunsen a Homer, and Froude chose the words in which Achilles, on returning to the battle, says, " You shall know the difference, now that I am back again." Especially when I was left by myself, the thought came upon me that deliverance is wrought, not by the many but by the few, not by bodies but by persons. Now it was, I think, that I repeated to myself the words, which had ever been dear to me from my school days, "Exoriare aliquis!" — now too, that Southey's beautiful poem of Thalaba, for which I had an immense liking, came forcibly to my mind. I began to think that I had a mission. There are sentences of my letters to my friends to this effect, if they are not destroyed. When we took leave of Monsignore Wiseman, he had courteously expressed a wish that we might make a second visit to Rome ; I said with great gravity, " We have a work to do in Eng- land." I went down at once to Sicily, and the presenti- ment grew stronger. I struck into the middle of the island, and fell ill of a fever at Leonforte. My servant thought that I was dying, and begged for my last directions. I gave them, as he wished; but I said, *'I shall not die." I repeated, " I shall not die, for I have not sinned against TO THE YEAR 1833. 35 light, I have not sinned against light." I never have been able to make out at all what I meant. I got to Castro- Giovanni, and was laid up there for nearly three weeks. Towards the end of May I left for Palermo, taking three days for the journey. Before start- ing from my inn in the morning of May 26th or 27th, I sat down on my bed, and began to sob bitterly. My servant, who had acted as my nurse, asked what ailed me. I could only answer him, *' I have a work to do in England.'' I was aching to get home; yet for want of a vessel I was kept at Palermo for three weeks. I began to visit the Churches, and they calmed my impatience, though I did not attend any services. I knew nothing of the Pre- sence of the Blessed Sacrament there. At last I got oif in an orange boat, bound for Marseilles. Then it was that I wrote the lines, "Lead, kindly light," which have since become well known. We were becalmed a whole week in the Straits of Bonifacio. I was writing verses the whole time of my passage. At length I got to Marseilles, and set off for Eno:land. The fatio^ue of travellins: was too much for me, and I was laid up for several days at Lyons. At last I got off again, and did not stop night or day, (except a compulsory delay at Paris,) till I reached England, and my mother's house. My brother had arrived from Persia only a few hours before. This was on the Tuesday. The following Sunday, July 14th, IMr. Keble preached the Assize Sermon in the University Pulpit. It was published under the title of "National Apostasy." I have ever considered and kept the day, as the start of the religious movement of 18313, # 3G HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS CHAPTER II. HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS FROM 1833 TO 1839. In spite of the foregoing pages, I have no romantic story to tell ; but I have written them, because it is my duty to tell things as they took place. I have not exaggerated the feelings with which I returned to England, and I have no desire to dress up the events which followed, so as to make them in keeping with the narrative which has gone before. I soon relapsed into the every-day life which I had hitherto led ; in all things the same, except that a new object was given me. I had employed myself in my own rooms in reading and writing, and in the care of a Church, before I left England, and I returned to the same occupations when I was back again. And yet perhaps those first vehement feelings which carried me on, were necessary for the beginning of the Movement ; and after- wards, when it was once begun, the special need of me was over. When I got home from abroad, I found that already a movement had commenced, in opposition to the specific danger which at that time was threatening the religion of the nation and its Church. Several zealous and able men had united their counsels, and were in correspondence with each other. The principal of these were Mr. Keble, Hurrell Froude, who had reached home long before me, FROM 1833 TO 1839. 37 Mr. William Palmer of Dublin and Worcester College (not Mr. William Palmer of Magdalen, who is now a Catholic), Mr. Arthur Perceval, and Mr. Hugh Rose. To mention Mr. Hugh Pose's name is to kindle in the minds of those who knew him a host of pleasant and affec- tionate remembrances. He was the man above all others fitted by his cast of mind and literary powers to make a stand, if a stand could be made, against the calamity of the times. He was gifted with a high and large mind, and a true sensibiKty of what was great and beautiful ; he wrote with warmth and energy ; and he had a cool head and cautious judgment. He spent his strength and short- ened his life. Pro Ecclesia Dei, as he understood that sovereign idea. Some years earlier he had been the first to give warning, I think from the University Pulpit at Cambridge, of the perils to England which lay in the biblical and theological speculations of Germany. The Peform agitation followed, and the Whig Government came into power ; and he anticipated in their distribution of Church patronage the authoritative introduction of liberal opinions into the country. He feared that by the Whig party a door would be opened in England to the most grievous of heresies, which never could be closed again. In order under such grave circumstances to unite Churchmen together, and to make a front against the coming danger, he had in 1832 commenced the British Magazine, and in the same year he came to Oxford in the summer term, in order to beat up for writers for his publi- cation ; on that occasion I became known to him through Mr. Palmer. His reputation and position came in aid of his obvious fitness, in point of character and intellect, to become the centre of an ecclesiastical movement, if such a movement were to depend on the action of a party. His delicate health, his premature death, would have frustrated the expectation, even though the new school of opinion 38 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS had been more exactly thrown into the shape of a party, than in fact was the case. But he zealously backed up the first efibrts of those who were principals in it ; and, when he went abroad to die, in 1838, he allowed me the solace of expressing my feelings of attachment and grati- tude to him by addressing him, in the dedication of a volume of my Sermons, as the man *' who, when hearts were failing, bade us stir up the gift that was in us, and betake ourselves to our true Mother." But there were other reasons, besides Mr. Eose's state of health, which hindered those who so much admired him from availing themselves of his close co-operation in the coming fight. United as both he and they were in the general scope of the Movement, they were in discordance wdth each other from the first in their estimate of the means to be adopted for attaining it, Mr. Bose had a position in the Church, a name, and serious responsibilities ; he had direct ecclesiastical superiors ; he had intimate re- lations with his own University, and a large clerical con- nexion through the country. Froude and I were nobodies ; with no characters to lose, and no antecedents to fetter us. Eose could not go a-head across country, as Froude had no scruples in doing. Froude was a bold rider, as on horseback, so also in his speculations. After a long con- versation with him on the logical bearing of his principles, Mr. Bose said of him with quiet humour, that '' he did not seem to be afra'id of inferences." It was simply the truth ; Froude had that strong hold of first principles, and that keen perception of their value, that he was compara- tively indifierent to the revolutionary action which would attend on their application to a given state of things ; whereas in the thoughts of Bose, as a practical man, exist- ing facts had the precedence of every other idea, and the chief test of the soundness of a line of policy lay in the consideration whether it wotdd work. This was one of FRo:^! 1833 TO 1839. 39 the first questions, which, as it seemed to me, on every occasion occurred to his mind. With Froude, Erastianism, — that is, the union (so he viewed it) of Church and State, — was the parent, or if not the parent, the serviceable and sufficient tool, of liberaKsm. Till that union was snapped. Christian doctrine never could be safe ; and, while he well knew how high and unselfish was the temper of Mr. Eose, yet he used to apply to him an epithet, reproachful in his own mouth ; — Eose was a " conservative.'^ By bad luck, I brought out this word to Mr. Eose in a letter of my own, which I wrote to him in criticism of something he had inserted in his Magazine : I got a vehement rebuke for my pains, for though Eose pursued a conservative line, he had as high a disdain, as Froude could have, of a worldly ambition, and an extreme sensitiveness of such an imputation. But there v/as another reason still, and a more elemen- tary one, which severed Mr. Eose from the Oxford Move- ment. Living movements do not come of committees, nor are great ideas worked out through the post, even though it had been the penny post. This principle deeply pene- trated both Froude and myself from the first, and re- commended to us the course which things soon took spontaneously, and without set purpose of our own. Uni- versities are the natural centres of intellectual movements. How could men act together, whatever was their zeal, unless they were united in a sort of individuality ? 'Now, first, we had no unity of place. Mr. Eose was in Suffolk, Mr. Perceval in Surrey, Mr. Keble in Gloucestershire ; Hurrell Froude had to go for his health to Barbadoes. Mr. Palmer was indeed in Oxford ; this was an important advantage, and told well in the first months of the Move- ment ; — but another condition, besides that of place, was required. A far more essential unity was that of antecedents,— a 40 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPl^'TOXS common history, common memories, an intercourse of mind with mind in the past, and a progress and increase in that intercourse in the present. Mr. Perceval, to be sure, was a pupil of Mr. Keble's ; but Keble, Rose, and Palmer, represented distinct parties, or at least tempers, in the Establishment. Mr. Palmer had many conditions of authority and influence. He was the only really learned man among us. He understood theology as a science ; he was practised in the scholastic mode of controversial writing ; and, I believe, was as well acquainted, as he was dissatisfied, with the Catholic schools. He was as decided in his religious views, as he was cautious and even subtle in their expression, and gentle in their enforcement. But he was deficient in depth ; and besides, coming from a distance, he never had really grown into an Oxford man, nor was he generally received as such ; nor had he any insight into the force of personal influence and congeniality of thought in carrying out a religious theory,— a condition which Froude and I considered essential to any true success in the stand which had to be made against Liberalism. Mr. Palmer had a certain connexion, as it may be called, in the Establishment, consisting of high Church digni- taries. Archdeacons, London Rectors, and the like, who belonged to what was commonly called the high-and-dry school. They were far more opposed than even he was to the irresponsible action of individuals. Of course their beau ideal in ecclesiastical action was a board of safe, sound, sensible men. Mr. Palmer was their organ and represen- tative; and he wished for a Committee, an Association, with rules and meetings, to protect the interests of the Church in its existing peril. He was in some measure supported by Mr. Perceval. I, on the other hand, had out of my own head begun the Tracts ; and these, as representing the antagonist principle of personality, were looked upon by Mr. Palmer's FROM 1833 TO 1839. 41 friends witli considerable alarm. The great point at the time with these good men in London, — some of them men of the highest principle, and far from influenced by what we used to call Erastianism, — was to put down the Tracts. I, as their editor, and mainly their author, was of course willing to give way. Keble and Froude advocated their continnance strongly, and were angry with me for consent- ing to stop them. Mr. Palmer shared the anxiety of his own friends ; and, kind as were his thoughts of us, he still not unnaturally felt, for reasons of his own, some fidget and nervousness at the course which his Oriel friends were taking. Froude, for whom he had a real liking, took a high tone in his project of measures for dealing with bishops and clergy, which must have shocked and scan- dalized him considerably. As for me, there was matter enough in the early Tracts to give him equal disgust ; and doubtless I much tasked his generosity, when he had to defend me, whether against the London dignitaries or the country clergy. Oriel, from the time of Dr. Copleston to Dr. Hampden, had had a name far and wide for liberality of thought ; it had received a formal recognition from the Edinburgh E-eview, if my memory serves me truly, as the school of speculative philosophy in England ; and on one occasion, in 1833, when I presented myself, with some of the first papers of the Movement, to a country clergyman in Northamptonshire, he paused awhile, and then, eyeing me with significance, asked, *' Whether Whately was at the bottom of them ?" Mr. Perceval wrote to me in support of the judgment of Mr. Palmer and the dignitaries. I replied in a letter, which he afterwards published. "As to the Tracts," I said to him (I quote my own words from his Pamphlet), *' every one has his own taste. You object to some things, another to others. If we altered to please every one, the efiect would be spoiled. They were not intended as 42 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS symbols e catJiedrd, but as the expression of individual minds; and individuals, feeling strongl}^, while on the one hand, they are incidentally faulty in mode or language, are still peculiarly effective. No great work was done by a system ; whereas sj^'stems rise out of individual exertions. Luther was an individual. The very faults of an indivi- dual excite attention ; he loses, but his cause (if good and he powerful-minded) gains. This is the way of things ; we promote truth by a self-sacrifice." The visit which I made to the Northamptonshire Rec- tor was only one of a series of similar expedients, which I adopted during the year 1833. I called upon clergy in various parts of the country, whether I was acquainted with them or not, and I attended at the houses of friends where several of them were from time to time assembled. I do not think that much came of such attempts, nor were they quite in my way. Also I wrote various letters to clergymen, which fared not much better, except that they advertised the fact, that a ralty in favour of the Church was commencing. I did not care whether my visits were made to high Church or low Church ; I wished to make a strong pull in union with all who were opposed to the principles of liberalism, whoever they might be. Giving my name to the Editor, I commenced a series of letters in the Record Newspaper : they ran to a considerable length ; and were borne by him with great courtesy and patience. The heading given to them was, " Church Eeform." The first was on the revival of Church Discipline ; the second, on its Scripture proof ; the third, on the application of the doctrine ; the fourth was an answer to objections ; the fifth was on the benefits of discipline. And then the series was abruptly brought to a termination. I had said what I really felt, and what was also in keeping with tlie strong teaching of the Tracts, but I suppose the Editor discovered in me some divergence from his own line of FROM 1833 TO 1839. 43 tLonght ; for at length he sent a very civil letter, apolo- gizing for the non-appearance of my sixth communication, on the ground that it contained an attack upon " Tempe- rance Societies," about which he did not Avish a controversy in his columns. He added, however, his serious regret at the theological views of the Tracts. I had subscribed a small sum in 1828 towards the first start of the Record. Acts of the officious character, which I have been de- scribing, were uncongenial to my natural temper, to the genius of the Movement, and to the historical mode of its success : — thej^ were the fruit of that exuberant and joyous energy with which I had returned from abroad, and which I never had before or since. I had the exultation of health restored, and home regained. While I was at Palermo and thought of the breadth of the Mediterranean, and the wearisome journpy across France, I could not imagine how I was ever to get to England ; but now I was amid familiar scenes and faces once more. And my health and strength came back to me with such a rebound, that some friends at Oxford, on seeing me, did not well know that it was I, and hesitated before they spoke to me. And I had the consciousness that I was employed in that work which I had been dreaming about, and which I felt to be so mo- mentous and inspiring. I had a supreme confidence in our cause ; we were upholding that primitive Christianity which was delivered for all time by the early teachers of the Church, and which was registered and attested in the Anglican formularies and by the Anglican divines. That ancient religion had weU nigh faded away out of the land, through the political changes of the last 150 years, and it must be restored. It would be in fact a second Eeforma- tion : — a better reformation, for it would be a return not to the sixteenth century, but to the seventeenth. No time was to be lost, for the Whigs had come to do their worst, and the rescue might come too late. Bishopricks 44 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS were already in course of suppression ; Church, property was in course of confiscation ; Sees would soon be receiving unsuitable occupants. We knew enough to begin preach- ing upon, and there was no one else to preach. I felt as on board a vessel, which first gets under weigh, and then the deck is cleared out, and luggage and live stock stowed away into their proper receptacles. Nor was it onl}^ that I had confidence in our cause, both in itself, and in its polemical force, but also, on the other hand, I despised every rival system of doctrine and its argu- ments too. As to the high Church and the low Church, I thought that the one had not much more of a logical basis than the other ; while I had a thorough contempt for the controversial position of the latter. I had a real respect for the character of many of the advocates of each party, but that did not give cogency. to their arguments; and I thought, on the contrary, that the Apostolical form of doctrine was essential and imperative, and its grounds of evidence impregnable. Owing to this supreme confi- dence, it came to pass at that time, that there was a double aspect in my bearing towards others, which it is necessary for me to enlarge upon. My behaviour had a mixture in it both of fierceness and of sport; and on this account, I dare say, it gave ofience to many ; nor am I here defending it. I wished men to agree with me, and I walked with them step by step, as far as they would go ; this I did sincerely ; but if they would stop, I did not much care about it, but walked on, with some satisfaction that I had brought them so far. I liked to make them preach the truth without knowing it, and encouraged them to do so. It was a satis- faction to me that the Record had allowed me to say so much in its columns, without remonstrance. I was amused to hear of one of the Bishops, who, on reading an early Tract on the Apostolical Succession, could not make up FROM 1833 TO 1839. 45 his mind whether he held the doctrine or not. I was not distressed at the wonder or anger of dull and self- conceited men, at propositions which they did not under- stand. "When a correspondent, in good faith, wrote to a newspaper, to say that the " Sacrifice of the Holy Eu- charist," spoken of in the Tract, was a false print for "Sacrament,'' I thought the mistake too pleasant to be corrected before I was asked about it. I was not un- wilKng to draw an opponent on step by step, by virtue of his own opinions, to the brink of some intellectual absurdity, and to leave him to get back as he could. I was not unwilling to play with a man, who asked me impertinent questions. I think I had in my mouth the words of the Wise man, " Answer a fool according to his folly,'' especially if he was prying or spiteful. I was reckless of the gossip which was circulated about me ; and, when I might easily have set it right, did not deign to do so. Also I used irony in conversation, when matter-of- fact- men would not see what I meant. This kind of behaviour was a sort of habit with me. If I have ever trifled with my subject, it was a more serious fault. I never used arguments which I saw clearly to be unsound. The nearest approach which I remember to such conduct, but which I consider was clear of it nevertheless, was in the case of Tract 15. The matter of this Tract was furnished to me by a friend, to whom I had applied for assistance, but who did not wish to be mixed up with the publication. He gave it me, that I might throw it into shape, and I took his arguments as they stood. In the chief portion of the Tract I fully agreed ; for in- stance, as to what it says about the Council of Trent ; but there were arguments, or some argument, in it which I did not follow ; I do not recollect what it was. Froude, I think, was disgusted with the whole Tract, and accused me of economy in publishing it. It is principally through 46 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPT>:iOXS Mr. Froude's Remains that this word has got into our lan- guage. I think, I defended mj^self with arguments such as these : — that, as every one knew, the Tracts were written by various persons who agreed together in their doctrine, but not always in the arguments by which it was to be proved ; that we must be tolerant of difference of opinion among ourselves ; that the author of the Tract had a right to his own opinion, and that the argument in question was ordinarily received ; that I did not give my own name or authority, nor was asked for my personal belief, but only acted instrumentally, as one might translate a friend's book into a foreign language. I account these to be good argu- ments ; nevertheless I feel also that such practices admit of easy abuse and are consequently dangerous ; but then, again, I feel also this, — that if all such mistakes were to be severely visited, not many men in public life would be left with a character for honour and honesty. This absolute confidence in mv cause, which led me to the negligence or wantonness which I have been instan- cing, also laid me open, not unfairly, to the opposite charge of fierceness in certain steps which I took, or words which I published. In the Lyra Apostolica, I have said that be- fore learning to love, we must " learn to hate ;" though I had explained my words by adding " hatred of sin." In one of my first Sermons I said, " I do not shrink from uttering my firm conviction that it would be a gain to the country were it vastly more superstitious, more bigoted, more gloomy, more fierce in its religion than at present it shows itself to be." I added, of course, that it would be an absurdity to suppose such tempers of mind desirable in themselves. The corrector of the press bore these strong epithets till he got to ''more fierce," and then he put in the margin a query. In the very first page of the first Tract, I said of the Bishops, that, " black event though it would be for the country, yet we could not wish them a FROM 1833 TO 1839. 47 more blessed termination of their course, than the spoiling of their goods and martyrdom." In consequence of a pas- sage ill my work upon the Arian History, a Northern dig- nitary wrote to accuse me of wishing to re-establish the blood and torture of the Inquisition. Contrasting heretics and heresiarchs, I had said, " The latter should meet with no mercy : he assumes the office of the Tempter ; and, so far forth as his error goes, must be dealt with by the com- petent authorit}^, as if he were embodied evil. To spare him is a false and dangerous pity. It is to endanger the souls of thousands, and it is uncharitable towards himself." I cannot deny that this is a very fierce passage ; but Arius was banished, not burned ; and it is only fair to mj^self to say that neither at this, nor any other time of my life, not even when I was fiercest, could I have even cut off a Puritan's ears, and I think the sight of a Spanish cmto-da-fe would have been the death of me. Again, when one of my friends, of liberal and evangelical opinions, wrote to expos- tulate with me on the course I was taking, I said that we would ride over him and his, as Othniel prevailed over Chushan-rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia. Again, I would have no dealings with my brother, and I put my conduct upon a syllogism. I said, "St. Paul bids us avoid those who cause divisions ; you cause di\asions : therefore I must avoid you." I dissuaded a lady from at- tending the marriage of a sister who had seceded from the Anglican Church. No wonder that Blanco "White, who had known me under such different circumstances, now hearing the general course that I was taking, was amazed at the change which he recognized in me. He speaks bit- terly and unfairly of me in his letters contemporaneously with the first years of the Movement ; but in 1839, on looking back, he uses terms of me, which it would be hardly modest in me to quote, were it not that what he says of me in praise occurs in the midst of blame. He says : ''In this 48 HISTOIIY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS party [tlie anti-Peel, in 1829] I found, to my great sur- prise, my dear friend, Mr. Newman of Oriel. As lie had been one of tlie annual Petitioners to Parliament for Catholic Emancipation, his sudden union with the most violent bigots was inexplicable to me. That change was the first mani- festation of the mental revolution, which has suddenly made him one of the leading persecutors of Dr. Hampden, and the most active and influential member of that associa- tion called the Puseyite party, from which we have those very strange productions, entitled, Tracts for the Times. While stating these public facts, my heart feels a pang at the recollection of the affectionate and mutual friendship between that excellent man and mj^self; a friendship, which his principles of orthodoxy could not allow him to continue in regard to one, whom he now regards as inevit- ably doomed to eternal perdition. Such is the venomous character of orthodoxy. What mischief must it create in a bad heart and narrow mind, when it can work so effectually for evil, in one of the most benevolent of bosoms, and one of the ablest of minds, in the amiable, the intellectual, the refined John Henry Newman !'* (Yol. iii. p. 131.) He adds that I would have nothing to do with him, a circum- stance which I do not recollect, and very much doubt. I have spoken of my firm confidence in my position ; and now let me state more definitely what the position was which I took up, and the propositions about which I was so confident. These were three : — 1. First was the principle of dogma : my battle was with liberalism ; by liberalism I mean the anti-dogmatic principle and its developments. This was the first point on which I was certain. Here I make a remark : persistence in a given belief is no sufficient test of its truth : but departure from it is at least a slur upon the man who has felt so certain about it. In proportion, then, as I had in 1832 a FROM 1833 TO 1839. 49 strong persuasion of the truth of opinions which I have since given up, so far a sort of guilt attaches to me, not only for that vain confidence, but for all the various pro- ceedings which were the consequence of it. But under this first head I have the satisfaction of feeling that I have nothing to retract, and nothing to repent of. The main principle of the movement is as dear to me now, as it ever was. I have changed in many things : in this I have not. From the age of fifteen, dogma has been the fundamental principle of my religion : I know no other religion ; I cannot enter into the idea of any other sort of religion ; religion, as a mere sentiment, is to me a dream and a mockery. As well can there be filial love without the fact of a father, as devotion without the fact of a Supreme Being. What I held in 1816, I held in 1833, and I hold in 1864. Please God, I shall hold it to the end. Even when I was under Dr. Whately's influence, I had no temptation to be less zealous for the great dogmas of the faith, and at various times I used to resist such trains of thought on his part as seemed to me (rightly or wrongly) to obscure them. Such was the fundamental principle of the Movement of 1833. 2. Secondly, I was confident in the truth of a certain definite religious teaching, based upon this foundation of dogma ; viz. that there was a visible Church, with sacra- ments and rites which are the channels of invisible grace. I thought that this was the doctrine of Scripture, of the early Church, and of the Anglican Church. Here again, I have not changed in opinion ; I am as certain now on this point as I was in 1833, and have never ceased to be certain. In 1834 and the following years I put this eccle- siastical doctrine on a broader basis, after reading Laud, Bramhall, and Stillingfleet and other Anglican divines on the one hand, and after prosecuting the study of the Fathers on the other ; but the doctrine of 1833 was E 50 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS strengthened in me, not changed. AYhen I began the Tracts for the Times I rested the main doctrine, of which I am speaking, upon Scripture, on the Anglican Prayer Book, and on St. Ignatius's Epistles. (1) As to the existence of a visible Church, I especially argued out the point from Scripture, in Tract 11, viz. from the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles. (2) As to the Sacraments and Sacramental rites, I stood on the Prayer Book. I appealed to the Ordination Service, in which the Bishop says, *' Receive the Holy Ghost;" to the Visitation Ser- vice, which teaches confession and absolution ; to the Bap- tismal Service, in which the Priest speaks of the child after baptism as regenerate ; to the Catechism, in which Sacramental Communion is receiving " verily and indeed the Body and Blood of Christ ; " to the Commination Ser- vice, in which we are told to do ''works of penance ;'' to the Collects, Epistles, and Gospels, to the calendar and rubricks, portions of the Prayer Book, wherein we find the festivals of the Apostles, notice of certain other Saints^ and days of fasting and abstinence. (3.) And further, as to the Episcopal system, I founded it upon the Epistles of St. Ignatius, which inculcated it in various ways. One passage especially impressed itself upon me : speaking of cases of disobedience to ecclesiastical authority, he says, " A man does not deceive that Bishop whom he sees, but he practises rather with the Bishop Invisible, and so the question is not with flesh, but with God, who knows the secret heart." I wished to act on this principle to the letter, and I may say with confidence that I never consciously transgressed it. I loved to act as feeling myself in my Bishop's sight, as if it were the sight of God. It was one of my special supports and safeguards against myself; I could not go very wrong while I had reason to believe that I was in no respect displeasing him. It was not a mere formal obedience to rule that I put FROM 1833 TO 1839. 51 before me, but I desired to please him personally, as I considered liim set over me by the Divine Hand. I was strict in observing my clerical engagements, not only because they were engagements, but because I considered myself simply as the servant and instrument of my Bishop. I did not care much for the Bench of Bishops, except a.s they might be the voice of my Church : nor should I have cared much for a Provincial Council ; nor for a Diocesan Synod presided over by my Bishop ; all these matters seemed to me to be jure ecclesiastlco, but what to me was jure divino was the voice of my Bishop in his own person. My own Bishop was my Pope ; I knew no other ; the successor of the Apostles, the Yicar of Christ. This was but a prac- tical exhibition of the Anglican theory of Church Govern- ment, as I had already drawn it out mj^self, after various Anglican Divines. This continued all through my course; when at length, in 1845, I wrote to Bishop "Wiseman, in whose Vicariate I found myself, to announce my conver- sion, I could find nothing better to say to him than that I would obey the Pope as I had obeyed my own Bishop in the Anglican Church. My duty to him was my point of honour ; his disapprobation was the one thing which I could not bear. I believe it to have been a generous and honest feeling; and in consequence I was rewarded by having all my time for ecclesiastical superior a man, whom, had I had a choice, I should have preferred, out and out, to any other Bishop on the Bench, and for whose memory I have a special affection. Dr. Bagot— a man of noble mind, and as kind-hearted and as considerate as he was noble. He ever sympathized with me in my trials vrhich followed ; it was my own fault, that I was not brought into more familiar personal relations with him, than it was my happiness to be. May his name be ever blessed ! And now in concluding my remarks on the second point on which my confidence rested, I repeat that here again 52 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS I have no retractation to announce as to its main outline. While I am now as clear in my acceptance of the principle of dogma, as I was in 1833 and 1816, so again I am now as firm in my belief of a visible Church, of the authority of Bishops, of the grace of the sacraments, of the religious worth of works of penance, as I was in 1833. I have added Articles to my Creed ; but the old ones, which I then held with a divine faith, remain. 3. But now, as to the third point on which I stood in 1833, and which I have utterly renounced and trampled upon since,— my then view of the Church of Rome;— I will speak about it as exactly as I can. When I was young, as I have said already, and after I was grown up, I thought the Pope to be Antichrist. At Christmas 1824-5 I preached a sermon to that efiect. But in 1827 I accepted eagerly the stanza in the Christian Year, which many people thought too charitable, " Speak gently of thy sister's fall." From the time that I knew Froude I got less and less bitter on the subject. I spoke (successively, but I cannot tell in what order or at what dates) of the Roman Church as being bound up with "the cause of Antichrist," as being one of the " many antichrists " fore- told by St. John, as being influenced by " the sjyirit of Antichrist," and as having something "very Antichristian " or " unchristian " about her. From my boyhood and in 1824 I considered, after Protestant authorities, that St. Gregory I. about a.d. 600 was the first Pope that was Antichrist, though, in spite of this, he was also a great and holy man ; but in 1832-3 I thought the Church of Rome was bound up with the cause of Antichrist by the Council of Trent. When it was that in my deliberate judgment I gave up the notion altogether in any shape, that some special reproach was attached to her name, I cannot tell ; but I had a shrinking from renouncing it, even when my reason so ordered me, from a sort of conscience or preju- FROM 1833 TO 1839. 63 dice, I think up to 1843. Moreover, at least during the Tract Movement, I thought the essence of her offence to consist in the honours which she paid to the Blessed Virgin and the Saints ; and the more I grew in devotion, both to the Saints and to our Lady, the more impatient was I at the Roman practices, as if those glorified creations of God must be gravely shocked, if pain could be theirs, at the undue veneration of which they were the objects. On the other hand, Hurrell Froude in his familiar con- versations was always tending to rub the idea out of my mind. In a passage of one of his letters from abroad, alluding, I suppose, to what I used to say in opposition to him, he observes : "I think people are injudicious who talk against the Eoman Catholics for worshipping Saints, and honouring the Virgin and images, &c. These things may perhaps be idolatrous ; I cannot make up my mind about it ; but to my mind it is the Carnival that is real practical idolatry, as it is written, ' the people sat down to eat and drink, and rose up to play.'" The Carnival, I observe in passing, is, in fact, one of those very excesses, to which, for at least three centuries, religious Catholics have ever opposed themselves, as we see in the life of St. Philip, to say nothing of the present day ; but this we did not then know. Moreover, from Froude I learned to admire the great medieval Pontiffs ; and, of course, when I had come to consider the Council of Trent to be the turning- point of the history of Christian Rome, I found myself as free, as I was rejoiced, to speak in their praise. Then, when I was abroad, the sight of so many great places, venerable shrines, and noble churches, much impressed my imagination. And my heart was touched also. Making an expedition on foot across some wild country in Sicily, at six in the morning, I came upon a small church ; I heard voices, and I looked in. It was crowded, and the congregation was singing. Of course it was the mass, 54 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS though I did not know it at the time. And, in my weary days at Palermo, I was not ungrateful for the comfort which I had received in frequenting the churches ; nor did I ever forget it. Then, again, her zealous mainte- nance of the doctrine and the rule of celibacy, which I recognized as Apostolic, and her faithful agreement with Antiquity in so many other points which were dear to me, was an argument as well as a plea in favour of the great Church of Eome. Thus I learned to have tender feelings towards her ; but still my reason was not affected at all. My judgment was against her, when viewed as an institution, as truly as it ever had been. This conflict between reason and affection I expressed in one of the early Tracts, published July, 1834. " Consider- ing the high gifts and the strong claims of the Church of Rome and its dependencies on our admiration, reverence, love, and gratitude ; how could we withstand it, as we do, how could we refrain from being melted into tenderness, and rushing into communion with it, but for the words of Truth itself, which bid us prefer It to the whole world ? *He that loveth father or mother more than Me, is not worthy of me.' How could * we learn to be severe, and exe- cute judgment,' but for the warning of Moses against even a divinely-gifted teacher, who should preach new gods ; and the anathema of St. Paul even against Angels and Apostles, who should bring in a new doctrine?" — Records, No. 24. My feeling v/as something like that of a man, who is obliged in a court of justice to bear witness against a friend ; or like my own now, when I have said, and shall saj^ so many things on which I had rather be silent. As a matter, then, of simple conscience, though it went against my feelings, I felt it to be a duty to protest against the Church of Eome. But besides this, it was a duty, be- cause the prescription of such a protest was a living prin- ciple of my own Church, as expressed not simply in a FROM 1833 TO 1839. 55 catena^ but by a consensus of her divines, and by the voice of her people. Moreover, such a protest was necessary as an integral portion of her controversial basis ; for I adopted the argument of Bernard Gilpin, that Protestants " were not able to give ^nj firm and solid reason of the separation besides this, to wit, that the Pope is Antichrist." But while I thus thought such a protest to be based upon truth, and to be a religious duty, and a rule of Anglicanism; and a necessity of the case, I did not at all like the work. Hurrell Froude attacked me for doing it ; and, besides, I felt that my language had a vulgar and rhetorical look about it. I believed, and really measured, my words, when I used them ; but I knew that I had a temptation, on the other hand, to say against Pome as much as ever I could, in order to protect myself against the charge of Popery. And now I come to the very point, for which I have in- troduced the subject of my feelings about Pome. I felt such confidence in the substantial justice of the charges which I advanced against her, that I considered them to be a safeguard and an assurance that no harm could ever arise from the freest exposition of what I used to call Anglican principles. All the world was astounded at what Froude and I were sajdng : men said that it was sheer Popery. I answered, ''True, we seem to be making straight for it ; but go on aw^hile, and you will come to a deep chasm across the path, which makes real approximation impos- sible." And I urged in addition, that many Anglican divines had been accused of Popery, yet had died in their Anglicanism ; — now, the ecclesiastical principles which I professed, they had professed also ; and the judgment against Pome which they had formed, I had formed also. Whatever deficiencies then had to be supplied in the ex- isting Anglican system, and however boldly I might point them out, any how that system would not in the process be brought nearer to the special creed of Pome, and might be 56 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS mended in spite of her. In that very agreement of the two forms of faith, close as it might seem, would reall}' be found, on examination, the elements and principles of an essential discordance. It was with this absolute persuasion on my mind that I fancied that there could be no rashness in giving to the world in fullest measure the teaching and the writings of the Fathers. I thought that the Church of England was substantially founded upon them. I did not know all that the Fathers had said, but I felt that, even when their tenets happened to diflPer from the Anglican, no harm could come of reporting them. I said out what I was clear they had said ; I spoke vaguely and imperfectly, of what I thought they said, or what some of them had said. Any how, no harm could come of bending the crooked stick the other way, in the process of straightening it ; it was impossible to break it. If there was any thing in the Fathers of a startling character, this would be only for a time ; it would admit of explanation, or it might suggest something profitable to Anglicans ; it could not lead to Eome. I express this view of the matter in a passage of the Preface to the first volume, which I edited, of the Library of the Fathers. Speaking of the strange- ness at first sight, in the judgment of the present day, of some of their principles and opinions, I bid the reader go forward hopefully, and not indulge his criticism till he knows more about them, than he will learn at the outset. "Since the evil," I say, "is in the nature of the case itself, we can do no more than have patience, and recom- mend patience to others, and with the racer in the Tragedy, look forward steadily and hopefully to the eccnf, rw riXei TTiGTLv (pipiov, when, as we trust, all that is inharmonious and anomalous in the details, will at length be practically smoothed." Such was the position', such the defences, such the tactics, FROM 1833 TO 1839. 57 bj^whicli I thought that it was both incumbent on us, and pos- sible for us, to meet that onset of Liberal principles, of which we were all in immediate anticipation, whether in the Church or in the IJniversity. And during the first year of the Tracts, the attack upon the University began. In No- vember, 1834, was sent to me by Dr. Hampden the second edition of his Pamphlet, entitled, "Observations on Religious Dissent, with particular reference to the use of religious tests in the University." In this Pamphlet it was main- tained, that " Religion is distinct from Theological Opinion," pp. 1. 28. 30, &c. ; that it is but a common prejudice to identify theological propositions methodically deduced and stated, with the simple religion of Christ, p. !•; that under Theological Opinion were to be placed the Trinitarian doctrine, p. 27, and the Unitarian, p. 19 ; that a dogma was a theological opinion formally insisted on, pp. 20, 21 ; that speculation always left an opening for improvement, p. 22; that the Church of England was not dogmatic in its spirit, though the wording of its formu- laries might often carry the sound of dogmatism, p. 23. I acknowledged the receipt of this work in the following letter : — " The kindness which has led to your presenting me with your late Pamphlet, encourages me to hope that you will forgive me, if I take the opportunity it affords of expressing to you my very sincere and deep regret that it has been published. Such an opportunity I could not let slip without being unfaithful to my own serious thoughts on the subject. " While I respect the tone of piety which the Pamphlet displays, I dare not trust myself to put on paper my feel- ings about the principles contained in it ; tending as they do, in my opinion, altogether to make shipwreck of Chris- tian faith. I also lament, that, by its appearance, the first step has been taken towards interrupting that peace and 58 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINION^ mutual good understanding wliicli has prevailed so long in this place, and which, if once seriously disturbed, will be succeeded by dissensions the more intractable, because jus- tified in the minds of those who resist innovation by a feel- ing of imperative duty." Since that time Phaeton has got into the chariot of the sun ; we, alas ! can only look on, and watch him down the steep of heaven. Meanwhile, the lands, which he is passing over, suffer from his driving. Such was the commencement of the assault of Liberalism upon the old orthodoxy of Oxford and England ; and it could not have been broken, as it was, for so long a time, had not a great change taken place in the circumstances of that counter-movement which had already started with the view of resisting it. For myself, I was not the person to take the lead of a party ; I never was, from first to last, more than a leading author of a school ; nor did I ever wish to be anything else. This is my own account of the matter ; and I say it, neither as intending to disown the responsibilitj^ of what was done, or as if ungrateful to those who at that time made more of me than I deserved, and did more for my sake and at my bidding than I realized my- self. I am giving my history from my own point of sight, and it is as follows : — I had lived for ten j^ears among my personal friends ; the greater part of the time, I had been influenced, not influencing ; and at no time have I acted on others, without their acting upon me. As is the custom of a University, I had lived with my private, nay, with some of my public, pupils, and with the junior fellows of my College, without form or distance, on a footing of equality. Thus it was through friends, younger, for the most part, than myself, that my principles were spreading. They heard what I said in conversation, and told it to others. Under- graduates in due time took their degree, and became FROM 1833 TO 1839. 69 private tutors themselves. In tlieir new status, they in turn preached the opinions, with which they had already become acquainted. Others went down to the country, and became curates of parishes. Then they had down from London parcels of the Tracts, and other publications. They placed them in the shops of local booksellers, got them into news- papers, introduced them to clerical meetings, and converted more or less their Rectors and their brother curates. Thus the Movement, viewed with relation to myself, was but a floating opinion ; it was not a power. It never would have been a power, if it had remained in my hands. Years after, a friend, writing to me in remonstrance at the ex- cesses, as he thought them, of my disciples, applied to me my own verse about St. Gregory Nazianzen, " Thou couldst a people raise, but couldst not rule." At the time that he wrote to me, I had special impediments in the way of such an exercise of power ; but at no time could I exercise over others that authority, which under the circumstances was imperatively^ required. My great principle ever was. Live and let live. I never had the staidness or dignity necessary for a leader. To the last I never recognized the hold I had over young men. Of late years I have read and heard that they even imitated me in various ways. I was quite un- conscious of it, and I think my immediate friends knew too well how disgusted I should be at such proceedings, to have the heart to tell me. I felt great impatience at our being called a party, and would not allow that we were such. I had a lounging, free-and-easy way of carrying things on. I exercised no sufficient censorship upon the Tracts. I did not confine them to the writings of such persons as agreed in all things with myself; and, as to my own Tracts, I printed on them a notice to the effect, that any one who pleased, might make what use he would of them, and reprint them with alterations if he chose, under. the conviction that their main scope could not be damaged 60 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPIXIOXS by such a process. It was the same with me afterwards, as regards other publications. For two years I furnished a certain number of sheets for the British Critic from my- self and my friends, while a gentleman was editor, a man of splendid talent, who, however, was scarcely an acquain- tance of mine, and had no sympathy with the Tracts. When I was Editor myself, from 1838 to 1841, in my very first number I sufi'ered to appear a critique unfavor- able to my work on Justification, which had been published a few months before, from a feeling of propriety, because I had put the book into the hands of the writer who so handled it. Afterwards I suffered an article against the Jesuits to appear in it, of which I did not like the tone. When I had to provide a curate for my new church at Littlemore, I engaged a friend, by no fault of his, who, be- fore he had entered into his charge, preached a sermon, either in depreciation of baptismal regeneration, or of Dr. Pusey's view of it. I showed a similar easiness as to the Editors who helped me in the separate volumes of Fleury's Church History; they were able, learned, and excellent men, but their after-history has shown, how little my choice of them was influenced by any notion I could have had of any intimate agreement of opinion between them and my- self. I shall have to make the same remark in its place concerning the Lives of the English Saints, which subse- quently appeared. All this may seem inconsistent with what I have said of my fierceness. I am not bound to ac- count for it ; but there have been men before me, fierce in act, yet tolerant and moderate in their reasonings ; at least, so I read history. However, such was the case, and such its effect upon the Tracts. These at first starting were short, hasty, and some of them ineffective ; and at the end of the year, when collected into a volume, they had a slovenly appearance. It was under these circumstances, that Dr. Pusey joined FROM 1833 TO 1839. 61 us. I had known him well since 1827-8, and had felt for him an enthusiastic admiration. I used to call him 6 /jiiyag. His great learning, his immense diligence, his scholarlike mind, his simple devotion to the cause of religion, over- came me ; and great of course was my joy, when in the last days of 1833 he showed a disposition to make common cause with us. His Tract on Fasting appeared as one of the series with the date of December 21. He was not, however, I think, fully associated in the Movement tiU 1835 and 1836, when he published his Tract on Baptism, and started the Library of the Fathers. He at once gave to us a position and a name. AVithout him we should have had little chance, especially at the early date of 1834, of making any serious resistance to the Liberal aggression. But Dr. Pusey was a Professor and Canon of Christ Church ; he had a vast influence in consequence of his deep religious seriousness, the munificence of his chari- ties, his Professorship, his family connexions, and his easy relations with University authorities. He was to the Movement all that Mr. Rose might have been, with that indispensable addition, which was wanting to Mr. Rose, the intimate friendship and the familiar daily society of the persons who had commenced it. And he had that special claim on their attachment, which lies in the living presence of a faithful and loyal afiectionate- ness. There was henceforth a man who could be the head and centre of the zealous people in every part of the country, who were adopting the new opinions; and not only so, but there was one who furnished the Movement with a front to the world, and gained for it a recognition from other parties in the University. In 1829, Mr. Froude, or Mr. Robert Wilberforce, or Mr. IN^ewman were but individuals ; and, when they ranged themselves in the contest of that year on the side of Sir Robert Inglis, men on either side only asked with 62 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIOiNS surprise how they got there, and attached no significancy to the fact ; but Dr. Pusey was, to use the common ex- pression, a host in himself; he was able to give a name, a form, and a personality, to what was without him a sort of mob ; and when various parties had to meet together in order to resist the liberal acts of the Government, we of the Movement took our place by right among them. Such was the benefit which he conferred on the Move- ment externall}^ ; nor were the internal advantages at all inferior to it. He was a man of large designs; he had a hopeful, sanguine mind ; he had no fear of others ; he was haunted by no intellectual perplexities. People are apt to say that he was once nearer to the Catholic Church than he is now ; I pray God that he may be one day far nearer to the Catholic Church than he was then ; for I believe that, in his reason and judgment, all the time that I knew him, he never was near to it at all. When I became a Catholic, I was often asked, "What of Dr. Pusey?" when I said that I did not see symptoms of his doing as I had done, I was sometimes thought uncharitable. If confidence in his position is, (as it is,) a first essential in the leader of a party, this Dr. Pusey possessed pre-eminently. The most re- markable instance of this, was his statement, in one of his subsequent defences of the Movement, when moreover it had advanced a considerable way in the direction of Pome, that among its more hopeful peculiarities was its "station- ariness." He made it in good faith ; it was his subjective view of it. Dr. Pusey's influence was felt at once. He saw that there ought to be more sobrietj^, more gravity, more careful pains, more sense of responsibility in the Tracts and in the whole Movement. It was through him that the character of the Tracts was changed. When he gave to us his Tract on Fasting, he put his initials to it. In 1835 he published his elaborate Treatise on Baptism, which was followed by FROM 1833 TO 1839. 63 other Tracts from clifierent authors, if not of equal learning, yet of equal power and appositeness. The Catenas of An- glican divines, projected by me, which occur in the Series, were executed with a like aim at greater accuracy and method. In 1836 he advertised his great project for a Translation of the Fathers : — but I must return to myself. I am not writing the history either of Dr. Pusey or of the Movement ; but it is a pleasure to me to have been able to introduce here reminiscences of the place which he held in it, which have so direct a bearing on myself, that they are no digression from my narrative. I suspect it was Dr. Pusey's influence and example which set me, and made me set others, on the larger and more careful works in defence of the principles of the Movement which followed in a course of years, — some of them demanding and receiving from their authors, such elaborate treatment that they did not make their appear- ance till both its temper and its fortunes had changed. I set about a work at once ; one in which was brought out with precision the relation in which we stood to the Church of Pome. We could not move a step in comfort, till this was done. It was of absolute necessity and a plain duty from the first, to provide as soon as possible a large statement, which would encourage and reassure our friends, and repel the attacks of our opponents. A cry was heard on all sides of us, that the Tracts and the writings of the Fathers would lead us to become Catholics, before we were aware of it. This was loudly expressed by members of the Evangelical party, who in 1836 had joined us in making a protest in Convocation against a memorable appointment of the Prime Minister. These clergymen even then avowed their desire, that the next time they were brought up to Oxford to give a vote, it might be in order to put down the Popery of the Movement. There 64 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS was anotlier reason still, and quite as important. Mon- signore AViseman, with the acuteness and zeal which might be expected from that great Prelate, had antici- pated what was coming, had returned to England by 1836, had delivered Lectures in London on the doctrines of Catholicism, and created an impression through the country, shared in by ourselves, that we had for our opponents in controversy, not only our brethren, but our hereditary foes. These were the circumstances, which led to my publication of " The Prophetical office of the Church viewed relatively to Eomanism and Popular Pro- testantism." This work employed me for three years, from the begin- ning of 1834 to the end of 1836, and was published in 1837. It was composed, after a careful consideration and comparison of the principal Anglican divines of the 17th century. It was first written in the shape of controversial correspondence with a learned French Priest ; then it was re-cast, and delivered in Lectures at St. Mary's; lastty, with considerable retrenchments and additions, it was re- written for publication. It attempts to trace out the rudimental lines on which Christian faith and teaching proceed, and to use them as means of determining the relation of the Poman and Anglican systems to each other. In this way it shows that to confuse the two together is impossible, and that the Anglican can be as little said to tend to the Poman, as the Roman to the Anglican. The spirit of the Yolume is not so gentle to the Church of Pome, as Tract 71 published the year before ; on the contrary, it is very fierce ; and this I attribute to the circumstance that the Volume is theological and didactic, whereas the Tract, being con- troversial, assumes as little and grants as much as possi- ble on the points in dispute, and insists on points of agreement as well as of difference. A further and FROM 1833 TO 1839. 65 more direct reason is, that in my Yolume I deal with "."Romanism" (as I call it), not so much in its formal decrees and in the substance of its creed, as in its tradi- tional action and its authorized teaching as represented by its prominent writers ; — whereas the Tract is written as if discussing the differences of the Churches with a view to a reconciliation between them. There is a further reason too, which I will state presently. But this Volume had a larger scope than that of opposing the Koman system. It was an attempt at com- mencing a system of theology on the Anglican idea, and based upon Anglican authorities. Mr. Palmer, about the same time, was projecting a work of a similar nature in his own way. It was published, I think, under the title, "A Treatise on the Christian Church." As was to be expected from the author, it was a most learned, most careful composition ; and in its form, I should say, pole- mical. So happily at least did he follow the logical method of the Roman Schools, that Father Perrone in his Treatise on dogmatic theology, recognized in him a com- batant of the true cast, and saluted him as a foe worthy of being vanquished. Other soldiers in that field he seems to have thought little better than the Lanzknechts of the middle ages, and, I dare say, with very good reason. When I knew that excellent and kind-hearted man at Rome at a later time, he allowed me to put him to ample penance for those light thoughts of me, which he had once had, by encroaching on his valuable time with my theo- logical questions. As to Mr. Palmer's book, it was one which no Anglican could write but himself, — in no sense, if I recollect aright, a tentative work. The ground of controversy was cut into squares, and then every objection had its answer. This is the proper method to adopt in teaching authoritatively young men ; and the work in fact was intended for students in theology. My own book, on 66 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS the otlier hand, was of a directly tentative and empirical character. I wished to build up an Anglican theology- out of the stores which already lay cut and hewn upon the ground, the past toil of great divines. To do this could not.be the work of one man ; much less, could it be at once received into Anglican theology, however well it was done. This I fully recognized ; and, while I trusted that my statements of doctrine would turn out to be true and important, still I wrote, to use the common phrase, *^ under correction." There was another motive for my publishing, of a per- sonal nature, which I think I should mention. I felt then, and all along felt, that there was an intellectual cowardice in not finding a basis in reason for my belief, and a moral cowardice in not avowing that basis. I should have felt myself less than a man, if I did not bring it out, whatever it was. This is one principal reason why I wrote and published the " Prophetical Ofiice.'* • It was from the same feeling, that in the spring of 1836, at a meet- ing of residents on the subject of the struggle then pro- ceeding against aWhig appointment, when some one wanted us all merely to act on college and conservative grounds (as I understood him), with as few published statements as possible, I answered, that the person whom we were resisting had committed himself in writing, and that we ought to commit ourselves too. This again was a main reason for the publication of Tract 90. Alas ! it was my portion for whole years to remain without any satisfactory basis for my religious profession, in a state of moral sick- ness, neither able to acquiesce in Anglicanism, nor able to go to Rome. But I bore it, till in course of time my way was made clear to me. If here it be objected to me, that us time went on, I often in my writings hinted at things which I did not fully bring out, I submit for consideration whether this occurred except when I was in great difficul- FROM 1833 TO 1839. 67 ties, how to speak, or how to be silent, with due regard for the position of mind or the feelings of others. How- ever, I may have an opportunity to say more on this sub- ject. But to return to the ^' Prophetical Office.'* I thus speak in the Introduction to my Yoluriie : — "It is proposed," I say, "to offer helps towards the formation of a recognized Anglican theology in one of its departments. The present state of our divinity is as follows: the most vigorous, the clearest, the most fertile minds, have through God's mercy been employed in the service of our Church : minds too as reverential and holy, and as fully imbued with Ancient Truth, and as well versed in the writings of the Fathers, as they were in- tellectually gifted. This is God's great mercy indeed, for which we must ever be thankful. Primitive doctrine has been explored for us in everj^ direction, and the original principles of the Gospel and the Church patiently brought to light. But one thing is still wanting : our champions and teachers have lived in stormy times: political and other influences have acted upon them variously in their day, and have since obstructed a careful consolidation of their judgments. We have a vast inheritance, but no inventory of our treasures. All is given us in profusion ; it remains for us to catalogue, sort, distribute, select, har- monize, and complete. "\Ye have more than we know how to use; stores of learning, but little that is precise and serviceable ; Catholic truth and individual opinion, first principles and the guesses of genius, all mingled in the same works, and requiring to be discriminated. We meet with truths overstated or misdirected, matters of detail variously taken, facts incompletely proved or applied, and rules inconsistently urged or discordantly interpreted. Such indeed is the state of every deep philosophy in its first stages, and therefore of theological knowledge. What we need at present for our Church's well-being, is not 68 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS invention, nor originality, nor sagacity, nor even learning in our divines, at least in the first place, though all gifts of God are in a measure needed, and never can be unsea- sonable when used religiously, but we need peculiarly a sound judgment, patient thought, discrimination, a com- prehensive mind, an abstinence from all private fancies and caprices and personal tastes,— in a word, Divine Wisdom." The subject of the Yolume is the doctrine of the Via Media, a name which had already been applied to the Anglican system by writers of name. It is an expressive title, but not altogether satisfactory, because it is at first sight negative. This had been the reason of my dislike to the word " Protestant ;" viz. it did not denote the profession of any particular religion at all, and was compatible with infidelity. A Via Media was but a receding from ex- tremes, —therefore it needed to be drawn out into a definite shape and character : before it could have claims on our respect, it must first be shown to be one, intelligible, and consistent. This was the first condition of any reasonable treatise on the Via Media. The second condition, and necessary too, was not in my power. I could only hope that it would one day be fulfilled. Even if the Via Media were ever so positive a religious system, it was not as yet objective and real ; it had no original any where of which it was the representative. It was at present a paper religion. This I confess in my Introduction; I sa}^, ''Protestantism and Popery are real religions . . . but the Via Media, viewed as an integral system, has scarcely had existence except on paper." I grant the objection, though I endeavour to lessen it : — " It still remains to be tried, whether what is called Anglo- Catholicism, the religion of Andrewes, Laud, Hammond, Butler, and Wil- son, is capable of being professed, acted on, and main- tained on a large sphere of action, or whether it be a mere moM 1833 TO 1839. 69 modification or transition-state of either Ptomanism or popular Protestantism.'' I trusted that some day it would proT?e to be a substantive religion. Lest I should be misunderstood, let me observe that this hesitation about the validity of the theory of the Via Media implied no doubt of the three fundamental points on which it was based, as I have described them above, dogma, the sacramental system, and anti-Romanism. Other investigations which had to be followed up were of a still more tentative character. The basis of the Via Media, consisting of the three elementary points, which I have just mentioned, was clear enough ; but, not only had the house itself to be built upon them, but it had also to be furnished, and it is not wonderful if, after building it, both I and others erred in detail in determining what its furniture should be, what was consistent with the style of building, and what was in itself desirable. I will explain what I mean. I had brought out in the "Prophetical Office " in what the Roman and the Anglican systems differed from each other, but less distinctly in what they agreed. I had indeed enumerated the Fundamentals, common to both, in the following passage : — " In both systems the same Creeds are acknowledged. Besides other points in common, we both hold, that certain doctrines are necessary to be believed for salvation ; we both believe in the doctrines of the Trinity, Incarnation, and Atonement ; in original sin ; in the necessity of regeneration ; in the supernatural grace of the Sacraments ; in the Apostolical succession ; in the obligation of faith and obedience, and in the eternity of future punishment,"— pp. 55, 56. So much I had said, but I had not said enough. This enumeration implied a great many more points of agreement than were found in those very Articles which were fundamental. If the two Churches were thus the same in fundamentals, they were 70 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS also one and tlie same in such plain consequences as were contained in those fundamentals and in such natural obser- vances as' outwardly represented them. It was an Anglican principle that " the abuse of a thing doth not take away the lawful use of it ;" and an Anglican Canon in 1603 had declared that the ]^]nglish Church had no purpose to forsake all that was held in the Churches of Italy, France, and Spain, and reverenced those ceremonies and particular points which wert Apostolic. Excepting then such excep- tional matters, as are implied in this avowal, whether they were many or few, all these Churches were evidently to be considered as one with the Anglican. The Catholic Church in all lands had been one from the first for many centuries ; then, various portions had followed their own way to the injury, but not to the destruction, whether of truth or of charity. These portions or branches were mainly three : — the Greek, Latin, and Anglican. Each of these inherited the early undivided Church in soUdo as its own possession. Each branch was identical with that early undivided Church, and in the unity of that Church it had unity with the other branches. The three branches agreed together in all hut their later accidental errors. Some branches had retained in detail portions of Apostolical truth and usage, which the others had not; and these portions might be and should be appropriated again by the others which had let them slip. Thus, the middle age belonged to the Anglican Church, and much more did the middle age of England. The Church of the 12th century was the Church of the 19th. Dr. Howley sat in the seat of St. Thomas the Martyr ; Oxford was a medieval University. Saving our engagements to Prayer Book and Articles, we might breathe and live and act and speak, as in the atmosphere and climate of Henry III.'s day, or the Confessor's, or of Alfred's. And we ought to be indulgent to all that Rome taught now, as to what Eome taught then, saving our FROM 1833 TO 1839. 71 protest. We miglit boldly welcome, even what we did not ourselves think right to adopt. And, when we were obliged on the contrary boldly to denounce, we should do so .with pain, not with exultation. By very reason of our protest, which we had made, and made ex animo, we could agree to differ. What the members of the Bible Society did on the basis of Scripture, we could do on the basis of the Church ; Trinitarian and Unitarian were further apart than Roman and Anglican. Thus we had a real wish to co-operate with Bome in all lawful things, if she would let us, and if the rules of our own Church let us ; and we thought there was no better way towards the restoration of doctrinal purity and unity. And we thought that Bome was not committed by her formal decrees to all that she actually taught: and again, if her disputants had been unfair to us, or her rulers tyrannical, we bore in mind that on our side too there had been rancour and slander in our controversial attacks upon her, and violence in our political measures. As to ourselves being direct instru- ments in improving her belief or practice, I used to say, " Look at home ; let us first, (or at least let us the while,) supply our own shortcomings, before we attempt to be physicians to any one else.'^ This is very much the spirit of Tract 71, to which I referred just now. I am well aware that there is a paragraph inconsistent with it in the Brospectus to the Library of the Fathers ; but I do not consider myself responsible for it. Indeed, I have no intention whatever of implying that Dr. Busey concurred in the ecclesiastical theory, which I have been now drawing out ; nor that I took it up myself except by degrees in the course of ten years. It was necessarily the growth of time. In fact, hardly any two persons, who took part in the Movement, agreed in their view of the limit to which our general principles might religiously be carried. And now I have said enough on what I consider to have 72 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIOISS been the general objects of the various works, which I wrote, edited, or prompted in the years which I am reviewing. I wanted to bring out in a substantive form a living Church of England, in a position proper to herself, and founded on distinct principles ; as far as paper could do it, as far as earnestly preaching it and influencing others towards it, could tend to make it a fact; — a living Church, made of flesh and blood, with voice, complexion, and motion and action, and a will of its own. I believe I had no private motive, and no personal aim. Nor did I ask for more than '* a fair stage and no favour," nor expect the work would be accomplished in my days ; but I thought that enough would be secured to continue it in the future, under, perhaps, more hopeful circumstances and prospects than the present. I will mention in illustration some of the principal works, doctrinal and historical, which originated in the object which I have stated. I wrote my Essay on Justification in 1837; it was aimed at the Lutheran dictum that justification by faith only was the cardinal doctrine of Christianity. I considered that this doctrine was either a paradox or a truism, — a paradox in Luther's mouth, a truism in Melanchthon's. I thought that the Anglican Church followed Melanchthon, and that in consequence between Rome and Anglicanism, between high Church and low Church, there was no real intellec- tual difierence on the point. I wished to fill up a ditch, the work of man. In this Volume again, I express my desire to build up a system of theology out of the Anglican divines, and imply that my dissertation was a tentative Inquiry. I speak in the Preface of '* ofiering suggestions towards a work, which must be uppermost in the mind of every true son of the English Church at this day, — the consolidation of a theological system, which, built upon those formularies, to which all clergymen are bound, may FROM 1833 TO 1839. 7'6 tend to Inform, persuade, and absorb into itself religious minds, which, hitherto have fancied, that, on the peculiar Protestant questions, they were seriously opposed to each other."— P. vii. In my University Sermons there is a series of discus- sions upon the subject of Faith and Reason ; these again were the tentative commencement of a grave and necessary work, viz. an inquiry into the ultimate basis of religious faith, prior to the distinction into Creeds. In like manner in a Pamphlet, which I published in the summer of 1838, is an attempt at placing the doctrine of the Real Presence on an intellectual basis. The funda- mental idea is consonant to that to which I had been so long attached : it is the denial of the existence of space except as a subjective idea of our minds. The Church of the Fathers is one of the earliest pro- ductions of the Movement, and appeared in numbers in the British Magazine, being written with the aim of in- troducing the religious sentiments, views, and customs of the first ages into the modern Church of England. The Translation of Fleury's Church History was com- menced under these circumstances : — I was fond of Fleury for a reason which I express in the Advertisement ; because it presented a sort of photograph of ecclesiastical history without any comment upon it. In the event, that simple representation of the early centuries had a good deal to do with unsettling me in my Anglicanism; but how little I could anticipate this, will be seen in the fact that the publication of Fleury was a favourite scheme with Mr. Rose. He proposed it to me twice, between the years 1834 and 1837 ; and I mention it as one out of many particulars curiously illustrating how truly my change of opinion arose, not from foreign influences, but from the working of my own mind, and the accidents around me. The date, from which the portion actually 74 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS translated began, was determined by the Publislier on reasons with wliicli we were not concerned. Another historical work, but drawn from original sources, was given to the world by my old friend Mr. Bowden, being a Life of Pope Gregory YII. I need scarcely recall to those who have read it, the power and the liveliness of the narrative. This composition was the author's relaxation, on evenings and in his summer vaca- tions, from his ordinary engagements in London. It had been suggested to him originally by me, at the instance of Hurrell Froude. The Series of the Lives of the English Saints was pro- jected at a later period, under circumstances which I shall have in the sequel to describe. Those beautiful composi- tions have nothing in them, as far as I recollect, simply inconsistent with the general objects which I have been assigning to my labours in these years, though the im- mediate occasion which led to them, and the tone in which they were written, had little that was congenial with Anglicanism. At a comparatively early date I drew up the Tract on the Roman Breviary. It frightened my own friends on its first appearance ; and several years afterwards, when younger men began to translate for publication the four volumes in extenso, they were dissuaded from doing so by advice to which from a sense of duty they listened. It was an apparent accident, which introduced me to the know- ledge of that most wonderful and most attractive monu- ment of the devotion of saints. On Hurrell Froude's death, in 1836, I was asked to select one of his books as a keepsake. I selected Butler's Analogy; finding that it had been already chosen, I looked with some perplexity along the shelves as they stood before me, when an inti- mate friend at my elbow said, *' Take that." It was the Breviary which Hurrell had had with him at Barbadoes. FROM 1833 TO 1839. 75 Accordingly I took it, studied it, wrote my Tract from it, and have it on my table in constant use till this day. That dear and familiar companion, who thus put the Breviary into my hands, is still in the Anglican Church. So, too, is that early venerated long-loved friend, together with whom I edited a work which, more perhaps than any other, caused disturbance and annoyance in the Anglican world, — Froude's Eemains; j^et, however judgments might run as to the prudence of publishing it, I never heard any one impute to Mr. Keble the very shadow of dishonesty or treachery towards his Church in so acting. The annotated Translation of the Treatises of St. Atha- nasius was of course in no sense of a tentative character ; it belongs to another order of thought. This historico- dogmatic work employed me for years. I had made pre- parations for following it up with a doctrinal history of the heresies which succeeded to the Arian. I should make mention also of the British Critic. I was Editor of it for three years, from July 1838 to July 1841. My writers belonged to various schools, some to none at all. The subjects are various, — classical, academical, political, critical, and artistic, as well as theological, and upon the Movement none are to be found which do not keep quite clear of advocating the cause of Rome. So I went on for years up to 1841. It was, in a human point of view, the happiest time of my life. I was truly at home. I had in one of my volumes appropriated to myself the words of Bramhall, " Bees, by the instinct of nature, do love their hives, and birds their nests." I did not sup- pose that such sunshine would last, though I knew not what would be its termination. It was the time of plenty, and, during its seven years, I tried to lay up as much as I could for the dearth which was to follow it. AYe prospered 76 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS and spread. I have spoken of the doings of these years, since I was a Catholic, in a passage, part of which I will here quote : "From beginnings so small," I said, "from elements of thought so fortuitous, with prospects so unpromising, the Anglo-Catholic party suddenly became a power in the Na- tional Church, and an object of alarm to her rulers and friends. Its originators would have found it difficult to say what they aimed at of a practical kind : rather, they put forth views and principles for their own sake, because they were true, as if thej^ were obliged to say them ; and, as they might be themselves surprised at their earnestness in uttering them, they had as great cause to be surprised at the success which attended their propagation. And, in fact, they could only say that those doctrines were in the air ; that to assert was to prove, and that to explain was to persuade ; and that the Movement in which they were taking part was the birth of a crisis rather than of a place. In a very few years a school of opinion was formed, fixed in its principles, indefinite and progressive in their range ; and it extended itself into every part of the country. If we inquire what the world thought of it, we have still more to raise our wonder ; for, not to mention the excitement it caused in England, the Movement and its party-names were known to the police of Italy and to the back-woodmen of America. And so it proceeded, getting stronger and stronger every year, till it came into collision with the Nation, and that Church of the Nation, which it began by professing especially to serve." The greater its success, the nearer was that collision at hand. The first threatenings of what was coming were heard in 1838. At that time, my Bishop in a Charge made some light animadversions, but they were animad- versions, on the Tracts for the Times. At once I offered to stop them. What took place on the occasion I prefer FROM 1833 TO 1839. 77 to state in the words, in which. I related it in a Pamphlet addressed to him in a later year, when the blow actually came down upon me. " In your Lordship's Charge for 1838/' I said, " an al- lusion was made to the Tracts for the Times. Some oppo- nents of the Tracts said that you treated them with undue indulgence. ... I wrote to the Archdeacon on the sub- ject, submitting the Tracts entirely to your Lordship's dis- posal. What I thought about your Charge will appear from the words I then used to him. I said, ' A Bishop's lightest word ex cathedra is heavy. His judgment on a book cannot be light. It is a rare occurrence.' And I offered to with- draw any of the Tracts over which I had control, if I were informed . which were those to which, your Lordship had objections. I afterwards wrote to your Lordship to this effect, that ' I trusted I might say sincerely, that I should feel a more lively pleasure in knowing that I was submit- ting myself to your Lordship's expressed judgment in a matter of that kind, than I could have even in the widest circulation of the volumes in question.' Your Lordship did not think it necessary to proceed to such a measure, but I felt, and always have felt, that, if ever you determined on it, I was bound to obey." That day at length came, and I conclude this portion of my narrative, with relating the circumstances of it. From the time that I had entered upon the duties of Public Tutor at my College, when my doctrinal views were very different from what they were in 1841, I had meditated a comment upon the Articles. Then, when the Movement was in its swing, friends had said to me, " What will you make of the Articles ?" but I did not share the apprehen- sion which their question implied. Whether, as time went on, I should have been forced, by the necessities of the ori- ginal theory of the Movement, to put on paper the specu- 78 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS lations wliicli I had about them, I am not able to conjec- ture. The actual cause of my doing so, in the beginning of 1841, was the restlessness, actual and prospective, of those who neither liked the Via Media, nor my strong judgment against Eome. I had been enjoined, I think by my Bishop, to keep these men straight, and I wished so to do : but their tangible difficulty was subscription to the. Articles; and thus the question of the Articles came before me. It was thrown in our teeth ; " How can you manage to sign the Articles ? they are directly against Home." "Against Rome?" I made answer, "What do you mean by 'Rome?'" and then I pro- ceeded to make distinctions, of which I shall now give an account. By "Roman doctrine" might be meant one of three things : 1, the Catholic teaching of the early centuries ; or 2, the fo7'mal dogmas of Home as contained in the later Councils, especially the Council of Trent, and as condensed in the Creed of Pope Pius TV. ; 3, the actual popular beliefs and usages sanctioned by Rome in the countries in commu- nion with it, over and above the dogmas ; and these I called "dominant errors." Now Protestants commonly thought that in all three senses, " Roman doctrine " was condemned in the Articles : I thought that the Catholic teaching was not condemned; that the dominant errors were ; and as to the formal dogmas, that some were, some were not, and that the line had to be drawn between them. Thus, 1. The use of Prayers for the dead was a Catholic doctrine,— not condemned in the Articles; 2. The prison of Purgatory was a Roman dogma, — which was condemned in them ; but the infallibility of Ecu- menical Councils was a Roman dogma, — not condemned ; and 3. The fire of Purgatory was an authorized and popular error, not a dogma, — which was condemned. Purther, I considered that the difficulties, felt by the FROM 1833 TO 1839. 79 persons whom I have mentioned, mainlj- lay in their mis- taking, 1, Catholic teaching, which was not condemned in the Articles, for Eoman dogma which was condemned ; and 2, Eoman dogma, which was not condemned in the Articles, for dominant error which was. If they went further than this, I had nothing more to say to them. A further motive which I had for my attempt, was the desire to ascertain the ultimate points of contrariety be- tween the Eoman and Anglican creeds, and to make them as few as possible. I thought that each creed was obscured and misrepresented by a dominant circumambient ''Popery" and ''Protestantism.'' The main thesis then of my Essay was this :— the Articles do not oppose Catholic teaching ; they but partially oppose Eoman dogma ; they for the most part oppose the domi- nant errors of Eome. And the problem was, as I have said, to draw the line as to what they allowed and what they condemned. Such being the object which I had in view, what were my prospects of wideuing aijd of defining their meaning ? The prospect was encouraging ; there was no doubt at all of the elasticity of the Articles : to take a palmary instance, the seventeenth was assumed by one party to be Lutheran, by another Calvinistic, though the two interi)retations were contradictory of each other ; why then should not other Articles be drawn up with a vagueness of an equally intense character ? I wanted to ascertain what was the limit of that elasticity in the direction of Eoman dogma. But next, I had a way of inquiry of my own, which I state without defending. I instanced it afterwards in my Essay on Doctrinal Development. That work, I believe, I have not read since I published it, and I do not doubt at all I have made many mistakes in it ;— partly, from my ignorance of the details of doctrine, as the Church of Eome holds them, but partly from my impatience to clear as large a range for 80 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS the princqole of doctrinal Development (waiving the question of historical fact) as was consistent with the strict Aposto- licity and identity of the Catholic Creed. In like manner, as regards the 39 Articles, my method of inquiry was to leap in medias res. I wished to institute an inquiry how far, in critical fairness, the text could be opened ; I was aiming far more at ascertaining what a man who sub- scribed it might hold than what he must, so that my con- clusions were negative rather than positive. It was but a first essay. And I made it with the full recognition and consciousness, which I had already expressed in my Pro- phetical Office, as regards the Via Media, that I was making only *' a first approximation to the required solution ;" — " a series of illustrations supplying hints for the removal " of a difficulty, and with full acknowledgment '' that in minor points, whether in question of fact or of judgment, there was room for difference or error of opinion," and that I '' should not be ashamed to own a mistake, if it were proved against me, nor reluctant to bear the just blame of it."_Proph. Off. p. 31. I will add, I was embarrassed in consequence of my wish to go as far as was possible in interpreting the Articles in the direction of Roman dogma, without disclosing what I was doing to the parties whose doubts I was meeting ; who, if they understood at once the full extent of the licence which the Articles admitted, might be thereby encouraged to proceed still further than at present they found in them- selves any call to go. 1. But in the way of such an attempt comes the prompt objection that the Articles were actually drawn up against " Popery," and therefore it was transcendently absurd and dishonest to suppose that Popery, in any shape, — patristic belief, Tridentine dogma, or popular corruption authorita- tively sanctioned, — would be able to take refuge under their text. This iDremiss I denied. Not any religious doctrine FROM 1833 TO 1839. 81 at all, but a political principle, was the primary English, idea of "Popery" at the date of the Reformation. And what was that political principle, and how could it best be suppressed in England ? What was the great question in the days of Henry and Elizabeth ? The Siq:)remacy ; —now, was I saying one single word in favour of the Supremacy of the Holy See, in favour of the foreign jurisdiction ? No ; I did not believe in it myself. Did Henry VIII. religiously hold Justification by faith only ? did he disbelieve Purga- tory ? Was Elizabeth zealous for the marriage of the Clergy? or had she a conscience against the Mass ? The Supremacy of the Pope was the essence of the " Popery " to which, at the time of the composition of the Articles, the Supreme Head or Governor of the English Church was so violently hostile. 2. But again I said this : —let *' Popery " mean what it would in the mouths of the compilers of the Articles, let it even, for argument's sake, include the doctrines of that Tridentine Council, which was not yet over when the Articles were drawn up, and against which they could not be simply directed, yet, consider, what was the object of the Government in their imposition ? merely to get rid of "Popery?" No; it had the further object of gaining the " Papists." What then was the best way to induce reluctant or wavering minds, and these, I supposed, were the majority, to give in their adhesion to the new symbol? how had the Arians drawn up their Creeds ? was it not on the principle of using vague ambiguous language, which to the subscribers would seem to bear a Catholic sense, but which, when worked out on the long run, would prove to be heterodox? Accordingly^, there was great ante- cedent probability, that, fierce as the Articles might look at first sight, their bark would prove worse than their bite. I say antecedent probability, for to what extent 82 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS that surmise miglit be true, could only be ascertained by investigation. 3. But a consideration came up at once, wbicb threw light on this surmise : — what if it should turn out that the very men who drew up the Articles, in the very act of doing so, had avowed, or rather in one of those very Arti- cles themselves had imposed on subscribers, a number of those very "Papistical" doctrines, which they were now thought to deny, as part and parcel of that very Protes- tantism, which they were now thought to consider divine ? and this was the fact, and I showed it in my Essay. Let the reader observe : — the 35th Article says : " The second Book of Homilies doth contain a godly and ivholesome doctrine, and necessary for these times, as doth the former Book of Homilies." Here the doctrine of the Homilies is recognized as godly and wholesome, and concurrence in that recognition is imposed on all subscribers of the Arti- cles. Let us then turn to the Homilies, and see what this godly doctrine is : I quoted from them to the following effect : 1. They declare that the so-called "apocryphal" book of Tobit is the teaching of the Holy Ghost, and is Scrip- ture. 2. That the so-called " apocryphal " book of Wisdom is Scripture, and the infallible and undeceivable word of God. 3. That the Primitive Church, next to the Apostles' time, and, as they imply, for almost 700 years, is no doubt most pure. 4. That the Primitive Church is specially to be fol- lowed. 5. That the Four first General Councils belong to the Primitive Church. 6. That there are Six Councils which are allowed and received by all men i FROM 1833 TO 1839. 83 7. Again, tliey speak of a certain trutli, and say that it is declared by God's word, the sentences of the ancient doctors, and judgment of the Primitive Church. 8. Of the learned and holy Bishops and doctors of the Church of the first eight centuries being of great autho- rity and credit with the people. 9. Of the declaration of Christ and His Apostles and all the rest of the Holy Fathers. 10. Of the authority both of Scripture and also of Augustine. 11. Of Augustine, Chrysostom, Ambrose, Jerome, and about thirty other Fathers, to some of whom they give the title of *' Saint," to others of '' ancient Catholic Fathers and doctors, &c." 12. They declare that, not only the holy Apostles and disciples of Christ, but the godly Fathers also, before and since Christ, were endued without doubt with the Holy Ghost. 13. That the ancient Catholic Fathers say that the *' Lord's Supper" is the salve of immortality, the sovereign preservative against death, the food of immortality, the healthful grace. 14. That the Lord's Blessed Body and Blood are re- ceived under the form of bread and wine. 15. That the meat in the Sacrament is an invisible meat and a ghostly substance. 16. That the holy Body and Blood of thy God ought to be touched with the mind. 17. That Ordination is a Sacrament. 18. That Matrimony is a Sacrament. 19. That there are other Sacraments besides " Baptism and the Lord's Supper," though not " such as " they. 20. That the souls of the Saints are reigning in joy and in heaven with God. 21. That alms-deeds purge the soul from the infection 84 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OFINIOXS and filthy spots of sin, and are a precious medicine, an inestimable jewel. 22. That mercifulness wipes out and washes away sins, as salves and remedies to heal sores and grievous diseases. 23. That the duty of fasting is a truth more manifest than it should need to be proved. 24. That fasting, used with prayer, is of great efficacy and weigheth much with God ; so the Angel Raphael told Tobias. 25. That the puissant and mighty Emperor Theodosius was, in the Primitive Church which was most holy and godly, excommunicated by St. Ambrose. 26. That Constantine, Bishop of Rome, did condemn Philippicus, then Emperor, not without a cause indeed, but very justty. Putting altogether aside the question how far these separate theses came under the matter to which subscrip- tion was to be made, it was quite plain, that in the minds of the men who wrote the Homilies, and who thus incor- porated them into the Anglican system of doctrine, there was no such nice discrimination between the Catholic and the Protestant faith, no such clear recognition of formal Protestant principles and tenets, no such accurate definition of "Roman doctrine, "as is received at the present day : — hence great probability accrued to my presentiment, that the Articles were tolerant, not only of what I called "Catholic teaching," but of much that was "Roman." 4. And here was another reason against the notion that the Articles directly attacked the Roman dogmas as de- clared at Trent and as promulgated by Pius the Fourth: — the Council of Trent was not over, nor its Canons promul- gated at the date when the Articles were drawn up ^, so ^ The Pope's Confirmation of the Council, by which its Canons became de fide, and his Bull super confirniatione by which they were promulgated to the world, are dated January 26, i5(>4. The Articles are dated J5G2. FROM 1833 TO 1839. 85 that those Articles must be aiming at something else ? What was that something else ? The Homilies tell us : the Homilies are the best comment upon the Articles. Let us turn to the Homilies, and we shall find from first to last that, not only is not the Catholic teaching of the first centuries, but neither again are the dogmas of Rome, the objects of the protest of the compilers of the Articles, but the dominant errors, the popular corruptions, authorized or sufiered by the high name of Rome. The eloquent de- clamation of the Homilies finds its matter almost exclu- sively in the dominant errors. As to Catholic teaching, nay as to Roman dogma, of such theology those Homilies, as I have shown, contained no small portion themselves. 5. So much for the writers of the Articles and Homi- lies ; — they were witnesses, not authorities, and I used them as such ; but in the next place, who were the actual autho- rities imposing them ? I reasonably considered the autho- rit}^ imponens to be the Convocation of 1571 ; but here again, it would be found that the very Convocation, which received and confirmed the 39 Articles, also enjoined by Canon that "preachers should be careful, that they should never teach aught in a sermon, to be religiously held and believed by the people, except that which is agreeable to the doctrine of the Old and New Testament, and ichich the Catholic Fathers and ancient JBishops have collected from that very doctrine." Here, let it be observed, an appeal is made by the Convocation imponens to the very same an- 'cient authorities, as had been mentioned with such pro- found veneration by the writers of the Homilies and the Articles, and thus, if the Homilies contained views of doctrine which now would be called Roman, there seemed to me to be an extreme probability that the Convocation of 1571 also countenanced and received, or at least did not reject, those doctrines. 6. And further, when at length I came actually to look 86 HISTOUY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS into the text of tlie Articles, I saw in many cases a patent justification of all that I had surmised as to their vagueness and indecisiveness, and that, not only on questions which, lay between Lutherans, Calvinists, and Zuinglians, but on Catholic questions also ; and I have noticed them in my Tract. In the conclusion of my Tract I observe : The Articles are " evidently framed on the principle of leaving open large questions on which the controversy hinges. They state broadly extreme truths, and are silent about their adjustment. For instance, they say that all neces- sary faith must be proved from Scripture ; but do not say who is to prove it. They say, that the Church has autho- rity in controversies ; they do not say ichat authority. They say that it may enforce nothing beyond Scripture, but do not say where the remedy lies when it does. They say that works before grace ajul justification are worthless and worse, and that works after grace and justification are acceptable, but they do not speak at all of works with God's aid hefore justification. They say that men are law- fully called and sent to minister and preach, who are chosen and called by men who have public authority given them in the Congregation ; but they do not add hy whom the authority is to be given. They say that Councils called by princes may err ; they do not determine whether Councils called in the name of Christ may err." Such were the considerations which weighed with me in my inquir}^ how far the Articles were tolerant of a Catho- lic, or even a Roman interpretation ; and such was the* defence which I made in my Tract for having attempted it. From what I have already said, it will appear that I have no need or intention at this day to maintain every particular interpretation which I suggested in the course of my Tract, nor indeed had I then. Whether it was prudent or not, whether it was sensible or not, any how I attempted only a first essay of a necessary work, an essay FROM 1833 TO 1839. S7 wMch, as I was quite prepared to find, would require revision and modification by means of tlie lights which I should gain from the criticism of others. I should have gladly withdrawn any statement, which could be proved to me to be erroneous ; I considered my work to be faulty and open to objection in the same sense in which I now con- sider my Anglican interpretations of Scripture to be erro- neous ; but in no other sense. I am surprised that men do not apply to the interpreters of Scripture generally the hard names which they apply to the author of Tract 90. He held a large system of theology, and applied it to the Articles : Episcopalians, or Lutherans, or Presbyterians, or Unitarians, hold a large system of theology and apply it to Scripture. Every theology has its difficulties ; Pro- testants hold justification by faith only, though there is no text in St. Paul which enunciates it, and though St. James expressly denies it ; do we therefore call Protestants dishonest ? they deny that the Church has a divine mission, though St. Paul says that it is ''the Pillar and ground of Truth ;" they keep the Sabbath, though St. Paul says, " Let no man judge you in meat or drink or in respect of . . . the sabbath daj^s." Every creed has texts in its favour, and again texts which run counter to it : and this is generally confessed. And this is what I felt keenly: — how had I done worse in Tract 90 than Anglicans, Wes- leyans, and Calvinists did daily in their Sermons and their publications ? how had I done worse, than the Evangelical party in their ex animo reception of the Services for Bap- tism and Yisitation of the Sick * ? Why was I to be dis- * For instance, let candid men consider the form of Absolution contained in that Prayer Book, of which all clergymen, Evangelical and Liberal as well as high Church, and (I think) all persons in University office declare that " it containeth nothing contrary to the Word of God." I challenge, in the sight of all England, Evangelical clergymen generally, to put on paper an interpretation of this form of words, consistent with their 88 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS honest and they immaculate ? There was an occasion on which our Lord gave an answer, which seemed to be appropriate to my own case, when the tumult broke out against my Tract : — " He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at him." I could have fancied that a sense of their own difficulties of interpretation would have persuaded the great party I have mentioned to some pru- dence, or at least moderation, in opposing a teacher of an opposite school. But I suppose their alarm and their anger overcame their sense of justice. In the sudden storm of indignation with which the Tract was received throughout the country on its appear- ance, I recognize much of real religious feeling, much of honest and true principle, much of straightforward igno- rant common sense. In Oxford there was genuine feeling too ; but there had been a smouldering, stern, energetic animosity, not at all unnatural, partly rational, against its author. A false step had been made ; now was the time for action. I am told that, even before the publication of the Tract, rumours of its contents had got into the hostile camp in an exaggerated form ; and not a moment was lost in proceeding to action, when I was actually fallen into the hands of the Philistines. I was quite unprepared for the sentiments, which shall be less forced than the most objectionable of the inter- pretations which Tract 90 puts upon any passage in the Articles. " Our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath left power to His Church to absolve all sinners who truly repent and believe in Him, of His great mercy forgive thee thine offences ; and by His authority committed to me, I absolve thee from all thy sins, in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen." I subjoin the Roman form, as used in England and elsewhere: " Dominus noster Jesus Christus te absolvat; et ego auctoritate ipsius te absolve, ab omni vinculo excommunicationis et interdicti, in quantum possum et tu indiges. Deinde ego te absolvo a peccatis tuis, in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiiitus Sancti. Amen." FROM 1833 TO 1839. 89 outbreak, and was startled at its violence. I do not tliink I had any fear. Nay, I will add, I am not sure that it was not in one point of view a relief to me. I saw indeed clearly that my place in the Movement was lost ; public confidence was at an end ; my occupation was gone. It was simply an impossibility that I could say any thing henceforth to good effect, when I had been posted up by the marshal on the buttery-hatch of every College of my University, after the manner of discom- moned pastry-cooks, and when in every part of the country and ever}^ class of society, through every organ and oppor- tunity of opinion, in newspapers, in periodicals, at meet- ings, in pulpits, at dinner-tables, in coffee-rooms, in railway carriages, I was denounced as a traitor who had laid his train and was detected in the very act of firing it against the time-honoured Establishment. There were indeed men, besides my own immediate friends, men of name and posi- tion, who gallantly took my part, as Dr. Hook, Mr. Palmer, and Mr. Perceval ; it must have been a grievous trial for themselves : yet what after all could they do for me ? Confidence in me was lost ; — but I had already lost full confidence in myself. Thoughts had passed over me a year, and a half before in respect to the Anglican claims, which for the time had profoundly troubled me. They had gone : I had not less confidence in the power and the prospects of the Apostolical movement than before ; not less confidence than before in the grievousness of what I called the " dominant errors " of Pome : but how was I any more to have absolute confidence in myself? how was I to have confidence in my present confidence ? how was I to be sure that I should always think as I thought now ? I felt that by this event a kind Providence had saved me from an impossible position in the future. First, if I remember right, they wished me to withdraw 90 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS the Tract. This I refused to do : I would not do so for the sake of those who were unsettled or in danger of un- settlement. I would not do so for my own sake ; for how could I acquiesce in a mere Protestant interpretation of the Articles ? how could I range myself among the pro- fessors of a theology, of which it put my teeth on edge even to hear the sound ? Next they said, '' Keep silence ; do not defend the Tract;'' I answered, ''Yes, if you will not condemn it, — if you will allow it to continue on sale." They pressed on me whenever I gave way ; they fell back when they saw me obstinate. Their line of action was to get out of me as much as they could ; but upon the point of their tolerating the Tract I toas obstinate. So they let me con- tinue it on sale ; and they said they would not condemn it. But they said that this was on condition that I did not defend it, that I stopped the series, and that I myself published my own condemnation in a letter to the Bishop of Oxford. I impute nothing whatever to him, he was ever most kind to me. Also, they said they could not answer for what some individual Bishops might perhaps say about the Tract in their own charges. I agreed to their conditions. My one point was to save the Tract. JN'ot a line in writing was given me, as a pledge of the observance of the main article on their side of the eno^aofe- ment. Parts of letters from them were read to me, with- out being put into my hands. It was an ''understanding." A clever man had warned me against " understandings " some six years before : I have hated them ever since. In the last words of my letter to the Bishop of Oxford I thus resigned my place in the Movement : — " I have nothing to be sorry for," I say to him, " except having made your Lordship anxious, and others whom I am bound to revere. I have nothing to be sorry for, but everything to rejoice in and be thankful for. I have never PROM 1833 TO 1839. 91 taken pleasure in seeming to be able to move a party, and whatever influence I have had, has been found, not sought after. I have acted because others did not act, and have sacrificed a quiet which I prized. May God be with me in time to come, as He has been hitherto ! and He will be, if I can but keep my hand clean and my heart pure. I think I can bear, or at least will try to bear, any personal humiliation, so that I am preserved from betraying sacred interests, which the Lord of grace and power has given into my charged" 1 To the Pamphlets published in my behalf at this time I should add ''One Tract more," an able and generous defence of Tractarianism and No. 90, by the present Lord Houghton. 92 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS CHAPTER TIL HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS FROM 1839 TO 1841. And now that I am about to trace, as far as I can, the course of that great revolution of mind, which led me to leave my own home, to which I was bound by so many strong and tender ties, I feel overcome with the difficulty of satisfying myself in my account of it, and have recoiled from the attempt, till the near approach of the day, on which these lines must be given to the world, forces me to set about the task. For who can know himself, and the multitude of subtle influences which act upon him ? And who can recollect, at the distance of twenty- five years, all that he once knew about his thoughts and his deeds, and that, during a portion of his life, when, even at the time, his observation, whether of himself or of the external world, was less than before or after, by very reason of the perplexity and dismay which weighed upon him,— when, in spite of the light given to him according to his need amid his darkness, yet a darkness it emphatically was ? And who can suddenly gird himself to a new and anxious undertaking, which he might be able indeed to perform well, were full and calm leisure allowed him to look through every thing that he had written, whether in published works or private letters ? j^et again, granting that calm contemplation of the past, in itself so desirable, who could afford to be leisurely and deliberate, while he FROM 1839 TO 1841. 93 practises on himself a cruel operation, the ripping up of old griefs, and the venturing again upon the "infandum dolor em " of years, in which the stars of this lower heaven were one by one going out ? I could not in cool blood, nor except upon the imperious call of duty, attempt what I have set myself to do. It is both to head and heart an extreme trial, thus to analyze what has so long gone by, and to bring out the results of that examination. I have done various bold things in my life : this is the boldest : and, were I not sure I should after all succeed in my object, it would be madness to set about it. In the spring of 1839 my position in the Anglican Church was at its height. I had supreme confidence in my controversial status, and I had a great and still grow- ing success, in recommending it to others. I had in the foregoing autumn been somewhat sore at the Bishop's Charge, but I have a letter which shows that all annoy- ance had passed from my mind. In January, if I recollect aright, in order to meet the popular clamour against my- self and others, and to satisfy the Bishop, I had collected into one all the strong things which they, and especially I, had said against the Church of Rome, in order to their insertion among the advertisements appended to our pub- lications. Conscious as I was that my opinions in religion were not gained, as the world said, from Roman sources, but were, on the contrary, the birth of my own mind and of the circumstances in which I had been placed, I had a scorn of the imputations which were heaped upon me. It was true that I held a large bold system of religion, very unlike the Protestantism of the day, but it was the con- centration and adjustment of the statements of great An- glican authorities, and I had as much right to hold it, as the Evangelical, and more right than the Liberal party could show, for asserting their own respective doctrines. As I 94 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS declared on occasion of Tract 90, I claimed, in behalf of who would in the Anglican Church, the right of holding with Bramhall a comprecation with the Saints, and the Mass all but Transubstantiation with Andrewes, or with Hooker that Transubstantiation itself is not a point for Churches to part communion upon, or with Hammond that a General Council, truly such, never did, never shall err in a matter of faith, or with Bull that man had in para- dise and lost on the fall, a supernatural habit of grace, or with Thorndike that penance is a propitiation for post- baptismal sin, or with Pearson that the all-powerful name of Jesus is no otherwise given than in the Catholic Church. "Two can play at that," was often in my mouth, when men of Protestant sentiments appealed to the Articles, Homilies, or Peformers ; in the sense that, if they had a right to speak loud, I had the liberty to speak out as well as they, and had the means, by the same or parallel appeals, of giving them tit for tat. I thought that the Anglican Church was tyrannized over by a mere party, and I aimed at bringing into effect the promise contained in the motto to the Lyra, " They shall know the difference now." I only asked to be allowed to show them the difference. What will best describe mj state of mind at the early part of 1839, is an Article in the British Critic for that April. I have looked over it now, for the first time since it was published ; and have been struck by it for this reason : — it contains the last words which I ever spoke as an Anglican to Anglicans. It may now be read as my parting address and valediction, made to my friends. I little knew it at the time. It reviews the actual state of things, and it ends by looking towards the future. It is not altogether mine ; for my memory goes to this, — that I had asked a friend to do the work; that then, the thought came on me, that I would do it myself: and that FROM 1839 TO 1841. 95 he was good enough to put into mj hands what he had with great appositeness written, and that I embodied it in my Article. Every one, I think, will recognize the greater part of it as mine. It was published two years before the affair of Tract 90, and was entitled " The State of Religious Parties.'^ In this Article, I begin by bringing together testimonies from our enemies to the remarkable success of our exer- tions. One writer said : " Opinions and views of a theo- logy of a very marked and peculiar kind have been exten- sively adopted and strenuously upheld, and are daily gaining ground among a considerable and influential por- tion of the members, as well as ministers of the Estab- lished Church." Another: The Movement has manifested itself " with the most rapid growth of the hot-bed of these evil days.'' Another: "The F/«iI/'^r//(^ is crowded with young enthusiasts, who never presume to argue, except against the propriety of arguing at all." Another : " Were I to give you a full list of the works, which they have pro- duced within the short space of five years, I should sur- prise you. You would see what a task it would be to make yourself complete master of their sj'stem, even in its i# present probably immature state. The writers have ^ adopted the motto, ' In quietness and confidence shall be your strength.' With regard to confidence, they have justified their adopting it ; but as to quietness, it is not very quiet to pour forth such a succession of controversial publications." Another : " The spread of these doctrines is in fact now ha^^ng the effect of rendering all other dis- tinctions obsolete, and of severing the religious community into two portions, fundamentally and vehemently opposed one to the other. Soon there will be no middle ground left ; and every man, and especially every clergjTuan, will be compelled to make his choice between the two.'* An- other: "The time has gone by, when those unfortunate 96 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS and deeply regretted publications can be passed over with- out notice, and the hope that their influence would fail is now dead." Another : " These doctrines had already made fearful progress. One of the largest churches in Brighton is crowded to hear them ; so is the church at Leeds. There are few towns of note, to which they have not extended. They are preached in small towns in Scot- land. They obtain in Elginshire, 600 miles north of London. I found them myself in the heart of the high- lands of Scotland. They are advocated in the newspaper and periodical press. They have even insinuated them- selves into the House of Commons." And, lastly, a bishop in a charge: — It *'is daily assuming a more serious and alarming aspect. Under the specious pretence of deference to Antiquity and respect for primitive models, the founda- tions of the Protestant Church are undermined by men, who dwell within her walls, and those who sit in the Reformers' seat are traducing the Reformation." After thus stating the phenomenon of the time, as it presented itself to those who did not sympathize in it, the Article proceeds to account for it ; and this it does by con- sidering it as a re-action from the dry and superficial character of the religious teaching and the literature of the last generation, or century, and as a result of the need which was felt both by the hearts and the intellects of the nation for a deeper philosophy, and as the evidence and as the partial fulfilment of that need, to which even the chief authors of the then generation had borne witness. First, I mentioned the literary influence of Walter Scott, who turned men's minds in the direction of the middle ages. ** The general need," I said, " of something deeper and more attractive, than what had ofiered itself elsewhere, may be considered to have led to his popularity ; and by means of his popularity he re-acted on his readers, stimu- lating their mental thirst, feeding their hopes, setting FROM 1839 TO 1841. 97 before tliem Tisions, which, when once seen, are not easily forgotten, and silently indoctrinating them with nobler ideas, which might afterwards be appealed to as first principles." Then I spoke of Coleridge, thus : " "While history in prose and verse was thus made the instrument of Church feelings and opinions, a philosophical basis for the same was laid in England by a very original thinker, who, while he indulged a liberty of speculation, which no Christian can tolerate, and advocated conclusions w^hich were often heathen rather than Christian, yet after all installed a higher philosophy into inquiring minds, than they had hitherto been accustomed to accept. In this way he made trial of his age, and succeeded in interesting its genius in the cause of Catholic truth." Then come Southey and AYordsworth, **two living poets, one of whom in the department of fantastic fiction, the other in that of philosophical meditation, have addressed themselves to the same high principles and feelings, and carried forward their readers in the same direction." Then comes the prediction of this re-action hazarded by " a sagacious observer withdrawn from the world, and sur- veying its movements from a distance," Mr. Alexander Knox. He had said twenty years before the date of my Article : ^' No Church on earth has more intrinsic ex- cellence than the English Church, yet no Church probably has less practical influence. . . . The rich provision, made by the grace and providence of God, for habits of a noble kind, is evidence that men shall arise, fitted both by nature and ability, to discover for themselves, and to display to o^.hers, whatever j^et remains undiscovered, whether in the words or works of God." Also I referred to " a much venerated clergyman of the last generation," who said shortly before his death, " Depend on it, the day will come, when those great doctrines, now buried, will be H 98 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS brought out to the light of day, and then the effect will be fearful." I remarked upon this, that they who "now blame the impetuosity of the current, should rather turn their animadversions upon those who have dammed up a majestic river, till it has become a flood. '^ Tliese being the circumstances under which, the Move- ment began and progressed, it was absurd to refer it to the act of two or three individuals. It was not so much a movement as a "spirit afloat;" it was within us, "rising up in hearts where it was least suspected, and working itself, though not in secret, yet so subtly and impalpably, as hardly to admit of precaution or encounter on any ordinary human rules of opposition. It is," I continued, " an adversary in the air, a something one and entire, a whole wherever it is, unapproachable and incapable of being grasped, as being the result of causes far deeper than political or other visible agencies, the spiritual awakening of spiritual wants." To make this clear, I proceed to refer to the chief preachers of the revived doctrines at that moment, and to draw attention to the variety of their respective ante- cedents. Dr. Hook and Mr. Churton represented the high Church dignitaries of the last century ; Mr. Perceval, the Tory aristocracy; Mr. Keble came from a country par- sonage ; Mr. Palmer from Ireland ; Dr. Pusey from the Universities of Germany, and the study of Arabic MSS. ; Mr. Dodsworth from the study of Prophecy ; Mr. Oakeley had gained his views, as he himself expressed it, "partly by study, partly by reflection, partly by conversation with one or two friends, inquirers like himself:" while I speak of myself as being " much indebted to the friendship of Archbishop AYhately." And thus I am led on to ask, " What head of a sect is there ? What march of opinions can be traced from mind to mind among preachers such as these ? They are one and all in their degree the organs FROM 1839 TO 1841. 99 of one Sentiment, whicli has risen up simultaneously in many places very mysteriously/* My train of thought next led me to speak of the disci- ples of the Movement, and I freely acknowledged and lamented that they needed to be kept in order. It is very much to the purpose to draw attention to this point now, when such extravagances as then occurred, v/hatever they were, are simply laid to my door, or to the charge of the doctrines which I advocated. A man cannot do more than freely confess what is wrong, say that it need not be, that it ought not to be, and that he is very sorry that it should be. Isow I said in the Article, which I am re- viewing, that the great truths themselves, which we were preaching, must not be condemned on account of such abuse of them. " Aberrations there must ever be, what- ever the doctrine is, while the human heart is sensitive, capricious, and wayward. A mixed multitude went out of Egypt with the Israelites." " There will ever be a num- ber of persons," I continued, " professing the opinions of a movement party, who talk loudlj^ and strangely, do odd or fierce things, display themselves unnecessarily, and dis- gust other people ; persons, too young to be wise, too generous to be cautious, too warm to be sober, or too intel- lectual to be humble. Such persons will be very apt to attach themselves to particular persons, to use particular names, to say things merely because others do, and to act in a party -spirited way." While I thus republish what I then said about such extravagances as occurred in these years, at the same time I have a very strong conviction that those extravagances furnished quite as much the welcome excuse for those who were jealous or shy of us, as the stumbling-blocks of those who were well inclined to our doctrines. This too we felt at the time; but it was our duty to see that our good should not be evil-spoken of; and accordingly, two or 100 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS three of tlie writers of the Tracts for the Times had com- menced a Series of what they called ''Plain Sermons" with the avowed purpose of discouraging and correcting whatever was uppish or extreme in our followers : to this Series I contributed a volume myself. Its conductors say in their Preface : " If therefore as time goes on, there shall be found persons, who admiring the innate beauty and majesty of the fuller system of Pri- mitive Christianity, and seeing the transcendent strength of its principles, shall become loud and voluble advocates in their behalf, speaking the more freely, because they do not feel them deeply as founded in divine and eternal truth, of such persons it is our duty to declare plainly, that, as we should contemplate their condition with serious misgi^dng, so would they be the last versons from whom tee should seek support. " But if, on the other hand, there shall be any, who, in the silent humility of their lives, and in their unaffected reverence for holy things, show that they in truth accept these principles as real and substantial, and by habitual purity of heart and serenity of temper, give proof of their deep veneration for sacraments and sacramental ordinances, those persons, whether our professed adherents or not, best exemplify the kind of character which the writers of the Tracts for the Times have wished to form.'' These clergymen had the best of claims to use these beautiful words, for they were themselves, all of them, important writers in the Tracts, the two Mr. Kebles, and Mr. Isaac Williams. And this passage, with which they ushered their Series into the world, I quoted in the Article, of which I am giving an account, and I added, "What more can be required of the preachers of neglected truth, than that they should admit that some, who do not assent to their preaching, are holier and better men than some who do ?" They were not answerable for the intemper- FROM 1839 TO 1841. 101 ance of those who dishonoured a true doctrine, provided they protested, as they did, against such intemperance. "They were not answerable for the dust and din which attends any great moral movement. The truer doctrines are, the more liable they are to be perverted." The notice of these incidental faults of opinion or temper in adherents of the Movement, led on to a discussion of the secondary causes, by means of which a system of doc- trine may be embraced, modified, or developed, of the variety of schools which may all be in the One Church, and of the succession of one phase of doctrine to another, while that doctrine is ever one and the same. Thus I was brought on to the subject of Antiquity, which was the basis of the doctrine of the Via Media, and by which was not to be understood a servile imitation of the past, but such a reproduction of it as is really new, while it is old. " We have good hope,'' I say, " that a system will be rising up, superior to the age, yet harmonizing with, and carr^'ing out its higher points, which will attract to itself those who are willing to make a venture and to face difficulties, for the sake of something higher in prospect. On this, as on other subjects, the proverb will apply, * Fortes fortuna adjuvat.' " Lastly, I proceeded to the question of that future of the Anglican Church, which was to be a new birth of the Ancient Eeligion. And I did not venture to pronounce upon it. " About the future, we have no prospect before our minds whatever, good or bad. Ever since that great luminary, Augustine, proved to be the last bishop of Hippo, Christians have had a lesson against attempting to foretell, how Providence will prosper and " [or ?] " bring to an end, what it begins." Perhaps the lately-revived principles would prevail in the Anglican Church ; perhaps they would be lost in *' some miserable schism, or some more miserable com-oromise ; but there was nothing 102 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS rasli in venturing to predict that "neither Puritanism nor Liberalism had any permanent inheritance within her." Then I went on : " As to Liberalism, we think tho formularies of the Church will ever, with the aid of a good Providence, keep it from making any serious inroads upon the clergy. Besides, it is too cold a principle to prevail with the multitude." But as regarded what was called Evangelical Eeligion or Puritanism, there was more to cause alarm. I observed upon its organization; but on the other hand it had no intellectual basis ; no internal idea, no principle of unity, no theology. " Its adherents," I said, " are already separating from each other ; they will melt away like a snow-drift. It has no straightforward view on any one point, on which it professes to teach, and to hide its poverty, it has dressed itself out in a maze of words. We have no dread of it at all ; we only fear what it may lead to. It does not stand on intrenched ground, or make any pretence to a position ; it does but occupy the space between contending powers. Catholic Truth and Rationalism. Then indeed will be the stern encounter, when two real and living principles, simple, entire, and consistent, one in the Church, the other out of it, at length rush upon each other, contending not for names and words, or half- views, but for elementary notions and distinctive moral characters." "Whether the ideas of the coming age upon religion were true or false, at least they would be real. " In the present day," I said, " mistiness is the mother of wisdom. A man who can set down a half-a-dozen general j)roposi- tions, which escape from destroying one another only by being diluted into truisms, who can hold the balance be- tween opposites so skilfully as to do without fulcrum or beam, who never enunciates a truth without guarding himself against being supposed to exclude the contradic- FROM 1839 TO 1841. 10;J tory, — wLo holds that Scripture is the only authority, yet that the Church is to be deferred to, that faith onh^ justifies, yet that it does not justify without works, that grace does not depend on the sacraments, yet is not given \^ithout them, that bishops are a divine ordinance, yet those who have them not are in the same religious con- dition as those who have, — this is your safe man and the hope of the Church ; this is what the Church is said to want, not party men, but sensible, temperate, sober, well- judging persons, to guide it through the channel of no- meaning, between the Scylla and Charybdis of Aye and This state of things, however, I said, could not last, if men were to read and think. They " will not keep in that very attitude which you call sound Church-of-Englandism or orthodox Protestantism. They cannot go on for ever standing on one leg, or sitting without a chair, or walking with their feet tied, or like Tityrus's stags grazing in the air. They will take one view or another, but it will be a consistent view. It may be Liberalism, or Erastianism, or Popery, or Catholicity ; but it will be real." I concluded the Article by saying, that all who did not wish to be "democratic, or pantheistic, or popish," must " look out for soiue Yia Media which will preserve us from what threatens, though it cannot restore the dead. The spirit of Luther is dead ; but Hildebrand and Loyola are alive. Is it sensible, sober, judicious, to be so very angry with those writers of the day, who point to the fact, that our divines of the seventeenth century have occupied a ground which is the true and intelligible mean between extremes ? Is it wise to quarrel with this ground, because it is not exactly what we should choose, had we the power of choice? Is it true moderation, instead of trying to- fortify a middle doctrine, to fling stones at those who do ? . . . Would you rather have your sons and daiighteiB 104 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OriNIONS members of the Churcli of England or of the Church of Eome?'' And thus I left the matter. But, while I was thus speaking of the future of the Movement, I was in truth winding up my accounts with it, little dreaming that it was so to be; — while I was still, in some way or other, feeling about for an available Via 3Iedia, I was soon to receive a shock which was to cast out of my imagination all middle courses and compromises for ever. As I have said, this Article appeared in the April number of the British Critic ; in the July number, I cannot tell why, there is no Article of mine ; before the number for October, the event had happened to which I have alluded. But before I proceed to describe what happened to me in the summer of 1839, I must detain the reader for a while, in order to describe the issue of the controversy between Rome and the Anglican Church, as I viewed it. This will involve some dry discussion ; but it is as neces- sary for my narrative, as plans of buildings and home- steads are often found to be in the proceedings of our law courts. I have said already that, though the object of the Move- ment was to withstand the Liberalism of the day, I found and felt this could not be done by mere negatives. It was necessary for us to have a positive Church theory erected on a definite basis. This took me to the great Anglican divines ; and then of course I found at once that it was impossible to form any such theory, without cutting across the teaching of the Church of Rome. Thus came in the Roman controversy. When I first turned myself to it, I had neither doubt on the subject, nor suspicion that doubt would ever come upon me. It was in this state of mind that I began to FEOM 1539 TO 1841. 105 read up Bellarmine on the one hand, and numberless Anglican writers on the other. But I soon found, as others had found before me, that it was a tangled and manifold controversy, difficult to master, more difficult to put out of hand with neatness and precision. It was easy to make points, not easy to sum up and settle. It was not easy to find a clear issue for the dispute, and still less by a logical process to decide it in favour of Anglicanism. This difficulty, however, had no tendency whatever to harass or perplex me : it was a matter which bore not on convictions, but on proofs. First I saw, as all see who study the subject, that a broad distinction had to be drawn between the actual state of belief and of usage in the countries which were in com- munion with the Roman Church, and her formal dogmas ; the latter did not cover the former. Sensible pain, for instance, is not implied in the Tridentine decree upon Purgatory ; but it was the tradition of the Latin Church, and I had seen the pictures of souls in flames in the streets of J^aples. Bishop Lloyd had brought this distinction out strongly in an Article in the British Critic in 1825; indeed, it was one of the most common objections made to the Church of Eome, that she dared not commit herself by formal decree, to what nevertheless she sanctioned and allowed. Accordingly, in my Prophetical Office, I view as simply separate ideas, Pome quiescent, and Pome in action. I contrasted her creed on the one hand, with her ordinary teaching, her controversial tone, her political and social bearing, and her popular beliefs and practices, on the other. While I made this distinction between the decrees and the traditions of Pome, I drew a parallel distinction between Anglicanism quiescent, and Anglicanism in action In its formal creed Anglicanism was not at a great distance from Pome : far otherwise, when viewed in its insular spirit, 106 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS tlie traditions of its establisliment, its historical charac- teristics, its controversial rancour, and its private judgment. I disavowed and condemned those excesses, and called then "Protestantism'* or " Ulra-Protestantism : " I wished t^ find a parallel disclaimer, on the part of Roman controver- sialists, of that popular system of beliefs and usages in their own Church, which I called " Popery." When that hope was a dream, I saw that the controversy lay between the book- theology of Anglicanism on the one side, and the living system of what I called Poman corruption on the other. I could not get further than this ;. with this result I was forced to content mj^self. These then were the j9f«'^/(?s in the controversy : — the Anglican Via Media and the popular religion of Pome. And next, as to the issue, to which the controversy between them was to be brought, it was this : — the Anglican dis- putant took his stand upon Antiquity or Apostolicity, the Poman upon Catholicity. The Anglican said to the Ptoman : " There is but One Faith, the Ancient, and you have not kept to it ;" the Poman retorted : "There is but One Church, the Catholic, and you are out of it." The Anglican urged " Your special beliefs, practices, modes of action, are nowhere in Antiquity ;" the Poman objected : " You do not communicate with any one Church besides your own and its offshoots, and you have discarded prin- ciples, doctrines, sacraments, and usages, which are and ever have been received in the East and the West." The true Church, as defined in the Creeds, was both Catholic and Apostolic ; now, as I viewed the controversy in which I was engaged, England and Pome had divided these notes or prerogatives between them : the cause lay thus, Apostolicity versus Catholicity. However, in thus stating the matter, of course I do not wish it supposed that I allowed the note of Catholicity really to belong to Pome, to the disparagement of the FROM 1839 TO 1841. 107 AngKcan Church ; but I considered that the special point or plea of Eome in the controversy was Catholicity, as the Anglican plea was Antiquity. Of course I contended that the Roman idea of Catholicity was not ancient and apos- tolic. It was in my judgment at the utmost only natural, becoming, expedient, that the whole of Christendom should be united in one visible body ; while such a unit}^ might, on the other hand, be nothing more than a mere heartless and political combination. For myself, I held with the Anglican divines, that, in the Primitive Church, there was a very real mutual independence between its separate parts, though, from a dictate of charity, there was in fact a close union between them. I considered that each See and Diocese might be compared to a crystal, and that each was similar to the rest, and that the sum total of them all was only a collection of crystals. The unity of the Church lay, not in its being a polity, but in its being a family, a race, coming down by apostolical descent from its' first founders and bishops. And I considered this truth brought out, beyond the possibility of dispute, in the Epistles of St. Ignatius, in which the Bishop is represented as the one supreme authority in the Church, that is, in his own place, with no one above him, except as, for the sake of ecclesiastical order and expedience, arrangements had been made by which one was put over or under another. So much for our own claim to Catholicity, which was so per- versely appropriated by our opponents to themselves : — on the other hand, as to our special strong point, Antiquity, while, of course, by means of it, we were able to condemn most emphatically the novel claim of Rome to domineer over other Churches, which were in truth her equals, fur- ther than that, we thereby especially convicted her of the intolerable offence of having added to the Faith. This was the critical head of accusation urged against her by the Anglican disputant ; and as he referred to St. Ignatius 108 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS in proof that he himself was a true Catholic, in spite of being separated from E-ome, so he triumphantly referred to the Treatise of Yincentius of Lerins upon the " Quod semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus," in proof that the controversialists of Rome, in spite of their possession of the Catholic name, were separated in their creed from the Apostolical and primitive faith. Of course those controversialists had their own mode of answering him, with which I am not concerned in this place ; here I am only concerned with the issue itself, between the one party and the other — Antiquity 'versus Catholicity. Now I will proceed to illustrate what I have been saying of the status of the controversy, as it presented itself to my mind, by extracts from my writings of the dates of 1836, 1840, and 1841. And I introduce them with a remark, which especially applies to the paper, from which I shall quote first, of the date of 1836. That paper appeared in the March and April numbers of the British Magazine of that year, and was entitled "Home Thoughts Abroad." Kow it will be found, that, in the discussion which it con- tains, as in various other writings of mine, when I was in the Anglican Church, the argument in behalf of Rome is stated with considerable perspicuity and force. And at the time my friends and supporters cried out, " How im- prudent ! " and, both at the time, and especially at a later date, my enemies have cried out, "How insidious!" Friends and foes virtually agreed in their criticism ; I had set out the cause which I was combating to the best advantage : this was an ofience ; it might be from impru- dence, it might be with a traitorous design. It was from neither the one nor the other ; but for the following reasons. First, I had a great impatience, whatever was the subject, of not bringing out the whole of it, as clearly as I could ; next I wished to be as fair to my adversaries as possible ; and thirdly I thought that there was a great FROM 1839 TO 1841. 109 deal of shallowness among our own friends, and that they undervalued the strength of the argument in behalf of Borne, and that they ought to be roused to a more exact apprehension of the position of the controYersy. At a later date, (1841,) when I really felt the force of the Roman side of the question myself, as a difficulty which had to be met, I had a fourth reason for such frankness in argument, and that was, because a number of persons were unsettled far more than I was, as to the Catholicity of the Anglican Church. It was quite plain that, unless I was perfectly candid in stating what could be said against it, there was no chance that any representations, which I felt to be in its favour, or at least to be adverse to Rome, would have had any success with the persons in question. At all times I had a deep conviction, to put the matter on the lowest ground, that " honesty was the best policy." Accordingly, in July 1841, I expressed myself thus on the Anglican difficulty : " This is an objection which we must honestly say is deeply felt by many people, and not incon- siderable ones ; and the more it is openly avowed to be a difficulty, the better ; for there is then the chance of its being acknowledged, and in the course of time obviated, as far as may be, by those who have the power. Flagrant evils cure themselves by being flagrant ; and we are sanguine that the time is come when so great an evil as this is, cannot stand its ground against the good feeling and common sense of religious persons. It is the very strength of Romanism against us ; and, unless the proper persons take it into their serious consideration, they may look for certain to undergo the loss, as time goes on, of some whom they would least like to be lost to our Church." The measure which I had especially in view in this passage, was the project of a Jerusalem Bishopric, which the then Archbishop of Canterbury was at that time concocting with M. Bunsen, and of which I shall speak more in the no HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS sequel. And now to return to the Home Tliouglits Abroad of the spring of 1836 :— The discussion contained in this composition runs in the form of a dialogue. One of the disputants says : " You say to me that the Church of Eome is corrupt. What then ? to cut off a limb is a strange way of saving it from the influence of some coustitutional ailment. Indi- gestion may cause cramp in the extremities ; yet we spare our poor feet notwithstanding. Surely there is such a religious fact as the existence of a great Catholic bod}', union with which is a Christian privilege and duty. Kow, we English are separate from it." The other answers : " The present is an unsatisfactory, miserable state of things, yet I can grant no more. The Church is founded on a doctrine, — on the gospel of Truth ; it is a means to an end. Perish the Church, (though, blessed be the promise ! this cannot be,) yet let it perish rather than the Truth should fail. Puritj^ of faith is more precious to the Christian than unity itself. If Eome has erred grievously in doctrine, then it is a duty to separate even from Eome."" His friend, who takes the Eoman side of the argument, refers to the image of the Yine and its branches, which is found, I think, in St. Cyprian, as if a branch cut from the Catholic Yine must necessarily die. Also he quotes a passage from St. Augustine in controversy with the Dona- tists to the same effect ; viz. that, as being separated from the body of the Church, they were ipso facto cut off from the heritage of Christ. And he quotes St. Cyril's argu- ment drawn from the very title Catholic, which no body or communion of men has ever dared or been able to appropriate, besides one. He adds, " J^ow I am only con- tending for the fact, that the communion of Eome consti- tutes the main body of the Church Catholic, and that we are split off from it, and in the condition of the Donatists." FROM 18C9 TO 1841. Ill The other replies by denjdng the fact that the present Roman communion is like St. Augustine's Catholic Church, inasmuch as there must be taken into account the large Anglican and Greek communions. Presently he takes the offensive, naming distinctly the points, in which Rome has departed from Primitive Christianity, viz. '' the practical idolatry, the virtual worship of the Virgin and Saints, which are the offence of the Latin Church, and the degra- dation of moral truth and duty, which follows from these.'* And again : " We cannot join a Church, did we wish it ever so much, which does not acknowledge our orders, refuses us the Cup, demands our acquiescence in image- worship, and excommunicates us, if we do not receive it and all other decisions of the Tridentine Council." His opponent answers these objections by referring to the doctrine of " developments of gospel truth." Besides, " The Anglican system itself is not found complete in those early centuries; so that the [Anglican] principle [of Antiquity] is self-destructive." " When a man takes up this Via Media, he is a mere doctrinaire ; " he is like those, '* who, in some matter of business, start up to suggest their own little crotchet, and are ever measuring mountains with a pocket ruler, or improving the planetary courses." " The Via Media has slept in libraries ; it is a substitute of infancy for manhood." It is plain, then, that at the end of 1835 or beginning of 1836, I had the whole state of the question before me, on which, to my mind, the decision between the Churches depended. It is observable that the question of the posi- tion of the Pope, whether as the centre of unity, or as the source of jurisdiction, did not come into m.j thoughts at all ; nor did it, I think I may say, to the end. I doubt whether I ever distinctly held any of his powers to be de jure dii'ino, while I was in the Anglican Church ;— not that I saw any difficulty in the doctrine ; not that in connexion 112 HISTORY OF MY RELIGTOUS OPINIONS witli the history of St. Leo, of whicli I shall speak by and by, the idea of his infallibility did not cross my mind, for it did, — but after all, in my view the controversy did not turn upon it ; it turned upon the Faith and the Church. This was my. issue of the controversy from the beginning to the end. There was a contrariety of claims between the Roman and Anglican religions, and the history of my conversion is simply the process of working it out to a solution. In 1838 I illustrated it by the contrast presented to us between the Madonna and Child, and a Calvary. The peculiarity of the Anglican theology was this, — that it " supposed the Truth to be entirely objective and de- tached, not " (as in the theology of Rome) " Ij^ing hid in the bosom of the Church as if one with her, clinging to and (as it were) lost in her embrace, but as being sole and unapproachable, as on the Cross or at the Resurrection, with the Church close by, but in the back- ground." As I viewed the controversy in 1836 and 1838, so I viewed it in 1840 and 1841. In the British Critic of January 1840, after gradually investigating how the matter lies between the Churches by means of a dialogue, I end thus : "It would seem, that, in the above discussion, each disputant has a strong point : our strong point is the argument from Primitiveness, that of Romanists from Universality. It is a fact, however it is to be accounted for, that Rome has added to the Creed ; and it is a fact, however we justify ourselves, that we are estranged from the great body of Christians over the world. And each of these two facts is at first sight a grave difficulty in the respective systems to which they belong.'* Again, "While Rome, though not deferring to the Fathers, recognizes them, and England, not deferring to the large body of the Church, recognizes it, both Rome and England have a point to clear up.'* FROM 1839 TO 1841. 113 And still more strongly, in July, 1841 : " If the Note of schism, on the one hand, lies against England, an antagonist disgrace lies upon E-ome, the Note of idolatry. Let us not be mistaken here ; we are neither accusing E-ome of idolatry nor ourselves of schism ; we think neither charge tenable ; but still the Roman Church practises what is so like idolatry, and the English Church makes much of what is so very like schism, that without deciding what is the duty of a Roman Catholic towards the Church of England in her present state, we do seriously think that members of the English Church have a provi- dential direction given them, how to comport themselves towards the Churcli of Rome, while she is what she is." One remark more about Antiquity and the Via Media. As time went on, without doubting the strength of the Anglican argument from Antiquity, I felt also that it was not merely our special plea, but our only one. Also I felt that the Via Media, which was to represent it, was to be a sort of remodelled and adapted Antiquity. This I advanced both in Home Thoughts Abroad and in the Article of the British Critic which I have analyzed above. But this cir- cumstance, that after all we must use private judgment upon Antiquity, created a sort of distrust of my theory altogether, which in the conclusion of my Yolume on the Prophetical Office (1836-7) I express thus : " Now that our discussions draw to a close, the thought, with which we entered on the subject, is apt to recur, when the excitement of the inquiry has subsided, and weariness has succeeded, that what has been said is but a dream, the wanton exercise, rather than the practical conclusions of the intellect." And I conclude the paragraph by antici- pating a line of thought into which I was, in the event, almost obliged to take refuge: ''After all," I saj^, "the Church is ever invisible in its day, and faith only appre- hends it." What was this, but to give up the Notes of 114 HTSTOTIY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS a visible Churcli altogether, whether the Catholic ITote or the Apostolic ? The Long Vacation of 1839 began early. There had been a great many visitors to Oxford from Easter to Commemoration ; and Dr. Pusey's party had attracted attention, more, I think, than in any former year. I had put away from me the controversy with Rome for more than two years. In my Parochial Sermons the subject had at no time been introduced : there had been nothing for two years, either in my Tracts or in the British Critic, of a polemical character. I was returning, for the Yaca- tion, to the course of reading which I had many years before chosen as especially my own. I have no reason to suppose that the thoughts of Rome came across my mind at all. About the middle of June I began to study and master the history of the Monophy sites. I was absorbed in the doctrinal question. This was from about June 13th to August 30th. It was during this course of reading that for the first time a doubt came upon me of the tenableness of Anglicanism. I recollect on the 30th of July men- tioning to a friend, whom I had accidentally met, how remarkable the history was ; but by the end of August I was seriously alarmed. I have described in a former work, how the history affected me. My stronghold was Antiquity ; now here, in the middle of the fifth century, I found, as it seemed to me, Christendom of the sixteenth and the nineteenth cen- turies reflected. I saw my face in that mirror, and I was a Monophysite. The Church of the Via Media was in the position of the Oriental communion, Rome was, where she now is ; and the Protestants were the Eutychians. Of all passages of history, since history has been, who would have thought of going to the sayings and doings of old Eutyches, that delirus scnex, as (I think) Petavius caUs FROM 1839 TO 1841. 115 liim, and to the enormities of the unprincipled Dioscorus, in order to be converted to Rome ! Now let it be simply understood that I am not writing controversially, but with the one object of relating things as they happened to me in the course of my conversion. "With this view I will quote a passage from the account, which I gave in 1850, of my reasonings and feelings in 1839 : "It was difficult to make out how the Eutychians or Monophysites were heretics, unless Protestants and An- glicans were heretics also ; difficult to find arguments against the Tridentine Fathers, which did not tell against the Fathers of Chalcedon ; difficult to condemn the Popes of the sixteenth century, without condemning the Popes of the fifth. The drama of religion, and the combat of truth and error, were ever one and the same. The principles and proceedings of the Church now, were those of the Church then ; the principles and proceedings of heretics then, were those of Protestants now. I found it so, — almost fearfulty ; there was an awful similitude, more awful, because so silent and unimpassioned, between the dead records of the past and the feverish chronicle of the present. The shadow of the fifth century was on the six- teenth. It was like a spirit rising from the troubled waters of the old world, with the shape and lineaments of the new. The Church then, as now, might be called peremptory and stern, resolute, overbearing, and relentless ; and heretics were shifting, changeable, reserved, and deceitful, ever courting civil power, and never agreeing together, except by its aid ; and the civil power was ever aiming at com- prehensions, trying to put the invisible out of view, and substituting expediency for faith. What was the use of continuing the controversy, or defending my position, if, after all, I was forging arguments for Arius or Eutyches, and turnino^ devil's advocate against the much-enduring 116 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS Athanasius and the majestic Leo ? Be my soul with the Saints ! and shall I lift up my hand against them ? Sooner may my right hand forget her cunning, and wither outright, as his who once stretched it out against a prophet of God ! anathema to a whole tribe of Cranmers, Ridleys, Latimers, and Jewels ! perish the names of Bramhall, Ussher, Taylor, Stillingfleet, and Barrow from the face of the earth, ere I should do ought but fall at their feet in love and in worship, whose image was continual^ before my eyes, and whose musical words were ever in my ears and on my tongue!'* Hardly had I brought my course of reading to a close, when the Dublin Review of that same August was put into my hands, by friends who were more favourable to the cause of Rome than I was myself. There was an article in it on the "Anglican Claim " by Dr. Wiseman. This was about the middle of September. It was on the Donatists, with an application to Anglicanism. I read it, and did not see much in it. The Donatist controversy was known to me for some years, as has appeared already. The case was not parallel to that of the Anglican Church. St. Augustine in Africa wrote against the Donatists in Africa. They were a furious party who made a schism within the African Church, and not beyond its limits. It was a case of Altar against Altar, of two occupants of the same See, as that between the Non-jurors in England and the Established Church ; not the case of one Church against another, as of Rome against the Oriental Monophysites. But my friend, an anxiously religious man, now, as then, very dear to me, a Protestant still, pointed out the palmary words of St. Augustine, which were contained in one of the extracts made in the Review, and which had escaped my obser- vation. "Securus judicat orbis terrarum." He repeated these words again and again, and, when he was gone, they kept ringing in my ears. ''Securus judicat or bis FROM 183Q TO 1841. 117 terrarum ;'* they were words whicTi went beyond the occasion of the Donatists : they applied to that of the Monophysites. They gave a cogency to the Article, which had escaped me at first. They decided ecclesiastical questions on a simpler rule than that of Antiquity ; nay, St. Augus- tine was one of the prime oracles of Antiquity ; here then Antiquity was deciding against itself. What a light waa hereby thrown upon every controversy in the Church ! not that, for the moment, the multitude may not falter in their judgment, — not that, in the Arian hurricane, Sees more than can be numbered did not bend before its fury, and fall off from St. Athanasius,— not that the crowd of Oriental Bishops did not need to be sustained during the contest by the voice and the eye of St. Leo ; but that the deliberate judgment, in which the whole Church at length rests and acquiesces, is an infallible prescription and a final sentence against such portions of it as protest and secede. "Who can account for the impressions which are made on him ? For a mere sentence, the words of St. Augustine, struck me with a power which I never had felt from any words before. To take a familiar instance, they were like the " Turn again Whittington '' of the chime ; or, to take a more serious one, they were like the '^ Telle, lege, — Telle, lege," of the child, which converted St. Augustine himself. *' Securus judicat orbis terrarum !" By those great words of the ancient Father, interpreting and summing up the long and varied course of ecclesiastical history, the theory of the Via Media was absolutely pulverized. I became excited at the view thus opened upon me. I was just starting on a round of visits ; and I mentioned my state of mind to two most intimate friends : I think to no others. After a while, I got calm, and at length the vivid impression upon my imagination faded away. What I thought about it on reflection, I will attempt to describe presently. I had to determine its logical value, and its 118 HISTOTIY OP MY RELIGIOUS OPTXIONS bearing upon my duty. Meanwhile, so far as this was certain, — I had seen the shadow of a hand upon the wall. It was clear that I had a good deal to learn on the question of the Churches, and that perhaps some new light was coming upon me. He who has seen a ghost, cannot be as if he had never seen it. The heavens had opened and closed again. The thought for the moment had been, "The Church of E-ome will be found right after all ;" and then it had vanished. My old convictions remained as before. At this time, I wrote my Sermon on Divine Calls, which I published in my volume of Plain Sermons. It ends thus : ^ " that we could take that simple view of things, as to feel that the one thing which lies before us is to please God ! What gain is it to please the world, to please the great, nay even to please those whom we love, compared with this ? What gain is it to be applauded, admired, courted, followed, — compared with this one aim, of not being dis- obedient to a heavenly vision ?' What can this world offer comparable with that insight into spiritual things, that keen faith, that heavenly peace, that high sanctity, that everlasting righteousness, that hope of glory, which they have, T^ho in sincerity love and follow our Lord Jesus Christ ? Let us beg and pray Him day by day to reveal Himself to our souls more fully, to quicken our senses, to give us sight and hearing, taste and touch of the world to come ; so to work within us, that we may sin- cerely say, ' Thou shalt guide me with Thy counsel, and after that receive me with glory. Whom have I in heaven but Thee ? and there is none upon earth that I desire in comparison of Thee. My flesh and my heart faileth, but God is the strength of my heart, and my portion for ever.' " Now to trace the succession of thoughts, and the con- FROM 1839 TO 1841. 119 elusions, and the consequent innovations on my previous belief, and the general conduct, to which I was led, upon this sudden visitation. And first, I will sa}', whatever comes of saying it, for I leave inferences to others, that for years I must have had something of an habitual notion, though it was latent, and had never led me to distrust my own convictions, that my mind had not found its ultimate rest, and that in some sense or other I was on journey. During the same passage across the Mediterranean in which I wrote " Lead kindly light," I also wrote the verses, which are found in the Lyra under the head of " Providences,'* beginning, ""When I look back." This was in 1833; and, since I have begun this narrative, I have found a memo- randum under the date of September 7, 1829, in which I speak of myself, as *' now in my rooms in Oriel College, slowl}^ advancing &c. and led on by God's hand blindly, not knowing whither He is taking me." But, whatever this presentiment be worth, it was no protection against the dismay and disgust, w^hich I felt, in consequence of the dreadful misgiving, of which I have been relating the history. The one question was, what was I to do? I had to make up my mind for mj^self, and others could not help me. I determined to be guided, not by my imagination, but by my reason. And this I said over and over again in the years which followed, both in conversation and in private letters. Had it not been for this severe resolve, I should have been a Catholic sooner than I was. Moreover, I felt on consideration a positive doubt, on the other hand, whether the suggestion did not come from below. Then I said to myself, Time alone can solve that question. It was my business to go on as usual, to obey those convictions to which I had so long surrendered myself, which still had possession of me, and on which my new thoughts had no direct bearing. That new conception of things should only so far influence me, as it had a logical claim to do so. If 120 HISTOr^Y OF MY RELIGIOUS OPIXIOXS it came from above, it would come again ; — so I trusted, — and with more definite outlines and greater cogency and consistency of proof. I thought of Samuel, before " he knew the word of the Lord ;" and therefore I went, and lay down to sleep again. This was my broad view of the matter, and vnj 2^rimd facie conclusion. However, my new historical fact had already to a certain point a logical force. Down had come the Via Media as a definite theory or scheme, under the blows of St. Leo. My " Prophetical Office " had come to pieces ; not indeed as an argument against " Roman errors,' ' nor as against Protestantism, but as in behalf of England. I had no longer a distinctive plea for Anglicanism, unless I would be a Monophysite. I had, most painfully, to fall back upon my three original points of belief, which I have spoken so much of in a former pass^age, — the principle of dogma, the sacramental system, and anti-Romanism. Of these three, the first two were better secured in Rome than in the Anglican Church. The Apostolical Succession, the two prominent sacraments, and the primitive Creeds, belonged, indeed, to the latter ; but there had been and was far less strictness on matters of dogma and ritual in the Anglican system than in the Roman : in consequence, my main argument for the Anglican claims lay in the positive and special charges, which I could bring against Rome. I had no positive Anglican theory. I was very nearly a pure Protestant. Lutherans had a sort of theology, so had Calvinists ; I had none. However, this pure Protestantism, to which I was gradually left, was really a practical principle. It was a strong, though it was only a negative ground, and it still had great hold on me. As a boy of fifteen, I had so fully imbibed it, that I had actually erased in my Gracilis ad Parnassum, such titles, under the word ''Papa," as '' Christi Yicarius," ''sacer interpres,"' and ''sceptra gerens," and FROM 1839 TO 1841. 121 substituted epithets so vile that I cannot bring myself to write them down here. The effect of this earl}^ persuasion remained as, what I have already called it, a " stain upon my imagination." As regards my reason, I began in 1833 to form theories on the subject, which tended to obliterate it; yet by 1838 I had got no further than to consider Antichrist, as not the Church of Rome, but the spirit of the old pagan city, the fourth monster of Daniel, which was still alive, and which had corrupted the Church which was planted there. Soon after this indeed, and before my attention was directed to the Monophysite controversy, I underwent a great change of opinion. I saw that, from the nature of the case, the true Yicar of Christ must ever to the world seem like Antichrist, and be stigmatized as such, because a resemblance must ever exist between an original and a forgery ; and thus the fact of such a calumny was almost one of the notes of the Church. But we cannot unmake ourselves or change our habits in a moment. Though my reason was convinced, I did not throw off, for some time after, — I coidd not have thrown off, — the un- reasoning prejudice and suspicion, which I cherished about her at least by fits and starts, in spite of this con- viction of my reason. I cannot prove this, but I believe it to have been the case from what I recollect of myself. Nor was there any thing in the history of St. Leo and the Monophysites to undo the firm belief I had in the existence of what I called the practical abuses and excesses of Rome. To her inconsistencies then, to her ambition and in- trigue, to her sophistries (as I considered them to be) I now had recourse in my opposition to her, both public and personal. I did so by way of a relief. I had a great and growing dislike, after the summer of 1839, to speak against the Ptoman Church herself or her formal doctrines. I was very averse to speaking against doctrines, which might possi- 122 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPIXIO^S'S bly turn out to be true, thougli at tlie time I Lad no reason for thinking they were ; or against the Church, which had preserved them. I began to have misgivings, that, strong as my own feelings had been against her, yet in some thinsrs which I had said, I had taken the statements of Anglican divines for granted without weighing them for myself. I said to a friend in 1840, in a letter, which I shall use presently, " I am troubled by doubts whether as it is, I have not, in what I have published, spoken too strongly against Rome, though I think I did it in a kind of faith, being determined to put myself into the English system, and say all that our divines said, whether I had fully weighed it or not." I was sore about the great Anglican divines, as if they had taken me in, and made me say strong things, which facts did not justify. Yet I did still hold in substance all that I had said against the Church of Rome in my Prophetical Office, I felt the force of the usual Protestant objections against her ; I believed that we had the Apostolical succession in the Anglican Church, and the grace of the sacraments ; I was not sure that the difficulty of its isolation might not be overcome, though I was far from sure that it could. I did not see any clear proof that it had committed itself to any heresy, Or had taken part against the truth ; and I was not sure that it would not revive into full Apostolic purity and strength, and grow into union with Rome herself (Rome explaining her doctrines and guarding against their abuse), that is, if we were but patient and hopeful. I began to wish for union between the Anglican Church and Rome, if, and when, it was possible ; and I did what I could to gain weekly prayers for that object. The ground which I felt to be good against her was the moral ground : I felt I could not be wrong in striking at her political and social line of action. The alliance of a dogmatic religion with liberals, high or low, seemed to me a providential direction against FnoM 1839 TO 1841. 123 moving towards Eome, and a better "Preservative against Popery/' than the three volumes in folio, in whrch, I think, that prophylactic is to be found. However, 'on occasions which demanded it, I felt it a dut}^ to give out plainly all that I thought, though I did not like to do so. One such instance occurred, when I had to publish a Letter about Tract 90. In that Letter, I said, ''Instead of setting before the soul the Holy Trinity, and heaven and hell, the Church of Ptome does seem to me, as a popu- lar system, to preach the Blessed Virgin and the Saints, and purgatory." On this occasion I recollect expressing to a friend the distress it gave me thus to speak; but, I said, ''How can I help saying it, if I think it? and I do think it ; my Bishop calls on me to say out what I think ; and that is the long and the short of it." But I recoUccted Hurrell Fronde's words to me, almost his dying words, " I must enter another protest against your cursing and swearing. What good can it do ? and I call it uncharita- ble to an excess. How mistaken we may ourselves be, on many points that are only gradually opening on us ! " Instead then of speaking of errors in doctrine, I was driven, by my state of mind, to insist upon the political conduct, the controversial bearing, and the social methods and manifestations of Pome. And here I found a matter ready to my hand, which affected me the more sensibly for the reason that it lay at our very doors. I can hardly describe too strongly my feeling upon it. I had an un- speakable aversion to the policy and acts of Mr. O'Connell, because, as I thought, he associated himself with men of all religions and no religion against the Anglican Church, and advanced Catholicism by violence and intrigue. "When then I found him taken up by the English Catholics, and, as I supposed, at Pome, I considered I had a fulfilment before my eyes how the Court of Pome played fast and loose, and justified the serious charges which I had seen 124 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPIJS'lOXS put down in books against it. Here we saw what Rome was in action, whatever she might be when quiescent. Her conduct was simply secular and political. This feeling led me into the excess of being very rude to that zealous and most charitable man, Mr. Spencer, when he came to Oxford in January, 1840, to get Angli- cans to set about praying for Unity. I myself, at that time, or soon after, drew up such prayers ; their desirable- Qess was one of the first thoughts which came upon me after my shock; but I was too much annoyed with the political action of the Catholic body in these islands to wish to have any thing to do with them personally. So glad in my heart was I to see him, when he came to my rooms with Mr. Palmer of Magdalen, that I could have laughed for joy ; I think I did laugh ; but I was very rude to him, I would not meet him at dinner, and that, (though I did not say so,) because I considered him ''in loco apostata) " from the Anglican Church, and I hereby beg his pardon for it. I wrote afterwards with a view to apologize, but I dare say he must have thought that I made the matter worse, for these were my words to him : — " The news that you are praying for us is most touch- ing, and raises a variety of indescribable emotions. . . . May their prayers return abundantly into their ow^n bosoms. . . . Why then do I not meet you in a manner conformable with these first feelings? For this single reason, if I may say it, that your acts are contrary to your words. You invite us to a union of hearts, at the same time that you are doing all you can, not to restore, not to reform, not to re-unite, but to destroy our Church. You go further than your principles require. You are leagued with our enemies. 'The voice is Jacob's voice, but the hands are the hands of Esau.' This is what especially distresses us; this is what we cannot under- FROM 1839 TO 1841. ]25 stand ; h.ow Christians, like yourselves, with the clear view you have that a warfare is ever waging in the world be- tween good and evil, should, in the present state of Eng- land, ally yourselves with the side of evil against the side of good. ... Of parties now in the country, you cannot but allow, that next to yourselves we are nearest to re- vealed truth. We maintain great and holy principles; we profess Catholic doctrines. ... So near are we as a body to yourselves in modes of thinking, as even to have been taunted with the nicknames which belong to you ; and, on the other hand, if there are professed infidels, scofiers, sceptics, unprincipled men, rebels, they are found among our opponents. And yet you take part with them against us. . . . You consent to act hand in hand [with these and others] for our overthrow. Alas ! all this it is that impresses us irresistibly with the notion that you are a political, not a religious party ; that in order to gain an end on which you set your heefrts, — an open stage for yourselves in England, — you ally yourselves with those who hold nothing against those who hold something. This is what distresses my own mind so greatly, to speak of myself, that, with limitations which need not now be mentioned, I cannot meet familiarly any leading persons of the Roman Communion, and least of all when they come on a religious errand. Break off, I would say, with Mr. O'Connell in Ireland and the liberal party in Eng- land, or come not to us with overtures for mutual prayer and religious sympathy." And here came in another feeling, of a personal nature, which had little to do with the argument against Rome, except that, in my prejudice, I viewed what happened to myself in the light of my own ideas of the traditionary conduct of her advocates and instruments. I was very stern in the case of any interference in our Oxford matters on the part of charitable Catholics, and of any attempt 126 HISTORY OF MY HELTGIOUS OPINIONS to do me good personally. There was nothing, indeed, at the time more likely to throw me back. " Why do you meddle ? why cannot you let me alone ? You can do me no good ; you know nothing on earth about me ; you may actually do me harm ; I am in better hands than yours. I know my own sincerity of purpose; and I am deter- mined upon taking my time." Since I have been a Catholic, people have sometimes accused me of backward- ness in making converts ; and Protestants have argued from it that I have no great eagerness to do so. It would be against my nature to act otherwise than I do; but besides, it would be to forget the lessons which I gained in the experience of my own history in the past. This is the account which I have to give of some savage and ungrateful words in the British Critic of 1840 against the controversialists of Rome : *' By their fruits ye shall know them. . . . We see it attempting to gain converts among us by unreal representations of its doctrines, plausi- ble statements, bold assertions, appeals to the weaknesses of human nature, to our fancies, our eccentricities, our fears, our frivolities, our false philosophies. We see its agents, smiling and nodding and ducking to attract attention, as gipsies make up to truant boys, holding out tales for the nursery, and pretty pictures, and gilt gingerbread, and phj^sic concealed in jam, and sugar-plums for good chil- dren. Who can but feel shame when the religion of Ximenes, Borromeo, and Pascal, is so overlaid ? AVho can but feel sorrow, when its devout and earnest defenders so mistake its genius and its capabilities ? We English- men like manliness, openness, consistency, truth. Rome will never gain on us, till she learns these virtues, and uses them ; and then she ma?/ gain us, but it will be by ceasing to be what we now mean by Pome, by having a right, not to ' have dominion over our faith,' but to gain and possess our affections in the bonds of the gospel. TiU FROM 1839 TO 1841. 127 she ceases to be what she practically is, a union is impossi- ble between her and England ; but, if she does reform, (and who can presume to say that so large a part of Chris- tendom never can ?) then it will be our Church's duty at once to join in communion with the continental Churches, whatever politicians at home may say to it, and whatever steps the civil power may take in consequence. And though we may not live to see that day, at least we are bound to pray for it; we are bound to pray for our brethren that they and we may be led together into the pure light of the gospel, and be one as we once were one. It was most touching news to be told, as we were lately, that Christians on the Continent were praying together for the spiritual well-being of England. May they gain light, while they aim at unity, and grow in faith while they manifest their love ! We too have our duties to them ; not of reviling, not of slandering, not of hating, though political interests require it ; but the duty of lov- ing brethren still more abundantly in spirit, whose faces, for our sins and their sins, we are not allowed to see in the flesh." 'No one ought to indulge in insinuations ; it certainly diminishes my right to complain of slanders uttered against myself, when, as in this passage, I had already spoken in disparagement of the controversialists of that religious body, to which I myself now belong. I have thus put together, as well as I can, what has to be said about my general state of mind from the autumn of 1839 to the summer of 1841 ; and, having done so, I go on to narrate how my new misgivings affected my conduct, and my relations towards the Anglican Church. When I got back to Oxford in October, 1839, after the visits which I had been paying, it so happened, there had been, in my absence, occurrences of an awkward character, 128 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS compromising me both with my Bishop and also with the authorities of the University ; and this drew my atten- tion at once to the state of the Movement party there, and made me very anxious for the future. In the spring of the year, as has been seen in the Article analyzed above, I had spoken of the excesses which were to be found among persons commonly included in it : — at that time I thought little of such an evil, but the new views, which had come on me during the Long Vacation, on the one hand made me comprehend it, and on the other took away my power of effectually meeting it. A firm and powerful control was necessary to keep men straight ; I never had a strong wrist, but at the very time, when it was most needed, the reins had broken in my hands. With an anxious presentiment on my mind of the upshot of the whole inquiry, which it was almost impossible for me to conceal from men who saw me day by day, who heard my familiar conversation, who came perhaps for the express purpose of pumping me, and having a categorical yes or no to their questions, — how could I expect to say any thing about my actual, positive, present belief, which would be sustaining or consoling to such persons as were haunted already by doubts of their own ? Nay, how could I, with satisfaction to myself, analyze my own mind, and say what I held and what I did not hold ? or how could I say with what limitations, shades of difference, or degrees of belief, I still held that body of Anglican opinions which I had openly professed and taught ? how could I deny or assert this point or that, without injustice to the new light, in wdiich the whole evidence for those old opinions presented itself to my mind ? However, I had to do what I could, and what was best, under the circumstances; I found a general talk on the subject of the Article in the Dublin Review ; and, if it had affected me, it was not wonderful, that it affected FROM 1839 TO 1841. 129 others also. As to myself, I felt no kind of certainty that the argument in it was conclusive. Taking it at the worst, granting that the Anglican Church had not the Note of Catholicity ; yet there were many iSTotes of the Church. Some belonged to one age or place, some to another. Bellarmine had reckoned Temporal Prosperity among the Notes of the Church ; but the Eoman Church had not any great popularity, wealth, glory, power, or prospects, in the nineteenth century. It was not at all certain as yet, even that we had not the Note of Catho- llcit}^ ; but, if not this, we had others. My first business then, was to examine this question carefully, and see, whether a great deal could not be said after all for the Anglican Church, in spite of its acknowledged short- com- ings. This I did in an Article " on the Catholicity of the English Church," which appeared in the British Critic of January, 1840. As to my personal distress on the point, I think it had gone by February 21st in that year, for I wrote then to Mr. Bowden about the important Article in the Dublin, thus : " It made a great impression here [Oxford] ; and, I say what of course I would only say to such as yourself, it made me for a while very uncomforta- ble in my own mind. The great speciousness of his argu- ment is one of the things which have made me despond so much," that is, as anticipating its effect upon others. But, secondly, the great stumbling-block lay in the 39 Articles. It was urged that here was a positive Note fl'^rai^isz^ Anglicanism:— Anglicanism claimed to hold, that the Church of England was nothing else than a continua- tion in this country, (as the Church of Home might be in France or Spain,) of that one Church of which in old times Athanasius and Augustine were members. But, if so, the doctrine must be the same ; the doctrine of the Old Church must live and speak in Anglican formularies, in the 39 Articles. Did it ? Yes, it did ; that is what I maintained; K 130 HISTORY or MY HELIGTOUS OPINIONS it did in substance, in a true sense. Man had done Lis worst to disfigure, to mutilate, tlie old Catholic Truth ; but there it was, in spite of them, in the Articles still. It was there, — but this must be shown. It was a matter of life and death to us to show it. And I believed that it could be shown ; I considered that those grounds of justi- fication, which I gave above, when I was speaking of Tract 90, were sufficient for the purpose; and therefore I set about showing it at once. This was in March, 1840, when I went up to Littlemore. And, as it was a matter of life and death with us, all risks must be run to show it. When the attempt was actually made, I had got reconciled to the prospect of it, and had no apprehensions as to the experiment; but in 1840, while my purpose was honest, and my grounds of reason satisfactory, I did nevertheless recognize that I was engaged in an experimentum criicis. I have no doubt that then I acknowledged to myself that it would be a trial of the Anglican Church, which it had never undergone before, — not that the Catholic sense of the Articles had not been held or at least suffered by their framers and promulgators, not that it was not implied in the teaching of Andrewes or Beveridge, but that it had never been publicly recognized, while the interpretation of the day was Protestant and exclusive. I observe also, that, though my Tract was an experiment, it was, as I said at the time, ^'no feeler^' ; the event showed this; for, when my principle was not granted, I did not draw back, but gave up. I would not hold office in a Church which would not allow my sense of the Articles. My tone was, *^ This is necessary for us, and have it we must and will, and, if it tends to bring men to look less bitterly on the Church of Eome, so much the better." This then was the second work to which I set myself; though when I got to Littlemore, other things interfered to prevent my accomplishing it at the moment. I had in FROM 1839 TO 1841. 131 mind to remove all such obstacles as lay in the way of holding the Apostolic and Catholic character of the Angli- can teaching ; to assert the right of all who chose, to say in the face of day, "Our Church teaches the Primitive Ancient faith." I did not conceal this : in Tract 90, it is put forward as the first principle of all, "It is a duty which we owe both to the Catholic Church, and to our own, to take our reformed confessions in the most Catholic sense they will admit : we have no duties towards their framers." And still more pointedly in my Letter, expla- natory of the Tract, addressed to Dr. Jelf, I say : " The only peculiarity of the view I advocate, if I must so call it, is this— that whereas it is usual at this day to make the particular belief of their tcriters their true interpretation, I would make the belief of tJie Catholic Church such. That is, as it is often said that infants are regenerated in Baptism, not on the faith of their parents, but of the Church, so in like manner I would say that the Articles are received, not in the sense of their framers, but (as far as the word- ing will admit or any ambiguity requires it) in the one Catholic sense." A third measure which I distinctly contemplated, was the resignation of St. Mary's, whatever became of the question of the 39 i^rticles ; and as a first step I meditated a retirement to Littlemore. Littlemore was an integral part of St. Mary's Parish, and between two and three miles distant from Oxford. I had built a Church there several years before ; and I went there to pass the Lent of 1840, and gave myself up to teaching in the Parish School, and practising the choir. At the same time, I had in view a monastic house there. I bought ten acres of ground and began planting ; but this great design was never carried out. I mention it, because it shows how little I had really the idea at that time of ever leavino^ the Anorlican Church. That I contemplated as early as 1839 the further step of 132 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS giving up St. Mary's, appears from a letter which I wrote in October, 1840, to Mr. Keble, the friend whom it was most natural for me to consult on such a point. It ran as follows : — " For a year past a feeling has been growing on me that I ought to give up St. Marj^'s, but I am no lit judge in the matter. I cannot ascertain accurately my own impressions and convictions, which are the basis of the difficulty, and though you cannot of course do this for me, yet you may help me generally, and perhaps supersede the necessity of my going by them at all. ''First, it is certain that I do not know my Oxford parishioners ; I am not conscious of influencing them, and certainly I have no insight into their spiritual state. I have no personal, no pastoral acquaintance with them. To very few have I any opportunity of saying a religious word. Whatever influence I exert on them is precisely that which I may be exerting on persons out of mj^ parish. In my excuse I am accustomed to say to myself that I am not adapted to get on with them, while others are. On the other hand, I am conscious that by means of my posi- tion at St. Mary's, I do exert a considerable influence on the University, whether on Undergraduates or Graduates. It seems, then, on the whole that I am using St. Mary's, to the neglect of its direct duties, for objects not belonging to it ; I am converting a parochial charge into a sort of University office. " I think I may say truly that I have begun scarcely any plan but for the sake of my parish, but every one has turned, independently of me, into the direction of the Uni- versity. I began Saints'-days Services, daily Services, and Lectures in Adam de Brome's Chapel, for my parishioners ; but they have not come to them. In consequence I dropped the last mentioned, having, while it lasted, been naturally led to direct it to the instruction of those who did come, Fr.oM 1839 TO 1841. 133 instead of those who did not. The Weekly Communion, I believe, I did begin for the sake of the University. " Added to this the authorities of the University, the appointed guardians of those who form great part of the attendants on my Sermons, have shown a dislike of my preaching. One dissuades men from coming; — the late Vice- Chancellor threatens to take his own children away from the Church ; and the present, having an opportunity last spring of preaching in my parish pulpit, gets up and preaches against doctrine with which I am in good measure identified. No plainer proof can be given of the feeling in these quarters, than the absurd myth, now a second time put forward, ' that Vice-Chancellors cannot be got to take the office on account of Puseyism.' " But further than this, I cannot disguise from myself that my preaching is not calculated to defend that system of religion which has been received for 300 years, and of which the Heads of Houses are the legitimate maintainers in this place. They exclude me, as far as may be, from the University Pulpit ; and, though I never have preached strong doctrine in it, they do so rightly, so far as this, that they understand that my sermons are calculated to imdermine things established. I cannot disguise from myself that they are. No one will deny that most of my sermons are on moral subjects, not doctrinal ; still I am leading my hearers to the Primitive Church, if you will, but not to the Church of England. Now, ought one to be disgusting the minds of young men with the received reli- gion, in the exercise of a sacred office, yet without a commis- sion, and against the wish of their guides and governors ? " But this is not all. I fear I must allow that, whether I will or no, I am disposing them towards Rome. First, because Rome is the only representative of the Primitive Church besides ourselves ; in proportion then as they are loosened from the one, they will go to the other. Next, because many doctrines which I have held have far greater, 134 HISTORY OF MY IIELIGIOUS OPINIOINS or their only scope, in the Roman system. And, moreover, if, as is not unlikely, we have in process of time heretical Bishops or teachers among us, an evil which ipso facto infects the whole community to which they belong, and if, again (what there are at this moment sj^mptoms of), there be a movement in the English Roman Catholics to break the alliance of O'Connell and of Exeter Hall, strong temp- tations will be placed in the way of individuals, already imbued with a tone of thought congenial to Rome, to join her Communion. " People tell me, on the other hand, that I am, whether by sermons or otherwise, exerting at St. Mary's a beneficial influence on our prospective clergy ; but what if I take to myself the credit of seeing further than they, and of having in the course of the last year discovered that what they approve so much is very likely to end in Romanism ? " The arguments which I have published against Roman- ism seem to myself as cogent as ever, but men go by their sympathies, not by argument ; and if I feel the force of this influence myself, who bow to the arguments, why may not others still more, who never have in the same degree admitted the arguments ? ''JN'or can I counteract the danger by preaching or writing against Rome. I seem to myself almost to have shot my last arrow in the Article on English Catholicity. It must be added, that the very circumstance that I have committed myself against Rome has the efi'ect of setting to sleep people suspicious about me, which is painful now that I begin to have suspicions about myself. I mentioned my general difficulty to Rogers a year since, than whom I know no one of a more fine and accurate conscience, and it was his spontaneous idea that I should give up St. Mary's, if my feelings continued. I mentioned it again to him lately, and he did not reverse his opinion, only expressed great reluctance to believe it must be so." Mr. Keble's j udgment was in favour of my retaining my FROM 1839 TO 1841. 135 living; at least for the present; what weighed with me most was his saying, "You must consider, whether your retiring either from the Pastoral Care only, or from writing and printing and editing in the cause, would not be a sort of scandalous thing, unless it were done very warily. It would be said, ' You see he can go on no longer with the Church of England, except in mere Lay Communion ;' or people might say you repented of the cause altogether. Till you see [your way to mitigate, if not remove this evil] I certainly should advise you to stay.'' I answered as follows : — " Since you think I may go on, it seems to follow that, under the ciicumstances, I ought to do so. There are plenty of reasons for it, directly it is allowed to be lawful. The following considerations have much reconciled my feelings to your conclusion. "1. I do not think that we have yet made fair trial how much the English Church will bear. I know it is a hazardous experiment, — like proving cannon. Yet we must not take it for granted that the metal will burst in the operation. It has borne at various times, not to say at this time, a great infusion of Catholic truth without damage. As to the result, viz. whether this process will not approximate tlie whole English Church, as a body, to Home, that is nothing to us. For what we know, it may be the providential means of uniting the whole Church in one, without fresh schismatizing or use of private judg- ment." Here I observe, that, what was contemplated was the bursting of the Catholicity of the Anglican Church, that is, my subjective idea of that Church. Its bursting would not hurt her with the world, but would be a discovery that she was purely and essentially Protestant, and would be reaUy the "hoisting of the engineer with his own petar." And this was the result. I continue : — 136 HISTOE.Y OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS " 2. Say, that I move sympathies for Home : in the same sense does Hooker, Taylor, Bull, &c. Their argii- ments may be against Rome, but the sympathies they raise must be towards E-ome, so far as Rome maintains truths which our Church does not teach or enforce. Thus it is a question of degree between our divines and me. I may, if so be, go farther ; I may raise sympathies mo7^e ; but I am but urging minds in the same direction as they do. I am doing just the very thing which all our doctors have ever been doing. In short, would not Hooker, if Yicar of St. Mary's, be in my difficulty ?" — Here it may be objected, that Hooker could preach against Rome and I could not ; but I doubt whether he could have preached effectively against Transubstantiation better than I, though neither he nor I held that doctrine. " 3. Rationalism is the great evil of the daj^ May not I consider my post at St. Mary's as a place of protest against it? I am more certain that the Protestant [spirit], which I oppose, leads to infidelity, than that which I re- commend, leads to Rome. Who knows what the state of the University may be, as regards Divinity Professors in a few years hence ? Any how, a great battle may be coming on, of which Milman's book is a sort of earnest. The whole of our day may be a battle with this spirit. May we not leave to another age its own evil, — to settle the question of Romanism ?" I may add that from this time I had a curate at St. Mary's, who gradually took more and more of my work. Also, this same year, 1840, I made arrangements for giving up the British Critic, in the following July, which were carried into effect at that date. Such was about my state of mind, on the publication of Tract 90 in February 1841. I was indeed in prudence taking steps towards eventually withdrawing from St. Mary's, and FROM 1839 TO 1841. 137 I was not confident about my permanent adliesion to the Anglican creed ; but I was in no actual perplexity or trouble of mind. ^N^or did the immense commotion conse- quent upon the publication of the Tract unsettle me again ; for I fancied I had weathered the storm, as far as the Bishops were concerned : the Tract had not been con- demned: that was the great point, and I made much of it. To illustrate my feelings during this trial, I will make extracts from my letters addressed severally to Mr. Bowden and another friend, which have come into my possession. 1. March 15. — "The Heads, I believe, have just done a violent act : they have said that my interpretation of the Articles is an evasion. Do not think that this will pain me. You see, no doctrine is censured, and my shoulders shall manage to bear the charge. If you knew all, or were here, you would see that I have asserted a great principle, and I ouglii to suffer for it :— that the Articles are to be interpreted, not according to the meaning of the writers, but (as far as the wording will admit) according to the sense of the Catholic Church." 2. March 25. — "I do trust I shall make no false step, and hope my friends will pray for me to this efiect. If, as you say, a destiny hangs over us, a single false step may ruin all. I am very well and comfortable; but we are not yet out of the wood." 3. April 1. — "The Bishop sent me word on Sunday to write a Letter to him 'insfanterJ So I wrote it on Monday: on Tuesday it passed through the press : on Wednesday it was out : and to-day [Thursday] it is in London. " I trust that things are smoothing now ; and that we have made a great step is certain. It is not right to boast, till I am clear out of the wood, i. e. till I know how the Letter is received in London. You know, I suppose, that I am to stop the Tracts ; but you will see in the Letter, though I speak quite what I feel, yet I have managed to 138 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS take out on my side my snubbing's wortb. And this makes me anxious how it will be received in London. '' I have not had a misgiving for five minutes from the first : but I do not like to boast, lest some harm come." 4. April 4. — "Your letter of this morning was an ex- ceedingly great gratification to me ; and it is confirmed, I am thankful to say, by the opinion of others. The Bishop sent me a message that my Letter had his unqualified approbation ; and since that, he has sent me a note to the same effect, only going more into detail. It is most pleasant too to my feelings, to have such a testimony to the substantial truth and importance of No. 90, as I have had from so many of my friends, from those who, from their cautious turn of mind, I was least sanguine about. I have not had one misgiving myself about it throughout ; and I do trust that what has happened will be overruled to subserve the great cause we all have at heart." 5. May 9. — "The Bishops are very desirous of hushing the matter up : and I certainly have done my utmost to co-operate with them, on the understanding that the Tract is not to be withdrawn or condemned." Upon this occasion several Catholics wrote to me ; I answered one of my correspondents in the same tone : — "April 8. — You have no cause to be surprised at the discontinuance of the Tracts. We feel no misgivings about it whatever, as if the cause of what we hold to be Catholic truth would suff'er thereby. My letter to my Bishop has, I trust, had the effect of bringing the prepon- derating aidliority of the Church on our side. No stopping of the Tracts can, humanly speaking, stop the spread of the opinions which they have inculcated. " The Tracts are not suppressed. No doctrine or prin- ciple has been conceded by us, or condemned by authoritj\ The Bishop has but said that a certain Tract is 'objection- able/ no reason being stated. I have no intention what- FROM 1839 TO 1841. 139 ever of yielding any one point whicli I hold on conviction; and that the authorities of the Church know full well." In the summer of 1841, I found myself at Littlemore without any harass or anxiety on my mind. I had deter- mined to put aside all controversy, and I set myself down, to my translation of St. Athanasius ; but, between Jul}' and November, I received three blows which broke me. 1. I had got but a little way in my work, when my trouble returned on me. The ghost had come a second time. In the Arian History I found the very same phenomenon, in a far bolder shaj)e, which I had found in the Monophy- site. I had not observed it in 1832. Wonderful that this should come upon me ! I had not sought it out ; I was reading and writing in my own line of study, far from the controversies of the day, on what is called a " metaphysical " subject ; but I saw clearly, that in the history of Arianism, the pure Arians were the Protestants, the semi- Arians were the Anglicans, and that Rome now was what it was then. The truth lay, not with the Via Media, but with what was called " the extreme party." As I am not writing a work of controversy, I need not enlarge upon the argument ; I have said something on the subject in a Volume, from which I have already quoted. 2. I was in the misery of this new unsettlement, when a second blow came upon me. The Bishops one after another began to charge against me. It was a formal, determinate movement. This was the real " understand- ing ; " that, on which I had acted on the first appearance of Tract 90, had come to nought. I think the words, which had then been used to me, were, that " perhaps two or three of them might think it necessary to say something in their charges ;" but by this time they had tided over the difficulty of the Tract, and there was no one to enforce the "understanding." They went on in this way, directing 140 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS charges at me, for tliree whole years. I recognized it as a condemnation ; it was the only one that was in their power. At first I intended to protest ; but I gave up the thought in despair. On October 17th, I wrote thus to a friend: ^' I suppose it will be necessary in some shape or other to re-assert Tract 90 ; else, it will seem, after these Bishops' Charges, as if it were silenced, which it has not been, nor do I intend it should be. I wish to keep quiet ; but if Bishops speak, I will speak too. If the view were silenced, I could not remain in the Church, nor could many others; and therefore, since it is not silenced, I shall take care to show that it isn't." A day or two after, Oct. 22, a stranger wrote to me to say, that the Tracts for the Times had made a young friend of his a Catholic, and to ask, " would I be so good as to convert him back;" I made answer : " If conversions to Home take place in consequence of the Tracts for the Times, I do not impute blame to them, but to those who, instead of acknowledging such Anglican principles of theology and ecclesiastical polity as they con- tain, set themselves to oppose them. Whatever be the influence of the Tracts, great or small, they may become just as powerful for Eome, if our Church refuses them, as they would be for our Church if she accepted them. If our rulers speak either against the Tracts, or not at all, if any number of them, not only do not favour, but even do not suffer the principles contained in them, it is plain that our members may easily be persuaded either to give up those principles, or to give up the Church. If this state of things goes on, I mournfully prophesy, not one or two, but many secessions to the Church of Eome." Two years afterwards, looking back on what had passed, I said, '* There were no converts to Eome, till after the condemnation of No. 90." FROM 1839 TO 1841. 141 3. As if all this were not enoiigli, tliere came the affair of the Jerusalem Bishopric ; and, with a brief mention of it, I shall conclude. I think I am right in saying that it had been long a desire with the Prussian Court to introduce Episcopacy into the new Evangelical Religion, which was intended in that country to embrace both the Lutheran and Calvinistic bodies. I almost think I heard of the project, when I was at Rome in 1833, at the Hotel of the Prussian Minister, M. Bunsen, who was most hospitable and kind, as to other English visitors, so also to my friends and myself. The idea of Episcopacy, as the Prussian king understood it, was, I suppose, very different from that taught in the Tractarian School : but still, I suppose also, that the chief authors of that school would have gladly seen such a measure carried out in Prussia, had it been done without compromising those principles which were necessary to the being of a Church. About the time of the publication of Tract 90, M. Bunsen and the then Archbishop of Canter- bury were taking steps for its execution, by appointing and consecrating a Bishop for Jerusalem. Jerusalem, it would seem, was considered a safe place for the experi- ment ; it was too far from Prussia to awaken the suscepti- bilities of any party at home ; if the project failed, it failed without harm to any one ; and, if it succeeded, it gave Protestantism a status in the East, which, in association with the Monophysite or Jacobite and the Nestorian bodies, formed a political instrument for England, parallel to that which Russia had in the Greek Church, and France in the Latin. Accordingly, in July 1841, full of the Anglican difficulty on the question of Catholicity, I thus spoke of the Jeru- salem scheme in an Article in the British Critic : " When our thoughts turn to the East, instead of recollecting that there are Christian Churches there, we leave it to the 142 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS Russians to take care of the Greeks, and the French to take care of the Romans, and we content ourselves with erecting a Protestant Church at Jerusalem, or with help- ing the Jews to rebuild their Temple there, or with becoming the august protectors of Nestorians, Monophy- sites, and all the heretics we can hear of, or with forming a league with the Mussulman against Greeks and Romans together." I do not pretend, so long after the time, to give a full or exact account of this measure in detail. I will but say that in the Act of Parliament, under date of October 5, 1841, (if the copy, from which I quote, contains the measure as it passed the Houses,) provision is made for the consecration of *' British subjects, or the subjects or citizens of any foreign state, to.be Bishops in any foreign country, whether such foreign subjects or citizens be or be not subjects or citizens of the country in which they are to act, and .... without requiring such of them as may be subjects or citizens of any foreign kingdom or state to take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and the oath of due obedience to the Archbishop for the time being "... also " that such Bishop or Bishops, so consecrated, may exercise, within such limits, as may from time to time be assigned for that purpose in such foreign countries by her Majesty, spiritual jurisdiction over the ministers of British congre- gations of the United Church of England and Ireland, and over such other Protestant Congregations, as may be desirous of placing themselves under his or their authority." Now here, at the very time that the Anglican Bishops were directing their censure upon me for avowing an approach to the Catholic Church not closer than I believed the Anglican formularies would allow, the}" were on the other hand, fraternizing, by their act or by their sufferance, with Protestant bodies, and allowing them to put themselves under an Anglican Bishop, without any renunciation of FROM 1S39 TO 1841. 143 their errors or regard to tlieir due reception of baptism and confirmation ; while there was great reason to suppose that the said Bishop was intended to make converts from the orthodox Greeks, and the schismatical Oriental bodies, by means of the iDfluence of England. This was the third blow, which finally shattered my faith in the Anglican Church. That Church was not only forbidding any sym- pathy or concurrence with the Church of Rome, but it actually was courting an intercommunion with Protestant Prussia and the heresy of the Orientals. The Anglican Church might have the Apostolical succession, as had the Monophysites ; but such acts as were in progress led me to the gravest suspicion, not that it would soon cease to be a Church, but that, since the 16th century, it had never been a Church all along. On October 12th, I thus wrote to Mr. Bowden :— " We have not a single Anglican in Jerusalem ; so we are sending a Bishop to make a communion, not to govern our own people. Next, the excuse is, that there are converted Anglican Jews there who require a Bishop ; I am told there are not half-a-dozen. But for them the Bishop is sent out, and for them he is a Bishop of the circumcision '* (I think he was a converted Jew, who boasted of his Jewish descent), '' against the Epistle to the Galatians pretty nearly. Thirdly, for the sake of Prussia, he is to take under him all the foreign Protestants who will come ; and the poKtical advantages will be so great, from the influence of England, that there is no doubt they ?r/// come. They are to sign the Confession of Augsburg, and there is nothing to show that they hold the doctrine of Baptismal Pegeneration. "As to myself, I shall do nothing whatever publicly, unless indeed it were to give my signature to a Protest ; but I think it would be out of place in me to agitate, having been in a way silenced; but the Archbishop is really 144 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS doing most grave work, of whicli we cannot see the end.'' I did make a solemn Protest, and sent it to the Arch- bishop of Canterbury, and also sent it to my own Bishop, with the following letter : — *' It seems as if I were never to write to your Lordship, without giving you pain, and I know that my present subject does not sjDccially concern your Lordship; yet, after a great deal of anxious thought, I lay before you the en- closed Protest. "Your Lordship will observe that I am not asking for any notice of it, unless you think that I ought to receive one. I do this very serious act in obedience to my sense of duty. " If the English Church is to enter on a new course, and assume a new aspect, it will be more pleasant to me hereafter to think, that I did not suffer so grievous an event to happen, without bearing witness against it. "May I be allowed to say, that I augur nothing but evil, if we in any respect prejudice our title to be a branch of the Apostolic Church ? That Article of the Creed, I need hardly observe to your Lordship, is of such constraining power, that, if ive will not claim it, and use it for ourselves, others will use it in their own behalf against us. Men who learn whether by means of documents or measures, whether from the statements or the acts of persons in authority, that our communion is not a branch of the One Church, I foresee with much grief, will be tempted to look out for that Church else- where. "It is to me a subject of great dismay, that, as far as the Church has lately spoken out, on the subject of the opinions which I and others hold, those opinions are, not merely not sanctioned (for that I do not ask), but not even suffered. FROM 1839 TO 1841. 145 " I earnestly liope that your Lordship will excuse my freedom in thus speaking to you of some members of your Most Rev. and Right Rev. Body. With every feeling of reverent attachment to your Lordship, ''lam, &c." PROTEST. " Whereas the Church of England has a claim on the allegiance of Catholic believers only on the ground of her own claim to be considered a branch of the Catholic Church : "And whereas the recognition of heresy, indirect as well as direct, goes far to destroy such claim in the case of any religious body : " And whereas to admit maintainors of heresy to com- munion, without formal renunciation of their errors, goes far towards recognizing the same : " And whereas Lutheranism and Calvinism are heresies, repugnant to Scripture, springing up three centuries since, and anathematized by East as well as West : "And whereas it is reported that the Most Reverend Primate and other Right Reverend Rulers of our Church have consecrated a Bishop with a view to exercising spiri- tual jurisdiction over Protestant, that is, Lutheran and Calvinist congregations in the East (under the provisions of an Act made in the last session of Parliament to amend an Act made in the 26th year of the reign of his Majesty King George the Third, intituled, ' An Act to empower the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the Archbishop of York for the time being, to consecrate to the office of Bishop persons being subjects or citizens of countries out of his Majesty's dominions'), dispensing at the same time, not in particular cases and accidentally, but as if on principle and universally, with any abjuration of error on the part 146 HISTORY OF MY KELIGIOUS OPINIONS of sucli congregations, and with an}^ reconciliation to the Church on the part of the presiding Bishop ; thereby giving some sort of formal recognition to the doctrines which such congregations maintain : "And whereas the dioceses in England are connected together by so close an intercommunion, that what is done by authority in one, immediately affects the rest : " On these grounds, I in my place, being a priest of the English Church and Yicar of St. Mary the Yirgin's, Oxford, by way of relieving my conscience, do hereby solemnly protest against the measure aforesaid, and disown it, as removing our Church from her present ground and tending to her disorganization. *'JoHN Henry Nevs^man. "November 11, 1841.'-' Looking back two years afterwards on the above-men- tioned and other acts, on the part of Anglican Ecclesiasti- cal authorities, T observed: "Many a man might have held an abstract theory about the Catholic Church, to which it was difficult to adjust the Anglican, — might have admitted a suspicion, or even painful doubts about the latter, — yet never have been impelled onwards, had our Eulers pre- served the quiescence of former years ; but it is the corroboration of a present, living, and energetic hetero- doxy, which realizes and makes them practical ; it has been the recent speeches and acts of authorities, who had eo long been tolerant of Protestant error, which have given to inquiry and to theory its force and its edge." As to the project of a Jerusalem Bishopric, I never heard of any good or harm it has ever done, except what it has done for me ; which many think a great misfortune, and I one of the greatest of mercies. It brought me on to the beginning of the end. FKOJi 1841 TO 1845. 1'17 CHAPTER TV. HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS FROM 1841 TO 1845. §1. From the end of 1841, I was on my death-bed, as regards my membership with the Anglican Church, though at the time I became aware of it only by degrees. I introduce what I have to say with this remark, by way of accounting for the character of this remaining portion of my narrative. A death-bed has scarcely a history ; it is a tedious decline, with seasons of rallying and seasons of falling back ; and since the end is foreseen, or what is called a matter of time, it has little interest for the reader, especially if he has a kind heart. Moreover, it is a season when doors are closed and curtains drawn, and when the sick man neither cares nor is able to record the stages of his malady. I was in these circumstances, except so far as I was not allowed to die in peace, — except so f\ir as friends, who had still a full right to come in upon me, and the public world which had not, have given a sort of history to those last four years. But in consequence, my narrative must be in great measure documentary, as I cannot rely on my memory, ex- cept for definite particulars, positive or negative. Letters of mine to friends since dead have come into my hands ; others have been kindly lent me for the occasion ; and I have some drafts of others, and some notes which I made, though I have no strictly personal or continuous memo- 148 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS 0P1^^I0NS randa to consult, and have unluckily mislaid some valuable papers. And first as to my position in the view of duty ; it was this : — 1. I had given up my place in the Movement in my letter to the Bishop of Oxford in the spring of 1841 ; but 2. I could not give up my duties towards the many and various minds who had more or less been brought into it by me ; 3. I expected or intended gradually to fall back into Lay Communion ; 4. I never contemplated leaving the Church of England ; 5. I could not hold office in its service, if I were not allowed to hold the Catholic sense of the Articles ; 6. I could not go to Rome, while she suffered honours to be paid to the Blessed Virgin and the Saints which I thought in my conscience to be incompatible with the Supreme, Incommunicable Glory of the One Infinite and Eternal ; 7. I desired a union with Rome under con- ditions. Church with Church ; 8. 1 called Littlemore my Torres Yedras, and thought that some day we might advance again within the Anglican Church, as we had been forced to retire ; 9. I kept back all persons who were dis- posed to go to Rome with all my might. And I kept them back for three or four reasons; 1. because what I could not in conscience do myself, I could not suffer them to do ; 2. because I thought that in various cases they were acting under excitement ; 3. because I had duties to my Bishop and to the Anglican Church ; and 4, in some cases, because I had received from their Anglican parents or superiors direct charge of them. This was my view of my duty from the end of 1841, to my resignation of St. Mary's in the autumn of 1843. And now I shall relate my view, during that time, of the state of the controversy between the Churches. As soon as I saw the hitch in the Anglican argument, during my course of reading in the summer of 1839, I FROM 1841 TO 1845. 149 began to look about, as I have said, for some ground wliicb. might supply a controversial basis for my need. The difh- culty in question had affected my view both of Antiquity and Catholicit}^ ; for, while the history of St. Leo showed me that the deliberate and eventual consent of the great body of the Church ratified a doctrinal decision as a part of revealed truth, it also showed that the rule of Antiquity was not infringed, though a doctrine had not been publicly recognized as so revealed, till centuries after the time of the Apostles. Thus, whereas the Creeds tell us that the Church is One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic, I could not prove that the Anglican communion was an integral part of the One Church, on the ground of its teaching being Apostolic or Catholic, without reasoning in favour of what are commonly called the Roman corruptions ; and I could not defend our separation from Home and her faith without using arguments prejudicial to those great doctrines con- cerning our Lord, which are the very foundation of the Christian religion. The Via Media was an impossible idea ; it was what I had called " standing on one leg ;" and it was necessary, if my old issue of the controversy was to be retained, to go further either one way or the other. Accordingly, I abandoned that old ground and took another. I deliberately quitted the old Anglican ground as untenable ; though I did not do so all at once, but as I became more and more convinced of the state of the case. The Jerusalem Bishopi^ic was the ultimate condemnation of the old theory of the Yia Media: — if its establishment did nothing else, at least it demolished the sacredness of diocesan rights. If England could be in Palestine, Rome might be in England. But its bearing upon the contro- versy, as I have shown in the foregoing chapter, was much more serious than this technical ground. From that time the Anglican Church was, in my mind, either not a normal portion of that One Church to which the promises 150 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIONS OPINIONS were made, or at least in an abnormal state ; and from that time I said boldly (as I did in my Protest, and as indeed I had even intimated in my Letter to the Bishop of Oxford), that the Church in which I fomid myself had no claim on me, except on condition of its being a portion of the One Catholic Communion, and that that condition must ever be borne in mind as a practical matter, and had to be distinctly proved. All this is not inconsistent with my saying above that, at this time, I had no thought of leaving the Church of England ; because I felt some of my old objections against Rome as strongly as ever. I had no right, I had no leave, to act against my conscience. That was a higher rule than any argument about the Notes of the Church. Under these circumstances I turned for protection to the Note of Sanctity, with a view of showing that we had at least one of the necessary Notes, as fully as the Church of Home; or, at least, without entering into comparisons, that we had it in such a sufficient sense as to reconcile us to our position, and to supply full evidence, and a clear direction, on the point of practical duty. We had the Note of Life, — not any sort of life, not such only as can come of nature, but a supernatural Christian life, which could only come directly from above. Thus, in my Article in the British Critic, to which I have so often referred, in January, 1840 (before the time of Tract 90), I said of the Anglican Church that ''she has the note of possession, the note of freedom from party titles, the note of life, — a tough life and a vigorous ; she has ancient descent, unbroken continuance, agreement in doctrine with the Ancient Church." Presently I go on to speak of sanctity : " Much as Roman Catholics may denounce us at present as schis- matical, they could not resist us if the Anglican com- munion had but that one note of the Church upon it, — sanctity. The Church of the day [4th century] could not FROM 1841 TO 1845. 151 resist Meletius ; liis enemies were fairly overcome by liim, by bis meekness and boliness, wbicb melted tbe most jealous of tbem." And I continue, " We are almost con- tent to say to Romanists, account us not yet as a brancb of tbe Catbolic Cburcb, tbougb we be a branch, till we are like a brancb, provided tbat wben we do become like a brancb, tben you consent to acknowledge us," &c. And so I was led on in tbe Article to tbat sbarp attack on Englisb Catbolics, for tbeir sbortcomings as regards tbis Note, a good portion of wbicb I bave already quoted in anotber place. It is tbere tbat I speak of tbe great scandal wbicb I took at tbeir political, social, and contro- versial bearing ; and tbis was a second reason wby I fell back upon tbe JSTote of Sanctity, because it took me away from tbe necessit}^ of making any attack upon tbe doc- trines of tbe Koman Cburcb, nay, from tbe consideration of ber popular beliefs, and brougbt me upon a ground on wbicb I felt I could not make a mistake ; for wbat is a bigber guide for us in speculation and in practice, tban tbat conscience of rigbt and wrong, of trutb and falsehood, tkose sentiments of wbat is decorous, consistent, and noble, wbicb our Creator bas made a part of our original nature ? Therefore I felt I could not be wrong in attacking wbat I fancied was a fact, — the unscrupulousness, tbe deceit, and tbe intriguing spirit of tbe agents and representatives of Home. Tbis reference to Holiness as tbe true test of a Church was steadily kept in view in wbat I wrote in connexion with Tract 90. I say in its Introduction, " Tbe writer can never be party to forcing tbe opinions or projects of one school upon anotber ; religious changes should be tbe act of tbe whole body. No good can come of a change which is not a development of feelings springing up freely and calmly within the bosom of tbe whole body itself; every change in religion" must be "attended by deep re- 152 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS peiitance ; changes" must be ^' nurtured in mutual love ; we cannot agree without a supernatural influence ;" we must come " together to God to do for us what we cannot do for ourselves." In my Letter to the Bishop I said, *' I have set myself against suggestions for considering the differences between ourselves and the foreign Churches with a view to their adjustment." (I meant in the way of negotiation, conference, agitation, or the like.) " Our business is with ourselves, — to make ourselves more holy, more self-denying, more primitive, more worthy of our high calling. To be anxious for a composition of differ- ences is to begin at the end. Political reconciliations are but outward and hollow, and fallacious. And till Roman Catholics renounce political efforts, and manifest in their public measures the light of holiness and truth, perpetual war is our only prospect." According to this theory, a religious body is part of the One Catholic and Apostolic Church, if it has the succession and the creed of the Apostles, with the note of holiness of life ; and there is much in such a view to approve itself to the direct common sense and practical habits of an English- man. However, with the events consequent upon Tract 90, I sunk m}^ theory to a lower level. For what could be said in apology, when the Bishops and the people of my Church, not only did not suffer, but actually rejected primitive Catholic doctrine, and tried to eject from their communion all who held it ? after the Bishops' charges ? after the Jerusalem "abomination^?" Well, this could be said; still we were not nothing : we could not be as if we never had been a Church ; we were " Samaria." This then was that lower level on which I placed myself, and all who felt with me, at the end of 1841. To bring out this view was the purpose of Four Sermons » Matt. xxiv. 15. FROM 1841 TO 1845. 153 preached at St. Mary's in December of that year. Hitherto I had not introduced the exciting topics of the day into the Pulpit ^ ; on this occasion I did. I did so, for the moment was urgent ; there was great unsettlement of mind among us, in consequence of those same events which. had unsettled me. One special anxiety, very obvious, which was coming on me now, was, that what was " one man's meat was another man's poison." I had said even of Tract 90, "It was addressed to one set of persons, and has been used and commented on by another ;" still more was it true now, that whatever I wrote for the service of those whom I knew to be in trouble of mind, would become on the one hand matter of suspicion and slander in the mouths of my opponents, and of distress and surprise to those on the other hand, who had no difficulties of faith at all. Accordingly, when I published these Four Sermons at the end of 1843, I introduced them with a recommenda- tion that none should read them who did not need them. But in truth the virtual condemnation of Tract 90, after that the whole difficulty seemed to have been weathered, was an enormous disappointment and trial. My Protest also against the Jerusalem Bishopric was an unavoidable cause of excitement in the case of many ; but it calmed them too, for the very fact of a Protest was a relief to their impatience. And so, in like manner, as regards the Four Sermons, of which I speak, though they acknowledged freely the great scandal which was involved in the recent episcopal doings, yet at the same time they might be said to bestow upon the multiplied disorders and shortcomings of the Anglican Church a sort of place in the Bevealed Dispensation, and an intellectual position in the contro- versy, and the dignity of a great principle, for unsettled minds to take and use,— a principle which might teach 2 Vide Note C. Sermon on Wisdom and Innocence. 154 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIO^'S them to recognize their own consistency, and to be recon- ciled to tliemselves, and which might absorb and dry up a multitude of their grudgings, discontents, misgivings, and questionings, and lead the w^ay to humble, thankful, and tranquil thoughts ; — and this was the effect which certainly it produced on myself. The point of these Sermons is, that, in spite of the rigid character of the Jewish law, the formal and literal force of its precepts, and the manifest schism, and worse than schism, of the Ten Tribes, yet in fact they were still recog- nized as a people by the Divine Mercy ; that the great prophets Elias and Eliseus were sent to them ; and not only so, but were sent to preach to them and reclaim them, without any intimation that they must be reconciled to the line of David and the Aaronic priesthood, or go up to Jerusalem to worship. They were not in the Church, yet they had the means of grace and the hope of acceptance with their Maker. The application of all this to the Anglican Church was immediate ; —w^hether, under the circumstances, a man could assume or exercise ministerial functions, or not, might not clearly appear (though it must be remembered that England had the Apostolic Priest- hood, whereas Israel had no priesthood at all), but so far was clear, that there was no call at all for an Anglican to leave his Church for Rome, though he did not believe his own to be part of the One Church : — and for this reason, because it was a fact that the kingdom of Israel was cut off from the Temple ; and yet its subjects, neither in a mass, nor as individuals, neither the multitudes on Mount Carmel, nor the Shunammite and her household, had any command given them, though miracles were disjDlaj^ed before them, to break off from their own people, and to submit themselves to Judah ^ 3 As I am not writing controversially, I will only hero remark upon this FROM 1841 TO 1845. 155 It is plain, that a theory such as this, — whether the marks of a divine presence and life in the Anglican Church were sufficient to prove that she was actually within the covenant, or only sufficient to prove that she was at least enjoying extraordinary and uncovenanted mercies, — not only lowered her level in a religious point of view, but weakened her controversial basis. Its very novelty made it suspicious ; and there was no guarantee that the process of subsidence might not continue, and that it might not end in a submersion. Indeed, to many minds, to say that England was wrong was even to say that Rome was right; and no ethical or casuistic reasoning whatever could overcome in their case the argument from prescription and authority. To this objection, as made to my new teaching, I could only answer that I did not make my circumstances. I fully acknowledged the force and effectiveness of the genuine Anglican theory, and that it was all but proof against the disputants of Rome ; but still like Achilles, it had a vulnerable point, and that St. Leo had found it out for me, and that I could not help it ; — that, wxre it not for matter of fact, the theory would be great indeed ; it would be irresistible, if it were only true. When I became a Catholic, the Editor of the Christian Observer, Mr. AYilkes, who had in former days accused me, to my indignation, of tending towards Rome, wrote to me to ask, which of the two was now right, he or I ? I answered him in a letter, part of which I here insert, as it will serve as a sort of leave-taking of the great theory, which is so specious to look upon, so difficult to prove, and so hopeless to work. " ]^ov. 8, 1845. I do not think, at all more than I did, argument, that there is a great difTerence between a command, which presup- poses pnysical, material, and political conditions, and one which is moral. To go to Jerusalem was a matter of the body, not of the soul. 156 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS that the Anglican principles which I advocated at the date you mention, lead men to the Church of Rome. If I must specify what I mean by * Anglican principles,' I should say, e. g. taking Antiquity, not the existing Church, as the oracle of truth ; and holding that the Apostolical Succession is a sufBcient guarantee of Sacramental Grace, tvithout vnion with the Christian Church throughout the world. I think these still the firmest, strongest ground against Rome— that is, if they can he hekV^ [as truths or facts.] " They have been held by many, and are far more difficult to refute in the Roman controversy, than those of any other religious body. " For myself, I found I could not hold them. I left them. From the time I began to suspect their unsound- ness, I ceased to put them forward. When I was fairly sure of their unsoundness, I gave up my Living. When I was fully confident that the Church of Rome was the only true Church, I joined her. " I have felt all along that Bp. Bull's theology was the only theology on which the English Church could stand. I have felt, that opposition to the Church of Rome was part of that theology ; and that he who could not protest against the Church of Rome was no true divine in the English Church. I have never said, nor attempted to say, that any one in office in the English Church, whether Bishop or incumbent, could be otherwise than in hostility to the Church of Rome." The Via Media then disappeared for ever, and a Theory, made expressly for the occasion, took its place. I was pleased with my new view. I wrote to an intimate friend, Samuel F. Wood, Dec. 13, 1841 : " I think you will give me the credit, Carissime, of not undervaluing the strength of the feelings which draw one [to Rome], and yet I am (I trust) quite clear about my duty to remain where I am; FROM 1841 TO 1845. 157 indeed, much clearer than. I was some time since. If it is not presumptuous to say, I have ... a much more definite view of the promised inward Presence of Christ with us in the Sacraments now that the outward notes of it are being removed. And I am content to be with Moses in the desert, or with Elijah excommunicated from the Temple. I say this, putting things at the strongest." However, my friends of the moderate Apostolical party, who were my friends for the very reason of my having been so moderate and Anglican myself in general tone in times past, who had stood up for Tract 90 partly from faith in me, and certainly from generous and kind feeling, and had thereby shared an obloquy which was none of theirs, were naturally surprised and offended at a line of argument, novel, and, as it appeared to them, wanton, which threw the whole controversy into confusion, stidtified my former principles, and substituted, as they would consider, a sort of methodistic self-contemplation, especially abhor- rent both to my nature and to my joast professions, for the plain and honest tokens, as they were commonly received, of a divine mission in the Anglican Church. They could not tell whither I was going ; and were still further an- noyed when I persisted in viewing the reception of Tract 90 by the public and the Bishops as so grave a matter, and when I threw about what they considered mysterious hints of " eventualities," and would not simpler say, " An Anglican I was born, and an Anglican I will die." One of my familiar friends, Mr. Church, who was in the country at Christmas, 1841-2, reported to me the feeling that prevailed about me ; and how I felt towards it will appear in the following letter of mine, written in. answer: — " Oriel, Dec. 24, 1841. Carissime, you cannot teU how sad your account of Moberly has made me. His view of the sinfulness of the decrees of Trent is as much against 158 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS union of Cliurclies as against individual conversions. To tell the truth, I never have examined those decrees with, this object, and have no view ; but that is very different from having a deliberate view against them. Could not he say ivhicli they are ? I suppose Transubstantiation is one. Charles Marriott, though of course he would not like to have it repeated*, does not scruple at that. I have not my mind clear. Moberly must recollect that Palmer [of Worcester] thinks they all bear a Catholic interpre- tation. For myself, this only I see, that there is in- definitely more in the Fathers against our own state of alienation from Christendom than against the Tridentine Decrees. " The only thing I can think of," [that I can have said of a startling character,] " is this, that there were persons who, if our Church committed herself to heresy, sooner than think that there was no Church any where, would believe the Roman to be the Church ; and therefore would on faith accept what they could not otherwise acquiesce in. I suppose, it would be no relief to him to insist upon the circumstance that there is no immediate danger. Indivi- duals can never be answered for of course ; but I should think lightly of that man, who, for some act of the Bishops, should all at once leave the Church. IN^ow, considering how the Clergy really are improving, considering that this row is even making them read the Tracts, is it not possible we may all be in a better state of mind seven years hence to consider these matters ? and may w^e not leave them meanwhile to the will of Providence ? I cannot believe this work has been of man ; God has a right to His ow^n work, to do what He will with it. May we not try to leave it in His hands, and be content ? * As things stand now, I do not think he would have objected to his opinion being generally known. FiioM 1841 TO 1845. 159 " If you learn any thing about Barter, whicli leads you to think that I can reKeve him by a letter, let me know. The truth is this, — our good friends do not read the Fathers ; they assent to us from the common sense of the case : then, when the Fathers, and we, say more than their common sense, they are dreadfully shocked. "The Bishop of London has rejected a man, 1. For holding ani/ Sacrifice in the Eucharist. 2. The Real Pre- sence. f3. That there is a grace in Ordination ^ " Are we quite sure that the Bishops will not be draw- ing up some stringent declarations of faith ? Is this what Moberly fears ? Would the Bishop of Oxford accept them ? If so, I should be driven into the Refuge for the Destitute [Littlemore]. But I promise Moberly, I would do my utmost to catch all dangerous persons and clap them into confinement there." Christmas Day, 1841. " I have been dreaming of Moberly all night. Should not he and the like see, that it is unwise, unfair, and impatient to ask others, What will you do under circumstances, which have not, which may never come ? Why bring fear, suspicion, and dis- union into the camp about things which are merely in posse ? Natural, and exceedingly kind as Barter's and another friend's letters were, I think they have done great harm. I speak most sincerely when I say, that there are things which I neither contemplate, nor wish to contem- plate ; but, when I am asked about them ten times, at length I begin to contemplate them. " He surely does not mean to say, that nothing could separate a man from the English Church, e. g. its avowing Socinianism ; its holding the Holy Eucharist in a Socinian * I cannot prove this at this distance of time ; but I do not think it wrong to introduce here the passage containing it, as I am imputing to the Bishop nothing which the world would think disgraceful, but, on the contrary, what a lar((e religious body would approve. 160 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIOXS sense. Yet, he would say, it was not right to contemplate such things. "Again, our case is [diverging] from that of Ken's. To say nothing of the last miserable century, which has given us to start from a much lower level and with much less to S2)are than a Churchman in the 17th century, ques- tions of doctrine are now coming in ; with him, it was a question of discipline. "If such dreadful events were realized, I cannot help thinking we should all be vastly more agreed than we think now. Indeed, is it possible (humanly speaking) that those, who have so much the same heart, should widely differ? But let this be considered, as to alternatives. What communion could we join ? Could the Scotch or American sanction the presence of its Bishops and congre- gations in England, without incurring the imputation of schism, unless indeed (and is that likely ?) they denounced the English as heretical ? " Is not this a time of strange providences ? is it not our safest course, without looking to consequences, to do simply ivhat we think right day by day ? shall we not be sure to go wrong, if we attempt to trace by anticipation the course of divine Providence ? " Has not all our miserj^ as a Church, arisen from people being afraid to look difficulties in the face ? They have palliated acts, when they should have denounced them. There is that good fellow, Worcester Palmer, can whitewash the Ecclesiastical Commission and the Jerusalem Bishopric. And what is the consequence? that our Church has, through centuries, e\Qv been sinking lower and lower, till good part of its pretensions and professions is a mere sham, though it be a duty to make the best of what we have received. Yet, though bound to make the best of other men's shams, let us not incur any of our own. The truest friends of our Church are they, who say boldly when FROM 1841 TO 1845. 161 her rulers are going wrong, and the consequences ; and (to speak catachrestically) they are most likely to die in the Church, who are, under these black circumstances, most prepared to leave it. **And I will add, that, considering the traces of God's grace which surround us, I am very sanguine, or rather confident, (if it is right so to speak,) that our prayers and our alms will come up as a memorial before God, and that all this miserable confusion tends to good. " Let us not then be anxious, and anticipate difierences in prospect, when we agree in the present. " P. S. I think when friends " [i. e. the extreme party] " get over their first un settlement of mind and consequent vague apprehensions, which the new attitude of the Bishops, and our feelings upon it, have brought about, they will get contented and satisfied. They will see that they exaggerated things. ... Of course it would have been wrong to anticipate what one's feelings would be under such a painful contingency as the Bishops' charging as they have done, — so it seems to me nobody's fault. Nor is it wonderful that others" [moderate men] "are startled " [i. e. at my Protest, &c. &c.] ; " yet they should recollect that the more implicit the reverence one paj^s to a Bishop, the more keen will be one's perception of heresy in him. The cord is binding and compelling, till it snaps. " Men of reflection would have seen this, if they had looked that way. Last spring, a very high churchman talked to me of resisting my Bishop, of asking him for the Canons under which he acted, and so forth ; but those, who have cultivated a loyal feeling towards their superiors, are the most loving servants, or the most zealous pro- testors. If others became so too, if the clergy of Chester denounced the heresy of their diocesan, they would be doing their duty, and relieving themselves of the share which they otherwise have in any possible defection of their brethren. M 162 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPIXIONS "St. Stephen's [Dnj, December 26]. Howl fidget! I now fear that the note I wrote yesterday only makes matters worse by disclosing too much. This is always my great difficulty. "In the present state of excitement on both sides, I think of leaving out altogether my reassertion of No. 90 in my Preface to Yolume 6 [of Parochial Sermons], and merel}^ saying, ' As many false reports are at this time in circulation about him, he hopes his well-wishers will take this Volume as an indication of his real thoughts and feel- ings : those who are not, he leaves in God's hand to bring them to a better mind in His own time.' AVhat do you say to the logic, sentiment, and propriety of this?" An old friend, at a distance from Oxford, Archdeacon Robert I. Wilberforce, must have said something to me at this time, I do not know what, which challenged a frank reply; for I disclosed to him, I do not know in what words, my frightful suspicion, hitherto only known to two persons, viz. his brother Henry, and Mr. (now Sir Frederick) Rogers, that, as regards my Anglicanism, perhaps I might break down in the event, — that perhaps we were both out of the Church. I think I recollect expressing my difficulty, as derived from the Arian and Monophysite history, in a form in which it would be most intelligible to him, as being in fact an admission of Bishop Bull's ; viz. that in the controversies of the early centuries the Roman Church was ever on the right side, which was of course a prima facie argument in favour of Rome and against Anglicanism now. He answered me thus, under date of Jan. 29, 1842 : " I don't think that I ever was so shocked by any com- munication, which was ever made to me, as by your letter of this morning. It has quite unnerved me. ... I cannot but write to you, though I am at a loss where to begin. ... I know of no act by which we have dissevered our- selves from the communion of the Church Universal. . . . FROM 1841 TO 1845. 163 The more I study Scripture, the more am I impressed with the resemblance-between the Romish principle in the Church and the Babylon of St. John. ... I am ready to grieve that I ever directed my thoughts to theology, if it is indeed so uncertain, as your doubts seem to indi- cate." While my old and true friends were thus in trouble about me, I suppose they felt not only anxiety but pain, to see that I was gradually surrendering myself to the influ- ence of others, who had not their own claims upon me, younger men, and of a cast of mind in no small degree un- congenial to my own. A new school of thought was rising, as is usual in doctrinal inquiries, and was sweeping the original party of the Movement aside, and was taking its place. The most prominent person in it, was a man of elegant genius, of classical mind, of rare talent in literary composition : — Mr. Oakeley. He was not far from my own age ; I had long known him, though of late years he had not been in residence at Oxford ; and quite lately, he has been taking several signal occasions of renewing that kindness, which he ever showed towards me when we were both in the Anglican Church. His tone of mind was not unlike that which gave a character to the early Movement ; he was almost a tj^pical Oxford man, and, as far as I recol- lect, both in political and ecclesiastical views, would have been of one spirit with the Oriel party of 1826 — 1833. But he had entered late into the Movement ; he did not know its first years ; and, beginning with a new start, he was naturally thrown together with that body of eager, acute, resolute minds who had begun their Catholic life about the same time as he, who knew nothing about the Via Media, but had heard much about Rome. This new party rapidly formed and increased, in and out of Oxford, and, as it so happened, contemporaneously with that very 164 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS summer, when I received so serious a blow to my ecclesi- astical views from the study of the Monophysite contro- versy. These men cut into the original Movement at an angle, fell across its line of thought, and then set about turning that line in its own direction. They were most of them keenly religious men, with a true concern for their souls as the first matter of all, with a great zeal for me, but giving little certainty at the time as to which way they would ultimately turn. Some in the event have remained firm to Anglicanism, some have become Catholics, and some have found a refuge in Liberalism. Nothing was clearer concerning them, than that they needed to be kept in order ; and on me who had had so much to do with the making of them, that duty was as clearly incumbent ; and it is equally clear, from what I have already said, that I was just the person, above all others, who could not un- dertake it. There are no friends like old friends ; but of those old friends, few could help me, few could understand me, many were annoyed with me, some were angry, because I was breaking up a compact party, and some, as a matter of conscience, could not listen to me. When I looked round for those whom I might consult in my diffi- culties, I found the very hypothesis of those difficulties acting as a bar to their giving me their advice. Then I said, bitterly, " You are throwing me on others, whether I will or no." Yet still I had good and true friends around me of the old sort, in and out of Oxford too, who were a great help to me. But on the other hand, though I neither was so fond (with a few exceptions) of the persons, nor of the methods of thought, which belonged to this new school, as of the old set, though I could not trust in their firmness of purpose, for, like a swarm of flies, they might come and go, and at length be divided and dissipated, yet I had an intense sympathy in their object and in the direction in which their path lay, in spite of my old friends, in spite FROM 1841 TO 1845. 165 of my old life-long prejudices. In spite of my ingrained fears of Rome, and the decision of my reason and con science against her usages, in spite of m}^ affection for Oxford and Oriel, yet I had a secret longing love of Eome the Mother of English Christianity, and I had a true devo- tion to the Blessed Virgin, in whose College I lived, whose Altar I served, and whose Immaculate Purity I had in one of my earliest printed Sermons made much of. And it was the consciousness of this bias in myself, if it is so to be called, which made me preach so earnestly against the danger of being swayed in religious inquiry by our sym- pathy rather than by our reason. And moreover, the members of this new school looked up to me, as I have said, and did me true kindnesses, and really loved me, and stood by me in trouble, when others went away, and for all this I was grateful ; na}^, many of them were in trouble themselves, and in the same boat with me, and that was a further cause of sympathy between us ; and hence it was, when the new school came on in force, and into collision with the old, I had not the heart, any more than the power, to repel them ; I was in great perplexity, and hardly knew where I stood ; I took their part ; and, when I wanted to be in peace and silence, I had to speak out, and I incurred the charge of weakness from some men, and of mj^steriousness, shuffling, and underhand dealing from the majority. Now I will say here franklj^, that this sort of charge is a matter which I cannot properly meet, because I cannot duly realize it. I have never had any suspicion of my own honesty; and, when men say that I was dishonest, I cannot grasp the accusation as a distinct conception, such as it is possible to encounter. If a man said to me, " On such a day and before such persons you said a thing was white, when it was black," I understand what is meant 166 HISTORY OV MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS well enougli, and I can set myself to prove an alibi or to explain the mistake; or if a man said to me, ''You tried to gain me over to your party, intending to take me with you to Rome, but you did not succeed," I can give him the lie, and lay down an assertion of my own as firm and as exact as his, that not from the time that I was first un- settled, did I ever attempt to gain any one over to myself or to my Romanizing opinions, and that it is only his own coxcombical fancy which has bred such a thought in him : but my imagination is at a loss in presence of those vague charges, which have commonly been brought against me, charges, which are made up of impressions, and under- standings, and inferences, and hearsay, and surmises. Accordingly, I shall not make the attempt, for, in doing so, I should be dealing blows in the air ; what I shall attempt is to state what I know of mj^self and what I recollect, and leave to others its application. While I had confidence in the Via Media, and thought that nothing could overset it, I did not mind laying down large principles, which I saw would go farther than was commonly perceived. I considered that to make the Via Media concrete and substantive, it must be much more than it was in outline; that the Anglican Church must have a ceremonial, a ritual, and a fulness of doctrine and devotion, which it had not at present, if it were to compete with the Roman Church with any prospect of success. Such additions would not remove it from its proper basis, but would merely strengthen and beautify it : such, for instance, would be confrateriiities, particular devotions, reverence for the Blessed Virgin, prayers for the dead, beautifid churches, munificent offerings to them and in them, monastic houses, and many other observances and institutions, which I used to say belonged to us as much as to Rome, though Rome had approj)riated them and boasted of them, by reason of our having let them slip FROM 1841 TO 1S45. 167 from us. The principle, on which all this turned,, is brought out in one of the Letters I published on occasion of Tract 90. "The age is moving," I said, ''towards something; and most unhappily the one religious com- munion among us, which has of late years been practically in possession of this something, is the Church of Rome. She alone, amid all the errors and evils of her practical system, has given free scope to the feelings of awe, mystery, tenderness, reverence, devotedness, and other feeKngs which may be especially called Catholic. The question then is, whether we shall give them up to the Roman Church or claim them for ourselves. . . . But if we do give them up, we must give up the men who cherish them. We must consent either to give up the men, or to admit their principles." "With these feelings I frankly admit, that, while I was working simply for the sake of the Anglican Church, I did not at all mind, though I found myself laying down principles in its defence, which went beyond that particular kind of defence which high-and-dry men thought perfection, and even though I ended in fram- ing a kind of defence, which they might call a revolution, while I thought it a restoration. Thus, for illustration, I might discourse upon the " Communion of Saints" in such a manner, (though I do not recollect doing so,) as might lead the way towards devotion to the Blessed Virgin and the Saints on. the one hand, and towards prayers for the dead on the other. In a memorandum of the j-ear 1844 or 1845, I thus speak on this subject : " If the Church be not defended on establishment grounds, it must be upon principles, which go far beyond their immediate object. Sometimes I saw these further results, sometimes not. Though I saw them, I sometimes did not say that I saw them : — so long as I thought they were inconsistent, not with our Church, but only with the existing opinions, I 168 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS was not unwilling to insinuate truths into our Church, which I thought had a right to be there." To so much I confess ; but I do not confess, I simply deny that I ever said any thing which secretly bore against the Church of England, knowing it myself, in order that others might unwarily accept it. It was indeed one of my great difficulties and causes of reserve, as time went on, that I at length recognized in principles which I had honestly preached as if Anglican, conclusions favourable to the cause of Eome. Of course I did not like to confess this ; and, when interrogated, was in consequence in per- plexity. The prime instance of this was the appeal to Antiquity ; St. Leo had overset, in my own judgment, its force as the special argument for Anglicanism ; yet I was committed to Antiquity, together with the whole Anglican school ; what then was I to say, when acute minds urged this or that application of it against the Via Media ? it was impossible that, in such circumstances, any answer could be given which was not unsatisfactory, or any behaviour ' adopted which was not mysterious. Again, sometimes in what I wrote I went just as far as I saw, and could as little say more, as I could see what is below the horizon ; and therefore, when asked as to the consequences of what I had said, I had no answer to give. Again, sometimes when I was asked, whether certain conclusions did not follow from a certain principle, I might not be able to tell at the moment, especially if the matter were complicated ; and for this reason, if for no other, because there is great differ- ence between a conclusion in the abstract and a conclusion in the concrete, and because a conclusion may be modified in fact by a conclusion from some opposite principle. Or it might so happen that my head got simply confused, by the very strength of the logic which was administered to me, and thus I gave my sanction to conclusions which really FROM 1841 TO 1845. 169 were not mine ; and when the report of those conclusions came round to me through others, I had to unsay them. And then again, perhaps I did not like to see men scared or scandalized by unfeeling logical inferences, which would not have troubled them to the day of their death, had they not been forced to recognize them. And then I felt alto- gether the force of the maxim of St. Ambrose, ** Non in dialectica complacuit Deo salvum facere populum suum ;" — I had a great dislike of paper logic. For myself, it was not logic that carried me on ; as well might one say that the quicksilver in the barometer changes the weather. It is the concrete being that reasons ; pass a number of years, and I find my mind in a new place ; how ? the whole man moves ; paper logic is but the record of it. All the logic in the world would not have made me move faster towards Rome than I did; as well might you say that I have arrived at the end of my journey, because I see the village church before me, as venture to assert that the miles, over which my soul had to pass before it got to Eome, could be annihilated, even though I had been in possession of some far clearer view than I then had, that Rome was my ulti- mate destination. Great acts take time. At least this is what I felt in my own case ; and therefore to come to me with methods of logic had in it the nature of a provoca- tion, and, though I do not think I ever show^ed it, made me somewhat indifferent how I met them, and perhaps led me, as a means of relieving my impatience, to be mysteri- ous or irrelevant, or to give in because I could not meet them to my satisfaction. And a greater trouble still than these logical mazes, was the introduction of logic into every subject whatever, so far, that is^ as this was done. Before I was at Oriel, I recollect an acquaintance saying to me that " the Oriel Common Room stank of Logic' One is not at all pleased when poetry, or eloquence, or de- 170 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS votion, is considered as if chiefly intended to feed syllo- gisms. Now, in saying all this, I am saying nothing against the deep piety and earnestness which were charac- teristics of this second phase of the Movement, in which I had taken so prominent a part. What I have been observing is, that this phase had a tendency to bewilder and to upset me; and, that, instead of saying so, as I ought to have done, perhaps from a sort of laziness I gave answers at random, which have led to my appearing close or inconsistent. I have turned up two letters of this period, which in a measure illustrate what I have been saying. The first was written to the Bishop of Oxford on occasion of Tract 90 : "March 20, 1841. No one can enter into my situation but myself. I see a great many minds working in various directions and a variety of principles with multiplied bear- ings ; I act for the best. I sincerely think that matters would not have gone better for the Church, had I never written. And if I write I have a choice of difficulties. It is easy for those who do not enter into those difficulties to say, ' He ought to say this and not say that,' but things are wonderfully linked together, and I cannot, or rather I would not be dishonest. When persons too interrogate me, I am obliged in many cases to give an opinion, or I seem to be underhand. Keeping silence looks like artifice. And I do not like people to consult or respect me, from thinking differently of my opinions from what I know them to be. And again (to use the proverb) what is one man's food is another man's poison. All these things make my situation very difficult. But that collision must at some time ensue between members of the Church of opposite sentiments, I have long been aware. The time and mode has been in the hand of Providence ; I do not mean to exclude my own great imperfections in bringing FROM 1841 TO 1845. 171 it about ; yet I still feel obliged to think the Tract necessary." The second is taken from the notes of a letter which I sent to Dr. Pusey in the next year : "October 16, 1842. As to my being entirely with Ward, I do not know the limits of my own opinions. If Ward says that this or that is a development from what I have said, I cannot say Yes or ]!so. It is plausible, it maj/ be true. Of course the fact that the Roman Church //as so developed and maintained, adds great weight to the antecedent plausibility. I cannot assert that it is not true ; but I cannot, with that keen perception which some people have, appropriate it. It is a nuisance to me to be forced beyond what I can fairly accept. There was another source of the perplexity with which at this time I was encompassed, and of the reserve and mysteriousness, of which that perplexity gained for me the credit. After Tract 90 the Protestant world would not let me alone; they pursued me in the public journals to Littlemore. Reports of all kinds were circulated about me. " Imprimis, why did I go up to Littlemore at all ? For no good purpose certainly; I dared not tell why." Why, to be sure, it was hard that I should be obliged to say to the Editors of newspapers that I went np there to say my prayers-; it was hard to have to teU the world in confidence, that I had a certain doubt about the Anglican system, and could not at that moment resolve it, or say what would come of it ; it was hard to have to confess that I had thought of giving up my Living a year or two before, and that this was a first step to it. It was hard to have to plead, that, for what I knew, my doubts would vanish, if the newspapers would be so good as to give me time and let me alone. Who would ever dream of making the world his confidant ? yet I was considered insidious^ 172 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS sly, dishonest, if I would not open my heart to the tender mercies of the world. But they persisted : "What was I doing at Littlemore ?" Doing there ! have I not retreated from you ? have I not given up my position and my place? am I alone, of Englishmen, not to have the privilege to go where I will, no questions asked ? am I alone to be followed about by jealous prying eyes, which take note whether I go in at a back door or at the front, and who the men are who happen to call on me in the afternoon ? Cowards ! if I advanced one step, you would run away ; it is not you that I fear : " Di me torrent, et Jupiter hostis." It is because the Bishops still go on charging against me, though I have quite given up : it is that secret mis- giving of heart which tells me that they do well, for I have neither lot nor part with them : this it is which weighs me down. I cannot walk into or out of my house, but curious eyes are upon me. Why will you not let me die in peace ? Wounded brutes creep into some hole to die in, and no one grudges it them. Let me alone, I shall not trouble you long. This was the keen feeling which pierced me, and, I think, these are the very words in which I expressed it to myself. I asked, in the words of a great motto, "Ubi lapsus ? quid feci?" One day when I entered my house, I found a flight of Under- graduates inside. Heads of Houses, as mounted patrols, walked their horses round those poor cottages. Doctors of Di- vinity dived into the hidden recesses of that private tene- ment uninvited, and drew domestic conclusions from what they saw there. I had thought that an Englishman's house was his castle ; but the newspapers thought otherwise, and at last the matter came before my good Bishop. I insert his letter, and a portion of my reply to him : — " April 12, 1842. So many of the charges against your- self and your friends which I have seen in the pubhc journals have been, within my own knowledge, false and FROM 1811 TO 1845. 173 calumnious, tliat I am not apt to pay much attention to what is asserted with respect to you in the noAvspapers. "In'' [a newspaper] ''however, of April 9, there appears a paragraph in which it is asserted, as a matter of notoriety, that a ' so-called Anglo-Catholic Monastery is in process of erection at Littlemore, and that the cells of dormitories, the chapel, the refectory, the cloisters all may be seen advancing to perfection, under the eye of a Parish Priest of the Diocese of Oxford.' " Now, as I have understood that you really are possessed of some tenements at Littlemore, — as it is generally be- lieved that they are destined for the purposes of study and devotion, — and as much suspicion and jealousy are felt about the matter, I am anxious to afford you an oppor- tunity of making me an explanation on the subject. " I know you too well not to be aware that you are the last man living to attempt in my Diocese a revival of the Monastic orders (in any thing approaching to the Romanist sense of the term) without previous communication with me, — or indeed that you should take upon yourself to originate any measure of importance without authority from the heads of the Church, — and therefore I at once exonerate you from the accusation brought against you by the newspaper I have quoted, but I feel it nevertheless a duty to my Diocese and myself, as well as to you, to ask you to put it in my power to contradict what, if uncon- tradicted, would appear to imply a glaring invasion of all ecclesiastical discipline on your part, or of inexcusable neglect and indifference to my duties on mine.** I wrote in answer as follows : — ''April 14, 1842. I am very much obliged by your Lordship's kindness in allowing me to write to you on the subject of my house at Littlemore ; at the same time I feel it hard both on your Lordship and myself that the rest- 174 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS lessness of the public mind should oblige you to require an explanation of me. " It is now a whole year that I have been the subject of incessant misrepresentation. A year since I submitted entirely to your Lordship's authorit}^; and, with the in- tention of following out the particular act enjoined upon me, I not only stopped the series of Tracts, on which I was engaged, but withdrew from all public discussion of Church matters of the day, or what may be called ecclesi- astical politics. I turned myself at once to the prepara- tion for the Press of the translations of St. Athanasius to which I had long wished to devote myself, and I intended and intend to employ myself in the like theological studies, and in the concerns of my own parish and in practical works. " With the same view of personal improvement I was led more seriously to a design which had been long on my mind. For many years, at least thirteen, I have wished to give myself to a life of greater religious regularity than I have hitherto led ; but it is very unpleasant to confess such a wish even to my Bishop, because it seems arrogant, and because it is committing me to a profession which may come to nothing. For what have I done that I am to be called to account by the world for my private actions, in a way in which no one else is called ? Why may I not have that liberty which all others are allowed ? I am often accused of being underhand and uncandid in respect to the intentions to which I have been alluding ; but no one likes his own good resolutions noised about, both from mere common delicacy and from fear lest he should not be able to fulfil them. I feel it very cruel, though the parties in fault do not know what they are doing, that very sacred matters between me and my conscience are made a matter of public talk. May I take a case parallel though differ- FROM 1841 TO 1845. 175 ent? suppose a person in prospect of marriage ; would he like the subject discussed in newspapers, and parties, cir- cumstances, &o., &c., publicly demanded of him, at the penaltj^ of being accused of craft and duplicity ? " The resolution I speak of has been taken with refer- ence to myself alone, and has been contemplated quite independent of the co-operation of any other human being, and without reference to success or failure other than per- sonal, and without regard to the blame or approbation of man. And being a resolution of years, and one to which I feel God has called me, and in which I am Tiolating no rule of the Church any more than if I married, I should have to answer for it, if I did not pursue it, as a good Providence made openings for it. In pursuing it then I am thinking of myself alone, not aiming at any ecclesiasti- cal or external effects. At the same time of course it would be a great comfort to me to know that God had put it into the hearts of others to pursue their personal edification in the same way, and unnatural not to wish to have the benefit of their presence and encouragement, or not to think it a great infringement on the rights of conscience if such personal and private resolutions were interfered with. Your Lordship will allow me to add my firm con- viction that such religious resolutions are most necessary for keeping a certain class of minds firm in their allegiance to our Church ; but still I can as truly say that my own reason for any thing I have done has been a personal one, without which I should not have entered upon it, and which I hope to pursue whether with or without the sym- pathies of others pursuing a similar course " As to my intentions, I purpose to live there myself a good deal, as I have a resident curate in Oxford. In doing this, I believe I am consulting for the good of my parish, as my population at Littlemore is at least equal to that of St. Mary's in Oxford, and the ivhole of Littlemore is double 176 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS of it. It has been very mucli neglected ; and in providing a parsonage-house at Littlemore, as this will be, and will be called, I conceive I am doing a very great benefit to my people. At the same time it has appeared to me that a partial or temporary retirement from St. Mary's Church might be expedient under the prevailing excitement. "As to the quotation from the [newspaper], which I have not seen, your Lordship will perceive from what I have said, that no * monastery is in process of erection ; ' there is no 'chapel;' no * refectory,' hardly a dining-room or parlour. The * cloisters ' are my shed connecting the cottages. I do not understand what ' cells of dormitories ' means. Of course I can repeat your Lordship's words that 'I am not attempting a revival of the Monastic Orders, in any thing approaching to the Eomanist sense of the term,' or ' taking on myself to originate any measure of importance without authority from the Heads of the Church.' I am attempting nothing ecclesiastical, but something personal and private, and which can only be made public, not private, by newspapers and letter- writers, in which sense the most sacred and conscientious resolves and acts may certainly be made the objects of an unman- nerly and unfeeling curiosity." One calumny there was which the Bishop did not be- lieve, and of which of course he had no idea of speaking. It was that I was actually in the service of the enemy. I had forsooth been already received into the Catholic Church, and was rearing at Littlemore a nest of Papists, who, like me, were to take the Anglican oaths which they disbelieved, by virtue of a dispensation from Rome, and thus in due time were to bring over to that unprincipled Church great numbers of the Anglican Clergy and Laity. Bishops gave their countenance to this imputation against me. The case was simply this : — as I made Littlemore a FROM 1841 TO 1845. 177 place of retirement for myself, so did I offer it to others. There were young men in Oxford, whose testimonials for Orders had been refused by their Colleges ; there were young clergymen, who had found themselves unable from conscience to go on with their duties, and had thrown up their parochial engagements. Such men were already going straight to Rome, and I interposed ; I interposed for the reasons I have given in the beginning of this por- tion of my narrative. I interposed from fidelity to my clerical engagements, and from duty to my Bishop ; and from the interest which I was bound to take in them, and from belief that they were premature or excited. Their friends besought me to quiet them, if I could. Some of them came to live with me at Littlemore. They were lay- men, or in the place of laymen. I kept some of them back for several years from being received into the Catho- lic Church. Even when I had given up my living, I was still bound by my duty to their parents or friends, and I did not forget still to do what I could for them. The immediate occasion of my resigning St. Mary's, was the unexpected conversion of one of them. After that, I felt it was impossible to keep my post there, for I had been unable to keep my word with my Bishop. The following letters refer, more or less, to these men, whether they were actually with me at Littlemore or not: — 1. "March 6, 1842. Church doctrines are a powerful weapon ; they were not sent into the world for nothing. God's word does not return unto Him void : If I have said, as I have, that the doctrines of the Tracts for the Times would build up our Church and destroy parties, I meant, if they were used, not if they were denounced. Else, they will be as powerful against us, as they might be powerful for us. *' If people who have a liking for another, hear him 178 HISTORY OF MY RELIGIOUS OPINIONS called a Eoman Catholic, they will say, *Then after all Eomanism is no such bad thing/ All these persons, who are making the cry, are fulfilling their own prophecy. If all the world agree in telling a man, he has no business in our Church, he will at length begin to think he has none. How easy is it to persuade a man of any thing, when numbers affirm it ! so great is the force of imagina- tion. Did every one who met you in the streets look hard at you, you would think you were somehow in fault. I do not know any thing so irritating, so unsettling, especially in the case of young persons, as, when they are going on calmly and unconsciously, obeying their Church and fol- lowing its divines, (I am speaking from facts,) as sud- denly to their surprise to be conjured not to make a leap, of which they have not a dream and from which they are far removed." 2. 1843 or 1844. " I did not explain to you sufficiently the state of mind of those who were in danger. I only spoke of those who were convinced that our Church was external to the Church Catholic, though they felt it unsafe to trust their own private convictions ; but there are two other states of mind; 1. that of those who are uncon- sciously near Home, and whose despair about our Church would at once develope into a state of conscious approxi- mation, or a roved to be true, because there was not trustworthy testimony. However, as to St. Walburga, I repeat, I made one exception, the fact of the medicinal oil, since for that miracle there was distinct and successive testimonj^ And then I went on to give a chain of witnesses. It was my duty to state what those wit- nesses said in their very words ; so I gave the testimonies in full, tracing them from the Saint's death. I said, ''She is one of the principal Saints of her age and country." Then I quoted Basnage, a Protestant, who says, " Six writers are extant, who have employed themselves in relating the deeds or miracles of Walburga." Then I said that her '' renown was not the mere natural growth of ages, but begins with the very century of the Saint's death." Then I observed that only two miracles seem to have been " distinctly reported of her as occurring in her lifetime ; and they were handed down apparently by tra- dition." Also, that such miracles are said to have com- 302 KOTE B. menced about a.d. 777. Then I spoke of tlie medicina] oil as having testimony to it in 893, in 1306, after 1450, in 1615, and in 1620. Also, I said that Mabillon seems not to have believed some of her miracles ; and that the earliest witness had got into trouble with his Bishop. And so I left the matter, as a question to be decided by evidence, not deciding any thing myself. What was the harm of all this ? but my Critic mud- dled it together in a most extraordinary manner, and I am far from sure that he knew himself the definite cate- gorical charge which he intended it to convey against me. One of his remarks is, " What has become of the holy oil for the last 240 years. Dr. Newman does not say," p. 25. Of course I did not, because I did not know ; I gave the evidence as I found it ; he assumes that I had a point to prove, and then asks why I did not make the evidence larger than it was. I can tell him more about it now : the oil still flows ; I have had some of it in my possession ; it is medicinal still. This leads to the third head. 3. Its miraculoiisness. On this point, since I have been in the Catholic Church, I have found there is a difference of opinion. Some persons consider that the oil is the natural produce of the rock, and has ever flowed from it ; others, that by a divine gift it flows from the relics ; and others, allowing that it now comes naturally from the rock, are disposed to hold that it was in its origin mira- culous, as was the virtue of the pool of Bethsaida. This point must be settled of course before the ™tue of the oil can be ascribed to the sanctity of St. Walburga ; for myself, I neither have, nor ever have had, the means of going into the question ; but I will take the opportunity of its having come before me, to make one or two remarks, supplemental of what I have said on other occasions. ECCLESIASTICAL MIRACLES. 303 1. I frankly confess that the present advance of science tends to make it probable that various facts take place, and have taken place, in the order of nature, which hitherto have been considered by Catholics as simply super- natural. 2. Though I readily make this admission, it must not be supposed in consequence that I am disposed to grant at once, that every event was natural in point of fact, which migJit have taken place by the laws of nature ; for it is obvious, no Catholic can bind the Almighty to act only in one and the same way, or to the observance always of His own laws. An event which is possible in the way of na- ture, is certainly possible too to Divine Power without the sequence of natural cause and effect at all. A con- flagration, to take a parallel, may be the work of an incendiary, or the result of a flash of lightning; nor would a jury think it safe to find a man guilty of arson, if a dangerous thunderstorm was raging at the very time when the fire broke out. In like manner, upon the hypo- thesis that a miraculous dispensation is in operation, a recovery from diseases to which medical science is equal, may nevertheless in matter of fact have taken place, not by natural means, but by a supernatural interposition. That the Lawgiver always acts through His own laws, is an assumption, of which I never saw proof. In a given case, then, the possibility of assigning a human cause for an event does not ipso facto prove that it is not miraculous. 3. So far, however, is plain, that, till some experimentum cnicis can be found, such as to be decisive against the natural cause or the supernatural, an occurrence of this kind will as little convince an unbeliever that there has been a divine interference in the case, as it will drive the Catholic to admit that there has been no interference at all. 304 NOTE B. 4. Still there is this gain accruing to the Catholic cause from the larger views we now possess of the operation of natural causes, viz. that our opponents will not in future be so ready as hitherto, to impute fraud and falsehood to our priests and their witnesses, on the ground of their pre- tending or reporting things that are incredible. Our opponents have again and again accused us of false wit- ness, on account of statements which they now allow are either true, or may have been true. They account indeed for the strange facts very differently from us; but still they allow that facts they were. It is a great thing to have our characters cleared ; and we may reasonably hope that, the next time our word is vouched for occurrences which appear to be miraculous, our facts will be investi- gated, not our testimony impugned. 5. Even granting that certain occurrences, which we have hitherto accounted miraculous, have not absolutely a claim to be so considered, nevertheless they constitute an argument still in behalf of Revelation and the Church. Providences, or what are called grazie, though they do not rise to the order of miracles, yet, if they occur again and again in connexion with the same persons, institutions, or doctrines, may supply a cumulative evidence of the fact of a supernatural presence in the quarter in which they are found. I have already alluded to this point in my Essay on Ecclesiastical Miracles, and I have a particular reason, as will presently be seen, for referring here to what I said in the course of it. In that Essay, after bringing its main argument to an end, I append to it a review of ''the evidence for particular alleged miracles." "It does not strictly fall within the scope of the Essay," I observe, *'to pronounce upon the truth or falsehood of this or that miraculous narrative, as it occurs in ecclesiastical history ; but only to furnish such ECCLESIASTICAL MIRACLES. 305 general considerations, as may be useful in forming a decision in particular cases/' p. cv. However, I thought it right to go farther and " to set down the evidence for and against certain miracles as we meet with them," ibid. In discussing these miracles separately, I make the fol- lowing remarks, to which I have just been referring. After discussing the alleged miracle of the Thundering Legion, I observe: — "Nor does it concern us much to answer the objection, that there is nothing strictly mira- culous in such an occurrence, because sudden thunder- clouds after drought are not unfrequent ; for, I would answer. Grant me such miracles ordinarily in the early Church, and I will ask no other ; grant that, upon prayer, benefits are vouchsafed, deliverances are effected, unhoped- for results obtained, sicknesses cured, tempests laid, pesti- lences put to flight, famines remedied, judgments inflicted, and there will be no need of analyzing the causes, whether supernatural or natural, to which they are to be referred. They may, or they may not, in this or that case, follow or surpass the laws of nature, and they may do so plainly or doubtfully, but the common sense of mankind will call them miraculous; for by a miracle is popularly meant, whatever be its formal definition, an event which im- presses upon the mind the immediate presence of the Moral Governor of the world. He may sometimes act through nature, sometimes beyond or against it ; but those who admit the fact of such interferences, will have little difficulty in admitting also their strictly miraculous character, if the circumstances of the case require it, and those who deny miracles to the early Church will be equally strenuous against allowing her the grace of such intimate influence (if we may so speak) upon the course of divine Providence, as is here in question, even though it be not miraculous." — p. cxxi. And again, speaking of the death of Arius : " But after 306 NOTE B. all, was it a miracle ? for, if not, we are labouring at a proof of whicli nothing comoa. The more immediate answer to this question has already been suggested several times. When a Bishop with h^s flock prays night and day against a heretic, and at length begs of God to take him away, and when he is suddenly taken away, almost at the moment of his triumph,, and that by a death awfully significant, from its likeness to one recorded in Scripture, is it not trifling to ask whether such, an occurrence comes up to the definition of a miracle ? The question is not whether it is formally a miracle, but whether it is an event, the like of which persons, who deny that miracles continue, will consent that the Church, should be consi- dered still able to perform. If they are willing to allow to the Church sucb extraordinary protection, it is for them to draw the line to the satisfaction of people in general, between these and strictly miraculous events ; if, on the other hand, they deny their occurrence in the times of the Church, then there is sufficient reason for our appealing here to the history of Arius in proof of the affirmative." — p. clxxii. These remarks, thus made upon the Thundering Legion and the death of Arius, must be applied, in consequence of investigations made since the date of my Essay, to the ap- parent miracle wrought in favour of the African confessors in the Yandal persecution. Their tongues were cut out by the Arian tyrant, and yet they spoke as before. In my Essay I insisted on this fact as being strictly miracu- lous. Among other remarks (referring to the instances adduced by Middleton and others in disparagement of the miracle, viz. of a "a girl born without a tongue, who yet talked as distinctly and easily, as if she had enjoyed the full benefit of that organ," and of a boy who lost his tongue at the age of eight or nine, j^et retained his speech, whether perfectly or not,) I said, "Does Middleton mean ECCLESIASTICAL MIRACLES. 307 to say, that, if certain of men lost their tongues at the command of a tyrant for the sake of their religion, and then spoke as plainly as before, nay if only one person was so mutilated and so gifted, it would not be a miracle ?" — p. cox. And I enlarged upon the minute details of the fact as reported to us by eye-witnesses and contemporaries. "Out of the seven writers adduced, six are contemporaries; three, if not four, are eye-witnesses of the miracle. One reports from an eye-witness, and one testifies to a fervent record at the burial-place of the subjects of it. All seven were living, or had been staying, at one or other of the two places which are mentioned as their abode. One is a Pope, a second a Catholic Bishop, a third a Bishop of a schismatical partj^, a fourth an emperor, a fifth a soldier, a politician, and a suspected infidel, a sixth a statesman and courtier, a seventh a rhetorician and philosopher. ' He cut out the tongues by the roots,' says Victor, Bishop of Yito ; ' I perceived the tongues entirely gone by the roots,' says ^neas ; ' as low down as the throat,' says Procopius ; ' at the roots,' say Justinian and St. Gregory ; ' he spoke like an educated man, without impediment,' says Yictor of Yito ; ' with articulateness,' says ^neas ; * better than before ; ' ' they talked without any impedi- ment,' says Procopius ; 'speaking with perfect voice,' says Marcellinus ; ' they spoke perfectly, even to the end,' says the second Yictor ; ' the words were formed, full, and perfect,' says St. Gregory." — p. ccviii. However, a few years ago an Article appeared in " Notes and Queries " (No. for May 22, 1858), in which various evidence was adduced to show that the tongue is not ne- cessary for articulate speech. 1. Col. Churchill, in his "Lebanon," speaking of the cruelties of Djezzar Pacha, in extracting to the root the tongues of some Emirs, adds, '* It is a curious fact, how- 308 NOTE B. ever, that tlie tongues grow again sufficiently for tlie purposes of speech." 2. Sir John Malcolm, in his "Sketches of Persia," speaks of Zab, Khan of Khisht, who was condemned to lose his tongue. " This mandate," he says, " was imperfectly executed, and the loss of half this member deprived him of speech. Being afterwards persuaded that its being cut close to the root would enable him to speak so as to be understood, he submitted to the operation ; and the effect has been, that his voice, though indistinct and thick, is yet intelligible to persons accustomed to converse with him. ... I am not an anatomist, and I cannot therefore give a reason, why a man, who could not articulate with half a tongue, should speak when he had none at all; but the facts are as stated." 3. And Sir John McNeill says, " In answer to your inquiries about the powers of speech retained by persons who have had their tongues cut out, I can state from per- sonal observation, that several persons whom I knew in Persia, who had been subjected to that punishment, spoke so intelligibly as to be able to transact important business. . . . The conviction in Persia is universal, that the power of speech is destroyed by merely cutting off the tip of the tongue ; and is to a useful extent restored by cutting off another portion as far back as a perpendicular section can be made of the portion that is free from attachment at the lower surface. ... I never had to meet with a person who had suffered this punishment, who could not speak so as to be quite intelligible to his familiar associates." I should not be honest, if I professed to be simply con- verted, by these testimonies, to the belief that there was nothing miraculous in the case of the African confessors. rt is quite as fair to be sceptical on one side of the question ECCLESIASTICAL MIRACLES. 309 as on the other ; and if Gibbon is considered worthy of praise for his stubborn incredulity in receiving the evidence for this miracle, I do not see why I am to be blamed, if I wish to be quite sure of the full appositeness of the recent evidence which is brought to its disadvantage. Questions of fact cannot be disproved by analogies or presumptions ; the inquiry must be made into the particular case in all its parts, as it comes before us. Meanwhile, I fully allow that the points of evidence brought in disparagement of the miracle are prima facie of such cogency, that, till they are proved to be irrelevant, Catholics are prevented from appealing to it for controversial purposes. 3i0 NOTE C. NOTE 0. ON PAGE 153. SERMON ON WISDOM AND INNOCENCE. The professed basis of the charge of lying and equivoca- tion made against me, and, in my person, against the Catholic clergy, was, as I have already noticed in the Preface, a certain Sermon of mine on "Wisdom and Inno- cence," being the 20th in a series of "Sermons on Subjects of the Day,'' written, preached, and published while I was an Anglican. Of this Sermon my accuser spoke thus in his Pamphlet : — " It is occupied entirely with the attitude of ' the world ' to * Christians ' and * the Church.' By the world appears to be signified, especially, the Pro- testant public of these realms ; what Dr. Newman means by Christians, and the Church, he has not left in doubt ; for in the preceding Sermon he says : ' But if the truth must be spoken, what are the humble monk and the holy nun, and other regulars, as they are called, but Christians after the very pattern given us in Scripture, &c.' .... This is his definition of Christians. And in the Sermon itself, he sufficiently defines what he means by 'the Church,' in two notes of her character, which he shall give in his own words : ' What, for instance, though we grant that sacramental confession and the celibacy of the clergy do tend to consolidate the body politic in the relation of rulers and subjects, or, in other words, to aggrandize the priesthood ? for how can the Church be one body without such relation ?' " — Pp. 8, 0. He then proceeded to analyze and comment on it at great length, and to criticize severely the method and tone of my Sermons generally. Among other things, he said: — *' What, then, did the Sermon mean ? Why was it preached ? To insinu- ate that a Church which had sacramental confession and a celibate clergy was the only true Church ? Or to insinuate that the admiring young gentlemen who listened to him stood to their fellow-countrymen in the relation of the early Christians to the heathen Romans ? Or that Queen Victoria's Govern- ment was to the Church of Eigland what Nero's or Dioclesian's was to the SERMON OX WISDOM AND INNOCENCE. 311 Church of Rome ? It may have been so. I know that men used to suspect Dr. Newman, — I have been inclined to do so myself,— of writing a whole Sermon, not for the sake of the text or of the matter, but for the sake of one single passing hint — one phrase, one epithet, one little barbed arrow, which, as he swept magnificently past on the stream of his calm eloquence, seemingly unconscious of all presences, save those unseen, he delivered unheeded, as with his finger-tip, to the very heart of an initiated hearer, never to be with- drawn again. I do not blame him for that. It is one of the highest triumphs of oratoric power, and may be employed honestly and fairly by any person who has the skill to do it honestly and fairly ; but then, Why did he entitle his Sermon ' Wisdom and Innocence ? ' " What, then, could I think that Dr. Newman meant ? I found a preacher bidding Christians imitate, to some undefined point, the ' arts ' of the basest of animals, and of men, and of the devil himself. I found him, by a strange perversion of Scripture, insinuating that St Paul's conduct and manner were such as naturally to bring down on him the reputation of being a crafty deceiver. I found him— horrible to say it — even hinting the same of one greater than St. Paul. I found him denying or explaining away the existence of that Priestcraft, which is a notorious fact to every honest student of history, and justifying (as far as I can understand him) that double-dealing by which prelates, in the middle age, too often played off alternately the sovereign against the people, and the people against the sovereign, careless which was in the right, so long as their own power gained by the move. I found him actually using of such (and, as I thought, of himself and his party likewise) the words ' They yield outwardly ; to assent inwardly were to betray the faith. Yet they are called deceitful and double-dealing, because they do as much as they can, and not more than they may.' I found him telling Christians that they will always seem ' artificial,' and ' wanting in openness and manliness ; ' that they will always be * a mystery ' to the world, and that the world will always think them rogues ; and bidding them glory in what the world (i. e. the rest of their countrymen), disown, and say with Mawworra, * I like to be despised.' " Now, how was I to know that the preacher, who had the reputation of being the most acute man of his generation, and of having a specially intimate acquaintance with the weaknesses of the human heart, was utterly bHnd to the broad meaning and the plain practical result of a Sermon like this, dehvered before fanatic and hot-headed young men, who hung upon his every word ? that he did not foresee that they would think that they obeyed him by becom- ing affected, artificial, sly, shifty, ready for concealments and equivocations ?" &c. &c.— Pp. 14— IG. My accuser asked in this passage what did the Sermon mean^ and why was it preached. I will here answer this question ; and with this view will speak, first of 312 NOTE C. the matter of the Sermon, then of its subject, then of its circumstances. 1. It was one of the last six Sermons which I wrote when I was an An2:lican. It was one of the five Sermons I preached in St. Mary's between Christmas and Easter, 1843, the year when I gave up my Living. The MS. of the Sermon is destroyed ; but I believe, and my memory too bears me out, as far as it goes, that the sentence in question about Celibacy and Confession, of which this writer would make so much, was not preached at all. The Volume, in which this Sermon is found, was published after that I had given up St. Mary's, when I had no call on me to restrain the expression of any thing which I might hold : and I stated an important fact about it in the Advertise- ment, in these words : — **In preparing [these Sermons] for publication, a few words and sentences have in several places been added, which will be found to express more of private or personal opinion, than it was expedient to introduce into the instruction delivered in Church to a parochial Congregation. Such introduc- tion, however, seems unobjectionable in the case of compositions, which are detached from the sacred place and service to which they once belonged, and submitted to the reason and judgment of the general reader." This Volume of Sermons then cannot be criticized at all as preachments ; they are essays ; essays of a man who, at the time of publishing them, was not a preacher. Such passages, as that in question, are just the very ones which I added iqoon my publishing them ; and, as I alwaj^s was on my guard in the pulpit against saying any thing which looked towards Home, I shall believe that I did not preach the obnoxious sentence till some one is found to testify that he heard it. At the same time I cannot conceive why the mention of Sacramental Confession, or of Clerical Celibacy, had I made it, was inconsistent with the position of an Anglican Clergyman. For Sacramental Confession and Absolution actually form a portion of the Anglican Visitation of the SERMON ON WISDOM AND INNOCENCE. 313 Sick ; and though, the 32nd Article says that " Bishops, priests, and deacons, are not commanded by God's law either to vow the state of single life or to abstain from marriage," and " therefore it is laivful for them to marry," this proposition I did not dream of denying, nor is it in- consistent with St. Paul's doctrine, which I held, that it is ^^ good to abide even as he," i. e. in celibacy. But I have more to say on this point. This writer says, ^' I know that men used to suspect Dr. Newman, — I have been inclined to do so myself,— of ivriting a ivhole Sermon, not for the sake of the text or of the matter, but for the sake of one simple passing hint, — one phrase, one epithet." Kow observe ; can there be a plainer testimony borne to the practical character of my Sermons at St. Mary's than this gratuitous insinuation ? Many a preacher of Trac- tarian doctrine has been accused of not letting his parishioners alone, and of teasing them with his private theological notions. The same report was spread about me twenty years ago as this writer spreads now, and the world believed that my Sermons at St. Mary's were full of red- hot Tractarianism. Then strangers came to hear me preach, and were astonished at their own disappointment. I recollect the wife of a great prelate from a distance coming to hear me, and then expressing her surprise to find that I preached nothing but a plain humdrum Ser- mon. I recollect how, when on the Sunday before Com- memoration one year, a number of strangers came to hear me, and I preached in my usual way, residents in Oxford, of high position, were loud in their satisfaction that on a great occasion, I had made a simple failure, for after all there was nothing in the Sermon to hear. "Well, but they were not going to let me off, for all my common-sense view of duty. Accordingly they got up the charitable theory which this Writer revives. They said that there was a double purpose in those plain addresses of mine, 314 NOTE C. and that my Sermons were never so artful as when they seemed common-place ; that there were sentences which redeemed their apparent simplicity and quietness. So they watched during the delivery of a Sermon, which to them was too practical to be useful, for the concealed point of it, which they could at least imagine, if they could not discover. " Men used to suspect Dr. Newman," he says, " of writing a ichole Sermon, not for the sake of the text or of the matter, but for the sake of one single passing hint, . . . one phrase, one epithet, one little barbed arrow, which, as he 8icept magnificently past on the stream of his calm eloquence, seemingly unconscious of all presences, save those unseen, he delivered unheeded," &c. To all appearance, he says, I was '' unconscious of all presences." He is not able to deny that the " whole Sermon " had the appearanee of being "for the sake of the text and matter ; ^' therefore he suggests that perhaps it wasn't. 2. And now as to the subject of the Sermon. The Sermons of which the Volume consists are such as are, more or less, exceptions to the rule which I ordinarily observed, as to the subjects which I introduced into the pulpit of St. Mary's. They are not purely ethical or doctrinal. The}^ were for the most part caused by circum- stances of the day or of the moment, and they belong to various years. One was written in 1832, two in 1836, two in 1838, five in 1840, five in 1841, four in 1842, seven in 1843. Many of them are engaged on one subject, viz. in viewing the Church in its relation to the world. By the world was meant, not simply those multitudes which were not in the Church, but the existing body of human society, whether in the Church or not, whether Catholics, Protestants, Greeks, or Mahometans, theists or idolaters, as being ruled by principles, maxims, and instincts of their own, that is, of an unregenerate nature, whatever their SERMON ON WISDOM AND INNOCENCE. 315 supernatural privileges might be, greater or less, according to their form of religion. This view of the relation of the Church to the world as taken apart from questions of ecclesiastical politics, as they may be called, is often brought out in my Sermons. Two occur to me at once ; No. 3 of my Plain Sermons, which was written in 1829, and 'No: 15 of my Third Yolume of Parochial, written in 1835. On the other hand, by Church I meant, — in common with all writers connected with the Tract Movement, what- ever their shades of opinion, and with the whole body of English divines, except those of the Puritan or Evan- gelical School, — the whole of Christendom, from the Apostles' time till now, whatever their later divisions into Latin, Greek, and Anglican. I have explained this view of the subject above at pp. 69 — 71 of this Volume. When then I speak, in the particular Sermon before us, of the members, or the rulers, or the action of " the Church," I mean neither the Latin, nor the Greek, nor the English, taken by itself, but of the whole Church as one body : of Italy as one with England, of the Saxon or Dsorman as one with the Caroline Church. T/iis was specially the one Church, and the points in which one branch or one period differed from another were not and could not be Notes of the Church, because Notes neces- sarily belong to the whole of the Church every where and always. This being my doctrine as to the relation of the Church to the world, I laid down in the Sermon three principles concerning it, and there left the matter. The first is, that Divine Wisdom had framed for its action laws, which man, if left to himself, would have antecedently pronounced to be the worst possible for its success, and which in all ages have been called by the world, as they were in the Apostles' days, "foolishness;" that man ever relies on physical and material force, and on carnal inducements, — 316 NOTE C. as Mahomet with, his sword and his hour is, or indeed almost as that theory of religion, called, since the Sermon was written, "muscular Christianity;" but that our Lord, on the contrary, has substituted meekness for haughtiness, passiveness for violence, and innocence for craft : and that the event has shown the high wisdom of such an economy, for it has brought to light a set of natural laws, unknown before, by which the seeming paradox that weakness should be stronger than might, and simplicity than worldly policy, is readily explained. Secondly, I said that men of the world, judging by the event, and not recognizing the secret causes of the success, viz. a higher order of natural laws, — natural, though their source and action were supernatural, (for *'the meek inherit the earth," by means of a meekness which comes from above,) — these men, I say, concluded, that the success which they witnessed must arise from some evil secret which the world had not mastered, — by means of magic, as they said in the first ages, by cunning as they say now. And accordingly they thought that the humility and in- ofiensiveness of Christians, or of Churchmen, was a mere pretence and blind to cover the real causes of that success, which Christians could explain and would not ; and that they were simply hypocrites. Thirdly, I suggested that shrewd ecclesiastics, who knew very well that there was neither magic nor craft in the matter, and, from their intimate acquaintance with what actually went on within the Church, discerned what were the real causes of its success, were of course under the temptation of substituting reason for conscience, and, instead of simply obeying the command, were led to do good that good might come, that is, to act in order to secure success, and not from a motive of faith. Some, I said, did yield to the temptation more or less, and their motives became mixed ; and in this way the world in a SERMON ON WISDOM AND INNOCENCE. 317 more subtle shape had got into the Church ; and hence it had come to pass, that, looking at its history from first to last, we could not possibly draw the line between good and evil there, and say either that every thing was to be defended, or certain things to be condemned. I expressed the diffi- culty, which I supposed to be inherent in the Church, in the following words. I said, "Priestcraft has ever been considered the badge, and its imputation is a kind of Note of the Church : and in part indeed truly, because the pre- sence of powerful enemies, and the sense of their own weakness, Jias sometimes tempted Christians to the abuse, instead of the use of Christian tcisdom, to be wise xcithout being harmless; but partly, nay, for the most part, not truly, but slanderously, and merely because the world called their wisdom craft, when it was found to be a match for its own numbers and power." Such is the substance of the Sermon : and as to the main drift of it, it was this ; that I was, there and else- where, scrutinizing the course of the Church as a whole, as if philosophically, as an historical phenomenon, and observing the laws on which it was conducted. Hence the Sermon, or Essay as it more truly is, is written in a dry and unimpassioned way : it shows as little of human warmth of feeling as a Sermon of Bishop Butler's. Yet, under that calm exterior there was a deep and keen sensi- tiveness, as I shall now proceed to show. 3. If I mistake not, it was written with a secret thought about myself. Every one preaches according to his frame of mind, at the time of preaching. One heaviness espe- cially oppressed me at that season, which this "Writer, twenty years afterwards, has set himself with a good will to renew : it arose from the sense of the base calumnies which were heaped upon me on all sides. It is worth observing that this Sermon is exactly contemporaneous with the report 318 NOTE C. spread by a Bishop {vid. siipr. p. 181), that I had advised a clergyman converted to Catholicism to retain his Living. This report was in circulation in February 1843, and my Sermon was preached on the 19th. In the trouble of mind into which I was thrown by such calumnies as this, I gained, while I reviewed the history of the Church, at once an argument and a consolation. My argument was this : if I, who knew my own innocence, was so blackened by party prejudice, perhaps those high rulers and those servants of the Church, in the many ages which intervened between the early Nicene times and the present, who were laden with such grievous accusations, were innocent also ; and this reflection served to make me tender towards those great names of the past, to whom weaknesses or crimes were imputed, and reconciled me to difficulties in eccle- siastical proceedings, which there were no means now of properly explaining. And the sympathy thus excited for them, re-acted on myself, and I found comfort in being able to put myself under the shadow of those who had suffered as I was suffering, and who seemed to promise me their recompense, since I had a fellowship in their trial. In a letter to my Bishop at the time of Tract 90, part of which I have quoted, I said that I had ever tried to " keep innocency ; " and now two years had passed since then, and men were louder and louder in heaping on me the very charges, which this Writer repeats out of my Sermon, of " fraud and cunning," " craftiness and deceit- falness," "double-dealing," "priestcraft," of being "mys- terious, dark, subtle, designing," when I was all the time conscious to myself, in my degree, and after my measure, of " sobriety, self-restraint, and control of word and feel- ing." I had had experience how my past success had been imputed to "secret management;" and how, when I had shown surprise at that success, that surprise again was imputed to " deceit ; " and how my honest heartfelt sub- SERMON ON WISDOM AND INNOCENCE. 319 mission to authority had been called, as it was called in a Bishop's charge abroad, " mystic humility ;" and how my silence was called an ''hypocrisy ;" and my faithfulness to my clerical engagements a secret correspondence with the enemy. And I found a way of destroying my sensitiyeness about these things which jarred upon my sense of justice, and otherwise would haye been too much for me, by the contemplation of a large law of the Diyine Dispensation, and felt- myself more and more able to bear in my own person a present trial, of which in my past writings I had expressed an anticipation. For thus feeling and thus speaking this Writer com- pares me to " Maw worm." " I found him telling Chris- tians," he says, "that they will always seem 'artificial,' and ' wanting in openness and manliness ;' that they will always be ' a mystery ' to the world ; and that the world will always think them rogues ; and bidding them glory in what the world (that is, the rest of their fellow-country- men) disown, and say with Mawworm, ' I like to be despised.' Now how was I to know that the preacher . . . was utterly blind to the broad meaning and the plain practical result of a Sermon like this deliyered before fanatic and hot-headed young men, who hung upon his every word?" — Fanatic and hot-headed young men, who hung on my every word ! If he had undertaken to write a history, and not a romance, he would haye easily found out, as I haye said aboye, that from 1841 I had severed myself from the younger generation of Oxford, that Dr. Pusey and I had then closed our theological meetings at his house, that I had brought my own weekly evening parties to an end, that I preached only by fits and starts at St. Mary's, so that the attendance of young men was broken up, that in those very weeks from Christmas till over Easter, during which this Sermon was preached, I was but five times in the pulpit there. He would have found, 320 KOTE c. that it was written at a time when I was shunned rather than sought, when I had great sacrifices in anticipation, when I was thinking much of myself; that I was ruth- lessly tearing myself away from my own followers, and that, in the musings of that Sermon, I was at the very utmost only delivering a testimony in my behalf for time to come, not sowing my rhetoric broadcast for the chance of present sympathy. Again, he says: "I found him actually using of such [prelates], (and, as I thought, of himself and his party like- wise,) the words 'They yield outwardly; to assent inwardly were to betray the faith. Yet they are called deceitful and double-dealing, because they do as much as they can, not more than they may.' " This too is a proof of my dupli- city ! Let this writer, in his dealings with some one else, go just a little further than he has gone with me ; and let him get into a court of law for libel ; and let him be con- victed ; and let him still fancy that his libel, though a libel, was true, and let us then see whether he will not in such a case "yield outwardly," without assenting internally ; and then again whether we should please him, if we called him " deceitful and double-dealing," because " he did as much as he could, not more than he ought to do." But Tract 90 will supply a real illustration of what I meant. I yielded to the Bishops in outward act, viz. in not defending the Tract, and in closing the Series ; but, not only did I not assent inwardly to any condemnation of it, but I opposed myself to the proposition of a condemnation on the part of authority. Yet I was then by the public called " deceitful and double-dealing," as this Writer calls me now, "be- cause I did as much as I felt I could do, and not more than I felt I could honestly do." Many were the publications of the day and the private letters, which accused me of shuffling, because I closed the Series of Tracts, yet kept the Tracts on sale, as if I ought to comply not only with SERMOX ON WISDOM AND INNOCENCE. 321 what my Bistiop asked, but with what he did not ask, and perhaps did not wish. However, such teaching, according to this Writer, was likely to make young men " suspect, that truth was not a virtue for its own sake, but only for the sake of the spread of * Catholic opinions,' and the ' salvation of their own souls ;' and that cunning was the weapon which heaven had allowed to them to defend themselves against the persecuting Protestant public." — p. 16. And now I draw attention to a further point. He says, '' How was I to know that the preacher . . did not fore- see, that [fanatic and hot-headed young men] would think that they obeyed him, by becoming affected, artificial, sly, shifty, ready for concealments and equivocations V^ " How should he know ! " What ! I suppose that we are to think every man a knave till he is proved not to be such. Know ! had he no friend to tell him whether I was "affected" or "artificial" myself? Could he not have done better than impute equivocations to me, at a time when I was in no sense answerable for the amphihologia of the Roman casuists ? Had he a single fact which belongs to me per- sonally or by profession to couple my name with equivoca- tion in 1843 ? " How should he know" that I was not sly, smooth, artificial, non-natural ! he should know by that common manly frankness, by which we put confidence in others, till they are proved to have forfeited it ; he should know it by my own words in that very Sermon, in which I say it is best to be natural, and that reserve is at best but an unpleasant necessity. For I say there ex- pressly : — ** I do not deny that there is something very engaging in a frank and unpre- tending mannei" ; some persons have it more than others ; in some persotis it is a great grace. But it must be recollected that I am speaking of times of per- secution and oppression to Christians, such as the text foretells ; and then surely frankness will become nothing else than indignation at the oppressor, Y 322 NOTE c. and vehement speech, if it is permitted. Accordingly, as personss have deep feeUngs, so they will find the necessity of self-control, lest they should say what they ought not." He suras up thus : "If [Dr. Newman] would . . . persist (as in this Sermon) in dealing with matters dark, offensive, doubtful, sometimes actually forbidden, at least accord- ing to the notions of the great majority of English Churchmen; if he would always do so in a tentative, paltering way, seldom or never letting the world know how much he believed, how far he intended to go; if, in a word, his method of teaching was a suspicious one, what wonder if the minds of men were filled with suspicions of him ? " — p. I7. Now, in the course of my Narrative, I have frankly admitted that I was tentative in such of my works as fairly allowed of the introduction into them of religious inquiry ; but he is speaking of my Sermons ; where, then, is his proof that in my Sermons I dealt in matters dark, offen- sive, doubtful, actually forbidden ? He must show that I was tentative in my Sermons ; and he has the range of eight volumes to gather evidence in. As to the ninth, my University Sermons, of course I was tentative in them ; but not because *' I would seldom or never let the world know how much I believed, or how far I intended to go ;" but because University Sermons are commonly, and allow- ably, of the nature of disquisitions, as preached before a learned body; and because in deep subjects, which had not been fully investigated, I said as much as I believed, and about as far as I saw I could go ; and a man cannot do more ; and I account no man to be a philosopher who attempts to do more. SERIES OF saints' LIVES OF 1843-4. 823 NOTE D. ON PAGE 213. SEHIES OF saints' LIVES OF 1843-4. I HAVE here an opportunity of preserving, what other- wise would be lost, the Catalogue of English Saints which I formed, as preparatory to the Series of their Lives which was begun in the above years. It is but a first Essay, and has many obvious imperfections ; but it may be useful to others as a step towards a complete hagiography for Eng- land. For instance St. Osberga is omitted; I suppose because it was not easy to learn any thing about her. Boniface of Canterbury is inserted, though passed over by the Bollandists on the ground of the absence of proof of a cultus having been paid to him. The Saints of Cornwall were too numerous to be attempted. Among the men of note, not Saints, King Edward 11. is included from piety towards the founder of Oriel College. With these admis- sions I present my Paper to the reader. Preparing for Publication, in Periodical Numbers, in small Svo, The Lives of the 'English Saints, Edited by the Rev. John Senrg Newman, B.D., Felloio of Oriel College. It is the compensation of the disorders and perplexities of these latter times of the Church that we have the history of the foregoing. We indeed of this day have been reserved to witness a disorganization of the City of God, which it never entered into the minds of the early believers to imagine : but we are witnesses also of its triumphs and of its luminaries through those many ages which have brought about the misfortunes which at present overshadow it. If they were blessed who lived in primitive times, and saw the fresh traces of their Lord, and heard the echoes of Apostolic voices, blessed too are we whose special portion it is to see that same Lord revealed in His Saints. 324 NOTE D. The wondei's of His grace in the soul of man, its creative power, its inex- liaustible resources, its manifold operation, all this we know, as they knew it not. They never heard the names of St. Gregory, St. Bernard, St. Francis, and St. Louis. In fixing our thoughts then, as in an undertaking like the present, on the History of the Saints, we are but availing ourselves of that solace and recompense of our peculiar trials which has been provided for our need by our Gracious Master. And there are special reasons at this time for recurring to the Saints of our own dear and glorious, most favoured, yet most erring and most un- fortunate England. Such a recurrence may serve to make us love our country better, and on truer grounds, than heretofore ; to teach us to invest her territory, her cities and villages, her hills and springs, with sacred asso- ciations ; to give us an insight into her present historical position in the course of the Divine Dispensation; to instruct us in the capabilities of the English character ; and to open upon us the duties and the hopes to which that Church is heir, which was in former times the Mother of St. Boniface and St. Ethelreda. Even a selection or specimens of the Hagiology of our country may suffice for some of these high pvirposes ; and in so wide and rich a field of research it is almost presumptuous in one undertaking to aim at more than such a partial exhibition. The list that follows, though by no means so large as might have been drawn up, exceeds the limits which the Editor proposes to his hopes, if not to his wishes ; but, whether it is allowed him to accomplish a larger or smaller portion of it, it will be his aim to complete such subjects or periods as he begins before bringing it to a close. It is hardly necessary to observe that any list that is producible in this stage of the undertaking can but approximate to correctness and completeness in matters of detail, and even in the names which are selected to compose it. He has considered himself at liberty to include in the Series such saints as have been born in England, though they have lived and laboured out of it ; and such, again, as have been in any sufiicient way connected with our country, though born out of it ; for instance, Missionaries or Preachers in it, or spiritual or temporal inilers, or founders of religious institutions or houses. He has also included in the Series a few eminent or holy persons, who, though not in the Sacred Catalogue, are recommended to our rehgious memory by their fame, learning, or the benefits they have conferred on posterity. These have been distinguished from the Saints by printing their names in italics. It is proposed to page all the longer Lives separately ; the shorter wWl be thrown together in one. They will be published in monthly issues of not more than 128 pages each ; and no regularity, whether of date or of subject, will be observed in the order of publication. But they will be so numbered as to admit ultimately of a general chronological an-angement. The separate writers are distinguished by letters subjoined to each Life : SERIES OF saints' LIVES OF 1843-4. 325 and it should be added, to prevent misapprehension, that, since under the present circumstances of our Church, they are necessarily of various, though not divergent, doctrinal opinions, no one is answerable for any composition but his own. At the same time, the work professing an historical and ethical character, questions of theology will be, as far as possible, thrown into the back ground. J. H. N. Littlemore, Se^t. 9, 1843. CALENDAR OF ENGLISH SAINTS. JAOTJARY. FEBRUARY. 1 Elvan, B. and Medwjme, C. 1 2 Martyrs of Lichfield. 2 Laurence, Archb. 3 Melorus, M. 3 Wereburga, V. 4 4 Gilbert, A. Liephard, B.M. 5 Edward, K.C. 5 6 Peter, A. 6 Ina, K. Mo. 7 Cedd, B. 7 Augulus, B.M. Richard, K. 8 Pega, V. Wulsin, B. 8 Elfleda, A. Cuthman, C. 9 Adrian, A. Bertwald, Archb. 9 TheHau, B. 10 Sethi-ida, V. 10 Trmnwui, B. 11 Egwin, B. 11 12 Benedict Biscop, A. Aebed, A. 12 Ethelwold, B. of Lindisfarne. 13 Kentigern, B. Cedmon, Mo. 14 Beuno, A. 13 ErmenUda, Q.A. 15 Ceolulph, K. Mo. 14 16 Henry, Hermit. Fursej', A. 15 Sigefride, B. 17 Mildwida, V. 16 Finan, B. 18 Ulfrid or Wolfrid, M. 17 19 Wulstan, B. Henry, B. 18 20 19 21 20 Uh:ic, H. 22 Brithwold, B. 21 23 BoisU, A. 22 24 Cadoc, A. 23 Milburga, V. 25 24 Luidhard, B. Ethelbert of Keut, 26 Theoritgida, V. K. 27 Bathildis, Queen. 25 Walburga, V.A. 28 26 29 Gildas, A. 27 Alnoth, H.M. 3Q 28 Oswald, B. 31 Adamnan, Mo. Serapion, M. 29 326 NOTE D. MARCH. 1 16 17 Stephen, A. 1 David, Archb. Swibert, B. 18 2 Chad, B. Willeik, C. Joavan, B. 19 Elphege, Archb. 3 Winwaloe, A. 20 Adelhare, M. Cedwalla, K. 4 Owin, Mo. 21 Anselm, Archb. Doctor. 5 22 6 Kinebiirga, &c ., and Tibba, VV. 23 George, M. Baltber, C. and Bilfrid, H. 24 Mellitus, Archb. Wilfrid, Archb. 7 Easterwin, A. William, Friar. Egbert, C. 8 Felix, B. 25 9 Bosa, B. 26 10 27 11 28 12 Elphege, B. Paul de Leon, B.C. 29 Wilfrid II. Archb. 13 30 Erconwald, B. Suibert, B. 14 Robert, H. Maud, Q. 15 Eadgith, A. 16 17 Withburga, V. MAY. 18 Edward, K.M. 19 Alcmund, M. 1 Asaph, B. Lltan, A. Brioc, B.C 20 Cuthbert, B. Herbert, B. 2 Germanus, M. 21 3 22 4 23 ^Edelwald, H. 5 Ethelred, K. Mo. 24 Hildelitha, A. 6 Eadbert, A. 25 Alfwold of Sherborne, B. and Wil- 7 John, Archb. of Beverley. liam, M. 8 26 9 27 10 28 11 Fremund, M. 29 Gundleus, H. 12 30 Merwenna, A. 13 31 14 15 APRIL. 16 Simon Stock, H. 17 1 18 Elgiva, Q. 2 19 Dunstan, Archb. B. Alcuin, A 3 Richard, B. 20 Ethelbert, K.M. 4 21 Godric, H. 5 22 Winewald, A. Berethun, A 6 Senry, K. 7 23 8 24 Ethelburga, Q. 9 Frithstan, B. 25 Aldhelm, B. 10 26 Augustine, Archb. 11 Guthlake, H. 27 Bede, D. Mo. 12 28 Lanfranc, Archb. 13 Caradoc, H. 29 14 Richard of Bury, B. 30 Walston, C. 15 Paternus,'B. 31 Jurmin, C. SERIES OF SAI^'TS' LIVES OF 184o-4. 3-2' JUNE. Wistan, K.M. Petroc, A. Boniface, Arclib. M. GudwaU, B. Robert, A. ^V^illiam, Archb. Ivo, B. and Ithamar, B. Eskill, B.M. Elerius, A. Edburga, V. Botulpb, A. Jobn, Fr. Idaberga, V. Egelmund, A. Alban, and AmpMbolus, MM. Ethelreda, V.A. Bartholomew, • H. Adalbert, C. John, C. of Moutier. Margaret, Countess ofE'iclimond. JULY. Julius, Aaron, MM. Rumold, B. Leonorus, B. Oudoceus, B. Swithun, B. Giiuthiern, A. Odo, Archb. Modwenna, V.A. Sexl)urga, A. Edelburga,V.A. Hedda,B. Wil- libald, B. Ercongota, V. Grimbald, and Edgar, K. Stephen Langton, Archb. MUdreda, V.A. Marchelm, C. Bonifiice, Archb. Deusdedit, Archb. Plechelm, B. David, A. and Editha of Tam- worth, Q.V. 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 Helier, H.M. Kenelm, K.M. Edburga and Edgitha of Ayles- bury, VV. Frederic, B.M. Wulftid and Ruffin, MM. Lew- [inna, V.M. Hugh, M. Sampson, B. Lupus, B. [V. Tatwin, Archb. and Ermenigitha, Germanus, B. and Xeot, H, AUGUST. Ethelwold, B. of Winton. Etheldritha, V. Walthen, A. Oswald, K.M. Thomas, Mo. M. [of Dover. Colman. B. William of Wat/nfleet, H. Wigbert, A. Walter, A. Werenfrid, C. Helen, Empress. Oswin, K.M. Richard, B. of Andria. Sigfrid, A. Ebba, V.A. Ebba, V.A.M. Bregwin, Archb. Bradioardine, Archb. Sturmius, A. Sebbus, K. Eanswida, V.A. Aidan, A.B. Cuthburga, Q.V. 328 NOTE D. SEPTEMBER. 1 2 William, B. of Roschkl. Fr. William, Bega, A. Alcmund, A. Tilhbert, A. Bertelin, H. Wulfhilda or Vul- fridis, A. Otger, C. Robert Kilwardhy, Archh. Richard Fox, JB. Ninian, B. Edith, daughter of Edgar, V. Socrates and Stephen, MM. Theodore, Archb. Hereswide, Q. Edward II. K. Ceolfrid, A. William of WyTceham, B. Lioba, V.A. R. Richard of Sampole, S. Honorius, Archb. OCTOBER. 1 Roger, B. 2 Thomas of Hereford, B. 3 Ewalds (two) MM. 4 5 Walter Stapleton, B. 6 Ywy, C. 7 Ositha, Q.V.M. 8 Ceneu, V. 9 Lina, V. and Robert Grostete, S. 10 Paulinus, Archb. John, C. of Bridlington. 11 Edilburga, V.A. 12 Edwin, K. 13 14 Burchard, B. 15 Tecla, V.A. 16 Lullus, Archb. 17 Ethelred," Ethelbright, MM. 18 Walter de 3Ierton, B. 19 Frideswide, V. and EthUhi. A. 20 21 Ursula, V.M. 22 MeUo, B.C. 23 24 Magloire, B. 25 John of Salisbv/ry, B. 26 Eata, B. 27 Witta, B. 28 B. Alfred. 29 Sigebert, K. Elfreda, A. 30 31 FoUlan, B.M. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 NOVEMBER. Wenefred, V.M. Rumwald, C. Brinstan, B. Clarus, M. Cungar, H. Iltut, A. and Winoc, A. WUlebrord, B. Willehad, B. TyssiHo, B. Justus, Archb. Lebwin, C. Eadburga of Menstrey, A. Dubricius, B.C. Malo, B. Edmund, B. Hilda, A. Hugh, B. Ermenburga, Q. Edmund, K.M. Humbert, B.M. Acca, B. Paulinus, A. Daniel, B.C. Edwold, M. SERIES OF SAINTS* LIVES OF 1843-4. 329 DECEMBER. Weede, V. Birinus, B. Lucius, K. and Sola, H. Osmund, B. Christina, V. 4 5 6 7 8 JoTin PecJcJiam, ArcTib, 9 10 11 13 13 14 15 Elfleda, A. Corentin, B.C. Ethelburga, Q. wife of Edwin. 16 17 18 Winebald, A. 19 20 21 Eadburga, V.A. 22 23 24 25 26 Tathai, C. 27 Gerald, A.B. 28 29 Thomas, Archb. M. 30 31 N.B. St. William, Austin-Friar, Ingulphus, and Peter of Blois have not been introduced into the above Calendar, their days of death or festival not being as yet ascertained. 182 Dec. 3. Jan. 1. 300 Oct. 22. 303 Ap. 23. June 22. 304 July 1. Jan. 2. — Feb. 7. 328 388 411 Aug. 18. Sept. 17. Jan. 3. 432 429 502 Sept. 16. July 31. July 29. May 1. CHEONOLOGICAL AERANGEMENT. SECOXD CENTURY. Lucius, K. of the British. Elvan, B. and Medwyne, C. envoys from St. Lucius to Rome. FOURTH CENTURY. Mello, B. C. of Rouen. George, M. under Dioclesian. Patron of England. Alban and Amphibalus, MM. Julius and Aaron, MM. of Caerleon. Martyrs of Lichfield. AuguluB, B.M. of London. Helen, Empress, mother of Constantine. Socrates and Stephen, M.M. perhaps in Wales. Melorus, M. in Cornwall. FIFTH CENTURY. Ninian, B. Apostle of the Southern Picts. Germanus, B. C. of Auxerre. Lupus, B. C. of Troyes. Brioc, B. C, disciple of St. Germanus. 330 NOTE D. 490 Oct. 8. Ceneu, or Keyna, V., sister-in-law of Gundleus. 492 Mar. 29. GuncUeus, Hermit, in Wales. July 3. Gunthiern, A., in Brittany. 453 Oct. 21. Ursula, V.M. near Cologne, bef. 500 Dec. 12. Coreutin, B.C. of Quimper. FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES. Welsh ScnooLS. 444-522 Nov. 14. Dubricius, B.C., first Bishop of Llandaif. 520 Nov. 22. Paulinus, A. of Wbitland, tutor of St. David and St. Theliau. 445-544 Mar. 1. David, Archb. of Menevia, afterwards called from him. abt. 500 Dec. 26. Tathai, C, master of St. Cadoc. 480 Jan. 24. Cadoc, A., son of St. Gundleus, and nephew of St. Keyna. abt. 513 Nov. 6. Iltut, A., converted by St. Cadoc. 545 Nov. 23. Daniel, B.C., first Bishop of Bangor, aft. 559 Apr. 18. Paternus, B.A., pupil of St. Iltut. 573 Mar. 12. Paul, B.C. of Leon, pupil of St. Iltut. loavan, B., pupU of St. Paul. Sampson, B., pupil of St. Iltut, cousin of St. Paul de Leon. Malo, B., cousin of St. Sampson. Magloire, B., cousin of St. Malo. Gildas, A., pupil of St. Iltut. Leonorus, B., pupil of St. Iltut. Theliau, B. of Llandaff", pupil of St. Dubricius. Oudoceus, B., nephew to St. Theliau. 500-580 Oct. 19. Ethbin, A., pupil of St. Sampson. 516-601 Jan. 13. Kentigern, B. of Glasgow, founder of Monastery of Elwy. SIXTH CENTURY. Winwaloe, A., in Brittany. Petroc, A., in Cornwall. Helier, Hermit, M., in Jersey. John, C. of Moutier, in Tours. Asaph, B, of Elwy, afterwards called after him, Gudwall, B. of Aleth in Brittany. Tyssilio, B. of St. Asaph. SEVENTH CENTURY. Paet I. Ivo, or Ivia, B. from Persia. Luidhard, B. of Senlis, in France. Ethelbert, K. of Kent. Augustine, Archb. of Canterbury, Apostle of England. Mellitus, Archb. of Canterbury, "^ Laurence, Archb. of Canterbury, \ ri • eai. n J. k i. n i. \ Companions of St. Peter, A. at Canterbury, . i ^ ,^- Justus, Archb. of Canterbury, o **■ • Honorius, Archl). of Canterbury, J Deus-dedit, Archb. of Cantcrbm-y. Mar. 2. 599 July 28. 585 Nov. 15. 575 Oct. 24. 583 Jan. 29. July 1. 604 Feb. 9. 560 July 2. 529 Mar. 3. 564 June 4. July 16. June 27. 590 Mav 1. ibt. 600 June 6. Nov. 8. 600 June 10. 596 Feb. 24. 616 Feb. 24. 608 May 26. 624 Apr. 2i. 619 Feb. 2. 608 Jan. 6. 627 Nov. 10. 653. Sept. 30. G62 July 15. 642 Oct. 29. 646 Mar. 8. 650 Jan. 16. 680 May 1. 655 Oct. 31. 680 June 17. 671 June 10. 650 Dec. 3. 705 July 7. 717 Jan. 11. SERIES OF SAINTS* LIVES OF 1843-4. 331 SSVEXTH CENTURY. Paet II. Sigebert, K. of the East Ang-les. Felix, B. of Dunwich, Apostle of the East Angles. Fursey, A., preacher among' the East Angles. Ultan, A., brother of St. Fursey. Foillau, B.M., brother of St. Fursey, preacher in the Netherlands. Botulph, A., in Lincolnshu'e or Sussex. Ithamar, B. of Eochester. Birinus, B. of Dorchester. Hedda, B. of Dorchester. Egwin, B. of Worcester. SEVENTH CENTURY. Paet III. 690 Sept. 19. Theodore, Archb. of Canterbury. 709 Jan. 9. Adrian, A. in Canterbury. 709 May 25. Aldhelm, B. of Sherborne, pupil of St. Adrian. SEVENTH CENTURY. Paet IV. Winefred, V.M. in Wales. Liephard, M.B., slain near Carabray. Beuno, A., kinsman of St. Cadocus and St. Kentlgern. Osgitha, Q.V.M., in East Anglia during a Danish inroad. Elerius, A. in Wales. Bathildis, Q., wife of Clovis II., king of France. Lewinna, V.M., put to death by the Saxons. Edberga and Edgitha, VV. of Aylesbury. SEVENTH CENTURY. Paet V. Paulinus, Archb. of York, companion of St. Augustine. Edwin, K. of Northumberland. Ethelburga, Q., vdfe to St. Edwin. Oswald, K.M., St. Edwin's nephew. Oswin, K.M., cousin to St. Oswald. Ebba, V.A. of Coldingham, half-sister to St. Oswin. Adamnan, Mo. of Coldingham. SEVENTH CENTURY. Paet M. — Whitby. 650 Sept. 6. Bega, V.A., foundress of St. Bee's, called after her. 681 Nov. 17. Hilda, A. of ^Vhitby, daughter of St. Edwin's nephew. 716 Dec. 11. Elfleda, A. of Whitby, daughter of St. Oswin. 680 Feb. 12. Cedmon, Mo. of Whitby. 630 Nov. 3. 642 Feb. 4. 660 Jan. 14. 673 Oct. 7. 630 June 14. 680 Jan. 27. 687 July 24. 700 July 18. 644 Oct. 10. 633 Oct. 12. Dec. 13. 642 Aug. 5. 651 Aug. 20. 683 Aug. 23. 689 Jan. 31. 332 NOTE D. SEVENTH AND EIGHTH CENTURIES. Paet I. Sept. 21. Hereswlda, Q., sister of Hilda, wife of Annas, who suc- ceeded Egric, Sigebert's cousin. 654 Jan. 10. Sethrida, V.A. of Faremoutier, St. Hereswida's daughter by a former marriage. 693 Apr. 30. Erconwald, A.B., son of Annas and St. Hereswida, Bishop of London, Abbot of Chertsey, founder of Barking. 677 Aug. 29. Sebbus, K., converted by St. Erconwald. May 31. Jurmin, C, son of Annas and St. Hereswida. 650 July 7. Edelburga, V.A. of Faremoutier, natural daughter of Annas. 679 June 23. Etheh-eda, Etheldreda, Etheltrudis, or Awdry, V.A., daughter of Annas and St. Hereswida. Mar. 17. Withburga, V., daughter of Annas and St. Hereswida. 699 July 6. Sexburga, A., daughter of Annas and St. Hereswida. 660 July 7. Ercongota, or Ertougata, V.A. of Faremoutier, daughter of St. Sexburga. 699 Feb. 13. Ermenilda, Q.A., daughter of St. Sexburga, wife of Wulfere. aft. 675 Feb. 3. Wereburga, V., daughter of St. Ermenilda and Wulfere, patron of Chester, abt. 680 Feb. 27. Alnoth, H.M., bailiff to St. Wereburga. 640 Aug. 31. Eanswida, V.A., sister-in-law of St. Sexburga, grand- daughter to St. Ethelbert. 668 Oct. 17. Etheh-ed and Ethelbright, MM., nephews of St. Ean- swida. July 30. Ermenigitha, V., niece of St. Eanswida. 676 Oct. 11. Edilberga, V.A. of Barking, daughter of Annas and St. Hereswida. 678 Jan. 26. Theoritgida, V., nun of Barking. aft. 713 Aug. 31. Cuthberga, Q.V., of Barking, sister of St. Ina. 700 Mar. 24. Hildelitha, A. of Barking. 728 Feb. 6. Ina, K. Mo. of the West Saxons. 740 May 24. Ethelburga, Q., wife of St. Ina, nun at Barking. SEVENTH AND EIGHTH CENTURIES. Paet II. Idaburga, V. Kineburga, Q.A. Kinneswitha, V. \- Daughters of King Penda. Chidestre, V. Weeda, V.A. _ J Tibba, V., their kinswoman. Rumwald, C, grandson of Penda. Ermenburga, Q., mother to the three following. SXv\^;ofS:* ] Gran> 21, „ . 129 24, tt . 157 October 29(?)„ . 132 „ 25, it . 159 JN'ovember J) . 135 „ 26, a . 162 March 15, 1841 . 137 March 6, 1842 . 177 ft 20, „ . 170 April 14, it . 173 a 24, „ . 208 October 16, it . 171 it 25, „ . 137 November 22, it . 193 April 1. „ . 137 Feb. 25, & 28, 1843 . 181 j> 4, „ . 138 March 3, a . 182 j> 8, ), . 138 8, it . 184 it 8, „ . 187 May 4, it . 208 it 26, „ . 188 18, tt . 209 May 5, „ . 188 June 20, it . 178 a 9, „ . 138 July 16, a . 179 June 18, „ . 189 August 29, a . 213 LETTERS AND PAPERS OF THE AUTHOR, &C. 365 August 30, 1843 PAGE . 179 November 16, 1844 PAGE . 228 September 7, „ . 213 24, a . 229 j> '^^f i) . 225 1844 (?) . 225 October 14, „ . 219 1844 or 1845 . 167 » 25, „ . 221 January 8, 1845 . 230 j> 31, „ . 223 March 30, . 231 November 13, „ . 140 April 3, . 232 1843 or 1844 . 178 16, . 180 January 22, 1844 . 226 June 1, . 232 February 21, „ . 226 17, . 180 April 3, „ . 205 October 8, . 234 )) 8, „ . 226 November 8, . 155 July 14, „ . 197 25, . 235 September 16, „ . 227 January 20, 1846 . 236 November 7, „ . 230 December 6, 1849 . 185 u >» . 211 SUPPLEMENTAL MATTER. II. LIST OF THE AUTHOR'S PUBLICATIONS. The request has been made to me from various quarters for a list of my writings. This I now give, as follows [up to Christmas, 1873] :— 1 — 8. Parochial and Plain Sermons Rivington?. 9. Sermons on Subjects of the Day Rivingtous. 10. University Sermons Rivingtons. 11. Sermons to Mixed Congregations .... Burns and Gates. 12. Occasional Sermons Burns and Gates. 13. Lectures on the Prophetical Gffice of the Church . . Gut of print. 14. Lectures on Justification Rivingtons. 15. Lectures on the Difficulties of Anglicans, &c., with Letter to Dr. Pusey Burns and Gates. 16. Lectures on the present position of Catholics . . Burns and Gates. 17. Essay in Aid of a Grammar of Assent . . . Burns and Gates. 18. Two Essays on Miracles Pickering. 19. 20. Essays, Critical and Historical, with Notes. 1. Poetry. 2. Rationalism. 3. De la Mennais. 4. Pal- mer on Faith and Unity. 5. St. Ignatius. 6. Pros- pects of the Anglican Church. 7. The Anglo-American Church. 8. Countess of Huntingdon. 9. Catholicity of the Anglican Church. 10. The Antichrist of Pro- testants. 11. Milman's Christianity. 12. Reformation of the Eleventh Century. 13. Private Judgment. 14. Davison. 15. Kehle Pickering. 21. Discussions and Arguments. 1. How to accomplish it. 2. Antichrist of the Fathers. 3. Scripture and the Creed. 4. Tam worth Reading Room. 5. Who's to Blame ? 6. An Argument for Christianity . . Pickering. 22. Pamphlets Gut of print. 23. Idea of a University. 1. Nine Discourses. 2. Gccasional Lectures and Essays Pickering. 2 i. Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine . . Toovey. 25. Annotated Translation of Athanasius .... Parker. LIST OF THE AUTIIOE^'s PUBLICATIOXS. , 3C7 2G. Theological Tracts. 1. Dissertatiunculse. 2, Doctrinal Causes of Arianism. 3. ApoUinarianism. 4. St. Cyril's Formula. 5. Ordo de Tempore. 6. Douay version of Scripture ......... Pickering. 27. The Arians of the Fourth Century Lumley. 28—30. Historical Sketches. 1. The Turks. 2. Cicero. 3. Apollonius. 4. Primitive Christianity. 5. Church of the Fathers. 6. St. Chrysostom. 7. Theodoret. 8. St. Benedict. 9. Benedictine Schools. 10. Uni- versities. 11. Northmen and Normans. 12. Mediaeval Oxford. 13. Convocation of Canterbury . . . Pickering. 31. Loss and Gain Burns and Gates. 32. Callista Burns and Gates. 33. Verses on Various Gccasions Burns and Gates. 31. Apologia pro Vita sua Longmans. 368 SUPPLEMENTAL MATTEK. IIL LETTER OF APPROBATIOX AND ENCOURAGEMENT FROM THB BISHOP OF THE DIOCESE OF BIRMINGHAM, DR. ULLA- THORNE. "Bishop's House, June 2, 1804. "My dear Dr. Newman, — "It was with warm gratification that, after the close of the Synod yesterday, I listened to the Address presented to you by the clergy of the diocese, and to your impressive reply. But I should have been little satisfied with the part of the silent listener, except on the understanding with myself that I also might afterwards express to you my own sentiments in my own way. " We have now been personally acquainted, and much more than acquainted, for nineteen years, during more than sixteen of which we have stood in special relation of duty towards each other. This has been one of the singular bless- ings which God has given me amongst the cares of the Episcopal office. What my feelings of respect, of confidence, and of affection have been towards you, you know well, nor should I think of expressing them in words. But there is one thing that has struck me in this day of explanations, which you could not, and would not, be disposed to do, and which no one could do so properly or so authentically as I could, and which it seems to me is not altogether un- called for, if every kind of erroneous impression that some persons have enter- tained with no better evidence than conjecture is to be removed. " It is difficult to comprehend how, in the face of facts, the notion should ever have arisen that during your Catholic life, you have been more occupied with your own thoughts than with the service of religion and the work of the Church, If we take no other work into consideration beyond the written pro- ductions which your Catholic pen has given to the world, they are enough for the life's labour of another. There are the Lectures on Anglican Difficulties, the Lectures on Catholicism in England, the great work on the Scope and End of University Education, that on the Office and Work of Universities, the Lectures and Essays on University Subjects, and the two Volumes of Sermons; not to speak of your contributions to the Atlantis, which you founded, and to other periodicals ; then there are those beautiful offerings to Catholic literature, the Lectures on the Turks, Loss and Gain, and Callista, and though last, not least, the Apologia, which is destined to put many idle LETTER OF DR. IJLLATHORNE. 369 rumours to rest, and many unprofitable surmises; and yet all these productions represent but a portion of your labour, and that in the second half of your period of public life. " These works have been written in the midst of labour and cares of another kind, and of which the world knows very little. I will specify four of these undertakings, each of a distinct character, and any one of which would have made a reputation for untiring energy in the practical order. " The first of these undertakings was the establishment of the congregation of the Oratory of St. Philip Neri — that great ornament and accession to the force of English Catholicity. Both the London and the Birmingham Oratory must look to you as their founder and as the originator of their characteristic excellences; whilst that of Birmingham has never known any other presi- dency. "No sooner was this work fairly on foot than you were called by the highest authority to commence another, and one of yet greater magnitude and difficulty, the founding of a University in Ireland. After the Universities had been lost to the Catholics of these kingdoms for three centuries, every thing had to be begun from the beginning : the idea of such an institution to be inculcated, the plan to be formed that would work, the resources to be gathered, and the staff of superiors and professors to be brought together. Your name was then the chief point of attraction which brought these ele- ments together. You alone know what difficulties you had to conciliate and what to surmount, before the work reached that state of consistency and pro- mise, which enabled you to return to those responsibiUties in England which you had never laid aside or suspended. And here, excuse me if I give ex- pression to a fancy which passed through my mind. " I was lately reading a poem, not long published, from the MSS. De Rerum Natura, by Neckham, the foster-brother of Richard the Lion-hearted. He quotes an old prophecy, attributed to Merlin, and with a sort of wonder, as if recollecting that England owed so much of its literary learning to that country; and the prophecy says that after long years Oxford will pass into Ireland — * Vada bourn suo tempore transibunt in Hiberniam.' When I read this, I could not but indulge the pleasant fancy that in the days when the Dublin University shall arise in material splendour, an allusion to this pro- phecy might form a poetic element in the inscription on the pedestal of the statue which commemorates its first Rector. "The original plan of an Oratory did not contemplate any parochial work, but you could not contemplate so many souls in want of pastors without being prompt and ready at the beck of authority to strain all your efforts in coming to their help. And this brings me to the third and the most continuous of those labours to which I have alluded. The mission in Alcester Street, its church and schools, were the first work of the Birmingham Oratory. After several years of close and hard work, and a considerable call upon the private resources of the Fathers who had established this congregation, it was de- B b 6i{j SUPPLEMENTAL MATTER, livered over to other hands, and the Fathers removed to the distrint of Edgbaston, where up to that time nothing Catholic had appeared. Then arose under your direction the large convent of the Oratory, the church expanded by degrees into its present capaciousness, a numerous congregation has gathered and grown in it ; poor schools and other pious institutions have grown up in connexion with it, and, moreover, equally at your expense and that of your brethren, and, as I have reason to know, at much inconvenience, the Oratory has relieved the other clergy of Birmingham all this while by constantly doing the duty in the poor-house and gaol of Birmingham. " More recently still, the mission and the poor school at Smethwick owe their existence to the Oratory. And all this while the founder and father of these religious works has added to his other solicitudes the toil of frequent preaching, of attendance in the confessional, and other parochial duties. " [ have read on this day of its publication the seventh part of the Apologia, and the touching allusion in it to the devotedness of the Catholic clergy to the poor in seasons of pestilence reminds me that when the cholera raged so dreadfully at Bilston, and the two priests of the town were no longer equal to the number of cases to which they were hurried day and night, I asked you to lend me two fathers to supply the place of other priests whom i wished to send as a further aid. But you and Father St. John preferred to take the place of danger which I had destined for others, and remained at Bilston till the worst was over. " The fourth work which I would notice is one more widely known. I refer to the school for the education of the higher classes, which at the solicita- tion of many friends you have founded and attached to the Oratory. Surely after reading this bare enumeration of work done, no man will venture to say that Dr. Newman is leading a comparatively inactive life in the service of the Church. " To spare, my dear Dr. Newman, any further pressure on those feelings with which I have already taken so large a liberty, I will only add one word more for my own satisfaction. During our long intercourse there is only one subject on which, after the first experience, I have measured m.y words with some caution, and that has been where questions bearing on ecclesiastical duty have arisen. I found some little caution necessary, because you were always so prompt and ready to go even beyond the slightest intimation of my wish or desires. *' That God may hless you with health, life, and all the spiritual good which you desire, you and your brethren of the Oratory, is the earnest prayer now and often of, " My dear Dr. Newman, ** Your affectionate friend and faithful servant in Christ, " + W. B. ULLATHORNE." LETTEHS OF APPROBATION, &C. 371 lY. LETTERS OF APPROBATION AND ENCOURAGEMENT FROM CLERGY AND LAITY. It requires some words of explanation whj I allow myself to sound my own praises so loudly, as I am doing by adding to my Yolume the following Letters, written to me last year by large bodies of my Catholic brethren, Priests, and Laymen, in the course or on the conclusion of the publication of my Apologia. I have two reasons for doing so. 1. It seems hardly respectful to them, and hardly fair to myself, to practise self-denial in a matter, which after all belongs to others as well as to me. Bodies of men be- come authorities by the fact of being bodies, over and above the personal claims of the individuals who constitute them. To have received such unusual Testimonials in my favour, as I have to produce, and then to have let both those Testimonials and the generous feelings which dictated them be wasted, and come to nought, would have been a rudeness of which I could not bear to be guilty. Far be it from me to show such ingratitude to those who were especially "friends in need/' I am too proud of their approbation not to publish it to the world. 2. But I have a further reason. The belief obtains extensively in the country at large, that Catholics, and especially the Priesthood, disavow the mode and form, in which I am accustomed to teach the Catholic faith, as if they were not generally recognized, but something special and peculiar to myself; as if, whether for the purposes 372 SUPPLEMENTAL :MATTER. of controversy, or from the traditions of an earlier period of my life, I did not exhibit Catholicism pure and simple, as the bulk of its professors manifest it. Such testimonials, then, as now follow, from as many as 558 priests, that is, not far from half of the clergy of England, secular and religious, from the Bishop and clergy of a diocese at the Antipodes, and from so great and authoritative a body as the Grerman Congress assembled last year at Wurzburg, scatter to the winds a suspicion, which it is not less pain- ful, I am persuaded, to numbers of those Protestants who entertain it, than it is injurious to me who have to bear it. I. THE DIOCESE OF WESTMINSTER. The following Address was signed by 110 of the Westminster clergy, including all the Canons, the Vicars- General, a great number of secular priests, and five Doctors in theology ; Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Fathers of the Order of St. Dominic, of St. Francis, of the Oratory, of the Passion, of Charity, Oblates of St. Charles, and Marists. "London, March 15, 1864. " Very Reverend and Dear Sir, " We, the undersigned Priests of the Diocese of Westminster, tender to you our respectful thanks for the service you have done to religion, as well as to the interests of literary morality, by your Reply to the calumnies of [a popular writer of the day.] " We cannot but regard it as a matter of congratulation that your assailant should have associated the cause of the Catholic Priesthood with the name of one so well fitted to represent its dignity, and to defend its honour, as yourself. "We recognize in this latest effort of your literary power one further claim, besides the many you have already established, to the gratitude and venera- tion of Catholics, and trust that the reception which it has met with on all LETTERS OF APPROBATION, &C. > 37H sides may be the omen of new successes which you are destined to achieve in the vindication of the teaching and principles of the Church. "We are, "Very Reverend and Dear Sir, " Your faithful and affectionate Servants in Christ." {The Subscriptions follow.) " To the Very Rev. ** John Henry Newman, D.D." II. — THE ACADEMIA OF CATHOLIC RELIGION. " London, April 19, 18G4. ** Very Rev. and Dear Sir, " The Academia of Catholic Religion, at their meeting held to-day, under the Presidency of the Cardinal Archbishop, have instructed us to write to you in their behalf. " As they have learned, with great satisfaction, that it is your intention to publish a defence of Cathohc Veracity, which has been assailed in your person, they are precluded from asking you that that defence might be made by word of mouth, and in London, as they would otherwise have done. " Composed, as the Academia is, mainly of Laymen, they feel that it is not out of their province to express their indignation that your opponent should have chosen, while praising the Catholic Laity, to do so at the expense of th* Clergy, between whom and themselves, in this as in all other matters, there exists a perfect identity of principle and practice. " It is because, in such a matter, your cause is the cause of all Catholics, that we congratulate ourselves on the rashness of the opponent that has thrown the defence of that cause into your hands. " We remain, *' Very Reverend and Dear Sir, " Your very faithful Ser^^ants, "JAMES LAIRD PATTERSON,) ~ ^^, .^, "EDW. LUCAS, ] Secretaries. "To the Very Rev. John Henry Newman, D.D., " Provost of the Birmingham Oratory." The above was moved at the meeting by Lord Petre, and seconded by the Hon. Charles Langdale. 374 SUPPLEMENTAL MATTER. III. — THE DIOCESE OF BIRMINGHAM. In this Diocese there were in 1864, according to the Directory of the year, 136 Priests. "June I, 10fi4. •* Very Reverend and Dear Sir, ** In availing ourselves of your presence at the Diocesan Synod to offer you our hearty thanks for your recent vindication of the honour of the Catholic Priesthood, We, the Provost and Chapter of the Cathedral, and the Clergy, Secular and Regular, of the Diocese of Birmingham, cannor. forego the assertion of a special right, as your neighbours and colleagues, to express our veneration and affection for one whose fidelity to the dictates of conscience, in the use of the highest intellectual gifts, has won even from opponents unbounded admiration and respect. **To most of us you are personally known. Of some, indeed, you were, in years long past, the trusted guide, to whom they owe more than can be ex- pressed in words ; and all are conscious that the ingenuous fulness of your answer to a false and unprovoked accusation, has intensified their interest in the labours and trials of your life. While, then, we resent the indignity to which you have been exposed, and lament the pain and annoyance which the manifestation of yourself must have cost you, we cannot but rejoice that, in the fulfilment of a duty, you have allowed neither the unworthiness of your assailant to shield him from rebuke, nor the sacredness of your inmost motives to deprive that rebuke of the only form which could at once complete his discomfiture, free your own name from the obloquy which prejudice had cast upon it, and afford invaluable aid to honest seekers after Truth. " Great as is the work which you have already done, Very Reverend Sir, permit us to express a hope that a greater yet remains for you to accomplish. In an age and in a country in which the very foundations of religious faith are exposed to assault, we rejoice in numbering among our brethren one so well quahfied by learning and experience to defend that priceless deposit of Trutli, in obtaining which you have counted as gain the loss of all things most dear and precious. And we esteem ourselves happy in being able to offer you that support and encouragement which the assurance of our unfeigned admiration and regard may be able to give you under your present trials and future labours. "That you may long have strength to labour for the Church of God and the glory of His Holy Name is, Very Reverend and Dear Sir, our heartfelt and united prayer." ( The Subscriptions foll'oio.) •* To the Very Rev. John Henry Newman, D.D." LETTERS OF APPROBATION, &C. 375 IV. THE DIOCESE OF BEVERLEY. The following Address, as is stated in the first para- graph, comes from more than 70 Priests : — «' Hull, May 9, 18fi4. " Very Rev, and Dear Dr. Newman, " At a recent meeting of the clergy of the Diocese of Beverley, held in York, at which upwards of seventy priests were present, special attention was called to your correspondence with [a popular writer] ; and such was the enthusiasm with which your name was received — such was the admiration expressed of the dignity with which you had asserted the claims of the Catholic Priesthood in England to be treated with becoming courtesy and respect — and such was the strong and all-pervading sense of the invaluable service which you had thus rendered, not only to faith and morals, but to good manners so far as regarded religious controversy in this country, that I was requested, as Chairman, to become the voice of the meeting, and to express to you as strongly and as earnestly as I could, how heartily the whole of the clergy of this diocese desire to thank you for services to religion as well-timed as they are in themselves above and beyond all commenda- tion, services which the Catholics of England will never cease to hold in most grateful remembrance. God, in His infinite wisdom and great mercy, has raised you up to stand prominently forth in the glorious work of re-estab- lishing in this country the holy faith which in good old times shed such lustre upon it. We all lament that, in the order of nature, you have so few years before you in which to fight against false teaching that good fight in which you have been so victoriously engaged of late. But our prayers are that you may long be spared, and may possess to the last all your vigour, and all that zeal for the advancement of our holy faith, which imparts such a charm to the productions of your pen. I esteem it a great honour and a great privilege to have been deputed, as the representative of the clergy of the Diocese of Beverley, to tender you the fullest expression of our most grateful thanks, and the assurance of our prayers for your health and eternal happiness. ** I am, " Very Rev. and Dear Sir, '* With sentiments of profound respect, " Yours most faithfully in Christ, " M. TRAPPES. " The Very Rev. Dr. Newman." 376 SUPPLEMENTAL MATTER. V. AND VI. — THE DIOCESES OF LIVERPOOL AND SALFORD. The Secular Clergy of Liverpool amounted in. 1864 to 103, andofSalfordto76. " Preston, July 27, 18G4. " Very Rev. and Dear Sir, " It may seem, perhaps, that the Clergy of Lancashire have been slovr to address you ; but it vrould be incorrect to suppose that they have been indifferent spectators of the conflict in which you have been recently engaged. This is the first opportunity that has presented itself, and they gladly avail themselves of their annual meeting in Preston to tender to you the united expression of their heartfelt sympathy and gratitude. " The atrocious imputation, out of which the late controversy arose, was felt as a personal affront by them, one and all, conscious as they were, that it was mainly owing to your position as a distinguished Catholic ecclesiastic, that the charge was connected with your name. " While they regret the pain you must needs have suffered, they cannot help rejoicing that it has afforded you an opportunity of rendering a new and most important service to their holy religion. Writers, who are not overscrupulous about the truth themselves, have long used the charge of untruthfulness as an ever ready weapon against the Catholic Clergy. Partly from the frequent repe- tition of this charge, partly from a consciousness that, instead of undervaluing the truth, they have ever prized it above every earthly treasure, partly, too, from the difficulty of obtaining a hearing in their own defence, they have gene- rally passed it by in silence. They thank you for coming forvv'ard as their champion : your own character required no vindication. It was their battle more than your own that you fought. They know and feel how much pain it has caused you to bring so prominently forward your own life and motives, but they now congratulate you on the completeness of your triumph, as ad- mitted alike by friend and enemy. " In addition to answering the original accusation, you have placed them under a new obligation, by giving to all, who read the English language, a work which, for literary ability and the lucid exposition of many diflScult and abstruse points, forms an invaluable contribution to our literature. " They fervently pray that God may give you health and length of days, and, if it please Him, some other cause in which to use for His glory the great powers bestowed upon you. " Signed on behalf of the Meeting, "THOS. PROVOST COOKSON. «' The Very Rev. J. H. Newman." LETTERS OF APPROBATION, &C. . 377 VTI. — THE DIOCESE OF HEXHAM. The Secular Priests on Mission in 1864 in this Diocese were 64. "Durham, Sept. 22, 18G1. " My Dear Dr. Newman, " At the annual meeting of the Clergy of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle, held a few days ago at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, I was commis- sioned by them to express to you their sincere sympathy, on account of the slanderous accusations, to which you have been so unjustly exposed. We are fully aware that these foul calumnies were intended to injure the character of the whole body of the Catholic Clergy, and that your distinguished name was singled out, in order that they might be more effectually propagated. It is well that these poisonous shafts were thus aimed, as no one could more tri- umphantly repel them. The ' Apologia pro Vita sua' will, if possible, render still more illustrious the name of its gifted author, and be a lasting monument of the victory of truth, and the signal overthrow of an arrogant and reckless assailant. " It may appear late for us now to ask to join in yjur triumph, but as the Annual Meeting of the Northern Clergy does not take place till this time, it is the first occasion offered us to present our united congratulations, and to de- clare to you, that by none of your brethren are you more esteemed and vene- rated, than by the Clergy of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle. " Wishing that Almighty God may prolong your life many more years for the defence of our holy religion and the honour of your brethren, "I am, dear Dr. Newman, " Yours sincerely in Jesus Christ, "RALPH PROVOST PLATT, V. G. " The Very Rev. J. H. Newman." VIII. — THE CONGRESS OF WfJRZBURG. 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