!<í<í_^ xlvii xlviii 1 li liii liv Ivi Ivii lix Ix 5» Ixiii Ixiv Ixvi Ixvii VI CONTENTS. 1596. 1597. 1598. 1599- 1600. 1601 1602 1603 1608. 1616, Negociations with the Enghsh for peace Correspondence with the King of Spain O'Conor Sligo . . , . . Lord Borough Deputy ; he attempts Ballyshannon Death of Lord Borough and of the Earl of Kildare Correspondence with Spain Negociations for peace ; the Blackwater Fort Battle of the Yellow Ford ; its consequences Essex Lord Lieutenant Battle of the Curlews ; death of Clifford Essex's journey to Ulster; interview with O'Neill O'Neill's hosting to Munster Maguire's encounter with St. Leger Moryson's account of the state of Ireland . Lord Mountjoy Deputy ; his instructions . English garrisons are planted at Culm ore, Derry, Dunalon Sir Art O'Neill and O'Cahan join the English Correspondence with the King of Spain Henry O'Neill is sent to the Spanish Court State of the English garrison in Derry Niall Garbh O'Donnell passes over to the English He takes possession of Donegal monastery Hopes of aid from Spain . The Spaniards land at Kinsale Diaries of the Siege of Kinsale The Spaniards surrender Rincorran De Zubriaur's account of the landing O'Donnell's march to Kinsale The President of Munster tries to intercept him O'Neill's march to Munster Condition of the English before Kinsale '. The battle of Kinsale The Irish return to their homes Surrender of the Spaniards in Kinsale O'Donnell goes to Spain ; his reception there His letters to the King His illness and death at Simancas . The * practises ' employed against the Irish chiefs O'Donnell's burial-place His will ..... Conry's statement ; the King's reply The northern chiefs make terms with Mountjoy Fate of Niall Garbh O'Donnell The Cathach .... Death of Hugh O'Neill . PAGE Ixviii Ixxvi Ixxxiv Ixxxvi Ixxxix J> xc xciii xcviii ci civ cix cxi cxii )) cxiv cxv cxvi cxxi cxxiii cxxiv cxxvii cxxix cxxxiii cxxxiv cxxxv cxxxvii cxxxviii cxxxix )J cxl cxli • cxUi cxliii JJ cxlv cxlix cl clii cliii J» cliv clvi civil CONTENTS. VII II. Life of Hugh Roe O'Donnell. The children of Hugh O'Donnell, son of Manus Hugh Roe's birth ; prophecies concerning him The Ear] O'Neill .... 1587. Hugh Roe is captured and confined in the castle of Dublin 1590. His first escape and recapture 1592. His second escape to Glenmalure; his sufterings on the way He makes his way through Dublin to the north Ineen Dubh ; her descent, her character . Hugh Roe is inaugurated chief He preys the territory of Turlough Luineach O'Neill Negociations for peace with the Lord Justice Hostility of Niall Garbh O'Donnell and O'Doherty 1593. An Envoy is sent to Spain Maguire takes up arms ; he is defeated at Áthculuain 1594. Enniskillen is besieged by Hugh Roe Battle of the Ford of the Biscuits 1595. Hugh Roe's hostings into Connaught and Annaly . O'Neill takes part with Hugh Roe openly . George Oge Bingham plunders Tory ; his death . Sligo castle is surrendered to Hugh Roe; he preys Leyny, &c. Captain Martin is slain .... Hugh Roe appoints MacWilliam and other chiefs . 1596. Cobos comes as Envoy from the King of Spain Norn's' expedition to the North Negociations for peace .... Sir Conyers Clifford is appointed Governor of Connaught O'Conor Sligo ..... 1597. Hugh Roe preys Connaught ; he takes Athenry Lord Borough Deputy ; he attempts Ballyshannon His second expedition to the north ; his death 1598. The fort on the Blackvvater Sir Henry Bagnal . Battle of Beal Atha Buidhe Armagh is surrendered by the English Ballymote is captured and given to Hugh Roe The Desmond war in Munster Death of Philip 11. Hugh Roe preys Clanricarde Essex is sent as Lord Lieutenant . 1599. Hugh Roe preys Thomond Mailin Oge MacBriody's eulogy of Hugh Roe Materials of war come from Spain . 3 5 7 13 19 25 39 41 43 51 55 61 ?j 67 73 77 89 91 93 lOI III 117 119 121 127 )) 131 141 155 163 167 175 177 179 i8i I S3 185 )j 197 199 Vlll CONTENTS. Siege of CoUooney Castle . Battle of the Curlews Death of Sir Conyers Clifford O'Conor Sligo surrenders to Hugh Roe 1600. O'Neill visits Munster Maguire's encounter with St. Leger Dispute about the chieftaincy of Fermanagh Lord Mountjoy Deputy ; his instructions . Shane Oge O'Doherty Culmore, Dunalong, and Derry are garrisoned by the English Hugh Roe preys Clanricarde and Thoitiond " Captures horses of the garrison of Derry Docwra's conflict with Hugh, son of Hugh Dubh Niall Garbh's treachery Hugh Roe besieges Niall Garbh and the English in Lifford Manus O'Donnell is slain by Niall Garbh . Death of Hugh, sq;i of Manus • . Aid is sent from Spain 1 60 1. Death of Shane Oge O'Doherty; choice of his successor . Treachery of O'Conor Sligo .... The Earl of Clanricarde preys Moylurg, Magh Aoi Niall Garbh takes possession of the monastery of Donegal He is besieged by Hugh Roe .... Destruction of the monastery .... The Spaniards land at Kinsale .... Hugh Roe marches to join them ; Carew is sent to intercept him O'Neill's march to Kinsale ... The Irish before Kinsale ; sufferings of the English Attack on the English camp The Irish are defeated .... 1602. Hugh Roe goes to Spain; his reception there His death at Simancas .... His character, &c. ..... The state of the Gaels after his death I LLUSTRATIONS. Facsimile of O'Clery's manuscript Dublin Castle in 1566 .... Enniskillen Castle in 1616 . Facsimile of the letter of O'Neill and O'Donnell to Don Carolo Donegal Monastery .... Kinsale in 1602 ..... Facsimile of the letter of Hugh Roe O'Donnell to Philip iii. Simancas Castle ..... The Cathach . . . PAGE 201 209 219 221 225 229 233 ?> 235 237 247 249 5> 255 257 263 265 269 273 279 283 289 5> 293 299 307 309 311 3^5 321 325 327 329 to face p.i xxxvi Iviii Ixxviii cxxviii cxxxiv cxlviii cl clvi INTRODUCTION HE CiNEL CONAILL or the O'DON NELLS and their correlatives derive their descent from Golamh Milidh, i.e., Golamh the Knight, commonly known as Milesius, who is said by our ancient writers to have come at the head of a colony from Spain to Ireland about fifteen hundred years before the Christian era. They attempted a landing first at Inver- Slainge, now the harbour of Wexford, but were hindered by the Tuatha de Danann, who were then in possession of the island and had established a settled form of government there under a king residing at Tara. These, by means of the incantations of their Druids, brought about such storms that a considerable number of the invaders perished at sea, among them five of the sons of Milesius. The three that survived, with their followers, effected a landing at Inver Colpa, near Drogheda. Immediately they set fire to their ships, in order to cut off all thought of retreat. In two pitched battles, which took place at Slieve Mis^ and Teltown, they defeated the Tuatha de Danann. These, completely disheartened by the death of their three commanders, submitted to their opponents and handed over to them the government of the country ,2 withdrawing to Aran, Rathlin, and other remote parts, where two centuries before an older colony, the Firbolgs, worsted by them, had sought refuge^ from their pursuers and built fortresses ^ to secure themselves from further attack. The two Milesian chiefs Eber and Eremon governed the whole island jointly for a while. A dispute, however, sprung up between them ; this was settled by the intervention of their brother Amergin, who assigned ^ Slieve Mis. — Eight miles S. of Tralee, Co. Kerry. Teltown is midway between Navan and Kells, Co. Meath. 2 Country. — Keating, History of Ireland, p. 133 ; Dublin, 1859. 3 Refuge. — Ibid., p. 85. '^Fortresses. — As Dun Oengus and Dun Eochil in Aran, and Staigue fort near Sneem, Co. Kerry. See a description of the first in Petrie's Essay on Military Architecture in Ireland before the Eftglish hivasion; MS. in R. I. Academy. b the northern half of the island to Eremon, the southern to Eber. In an ancient Irish poem attributed to St. Mura^ of Fahan, it is said that Eremon took the north As the inheritance of his race; With its antiquity, witli its prosperity, With its rights, With its fortresses, with its troops, Fierce, active. With its rash fights, With its cattle. Eber took the south of Eri — The order was so agreed on — With its activity, with its power, With its harmony, With its victories, with its grandeur, With its hospitality, With its vivacity combined with hardiness, With its loveliness, with its purity. Of the race of Eremon are the Lagenians,"^ Of fame renowned, Leith Cuinn,3 Connaught, Niall of the south, ^ Niall of the north.^ But dissensions soon sprung up between them again owing to the covetousness of Eber's wife, who, dissatisfied with her husband's share, wished to be queen of the three most fruitful valleys of the island. The battle of Geashil ^ was the result, in which Eber was slain, Eremon became in consequence the sole monarch, and reigned undisturbed for fifteen years. From him were descended all the kings of Ireland, with but few exceptions, up to the time of the English invasion.'^ Here is their genealogy from ^ Si. Miira. — He was oftheCinelEoghain. Dublin to Clarenbridge, Co. Galway, called His feast is on March 12th. Fahan is on Eiscir Reada, was the boundary. Lough Swilly, ten miles N. W. of Derry. * Of the South. — The O'Melaghlins, See Colgan's Acta Sanctorum Hiberftice, p. O'Molloys, MacGeoghegans are so called; 587 ; Louvain, 1645. they are descended from NialFs son Conall ■^ Lagenians. — The Leinster tribes, Crimthann. O'Conors Faly, O'Byrnes, MacMurroughs. ° North. — This poem will be found in The ^ Leith Cuiiin. — i.e.. Conn's half. See Book of LeÍ7ister, io\. xcix. Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 54, for a detailed ^ Geashil. — Midway between Portarling- account of the division of Ireland in the ton and Tullamore. 2nd century between Conn and EoghanMor. "^Invasion. — See OTlaherty's Ogygia, p. The line of sandhills running due west from 184 ; London, 1685. Ugaine Mor, twenty-third in descent from Milesius, as it is set down in our ancient chronicles ^ : I. Ugaine Mor, ardrigh A.M. 4567 2. Cobhthach Gael Breagh „ 4609 3- Melghe Molbhthach „ 4678 4- Irereo » 4720 5- Connla Caemh „ 4738 6. Oiliol Caisfhiaclach „ 4758 7- Eochaidh Ailtleathan „ 4788 8. Aengus Tuirmheach „ 4816 9- Enna Aigneach „ 4888 lO. Labhra Luirc II. Blathacta 12, Easamhuin Emha 13- Roighnein Ruadh 14. Finlogha 15- Finn 16. Eochaidh Feidleach A.M. 5058 17. Finneanihnas 18. Lughaidh Sriabnderg )5 5166 19. Crimhthann Niadhnair )) 5193 20. Fearadhach Finnfachtnach A.D. IS 21. Fiacha Finnfolaidh )) 40 22. Tuathal Techtmar )) 76 23- Feidhlimidh Rechtmar )> III 24. Conn Ceadcathach )> 123 25- Art ?) 166 26. Cormac MacAirt )) 227 27. Cairbre Liffeachair )> 268 28. Fiacha Sraibhtine )) "286 29. Muireadhach Tireach )) 327 30- Eochaidh Muighmeadhoin 5) 358 31- Niall Naoighiallach )J 379 A.D. 379. Niall ascended the throne of Ireland. He is known in history as Niall Naoighiallach, i.e., of the Nine Hostages, five of these being taken from the provinces of Ireland and four from Scotland, in order to secure the submission of both countries." His conquests extended even to Gaul ; after a successful incursion he brought home from that country among his captives a youth who was destined to become the apostle of Ireland. He had eight sons, all of whom left a numerous posterity ; from these some of the noblest families of Ireland derive their descent. The eldest was Laoghaire, who succeeded his father as ardrigh, and was reigning at Tara when St Patrick came there to preach the gospel. The fourth and youngest ^ of his sons were Eoghan and Conall, ancestors respectively of the Cinel Eoghain or O'Neills and of the Cinel Conaill or O'Donnells. Here is the pedigree ^ of the latter of these tribes from King Niall : ^ Chronicles. — The names and dates are taken from the Aiinalsofthe Four Masters; Dublin, 1856. In plate 14 of the folio edition of Keating's History of Irelajtd \\'\\\ be found ' The Regall Pedigree of Eremon, son of Milesius, á quo the Great O'Neill,' and the O'Donnells too. 2 Countries. — Keating, H. of I., p. 325. ^Youttgest.~The Battle of Magh Rath says they were born at one birth, p. 147 ; Dublin, 1841. * Pedigree. — Ibid., p. 335. O'Donovan says : 'If the pedigree of any Irish line is correct, it is that of the northern HyNeill from the introduction of Christianity.' Ibid.y p. 325. The family name is derived from Niall Glundubh, ardrigh from A.D. 915 to 917, at which last date he was slain by the Danes at the battle of Kilmashogue, near Rathfarnham, Co. Dublin. See Annals F. M., II. 593, where an account of this battle is given. Xll I. NiALL of the Nine Hostages, Ardrigh a.d. 379-405. Í Eoghan, a quo Cinel Eoghain. 1 2. Conall Gulban,^ a quo C. Conaill. I 3. Fergus Cennfada Í 4. Sedna Feidhlim Brenainn Ainmire, a quo O'Gallagher, O'Canannan, O'Muldory. 5. Lughaidh, a quo C. Luighdheach. St. Columkille I 6. Ronan 7. Garbh 8. Cennfaeladh r Fiaman Maengal I Dochartagh, h. quo O'Doherty. 9. Murchertagh Bradagan 10. Dalagh, a quo Clann Dalaigh. . I Baighell, a quo O'Boyle. 11. Eignechan 12. Domhnall Mor, a quo O'Donnell. 13. Cathbharr J 14. Gillachrist 15. Cathbharr 16. Conn 17. Tadhg 18. Aedh 19. Domhnall Calvagh. I Conn Niall Garbh 20. Donchadh 21. Eignechan 22. Domhnall Mor 23. Domhnall Oge 24. Aedh 25. Niall Garbh 26. Turlough an Fhiona 27. Niall Garbh 28. Aedh Ruadh 29. Aedh Dubh 30. Manus 31. Aedh==Ineen Dubh HUGH ROE Rury Manus Caffir ^ Conall Giilban. — So called because he was fostered at Ben Bulbin, Co. Sligo. See The Tribes and Customs of Hy Many, p. 313 ; Dublin, 1843. He was converted by St. Patrick, who made a cross with the point of his staff on the chief's shield, bidding him adopt the motto : In hoc signo vinces. See Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, p. 95 ; Louvain, 1645, and O'Curry'sii^/i". Materials of Irish History, p. 330 ; Dublin, 1861, XIU During tne lifetime of King Niall his son Conall went on an expedition against the clann Colla and the tribes of north Connaught to punish them for slaying his tutor Fiacha.^ He wrested from them a large territory, which he kept for himself and his brothers. An ancient poem^ in the Irish language, the author of which is supposed to be Flann, surnamed of the Monastery, written in praise of Conall and his tribe, gives us a history of these events, and also describes the division of territory made between the brothers. Conall, chief of the sons of Niall, Came from smooth-sided Tara, To avenge his wrongs in the northern land, On the province of Uladh^ of hard weapons. Conall gained fifty battles After coming forth from Tara ; Against him was not won — it was great luck — Battle, conflict, or combat. No evil was done to a man Of the clann Neill of great renown, That was not reported to him, To valorous Conall Gulban. No evil was done to the friends Of Conall — regal his great bounty, Their source he is, and fierce his fame — That a knight's head should not repay. Conall accorded nor justice nor right To an enemy — regal the rule — But to destroy hosts for the affront And devastate all his country. He allowed no justice to the northern land Till he vigorously contested it. After contesting it — no weak step — He quickly divided its domains. The half for himself he took by his right. For with him the expedition went ; Half for his closely united brothers, For Cairbre, Enna, and Eoghan. ^ Fiacha. — See O'Curry's Manners and vince in ancient times included only the Customs of the Ancient Irish , ii. i6i ; Dub- territory to the east of Glenrigheand of the lin, 1873. lower Bann and Lough Neagh, wliich is 2 Poem. — In The Book of Fenagk, pp. now represented by the counties of Down 313-317 ; Dublin, 1875. ' and Antrim. — Topographical Poems, xv. ; 3 í//«í/>^.— Anglicised Ulster. This pro- Dublin, 1862. XIV Eoghan's land is known to me; From Srubh Brain^ to Glas nEnncha, Enna's land^ from that to the west, To Bearnas Mor* to Sruthail.^ Cairbre to the west of him, great honor ; Enna betwixt him and Eoghan; Fergus and stout Boghuine, His two good sons, to the north of him. Conall himself had, as share of the division, The three districts of Conall's land. From Ferta:s*' to the constant Dobhar/ And from Dobhar to Eidnech.^ From Eidnech — not a crooked track — Till it reaches southward to Cromchall;^ From Bearnas without weakness of tribes To Ros iter dha inbher.^° Cairbre's share westward after that To Faenglas^^ in Tircorainn.^^ . In this manner, not by chance, ^ Did they parcel out their lands. And the poet goes on to extol the valour of Conall : 'Tis comparing silk to yarn To compare the sons of Niall to any ; 'Tis comparing weaklings to heroes To compare the sons of Niall to Conall. ^ Sriibh Bt'ain. — Now Shreeve Point, in '' Dobhar. — The Gweedore river, the parish of Lower Moville, barony of * Eidtiech. — The river Eany, which flows Inishowen. into Inver bay, seven miles west of the town 2 Glas liEnncha. — Name is obsolete. of Donegal. ^ Ennds land. — Lying between Loughs ^ CrojJichall. — Not identified. Foyle and Svvilly. ^^* Ross iter dha Í7ibher — i.e.., the wooded * Bearjtas Mor — i.e., the great gap, now promontory between the two estuaries, one Barnesmore, a passage in the range of of the Rosses on Boylagh bay. mountains six miles N.E. of the town of "'■'^ Faenglas—i.e., the green slope; the Donegal, through which the railroad to name is now obsolete. Stranorlar passes. ^^ Tircorattn. — This territory included not ^ Sruthail. — Now Sruell, in the parish of only the present barony of Corran, Co. Sligo, Killyward, barony of Banagh. but also the barony of Leyny, in the same ^ Fertas. — Now Farsitmore, z.^., the great county, as well as Gaileanga, in Co. Mayo, ford, on the S willy, in the parish of Leek, See O'Rorke's History of Sligo, ii. 155 ; barony of Raphoe. Dublin, 1889. The prowess of brave Conn of the Hundred Battles Was in mighty Niall of the Nine Hostages ; But the valour of Niall of noble deeds Was in no son of his except in Conall. Of the descendants of Cairbre, another of the sons of Niall, and of their territory conterminous in great part with that of the descendants of Conall, Mac Firbis says : Of the dividen'J'bf the Hy Fiachrach'^ themselves Is the land of Cairbre of the level plains ; But of the Hy Neill is the lineage of the men, Easy for poets to enumerate them. Though noble the race of the men, The clann Cairbre of the flowery white mansions Are under the steward of the western people.^ So, too, TJie Book of Caillin^ — Ardmacha belongs to Eoghan's race. And Derry to the race of Conall. The seed of mild Cairbre have Druimcliabh,* .^ Though the Connacians like it not. May their thanks and their blessings Conduce unto my soul's quiet. But I grieve for my good people. How Cairbre upon them pressed.^ The Book of Rights, setting forth ' the stipends of the kings,^ from the king of Cashel, if he be king of Eire, and his visitation and refection among them on that account/ says in reference to the Cinel Conaill : ' Twenty rings, twenty chessboards, and twenty steeds to the king of Cinel Conaill, 1 Hy Fuickrach.—The descendants of times a religious establishment here. Some Fiachra, a brother of Niall; they inhabited old crosses and a portion of a round tower the present baronies of Carra, Erris, and still remain. Tirawley, Co. Mayo, and that of Tireragh, ^ Pressed.-— The Book of Fenagh, p. 399. Co. Sligo. See The Tribes and Customs ^ Kings. — In reference to the Irish cus- of Hy Fiachrach, ^. ^ ; Dublin, 1844. torn of giving the title of king to inde- "^Peopte. — Jbid.,^. 27J. pendent chiefs, O'FIaherty says: 'The ^ Caillin. — He was a contemporary of St. ancients called .those kings who had only Columba. His church is at Fenagh, near the government of one little town. Thus Ballinamore, Co. Leitrim. The book is Ulysses was king of Ithaca, whose terri- called also the Book of Fenas^h. tones Cicero compares to a small nest on '^Drtanctiabh. — '^ow Drumcliff, four the side of a rock. Joshua strangled thirty miles west of Sligo. There was in ancient kings in Palestine.' Ogjgia, p 32. XVI and a month's refection from the Cinel Conaill to him, and to escort him to Tir Eoghain.' ^ The king of Tir Conaill and the king of Tir Eoghain as such were independent of each other, or as our author puts it clearly : ' The Cinel Conaill had no right to obedience on the part of the Cinel Eoghain, but only to be accompanied by them when the sovereignty was held by the Cinel Conaill ; and the Cinel Conaill were bound to accompany the Cinel Eoghain when these had the sovereignty.' In the ancient poem of Flann Mainistrech already quoted the rights of the supreme chief and of those too who held a limited sway under hini, as well as the obligations of these to him, are set forth in great detail : Here is a history, not mean. For the king of bright Es Ruadh.^ What he is bound to give is not unknown, And what he receives from his chief tribes. Twelve vats of good ale, And thrice the measure of good malt, A hundred pigs, a hundred fat beeves, A hundred garments, a hundred fine cloaks. Three times three hundred cakes, Is the tribute of Cairbre to the arch king Every year, a choice without fault, And to be conveyed to his chief abode. Cinel Luighdeach are not bound to supply But the guardianship to their arch king. Their chief may come on a visit to them, Without their being bound to give him food. I know three tribes in his land Who do not owe rent or tribute : Clann Murchada,^ of fierce exploits, Clann Dalaigh, and clann Domhnaill. 1 Tir Eoghain.— Book of, Rights, p. 31 ; mound close by, called in consequence Sith Dublin, 1847. Aedha. 'S&^ Aiiiials F. ]M.,\. T\. 2 Es Ruadh.—Vxoy^^xXy Eas Aedha ruaidh ^ ciann Miirchada .—The O' Canannans Mhic Badhairn, the cataract of Aedh Ruadh, and O'Muldorys, who were descended from son of Badharn, ardrigh, who was drowned Murchadh, son of Flaithbertach, lord of here a.m. 4518. He was buried in the Cinel Conaill in 762. /í^/í/., i. 365. XVll The reason why they are not bound To give rent or tribute to any king Is because the kingship is their due, And none his kindred should aggrieve. When strong Tara to him does not belong And the archkingship of Ireland, The king of Esruadh is not entitled To rent, or tribute, or attendance. Though the king of Conall goes afar In the hosting of great Tara's king,^ 'Tis not compulsion that takes him from home. But to earn recompense. If together into battle go The host of Conall with the king of Ireland, The king of Tara is bound to pay For all of them in the battle slain. The warriors of fair-trooped Conall Are not bound to take food on the march ; But whilst they may be in the field The king of Ireland must supply them. Though great [the wrong] they commit on the march, It must not be against them charged. The stipend of a brave provincial king Is due to the king of Assaroe. The stipend of three noble dynasts Is due to each dynast in Conall, Until they come safe to their homes, Without deceit or charge against them. The stipend of another dynast Is due to each leader of a tribe ; The stipend of a leader then Is due to each brughaidh^ of them. The reason why to this are entitled The clans of Conall Gulban the brave Is for going on hostings not due from them. And the greatness and valour of their battle-deeds. 1 Tardus king. — i.e.^ the ardrigh. and gave entertainment to all who were ''■ Briighaidh. — This was a farmer of a cer- legally entitled to it at the public expense, tain rank. He settled disputes about land See O'Curry, Manners, &^c.^ I. ccxlix. c XVlll Patrick ^ bequeathed it to them, By him it was written in books What they are entitled to for all time. May Christ preserve it as it is ! * Among the geasa or ' prohibitions ' of the king of Tir Eoghain was one, very necessary for warlike tribes living side by side, forbidding him to make war against the king of Tir Conaill.^ This, if faithfully observed, would have changed the whole future not only of both tribes, but perhaps of the entire nation. Their common origin ought to have united them in firm bonds of friendship against the invader and their common enemy. ' In whom is it more becoming,' said Domhnall, son of Aedh, son of Ainmire, 'to check the unjust judgments of Congal and to humble the haughty words of the Ultonians or to protect the race of Conall from violent assaults than in the princes of Aileach ? * For no two tribes of the old surname of the race of Erin are the vessels formed by one hand, the race of one father, the offspring of one mother, of one conception, of one fostering,^ but we and you. Wherefore our fathers Conall the defensive, and Eogan the renowned, have bequeathed unto us the same prowess and gifts, freedom and nobleheartedness, victory, affection, and brotherly love.' "^ Unhappily, disputes, battles, and wars were of constant occurrence between them, and though they were bound together not only by reason of their descent from a common stock but also by the closest family ties arising from frequent intermarriages, their contentions passed on from one generation to another like a vendetta, and at last enabled an enemy whose forces were few and weak, and who would never have dared to set foot in their territory if they were united, to overpower them and make their land the inheritance of strangers. No wonder that the English feared that Hugh O'Neill and Hugh O'Donnell 'would join in friendship and alliance^ with each other,' or that those who were said to pry into the future predicted that Ireland would be regenerated by their union ; and if we will believe our author and there is no good reason why we should not, their rivalry and dispute '^Patrick. — See Colgan's Trias T/imnn., ^ Love. — See The Battle of Magh Rath-, p. 142. St. Caillin's promises will be found p. 145. \\\ The Book of Fe7iagh^-f. \éf\, '^Alliance. — After the inauguration of 2 // is. — Ibid.., p. 355. Manus O'Donnell in 1537 as chief of Tyr- "^Tir Coiiaill. — The Book of Rights, y>. 267. connell, the Deputy and Council wrote to '^ Aileach.— Th& palace of the O'Neills. Henry vill. : 'O'Donnell is deceased. It was situated on a hill five miles N. W. whose place Manus, his son, has obtained of Derry. See The 07-dna?ice Sutvey of by the assent of the country and the favour Ci». Z^^rry, p. 217 ; Dublin, 1837. of O'Neill, whose two strengths joined ^ Fosteri?jg. — Eoghan is said to have together is a great power, and to be feared diedofgrief for the death of Conall. Annals by your subjects.' Calendar of the Carew F. M., i. 147. Manuscripts, I. 125 ; London, 1867. XIX though only brief and passing, was no small part of the cause that brought about the defeat of the Irish at Kinsale and the disastrous consequences so touchingly set forth by him as arising from it. As time went on the Cinel Conaill grew in numbers, and when surnames ^ were established we find permanently settled in their territory the O'Muldorys, O'Canannans, O'Donnells, O'Boyles, O'Gallachers, O'Freels, O'Dohertys, and several other families, and later the MacSwinys.^ The O'Canannans^ and O'Muldorys, both descended from Flaithbertach, sixth in descent from Sedna, grandson of Niall and ardrigh from 727 to 734, would seem to have been the chiefs of Tyrconnell before the clann Dalaigh, as the O'Donnells were usually styled, rose to power. In The Annals of the Four Masters we read : 896. Maelbresail, son of Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain in the battle of Sailtin.4 899. Fogartach, son of Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinell Conaill, fell on his own spear and died in consequence. He took a deadly dangerous draught after persecuting the descendant of Jesse, i.e., Christ. 948. Ruaidhri O'Canannan, lord of Tir Conaill, was slain by the foreigners. 955. Maelcoluim O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, died. 960. Aenghus O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain by the Cinel Conaill themselves. 962. Murchertagh O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain by his people. 965. Maolisa O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain. 975. Gillacoluim O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain by Domhnall O'Neill, monarch of Ireland. 978. Tighernan O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain. 989. Aedh O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, died. 996. Ruaidhri, son of Niall O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, died 999. Flaithbertach O'Canannan, lord of the Cinel Conaill, was slain by his own people. loio. Maelruanaidh O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, was captured by Brian Borumha. 1026. Maelruanaidh O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, went on a pilgrimage''^ over the sea and died the next year on his pilgrimage. 1029. Murchertagh O'Maeldoraidh was slain by the O'Canannans. ^ Surtiames — They were introduced by ^ O'Canannans. — Canannan, from whom Brian Borumha. — Keating, H. of Ireland, they derive their name, was 14th in descent p. 485. from Niall of the Nine Hostages. Mael- 2 MacSwinys. — They are descended and doreidh, á quo the O'Muldorys, was 13th. — take their family name from Suibhne Batfle of Alagh Rath, t^. ;^-)S. Meann, 5th in descent from Eoghan ; he ^Sailtm. — In the parish of Oughterard, was ardrigh from 622 to 635. There were barony of Carrigallen, Co. Leitrim. three leading families of the name in ^Pilgrimage. — To Rome, or to Compos- Donegal in the 1 6th century. tella in Spain. XX 1030. Ruaidhri O'Canannan, lord of the Cinel Conaill, was slain at the Mourne.i 1045. Flaithbertach O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, died. 1059. Niall O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, died penitently. 1071. Ruadhri O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain. 1075. Donnchad O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain. 1083. Domhnall O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain by his own people. 1085. Murchadh O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, tower of magnificence, hospitality, and valour of the north, died. For the whole of the next century the supreme power seems to have been in the hands of the O'Canannans exclusively. In 1 167 we again find one of the O'Maeldoraidhs appointed chief. The Four Masters speaking of his death in 1 197, say: ' Flaithbertach 0'Maeldoraidh,Mord of Cinel Conaill, Cinel Eoghain, Oriel,^ defender of Tara, heir presumptive to the crown of Ireland, died on the 2nd day of February, in the thirtieth year of his reign, and the fifty-ninth of his age.'^ During all that time, extending over three and a half centuries, only two of the direct line of the O'Donnells held supreme power, viz., Dalach, from 868 to 896, and his son Eignechan, from 901 to 955. In the time of O'Dugan, who wrote in 1372, these two families that had held sway so long, had fallen from their high estate wholly. He says of them : Our journey is a tour of prosperity. Let us leave the vigorous host of great Macha, Let us not refuse good luck to the people, Let us proceed to Cinel Conaill. Let them come a journey of prosperity, Rugged is the land of this tribe. To meet us at the cataract of Aedh, The prosperity of the splendid-faced people. The O'Maeldoraidhs, if they were living, Would come, but they will not come, Without slowness or slow delay, To meet us, as would the O'Canannans. ^Moume.— This -wsLsm ancient times the ^ F. O' Maeldoraidh.—Yie founded the name of the rivernow called the Foyle, but Cistercian monastery of Assaroe in 11 78. is now applied to one of its tributaries. A See Archdall's Monasticon Hibernicum, mile below the confluence of the rivers p. 93 ; Dublin, 1786. Berg and Strule they are joined by the ^ O/zV/.— Oirghialla, the present counties Douglas Burn ; from that to Lifford the of Armagh, Louth, and Monaghan. For united rivers go by the name of the Mourne. the fanciful origin of this name see Topog. At Lifford it joins the Finn, and both united Poems, xix. are called the Foyle. ^ Age.— Annals F. M., iii. 1 1 1. But others will come, stout their chief, The clann Dalaigh of brown shields ; With them, through contest, has not withered Heirship to the sovereignty.^ The surname of O'Donnell ^ was first taken by Cathbharr, great-grand- son of Domhnall Mor, who died in i io6. He is called ' a pillar of defence and warfare, of the glory and hospitality of the Cinel Luighdheach.' =^ Under the date loio weread: — 'Maelruanaidh Ua Domhnaill,lord of Cinel Luighdheach, was slain by the men of Magh Ith,'* The cantred of Cinel Luighdheach, so named from Lughaidh, son of Sedna, who was grandson of Conall Gulban, extended from the Dobhar to the Swilly. From the rapid flood of Dobhar The cantred of Lughaidh, son of Sedna, Extends to that bright-coloured river. Which is named the Swilly. ^ Kilmacrenan,6 i.e., the church of the sons of Enan, whose mother was Mincoleth, a sister of St. Columba, was in the middle of the territory ; here was the chief church of the tribe. Hence it would appear that their territory, so late as the beginning of the twelfth century, included only the present barony of Kilmacrenan. When and how they extended it and got possession of the territory of Cinel Moen, now the barony of Raphoe, originally possessed by the O'Gormleys, we do not know. We read in The Annals of the Four Masters : 1 200. Eignechan O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, sailed with the fleet of Tyr- connell by sea, and despatched his army by land, and pitched his camp at Gaeth an Chairgin." . . . They attacked and defeated the Cinel Eoghain and the Clann Dermott.^ ^ Sovereignty.— Top. Poems, ^. 0,1. ^Kilmacrenan. — See Adamnan's Life 2 O' Donnell.—Yiow\\vx\2\\ i.e., the great of St. Columba, edited by Reeves, p. 247; or proud chief. See O'Donovan's Introd. Dublin, 1857. A Franciscan monastery to Topog. Poems, p. 54. was founded here by one of the O'Donnells 3 C. Luighdheach.— Annals P.M., ii. 983. on the site of the ancient abbey ; its remains * Magh Ith.—'Hovi the Lagan, a beauti- are still in existence. Archdall's Monasticon, ful tract to the north of the town of Raphoe. p. loi. It has its name from Ith, son of Breogan, ^ Gaeth an Chairgin.— i.e., the mlet of who was the grandfather of Milesius. He Carrigin. This is a small village on the was slain there in a fight with the Tuatha western bank of the Foyle, three miles de Danann. Keating's H. of Irela7id, p. 123. south of Derry. ^S'imlly.—Boo/sofFenagh,-p.i97. This ^ Clann Derriwtt. — The O'Carellans. river rises in Meenroy in west Donegal, and This tribe dwelt on both sides of the river flowing eastwards by Letterkenny falls into Mourne and of the narrow part of Lough the head of Lough Swilly. Foyle. Annals F. M., lii. 150, n. xxu 1207. Eignechan O'Donnell set out on a predatory excursion into Fermanagh.^ . . . The men of Fermanagh pursued him, and slew O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, tower of the warlike prowess and hospitaUty of the province in his time. His successor, Domhnall Mor, seems to have extended his sway into northern Connaught, for we read : 1 2 13. Finn O'BroUaghan, steward of Domhnall Mor, went to Connaught to collect O'Donnell's tribute. He first went to Carbury ^ Drumcliff, where, with his attendants, he visited the house of the poet Murray O'Daly,^ of Lissadill.'* . . . He began to wrangle with the poet very much, though his lord had given him no instructions to do so ; who, being enraged at his conduct, seized a very sharp axe, and dealt him a blow which killed him on the spot. The history goes on to tell how O'Donnell collected an army and went in pursuit of O'Daly, and forced MacWilliam, Donough Cairbreach O'Brien, the people of Limerick, and those of Dublin in succession, to drive the offender from among them. He was forced to seek shelter in Scotland, and he remained there until he composed three pieces in O'Donnell's praise, imploring pardon and forgiveness from him. ' He obtained peace for his panegyrics, and O'Donnell afterwards received him into his friendship, and gave him lands and possessions, as was pleasing to him.'^ 1 2 19. An army was led by Domhnall Mor into the Rough Third of Connaught,^ and he obtained hostages and submission from O'Rourke and O'Reilly, and from all the heroes of Aedh Finn.'' 1223. An army was led by Domhnall Mor O'Donnell to Croghan,^ in Connaught, thence into the Tuathas of Connaught, and westwards across the Suck, and he plundered and burnt every territory which he entered, until he had received their hostages and submissions. 1236. Domhnall Mor O'Donnell marched with an army to lubhar Chenn Choiche (Newry), in Ulidia, and destroyed every territory through which he passed ; he also obtained hostages and submission from most of the Ulidians, ^ Fermanagh. — This territory was con- "^ Aedh Finn. — He was 7th in descent terminous with the county of the same name. from Brian, brother of Niall, and ancestor ^ Carbury. — Now a barony in north Sligo. of the O'Reillys, O'Rourkes, and their cor- It has its name from Cairbre, son of Niall. relatives. Ibid. See O'Rorke's H. of Sligo, i. 27. * Croghan. — Now Rathcroghan, six miles ^ O'Daly. — See his genealogy in O'Daly's south of Frenchpark, Co. Roscommon. In Tribes of Irelajid, p. 5 ; Dublin, 1852. Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 198, will be * Lissadill. — On the north side of Sligo found an account of the erection of Queen Bay. Meadhbh's palace there, a.m. 3940. The ^ To him. — Annals F. M., iii. 179. antiquities still existing there are described ^ The Rough Third of C. — It included by O'Donovan, An?ials F. M, iii. 204, Leitrim, Longford, and Cavan. Anfials 2LnáhyVQ\.ne.,Eccl. Architecture of Ireland, F. M., iii. 198, n. p. 98; Dublin, 1845. 1 241. Domhnall Mor, the son of Eigaechan O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, Fermanagh, and Lower Connaught as far as the Curlew Mountains, and of Oriel from the plain northwards, died in the monastic habit, victorious over the world and the devil, and was interred with honour and respect in the monastery of Assaroe. 1247. Melaghlin O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, Cinel Moen, Inishowen, and Fermanagh, was slain by Maurice Fitzgerald.^ 1256. Godfrey O'Donnell marched with an army into Fermanagh, by which he obtained property and hostages. From thence he proceeded to Brefny O'Rourke,- where they gave him his own demand. 1262. An army was led by Domhnall Oge first into Fermanagh and thence into the Rough Third of Connaught, and to Granard or Teffia f and every territory through which he passed granted him his demands and gave him hostages ; and he returned home in triumph. 1263. An army was led by Domhnall Oge O'Donnell into Connaught. He proceeded across the rivers Shrule ^ and Robe,^ through Tirawley,*^ and afterwards across the Moy," and obtained his full demands from all. 1272. Domhnall Oge O'Donnell collected vessels and boats upon Lough Erne,^ and (proceeded) thence to Lough Outer.^ The goods and valuables of the surrounding country, which were upon the islands of that lake, were seized and carried off by him, and he acquired control and sway in every place in the neigh- bourhood on this expedition. 1281. In the battle of Disert da Chrioch 10 Domhnall Oge O'Donnell, the most illustrious of the Irish for hospitality, prowess, splendour, and nobility, and the greatest commander in the west of Europe, was slain, and he was interred in the monastery of Derry, having obtained the palm in every goodness up to that time. The Annals of Loch Ce'^^ say of him : He was the best Gaeidhel for hospitality and dignity, the general guardian of the west of Europe, the knitting-needle of the archsovereignty, and the rivetting- ^ M. Fitzgerald. — 2nd baron of Offaly. ^ Robe. — This river flows in a westerly He built the castle and monastery of Sligo. course through the southern part of Mayo He died in 1207 in the Franciscan monas- and enters the east side of Lough Mask, tery of Youghal, where he had taken the ^ Tirawley. — A barony in the north-east monastic habit shortly before. See The of Co. Mayo. It has its name from Amal- Earls of Kildai'e,hy the Marquis of Kildare, gadh, a contemporary of St. Patrick. p. II. ; Dublin, 1858. '' Moy. — It rises in Leyny, Co. Sligo, and 2 Brefjiy O'Roiirke. — The present Co. falls into Killala bay. Leitrim. Brefny O'Reilly was Co. Cavan. ^ Lough Erne. — In Co. Fermanagh. 3 Teffia. — A territory including the greater ^ Lotigh Outer. — A little to the east of part of Longford and the western half of the town of Cavan. Owen Roe O'Neill died Co. Westmeath. in Lough Outer castle in 1649. * Shrule. — A river flowing through a vil- ^^ Disert da Chrioch. — Now Disertcreaght, lage of the same name ten miles west of a townland in the north of the barony of Tuam. It was the northern boundary of Dungannon, Co. Tyrone. Clanricarde. Colgan's Trias Thaum.,^. 140. " J4. 0/ Loch Ce. — i. 486 ; London, 1871. XXIV hammer of every good law, the parallel of Conaire,^ son of Edirscel, in purity when assuming sovereignty, the top nut of the Gaeidhel in valour, the equal of Cathal Crobhdearg ^ in battle and attack. The Annals of the Four Masters go on to say : 1333. Aedh, the son of Domhnall Oge O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, Cinel Moen, Inishowen, Fermanagh, and Brefny, and a materies^ for a King of Ulster, of all the Irish the most successful and the most dreaded by his enemies; he who had slain the largest number both of the English and Irish who were opposed to him, the most eminent man of his time for jurisdiction, laws, and regulations, and the chief patron of the hospitahty and munificence of the west of Europe, died victorious over the world and the devil in the habit of a monk, on the island of Inis Saimer,"* and was interred with great honour in the monastery of Assaroe. 1348. Niall Garbh O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, after having experienced much contention before and during the term of his lordship, was treacherously and murderously slain by Manus Meablach^ O'Donnell, his kinsman, at Inis Saimer. Niall was a brave, puissant, and defensive hero, and it was a sorrowful thing that he should have died in such a way. 1423. Turlough, son of Niall Garbh O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, Cinel Moen, and Inishowen, a peaceable, affluent, and graceful man, died in the habit of a monk in the monastery of Assaroe after the victory of unction and penance. 1434. O'Neill and O'Donnell, with the whole forces of the province, marched to Meath to destroy and plunder the English there. . . . O'Donnell and his son Turlough went in search of plunder and booty in another direction ; and their evil fortune brought them into collision with a large body of English cavalry, who suiTOunded them. . . . Turlough and many others were slain. After the loss of his people, O'Donnell was taken prisoner and delivered up to the son of Sir John Stanley,^ the King's deputy, who sent him to be imprisoned in Dublin. 1439. O'Donnell (Niall Garbh) died in captivity in the Isle of Man. He was the chosen hostage of the Cinel Conaill and Cinel Eoghain and of all the north of Ireland, and the chief theme of conversation in Leith Cuinn during his time, the harasser and destroyer of the English until they took revenge for all that he had committed against them, and the protector and defender of his tribe against such of ^ C 071 aire. — Ardrigh from 5091 to 5160. the tanist, z.i?., the second. The other sons, 'The cattle were without keepers in Ire- being eligible in case of his failure, were land in his reign, on account of the great called Roydamna, materies regis. See peace and concora-'— Annals F. M., i. 91. O'Brien on Tanistry in Vallancej^s Collec- 2 Cathal Crobhdearg. — He was King of tanea, i. 264; Dublin, 1774. Connaughtfrom 1198 to 1224. Ibid-, n\. 211. ^ Inis Saimer. — An island in the Erne, "^ Materies for a Kino, — There was no in- close to Ballyshannon, Co. Donegal, variable rule of succession to the sovereignty ^ Meablach — i.e.., the treacherous . in Ireland in ancient times. Yet the prac- ^ Sta7iley. — He was Lord Deputy from tice was that the eldest son should succeed 138910 1391. His death was said to have the father unless he was disqualified by been caused by the virulent satires of the youth, deformity, or crime. He was called bards. O'Daly's Tribes of Ireland, p. 17. the English and Irish as were opposed to him, both before and after he assumed the lordship. 1442. Henry, the son of Eoghan O'Neill, repaired to the English, and brought a very great army of the English to Castlefin.^ O'Donnell (Neachtain) went to oppose him ; but as he had not an equal number of forces, he made peace with O'Neill, giving him up the castle, the territory of Cinel Moen, and the tribute of Inishowen. 1474. The monastery"^ of Donegal"^ was commenced by the O'Donnell, i.e., Hugh Roe, son of Niall Garbh O'Donnell, and his wife Finola, the daughter of O'Brien ^ (Conor na Srona), and was granted by them to God and the friars of St. Francis for the prosperity of their own souls, and that the monastery might be a burial-place for themselves and their posterity, and they not only granted this but also conferred many other gifts upon them. 1475. -^ circuitous hosting was made by O'Donnell (Hugh Roe, grandson of Niall Garbh), accompanied by Maguire, O'Rourke, and the chiefs of Lower Connaught. . . . He proceeded through Clanricarde,^ Conmaicne Cuile,^ and Clann Costello," and marched back again through Machaire Connacht,^ and from thence to his own country, having received submission and gained victory and triumph in every place through which he passed. 1476. A great army was led by MacWiUiam Burke ^ into Lower Connaught, ^*^ and another army was led by O'Donnell to oppose him. They remained for some time face to face, until at last they made peace. They divided Lower Connaught into two parts between them ; O'Dowda's country,^^ the territory of Leyny, and half of Carbury was ceded to MacWilliam, and the other half to O'Donnell. (About 1491 O'Neill wrote to O'Donnell, demanding his chief rent, which the other refused to pay : ' Send me my rent ; or if you don't '—But O'Donnell replied : ' I owe you no rent ; and if I did ' — The result was a bloody battle, wherein the loss was almost equal. ^^) ^ Castlefin. — A village in the barony of Raphoe, Co. Donegal. ^ Monastery. — See Meehan's Frajtciscan Mofiasteries, p. 4 ; Dublin, 1877. ^Donegal. — i.e., the fort of the foreigners. O'Donovan thinks this is the old fort in the townland of Reolin, opposite the monastery. A?inals F. M., v. 1344, n. ^O'Brien. — He was king of Thomond from 1466 to 1496. See O'Donoghue's Hist. Me?noiroftheO'Briens,-p. 146; Dublin, i860. ^ Clanricarde . — This territory included the south-east of the present county of Gal- way. See Tribes, &r^c., of Hy Many, p. 18. ^Conmaicne Cuile. — Now the barony of Kilmaine, Co. Mayo. • '' Clajtn Costello- — The Nangles in Con- naught took this name from an ancestor Osdallah. O'Donovan, Top. Poems, p. 23. * Machaire Connachf. — Called also Magh Naoi, now the Maghery, an extensive plain lying between the towns of Roscommon and Elphin, Castlerea and Strokestown. ^MacWilliam ^.— The De Burgos of Connaught assumed the name of Mac William from their ancestor William Fitz- adelm, and became divided into two branches, Mac W. Uachtar and Mac W. lochtar, i.e., upper and lower; the former were seated in Co. Galway, the latter in Co. Mayo. Ibid., p. 21. ^^ Lower Connaught. — This is still the local name of northern Connaught. ^^ G'Do-ii'dds CoiDitry.—Q.'sW&u. also Hy Fiachrach of the north. Ibid., xxxiii. ^2 Equal. — Cox, Hibernia Anglicajta, i. 183 ; London, 1689. See also The Ulster J. of Archeology, ii. 148 ; Belfast, 1854. d XXVI 1497- O'Donnell (Aedh Ruadh) resigned his lordship in consequence of the dissensions of his sons, and his son Conn was nominated O'Donnell in his place. O'Neill marched with a great force into Tyrconnell. . . . The young O'Donnell (Conn) met this army at Bel atha doire/ but, he was defeated and killed there. 1505. O'Donnell (Aedh Ruadh), son of Niall Garbh, son of Turlough of the Wine, lord of Tyrconnell, Inishowen, Cinel Moen, and Lower Connaught, died; a man who had obtained hostages from the people of Fermanagh, Oriel, Clannaboy,^ and the Route, ^ and from the O'Kanes, and also the English and Irish of Connaught, with the exception of MacWilliam of Clanricarde, who, however, did not go unpunished for his disobedience, for O'Donnell frequently entered his territory and left not a quarter of land from the river Suck* upwards, and from Slieve O nAedha ^ westwards that he did not make tributary to him. This O'Donnell was the full moon of the hospitality and nobility of the north, the most jovial and valiant, the most prudent in war and peace, and of the best jurisdiction, law, and rule of all the Gaels in Ireland. For there was no defence made in Tyrconnell during his time except to close the door against the wind only ; the best protector of the church and the learned, a man who had given great alms in honour of the Lord of the Elements ; the man by whom a castle*^ was first raised and erected at Donegal, that it might serve as a sustaining bulwark for his descendants ; and a monastery of Friars de Observantia "^ in Tyrconnell, namely the Monastery of Donegal ; a man who had made many predatory excursions around through Ireland, and a man who may be justly styled the Augustus of the north-west Europe. He died after having gained the victory over the devil and the world, and after extreme unction and good penance, at his own fortress in Donegal, July 20th, in the seventy-eighth year of his age and forty- fourth of his reign, and was interred in the monastery of Donegal. 151 1. O'Donnell (Aedh), son of Aedh Ruadh, went upon a pilgrimage to Rome. ^ Be/ atJia cioire. — The mouth of the ford ^ Castle. — It would seem an addition was of the oak wood. The name is now obsolete. made to it later, about 1564. See Afina/s ^ C/annaooy. — An extensive district to the F.AI.,v. 1599. This castle was destroyed east of Lough Neagh, in the present counties by Hugh Roe O'Donnell about 1601, to pre- of Down and Antrim. It had its name vent its falling into the hands of Niall from Hugh Buidhe O'Neill, chief of the ter- Garbh and his English allies, as we learn ritory in 1283. from a poem of Maelmurry Mac an Ward. 3 TAe Route. — The northern part of Co. See The Irish Penny Journal, p. 186 ; Antrim. The name is a corruption of Dal T)\ih\m,iZ^o,?ináTheDublinPennyJournal, Riada. ii. ii7;Dublin, 1833. The present castle was * Suck. — This river rises near Ballyhaunis, built by Sir Basil Brooke, the grantee of that Co. Mayo. It runs through Lough O'Flynn, portion of O'Donnell's territory. His arms by Castlereagh and Ballymoe, and joins empaling those of Leicester, his wife's family, the Shannon near Shannon-bridge, forming are on the chimney-piece, during the greater part of its course the 'Friars de Observcmtia. — This was a boundary between the counties of Roscom- reform of the Franciscan Order, established mon and Galway. in the year 1370 by St. Bernardine of ^Slieve O nAedha. — The northern part Sienna. SeeV^ohxhs-cher, Hist, de TEj^lise, of Slieve Aughty, on the confines of Clare x. 350; Paris, 1872. All the Irish houses and Galway. of the Order belonged to it. XX VI I While he was abroad his adherents and friends were in grief and sadness after him ; his son Manus was left by him to protect the country while he was absent. 1537. O'Donnell (Hugh), son of Hugh Roe, lord of Tirconnell, Inishowen, Cinel Moen, Fermanagh, and Lower Connaught, died ; a man to whom rents and tributes were paid by other territories over which he had extended his jurisdiction and power, such as Moylurg,^ Machaire Connacht, Clann Conway,^ Costello Gaileanga,^ Tirawley, and Conmaicne Cuile to the west ; and to the east Oireacht Ui Chathain,* the Route, Clannaboy ; for of these there was not one territory that had not given him presents, besides his tribute of protection. It was this man also that compelled the four lords who ruled Tyrone during his time to give him new charters of Inishowen,^ Cinel Moen, and Fermanagh, as a further confirmation of the old charters which his ancestors had held for these countries ; so that he quietly and peaceably had lordship over them and commanded their rising out. This was not to be wondered at, for never was victory seen with his enemies, never "did he retreat one foot from any army great or small ; he was the represser of evil deeds and evil customs, the destroyer and banisher of rebels and thieves, and enforcer of the laws and ordinances after the justest manner ; a man in whose reign the seasons were favourable, so that the sea and land were productive ; a man who established every one in his country, in his proper hereditary possessions, that no one of them might bear enmity towards another ; a man who did not suffer the English to come into his country, for he formed a league of peace or friendship with the King of England when he saw that the Irish would not yield superiority to any one among themselves; a man who only protected their termon lands ^ for the friars, churches, poets, and ollamhs.'' He died on the 5th of July, in the monastery of Donegal, having first taken upon him the habit of St. Francis, and having wept for his crimes and iniquities and done penance for his sins and transgressions. He was buried in the same monastery with great honour and solemnity, as was meet, and Manus O'Donnell ^Moylurg. — This territory extended froni '^Oireacht Ui Chatham.— i.e., O' Kane's Lough Gara, near Boyle, to Carrick-on- territory, which at this time included the Shannon, from the Curlew mountains to baronies of Tirkeeran, Keenaght, and near Elphin, and from Lough Key to the Colerane in Co. Derry. northern boundary of the parish of Kilma- ^ Inishowen. — ' About this country of cumshy. It is now known as the Plains of Inishowen and the Castle of Lifter (Lifford), Boyle. Annals F. M., vi. 2038, n. there was many years together strife and 2 C/«7m C<7/zwizy— A territory in the barony wars between O'Neill and O'Donnell, and of Ballymoe, Co. Galway, inhabited by the yet this day the challenge is not forgotten, O'Finaghtys. Shortly after the English but is revived upon every small occasion.' invasion it was taken possession of by a C.C., AfSS., i. 205 and 214. branch of die De Burgos, the head of whom f^ Tennon lands. — Church lands which was called MacDavid. Top. Poems, wxv. afforded sanctuary. See O'H anion's Zz/^ít/" 3 Gaileanga. — This territory included the St. Malachy, p. 143 ; Dublin, 1859. diocese of Achonry in north Mayo, and the '' Ollamhs. — The ollamh was one who part of Sligo inhabited by the O'Haras and after long training had reached the highest O'Garas. The inhabitants were descended degree of learning in history and literature, from Cormac Galeng, great-grandson of His rank was very elevated and his Olioll Olum, King of Munster in the 2nd privileges very great. See O'Curry's MS. century. 3i(l.,p. xxxix. Materials, &c., pp. 204, 229. XXVlll was inaugurated in his place by the successors^ of Columkille, with the permission and by the advice of the nobles of Tirconnell, both lay and ecclesiastical. 1542. O'Donnell (Manus) gave Tuath Ratha- and Lurg^ to Maguire (John), son of Cuconnacht. . . . For this Maguire gave up himself, his country, and his land to O'Donnell, and in particular the privilege of calling for the rising out of his country, or a tribute in lieu of the rising out not obtained. 1563. O'Donnell (Manus), son of Aedh Dubh, son of Aedh Ruadh, lord of Tyrconnell, Inishowen, Cinel Moen, Fermanagh, and Lower Connaught ; a man who never suffered the chiefs who were in his neighbourhood to encroach upon any of his superabundant possessions, even to the time of his decease and infirmity ; a fierce, obdurate, wrathful, and combative man towards his enemies and opponents until he had made them obedient to his jurisdiction ; a mild, friendly, benign, amicable, bountiful, and hospitable man towards the learned, the destitute, the poets, and the ollamhs, towards the Orders and the Church, as is evident from the old people and the historians ; a learned man, a man skilled in many arts, gifted with a profound intellect and the knowledge of every science ; died on the 9th of February, at his own mansion at Lifford,'* a castle which had been erected in despite of the O'Neill and the Cinel Eoghain, and was interred in the burial-place of his predecessors and ancestors at Donegal, in the monastery of St. Francis, with great honour and veneration, after having vanquished the world and the devil. Manus was succeeded by his eldest son Calvagh ;^ but he held sway for two years only, dying in 1566, 'a man so celebrated for his goodness that any good act of his, be it ever so great, was never a matter of wonder or surprise.' He was succeeded by a younger brother Hugh, surnamed Dubh. As might be expected, great dissensions sprung up and continued between Conn, the son of Calvagh, and his uncle- In 1581 Conn gained over Turlough Luineach O'Neill'' to his side, and obtained from him a large body of men. With these and a few of the O'Donnells and many of the MacSwinys he defeated Hugh at Kiltole, near Raphoe. If we would take to the letter the panegyric pronounced on him by the Four Masters, he was endowed with all the qualities that constitute a great chief. After his death, which took place in 1583, they say ' the Cinel Conaill might be 1 Successors. — i.e.. The O'Ferghils, de- on the Tyrone side of the river, and scended from Ferghil, great-grandson of therefore within the territory of the O'Neills, Aedh, son of Eoghan, a brother of St. just opposite the town of Lifford, as we see Columba. See Adamnan's Life of C, p. 281. by Mercator's map of Ireland. It was built ^ Tuath Ratha. — Now Toorah, in the in 1526. Afina/s J^. A/., ad a.nn. No trace barony of Magheraboy, Co. Fermanagh. of it remains. ^ Lurg. — A barony in the north of Co. ^Calvagh. — His mother was Joan, sister Fermanagh. of Conn Bacagh O'Neill, the first Earl of ^Lifford. — A town on the eastern Tyrone, boundary of Donegal, at the junction of the ^ Turlough Ltiineach O'jVeii/. — His name Finn and the Mourne. The castle went by will occur frequently throughout this work, the name of Port na dtri namhad, and stood His pedigree will be given later. likened to harp without a ceis/ a ship without a pilot, and a field without a shelter,' Hugh took as his second wife Ineen Dubli,^ the daughter of James MacDonnell, elected Lord of the Isles^ in 1545, and of the Lady Agnes Campbell, daughter of Archibald, 4th earl of Argyle. By both parents she was of Irish descent, for our author tells us she was of the race of Colla Uais, i.e., Colla the noble. This prince, a grandson of Cairbre Liffechair, aided by his two brothers Colla Mean and Colla da Crioch, had risen in rebellion against their uncle Fiacha Sraibhtine. A battle took place at Dubhcomair, near Teltown, in which Fiacha was defeated. Colla Uais seized his crown and ruled supreme for four 3'ears. At the end of that time Muireadach Tireach, the son of the deceased sovereign, assembled a large force of his followers, and drove the usurper from the kingdom. He and his brothers fled to Scotland, and were hospitably received by the reigning monarch, who was their mother's father. Here they remained for three years. A druid had told them that if they fell by the hand of the King of Ireland, the crown should devolve on their posterity. Determfned to seek the accomplishment of this prophecy at all hazards, they returned to their native country, and to their surprise were received with much kindness by the King, who not only condoned their past crimes but gave them signal marks of his favour. He found welcome employment for them by sending them at the head of his army to avenge the insult put upon Cormac MacAirt, their relative, by the King of Ulster. They entered his territory, gave him battle, and defeated him utterly. The conquerors next marched against the royal palace of Emania,* and set it on fire. They then seized all the territory of Oirghialla and divided it between them. Colla Uais settled in Ui Mac Uais, and he and his brothers became the founders of several powerful families in Louth, Armagh, Monaghan, and Fermanagh, as the MacMahons, O'Hanlons, Magennisses, and other correlative septs.^ In the fifth century some of their descendants crossed the sea and established themselves between the Picts of the north and the Britons of the south in their lands, and on the west coast of Caledonia, in the district since known as Argyle.^ The following pedigree shows Ineen Dubh's descent ; it proves also how frequent the intermarriages were then between the Irish and Scottish Gaels.''' "^Ceis. — On the meaning of this phrase see for a description of this fort, and Keating's O'Curry's Ma/ifters, &c., lii. 248. H. of Ireland., p. 182. ^ Ineen Diibh. — i.e.. The dark Httle ^ Septs.— Ibid., ^. 2,02,. Agnes, a common name among tbe Irish. ^ Argyle.— i.e., Airer Goidhel, the region ^ Lord of the Isles. — See his pedigree in of the Gael. Bryant's Celtic Ireland, p. 43 ; Annals F. M., vi, 1892, n. London, 1889. * Ema7tia. — Now the Navan Fort, two "^ Gaels. — An account of these interniar- miles west of Armagh. See Stuart's H. riages will be found in the Miscellany of the AIetnoirsofAr7nagh,^. 578; Newry, 1891, Maitland Society. XXX 1. Somhairle,^ Thane of Arayle in ii6? I 2. Randal. I 3. Domnall, a quo MacDonnell. I 4. Angus Mor. 5. Angus Oge== Agnes, dr, of O'Cahan. Í 6. John of Islay== Margaret, dr. of Robert II., king of Scotland, I 7. John Mor^Mary, dr. of Bissett. 8. Donald Ballach= Joanna, dr. of O'Donnell. • I ' 9. John of Islay=Sadhbh, dr. of Phelim O'Neill. 10. Shane Cathanach ^=Celia, dr. of Savage^ of the Ardes.^ , ' 11. Alexander Carragh'5=Catherine, dr. of MacEoin. I 12. James , Agnes,' dr. of 4th Earl of Argyle. I INEEJSr DUBH=HUGH O'DONNELL. HUGH ROE O'DONNELL. Ineen Dubh is described by our author as being ' slow and very deliberate, excelling in all the qualities that become a woman, yet possessing the heart of a hero and the soul of a soldier.' O'Donnell had other children by a previous marriage. One of these was Donnell. T/ie Annals of the Four 1 6"iiw//azy/^.— Usually anglicised Sorley. ^A. Catragh. — Ancestor ofthe Earls of __ ^Bissett. — See The Ulster J. of ArcJmoL^ Antrim; his second son Sir Ragnall was !!• 155' created Viscount Dunluce and Earl of 3 Cathafiach.—i.e., fostered by O'Cathan. Antrim. Hill's MacDo?tnells of Antrim, '^ Savage.— Th.\s family settled in the p. 375 ; Belfast, 1873. Ardes soon after the English invasion. See '' Agftes.—Sht is described by Sir Henry D'Alton's King James' Army List. i. 41 ; Sydney as ' a grave, wise, well-spoken lady Dublin, n. d. in Scottish, Enghsh, and French.' C. C. ^The ^ri/^.s-.— A peninsula in the north- MSS., ii. 350; London, 1863. After her east of Co. Down, between Strang ford first husband's death she married Turlough Lough and the Irish Sea. Luineach O'Neill. XXXI Masters make mention of his prowess. ' He was a mighty champion and a leader in battle, and it was never heard that at any time he had turned his back on his enemies.' Shortly before Hugh's escape, he made an attempt to depose his father, ' now grown weak and feeble, and his other son was imprisoned in Dublin ; so that he brought under his power and jurisdiction that part of Tyrconnell westward from Bearnas to the Drowcs,^ and also the people of Boghaine ^ and Boylagh. It was a great cause of anguish and sickness of mind to Ineen that Donnell should make such an attempt, lest he might obtain the chieftainship of Tyrconnell in preference to her son Hugh Roe, who was confined in Dublin, whatever time God permitted him to return from his captivity ; and she, therefore, assembled all the Cinel Conaill who were obedient to her husband, and a great number of Scots with them. . . . Donnell assembled his forces to meet them. The place where he happened to be was at the extremity of Tir Boghaine. The other party did not halt till they came to that place, and a battle ensued, which was fiercely fought on both sides. The Scots discharged a shower of arrows from their elastic bows, by which they pierced and wounded great numbers, and among them the son of O' Donnell himself, who not being able to display prowess or to defend himself, was slain at Doire Leathan, on the east side of Teelin bay,^ on the 14th of December, 1590.'^ Hugh Roe,^ for so he is usually styled, the subject of this work, was the eldest son of the second marriage. The exact date of his birth is not given. According to O'Clery, in 1587 he had not passed his fifteenth year, and when he died, in 1602, he had not quite completed his thirtieth. His birth, his virtues, his prowess, his fitness to be a leader of men, the terror he would cause among his enemies, his triumphs over them, his undisputed regal sway, all these things were said to have been foretold by St. Columkille, the chief prophet ^ of heaven and earth and the special patron of the Cinel ConaillJ The prophecy in due time reached the ears of the Lord Deputy ^ Dfvwes. — It flows from Lough Melvin, ^ Hugh Roe. — Aedh, though metamor- and falls into Donegal bay two miles south phosed into Hughjsnot synonymouswithit, of Bundoran. In ancient times it was the for Aedh means fire, and Hugh means high, boundary between Connaught and Ulster. lofty. O'Donovan, Introd. to Top. Poems. Keating's H. of Ireland., p. 55. p. 52. Roe, i.e.. Ruadh, from the colour of - Boghaiite. — It was so called from Enna his complexion or hair. Boghaine, son of Conall Gulban. It ex- ^Prophet. — See Adamnan's Life of C, tended from the Eany to the Gweedore p. 19, and O'Curry's AIS. Materials^ P>399- river. The B. of Fenagh., p. 397. It forms ^ Citiel Conaill. — He was third in descent the present barony of Banagh. from Conall Gulban. Adamnan's Life, p. 3 Teelin bay. — Twenty-five miles west of 8. ' Dearer to me are all the Gaedhel than the town of Donegal. The place where the men of the world, and the race of Conall the battle was fought is a little to the east than the Gaedhel, and the family of Lug- of the harbour. haidh than Conall's race.' Leabhar Breac, •'/jpo. — See Annals F. AL, vi. 1889. fol. 108 b. Fitzwilliam.^ In 1593 he wrote to Lord Burghley : "^ 'An old-devised prophecy flieth among them in no small request, importing that when two Hughs, lawfully, lineally, and immediately succeed each other as O'Donnells, being so formally and ceremoniously created according to the country's custom, the last Hugh forsooth shall be a monarch in Ireland, and banish thence all foreign nations and conquerors.'^ In his early youth he was given not only to some chiefs of his own clan, the O'Donnells and MacSwinys, but to others too, as O'Caban, to be fostered by them, as was the universal custom of the Celts. 'Fostering,' says Sir John Davis, ' hath always been in the opinion of the Irish people a stronger alliance than blood, and the foster-children do love, and are beloved by their foster-parents and their sept more than their natural parents.''* The talents and virtues displayed by Hugh Roe from his earliest years are dwelt on with admiration by our author. They were such as to spread his fame throughout Ireland and to make the English fear him, and the Irish hope that he would one day be the avenger of their wrongs. To Sir John Perrott ^ attaches all the credit, such as it is, of Hugh Roe's capture. ' O'Donnell was suspected because his people began to play some bad parts, not fitting for him to do or to insist upon,'*^ his most heinous crime being the exclusion of an 'English sheriff and other such officials, whose object was to plunder the people. Here is the account given of these transactions by an Englishman : ^ 'A great part of the unquietness of '^ Fitzwilliani. — Yit was three times Lord Deputy between 1559 and 1596. In 1596 he returned to England, and was made Constable of Fotheringay Castle while ' Mary Queen of Scots was imprisoned there. See Archdall's Peerage, ii. 173 ; Dublin, 1789. "^ Biirghley. — See Meehan's Flight of the Earls, p. 98 ; Dublin, 1886. ^ Conquerors. — C. S.P.I. ,v. 107 ; London, 1890. On the proneness of the Irish to believe prophecies, see Campion's History of Ireland, p 19; Dublin 18 10, Rinuccini's Nitnziatura, p. 69 ; Florence, 1884, O'Curry's MS. Materials, p. 382, and Fitz- patrick's Life of Rt. Rev- Dr. Doyle, i. 104 ; Dublin, 1878. * Pare?its. — A Discovery of the True Cause why Ireland was never efitirely subdued by the E7iglish, p. 179; London, 161 2. The Brehon laws, the code by which the ancient Irish were governed, enter into great de- tails as to the treatment to be given by fosterers to the children under their charge and the penalties to be inflicted on them in cases of neglect. ^ Perrott. — He was supposed to be a na- tural son of Henry VIII. Cox, Hib. Anglic., i. 87. He was sworn in Lord Deputy, June 26th, 1584, having been previously Presi- dent of Munster. The instructions given to him will be found in Cox's Hib. Angl., i. 368. In 1588 he was recalled, and on his arrival in London cast into prison, and later brought to trial on a charge of at- tempting a rebellion in England and Ire- land. He was condemned to death, but the Queen reprieved him. He died soon after in the Tower. — Ibid., p. 387. ^ Insist upon. — Life of Sir foJin Perrott, p. 227 ; London, 1728. "^ Englishf/iaj:. — Captain Lee, in his 'Brief Declaration of the Government of Ireland, opening the many corruptions in the same,' in Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, \. 106 ; Dublin, 1772. XXXlll O'Donncll's country came by Sir William Fitzvvilliam placing there of one Wallis (Willis) to be sheriff, who had with him three hundred of the very rascals and scum of that kingdom, who did rob and spoil the people, ravished their wives and daughters, and made a havoc of all ; which bred such discontent as that the whole country was up in arms against them, so as if the Earl of Tyrone had not rescued and delivered him and them out of the country, they had all been put to the sword ' ; and he blames Fitzwilliam ' for making choice of such base men as Conwell, Fuller, and Willis, being such as a well-advised Captain of that kingdom could not admit into office in his company.' ^ Perrott's biographer continues : ' The Lord Deputy and Council entered into consultation how he might be apprehended. Some of them advised to send forces into O'Donnell's country and to bring him by force. But the Lord Deputy argued against that project, alleging that it could not be done without an army of 2,000 or 3,000 men ; which would be both hazardous and chargeable to the State and the Queen's Majesty. Yet said, " You shall give me leave to try one conclusion which I have in hand and do hope to have O'Donnell thereby without the loss of men or expense of money ; and if that take not effect, then let us fall to force or see what other means we can devise for his apprehension.""^ From this and O'Sullevan's account it may be inferred that the capture of Hugh Roe's father would have satisfied Perrott and the Council quite as well as that of the son. The latter historian says the agent employed by Perrott to fit out the ship, supply it with merchandise, and take it to the north, was an Anglo-Irish merchant named Bermingham, who was induced to undertake the task partly by rewards present and future, partly by threats.^ Fifty soldiers were put on board. Here is Perrott's own account of the transaction in a letter to the Qucen,^ bearing date September 26th, 1587 : Inasmuch as I found Sir Hugh O'Donnell to be one that would promise much for the delivery of his pledges and the yearly rent of beeves set upon that country and perform little, and that in respect he was married to a Scottish lady, the sister of Angus MacConnell, by whom he had a son, Hugh Roe O'Donnell, who ruled that country very much, and thereby not only nourished Scots in those parts but also certain of the MacSwynes (a strong and disordered kind of people there), who '^Company. — Willis, while in command of published in Spain in 162 1. Though the the garrisoti in Clones later, was killed by author was but a mere boy when he left the MacMahons. See Shirley's Domijtion Ireland in 1602, yet he will have often of Faniey, p. 83 ; London, 1845. heard what he narrates from those who ''■Apprehension- — See Life of Perrott, p- took a leading part in the events which he 277. describes. See Rev. M. Kelly's preface to ^* Threats. — Histoiia' Cat/iolicce Hibefniee the Dublin edition. Compendium, p. 132; Dublin, 1852. We '^ Queen. — Calendar of MSS. at Hatfield shall often quote from this work*. It was first House, pt. iii. p. 285 ; London, 1889. e XXXIV have been ready to send aid to any that were evil-disposed in your kingdom, as of late they did to Granye ne Male ^ to see if they would make any new stir in Connaught, I devised to send a bark hence under the charge of one Nicholas Skipper - of this city with certain wines, to allure the best of the country aboard, who had such good success as he took and brought hither yesterday in the said bark without any stir at all the said Hugh Roe O'Donnell, the eldest son of the galloglasse called MacSwyne Fana, the eldest son of the galloglasse called MacSvvyne ne Doe, and the best pledge upon the O'Gallahores, all being the strongest septs of Tyrconnel. Whereby now you may have (in those parts) your pleasure always performed, and specially touching Sir John O'Doghertye, Hugh O'Donnell, and MacSwyne Bane, in whose behalf it pleased you and the Council to write unto me of Jate to show- them favour, because they had served you well, and were therefore beaten down by the said MacSwynes and others. The having of Mr. Hugh Roe O'Donnell, in respect he is come of the Scots and matched in marriage with the greatest of Ulster, will serve you to good purpose. The imprisonment of pledges' taken from the leading families of Ireland was a device of Perrott's, not unlike that adopted by a late lamented states- man, intended to secure the obedience of the chiefs. In his 'Brief Declaration of the Services which he had done to her Majesty during his Deputation in Ireland,' written probably during his imprisonment in the Tower of London for the purpose of soothing the wrath of his royal mistress, Perrott informs her that ' he had left behind pledges in the Castle of Dublin,^ and in other places upon all the strong and doubtful men of the realm, whereby the state of the realm will continue long in quiet.''^ He sent for all the chief lords of each country, requiring them to put in pledges for the maintenance of peace and defending the realm against foreign invasion ; to which they all yielded willingly or seemingly willingly . . . and by having them he had a foot upon the several provinces of Ireland. The gentlemen that were left pledges in the Castle of Dublin by the Lord Deputy on the 19th of September, 1588, were: So/is to Shaiie O'Neill: Henry O'Neill, Art O'Neill. Pledges for Minister : Philip O'Realie, Patrick Fitzmorris, Edward Fitzgibbons, alias the White Knight, Patrick Condon, John FitzEdmunds, 1 Graynene Male. — ' There came to me the coast of Ireland.' Sir Henr}' Sydney's also amost famous sea-captain called Grany Memoir of his Government in Ireland, in the O'Malley, and offered her services to me, CC MSS-, ii- 533 ; London, 1868. This wheresoever I would command her, with was the well known Grace O'Malley, about three galleys and two hundred fighting whom see C.S.P.I., v. 132. men, either in Ireland or Scotland. She ^Skipper. — So Cox, I/zt>. A ngl.,i. 29^- brought with her her husband, for she is as ^Castle of Dublin. — No part of the well by sea ashy land more than ]\Irs. Castle as it then was remains. Nor is there Mate with him. He was of the nether any plan or drawing from which an accurate Burkes, and now as I hear MacWilliam idea can be had of itself and its immediate eiter, and called by nickname Richard in surroundings three centuries ago. Iron. This was a notorious woman in all ^ In quiet. — C5./'./.,iv. 85 ; London, 1885. alias the Seneschal. Pledges for O'Neill and his Country : Mahon M'Gilson, Roiy Ballach, John Croam. Pledges for O' Donnell and his Country: O'Donnell himself left prisoner, Hugh Roe O'Donnell, Donnell Gorm, MacSwynie Fanatt, Owen MacSwynie, Owen O'Galagho. Pledges for Maguire and his Country : Owen MacHugh, James MacManus. Pledges for MacMahon afid his Country : Brian MacMahon, John O'Duffe. Pledges for Peach M^Hugh and his Country : Redmond M'Feagh, Brian M'Feagh, Hugh O'Toole. Pledges for Walter Reagh and his Count?y : Kedagh O'Toole, Garrett Fitzmorris, Richard Fitzmorris, James Fitzmorris. For AiacGnyllie and his Country: Richard MacGnyllie. Por O' Cane and his Country: Donagh O'Malla. For O'Donnell and his Country : Neale Groome O'Donnell. AH these the Lord Deputy left in the Castle of Dublin before his departure from Ireland, as pledges for the peace of the several countries within that khigdom.^ These pledges fared but badly while in prison. The Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam described them ' as lying in the grate to beg and starve, for so they use their pledges, of what quality soever.' And again, in reply to Perrott, who, as we have seen, had boasted of the services which he had rendered to the State in seizing these pledges, the Lord Deputy says : 'There were three of Feagh MacHugh's pledges, whereof one lo or ii years, the 2 Bourkes, the 3rd 17 or 18, and the rest; but these before my coming and shortly after till their breaking out were bestowed in the grate, and there lived upon common alms,'^ so good account did those for whom they lay make of them. Moreover, the chief jailer had charge twice in every twenty-four hours to search their irons,^ in order to prevent their escape.''^ Hugh's father asked that his son should be set free. He put forward as a claim for the merciful treatment of the youth the services^ which he had rendered to the Crown in various ways. Soon after Hugh's capture, Hugh O'Neill wrote to the Earl of Leicester, asking him to be 'a mean for the enlargement of the prisoner upon security.' ^ He also addressed himself to Walsingham, asking him to use his influence with her Majesty for the same purpose : ' The Lord Deputy hath caused O'Donnell's son called Hugh O'Donnell to be taken, who now remaineth a prisoner in the Castle of Dublin. He is my son-in-law, '^Kingdom. — Ibid.,^. 11. Chicester, in a kept in irons. So too Captain Lee tells letter to the Privy Council, dated from of ' a youth, the heir of a great country, Dublin, July 4th, 1609, suggested that the who never having offended, was imprisoned children of Hugh O'Neill and of Caffir with great severity, many irons being laid O'Donnell, as well as those of the O'Mores upon him, as if he had been a notable of Leix, should be ' sent to England and traitor.' Desid. Cur. Hib., i. 96. put to trades, that they might forget their * Escape. — C-S.P.I., iv. 154. fierceness and pride.' C.S.P.I., iii. 240; ^ Serinces. — /i^zV/., pp. 142, 453. London, 1874. e Security.— Car ew MSS., vol. 619, p. 10. ^ Common alms. — C.S.P.I., iv. 163. Leicester seems to have done some friendly ^ Irons. — O'Clerysaysexpressly they were acts to O'Neill. XXXVl and the only stay that O'Donnell hath for the quieting of his country, and the detaining of him in prison is the most prejudice which might happen to me. Your Honour is the only man next unto the Earl of Leicester on whom I rely, and O'Donnell hath no friends but mine. I therefore and for that O'Donnell will deliver unto the Lord Deputy the said Hugh's second brother, by one father and mother, and any other pledge in Tyrconnell that his Lordship will choose, I beseech your Honour, as ever you will bind O'Donnell and me to depend upon you during our lives, to work all the means you may with her Highness for the present enlargement of the said Hugh ; the rather for that Hugh, son of the Dean,^ who was at court at my last being there, hath almost driven O'Donnell out of his country.'- Walsingham's efforts, if indeed he made any, were of little avail, for a few days after the receipt of his letter Elizabeth wrote to him ordering that he should not be released. 'And hereto we add the remembrance of one thing that being well ordered may breed quietness in those parts, viz., the continuancing in prison of O'Donnell's son and O'Gallagher's son, lately seized upon and remaining in our Castle in Dublin.'^ At the same time Fitzwilliam received a joint letter from the Lords of the Council, drawing his attention to the fact that the formidable Scotch woman was not likely to stir so long as Hugh Roe remained in the Castle at Dublin, who with O'Gallagher's son be also good pledges for the Earl of Tyrone. After pining in prison for three years and three months, *in anguish and sickness of mind,' the sole solace of their weary round being their lamentation over the wrongs which their countrymen were suffering at the hands of the English, Hugh and some of his fellow-prisoners found an opportunity of escaping. The companions of his flight were Daniel Mac Swiny and Hugh O'Gallagher. Our author describes in detail the means they employed to escape from the Castle. The fugitives sought shelter from Phelim O'Toole, then dwelling at Castlekevin.'* ' Phelim resolved,' says O'SuUevan, ' to send him away against the wish of the Queen's Ministers, though he knew full well the risk he was running, involving the loss of his property, perhaps of his life. His sister Rose,^ who was married ^ Son of the Dean. — This was Hugh, an * Castlekevin. — Eight miles N.W. of the illegitimate son of Calvagh O'Donnell. He town of Wicklow. The castle was built by had slain Alexander MacDonnell, a kins- Piei's De Gaveston. The sides of the build- man of Ineen Dubh, Hugh Roe's mother. ing, to the height of twenty feet, are still At her instigation her Scotch mercenaries standing. slew him. Stt An/ials F. J/., v. 1855 and '" Rose.^ln 'Russell's Journal,' under the 1873. date May 26th, 1595, we iind: 'Rose Toole, '^ Coimhy . — December loth, 1587. See Feagh MacHugh's wife, arraigned, and by O'Grady's /?í'í/ HugJis Captivity, 'gt. 121 ; a jury found guilty of treason.' May 27th : London, 1889. ' Feagh's wife sentenced to be burned.' — ^ Dteblin. — Dec. 23rd, 1587. Ibid., p. 123. C.C. MSS., iii. 231 ; London, 1869. lll!li'Í.Viiil!llMliii^i'll''a in'w'im'{Hi{ll\lllll)llll imimii to Fiach O'Byrne,^ fearing such a result, persuaded her brother to follow a course by which he would save himself from all evil consequences and secure the liberty of Hugh Roe. She proposed that he should receive Hugh into his house at Castlekevin for the night ; she would send word to her brother to come with armed men and set Hugh free against the wish of Phelim as it were, for she was more anxious to take precautions for her brother than for her husband, who was in a state of constant rebellion, and had determined to sacrifice even his life, 'if necessary, in resisting the Protestants.'- This plan was adopted, and Fiach set off to give aid to Hugh. The Viceroy, too, being told of Hugh's movements, sent off soldiers to bring him back to Dublin. The rain fell so heavily during the night that the river Annamoe ^ overflowed its banks, and Fiach could not cross it. Meantime the English, who did not need to cross the river, came and seized on Hugh. In the Carew Manuscripts will be found a letter from the Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam to Sir George Carew, authorizing him 'to repair to Castlekevin with such forces as he had, and to take the command of other forces ordered to repair to his aid, for the safe bringing hither of Hugh Roe O'Donnell and other pledges lately escaped out of the Castle of Dublin.'^ And so the Lord Deputy could write the good news to Burghley, April 29th, 1589: 'The best of them I have again; the rest were not of any value to speak of, and some of them boys of 10, 12, 16 years, or thereabouts.'^ Phelim O'Toole's subsequent conduct when he accompanied Hugh Roe after his second escape through Dublin with a troop of horse, a fact mentioned with great gratitude by O'Clery and calculated to establish an everlasting bond of friendship between the Cinel Conaill and the descendants of Cathaeir Mor,^ proves that he had no part in handing the fugitive over to his pursuers. When Hugh Roe was brought back to Dublin he was put into the same prison and committed to a more vigilant guard. He was again cast into chains too, or to use the expressive language of the Four Masters : ' Iron ^ Fiach O'Byrne. — His pedigree is given ^ Cathaeir Mor. — He was descended from by O'Donovan, Atmals F. AL, v. 1747, n. Ugaine Mor through Laeghaire Lore, and 2 Protestants. — Hist. Cath.^ p. 154. was ardrigh A.D. 122. The eldest of his sons "^ Annmnoe. — It rises in north Wicklow, was Rossa Failge, ancestor of the O' Conors and flows southwards by Annamoe and Faly, O'Dempseys, and O'Dunnes. The Laragh. After passing the latter place it youngest was ancestor of the MacMur- takes the name of Avonmore. roughs, Kavanaghs, Kinsellaghs, O'Tooles, ^ DiiblÍ7i.—C.C. MSS.;\\\. A,^. The date O'Byrnes. See The Battle of Magh of the warrant is January 15th, 1589. Zi-a/z^i, edited by O'Curry, p. 170 ; Dubhn, Carew was then Master of the Ordnance 1853, and Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 242. and a Privy Councillor. Later he was made The O' Toole pedigree will be found in Rev. President of Munster. P. L. O'Toole's History of the Clan O' Toole, " Thereabouts.— C. S.P.I.., iv. 154. p. 533; Dublin, 1890. fetters ^ were bound on him as tightly as possible, and they watched and guarded him as closely as they could.' Our author tells, moreover, of the joy of the Council at his return, and of the importance they attached to his recapture. After a further imprisonment of a year and three months, O'Donnell again managed to make his escape from confinement. He had planned it with his fellow-captives Henry and Art, sons of the famous Shane O'Neill, and had contrived to get into his prison somehow a file and a very long silken rope.^ Well-wishers outside had promised their aid. Edward Eustace, a young friend, would have four horses in waiting ; Fiach Mac Hugh would send them a trusty guide to lead the way to Glenmalure,^ and he would see that later they were sent safe to their homes in the north. On the night appointed, Christmas eve,* 1591, Hugh cut through the chains that bound himself and his companions. Then fixing the rope securely to the top of the shaft that went down to the sewer, Henry slipped down sailorwise, and groped his way to the moat surrounding the castle. He climbed the opposite bank, and taking no further heed of his companions, set off for Ulster, which he reached safe.^ Hugh Roe followed, and he, too, reached the outer bank of the moat. Art came last, but as he was descending a loose stone fell and struck him on the head, so that he could hardly go farther. However, he, too, got out into the street. Unhappily the horses which Eustace had promised to keep ready for them had been taken away some hours before by a friend of his from the stable where they had been, without his knowledge. The guide sent by Fiach MacHugh met the fugitives outside the castle gate and covered their retreat through the streets. They set off, making their way to Glenmalure, Fiach's dwelling. The Clann Rannall,^ of which he was then the admitted head, was at all ^ I^e//ers.—0'Su\\evan's account agrees william to his successor, SirW. Russell, it with this. ' In eadem arce diligentiori cus- is stated that ' the three sons of Shane todise mandatus, in vincula quoc[ue con- O'Neill, Henry, Conn, and Brian, were in jectus.' Hisf. Ca//i., p. 155. hand with the Earl of Tyrone, and were 2 RoJ>^. — 'Limam et sericam telam longis- detained by him in prison, notwithstanding simam.' I6/d. he hath been required by letter from the ^ Gle7iinahire. — A narrow glen, four miles Deputy and Council to send theni to her in length, a short distance to the west of Majesty.' The date is August, 1594. C.C. Rathdrum, Co. Wicklow. O'Byrne's castle, iJ/5*5., iii. 94. The reason of this pretended called Ballinacor, was on the side of the anxiety of Fitzwilliam and the other En- hill, a little to the N.W. of the village of glish officials for their welfare is obvious: Greenane. The building has disappeared, ' Their followers will embrace their liberty but there are some remains of the entrench- and cast off the yoke of such a tyrant ' (the inents that surrounded it. Earl). See A Brief Discourse, by Mr. '^ Christmas Eve. — So O'Clery; O'SuUevan Francis Shane. Ibid., p. 201. says a few days before Christmas. Ibid. ^ Claiui Raji/ia/l. — See an account of this ^ Safe. — In 'The Summary Collection of branch of the O'Byrne family in A nna/s the State of the Realm,' delivered by Fitz- F. Af., v. 1712, n. XXXIX times amongst the fiercest opponents of the EngHsh. From their mountain fastnesses they would often swoop down on the settlers in the plains of Dublin and Kildare and spread ruin and desolation everywhere. Even the city itself was long kept in a constant state of dread and alarm by them. ' Black Monday' was long observed as a day of mourning in memory of the citizens who were slain at the very gates of the city by a sudden attack of these bold mountaineers ;^ and when Lord Grey, with the choicest English troops, led on by their most famous captains, strove to assail them in the defiles of Wicklow, he and his army were utterly defeated and all but annihilated.'^ To learn what manner of man Fiach was, we need but to go to the writings of his contemporaries, remembering, however, that they are the dicta of his enemies. A biographer of Perrott styles him ' the great fire- brand of the mountains between Wexford and Dublin ;'^' and Carew says ' he was the very gall of Ireland, and the flame whence all other rebels took their light.''* Even Spenser^ forgets 'his fine frenzy,' and descends to the vilest language when he has occasion to speak of Fiach's misdeeds. * Being himself of so mean condition, he hath through his own hardiness lifted himself up to that height that he dare now front princes and make terms with great potentates ; the which as it is to him honourable, so it is to them most disgraceful to be bearded by such a base varlet, that being but of late grown out of the dunghill, beginneth now to overcrow so high mountains, and make himself the great protector of all outlaws and rebels that will repair unto him.'*' To him they directed their flight, sure of protection if they could but reach his strong castle. Our author gives in detail the hardships they underwent in their journey over the mountains. All that night and the following day they continued their flight. When the next night came on, though but a few miles from Glenmalure, they were so worn, out with hunger and fatigue that they could go no further. They took shelter in a cave, and sent on their guide to tell Fiach of their wretched condition. A good part of the second day passed and yet no help came to them. They ^ Motmtaineers. — See Hanmer's Chro7n- the Lord Deputy. ' His body was brought cle of Ireland, p. 370; Dubhn, 1809, Cox, to Dublin, to the great comfort and joy of Hib. A?i^lic., I. 49. all that province.' C.C MSS., iii. 258. ^ Annihilated. — See Afinals F. M., v. Gilbert, in his History of the Confederation 1737, and O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath., p. 112. and War in Ireland, ii. 167 ; Dublin, 1882, ^Dublin. — Life of Perrott,^. li^-j'Lonáon, gives an account of the manner in which 1626. Fiach's son was robbed of his lands, 'a ■* Light.— C.C. MSS., iii. 44. case,' says Carte, ' containing such a scene ^Spenser — A View of the State of h'eland, of iniquity and cruelty that, considered in p. 178 ; Dublin, 1763. all its circumstances, is scarce to be paral- ^ Unto hi>n.~On May 18th, 1597, he was leled in the history of any age or country.' betrayed by a relative, at the instigation of Life of Orniond, \. 55 ; Oxford, 185 1. xl had taken no food since they had left the castle, and were now utterly- exhausted. . . . ' Art,' said Hugh, ' see how the brute beasts feed on grass and leaves. We, too, though endowed with reason, are animals ; why should we not support life as they do ? We shall soon have food sent us by our friend.' He chewed the leaves and swallowed them. Art would not use them. Meantime Fiach was taking every means in his power to send them assistance, but he had to use caution as every movement and look of his were closely watched. The third night he contrived that aid should reach them.^ Our author describes at length the state of wretchedness in which the messengers found them. Art died "' in conse- quence of the hardships he had gone through ; Hugh Roe bore with him for the rest of his life the tokens of the sufferings he had endured during that journey. Fitzwilliam, the Lord Deputy, was supposed by some to have connived at, perhaps facilitated, Hugh Roe's second escape. He thought his important services in dealing with the Spaniards, who by the wreck of the Armada were cast on the Irish coast, and his seizure of Monaghan by putting its chief, M'Mahon, to death, entitled him to some special recompense. When he asked for a fitting reward for his labours, he was told that the government of Ireland was a preferment and not a service, and he endeavoured ever afterwards to make whatever profit he could of that office.^ Perrott declared he could have had £,2,000 paid him in ready money for the enlarging of Hugh Roe,* an offer that would prove a sore temptation to one as covetous as Fitzwilliam. ' Two of Shane O'Neill's sons were prisoners in Sir William Fitzwilliam's government,' says Fynes Moryson. ' They, together with Philip O'Reilly, a dangerous practitioner, and the eldest son of old 0'Donnell,both imprisoned by Sir John Perrott in his government, shortly afterwards escaped out of prison. Neither did the Irish spare to affim that their escape was wrought by corrupting one Segar, constable of the Castle of Dublin, who, having large offers made to him to permit of the escape of O'Reilly and acquainting the Lord Deputy there- with, was shortly afterwards displaced, and one Maplesdeane, servant to the Lord Deputy, put in his place, in whose time these prisoners escaped.'^ Russell, his successor in the office of Deputy, repeats the charge in a letter to Burghley,^ dated April, 1595 : ' Fitzwilliam discharged the former constable of the Castle, and left his own man in his stead, which urgeth suspicion of great composition in that matter.' Fitzwilliam's answer to the ^ Reach //;£';«.— O'SulIevan, Hist. Caih.., ^ Office.— Cox, Hib. Ans^L, I., 397. p. 155. '^ Hugh Roe. — C.S.P.I., iv. 165. ^ Died. — 'The yoimc^er of Shane O'Neill's ^Escaped. — Rebellion of the Earl of sons. Art O'Neill, for aught that I can Tyrone, "p. 10; London, 1617. 'All being learn, is dead.' The Deputy to Burghley, prisoners of great moment.' Ibid. June 2nd, 1592. (•.5./'./., iv. 518. ^Burghley. — Flight of the Earls,^.i^<),w. accusation was : ' For the escape of the three prisoners, it was within the time of John Maplesdeane's extremity of sickness. The bell tolled for him within a day or two about their breach of prison. Nevertheless, I did forth- with discharge him of the place, and presentlyeommit the chief jailer under him, who had charge twice every twenty-four hours to search their irons, to a dungeon with good store of irons, where }'et he remains.' ^ Whether the accusation was well founded, or the reply satisfactory, cannot well be determined now. O'Donnell's flight caused a flutter not only among the officials at home but even in high places in England. The Queen was highly incensed at what she conceived to be the corrupt conduct of her officials in Ireland. Their crime remained rankling in her mind. In May, 1592, she wrote to Lord Borough, then Lord Deputy, bidding him to take strenuous measures to find out and punish the offenders. ' O'Donnell escaped by the practise of money bestowed on somebody. Call to you the Chancellor,''^ Chief- Justice Gardiner,^ and the Treasurer,* and inquire who they are that have been touched with it.' ^ Fitzwilliam, seeing the storm that was impending over his head, wrote to Burghley : ' Upon her Highness's mislike conceived of the mistake, I do humbly beseech you to be a means to her Majesty that it would please her to pardon me the same.' ^ Statesmen set to work to devise measures for counteracting the stir that might ensue in Ulster on the late escape of the three pledges out of Dublin Castle. ' There is no readier way to cross Hugh O'Donnell,' wrote an adviser of the Government, 'if he shall attempt any alteration in Tyrconnell, than for the Lord Deputy to send presently into that country from the State a sheriff for her Majesty, and he to have instructions to countenance Hugh Duff^ MacDonnell and Sir Hugh O'Donnell's eldest son by his first wife, for these are the opposite faction against O'Donnell's wife and her children, being Scottish. Hugh Duff is a man of action, and the other strong in the opinion of the country because he is the eldest son and by an Irishwoman.' ^ O'Clery says this Hugh aspired to the chieftaincy of Tyrconnell, and he was well fitted for such a position, for in bravery he was equal to Lughaidh Lamhfadha and Cuchullin, the foremost of the Gadelian heroes.^ ^ Remains. — The Lord Deputy to Burgh- * Treasurer. — Sir Henry Wallop, ley, January 2nd, 1592. C.S.P.I., iv. 518. ^ With it. — C.C. MSS.,\v. 219 ; London, 2 The Chancellor. — Adam Loftus. See 1885. 0'Y\a.r\?igSLn's Liv€s of the Lord Chancellors ^ The Saine. — C.S.P.I., iv. 519. The of Ireland., i. 263; London, 1870. An date' is June 2nd, 1592. account of his ecclesiastical career will be "^ Hu^h Duff. — He is spoken of by the found in Moran's Archbishops of Dublin, author, ad ann. 1592. p. 62 ; Dublin, 1864. '^ Irishwomait. — Ibid., p. 457. The date 3 Gardiner. — He was Chief Justice of the is January, 1 592. Neither O'Clery nor the King's Bench. V^sxt^s Antiquities^ ii. no; Four Masters give her name. Dublin, 1764. • ^Heroes. — See ad ann. 1592, postea. / xlíí ^ One of Hugh Roe's first acts on his return to his home at Ballyshannon was to gather together his people in arms and at their head to go to Donegal and drive out the EngHsh who had taken possession of the monastery/ and were using it as a stronghold from whence to issue at will and ravage the whole territory. The religious houses of Tyrconnell and of Tyrone had been granted to the King by the Irish Parliament in 1538, yet the Commissioners appointed to reduce them into charge did not proceed (for excellent reasons) to hold their usual inquest on their possessions, to inventory their chapel ornaments, or expel their peaceful inhabitants.^ Even so late as 1592 Myler INIagrath complained ^ that in Ulster and in Connaught, and even within the Pale itself, ' divers friaries of divers sorts remained and were standing,' and he set down the number of monasteries in their possession in Ulster alone as sixteen. On his arrival there he summoned the garrison to depart in all haste and not profane further the church ; they might go away by whatever road they pleased, but they should not take with them any of the cattle or other property which they had seized. And though they had been reinforced by a body of two hundred men, sent there from Connaught by order of the English of Dublin, ' when news came to them that O'Donnell had reached Donegal in safety, quaking fear and great terror seized on them. They resolved to leave the country, and they went away as they were ordered to do, glad to go away alive, and returned to Connaught whence they had come.' ' Hugh O'Donnell is returned to his own country,' wrote Chief Justice Gardiner to Lord Burghley, ' and has freed the pledges of that country out of the Abbey of Donegal, and has expelled Captain Willis and the Sheriff with his band of 100 soldiers.'^ His father was at this time advanced in years, and ' old age lay heavy on him'; dissensions too had arisen among his own people, and they were not obedient to their prince as they should be, for he was not able to unite his people and to secure their hostages and pledges.^ In the face of these domestic difficulties and of the dangers arising from the attempts of the English, he wisely resolved to resign his authority to one more vigorous. The nobles and leaders in battle, all the chiefs of districts under his sway, took counsel together and agreed to his proposal without a ^ Monastery. — It is on the water's edge, but were continually possessed by the close to the town. Here The A?i?tais of religious persons till his Majesty that now the Four Masters were \\úiX.Qr\, a.x\á seve.ra\ reigns (James 1.) came to the crown.' other works on Irish history. A great part Davis, A Discovery, &c., p. 253. of the church and of the monastic buildings ^ Complaitied. — "The State of Ireland,' is still standing. C.S.P.I., iv. ioo. -Inhabitants. — 'The abbeys and religious '^ Soldiers.— Th^ date of this letter is houses of Tyrone and Tyrconnell were February 27th. 1592. Ibid., "p. /1,62. never surveyed nor reduced into charge, ^Pledges. — See ad ann, 1591, postea. xliii dissenting voice. The young chief was duly inaugurated, and thenceforth he was the ruler of Tyrconnell. The inauguration ^ was in part civil, in part religious. The civil cere- mony took place on the rock of Kilmacrenan, a mile to the west of the village of this name ; the religious, in the church of the monastery close by the village, ' the clergy of the church praying to the Lord on his behalf, and singing psalms and hymns in honour of Christ and Columb for the success of his sovereignty, as was the custom.' Of the details of the ceremony there is no authentic account. Spenser's description of it is correct as far as it goes : ' They use to place him that shall be their captain upon a stone always reserved for that purpose, and placed commonly on a hill, in some of which I have seen engraven a foot, which they say was the measure of their first captain's foot ; whereon he standing receives an oath to preserve all the ancient former customs of the country inviolable, and to deliver the succession peaceably to his Tanist, and then he hath a wand delivered to him by some one whose proper office that is. After which, descending from the stone, he turneth himself round thrice forward and thrice back- ward. The Tanist setteth but one foot on the stone, and receives the like oath that the captain did.'- O'Ferghil,^ the comarba or hereditary warden of Kilmacrenan,"^ performed the religious ceremony of the inauguration of the O'Donnell. O'Gallagher was his marshal ; and the ollamh who presented to him the book containing the laws and customs in accordance with which he should govern, and handed him the straight white wand, emblem at once of his power and of the unblemished rectitude demanded of him, was surely an O'Clery. The description of the disgusting practices which Giraldus Cambrensis ^ says took place at the inauguration of the chiefs of the O'Donnells, Keating declares to be a fiction compounded of igno- rance and malice, and directly opposed to the testimony of Irish antiquaries.® O'Donnell's first ' feat of arms,' our author tells us, was to make an incursion into the territory of Turlough Luineach '^ O'Neill. This chieftain, then the O'Neill, was an enemy of the Cinel Conaill ; he had laid waste their territory during Hugh Roe's imprisonment, at a time too when the ^ hiaiigiiratioji. — See Tribes, &^c., of Hy bourhood. See Colgan's Trias Thaum.., Fiachrach, p. 426, and White's Apologia p. 393. pro Hiberjiia, p. 97 ; Dublin, 1849. ^ Giraldtes Cafnbrensis. — Topographia H - 2 Did.— View of Ireland, p. 11. bernice, d. 3, c. 25 ; v. 169 ; London, 1867. ^ O' Ferghil. — See p. xxviii. antea. '^ Aniiquaries — Preface to H. of Ireland, "^ Kilmac7'enan. — See p. xxii. O'Donovan xix. says the Inauguration Stone was in the "^ Ltdneach. — So called from his fosterer, church so late as fifty years ago. — Ordtiance O'Luinigh of Muintir Luinigh, Co. Tyrone. Survey Letters, Co. Donegal, p. loi. The He was inaugurated The O'Neill after the places and churches connected with St. death of Shane, in 1567, and continued Columbkille's early Hfe, Gartan, Temple to the end of his life the adherent of the Douglas, Ramochus, are all in the neigh- English. Annals F. M., v. 1623. xlív head of this clan was so feeble, owing to age, that he could not take the field against his foes. Besides, he was the friend and supporter of the English. There was a time -when he too was 'the principal maintainer of rebellion '^ in Ulster, for they had striven to rob him and his people of their lands. But in 1572 he had made his submission, abandoning all territorial claims, and undertaking to serve the Queen against all persons on whom she should make war, and to deliver up his sons as pledges for the due performance of his promise. In return he was to receive a grant of all th« lands from Lough Foyle to the Blackwater,^ and from the Bann to Maguire's country. He was now old and feeble, unable to unite his people or keep his enemies in check ; and he was satisfied with what was little better than a mere empty title. Besides, he was face to face with a rival of no ordinary kind, Hugh O'Neill.3 Hugh was the son of Ferdoragh, son of Conn Bacagh, son of Conn O'Neill, and consequently nephew of the famous Shane, than whom none was more hated and feared by the English of his time.* In 1542 Hugh's grandfather, Conn, had been created Earl of Tyrone for life. The title after his death was to descend to his son Matthew,^ alias Ferdoragh, and his heirs male. Matthew during his father's lifetime was the Baron of Dungannon, a title to be borne in future by the heirs apparent of the Earl, He was slain in 1558 by his elder brother Shane, 'because he was appointed to the dignity of his father if his father should die before him.'*^ Shane himself was slain nine years after by the MacDonnells, whose father he had killed. Hugh, Matthew's eldest son, was brought up by the English after their fashion. He passed some time at the Court, and was employed in the army. He petitioned the Parliament held in Dublin in 1585 that in virtue of the letters patent granted to his ancestors, he might have the place and title of Earl oi Tyrone, and be admitted to the inheritance hereto- fore annexed to the earldom. The Parliament ga\'^ him the title, leaving the disposal of the possessions attached thereto to the good pleasure of her Majesty. Two years later Elizabeth granted to him by letters patent the earldom and the inheritance annexed to it, without any reservation of 1 Rebellion.— C.C. MSS., i. 461. of Hugh O'Neill, by John Mitchel ; Dublin, ^ Blackwater. — This river, sometimes 1846. called the Ulster Blackwater, to distinguish * Time. — See Richey's Lectures on Irish it from several others of the same name, History, 2ná Series, p. 273; London, 1870. rises near Fivemiletown, in the barony of ^Matthew- — Shane, to obtain the earldom Clogher, Co. Tyrone. For a good part of for himself, asserted that Matthew was not its course it forms the boundary between the legitimate son of Conn. This statement this county and those of Monaghan and had often been repeated. Yet the Parlia- Armagh. It falls into the south-western ment of 1588 decided that Hugh, Matthew's corner of Lough Neagh, nine miles east of son, was the true heir to the earldom. See Dungannon. T}ie Ulster J- of ArchcEoL, vi. 57. 3 Hugh WNeill. — See The Life and Times '^ Before him.— Annals F. M.^ v. 1 563. xlv rent. But it was provided that he should allow a fort to be built on- the Blackwater ; moreover, he should claim no right of chieftainry over the former vassals of the O'Neill, Turlough Luineach being still chief of the name ; and the sons of the late Shane O'Neill should be set free and provided with a sufficiency. Throughout this work he is styled the Earl. But Hugh O'Neill was not satisfied with a barren title. He would get back the honours ^ and power of the O'Neill. Yet, for the present, he was outwardly submissive to the English, though at heart their enemy, and willing, when a suitable occasion should offer, to rise in arms against them. O'Neill was in truth a dangerous enemy. Moryson describes him in the following terms : ' He was of mean stature but a strong body, able to endure labours, watching, and hard fare, being withal industrious and active, valiant, affable, and apt to manage great affairs, and of a high, dissembling, subtle, and profound wit.'^ So, too, Camden: 'His industry was very great, his soul large and fit for the weightiest business. He had much knowledge in military affairs, and a profound dissembling heart, so as many deemed him born either for the good or ill of his country.'^ The following table will show the exact degree of relationship * that existed between the several members of the O'Neill family whose names occur throughout this work : Conn Mor, chief of Tyrone, d. 1443. Conn Bacagh, c. Earl of lyrone 1542 Domhnall Henry Oge Sliane Ferdoragh(al. Matthew) B. of Dungannon Art Henry HUGH I Sir Cormac Art I 1 Art Niall Connallagh Turlough Luineach I I ! I I 1 I I 11 n Phehm Hugh, Henry, John, Brian, Conn, Conn Oge, Art Oge, Owen Roe, Conn Sir Art ^ Honours. — The Act of Attainder of Shane O'Neill says : ' The name of O'Neill in the judgment of the uncivil people of this realm (Ireland) doth carry itself so great a sovereignty, as they suppose all the lords and people of Ulster should rather live in servitude to that name than in subjection to the Crown of England.' And Camden: 'The title of O'Neill, in comparison with which the very title of Caesar is contemptible.' — History of Elizabeth, p. 479; Dublin, 1675. ' He (the Earl) would often boast he would rather be O'Neill of Ulster than King of Spain.' — Cox, Hib. Afigl., i. 389. ' O'Neill, a name more in price than to be entitled Caesar.'— Carew in C.S.P.I., v. 231. ^ Wit. — Rebellion of the Earl of Tyrone, p. 7. 2 Country. — H. of Elizabeth, p. 446. See also Lombard's De Regno Hiberiiia Com- mentarius, p. 151; Dublin, 1868. ■* Relationship. — See Appendix to An Aphorismical Discovery, edited by J. T. Gilbert, i. 297; Dublin, 1879. xlvi Hugh O'Neill and Hugh Roe O'Donnell were united by the closest family ties. O'Neill was married to Joan,i gigter of Hugh Roe, and Hugh Roe was betrothed to O'Neill's daughter. On the 5th February, 1589, O'Neill had written to Walsingham that he had ' matched a daughter of his to O'Donnell, who for his father lieth as a pledge in Dublin Castle,' and he adds : * As I have great care of his well-doing, I would willingly see some proofs of him in his father's time. I humbly beg of you to procure his liberation.' 2 O'Donnell was declared by foreign practice quite alienated from royalty, and by his marriage with Tyrone's daughter wholly devoted to his faction and service.^ It would seem even that O'Neill wished Hugh O'Donnell to just live then on terms of peace with the English government. Our author speaks of the fear the English had that these two might unite in opposition to the English power. But in truth their object was little more than self-defence. Munster had been laid waste when the Earl of Desmond fell, its inhabitants had been robbed of their lands, and Undertakers were introduced in their stead.* The men of the north saw clearly that the whole strength of the English power would be directed against them now, and they prepared for the contest. Indeed they seem to have been willing to admit the supremacy of the Crown, but they would not submit to the tyranny of the officials. This is the description which one who was himself in the service ^ of the Queen gives of the hardships which the people endured at the hands of Eng-lish sheriffs and their followers : The demands I made for your Majesty were these, that they should receive your Majesty's forces into their countries, and your laws to go current as they did in other places, and some part of their countries to be reserved for your Majestyto dispose unto them \Yho should govern them, and they to charge themselves with that proportion that was fit for them to bear. To those demands they all yielded, so that they might have such gendemen chosen as they knew would use no treachery nor hard measures towards them, but live upon that which your Majesty would allow ; and that they should give of their free consents, and to be no farther charged, and they would be as dutiful as any other county in Ireland now is. . . . The cause they have to stand upon these terms and to seek for better assurance is V^'^'''-— She died in 1590. An account ^ Service.— W art's Antiquities, p. 16; of O'Neill's romantic marriage with Mabel, Dublin, 1705- youngest daughter of Marshal Bagnal, will * Stead.— ?>t& Spenser's account of the be found in C.S.PJ., iv. 435, and Tke desolation of Munster at the end of the Flight of the Earls, p. 288. She died in Desmond war in his View of Irelajtd,^^.\z,%; ■ 1596. He married lastly Catherine, daughter and for the manner in which the war was of Magennis Lord Iveagh, whom Lombard carried oninUlsterbyChichesterandMount- calls 'a truly accomplished and devout joy, and the condition of the province in con- lady.' She survived him. De Reg. Hib., sequence, see Moran's^. í7/Z?í^M'??, p. 123. p. 168. ^ Service. — Captain Thomas Lee, in 2 Liberation.— C.S.P.I., iv. 119. Desid. Cur. Hib., i. 87. xlvii the harsh practises used against others by those who have been placed in authority to protect men for your Majesty's service, which they have greatly abused and used in this sort. They have drawn unto them by protection three or four hundred of these country people, under colour to do your Majesty service, and brought them to a place of meeting where your garrison soldiers were appointed to be, who have there most dishonourably put them all to the sword ; and this hath been by the consent and practise of the Lord Deputy for the time being. If this be a good course to draw these savage people to the State, to do your Majesty service, and not rather to enforce them to stand upon their guard, I humbly leave to your Majesty. There have also been others pardoned by your Majesty who have been held very dangerous men, and after their pardon have lived very dutifully and done your Majesty great service, and many of them have lost their lives therein ; yet, upon small suggestions to the Lord Deputy that they should be spoilers of your Majesty's subjects, -notrt'ithstanding their pardon, there have been bonds demanded of them for their appearance at the next Sessions. They, knowing themselves guiltless, have most willingly entered into bonds and appeared, and there (no matter being found to charge them) they have been arraigned only for their being in company with some one of your Highness's servitors at the killing of notorious known traitors, and for that only have been condemned of treason and lost their lives ; and this dishonest practise hath been by the consent of your Deputies. The reasons why O'Donnell took up arms against the English we learn from the account of an interview that took place in January, 1596, between him and O'Neill on the one side, and certain Commissioners of the Queen on the other. The Commissioners asked: 'What cause had you, O'Donnell, to enter into rebellion, the rather her Majesty making account that you and all your ancestors had been always loyal.' Unco which he said, he was unjustly long imprisoned. Also, he said, Wyllis, with great strength, sought not only to invade Fermanagh, M'Guyr's country, being his next neighbour, which warned him the like would happen to himself, but also came upon the borders of his own country. Also, he feared the great extortion of Shryves ^ and officers if his country should be under laws, which he found true by experience of other parts.- ... In the rebellion of the late Earl of Desmond,^ Sir Turlough Luineach, the late O'Neill, sought by bribery to induce O'Donnell to join with him against her Majesty, and take part with the Earl that he might not be banished, which O'Donnell refused to do, though the reward that O'Donnell had for these and many other services was that Sir ^ Shryves. — ix.^ Sheriffs. Cox says that "- Parts. — C.C. MSS-, iii., 152. after the unjust execution of Hugh Roe "^ Desmond. — Y.2ix\ Gerald, 'ingens re- MacMahon by order of Fitzwilliam, the bellibus exemplar,' who after carrying on Irish loathed sheriffs and the Enghsh war against the English for four years, was neighbourhood, as fearing in time they slain at Gleanageenty, near Castleisland, might all follow the fate of MacMahon. November nth, 1583.' S&Q Anfuils F. M., Hid. Anglic, i. 399. v. 1793. xlviii John Perrott, in the time of his government, sent Captain Boyne with 150 soldiers into Tyrconnell, under colour to help O'Donnell to set the country in good civility ; to whom O'Donnell gave divers pledges and four of the best towns for the relief of his forces ; but he not only took ransom for the pledges, but sent some of them to Dublin, and also surrendered the same towns to a supposed base son of Callough O'Donnell's named Hugh/ the son of the Dean of Galchoule, an utter enemy of O'Donnell. By this indirect dealing Tyrconnell grew then in uproar against O'Donnell, and was utterly wasted. The said Lord Deputy, desiring to suppress the same O'Donnell, did counte- nance the said Dean O'Galchouly's son against O'Donnell, and sent his letter of special favour with him to her Majesty, from whom he obtained a yearly pension. By O'Donnell's suppression Tyrconnell was to have been brought into her hands. But this hard course against him was stopped by the death of the said Hugh, the Dean's son. When the said O'Donnell was ordered to send in his second son as a pledge, he would have performed the same ; but before he could be in his country, the Lord Deputy sent one Skipper with a bark, who took the now O'Donnell and brought him to Dublin, where he was committed to the Castle, from which he escaped ; but through the vehemency of the weather and his travail at that time, he was forced to cut off both his toes to the second joint, and at his coming to Tyrconnell he found all his followers dispersed, the country ruinated, and one Captain Willis beared such sway in the country there as he kept the last O'Donnell with him as a thrall or vassal to be as it were a guide for him in the country. These and many like courses, together with the base practises daily used against his neighbours in Fermanagh and Connaught, caused O'Donnell to fall into his dis- loyalty, fearing his own turn would come to be banished.- The Irish chieftains knew that without foreign aid the forces which they could bring together would be no match for the power of England. Hence they turned to other countries, those especially that were bound to them by the tie of a common religion. Spain was then the great Catholic power ; its King, Philip II., was the staunchest supporter ^ of the Catholic religion at home and abroad. Some years before the Queen of England complained through the Ambassador of Spain at her Court, that ' having heard that some fugitives and rebels -of the kingdom of Ireland had come to Spain and persuaded his Majesty to give them aid, in which purpose they had been helped by some of his Majesty's Council of State, and his Majesty having given them good hope, and ordered that they should be written to, and knowing the ancient friendship of the King 1 Hugh. — See p. xxxvi. antea. calamities that had befallen the church of ^ Bajiished. — C.C. MSS.,\\i. ii)2. Ireland, provided and made a most 2 Supporter. — ' Philip, King of Spain, generous provision for the faith of the the firmest bulwark of the Christian island almost rooted out, by establishing religion and of the Catholic Church, moved and endowing seminaries,' &c. O'Sullevan, with compassion on account of the Hist. Cath-, p. 295. xlix for the Queen, and that she had given no cause of offence to his Majesty though entreated to do so by many, and having learned that among them was Thomas Stuckley,^ a man of evil life and dissolute habits and a traitor, that a fleet was preparing and Julian Romero was captain of the same, she wished to know clearly and plainly the intention and purpose of his Majesty.'^ In 1578 she repeated the same complaint, and declared that she and her people would be found prepared in self- defence. A report, often repeated and renewed, has reached our ears, and now each day and by more sure tokens it has reached us, that your Highness, all of a sudden, when we expected nothing of the kind, means to do us a great wrong, to seize on our kingdom of Ireland, to stir up a rebellion there, to help the rebels, and to endeavour to strip us of the kingdom that has come down to us from our ancestors ; that your Highness has not only got ready ships and supplies, but appointed Julian Romero and other captains and soldiers to pass over into Ireland. And that your Highness may understand hoAV honestly and sincerely we deal in this matter, we send a nobleman of our household, Henry Cobham, in whom we wish you to put all trust ; in the first place, to let you know how unexpected and annoying to us this is, and next, that if your Highness should hear we are preparing forces — for it is not right that we should not be prepared against such a storm — you should know that our sole reason and aim in so doing is to defend ourselves and what belongs to us.'^ To this letter the King replied : As to what your Highness states about the reports and sure proofs that we have treated with the rebels about taking possession of the kingdom of Ireland and stirring up a rebellion there, and bringing together a fleet and supplies, and appointing leaders for this purpose, the matter itself shows what credit is to be attached to these false reports originating in the thoughtlessness or evil designs of some persons ; nor need we give any answer on that subject, nor is there any re^ison for offence or suspicion for what we have done in reference to them, for, as is the habit of kings, we are accustomed to receive in a kindly manner Catholics from other countries coming hither, especially noblemen Some of our subjects who had rebelled and were flying from the penalty due to their crinies, went to England, and having been aided with ships, supplies, soldiers, and every thing else they needed, overran the seas, plundered the sea-coast, entered English harbours laden with booty, and were received in a friendly way by your Highness's subjects and ministers.'* O'Donnell solicited the aid of the Irish in foreign countries, especially 1 Stuckley.—kr). account of this ad^•en- 2 //-^^ J/a/Vi/y.— Archives at Simancas, turer's strange career will be found in ' Inglaterra,' no. 822; the letter bears no date. O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath., p. 113, and in '^Tous—Ibid.,x\o.Z2S. Lombard's De Hib. Com., p. 143. 4 Minisiers.—Ibid., no. 826. those in the armies of foreign princes. To Maurice Fitzgerald,^ Fitzmaurice,^ and the other Irish gentlemen in Spain, he addressed the following letter^ from Donegal, April 8th, 1593 : You will have heard, my beloved friends, how I found a means of escaping from the prison in which I was, and how after much labour and hardship I reached my own territory. There I found an Englishman, agent of the Queen, and with him many soldiers ; all of whom, with the help of God's grace, I slew or drove out in a very short time, and never since have the English returned here, though not for want of will and desire to destroy me and do me all the harm they could. This is why I and the other chiefs who have united with me and are striving to defend our- selves, cannot hold out long against the power of the Crown of England without the aid of his Grace the Catholic ■* King. Wherefore, by common consent, we have thought it well to send the Archbishop of Tuam,^ though his presence is very necessary here, to treat of this matter with his Majesty, and to give you, gentlemen, Avho are there our letters, that you may all speak to his Majesty and beg of him immediate aid to assist us in fighting and combating for the service of God, and to protect and get back our lands, for it is right that we should be all of one mind, and that we should help each other in this undertaking. This I will do for my part till death, with the aid which I hope for from his Grace and with your presence and help. I will say no more, but pray God may be with you, and enable the Lord Archbishop to return with this favour. Fitzmaurice addressed a letter to the King in his own name, and on behalf of his com'panions in arms, asking for aid and beseeching the royal license to take part in any expedition that might be sent for the relief of their country : Sire — Maurice Fitzmaurice, heir of the Earl of Desmond, and the other Irish gentlemen in your Majesty's service have received, through the Archbishop of Cashel," at present at Court, letters from the principal Catholic gentry now united. They write that they are agreed to carry on war against the Queen of England, and they have asked us to implore your Majesty to send them aid in all possible haste. 1 Fitzgerald. — He is called in C.S.P.I., Granada from the Moors, and now belongs iv. 453, Maurice Fitz John, and is said to by right of inheritance to the Spanish be in great credit with the King of Spain in Sovereign, as that of Apostolic to the King 1592. of Portugal. "Fitzmaurice. — He was probably the ^ A. o/ Tuam. — James O'Hely, of whom grandson of Sir Maurice Dubh, 3rd brother more later. of John, 14th Earl of Desmond. See ^ Cashel. — This must be a mistake, as Archdall's Peerage, i. 72. there was no Archbishop of Cashel from ^Letter. — Archives, Simancas. The origi- May, 1584, the date of Dermot O'Hurley's nal was in Irish; it is not in the Archives. martyrdom, to the appointment of David Our translation is from the Spanish version Kearney in 1605. See Renehan's Col- which is there, no. 839. lections., i. 256 ; Dublin, i86r. The writer '^Catholic. — This title was given to refers no doubt to the Archbishop of Tuam, Ferdinand and Isabella after the capture of mentioned in the preceding letter. li \Vc know that these Lords are Catholics, and among the strongest and most powerful in Ireland, and uniting thus of their own free will, they risk their lives and estates to serve God and your Majesty. We have thought it right to implore your Majesty, for the love of God, to be pleased to take their needs to heart, and to send the aid you will think fit ; and with it to send us to defend and uphold the said undertaking, for we hope, with God's help, your Majesty will be victorious and conquer and hold as your own the kingdom of Ireland, and obtain thereby an entrance into England, for it would be a great pity that these lords should be lost for want of aid, as was the Earl of Desmond,^ who rose in arms in the same way. We trust in God that your Majesty and the Council will weigh well the advantages that will ensue to Christendom from this enterprise, and since the opportunity is so good, the cause so just and weighty, and the undertaking so easily completed, your Majesty will do what is best for the service of God and of your Majesty • seeing that by so doing the Queen of England will be compelled to withdraw the forces she is accustomed to send to Flanders and France, and cannot employ English on the coast of Spain. This is what we can say and beg of your Majesty, on this subject ; we are ready to do whatever your Majesty may command. May our Lord preserve your royal person, as Christendom requires. In Lisbon, 4th of September, 1593. Don Mauricio Geraldino.2 James O'Hely,^ Archbishop of Tuam,was deputed by the Irish chieftains and bishops to go to Spain and inform the King of their needs. In a letter to the King from Ferrol, bearing the date April 4th, 1593, he informs his Majesty that on his arrival in Ireland he had gone through the country and consulted the nobles, whose fidelity and constancy were undoubted. They declared that they had spent all their substance in trying to appease the English. He had found all the bishops anxious to obtain aid from his Majesty, in order to put an end to these calamities. He asks Diaz to implore his Majesty to send aid. All promised to take up arms and join the forces that would be sent. He encloses a commission given to him by all the Catholic bishops assembled together, who are convinced of his singular wisdom and prudence in advancing the welfare of his country and defending the Catholic faith, and saying that they expect his return soon after Christmas with help.^ His petition would seem to have been warmly ^ E. o/ Desmond. — See p. xlvii- antea- * lVi//i ^íT/^— Archives, Simancas, no. "^ DonM.Geraldino. — Archives, Simancas, 839. He was sent to Spain by O'Donnell no. 839. about the time when he attacked Ennis- 2 O'Hely. — He succeeded Nicholas killen Castle. There is in the Simancas Skerrett, who died in exile, at Lisbon, in Archives a report by him on the extent of 1583. The ship in which he was return- territory under the rule of each of the ing to Ireland, with assurance of support northern Chiefs, and of the forces which from the King of Spain, foundered in a O'Donnell, O'Rourke, Maguire, and others storm, and all on board were lost. had. O'Sullevan alludes to this. Hist. O'Sullevan's /f/i/. Cath, p. 162. Cath.., p- 162. lii supported by some one at the Court, as we learn from the following document presented to the King : The Archbishop of Tuam in Ireland says that for years past he has been anxious, and has laboured much both in public and in private, to unite and com- bine in a league and in friendship the Catholics of Ireland, for the purpose of making them take up arms on behalf of the Catholic faith and of your Majesty's service against the English heretics. In this he has been successful, for the most powerful Lords of the Catholic party in the northern part of the kingdom have united and risen against the Queen with great unanimity, and many other Catholics mean to do the like. Wherefore, the said Archbishop, on behalf and in the name of all these, as is evident from the letters which they wrote to your Grace, has come to ask your Grace to help, on such a favourable opportunity as this of making war on the Queen at home, the said Lords and their people ; and the Irish gentlemen who are now serving your Majesty in this kingdom, will give very great help in this undertaking, especially Maurice Fitzniaurice and the Viscount Baltinglas.^ Wherefore, the said Archbishop humbly beseeches your Grace to order some aid both of men and arms for this purpose, and that they should be given so that he may be able to return with an answer suit- able to the good-will and earnestness with which they offer to sei-ve your Majesty. He says it will be of much importance for the success of the confederation if your Majesty will order a friendly letter to be written to the Earl of Tyrone, called O'Neill, that he may enter into the confederation publicly, seeing that he belongs to it already in secret, assuring him that your Majesty's aid will not be wanting.^ Cornelius O'Mulrian,^ bishop of Killaloe, wrote to the King from Lisbon ; the letter bears date September 3rd, 1593 : Sire, — By letters from Ireland I have learned that many very powerful gentlemen have risen in the north of Ireland against the Queen of England, as your Majesty has learned from the Archbishop of Tuam, who has come on their behalf to beseech your Majesty to be pleased to send them aid in all haste, as it is evident that these powerful gentlemen, with the others in Ireland, mean to put themselves under your Majesty, and for this they have taken up arms with such spirit and Catholic zeal in defence of the faith, trusting in the aid that will be supplied by your Majesty, and ready to subject the kingdom to you. I beg of you, most mighty King, by the Blood of Jesus, to enter on this task with a lively faith and courageous mind. By sending ^ V. Baltmglas. — James Eustace. He ^ Wanting. — Archives, Simancas, no.839. had taken part in the rising of the Leinster =* 0'Miilrian—YÍQ was bishop of Killaloe Clans at the same time that the Earl of from 157610 1616. Soon after his appoint- Desmond had risen in the south, and had ment he was sent to Spain by the Earl of defeated Lord Grey in the battle of Glen- Desmond to ask for aid. He returned to malure in 1580, See Annals F. M., v. Ireland in 1579 with the expedition under 1737. He fled to Spain when the Earl was San Jose. He died at Lisbon. Several defeated. He was attainted, and his pro- of his letters are in the State Paper Ofifice perty confiscated. He seems to have died and in the Vatican Archives- See O'Sul- m Lisbon about September, 1594. levan's Hist. Cath., p. 113. this force to Ireland your Majesty will acquire everlasting renown and a vast and very fertile kingdom. There you will be at the door of England, and no English will furth^ molest the coast of Spain or oppose your Majesty in Flanders or in France. I trust your Majesty will consider all this. I now conclude, and beg to offer myself to bear a part in this expedition, for the service of God and of your Majesty. May God in his infinite mercy preserve and prosper us, and grant you a long life, as is needed by all the Christian people. Your servant and chaplain, Cornelius, bishop of Killaloe. The first^ of the northern chieftains who made common cause openly with O'Donnell was Hugh Maguire,- lord of Fermanagh.^ He took up arms on account of the manner in which his territory had been ravaged by the Binghams, and when he sent letters to the Lord Deputy and Council demanding restitution and they ordered the Binghams to make amends, these again entered his territory, preyed it, and slew many of the inhabitants. So too, Henshaw,'^ the seneschal of Monaghan, made incursions, captured and killed men, women, and children. Yet Sir William Fitzwilliam caused no redress to be made. Sir Henry Duke and Sir Edward Herbert, sheriffs of Cavan, did the like. He paid large sums of money as bribes to prevent the charges of sheriffs or other officers ; but Captain Willis, with Fuller's band and other companies, was sent to the sheriff, and preyed the country. These hard courses compelled him to entertain forces to expulse the said Willis and his companies ; whereupon ensued the proclaiming of himself and his followers and their banishment out of the country.^ Moreover, he protested that his disloyalty did not proceed from any conspiracy with any domestic or foreign enemy or of malice towards her Majesty, but through hard usages ; yet he craved pardon for himself and his country, and under- took to yield the usual rents and services. He demanded that free liberty ^f conscience should be given to himself and all the inhabitants of his country, and lastly, that no garrison might be placed in Fermanagh, but that for the government thereof the like course may be taken as shall be for MacMahon's country and other parts of the Irishry.^ ^ The first. — ' Maguire must be gotten, chiefs up to the beginning of the 14th cen- and some example made of him, because tury. The first of the Maguires who was he was the first in actual rebellion in Ennis- Chief of Fermanagh, was Donn Carragh, killen.' The English Privy Council to the who died in 1302. Ibid. The A finals 0} Lord Deputy, September 12th, 1595. C.C. Clonmacnoise speak of his liberality and MSS.,\\\. \2i. prowess. Ad ann. ''- Magidre.—i:\\Q Sil Uidhir are the * -//i//J-//aw. — He got a grant of a portion Maguires, MacAuleys, MacMahons, and of the lands of Hugh Roe MacMahon, who their correlatives. They are descended was unjustly put to death by Fitzwilliam. from Colla da Crioch. See Annals F. M., Cox, Hib. Angl., i. 399. iii. 476, and vi. 2366, n. 5 Country.— Ibid., i. 402. ^ Fermanagh.— ThG O'Heneys were its ^ Irishry. — C.C. MSS.,\ú. x^S- liv Our author describes Maguire's hosting and his encounter with the Enghsh under Bingham/ near Tulsk, Co. Roscommon. Neither could claim the victory, though Maguire carried off the booty whidi he had collected. This is Bingham's account of the skirmish : Upon our first intelligence that the rebels were come in, we sent out twenty principal horsemen to discover them, who falling in amongst all their strength of horsemen unawares were forced to retire, and there we lost a tall gentleman William Clifford and one of the Rullidges, all the morning being so foggy and misty as the like was not this year. The darkness of the weather hindered us much, for if the morning had been clear that we might have discovered still where the footmen had been, we had not left them one horseman to carry the news home. The primate MacGauran "^ lost his life, a man of more worth in respect of the villainy and combinations which he hath wrought with the ill Irishry than the overthrow of divers hundreds of the other beggars, and so generally is his death lamented as if the same were their utter overthrow. And assuredly, right honourable, he was the only stirrer and the sole combiner of all their mischiefs towards in Ulster, and the primer of MacGuire to come forward in their two journeys, making the Irishry full of belief that they should have the aid this summer of Spaniards, and another champion of the Pope, like Doctor Allen,^ the notable traitor, but God be thanked he has left his dead carcass on the Maugherie,^ only the said rebels carried his head away with them that they might universally bemoan him at home.^ Rothe says a body of English cavalry flying from the field came on him as he was engaged in administering the sacraments to the wounded, and slew him, through hatred of his sacred calling.*^ Besides the Primate, MacElan, leader of the Scots, MacCaffrey, chief of his name, Turlough MacCaffrey's two sons, MacThomas, MacTurlough Maguire, son to the lord of Clancally,^ James MacTurlough MacPhilip Maguire, Cuconnacht MacPIugh, Maguire's son, and Con MacTurlough O'Neill were slain in the ^ Binghani — He was appointed Governor of Connaught in 1 584, having ah-eady served some years in Ireland. More of him later. His defence of his conduct will be found in a letter of his of June 24th, 1596. C. S.P.I.., V. 538. '^MacGauran. — In 1587 he was trans- ferred from Ardagh to Armagh. He came to Ireland a few months before his death, with a commission from the King of Spain, exhorting the Irish to carry on the war, and promising them immediate aid. O'SuUevan's Hist. Cath., p. 158, and Rena- han's Collections, i. 18. 3 Doctor Allen. — Created Cardinal in 1587. He died in Rome in 1594. See a sketch of his life in Stephens' Diet, of National Biography., i. 314 ; London, 1885. * Maugherie. — See p. xxv. antea. ^ Ho7ne. — Brady's Episcopal Succession^ ii. 228 i Rome, 1876. The date of Bing- ham's letter is June 28th, 1593. This determines the year of the Primate's death, about which writers have differed hitherto,- See Renehan's Collections, 1. 19. •^ Calling. — See Rothe's Analecta cie Rebus Catholicorum in Hibernia, p. 381 ; Dublin, 1884. O'SuUevan's account is somewhat different. Hist. Cath.,^^. 158. ^ Clancally. — Now a barony in the south- east of Roscommon. Iv fight. Our author says it was by O'Donnell's advice and request that Maguire took up arms. Just three months after the fight several of Binghame spies brought him word that ' Hugh Roe was at Bally- ' shannon, and had said to his friends that of necessity he must aid Maguire, for that otherwise himself is the next that shall be prosecuted.' ^ Hugh O'Neill took part in this battle, and fought on the side of the English. On the i ith of October he wrote to the Deputy and Council: 'Yesterday the Marshal^ and I with all our companies marched from here towards Belleek,^ where the enemies at a ford thereabouts made show of their forces, and having made some fortification at the further side of that ford, did place themselves there, being by report of some of those of their company that were taken prisoners, between shot and gallowglasses about 900 men, to stop our passage over, whereupon we attempted the ford being very deep and with our horsemen did join jointly with the footmen and charged the enemies and put them to flight, and followed them in chase five miles or more, in which pursuit we slew 340 men and was hurt myself with a dart through the right leg. . . . Were it not for Harry Hoveden's ^ assistance in rescuing of me, I had been slain.' ^ The Four Masters say, ' it was not pleasing to the Earl of Tyrone to go on that expedition ; however he had so much dread of the English that he was obliged to obey.' '^ Yet O'Neill did not seem to his masters zealous enough in their cause. Within a few days he received a rebuke from the Deputy and Council 'for lingering the service.' "^ The Lord Deputy informed Burghley too that the Earl of Tyrone * had made earnest motion to be gone the day before the conflict with Maguire.' ' The suspicious manner of his horsemen sitting all night on horseback, close to Marshal Bagnal's camp,' ^ was duly noted by his enemies and reported by them. O'Neill's wound was an answer to these doubts about his fidelity. ' I was greatly grieved,' he wrote to the Chancellor, under the date October i6th, ' at a letter which the Lord Deputy and Council sent me from Ardee, wherein it seemed they had me in suspicion that I did not such service against the enemy as they thought I might have done. . . . Assuring you that if by any means I could light on the enemies before now, I would have ventured myself, no less in 1 Prosecuted.— C. S.P.I. , v. 163. of the river Erne, 5 miles W. of Eallyshan " Marshal.— i.e., SxrUQnry'QdLgnsil. He non. succeeded his father as Marshal of the ^ Hoveden's.— He was O'Neill's foster- army in 1590. Having got a grant of the brother. Cistercian Abbey of Newry, he settled there. '" Slain.—C.S.P.L, v. 166. See an account of this family by J. P. Pren- ^ Obey.—Aiinals, vi. 1940. dergast in The Kilk. Arch. Journal for ' Sendee.— CS.P I., v. 170. i860, p. 23. s Gí/;í/.— The Lord Deputy to Burghley. ^ Belleek.—\ town on the northern bank Nov. 16th. Ibid., p. 174. Ivi serving against them than in tlif late service I have done,' ^ He gave as his reason for not shewing more activity, that ' the waters were a stop oetween him and the enemies.' Our author when describing the encounter speaks of disadvantages under which the Irish fought in consequence of the inferiority of their arms.^ When the combatants were face to face, separated only by the river Erne, the missiles of the English wounded and killed the Irish, whereas those of the Irish did not reach the enemy. In all their wars from the first coming of the English, this was the chief cause of the defeat of the Irish. Fynes Moryson, speaking of the success of the English in the war against O'Neill and O'Donnell, says : — ' Lest the disparity of losses often mentioned by me should savour of a partial pen, the reader must know that besides the fortune of the war turned on our side, together with the courage of the rebels abatécl and our men heartened by successes, we had plenty of powder, and sparing not to shoot at random, might well kill many more of them than they, ill-furnished of pow^der and commanded to spare it, could kill of ours.' ^ From this more than from any want of self-reliance or from fear when meeting the enemy in the field arose their constant desire and effort to secure the friendship of other nations. Cox tells how the Irish became accustomed to the use of the new arms : ' Sir John Perrott, to save charges, armed the Irish in Ulster against the islander Scots, and so taught them the use of arms ; and Sir William Fitzwilliams took several Irish into the army, and improvidently sent others of them into the Low Countries, where they became excellent soldiers, and returned stout rebels.' ^ One of the chief causes, according to Fynes Moryson, 'why the fire of rebellion increased to a devouring flame, was the entertaining and arming of Irishmen, a point of high oversight begun by Sir John Perrott and increased by Sir William Fitzwilliam, who at the first sending of forces into Fermanagh gave power to certain Irishmen to raise companies, which they did of their own countrymen, so as this ill custom being after continued, it both furnished the enemy with trained men and filled our bands with such false- hearted soldiers as some doubted whether we had not better have enemies than friends.' ^ One of the charges which Bagnal brought against Hugh O'Neill was, that having six companies at his command in the Queen's pay, he altered and changed the men so often that thereby his countrymen became disciplined soldiers.^ ^ Done. — Ii>/d.,Tp. 167. In ' The Causes thought it a disgrace to wear armour. — and Articles wherewith the Earl of Tyrone Topog. Hib,, d. iii. c. 10. See also The is grieved,' he says he was ' sore hurt.' CC. Celtic Miscellany, p. 152 ; Dublin, 1849. MSS . iii. 88. 3 Of ours. — Rebellion, &^c., p. 115. "^ Arms. — Giraldus Cambrensis says the '^ Siout Rebels.— Hib. Angl., i. 407. Irish in his time used three kinds of arms, ^ Friends. — Rebellio7i^ &^c., p. 14. short spears, javelins, and battleaxes. They ^ Soldiers.— Cox, Hib. Angl., i- 403. Ivii In the spring of the following year, 1594, the Lord Justice assembled a force to attack Enniskillen, Maguire's stronghold.^ So sudden was his coming that the garrison had no time to make due preparations for resistance. Yet the assailants could not get the castle into their power until they had bribed the garrison. Having effected their purpose, they left in it thirty men to hold it. O'Donnell had asked some of the Scots to come to his aid, that he might be sure of the success of his attack on the place. But as he thought them slow in coming, he set off with his own people and encamped close to the castle, continuing the siege from June to August. Here is the account which O'Sullevan gives of what followed :^ In consequence of the closeness of the siege, the garrison began to suffer from hunger. MacCran,^ the same who had betrayed the castle and had been left in it by the English, a voracious, hungry beast, was sent out in a boat with five companions, for he knew the country and the roads, to tell the danger in which the castle was ; but being caught by the Catholics, he and his companions were slain. Nevertheless, the English, well aware of the straits in which the garrison was, hastened to send them supplies ; salt meat, cheese, and a large quantity of biscuits were got ready. One thousand men were collected from the several garrisons. The whole force, made up of Irish lately levied, and of English from the garrisons, amounted to 2,500 foot, and 400 horse. Sir Henry Duke, an Englishman, governor of Offaly, was put in command ; and Fool * was the marshal. O'Donnell, informed of their plans, sent word to O'Neill that the Protestants were coming to relieve Enniskillen, that he w\as determined to prevent them at all hazards, and that he would no longer consider the Earl his friend if he did not give his aid in such a straight. When the Earl got this message, he was sorely perplexed, thinking that O'Donnell had acted rashly in beginning the war so soon, thrc^gh hope of aid from Spain, and not waiting until the help came ; he saw that the cause of the Catholics was in great danger though he lent his aid ; and even if he did not assist them, he would be suspected by the English, and so would be treated as an enemy by both. When the Queen's army was drawing near, Cormac O'Neill, the Earl's brother, came to O'Donnell's camp with a hundred horse and three hundred light foot, armed with guns ; it was not known whether he came by the direction of the Earl or of his own accord. Maguire and Cormac set off with a thousand foot from the camp in haste to prevent the enemy from wasting the country, and to harass them, so that they might not be fresh for an encounter with O'Donnell. Meantime Duke halted for the night three miles from a ford ^ on the Farney river. As soon as it was dark he was suddenly assailed by a discharge of leaden bullets. He sent out his men to repel the attack. The whole night through the firing went on, and ^ S/rojighoId- — This castle is first men- noith. Perhaps he means a play on the tinned in The Annals F. M. under the date name MacSwiny. 1439- ^Fool.—i.e., Fuller. See C.C. MSS., '^Followed. — Hist. Cath., p. 165. iii. 156. ^ MacCran. — O'Sullevan has here filius ^ Ford. — Now Dromaine bridge, five miles scrophie ; this name is not unusual in the south of Enniskillen. h Iviii so the Queen's forces were deprived of their rest. Early the next morning Duke formed his forces into three bodies, and protected them on the flank by- troops of cavalry and musketeers. He divided the beasts of burthen, which were carrying large supplies of provisions, and the camp-followers into two parts, and put one between the two first divisions of the army, the other part between the second and third. The army, wearied in consequence of their want of sleep during the preceding night, was set on from time to time by the Catholics during the march and forced to halt. About eleven o'clock in the day he reached the ford. He bade the horsemen dismount, as the place was ill suited to the movements of cavalry. Here Maguire and Cormac, with their full force of i,ooo men, attacked them, and their sharp-shooters pressed on the first body, while the rear was assailed not only by the musketeers but by the spearsmen. But the enemy's first body made a passage for itself by the sword, and beating the Catholics off both sides, entered the ford. Meantime the Catholics, who were attacking the rear, forced the enemy's sharp- shooters in among the main body, and by a continuous fire caused confusion among them ; and as the ranks were broken, the Catholic spearsmen rushed in and drove the first body in among the camp-followers and beasts of burthen. The middle body was engaged in a two-fold task, supporting those in the rear and resisting the Catholics ; but these by their onset increased the disorder and drove the middle and rear in among the front lines. The whole army rushed pell-mell into the river, leaving behind the supplies, taking with them only their horses. Duke asked those around him what he should do. George Oge Bingham recommended him to return and attempt to save the supplies ; if not, they would die of hunger, as well as the garrison which they were going to relieve ; now they could not help them. Fool the marshal protested loudly against such a course, and besought him to go to the relief of the castle. The place where they halted was very soft, and the horses swik in the ooze and could not be of any help to them. Hence the Catholics continued their fire with impunity. Wherefore Fool ordered a body of sharp-shooters to advance against them in order to drive them off while the ranks were forming. Immediately after he was pierced by a javelin and slain. The consequence was that the whole army in terror left their horses, broke their ranks, and of themselves returned to the ford which they had crossed shortly before. But the Catholics, some of whom were plundering the supplies, while others were defending the ford, prevented them. Not knowing what to do, they set off for another ford which was near at hand, and crossed it in all haste before the Catholics could come to defend it. They rushed into it in such confusion and terror that one hundred of them were drowned ; the rest crossed over on the dead bodies. Few of the Irish followed them across, despising the smallness of their number. Duke and the other officers of his army halting, threw away their arms, and stripped to their shirts ; yet this did not help him to escape, for he was seized ^ by four Irish soldiers and dragged away from his own men. The Catholics let the runaways escape, turning their whole thoughts to plundering ; for the few that had followed them over the ford returned immediately. For that reason only little more than ^Seized. — He was not killed, for in 'The said to have died Feb 8th, 1596. CC. Journal of the Lord Deputy Russell/ he is MSS., iii. 241, ENNISKILLEN CASTLE IN 1616. líx four hundred of the English and of the Irish who were in their service were slain. The horses, a large quantity of arms, the supplies, and the whole of the baggage were captured. When the garrison of the castle heard of the defeat of the army that was coming to them with supplies, they surrendered the place to Maguire, and he gave them pardon and protection.^ On the 1 8th of May the Lord Deputy and Privy Council wrote to the English Privy Council : We received advertisements yesterday that the traitors have taken the castle of Enniskillen, a matter strange to us, considering the ward wanted no munition ; and for victuals, the constable who had charge therein by his last letter assured us that he had sufficient to serve their turns till this month of May ; and besides, where his company assigned him for warders was twenty-five persons, and according to that number he had received his proportion of victuals, it is now certified there were but fourteen or fifteen in all, by which diminution of numbers he might have drawn on the provision of victual to a far longer time. . . . We hear that after the constable and warders were come out of the castle with bag and baggage and promise of life, they were put to the sword by the traitors.2 Sir William Russell was appointed^ Lord Deputy in May, 1594. In the ' Instructions ' given to him by the Queen, he was told that ' after he had received the sword he should, in the place of Council, require to be informed of the causes in Ulster, both touching the rebels Maguire, young O'Rourke, and certain of the MacMahons, and the behaviour of O'Donnell, of the Earl of Tyrone's proceedings since last he was at Dundalk with the Commissioners, and what opinion they had of his disposition to behave himself like a loyal subject, and to serve the Queen by subduing Maguire and the other rebels and containing O'Donnell in his duty. . . . She did not hear of any public disturbance in any other part of the realm than Ulster, which should be taken in and without delay.' * Russell refused to take over the office from his predecessor Fitzwilliam until he should get in writing from the Council an account of the condition of the kingdom.^ In ' A Summary Collection of the State of Ireland, delivered to him by the Lord Deputy on his coming to Ireland,' he was told that ' all the rebels in Fermanagh and Monaghan had been aided and countenanced by O'Donnell in person and the principal forces of Tirconnell, who were combined with the rebels and had openly shown themselves with them at the siege of Enniskillen and the preying of Monaghan.'*^ '^ Protectio7i. — Annals F. M., vi. 1952. left us a detailed account of the system of 2 Traitors. — C.C. AfSS., iii. 72. government then in use. C.C. MSS., iii. ^Appointed. — He landed at Howth, July '^ Delay. — Ibid., p. 90. 31st, and was sworn August nth. Cox, ^ Kingdom. — Qoy., Hib. AngL,\. ap^. Htb.Angl.,\./:^02,. In his 'Journals ' he has ^ Moftaghan.—C-C. MSS-, iii. 92. Ix Our author describes at some length two hostings made by O'Donnell in the beginning of the year 1595 into Connaught ; they were undertaken to punish Bingham for the cruelties which he had practised towards the people of Enniskillen after the castle had been betrayed to him, throwing men, women, and children over the bridge into the river below.^ The nobles of that province, too, who had been driven from their lands came to him and besought him to aid them and restore them to their homes. ' It was easy to tempt him, owing to the resentment he felt against the English.' These had possession of all the strong places in the province. His first hosting was in early spring. He went to Ballyshannon, along the borders of Breffny, by Moylurg, to Croghan, which he had chosen as the place which he would attack and waste. 'He gathered such a spoil there as no one of the race of the Gadelians had ever before brought together.' Bingham, hearing of his approach, assembled a body of men from the different strongholds, and lay in wait for him, thinking he would return home by the same road as he had come. But he crossed the Shannon at Killtrenan,^ and made his way back by Conmaicne Reim, and reached Donegal ' with great treasures and much joy.' In this hosting he spared no one over fifteen years old who could not speak the Irish language. The consequence was that many of the English colonists were slain, and most of the survivors fled the country, and there was not left there one Englishman except those who were shut up in castles and other strong places.^ In a second hosting, early in summer, he went again southwards, through Conmaicne Reim to Annaly,* where he took O'Farrell's castle and seized its constable Brown, returning with immense spoils of every kind. O'Neill had now openly taken sides with O'Donnell against the English. The reason which he put forward for casting aside his allegiance to the Queen was the ill-treatment which he continued to receive at the hands of Bagnal and the unwillingness of the Lord Deputy and Council to afford him protection or redress. The State Papers contain these griev- ances ^ in detail. They are : I. The Marshal having bribed the Deputy with many bribes of plate and great sums of money, wrested from the inhabitants under his rule, did, in June of the ^ River beloiv. — O'Sullevan, Hist. Caih., their territory was conterminous with the p. 160. present Co; Longford. 2 Kiiltrenan. — O'Donovan says he could ^ Grievances— C.C. MSS,, iii. 81. See not find any church of this name in Leitrim. also O'Sullevan's ///j/". Caf/i-, p. 164, and Anna/s K M.,iv. iigS. Desid. Cur. Hib., ii. 91. O'Sullevan says ^ Síron^ places.— O'SuWewaji, Hist. Cath., O'Neill ofifered to meet unarmed Bagnal p. 168. fully armed, because it would be no honour "^ Annaly. — Anghaile, the great-grand- to him to overthrow a man ever held to be father of Fergal, whence O'Ferrall. This of most cowardly behaviour if he met him was the name of the tribe of the O'Farrells ; on equal terms. Ixi preceding year, by folse accusations of treason, seek the Earl's life, and produce base men to prove the same when the Lord Deputy and Council were at Dundalk. 2. When the Earl brought into subjection Clandeboy, Kilultagh, Kilwarlyn, Mac Cartan's, O'Hanlon's, and MacMahon's countries, such as appertained to the Earl bearing rule in any of these places were removed, and base and servile fellows of the Marshal's faction put in their rooms. 3. All gentlemen bearing affection to the Earl are put from any place of credit or government, and those that have served under them, either as officers, soldiers, or servants, are preferred before them ; so that all the Earl's followers and tenants do so much loathe and hate these parties as they will never trust them or come at them. 4. The Lord Deputy and the Marshal are knit together against the Earl, and do seek, and have sought, his life. They are greatly befriended at Court, while the Earl himself, since the death of the Earl of Leicester, the late Lord Chancellor Hatton, Sir Francis Walsingham, and others of his friends in England, is destitute of friends. Therefore, although for the confi- dence he has in the Lord Chancellor, and Sir Robert Gardiner, and also in Sir Anthony St. Leger ^ he is come to them, nevertheless he will use the best means he can for preserving his life, and will not trust those that seek his death by such indirect means ; yet he will be true and faithful to her Highness. 5. The Marshal, unknown to her Majesty and the Council of England, has procured a Commission to end and determine all causes in Ulster, and appointed a Chief Sergeant to execute all his orders. The Earl is not well pleased that the Marshal should bear that sway over him. Finally, for as much as neither the Earl himself, nor any of the inhabitants of this country, can abide or digest the said malicious practises against him, in so much as the chiefest in his country were ready to tear him for his coming in to your Honours, he humbly prays that it would please her Highness to remove those base, covetous, and cowardly persons, that only seek his overthrow.^ Bagnal's answer to these charges was the preferring of new informations^ against the Earl a few months later. I. That one sent^ from the Bishop of Rome to take upon him the primacy of the realm, being accompanied by Maguire and sundry of the Earl's men, foster- brothers, and household servants, invaded Connaught last year, where having spoiled divers of her Majesty's subjects in that province and slain of her soldiers, yet the Earl had ever since entertained those persons. 2. After he had undertaken to serve against Maguire he had a meeting with him and O'Donnell upon a mountain in the night, where they three did conclude how the war should be prosecuted. 3. When pretending to invade Maguire, he preyed Connor Roe,^ the only service- 1 Si. Leger— nt was Master of the Rolls, 3 Informations.— C, C. MSS., iii. 97. The and one of the Commissioners appointed to date is August 17th, 1594. distribute among the English Undertakers * 6"^«/.— The allusion is to Edmund the lands in south and west Munster es- MacGauran. See p. liv., antea. cheated to the Crown after the defeat of sCtf;^;zi7r/?(?,?.— An account of his territory Gerald, Earl of Desmond. will be found in Hardiman's edition of "^Overthrow. — These Articles were pre- O'Flaherty's lar Connaught, pp. i34-i39j sentedtothe Privy Council, Mar. i4lh, 1594. and 352-358 ; Dublin, 1846. Ixii able man to her Majesty in that country. 4. Maguire and other principal traitors had been divers times with the Earl since they were proclaimed ; he harboured their goods and yielded them relief and countenance, making his country a receptacle for their spoils and furnishing them with forces. 5. When Maguire invaded Fermanagh and Breffney, he was accompanied with the force of Tyrone under the Earl's brother Cormock, together with his foster-brothers and household servants, who slew some of her Majesty's soldiers and conveyed the preys taken there into Tyrone. Yet the Earl ever since entertained those parties. 6. Many of the traitors from Connaught were lately in his company, and by him relieved. 7. His son and his chief officers, together with all the forces of Tyrone, were in company with O'Donnell and Maguire when they invaded Monaghan and wasted it. Bagnal's greatest grievance was that O'Neill had married his sister Mabel : Having procured the good-liking of the girl, he (O'Neill) took advantage of her years, and caused her to steal away with one William Warren, at whose house the Bishop of Meath stood in readiness and married them. ... I can but accurse myself and fortune, that my blood which in my father and myself has often been shed in repressing this rebellious race should now be mingled with so traitorous a stock. ^ The Queen attributed all the troubles to the neglect of the Lord Deputy and Council in their dealings with O'Neill. ' We can no longer forbear,' she writes under the date October, 1594, 'to let you know what great mischief the remiss and weak proceedings of late have wrought in that kingdom. We do not impute it to you our Deputy, who are but lately come to the helm, but to you our Council. ... It is gross to find that such a man, so laid open to you all and made so suspicious by his own actions, hath been suffered to grow to this head. , . . When voluntarily he came to you the Deputy, it was over- ruled by you the Council to dismiss him, though dangerous accusations were offered against him. This was as foul an oversight as was ever committed in that kingdom. . . . Command him, without any respite or excuse of business or sickness, to make his present repair to you, to answer wherein he is justly charged, and to submit to our estate there ; which if he do not, we are determined to proclaim him a traitor.' ^ In the beginning of the following year the fort of the Blackwater, which afforded a ready passage from Louth into Tyrone, was captured by some of O'Neill's troops ; they were commanded by his brother Art, for he had not yet taken the field openly against the English. We have an official account^ of the capture from Henry Marshe, one of the warders of the fort when it was taken, dated Newry, July 20th, 1595. . "^ Stock. — C.S.P.I., V. 409. See p. xlvi., "^Traitor. — C.C. MSS., ill. 100. antea, and Flight of the Earls, pp. 6, 287. ^Account. — C.S.F-/,, v. 298. Ixiii About eight o'clock in the morning some forty or fifty of the Earl of Tyrone s men came from Armagh, with two prisoners bound with them, and marched through the town of Blackwater with their matches alight and bullets in their mouths, until they came to the stone castle. When they came between both the gates they did shut themselves within and hotly assaulted the door of the castle, thinking to have entered it on the sudden, only myself and four more being within to defend the said castle, whereof two of us at that assault were sore wounded. We galled and killed to the number of thirteen of them. They continued that assault about a quarter of an hour; then myself, with three of the company that was with me, came down out of the castle and put them from between the gates with our swords ; then they all, with a great number more of the rebels, lay round about the wooden castle, assaulting it both within the fort and without. Then about two o'clock in the after- noon Edward Cornwall sent his wife unto me, to desire me for the Passion of God to yield the castle to Art MacBaron,^ and he and the seneschal O'Hagan would send us safe to the Newry with bag and baggage, and give us garrons to carry our carriages. Then I answered her I would never yield the castle to them as long as I did live, for that I had within the castle both munition and victuals enough for that company that was there for a quarter of a year. Then she urged me further to yield, alleging that unless I did yield, it would be the loss of all our lives and all the others who were in the wooden castle. Then I told her I would not deliver it before the morning. Then she desired me again, for the Passion of God, to deliver it presently, or else they would set the wooden castle on fire and burn all who were within it. After his wife could not prevail with me, he came himself and bade me give up the castle, for that his munition was gone he could not tell how, and as God judge him, it was gone upon the sudden. Whereupon I consented to yield it ; but notwithstanding, if I had been as well furnished with men as I was with ammunition and victuals I would not have yielded it.^ In the following May O'Neill took the field openly against the English. Uniting his forces with those of Maguire and MacMahon,^ he made an attempt to capture Monaghan, where a body of English troops had taken possession of the monastery * and fortified it. Sir Henry Bagnal went to 1 Aft MacBaron.—A younger brother of liam. ' The Irish say he had hard measure, Hugh O'Neill, and the father of Owen Roe and instance much foul practise in Ihe pro- O'Neill, the leader ot the Irish in the war secution and trial. But however that be, ofi64i. See p. xlv. antea. the poor gentleman was hanged, and his 2 Yielded it. — Cornwall was put under country divided between Sir Henry Bagnal, arrest on suspicion of having betrayed the Captain Henslow, and four of the Mac- Blackwater fort. Bagnal to Burghley, Mahons, under a yearly rent, each of them March 4th, 1595. The Queen wrote to the giving considerable bribes to the Deputy.' Lord Deputy and Council that sheexpected Cox, Hib. Avgl.^u 399, and C. C. A/SS-, 'the crime of losing of the Blackwater iii. 156. would be severely punished.' March loth. "^ Alofiastery.—lt was founded for the See C.S.P./., V. 298 and 305. Franciscan Order in 1462 by Phelim Mac- ^ MacMa/ion.— Hugh Roe, chief of the Mahon, lord of Oriel. Annals F. M., iii. clan, had been executed by order of Fitzwil- 1019. Nothing remains of it now, Ixiv their relief. We have a detailed account of the expedition from one of his officers.^ On Sunday, 24th May, 1595, we marched from the Newry 1,500 foot and 250 horse, to the Eight-Mile church. The enemy appeared upon a hill with 1,500 horse. Our General, Sir Henry Bagenall, commanded all the horse to be drawn up towards them. The enemy retired, thinking to draw us up into their straights of foot, which lay some mile distant ; but the General drew back. Next morning, after eight miles' march, the Earl oi Tyrone brought all his forces to a straight which we were to pass, and turned off seven or eight companies of foot to skirmish with us. They annoyed us much, the passage being between a bog and a wood. After we had passed the straight the enemy's powder was spent, but their forces increased. We found that Maguire and MacMahon had beseiged Monaghan, but they rose as soon as we came. We encamped on a hill close to the Abbey. Our loss was 12 slain and 30 hurt; the enemy's, 100 slain, and many hurt. The same evening the enemy drew up his forces, increased to above 8,000 foot and 1,000 horse, within three-quarters of a mile, and yet did nothing. Having put victual into Monaghan, and changed the ward, the next day we dislodged and marched back. The enemy stopped all the straights and passages. It was long before we could wind ourselves through one of them, being driven to exceeding many stands. We lost 12 horse ; among them was Sir Edward Harbert's brother. Having recovered the champion,^ they somewhat withdrew the heat of their skirmish, their munition being very near spent, having consumed almost 14 barrels of powder, as we were informed, for we had ever good intelligence from among themselves. They sent a supply to the Earl's house at Dungannon. Next morning we marched away in some quiet. Thinking we would go to Dundalk, the Earl stopped all the passages, but we marched to the Newrie, where we found all our losses to have been about 31 or 32 slain and 120 hurt, and none hurt of any account except Sir Henry Duke, Captain Cunye, five lieutenants, an ensign, and a sergeant. Of the enemy we hear 300 or 400 were slain and very many hurt. The enemy have broken up the causeway between the Newrie and Dundalk, and plashed ^ and made up the same. They lie there expecting our army's coming that way. But having spent all our powder, ten barrels, our General drew to a council, and determined to send away in a small boat by sea to declare what was done and crave a supply of munition, which had, they are ready and desirous to come away if they be commanded. But I think it impossible for them to do it were they as many more as they are, for now the enemy is fourteen or fifteen thousand strong in that place. There could not be any longer a doubt about O'Neill's intention to make common cause with the other northern chieftains in resisting the English power. On the 28th of June following a proclamation was issued against '^Officers — Report of Lieutenant Tucher. as the interlacing of low boughs and the C-C. MSS., iii. 109. casting of bodies of trees across the way, to 2 Champion. — Champaign, the open prevent the enemy's passage. Rebellion, country. p. 20. A great part of the country, now bare ^ Plashed. — Moryson describes plashing was then thickly wooded. Ixv O'Neill ^ and his confederates, declaring them traitors, and bidding all who wished to live peaceably in the Queen's favour to withdraw from them and to make their submission to the Lord Deputy. It begins by enumerat- ing all the favours conferred on the Earl, i,ooo marks yearly, and very large possessions and rule by letters patent. Aspiring to live like a tyrant over a great number of good subjects in Ulster, he has lately allured O'Donnell, the chieftain of Tyrconnell, by matching with him in marriage, whose father and predecessors have always been loyal, to enter into rebellion ; and has in like manner comforted and provoked, with the aid of his brethren and bastards, certain other disobedient subjects, as Maguire, chieftain of Fermanagh, the traitor O'Rourke's son, and sundry of the MacMahons of Monaghan, to invade divers counties in and near the English Pale. In order to become Prince of Ulster, he has also, partly by force, pardy by false persuasions, allured and drawn to concur with him in rebeUion a great part of the chieftains of Ulster. For these causes her Majesty doth now, upon the preparation of her army, notify to all her good subjects, both English and Irish, the said Earl to be accepted the principal traitor and chief author of this rebellion, and a known practiser with Spain and other her Majesty's enemies ; commanding all her subjects that have aided and accompanied him, and yet shall now desire to live peaceably in her favour, to with- draw themselves from him and his complices. And when her army shall enter Ulster, if they come to the Lord Deputy, they shall, upon their submission, have pardon of their lives and lands. If those who were the servants or followers of Turlough Luineach,^ her very loyal subject, return from the said Earl to the said Turlough Luineach, and join him in withstanding the said traitors, they also shall have like pardons.^ When sending the order to the Lord Justice to issue the proclamation against O'Neill, the Queen bade him, if he thought he could recover O'Donnell, notwithstanding this proclamation, to enteatain him secretly with hope, for that she had ' a disposition to serve him.' His efforts, whatever they may have been, did not avail to create any disunion between him and O'Neill. ^O'Neill, — In 'A Discourse for Ireland' it ''-Turlough Luineach. — He died in the is saidof Hugh O'Neill : ' His rebellion will beginning of September, 1595. Imme- be more dangerous and cost the Queen diately after Hugh O'Neill had himself more crowns than any that have foregone inaugurated the O'Neill. ' Old O'Neill is him since her Majesty's reign ; for educated dead, and the traitor Hugh has gone to in our discipline and naturally valiant, he is the stone to receive that name.'— Bagnal worthily reputed the best man of war of his to Burgh ley, September 9th. C.S.P.I.,v. nation. Most of his followers are well 386. The place where the O'Neills were trained soldiers in usmg weapons, and he is inaugurated was TuUaghoge, eight miles N. the greatest man of territory within that of Dungannon. See Flight of the Earls^ kingdom, and absolute commander of the p. 11. north of Ireland.'— CC MSS., iii. 105. 3 Pardons.— CC- MSS., iii. 1 1 1. i Ixvi It was time that the Deputy himself should take the field. Sir John Norris/ then President of Munster, who had learned the art of war in the Low Countries, was appointed ' General of her Majesty's Forces in Ulster for suppressing such of the Queen's subjects in that province and its borders as traitorously entered into arms and were in open rebellion.' He had the sole command of the army in Ulster when the Lord Deputy was absent. The force which he had under him now was composed of 2,000 veterans who had served in the wars of the continent, and 1,000 new soldiers.^ ' The Journal of the journey of the Lord Deputy against the arch-traitors Tyrone and O'Donnell ' describes in detail the movements of the army day by day. The army set off from Dundalk on the 21st of June, 2,200 foot and 550 horse, Sir Edward York commanding these and Norris the foot. The same day they marched through the pass of the Moyrie, the causeway that had been broken down by the rebels being made passable with caishes^ by pioneers. They encamped two miles beyond it, and remained there till the 24th. From Newry to Armagh in two days ; they encamped two miles beyond, and within two miles of the Blackwater. O'Neill, at their approach, set fire to his own town of Dungannon, and razed his castle. Returning to Armagh, they stored up in the church there all their provisions and carriages, and three days afterwards set off for Monaghan, to take supplies to the garrison. This done, the Lord Deputy turned homewards by Newry, the enemy attending on him a great part of the way, and watching for an opportunity of engaging where their light troops could act with some prospect of success. The 1 8th of July the Lord Deputy returned to Dundalk, and assembling a council of war, he notified to Sir John Norris and the rest, that having performed as much as was enjoined him by her Majesty's letters, he from that time forward rendered absolutely the prosecution of the war to Sir John, according to her Majesty's com- mission, with determination wholly to attend to the defence of the Pale, while Sir Richard Bingham would attend to Connaught, 1,000 foot and 100 horse being hourly expected ou^of England.'^ In the beginning of September of this year, Norris had another encounter with O'Neill. One of Norris's officers gives the following account ^ of the fight. His letter is dated September i6th : The 4th of this month Sir John Norris, Lieutenant-General of her Majesty's forces here, being coming from Armagh with her Majesty's army then with him, from the victualling of the garrison there, he was encountered with the traitor, the ^ Norris.— Uehad served \n Ireland under * England.— C.C. MSS., iii. 118. Essex, and carried out the massacre in ^ Account. — Trevelyan Papers, pt. ii., p. Rathlin Island the year before. See Hill's 94 ; Camden Society, 1843. A more de- MacDo7inells of Antrim, p. 183. tailed account of this fight will be found in "^ Soldiers. — Cox, Hib. Angl., i. 406. the letter which Bagnal wrote to Burghley 2 Caishes. — Wicker-work, which, laid on from Newry, September 9th, in C.S.P.I., soft places, enabled the troops and the guns v. 384, and in ' Strafford's Declaration,' to pass over safe. which is given Ibid., p. 387. Ixvii Earl of Tyrone, and the northern rebels in that part of Ulster where the traitorous Earl lyeth. In which conflict Sir John Norris's horse was shot in four times, and himself shot in twice with bullet, viz., once in the arm and the other time in the lower part of the belly, glancing. The charge was upon the rereward, where he, Sir Thomas Norris, and all the brave men, horse and foot, were. The traitors took them upon great advantage by a wood side, suffering the foreward and the battle to pass. The General perceiving his horse thus hurt to faint under him, and being himself hurt as aforesaid, told his brother, Sir Thomas Norris, ' I pray, brother, make this place good if you love me, and I will now unhorse myself and return presently ; and I pray charge home.' With that Sir Thomas, with a brave troop of horsemen, one hundred of those that be under the Lord General, charged, in which charge Sir Thomas was shot through the left thigh, and lost about nine of his horsemen and some few horse in that skirmish. We lost in all about thirty, and the traitors there found dead sixty. In the end they fled, and the General kept the field all night. . . . All the province of Ulster is in rebellion, which is more, in my opinion, than the fourth part of the kingdom. Where the General lies there be three that take on them principal government there, viz., the traitorous Earl, Maguire, O'Donnell, and all the rest in that province are adherents of them. Our author describes at some length the plundering of the church of Rathmullen, and of those dedicated to the B. V. Mary and to St. Columkille on Tory Island, and he tells of the punishment which God inflicted on the the spoiler for his irreverence. The surrender of the castle of Sligo on the death of Bingham was of great importance to O'Donnell in those parts. Sir Richard Bingham was blamed for entering into terms with Burke. When the castle of Sligo in Connaught was taken, and Captain George Bingham slain by the traitor Bourke, the two Martins, nephews to Sir Richard Bingham, and one of their wives being kept there as their prisoners, were about the 1 8th of June redeemed by delivery of two of the brothers of the said Bourke and his mother to O'Donnell. O'Donnell came with 300 horse and 500 foot for the mother and the two brothers, whereupon the common intelligence is that O'Donnell had the castle of Sligo presently upon the bringing in of his mother and brothers, for Bourke kept the castle from her Majesty and from O'Donnell also until that was effected, and so he is now with O'Donnell. This was done by Sir Richard Bingham to redeem his nephews without the privity of the Council here, for the Lord Deputy was then in his expedition, and we of the Council now present saving one were all of opinion that if the mother and brothers had been kept, he would never have delivered the castle to O'Donnell, and therefore it would have been fit that we should have been made acquainted with it before it was done.^ In the month of July O'Neill received a letter 2 of encouragement from the Bishop of Killaloe, then at Lisbon, promising him immediate aid : ^Done — C.S.P.I.^ v. 336. - Letter.— Ibid., p. 341. Ixviii In the beginning of March in the past year, the Archbishop of Tuam,^ Thomas Fitzjohn, son of John of Desmond, and Mr. John Lacie, with a certain captain of his CathoHc Majesty PhiUp ii., set out from hence to cross over to you in Ireland, whose return we have awaited with the utmost anxiety. But it now appears evident that they are nowhere in existence either there in Ireland or else- where, but rather it is thought that they must have been swallowed up in the vast ocean. If they had come back Philip ii. w^ould doubtless have sent you help. Now however we have just learned with great satisfaction that you the Earl of Tyrone have openly taken up arms and joined with the other chieftains of Ulster against the Queen, and I have every confidence you will be successful. I have earnestly, but with great caution, persuaded the King to send you a fleet with which to oppose the enemy and subjugate the English government, and that you may free yourself and all your people from the oppressive yoke of the English for ever. Furthermore, I find the King's mind most ready and willing to send you assistance, and that immediately. Wherefore you must manfully and bravely and vigorously resist, without making any peace or treaty with the enemies of the faith, for King Philip has seen these letters and requested me to write to you that you shall be helped immediately, and be assured that I shall be with you very shortly, so that you may crush the enemy and regain your liberty. Resist therefore like a brave noble- man and an uncompromising warrior, and I promise that instant succour shall not be wanting. I would freely unfold to you everything, only I fear my letters might fall into the enemy's hands. The one thing I ask and beg of you is that you Avill not make peace with the enemy till I come to you. In the beginning of this year, owing no doubt to the failure of Russell's expedition to the north against the united forces of O'Neill and O'Donnell, the English government again entered into negotiations for a peace. A Cessation had been made at the end of the preceding October with O'Neill ; its terms ^ were that ' no act of hostility or stealth should be committed on her Majesty's subjects, that her garrisons should freely pass w'ith victuals, munition, and other provisions, and with timber and stone for the said garrisons ; and that the Earl's cattle should freely feed on the plains. The truce was to last till the first of January following, and for one month longer if the Lord Deputy desired it.' Wallop ^ and Gardiner were appointed Commissioners'^ to treat with O'Neill and O'Donnell, 'to persuade them to accomplish her Majesty's instructions and the Articles which the Earl agreed to in England, and to renounce all superiority and aid of foreign powers, especially from the King of Spain.' The Cessation of arms might be continued till the last day of February. ^ A. o/ Tuam.—] ames O'Hely. Seep. convent of Enniscorthy, which his descen- 11., an tea. dant the Earl of Portsmouth still holds. 2 Terms. — C.C. jl/SS., iii. 126. His grandson was one of the judges who ^ Wallop. — He was Treasurer at war. He presided at the trial of Charles I. got the confiscated lands of the Franciscan * Commissioners — Itid.., p. 132. The Commissioners left Dublin January 13th, and reached Dundalk two days later. There they received a letter from O'Neill, who was come to Aghnoskye/ promising to attend them, and praying that ' the grievances since the last truce made between him and Sir John Norris, the Lord General, might be first cleared on all sides.' The Commissioners answered by letter dated January 15th, that 'they doubted not to accord all matters past,' praying him to meet them at Dundalk ; and that they had authority to protect him and all others that came with him. The Earl replied that he could not then give them full satisfaction, for his secretary Henry Hoveden was absent, and others he could not trust to write for him ; and that O'Donnell was not yet come. On the 17th, the Earl announced the arrival of O'Donnell and most of the Irish chieftains, and prayed the Commissioners to come to a place called the Narrow Acre,^ while he came to a place adjoining called the Black Staff This they refused to do, and commanded him to come to Dundalk under her Majesty's protection. The letter was sent by Philip Hore, Sir Henry Wallop's secretary, who was well known to O'Neill. He made answer that he could not come to Dundalk, but would come to any other indifferent place. On the 19th, the Commissioners wrote to the Earl reproving his fears, and requesting him and his associates ' to set down in writing their demands, with such offers as they in duty would make to redeem her Majesty's wonted favour, and thus thought it good, the rather that by knowing the same they should be better able to accept or refuse what might stand best for her Majesty's honour and the quiet of her people.' On January 20th the Commissioners wrote to the Deputy and Council : Yesterday by your messenger we received such insolent demands, with no dutiful offer of his and their parts, only copy of them which we have thought meet to send unto your Lordship : i. That all persons might have free liberty of conscience, 2. That the Earl and all the inhabitants of Tyrone should have pardon and be restored to their blood ; and that all the chieftains and others who had taken the Earl's part should have like pardon. 3. That OT^onnell should have pardon for himself and his followers, and all those of Connaught that had taken O'Donnelfs part ; that O'Donnell should have such right in Connaught as his ancestors had. 4. That Feagh MacHugh be pardoned. 5. That no garrison, sheriff, or other officer shall remain in Tyrconnell, Tyrone, or any of the inhabitants' countries before named, except Newry and Carrickfergus. 6. The Earl, O'Donnell, and the rest (if these requests be granted) will remain dutiful ; and after a while, when the great fear which theyvconceived is lessened, they will draw themselves to a more nearness of loyalty to her Highness.^ i^^/^«í7í/^y^.— 3 miles N of Dundalk. ^ Highness.— StQ 'The Proceedings of "^Narrow Acre.—Th\s name and The Sir H. Wallop and the Earl of Tyrone, Black Staff are now obsolete. CC MSS-, iii. 132. Ixx The letter of the Commissioners continues : We assented to meet Tyrone and O'Donnell thus, viz., we would come to some open place in the field by us named one mile from Dundalk, near unto Sir John Bedlow's house, having in our company only the sheriff. Sir Henry Duke, and Garrett Moore,^ and they to have as many, which should stand within our view, all without weapons except swords during the time of our parley. And so about ten of the clock this present we went forth accompanied as aforesaid, until we did see Tyrone and O'Donnell with about 200 horse and foot coming towards us, whereupon we stayed, sending unto them that their coming was not according to our agreement ; but after many messages on both parts that the former conclusion should stand, and further, that on either part two should be sent to search and view the ways and what weapons either part had, and that their troops should stand one quarter of a mile distant from us, and we to have two horsemen betwixt us and their troops, and the like for them between them and Sir John Bedlow's ; and so we meeting made choice that one of us should parley with the Earl and the other with O'Donnell, because we judged it the best way to deal with them dividedly. After we had laboured to remove their suspicion and to make our coming acceptable, we thought best at first not to make known our Articles, but, orderly as their demands are set down, to require upon what grounds they conceived the same, and to use our best endeavour to lead them by persuasion to desist any further therein, because the grounds by them alleged were in part false, and in the rest by them in duty not to be mentioned, but rather to submit themselves to her Majesty's mercy and to be willing to meet your Lordship and some of the Council at Drogheda, which they should do upon good assurance. ... At which their coming they should plentifully not only taste of her Majesty's mercies but also receive allowances most fit for themselves and their countries ; but to come thither or in any other town to your Lordship they utterly refused. In this treaty we continued this stormy and windy day about three hours on horseback, because to alight they refused, and in the end we found them to continue very untoward, not much drawn from their former articles of demand, and especially O'Donnell, who was most resolute. After our parley thus apart, we joined again together, and then, after many reasons with persuading courteous speeches, we wished them to better conformity, setting down some hard examples they were like with their whole countries to fall into if they so persevered, but in the end they answered, if we would stay some reasonable time, they would return to their company and give us a resolute answer, which short time of consideration by them demanded gave to us suspicion they would conclude in their former disloyal desires, and thereupon we said it were better for them to return and take longer time of consideration in so great a cause, with some speeches to like effect ; whereupon we agreed to meet at the former place again to-morrow. We also gave them some taste of one of the most easy demands in her Majesty's behalf, partly presuming they would hardly digest the stronger until they were better prepared ; but chiefly because, under your Lordship's reformation, we thought it best, if they shall persevere in '^ Moore. — His father got a grant of the was a friend of O'Neill's. The Flight of the Cistercian abbey of Me'llifont- Sir Garrett Earls, pp. 36, 367. such their undutiful course, rather to take advantage of their said dislo3'alties and thereupon to insist to their greater condemnation, than to give them cause (although without cause) to judge her Majesty's demands over hard, except your Lordship for any respect by you to be considered by your next shall otherwise direct, which we desire may be with speed, as well because the Cessation now agreed upon doth end with the end of this month, as also because we did let them understand we had authority to prolong the same, of which they seemed not to take any great hold.^ In reply the Lord Deputy wrote to the Commissioners in reference to these demands : Their demands are insolent and unreasonable, and most unlikely of either safe or honourable end ; yet have I imparted them unto the Council here, all saving that for their liberty of religion, which I do not think fit should be broached here, lest it soon procure too great a party, being plausible generally to this country men. Endeavour to conclude a prolongation of the Cessation, considering we are not provided for them.^ The second meeting was on the 21st. On the 23rd the Commissioners wrote : They (O'Neill and O'Donnell) were more fearful of foul dealing than before, and wished to treat by wTÍting, which we refused. As the evening was approaching we perceived their troops were drawn nigher the place than we agreed upon ; O'Neill then sent to say he was ready to parley with us. We sent word the day was too far past, but we would come to the same place the next day, when we met as before, and continued on horseback about two hours. During our parley we found them as men exceeding fearful, continually gazing about, and their spies riding near unto us, and less attentive to our speeches than at first. ^ O'Donnell was asked what cause he had to enter into rebellion. He gave as reasons his long and unjust imprisonment, the plundering of Maguire's country, the like of which he feared for his own country.'* * In the conclusion of our parley we required them to set down dividedly all the causes of their grievances, their demands and offers, and thereupon we would answer them as reasonably as we hoped should be to their satisfac- tion ; according to which they assented. . . . O'Donnell carrieth great rule among them, and Philip O'Reilly is a great councillor.'^ As the truce was about to expire at the end of January, it was renewed for a fortnight longer. The chief objection on the part of the Commis- sioners arose from the demand for liberty of conscience, ' which, besides the dishonour to God, is most dangerous, and being contrary to the laws, 1 Hold.— C. S.P.I. , V. 453. ■ ^ Coun/fy.—O'DonneWs 'Grievances' ase 2 For them.—C.C. AfSS., iii. 145. given, p. xlvii. antea. ^ First.— Ibid., ^. 141. ^ Comtcillor.—CC. MSS., iii. 142. Ixxii may not be granted.' ^ The hope of coming to terms grew less day by day. It was therefore agreed that the Cessation should continue till April 1st, and still further to May ist, unless warning was given to the contrary. O'Donnell asked that he might be allowed ' to mitigate such points f)f his demands as were thought unfit,' before the conference ended. He sent in to the Commissioners the following Petitions, January 27th : T. He craves pardon for himself and followers. 2. For free liberty of conscience. 3. That all castles, manors, and lands in the county of Sligo may be permitted in the hands of O'Donnell, all which lands he will give Donogh MacCale Oge O'Connor,^ upon condition that he yield to O'Donnell such services, rights, and duties as his ancestors have given out of the same to all O'Donnell's predecessors. 4. That no garrisons, wards, or officers whatever be placed in Tyrconnell or Sligo until the fear they have conceived by the hard dealing of such officers shall be somewhat lessened ; but that it will please her Majesty to appoint Commissioners for the ending of all controversies that shall arise, whose orders we shall put in execution. 5. He desires a remittal of all arrearages past, and a year's freedom yet to come, in regard to several great sums that his father paid as well to the Earl of Tyrone and Sir Edward Moore, Knight, as to others sent from the State, to receive the same for her Majesty's use.^ The Commissioners' answer to each of Hugh O'Donnell's demands was as follows : I. The first her Majesty will grant if O'Donnell will yield to reasonable Articles, and upon his submission ; and it is likely she will let him have the spiritual lands of Tyrconnell. 2. As her Majesty has hitherto tolerated therein, without punish- ment of any, so in all likelihood she will continue the same. 3, To be left to her consideration, the Commissioners having no power to deal therein. 4. No garrison has ever been placed in Tyrconnell ; neither will be until the fear mentioned be overpast ; but in Sligo, of long time, officers and ward have been placed. Commis- sioners for Tyrconnell will, as usual, be named indifferently, and O'Donnell may except against them upon just cause. 5. To be referred to her Majesty, who we think will be merciful.* On January 29th the Commissioners wrote to the Lord Deputy and Council : By our last of the 25th we signified that we had agreed to have another conference with the Earl and O'Donnell. Yesterday as we were going to a further parley, we received yours of the 26th, in which you wished we had at the first 1 Graw/i-i/.— Letter of the Commissioners "^ O'Connor— O'Conox Sligo, of whom to the Lord Deputy, January 25th. 'Their more later, demand was of free liberty of conscience for ^ Use. — C-C. MSS,, iii. 153. all men in the whole kingdom, Ibid., p- 147. * Merciful.— Ibid., p. 154. Ixxiií imparted her Majesty's Articles to them. We reserved her Majesty's Articles until we might compass a new Cessation, fearing they would seem to them too hard and not alterable, being sent from her Majesty, but we imparted all the easiest of them as of ourselves. We have laboured by conferences, letters, messengers, and other devices to draw them' first to a Cessation, and thereupon to impart her Majesty.'s demands and merciful disposition towards them by granting unto them a free pardon. We have obtained with difficulty a Cessation for two months certain, and further for a third month if it please your Lordships. Perceiving O'Donnell would depart immediately after yesterday's conference, we devised certain Articles and delivered them to him; for in the Articles from England little is said touching O'Donnell. As he greatly disliked them, we advised him to set down by way of postile or cotation his liking or disliking, as he might obtain some change of our demands from the Queen. . . . O Donnell continues as arrogant and insolent as formerly. The Earl uses terms submiss, but still persists he cannot conclude without the consent of the rest according to his oath. The Earl yesternight did press us for his departure this morning, by want, as he said, of provision ; but in the end, at our earnest motion, he said he would stay until Friday, if he might find meat so long to relieve his company.^ We conceive they will dislike of most or all of our proposals, considering the arrogant insolency of O'Donnell and most of the rest, except the Earl, who giveth mild speeches, but concludeth he will do the liking of the rest, for to that he saith he hath sworn. Had we not considered our weakness and our want of victuals and other necessaries, we would have broken off the treaty rather than endure their insolency; and most likely her Majesty will dislike this prolonging of the Cessation, considering her great expenses, unless you mention these reasons.^ The Articles propounded by the Commissioners' to O'Donnell were: I. That upon obtaining pardon he should disperse all his forces and return into their countries all Scottish men of war and other strangers ; neither should he here- after entertain any Scottish men of war without license. 2. Tyrconnell to be made shire ground and to have a sherift. 3. Restitution for value of the spoils made by him and his followers. 4. He should acknowledge his grievous offence in destroying the castle of Sligo, persuading her Majesty's subjects in Connaught to fall from their obedience, and in making roads and journeys into that province. 5. He shall not assist O'Rourke, Maguire, or others in their disloyalties or receive any disloyal persons. 6, He shall deliver to her Majesty all such munition and artillery as he found in Sligo, Enniskillen, or elsewhere. 7, He shall re-edify the castle of Sligo ^ and such other castles as he defaced in Connaught. 8. He shall pay such rents and duties as his ancestors covenanted to pay, and such further rents and reservations as her Highness shall think reasonable. 9. He shall upon '^Company. — Ibid.^^. 158. police barracks on the Old Quay. See "-Reasons. — Ibid.^ p. 159. O'Rorke's H. of Sligo, i. 68 and 188, ii. 291, ^ Castle of Sligo. — It was not rebuilt for some interesting facts in the history of then. Its site is now occupied by the this castle. k Ixxiv oath confess and declare how far he or any by his advice, knowledge, or consent, have proceeded in any request or action with any foreign prince or potentate, and especially with the King of Spain ; and he will by like oath and writing under his hand renounce all superiority and aid of foreign princes and chiefly the Spaniard. ID. That he permit Sir John O'Dogherty to enjoy his country and lands according to his letters patent, ii. That he shall cause a gaol to be built. 12. To deliver pledges.^ O'Donnell's answer to each of the Articles was as follows : I. He agrees. 2. He standeth to the tenor of the article in his petition now exhibited touching the same. 3. The damage which he has sustained by her Highness's soldiers and subjects surmounts any harm done by him. 4. As he claims Sligo and the county thereof, the loss redounds to himself. He was com- pelled to do what he did. 5. He agrees. 6. He was not at the spoiling 'of these places. 7. He is not able, and the loss of Sligo is his own. 8. He will yield to give her Majesty whatever hath been reserved unto her Highness upon Tyrconnell before the time of his father, who haply (through extremity) consented to give more than he was able to perform, which is more than this O'Donnell is acquainted with. 9. That when he receives his pardon he will renounce foreign aid and declare how far he has dealt in matters of that nature. 10. O'Dogherty hath no lands but what O'Donnell doth give him in Tyrconnell, neither hath his predecessors any lands there but such as they held of O'Donnell's ancestors. 11. When he receives a sheriff into Tyrconnell, he will help to build a gaol. 1 2. He agrees so as the pledges be reasonable.^ The Commissioners announced to the Lord Deputy and Council by letter 3 of January 30th, that they had made known to the Earl and O'Donnell her Majesty's Articles, which they feared to do before. ' We advised them to consider of the same and return answer in writing, with the demands and offers, which we said we trusted would be more dutiful and reasonable than before ; which on Wednesday last they performed.* O'Donnell's demands did not vary much from the former, and he refused to perform the Articles propounded on her Majesty's behalf. The next morning he departed homeward with MacMahon and the rest, except the Earl, his brother Cormock, and their followers, who intend to depart this evening. The Earl and O'Donnell sent us a letter' ; it was dated January 29th : Forasmuch as we have now exhibited the causes of our griefs in writing unto you as also the causes of the most of the rest in Ulster now in disloyalty, we have thought it very necessary to let you understand (in regard of the oath passed between us and the rest of our faction) that unless Feaughe MacHughe, Mac- William, Ran MacWilliam, Brian Oge O'Rourke, the sept of the O'Connor Don, and ^Pledges— C.C. MSS., iii. 161. ^ Letter.— Ibid., p. 165. "^ Reasonable.— Ibid., ^^. 162. '^ Performed.— Ibid. Ixxv all others in Connaught in action, as also O'Reily and all those of the Breffny» may (for their lives, lands, goods, and followers, in such sort as their ancestors held or enjoyed the same) be received into her Majesty's most gracious pardon upon their several submissions, we cannot or may not be tied, for the reasons before mentioned, to perform anything that is now to be agreed upon saving only the Cessation.^ Sir Robert Gardiner, one of the Commissioners, was sent by the Deputy to inform the Queen ' particularly of all the proceedings with the said rebels ' (Tyrone and O'Donnell). In reply, she wrote to the Lord Deputy and Council : You have at length in writing described the particular disorders almost in every part of the realm, an advertisement very uncomfortable from you who hath had the authority, otherwise to govern the realm, than, for lack of regard in times convenient, now to present unto us so broken an estate of so great a part of our realm, as to have all Ulster wholly, saving two or three places, and all Connaught, saving as few places, wholly possessed with rebels, and likewise some of the counties next our English Pale in like danger. You propose remedies which rest altogether upon great preparations of forces and treasure, without offering any reformation of the Government there. ^ She ordered the Council to prepare an answer to O'Neill, O'Donnell, and each of the chiefs in particular. Sir John Norris and Fenton, the Secretary, were appointed to meet them before the end of the Cessation ; and ' to proceed with them to some final end, either according to their submissions to yield them pardons, with such conditions as were contained in the instructions, or, if they should refuse the reasonable offers therein contained or seek former delays, to leave any further treaty with them.' ^ Of the petitioner's demands, she ' found for some part so great cause of mistake as that she was offended with her Commissioners, that would receive or give ear to any such presumptuous and disloyal petitions and answers.' ^ The following are the Articles she ordered to be proposed to O'Donnell : As his demand for liberty of conscience has been made by compact between the Earl and him and others of the rebels, her Majesty makes the same answer ^ to him as is made to the Earl. His request that the castle and lands of Sligo may remain in his hands, and be given over to Donough MacCale Oge O'Connor under such services as O'Connor's ancestors yielded to O'Donnell's ancestors, is strange ; it was '^Cessation — Ibid.,-p- i6o. 'He may be sharply told that the request 2 There. — Ibid., p. i66. for free liberty of conscience was unreason- 3 With them. — Ibid. able and disloyal, it being a request to have '^Answers.— Ibid., p. 167. liberty to break laws, which her Majesty will ^ The same answer. — In her ' Answer to never grant to any subject of any degree.' — the rebellious Earl of Tyrone,' she says : Ibid. Ixxvi taken ouj, of the Queen's possession by treason and shameful murder, and he alleges a title thereto by a tenure whereof neither O'Connor himself nor any man else has ever heard any report. Neither is it yet known whether this Hugh O'Donnell have any right to be O'Donnell by his father's sufferance during his life, the interest to be O'Donnell after his father's life being due to another. But her Majesty will be pleased that O'Connor may receive the possession of the house and lands ; and if there be any good proof made of O'Donnell's claim to be lawful, O'Connor shall yield to O'Donnell such services as are due. Whereas he requires that no officer or garrison be placed in Tyrconnell or Sligo for a time, she consents so far as regards Tyrconnell ; but with regard to Sligo, she will, as she finds cause for the profit of the country, appoint or not appoint officers. There is. no reason why he should not yield out of Tyrconnell the like as his father hath done. The rest of his answers to the Commissioners' Articles are allowable. If he will promise dutifully to perform them, her Majesty will grant him pardon upon her own mere grace, without respect of any mediator. ^ O'Donnell seems to have taken no further part in the negociations for peace. ' Pledges ' were demanded from him, to secure his performance of the terms, but these he refused to give in,^ perhaps, because the other side gave no similar proofs of their desire to keep their part of the contract ; as for their promises, he set little value on them. O'Neill, however, still continued to treat with them. A new commission was issued to Sir John Norris and Sir William Fenton, Secretary of State, ' to make a final end with all the rebels.' He put in pledges and protested loyalty and obedience, but refused to renounce foreign aid on oath.^ Very probably neither of the contracting parties meant to bind himself irrevocably ; both were anxious to gain time in order to prepare better for the contest. We have already mentioned the appeal for help made by the Irish chiefs through their envoy the Archbishop of Tuam to the King of Spain. On the 25th of September, 1595, O'Neill and O'Donnell wrote to him : Our only hope of re-establishing the Catholic religion rests on your assistance. Now or never our Church must be succoured. By the timidity or negligence of the messengers our former letters have not reached you. We therefore again beseech you to send us 2,000 or 3,000 soldiers with money and arms before the feast* of SS. Philip and James. With such aid we hope to restore the faith of the Church, and to secure you a kingdom. ^ O'Neill wrote to Don Carolo, the King's son, at the same date : I have been informed by the bearer of this that you have written to me, but '^Mediator. — C.C. MSS., iii. 168. man coming into the country for conscience - To give zn. — /tó/;,p. 178. sake. C.C. MSS., iu. 17;^. ^ On oath. — Cox, Hib. Aiigl., i. 410. He "^ Feast. — May ist. refused also to apprehend any spiritual ^ Kingdoin. — Ibid,., p. 122. Ixxvii your letter has not yet reached my hands. I was confident that I should net appeal to you for aid in vain. The faith might be re-established in Ireland within one year if the King of Spain would only send 3,000 soldiers. All the heretics would disappear, anxi no other sovereign would be recognised than the Catholic King. Both I and O'Donnell have besought him to succour the Church. Pray, second our petition. If we obtain positive assurance of succour from the King, we will make no peace with the heretics. We have written frequently, but are afraid none of our letters has reached the King as he has returned -us no answer. The bearer, a man of pious zeal, has undertaken this perilous mission.^ Both wrote to Don Juan del Aguila also, who was destined later to play so important a part in the expedition to Ireland, and to effect its results in a way which the writers did not then foresee. They asked de Aguila, whose fame and good-will they had heard of, to assist the bearer in obtaining aid in the war for the Catholic faith ; and, by acceding to this request, the King would re-establish the Catholic religion and acquire a kingdom.'^ Early in the following year the King sent an envoy to Ireland, Alonso Cobos.^ He came with three pinnaces, each having on board 60 musketeers. They put in at Killybegs,* and from that port he went to LiiTord, where O'Donnell then was. He brought a letter from the King to O'Neill. ' I have been informed,' he wrote, ' that you are defending the Catholic cause against the English. That this is acceptable to God is proved by the signal victories which you have obtained. I hope you will continue to prosper, and you need not doubt but I will render you any assistance you may require. Give credence to Fussius the bearer, and acquaint him with your affairs and your wishes.'^ By the same envoy he wrote to Brian O'Rourke, ' the noble and greatly beloved O'Rourke : ' ' Seeing it is so notable a work to fight for the Catholic faith when the enemies thereof endeavour so mightily to trample the same under foot, I may not doubt but that you who hitherto (as we hear) in the defence of God's cause have laboured so well, will now with might and main give yourself to the same cause. For mine own part, I would be your guide that you would prosecute the same hereafter, lest the obdurate enemies of the true religion damnify it at all, but rather they be repulsed. The which if you perform, you shall do me a most grateful work and always find the same favour wherewith I am wont to grace the true defenders of the Catholic religion.' ^ '^Mission. — Ibid., p. 122. This letter, as Simancas a detailed account of his voyage well as that to the King, was intercepted from Spain to Ireland. He left Santander and received from the hands of Piers April 22nd. O'CuUen.— /í/rt'. 4 Killybegs.—iZ miles west of the town of "Kingdom — Ibid., p. 123. Donegal. 3 Cobos.—., the great fort, the name pt. iv. no. I. intr. xhii., and 'The Jom-ney of it usually went by among tlie Irish. By the the Blackwater,' in Kilkenny Arch. J. for English it is called Blackwater Fort. XCIV inferior to the English, their guns, all but a few, being light and short. O'Neill, face to face with so formidable a foe, at first thought of falling back beyond the Blackwater. But the alleged prophesy of St. Bercan, foretelling the success of the men of the north against the English of Dublin, roused his men to a high pitch of enthusiasm.^ Meantime he employed his forces in plashing the passes, and digging pitfalls and covering them with leaves and grass, in order to hinder the advance of the cavalry. On the 9th of August the English army set out from Newry; three days after it came to Armagh. Here is an account of the battle given by one who was engaged '^ in it on the side of the English : When we came to Armagh we might see Tyrone lodged upon the highway between us and the Blackwater, on the other side of the pass and the river which we were to pass the next day, after our camp was set. Sir Henry Bagnal called a council of the captains, and there imparted to them that his purpose was not the next day to march the ordinary highway where the rebels lay, but he was furnished with good guides, and going not passing a mile or two wide, we jhould march all through the hard and open champain, save the passing tlirough one bog some two or three flight-shot over, where he would maintain skirmish with the rebels till he had made the bog passable with boughs and sticks for the artillery, horse, and carriages. It was ordered that the army setting forth in six regiments should, if occasion required, join and make three bodies and turn out their wings as they should see cause. Colonel Percy having the vanguard, the Marshal his second, should both join and make one vanguard. Colonel Cosby having the vanguard of the battle,^ Sir Thomas Maria Wingfield ^ his second, were appointed the like ; Colonel Cunie, the sergeant-major,^ having the vanguard of the rere, Colonel Bilhng his second, were appointed the like. The horse was divided into two bodies ; the vanguard was led by Sir Callisthenes Brooke, general of the horse; the point by Captain Montague, Lieutenant General ; the rere by Captain Fleming, marching between the two rere regiments. . . . ^We marched severally some six or seven score paces distance between each regiment, our way being hard and hilly ground within caliver shot of wood and bog on both sides, which was wholly possessed by the enemy continually playing upon us. After a mile's marching thus, we approached the enemy's trench, being a ditch cast in front of our passage, a mile long, some five feet deep, and four feet over, with a thorny hedge on the top. In the middle of the bog, some forty score paces over, our regiment passed the trench. The battle stood for the bringing up of the ^ Enthusiasm. —0'S\x\\&va.n, Hist. Caih., * Wingfield.— S&& Archdall's Peerage, v. p. 191. On St. Berchan's prophecy, see ad 268, for account of the services which he ann. 1598, postea, and O'Curry's MS. Ma- rendered to the Crown and the rewards ierials, p. 417. which he received in return. "^ Engaged.— FacsÍ7niles.,ví\\.x.,yX\\\. ^ Sergeafit- Major.— Thi?, would seem to 3 Battle. — The main or middle body of correspond with the present title of Major. an army, as distinguished from the van and See A-otes and Queries, 3rd Series, xi. 446 ; rear. London, 1867. / ■■ ■' ^ v^ xcv saker,! which stuck fast in a ford, and also for our rere, which, being hard set to, retired foully to Armagh. In the meantime the vanguard passing on was so distressed as they fell to run, and were all in effect put to the sword without resistance. Up came the Marshal, being chief commander, to relieve them, who was killed ^ dead in the head with a bullet. Notwithstanding, two other regiments passed over the trench. The battle coming up, two barrels of powder took fire among them, by which they disranked and routed ; in w^hich while, these two former regiments, being passed the trench, were for the most part put to the sword. Then, by the help of our horse, the enemy's munition being w^ell spent, we brought off the rest into the plain, and so recovered Armagh, where the Captains resolved to refresh their men with victuals and munition, and so to march directly to the Newry. In the meantime the enemy approached and fell round on all sides of us with their whole forfce. Then the Captains, finding the insufficiency both in mind and means of their men, concluded that the horse should adventure to break forth through the enemy's quarter, and so pass into the Pale to advertise the State, that present succour might be sent to fetch them off; or else the enemy, seeing the horse gone, might be ''persuaded that they, having a month or two of victuals, which indeed was there, but disposed upon their first resolution, so as they made account they had not now left meat for above ten days at the uttermost, that the enemy could.not keep together, hearing by a prisoner that was taken that O'Donnell and Maguire were then ready to depart ; the horsemen, according their desires, per- formed it with some loss. By the Captain's estimation we had killed and run away to the enemy not less than eighteen hundred foot, some ten horsemen, and thirty horses. The enemy lost, as we heard by some of them we took, seven or eiglit hundred. There remain of ours about fifteen hundred in the church of Armagh. The ' Declaration of Captains Ferdinando and George Kingsmill, who were present at the fight, made to the Lords Justices in answer to certain questions demanded of them touching the late service,' ^ explains still further the causes of the defeat : The vanguard, though it had taken possession of the trenches, was not seconded, because the Marshal's regiment, which was to second the point, was in distance so far off and hotly fought with that they could by no means come up to second them, whereby the whole regiment was defeated and all the Captains slain. Colonel Percy and Captain George Kingsmill only excepted, who by a stand made by the horse recovered their second. The battle did not come up because the saker being bogged stayed the battl so long, and the enemies gathered so about them in such multitudes, as that they could not both second the vanguard and save the ordnance. Yet, Colonel Cosby ^ Saker. — A small piece of artillery. that he might have a better view, and on the ^ A'z7/í'í/.— O'Sullevan says: 'Thinking the instant he was struck in the forehead by a battle was ended and the victory gained bullet.' Hist. Caih., p. 194. by his side, he lifted the vizor of his helmet ^Service. — Facsimiles^ &c., ibid. XCVl having the vanguard of the battle, and the rear of the battle remaining with the saker, for want of seconding his regiment was lost with the rest of the vanguard, and Cosby himself taken prisoner. The rear of the battle maintained fight for the saker, which could not be recovered by reason it was bogged and the oxen killed that drew it. Upon which accident and former defeatment. Sir Thomas Wingfield, chief commander, the Marshal being dead, commanded the retreat to Armagh ; and Captain Ferdinando Kingsmill, who was in Captain Cunie the sergeant-major's regiment, in the vanguard of the rear, saith that they were so hotly fought withal by the force of O'Donnell, Maguire, and James MacSorley, their horse and foot, that in an hour and a half they could not march a quarter of mile forward, by which means they never understood in the rear of the killing of the Marshal nor of the defeating of the former regiments until they came up to fetch off the rear of the battle, with whom they joined, and leaving the saker bocged and not to be recovered, they marched with the assistance of the horse all together to Armagh, where we fortified and kept the place until the Earl (of Tyrone) offered composition upon these conditions following : first, that we should quit the Blackwater,^ leaving there the colours, drums, and munition, the Captains having left them only their rapiers and hackneys, and that, being delivered, the whole army with those nfen of the Black- water should march away for Armagh with all their carriage and hurt men to the Newry or Dundalk. For performance of which pledges were put in on both sides ; for the army, the two Captains Kingsmill, and on Tyrone's part, two of the O'f^agans, the men of most estimation in his country. Which of each part was accordingly performed, and the army being come to the Newry where it yet remaineth, the two captains were sent to Dundalk, who are now repaired thither (Dublin) and do make the report ' Thus,' says Camden,^ ' Tirone triumphed according to his heart's desire over his adversary, and obtained a remarkable victory over the English ; and doutless, since the time they first set foot in Ireland they never received a greater overthrow, thirteen stout captains ^ being slain and over fifteen hundred common soldiers, who being scattered by a shameful flight all the fields over, were slain and vanquished by the enemy . , . This was a glorious victory for the rebels and of special advantage, for hereby they got both arms and provision, and Tirone's name was cried up all over Ireland as the author of their liberty.' So too Fynes Moryson : ' I term the victory great, since the English from their first arrival in that kingdom (Ireland) never had received so great an overthrow as this. Many of the soldiers slain were of the old companies which had served in Brittany under General Norreys. . . . Tyrone was among the Irish celebrated as the '^ Blackwater. — The battle took place "^Camden. — H. of Elizabeth, "p. ^,6^). August 15th. By English writers it is ^Captains, — A complete list of the usually called the Battle of Blackwater ; by Captains who were slain at the battle of Irish writers, the Battle of Beul Atha Blackwater will be found in Facshniles, pt. Buidhe, as we shall see later. iv. no. i. app. xiii. ' xcvu deliverer of his country from thraldom, and the combined traitors on all sides were puffed up with intolerable pride. All Ulster was in arms, all Connaught revolted, and the rebels of Leinster swarmed in the English Pale, whilst the English lay in their garrisons, so far from assailing the rebels, as they rather lived in continual fear to be surprised by them. . . . The yielding of the Fort of Blackwater followed this disaster, when the assaulted guard saw no hope of relief; but especially upon messages sent to Captain Williams from the broken forces retired to Armagh, professing that all their safety depended upon his yielding the Fort into the hands of O'Neill, without which danger Captain Williams professed that no want or misery should have induced him thereunto.' ^ When the news of the defeat reached the Queen she was highly incensed. She wrote to the Privy Council : ' Though we have sent over great supplies to our excessive charge, yet we receive naught else but news of fresh losses and calamities. Although you have the great number of 9,000 men, we do not only^see the northern traitor untouched at home and range where he pleases, but the provincial rebels in every province by such as he can spare enabled to give law to our provincial governors.' ^ To Ormonde, Lieutenant-General and Captain of the Army, she wrote : ' We must plainly tell you that we did much dislike (seeing this late action was undertaken) that you did not above all things attend it, thereby to have directed and countenanced the same ; for it was strange to us, when almost the whole forces of our kingdom were drawn to head and a main blow like to be stricken for our honour against the capital rebel, that you, whose person would have better daunted the traitors, and which would have carried with it another manner of reputation and strength of the nobility of the kingdom, should employ yourself in an action of less im- portance and leave that to so mean a conduction.'^ She had been inspired, no doubt, by the Lords Justices, who strove to shift the blame off their own shoulders and to throw it on others. Ormonde was the cause of the defeat, ' because that he had not undertaken the matter in person, since his Lordship might draw with him many of the nobility with their followers, and, besides, his presence in the field might move Tyrone either for fear or for some other respects to give way to him.'^ Ormonde imputed the disaster 'to want of good direction and the dividing of the army into six bodies, marching so far asunder as one of them could not second or help the other till those in the vanguard were overthrown.' And for those who were not satisfied with this solution, he adds : ' Sure the devil bewitched them.'^ Neither did the Lords Justices escape her censure. ^Thereunto. — Rebellion, 8lc-, ^^. 24. ^Bewitched them. — O. to Cecil, 15th "^Governors. — CC. MSS./\\\. 2Z0,. Sept., 1598, in Ki/k. Arch. Journal {or 3 Cnndudion. — Ibid., p. 283. 1857, p. 280. The whole letter is well ^ Way to him,— Facsimiles , (Sec, app. xii. worthy of careful perusal. n XCVlll They had offered certani terms to O'Neill after the defeat. ' We must not pass over this foul error to our dishonour, when you of our Council framed such a letter to the traitor after your defeat as never were read the like either in form or in the substance for baseness, being such as we persuade ourself, if you peruse it again when you are yourselves, that you will be ashamed of your own absurdities, and grieved that any fear or rashness should ever make you authors of an action so much to your Sovereign's dishonour and to the increasing of the traitor's insolency.' ^ In the south the news of the fight of the Blackwater had roused the Irish to take up arms once more. ' All Munster revolted/ says Camden, ' and that not so much upon the fortunate success of the rebels as out of hatred of the inhabitants against the English Undertakers who had been settled in the lands confiscated after the Earl of Desmond's rebellion.' ^ Another reason for the general revolt is given in James FitzThomas' letter to the King of Spain : ' The government of the English is such as Pharaoh himself never used the like, for they content not themselves with all temporal prosperity, but by cruelty desire our blood and perpetual destruction, to blot out the whole remembrance of our posterity as also our old Catholic religion, and to swear that the Queen of England is supreme head of the Church ; I refer the consideration hereof to your Majesty's high judgment ; for that Nero in his time was far inferior to that Queen in cruelty. Wherefore, myself with my followers and retainers, and being also requested by the bishops, prelates, and religious men of my country, have drawn the sword and proclaimed war against them for the recovery first of Christ's Catholic religion and next for the maintenance of my own right.' ^ Even the old English of the Pale, many of whom were still aliens at heart though staunch Catholics, were in self-defence drawn into the confederacy. To increase the alarm, a report spread abroad that the King of Spain was again preparing to invade England, and that he intended to send immediately 12,000 men to Ireland to aid the revolters. Since the death of Lord Borough, in August, 1597, the government of Ireland had been carried on by Lords Justices. Their appointment was but temporary. The Earl of Ormonde was made Lieutenant-General and Captain of the Army ; but he was then advanced in years, and hardly fit to encounter the hardship of campaigning. How far the disasters that occurred under this system of government could be imputed to the Justices or to Ormonde it is not easy to determine. It was but natural, however, that a remedy should be looked for in a change of ruler, and that one should be sought whose past successes would be a warrant for the future. ^ Insolency. — C.C. MSS., iii. 284. ^ Q^f^ right. — Pacata Hiberma, p. 252 ; ^Rebellion. — H. of Elizabeth, p. 566. Dublin, 1820. James FitzThomas was the Desmond was slain in 1589. The war eldest son of Thomas, Earl Gerald's elder ceased for some years after his death. brother. XCIX The Queen proposed to commit the government to Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy. The Earl of Essex, the royal favourite of the moment, warmly opposed such a choice. He argued that a man of varied experience was required for the conduct of the war, that the retired and studious life which Mountjoy had hitherto led was hardly a fit preparation for such a service ; a brave and skilful General would be needed, a man who would possess the confidence of the Crown, and be superior to the petty factions that had hitherto ruled supreme in Ireland. The Queen lent a ready ear to the arguments of her favourite. She asked him to accept the office. On all sides he was urged to obey the royal wishes. His friends thought his previous achievements in Spain proved beyond a doubt that he possesed considerable talents for war, such as would be sure to crown his expedition with success. His enemies hoped that his inordinate vanity would soon bring about his ruin.^ His patent was made out with the title of Lord Lieutenant ; ^ it gave him more extensive powers than almost any other Governor of Ireland ever had. He could make military laws and put them into execution, pardon all crimes, even treason itself against the royal person, appoint to all offices, and confer dignities at will. He was allowed to conduct the war almost entirely at his own discretion.^ On one point only had precise instructions been given to him : he was ' to pass by all other rebels whatever, and to head all his force against the chief traitor Tyrone, and the Ulster rebels, his confederates.'* On the 15th of April he landed at Dublin with 16,000 foot and 1,300 horse, with provisions and munitions in proportion. The Queen being resolved to spare no earthly thing of hers which might be necessary for the defence of that kingdom and people,^ assigned him an army as great as he himself asked for, and such for number and strength as Ireland had never yet seen. After some days' rest in Dublin, in opposition to the Queen's express command, he set out for Munster, at the instigation of some of the Irish Privy Council, who were interested in the newly planted lands of that province. TJie Annals of the Four Master's give a detailed account ^ of his expedition to Munster, and they end it with the suggestive ^ Ruin. — 'Coveting this great authority ^People. — CC yI/6'6'., iii- 293. and station, he at once gratified his own ^ Accotmt. — vi. 21 11, and O'Sullevan's ambition and his enemies' mahcious de- Hist. Catk., p. 206. See also 'A Journal of signs, for they desired nothing more than the Pi'oceedings of the Earl of Essex from his absence from the Court.' Cox, Hid. May 21st to June 22nd,' in C.C. MSS.,'ú.\. A ng't.,\. 416. 301. An account of the famous battle of - Lord Lieutenant. — On this title see Gil- the Pass of the Plumes is given by Rev. bert's Viceroys of Ireland, p. 503 ; Dublin, John O'Hanlon, whose intimate knowledge 1865. of the Queen's Co. has enabled him not ^Discretion. — 'The Queen's Instructions only to determine the place of the fight, but to the Earl of Essex,' in CC. ii/.S.S'., iii. 292. to set down the many traditions current * Confederates. — Moryson, Rebellion, &c., among the people about it, in 7Vie Trans- p. 30. actions R.I. A., May, 1874. phrase : 'The Gaels of Ireland used to say that it would have been better for him if he had not gone on that expedition.' About the end of July he returned to Dublin with the remnant of his army, 'his men wearied and distressed, and their companies incredibly wasted.' ^ He was deeply chagrined at the failure. In his letters to the English Privy Council he lamented his discomforts and disgraces ; ' he will take any disgraceful displacing of him or punishment dutifully and patiently.' The Queen was greatly incensed at his failure. 'Much time and ex- cessive charges had been spent to little purpose. Nothing had been done which the President (of Munster) might not have effected. . . . Tyrone had blazed in foreign parts the defeats of regiments, the death of captains, and loss of men of quality in every corner.' She bids him ' proceed to the north with all speed, to plant garrisons there, and assault that proud rebel.'^ The Privy Council were told that ' their opinions for the northern action rather deserve reproof than much answer. They dissuade that which must be done. ... It was they who persuaded the Lieutenant to make so long a journey into Munster.'^ At his arrival in Ireland he was informed that ' the province of Ulster was, in a manner, all in revolt.'* His failure in the south was soon bruited throughout the other provinces, and when he reached Dublin, ' his body indisposed and distempered, he was not free for one hour from alarms both from the west and the north. . . . Yet though the poor men that had marched with him eight weeks together were weary and unfit for a new journey, and his horsemen so scattered that he could not draw three hundred to an end, he would call the troops together as fast as he could- and go look on yonder proud rebel ; and if he should find him on hard ground and in an open country, though he should find him in horse and foot three for one, yet would he, by God's grace, dislodge him or put the Council here to the trouble of choosing a Lord Justice.'^ Sir Conyers Chfford and the Earl of Clanricarde had joined their forces with those of the Deputy when he was in Fircal on his way to the south. When he reached Limerick they w^ere told to return to their province, and later, when he was about to enter on the expedition to the north, he ordered Clifford to draw his forces to Belleek,^ a castle on the river Erne, that he might divide O'Neill's forces, and so weaken him on the other side, where he would be attacked by the Deputy. On the way 1 JVas/ed.—Only a month before he wrote ^ Munster. — Ibid., p. 316. to the Queen: 'These rebels are more in '^Revolt. — ' State of Ireland at the arrival number than your Majesty's army, and of the Earl of Essex.' /íi.'í/., p. 298. have (though I do unwillingly confess it) ^ Lord Justice. — Letter of the Earl of better bodies and perfecter use of their Essex to the Privy Council, July nth, 1599. arms than those men whom your Majesty Ibid., p. 312. sends over.' Cox, Hib. Attgl./i. /[20. ^ Belleek. — On the north bank of the '^ Rebel. — C.C, MSS., iii. 31 5j, Erne, five miles east of Ballyshannon. CI he would cause the siege of Collooney castle to be raised, where his friend and the Queen's ally O'Connor Sligo was sorely straitened by O'Donnell. An army was collected from all the strongholds of Connaught. Many of the old English, and some of the Irish too took part in the expedition. At Boyle, where they rendezvoused, the whole force was found to be 1,900 foot, divided into 25 regiments, and 200 horse, of which one hundred was the Earl of Southampton's troop under Captain John Jephson, the rest Irish horse. Clifford ^ came to the entrance of the Curlews,''^ the most dangerous pass in Connaught, the 15th of August, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, being then high time to lodge his men after a painful journey, where understanding the rebels had not possessed that passage, he resolved to march through that night. Thereupon putting his troops in order, the vanguard was conducted by Sir Alexander Ratcliffe ; the Lord of Dunkellin, son of the Earl of Clanricarde, followed with the battle, and Sir Arthur Savage brought up the rear guard. The horse (where also the baggage was left) had directions to stand between the abbey of Boyle and the entrance into the passage, under the command of Sir Griffin Markham, until the same should be freed by the foot about a quarter of a mile from the mouth of the passage, had the rebels traversed the same with a barricade with double flanks, in which and in other places of advantage thereabouts were lodged about 400 of them, contrary to that which was advertised to the Governor. They who possessed the barricades, at the approach of our vanguard, delivered a small volley of shot upon them, abandoning ^ the same almost without any force, which the Governor possessing, made it passable by opening the midst, and placed guards upon the same, appointing to the angle of the sinister flank Rogers, lieutenant to Sir Henry Carye, to the angle of the dexter flank, Ralph Constable, a gentleman deservedly esteemed of the Governor for his virtue, and not much distant from him upon the same flank Captain Walter Flood and Captain Windsor, giving to them forty men a piece, with command not to abandon their places until they heard further from liimself These things being thus ordered, the vanguard, followed by the battle and rear guard, advanced in a short time by a narrow way betwixt two large bogs to the side of a wood half a mile broad, through which lyeth a highway so broad as it gives liberty for twelve men to march in front, the same rising equally and gently until it have passed the wood, where it is carried upon the side of a high hill, which it leaves on the left hand ; and the hill and ground adjoining being a main bog, upon ^ Clifford- — This description of the battle they are on the boundary between SHgo is taken from Dymmok's ' Brief Relation and Roscommon. The name has its origin of the defeat in the Curlews,' in Tracts in the Irish Coirrshliabh, with which it has rela'ing; to Ireland-, p. 44; Dublin, 1843, no connection beyond that of the sound, published by the Irish Archaeol. Society. ^ Abandonittg. — O'SulIevan says these It agrees in substance with O'.Sullevan's were under the command of Owen Mac- account- Hist. Ca(h., p. 209. Moryson Swiny na dtuath ; they retreated, but they gives only a few hnes to it. rallied at the call of their officers. Hist. ^ Curlews. — Four miles north of Boyle ; Cath., p. 210. Cll the right lies a thick wood not more than a musket shot from the same, in either of which places, although the rebels from their continual practice have exceeding advantage over our men, yet have they more advantage upon the bog, which they well knowing, made at the time choice thereof, and even thither were followed by Sir Alexander Ratcliffe, who although he was in the beginning of the skirmish shot in the face, yet he ever continued to spend all his powder upon them ; and no supply coming unto him, prepared to charge them with a small number of such pikes as would either voluntarily follow him, or were by him called forth by name from the body of the vanguard ; but before he could come to join with them, he had the use of a leg taken from him with the stroke of a bullet ; by which ill fortune he was forced to retire, sustained upon the arms of two gentlemen, one of which receiving the like hurt, died in the place, as did also himself soon after, being shot through the body with a bullet. There was with Sir Alexander Ratcliffe in the head of the vanguard Captain Henry Cosby, whom at his going to charge he invited to accompany him : and perceiving him slack, ' Well, Cosby,' said he, ' I see I must leave thee to thy baseness, but I must tell thee before my departure, that it were much better for thee to die in my company by the hands of thy countrymen,^ than at my return to perish by my sword.' Cosby, as is the general disposition of all true cowards, yielding to have the time of his life awhile deferred upon any condition, stood firm with at least a third of the vanguard till he saw the adversity of this noble Knight, when by example of his turning head the vanguard fled in such route that it discomfited the battle, with the sight of which (not abiding any impression) was broken the rear guard, the whole forces being without any enemy's force in a moment put all in confusion ; which disorder the Governor endeavouring, but in vain, to reform, whilst he had any strength left in him, was, after much fruitless travail, sustained breathless upon the arms of Sir John MacSwiny^ and Captain Oliver Burke's lieutenant, who perceiving the disordered flight of the whole army, desparing to save their lives by other means, persuaded him to retire himself with them ; when he reproving the baseness of his men, replied Romanlike, that he would not overlive that day's ignominy. But the affection which moved Sir John MacSwiny to use entreaties persuaded him now to practice force, by which they carried him from the pursuing rebels some few paces, where enraged with a consideration of the vileness of his men, which he often repeated, broke from them in a fury, and turning head alone, alone made head to the whole troop of pursuers, in the midst of whom, after he was struck through the body with a pike, he died fighting, consecrating by an admirable resolution the memory of his name to immortality and leaving the example of his virtue to be entituled by all honourable posterities. There died likewise Godred Tirwhit, brother of Mr. Robert Tirwhit, of Kettleby, in Lincolnshire, fighting by the side of Sir Alexander Ratcliffe, of whom cannot be said less than that he hath '^Countrymen. — Probably he was one of "^ Sir John MacS. — O'SulIevan calls him the Cosbys of Stradbally, Queen's Co. Maelmuire MacS. na dtuath. He had O'SulIevan tells of the cruelties of Francis been drivenfrom his territory by O'Donnell, C. and his son Alexander to the Catholics. and to be revenged, he had gone over to Hist. Cath., p. 99. the English. Ibid., p. 209, cm left behind him an eternal testimony of the nobleness of spirit which he had derived from an honourable family. But these went not alone, for they were accompanied to the gates of death by divers worthy both lieutenants and ensigns, who were followed (for that they were not followed by them to fight) by 200 base and cowardly rascals. The rest, which else had all perished, were saved by the virtue of Sir Griffin iVIarkham, who charging the pursuers in the head of my Lord Southampton's troops, gave security to this ignominious flight, having in his charge the smaller bone of his right arm broken with the stroke of a bullet, and that which adds most to the commendation of his charge is that it was presented upon the narrow way between the two bogs before mentioned, and forced with the loss of some, both men and horses, into the bog upon the right hand, where the rebels followed eagerly the execution of our men, until the fear they apprehended upon the sight of our horses caused them to stay «their pursuit and to think upon their own safety. This defeat was given by O'Rorke and MacDermon,^ O'Donnell being there, but came not to fight, to whom the Governor's head was sent that night for a present. His body was conveyed to a monastery not far off from thence, as appears by MacDermon's letter to the Constable of Boyle, which is censured by Sir John Harrington ^ (from whom I received a copy of it) to be barbarous for Latin, but civil for the sense. For confirmation of whose judgment the letter itself is con- tended by my hand for justification of his barbarism to appear before as many as will vouchsafe to read it : Conestabulario de Boyle Salutem : Scias quod ego traduxi corpus Gubernatoris ad monasterium Sanctse Trinitatis proper ejus dilectionem, et alia de causa. Si velitis mihi redire meos captivos ex predicto corpore, quod paratus sum ad conferendum vobis ipsum ; alias, sepultus erit honeste in predicto monasterio, etsic vale, scriptum apud Gaywash, 15 Aug., 1599: interim pone bonum linteamen ad predictum corpus, et si velitis sepelire omnes alios nobiles non impediam vos erga eos. MacDermon. (To the Constable 2 of Boyle, Greeting: Know that I have carried the body of the Governor to the monastery ^ of the Holy Trinity on account of my affection for him, and for another reason ; if you wish to return to me my prisoners for the aforesaid body (which) I am ready to hand it over to you ; if not, he will be buried decently in the aforesaid monastery, and so farewell. Written at Gaywash, August 15th, 1599. Meantime place a good cloth on the aforesaid body and if you wish to bury all the rest of the noblemen, I will not hinder you from so doing. MacDermon.) 1 MacDermon.— i.e., MacDermot. The office was rarely held by the mere 2 Harrington.~Y{& came to Ireland with Irish. See The Ulster J. of Archaol., ii. 41, Essex, who knighted him. He served as •* Monastery.— \\\ Lough Ce, near Boyle, commander of the horse under the Earl founded by Clarus O'Mulchonry, Canon of of Southampton. Elphin, for Premonstratensians in the ^Constable. — One to whom the command year 121 5. See Archdall's Monasticon, of a castle and the\varders in it was given. p. 614, and The Annals of Loch Ce., I. 395. CIV Fynes Moryson gives some further details of the flight of the EngHsh from the field : They had all perished, if the horse had not valiantly succoured them. For the Lord of Dunkellin (who that day had most valiantly behaved himself) sent word to Captain John Jephson of their distress, who presently charged upon the causeway and to the very skirts of the wood with such resolution, as the rebels, either thinking horse could not have served there or expecting advantages upon them in that boggy place, stood gaping on them and gave way without any resistance for a good space, in which our men had leisure to retire over a ford into the plain where the carriages were, and thence to the Abbey of Boyle, being very near the place. Afterwards the rebels began to charge our horse, but their powder being almost spent, Captain Jephsoa retired safely, with the loss of some few horses. In a consultation some were earnest to have marched forward the next day, but the Lord of Dunkellin, Sir Arthur Savage, Captain John Jephson, and many of the best judgment, considering the Governor was lost, our troops utterly dismayed, and O'Donnell come down with all his forces into those parts, thought fit our men should retire to their garrisons. So Captain Jephson all that night kept the ford, while our foot in the silent night retired, and in the morning when they were in safety he, with the horse under his command, went softly after them to the Castle of Athlone. It is strange, the rebels then present being but some two hundred, and most of our men being old soldiers, how this defeat could be given, but small accidents in military affairs are often causes of strange and great events : for I have heard this mischance fully attributed to an unorderly turning of the whole body of the van ; which, though it were towards the enemy, yet being mistaken by some of the common soldiers for a flight, it caused a general route. ^ When the news of Clifford's defeat reached Essex, he thought it high time that he should himself take the field against the northern ' rebels.' At his request, seconded by that of the Privy Council, his army was re- inforced ^ with i,ooo men from England. Before he set out, he wrote to the Queen, to anticipate, it would seem, the news of his failure. ' During the remainder of the year ' — it was now but the end of August — ' he could do no more than draw to the confines of Ulster with 3,000 foot and 300 horse.' He gave his reasons, subscribed by the chief officers : ' the army was unwilling to be drawn to Ulster, a fact proved by the number that deserted from their colours ; he had but 4,000 men at the most, not enough to withstand the rebels, who were six thousand strong, and lay within strong entrenchments ; no plantation could be made that year ; any garrisons left in the north being more likely to endanger the English than to annoy the rebels.' ^ On August 28th he left Dublin with 100 horse.* Just before setting out "^ Route .— Rebellion, &^c., p. 36. ^Rebels. — Ibid , p. 38- "^ Reittforced. — Ibid., p. 37. ^ Horse, — C.C MSS., iii. 321. cv he wrote to the English Privy Council : ' I am even now putting my foot . in the stirrup to go to the rendezvous at the Navan, and from thence I will draw the enemy as far and to do as much as duty will warrant me and good enable me.' The forces were first ordered to assemble there, but the companies not coming in, the order was given that they should come together on the 31st at the hill of Clythe, near Kells. They mustered 2,700 foot and 300 horse. His purpose was first to go by the most direct way to Donnemaine,^ in Farney, and to plant a garrison there, which would easily make incursions into the neighbourhood of the Blackwater. At Ishleragh^ he left seven companies of foot and a troop of horse. Dymmok, who was on the expedition, tells what followed :^ Whilst this work was on hands, Sir William Warren obtained leave from his Lordship that he might treat with Tyrone, who lay then encamped not above three miles from us with 10,000 foot and a thousand horse, for the delivery of Captain John Moore, taken prisoner not many days before in Ophaly. Tyrone professed to Sir William Warren to have had a long time a great desire to make his sub- mission, and entreated the Lord Lieutenant by him that he would be pleased to receive a message from him by Henry Agen, his constable, who being permitted to have access to his Lordship that niglit, entreated him to vouchsafe to parley with his master the next day ; to which the Lord Lieutenant said that he would in the morning draw into the field and be ready by ten o'clock to parley with him sword in hand. Early in the morning the Lord Lieutenant marched through the open champain, until he came within a mile of Tyrone's camp, which, besides the natural strength thereof, was so strongly fortified by art and industry, as it appeared to them who had seen the works impossible to be forced by twenty times our number. Tyrone being resolved not to fight upon equal ground, and the Lord Lieutenant not having sufficient forces to attempt his camp, he resolved by the advice of his council to retire back into Meath, and directing his march accordingly the next morning towards Nobber,* he was overtaken by Henry Agen, who let him under- stand that Tyrone desired the Queen's mercy, and entreated to speak with his Lordship concerning his manner of making his submission, adding that Tyrone attended his Lordship's pleasure at a ford called Bellaclyne,^ not half a mile out of the way of the army. Before the Lord Lieutenant was fully arrived at the ford,^ '^ Do7ineviaine. — Now Donaghmoyne ; it ^ Bellaclyne. — Now Anaghclart Bridge, is three miles north of Carrickmacross, Co. on the river Lagan, where it forms the Monaghan. boundary between Louth and Monaghan. 2 hhleragh. — ' Half a mile from Louth, ^ The ford- — ' Tyrone leaving a troop of where there is a square castle and a horse upon the hill not far off, came down great bawn.' C.C. MSS-, iii. 323. Sir alone, and putting his horse up to the belly Christopher St. Laurence, baron of Howth, in the water, with all humbleness saluted his was left in command of it. lói'd. lordship standing on the other bank, and ^Followed. — JRelalion, &c., p. 48. there they passed many speeches. Tyrone * Nobber.—ln Meath, ten miles N. of very courtly saluted each one-' Moryson, Kells. The castle is still standing. Rebellion, Sec, p. 38. o CVl T3Tone took his hat and inclining his body did his duty to his Lordship with very humble ceremony, continuing the same observance the whole time of the parley. It was at first emparled between themselves in private, and then before six on either party. With the Lord Lieutenant were the Earl of Southampton,^ Sir George Bourchier,2 Sir Warham St. Leger, Sir Henry Danvers,^ Sir William Constable, Sir William Warren. On Tyrone's part were Cormac MacBaron,* Ever MacCowley, Maguire, Henry Ovengton,^ and Richard Owen.^ Where it was concluded that there should be a Cessation from arms for six weeks, and the war to be renewed at the Lord Lieutenant's pleasure, giving 14 days' warning. It was furdier agreed that it should be lawful for all them that were now in action to participate of the benefits of this Cessation. For performance of which agreement Tyrone tied himself by oath. So soon as this conclusion was made with Tyrone, the Lord Lieutenant dissolved his army, and having lodged his men in such garrisons as sisrved best to preserve the subject, he retired himself to Drogheda, from whence after some few days he returned to Dublin.'' The journal of his proceedings was duly transmitted to the Queen. There was little in it to repay her for the vast expenditure of men and money, or to console her for former failures. She gave vent to her wrath in a letter^ addressed to him from Nonsuch, September 17th : By the letter and journal received from you we see a quick end made of a slow proceeding. We never doubted but that Tyrone would instantly offer a parley when he saw any force approach, either himself or any of his principal partisans, always seeking these Cessations with like words and upon such contingents, as we gather these will prove by your advertisement of his purpose to go consult with O'Donnell. It appears to us by your journal that you and the traitor spoke together half an hour and without anybody's hearing ; wherein, though we that trust you with our kingdom are far from mistrusting yoa with a traitor, yet both for come- liness, example, and your own discharge, we marvel you would carry it no better. . . . You have dealt so sparingly with us in the substance by advising us only at first of the half-hour's conference alone, but not what passed on either side, by "^ The E. of Soiithainpion . — Henry ^ R. Oive7i.—hxv Irishman by birth, that Wriothesley, 3rd Earl. came from Spain. C.C. AÍSS., iii. 324. ^ Sir G. Bourchier. — Third son of the The author of Pacata Hibernia calls him second Earl of Bath. an ancient and inward servant of Tyrone's. 2 Sir H. Danvers. — Created Earl of p. 454- Danby in 1626. "^ Diibliti. — Besides Dymmok's there are *C MacBaron. — He was O'Neill's several other accounts of the interview be- brolher. See p. xlv. antea. His name tween Essex and O'Neill ; one in C.C. occurs frequently in this work. AISS., iii. 324, and another in the Trevelyan ^//. Ove7igton. — Often written Hoveden. Papers, pt. 2, p. 102; published by the See p. Iv., antea. ' He was O'Neill's chiefest Camden Soc in 1863. It was one of the councillor, without whom he deliberated no chief charges brought against him later, matter of moment.' Dymmok, Relation, Moryson, Rebellion, &c., p. 70. p. 21. 8 Letter.— C.C. MSS., iii. 325. evil letting us also know you sent Commissioners without showing what they had in charge, as we cannot tell but by divination what to think may be the issue of this proceeding. Only this we are sure (for we see it in effect) that you have prospered so ill for us by your warfare, as we cannot but be very jealous lest you should be as well overtaken by the treaty. . . . To trust this traitor upon oath is to trust the devil upon his religion. To trust him upon pledges is mere illusion, and therefore whatever order you shall take with him of laying aside of arms, recognition of superiority to us, disclaiming from O'Neillship, which were tolerable before he was in his overgrown pride by own success against our power, yet unless he yield to have garrisons planted in his own country to master him, to deliver O'Neill's sons,^ and to come over to us personally here, we shall doubt you do but piece up a hollow peace, and so the end prove worse than the beginning. 'The Lord Lieutenant,' says Moryson,^ 'being nettled, or rather galled, with this letter, resolved to leave Adam Loftus, the Lord Archbishop of Dublin, and Sir George Carey .^ Treasurer at War, to govern the king- dom in his absence, and presently sailing to England, posted to the Court,^ where, altogether unlooked for, he arrived September 28th, and presented himself on his knees to the Queen, who received him not with that cheerful countenance which she was wont to show him, but after a brief conference commanded him to retire to his chamber, and there to stay until he knew her further pleasure, from whence his lordship's next remove was to the Lord Keeper's house in a state of a prisoner.'^ In a letter which he wrote soon after his return, he speaks of 'his pains and infirmities, which have made him an old man in twelve days, which are his comforts, for he took the beginning of them in her Majesty's service.'^ His further history does not belong to this place. He suffered death in the Tower of London February 28th, 1601. In his interviews with Essex, O'Neill demanded, before entering on the question of a truce, that these three conditions should be agreed to: 1st. That the free practice '' of the Catholic religion should be allowed throughout the whole of Ireland. 2nd. That the ecclesiastical property which had been seized by the Crown, or given to individuals, should be restored to the Church. 3rd. That the lands taken from the Irish for the last forty years 1 CNeilVs Sons. — See p. xxxviii., antea. will be found in Moryson's Rebellion, &c., ^ Moryson. — Rebellion, &c., p. 41. p. 68, and Cecil's account of it to Carew, ^ Carey. — Or Carew, already mentioned in C.C. MSS., iv. 35. in this work. His name will occur fre- ^Service- — Shirley's Dominion of Farney, quently in the sequel. p. 106. This work contains Essex's own * The Court. — At his appointment he re- account of his interview with Hugh ONeill. ceived a sign- manual from the Queen, See pp. 103-105. licensing him to return to her Majesty's ''Practice. — Warren told O'Neill that her presence at such times as he should find Majesty would no more yield to that demand cause. — C.C. MSS., iii. 295. than she would do to give her Crown from ^ Priso7ier- — An account of Essex's trial her head. C.C. MSS., iii. 349. CVlll should be restored to their lawful owners.^ Essex had deputed Sir William Warren^to treat with O'Neill during the Cessation. On September 29th they met at the fort of the Blackwater. The continuation of the Cessation was first discussed. This O'Neill would not agree to until he he had got O'Donnell's consent. Besides, the Cessation had been already violated by Ormonde, who had slain seven or eight score of O'Neill's men, and by Tibbot na long, then besieging Mac William, to whose assistance O'Donnell intended to go in all haste. He would give a definite answer in a few days.^ On the 17th of October they met again at Dundalk. While they were in conference a messenger came from O'Donnell bidding O'Neill to proceed in the negociations, and declaring that he would be bound by whatever O'Neill would conclude. A prolongation of the Cessation for a month was agreed on, though at first he was unwilling to yield to any further time, 'alleging that it was now winter and the English army weak, that he was stronger and better able to keep the field, and that the Lord Lieutenant's tarrying in England was but to procure a great army to come upon him on all sides during the next spring.' Three weeks later a third meeting took place. Warren asked O'Neill why he had broken the six weeks' Cessation agreed on. He answered that he had given the fourteen days' notice according to the Articles. His reasons were, that he understood 'the Earl of Essex was committed, the only man in whom he put his trust to deal for him, for the Council here had deceived him.' On the 25th of December O'Neill wrote to Warren from Dungannon : 'Seeing the conclusion of Cessations is so prejudicial to that which I pretend, henceforward I will conclude none if present redress be not done. In this last concluded there were sundry breaches by your side committed. , . . and chiefly the Cessation is greatly violated by the appre- hending of Father Henry FitzSimons,* a man to whom (as before God I protest) I am no more beholden than to an Irish Catholic that is restrained in Turkey for his religion, but undertake generally to plant the Catholic faith throughout all Ireland. According to my often protestations, I must undertake, be it accepted or not, for all Irish Catholics, and do feel myself more grieved that any should be for his religion restrained in time of Cessation, than if there were one thousand pre}'s taken from me. Whcre- 1 Ozi^ners. — Lombard, De Reg. Hib., p. had gone to continue his studies after 173- leaving Oxford. In 1592 he entered the ^ Warren.— C.C. MSS., iii. 335. Society of Jesus. Three years later he was ^ pajys.— Warren's account of his 'Nego- sent to Ireland. About 1600 he was seized ciations with Tyrone' is given in full z'ói'd., and imprisoned in the Castle of Dublin, PP- 341 "349- where he remained till June, 1604. He was '^ H. FitzSÍ7nom. — Though born of Ca- banished to Spain, but in 1630 he returned tholic parents, he was ' inveigled into to Ireland. He died at Kilkenny Novem- heresy' at an early age. He was converted ber 29th, 1643. See his Life and IVri tings, by F. Darbyshire, S.J., in Paris, where he by Rev. E, Hogan, S.J. ; Dublin, 1881. CIX fore, as ever you think that I shall enter to conclude peace or Cessation with the State, let him be presently enlarged.'^ Finally, O'Neill declared he could not agree to any further Cessation, ' having resolved upon a course for O'Donnell into Connaught, and others into other parts.' "- This declaration seems to have ended the negociations, and both parties set to prepare during the winter for the war which was sure to take place early in the following year. The history of the year 1600 opens with an account of O'Neill's 'visit' to Munster. Our author treats of it very briefly ; not so, however, the Four Masters, who give it in great detail : ^ A hosting was made by O'Neill (Hugh, son of Ferdoragb, son of Con Bacagh), in the month of January of this year, and he proceeded to the south to confirm his friendship with his allies in war, and to wreak his vengeance on his enemies. When he left the province of Ulster, he passed along the borders of Breffny and Meath, and through Delvinmore,^ and did great injuries throughout the territory until the Baron of Delvin^ came and submitted to O'Neill on his terms. He also spoiled Machaire Cuircne^ and all the possessions of Theobald Dillon. O'Neill afterwards marched to the gates of Athlone and into Fircal. In this country he remained encamped nine nights, and the people of Fircal, upper Leinster, and Westmeath made full submission to him, and formed a league of friendship with him. On leaving this country O'Neill passed over the upper part of Slieve Bloom, westwards, and sent forth three parties in one day to ravage Ely, because of the enmity he bore O'Carroll, lord of Ely.'^ . . . After this he moved onwards to the borders of Ballymore,^ to Roscrea, Ikerrin, from one encampment to another, until he arrived at the gate of the monastery of Holy Cross. ^ They had not been long here when the Holy Cross was brought out to shelter and protect them ; and the Irish presented great gifts, much alms, and many otferings to its keepers and to the monks, in honour of the Lord of the Elements. They gave protection to the monastery with respect to its houses and glebe lands, and to all its inhabitants also. . . . Afterwards he proceeded to the gates of Cashel, and there came to him at ^ Enlarged.— C.C. MS S.,\\\. 'i,i,'^. ^ Machah-e Cidrcfte. — Now the barony "^ Parts. — Ibid., p. 348. of Kilkenny West, Co. Westmeath. ^Detail. — An7ialsF.Al..,\\.2\\']. O'Neill ''Ely. — The baronies of Clonlisk and had sent his son the year before to Munster Ballybrit in north Tipperary. For the cause in order to ascertain who were firm in their of the enmity see Annals F. AI., vi. 2137. friendship and promises to him and the . ^ Ballymore. — Near Borris-in-Ossory, on Irish. Ibid., vi. 2095. the high road between Mountrath and ■* Ddvinmo! e. — The present barony of Roscrea. Delvin, Co. Westmeath. "^ M. of Holy Cross. — Founded for Cister- ^ l^he B. of Delvin. — Christopher, 9th cians in 1 182 by Donald Mor O'Brien, king baron, who for services to the Crown ob- of Limerick. For its history see Irium- tained a considerable grant of lands in phalia Chrojiologica Monasterii S. Crucis, the counties of Cavan and Longford. See written by M. Hartry, O. Cist., in i640,edited Archdall's Peerage, i. 234. by Rev. D. Murphy, S.J. ; Dublin, 1891. ex that place the Earl of Desmond, James,^ the son of Thomas Roe, and they were rejoiced to see each other. They afterwards proceeded westwards, across the Sair, through Clangibbon,- through the Roche's country,^ and through the country of Barry Mor,* who was always on the side of the Queen. O'Neill wrote a letter to Barry urging him to join the Irish : — Your impiety to God, cruelty to soul and body, tyranny and ingratitude both to your followers and your country are inexcusable and intolerable. . . . You know the sword of extirpation hangeth over your head as well as ours- if things fall out otherwise than well ; you are the cause why all the nobility of the south, . . . you being linked to each one of them either in affinity or consanguinity, are not linked together to shake off the cruel yoke of heresy and tyranny with which our souls and bodies are oppressed. All these aforesaid depending on your resolution, and relying to your judgment in this common cause of our religion and country, you might, forsooth, with their help, and the rest that are combined in this holy action, not only defend yourself from the incursion and invasion of the English, but also by God's assistance, who miraculously and above all expectation gave good success to the cause, principally undertaken for his glory, exaltation of religion, next for the restoration of the ruins and preservation of the country, expel them, and deliver them and us from the most miserable and cruel exaction and subjection, enjoy your religion, safety of wife and children, lands, and goods, which are all in hazard through your folly and want of due consideration. ^ Barry replied that ' Her Highness had never restrained him in matter of religion ; he held his lordships and lands of her Majesty, and had settled himself never to forsake her.' ^ 'Ashe was loyal to the Queen, O'Neill remained in the territory until he had traversed, plundered, and burned it from one extremity to the other, both plain and wood, so that no one hoped it could be inhabited for a long time afterwards.'^ ' A disastrous action ' happened while O'Neill was in the neighbourhood of Cork. Maguire set out from the camp to go on a raid, as was his custom when in an enemy's territory. He was accompanied by Edmund "•■Jajnes. — The son of the elder brother of Grey, and from that time forward he was Earl Gerald ; he is known in history as the the constant supporter of the Crown, and Sugan Earl of Desmond. was rewarded accordingly. See Archdall's ^ Clangibbon. — The territory of the White Peerage, i. 293. Knight, now a barony in the north-east of ^ Consideration. — Pacata Hibernia, p. Co. Cork. 36. This letter was signed by O'Neill and "^ Roche's Country. — Now the barony of the Earl of Desmond. Similar letters were Fermoy. written to Lord Roche and to Edmund and '^ Barry Mor. — David Fitzjames, Vis- Thomas Fitzjohn Fitzgerald. C-C. MSS., count Buttevant. He had joined the Earl iii. 363. of Desmond in the war against the English ; ^ Forsake her. — Pac Hib., p. 37. he was received to his submission by Lord "^ Afterwards. — Annals P.M.., vi. 2147. CXI MacCaffrey, his standard-bearer O'Durnin, and a priest. He fell in with Sir Warham St. Leger,^ who, having heard that he had left the camp, lay in wait for him with sixty horse. Besides their hostility to each other as leaders of opposite armies, there was a rivalry between them, the Irish giving the palm for bravery and skill in horsemanship to Maguire, the English to St. Leger. When Maguire came in sight of the enem}', though far superior to him in numbers, he thought it unworthy of him to fly or surrender. Poising his lance he put spurs to his horse and charged at them. St. Leger discharged his pistol and shot Maguire. He then bent down to avoid the thrust ; but the spear struck him in the forehead and pierced through his helmet. Maguire left the spear in the wound, and drawing his sword cut his way through the enemy, followed by his companions. He expired immediately after.^ The ' death of Maguire,' the Four Masters say, ' caused a giddiness of spirits and depression of mind in O'Neill and the Irish chiefs in general ; and this was no wonder, for he was the bulwark of valour and prowess, the shield of protection and shelter,the tower of support and defence, and the pillar of the hospitality and achievements of the Oirghialla and of almost all the Irish of his time.' ^ The Queen on hearing of Maguire's death bade the Privy Council write to the Commissioners of Munster : ' Her Majesty commands us to give you her thanks, it being a great contentment to her to see this change from receiving news of losses and disasters on her Majesty's side, that one of the first traitors hath received that end which,. we doubt not, shall befall the rest of these monstrous rebels.'* St. Leger died a fortnight after of the wounds received in the encounter. After receiving the .submission of nearly all the Munster chiefs, both Irish and Anglo-Irish, O'Neill returned to the north by the same way he had come to Munster. The time spent in the expedition was somewhat less than three months. 'The province of Munster,' says Moryson, 'was much confirmed in rebellion by the Earl of Tyrone's journey into these parts, where he strengthened James FitzThomas. He combined with Florence MacCarthy (called by the Irish MacCarty More, a name greatly followed there), and in like sort with most of the great men in those parts, encouraging those whom he found willing to persist, taking pledges of those ^ Sf. Leger. — Shortly after the death of stragglers.' Ibid.^ p. 366. This agrees Sir John Norris in September, 1 597, he and substantially with O'Sullevan's account, Sir Henry Power were appointed Com- which we have given. Hisf . Cath.., "p. 212; missioners for the Government of Munster. but not with that oi Pac. Hib., p. 39, which C.C- MSS..,\\\. 12-]. says 'he was riding out the city for re- 2 After. — The Council of Munster, in their creation to take the air.' That is the account letter to the Lords Justices, say: 'St. given by Cox also, 7//<5. /i«^/., I. 422. Leger and Sir Henry Power, with some ^Time. — Annals F. M., v\. 2\6^. horsemen, did rise forth to meet any ^Rebels. — C-C. MSS., m. '},7'^- CXll he suspected to be wavering, and burning and spoiling those few who did absolutely refuse to join with him.' ^ The same writer thus describes the state of Ireland in the spring of 1600 : At this time, I may boldly say, the rebellion was at the greatest strength. The mere Irish, puffed up with success and blooded with happy encounters, did boldly keep the field and proudly disdain the English forces. Great part of the English- Irish were in open action of rebellion, and most part of the rest temporised with the state, openly professing obedience that they might live under the protection thereof, but secretly relieving the rebels and practising with them for their present and future safeties. Among the English the worthy generals of this age partly by this fatal war, partly by factions at home, were so wasted as the best judgments could hardly find out any man fit to command this army in chief. The English common soldiers by looseness of body, the natural sickness ^ of the country, by the poverty of the war in which nothing was to be gained but blows, and by the late defeats wherein great numbers of them had perished, were altogether out of heart. The Colonels and Commanders, considering the army's weakness, were somewhat dejected in mind ; yea, the very Councillors of State were so diffident as some of them in late conference with Tyrone had descended (I know not upon what warrant 3) to an abject entreaty for a short Cessation. . . . Not only the remote parts but the very heart of the kingdom now languished under the contagion of this rebellion, Leix and Offally being possessed by the O'Mores and the O'Conors, and the mountainous country on the south-west side of Dublin being in the hands of the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles (and more remotely of the Cavanaghs), who nightly made excursions' to the very gates of the city, giving alarm of war to the long-gowned senate and (as it were) to the chair of estate.'* The Queen was displeased at Essex's return, contrary to her command and without her permission.^ For her honour's sake she could do no less than in some measure to chastise him. She therefore determined to use his services no further in Ireland. On the loth of January, 1601, Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, was made Deputy. The Queen had purposed to employ him in this office the preceding year ; but Essex, who coveted the 1 With him. — Rebellioji, &.C., p. 64. iii. 335. ' I advise her Majesty to allow me "^Sickness. — A kind of dysentery. at my return to Dublin to conclude this ' Against this disease,' says Lombard, 'they treaty, yielding some of these grants for the employ a remedy easy to be had, viz., a present ; and when her Majesty has made certain most excellent liquor, which they secret preparation to enable me to prosecute, call usquebagh, so well mixed that it has the I wiil find quarrels enough to break, and power of drying up and does not inflame give tliem a deadly blow.' Answers of the like that made in foreign countries.' De Earl of Essex. Ibid.., p. 337. Hib- Com., p. 38. '^Estate. — Rebellion, &c., p. 51. "^Warrant. — 'I left with the Justices ^ Permissio)t. — She had given him licence order to keep this Cessation precisely.' to return to her presence at such times as Relation of the Earl of Essex. C.C. MSS., he should find cause. C.C MSS., iii. 295. CXllI place, secretly opposed her determination, alleging that Mountjoy had no other experience in martial affairs save what he gained in the short time he had served in the Low Countries; besides, that he was too bookish, with too few followers and too small an estate to embrace so great a business.^ On February 24th he landed in Ireland, and a few days after received the sword. By warrant from the Queen, he appointed Sir George Carew, lieutenant of the ordnance and one of the Council of Munster, to be President of that province.^ The Earl of Ormonde, in return for his good services and because he had been much toiled now in his latter years, was allowed to choose whether he would retain the place of Lieutenant-General of the army.^ In the Instructions^ given to the new Lord Deputy by the Queen, it was * recommended to his special care to preserve the true exercise of religion among her loving subjects'; the time, however, did not permit that he should intermeddle by any severity or violence fh matters of religion, until her power was better established there to countenance his actions of that kind. The employment of Irish in the army should be avoided as much as possible, since they might run away armed to the rebels, or upon days of service turn their swords into their fellows' bosoms.^ For the employ- ment of the forces upon the rebels, there was no course to be taken but by plantation of garrisons in the heart of the countries of the capital rebels. Whenever Tyrone was distressed, he by general offers of submission caused a suspension of his prosecution until the opportunity was lost. Heed should be taken that she be no more abused in that kind, but all means possible were to be used to cut him off as a reprobate to God, and he should be left" to the force of the sword.' These Instructions were supplemented by others, ' Ordinances ^ to be observed during the war in Ireland.' Among them arc the following : No merchant or other person to sell powder, armour, or munition, but all furniture of war to come out of the Queen's store only ; no Irishman to serve in any company except those of the Pale, because of the general revolt ; every soldier to be enforced to wear a murrion,'' because the enemy is encouraged by the advantage of ^A biisi7iess. — Moryson, Rebellion^ &c., ^Bosoms. — ' All the mischiefs of our ser- p. 45. This writer was Mountjoy's secre- vice have grown above all by nourishing tary. He gives a detailed account of the the Irish, who are snakes in our bosoms character and manner of life of his deceased while we hold them, and when they are out master. Ibid. do convert upon ourselves the experience - Proviftce. — Pac. Hib., p. 4. His in- and strength they have gotten by our structions are given /iJ/rt?., p. 10. Brewer making them to be our soldiers.' Letter of remarks that Carew, though apparently the the Queen to Mountjoy in Rebellion, &c., inferior, was in fact the superior, as he was the p. 56. friend of Cecil. CC. MSS., v. pref. Ixvii. ^ Ordinances. — C.C. MSS.,\ú. 365. ^ Army. — C.C. MSS., iii. 361. " Murrion. — Morion, a helmet without a * liutructiofts.—Ibid., p. 356. vizor to protect the face. P CXIV arms to come to the sword, where commonly he prevaileth ; a strong prosecution to begin in March, and strong garrisons to be placed near the enemy, which will eat out the rebels within twelve months if the captains be men of worth and diligent. In pursuance of the plan laid down here, Mountjoy determined to establish garrisons on the borders of Tyrone and Tyrconnell. He would at the same time gratify the Earls of Thomond and of Clanricarde, whose terri- tories O'Donnell used to waste from time to time, by forcing him to remain at home in order to save his own lands from being preyed. A force was got together in England of 3,000 foot and 200 horse. The commander was Sir Henry Docwra.^ They embarked at Chester on the 24th of April, and four days later they reached Carrickfergus. They were joined by 1,000 foot taken from the old companies about Dublin. Ten days later they set sail for Derry, and landed at Culmore.^ Here they set about erecting a fort that would lodge 200 men. A company of 1 50 men was put into the neigh- bouring castle of Elagh,^ which O'Dogherty had abandoned shortly before. On the 22nd of May 600 men were left at Culmore to finish the works ; the main body marched to Derry.* This place they took possession of without any resistance being offered to them. Tw^o ships of war were appointed to attend on them during the whole summer. These coasted along the shores, and brought in any building materials they found. Timber was got in abundance from a wood in O'Cahan's country opposite ; ' but there was not a stick brought in that was not fought for.' The Lord Deputy made a diversion to draw off O'Neill and O'Donnell, by marching to the Black- water ; but learning that the force had taken possession of Derry and secured themselves there, he returned to Dublin. After his return home, O'Neill joined by O'Donnell made a sudden attack on the outposts of Derry ; but the sentinels gave the alarm, and the garrison stood on the defensive and would not be drawn outside the walls ; and as they had several large guns planted in position, any attempt to take the place by assault could not succeed. It was Mountjoy's wish that a garrison should i^zyZ/.Z^i^^i/ra.— The Instructions given * Z^irry.— Sydney, the Lord Deputy, to to him will be found in CC. AfSS., iii. check the increasing boldness of Shane 374. He has left ' A Narration of the Ser- O'Neill, sent seven companies of foot and a vices done by the Army in Lough Foyle' ; troop of horse by sea to Derry, that they it will be found in the Miscellatty of ihe might fall on the enemy in the rear. Ran- Ceitic Society, p. 233. dolph, their commander, was slain in a ' '^ Culmore.— K point of land projecting battle that took place in October, 1566. Two into Lough Foyle, four miles N.E. of Derry. years later an accidental explosion of gun- ^Elagh.—\\ is three miles north of Derry. powder destroyed the town in great part, so A considerable portion of this castle is still that it was not thought tenable any longer, standing. See an account and a view of it The troops returned to Dublin. Ibid., p. in The' Ordna7ice Survey of the Parish of 35. We have seen how the attempts of Templemore, p. 234. Bagnal and Essex to enter the north failed. cxv be placed at Ballyshannon, under the command of Sir Matthew Morgan, 1,000 men being taken from the force at Derry for the purpose ; but as it was evident that these forces would be exposed to manifest ruin if at that time and in the state as things then stood he would go .forward, directions came to suspend the proceeding till another time.^ On the 1st of June Sir Arthur O'Neill,^ son of Turlough Luineach, came and joined the English garrison with 30 horse and foot, ' a man I had directions from the State to labour to draw to our side and to promise to be made Earl of Tyrone, if the other that maintained the rebellion could be dispossessed of the country.' Three months later, Rory, brother to O'Cahan, who had before made an agreement with Docwra to serve under Sir Arthur O'Neill, came to him and brought with him 12 horse, 30 foot, and a hundred fat beeves, a welcome present at the time, for fresh meat was then rare to be had, and the provisions in store were very nearly spent. Docwra gives at some length an account of an affray, the result of which was the capture by O'Donnell of several horses belonging to the garrison of Derry : On the 29th of July O'Donnell came again with 600 foot and 60 horse, and lay close in ambush in a valley within a quarter of a mile of our utmost horse sentinels ; and Moyle Morogh MacSwindoe ^ (a man purposely sent with me by the State, and so well esteemed of, as the Queen had given a pension of six shillings a day unto during his life and the present command of 100 soldiers), having intelligence with him, caused some of his men to go a little before break of day and drive forth our horses (that were usually every night brought into the island to graze) directly towards him, in so much as upon the sudden before anything could be done to prevent it, he got to the number of 60 into his power and presently made haste to be gone. By the alarm I rose up from my bed, took some 20 horse and such foot as were ready, bade the rest follow, and so made after them. At four miles' end we overtook them ; their own horse kept in the rear flanked with foot, marching by the edge of a bog, and those horse they had got from us sent away before with the foremost of their foot. When they saw us coming they turned head and made ready to receive us. We charged them, and at the first encounter I was stricken with a horseman's staff ■^ in the forehead, in so much as I fell for dead, and was a good while deprived of my senses. But the captains and gentlemen that were about me . . . gave beyond my body and enforced them to give ground a good way, by ^Time. — C.C. MSS.,\\\. yia,. ^MacSwindoe. — i.e., Maelmuire Mac- 2 Sir Arthur O'Neill. — He died of fever Swiny na dtuath. five months after. ' His brother Cormac * Staff. — O'Sullevan says his helmet was claimed to succeed him as next of kin, and pierced .through by a spear. Hist. Cath., had in that name good entertainments from p. 218. In a skirmish that took place a the Queen. But shortly after came his own month before between some of O'Dogherty's son Tirlogh, whom the State admitted to men and the garrison of Elagh, Sir John inherit all the fortune and hopes of the Chamberlaine, the second in command, was father.' Docwra's Narratioft, p. 247. killed. Docwra's Narration, p. 240. CXVl means whereof I recovered myself, was set upon my horse, and so safely brought off, and conducted home, and they suffered with the prey they had got to depart without further pursuit.^ The writer attributes the success of the assailants to the treachery of Maelmuire MacSwiny ^ * who caused his men of purpose to drive forth our horses. For which he was seized and put on board a ship then going to Dublin ; he was put under hatches, but these being opened to set beer, he stepped up on the deck and threw himself into the river and so swam away to O'Kane's side, which was hard by, those in the ship amazed with the suddenness of the fact and doing nothing that took effect to prevent it.'^ In the spring of this year two ships came from Spain, under the command of Ferdinand De Barranova. They were laden with materials of war, and knowing that the northern chiefs were then at enmity with the English, they put into the harbour of Killybegs. In answer to the question why the King had delayed so long the promised relief, he said that his master was fully determined to aid them with men and money ; but having been told that they had made peace with the English, he wished to learn from messengers of his own what was the true state of affairs.^ For this purpose he now sent Matthew de Oviedo, a Spanish Franciscan, who had already visited Ireland at the close of the Geraldine war with James Fitzmaurice and the Spanish force ^ sent to the help of the Irish. A year after he was sent back to Spain for the purpose of soliciting further aid, and he was instructed to proceed from thence to Rome, and to act as agent of the Irish at the Papal Court. Now he came as the joint Envoy of Pope Clement vill. and of the King of Spain,^ the first congratulating O'Neill on his victories and exhorting him ^ to persevere in his glorious struggle, so that the Catholic kingdom of Ireland might not be subject to the yoke of heresy, the latter sending him a gift of 22,000 crowns and promising him further aid. But the chief purpose of his coming was to see and understand the state of the country,^ misrepresented by English emissaries at foreign courts. On the 13th of May he was appointed Archbishop of Dublin. We have several ^ Pursuit. — Ibid., p. 242. '^ M. MacSwiny. — He had been knighted for his services against the O' Mores during the expedition to Leix. O'Sullevan, Hist. Cath., p. 218. See also p. cii., antea. ^ To prevent zV. — Docwra's Narration, p. 243- '^Affairs. — Lombard, De Hib. Com., p. 175- ^ TAe Spanish force. — ^oxdiVis Arch- bishops of Dublin., pp. 194 and 426. ^ Ki7tg of Spain. — Philip III. His father, Philip II., died in 1598. '' Exhorting him. — Moran, A. of Dublin, p. 206, gives the Pope's letter. ^Country. — Hib. Pac, p. 457. The Primate Peter Lombard in more than one place complains of the injury done to the Irish cause in foreign countries by the want of fitting agents to uphold it, and by the mis- representations made by the English and those intheirpay. DeHib. Com., pp. 127, 165. cxvn letters ^ written by him during his stay in this country, which was somewhat less than a year ; some to the King of Spain, others to some of the King's ministers. On the 24th of June he wrote to the King : Sire, — I wrote by Don Martin dela Cerda^ giving your Majesty an account of the state of things in this island when we came with your Majesty's letters. As I have been here for two months, seeing everything that has been done, I can give a more exact account of what is taking place in this province. At present we are hemmed in between two armies, one of which came by sea,^ the other by land, not to speak of the many garrisons which the English have near us and from which they make incursions every day. Yet such is the bravery of these two Earls and of their followers that if they fought with equal arms they would have no fear ; but as they have neither muskets nor artillery, they cannot drive them from the forts which they are erecting each day within the province, and as the war has lasted so long they are so exhausted and impoverished that they have not the means of supporting the soldiers or of paying them, and so every day we are afraid they will leave us. The English are making great efforts to bring about a peace, offering excellent terms ; and for this purpose the Viceroy sent messengers twice to O'Neill, saying among other things that your Majesty is making peace with the Queen, and that his conditioh will be hopeless. At other times he says that no greater misfortune could happen the country than to bring Spaniards into it, because they are haughty and vicious, and they would destroy and ruin the country. To all this they reply most honourably that they will hold out so long as they have one soldier, or there remains a cow to eat. At present they have got together a very good army, so that O'Neill made the Viceroy retreat when he was coming by land, and O'Donnell keeps those who came by sea shut up in their fortresses. The consequence is, that if a help of six thousand men and some large guns were now sent them, they could take any city in Ireland. I wish it were possible for me by word of mouth to show the importance of this undertaking and the great service that would be rendered thereby to God and to his Church, and the great advantage it would be to the service of your Majesty and the peace of your states to attack the enemy here. This is the best possible opportunity, and if it is allowed to slip by, I do not know when we shall find another. But as I cannot urge it otherwise than by these few lines, I pray God, in whose hands the hearts of kings are, that He may move the heart of your Majesty to help us at once. Every day I promise the Catholics this help, and in this way I keep them on hands. May the Lord preserve your Majesty for many and very happy years to be the protector and help of all the afflicted. From Dungannon in Ireland, June 24th, 1600. Your Majesty's humble chaplain, Fray Mattheo, Archbishop elect of Dublin.* 1 Letters. — The originals of this and the about the precise dates of the arrival of the four letters that follow it are in the Archives Spanish envoys, of the College of Loyola, Spain. '^ By sea. — This refers to Docwra's force. "^M. de la Cerda. — He seems to have The land force was that led by the Lord come to Ireland with de Oviedo or soon Deputy to the north, after. There is a good deal of uncertainty '^Dublin. — It was received Dec. i6th. CXVlll Another reached the King from O'Neill at the same time, though it was written six weeks after that of the Archbishop. Hugh O'Neill wrote again to the King a few days later : Sire, — We have written by Don Martin de la Cerda to your Majesty in acknowledgment of what your Majesty has done for us and in gratitude for what we have received, both arms and money bestowed on us by your generous hand. AVe have given to the Archbishop of Dublin and to Don Martin a very long account of our condition, that the one in writing and the other by word of mouth may give information to your Majesty, and you may rest assured that if we were able with our own forces and those of our friends to resist the power of this enemy, it would be enough for us to know that we were doing a great service to God and to his Church, and also to your Majesty's interests, in order to make us risk our lives and shed our blood, without troubling and wearying your Majesty, who we know has so many and important things to attend to. But, Sire, a war so long and continuous against so powerful an enemy, and against some of our own countrymen, who do us still more harm, as your Majesty will understand, must have so exhausted and empoverished us that it is by a miracle we hold out, and that owing to our reputation. At present matters stand in so favourable a way in this kingdom, that with some help and some large guns to make breaches in walls, this war would end successfully, for we have an army in all the provinces of Ireland, and when the succour reaches us and its arrival becomes known, our strength would be doubled ; whereas if the aid fails to come or is delayed, our forces must grow less and melt away, not having means to subsist. We humbly beseech your Majesty to order this aid to be hastened, since experience has shown us what evils arise from a delay in such matters. The Archbishop of Dublin encourages and strengthens us and revives our hopes, and by his presence has given us much courage and confidence, and in this way his coming has been of great use and benefit. It only remains that the authority of his Holiness, which has been asked for on behalf of your Majesty, should be sent to him, for there is urgent need of it to correct and reform matters concerning religion, and without it this cannot be done. May our Lord watch over and preserve your Majesty, giving you the increase and prosperity which your vassals and humble servants desire. From our Camp in Ireland, June 28th, 1600. It is so difficult to send our letters to Spain, that though I sent this off more than a month ago, it has been returned to me. Now it will go by way of Scotland, I can assure your Majesty that the enemy's strength grows daily, and that our people are losing courage, seeing the succour delayed. But I trust in God and in your Majesty that it will not fail us.^ From the Catholic Camp, August 3rd, 1600. Your humble vassal and servant kisses the feet and hands of your Majesty, , Hugh O'Neill. '^ Fail uSy — It was received December i6th. CXIX On the 17th of September O'Neill again wrote to the King: Sire, — If the letters which I sent to your Majesty by several ways by special messengers had reached your royal hands, I have no doubt the clemency of your ' Majesty, your generosity, and your zeal for the increase of the holy Catholic faith which exist in the breast of your Majesty to an heroic degree, would have moved you to send to this kingdom as soon as possible the aid so often promised and so much desired by us. Knowing too from our letters the extreme danger in which we are and the great advantages both spiritual and temporal which must accrue from sending this aid, and its importance to your Majesty's authority and the spread of the Catholic faith, we cannot believe your Majesty will fail us in such circumstances. But fearing the letters have been lost, I am obliged to send this third messenger and by him to give you again an account of the wretched and unhappy condition in which we the Catholics of this kingdom find ourselves. It is such that if your Majesty does not aid us speedily we shall all be ruined, to our great sorrow and to the extinction of your Majesty's authority, in whom we all put our trust, and against whom the enemy think they are carrying on the war when they attack us. This year the Queen has employed all the forces both by sea and land to crush the Catholics, knowing they are under your Majesty's protection, and for this reason she has sent by sea to the port of the Foyle a large number of vessels bringing infantry and cavalry and a vast quantity of ammunition and provisions, and every day this expedition is strengthened with additional vessels and forces. She has erected three fortresses along this coast, which her garrisons hold. They are doing great harm, since they oblige us to make encampments in order to prevent them from entering farther into the land. On the other hand, the Viceroy came here in the spring, and I and all my friends were obliged to go and hinder his advance over the frontier, where I was for many days. And now he is coming back with 7,000 foot and a large body of horse. Such is our enemy, not to speak of those dwelling on our frontiers. I am so impoverished and exhausted, having carried on the war for six years, that I have neither food for my men nor money to pay them ; and what is worse, seeing that I am weak and that the help does not come, my friends pass over to the English, for the Queen confers on them great favours and extraordinary gifts. From what I have said your Majesty may infer the great danger in which we are, and since we are yours and you have received us under your protection, and the chief cause of the persecution which we suffer at the hands of the Queen arises from the hatred she has towards the Spaniards, we have the natural law both divine and human in our favour, and we can prove that according to it you cannot abandon a nation which is fighting for the Catholic faith and trusts in the promises of aid given us by his Majesty Philip the Second of blessed memory, your Majesty's father, and by your Majesty and your Ministers, when the Archbishop of Dublin and Don Martin de la Cerda came, and on behalf of your Majesty commanded us to continue the war. We found that all we could do was to hold out till this September. This is now half passed and we do not see the help. We beseech your Majesty to consider the straits in which we must be, and for the love of God and for your own dignity, I beg you will not allow these traitorous enemies of the Catholic faith to trium.ph over us, for they would triumph over Spain cxx at the same time. Even if this help comes at the end of October it will be in good time, and with six or seven thousand men and heavy guns (to make batteries) we shall be masters of the kingdom. May God inspire your Majesty and your Royal Council to determine on what is best in this case and all others. Watch over us and promote the welfare of yourself and of your kingdom for His holy service and for the increase of His holy faith. Written ^ in the Irish Camp, September 17th, 1600. O'Neill. Here is the letter ^ written at the same time by de Oviedo to one of the ministers. Most Excellent Lord, — By every possible way and with the greatest care we have sought out messengers to give his Majesty and you an account of things in this country, and in addition to the letters which Don Martin took with him, these gentlemen and I have written at great length. But as the voyage by sea is so uncertain, I am afraid that of those which I sent by three different ways none has reached your Excellency's hands ; and hearing that the Earl O'Neill has resolved to make again the same petition to his Majesty, informing him of this state of things, to him I refer your Excellency for the account, not to weary you with a long letter and a repetition of what you have already heard so often of the sufferings of this country. They are so great that the mere narrative of them will move to much pity a heart as christian as yours. I have been employed all this time in giving consolation to them, being continually with O'Neill and assuring him that aid will come from his Majesty, the only way of putting an end to these sufferings. He has always put his trust in it, knowing that such is the desire of his Majesty, and he has often told me that in it chiefly he places his hopes. And though he is still as hopeful as ever, yet seeing that some of his people are not so, as the delay seems to them very great, he is very downcast, fearing that some of his friends will grow weary of enduring so much suffering as he has already witnessed and even now has before his eyes. With all this he conceals this fear, and he bears his share of these hardships with as much courage as if it were his first day ; and hearing that the Viceroy was coming to his territory with a large force, he went half way to meet him and engage him in battle, and God knows how small his force is. But the reputation he has with the enemy is so great that it alone sustains the war, and I trust in God that if the Viceroy comes he will return with as liitle profit to himself as he did last spring. I beseech your Excellency by the love of God if perchance (a thing I do not believe) the succour has not set out when this reaches, you will continue to urge this matter, and that the aid will not fail to come immediately, lest the delay may be the cause of our losing all, as undoubtedly it may be. Our Lord bestow all happiness on your Excellency as your chaplain desires. From this island of Ireland, Sept. iSth, 1600, Fr. Mattheo, Archbishop elect of Dublin. ^ Written. — It was received Nov. 17th. been enclosed very probably in O'Neill's ^Letter. — It bears no address, having letter. The date of its receipt is not given. ex XI On the same day the Archbishop wrote to the King, again urging him to tai':e pity on the distressed condition of the Irish : Sire, — Already in three other letters I have described to your Majesty the state of things in this island, which is sustained in its sufferings by the hope which it has in your Majesty, and owing to it, many of the friends of these two leaders O'Neill and O'Donnell persevere in their fidelity, for without it I believe from what they suffer they would have passed over to the Queen's side, as some have done since I have come here. My coming by order of your Majesty has been of some advantage, for I have assured them they will be very soon aided by your Majesty, as I tell them every day. As things are set out more at length in O'Neill's letter, I refer you to it. In this I merely beseech your Majesty to take pity on these poor Catholics, remembering the great service that will be done to our Lord by taking up the cause of his Church, which is persecuted in this country, and how worthy this undertaking is of the greatest Prince in the world and her son, and how great is the reward which in return is prepared for your Majesty in heaven. May God protect the royal person of your Majesty. From this island of Ireland, Sept. i8th, 1600. Fr. Matheo, Archbishop Elect of Dublin.^ O'Neill was anxious to send his second son Henry - to reside for some time in Spain, that he might learn the accomplishments suited to his high station and see the Catholic religion ^ in its full splendour. He made known his wish to the King. Here is the kindly answer which he received : Noble and Well-beloved, — I have already written a joint letter to you and your relative O'Donnell, in which I replied to the letter of both of you. By this, which I now write to you personally, I wish to let you know my good will towards you, and I mean to prove it not only by word but by deed ; and whereas, from intelligence which reached me from Ireland some days past, I understood you wished to send your son here to be reared and instructed in the Catholic faith, and those who brought the letter understood so from you, I wish to let you know hereby that if such is your determination, it will be a pleasure to me to carry it out. If you send him here, he shall be very dear to me, and I will treat him as a youth of fair hopes, and as the son of such a father should be treated. Don Martin de la Cerda will bring him over, and supply his wants on the journey, as we have ordered.* Given at Madrid, the 24th of December, 1599. '^Dublin- — Received November 27. ^Religion — The Lord Deputy proposed ^ Henry. — ' He (Owen) saith that Tyrone to O'Neill, in 1594,10 send his eldest son to sent his son into Spain, to be there brought be brought up in the University of Dublin. up, not being demanded of the King as a C.C. MSS iii. 79. pledge.' Pac. Hib.^ p. 459. * Ordered. — Archives, Simancas, no. 839. Q cxxu O'Neill wrote in reply : ^ Sire, — The singular favour wliich your Majesty has done me in deigning to call my son to your service as your vassal, is such as I cannot express in writing. I have nothing now to offer you in proof of my gratitude, since I have already de- voted to your royal service my life, my property, and my state ; in this profession I will continue all my life, and I hope to do such service as will give proof of my good will. I do not need to commend my son to your Majesty, since he is your vassal and will be received as such by you. We have received the Archbishop of Dublin as a proof of your Majesty's good wishes, with whom we will treat of our affairs. He will give you an account of all. And as there are many vessels from this port belonging to merchants who cannot be trusted, it would be much for the advantage of your Majesty's service if they were not admitted into any ports of your kingdom unless they have letters with my signature, for I know such persons as are suspected and such as are not. I had not an opportunity of communicating with you through the Archbishop of Dublin, since Maurice Fitzgerald has been prevented in Spain from coming in these vessels ; as he has a claim to the Earldom of Desmond, we might well suppose he would be opposed to its present possessor, who is on our side and does good service to your Majesty's cause ; for in spite of the noble birth of that gentleman, his services, and our obligations to him for what he has done and is still doing on behalf of the Church and your Majesty, yet good reasons compel me to beseech your Majesty to keep him back and employ him elsewhere ; he can come at some future time, with the aid which you are about to send us, for then there will be no fear that his coming will do any harm but rather much good to your service. May our Lord preserve and prosper your Catholic Majesty, and increase your successes, as we your vassals and stewards desire. Given in the Monastery of Donegal, in Ireland, 24th of April, 1600. Your Majesty's vassal and servant, kissing your royal hands, AoDH O'Neill. • The King on receipt of this letter sent it, as was his custom, to the Council of State to report to him on its contents. They replied that his Majesty might give Hugh O'Neill to understand the high estimafion in which he was held for his bravery and continuous efforts against the heretics. As regards the coming of his son, he will carry out all that Don Martin de la Cerda will make known as his father's wishes, and he will give him a position near his royal person. It will be well to carry out his suggestions about the ships also. On the i8th of May the Archbishop of St. lago wrote ^ to the King : In obedience to the orders of your Majesty, I have received the person and despatches sent hither by Fray Matheo de Oviedo from the kingdom of Ireland, where he has gone by your Majesty's order. Don Henrique, son of the Earl of 1 Reply. — Ibid., no. 251 1. "- Wrote. — Ibid., no. 840. CXXlll Tyrone, and Captain Don Martin de la Cerda have landed here. I received them with all possible respect and supplied all their wants. Moreover, I gave them the opportunity of confessing and receiving Holy Communion, as they did at the Mass which I said at the altar of our glorious Apostle and Patron St. James ; and by so doing he and his suite have proved themselves good Catholics. From what I have learned of the condition of the Catholics of that kingdom, I consider the course which your Majesty has taken in defence of our holy faith very just and worthy of your Majesty, namely, to help those who suffer there because they are good Catholics. For which your Majesty will receive a lasting reward from our God. He was sent to Salamanca to study in the famous University, the King allowing him a pension of 200 ducats per month. It would seem that he resided for a time in the Franciscan convent there. But as he showed some inclination to join the Order, the King, by the advice ^ of Cardinal Guevara, wished him to reside with his Governor either in the Bishop's palace or elsewhere in the town, until his father was consulted and his wishes ascertained in reference to the matter. Later we find him- at the Court of the Archduke of Austria. After some time, in spite of English in- trigues, he got the command^ of a regiment of his countrymen in the Spanish service, and served with them in the Low Countries. He was made a Knight of St. lago, much to the disgust of Turnbull, the English envoy, who thought that by such an honour it was intended to attach the recipient of it and those of his nation still more to the Spanish Crown.^ We have now come to the turning point of Hugh Roe O'Donnell's fortunes. Hitherto his successes had met with no check. In the field he and O'Neill had shown themselves a match for the ablest generals that the English Government could send against them. The force which had been sent to assail him in his own territory was wasting away day by day almost without any effort on his part. ' Now the winter began to be fierce upon us,' says Docwra, tl::eir commander ; ' our men wasted with continual labours, the island scattered with cabins full of sick men, our biscuit all spent, our other provisions of nothing but meal, butter, and a little wine, and that by computation to hold out but six days longer. Tyrone and O'Donnell, to weaken us the more, proclaimed free passage and relief through their country to send them away to as many as would leave us and ^Advice. — Ibid., no. 2z^i\. 302. TurnbuU's intrigues, however, pre- 2 Command. — The Conde de Puííorostro vented his marriage with the daughter of a to the King, December 9th, 1604. In this wealthy Spanish nobleman. Ibid., p. 325. letter he speaks of ' las buenas cualidades He died at an early age, but the date of his que se veen en este joven y excelente death is uncertain. His younger brother caballero.' Archives, Loyola. John was styled Conde de Tyrone in 1Ó16, ^ Crown.— Flight of i/ie Earls, pp. 41, Sgq Ki/i\ Arc/i. /.for 1867, p- 91. CXXIV depart for England, our two forts, notwithstanding all the diligence we had been able to use, far from the state of being defensible . . . our horses were so weak and few that we were not able to hold watch any further out' ^ Once, indeed, O'Donnell made an attack on them. With a large body of horse he came to the bog that divided the island ^ from the mainland ; but they had had notice of his intention, and were prepared to receive the assault. It ended with some loss on the part of the assailants. Twice in the course of this year, once in early summer, and a second time in October, O'Donnell made hostings into the territories of the Earls of Clanricarde and of Thomond, to wreak his vengeance on them for inducing the English to seize on Derry, and to show his contempt for the force that then held it. On both occasions he left a portion of his army encamped near Derry, ' to watch the foreigners, that they might not come to plunder his territory,' and he placed in command of them his cousin Niall Garbh O'Donnell, having complete confidence in his bravery and fidelity. ' The English began privately to entreat and implore Niall Garbh O'Donnell [to join them], offering to confer the chieftaincy of the territory upon him should they prove victorious. They promised him many rewards and much wealth if he would come over to their alliance. He listened for a long time to their offers, and his misfortune at length permitted him to go over to them, by the evil counsel of the envious and proud people who were along with him.' ^ ' Woe to mind that conceived that ruinous plot,' exclaims our author in sorrow, ' woe to the heart that entertained it, woe to the tongue that advised it' * ' On the third of October,' writes Docwra, * came in Neale Garvie O'Donnell with 40 horse and 60 foot, a man I was directed by the State to win to the Queen's service, and one of equal estimation in Tyrconnell that Sir Arthur O'Neill was of in Tyrone. The secret messages that had passed between him and me he found were discovered to O'Donnell, and, therefore, somewhat sooner than otherwise he intended, and with assurance and hope of many conditions that he stood upon ; yet it is true I promised him in behalf of the Queen the whole country of Tyrconnell to him and his heirs, and my Lord Deputy "^ Further Old.— Narration^ ^.2í\á,. companied the Earls in their flight from '^Island. — The hill on which the part of Ireland in 1607 ; she is the ' woman of the the city surrounded by walls stands. The piercing wail,' whom the poet Mac an Ward position of the bog in ancient times can be represents as mourning over the grave of determined by the names Bogside, Long- the Earls in San Pietro in Montorio, Rome, bog, Cowbog, which still survive in the S&q Flight of the Earls, -^. -^Z^- suburb of Edenballymore. See Ordnance '^Advised it. — O'Sullevan says it was Survey of Det-ry., p. 102, Conn O'Gallagher who persuaded Niall ^ With him.— Annals F. M., vi. 2209. Garbh to pass over to the English ; he was His wife, Nuala, a sister of Hugh Roe, left captured soon after, and hanged by O'Don- him in consequence of his treachery. nell's order. Bist. Cath., pp. 219, 220. O'Sullevan, Hist. Cath-., p. 219. She ae- More of him later. cxxv and Council at Dublin did afterwards confirm it unto him under tlieir hands, and his coming in was very acceptable at that time, and such as wc made many uses of and could ill have spared,' ^ Niall Garbh was envious of Hugh Roe's power, and the greatest temptation that could be held out to him was the chieftainship of the territory. His sentiments could not but be known to Hugh Roe, for our author says, he came to the first hosting summoned by the young chief ' not through love but through fear.' No doubt he thought that he, and not Hugh Roe, should be the chief of the clan ; and if the supreme power passed on from father to eldest son, it would have come to him, as may be seen readily from the pedigree.^ But such a mode ^ of succession, though in strict accordance with the English law of primogeniture, would be far more the exception than the rule in the succession to the chieftaincy of an Irish clan. Yet it was strenously upheld and insisted on by the English as the one and only mode that was in strict accordance with the fundamental laws of right and justice, and availed of very often to raise up a rival to the elected chief and to create dissensions from which they usually reaped profit. Myler Magrath in his * Declaration of the State of Ireland,'-* says : In O'Donnell's country named Tyrconnell there are three principal families of the name, viz., Sir Hugh O'Donnell and his children, Hugh Duff, uncle to the said Sir Hugh, and the descent of Sir Calvagh O'Donnell, who in like sort severally think to have the best right to the superiority of that country each of them. Hugh Duff and his house, who is uncle to him that is now O'Donnell by the custom of the Irishry, has the ancientest right to the superiority, being put from it by Manus O'Donnell, this O'Donnell's father. Calvagh, oldest son of Manus, got a patent from England upon that country to himself and his heirs in state of inheritance, upon whose death, tliat state notwithstanding, this Sir Hugh has used the name both against his uncle Hugh Duff being the eldest of the name, who according to the custom of the country was to have the same. By which it appears this O'Donnell has no right either by custom or by law. Docwra tells of the other advantages besides those mentioned by our author, which the Ehglish garrison of Derry derived from Niall's Garbh's ' coming in ' : The next day after he came, we drew forth our forces and made a journey to the Isle of Inch,^ where by his information we had learned there was a good prey of catde to be got. But the tides falling out extraordinary high, we were not able to '^Spared- — Narration^ p. 245. ^ Mode. — See Keating's defence of tanistry '^Pedigree. — Seep.xii.,antea. O'Sullevan in the preface to H. of Ireland, p. xxx. says another grievance of Niall Garbh's ^ S. of Irela7ids — C.^"./"./., iv. 498. iust then was that Hugh Roe had taken ''' Isle of Inch. — The only island in Lough from him the castle of Lifford, given him by Swilly ; it lies about a mile off Churchtown, Hugh's father, and would have him be and three miles S. E. of Rathmullen. It satisfied with Castlefin. Hist. Cath., p. 219. contains over 3,000 acres, chiefly pasturage. CXX\1 pass them to get in ; so as we were forced to turn our course and go down into O'Doherty's country, though to little purpose : for knowing of our coming, he drove away all before us; only some stacks of corn we found, which we set on fire. The 8th of October I assigned to the said Neale Garvie 500 foot and 30 horse, under the leading of Sir John Bowles, to go to take the Liffer, where 30 of O'Donnell's men lay in garrison in a fort in one of the corners of the town ] and most of them being abroad when they came, were surprised and slain and the place taken ; yet so as one of them had first put fire into the fort, which consumed all the buildings in it ; but the rest of the houses scattered abroad in the town (which were about 20) were pre- served and stood us afterwards in singular good stead.^ One of O'Donnell's own people brought him word of his kinsman's treachery ; he was then in the neighbourhood of Ballymote. He was greatly surprised at the news, and he set off on his return home as fast as he could, • none of his soldiers being able to keep with him except a few of his horsemen/ ^ in order to undo in some way by his presence the evil effects of treachery. O'Donnell having heard of the taking of this place,^ came on the 12th of October with 700 foot and 100 horse, and encamped himself about three miles off at Castlefin. The next day he came and showed himself before the town. Our garrison made out, had a skirmish with him of an hour long, wherein Neale Garvie behaved himself bravely. Captain Augustin Heath took a slight hurt in his hand, and some ten or twelve men on each side were slain. On the 24th he came again and laid himself in ambush a mile from the town, watching to mtercept our men fetching in of turf. . . . The alarm taken, the garrison made forth again, and Neale Garvie behaved himself bravely as before, charged home upon them, killed one, hurt one or two more with his own hands, and had his horse slain under him. Captain Heath took a shot in the thigh, whereof he shortly after died, and some twenty more that were hurt and slain. ^ . . All this while after Lifter had been taken O'Donnell kept up and down in those parts, watching still to take our men upon some advantage, but finding none, and hearing two Spanish ships that were come into Killybegs with munition, arms, and money, on the loth of November, he departed towards them, and between Tyrone and him they made a dividend of it. After he was gone, the garrison both here and at Dunalong set divers preys of cattle, and did many other services all the winter long, which i stand not upon to make particular mention of, and I must confess a truth, all by the help and advice of Neale Garvie and his followers, and the other Irish that came in with Sir Arthur O'Neale,^ without whose intelligence and guidance litde or nothing could have been '^ Stead. — A^arration, p. 246. determine to create Sir A. O'Neale Earl '^Horsemen. — Annals F. l\i., vi. 221 1. of Tyrone, who doth very good service at ^ This place. — i.e., the castle of Lifford. Lough Foyle, and is a very gallant fellow. •^ Sir A. C Neale. — He had gone over to Cecil to Carew, July nth, 1600. C.C. the English on the ist June preceding. MSS., iii. 409. Docwra says Sir Art did Narration, p. 240. ' Her Majesty doth now him important service. ex XVI 1 done of ourselves, although it is true withal they had their own ends in it, which were always for private revenge, and we ours to make use of them for the furtherance of the public service. Ulick, 3rd Earl of Clanricarde, died in May this year/ He was succeeded by his son Richard. The Lord Deputy vvishing to give him an early opportunity of showing his bravery and his good will to the English, ordered him to put himself at the head of his own forces, to summon to his aid all the English from several of the Munster garrisons, and at their head to march to Sligo. He wished the Earl to create a diversion in favour of the garrisons lately erected along Lough Foyle, by drawing off O'Donnell from his own territory ; in his absence they would be able to establish themselves securely in the several strongholds which they held already, and perhaps to seize on other places and so extend their power. ' As soon as O'Donnell saw the Earl's numerous army coming to Elphin, he assembled his forces and did not halt until he crossed the Curlews and the river Boyle into Moylurg, and he pitched his camp directly opposite his enemies. They remained thus for some time face to face, spying and watching each other. Many were the conflicts, slaughterings, and affrays which took place between them while they remained thus in readiness for each other, until at length the English army became wearied and returned in sorrow to their homes.' ^ Niall Garbh thought a favourable opportunity was presented by O'Donnell's absence to seize on Donegal and establish a garrison within the monastery. ' Conferring with Neale Garvie,' says Docwra, ' I then found by O'Donnell's absence the country behind him was left without guard, the abbey of Donegal was kept only by a few friars, the situation of it close to the sea and very convenient for many services, especially for a step to take Ballyshannon with, which was a work the manifold attempts and chargeable preparations the Queen had been at to accomplish, and my Lord had himself so lately aimed at and valued- equal to this other of meeting him at Blackwater,^ did argue would be of special importance and good acceptation ; I concluded therefore and sent him away with 500 English soldiers to put themselves into this place, which they did on the '^ Homes.— Annals F.M.^v\. ii'^i. Tyrone by the Moyry pass, which was a '■^ Valued. — 'The plantation at Bally- road in the parish of Killeavy, barony of shannon will straighten, and presently Orior, Co. Armagh. But he was met by banish the two vipers of the kingdoin, and O'Neill's forces, 'like swarms of bees consequently make a final end ot this war.' issuing from the hollows of bee-hives who Mountjoy to Carew, May ist, 1601. C.C. compelled him to return by the same road, MSS., iv. 49. after the killing of countless numbers of the ^ BhiLkwater. — The allusion here is to gentlemen and recruits. He did not go be- two attempts which Mountjoy made in the - yond Moyry pass for some time after this.' months of September and October to enter Amta's F. M-, vi. 2225. ex XVI 11 2nd of August.' 1 Our author describes the resistance offered to the party of Niall Garbh by the small force which Hugh Roe had left behind. Wisely judging that any opposition which they could offer in the face of such superior numbers would be worse than useless, they contented them- selves with making an attack on the first body which had been sent on before to reconnoitre the road. These they beat back, but on the approach of the main body with Niall Garbh at their head, they retired and allowed them to march to Donegal and to take possession of the monastery. Here is a description ^ of the state of the monastery then by one of the monks who was an inmate of it at the time : In the year 1600 our community at Donegal consisted of forty brethren, by whom the divine office was sung day and night with great solemnity. I had charge of the sacristy, and I had in it forty priest's vestments with all their belongings ; many of these were of cloth of gold and cloth of silver, some of them interwoven and wrought with gold ornaments ; all the rest were of silk. We had, moreover, sixteen large silver chalices, of which two only were not gilt. And we had two ciboriums for the Blessed Sacrament. The church furniture was very respectable. The windows were all glazed. But when the war grew more fierce and the heretics were getting a firmer footing, they made their way to the town of Donegal while the Lord O'Donnell was busily engaged elsewhere, and on the feast ^ of St. Laurence the Martyr they placed a garrison of soldiers in the monastery. Some of the brothers who had been warned of their coming iied into the woods some miles off", having first put on board a ship the church furniture in order to save it. I was the last to leave the monaster}^ and I came away in that ship. The monastery was besieged soon after by the Lord O'Donnell, and the English who were in it were reduced to great straits. A wonderful thing happened. At one and the same time fire seized on the buildings of the convent, burnt many of the soldiers, consumed the whole convent and church, and the vessel which was in the harbour with provisions for the garrison on board was dashed against a rock. The English who survived took refuge in the trenches which they had dug, and were arranging to surrender, treating of the terms and conditions. News reached our Prince that the Spaniards, under Don Juan del Aguila, had come to aid the Irish, and were landed at Kinsale; and that after they had taken possession of the town, they were besieged therein by the heretics. He thought that it was his duty to hasten to their relief, and leaving things as they were at Donegal, he set off in all haste for Munster. Having arranged to meet O'Neill and the others on the way, all of them went to the relief of the Spaniards. But things did not turn out well at Kinsale, and the Spaniards were forced to surrender. When the Catholics were worsted in this way the Prince O'Donnell went to Spain, and in the following year, 1602, all his territory came '^August. — Naj'f'ation, p. 255. it extensively in his Rise and Fall of the '•^- Description. — The author is F. Mooney. Irish Franciscan Monasteries. This passage His manuscript history of the Irish Francis- is printed in the Introduction to O'Donovan's can Convents is in the Burgundian Library, translation of The Annals F. M. Brussels. Rev. C P. Meehan made use of ^ Feast. — August loth. ■v> > Li»! Í- *-- - MSS., iv. 100, and 1600, are given ibid., pp. 252-254. Fac. Hib., p- 313- ^F. MacC. Mor.—S&Q his Life by ^ Follow.— C.C. MSS., iv. 103. Daniel MacCarthy, p. 326; London, 1867. ^ Men.— Ibid., p. 119. '^Seized. — Desmond was betrayed by his ^^ Fersons.—Ibid.,p. 121. CXXXIU to be sent so soon as notice would be received by them of the Spaniards landing.^ The disaster that befell the great Armada would have crushed the courage of a nation less warlike than Spain, and thwarted for years the plans of a sovereign less tenacious of his purpose than Philip II. This sovereign died September 13th, 1598, and was succeeded on the throne of Spain by his son Philip ill. Though by no means the equal of his father as a ruler, yet he seems to have looked on his father's good will to Ireland in the light of a sacred inheritance bequeathed to him. He continued to show the same kindly and generous feeling to the suffering Irish, the same readiness to aid them. Soon after he mounted the throne, he wrote to the Irish chiefs who had sought help from his father so often and so urgently, assuring them of his desire to assist them in their struggles for their country and religion. The letter was an answer to one of O'Neill and O'Donnell addressed to his father. It bears no date but that of the year 1598 : Philip by the grace of God, &c., greeting. — Your letter reached me at the time I was in very great grief for the death of my dear father. Knowing his good will towards you, I received it with much satisfaction, both because of your constancy in defending the Catholic faith and of the victories which you have gained over its enemies. I congratulate you on both, and I exhort you to persevere courageously in your good work. You need have no doubt about my ^ood will towards you, and you shall see proofs of it when opportunity offers, as ^u can learn from Hugh MacDavid, a modest and sensible man, who brought your letter to me.^ The places which both the Deputy and Carew most suspected would be attempted by the Spaniards were the cities of Cork and Limerick. Into these the forces were gathered from all quarters, none being left outside but the wards in the several castles. With them Carew hoped to make good these places until he should be relieved either by the Deputy or out of England.^ In the middle of September he went to Kilkenny to meet the Deputy and consult with him about such services as he thought most necessary at the time.* On the 20th of that month the Sovereign of Kinsale sent a messenger to Sir Charles Wilmot, then acting as Governor of Cork in the absence of the President, with letters importing that a fleet of forty-five ships was discovered from the old head of Kinsale, and that they were bearing towards Cork. The inhabitants of Cork harbour brought him word that the fleet was at the haven's mouth and ready, as they thought, to put into it. The Governor immediately despatched a horseman with letters to the President. He returned to Cork on the 23rd, and ordered all the forces of the province and the gentlemen of the country to 1 Lafiding. -Ibid. 3 E}tglattd.—C. C.MSS., iv. 100. - To me. — Archives, Simancas, no. 839. * The time. — Pac Hib., p. 336. CXXXIV repair to him. When the Spaniards were close to the harbour's mouth the wind suddenly changed, whereupon they tacked round and made for Kinsale. On the 23rd they landed and marched with twenty-five colours towards the town. The English garrison quitted the place, and withdrew to Cork. The townsmen received the strangers in a kindly way, the Sovereign with his white wand in his hand going round to billet them in the several houses. To banish all fear and to win them by gentle usage, the Spanish General issued a proclamation,^ promising that no injury would be done them, and full freedom given to any who wished to leave the town and take his goods with him. The harbour was commanded by two castles, Rincorran,^ on the east side, and Castle ny parke^ on the west. The Spaniards immediately took possession of these, and put garrisons into them. The General was Don Juan del Aguila* who had held important com- mands in Brittany and the Low Countries. De Oviedo,^ of whom mention has been made already, returned with him from Spain, where he had gone in the preceding February to urge on the king the need of sending immediate aid to the Irish. Del Aguila was much disappointed ^ that the native chiefs and their followers did not join him in great numbers. Carew, however, had forestalled him by apprehending the leading men, and taking pledges from the rest for good behaviour. Besides, there was much surprise among them at the smallness ^ of the force that had come. De Oviedo and he wrote ^ to O'Neifl and O'Donnell to tell them that the long expected aid had at length arrived, and that they looked forward with much anxiety to the coming of these chiefs and their forces. The history of the siege is given in great detail in the ' Diaries ^ of the ^ Prodamaiwn.—Fac. Hii., p. S3^- See nell came; but Don Juan did not seem also his Declaration in answer to the anxious to accept their services. Hz'si. Deputy's Proclamation, /did., p. 357. Cai/i., p. 224. ''■ Rincorran. — This castle was pulled "' Smalbiess. — He had but 2,500 men. down in 1656. On its site the Duke of Some of the ships with troops on board in- Ormonde built Charles Fort, so called in tended for Ireland were sent to convoy trea- honour of Charles II. sure ships returning from the Indies, and 2 Castle ny parke. — A view of it is given were prevented from putting to sea after- in Pac Hib. wards by the stormy weather. Ibid, p. 223. * Del Aguila. — From the beginning he The names of the officers are given ibid., had disputes with his fellow-officers. Hist. p. 339. Cath., p. 224. 8 Wrote. — Both letters are given ibid., p. ^ De Oviedo. — Seep, cxvi., antea. 353; the first is in Latin, the latter in 6 Disappoiftted. — ' Relation,' by del Spanish. Aguila, Hib. Pac, p. 341. O'SuUevan says '-' Diaries. — There are several such in C.C. the chief of Bearhaven offered to join him MSS., iv. 179-199, as also abstracts of with 1,000 men fully armed, and as many Spanish letters intercepted by Carew during more if arms were supplied to them, and the siege. See also Moryson's Rebellion, with them to prevent the Deputy from pp. 133-187. But it is well to remember coming to Kinsale until O'Neill and O'Don- that these are the English accounts. O-s I Jí ^ C\J o CD LU < CO cxxxv Siege of Kinsale,' in the Calendar of the Careiv Manuscripts. We will give a summary of them here : ]6oi. Sept. 23rd. — The Spaniards landed at Kinsale. „ 24th. — Marshal Wingfield was sent to the Pale and to Dublin, to assemble the forces and to get what necessaries the Council could supply the army with. Sir Henry Danvers was sent for the companies at Armagh, and Sir John Berkley for those at Navan. Captain Slingsby, with his foot company and some of Sir Anthony Cooke's horse, marched to view the enemy, and entertained a small skirmish with them. ,, 29th. — The Deputy, President, and Council went to view Kinsale. They found the Spaniards possessed the town, and that the greater part of the shipping was at sea returning into Spain. Oct. 8th. — The Marshal and Sir John Berkley went to Kinsale to view a fit place to encamp in. ,, 1 6th. — The Lord Deputy left Cork, and encamped with the army at a place called Owny Buoy, five miles from Kinsale, rather choosing to take the field in that sort unprovided than the country should discover those wants and fall away to the Spaniards. „ 17th. — The army rose and marched within half a mile of Kinsale, when they encamped under a hill which is called Knock Robin, having not the means to entrench. ,, 26th. — The army dislodged and encamped on a hill on the north side before Kinsale, called the Spittle, somewhat more than a musket-shot from the town, and there entrenched strongly. ,, 30th. — Two culverins began to play on the castle of Rincorran. The same day they gave an alarm to our camp, drawing artillery out of the town, and with it played into our camp, and every shot that was made fell near the Deputy's quarter. Don Juan perceiving the castle would be distressed, attempted to relieve it by boats, but Sir Richard Piercie beat them back. ,, 31st. — The cannon played without intermission. 500 of their principal men drew out of Kinsale, with show to relieve Rincorran by land. At six o'clock of the night they in the castle prayed admission of parley. The Commander came to the President ; but not agreeing ^ about the conditions, for he insisted they should be licensed to depart to Kinsale with their arms, bag and baggage, the battery began afresh. About 2 o'clock, when they found the weak state the castle was grown to, they sounded for another parley; but this not being accepted, many of them endeavoured to escape under the rock close to the water side. On deliberation it was thought convenient if the Spaniards would quit the place with promise of life only to be sent into Spain, that they should be received to mercy, in order to entice others that were in Kinsale by this merciful dealing to leave the place. In the end '^Agreei7ig. — The officer in command, to cast him out of the breach so as they not being permitted to retain his arms, might be received to mercy. He consented threatened to bury himself in the ruins of at length to yield, and that his people should the castle. But his company seeing him be disarmed, and he should render his sword desperately bent not to yield, did threaten to the President. Ibid., p. 149. CXXXVl it was concluded that they should be all disarmed. They were brought prisoners into the camp and thence sent immediately to Cork. Nov. 5th. — Intehigence that Tyrone was coming with a great army to join the Spaniards. Resolved that the camp should be entrenched on the north side,and that the President with 2,100 foot and 325 horse should draw down to the border of the province to stop or at least hinder his passage, the Lord Barry ^- and the Lord Bourke ^ with the forces of the country to join with him. „ loth. — News of the Earl of Thomond's landing with 1,000 foot and 100 horse at Castlehaven. ,, 1 8th. — The Deputy called a Council. Resolved: that the soundest course would be to invest the town at once and plant our artillery. „ 19th. — A demi- cannon played upon Castle ny parke. The Spaniards attempted to relieve the Castle by boat, but were repelled. ,, 20th. — The Spaniards in the Castle hung out a sign for parley and sur- rendered, being in number 17. „ 21st. — The Deputy went over into the island to view from thence ho. v the town could be best invested. ,, 22nd. — Four other pieces planted. ,, 23rd. — The six pieces did great hurt to the town. The Deputy sent direction to Sir Richard Levison ^ to land three culverins and to plant them in the Island about Castle ny parke. ,, 26th. — Two regiments of the Earl of Clanricarde and Sir C. St. Lawrence were quartered upon the west side of Kinsale, to keep the Spaniards and O'Donnell from joining.^ „ 28th. — In the morning a trumpet w^as sent to summon Kinsale ; he was not suffered to enter the town; but received his answer at the gate, that they held the town first for Christ, and next for the King of Spain, and so would defend it against all enemies. „ 30th. — The Marshal went to the wall of the town to view which was the best place to make a breach, and found the wall close to the gate on the right hand to be the fittest. The artillery beat upon that place and broke down a very great part of the wall. Dec. 2nd. — The enemy sallied about eight o'clock in the night (being extreme dark and rainy) with about 2,000 men, and first gave slightly towards the new trenches upon the west side, and presently after with a great gross upon the trench of the cannon, continuing their resolution to force it with exceeding fury, having brought with them tools of divers sorts to pull down the gabions and trenches, '^ Lord Barry. — See p. ex., antea. ^ Levison.— Yie. was Admiral of the 2 Lord Boii}-ke. — He was descended from Queen's fleet sent to Ireland. Edmund, 4th son of Richard, 2nd Earl of '^Joining. — Moryson says the total of Ulster, and Slany, daughter of Morrough the English army at Kinsale on November O'Brien, king of Thomond. He was 20th was 12 200 foot and 857 horse, created Baron of Castleconnell in 1580; Rebellion, y>- 160; he gives the names of the his grandson was made Baron of Brittas in officers and the number of men commanded 1617. P^rchadiW s Peerage /\. 121. by each, p. 159. and spikes to cloy the artiller}'. Succours were sent from tlie camp, and repulsed the enemy, who at one time obtained possession of the trenches.^ „ 3rd. — Intelligence that six Spanish ships put into Castlehaven. In these were said to be 200 Spaniards, with great store of ordnance and munition. „ 13th to 20th. — The weather fell out so extreme foul and stormy and our intelligence concurring so fully of Tyrone's drawing near with his forces, as we neither could nor thought it fit to attempt any thing to any great purpose. „ 2ist. — Towards night Tyrone 2 showed himself with the most part of his horse and foot on a hill between our camp and Cork, about a mile from us, and on the other side of the hill encamped that night, where he had a fastness of wood and water. ,, 22nd.— Tyrone's horse and foot kept still in sight in the place where they showed themselves the day before. That night some of their horse and 500 of their foot were discovered searching out a good way to the town. ,, 23rd. — Our artillery still played upon the town, but we had no meaning to make a breach until we might discover what Tyrone meant to do. We intercepted letters of Don Juan's advising Tyrone to set upon our camp. The 'Diary' under the date of December 3rd speaks of six Spanish ships seen to be making for Castlehaven. These had set sail under the command of General Pedro de Zubiaur from Corunna on the 6th of December.^ Five days after they caught sight of land. They intended to go to Kinsale, but the wind forced them to put into Castlehaven. The General has left an account * of the expedition, of which these are the most important parts : We entered the harbour without let on the nth at eight in the evening. Some gentlemen of that part of the country came on board and told us how Don Juan was situated. The same night messengers were sent to him to let him know that aid had come, also to the Earl of Tyrone, and to the other ships to tell them not to make for Kinsale. The natives thought we had at least 3,000 men on board, and so the whole province rose in arms,^ and all the gentlemen declared themselves ready to join Don Juan, and promised to bring in 1,000 men. The General gave them 1,000 stand of arms. They handed over to him their castles ; the Lord of Castlehaven gave up his castle, the Lord of Baltimore did the like. They were ^ Trenches. — O'Clery speaks of this sally. the New. This was not adopted in England So too Afiitals F.M.: 'The Spaniards until the year 1752. slew many men, and would have slain more '^Account. — The original is in the were it not for the Earl of Clanricarde, for Archives of the Irish College, Salamanca, it was he and those around him that drove It was written by de Zubiaur at Luarca in the Spaniards back to Kinsale.' vi. 2275. the Asturias, January 14th, 1602, after his See also Moryson, Rebellion, p. 165. return from Ireland. "^Tyrone. — O'Donnell was with O'Neill. ^ Rose in Arms. — The O'Sullevans came They had joined their forces at Bandon. within 24 hours with 500 men. The ^December. — New style. The differences O'Driscols, O'Donovans, and some of the of the dates arise from the English using MacCarthys also came to his aid. See the Old style, whereas the Spaniards used O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath., p. 225. s CXXXVIU fortified, and men and guns sent to them. So too the castle of Bearhaven. If we had brought arms for 10,000 men we could have had them, for they are very eager to carry on the war against the English. The Irish are very strong and well shaped, accustomed to endure hunger and toil, and very courageous in fight. The greatest force the enemy has in his camp consists of 4,000 or 5,000 Irish. On Saturday we saw six ships coming from the direction of Kinsale. The next day they cast anchor at the mouth of Castlehaven harbour. The firing went on vigorously on both sides at a stone's throw from each other, and continued till night- fall ; it went on all the next day ; forty of our men were killed and fifty wounded. The next day our guns began to play very vigorously. A large battering gun, landed during the night, did them mucli harm. In the night a letter came from the Earls to the General, thanking him for coming to Irpland and stating that they were going to join Don Juan ; that they could not do so sooner owing to the long journey they had to make in bad weather and the deep rivers they had to cross ; they were then but seven leagues from Kinsale. On the 17th another letter came from the Earls, asking the General to send them all the men and guns he could. The English ships left the harbour soon after ; their loss was very great. Eight days later an order was issued that all the forces which could be spared should be sent to the Earls. 600 Irish and 120 Spaniards set off the same night ; the Earls and all the choice troops were encamped two and a half leagues from Kinsale, ready to attack the English as soon as they were joined by a large party of Irish, who they hoped would come from the English camp. On the 24th word came from the Earls that they had arranged with Don juan at a given signal to make a sally and attack the enemy . . . ' When O'Neill and O'Donnell and the Irish of Leith Cuinn in general heard the news of the arrival of the Spanish fleet, the resolution they came to with one mind and one intention (although their chiefs and gentlemen did not assemble together to hold their consultation or conclude their counsel), was that each lord of a territory among them should leave a guard and protection over his territory and fair land and proceed, without dallying or delaying, to aid and assist the Spaniards who had come at their call and instance, for it was distress of heart and disturbance of mind that they should be in such strait and jeopardy as they were placed in by their enemies, with- out relieving them if they could.' ^ O'Donnell was the first to set off on this journey: ' for it was through him that the Spaniards and their King had begun the war. He was full of joy at their coming, and he thought it of little importance that the English should dwell in the castles which they had seized in his territory, for he was sure they would escape from them at once if the Irish and the Spaniards were victorious in the contest with the Lord Deputy at Kinsale.' ^ Our author describes O'Donnell's journey in detail. He remained nearly twenty days in Hykerrin, waiting for O'Neill. ' Upon certain ^ Could. — Annals F. M., vi. 2275. ^Kinsale. — See ad arm. I601, postea. CXXXIX intelligence that Tyrone was coming up with a great army to join with the Spaniard, it was resolved by the Council of State and the Colonels of the Council at war that the Lord President with two regiments of foot consisting of 2,100 men and 325 horse should draw to the borders of the province to stop or at least hinder Tyrone's passage.' ^ The 7th of November he left the camp and never ceased travelling until with long and weary marches he came to Ardmayle,^ in county Tippe- rary. By that time O'Donnell had come near to Holy Cross, and lodged in a strong fastness not six miles from him, but not daring to make his passage by Cashel, as he pretended, fearing the Lord President's forces. The way over the mountain of Slew Phelim^ was impassable by reason of the late rain ; and from thence into Limerick there was no other passage but by the Abbey of Ovvney,^ a narrow strait, distant twenty miles. But there suddenly happened a great frost, which enabled the enemy to march over the mountain in the night. The Lord President pursued them as far as the said Abbey, where O'Donnell made no stay, and never rested till he came to a manor-house of the Countess of Kildare, called Croom, adjoining the fastness of Connelloe,^ twelve miles from the Abbey of Owney, so that the march from O'Meagher's country to Croom (by the way which he took without any rest) was above two and thirty Irish miles, the greatest march with carriage that had been heard of. To overtake him, the President marched from Cashel to Kilmallock, near twenty Irish miles, but his labour was lost. The President thought it meet to hasten to the camp at Kinsale to prevent his coming thither.^ Our author gives a detailed account of O'Neill's march to Munster. He and O'Donnell, coming near the enemy, united their forces. They pitched their camp at Culcarrin '' wood, a mile from the enemy's, and surrounded it with a rampart. .O'Sullevan^ describes the events that followed : The Irish and the Spaniards kept the English, who were between them, in great straits, preventing them from being supplied with corn or food from the towns or ^ Passag-e. —MoiysoT), Rebellion, p. 151. ^ Connelloe. — The ancient Hy Conall The author should have said O'Donnell, Gabhra, an extensive district lying S.W. of not Tyrone, for O'Neill had not yet come to the city of Limerick. Munster. c Thither. — Pac. Hib.,-p. 376. ^Ardmayle. — Five miles N.- of Cashel. '^ Culcarrin. — A mile and a-half from 3 Sle7u Phelim. — A mountainous district Kinsale, on the road to Cork. There are on the borders of Limerick and Tipperary, still traces of the entrenchments on the spot. 14 miles E. of the city of Lnnerick. ^ O' Sidlevan.—Vi\s account is in most * Owney. — A Cistercian monastery, parts very dififerent from that oi Pac. Hid., founded in 1205 by Theobald FitzWalter, p. 413, or of Moryson, Rebellion, p. 141. lord of Carrick. It is 8 miles E. of Lime- It is now for the first time published in rick. It is also called Abingdon. English. cxl cities or any other place, and intercepted those who made salhes from their camp for the purpose of foraging. Wherefore the EngHsh, not going to a great distance so that they might be able to return speedily, in their necessity used to forage with less freedom and boldness ; and on sustaining a little loss, or even at the sight of the enemy in the distance, would throw away what they had and fly. Afterwards they foraged not in the day time but by night, and ultimately they did not dare to appear at all outside their camp for the purpose, so that they had consumed nearly all the supplies which they had with them.^ Hence want at first set in, next famine, and lastly pestilence assailed them. The Irish had abundant suppUes. The Spaniards also could subsist for several days on the provisions which they had brought with them from Spain or which the town afforded, and were protected from the incursions of the enemy both by their valour and by the fortifications they had made. The Munster chiefs,^ who had hitherto assisted neither side, promised to come as speedily as possible to their assistance for the defence of the Catholic religion. The Irish soldiers, regular and auxiliary, relying on whose valour the English held their ground, promised O'Donnell by means of messengers that they would go over to his side before three days had passed, and had begun already to redeem their pledges by deserting the English by twos, by threes, and by tens. Indeed if their total desertion were to be looked forward to it was all over with the EngHsh, for of the 15,000 men which they had at the beginning of the siege 8,000 had succumbed to the sword, to hunger, cold, and pestilence, the greater part having been sent to their aid recently from England, young recruits,^ ill-suited to endure perils and toil. Of the rest scarce 2,000 were English, the others being Irish and Anglo-Irish. The Viceroy, alarmed at these dangers, resolved to raise the siege, betake himself to Cork, and content himself with merely defending the city, so that without conflict or bloodshed the Catholics might have had the victory.'* Our sins prevented this from coming to pass. In the first place del Aguila by frequent letters over and over again besought O'Neill most earnestly to unite with him. O'Neill, O'SuUevan,^ and others were of opinion that they '^ With them. — The Irish reduced the '^Victory. — ' By reason of Tyrone's near- English to great straits, for they did not ness, the day before the battle it had been permit hay, corn, water, straw, or fuel to resolved m Council to send the horse from be taken into the Lord Justice's camp. the camp for want of means to feed them, Annals F. AI., vi. 2281. and if Tyrone had lain still and not suffered ^Chiefs. — MacMahon, Maguire, and himself to be drawn to the plain ground by others had come with O'Neill. The Four the Spaniards' importunity, all our horse Masters say all the Irish of Munster came must have been sent away or starved.'— to him except MacCarthy Reagh and Cor- Ibid., p. 178. mac MacCarthy, the lord of Muskerry. ^ O^Sulievaft. — Chief of Beare. He came vi. 2279. with his own forces and was joined by 300 ^Recruits. — These were probably the Spaniards from Castlehaven, under the 1,000 men and 100 horse which were sent command of Alonzo Ocampo. O'Sullevan, from England under the command of the Hist. Cath., p. 227. His forces then num- Earl of Thomond, and landed November bei-ed 4,000 foot and 300 horse. Pac. Hib.., loth. Moryson, Rebellion,'^. 151. P- 379- * cxlí should not bring matters to such a crisis,^ but wait for the desertion of the Irish to them and the flight of the Enghsh, But O'Donnell^ and many others were of the opposite opinion. Accordingly the majority prevailed over the more prudent side. A day was fixed on which O'Neill was tú post himself at early dawn close to the enemy's camp, so that del Aguila, making on his part a sally, might join his forces with him. The letters of del Aguila to O'Neill on this subject were inter- cepted^ by the Viceroy. O'Neill, having arranged his troops in triple column, endea- voured to reach the appointed place. The English being aware of the plans of the Catholics, while it was still night, by the beating of drums and the sound of trumpets and the bursting of bombs in the place which ONeill sought to reach, made false pre- tence and show of battle.^ It is said that spies sent out by del Aguila brought back word of the pretended fight that was taking place. O'Donnell, with his troops, on account of his guide's ignorance of the way, was straying about some distance off. The forces of O'Neill and O'SuUevan, hearing the war trumpet sound and thinking that del Aguila had come out into the appointed place, came up speedily. But when they saw the camp in perfect calm and quiet, the enemy having now returned to their fortifications, they perceived the stratagem. And remaining a short time under arms, as the day was now dawning, they advanced a little beyond the place marked out for them ; and the first ranks of O'SuUevan's column, which were in the van, took up a position not far from the rampart; they were protected, however, from the enemy's observation by a low mound which intervened. When it was now full daylight ■' O'Neill, surprised that del Aguila had not sallied forth or given the signal for battle, proceeded to the top of the mound with O'Sul- levan, the Spanish officers, and a few others. From this eminence he made a most attentive survey of the enemy's camp. It was very strongly fortified with a rampart, a trench, turrets, and engines. The soldiers were under arms, the horses ready bridled.*^ Even in point of numbers they were superior to the Irish, for many had left the camp of the latter, especially the Munster men, on the previous day to forage and procure corn. O'Donnell with the third division had not yet arrived. For this reason O'Neill, putting off the engagement for another ^ Crisis — ' O'Neill's advice was not to information of the attack was given to the attack them immediately by any means, English commander by Brian MacMahon but to keep them stiil in the strait in which in return for a bottle of aqua vitae sent him they were, until they should perish of famine by Captain Taaife. p. 414. ' Some assert and the want of all the necessaries of which that a certain Irishman had sent informa- they stood in need, as some of their men tion to the Lord Justice that the Irish and and horses had already perished.' Aiznals Spaniards were to attack him that night.' F. M., vi. 2283. Annals F. M., vi. 2285. ^ O'Donnell. — ' He was oppressed at heart ^ Dayli<(ht. — 'The guides were not able to and ashamed to hear the complaints of the make their way to the appointed place, Spaniards without relieving them, even if opposite the camp of the Lord Justice, until his death or the loss of his people should clear daylight next morning.' Ibid. vi. result from it.' Ibid. 2283. ^Intercepted. — One of these letters, ad- ^ Bridled.— 'The Lord Justice and the dressed to O'Neill and O'Donnell by del Queen's army stationed themselves in the Aguila, is given in Pac. Hib., p. 405. gaps of danger and certain other passes to * Battle. — The author of Pacata Hib. says defend the camp against theirenemies. Ibid day by advice of the leaders, ordered the troops to retreat. When they had retreated about half a mile they met O'Donnell, and at the very same moment the Viceroy's cavalry was at hand. These crossed the river which was near at a ford. O'Donnell, coming up with his horse, beat them back through the same ford, and put them to flight. The Viceroy's cavalry made another attempt to recross the ford. O'Donnell, thinking they could be easily overpowered between himself and the ford, gradually retreated. While he was thus engaged, a portion of his cavalry, either by accident or through perfidy and treachery, turning back their horses and thrusting themselves into his lines, forced the ranks of his infantry asunder. The infantry thrown thus into disorder betook themselves to flight. The columns of O'Neill and O'Sullevan fled likewise, though the enemy was not pressing on them, and their leaders were in vain calling them back. Thus were they all panic- stricken, or rather their flight was caused by the divine vengeance. The royal cavalry did not press boldly on them as they fled, as they believed they were being led into a snare. Many of the Irish cavalry who were on the English side, strove in vain to ehcourage the Catholics, urging them to renew the combat and promising them their assistance. O'Neill and O'Donnell were unable to bring them back again to the fight. Here is the Spanish account of the fight : On the 23rd of December news came from the Earls that they had arranged with Don Juan, that on a certain signal being given he should make a sally and attack the enemy. To carry out the plan, they drew up their forces in three divi- sions. The weakest of them attacked the enemy with 1,000 horse and 500 foot. Thinking they were not safe, though they were eight times more numerous than the enemy, they began to give way. The 200 Spaniards who were in the camp alone off"ered any resistance ; 150 of them were slain, the rest escaped to Castlehaven. After this mishap not a single man remained in the Earl's camp. . . . The same morning" that the disaster happened, Don Juan made a sally and slew more than 400 of the enemy. He took seven colours and all their guns. . . . During the half hour that the Earl's forces stood their ground, our men gained such a victory as they never gained before. If they had not retired so soon they would have driven the English from Ireland, for they are far superior in numbers. Their great numbers are a great help to us, but the Irish are not trained, and hitherto they have been accustomed to carry on the war by ambuscades in the mountainous parts of the countr)^, and do not know how to fight in regular bodies. ^ 'The Irish forces returned that night to Inishannon^ with O'Neill and O'Donnell. The condition in which they were that night was not such as they had expected to return in from that expedition, for there prevailed much reproach on reproach, mourning and dejection, melancholy and anguish in every quarter throughout the camp. When they met together '^Bodies. — Account of what happened to "^ Inishafuwn. — A village, eight miles the General Pedro de Zubiaur. N.W. of Kinsale. cxliii their counsel was hasty, unsteady, precipitate. What at length they resolved upon was that O'Neill and Rory O'Donnell and the chiefs of Leith Cuinn in general should return to their own countries to defend their lands against foreign tribes, and that O'Donnell, with Redmond Burke ^ and Captain Hugh Mus,- should go to Spain to complain of their distress and difficulties to the King of Spain.' ^ On January 6th they set sail from Castlehaven in a vessel that took back the General Don Pedro de Zubiaur also. 'When the Irish had dispersed, the Lord Justice, the President, with the chiefs of the English army in general resolved to attack Kinsale, and to force their way through the shattered breaches. As soon as Don Juan heard this, and when he learned that the Irish, to whom he had come, and who he thought would have relieved him,'* were dispersed from him, and that he was left in the strait and blockaded prison in which he was, and that it was not in his power to return to his friends or to go forth against his enemies, the resolution he came to was to send messengers to the Lord Justice and the President to state that he would surrender to them.'^ The terms'^ of surrender were that Don Juan should quit the places which he held in the kingdom, as well the town of Kinsale, as also those held by the soldiers under his command in Castlehaven, Baltimore, and the castle of Bearhaven,'' the Lord Deputy giving him safe transport- ation to Spain. 2. That the soldiers under his command should not bear arms against the Queen of England, if supplies came from Spain, till the said soldiers were unshipped in some port in Spain. 3. He might depart with all the things he had — arms, munition, money, ensigns displayed, artillery, and all other provisions of war, as well in Kinsale as in other places. These articles were agreed to on January 12th, and on the 19th the siege was raised. Del Aguila and the Spanish forces set sail from Kinsale on April 26th, on their return to Spain.' The engagement at Kinsale was not a battle; it was a rout. If we accept the account of English writers, 'of the Irish rebels, twelve hundred '^ R. Burke. — He died soon after in Spain. friends. Moryson, Rebellion, p. 182. On ^ iMies. — Mostian or Most)m. He is his return to Spain he was imprisoned, on mentioned more than once in Pac- Hib. the accusation of the Irish. One of the same name is mentioned in C.C. ^ To iJiem. — Annals F. AI., vi. 2299. ii/o'^"., iii., 183, as being in the service of the ^ The terms. — They are given in full in Queen. Pac Hib., p. 438. '^ Spain. — Annals F. M., vi. 2289. "' Beaj'haven. — The Irish complained bit- ^ Relieved him. — He told Godolphin, who terly that Don Juan surrendered these was sent to conclude the surrender with strong places, ' not having been yielded or him, that he found the Lord Deputy, though taken to the end they should be delivered sharp and powerful, yet an honourable to the English.' See O'Sullevan's letter to enemy; and the Irish not only weak and the King of Spain. /^/V/., p. 486, and //zj/. barbarous, but (as he feared) perfidious Cath., p. 234. cxlív bodies were left in the place, and about eight hundred hurt, whereof many of them died that night ; they lost besides two thousand arms.'^ O'Sullevan says, of O'Neill's forces only two hundred of the foot were slain,^ and the Four Masters, that ' the number of slain was trifling, not very great on account of the fewness of the pursuers.'^ The Earl of Clanricarde in particular distinguished himself in the pursuit ; ' for no man did bloody his sword more than his Lordship that day, and he would not suffer any man to take any of the Irish prisoners, but bade them kill the rebels. After the retreat was sounded, the Lord Deputy did give the order of knighthood to him in the field, in the midst of the dead bodies.'^ That each party should reproach the other with being the cause of the defeat was but natural. The Irish said that Don Juan was so importunate in his demands for help that he made them change their wiser plan, urging them thoughtlessly and hastily to attack the enemy in any way they could ; this they did, contrary to the advice of Earl O'Neill. Don Juan had promised to join in the fight, but when they came to the place appointed, not only did he not meet them then, but he lay quietly within the walls of Kinsale; and they seeing this, so different from what they expected, some of them began to turn back, from which the confusion grew and the losses arose. ^ The author of Pacata Hibernia tells how O'Donnell was received at his landing in Spain : Among the many letters and papers found in the castle of Dunboy ^ after its capture, there was one written by Patrick Sinnett," an Irish priest then living at Corunna with the Earl of Caragena, to Dominick Collins,^ a Jesuit, bearing date February 4th, 1602. In it we find an account of O'Donnell's reception there: ' He embarked with the General de Zubiaur at Castlehaven, the 6th of January, The next day after he came to the Groyne,^ where he was nobly received by the '^ Arms. — Pac. Hib., p. 420. 600. O'Sullevan, Hist. Cafh., p. 238, Pac. "^ Slain.- Hist. Cath., p. 229. Hib., p. 558. '^Pursuers. — A?ina/s F. J/., vi.2289. '^ Sinne/t. — He is mentioned by O'Sulle- ^ Bodies. — Pac Hib., p. 421. van, Hist. Cath. , p. 234. ^ Arose- — MS- in the Archives of the Irish * D. Collins. — He was a native of Youghal, College, Salamanca. Del Aguila was ac- and at an early age went to France, and cused of conduct of the same kind when the later to Spain, and was employed in the English and French captured Morlaix,Quim- military service of both countries. In his per, and Crodon. He was in prison awaiting 31st year he entered the Society of Jesus as his trial for his conduct when he was alaybrother. After the surrender of Dun- chosen to command the Irish expedition. boy he was taken, contrary to the terms of O' Conor's Military History of the Iris/i the surrender, and hanged in Cork, Oct. Art//c«, p. 21 ; Dublin, 1845, and CC J/55'., ist, 1602. See Roth's Analecta, p. 238, iv. 203. O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath., p. 385, and Pac. ^Dunboy. — It was surrendered to Mount- Hib., p. 577. joy in November, 1602. He caused the ^ The Groyne. — i.e., Corunna, with which garrison to be executed, contrary to the this word has no connexion beyond that ot terms of surrender, to the number of about sound. cxlv Earl of Caragena,^ who invited O'Donnell to lodge in his house ; but he being sea-sick, in good manner refused his courtesy. Wherefore the Earl lodged him in a very fair house, not far from his : but when the sea-sickness was past, he lodged in the Earl's house, and upon the twenty-seventh of January O'Donnell departed from the Groyne, accompanied by the Earl and many captains and gentlemen of quality, who evermore gave O'Donnell the right hand, which within his government he would not have done to the greatest Duke of Spain ; andat his departure he presented O'Donnell with one thousand ducats, and that night he lay at Santa Lucia. The Earl of Caragena being returned, the next day he went to Saint James of Compostella, where he was received with magnificence by the Prelates, citizens, and religious persons, and his lodging was made ready for him at St. Martin's ; but before he saw it he visited the Archbishop, who instantly prayed him to lodge in his house ; but O'Donnell excused it. The nine and twentieth the Archbishop saying mass with pontifical solemnity, did minister the sacrament to O'Donnell, which done he feasted him at dinner in his house. The King understanding of O'Donnell's arrival, wrote unto the Earl of Caragena concerning the reception of him and the affairs of Ireland, which was one of the most gracious letters that ever King directed, for by it it plainly appeared that he would endanger his kingdom to succour the Catholics of Ireland to their content and not fail therein, for the perfecting whereof great preparations were in hand. O'Donnell carried with him to the Court Redmond Burke, Father Florence, Captain Mostian, and nine genUemen more, where they were nobly received.^ The kindly reception that O'Donnell met with on all sides made him hope that his mission would be successful. On February 28th he wrote ^ to the King : Sire, — All we have learned about Ireland, we have informed the Council of State of. In this letter we merely beseech your Majesty with all humihty that you would be pleased to look into this business, for if we know that you take it in hand we shall have more confidence in you than in all the world besides to advance the welfare of our poor country, and you will see the need of making haste. I pledge my word to your Royal Majesty that, once landed there, we shall make the whole country subject to your Majesty in a very short time ; this I promise knowing the state of the country just now. May God preserve your Majesty for many years. From Corunna, February 28th, 1602. Hugh O'Donnell. Nearly two months had gone by, and yet no sign appeared of succour '^ E. of Caraqena. — O'Sullevan says he kindness. The Earl was then Governor had great affection for the Irish, and re- of the province of Galicia. Hist. Caih., ceived the exiles with much generosity. p. 234. This writer, then a young boy, was one of - Received.~Pac. Hib., p. 478. the Irish exiles whom he treated with much ^ Wrote — Archives, Simancas, no. 2516. t cxlvi being sent immediately. On the 15th of April he wrote another and still more pressing letter to the King : Sire, — I, a faithful, humble, and favoured ser\'ant of your Majesty, should commit a great crime if I doubted about the accomplishment of what, for such well-founded reasons, worthy of Christianity and of your Majesty, you have been pleased to offer me and assure me of, it being in every way so conformable to the Catholic sentiments of your Majesty. But having such experience in the matters I mention, that no other, from acquaintance with them, can judge better of them, and knowing that the whole of the success of what I desire arises from succour being sent immediately, and seeing lime pass by so quick, and the cruel knife coming so near each day to the throats of this persecuted people, w^ho put their hopes in the mercy of God and in the clemency of your Majesty, I cannot refrain from renewing my sad entreaties. This resolution I have taken in consequence of what I hear to-day (the 15th of April) will happen in Ireland, and I say it with aU the earnest- ness and zeal Avhich I owe to God and to your Majesty, that if within a month from this day there do not land on the northern coast of that kingdom 2,000 soldiers, or at least 1,500, with arms, provisions, and money to enable us to raise and bring together 5,000 or 6,000 of the inhabitants and revive the war, so as to expel the enemy from the Earl O'Neill's territory and from mine and to make them abandon that quarter, even though in the whole of June a great fleet with ^d should reach there, I doubt very much whether they will reach in time, or whether they will find anything but the blood and ashes of that multitude of faithful men. Most humbly do I beg of your Majesty .to allow me to set off \vith 2,000 soldiers, a thing that can be done very well this month, and will be most useful until more forces can go ; and if any one asserts the contrary, I ask your Majesty to allow me to go in all haste to the Court, that I may, in presence of the Council, give good reasons for my assertion. If this force is not sent I take it as certain that the w^iole of the north will fall away, and all the rest will soon follow, and all will come under the intolerable )'oke of the heretics. The States of your Majesty will suffer thereby. I say this in God's presence. But I will submit myself in all things to your Majesty's w'ill, putting my hope in God and in your INIajesty. May God preserve your Majesty for many years. ^ Hugh O'Donnell. From Corunna, April 15th, 1602. Reports of his movements were duly made by spies to Carew and Mountjoy. On the nth of April Carew wrote to the Privy Council: 'Albeit the reasons are many which do move that no credit should be given to intelligence concerning preparations in Spain, the youth of the King of Spain considered, and the violent affections that possess young princes, the importunity of the Irish and their agent O'Donnell, whose estimation by all intelligence is great in Spain, together with the dislike held of ^ Years. — Archives, Simancas, no. 840. cxlvii Don Juan (del Aguila), as is reported, are motives sufficient of suspect that the King may run headstrong courses into the worst counsels.' ^ In spite of the wearisome delays O'Donnell was hopeful. On the 14th of May he wrote from Corunna to O'Conor Kerry :'^ 'Of one thing you can assure yourself, the King will not fail to gain Ireland, though it cost him the greater part of Spain.' ^ This information differed much from what Mountjoy had. Just a month later, June 13th, he wrote to Carew : * I hear divers ways that Don Juan is well received, O'Donnell disgraced and commanded to depart in a pinnace for passage, which he excused by sickness.' * Carew replies to him June 28th, giving expression to his fears : * When these people shall be thoroughly persuaded (as I fear they are too much already) that the King will persevere in the conquering of this kingdom (which, as they affirm, he pretendeth), there is no doubt to be made but the defection will be universal. ... I do more fear these seconds expected . . . (though the numbers be not great), than those which Don Juan brought, for their last coming, though it were wished by many, yet was believed but by a few, which incredulity weakened their combination. But now having O'Donnell and other principal agents in Spain, in whom their affections are placed and unto whom they do give credit, I do assure myself that all such as are corrupt to the State, without further deliberation or neutrality, will instantly, upon the arrival of aids, declare themselves. No man that understandeth Ireland but hath reason to conjecture the same.' ^ •Yet in spite of the promises made to him, time was passing by and there was no sign of immediate aid being despatched to Ireland. Winter went by and spring too, and yet nothing was done. ' It was anguish of heart and sickness of mind to him that the Irish should remain so long without being aided or relieved by him, and deeming it too long that the army which had been promised to him did not come together to one place, he prepared to go before the King to know what it was that caused the delay in raising the army which he had promised.'*' The Conde de Caraqena wrote to the King, June loth, from Corunna, demanding of him the favour of an audience for O'Donnell, in which he might set forth in full detail the state of affairs in Ireland and the pressing want of the promised succour : Sire, — The Earl O'Donnell is in a state of great affliction, thinking of the straits to which the Catholics of Ireland are reduced and particularly the Earl O'Neill ; yet he holds his own condition to be worse, since they can lose but their lives, while he will forfeit his honour and the good name he acquired by continuing the war for 1 Counsels.— C.C. MSS., iv. 225. * SicJmess.—Ibid., p. 249. 2 aConor K—Hist. Cath., p. 235. 5 The same.— Ibid., p. 253. 3 Spaiii.—C.C. MSS., iv. 239. ^Promised.— Aniials F. yl/., vi. 2295. cxlviii so many years, being now absent from his country. This he supports by many reasons and proofs. In fine, what he desires now is that your Majesty would immediately give orders for his departure to that kingdom in whatever way your Majesty may be pleased, though he has no doubt whatever but that your Majesty means to help them, and he is equally sure that the delay has been the cause of his losing his lands, and that his followers are either slain or have gone over to the enemy. He says what he feels most is that your Majesty does not give him an audience ; in twelve days he will go by the post to where your Majesty may be in case you are pleased to allow him, and all the more readily because he thinks the success of his expedition depends on this interview. And it seems to me that the matter is so very urgent and important that it is my duty to write to your Majesty, Your Majesty in all this will command whatever best suits your service ; which I will always carry out, as I am obliged. May God watch over your Catholic Majesty.^ A weej< later O'Donnell wrote to the King : Sire, — Several times I have written to your Majesty what I thought likely to advance the service of your Majesty and the safety of the persecuted Catholics of the poor kingdom of Ireland. To these letters I have received n.o answer whatever ; and I am weary of seeing how I am wasting my time here, and I fear that things are going on badly at home. It concerns the interests of your Majesty to learn exactly the fallen state of the Catholics of Ireland. I beseech your Majesty to deign to send me permission to proceed to the Court for the purpose ; and not to trouble you farther, I end by asking God to prosper and preserve your Majesty in all your undertakings, as we your favoured vassals need and desire. "-^ From Corunna, 20th of June, 1602. Hugh O'Donnell. O'Donnell's request to obtain an audience from the King was at length granted, for in a dispatch from Corunna, bearing date August 2nd, 1602, the Conde de Cara9ena says : ' I will avail myself of the order of your Majesty in your letter of the 27th of the preceding month, allowing the Earl O'Donnell to go to your Majesty at Simancas. He will set out from this place by the post on Monday, the 9th of this month ; I could not keep him back longer. He has many matters to speak of in reference to this kingdom and to several persons.' The Conde issued an order bearing date Corunna, August 3rd, 1602, that by order of the King the Earl O'Donnell was to receive a monthly allowance of five hundred ducats for the support of himself and his servants.^ He must have left Corunna on the 9th of August or very soon after. The Court was then at Valladolid.^ On his way he stopped at the royal '^Majesty. — Archives, Simancas, no. 2516. * Valladolid. — The royal family usually 2 Desire. — Ibid. resided here until Philip n. built the palace ^Servants. — Ibid. of the Escurial. aA.^a^Uó£^c'c cIq/c), ^U/y^ ^ u^l^^^^.oLí:2o OL C^r?ruije.^ ^^crva^ S^e^m^e»^ LETTER OF HUGH ROE ODONNELLTO PHILIP 111. cxlix castle of Simancas/ and there, ' after lying seventeen days on his bed, he died September loth. By his bedside, to solace him in his last moments in a foreign land, were Father Flaithri O'Mulchonry^ and Father i Maurice Ultach, a poor friar of the Order of St. Francis, from the convent of the monastery of Donegal, which was one of O'Donnell's fortresses.' ^ The death of Hugh Roe would be at any time a great disaster to the Irish cause. Occurring when and where it did, it was indeed a misfortune and a curse for Ireland and its people. Our author gives no details of his death-sickness ; nothing beyond the fact that it lasted for sixteen days. There was a traditional suspicion among the Irish that his death was the result not of illness but of foul play. The publication of the State Papers during the last few years has revealed many a secret which the writers thought would never reach the light of day. The suspicion is now a certainty. We have a letter* written by tl!arew. President of Munster, to the Lord Deputy Mountjoy, bearing the date of May 28th, 1602, a little over three months before O'Donnell's death, as follows : If your Lordship be remembered, one Pglsz Hrgql {Jacms Blake) ^ of Ngrcgd {Galwaye), desired your Lordship's protection to come unto you to Corke, but before his coming thither your Lordship was gone. Afterwards he required the like from me, and he came unto me. After much speech, protesting innocency and integrity, to clear himself of all suspicion, he took a solemn oath to do service that should merit good opinion and reward. Having no cause known unto me of any fact by him committed, nor yet having power to detain him because he came unto me upen her Majesty's protection, I applauded his enterprise, whereupon he departed from me, and is gone into Zwgetl (Spaj'/w) with a determination (bound with many oaths) to qerr ukvttlrr (ky// CDonnell). That he is gone I am sure by those that were eshgyxqlk (ymbarked) with him. God give, him strength and perseverance. If a man may judge of resolution by external appearance and protestations, he will effect his business ; if not, there is nothing lost. I told him that I would acquaint your Lordship with it, and that but unto your Lordship I would not acquaint any man with his purpose. ^ Simancas.—1!\\Q Spanish Records are merely throws each letter of the alphabet now kept there. six places back ; thus for g in the cipher put 2 OMukhonry. — Better known by the a; for h, b, and so on, remembering that name Conry. Later he was appointed i and j, u and v, are treated as one letter. Archbishop of Tuam, and occupied that There are some mistakes in Carew's use of see from 1608 to 1629. See Renehan's the cipher, as where Corde is set down for Collections^ p. 395. Corke. 3 Fortresses. — Annals F. M., vi. 2297. '"J. Bla/ce. — One of this name, a merchant * Letter. — It is printed here from Carew's of Galway, is mentioned in C.S.P.I., iv. MS. in the Lambeth Library, which con- 463, as having been received with great tainsthewordsin cipher. Theseare notgiven favour by the King of Spain, because of the in cipher in the printed Calendar, iv. 241. aid he had given some Spaniards who had The key of the cipher is very simple ; it survived the wreck of the Armada. cl O'Donnell died on the loth of September. On the 9th of October Carew wrote to Mountjoy from Cork : By this intelHgence inclosed it appears that the Spaniards come not this winter, and that O'Donnell is dead, whereof your Lordship may be assured, for the merchant that bringeth me the news I do trust, and I do think it will fall out that he is wuezuelk {poysoycd) by Pgslz Hrgql (y^rw^i iS'/íZ/ír), of whom your Lordship hath . been formerly acquainted. At his coming ptav Zwgetl [into Spayne), he was suspected by vkvttlrr {O' DoniieU), because he Ishgyxlbk (einbarqeud) at Jvykl {Corde), but afterwards he insinuated his access and vkvttlrr pz klhk ( O'Donnell is debd.) He never told the wylzpklta {President) in what shttly {nib/iner) he would qprr {kill) him, but did assure him it zhvrk {sbold) be Immlialk {effected.) It will not be many days before the truth will appear. ^ Such a suspicion in former times seemed to sonie to exceed the bounds of charity. Here is the way in which the biographer ^ of a famous man in those times, a preux chevalier sans reproche according to English notions if ever there was one, speaks of his hero : ' Raleigh, Cecil, and Carew, on another important matter were at one. In regard to what, in the phrase of the day, were called practices against rebels, they were as little troubled with scruples of conscience as Sir Humphrey Gilbert, or Sir Henry Sydney, or Arthur Grey of Wilton had been a few years earlier. In plain English, practises against rebels meant the deliberate assassination of rebels, or even of persons vehemently sus- pected of an intention to rebel' Here are some of the * practices ' employed against Shane O'Neill. In- dentures were drawn assigning to him the sovereignty of Ulster in every- thing but the name ; they required but the Queen's signature. As a token of friendship a present of wine was sent to him from Dublin. It was con- sumed at his tablci but the poison had been unskilfully prepared. It brought him and half his household to the verge of death, but no one actually died. The guilt could not be fixed on Sussex. The crime was traced to an English resident in Dublin named Smith ; and if Sussex had been the instigator, his instrument was too faithful to betray him.^ When put on his trial ' he confessed his guilt, took the entire responsibility upon himself, and declared that his object was to rid his country of a dangerous enemy. Of course the prisoner got off unpunished.' ^ When 1 Appear.—Ibid., p. 350. Shane O'Neill, and bound myself by an oath "Biographer. — Edwards, Life of Sir to see him have a hundred marks of land by Walter Raleigh, I. 321 ; London, 1868. the year to him and his heirs for a reward.' ^Betray him. — Froude, H. of England, Sussex to the Queen, 24th August 1561. viii. 49; London, 1864. 'I tried by long Ibid.,\>.2Z. circumstance in persuading him(NeirGray), "* Unpunished- — See Richey's Lectures on to receive your Highness, to benefit his /r/^Vi ///j-/(?ry, 2nd Series, p. 301. The Earl country. In fine I brake with him to kill of Sussex was then Lord Deputy. THE CASTLE OF SIMAMCAS cli O'Neill refused the invitation of Sir Henry Sydney to an interview within the Pale, because the Deputy's predecessor had attempted to assassinate him, and when he remonstrated against the repeated acts of treachery which had been at least meditated towards him, with Elizabeth's know- ledge, she assumed a tone of innocent anger. When at length he sought refuge in Scotland he was killed at the instigation of Sir Henry Piers, an English officer and an emissary of the Government, who received a thou- sand marks and the estate of Tristernagh, county Westmeath, from the Government as a reward for murder.^ The Earl of Ormonde, a man of by no means tender conscience in his dealings with his oppo- nents, was indignant that he should be asked to take any part in such practices. He writes to Burghley : ' The clause in the Queen's letter seems most strange to me. I will never use treachery to any, for it will both touch her Highness's honour too much and mine own credit ; and whosoever gave the Queen advice thus to write to me is fitter to execute sucK base services than I am.' ' To Ormonde,' remarks Froude, 'the Irish were human beings with human rights. To the English they were vermin to be cleared from off the earth by any means that offered.' ^ As for Carew and Mountjoy, the one the instigator of the poisoning of O'Donnell, and the other the approver after the fact, we have proofs of the most convincing kind that both employed hired assassins to get rid of their political opponents. In the pages oi Pacata Hibernia we find Carew's emissary, Nugent, attempting to shoot John FitzThomas, the brother of the sugan Earl of Desmond, having made an offer to the President that ' if he might be well recompensed, he would ruin within a short space one or other of the two.' ^ Again, a certain Annyas was employed to poison Florence M'Carthy Mor.^ Even Cecil was contented to hear his promise to take a rebel alive or to bring in his head ; ' though his soul never had the thought to consent to the poisoning of a dog, much less a Christian,'^ yet we find that a proposal was made to him by a certain Atkinson to kill the Earl of Tyrone by means of 'some poisoned Hosts;' the proposal ^ is still in existence, endorsed by Cecil. He wrote to Carew in reference to the young Earl of Desmond, that he should not be allowed to escape out of his keeping ; and he adds : ' Whatever you do to abridge him out of providence shall never be imputed to you for a fault, but exceedingly commended by the Queen. ''^ Mountjoy wrote to Cecil, August 23rd, 1 60 1, that one Walker, an Englishman, had come to Sir Henry Danvers at Armagh, having plotted the manner to kill Tyrone. . . . ' Sir 1 Murder.— Ulster J. ofArchcEol, ii. 2. ^ Christian.— C.C MSS., iv. 468. "^ Offered.— H. of England, y:\.ir^Z. ^ Proposal.— Life of F- MacC. Mor., p. 3 The two. — Pac. Hib., pp. 68, 82. 305. - ^F. MacC. Mor.—See his Life, p. 302. ' The Queen.— Lbid., p. 318. clií Henry imparted this offer of his to me, and I wished him to give way to it, as I have done to divers others, and may not refuse the like to any, for if any one speed it is enough, and they that miss lose nothing but themselves.'^ On the 15th of October Carew again wrote- to Mountjoy from Cork, confirming the news of O'Donnell's death, expressing his satisfaction thereat, and pointing out its political consequences at home and abroad : O'Donnell is certainly dead. The report is both brought and sent to me from Lisbon by merchants from this town, which I employed into Spain. I know they dare not deliver untruths to me. The death of this traitor will much advance the Queen's service in Ireland ; for the other Irish which live in Spain are not of the estimation which O'Donnell was of. The Franciscan church in which O'Donnell was buried exists no longer. Every trace of it has been swept away. O'Clery and the Four Masters say he was buried in the choir ^ of the church, a place specially reserved for founders and signal benefactors. He was not indeed a benefactor of this monastery, yet the feeling of brotherhood between the houses of the Order throughout the world made the members of one house look on the kindness done to any other in the same light as if it were done to their own. No monument marks the spot where he lies. The inscription over the grave "* in which his brothers Rory and Caffir are buried, close by the tomb of Hugh O'Neill, is the sole memorial of as a noble chief, as stout a warrior, as ever bore the wand of chieftaincy or led a clan to battle.^ UTRUMQUE . ANTECESSIT . .ETATE . ET . FATI . ORDINE . FRATER . PRIMOGENITUS HUGO.PRINCEPS. QUEM . PIE , ET . CATHOLICE . PRO . FIDE . ET . PATRIA . COGITANTEM . PHILLIPUS . Ill . HISPANIARUM . REX . ET . VIVUM . BENEVOLE . AMPLEXUS . ET . IN . VIRIDI . ^TATE . MORTUUM . HONORIFICE . FUNERANDUM . CURAVIT . VALLISOLETI . IN HISPANIA . IIII . IDUS . SEPTEMBRIS . A . S . MDCII. * Themselves. — F. MacC Mot-., p. 465. ■* Grave.— \nS. Pietro in Montorio, Rome. 2 Wrote.— C.C. MSS., iv. 356. ^ Battle.— U\ic\ieVs Life of Hugh O'Neil, ^ Choir. — Called by the Spaniards pres- p. 215. ' History does not present a more biterio. It is close to the spot where the chivalrous and devoted Irishman than Calle de Victoria and the Calle de la Cons- Hugh Roe proved himself to be during his titution meet. No. 6, C. de la Victoria, short and- eventful career.' O'Donovan, called El Circulo de la Victoria, is built on it. Annals F. ill., vi. 2385. cliii Few pieces of intelligence were more acceptable to the English nation than that of O'Donnell's death. Here is how the Earl of Shrewsbury writes of it to Carew, October 17th, 1602 : The death of O'Donnell is very welcome news to us here, and no less cause to you there. There goeth withall a report here that a kind of snake or serpent was found within him. It may he he was troubled with worms, as many children and men be ; but if he was not tormented with the worm of conscience whilst he lived, for his hateful treasons and other villainies against his natural sovereign, which made him no doubt carry a black soul away with him, it were to be wondered at.^ A few months after Carew wrote to Mountjoy : Out of Spain I hear that the Irish are clean out of heart and hopeless of succour. Of this I am informed that the merchant reports O'Donnell certainly to be dead.^ O'Donnell left a will. Unfortunately we have only a part of it.^ It runs thus : . . . Also I declare, that in case the Earl O'Neill (though I know and believe he will not do so) should wish to violate the agreement •* and settlements arranged and made between him and me and our heirs, I hereby beg his Majesty to uphold my brother in his rights and to retain him in his service. Also I say and declare this is one of the terms of our agreement, that all aid and help sent by his Majesty to the Earl O'Neill and to me shall be divided into two equal parts, and the same shall take place with regard to our heirs, seeing that one claims no pre-eminence above the other, and whichever of them shall be the elder in walking together shall be at the right of the other. I beseech his Majesty to uphold my brother according to the agreement, and to oblige him to serve all the better, I pray his Majesty to place him in some position of trust with a sufficient salary. F. Florence Conry was one of those who had gone to Spain with O'Donnell to solicit aid, and was by his bedside when he died. Imme- diately after O'Donnell's death he addressed to the King the following Statement ^ on the condition of affairs in Ireland : F. B. Florence says that at the end of nine years, during which the Catholics have carried on the war against the English army more by a miracle than by human 1 Wondered at.— C.C. MSS., iv. 370. ^ AgrcemeJ!t.—''R\\rY O'Donnell was he 2 Dead.— Ibid., p. 384. to whom O'Donnell had, on the night before ^Pari 0/ z/.— Archives, Simancas, no. his departure, left the government of his 251 1. It IS endorsed: ' Some heads of people and lands and everything that was the will of the Earl O'Donnell' I have hereditary to him until he should return, made inquiry at Simancas and Valladolid And he commanded O'Neill and Rury to for the whole of the will ; but in neither place be friendly to each other as they themselves IS there any record of it. The connexion both had been. And they promised him of this part of it with the King of Spain will this thing.' Annals F. M., vi. 2327. explain why it is in the Spanish Archives. ° S/a/ement.—A.xc\\\vts, Loyola. U cliv power, they find themselves so exhausted by the struggle and so discouraged, receiving nothing but letters from Spain, that in order to remove this doubt they sent to Spain the best messenger they had, namely, the Earl O'Donnell, to make known their wants to his Majesty and to ask for aid ; and when lately they heard that the Earl had died, and that his entreaty did not avail with his Majesty, and that no aid in men is going there but only some money and more letters, they will certainly make terms in one of two ways : if all the Catliolics are still in strength, they will make terms all together ; and if they are not, but in great straits, the enemy will willingly give very good terms to each lord individually, and in this way they will leave the leading men without help or power to offer resistance. This would be a great pity, and so Spain will lose this Irish nation, after the infinite hardships which they have undergone to serve the King ; and two evils will ensue therefrom : the first, that the other foreign nations, seeing this pitiful ending and the wretched spectacle of the destruction of Ireland for want of help, will never again incur any risk for or put their trust in Spain ; the second, the Irish who are so long Catholics, for they received the faith 1,300 years ago, will turn heretics through mere compul- sion and necessity, as there is no one to aid them. And the Queen of England will employ the seventeen thousand soldiers whom she keeps in her pay each year in Ireland and all the Irish soldiers, in the war of Flanders or on the coast of Spain or on the way to the Indies. All this may be prevented by sending help in men there without any delay, as the Earl O'Donnell demanded; that is, if the help sent amounts to 10,000 or 12,000 men, they should go to Cork or to Limerick ; if to 2,500, they should go to his territory and be placed in garrisons in Donegal and Sligo, and they should not be led out to fight but erect fortifications there with the footsoldiers of the country. If the aid sent amounts to 3,000 or 4,000, they should go to Galway and take possession of that city, where the Earl O'Neill and his brother can come without hindrance from the enemy, and for this reason the Earl O'Donnell brought with him the Baron of Leitrim,^ who is now here, because all the people about Galway are his vassals and are tyrannized over by his rival. When our troops surround Galway, neither the Viceroy nor the enemy can succour it by land or by sea after two days have elapsed ; after eight, not even by sea. Galway is almost an island, and by making a trench from an arm of the sea to a lake, all succour will be cut off by land ; and by making a little fort on the other side of the river where St. Mary's church stands with two pieces of artillery, the entrance will be cut off for the ships which now go up to the walls. If his Majesty is pleased to send 3,000 men to Galway now, the Baron, who is here, promises to take them there to capture Galway with them, if the Viceroy is not in the city. If he happens to be there, he will take them to a place two leagues from Galway, where they can stop in spite of the enemy, and he will undertake to provide them with bread and meat for six months ; and if on coming there they do not find all he says to be true, he will be satisfied that they should cut off his head. ^B. ofLcitriin. — This is Redmond Burke, presented to the King, is in the Archives, who went with O'Donnell to Spain by de- Loyola. As its contents are very nearly the sire of O'Neill. Seep, cxiiii., antea. 'The same as those of Conry's Statement, we Baron of Leitrim's Memorial,' evidently need not give it here. civ This is the reply ^ that was given to Conry : At the meeting of the Council in "... last year, his Majesty decided that 50,000 ducats should be sent, with whatever arms and ammunition could be provided. Later he was pleased to order that the sum should be 30,000 ducats, and that from the beginning of this year 20,000 ducats should be sent every month ; the Earl O'Neill should be informed thereof. Though his Majesty ordered the Minister to procure the said sum of 30,000 ducats, in order that Don Martin de la Cerda might take it with him in two ships that have been got ready for the purpose in Corunna, and though frequently urged to do this, he has not done so up to the present. The result is that the Irish who are living here have lost heart and spent the supplies given them for the journey, owing to the delay. The season too is so far advanced that if the expedition is further deferred, Don Martin de la Cerda and all he is taking with him, as well as the above-mentioned Irish, run manifest risk of being lost. Besides, the Earl O'Neill and the Catholics who are of his party will be entirely ruined, not caring to make terms for all, since they relied on his Majesty's promises. In this way the enemy will be freed from the excessive expenses that the war will bring on them, and can more easily attack his Majesty's subjects; from which irreparable harm may ensue. Much harm has been done already in the estimation of the Irish by the delay, for they think his Majesty has changed his mind, and is the cause of the delay for some reason unknown to them, for they do not suppose it arises from want of money. Taking it for granted that his Majesty will not abandon this business, which tends so much to God's service and his own advantage, as has been already proved on several occasions, the Council is of opinion that they should be provided with money immediately, from whatever source it is to come, in order that they may set off without further delay with Don Martin and the others who are going ; and if this cannot be done, these people should be undeceived and told that they are to look to themselves, though this would have such bad results that his Majesty ought not to allow it.-'' The help did not come, and history tells what the sad consequences wxre to the cause of Ireland and its people. Whosoever cares to 'trace the pitiable state of the Gaels of Ireland,' both chiefs and people, in the events that followed within a very few years the defeat at Kinsale and the death of O'Donnell, will find it set forth in the pages of Rev. C, P. Meehan's Fate and Fortunes of the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell} We will give briefly the events that follovved immediately on these disasters, from the Afinals of the Four Masters.^ O'Neill and Rury O'Donnell returned to the north with their forces. In the be- ginning of the winter of 1603, Mountjoy sent letters and messengers to Rury O'Donnell, requesting him to come upon terms of peace and tranquillity, for news had reached i^i'^/y.— It bears no date. '"Annals F. M.—\\. 2335. See also - In. — The date is omitted. O'Sullevan, Hist. Cath., p. 230., who tells of "- Allow it. — Archives, Loyola. the resistance oftered to the English after ' Tyrconnell. — Sec also 'Ki:)\h€%Analccia, the capture of Kinsale. clvi him that O'Donnell, hÍ5 brother, had died in Spain, and that the war was at an end by his death, and that it would be a great want of wisdom if he did not make peace immediately. As soon as he had read the letters Rury called his advisers to him to consider what he should do ; and he began to deliberate with them in council. Some of them said that the report of O'Donnell's death was not true, but that the story was fabricated to allure and deceive him and to bind him under the law. Another party asserted that the rumour was true, that it was good advice to accept the peace. So what they finally agreed upon was to ratify the peace with the Deputy. They showed great honour to the son of O'Donnell and made peace with him. O'Neill and most of the Irish of the north came under that peace, for a proclamation of a general peace and a restoration of his blood and territory to every one that wished for it had been issued by his Majesty King James.^ A few words, before we conclude, about Niall Garbh. He had been promised, as a reward for ' passing over ' to the English, the whole country of Tyrconnell. This was to descend to his heirs. In January, 1602, the Lord Deputy and Council wrote to the English Privy Council asking 'that they would procure her Majesty's warrant to pass unto Neale Garvie O'Donnell the country of Tyrconnell, in such sort as they premised the same unto him under their hands almost a year before, so warranted by direction from her Majesty.' They added : ' he thinks the time long till he hath his grant, and in his late letter to the Deputy he protests that he will do no more service until he have seen me and that his grant be per- formed.' - Docwra reported to the Lord Deputy that ' he found him to be by his nature proud, valiant, miserable, tyrannous, unmeasurably covetous, without any knowledge of God or almost any civility, good to be used while he was satisfied, which he could hardly be, being like a quince requiring great cost ere it be good to eat, or whilst he is kept under (which was the fitter course to be held with him) ; yet he thought him sure to the State in regard of the pledges he had given, but much more because he could no way better his estate by leaving the Queen's service, nor be secure of any word from O'Donnell whose brother he had killed.'^ Tyrconnell was given him to keep till it was passed to him by letters patent ; but he^vas not satisfied. He claimed as his Tyrone too, Fermanagh, and every part of Connaught to which the O'Donnells had at any time extended their power.* The Lord Deputy and Council decided against his ^K.Ja7)ies.—AfinalsF.Ai;\i.22,'^-). He Roe's brother, slain by Niall Garbh, of ascended the English throne March 24th, which more later. 1603. *Power. — Docwra., Narrah'on, Tp. 266. See -Performed- — Moryson, Rebellion, p. 143. Sir Neale O'Donnell's ' Demands unto the ^ Killed.— Ibid., p. loi ; Hist. Cath., p. Lord Deputy,' and ' the Lord Deputy's 261. The allusion here is to Manus, Hugh Answers,' in The Flight of tlie Earls, t^. 202. < in \— cKii claims, 'which decision he took with a great deal more indignation and fury than became a man that was to raise his fortune only by favour of another.' ^ He insisted that the people should swear allegiance to him and not to the Queen ; he would allow no officer of the Crown to enter his territory, nor would he permit any thing to be sold to the English garrisons or work to be done for them.- He even had himself inaugurated ^ as the O'Donnell at Kilmacrenan 'without consulting the Viceroy or the Council.' Docwra was ordered to arrest him. He fled into the woods of Kinnaveer, in north Donegal. Later he repaired to the Deputy on protection, and went to England to solicit pardon for his offences. He was given back his own patrimonial inheritance from Laght to Sheskinloobanagh, on both sides of the river Finn. In 1608 he, his son Neachtan, and two of his brothers were supposed to have taken part * in the conspiracy of O'Doherty, who, to avenge the insults offered to him, had slain the Governor and garrison of Derry. They were taken to Dublin, and thence to London. His brothers were set free in the following year ; but Niall and his son ended their lives in the Tower of London, the first after an imprisonment of eighteen years. It would be beside our purpose to follow the history of the Clann O'Donnell farther or to trace them in foreign lands. Those who wish to pursue the subject will find much to interest and enlighten them in the appendix to O'Donovan's edition of TJie Annals of tJie Four Masters^ and in his papers on 'The O'Donnells at home and abroad' in Duffy s Hibernian Magazine. The Cathach '^ or ' Battler ' (so called because it was borne three times round the troops of the O'Donnell before a battle on the breast of a sinless cleric), of which we give a print reduced by a third, is a cumdach or box made by order of Cathbhar O'Donnell about the close of the nth century, as an Irish inscription on it records. It contains a portion of a Latin psalter on vellum, said to have been written by St. Columba. Its present frame-case was made for it by order of Daniel O'Donnell, who, after the treaty of Limerick, left Ireland and entered the French service, \w which he attained the rank of Brigadier It is now in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy. Here is the record of Hugh O'Neill's death in the Annals of the Four Masters, under the date 1616 : O'Neill (Hugh), son df Ferdoragh, who was styled Earl of Tyrone at the 1 Another. — Docwra's Narraiion^ p. 250. ^ Cathach. — See Gilbert's Facsimiles of 2 For them.— Ibid., p. 266. National AÍSS. of Ireland, part i, plate ill., ^Inaugurated. — Annals F. M.,\'i. 2345. where a portion of the manuscript is re- ^ Taken part. — See the accusations of produced in facsimile and an account given Ineen Dubh in The Flight of the Earls, of the Cathach; also Reeves' ^i^^iiw^ii/z, p. pp. 195,216. 319, and Betham's Antiquarian Researches '"Annals F. M.—vl 2377. i. 109 ; Dublin, 1827. clviii parliament of 1585, and who was afterwards styled O'Neill, died at an advanced ag'e, after having passed his life in prosperity and happiness, in valiant and illustrious achievements, in honour and nobleness. The place at which he died was Rome, on the 20th of July, after exemplary penance for his sins, and gaining the victory over the world and the devil. Although he died far from Armagh, the burial-place of his ancestors, it was a token that God was pleased with his life that the Lord permitted him no worse burial-place, namely, Rome, the head city of the Christians. The person who here died was a powerful, mighty lord, with wisdom, subtlety, and profundity of mind and intellect ; a warlike, valorous, predatory, enterprising lord in defending his religion and his patrimony against his enemies ; a pious and charitable lord, mild and gentle with his friends, fierce and stern towards his enemies until he had brought them to submission and obedience to his authority ; a lord who had not coveted to possess himself of the illegal or excessive property of any other except such as had been hereditary in his ancestors from a remote period ; a lord with the authority and praiseworthy characteristics of a priiice, who had not suffered theft or robbery, abduction or rape, spite or animosity to prevail during his reign ; and had kept all under the law as was meet for a prince. He too lies in the church of San Pietro in Montorio. On his tomb is the simple inscription : D , o . M . . HIC . QUIESCUNT . UGONIS . PRINCIPIS . O'NETLT. . OSSA. BeAÚA 2lOÍ)^ RUAjt) U) í)0tÍ)1)Alll LIFE OF HUGH ROE O'DONNELL. i-.0 UtllSniC'Oll ém cU\nn A-ohAn'ii\A -olU "OhoninAiU (Aóx)h wac 1llA5nu]'A mic Ao-oIia óicc mic AóvhA 1lÚAi-oh inic tléill 5Ai|\t) |;- niic Uoi]-v|At)eA'L'bAi5 An potiA, 6:c.). -An InjheAn X)ii'b, in^Cn SemAi]" mic -A'LAXAn'OAi]\ mic Coin ChAcliAriAij mec 'OhonniAill, vo pol CIioUa iiAip mic CacItóac 'Ooiiiilein, iwbA bAin^'eici5 "oua 'OomnAill, & ^Aob ip-oe mACAiji An ]\obcAn Ai]\r5h-OA ■oiA cloin-o. IdAcc AnmAnnA a i:):Ci\fCAl if]\ \^u\\x> gCine Aóvh 1vÚAt)b, Ru-ójiAige, niA^nuf, G: CAcbbApiu 'OáIa An cei-omeic ■oibp'óe Aó-obA IIúai-ó, t)o iiA-OA-ó^'iúe iaja via 5CinemAin yo c1ieccoi^\ -oía oileAriiAin &, ■oiAbeAfii^hA-o -oo f AO^AclAn-OAib pichenélcliAib chenél CotiAill ^ulbAn mic Héibb, 7 mn bo hiA-o yom tiA mÁ ]\o écc ei)^it)e yoji Alqiom G: oilfiiiAin, acc ^ao ^Abj'AC a^a Aitb "oo cenel eójliAin mic tléill, AjA ^AobAX) -of^Ab teó "oo ^AA^IiAX) 111 "óe mAt) -oiA ^\oii'f-ob CO liAiof in]:C-ómA. Ilo jliAbyoiii iAj\om i:o]\ yAy & yo\\ -|:o]\bAi]\c a]\ aoi c]\odiA (x cliAouÍToenmA, AÍAit) 6:, C]\lAb)\A, CgnA G: Cl^gnA, lonnyAif & oii\beA]\rAif . 50 ]\o tCc a Ainm & A AÍbA-ó yo CÓICC cóijC-ÓAib C]\eAnn eit)i]A ^l"'^'^^^^'^^^^'' &- 5^°^"'^^^^<''^^ ^^"0 piA pú ^\Ainicc CA]A ÁCif mAcÓAcVicA, G: 1^0 choimhtion cbóij; btiAunA "oécc. -Auc cvAy iiTimo]\o "oo "OAnAnAib 'Oiiibbinne Aubcto-p ft, C^A-oCiACAf An rneicpn, G:, bA^Cx) "oo ^Aiiimfn^'fcc occa in a mCnniAin nA bAoi a Aicbjfin 'o6]ien'ocbAib y]\^ liAiclie a An]:AbA"ó G:, -010511 aIca 5]\eip AcbCmeoit "oia bfcci co Iiaoi]' ^ ODonnell. — We have given his pedigree and that of Ineen Dubh, pp. xii. and xxx., antea. '^Foster — See p. xxxii., antea. ^Puberty. — The Irish divided life into five periods. Macdacht was the second, from the age of seven to fifteen. ^Provinces. — Cuigeadh^ ■Si ^ixh. It came to mean a province because Ireland was divided into five parts at a very early date. Keating's H. of Ireland^ p. 52. ^ English. — Gall was the namegiven to all strangers, the Gauls being the foreigners .best known to the ancient Irish. Famous progeny sprung from O'Donnell/ (Hugh, son of Manus, son of Hugh Oge, son of Hugh Roe, son of Niall Garbh, son of Turlough of the wine, etc.). Ineen Dubh, daughter of James, son of Alexander, son of John Cathanach MacDonnell, of the race of Colla Uais, son of Eochaidh Doimhlen, was the wife of O'Donnell, and she was the mother of the most renowned of his children. The names of their sons in the order of their birth were Hugh Roe, Rury, Manus, and Caffir. As for the eldest of these, Hugh Roe, immediately after his birth he was given to be fostered and brought up to the high-born nobles of the tribe of Conall Gulban, son of Niall, and it was not these alone that got him to rear and foster,^ but some of the tribe of Eoghan, son of Niall, took him, for they were sure that something would ensue through him if he reached puberty,^ Then he continued to grow and increase in comeliness and urbanity, tact and eloquence, wisdom and knowledge, goodly size and noble deeds, so that his name and fame spread throughout the five pro- vinces* of Erin among the English^ and the Irish,*^ even before he passed the age of boyhood and completed his fifteenth year. Moreover, the fame and renown of the youth were reported to the foreigners'^ of Dublin too, and they reflected in their minds that there would not be one like him of the Irish to avenge his wrongs and punish the plundering of his race if he ^ Irish. — The people of Ireland are known by various names derived from their ances- tors. They are called Milesians from Milesius, Gadelians from Gaodhel, a more ancient progenitor. O'Flaherty, Ogygia, p. 162. "^ Foreigners. — T)?iVi'&x.i properly a Dane or black foreigner, is often synonymous with robber, pirate, ferocious person, without any distinction of nation. War of ihe Gaedhil ivith the Gail I, p. xxxi ; London, 1867. A i-ClAjTOACA. 1\o liAipiei-oC-oh t)Oib 1560]^ 5i.i]\ i\o cAm]\n5i]\ffc yhx)e G: Uichc |^en^A1)-ne1p &, ao^AcliAncA ha ro-oocliAi-olie co cciocpA-oh a lonnfAiiiAilfitiiii no 'bé]\AX) niCfccbUAi-ojAeAt) po)\iAAfoiii &, \-o]\ inif e|\eAnn a]\ cfnA, yeib ]\o chinj^eAll CoUimb CiUe niAc pei-oliniToh nAoiiif-Ái-oh Ani]\A "oo chenel _ ccoriAill Gi y(]\ lÁn -oo \\6.zh & "oo ■oeolAi'oeAclic ah Sjaihacca riAoimh bAit ArjuilaAipc: UiocpAi-ó i:r]\ An Cn^liA Aip-o, *Oo bejiA 5olmAii\5 in jac a]\, "bit) é pn An "oonn 'oía'oIia l-p biAi"ó .ix. iiibtiA'ónA in a R15. Acbe]\AC ^'Oi^^Cn-o combA-o é CÁiUin pA-ónACA ]\o x:hA^]\\m-c^^\\. AjAAibb Ann -OAn. II0 onmAigf Ccc nA ^oibt cfccnA eipoiii G: An 1a]\1,a úa néill (Ao-oli iiiAC "pi^róopdiA inic Ctiin'o bACAij mic Cuin-o) X)o eiWAi-oliin fol.i.i. ACC0'OAi5 a AccA]\A'onAi-ó ):i\i A^jA oilc in A nAjliAi-o tJAiji lAobA •orii\bi]iipT)e •oiA chuifci-oibponi ó chCin n'iÁi]\, Gi h<\ In 'oeA]\bpn]\ An AO'dIia 1lÚAix)h l\eTÍiebe]icinA]\ i^obA conimAiin G: '■jio'bA cét)iiuiince]\ -oon 1ai\Ia úa Heilb, SiobAn mjCn tii 'ObomnAibb a combAinm. ^n cUa Héibb -jw boiiA-onC-o iccCnnu]^ yo]\ cenéb nGo^Ain |-eAcbcc imaiíi &, "OIA n50i]\ci AnniAini An caii i^m (Uoi^iiroCbbAcb tnineAcb tpac Heibb t ConAbbAij nnc A^\\T: mic Ciiin-o 1111c 6n]\i inic Go^Ain) bA pAjAocbp-oe -do ^bAbbAib -oon cbii]i i^m, & ní^ bo uuAbAinj yobbAiimAt) a -jrlAiLbitii^A Ia beini]Aue 7 AnpobjiAcbc, G: no bio-ó)^onib -oo Jl^e]^ occ lonnbAcb G:, occ CcA]ico]v\oicc An lA]\bA uí tléibb i--]iif An 1u^xi|' G: y\\\]- An i^cAnAt) a^i oniAn a Aicb^Mo^hcA bAif, A^A Af iiiine bAOip'oe bi ccuibe a jiAcbA &, a Aoi|'e An CAn l^in, G: bA i^cciAub inToC^bA Qi iii-i^cbAi-oe "oa^a cCnn a cenéoib. \)a bAi]ie pn -[lo ^Abj^AC goibb -AcA cbiAc *Ouibbinne Aiiiii]iC-p & micboirÍToin "oe (jeiAbo |\iA|AAcb "óoibiAoim 50 I'ln) a]\ An ccAjiA'oiiA'ópn bAoi 'óó pn cenéb cconAibb, G: "oo ^AtumenfCcc occAib conibA bo|\ 'OAcoriiAb G:, "oiomyo^xAt) pii '^ Cohankille. — This prophecy was made ''■ Earl O' Neill. — E. of Tyrone. His name not by St. Columkille, but by St. CailHn. recurs very often in the course of this work. Itwillbe found in the poem inwhich the Saint We have given his pedigree at p. xlv., foretells the kings who would descend from antea. Conall Gulban. See The Book of Fenagh, ^ The O'A^eill. — After the chiefs inaugur- p. 152. On Caillin, see p. xv., antea. We ation, he was no longer called by the name have given St. Columkille's descent from given him in baptism. O'Sullevan, Hist. Conall Gulban at p. xii. Cath., p. 34. was allowed to reach manhood. It was told them too that prophets and people with foreknowledge and predictors of futurity had announced that there would come one like him who would cause disturbance among them and in the island of Eire also, as Columkille/ son of Feidhlimidh, the famous holy prophet of the Cinel Conaill, a man too full of grace and of the gifts of the Holy Ghost, promised where he said : There will come a man glorious, pure, exalted, Who will cause mournful weeping in every territory ; He will be the god-like prince. And he will be king for nine years. Some say it was Caillin of Fenagh who made the prophecy. Moreover, these same English were afraid that he and the Earl O'Neill,^ i.e., Hugh, son of Ferdoragh, son of Conn Bacach, son of Conn, would join in alliance and friendship with each other against them, for the Earl was much attached to his parents for a long time ; besides, O'Donnell's daughter, named Joan, the sister of Hugh Roe, of whom we have made mention, was Earl O'Neill's spouse and first wife. The O'Neill,^ who was inaugurated chief of the Cineí Eoghain some time before, and M^ho had the title then, i.e., Turlough Luineach,* son of Niall Connallach, son of Art, son of Conn, son of Henry, son of Eoghan, was submissive to the English at that time, and he was not able to govern his principality owing to his weakness and infirmity, and he was ever accusing and complaining of the Earl O'Neill to the Lord Justice ^ and the Council through fear of being deposed by him, since he was in the flood of his prosperity and (in the prime) of life then, and he was a shield of pro- tection and defence to his tribe. Wherefore the English of Dublin ° conceived suspicion and an evil opinion of him (though he was obedient to them up to that) on account of this friendship of his with the Cinel Conaill, and they reflected that the capture of Hugh Roe would enable them to '^ T. Luineach.—S&e p. xliii. antea. 'He '" L.Jusl ice.— Th\s is used here and in was a lord prosperous in peace and war, the Annals F. M. as synonymous with till old age and infirmity came on him.' Lord Deputy, Lord Lieutenant. See Ware's Annals F. M., vi. 1984. The Queen in- Antiquities, i^. \io. tended to make him Earl of Clan O'Neill, " Z)//<^//«.— Athcliath, i.e., the ford of the but the patent was not perfected. hurdles. O'Curry's MS. Materials, p. 269. •oti^lieAt) yo]\ chenét cconAiit G: CógluMn <^ Cjí^liAbAit^^oni An Aótja Uúai-ó ceni bAoi ac1ic in a ^iotlA bmcc An lonbAit) y^\^. ConAt) a]a nA irocAib peiTijAAice ]\o I'ccjMi-opAuc nA joibb chCcnA a ctiimjAeAcb ciu ]\ia ^^lu ]\o i^oicbc Iai|" ^TOnbAt) An nfich ]\o omnAijIifCcc -oo cochc a|; a to]^. IDa 1iAn'ilAix)h foiicAOiiinvV^Ai]! An ^AbliAib 1ii]^in. tlo bioplAniAi^C-oh bAi]\c nibeb'ciiib inb]AA]:tAn5Aicc1i (im ]:eitt lllichib "oo b]'qnn|iA-ó Anno. 1587-) ^I'l'o -^^l"" cbiAC conA ^reijiint) ]:oi]AniAUAp]\nii|"5ni5li 50 riATobiinb io]\5hAil,e G: 50 cq\eAbiiAib r^ACOA beo y]\\ 1iu]A]xcbAi5e G: lomjuin int) a^atoIi a neA]"5CCA]AAt), jonA ■]:].-o|\cAin ponA Qi co]nnA |:ni cueic 7 conn]\A"ó int) on cCn-OAijeAchcA "oui' An ccAi]ipccif eibb njAbAbA yo\\ -AótdIi ua nTDoifinoibb- 13a c]\ia Ai^te An 1tt]xi]" Sep 1otin pAppoc 7 nA coiiiAipbe ai^ cfnA \\o ^niche int) pn co bion- •jroibji-oe. DAi^Ct) a op-o An lufcif a beic pM bAirii K15 SAXAn iccCnt)U|' yo]\ ini]" inOAnbA co t)iuit) ceopA nibbiAt)An. O ]\o bAOi ^ac Ait)me bA hA-ÓAiig int) eAÍbniA \.Ay An buing ]ieni]iAiciu, Go ía]» ccoit)ec1ic nA ^aoici Ant)ri]" jac fol.2.ir. iTóíjAeAcb, ]:ó]' po gbuAi]^ An mbAipc Acboic a]i cÚAn *Oiiibbinne Anuxcli int) iomt)omAin An Ai^Cin, ^tiji po f^eobAi^Aip I'eAc pint) Gccai]\ but) cbÚAch bAnii cbe ppi bop n6]\eAnn co piAcbc co i^CncbuAn Súibije hi cpich conAibb mic lléibb II0 Ai]np Ainnpme yo CpcoriiAip UAcbA lllAobÁin AinAc -|:op fAn b^TAipinje. CAipdAÍb eip-oe bAoi yo\\ up nA cpA^A. Ho yochAigCt) eccbA]' » fin bnpt) 7 oi]:|:];enn t)o inbAi]ie mACAi]i An coiint)et) bi ccompocpAib t)ó, & bA nifntJAC Ai]ipt)e]ic ppi biomACAi5it)e bAoc 7 cbe]nc nA ccpioc ccoitipo^up. 1>Á cboinnib cSuibne conpócAcc7 AciÁccpo Aicc]\eAbpAc An inbboit)1i cijie bAoi y]u himeAbbo]At) An cbÚAm ^up ah moip inói]i, 7 A]\Aibb cenniou1iÁint)p)n. 'Oo cenéb 605b Ain mic 11 eibb -óóib ía]i inbuntit)Ap, 7 a bAbpAin vo "oeocliACAp An ^ Gunwale. — This is the portion of the familiar to the Celtic inhabitants of Britain boat called deal in Donegal. (and of Ireland too earlier) than the Angli- 2 Wine. — ' The Captain had this com- can name. Hence Saxon, not Angle, has mand given him that he should proffer his been the name by which Teutonic immi- wines to be sold, being sack, which the grants in Britain (and English immigrants in " Irishmen love best.' Life of Perrolt, p. Ireland) have been known to their Celtic 279. neighbours from that day to this. Freeman, ^ Beer. — This was the common intoxi- Nor7na7i Cojiquest, i. 13 ; London, 1870. eating drink of the people of northern ^ Banba. — Ireland is often called by the Europe. It was made from barley, wheat, names of its most famous kings, but par- or oats, and flavoured with aromatic herbs. ticularly it has three names, Eire, Fodhla, * Deputy. — Lit. by the hand of, hence the and Banba, three sisters of the royal blood substitute for another. of the Danaans. Os;ygia,^. i^,. ^English. — The name Saxon became '* RitJiiEdair. — The promontory of Edar; extend and secure their sway over the Cincl Conaill and the Cinel Eoghain, though he was but a mere youth at the time. Wherefore, for the aforesaid reasons these same EngHsh planned his imprisonment before he should succeed in effecting what they feared would come about by his means. That capture took place in this way. A vessel was got ready, with black gunwale,^ deceptive, precisely at Michaelmas in the year 1587, in Dublin, 1587. with a murderous, odious crew, having implements of battle and weapons of war for defence and attack against their enemies, with abundance of wine " and beer,^ for traffic and barter to trade with, to see if they could get an opportunity of seizing on Hugh O'Donnell. By the advice of the Lord Justice Sir John Perrott and of the Council too this was done secretly. The Lord Justice was appointed to be the Deputy * of the English^ king in supreme authority over the island of Banba ^ for the space of three years. When every implement that was desired was ready in the said ship, and while the wind was coming straight from the south, the vessel went out from the harbour of Dublin into the deep sea and sailed past Rinn Edair^ northwards, keeping the coast of Ireland on the left till she came to the old harbour of Swilly, ^ in the territory of Conall, son of Niall. She stopped there opposite Rathmullen ^ out in the sea. This castle was on the edge of the shore. A church^'' was « founded there for the divine office and mass in honour of Mary, mother of the Lord, close by, and it was a well-known resort for most of the laity and clergy of the neighbourhood. It was built by the Clann Swiny, and it was they who inhabited the portion of territory along the edge of the harbour as far as the ocean and others besides this. They were of the tribe of Eoghan, son of Niall, by descent,^! and they had come from Scotland he was chief of Eachrad shortly before bishop of Raphoe from 1610 to 1632 and the Christain era. The Bailey lighthouse, made into a residence. O'Sullevan gives Howth, stands on the rinn. an account of his persecution of the Catho- ^ Lou^/i S^ai/lj.— An inlet of the sea. run- lies. Ili'si. Cath., p. 286. See also De ning twenty miles due south into Donegal. Burgo's Hibeniia Dominicana, p. 617 ; Col. '^ Rathmiilleji. — A village on the west Agripp., 1762, who gives the proclamations shore of Lough Swilly. Here the Earls em- issued by Chichester at his suggestion, barked when leaving Ireland in 1607. See '^^ Descent.— ^ee p. xix., antea. Keating The Flight of the Earls, p. -]■]. ridicules Spencer's statement that they are 10 Church.— i:\ve Carmelite monastery and originally of English descent. See preface church were seized by Knox, Protestant to H. of Ireland, -^. xx. 'oú pii (x i\obcA]A 1ACC bA cLi<\i]\5nit)e cacIm "oo ]\i5 óconAill iito a^ató a C]"CCA]\ACC. Uui]\cecliCA riA ttiinje imiAonAi-o^'Cin In co]'Aij. 1a]i ccui-óeAclic "oi ■^xiy An ccÚAn yo\\ loncliAili) 1Iac1ia niAOÍÁni aiíiaiÍ Ac^wibpAniAp, "oo ]\elcciu A ^'eoÍA y\\\ tÁ]\ 7 ]\o ylux)^i^p^: a liAn^CAiiAeA-OA "oía lnin^'0]XA-ó In con'iyoc]\Aib An cliAÍATÓ. *Oo coniÍAc 'OjieAm "oia i^oijun-o yo]\ cí]\ ía-h ccAin int) eccoi'cc cCnnAigeA-o yo "oeitb po-ÓA & cAonc1"ion'i]\Aic, 7 ^AbAicc yo]\ b]\Ac G: CAi]xcetA'ó yo\\ c^Aeicc 7 connpAX) y]^^y An ccÁch "oo cui]\fcA]A yo]\ a ccint), G: A-coAriiAC conibAoi pon 7 co]AmAmi teó ij^m tum^. O ]\o cto]' Ia nunnci]A An "ounATo An ní pn ni cA]AccfAc bi yoilt, acc ]\o gAbj'AC fo\\ cCnTJAC An pon A 7 An bCn-OA nnmAbe 7 occ coiiiób yo\\ a cete combcAji mCfccA. 1a]a bpio]- -jxel 'oon c|\ic niA ccoiiiyo^u]' "oo lonÁÍAC An •oocum, 7 bACA]\ Aj i^Amot'coinbcAiA -ptibAij AiiiAit Acceli. Hi^a bo cÍAn -ooib I^AiiitAix) conti]^ cnúchA-ó Aót) tiA 'OonmAibb irechc AninifA yo\\ céli-óe -0011 bAite Ia bAO]" 7 lAeAbiAAt) -po^i a bAoic]\rnTi 7 yoy ciiai]\c iiiacoacca con •oiimii "ooccbAit) nA c^ucbe in a cliAonncecc O yo ctoACA]\ éccm An ni y]n "La liAO]" An b|\Aic nn^^oAc a]" yop cuLax) "oocuin a buinge. tlo ^aotóicc •OAibeAiiiAin 7 •oeogbAi^AC-ÓA An ■oúnAi'ó in a n-oCgliAi-o "oo ctnnjeA-o ponA -00 Í0I.2. i^. nA bÁo]"-ÓAX)Aib "ou]" -pAn^A'OA^A. Ai'br]\Ar:-|"oni nAr bAOi beo ni bAt) mo Aiii ob"oÁ^" ni no]^ pti]ii:et) An -j:oi]\Cnn, 7 nAcb Ay iiebcccif nAUAib -i:o]a cip no yAi^i-o iiAc Aoin ACC inÁ no cifeAX) iiacat) "OA^UAoine inA n-oocum "oon bum^, yo jeb-OAi]" Ayp\C]XAt 7 AppA-ou^A-o "oon cf^MiAi^ip -oo i\ua]ia-ó aca "oia -jrpon. 1a]\ "ppo^^fcéb "00 niAc Snibne (-oiriop ah -ounAit), *OomnAtb) nA 'OAiteAniAin "oo 'óíiitcA'ó iiiion ):pon,bA 1iAt)nÁ]\ Iai]" inx)]'in, conit) í Ai|\ie- "oo -|iioncoifco & Ainfén "0Ó A cln^eAjinA (^e"o1i 11Á "OomnAibt) "oo úoctnpeA-ó "oon binng. Ida ■pcoAin^ on Aco^AocA-ó^oiii An lonbAi-ó pn, úaih ni bAoi Aon 'oía 'oe^coiiiAHt- tcACAib x)iA oi-oeA-OAib nAc -oiA obbAiiinAib inA diAoniicecc "oo |ieThiomcú|' nA •00 f^e-on^AX) con*iAii\be -óó, 7 ni ^lAinicc cA]i aoi^^ coicc iiibtiA"OAn "oecc, 7 ni cAinij AJÁo]' nAc A^biocAf An cAn y\n. ua i^AiiilAi-o on "oon Áo]" bAoc bo]\]i]:AX)Acb bACA]i inA ]:A]\pA-ó ^i'ó iauc bA pne aji aoi nÁoi]'i. 1a]\ ccyux) a ccoiiiAi]\to "oon ]:oi]\int) AinCgnAix) yo bA]'Acc AinAcb tumgine nibicc "oo ^iaIa ' Leaders. — Some of this family came to Frequent mention is made of them in T/ie Munster in the 13th century, and settled Annals F. M. on land given them by the MacCarthys. "^ Hy. — Or /, the plural of Ua ox C, a to that country. They were leaders i in battle of the king of Hy Conaill - i5^- against his enemies. As for the ship of which we spoke in the beginning, after she came to the harbour opposite Rathmullen as we have said, her sails were lowered on the deck and her anchors were cast to secure her close to the landing- place. A part of her crew went on shore after a while in the guise of merchants under pretence of peace and amity, and they set to espy and pry about, to traffic and bargain with every one who met them, and published that they had wine and beer in the ship. When the people of the castle heard this they made no delay, but set off to purchase both the wine and the strong drink ^ and to drink together till they were drunk. When the neighbourhood learned the news they assembled there and were carousing until they were merry like the rest. They were not long thus when Hugh O'Donnell came recreating himself, to visit the place in thoughtlessness and sport on a harmless excursion and youthful tour, with many young men of the country in his company. When the spies heard this for certain, they went away back to their ship. The butlers and cup-bearers of the Castle were sent after them to ask for wine for the guests who had come. They said they had no more than what the crew would need, and they would allow none of it to go out to any one, but if some of the gentlemen woilld come to them to the ship, they should get attendance and entertainment with what remained over to them of the wine. When Donnell MacSwiny, the owner of the castle, learned that the butlers had been refused the wine he was ashamed thereat. Wherefore the plan which his ill luck suggested to him was to invite his lord Hugh O'Donnell to the ship. It was easy to lead him astray then for there was not one of his wise counsellors, of his preceptors, or of his learned men *in his company to direct him or to give him advice, and he was not yet fifteen years of age, and he had not then acquired wisdom and sagacity. It was the same with the thoughtless forward persons who were with him though grandson. The tribe-name with this word * Drink. — Linn is rather a general term prefixed is often used to signify the territory for any strong liquor than the name of any of the tribe. Introd. to Top. Poems, p. 8. particular kind. lO yo]\ ii]\ HA cpAgcX, 7 iin]\AifCc g^if An tinnj iiiói)\ 50 mbACA]A 0]\ |.'|m 1io]\. O \\o yicci^i An pAnÍAch bÁcco]\ i]"in tnm^ 50 inbAoi Aet» Cx:zo\\]\a, ]\o yAilcni jplcc •jrpiú, A|A Áoi-óe ni ^\elccicc Anonn cIiuca acc uaca-ó -oAoine^reib ]ao cmjeAttfAC im Aó-oli 1IÚA-Ó iin irAc Suibne 6:c. tlo ^rpeA-pclAicc 7 ]\o pA-oui5icc "oo -pAme bí-ó (x lCnx)A 511]^ bAu i^ubAi^ i^onnenmnAig. -An cAn bA hÁme "ooib occ Ob, ]\o jAcrA AnAi]\im ^"o]1]\a & ]\o hiA-óA-ó comÍA An CAi^xe ca]a AnCif, 6: •oo ]\ACA in ajaa^aI -(.'ohiaca, bAib nA i\o cumAingf Cc fngnAiii no ri]nomot -oo rnioifi in A5Ait) A nAiiiAc, & C]AJAbuA]i Aéx) 7 in -|iobA bv\inn beó "oon bucbcoo •óeAcliAccAiA Anonn xjia fAi^i-o. 'Oo cÁocc c]aa ixcéÍA nA jAbAlA^^on ccpioch hi ccoiccin-oe, G:, t)o econiAbtAcc nA coifi):ocb|\Aibe -oocum An diAbAi-o x)up An fol. 3 a. ccÁi]ipccí]" bAOJAÍ i:o]A A0|" nA ceb^e. II1 bÁoi bA -oe -po-OAin a]i ^\o bACA]^ in loiiTóoiiiAin An dniAin ía]\ I'^ieAnjcA^AlAAin^ dnicA An An^cAi]\eA-ó irubAin^ 7 i:o]"CAT)A, 7 ni iiAbAUCAji bonjA nÁc bAoi'oCngA aca "oia cco^iiAim nAc "oia ucAjA^iodicAin. 'Ouf pec Ann AccnmniA CÁ15 niAc SmbnenA ccuac Go^An 05 ACACorhnAic. 1Da liAicce "oon Ao-o ei]^i-óeicc, (x, ]^o ^Ab occ r]\Aib giAbb & Aicci]Ae oibe "OA^A A éip. ni]v bo coubA -ooj^oiii on a]\ ni bAoi in ccoicceAt) ConcobAi^i mic llCppA ^éibb no gliAbcAi]' -oa^a a éii^ij-oói^ bA yo\\ aia]aai|a "OAoh boiY "CO ■óeodiAccA^i. 'OÁtA nA btnnge im|io]idTÓ]'rni 7 nA i.-Ai]ine bc\oi innci, o ^io i:oi\b]'Ac An coifcc ininiA ccAnjAUAji, 7 x>o bC]AACc teo in |AobA coifcci'óe -00 bjAAi^lTOib 7 •OAiccipb on ci]\e, im^^oAC Af yc>\\ ccuLa-o ía c]\rcAn An cp\odiA 50 ]\An5ACA|\ An niui^A r>iói]A. SeobAicc iA^Aj^ui-oe La cuinnpfnibeAT) ha 5A01C1 AniAjAcÚAic pu ho]A né]\eAnn ivmii-oC]' ]:]\ioc|\o]xc nA conAi]\e ^ieniex)eodiAUA]\, ^\i]\ ]\o gAbfACC hi ecu An "Ouibbmne -oo in-óip. Au ebof yo diCccói]; i:on ecAC]AAi5 tube A ccui-oecc i^AiiibATO 7 X)on lu]'cif 7 -oon con'iAi]Ale 'pAin]\e'ó, G: Aó-ó úa 'OoiimAibb bi -pojiconif-o beó, \)a 'pAoibi'o iA-o]^oiii •qia ]\ochcAin chticA, & ni]A bo i:o|A A feA^Ac icciji, 7 ^ao diocbui]A]"Ccc eipoiii ^An i:]:ui]ieAch "oia fAi^iiD combAoi CineAc in londiAib y]uú, fe ^ebic occ 10111 acc AbbAitii ypi^ G: occ ^ A^a dtuatJi.—i.c, of the territories. lived about the beginning of the Christian The names ot these three districts are still era. By the aid of his mother he sup- retained among the old inhabitants ; they planted his step-father, and became King are Ross Gull, Tuath Tory, and Clogha- of Ulster. As his reign was one of great neely,all in the northern part of the barony renown, chiefly owing to the military of Kilmacrenan. organisation of the Red Branch Order, the 2 Co7ior MacNessa. — He was the son of northern province is often designated as Fachna, King of Ulster, and of Nessa, peculiarly his. See Keating's H. of daughter of Eochaidh Sulbuidhe. He Jrelatid, p. 205. IT they were older in years The inexperienced party having taken their 1587. resolution, they unmoored a small boat that happened to be on the edge of the shore, and rowed to the big ship till they were side by side. When the people who were in the ship saw that Hugh was among them, they bade them welcome, yet they allowed in to them only a few persons, as they had promised, along with Hugh Roe and MacSwiny, &c. They were served and feasted with a variety of food and drink till they were merry and cheerful. While they were enjoying themselves drinking, their arms were taken from them and the door of the hatch-way was shut behind them, and they were put into a well secured apartment where they were not able to use either skill or valour against their enemies, and Hugh and those they pleased of the people "who had come in to them were made prisoners. Meantime, the news of the capture spread throughout the district universally, and the neighbourhood crowded to the landing-place in order to inflict hurt on the deceivers. But it was not easy, for they were in the deep part of the harbour after hauling up their anchor, raising and securing it, and there were not ships or boats to pursue or take vengeance on them. MacSwiny na dtuath,^ that is, Eoghan Oge, came there like the rest ; he was Hugh's foster-father, and he proceeded to offer other hostages and pledges in his stead. This did not avail him, for there was not in the province of Conor MacNessa^ a hostage whom they would take in his place, since it was solely to look for him they had come. As for the ship of which we have spoken and her crew, when they had finished the business for which they had come, and taken with them the most desirable of the hostages and pledges of the country, they went back with the current of the tide until they reached the ocean. They sailed after that with the strength of the north-west wind along the shore of Ireland south-eastwards bSck by the way they had already come, till they landed in the harbour of Dublin again. It became known immediately throughout the whole city and to the Lord Justice and the Council especially that they had come after this manner, and that Hugh O'Donnell was in their custody. They were glad of his coming, yet it was not at all through love of him, and they summoned him to them without delay that he might be face to face with them, and they proceeded to converse 12 AccomA]\c fgét x)ó,-jhAOi 1-6 imnCiiiAH iA]AAinn Af ah ccoiiilA-o fi\i ACAijA^AAin^ chuccA AiiiAC "00 iieAC uAn bA-o a-óIaicc "Oo pACC- •pACfon'i bAlc lÁn jlAice xio ci\on-o comxJAingCn c^ei^An m, a\\ ha cío]xa co cmnCi^nAC "oia coT^]\Aini a]- ah -oúnA-ó. bAi óccIac x)o iwiniiiuincCp ah Aó-o1ia 111 iroidiill An ebú-ÓA, 7 X)o -nAÍAp-óe 'óoib ía]\ ccoTóeclic AniAcb, &, -oi bAnn- cboTóCiii lAncocAcc ÍAif yo Acboitn, & "oo ^ acc ibbAiiii inn Aó-óa. 'Oo he]\c AÓ-Ó cboix)heAn'i -oíbj^i-óe t3i A]\oibe bAoc Ani]\A -oo tAi^nib •00 fiob chAc1iA0i|\ liióiii 1111c pCi-otiniTO ]:i]\u]\5bAi]% A]ac caoiíiáhac aca coiiniAic. Da liÁi]!]^!^ lOjigAibe & bA coifeAc lom^onA eip"óe. "Oo ^iac ía]\oiíi ycu\t yo]\ bo]\5 -oo nA liójAib c]Ae piÁiccib 7 I'lijcib An bAile. Cm iacu nA yo]\c1ioiiiie-óÍ5e c^a ni \\o ^iACÁijffc in eAbbiiiA An cetút), (x ó t)o ]U\ccfAc "Oia ntiit) nA hóccA -oo nncecc -oo cCngAcc/po cCcóija "oo fAi^it) 'oo]\ai]' An c1iAi]xeoit AiiiAib Af -oene conpAngACAiA, A|A An x)A|\ beo no t;1iÁi|\ficif 1 cc]iAice. 1a|\ ]\occAin -ooib ^\iy An -ooiAUf i:o]\]:euiii'o ■i:o]\)\a a C^ii-bA^A-o nAc An ccoiiibA-o "oo fjiCn^At) Anonn, conur cA]\ccfAc '^\\\ a ucogAipin cIiuca An bticlic "oo ^ AbA 1]" nA nijib bACAp An lonchAib An -ooiiAi-p "oon cAob A]\Aibb 'oon cfjiÁiu. Ia^a ccocbc -pen cotAi^un 'ooibp'oe, ]\o ^AccfAc An qiAnii bAOi q\e]'An it) ei^xe, &*oo léccCc An coriibA-o yUAy X)0 bucc ah cbAi]xeóibl. "Oo •óeAcliAccA^i x)]\on5 iiió]\ -oo buchc nA CAqiAch yoy bu]\j nA nócc AciiubAccA]^ uA-OAib. Ill bAoi bA "oe i^oúAin UAin bAT:A]i]'oiii AbtAiiiui^ "CO iini)u\ib An bÁibe y\ú yo ^iacaijicc, Ay ]iobcA]A enrboicce óbébA "ooi^ij^i nA imo^cacjiacIi if in loiiAiiiin. 'Oo coi]'bCc niA n"oocuiii, 7 "00 tCnjAc CAf cbAtJAib CA]\ 5A]\]TOAib 7 CAf iiiú]\ib iinecliciAAcbu An bAibe, ■^My yo fcticfAC yoy ye\t An cfbeibe bAoi yoy a moncliAib bti-o vC^y jac {dl.^.li. n"oi]\eAcb. SbÍAb foccA -[.-o^ibCdiAn eip-óe. Aye bA cIa-o coiccc]\ic1ie ficif ^Aoi-óeAbAib cboiccit) jAibiÁn 7 jAibb "Oublmne. bACAji ioiitóa Afbigbci ^ Lagenians. — This word is derived from ^ Cavanagh. — The tribe of the Cavanaghs laigheaJt, the long spear used by the Gauls descends lineally from Donnell Cavanagh, who came over with Labhradh Loing- son of Dermot nanGall, to whom this name seach to aid him in recovering Leinster was given because he had his educat on in from Cobhthach Caolmbreag, A.M. 3648. a place called Cillcaovan, in the lower part Keating's H. of Ireland^ p. 186. of Leinster. Ibid.^ xxi. There is an old IS companions, in the very beginning^ of the night, before they were put into 1590. the well secured cells in which they used to be every night, they planned to attach a very long rope to the window near them, and they let themselves down by the rope until they alighted on the bridge outside the door of the castle. There was a very strong iron chain on the door to draw it out to oneself when desirable. They put a bar of solid wood a palm thick through the chain, so that no one should come in haste out of the castle to pursue them. There was a young man of Hugh's own people awaiting their escape, and he met them after coming out. He had two well tempered sv/ords under his cloak, and these he placed in Hugh's hands. Hugh gave one of these swords to a certain famous hero of the Lagenians,i Qf ^-^e race of Cathaoir Mor, son of Feidhlimidh Firurglas, i.e., Art Cavanagh.^ He was a champion in battle and a leader in conflict. He then covered the flight of the youths through the streets and roads of the town. As for the guards, they did not perceive the escape immediately ; and when they perceived that the youths had got off, they went at once to the gate of the castle as fast as they could, for they thought they would catch them instantly. When they came to the gate, it was impossible for them to open it or to draw the gate in ; so they set to call to them the people who happened to be in the houses near the gate on the other side of the street. After coming at their call, these took out the bar which was through the chain, and they raised up the gate for the people of the castle. A great crowd of the city people went in pursuit of the youths who had escaped from them. This was not easy, for these were outside the walls of the town before they were noticed, as the gates of the royal city were wide open then. They went after them and leaped over fences and enclosures and walls outside the town until they stopped at the slope ^ of the mountain opposite due south. This mountain is long and very wide ; it was the boundary between the Irish of the province of Leinster ^ and the English church of this name close to Begerin near ■* Leinsier. — After Ireland was divided Wexford. into five parts by the Firbolgs, Slainge, ^ Slope. — The Irish word reidh, accord- son of Dela, and his followers, obtained ing to Joyce, is usually applied to a moun- as their share the territory extending tain flat, or a coarse, moory, level piece of from the mouth of the Boyne to where land among hills. Irish Names of Places , the Nore, Suir, and Barrow meet near 1st series, p. 387 ; Dublin, 1869. Waterford. Keating's H.of Ireland^-^. 52. i6 7 A conAi]\e, a]\ a aoi nif lAeticc ah oniAn ■ooi'bj'i-óe a^xiiaiii i]" ha conAinib coicchCniiA. Hi ]\o An]vvu "oin 'oia i\eiinim 50 ^AAnv5ACCAi\ cA]\]'An UtiAit) i'IÍAt) 1\A inAccAm hi]'in iaji ixci]' aii'cai^a 7 imceccA 1:0c ha hoTóce. O -jAobcA-n I'ciclii^ ciii]\]\]^ig. CIAJAICC 511]" An ccAiltit) ctiocAiTOtuic cecomnA^Aip yo]\ a ccmt), 7 Ai]\ii^icc innce -^uy An iiniiclTóet)OÍt. 'Oo bCiAAU ÍAim yo]\ imcecc ^A]\ yiu-oe, A]A ni]A bo ÍAÍninnibt leó aiim^'uiiíi i]"in bpo-obA-o ía lioniAn & cpix)- enbÁ]' A]níip 7 AnÍA]A|\ACA "oía nAiiiicib. níH bo conii ]\iA cciot) -oo Aox) vÍA 'OoninAi'L'L A ebú-ó, uai]a ni]\bo cÚAlAin^ AjxcnAni ÍA Aoe]' cumcliA Apn lonAX) AmbÁoi, "0015 -i\obcA]\ Acli^Aoice ibcpeclicnAijce a cjAoi^ce uoinngeAtA cÁnAige Iá liAicen 7 "La bniró^if-pAib, ÍA liAiriijAeTOe 7 Ia hionTÓó]\ATÓ <\n cfbíget) ca^a^a ccu-ocIia-ó, a]\ ]\o beice|A"oei- tigic A A^yA -|:]ii Acpoijcib ía]a n'oioi^cÁoiteA-ó ati ÚAtnAnn 7 An AmnicbCngeA-o iÁf An ir^rbeAcliA-o nÁ i:pÚAii\fCc 50 pn. IDa -pÁfc vnó]\ 7 bA jaIa]; Ia a áo^' cumchA nÁ ]\o éccfAc beó é ní bA p|Aiu, G: ónA ]\o cnmAin^j^c ní -óo ciornnAicc cebebiíA-ó n-oó, 7 '(:A5bAicc ben-OAcccAin occa. Ay yM]\ T)ept> lAipoiii ÍA]i crAin (lA^ nA -jrÁjbÁil in uacató btiTóne) a yC]\ intiinci]\e •00 -f-AOTOe-o 50 A]A oile -ouine ua^'aI 'oo foCpclAn-OAib coicctó JAiliÁn •00 peccAiiii biccAifcÍAll bi coiTif-ocpAib "00 x)\i]- An ^riroijbeA-ó mnillCf no lomfnA-OAt) occA. i:éliiii ó uÚAtAibAf'Lon'OA-ó. bACAHA-oon 4\év) ^uAfAn cAn pn (An X)A]\ Iai]^) a]a 'oo cotó fechc yoy ceilí-óe cÍivija ifin ccunnbjAeAC itnbui in AccbiAC, 7 1^0 nAToniffc A ccAi^AuqAAt) -oiblinib cecib cAn -oo cuinfcA]\ neAc fol. s.íT. ^,^^1^,13 yo]\ lonchAib a]\ oile, ^\i]\ bo hiomÁi^A^i-óe lAipoiii "oob yoy CineAc ■phébni Ay AbA An choccAig pn yo eyy^^M■omye^z. X)o coifle Ayy An ceAchcA bAil Ambui An 1péhm Gi, ac fécc -óo An coif5 iitia ccAnAicc. bA ]:Aoili'ó]^iom pÍAin 7 yo cmjeAbb a roiiAitm An -de-oliA im jac ni bA coif CToe -oia ccAom^-A-o. Ay Á01 ni con^\Ai)Abeiccpocc a cIiaiaaicc nAc a cVionipilige 'oo AXDicleic nAc A-oiAmUiJA-ó A^\ UAiiiAn pnAclic cbÁnA nA n^Abl -oia Aice ^ai]^. II0 yCyy yoyyA iA^Aom A beicfioiii ^yu^ bpo-óbAt) yeib Ac^iubpAinAjA, 7 AqAA^Ac An cÁcli ac cúaU-ó yoy aíajaaiia, 7 "OO yelcc^x: conA Uni^^ yoy a yoiUeecc. O yoh ^ Slieve 7?í7^.— This name is still given ^ Phelim CTVi?/^. — O" Donovan traces by those who speak Irish to the Three Rock his descent to Oilioll, king of Leinster, who mountain near Dundrum, Co. Dublin. was baptized by St. Patrick at Naas, and There is near Povverscourt a townland whose great-grandfather Breasal Bealach named Fassaroe, i.e., the red desert. See was the common ancestor of the O'Tooles Annals F. M., v. 1423, n. O'Byrnes, MacMurroughs.— /^z^., vi. 1901. 2 Shower.— i.e., it was not comfortable. This tribe dwelt in Hy Muireadhaigh, the 17 of Dublin, Its roads and ways were numerous, but fear did not allow 1590. them to go by the usual roads. Moreover, they did not delay on their way till they crossed Slieve Roe ^ before that morning, though fatigued by the journey and travelling all the night. As they were tired and weary, they went into a dense wood which happened to be on their way, and they remained in it till early dawn. They prepared to go on after that, for they did not think it safe to remain in the wood, owing to the fear and great dread of being sought after and looked for by their enemies. His flight was not a cloak before a shower - for Hugh O'Donnell, for he could not go on with his companions from where he was, because his white- skinned, tender feet were wounded and pierced by the furze and thick briars, and the roughness and intricacy of the road by which he had come, as his shoes had fallen off his feet owing to the loosening of the seams and ties from the wet, which they had not met with up to that time. It was a great sorrow and affliction to his companions that they had not him with them farther, and as they could do nothing for him, they took leave of him and left him their blessing. Wherefore he resolved after a while, when some of the party had left him, to send one of his people to a certain nobleman of the free-born tribes of Leinster, who happened to be in a castle in the neighbourhood, to see if he could obtain refuge or protection from him. Phelim O'Toole ^ was his name ; he was a friend of Hugh before this time (as he thought) for he had once gone to visit him when he was in prison in Dublin, and they formed a friendship with each other, whenever either of them should seek the other's aid. So that it was fitting he should go for protection to Phelim on account of that friendship which they had contracted. The messenger went off to the place where Phelim was and told him the business on which he had come. He was rejoiced at his coming, and promised to aid Hugh in every way he needed, so far as he could. However, neither his friends nor his relatives allowed him to conceal or hide him through fear of the power of the law of the English revenging it on him. It became known to them afterwards that he was in the wood, as we have said, and every one who heard it went to look for him, southern part of the present Co. Kildare. H. of /he Chin O'Toole, p. 141. PheHm's After the Enghsh invasion they took refuge territory of Glancullen was given to Richard in the mountains of Wicklow. O'Toole's Wingfield, Marshal of the army, in 1603. i8 r]\t)AtcA Ia ■pétim 7 tiA bpAic|Aili) CÁC oil,e "o'ia f-ojbÁilfioiii, a^' "pAip •oep'ó teo lA-o bu-OTDein -oia ejiJAbAil (x, a b]\fic ^up An ccacjaai^ ^o\\ cúÍAt) -oocum An cpCnAix). "Oo gnic ^^AnilAiu. O ]iAiniccf lorii co h Ac ctiAC, |AobcA]v f ubAi^e An -pCnAt) imp-ÓAin, 6: "oo ^wnpAC iiCippn ft, bjtij mbicc -oon uile pAÍt 7 Aica^\i AqMibA tiAit)ib, G: bACA]A bui-óij -oon coiccfn iio cAcbcuin cuca -oo -|Ai-ói^^i. 5e]\bA inó]A AnAinc|M-óe &, Anécc]AACAf "ooforii An cécnA i.-ecbc bA Iniitte Anpechc cAiiAipi aja a eU'it) iiAToib, 7 -oo bjiCcA ^eimeb ^lAifiAjiAinn yoA ye^h Af cuiriigi-^ conjuvn^ACA]!, 7 ]\o cuineAt) i]'in ccApcAin cLcciia, 7 po bocb 15A ppiocAijie 7 ica ]:o]\coiiiiécu lonnu^^ Af fi!]\]\ ]\o yevy^szr. Ac clop CO coiTicoiccCnn po cpicb nQpeAnn a eU'i-opom pAiiilAi-ó &, a CjAgAbcMb -00 ]\i-óipi. 1vo bA pochc mó\\ pojA^oCi-oebib -oepi-oe, Q: ]\o niÁobAicc mCnniAnnA a milcA-o 7 AiccCncA An AnpAix) 7 c]\oit)C-ÓA accu|\a-ó acc cloipcecc An pgeoil bipm. 1lobcA]A ioiitóa piojnA 7 pomnÁ 7 injCnA Áille inchcjeAlA occ -oubA 7 -oéiicbÁoi po a -OAigin. 'ftobcA]; lie poCudAnnA poicCmeoil A5 bAiiicomAipc 7 ACC ACAome co 1iinpoil5it)e a]\ a AbA, 7 nip bo bujA 'oeilbij fol. 5.Í. pop fAn •optnnj ppip AmbAi a cbÁiirame 7 a choibxiebACAp inÁp po lÁ po]ApAn buchc y]\'\y AinbÁCAp a mipolcA 7 a eccpACAp. bA poit)eicbi)\ ■ooib]'ioni on iiAip pob é pAOibeAccAin nA pocliAToe conAX) cpiA ■oup p'iocpAT)b a pYoi]\icin on •OAOipe 7 on -oocliiAAicci "oCpniÁip imbACAp occ ^AbbAib. 'bAoipiuiii i^AHibATo ipin ccApcAip cCccnA yoc nA bbÍA-ónA 50 'oeipC'ó reirii]n-ó -oo ^MÚipi 50 boi-óce nocclAcc pcetb -oo ponn]\A-ó Anno 1592. An CAn 1A0 bo inichij Ia niAC nA bói je a ebú-ópoin A]i]\Ainicc p-eipm 6: a]\aiII -oia Áop C0111CA eibb p*oi\p nA coniiéccAijib in u]\copAc omche ]MApii -oo pAccAipni ppomncij, 7 jAccAit) in^Cinibbe -oiob. Ac pAJAcc ÍAp ccAin ^uy An p-pi*-"^!^" ccAc, 7 i^iAineAiii -piocpoTDA beó, 7 "00 ]\ebccCc pio]" Ia]' An puAineAiii cpej'An ypebci^ 50 piAchcACAp jnp An ccía^'a-ó cconTooinAin p'opcAomnAjAip in lomcAcniAnj An "oúnATÓ. II0 "ojimji'Cc ÍApptii-óiu -ppip An inbpuAC AtbcAUAc 50 mbACA]\ p'0]\ ii]\ nA cbA]v\c -oon CAob ApAitb. Iciacc ^éibb ac ]AntACAp ^yy '^Relatives- — The Irish word brathair ^Clapping their haiids. — Compare Dante's means both brother and relative. Inferno, canto ill. : 2 Council. — Not the Parliament, which ' Parole de dolore, accenti d'ira, was not sitting then. An account of the Voci alti e fioche, e suon di man con elle, Parliaments held in the reign of Elizabeth Facevano un tumulto, il qual s aggira will be found in Lynch's Feudal Dignities, Sempre'n quell'aria senza tempo tinta, p. 343 ; London, 1830, and in Hardiman's Como la rena, quando a turbo spira.' Statute of Kilken7ty, p. 134 ; Dublin, 1843. The Irish word lamhcJionait t \w the tex 19 and they set off with their followers in search of him. As it was evident to 1590. Phelim and to his relatives^ that any one else might find him, they resolved to take him themselves and bring him back to the city to the Council. He did so. When he came to Dublin the Council were delighted thereat, and they made little or no account of all the hostages and pledges who escaped from them, and they were thankful for the visit which restored him to them again. Though great their cruelty and enmity to him the first time, they were greater the second time on account of his escape from them, and iron gyves were put on him as tight as they could be, and they put him in the same prison, and they watched and guarded him the best way they could. His escape in, this way was heard of universally throughout the land of Erin, and his recapture. There came a great gloom over the Irish, and the courage of their soldiers, and the minds of their champions, and the hearts of their heroes were confounded at hearing that news. There were many princesses and great ladies and noble white-breasted maidens sorrowing and lamenting on his account. There were many high-born nobles clapping their hands and weeping in secret for him, and he not only parted from the people with whom he was on terms of friendship and intimacy, but he went among those who had done him evil and shown him enmity. And with good reason on their part, for the multitude expected that through him relief would come to them from the dreadful slavery and bondage in which the English held them. He was in this way in the same prison for the space of a year up to the end of winter, to Christmas night exactly, in the year 1592. When it 1592. seemed to the Son of the Virgin full time that he should escape, he and some of his companions found an opportunity on the part of the guards in the very beginning of the night before they were taken to the refectory, and they took off their fetters. They went after that to the privy, having a long rope, and they let themselves down by means of the rope through the privy till they came to the deep trench which was around the castle. After that they climbed to the opposite bank, till they were though usually synonymous with basgJiaire^ ward manifestations of joy as shown by the i.e., death-cry, is used to express the out- clapping of hands. C 20 iniA]\Áoii y\\\y Aii Aó-ó Gn]ú 7 A]\c "oa n'iAC SeAAin mic Ciiinn bACAij mic Ciiinn inic Cn]\\ inic GógliAin. 1\o IbAoi a^aoiIg ^itle cAi]\ifi occ Acoige'ó cucA -oon cliAifciAtl iiToon CchÍAiji y\u\- iieLccfc A^\un coiToii^" -haIa ruliciit cAn bA liAiDtAic combuí -oeoUif i\ompo. t>oco|\ Ayy \<\]\yo-6Am c]\efAn fjAAicc- flijlicil!) -i^)AeAt;libuit)ni5 bAoi yo\\ loncbAib aii -óúnAit) ^aii Ai]Apioi' jAr» -f-oijicloiixecc "00 neocb a\\ ni cucúa imoriAii^ Acbc AiiiAib jac riAon -00 buchc riA CAC]\Ach, UA^]\ ni yo ArifAC cÁc "oo cbAcoi^Ct) 110 "oo cliA-OAbt e^^^\\ cbijbnb riA c^AéncAÚj^Acb An c]aac pn a^\ bA co]'ac oi"ócbe 'oo f-unn]\A-ó Ann, Go ni -no •oúnAicc 'ooi]\|M nA cacIiiaac beóp llAnjACA^A rAjVfAn ccaúiaai^ i"eccAi]\ -jron 1'AiiiAit i'in. II0 leAblAinji^Cc ca]\ Ain'i]\ei'ó (x lom-oo^AAi-o nA n'oúnc'LA'ob fol.6. í7. nxíio^liAinn 6: nAn-OAijCn Aii\be n-or]\iiu\i]i \\oh\u y\\^ CAt]\A^^h AneccAi]^ 50 ■jAAn5ACA]\ yo]\ ]\e\X)\h An ^\UAit) yleibe ^^e1ne■oeoc1^A1•ó An c-do-ó ifin cécnA íielii-ó At:]\ulA. II0 eiajTOebj •oo|\du\cA nA boi-ócbe & cmnCniif An cecbit) An cí bA pnui "o'ia nÁof coindiA y\\n\ .1. e-n]\í úa néibb eifunii. An zAóvh bo ]-o Aiii "oonA i-óC]\c'LAnt)Aib. Ili bACA]\ -póilcij; lAuq^oiii inion rcA]\fCAi\A'ó. AqtAJAC A]y A]\<\ AbA 6: Af]:C^\ iniiinai\e -oia -|\eiiiiimciif. ^ebbAt) An a-oIiaij yo\\ i'ni-obe 7 yCjicAin Ay\\oy piAneinmeAc yleocbATO 7 Ai^lAiinn i'lCniAincuig 'j'neccAi'óe, conA^A bo -po-oAinj -oonA i^Aioj-i^'C^iAib foicCmeoib A]'iobAb Ia]^ An 'ooininx) 7 lÁf An "oiéccJA-ó, iiAi]\ bA bAiiilAm bArAi\ jAn i:o]\b]\ucA ía]i nuAcbcA]\ ÍAi\ nA nÁ5bAil ipn irpiAlcoij q\Cf a ccú-ócaca]\. ^^<\ 11100 'oeiblig An -oiAnAiixC]! AnnAiii AinniCinic ]:o]\]'An A]\r \uÁy yo\\ -Aó'ob,(xbAbAi-óbe]'cce lonmoibbe Aclieiniim ajv A]- mine bAoi]'i-óe G: é cobtiiA-o ■j\CiiiAi]\fbA^XAC, 7 bA cÍAn yoxDA ó ^\o ci.iiiii]\i5ci i^in cajicai^x inibuí. ní]\ bo vAiiibAix) pon OCt) a]\ ni ^iAimcc ca]a aoi]' ihac-óacca, 7 ni yo AnA]XAi]i x)yÁy nA 'oiAnyo]\bAi]\c ah lonbAi-ó yin, g:,bA 1iáic ecc]\oni ei^ioiii "oe^^i-oe G:, bA InicniAtb érti-ó Aimcecc. O ]\o ^iACAigfiuiii Ayz occa eni^Acni^A-ó 7 lonicjnjiine Aclieinie Arex) 'OO ^iome y\\-\y a bÁiii 'oo co]\ yo]\ a ^UAÍoinn 7 An lAiiii iiAitb a]\ giiAlAinn An gibte. 'OO iC^liAC A]" yon lonnuf ^^m ca]\ nunnciiTo An iiiAig fléibe. ■RobcA]\ I'dcbij cuinpj ÍA^Aoni, 7 ni ]\o éccfAc Ayz leó ni bA fijiiu, 7 ó riA i:ÚAi]\i'ioc ):o]'Ai5icc i^rpopccA-o Ab'Lb)\ÚAic ioitiai|TO ipn'o C]\iiionA bAoi a|ia 1 S/iane. — This was the famous Shane Introd., p. cl. His history is given at some O'Neill. On the death of his father in length in Richey'sZí7í://^rí?j'(?«//-/j-/^///j-/(9rj/, 1559 he was elected The O'Neill. From 2nd Series, p. 262, where the author vindi- that time until he was murdered at the in- cates him from many of the charges brought stigation of the English he was almost against him, and shows that he was no continuously at war with them. See worse than his accusers. 21 on the edge of the trench at the other side. The hostages who escaped 1592. with Hugh were Henry and Art, the two sons of Shane/ son of Conn Bacagh, son of Conn, son of Henry, son of Eoghali. There was a certain faithful servant who visited them in the castle, a horseboy, to whom they imparted their secret, so that he met them face to face when they wanted him to be their guide. They went off after that through the crowded streets, near the castle, without being known or overheard by any one, for they were not noticed while thus engaged, but like every one else of the city people, as they did not stop to converse with or visit any one whatever in the houses of the fortress at that time, for it was the beginning of the nio-ht exactly, and the gates of the city were not yet closed. They went out through the city in that manner. They leaped over the enclosure and impediment of the surrounding fences and of the strong, firm palisade which was outside the city, until they came to the slopes of Slieve Roe, where Hugh had come before the first time he escaped. The darkness of the night and the hurry of the flight separated him who was the oldest of the party from them. This was Henry O'Neill. Hugh was the youngest of the nobles. They were not pleased at the separation. They went away however, their attendant leading the way. The night came on with a drizzle and a violent downpour of rain and slippery slime of snow, so that it was not easy for the high-born nobles to walk on account of the inclement weather and the want of clothing, for they had hardly any upper garments, having left them in the privy through which they had come. This hurried journey, strange and unusual, was more severe on Art than on Hugh, and his gait was feeble and slow, for he was corpulent, thick- thighed, and he had been a long time closely confined in the prison. It was not so with Hugh, for he had not passed the period of boyhood, and he had not ceased to grow in size and strength then, and he was active and light on that account, and his gait was quick and nimble. When he perceived Art growing weak and his step heavy, what he did to him was to place one hand of his on his own shoulder and the other hand on the shoulder of the servant. They went on in this way across the upper part of the slope of the mountain. They were tired arid weary after that, and they could not bring Art further with them. As they could not, they went under the shelter of a lofty cliff of the mountain which was in 22 inbelAib. ^<^\\ ti