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 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 AND TOPOGRAPHY 
 
BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
 STUDIES IN IRISH HISTORY 
 AND BIOGRAPHY, 
 
 MAINLY OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 
 8vo. XT-s. 6d. net. 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., 39 Paternoster Row, London, 
 New York and Bombay. 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS OF 
 IRISH HISTORY 
 AND TOPOGRAPHY, 
 
 MAINLY OF THE SEVEN- 
 TEENTH CENTURY 
 
 BY 
 
 C. LITTON FALKINER 
 
 WITH THREE MAPS 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBllAUY 
 CHESTNUT HILL, MASS, 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 39 Paternoster Row, London, New York 
 and Bombay. 1904 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
,^ 
 
 ^' 
 
TO 
 
 THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY 
 
 THIS VOLUME 
 IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED 
 
PEEFACE 
 
 Though the title of this vokime is intended to indicate its 
 limitations, it may be well, in order to avoid misconception 
 of its modest aims, to state plainly in this preface its precise 
 scope and purpose. It consists, as a glance at the table of 
 contents will show, of two separate parts. Part I. comprises 
 what, for want of a better distinction, must be termed a series 
 of original papers. Part 11. contains a number of accounts 
 or descriptions of Ireland in the seventeenth century by 
 seventeenth-century writers. The book has originated in the 
 desire to realise for myself the social condition of Ireland at a 
 period singularly pregnant of lasting effects upon her history ; 
 and I have ventured to think that some of the results of a study 
 undertaken with that object may prove interesting to others. 
 The difficulty I have experienced in finding the materials 
 for my purpose has induced me to believe that a collection 
 of some of the less accessible descriptions of Ireland for the 
 period under consideration may not be unwelcome to fellow 
 students in the same field. 
 
 In the papers collected in Part I., accordingly, an 
 endeavour is made to illustrate the manner and degree in 
 which the local and general history of the country are inter- 
 twined. Some of the associations which attach to particular 
 buildings and localities are brought out in the papers on 
 Dublin Castle and the Phoenix Park. The degree in which 
 the progress of the constitutional and administrative history 
 
viii ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 of the country, or the evolution of its social condition, has 
 been governed by the accidents of its local development or 
 of its physical characteristics is indicated in the papers on 
 
 * The Counties of Ireland ' and ' The Woods of Ireland.' 
 While in all the papers, but more especially in that on ' The 
 Irish Guards,' I have been solicitous to show that Irish history 
 is richer than we are apt to suppose in incidents and episodes 
 which are interesting and attractive quite irrespective of 
 those historical sympathies which are so commonly governed 
 by our political predilections, and is adorned with episodes 
 in which all parties may take pride. The papers on the 
 
 * Commercial History of Dublin ' and ' The Parish Church 
 of the Irish Parliament ' are more limited in their scope 
 than the rest ; but they, too, touch points of interest which 
 are common to all inquirers into the historical associations 
 of the Irish capital. 
 
 It may easily appear impertinent to ask the attention of 
 readers to such by-products of historical research as the 
 papers printed in Part I. But it is hoped that no such 
 objection will be raised to the contents of Part II. The 
 narratives or descriptions selected from the numerous 
 accounts of Ireland in the seventeenth century which have 
 been left by travellers of the time are of course very far 
 from exhaustive, but at any rate they are fairly represen- 
 tative. The choice of the descriptions printed has been 
 determined mainly by two considerations, viz. either by 
 their rarity or by their representative character. I have 
 endeavoured to select descriptions which are at once little 
 known and difficult of procurement by the ordinary reader, 
 and which at the same time cover a fairly wide field of 
 observation. It would have been a simple matter to make 
 the collection for the earlier portion of the century much 
 more complete. But such works as Barnaby Rich's 
 ' New Description of Ireland ' in 1610, and Lithgow's 
 account of his ' Rare Adventures and Painful Peregrina- 
 
PKEFACE ix 
 
 tions ' in 1619, are too much encumbered by the theological 
 controversies of the time to be appropriate to the design of 
 this book. For the same reason the chapters ' Touching 
 Keligion ' in the Fourth Part of Fynes Moryson's ' Itinerary ' 
 have been discarded. It is of course impossible that the 
 impressions of seventeenth-century writers should fail to be 
 coloured by the contentions of the time. Most if not all of 
 these accounts reveal the prejudices of the writers. But of 
 those which I have selected it can at least be said that the 
 descriptive element predominates in all of them, and that 
 the controversial motive is not the most conspicuous. 
 
 The systematic study of the social and topographical 
 side of modern Irish history has not hitherto found many 
 illustrators. And the materials for such a study are, with 
 few exceptions, difficult of access to all but students, and 
 little known to any but specialists in a department of inquiry 
 in which specialists are few. For, though the importance 
 of the local and antiquarian side of Irish history has 
 been insisted on by more than one writer, not much has 
 been done to exhibit the topography, the archaeology, 
 or the social development of the country in their proper 
 relation to the general history of Ireland. To say this is 
 not to ignore the value of the admirable work in both 
 spheres which has enriched the publications of the various 
 archaeological and antiquarian societies. As the references 
 throughout this volume will suffice to show, the Journals 
 both of the Kilkenny and the Ulster Archaeological Societies, 
 to name only the two oldest of the provincial associations, 
 abound in materials of real value and interest concerning 
 the social state of Ireland in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
 centuries. But, with the exception of the admirable chapter 
 on Elizabethan Ireland with which Mr. Bagwell concludes 
 his 'Ireland under the Tudors,' not much has been done to 
 utilise this information for historical as distinguished from 
 strictly antiquarian purposes. Perhaps the failure to do so 
 
X ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 is one of the reasons why works on modern Irish history 
 fail to attract a wider public. 
 
 But, apart from this consideration, it is certain that the 
 elucidation of the social and topographical history of Ireland 
 has failed to keep pace with the growth of scientific 
 archaeology and the extension of antiquarian studies. No 
 one who considers the point to which these studies had 
 attained under the guidance of such writers as Ware and 
 Petty can be satisfied with the progress made since their 
 time in the spheres of their respective inquiries. Nor will a 
 perusal of Bishop Nicholson's ' Irish Historical Library ' 
 make us entirely satisfied with the advance effected in the 
 interval of almost two centuries which has elapsed since 
 the publication of that meagre, yet still useful, analysis of 
 the materials then existing for historical research. Sixty 
 years ago there were signs of a genuine revival of interest 
 in Irish historical studies. But the encouragement which 
 historical inquiry seemed likely to receive from the Young 
 Ireland movement was deprived of its principal impetus by 
 the premature death of its founder. There are still no better 
 summaries of the main sources of knowledge, as there are 
 certainly no more stimulating exhortations to the study of 
 Irish history, than are to be found in the Essays of Davis, 
 whose fine historical instinct was seldom mastered by his 
 political prepossessions. But Davis did not live to accom- 
 plish the work he planned, and little has since been done 
 to give effect to his views. 
 
 The poverty of performance during the last century may 
 conveniently be illustrated by considering the case of Irish 
 county history. More than a century and a half has 
 elapsed since the first formal history of an Irish County was 
 presented to the public by Walter Harris, the well-known 
 editor of Ware, in his account of ' The Antient and 
 Present State of the County of Down,' published in 1744. 
 Harris was a man of large aims ; and though his actual 
 
PREFACE xi 
 
 performance was scarcely worthy of the magnitude of his 
 conceptions, Irish archaeology owes him a debt which has 
 scarcely been sufficiently acknowledged. For although he 
 was one of those men who are debarred either by an 
 exaggerated fastidiousness or by constitutional indolence 
 from doing justice to their capacity, he knew how to 
 stimulate others to activity. It is interesting to recall the 
 fact, honourable alike to the author who designed and the 
 legislature which encouraged a scheme of research much in 
 front of its age, that Harris was endowed by the Irish 
 Parliament in 1755 with a pension to aid and assist him 
 in his historical researches. Moreover a petition from him 
 praying assistance for a projected history of Ireland was 
 approved by a committee of the House of Commons, which 
 reported in favour of the publication of the materials he 
 had accumulated, and was willing to devote a sum of 2,260^. 
 to that object — perhaps the earliest instance in the Three 
 Kingdoms of state endowment of historical research. Yet 
 although the history of the county Down was intended to 
 be the first of a series of County Histories, the scope and 
 plan of which were very deliberately formulated, and notwith- 
 standing that an association known as the Physico-Historical 
 Society was actually formed for the purpose of editing and 
 publishing a complete set of County Histories, only a very 
 few of the works thus designed ever saw the light. To 
 Charles Smith, the energetic Secretary of the Society just 
 mentioned, who may well be termed the pioneer of systematic 
 local history in this country, we owe the admirable Histories 
 of the Counties of Cork, Kerry, and Waterford, which, with 
 all the limitations and defects of their design, are and will 
 ever remain of the utmost value, not only as authentic 
 pictures of those districts at the time when Smith wrote, 
 but as preserving for us much traditional history which but 
 for him must long ago have perished. 
 
 It is true indeed that the scheme of which Harris and 
 
xii ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Smith were the principal supporters was not itself original, 
 and that a project of a very similar kind had been conceived 
 nearly three quarters of a century earlier. Connaught is 
 scarcely the province which we should expect to find in 
 the van in such inquiries. Yet it is to Galway and to a 
 Galway writer that we owe the earliest known endeavours, 
 if not towards a County History, at any rate towards a 
 detailed description of a considerable section of an Irish 
 County. That quaint but attractive blend of fact and 
 fancy, history and romance, accurate topography and fabled 
 story, Eoderic O'Flaherty's * Chorographical Description of 
 West (H-Iar) Connaught,' was written as early as 1684, 
 and is one of the few results of an intended undertaking 
 designed to illustrate Sir William Petty's ' Down Survey ' by 
 a series of descriptive treatises. Besides O'Flaherty's work, 
 however, only one other, the ' Description of the County of 
 Westmeath,' has ever been separately produced, though a 
 few of them survive in manuscript in the Library of Trinity 
 College, Dublin. 
 
 These considerable and indeed ambitious programmes of 
 the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were not followed, 
 as might have been expected, by any serious endeavour in 
 the same direction. One side indeed of the work has been 
 executed in a solid, yet scarcely satisfactory manner in the 
 series of Statistical and Agricultural Surveys of the various 
 counties of Ireland which were undertaken exactly a century 
 ago under the auspices of the Royal Dublin Society. But 
 the volumes of this series, though careful and often excellent 
 as a record of economic facts, are, with few exceptions, sadly 
 deficient on the side of history and archaeology ; and although 
 the design was very systematically pursued through nearly 
 a generation, from 1801 to 1832, as many as eight counties 
 remained unnoticed when the last completed volume was 
 issued. Since the date of these Surveys no really consider- 
 
PREFACE xiii 
 
 able systematic attempt has been undertaken in the sphere 
 of Irish local history. 
 
 The contributions of the nineteenth century to Irish 
 County History have not been unimportant ; but they have 
 been occasional and spasmodic. We have had such sump- 
 tuous and elaborate works as Mr. Evelyn Shirley's ' History 
 of the County Monaghan ' ; such memorials of archaeological 
 industry and antiquarian zeal as D' Alton's ' History of the 
 County Dubhn ' ; and v^^e have had histories of varying merit 
 of sundry other Counties, such as those of Carlow and Water- 
 ford, Limerick and Clare. But vyith, perhaps, the exception 
 of Mr. Hore's exhaustive ' History of the County of Wexford ' 
 nov^^ in course of pubHcation, and of the learned * History of 
 the County of Dublin ' which Mr. Elrington Ball has 
 recently undertaken, there has been as yet no serious 
 attempt to utilise the immense stores of information 
 which, with the growth of systematic research, have become 
 available in recent years for the illustration of local history. 
 It has been reserved for the twentieth century to give effect 
 to the ideals which O'Flaherty in the seventeenth and Harris 
 and Smith in the eighteenth, with miserably inadequate 
 resources, vainly strove to realise. 
 
 It is primarily with the object of calling attention to the 
 inadequacy of the notice hitherto bestowed upon the local 
 and social history of modern Ireland in the general histories 
 of the country that the papers in this volume have been 
 written, and that the narratives which are here reprinted 
 have been collected together. Mr. Lecky, indeed, in the 
 Irish chapters of his chief work, has dealt more fully than 
 other writers have done with these topics, and has em- 
 phasised and illustrated their importance to a great extent. 
 But no writer has hitherto provided us with anything in the 
 nature of a detailed survey of this side of Irish history for a 
 period earlier than the eighteenth century ; and the lack of 
 it is especially to be lamented in relation to the eventful 
 
xiv ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 chronicle of seventeenth-century Ireland. It is a favourite 
 fashion with historians, though one of doubtful wisdom, to 
 take some great landmark in the story of the period or the 
 people under their review, and to label it as the point from 
 which modern history begins. But, if such a practice can 
 ever be justified, it is true to say of the seventeenth century 
 that with it the history of Ireland as we know it to-day 
 must start. Not merely is it from that point and from that 
 only that the materials for a detailed analysis of the course 
 of events are forthcoming, but it is from that period that we 
 must date the original of the framework or anatomy of the 
 social and political organisation of Ireland as we now know 
 it. All the problems that Ireland presents, social and 
 economic, religious and political, date from that period. 
 And the problems present themselves in much the same 
 aspects. In the reign of Elizabeth the great battle for 
 supremacy between English and Irish ideas had been fought 
 to a finish, which for at least three centuries was to be 
 accepted as decisive. The tenure of land upon the basis of the 
 feudal law of England, the supremacy of the reformed faith 
 in the relations of the state to religion, the model of a 
 dependent Parliament drawn in the main from the English 
 elements in Irish society — all these are features which were 
 to characterise Ireland for centuries, and which had not 
 characterised her in anything like the same degree before 
 the accession of James I. This volume has nothing 
 to do with any such vexed questions ; nor are those elements 
 of Irish history into which questions of religion or poHtics 
 are so easily and, indeed, so inevitably imported the matters 
 with which this book is concerned. But the fact that these 
 great and far-reaching changes in the constitutional and 
 administrative structure of Ireland synchronise with the 
 opening of the seventeenth century gives to the non-conten- 
 tious aspects of the period a special interest and attraction, 
 and justifies a greater degree of attention than has yet been 
 
PREFACE XV 
 
 bestowed upon the social condition of the country at the 
 time. 
 
 The editorial paragraphs prefixed to the descriptions 
 sufficiently explain both the authorship of each and the 
 sources to which I have been indebted for information and 
 assistance. But I must not omit to repeat here the expres- 
 sion of my particular obligation to Mr. Charles Hughes, the 
 editor, and to Messrs. Sherratt and Hughes, the publishers 
 of ' Shakespeare's Europe,' for permission to utilise the 
 portions of the Fourth Part of Fynes Moryson's ' Itinerary,' 
 first printed in that work. In the same connection my 
 thanks are due to the President and Fellows of Corpus 
 Christi College, Oxford, who have allowed me to print from 
 the original manuscript some portions of the ' Itinerary,' 
 not included in ' Shakespeare's Europe,' which appear to 
 me to have special relevance to the topics with which this 
 volume is chiefly concerned. Vol. I. of the publications of 
 the Chetham Society is no longer copyright. But the Irish 
 portions of Sir William Brereton's ' Travels in Holland, the 
 United Provinces, England, Scotland, and Ireland,' have not 
 been utilised without the courteous acquiescence of the 
 Secretary of the Society. In the same way, although the 
 translation of 'Bodley's Visit to Lecale ' by the late Bishop 
 Keeves was published as far back as 1854, I have not felt 
 warranted in making use of it without the concurrence of the 
 present conductor of the periodical in which it appeared. 
 The frequent references in the notes indicate the extent of 
 my indebtedness to the * Ulster Journal of Archaeology,' and 
 my sense of the great value of its volumes to all who are 
 interested in Irish historical topography. 
 
 For permission to use the map of ' Ireland in the middle 
 of the Sixteenth Century,' which forms Plate XXX. in 
 Dr. Lane Poole's ' Historical Atlas of Modern Europe,' 
 I have to thank the Delegates of the Clarendon Press. This 
 map, which is reproduced here mainly for the purpose of 
 
xvi ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY ' 
 
 illustrating the attempt made to trace the growth of the 
 Irish counties, has been most kindly revised for this volume 
 by the author, Mr. Kobert Dunlop, whose minute and exact 
 knowledge of the period is so apparent in many Irish articles 
 in the ' Dictionary of National Biography.' 
 
 The map of ' Dublin in the Seventeenth Century ' has 
 been specially drawn for this volume by my friend Mr. 
 Leonard R. Strangways, M.R.I. A. It is primarily, as stated 
 on the face of it, an attempt to identify the streets of Dublin 
 as depicted in the map drawn by Thomas Phillips in 1685,^ 
 which is in the collection of the Marquess of Ormonde and 
 has been reproduced by Sir John Gilbert in the ' Calendar of 
 Dublin Records,' vol. v. The map of ' The Walls of Dublin,' 
 also by Mr. Strangways, though not originally designed for 
 this volume, has been redrawn and revised for it. Maps such 
 as these, which seek to reconstruct from imperfect records and 
 traditions an obliterated past, cannot profess to represent all 
 the details more than approximately. But those who are 
 interested in Dublin topography will be no less grateful than 
 I am to Mr. Strangways for placing the results of his patient 
 investigations and special knowledge at the disposal of 
 readers of this volume. Mr. Strangways desires me to 
 express his indebtedness for much kind assistance in iden- 
 tifying localities to the Rev. C. T. McCready, D.D., whose 
 ' Dublin Street Names Dated and Explained ' contains so 
 much information in so small a compass. 
 
 My manifest obligations to previous writers on the same 
 subjects are acknowledged as far as possible in the references 
 to authorities which are given in the notes. But no one 
 working in the field of Irish local history, and more 
 particularly of Dublin history, can omit a tribute to the 
 value of the life-long labours of two distinguished students 
 of our history and topography. The indefatigable industry 
 of the late Sir John Gilbert has immensely enlarged 
 
 » See the Ormonde Papers, vol. ii. pp. 309-313. 
 
PREFACE xvii 
 
 the materials at the command of every student ; and Dr. 
 P. W. Joyce, deahng with a remoter past, has made con- 
 tributions to the antiquarian side of Irish history which are 
 quite indispensable to all who follow him. Finally I desire 
 to acknowledge the assistance so freely accorded to me at 
 all times by the Deputy-Keeper and the officials of the Irish 
 Record Office, whose courtesy and learning have so often 
 mitigated the labour of research in connection with more 
 than one of the papers in Part I. The kindness of Mr. 
 F. Elrington Ball in reading the proof-sheets is only the last, 
 and perhaps the smallest, item in a series of obligations too 
 numerous for acknowledgment at the end of a preface 
 already lengthy. 
 
 C. Litton Falkinee. 
 
 KiLLiNEY, Co. Dublin : August 1904. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAET I 
 HISTORICAL AND TOPOGBAPHICAL STUDIES 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I. HIS majesty's castle of DUBLIN .... 3 
 
 II. THE PHOENIX PAEK 41 
 
 III. THE IRISH GUARDS 74 
 
 IV. THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 103 
 
 V. THE WOODS OF IRELAND 143 
 
 VI. THE PARISH CHURCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT . . 160 
 
 VII. ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL HISTORY 
 OF DUBLIN : 
 
 I. THE ORIGIN OF THE BALLAST OFFICE AND 
 
 PORT AND DOCKS BOARD . . . .186 
 
 II. THE ORIGIN OF THE CHAMBER OP COMMERCE 190 
 
 III. THE ALDERMEN OF SKINNER's ALLEY . . 195 
 
 IV. THE OUZEL GALLEY SOCIETY . . . 203 
 
XX ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 PART II 
 
 CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS OF IRELAND IN 
 THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I. THE ITINERARY OF PYNES MORYSON 211 
 
 A. THE DESCRIPTION OF IRELAND . . . .214 
 
 B. THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND . . . . 233 
 
 C. THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF IRELAND . . 310 
 
 II. SIR JOSIAS BODLEY's VISIT TO LECALE, 1602 . . . 326 
 
 III. LUKE GERNON's DISCOURSE OF IRELAND, 1620 . . 345 
 
 IV. SIR WILLIAM BRERETON's TRAVELS IN IRELAND, 1635 . 363 
 
 V. M. JORBVIN DE ROCHEPORD's DESCRIPTION, 1G6S . . 408 
 
 INDEX 427 
 
 MAPS 
 
 I. THE WALLS OF DUBLIN To face p. 3 
 
 II. IRELAND IN THE MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH 
 
 CENTURY ,, 103 
 
 III. DUBLIN IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY . ,, 160 
 
Part I 
 HISTOEICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL STUDIES 
 
The Walls of Dublin 
 
I 
 
 HIS MAJE8TTS CASTLE OF DUBLIN 
 
 The earliest mention of the fortified stronghold of English 
 power, so often referred to in the Irish State Papers of the 
 Plantagenets as ' his Majesty's Castle of Dublin,' is to be 
 found in the records of the reign of King John, and is just 
 seven centuries old. Whether the actual site of the Castle 
 had been occupied by a fortress, and had served as the seat 
 of government prior to the year 1204, it is now impossible 
 to determine. How far the Plantagenet castle can be 
 fairly identified with the earlier stronghold known to have 
 been erected by the Danish sovereigns of Dublin is one of 
 those questions which, since they can never be positively 
 answered, it is profitless to discuss. On this point all that 
 can be affirmed is, that the probabilities of the case favour 
 the supposition that the site of both edifices was the same. 
 That the walls of the mediseval city were first raised in the 
 Dark Ages by the founders of the Scandinavian kingdom 
 of Dublin, is a point not open to controversy. The 
 physical configuration of the rising ground to the south- 
 east of the city walls, must at all times have suggested that 
 eminence as the most suitable site for the guardian fortress 
 of the city. And all authorities are agreed that a fort was 
 erected by the Danes,^ about the middle of the ninth cen- 
 tury, in close proximity to the walls. Thus it may well 
 be that the ' battlements of the watch tower,' from which 
 King Sitric followed the varying fortunes of the fight at 
 Clontarf, rose from the self-same spot from which for seven 
 
 ' Annals of the Four Masters, a.d. 840. 
 
 B 2 
 
4 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 centuries his Majesty's Castle of Dublin has been the 
 sentinel of royal authority in Ireland.^ 
 
 But if the Danish fortress had once occupied the site, 
 it no longer stood there in 1170, when, at the bidding 
 of Strongbow, Myles De Cogan and his comrades first 
 entered Dublin. It had been destroyed after the battle 
 of Clontarf, and no new building seems to have replaced 
 the old in the interval that parted the exit of the Dane 
 from the coming of the Norman. The accounts of the 
 taking of Dublin by Strongbow's followers are silent as 
 to any such protracted stand as must have been expected 
 of its defenders, had a fortified citadel barred the eastern 
 entrance to the city against the Norman knights. And 
 there is no mention of any such stronghold in the 
 narrative of the negotiations between Earl Kichard and 
 King Roderic O'Conor when, a few months after its cap- 
 ture, the city was blockaded by that monarch and his 
 allies. When, therefore, Henry II., arriving in Dublin 
 in November 1171, built, as Eoger de Hoveden tells us, 
 ' a royal palace roofed with wattles after the fashion of the 
 country ' ^ in which to spend his Christmas, he occupied 
 in all probability the deserted site of the dismantled Danish 
 stronghold. Henry's palace was situate, according to the 
 chronicler, * near the Church of St. Andrew the Apostle, 
 without the city of Dublin.' As the old Church of St. 
 Andrew stood close to the eastern corner of the modern 
 Palace Street, hard by the entrance to what is now the Lower 
 Castle Yard, the king must thus have fixed his quarters as 
 nearly as possible on the actual spot on which thirty years 
 later his son caused the Castle to be built. 
 
 Up to this point the history of the Castle, or rather of its 
 site, rests only upon conjectures which are necessarily in- 
 conclusive. The chronicles of the first thirty years of 
 Norman rule add nothing to our knowledge. Eichard I. 
 cared little for a country which had become the appanage 
 
 ' Maelseachlainn's Description of tlx Battle of Clontarf; Wars of the 
 Gaedhill with the Gaill (Rolls Series), p. 255. 
 
 * Roger de Hoveden's Chronicle (Rolls Series), ii. p. 32. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 5 
 
 of his younger brother, and there is nothing to connect the 
 prisoner of Durrenstein with the Castle of DubHn. But with 
 the opening of King John's reign the story can be placed on 
 the firm basis of authentic record. An entry in the Close 
 Eoll for the year 1204 is the first extant document in which 
 the Castle is mentioned. It contains the King's directions to 
 his deputy or justiciary in Ireland, in response to a repre- 
 sentation by the Viceroy of the lack of any depository for 
 the safe custody of the royal treasure, and its most important 
 passage runs as follows : — ' The King to his trusty and well- 
 beloved Meiller, the son of Henry, Justiciary of Ireland, 
 greeting : You have represented to us that you have no place 
 wherein treasure can be safely kept ; and forasmuch as for 
 this as well as for sundry other reasons we are in need of a 
 strong fortress in Dublin, we desire you to cause a castle to 
 be built in such place as you may judge to be most suitable 
 both for the administration of justice and, if need be, for the 
 defence of the city. You are to make it as strong as possible, 
 with substantial fosses and strong walls. But you are first 
 to build a tower to which a castle and keep can afterwards 
 be conveniently added at leisure.' ^ The mandate, after per- 
 mitting the Justiciary to appropriate a sum of three hundred 
 marks, then due to the Crown, to the initial expenditure 
 on the building, directed him to require the citizens, if 
 necessary by force, to strengthen the defences of Dublin. 
 It may be that the establishment of a fair at Donnybrook, 
 sanctioned by the King in the same document, was intended 
 as a set off or compensation for the military outlay thus 
 charged on the city. 
 
 Meiller Fitz-Henry to whom this document was addressed 
 was at this time the representative of the Crown in Ireland. 
 He was a first cousin in blood to the Sovereign, and had 
 been among the most distinguished of the friends and 
 followers of Strongbow. Indomitiis domitor totius gentis 
 Hibernice, so ran the concise epitaph in which his career is 
 
 ' Close Roll, 6 John, m. 18. Printed in Historic and Municipal Docuincnts 
 of Ireland (Eolls Series), p. 61. 
 
6 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 epitomised.^ Of his appearance and character, his relative 
 Giraldus Cambrensis has left a vivid description,^ in which 
 affectionate admiration of Fitz-Henry's valour is not unmixed 
 w^ith discriminating censure of his lack of discretion. Ko 
 one, however, could have been better qualified to exercise 
 the latitude left him in the royal letter as to the choice of a 
 site for a castle intended for the defence of the capital. For 
 the soldier whose prowess at the raising of the siege of 
 Dublin thirty years before is commemorated by Maurice 
 Eegan as the most admirable among many exhibitions of 
 martial valour^ must have been thoroughly acquainted with 
 the military needs of the city. Fitz-Henry had been ap- 
 pointed justiciary at King John's accession in 1199, and he 
 held the post until 1208. His tenure of authority thus 
 lasted long enough to have enabled him, had he been ex- 
 peditious, to commence the building of the Castle, though 
 it can scarcely have permitted of his making substantial 
 progress with the work. Most probably he confined him- 
 self to the erection of the tower which John had desired 
 him to begin with. Though neither tradition nor record 
 now connects the name of Meiller Fitz-Henry with any 
 part of the actual structure, it is evident that to him 
 belongs at least the honour of having selected the site ; 
 even though the chief fame of the actual building of the 
 Castle is rightly assigned to another of John's justiciaries, 
 the well-known ecclesiastic, Henri de Londres, Archbishop 
 of Dublin. 
 
 But by whichever of King John's representatives the 
 foundation stone was actually laid, it is plain that the build- 
 ing of the Castle was a matter of serious interest and 
 concern to the Sovereign, and that to no one can the title 
 of founder be more properly ascribed than to King John 
 
 ' Cox's Hibernia An^licatia, p. 48. 
 
 - Giraldi Cambrensis Exp^ignatio Hibernica (Rolls Series), pp. 235, 
 324-5. 
 
 ' A prose version of Regan's Chronicle, &c., was printed in 1747 by Walter 
 Harris in his Hibernica from an abstract by Sir George Carew. The chronicle, 
 or rather poem, has since been edited by Mr. Goddard H. Orpen, under the 
 title of The Song of Dermot and the Earl (Oxford, 1892). 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 7 
 
 himself. The instructions to Meiller Fitz-Henry indicate 
 the active interest of the monarch in a building with the 
 surroundings of which his own early residence in Ireland 
 had made him familiar. And within a very few years of these 
 instructions the exigencies of Irish affairs gave John an 
 opportunity of observing for himself how far his orders had 
 been fulfilled, and of personally directing the further progress 
 of the building. In 1210, for the first time since his 
 accession, the King visited Dublin. There is nothing to 
 show whether it was within the precincts of his intended 
 fortress that the King received the submission of the Irish 
 chiefs who attended in the capital to do him homage. But 
 his attention must necessarily have been drawn to the 
 desirability of pushing on the work, and it is certain that 
 the royal visit had not long concluded before Henri de 
 Londres was vigorously proceeding with the building. 
 
 Of the active part played by this eminent prelate and 
 Viceroy in the construction of the Castle we get not a few 
 glimpses in the records of his government. The State 
 Papers show that Ware does not at all exaggerate in 
 attributing to the Archbishop a principal share in the erec- 
 tion of the building, and they prove that the attention of the 
 Archbishop was not so whoUy engrossed with the constitu- 
 tion of the Cathedral Chapter of St. Patrick's as to leave no 
 time to the Viceroy to superintend the building of the King's 
 principal residence. Ware's account is that Henri de 
 Londres ' caused the Castle of Dublin to be bailded, some 
 say at his own proper costs,' ^ and he elsewhere states 
 that ' the same year that Henry Londres died, being the 
 year 1228, the Castle of Dublin was builded : I mean the 
 walls four-square or quadrangle-wise, but the four turrets 
 and the other afterwards.' ^ The State Papers show that, on 
 his appointment to be justiciary in 1213, the Archbishop 
 received a patent for the custody of the King's Castle of 
 Dublin during pleasure.^ Though no details are given of 
 
 ' Ware's Aniials,^. 27 (edition of 1705). ^ Ware's Bishops, p. 5. 
 
 ^ Sweetman's Calendar of Documents relatwig to Ireland, 1172-1251, 
 p. 79. 
 
8 ILLUSTEATIONS OP lEISH HISTOKY 
 
 the works executed by Henri de Londres, their importance 
 is indicated by sundry grants ^ made to him in compensation 
 for damage done to the Archbishop's churches in Dublin in 
 fortifying the Castle; ^ — while the completion of the walls in 
 accordance with the tradition preserved by Ware, as well as 
 the actual appropriation of the fortress to defensive purposes, 
 is evidenced by an inventory of military stores kept in the 
 building in 1224.^ The last indication of the Archbishop's 
 interest in the Castle, which the State Papers disclose, is one 
 more appropriate to his ecclesiastical character. There can 
 be little doubt that the nomination, in 1225, of William de 
 Kadeclive ' to minister as chaplain in the King's Castle of 
 Dublin, and to receive of the King's gift during pleasure 
 fifty shillings yearly,' * was not made wdthout the recom- 
 mendation or concurrence of the masterful ruler of the see 
 of Dublin. 
 
 Whatever the solicitude of the Archbishop in these 
 matters may have owed to the initiative of King John, these 
 latter proofs of it were of course given not in John's reign, 
 but in that of his more ecclesiastically minded successor. 
 Though Henry of Winchester found no time in his long 
 reign for a visit to Ireland, he appears more than once to 
 have contemplated such a journey ; and several of the State 
 Papers of his reign prove that he was far from indifferent to 
 the becoming equipment of his only Irish residence. In 
 1237 the King gave elaborate directions to prepare for his 
 coming into Ireland.^ And in 1243, while in France, where 
 the presence in his army of a very large Irish contingent 
 may have turned his thoughts towards his Irish dominions, 
 King Henry wrote from Bordeaux to his Justiciary and 
 Treasurer in Ireland, directing them ' that out of the King's 
 profits they cause to be constructed in the Castle of Dublin 
 
 • Sweetman's Calendar, 1172-1251, pp. 120, 126, 187. 
 
 ■ Like compensation was given to the Prior of the Holy Trinity (Christ- 
 church) for rents lost through the fortification of the Castle, and it is obvious 
 that the Cathedral precincts must have been seriously affected by the building 
 of the Castle. See App., 27th Report of Deputy Keeper of Irish Records. 
 
 •' See also entries in Pipe PioU of 19 Henry III., Irish Eecord Office. 
 
 * Sweetman's Calendar, 1172-1251, p. 198. * Ibid. p. 360. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 9 
 
 a hall one hundred and twenty feet in length, and eighty in 
 breadth, with glazed windows after the manner of the hall 
 of Canterbury, and that they cause to be made in the gable 
 beyond the dais a round window thirty feet in diameter.' ^ 
 They were further directed ' to cause to be painted beyond 
 the dais ' the King and Queen sitting with their baronage, 
 and to make a ' great portal ' at the entrance of the hall ; 
 the whole to be completed by the King's arrival. 
 
 But by far the most characteristic memorials of this 
 Sovereign's connection with the Castle are those which are 
 associated with the chapel. The entries under this head supply 
 fresh illustrations of the splendours of Henry's munificence to 
 the Church, and of the sincerity of the devotion to the memory 
 of Edward the Confessor, which marked the pious builder of 
 Westminster Abbey. Not only were directions repeatedly 
 given to the Archbishop of Dublin to make more suitable pro- 
 vision for the Castle chaplain by attaching a benefice to the 
 office, but express instructions were given by the King as to 
 the services to be held.^ The chapel was dedicated to the 
 Confessor, and in 1240 the Feast of St. Edward (January 7) 
 was ordered to be celebrated with eight hundred lighted tapers 
 ' as well in the Saint's Chapel in the King's Castle of Dubhn, 
 as in the Churches of St. Thomas the Martyr and of the 
 Holy Trinity.' ^ The Castle was ordered to be filled on the 
 same occasion with poor people, who should be fed. Two 
 years later the Treasurer received directions to cause glass 
 windows to be made for the chapel,'' and the King gave 
 orders that Divine Service of St. Edward and of the Blessed 
 Virgin should be daily celebrated. The orders regarding the 
 chapel were perhaps carried out at once, since the piety of the 
 King would probably have enforced them ; but the hall was 
 still unfinished in 1246, when Henry peremptorily required 
 its completion in view of an immediate visit. The Mayor of 
 Dublin was called on in the same year, and in view of the same 
 occasion, to supply water to the Castle from the city conduit.^ 
 
 ' Sweetman's Calendar, 1172-1251, p. 389. 
 
 - Ihid. pp. 255, 305, 328. ' Ibid. p. 373. ' Ibid. p. 385. 
 
 Historic and Municipal Documents, p. 105. 
 
10 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 Judged by the proper standards of kingly greatness 
 Henry III. scarcely ranks high in the roll of English 
 monarchs. But no other sovereign has had anything 
 approaching either to his knowledge of architecture or to his 
 love of it. However fortunate for the realm the change 
 from his pious gestheticism to the vigorous authority of the 
 great man of action who succeeded him, the archaeological 
 interest of Dublin Castle certainly owes nothing to Henry's 
 son. The Hammer of the Scots cared little for the 
 sculptor's mallet. And although for at least eighteen years 
 before his accession Edward I. had held the title of Lord of 
 Ireland and absorbed its surplus revenues, he never found 
 time to attend to its affairs. Thus the interest in the 
 royal residence which Henry's care had aroused in his sub- 
 ordinates was naturally not exhibited by the ministers of 
 his son. In what manner the chapel and hall so splendidly 
 designed were ultimately erected it is now impossible to 
 ascertain. But it seems at least clear that they were 
 not completed according to Henry's plan. It was one of 
 the charges brought against Stephen Fulburn, Bishop of 
 Waterford, in 1286, that during his tenure of the office of 
 justiciary he had carried off the pillars of marble from the 
 King's hall in Dublin Castle to enrich Dunbrody Abbey.^ A 
 few years earlier the building had suffered some damage and 
 the gate tower had been burned by Hubert de Burgh, and 
 some others who were confined in the fortress as prisoners ; 
 whilst the defences had been altogether neglected. When, 
 therefore, a few years after the accession of Edward II. the 
 troubles of the Bruce invasion made it necessary to look to 
 the defences of the Castle, the building already stood in 
 much need of repair. So imminent was the peril that it 
 was found necessary to take down the belfry of the closely 
 adjacent church of St. Mary le Dame to provide stones for 
 fortifying the Castle, and the citizens of Dublin were called 
 on to find lead for the roof of the towers.^ When the 
 danger was over some care seems to have been taken to 
 
 ' Sweetman's Caleiidar, 1285-92, p. 13. 
 
 * Historic and Municipal Documents, pp. 339, 405. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 11 
 
 restore the edifice to a more seemly condition, and the 
 considerable sum of £700 was spent on the Castle in 1321, 
 particularly in ' repairing handsomely the great hall.' ' 
 
 For fifty years from the Bruce invasion the King's Castle 
 of Dublin received little of the attention of its royal ovi^ners ; 
 and indeed for a full century and a half from the accession 
 of Edvv^ard III. it v^as ' toward Namancos and Bayona's hold ' 
 rather than to their realm of Ireland, that the looks of the 
 English sovereigns were chiefly bent. Towards the close of 
 his reign, however, Edward III. was able to spare time from 
 his French enterprises to the necessities of Ireland, and to 
 note how seriously his dominions had been shrinking at 
 home, while he sought to extend them abroad. His son 
 Lionel, Duke of Clarence, entered in 1361 on the viceroyalty 
 which was made memorable by the Statute of Kilkenny. 
 The advent of a prince of the blood royal did something to 
 arrest the ruin which was fast overtaking the monuments of 
 Henry III.'s zeal and piety. A considerable expenditure was 
 sanctioned for putting the Castle in order, and for restoring 
 the chapel, and providing it with the equipment adequate 
 to a becoming ritual." But the improvements of Lionel were 
 not limited to these restorations. Not only do they seem to 
 have included a number of alterations designed to make the 
 dwelling more commodious, but in the language of King 
 Edward, Clarence * caused to be made divers works agree- 
 able to him, for sports and his other pleasures, as well within 
 the Castle of Dublin as elsewhere.' ^ 
 
 It is disappointing that the records of the only sovereign 
 prior to Victoria who ever came twice to Ireland as a reign- 
 ing monarch are silent as to the visits of Richard II. to 
 his Castle of Dublin. Neither the Eoll of the Proceedings 
 
 • Close Roll, 14 Ed. II., Irish Kecorcl Office. 
 
 " In the enumeration of the glass windows, pictures, images and other 
 accompaniments of Divine worship, ordered on this occasion, the Castle chapel 
 is incidentally described as under the patronage of St. Thomas the Martyr. 
 Whether or not the dedication to this saint was prior to King Henry III.'s 
 direction that the chapel should be devoted to Saint Edward the Confessor 
 does not clearly appear. 
 
 ^ Gilbert's History of the Viceroys of Ireland, with Notices of the Castle of 
 Dublin, pp. 219, 544-6. 
 
12 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 of the King's Council in Ireland for the sixteenth year of 
 Richard's reign, nor such records as remain of that un- 
 happy monarch's second stay in Ireland, make any direct 
 mention of Dublin Castle, though the Council must have 
 sat within its precincts, and though the extensive repairs 
 ordered, as we have just seen, in the time of the King's 
 uncle, Lionel, ought to have left the building in fair order 
 for his residence. It is doubtful, however, whether much 
 had been effected by Clarence. ' Because our Castle of 
 Dublin through the negligence of our servants, who should 
 have repaired the same, is so destroyed and wasted, and in 
 many places threatened with very great ruin that our Deputy 
 of Ireland cannot hold our great Council there, nor can he 
 entertain our Parliament summoned for the morrow of All 
 Souls' Day, nor can our Records be safely preserved there.' 
 So runs an entry in the Close Roll for the fourth year of 
 Richard's reign. But though it is doubtful whether the 
 orders issued to remedy this state of things in 1381 were 
 more effective than those of the preceding reign, the great 
 hall had been sufficiently renovated in 1385 to enable Sir 
 John Stanley to be sworn in there, in presence of a dis- 
 tinguished company, as Deputy of Robert de Vere, ' Earl 
 of Oxford, Marquis of Dublin, and Duke of Ireland,' who had 
 , just been appointed Lord-Lieutenant. 
 
 The records of the Lancastrian kings are as barren as 
 those of their immediate predecessors. Their all but total 
 silence betokens the neglect which the few stray entries that 
 appear attest. Early in 1427 it was ordered that an ancient 
 silver seal found in the treasury, ' being cancelled and of no use 
 to the King,' should be sold, and the money accruing from the 
 sale laid out on the repairs of the ruined windows of the hall 
 of the Castle, and five years later twenty marks were allo- 
 cated to the same purpose.^ Even so much as this could not 
 be spared in the remainder of this reign, and the dilapidations 
 were rapidly aggravated. Down to the middle of the reign 
 of Henry VI. the Deputy and his Council still met within the 
 
 ' Gilbert's Viceroys, p. 580, 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 13 
 
 Council Chamber in the Castle. But at the conclusion of the 
 Wars of the Koses all the interior buildings of the Castle had 
 gone to wrack and ruin, while even the massive walls erected 
 by Henri de Londres had begun to suffer from persistent 
 neglect, and showed the wear and tear of over two hundred 
 winters.^ On the accession of Edward IV. the disrepair 
 could not longer be overlooked. An Act of Parhament, after 
 reciting that ' Whereas the Castle of the King our Sovereign 
 Lord of his City of Dublin, in which the Courts of our said 
 Sovereign are kept, is ruinous and like to fall, to the 
 great dishonour of our said Sovereign Lord,' provided that 
 certain moneys out of the profits of the Crown should be 
 delivered yearly to the clerk of the works for the repair of the 
 same. The same Act further directed that ' all the leads of the 
 isles of the hall of the said Castle be sold by the Treasurer of 
 Ireland to make and repair the said hall.' ^ This Act, how- 
 ever, remained inoperative until, twelve years later, a further 
 enactment made better financial provision for the needful 
 works. But it is doubtful whether any restoration had 
 been effected ere, not long afterwards, considerable injury was 
 done the Castle in the course of an insurrection promoted by 
 the followers of the Earl of Kildare. An Act of the Irish 
 Parliament at Trim gives us the last reference to the Castle 
 which the statutes or records of the Plantagenet kings 
 contain. Eeciting that James Keating, Prior of Kilmain- 
 ham, had fortified the Castle, of which he was constable, 
 against the King's Viceroy, Henry Lord Grey, and the 
 better to defend himself had destroyed the drawbridge, it 
 directs the Prior to repair the damage before the ensuing 
 Christmas on pain of forfeiture of his office.^ 
 
 The earliest Tudor reference to Dublin Castle is to be 
 found in the diary of the ' Voyage of Sir Eichard Edgcumbe 
 into Ireland in the year 1488,' * and occurs in connection 
 
 ' Proceedings of Privy Council of England, cited in Gilbert's Viceroys, 
 p. 581. 
 
 - Statute 2 & 3 Ed. IV. cap. 4. 
 
 ^ Acts of Parliament at Trim, 1478. Act 12, quoted in Hardiman's ' Statute 
 of Kilkenny,' Tracts Relating to Ireland, ii. p. 85. 
 
 * Printed in Harris's Hibernica, Dublin, 1747, p. 29, 
 
14 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 with the ecclesiastic just mentioned. Keating had been 
 among the most prominent of the Irish supporters of the 
 pretender Lambert Simnel, the troubles arising out of 
 whose imposture were the principal occasion of Edgcumbe's 
 mission. Sir Kichard seems to have thought, not unnatu- 
 rally, that one who had twice gone into rebellion was no fit 
 guardian for his master's principal fortress in Ireland. He 
 accordingly 'refused to take either homage or fealty of 
 Justice Plunkett and the Prior of Kilmainham, who were 
 specially noted amongst all other chief causes of the 
 rebellion.' And although the importunities of the Earl of 
 Kildare prevailed on Edgcumbe to pardon Keating's com- 
 rade in disloyalty, he could not be persuaded to overlook 
 the Prior's repeated offences. At a meeting of the Lords 
 Spiritual and Temporal held in ' the Church called our Lady 
 of the Dames,' in the immediate vicinity of the Castle, he 
 answered their entreaties for mercy, according to the 
 ' Chronicle,' with ' right sharp words. . . . And ere that he 
 departed unto his lodging, he took with him divers judges 
 and other noblemen, and went into the Castle of Dublin, 
 and there put in possession Kichard Archiboll, the King's 
 servant, into the office of the Constable of the said Castle, 
 which the King's grace had given unto him by Letters 
 Patent ; from the which office the said Prior of Kilmain- 
 ham had wrongfully kept this said Richard for the space of 
 two years or more.'^ The fact that during his stay in 
 Ireland Edgcumbe lodged at the Monastery of the Black 
 Friars, on the opposite side of the river, where now the 
 Four Courts stand, and that the consultations with the 
 Irish Council were held not in the Castle, but in the 
 neighbouring Church of St. Mary le Dame, is eloquent of 
 the disrepair into which the royal residence had fallen. 
 
 For nearly fifty years, from the visit of Sir Richard 
 Edgcumbe in 1488, to the rising of Silken Thomas in 1533, 
 the records are silent as to episodes of interest in the story 
 of Dublin Castle. For the greater part of this period the 
 government was in the hands of the Earls of Kildare, who 
 
 ' Sir R. Edgcumbe's Voyage (Harris's Hibernica, p. 34). 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 15 
 
 were more concerned for the safety of their own strongholds 
 in the adjacent country than for the security of the nominal 
 seat of their government. So weak were the defences that 
 the O'Byrnes — those continual scourges of the southern bor- 
 ders of the Pale — could enter the Castle by night and carry 
 off a number of prisoners.^ It was ominous of the rising 
 that not long afterwards occurred that in 1533 the Deputy 
 conveyed all the King's ordnance out of the Castle into his 
 own country, and fortified all his castles and fortresses with 
 them. 'What this should mean,' wrote the priest who sent 
 this intelligence to England, ' I know not as yet, but I think 
 no good ; for it is a shrewd likelihood.' ^ It proved fortunate 
 for the safety of Dublin in the ensuing insurrection that the 
 Deputy omitted to take away the ammunition at the same 
 time. As John Alen, the Irish Master of the Kolls, wrote 
 to Thomas Cromwell at a critical period of the siege by 
 Silken Thomas, ' the rebel, which chiefly trusteth in his 
 ordnance, which he hath of the King, hath in effect con- 
 sumed all his shoot, and except he winneth the Castle of 
 Dublin he is destitute of shoot, which is a great comfort and 
 advantage for the King's Army.' ^ 
 
 It might naturally be supposed that the formal assump- 
 tion by Henry VIII. of the title of King of Ireland, and his 
 resolution to assert the authority of the English Crown 
 throughout the country, must have led almost of necessity 
 to a renovation of the Castle, and a revival of the tarnished 
 glories of the early Plantagenet age. But this was so far 
 from being the case, that the period immediately succeeding 
 marks, perhaps, the nadir of the splendours of the Castle as 
 a royal residence. The Tudor viceroys do not appear at any 
 time to have taken kindly to their quarters. It is obvious 
 from the preceding narrative that upon many occasions in 
 its later mediaeval history the Castle can have been in no fit 
 state to accommodate a royal or viceregal Court. Although 
 at no time in its long annals did the Castle cease to be the 
 centre of authority, and though in theory at least it was always 
 
 > State Papers of Henry VIII. vol. ii. pt. iii. p. 169 (1834), 
 
 2 Letter of John Deythyk, ibid. p. 181. » j^j^ p_ 203. 
 
16 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 regarded as the principal official dwelling of the deputies, 
 the representatives of Henry VII. and his successor took 
 every opportunity of residing elsewhere. The deputies of 
 Edward VI. never lodged within its walls. Towards the 
 close of the fifteenth century the Abbey of St. Thomas the 
 Martyr in Thomas Court began to be used, as has been seen, 
 for the meetings of the Viceroy and his Council. By the time 
 of Sir Richard Edgcumbe's visit ^ it had been thus used so 
 often that the principal room had acquired the name of the 
 King's Chamber. The dissolution of the monasteries struck 
 a heavy blow at the prestige of King John's Castle. The 
 Priory of Kilmainham, becoming vested in the Crown, 
 was at once recognised as a convenient appanage of the 
 Sovereign, and was utilised accordingly for the principal 
 State functions. The dissolution of the Cathedral Chapter 
 of St. Patrick's by Edward VI. provided an opportunity, 
 which was quickly seized, to find more desirable lodgings 
 than either Castle or Priory appears to have afforded. 
 The Chapter having been suppressed, it was evident that 
 the Dean had no further need of his residence. This 
 was accordingly assigned to the Archbishop of Dublin, who 
 was desired to evacuate the Palace of St. Sepulchre's, 
 which became a place of lodging for the Lord Deputy. 
 And although in a very few years this arrangement was 
 upset, under Queen Mary, by the restoration of the Cathedral 
 and its dignitaries to their former status, the Deputies 
 were slow to surrender the footing they had acquired in 
 the archiepiscopal palace. Sussex, Sidney, and others of the 
 deputies of both Mary and Elizabeth, were so fond of coming 
 to St. Sepulchre's that an Archbishop of Dublin, who found 
 their visits inconvenient, is said to have actually fired his 
 palace ' that the Deputies should not have so good liking 
 to his house.' ^ 
 
 Whether on account of this summary process of the 
 Archbishop, or because with the final confirmation of the 
 Cathedral in its position by Elizabeth it became difficult 
 
 ' Sir R. Edgcumbe's Voyage, loc. cit. p. 32. 
 2 Holinshed's Chronicles, vi. p. 28. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 17 
 
 any longer to ignore ecclesiastical rights, the accession of 
 Elizabeth was quickly followed by the return of the Vice- 
 roys to the Castle, and its consequent restoration to a 
 condition of appropriate magnificence. In 1558 Sussex 
 received directions to take in hand the repair of the Castle. 
 But this Viceroy had been succeeded by Sir Henry Sidney 
 before any effective steps had been taken, and it is to the 
 latter statesman that the honour of repairing and enlarging 
 the Castle has been properly assigned by Ware. ' The Castle 
 of Dublin, which before his coming was ruinous, foul, filthy, 
 and greatly decayed, he repaired and re-edified, and made a 
 very fair house for the lord deputy and the chief governor to 
 reside and dwell in.' ^ Such is Stanihurst's account of a 
 restoration of which the Deputy appears to have been not a 
 little proud. Sidney's improvements took several years to 
 effect, and were on a considerable scale. They were crowned 
 in the eyes of the citizens of Dublin by the putting up of 
 a conspicuous clock, perhaps the first public clock erected 
 in Ireland (though others were placed almost contempo- 
 raneously over the Ostman's gate and at St. Patrick's 
 Cathedral) ; and in Sidney's, by a Latin inscription over the 
 gateway, in which the restoration was suitably recorded.'^ 
 The stone containing Sidney's verses has been long since 
 
 ' Ware, following Stanihurst, says : ' Sir Henry Sidney is said to have 
 builded the inner lodgings.' Stanihurst's words are ' ampla et praeelara 
 aedificia in castello extructa erant.' — De Rehus in Hibernia gestis, p. 22 ; 
 Holinshed's Chronicles, vi. p. 403. 
 
 - Gesta libri referunt multorum clara virorum, 
 Laudis et in chartis stigmata fixa manent, 
 Verum Sidnaei laudes haec saxa loquuntur, 
 
 Hie jacet in solis gloria tanta libris. 
 Si libri pereant, homines remanere valebunt, 
 Si pereant homines, ligna raanere queunt. 
 Lignaque si pereant, non ergo saxo peribunt, 
 
 Saxaque si pereant tempore, tempus erit. 
 Si pereat tempus, minime consumitur aevum. 
 
 Quod cum principio, sed sine fine manet. 
 Dum libri florent, homines dum vivere possunt, 
 Dum quoque cum lignis saxa manere valent ; 
 Dum remanet tempus, dum denique permanet aevum, 
 Laus tua, Sidnaeus, digna perire nequit.— 
 
 Stanihurst's De Rebus in Hibernia gestis, p. 22. 
 
 C 
 
18 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 defaced and removed, though the verses themselves have 
 been preserved for us by Stanihurst. But the letters of 
 Strafford contain a very charming reference to them, and 
 attest the admiration felt by the most powerful of Stuart 
 Viceroys for the most eminent among his Tudor predecessors.' 
 Of the actual outward appearance of the Castle in early 
 times it is difficult to form an accurate conception. Sir 
 John Gilbert justly observes that no precise details have 
 been transmitted to us of its architectural design ; nor have 
 any of the older historians or antiquaries given us, other- 
 wise than parenthetically, any glimpse of its interior. To 
 attempt to reconstruct the Castle from the stray references 
 which are to be found scattered through the State Papers 
 and other documentary sources would be an exercise of the 
 historical imagination in which fancy must needs play a 
 larger part than fact.^ There exists, however, one docu- 
 ment which defines with some detail the condition of the 
 towers of the Castle, and the accommodation provided 
 within them, in the time of Sir John Perrot's government, 
 or about twenty years after the extensive improvements 
 effected by Sir Henry Sidney. From this paper, which was 
 probably drawn up in connection with the rearrangements 
 which Perrot designed to carry out but did not effect, a 
 good deal may be learned as to the defences of the Castle 
 in the reign of Elizabeth.^ 
 
 ' I confess (wrote Wentworth, in 1633, to Sidney's grandson, the Earl of 
 Leicester) I made a fault against your noble grandfather by pulling down an 
 old gate within the Castle of Dublin, wherein was set an inscription of his in 
 verses ; but I did so far contemplate him again in his grandchild as to give 
 him the best reparation I could, by setting up the very same stone, carefully 
 taken down, over the new one, which one day your lordship may chance to read, 
 and remember both him and me by that token.' — Strafford's Letters, ii. p. 168. 
 
 - So far as the writer has ascertained there are only two printed representa- 
 tions of the external appearance of the Castle. The representation of Sir Henry 
 Sidney setting out on a State progress, which forms Plate VI. in Derricke's 
 Image of Ireland, shows the entrance gate of the Castle with the adjacent 
 houses. An illustration in Brooking's map of Dublin indicates that the building 
 still retained a castellated appearance as late as 1728. In the accompanying 
 map the outlines of the walls and towers as they stood towards the end of the 
 seventeenth century are correctly represented, but it is not possible to fill in 
 the details of the picture. 
 
 ^ It has been printed in full by Sir John Gilbert in his Calendar of Ancient 
 Records of Dublin, ii. pp. 558-61. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 19 
 
 The walls, described by Ware and other authorities as 
 standing foursquare and built very strongly, had in Perrot's 
 time a strong tower at each corner. Besides these there 
 was a fifth, much smaller than the rest, in the middle of the 
 south wall. The entrance gate, which opened into Castle 
 Street, was flanked on each side by a tower less strong than 
 the others, but of considerable proportions. The gateway, 
 defended by a portcullis, opened on to a drawbridge which 
 when drawn up left this building entirely cut off from the 
 adjacent city. A moat, or gripe, which ran by the walls 
 completely surrounded the Castle, following perhaps on the 
 south and west walls the course of the Poddle Eiver. Of 
 the four principal towers, two, the north-east and south- 
 west, seem to have contained five rooms each. The south- 
 east and north-west towers had each three rooms, and in the 
 middle tower on the south side there were a like number. 
 The gate towers contained but two rooms each. The towers 
 do not seem to have been very well lighted. There were 
 several rooms with no windows other than the ' spicks,' or 
 loopholes, intended for defensive purposes. The north-east 
 tower, in which the Deputy seems to have had his private 
 rooms, was the only room in which the windows were at all 
 numerous. There were at least eight windows among the 
 five rooms in this tower. But in the south-east tower there 
 were no more than two. On the other hand * spicks ' were 
 fairly numerous, and the total of the windows and spicks in 
 the whole Castle was at that time above fourscore.^ 
 
 But Sidney's improvements, though they were evidently 
 considerable, and seem to have provided the actual official 
 accommodation which sufficed for the Viceroys for above a 
 century from his time, do not seem to have remedied 
 the most serious inconveniences of the building. By the 
 end of Elizabeth's reign matters were nearly as bad as they 
 had been before his time. When Kobert Devereux, Earl 
 of Essex, in an unhappy moment for himself, was designated 
 Viceroy, directions were given to prepare the Castle for the 
 
 ' For information as to the state of the Castle towers forty years after 
 Perrot's time, see the Survey by Pynnar, p. 38 infra. 
 
 c 2 
 
20 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 fitting reception of one whom the Queen, at that time, 
 still delighted to honour. But considerable difficulty was 
 experienced in providing becoming accommodation. The 
 truth is that the Castle at this time was utilised for several 
 purposes of public utility little consonant with the amenities 
 of a viceregal residence. 
 
 It has been justly remarked by Walter Harris, in the ex- 
 cellent account of the Castle with which his ' History of 
 Dublin ' opens, that the building is to be considered in a 
 threefold aspect : as a fortress erected for the defence of the 
 city ; as the royal seat of Government ; and as the place 
 where the courts of justice and High Court of Parliament 
 were wont to be held. But this description of the triple 
 function served by the Castle down to Tudor and even 
 Stuart times is far from exhaustive. Within its precincts 
 room was found in addition for the Exchequer and Treasmy 
 of Ireland, and for the Mint of Dublin, as well as for the 
 State records of which the Castle so long remained the 
 principal, if not the sole, depository. And it further served 
 the purpose, more easily associated with a feudal fortress, 
 of a prison for offenders against the State.^ However suc- 
 cessful Sidney may have been in providing actual house 
 accommodation, he had been unable to make any funda- 
 mental alterations in the structure. His work was a re- 
 storation in the strict sense of the term. Even in the reign 
 of James I., forty years after Sidney's improvements, the 
 great exterior walls and towers erected by Henri de Londres 
 still preserved their original appearance. An accurate 
 observer in that reign noted that ' the circuit of the 
 Castle was a huge and mighty wall, foursquare and of 
 incredible thickness,'^ which dated from King John's time. 
 In Sidney's day, as we learn from the grimly realistic plates 
 in Derricke's * Image of Ireland,' the battlements were still 
 garnished with the grinning heads of decapitated chieftains. 
 And the gaol, known as the Grate, was thoroughly insanitary. 
 A prisoner's recollections of his place of confinement are of 
 
 ' See as to these aspects of the Castle, Appendix I., p. 27 infra. 
 2 See Gernon's Discourse of Ireland, Part II. infra. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 21 
 
 course apt to be coloured by ineffaceable resentment ; but 
 there is no reason to question the substantial accuracy of 
 the description given of the Grate by Dr. Creagh, the Eoman 
 Catholic Primate, who was confined there in 1564. The 
 prison, according to this authority, was ' a hole where, 
 without candle, there is no light in the world, and with 
 candle (when I had it) it was so filled with smoke thereof, 
 chiefly in summer, that had there not been a little hole in 
 the next door to draw in breath with, my mouth set upon 
 it, I had been perhaps shortly undone.' ^ After Sidney's 
 time Perrot was authorised, in 1583, to remove both the 
 courts of law and the prison from the Castle, but he 
 seems to have found it impossible to procure the necessary 
 accommodation elsewhere.^ And the same difficulty was 
 experienced in the time of Essex. It is not surprising there- 
 fore to find the Castle described in 1607 as ' somewhat 
 noisome in the summer time by reason of the prison.' ^ 
 Constant representations were made by the Deputies as to 
 this unpleasantness, and also as to the danger caused to the 
 courts of law, which had been restored to the Castle under 
 Sidney, by reason of these being situate immediately above 
 the store of ammunition ; and a very serious explosion of 
 gunpowder which occurred on the adjacent quay in 1596 
 caused great and general alarm. In 1610, as appears by the 
 surveyor's accounts at the Irish Eecord Office, a summer 
 house was built in the gardens and the great hall repaired 
 against a marriage feast, held in January of that year. 
 It was not, however, until 1611 that Sir Arthur Chichester, 
 the vigorous Deputy of James I., procured the erection 
 of an exterior gaol for ordinary criminals, the principal 
 State offenders being still confined in the Castle, but 
 separated from the Deputy's lodging. Through the instru- 
 mentality of the same Deputy the courts were removed 
 about the same time. But the Castle still remained the 
 scene of the meetings of Parliament. In 1613 the Hall 
 
 ' Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. p. 49. 
 2 Cal. S. P. (Dom.) Feb. 22, 1564. 
 » Cal. S. P. {Ireland), 1603-6, p. 381. 
 
22 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 was fitted up for the meeting of the two Houses.^ But 
 although the Castle was put in order again for the benefit of 
 Sir George Carew, who came over to report on the state of 
 affairs in Ireland in 1611, no real improvement was effected, 
 in spite of an expenditure of 600Z. Chichester after several 
 vain attempts to procure an improvement in the domestic 
 accommodation — the mending of holes in the roof in Lady 
 Chichester's bedchamber is one of the items in an account of 
 expenditure by Samuel Molyneux, Clerk-General of the 
 Works in 1616 — had declined any longer to reside within the 
 precincts, and had taken up his abode in the recently built 
 Gary's Hospital, which later gave place to the Parliament 
 House. 
 
 The next to take in hand the work of restoration was the 
 Deputy Falkland, father of the gallant Lucius Cary. In 
 1620 this Viceroy apprised the Council ' that of late part of 
 the Castle and the roof of the Council Chamber and several 
 lodgings over it ' ^ had fallen to the ground. Four years 
 later, ' on May 1, in the morning, a day of great expectation 
 of a universal massacre, one of the two greatest towers of 
 the Castle fell down to the ground, with the ordnance 
 mounted on it,' and shook to its foundations a great part of 
 the wall. Falkland succeeded in getting authority to carry 
 out repairs, and an expenditure of 1,000Z. was sanctioned to 
 restore the tower. His reforms were considerable.^ In a 
 letter to his successor, Strafford, he takes full credit for 
 them, calling on Strafford for ' the performance of your 
 promise you made me that when you found how much 
 less a prison the Castle was through the benefit of a gallery 
 I built, not more for the King's honour than for your ease 
 and delight, you would acknowledge that you did owe 
 my act commendation and due thanks for the service.' * 
 
 ■ Account Roll of Samuel Molynezix, Clerk-General of the Works, 1610- 
 1616, Irish Record Office. 
 
 ■' Cal. S. P. 1615-25, p. 294. 
 
 ^ In 1624, by Falkland's directions, Captain Nicholas Pynnar— the same 
 who undertook the well-known survey of Ulster in 1619 — made an ' exact 
 survey ' of the Castle of Dublin and certified the cost of the necessary repairs. 
 See p. 38 infra. 
 
 ' Strafford's Letters, i. p. 102. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 23 
 
 Of this gallery a picturesque description survives in the 
 ' Travels of Sir William Brereton,' whose diary of a visit to 
 Dublin in 1635 supplies one of the few detailed notices of 
 the appearance and accommodation of the Castle in early 
 Stuart times which remain extant.^ 
 
 Strafford, however, does not seem to have been so much 
 impressed as Falkland expected. In one of his earliest 
 letters from Dublin he described the building as in great 
 decay, and urgently calling for repair. One of the great 
 towers had to be taken down, lest it should fall, as another 
 had done shortly before Strafford's arrival, while Lord 
 Chancellor Loftus was in residence as a Lord Justice ; 
 four or five of whose grandchildren it would have ' infallibly 
 killed,' had it fallen either an hour sooner or an hour later. 
 In a vigorous representation to the English Council of the 
 pressing need for repair and improvement Strafford draws 
 for us the most detailed picture we possess of the interior of 
 the Castle precincts at this time : — ' I have bought as much 
 more ground about the Castle as costs one hundred and 
 fifty pounds, out of which I will provide the House of a 
 Garden and out Courts, for fuel and such other necessaries 
 belonging to a family, whereof I am altogether unprovided, 
 the bake house at present being just under the room where 
 I now write, and the wood rack put full before the gallery 
 windows ; which I take not to be so courtly nor to suit so 
 well with the dignity of a King's deputy ; and thus I trust to 
 make this habitation easeful and pleasant as the place will 
 afford. Whereas now by my faith it is little better than a 
 very prison.' ^ 
 
 Of the alterations made by Strafford no record is known 
 to remain, and for nearly half a century little information 
 is available from English sources. For though Arthur 
 Capel, Earl of Essex, who was Viceroy for several years, 
 seems to have made important alterations, nothing is known 
 of their extent. It is curious that for such contemporary 
 notices as are extant of the appearance of the Castle from 
 
 ' See Part II. infra, p. 381. 
 2 Strafford's Letters, i. p. 131. 
 
24 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 the Rebellion of 1641 to the Revolution of 1688 we are in- 
 debted mainly to foreign observers. From these, however, it 
 would seem that at least an outward show of splendour was 
 maintained, and that in appearance and equipment the Castle 
 was not unworthy. Boullaye le Gouz, who was received at 
 the Castle in 1644 during the first Viceroyalty of the great 
 Duke, then Marquis, of Ormond, describes the Castle as ' in- 
 differently strong, without any outworks, and pretty well 
 furnished with guns of cast metal ; ' ^ and though he does not 
 describe the interior, it may be inferred from the magnificence 
 of the ceremonial displayed by the Viceroy in going to St. 
 Patrick's on a Sunday, that the decorations were sufficiently 
 sumptuous. Another Frenchman, Jorevin de Rocheford, who 
 was a visitor at the Court of the same Viceroy a few years 
 after the Restoration, gives more positive evidence to the like 
 effect : — * The Castle,' he wrote, ' is strong, enclosed by thick 
 walls, and by many round towers that command the whole 
 town ; on them are mounted a good number of cannon. The 
 court is small, but the lodgings although very ancient are very 
 handsome, and worthy of being the dwelling of a Viceroy.' ^ 
 A few years after this judgment was passed, the interest 
 of the Castle as a relic of the Middle Ages suffered the most 
 serious blow that had yet befallen it. In April 1684, while 
 Lord Arran was in residence as Deputy for his father the 
 Duke of Ormond, an alarming fire occurred, which only the 
 promptitude of Arran prevented from ending in the destruc- 
 tion of the whole building. The fire broke out at two in the 
 morning in Lord Arran's dining-room, and raged for three 
 hours. To prevent the fire from reaching the powder 
 magazine, Lord Arran, who acted with great personal vigour 
 and courage, and subsequently received the thanks of the 
 city and corporation for his exertions,^ was obliged to blow 
 up the long gallery built by Falkland communicating with 
 the north-east tower. The damage done on this occasion 
 has been graphically described in a letter from Sir Patrick 
 
 ' Tour of the French Traveller, M. de la Boullaye le Gouz, in Irelatid, 
 A.D. 1644. Ed. Crofton Croker, p. 6. 
 
 ^ Antiquarian Repertory, ii. p. 105. See Part II. infra. 
 * Calendar of Dublin Becoi'ds, v. p. 311. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 25 
 
 Dun to Doctor, afterwards Archbishop, King. * The dining 
 room,' he says, ' was burnt and blown up, the new building, 
 built by the Earl of Essex, my lord's closet and the long 
 gallery, and all betwixt the new building and the tower on 
 which the clock stood,' ^ Arran, thus burnt out of the Castle, 
 took refuge in the recently acquired ' King's House ' at 
 Chapelizod, Possibly it was by the existence of this alterna- 
 tive that the Treasury justified their refusal to expend money 
 on the repair of the Castle. For there seems to have been an 
 intention at the time to abandon the Castle as a residence, 
 ' His Majesty has lost nothing ' (so wrote Arran to the King) 
 ' but six barrels of powder, and the worst Castle in the worst 
 situation in Christendom.' The Duke of Ormond, however, 
 lost effects to the value of lO.OOOZ.^ It was proposed to build 
 a palace elsewhere, perhaps on the site of Ormond's intended 
 mansion where now the Royal Barracks stand, and a King's 
 letter authorising the sale of the site and materials of the 
 Castle was actually drafted.^ Two years after the fire little 
 or nothing had been done to make good the damage. ' As for 
 the Castle,' wrote Ormond's successor in 1686, ' I can only 
 tell you that as it is the worst lodging a gentleman ever lay 
 in, so it will cost more to keep it in repair than any other. 
 Never comes a shower of rain but it breaks into the house, so 
 that there is a perpetual tihng and glazing.' No gentleman 
 in Pall Mall, added Clarendon, was worse lodged than he 
 was.^ 
 
 To continue the history of Dublin Castle beyond the date 
 at which the building ceased to be a castle in any real sense 
 of the term would hardly be found of much interest, Down 
 to the Restoration the Castle had continued to be, as truly 
 as in King John's time, the citadel of a metropolis which still 
 presented many of the characteristics of a mediseval town. 
 Situate at the south-eastern corner of the walls of Dublin, at 
 
 ' See Belcher's Memoir of Sir Patrick Dun, p. 23. 
 
 - Letter of Sir H. Verney, Hist. MSS. Cainm. 7th Rep. p. 499. 
 
 ^ This is stated in The Viceregal Court Historically Vindicated, a pamphlet 
 by J. P. Prendergast, the well-informed author of the Cromwellian Settlement, 
 but he does not give his authority. 
 
 ^ Clarendon's State Letters, ii. p. 101. 
 
26 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 the top of the rising ground which commanded the seaward 
 approaches to the city, it, occupied for miHtary purposes the 
 point of vantage in any attack which could be attempted. 
 As late as the middle of the seventeenth century the low- 
 lying land to the east of College Green was almost 
 entirely unbuilt on, save for so much of it as was occupied 
 by the precincts of Trinity College, and the population 
 resided almost exclusively either within the city walls or 
 in the southern districts comprised within the parishes ad- 
 jacent to St. Patrick's Cathedral. During the struggles of 
 Ormond to maintain the royal authority in Ireland, and 
 again during the Cromwellian occupation, the Castle still re- 
 mained the military key of Dublin. But with the Restora- 
 tion all this was changed. The metropolis rapidly expanded, 
 and the Castle, no longer overlooking the sea, as it had done 
 a generation earlier when Falkland could descry from it the 
 appearance of two Spanish ships of war in the bay of 
 Dublin,^ became shut in on all sides, so that its defensive 
 value to the inhabitants against the attack of an invader 
 became insignificant. When James II. came to Dublin the 
 Castle was hurriedly fitted up by Tyrconnel for his recep- 
 tion, but no care whatever was spent on the defences of the 
 building. These had indeed been pronounced worthless very 
 shortly before by the Master-General of the Ordnance, who, 
 in recommending the erection of a citadel ' on the hills of 
 St. Stephen's Green,' described the condition of the ancient 
 fortress as being ' all in rubbish by the late fire,' ^ and incapable 
 in any event of securing his Majesty's stores of war without 
 danger of destruction from fire, through being ' so pestered 
 up with houses ' that the approaches to it were entirely 
 blocked up. 
 
 Worthless as a fortress, and undesirable as a residence, 
 the Castle, from the departure of James II., ceased to be of 
 any service save as the seat of the principal public offices. 
 Of the Viceroys of William III. none took the trouble to 
 reside for any time in Ireland, and some never came over to 
 
 ' Cal. S. P. 1625-32, p. 258. 
 
 •- Ormonde Papers, Hist. MSS. Comm. 14th Eep. ii. p. 313. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 27 
 
 their government. The Lords Justices who governed in 
 their behalf preferred the rustic surroundings of the King's 
 House at Chapehzod to the dismal interior of the half-ruined 
 edifice v^hose glories had departed. In Queen Anne's reign, 
 under the administration of the second Duke of Ormond, some 
 attempt v^as made to improve the approaches to the Castle. 
 In 1711 the destruction by fire of the Council Chamber 
 necessitated a consideration of the whole question of the 
 adequacy of the existing accommodation for the public 
 departments connected with the Castle. This was the 
 beginning of radical structural alterations, which, extending 
 through a period of above a century, only closed with the 
 erection of the present Castle chapel in 1814 by the Duke of 
 Richmond. In the course of these alterations the King's 
 principal residence in Ireland was entirely transformed from 
 a mediaeval structure into the unimposing group of modern 
 buildings which it now presents.' 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 It seems appropriate to the plan of this attempt to recall the 
 historical associations of the Castle of Dublin prior to its eighteenth 
 century vicissitudes, to tell something of the story of the relations 
 of the Castle to the numerous purposes of state, other than those 
 of official residence and seat of government, which in early times 
 the building was made to subserve. 
 
 Note A 
 
 THE CASTLE AS PARLIAMENT HOUSE 
 
 Besides being the seat of government and the residence of the 
 Deputy, the Castle was also the Parliament House. The early 
 Parliaments of Ireland were of course, like those of England, not 
 necessarily held in the capital. Several of the most celebrated 
 assemblies of the Lords and Commons of Ireland were held at 
 Kilkenny, Trim, Drogheda, and elsewhere, according to the 
 convenience or exigency of the moment. But in general the 
 Parliament met in Dublin. And when it met in Dublin, it met, in 
 early times at least, in Dublin Castle, no doubt in the great Hall 
 
 ' Gilbert's Viceroys, p. 116. 
 
28 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 so often mentioned in the State Papers.^ In Tudor times, of 
 course, the same reasons that drove the Deputies to Kilmainham 
 and St. Sepulchre's made it impossible for the Parliament to 
 meet in the Castle. The Abbey of St. Thomas, the Carmelite 
 Monastery in Whitefriars Street, and the Cathedral of Christ 
 Church thus became successively the scene of its migratory 
 sittings.^ The first Parliament of Elizabeth in 1559 was held 
 by Sussex in the last-named building. But after the renova- 
 tions carried out by Sidney, the Castle again accommodated the 
 High Court of Parliament. The Parliaments of James I. and 
 Charles I. — probably the later Parliaments of Elizabeth also — 
 were there held in spite of the serious explosion of gunpowder which 
 partially ruined the hall in 1596.^ The letter of Sir Christopher 
 Plunket, describing the celebrated Parliament called by Sir Arthur 
 Chichester in 1613, gives a graphic picture of the scene at its 
 opening,* on which occasion both Houses were accommodated in 
 the great hall of the Castle which had been specially fitted up for 
 the purpose. 
 
 Strafford's Parliaments were also held within the Castle, which 
 continued to be the seat of the Legislature until the Eebellion. 
 A description of the appearance of the two Houses during the 
 Parliament which sat in 1635 has been left by Sir William 
 Brereton.'' But the Parliament of 1640 was the last to meet 
 there. After the Restoration the Duke of Ormond changed the 
 place of assembly to Chichester House, the predecessor of the 
 Parliament House in College Green. And with the exception of 
 the Parliament of James II., which was held at the King's Inns, 
 
 ' Other considerations besides those of mere convenience seem to have 
 actuated the Plantagenet Deputies in their choice of a meeting place for 
 Parliament. It was an item of complaint against Sir William de Windsor, 
 Edward's III.'s Lord-Lieutenant in 1371, and the husband of Alice Ferrers, the 
 fair but frail darling of his Sovereign's dotage, that he had held a Parliament at 
 Baldoyle. There was not in the place any building but a small chapel, wherein 
 the Parliament was held ' with the intention that, as the Commons of Ireland 
 could not find lodging or other necessary accommodation there during their 
 stay, they might the more quickly grant the subsidy required for the support of 
 the King's war.' This expedient was successful, for after two or three days the 
 Commons, ' being worn out by the tedious stay in that inconvenient place, 
 granted the King 2,000Z. Betham's History of the Constitution of England 
 and Ireland, p. 308. 
 
 '•^ Harris's History of Dublin, p. 43. 
 
 ^ ' The places here wherein the Parliaments have been used to be kept were 
 ruined by the blast of powder, and still remain so.'. Cal. S. P. [Ireland), 
 1603-6, p. 460. 
 
 * Lodge's Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, i. p. 169. 
 
 ^ See Part II. infra, p. 380. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 29 
 
 formerly the Black Friars, on the site of the present Four 
 Courts, and of those held at the King's Hospital (the Blue Coat 
 School) in 1738-9 during the building of the Parliament House, 
 all Parliaments were held in College Green from the Eestoration 
 to the Union. 
 
 Note B 
 THE CASTLE AS THE SEAT OF THE LAW COUKTS 
 
 The relation of the Castle to the law courts was always 
 intimate. As the language of King John's instructions to Meiller 
 Fitz-Henry shows, it was from the first intended that the Castle 
 should be the chief seat of legal administration, and so it continued 
 to be, almost without interruption, down to Stuart times. No doubt 
 the Hall of Justice suffered with the rest of the Castle in the early 
 years of the Tudors. It appears that a representation was made 
 to Henry VIII. by Alan, Archbishop of Dublin and Lord Chan- 
 cellor, that the Chancery within the Castle was ' no better than a 
 pigsty,' and orders were given in 1631 ' for the rebuilding of the 
 Castle Halls where the law is kept, lest the Majesty of the Law 
 should perish, and the Judges be obliged to administer the law on 
 the hills, as it were Brehons or Wild Irishmen.'^ In 1548 the 
 courts were transferred for a brief period to St. Patrick's,'^ during 
 the suppression of the cathedral chapter. But on the reconstitu- 
 tion of the Cathedral they were restored to the Castle, where they 
 occupied the great Hall or Parliament Chamber. This arrange- 
 ment, however, was not found convenient, and Elizabeth 
 ' frequently desired that the terms should be removed out of the 
 Castle,' •' where the situation of the courts over the powder maga- 
 zine was in her time a source of natural apprehension to the 
 justices. Instructions to this effect were given in 1585 to Sir 
 John Perrot, who may have desired to utilise the hall in which the 
 courts sat for the Parliament summoned in that year. Neverthe- 
 less, it was not until 1607 that the removal of the courts from the 
 Castle was finally ordered. In that year James I. directed that 
 they should be held in the deserted Monastery of the Black Friars ; ^ 
 the site of the old King's Inns, and of the modern Four Courts. 
 But, frightened no doubt by the estimate of the cost of equipping 
 the old Dominican Abbey for the purpose designed, his Ministers 
 
 ' State Papers of Henry VIII., Foreign and Dom. Series, v. 198 p. 458. 
 '^ See Mason's St. Patrick's, p. 154 ; Morrin's Patent Bolls of Elizabeth, 
 i. p. 541. 
 
 ^ Cal. S. P. [Ireland), 1598-9, p. 472. < Ibid. 1605-6, p. 460. 
 
30 ILLDSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 were unable to carry out this order. Though made use of as the 
 King's Inns and the headquarters of the Bar, it was not until after 
 a lapse of close on two centuries that the Black Friars site was 
 appropriated to the full use for which King James had designed 
 it ; and, meantime, his Majesty's Four Courts found accommo- 
 dation in a ' sumptuous fabric ' ^ in the precincts of Christ Church,^ 
 to which they were transferred in 1610. 
 
 ISlote C 
 THE CASTLE AS EXCHEQUEE AND MINT 
 
 We have seen that the Castle was from the first intended to be 
 the stronghold in which the King's treasure should be guarded, and 
 that in general it was the actual seat of the Exchequer and of the 
 Mint. The Court of Exchequer, however, and perhaps the Treasury 
 itself, was not originally within the Castle precincts. ' Among other 
 monuments,' says Stanihurst, ' there is a place in that lane, called 
 now Collets Inn, which in old time was the Exaxar, or Exchequer.'^ 
 And the chronicler goes on to tell in a familiar paragraph the story 
 of a raid by the Irish, in the course of which ' they ransacked the 
 prince his treasure, upon which mishap the Exchequer was from 
 thence removed.' The separate Exchequer building can be traced 
 back at least as far as Henry III.'s time, and the Pipe Eoll for the 
 thirteenth year of that reign has an entry of the expenditure of 
 ten shillings 'in glass for windows of the Exchequer.' '' It may 
 perhaps have been during the Bruce trouble that the incident 
 commemorated by Stanihurst occurred, for from a direction to 
 the Treasurer in 1313 to ' reside in Dublin Castle with the 
 treasure,' and from the fact that the Castle was in that year re- 
 paired and strengthened, it would seem as though the Treasury had 
 previously been situate without the precincts. Thenceforward, at 
 any rate, the Exchequer remained within the walls, though John 
 de Wilton is mentioned as late as 1345 as guardian of the works 
 of Dublin Castle and of the houses of the Exchequer.'^ 
 
 The Castle was also long the seat of the Eoyal Mint. From 
 the first establishment of an Irish Mint by King John in 1210, 
 
 ' Camden's Britannia, p. 1367. 
 
 - The following description of the Four Courtis about the close of James's 
 reign occurs in Gernon's Discourse of Ireland : ' The Courts of Justice are 
 kept in a large stone building, parish of Christ Church, which is built in form 
 of a cross. At the four ends are the Four Courts, well adorned. The middle 
 is to walk in.' See Part II. infra. 
 
 * Holinshed's Chronicles, vi. p. 27. 
 
 '' dbth Report of Deputy Keeper Irish Record OJice, p. 31. 
 
 » Close Boll, 17 & 18 Ed. III., Irish Eecord Oilice. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 31 
 
 when mints were founded not only in Dublin but in Waterford 
 and Limerick, to their abolition in Elizabeth's reign, the Dublin 
 coinage seems to have been usually struck within the Castle. 
 Several Acts of Parliament in the reigns of Henry VI. and Edward 
 IV. contain enactments affecting the coinage, and direct the coins 
 to be made in the Castle of Dublin. In 1425 John Cobham was 
 granted the office of Master of the Coinage to be made in Dublin 
 Castle, with the provision that ' all the money to be made there 
 should be of the same weight, alloy and assay as the silver money 
 which is made in London.' ^ An Act of Edward IV., passed at 
 Wexford in 1463, recites the appointment of one Germyn Lynch, of 
 London, goldsmith, to be ' "Warden and Master of our moneys 
 and coins within our Castle of Dublin and within our Castle of 
 Trym,' and authorises him to make all the royal coinage. Lynch, 
 who was no doubt a Galway man, had previously been permitted 
 to make coins in that city as well as in Eeginald's Tower at 
 Waterford. Drogheda and Carlingford were also the seats of 
 Eoyal Mints at this period.^ By an Act passed in 1473 Lynch 
 was formally appointed Master of the Mint, and it was ordered 
 that ' the King's coin be struck for the time to come within the 
 Castle of Dublin only and in no other place in Ireland.' A later 
 Act, passed in 1475, while ordering that coins made in Cork, 
 Youghal and Limerick ' be utterly damned and taken in no pay- 
 ment,' recognised the Drogheda and Waterford Mints as still 
 legitimate. Lynch's appointment was however revoked, and the 
 profits of the Mint granted to Gerald, Earl of Kildare. Coins were 
 still struck in the Castle Mint as late as Edward VI.'s time, and 
 Elizabeth certainly intended to reopen the Dublin Mint. In 1561 
 directions were given to the Lords Justices for the erection of a mint 
 in Dublin, which is perhaps the ' Irish Mint House ' ^ referred to 
 by Fynes Moryson.'* If so, the Mint in Moryson's time still occu- 
 pied its old quarters, the Lords Justices designating ' the Castle 
 of Dublin, with the help of the chapel next without the gate ' 
 (St. Andrew's) as the fittest place for the Mint. But, though the pro- 
 spect of reviving the Dublin Mint was still entertained in Sidney's 
 time, nothing was done to give effect to it either by Elizabeth in 
 the remainder of her reign or by her successor. There is some 
 evidence that Charles I. intended to restore the Mint, and 
 Charles II., at the instance of the Duke of Ormond,^ certainly gave 
 a patent to coin silver in Ireland. But the Irish Mint was never 
 
 ' Pat. Roll, 3 Hen. VI. 
 
 * Simon's Essay on Irish Coins, p. 23, and App. pp. 82 and 85. 
 
 ^ Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1509-1573, p. 167. ' See Part II. infra. 
 
 ^ Ormonde Papers, New Series, iii. p. 302. 
 
32 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 re-established, and except for the familiar brass money of James II. 
 no coins have ever issued from a royal mint in Ireland since the 
 time of Edward VI. 
 
 NoteD 
 THE CA.STLE AS A STATE PRISON 
 
 The most characteristic feature of the Castle as a mediaeval 
 fortress was that it served as the State prison. From the days of 
 Strongbow to those of Strafford, what is now called Cork Hill was 
 the Tyburn of the Irish capital, and the Bermingham Tower was 
 its Tower prison from an early date. It cannot have been from the 
 Castle, but was perhaps from some city gate, that the body of 
 Donnell, son of Annad, was suspended with his feet upwards, and 
 his head placed over the door in 1172, ' as a miserable spectacle for 
 the GaedhilL' ' But from the first building of the Castle its battle- 
 ments were utilised to strike terror into the enemies of the State by 
 the exhibition of the heads of traitors from above its walls. Of this 
 barbarous practice of the Middle Ages there are plenty of examples 
 in the history of the Castle. In 1358 one William Vale, having 
 slain several Irish chieftains in Carlow and its neighbouring 
 districts, ' brought their heads to the Castle of Dublin to be there 
 put up ' ; ^ and in the picture of the Castle in the illustrations to 
 Derricke's ' Image of Ireland ' the heads of decapitated chieftains 
 appear suspended from the battlements of the Gate Tower. 
 
 In early times the prison within the Castle was in the lower 
 rooms of the Bermingham Tower, and so continued till the 
 seventeenth century, when it was transferred to the Gate House. 
 The prisons were of course in the immediate custody of the 
 Constable, who, like the Constable of the Tower of London, had 
 the privilege of charging for the keep of provisions and hostages 
 at a higher rate than the Constables of other castles. The earliest 
 mention of the Castle prison to be met with in the State Papers 
 is in 1282, when a sum of two shillings was paid for gyves ; ^ but 
 no doubt the Castle was from the first the State prison, and in 
 general it seems to have also been the gaol for ordinary 
 malefactors. 
 
 The inconvenience of making the Castle the common gaol was 
 the subject of frequent remonstrances on the part of the represen- 
 tatives of the Crown during the sixteenth century. For notwith- 
 standing that the new gate of the city had been equipped as a 
 
 ' Annals of Lough C6, i. p. 147 (Rolls Series). 
 
 - Close Roll, 32 Ed. III. No. 6. See Hardiman's ' Statute of Kilkenny,' 
 Tracts Relating to Ireland, ii. p. 85. 
 
 ' Cal. S. r. (Ireland), 1252-1284, p. 423. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 33 
 
 prison in Richard III.'s time/ the Castle seems to have remained 
 the chief place of detention, and it was not until the reign of 
 James I. that any steps were taken to alter this arrangement. In 
 that year the King, ' in consideration of divers inconveniences 
 attendant on the keeping of the common gaol within the Castle of 
 Dublin,' ^ directed that it should be removed to some other suit- 
 able place in the city. But it was judged desirable that the Castle 
 should still be used for the custody of State prisoners, and 
 accordingly, to lessen the inconvenience to the Deputies, it was 
 ordered that a wall should be built ' separating such persons from 
 the part reserved for the lodging of the Lord Deputy.' But the 
 cost of making these alterations was found too heavy for the 
 grudging treasury of James to sanction, and though the prisoners 
 were transferred to apartments in the Gate Tower, the work was 
 badly done, and the inconvenience was soon as great as ever. It 
 does not indeed appear precisely at what period the Castle ceased 
 to be regarded as a fitting ward for offenders against the State. 
 As lately as 1715 the Gate Tower of the Castle seems still to have 
 been used for the custody of prisoners. But no doubt, after 
 the erection of the eighteenth century Newgate built in 1773 on 
 the Little Green on the north side of the city, it was no longer 
 found necessary to trespass on the scanty accommodation of the 
 Castle for this purpose.^ 
 
 Note E 
 THE CASTLE AS RECORD OFFICE 
 
 No more interesting associations are attached to the Castle 
 than those which connect it with the guardianship of the records 
 of the State. From very early times, and probably from its 
 foundation, the Castle was utilised for this purpose. In 1304 the 
 Treasury accounts record that the sum of four pence was paid for 
 ' mending the lock and key of the great vault in the Castle of 
 Dublin where the rolls are preserved.' '' Ten years or so later, 
 in the height of the Bruce scare, anxiety seems to have been felt 
 for the safety of the archives. Directions were issued to Walter 
 de Islip, the Treasurer of Ireland, ' to observe the ordinance made 
 by the King's Council, whilst the King's clerk John de Hotham 
 was in Ireland, that the Treasurer should reside in Dublin Castle 
 with the rolls and other memoranda touching his office.' ^ 
 
 ' See Gilbert's History of Dublin, i. p. 257. 
 
 2 Cal. S. P. {Ireland), 1608-10, p. 175. 
 
 3 Harris's Histwy of Dublin, p. 48. 
 
 ' Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1302-1307, p. 107. 
 * Cal. of Close Rolls, 1313, p. 293. 
 
34 ILLUSTEATIONS OP lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 Of the exact date of the transference of the records from the 
 great vault just mentioned to the Bermingham Tower there is no 
 precise evidence ; but it is certain that they were kept in the last- 
 named place from the middle of the sixteenth century at least. An 
 elaborate memorandum, drawn up by John Alan, Master of the 
 Eolls,' not long after the suppression of the rebellion of Silken 
 Thomas, contains an important recommendation in regard to the 
 safe-keeping of the records ; and shows that the most culpable 
 laxity had previously prevailed with regard to them : ' And, for 
 conclusion, because there is no place so meet to keep the King's 
 treasure as is His Grace's Castle of Dublin in the tower called 
 Brymmyniames Tower — and where in times past the negligent 
 keeping of the King's records hath grown to great losses to His 
 Highness, as well concerning his lands as his laws, for that 
 every keeper for his time, as he favoured, so did either embezzle, 
 or suffered to be embezzled, such muniments as should make 
 against them or their friends, so that w^e have little to show for 
 any of the King's lands or profits in these parts ; it is therefore 
 necessary that from henceforth all the rolls and muniments to be 
 had be put in good order in the aforesaid tower, and the door 
 thereof to have two locks . . . and that no man be suffered to 
 have loan of any of the said muniments from the said place, nor 
 to search, view or read any of them there, but in the presence of 
 one of the keepers aforesaid.' '^ 
 
 No attention seems to have been paid to Alan's recom- 
 mendation, for in 1551 the law courts having been removed, as 
 already stated, to St. Patrick's, an order was made by the Privy 
 Council for the transference ' to the late library of the late 
 Cathedral Church of St. Patrick's ' of ' the records and muniments 
 of his Highness's Chancery,' ^ on the ground that the tower within 
 his Majesty's Castle of Dublin was both ruinous and too distant 
 
 ' State Papers of Henry VIII. vol. ii. pt. iii. p. 486 (1834). 
 
 '^ In mediaeval times there appear to have been two distinct record reposi- 
 tories, viz. : the Chancery and the Treasury of the Exchequer. The Exchequer 
 documents Included not only Exchequer records proper, but the rolls of all the 
 King's Justices at Common Law, and were kept at the Castle. The Chancery 
 records consisted of Patent and Close Rolls, Bills or Warrants of the Justiciary 
 of Ireland, Writs of various kinds, Injunctions, &c., and were kept in St. Mary's 
 Abbey. In 1300, however, almost the entire contents of the Chancery were 
 destroyed in the fire which burnt the Abbey in that year, and thereafter the 
 Chancery documents seem to have been kept for a considerable period in the 
 Treasury of Trim Castle, and later, as Alan's memorandum suggests, in the 
 private houses of the successive Masters of the Eolls. 
 
 ^ Smyth's Laio Officers of Ireland, p. 55. Mason's Histoi-y of St. Patrick's 
 Cathedral, p. 155. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 35 
 
 from the courts. What effect was given to this order we have no 
 means of knowing. But from the brief stay of the courts in 
 St. Patrick's it is unUkely that it was acted on. And it would 
 seem from the terms of the order that in any case only legal 
 records were intended to follow the courts. At any rate the Order 
 in Council specifically directed that the tower should remain the 
 general State Paper repository. 
 
 No adequate arrangements were made under Edward VI. or 
 Queen Mary for the protection of the documents in the tower ; 
 and the only effect of the order just referred to seems to have 
 been that the records were disturbed and disordered, and their 
 safety imperilled. When Sir Henry Sidney entered on his 
 government he found them, according to Collins, ' in an open 
 place, subject to wind, rain, and all weather, and so neglected that 
 they were taken for common uses.' ^ It is to Sidney's admirably 
 efficient administration that we are principally indebted for the 
 preservation of a great portion of the State Papers, and we un- 
 questionably owe to him the establishment of the earliest Irish 
 Eecord Office. In 1566 he directed Henry Draycott, then Master 
 of the Rolls and Chancellor of the Exchequer, to undertake the 
 ' perusing, sorting and calendaring ' of her Majesty's records, 
 which he had previously ' well laid up in a strong chamber of 
 one of the towers of Dublin Castle.' ^ He also appointed, as 
 Stanihurst remarks, ' a special officer with a yearly fee for the 
 keeping of them.' Thomas Cotton, the Deputy Auditor-General, 
 was the first to hold this office.^ The salary of this earliest 
 Deputy Keeper of the Records was fixed at 101. per annum. At 
 this modest figure it remained down to the year 1715, when it was 
 enlarged to the move substantial figure of 500Z. a year for the benefit 
 of no less distinguished a personage than Joseph Addison, then 
 Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant, and it so continued down 
 to the constitution of a Public Record Office by Statute in 1817.'' 
 In 1635 Strafford drew attention to ' the want of Treasuries 
 for His Majesty's Records of his Four Courts,' and his recommen- 
 dation that a proper office should be built resulted in the provision 
 of a Rolls Office.'' In a vigorous minute Strafford pointed out 
 that the legal records having been latterly kept for want of proper 
 custody in the house of the Master of the Rolls, many records had 
 been lost, and more recently burned in a fire which had consumed 
 
 ' Collins's Sydney State Papers, Memoir, i. p. 90. 
 
 2 Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1509-73, p. 295. 
 
 3 Fiants, Eliz. Nos. 3320 and 3614, Irish Kecord Office. 
 
 * Liber Mtmerum Hibcrnitc, II. vi. 205. -' Strafford's Letters, i. p. 527. 
 
 d2 
 
36 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 that official's residence. From this time probably dates the 
 definite separation of the legal records of the country from the 
 State Papers properly so called.^ 
 
 Note F 
 
 THE OFFICE OF CONSTABLE OF DUBLIN CASTLE 
 
 From the very earliest times until late in the eighteenth 
 century the Castle was governed by a Constable, an officer of 
 considerable dignity, who was responsible for the security of its 
 defences, and for the safe custody of the prisoners committed to 
 the Grate. The office appears to have been at all times one of 
 high consideration. Like the Constable of the Tower of London, 
 its holder was entitled, as already noted, to demand higher fees for 
 the maintenance of prisoners and hostages than were chargeable in 
 other castles in the kingdom. The earliest express mention of a 
 Constable by name is that of Simon Muredoc,^ who in 1245 was 
 directed to give formal possession of the Castle to Henry III.'s 
 newly appointed Justiciary, John Fitz-Geoffrey. But it would 
 appear that, in 1226, Theobald Walter,^ the ancestor of the Ormond 
 family, had the custody of the Castle, and may have been its first 
 Constable. One Hugo de Lega was Keeper of the Castle in 1235, 
 but the office of Keeper was then, as well as in later times, distinct 
 from that of Constable. The salary of the Constable, exclusive of 
 fees, was twenty pounds Irish, and it seems to have remained at 
 this modest figure as late as the Eestoration, when an allowance 
 of ten shillings a day was added.^ At the accession of George II. 
 it was again raised, the ' ancient fee of twenty pounds ' being 
 augmented by an addition of 345 Z., thus bringing up the full 
 emoluments to a pound a day. But the perquisites must at all 
 times have been valuable. The privilege of residence within the 
 Castle seems to have been highly valued, if we may judge from 
 the petition of Jaques Wingfield, who, about 1560, 'bilded an 
 handsome lodging for himself at his own proper charge.' ^ And 
 the Ormonde Papers contain an agreement for the sale of beer 
 h" For information on the state of the Irish records generally prior to the 
 nineteenth century see the prefaces to the three volumes of Morrin's Calendar 
 of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland. 
 
 2 Cal. S. P. {Ireland), 1172-1251, p. 417. ^ Ibid. p. 217. 
 
 * Ormonde Papers, New Series, vol. iii. 
 
 * State Papers (Ireland), Eecord Office, vol. xvi. p. 25. Wingfield was ordered 
 by the Deputy, Fitzwilliams, to quit his lodging. In a petition to Cecil, Wing- 
 field describes the residence as ' my cottage in the Castle that standeth on the 
 North Wall of the Castle joined to the Constable's prison.' The Constable' 
 lodgings had previously been on the opposite side, but were moved when Sidney 
 built the Viceregal lodgings on the south side. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 37 
 
 within the Castle on terms which must have been very profitable 
 to the Constable.^ 
 
 The defensive establishment of the Castle seems to have varied 
 from time to time, but four gunners and fourteen warders seem to 
 have been the normal complement. The city in early times seems 
 to have been called on to contribute to the cost of defending the 
 Castle, as appears from a fine inflicted in 1312 on John le Usher, 
 then Constable, who, having been allowed the cost of maintaining 
 twelve extra men, over and above the ordinary garrison, who 
 were to receive their pay out of the city dues, neglected, ' con- 
 trary to his oath and in deceit of the King and Court,' to maintain 
 the additional men. The city was likewise called upon about 
 this time to supply the Constable of Dublin Castle with ' twelve 
 good arbalists, with fitting gear and ten thousand bolts ' ; and in 
 1315 the Mayor and Sheriff's provided a quantity of munition for 
 defence of the Castle.^ In 1537, Alan, the Master of the Eolls, in 
 calling attention to the necessity for the repair of the Castle, re- 
 commended that ' for the custody thereof, and many other dangers, 
 the Constable of the same be an Englishman of England born, 
 whose dwelling shall be continually within the said Castle with- 
 out appointing of a deputy, and he to be associated with four 
 gunners, of the which number two shall always be present.' ^ 
 
 A LIST OF THE CONSTABLES OF DUBLIN CASTLE 
 
 (Compiled from the Liber Munerum Hihernice, the State Paper 
 Calendars, and other sources.) 
 
 1226. Theobald Walter. 1377. John Davenport and 
 
 1245. Simon Muredoc. 
 1276. Henry de Ponte. 
 1278. Peter de Condon. 
 1280. William Burnel. 
 1285. Philip Keling, Junior. 
 1293. John Wodelok. 
 1296. Henry le Waleys. 
 1302. Simon de Ludgate. 
 1302. John le Usher. 
 1325. Henry de Badowe. 
 1352. James, Earl of 
 
 Ormond. 
 1371. Eoger Ocley. 
 
 Eichard Ocley. 
 1381. Eoger de Levenes. 
 1383. John Barnolby. 
 1399. William le Scrope. 
 1399. William Eye. 
 1401. Jenico Dartas. 
 1427. Christopher Plunkett. 
 1450. Giles Thorndon. 
 
 1453. Sir Henry Bruen. 
 
 1454. John Bennet. 
 1467. Thomas Alfray. 
 1474. Gerald Fitzgerrot. 
 1486. Eichard Archbold. 
 
 ' Agreement of Dudley Mainwaring with Nicholas Buck, Ormonde Papers, 
 N.S. iii. '^ Historic and Municipal Docuvients, pp. 302, 327 
 
 ^ State Papers of Henry VIII. vol. ii. pt. iii. p. 486 (1834). 
 
38 
 
 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 1533. 
 
 Sir John White. 
 
 1628. 
 
 Roger Davys and 
 
 1543. 
 
 John Parker. 
 
 
 Samuel Dargas. 
 
 1561. 
 
 Robert Tucker. 
 
 1635. 
 
 Mathew Mainwaring. 
 
 1566. 
 
 John Bettes. 
 
 1644. 
 
 Mathev^r and Dudley 
 
 1566. 
 
 WilHam Denham. 
 
 
 Mainwaring. 
 
 1566. 
 
 Jaques Wingfield. 
 
 1660. 
 
 Sir John Stephens. 
 
 1575. 
 
 Silvester Cooley. 
 
 1673. 
 
 Col. John Jeffreys. 
 
 1587. 
 
 Stephen Segur or 
 
 1680. 
 
 Arthur Turner. 
 
 
 Segrave. 
 
 1681. 
 
 James Clarke. 
 
 1588. 
 
 John Maplesden. 
 
 1684. 
 
 James and William 
 
 1591. 
 
 Michael Kettlewell. 
 
 
 Clarke. 
 
 1600. 
 
 Tristram Eccleston. 
 
 1708. 
 
 John and William 
 
 1607. 
 
 Henry Piers or Persse. 
 
 
 Pratt. 
 
 1611. 
 
 Roger Davys. 
 
 1727. 
 
 Thomas Hatton. 
 
 1617. 
 
 Roger Davys and 
 
 1767. 
 
 Henry Seymour 
 
 
 Robert Branthwaite. 
 
 
 Conway.' 
 
 
 APPEN 
 
 DIX II 
 
 
 A SURVEY OF DUBLIN CASTLE IN 1624.- 
 
 May it please yo*" Most Hono'"'''*' LLps, — I longe since repre- 
 sented unto yo"" Up^ the pticuler surveyes of the severall forts of 
 most importance in this kingdom, taken by S'" Thomas Rotherham 
 and Capten Pinner, togeather w"^ an Estimat of the chardge w'^'^ 
 the repayre of them would amount unto ; And lately by my Ires of 
 the ix*'^ of the last Monneth, I was bould to offer the consideracon 
 thereof againe unto your lip* : Since that tyme having^ heard 
 somthing*^ of the proceedinges in Parliament, & not knowing^ 
 what alteracons the constitutions of these tymes may produce, I 
 have caused Capten Pinner to take an exact survey of this Castle 
 of Dublin, and to certefy the ruins of it, togeather w*'^ the chardge 
 that the repayre of it, shall com to, w*^^ I heere inclosed present 
 unto your lip®, and doe humbly desyre, that as it is my duty to 
 acquaint your lip® w* these pticulers, soe yow wilbee pleased to 
 dirrect mee in due tyme what course to houlde in them, that 
 I may resolve accordingly. 
 
 Yo>' most Hono'*^''^ LLp® Most humbly at Commaund, 
 
 Falkland. 
 
 Addressed : To the Right Hono'''''' my very good Lordes 
 the Lordes of his Ma" Most Honorable Privy Councell. 
 
 Endorsed : xi° Aprilis 1624, from y'^ Lo : Deputie of Irelande, 
 concerning a survey of y'' Castle of Dublin. 
 
 ' Conway was the last Constable. The office was abolished by the Statute 
 57 George III. cap. 62. « S. P. (Ireland), vol. ccxxxviii. pt. i. No. 37, I. 
 
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 39 
 
 Dublin Castle : An Estimacon made the 5^^ of Aprill 1624 by 
 Thomas Pynnock and Thomas Gray Masons, for the 
 Pulling downe of the greate Towar standing West North 
 West being 63 foote high w^*^ maketh 3 perches at 21"*^ 
 foote the perche, and the Compasse ther of being taken 
 in the myddell of the walle is 124 foote making 6 perches 
 for the Circumference. And the thicknes of the walle is 
 Tenn foote. 
 
 u 
 
 For the Pulling downe of the Tower and lainge the 
 
 Stones in place may cost by Estimacon . . 080 00 00 
 The Tower will conteine 1600 perches, w* for the 
 
 Workmanship only at 2s. 6d. the pche will cost . 200 00 00 
 Every perch of work will require 2 barrells of roache 
 
 lyme, w'^'' at 9d. the barrell being 3200 barrells 
 
 will cost 120 00 00 
 
 Every Barrell of lyme will require 2 barrells of 
 
 sand w°^ at 3d. the barrell to be layd in the place 
 
 to be wrought, being 6400 barrells will cost . 080 00 00 
 
 For Diging of stone sufficient for this worke may 
 
 cost by Estimacon ...... 
 
 For the Stone it self and bringing it home may cost 
 
 For Scaffoling 
 
 For Ankers, Dogges and Spikes may cost 
 
 For 100 stone stayres ruff hewed at 3s. 4d, the pece 016 
 
 For Tymber and planks for one platforme and fyve 
 
 floores may cost by Estimacon .... 100 00 00 
 For taking up of the lead, W^'* must be all newe cast 
 
 and wrought, may cost by Estimacon . . . 050 00 00 
 For Clensing the Moate from all Eubbish and the 
 
 Mudd w*^'^ in greate aboundance, may cost . . 060 00 00 
 
 Suma .891 00 00 
 Nicfeo Pynnar 
 
 T. P. Thomas Graye . Masons. 
 
 li 
 
 Ther is also in diuers of the Towers (w*='^ because 
 the names of them are not knowne, we doe sett 
 downe in generall their defects) a greate deale of 
 walle, and parapet that is fallen downe, and som 
 so ryven that it must be taken downe, w*^^ wilbe 
 in all 213 perches and for the Workmanship of 
 all this w*^^ stone, lyme, and sand will cost 8s. 
 each perche as is here under specified, and this 
 will amount unto by estimacon . . . . 85 8 
 
 045 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 090 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 025 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 025 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 016 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
40 ILLUSTEATIONS OP lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 li 
 
 There is a greate deale of stone work must be pulled 
 downe, and the stones to be saued and layd in 
 place may cost by Estimacon . . . .500 
 
 The Tower called Bremagems Tower wanteth no 
 stonework but it hath no platforme, W^*^ is a 
 place fitt for a peece of Artillery, this is 41 foots 
 long and 24 foote wide, and this may cost by 
 Estimacon 24 
 
 The leade of this Tower must be taken up and new 
 
 wrought w'^'^ may cost by Estimacon . . . 30 00 
 
 Ther is a litle Tower standing South w'=^^ also hath 
 no platforme and is very needefull to have a 
 peece of Artillery and this may cost by Estimacon 14 00 
 
 The lead also of this must be taken up and newe 
 
 wrought, w*^'^ may cost by estimacon . . . 25 00 00 
 
 For Ankers, Dogg^* and Spikes to fasten in the 
 walles, w* for want of theise formerly hath bene 
 the cause of the Euin of theise walles, and this 
 may Cost by estimacon . . . . . 25 00 00 
 
 All the out side of the Castle walle towards the 
 South and the west is weather beaten, and in the 
 West end ther is a crack from one tower to the 
 other and must be pynned, both in that place 
 and som others, and this may cost by estimacon 250 00 00 
 
 Suma . 458 8 00 
 
 Ther must be for every pch of work 2 Cart load of 
 
 stone w'=^ doth cost 3s. 
 
 For 2 barrells of Eoach lyme ..... 18d. 
 
 For 4 barrells of Sand 12d. 
 
 For workmanship each perche at ... . 2s. 6^. 
 
 Suma . 8s. 
 
 Nicho Pynnar 
 
 T. P. Thomas Graye . Masons. 
 
 Endorsed : A Survey of the Castle of Dublin, April 5, 1624. 
 
II 
 
 THE PHCENIX PARK 
 
 The Phcenix Park is the greatest and most abiding monu- 
 ment of that extraordinary revival and extension of the 
 Irish capital which followed the Kestoration, and which in 
 the space of a few years transformed Dublin from a mediaeval 
 city into a modern metropolis, Down to the era of the Com- 
 monwealth Dublin had remained a walled town, within 
 the ambit of whose fortifications little or no change affecting 
 its general appearance had taken place for a couple of 
 centuries. From the days of the later Plantagenets to 
 those of the later Stuarts, it may almost be said, no scenic 
 transformation on a large scale was effected in the aspect of 
 the capital, save what was involved in the suppression of the 
 monasteries and the conversion of the Abbey of St. Mary's 
 and the Priory of All Hallows from religious to civil uses. 
 The disturbed condition of Ireland throughout the whole 
 Tudor period sufficiently engaged the attention of successive 
 Deputies from Poynings to Essex ; and when the compara- 
 tive calm that followed the Plantation of Ulster left leisure 
 to such liberal-minded rulers as Chichester, St. John, and 
 Falkland to contemplate the improvement of the capital, 
 even the expenditure which was found to be indispensable 
 to make Dublin Castle habitable was with difficulty sanc- 
 tioned by the parsimony of James I.' Such extensions of 
 the city as took place in the early years of the seventeenth 
 century lay in a south-easterly direction, some part of the 
 empty space between Dublin Castle and Trinity College 
 being appropriated to Chichester House. But no attempt 
 was made to enlarge the bounds of the metropolis to the 
 
 ' See pp. 21-22, supra. 
 
42 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 west, where on the north the meadows and green of Oxman- 
 town lost themselves in the vague hinterland of Grangegor- 
 man, and on the south fresh meadows running down to the 
 banks of the Liffey extended from James's Street to the old 
 priory of Kilmainham.^ 
 
 The all-pervading energy of Strafford would probably 
 have undertaken the adornment of the capital had time and 
 fate permitted. His letters are not without evidence that the 
 subject was in his thoughts. But the dread Viceroy passed to 
 his doom on Tower Hill, leaving no visible memorial nearer 
 Dublin of his long tenure of uncontrolled authority than the 
 crumbling walls of his unfinished edifice near the Naas road. 
 After Strafford's departure ensued the terrible epoch that 
 followed the Kebellion of 1641. 
 
 Fire and sword, ' 
 Red ruin and the breaking up of laws, 
 
 laid hold of Ireland for a full decade. And the war and waste 
 which devastated the whole country nowhere left ruder 
 traces than in the streets and fortifications of Dublin and in 
 the fortunes of its hapless citizens. It is difficult to picture 
 a scene of greater desolation, indigence, and even famine 
 than is painted in the letters of the Irish Lords Justices in 
 the years immediately following the Rebellion and in those 
 of the Viceroy, afterwards the first Duke of Ormond,^' in the 
 disastrous years that preceded his abandonment of Ireland 
 to the Eoundheads. The decade 1651 to 1660 was one of 
 less disturbance. But a military government seldom en- 
 courages municipal prosperity, and the general sense of the 
 insecurity of the Cromwellian regime was unfavourable to 
 private enterprise. Thus it was not until the Restoration 
 that any effort was made to rescue the city from the decay 
 into which it had fallen. Then, indeed, was witnessed a 
 marvellous change. 
 
 ' As late as the end of the seventeenth century Spenser's line still remained 
 photographically descriptive of the flow of the Liffey right up to the city : — 
 ' There was the Liffy rolling downe the lea.' 
 
 Faery Quee^w, Book IV. canto xi. 
 
 * Letters of the Irish Lords Justices, 1641-44. Ormmide Pap&rs, New 
 Series, vol. ii. 
 
THE PHCENIX PAEK 43 
 
 In the year 1661 the Duke of Ormond, sharing the 
 happier fortunes of the cause to which he had clung in 
 adversity, and returning from exile with his master, was 
 appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, or, to use the pictur- 
 esque phrase of the time, ' came to the sword.' A great 
 nobleman, possessed of a stake in the country greater than 
 that of any other subject of the Crown, Ormond was in the 
 fullest sense a resident Viceroy. Having held the sword in 
 the evil days of rebellion and civil war, he knew, as no one 
 else could, all that the country and the capital had suffered, 
 and he returned to Ireland animated with a desire to do all 
 that in him lay to give back prosperity to both. How far 
 he succeeded in the political sphere in fulfilling expecta- 
 tions of which, as he remarked, it would have required 
 another and a larger Ireland to satisfy them all, need not be 
 discussed here. But of the efficacy of his plan for the reno- 
 vation of Dublin there can be no sort of question. If the 
 exile of the Koyalists to Paris, Brussels, Amsterdam, and 
 wherever else the scattered followers of Charles II. found a 
 refuge in Continental centres, did nothing else for them, 
 adversity was not without its uses in enlarging their 
 experience of men and cities. Ormond and his adherents 
 returned with new and liberal ideas of what a capital ought 
 to be, and to these they speedily gave effect. Houses every- 
 where sprang up without the walls of Dublin. The space from 
 Cork Hill to College Green previously but sparsely occupied 
 was quickly filled up. Oxmantown Green became so built 
 upon that, in less than eight years, Ormond was obliged to 
 requisition St. Stephen's Green, then lately walled in, as an 
 exercise ground for his garrison, and the northern quays 
 began to be formed as we now know them.' So rapid was 
 the extension that the citizens, mindful of their past troubles, 
 called the attention of the Viceroy to the difficulties likely to 
 be occasioned in time of war by reason of the large number 
 of dwellings which now lay without the fortifications ; and 
 
 ' See the Description of England and Ireland by Mens. Jorevin de Kocheford, 
 Paris, 1672, Part II. infra. 
 
44 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 Arthur Capel, Earl of Essex,' one of Ormond's successors in 
 the Viceroyalty, writing in 1673, observes that ' the city of 
 Dublin is now very near, if not altogether, twice as big as it 
 was at his Majesty's restoration, and did, till the Dutch war 
 began, every day increase in building.' But of all the adorn- 
 ments and additions then planned and accomphshed, by far 
 the greatest was the formation and enclosure of * his 
 Majesty's Park of the Phoenix.' 
 
 Although the Phoenix Park, as it now is, and as it has 
 been known to the citizens of Dublin for above two centuries, 
 has for its southern boundary the road running by the north 
 bank of the Liffey from Dublin to Chapelizod, it originally 
 embraced both sides of the river, and included the land on 
 which the Royal Hospital, Kilmainham, now stands. Here 
 it was that the Duke of Ormond found the nucleus of the 
 Park. At the time of his return from exile the lands of 
 Kilmainham had been for exactly a century in the undis- 
 turbed possession of the Crown. Originally granted by 
 Strongbow to the Knights Hospitallers in 1174, they had 
 remained until the Reformation the appanage of what Ware 
 calls 'the most noble Priory of St. John's of Jerusalem 
 in Ireland.' ^ But they had been surrendered to Henry VIII. 
 in the thirty-third year of that monarch's reign by the 
 then prior. Sir John Rawson.^ The Hospital and its lands 
 remained in the possession of the Crown from 1542 onwards, 
 during the reigns of Edward VI. and Queen Mary, and the 
 priory appears even thus early to have been utilised as a 
 Viceregal residence. In Ware's ' Annals ' ^ the Lord Deputy, 
 
 ' Essex Papers, Camden Soc, New Series, vol. xlvii. 
 
 - Ware's Amials, p. 259. On the suppression of the Knights Templars by 
 Edward II. in 1313, their lands in Ireland were given to the Knights of St. John. 
 Hence the mistake of Archdall, who, in his Mcynasficoii, erroneously states that 
 the lands of Kilmainham were granted by Strongbow to the Knights Templars. 
 ArchdaU's Monasticon Hibernicum, edition of 1876, ii. p. 02. 
 
 ^ 1542. A Statute (34 Henry VIII.) passed in this year at Dublin enacted 
 ' that the King our Sovereign Lord shall have, hold, possess, and enjoy to him, 
 his heirs and successors for ever, the said late dissolved Hospital of St. John's 
 of Jerusalem in this realm, and all and singular its possessions, lands, appurte- 
 nances,' &c. 
 
 * Ware's Annals, p. 142. 
 
THE PHGENIX PAEK 45 
 
 Thomas Eadcliffe, Viscount Fitzwalter, is described as 
 marching in 1557 with his forces ' from the Hall of Kilmain- 
 ham, being the Lord-Lieutenant's place of retire.' But at 
 the close of the same year the priory was restored by Queen 
 Mary, at the instance of Cardinal Pole, to the Knights of 
 St, John, one Oswald Massingberd being installed as prior. 
 Massingberd's tenure was necessarily brief. On the accession 
 of Elizabeth in the year following he fled overseas, and 
 Fitzwalter, returning to the Viceroyalty as Earl of Sussex, 
 resumed possession of the priory. Thereupon it was found 
 expedient to settle the title of the Crown on a clear basis ; 
 and, accordingly, by * An Act for the restitution of the late 
 priory or hospital of St. John's of Jerusalem,' the house and 
 lands were declared to be ' annexed to the Imperial Crown of 
 this realm in the Queen's most royal person ' in as full a 
 manner as before the patent to Sir Oswald Massingberd.^ 
 
 The priory, or as it now began to be called, the Castle of 
 Kilmainham, having considerably decayed since the original 
 suppression of the Knights of St. John by Henry VIII. ,^ 
 Elizabeth, deeming it a fit place for the residence of the Chief 
 Governors of Ireland, gave order for its repair. For the 
 next thirty years it was so used by successive deputies from 
 Sir Henry Sidney ^ to Sir William Fitzwilliam, though the 
 former, on his first arrival, finding the repairs inadequate, 
 was obliged to take refuge in the archiepiscopal palace of 
 St. Sepulchre's.^ But after Fitzwilliam's departure in 1588, 
 the hall or principal building was suffered to fall into woeful 
 dilapidation, whilst its appurtenant premises had already 
 degenerated into hopeless ruin. A memorandum drawn up 
 
 ' statute 2 Elizabeth, cap. vii. 
 
 - MS. Annals of Dudley Loftus in Archbishop Marsh's Library, Dublin. 
 
 ' ' In the Christmas holidays, 1566, 1 visited him [O'Neill] in the heart of his 
 country . . . and when word was brought him that I was so near him — " That is 
 not possible," quoth he, " for the day before yesterday I know he dined and 
 sate under his cloth of estate in his hall of Kilmainham." ' Sir H. Sidney's 
 Journeys, Ulster Joiirnal of Archceology, iii. p. 42. Sidney during his residence 
 caused Island Bridge to be built on the site of a structure built of stone in the 
 middle of the fifteenth century, but swept away by a flood in 1545. The bridge 
 was long known as Kilmainham Bridge. 
 
 * Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1509-1573. And see p. 16, su]p7-a. 
 
46 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 in 1572 of ' the decays of the Manor place of Kilmainham,' 
 and of the mills and weirs there,' shows the extent to 
 which decay had even then spread ; St. John's Church 
 being roofless, St. Mary's chapel being utilised as a stable 
 and its steeple broken down, and the fort by which the 
 whole was defended presenting a complete wreck. The mills 
 and weirs of Kilmainham had also fallen into ruin, 'the 
 pound by which the waters of a swift-running river named 
 the Liffey ' had course to the former having two great 
 breaches or gaps in it, and the weirs 'for the taking of 
 samon ' urgently needing repair. But sorry as was the 
 spectacle thus presented by her Majesty's House of Kil- 
 mainham, no attention whatever was paid by Elizabeth to 
 the frequent remonstrances of her representatives in Ireland 
 at the neglect of the place. After Fitzwilliam's departure 
 the ancient priory was degraded to a granary, though manj^ 
 years were still to elapse ere it ceased to be officially 
 regarded as a possible Viceregal habitation. In 1599, when 
 the favourite Essex was about to come over on the luckless 
 mission which was to lead him to the scaffold, orders were 
 given for the putting in readiness of her Majesty's House 
 of Kilmainham for the Lord Lieutenant's reception ; but a 
 sum of 153i!., expended by the Lords Justices in repairs 
 pursuant to this order, incurred the disapproval of the 
 Treasury, who endorsed the item in the accounts ' a house of 
 pleasure without Dublin, and therefore a superfluous charge.' ^ 
 The later Elizabethan Viceroys, exercising their office 
 for the most part through Lords Justices, were little incon- 
 venienced by the loss of their only official residence outside 
 Dublin Castle. But early in the reign of James I. that 
 vigorous administrator Sir Arthur Chichester, who was Lord 
 Deputy for twelve years, of which eight were spent in 
 Ireland, did his best to get the place put into order. In 1605, 
 he applied for ' 1,000^. harpe, making 750?. sterling for the 
 repair of the house at Kilmainham, as a residence for the Lord 
 
 ' ' Decays of the Manor Place of Kilmainham,' Irish State Papers, Ehz. 
 vol. xiv. p. 57, ii., Record Office. 
 
 2 Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1599-1600, p. 240. 
 
THE PHCENIX PAEK 47 
 
 Deputy in the summer months, when the castle is somewhat 
 noisome by reason of the prison.' ' Four years later he was 
 obliged to name 3,000Z. as the sum necessary, describing the 
 place as ' a goodly vast building, but like to be utterly ruined 
 and blown down the next winter.' Chichester plaintively 
 added that he made this representation only in discharge of 
 his duty, ' Kilmainham being his Majesty's only house in 
 this kingdom meet for the deputy to reside in,' but not expect- 
 ing that any attention would be paid to his remonstrance. 
 
 It being plain that King James and his Ministers cared 
 nothing for the place, and were only desirous of getting rid 
 of the cost of keeping it from further dilapidation, divers 
 of his officers in Ireland began to set covetous eyes on 
 Kilmainham. Memorials were addressed to the King 
 pointing out its ruinous condition and the valuelessness of 
 the lands attached to it, and expressing a loyal readiness to 
 relieve the Crown of the whole. In 1609, Sir Kichard 
 Sutton,^ his Majesty's Auditor of Imprests, proposed to 
 take a grant of all the lands on the north side of the 
 Liffey in fee-farm for ever, with the reservation of only 
 201. a year to the Crown, in consideration of his surrender 
 of certain lands in Cornwall. A King's letter directing a 
 patent to issue was accordingly sent over to Chichester, from 
 whom it drew a vigorous protest. The Lord Deputy sus- 
 pended the grant till his objections could be considered by 
 the Privy Council, pointing out the desirability of restoring 
 the house as a Viceregal residence, and observing that if the 
 lands were alienated the deputies would be ' without any place 
 either of pleasure or help towards housekeeping.' He con- 
 cluded by expressing his opinion that if the grant should be 
 made the Crown would ere long be coerced either to largely 
 increase the Viceregal allowances or to buy back Kilmainham. 
 Chichester's protest, however, fell on deaf ears. In the 
 following year the patent issued to Sutton, and the Deputy, 
 despairing of procuring its revocation, proposed to build an 
 official country seat at Drogheda, where the Irish Primates, 
 
 ' Cal. S. p. {Ireland), 1603-6, p. 381. 
 2 Ibid. 1608-10, p. 332. 
 
48 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IKISH HISTOEY 
 
 who were frequently made responsible for the government 
 of the country in the absence of the Deputy from Ireland, 
 had their principal residence. The priory of Kilmainham 
 was left derelict. No attempt was ever thereafter made to 
 restore the building, of which half a century later little or 
 nothing remained.^ In the Down Survey, the remnants are 
 described as the ruins of a large castle ; and when in 1680 
 directions were given to clear the site for the erection of the 
 Koyal Hospital, there only remained part of the walls of the 
 chapel, the stones of which were carefully taken down and 
 used in building the chapel of the Hospital. 
 
 But the disappointed Deputy had not to wait long for 
 the fulfilment of his prophecy. Sir Eichard Sutton never 
 took possession of the lands of Kilmainham, but assigned 
 his grant in 1611 to Sir Edward Fisher,^ to whom, in the same 
 year, a fresh grant was issued confirming his title to all the 
 lands on the north side of the Liffey and Kilmainham Bridge, 
 extending from Oxmantown Green to Chapelizod and to the 
 river Liffey, and including 330 acres, part of the demesne of 
 the late Hospital of Kilmainham, and 60 acres known as Kil- 
 mainham Wood. On the property thus granted, Fisher, who 
 acquired at the same time the sole right of fishing in the 
 Liffey, erected a country house. But in 1618 he surrendered 
 his patent to the King ^ for a sum of 2,500^., whereupon the 
 
 ' See also Carew Cal. (1603-24), p. 80. ' I have caused an exact view to be 
 taken of the house at Killmainham, and appraise most of the materials to be 
 made by skilful men, which amounteth not to 300Z., leaving the stable, a garden, 
 and the walls of a garden standing.' Answer, • Lord Carew is directed to view 
 the place, and on conference with you to direct what is necessary to be done.' 
 
 2 The grant to Sir E. Fisher included : ' All the lands lying on the northern 
 side of the Liffey and Kilmainham Bridge, 330 acres ; being part of the demesne 
 of the late Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem ; a parcel of underwood called 
 Kilmainham Wood, 60 acres ; all bounding and extending to the high-road 
 leading from Oxmantown Green near Dublin, to Chapel Izod, and to the river 
 Litfey, South ; to the lands of Newtowne, East ; to the hedge and lands of 
 Newtown, Ashtown, and Mainham's Bush, North ; to the plowlands in or near 
 Chapel Izod in the tenor of Sir Henry Power, West ; a parcel of meadow 10 
 acres extending to Kilmainham Bridge, East ; to the road, North ; to the lands 
 of Chapel Izod, West ; and to the Liffey, South, parcel of the estate of the said 
 Hospital.' Total rent lOZ. EngUsh. To hold for ever as of the Castle of Dublin 
 in common socage. Patent Roll of James I. 1611, 
 
 * Ibid. pt. ii. 
 
THE PHCENIX PARK 49 
 
 lands with the house thereon were, by special direction of 
 the King, converted to the use of the Chief Governor of 
 Ireland for the time being. 
 
 This repurchase of the lands of Kilmainham was effected 
 by Sir Oliver St. John, afterwards Lord Grandison, who in 
 1616 had succeeded Chichester as Deputy, and who, almost 
 immediately after Fisher's surrender, took up his abode at 
 ' his Majesty's House at Kilmainham called the Phenix.' ^ 
 The house is first described by that name in an order for 
 payment of moneys disbursed in repairs in February 1619, 
 and thenceforward it is constantly used. With respect to 
 the origin and derivation of this name, I ^ cannot presume to 
 meddle in Gaelic etymology. The explanation offered by 
 most local historians, and expanded by Dr. Joyce, refers the 
 name to a corruption of the word Fionn (or Phion) uisg\ 
 signifying clear, or limpid, water. According to this sugges- 
 tion the name denotes a spring well of singular transparency 
 situate within the park.^ 
 
 It was in the time of St. John's successor, the first Lord 
 Falkland, that the notion, not carried out till forty years 
 later, of turning the lands into a deer park seems to have 
 been first entertained. In 1623 a King's letter directed that 
 one William Moore should be employed about his Majesty's 
 park, which was to be enclosed near Dublin for the breeding 
 of deer and the maintenance of game. But although the 
 office of Master of the Hawks and Game had been constituted 
 in 1605, and was at the time held by the Vice -Treasurer, 
 Sir Thomas Ridgeway, afterwards Earl of Londonderry, 
 it does not appear that anything was done to enclose any 
 part of the lands of the Phoenix or to stock it with game. 
 
 ' Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1615-1625, p. 246. 
 
 ^ Irish Names of Places, i. p. 24. It is not certain that Dr. Joyce is 
 correct in fixing the site of this spring as close to the Phoenix Pillar and the 
 entrance to the Viceregal grounds. The spring at that spot would not have 
 been on the lands originally held with the Phoenix house. Assuming the sug- 
 gested etymology to be correct, it seems more probable that the name derives 
 from a spring in the vicinity of the Magazine, perhaps the rivulet that runs 
 along the valley on the north side of the Magazine Hill. It may be noted 
 that the river Finisk which joins the Blackwater below Cappoquin is called 
 the ' Phoenix ' by Charles Smith in his History of Waterford. 
 
 E 
 
50 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 At any rate no new Master was appointed on Eidgeway's 
 death in 1631. 
 
 For forty years from the time of its acquisition by the 
 Crown * the House of the Phoenix ' remained the principal 
 residence of the rulers of Ireland and their favourite resort. 
 After Falkland's time it was occupied by the Lords Justices 
 in the absence of the Viceroy, and the well-known Earl of 
 Cork notes in his diary how * I and mine were this day feasted 
 at the Phenix by the Lord of Eanelagh.' ' Strafford and 
 Ormond, Fleetwood and Henry Cromwell, were among its 
 successive occupants in the thirty troubled years that preceded 
 the Bestoration. Situated on the eminence now occupied by 
 the magazine fort, commanding the fine prospect of the 
 Dublin hills and of the valley of the Liffey in one direction, 
 and a far-stretching expanse of almost entirely unoccupied 
 land in another, it was an almost ideal spot for the recreation 
 of jaded statesmen in the intervals that great affairs afforded. 
 Here Strafford, in the earlier years of his rule, diverted him- 
 self with hawking, or with such substitute for his favourite 
 sport as he was forced to improvise in a country seat in which, 
 as he laments to his friend Cottington, * there hath not been 
 a partridge within the memory of man.' ' To-morrow,' he 
 writes, ' I purpose with a cast or two of spar-hawks to take 
 myself to fly at blackbirds, ever and anon taking them on 
 the pates with a trench. It is excellent sport, there being 
 sometimes two hundred horse on the field looking on at us.' ^ 
 Strafford however was not contented with the Phoenix, either 
 as a residence or for the sport its neighbourhood afforded. 
 He defends himself, in a letter to Laud, against a charge of 
 extravagant expenditure on his mansion near Naas, and his 
 park at Shillelagh, on the plea that it was * uncomely ' that 
 his Majesty should not have a house in Ireland capable to 
 lodge him with moderate conveniency.^ On Ormond's sur- 
 render of Dublin to the Parliament in 1647, the Phoenix 
 passed into the hands of the Parliamentarians, but on the 
 Viceroy's return in June 1649, when he lay before Dublin 
 
 ' Lismore Papers, 1st Ser. iii. p. 60. 
 
 « Strafford's Letters, i. p 162. ' Ihid. ii. p. 105. 
 
THE PHCENIX PARK 51 
 
 prior to the disastrous battle of Kathmines, he summoned 
 the House to surrender, and it was delivered up, but only 
 to be reoccupied a few weeks later by the victorious forces 
 of the Parliamentary General, Michael Jones.^ In 1652 Sir 
 Jerome Sankey, one of the most acquisitive of the Crom- 
 wellians, seems to have secured a promise of the place. 
 A survey of the manor of Kilmainham was ordered by the 
 Parliamentary Commissioners. But it does not appear how 
 far this affair proceeded.- Later, the Phoenix was the con- 
 stant abode of Henry Cromwell,^ man}'- of whose letters are 
 dated from thence.* He appears to have been fond of the 
 place and to have added considerably to the building, which, 
 even before his improvements, was described by Sir William 
 Petty as a very stately house and in good repair.^ Ormond, 
 on being reinstated as Viceroy, gave order for the building 
 of a hall and stables ; and Lord Orrery,*' who, as one of the 
 Lords Justices pending Ormond's arrival, had charge of 
 the improvements, suggested the addition of a chapel. But 
 except as to the stables, these designs were not proceeded 
 with, the larger schemes involved in the formation of the 
 Park rendering them in part unnecessary. 
 
 ' Jones is stated in a pamphlet of the day to have taken ' the Phoenix, the 
 strong house of the Earl of Strafford near the city of Dublin ' on August 13, 1649. 
 
 ^ Hardinge, ' On Surveys in Ireland,' Trans. R.I.A. vol. xxiv. ; Antiquities, 
 p. 5. 
 
 ^ ' 26 May, 1657. We all dined yesterday and took leave at the Phenix, 
 where we found much freedom and welcome.' — Major Geo. Eawdon to Lord 
 Conway. Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1647-1660. 
 
 * ' When Sir H. Waller surprised the Castle of Dublin Henry Cromwell 
 retired to a house in the Phoenix Park.' — Leland's History of Ireland, iii. p. 400. 
 
 ^ Down Survey. 
 
 " ' I am now building a house for myself in Munster, of which I am the 
 architect, and therefore pretend something to engineership, by virtue of which I 
 spent an hour yesterday in designing what you command should be further 
 done at the Phcenix, which is a hall and a stable. I proposed to the Council 
 that, to make the house uniform, the hall should be built as a room answerable 
 to the new building Col. Harry Cromwell made ; and that to make it of even 
 length thereunto a chapel should be added, without which your grace's family 
 will not be a little disaccommodated. Both these will make the house uniform, 
 and because this must be done forthwith, I proposed that the walls might 
 be so thick as hereafter on the hall and the chapel other stories might be raised 
 to the height of Colonel Harry's building, to which this will be opposite, and in 
 the meantime to terrace this. This the Council approved.' — -Orrery to Ormond, 
 December 28, 1661, Orrery's State Letters, p. 31. 
 
 e2 
 
52 ILLUSTEATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY 
 
 We have now reached the time of the making of the Park. 
 But before proceeding with the story it may be convenient 
 to trace the subsequent history of the old Phoenix House. 
 The Duke of Ormond was the last Viceroy to utilise it as a 
 residence. His occupation of the dwelling must have termi- 
 nated about 1665, when the Viceregal seat was moved, as will 
 shortly be seen, to Chapelizod ; but the gardens and stables 
 were maintained for many years. The house itself seems to 
 have been given up to members of the Lord-Lieutenant's 
 staff, and in 1719 was in the occupation of an official called 
 the Gentleman of the Horse.^ It was still standing when, 
 in 1734, the Duke of Dorset directed the provision of a 
 powder magazine in such part of the Phoenix Park as might 
 seem most proper for the purpose, and the Lords Justices, 
 with that carelessness of historical associations by which the 
 eighteenth century is unhappily distinguished, having fixed 
 on the ground occupied by the old Phoenix House and stables 
 as the most suitable spot, the Viceroy gave orders for the 
 demolition of the buildings.^ Thus the handsome Jacobean 
 mansion became a thing of the past, and the magazine and 
 fort, whose erection evoked the last satiric spark emitted by 
 Swift's expiring intellect, has ever since occupied the site of 
 his Majesty's House of the Phoenix.^ 
 
 The Duke of Ormond was appointed Lord-Lieutenant in 
 November of 1661, the administration having been pre- 
 viously confided to Lords Justices. But the interminable 
 difficulties besetting the impossible task of devising an act 
 of settlement which should reconcile the contending claims 
 of the successive grantees of the forfeited lands of Ireland 
 delayed his arrival in Ireland until the following July. 
 Immediately on his appointment Ormond communicated 
 with Sir Maurice Eustace, the Irish Chancellor and one of 
 the Lords Justices, as to the most fitting place for the 
 
 ' Estimate of repairs, 1719, British Departmental Corr., Irish Eecord Office. 
 ^ Duke of Dorset to the Lords Justices, 8th Oct., 1734, ibid. 
 ^ ' Behold a proof of Irish sense, 
 Here Irish wit is seen ; 
 When nothing's left that's worth defence 
 They build — a magazine ! ' 
 
THE PHCENIX PAEK 53 
 
 Viceregal abode. Eustace recommended the Phoenix as a 
 pleasant summer dwelling-house, which, moreover, was in 
 the near neighbourhood of his own seat at Chapelizod. The 
 Viceroy accordingly gave directions for its enlargement, and 
 on his arrival took up his residence there.^ 
 
 Preoccupied with weightier matters, Ormond's corre- 
 spondence in 1662 throws no light on the circumstances in 
 which the project for forming the Park originated, but there 
 can be little doubt that it was in the neighbourly intercourse 
 between Viceroy and Chancellor that the suggestion of -a 
 deer-park near the Viceregal residence was first mooted. 
 Eustace had already spent a long life mostly in official 
 harness. Appointed Speaker of the Irish House of Com- 
 mons, with the approval of Strafford, in 1634, he had the 
 address to hold that office through the stormy times that 
 followed, until the advent of Cromwell involved him in 
 misfortunes which culminated in a seven years' captivity at 
 Chester. Liberated in 1658, Eustace returned to Ireland, 
 but was forbidden the exercise of his profession at the bar, 
 at which, prior to these troubles, he had reached the rank 
 of Prime Serjeant. At the Restoration, his sufferings were 
 held to have earned his advancement to the highest judicial 
 office in Ireland.^ Eustace was old enough to remember 
 the unfulfilled plans of Falkland for the enclosure of the 
 Crown lands of Kilmainham, and Ormond, full of schemes 
 for the improvement of Dubhn, had a ready ally in the Chan- 
 cellor, whose own seat at Harristown was reckoned among 
 the stateliest homes in Ireland. It is, perhaps, doing the 
 old gentleman no injustice to surmise that his satisfaction 
 in the laying out of his Majesty's deer-park was not 
 diminished by the circumstances that the scheme could 
 not be effectually carried out without his own consent and 
 co-operation, and that it presented an opportunity for the 
 advantageous disposal of his property at Chapelizod. Be 
 this as it may, it is certain that the first official mention of 
 
 ' Orrery's State Letters, p. 31. 
 
 - For a detailed notice of Sir Maurice Eustace, see Sovie Notes on the Irish 
 Judiciary in the reign of Charles II., by Francis Elrington Ball. 
 
54 ILLUSTEATIONS OP lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 the Phoenix Park occurs in a King's letter, dated December 
 1, 1662, directed to the Lord-Lieutenant, which ratifies the 
 purchase from Eustace of lands contiguous to the Phoenix 
 demesne, and forming part of the manor or lordship of 
 Chapelizod, which the Chancellor had recently acquired. 
 
 The original extent of the Crown lands held with the 
 Manor House of the Phoenix cannot have been much above 
 four hundred acres. But by an agreement entered into at 
 the same time as the arrangement with Eustace, about a 
 hundred acres lying to the north-west of the Phoenix de- 
 mesne, and known as the lands of Newtown, were acquired 
 for a sum of 3,000Z.^ This purchase was not completed 
 until 1671, but the lands, which included the site of the 
 present Viceregal Lodge, were at once taken over and walled 
 in. Thus the Park, as at first contemplated, comprised 
 little more than a thousand acres. This was speedily found 
 to be insufficient, and in May 1663 a further King's letter ^ 
 
 ' Howard's Exchequer and Revenue of Ireland, ii. p. 261. 
 
 - The following is the full text of the King's letter to the Duke of Ormond, 
 giving authority for the purchase of further lands for the Phoenix Park : 
 
 ' Charles R. 1663, May 26. Whitehall Right trusty and right entirely 
 
 beloved Cousin and Counsellor, We greet you well ; whereas by our letters 
 under our privy signet and sign manual, bearing date the first day of December 
 last, We did authorise you to satisfy unto Sir Maurice Eustace, knight, our 
 Chancellor of Ireland, for the purchase of four hundred forty-one acres of the 
 land of Chappell Izard, to be laid unto our manor house of the Phenix, as by 
 the said letter doth appear, and whereas the quantity of lands designed to make 
 a park for our use near the Phenix do amount to a larger quantity, and will 
 cost more money than we were informed of at the passing our said letter, and 
 that we are now resolved to buy the whole manor and house of Chappell Izard, 
 with the town and lands thereunto belonging, and several other lands which be 
 most convenient to enclose for a park : We do therefore very well approve of 
 your proceedings herein already made, and do by these our letters authorise 
 you to purchase from our said Chancellor, and any other persons having title 
 thereunto, such lands, tenements, and hereditaments for our use as you shall 
 think fit, and to give order to our right trusty and right well-beloved Cousin 
 and Counsellor, Arthur, Earl of Anglesey, or any other Vice-Treasurer for the 
 time being, for satisfaction of the purchase money that shall be agreed to be 
 paid, so as the same amount not in the whole to above the sum of ten thousand 
 pounds, and also to enclose or impark with a stone wall, in such manner as 
 you have already begun, such lands of our ancient inheritance, or new purchase, 
 as you shall judge fit for that use, and to store the same with deer, giving order 
 to our said Vice-Treasurer or any other Vice-Treasurer for the time being, to 
 make payment of such sums of money from time to time as shall be requisite 
 
THE PHCENIX PAKK 55 
 
 authorised the purchase from Eustace of ' the whole manor 
 and house of Chappell Izard with the town and lands there- 
 unto belonging, and several other lands which be most con- 
 venient to enclose for a park.' ' The purchase-money was 
 fixed at a maximum of 10,000^., the precise sum being left to 
 arbitration. By the same authority the Lord-Lieutenant 
 was further directed ' to enclose or impark with a stone wall, 
 in such manner as you have already begun, such lands of 
 our ancient inheritance, or new purchase, as you shall judge 
 fit for that use, and to store the same with deer.' 
 
 Pursuant to these instruotions, lands were accordingly ac- 
 quired from various persons in Grangegorman and Castle- 
 knock ; but it was soon evident that the Park was likely to 
 prove far more costly than had been anticipated. Chapel- 
 izod alone absorbed the whole of the original 10,000Z. : ^ 
 a sum much in excess of its value, if, as Lord Essex subse- 
 quently reported, the lands had never been worth more than 
 330Z. a year in the best times. ^ By 1665 it had become 
 necessary to provide a further sum of 10,000Z. to satisfy the 
 other proprietors.^ Between 1665 and 1669 there were 
 
 for doing the said work, and for so doing this shall be a sufficient warrant to 
 you and to our said Vice-Treasurer and to all whom it may concern ; Given at 
 our Court at Whitehall, the xxvith day of May, 1663, in the fifteenth year of 
 our reign. By His Majesty's commands, Henry Bennet.' — Ormonde Papers, 
 New Series, iii. p. 55. 
 
 ' The vicars of the parishes affected as to tithes or otherwise by the making 
 of the Park were compensated in various degrees. Thus by grant from Charles II. 
 to Dr. James Hierome, Vicar of Chapelizod, dated July 14, 1668, the vicar for 
 the time being for 99 years from that date was entitled to graze two horses and 
 eight cows in the Phoenix Park. See Erck's Ecclesiastical Register, pp. 85-90, 
 as to the rights of the vicars of Castleknock and St. James's respectively. 
 
 - King's Letter, 11th May, 1665, Ormonde Papers, New Ser. iii. 
 
 ^ Christie's Life of Shaftesbury, ii. App. p. 53. 
 
 * In the will of Sir Maurice Eustace, made on June 20, 1665, and proved 
 Sept. 20, 1670, occurs the following passage : — ' I give to my nephew. Sir Maurice 
 Eustace, all my lands in the county of Dublin, except my manor of Chapel Izod, 
 which I give to his Majesty King Charles the Second for ever, according to an 
 agreement entered into with him, he paying such money as remains due according 
 to the said agreement.' — Orig. Will, Irish Eecord OflSce. The act of settlement 
 and explanation (17 and 18 Charles II.) (1664) contained a provision for payment 
 of the balance due to the executors of the late Sir Maurice Eustace, Knt., and 
 for vesting the lands of Chapel Izod in his Majesty, his heirs and successors for 
 ever. 
 
66 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 several further purchases, of which the most considerable 
 was the acquisition at a cost of 2,270L of the lands of Ash- 
 town with the castle thereon, being the site of the lodge and 
 grounds now occupied by the Under-Secretary, An account 
 presented in 1669 of the expenditure in respect of the Phoenix 
 Park shows an actual outlay at that date of upwards of 
 18,000^., and a liability of 12,000?., making a total of above 
 31, 000 L^ Provision was made accordingly ; but even this 
 large amount did not suffice, the total cost ultimately 
 exceeding 40,000Z.2 
 
 As a result of these various additions, the area enclosed 
 in the Park, inclusive of Kilmainham, amounted to above 
 2,000 acres, or considerably more than its present extent. 
 Ormond had meanwhile lost no time in proceeding with his 
 plans. A contract, which was speedily, if not very effectually, 
 carried out, was entered into for building a wall. The 
 lands on both sides of the river were enclosed by a stone 
 wall which ran down to the river at each side at a point just 
 west of the covered portion of the modern Kingsbridge 
 Station. Those on the south bank of the Liffey embraced 
 the whole space now comprised in the grounds of the Eoyal 
 Hospital, the boundary running southwards from the Liffey 
 by the present Military Road, turning westward near Bow 
 Bridge and following the course of Kilmainham Lane as far 
 as St. John's Eoad, whence it ran northwards again to 
 Island Bridge. 
 
 The contract for building the Park wall was given to one 
 Dodson. Many of the accounts of this worthy are extant, 
 together with the reports of the officials to whom they were 
 referred by the Irish Privy Council. They make decidedly 
 piquant reading, and suffice to prove that our much-abused 
 Board of Works is after all an improvement on seventeenth- 
 century methods. Dodson for years enjoyed a free hand and 
 a most desirable job. His original estimate amounted to 
 above 4,0001., and specified a wall 10 feet high and 2 feet 
 
 ' Account of moneys paid for land in Phoenix Park, Ormonde Papers, New 
 Ser. iii. 293-5. The precise sum was 31,498L Is. 8d. 
 
 2 Exshaw's Magazine, 1775, p. 213, and Freeman's Journal, Feb. 7, 1775. 
 
THE PHOENIX PAEK 57 
 
 6 inches thick ; and by 1667 Dodson had executed, without 
 demur by the Paymaster, work to the nominal value of 
 6,000/. This, one would suppose, should have provided a 
 sufficiently secure enclosure. The contractor was injudi- 
 cious enough, however, to demand 100/. a year for keeping 
 his own work in repair. This led to investigation. A 
 committee of inquiry reported that the 6,000/. expended 
 should have sufficed to erect a wall durable enough to 
 obviate such early need of repair, and certified that the walls 
 were for the most part so badly executed that they could 
 not be repaired without being taken down and relaid. These 
 defects, which they attributed as well to the badness of the 
 material as to the incompetence of the workmen employed, 
 could scarcely be surprising if, as reported by the com- 
 mittee, Dodson had agreed with his sub-contractors to do 
 for 30/. that for which he was being paid 100/.^ 
 
 As erected by Dodson, the wall, following the exact 
 bounds of the lands, ran in a somewhat irregular course ; 
 following on the north the old Castleknock road, and 
 embracing on the south the meadows by the Liffey on 
 which the Kingsbridge Terminus now stands.'^ In 1671 it 
 
 ' Eeport of Sir Wm. Flower and others, Oct. 27, 1668, Ormonde Papers, New 
 Ser. iii. p. 291. 
 
 - A Survey of part of Newtown and Kilmainbam left out of Phoenix Park 
 by making the wall straight, by Thomas Taylor, 1671. Irish Kecord Office. 
 
 Boundary of the lands of Kilmainbam and Newtown. The demesne lands 
 of Kilmainbam and Newtown, which were vested in the Crown, and which were 
 granted by King James I. to Sir Edward Fisher, in the year 1611, and again 
 repurchased by the same King in 1617, were bounded as follows : — On the south 
 by the river Liffey from the weir at Island Bridge, eastward to Ellen Hore's 
 meadow, now part of Conyngham Road, and Parkgate Street ; east by the rivulet 
 dividing the said lands of Newtown from Oxmantown lands, which rivulet still 
 forms the boundary between the People's Gardens and the Royal Military 
 Infirmary ; west and south-west by the lands of Ashtown, Castleknock, and 
 Chapelizod, by an imaginary line from a point in the Viceregal demesne nearly 
 opposite the entrance gate into the Phoenix Park from Blackhorse Lane, almost 
 dividing the Viceregal lodge into two ; thence westward to about 80 yards east of 
 the Phoenix Column ; thence southward and eastward to a point about 100 yards 
 west of the Magazine Fort ; thence south to the weir at Island Bridge. This 
 boundary line may be seen on the Ordnance map (sheet 18) of the county of 
 Dublin, and still forms the boundary line dividing the parish of St. James (the 
 original parish of Kilmainbam) from the parishes of Castleknock and Chapel- 
 izod. —Evans. The inforiiiation in this note is taken from a manuscript on 
 
58 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 was resolved to straighten the walls, and several small lots 
 on each side of the river, inclusive of these meadows and 
 amounting to some six acres, were left out. As thus modi- 
 fied, the Park remained unchanged for the next ten years, 
 until, in consequence of the assignment by the king of sixty- 
 four acres on the south side for the use of the newly founded 
 Royal Hospital, the whole of the lands lying south of the 
 Liffey were alienated from the Park. Advantage was taken 
 of this circumstance to obviate the inconvenience caused by 
 the public road to Chapelizod running through the Park : an 
 arrangement which, coupled with Dodson's sorry boundary 
 walls, had been found to lead to the frequent injury and loss 
 of the deer. It was accordingly determined to limit the 
 Park to the lands on the north side of the Liffey, taking the 
 Chapelizod road as the boundary. Dodson being by this 
 time discredited, it was necessary to find a fresh contractor, 
 and for the construction of the new wall a curious arrange- 
 ment was entered into with a public servant of high distinc- 
 tion. Sir John Temple, who held the ofiice of Solicitor- 
 General from the Restoration to the Revolution, had 
 inherited from his father, the well-known author of a 
 history of the Rebellion, and long the Master of the Rolls in 
 Ireland, large interests in the neighbourhood of the Park 
 which he was desirous of increasing. He now added to his 
 eminent legal functions the role of builder and contractor, 
 and undertook to build a wall eight feet high from the Park 
 Gate to Chapelizod, in consideration of the sum of 200Z., and 
 of a grant of the lands thus omitted from the Park between 
 the road and the river. The contract was duly carried out. 
 The Park assumed the shape it has ever since substantially 
 retained,^ and the strip of land lying along the river bank 
 
 the Phamix Pai'k by the late well-known Dublin antiquary, Mr. Evans, who was 
 working at the subject shortly before his lamented death, and whose notes on 
 the Park were subsequently acquired by the writer at the sale of his books. 
 Subsequent notes from this source are marked Evans. 
 
 ' So far as the writer is aware, no alteration in the line of the boundary 
 walls seems to have taken place from the erection of Temple's wall until 178G, 
 when the limits of the Park were slightly curtailed at the eastern boundary, 
 near Park Gate, to enable the Wide Street Commissioners to widen the road 
 leading from Barrack Street to Island Bridge. 
 
THE PHCENIX PARK 59 
 
 from Kjngsbridge to Chapelizod was added to the possessions 
 of the Temples of Palmerstown.' 
 
 Meantime neither the delinquencies of Dodson nor the 
 subsequent alteration in the scope of the Park had been 
 allowed to delay the equipment of the lands as a deer-park. 
 Deer were brought from England ; ^ and Marcus Trevor, 
 Viscount Dungannon, who had already received a patent 
 as Master of his Majesty's Game and Parks in Ireland, 
 was designated as Eanger in 1668. Two keepers were 
 at the same time appointed. There appears also to have 
 been an intention to create an office higher than either of 
 these, that of Lieutenant of the Park, which was intended by 
 Ormond to be held by his son, the gifted Earl of Ossory, 
 in conjunction with the house at Chapelizod acquired 
 from Sir Maurice Eustace.^ This idea, which was taken 
 from the constitution of the Eoyal Park at Woodstock, as well 
 as a proposed designation of the Park as Kingsborough 
 Park, was abandoned, and the offices created were confined 
 to those of the Ranger, who was also keeper of the walk of 
 Newtown, with a residence on the site of the present Vice- 
 regal Lodge, and of two keepers, one for what was called 
 Kilmainham walk, and the other for the lodge and walk of 
 Ashtown. The Kilmainham keepership was apparently 
 abolished when the lands south of the Liffey were assigned 
 to the Royal Hospital. But another was established at 
 
 ' The following lands and buildings left outside by the new walls were 
 omitted from the grant to Temple : — ' Neither the house at Chapel Izard, nor 
 the courtyards or gardens thereunto belonging, nor the bleaching-yard there, 
 nor the mills or weirs of Kilmainham, or the washhouse there, nor the sixty-four 
 acres of land by oure letters set apart for the new hospital there be contained in 
 such grant.' See the patent at Irish Eecord OfiSce. 
 
 - Lord Dungannon in his capacity of Kanger lost no time in storing the 
 park with deer. The account of expenditure already cited includes two items 
 of 2001. each in successive yeai's for his purchase of deer stock ; and sums of 
 Sil. and 591. for bringing them over. The deer came mostly from the south of 
 England, and some not improbably from Woodstock, which in the patent 
 appointing Dungannon is quoted as the model of a royal park, and was then 
 well stocked with deer. See, as to the stocking of the deer, Eussell and Pren- 
 dergast's Report on the Carte Papers, pj). 191-2 ; and, as to Deer Parks in 
 Ireland, an excellent paper by Mr. T. P. Le Fanu on ' The Eoyal Forest of 
 Glencree,' Journal of the Eoyal Society of Antiq^uaries of Ireland, 1893, p. 268. 
 
 ^ Draft King's Letter to Attorney-General, Ormonde MSS., undated. 
 
60 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 Castleknock Gate, with a residence on the site of Mount- 
 joy Barracks. The separate establishment of Ranger and 
 keeper lasted far into the eighteenth century ; the last to hold 
 the Eangership as a separate office being Nathaniel Clements, 
 the builder of the Viceregal Lodge. In 1785 the two offices 
 were amalgamated in the person of Sackville Hamilton, 
 then Under-Secretary, and thenceforward were held for 
 many years, together with the Lodge of Ashtown, by the 
 Under-Secretary for the time being. This latter arrange- 
 ment lasted without interruption down to 1830, when the 
 control of the Park was handed over to the Commissioners 
 of Woods and Forests,^ the predecessors of the Board of 
 Works. Ten years later, on the death of Thomas Drum- 
 mond, who was the last Under-Secretary to hold the 
 position, the office of Ranger of the Phoenix Park was 
 finally abolished.^ But the charming residence in the Park, 
 formerly Ashtown Castle, and certain delectable perquisites 
 in the shape of venison from the Park preserves, survive 
 to remind the present occupant of the ancient glories of his 
 office.^ 
 
 A public improvement on a scale so magnificent naturally 
 attracted attention, and the opulent possibilities of a demesne 
 so close to the capital to which Ormond had successfully 
 attracted the Irish nobility as a place of residence soon ex- 
 cited the cupidity of the rapacious favourites who thronged 
 the Court of St. James. Ormond, entangled in the same 
 web of intrigue which had procured the disgrace of his old 
 friend Clarendon, was removed from his post in 1668. 
 
 ' Statute 10 Geo. IV., cap. 50. 
 
 - Letter from the Commissioners of Woods, &e.. to Lord Morpeth, Irish State 
 Paper Office. The writer has to thank Sir David Harrel, late Under-Secretary 
 at Dublin Castle, for this reference. For a list of the Bangers see p. 73 
 infra. 
 
 ' Various official notabilities seem to have enjoyed these perquisites in the 
 eighteenth century. The following were among the regular recipients between 
 1765 and 1777 : The Lord Mayor of Dublin, the Sheriffs, the Lord Primate, the 
 Lord Chancellor, the Attorney-General, the Solicitor-General, the Prime Sei'jeant, 
 and the Commissioner of Kevenue. The Master of the Guild of Merchants 
 received a brace of bucks ' every third year when the franchises are ridden.' 
 Brit. Dep. Corr., Irish Record OfiSce. 
 
THE PHCENIX PARK 61 
 
 With the withdrawal of his authority, the future of the Park 
 he had been at such pains to form was soon endangered.^ 
 It was first promised to the ill-starred Duke of Monmouth, 
 who, however, withdrew his request for it in deference to the 
 remonstrances evoked from Ireland by the proposal. But 
 ere long the Park became the subject of a more serious 
 intrigue. On the death of Lord Dungannon in 1672, the 
 Kangership was bestowed on Sir Henry, afterwards Lord 
 Brouncker, a Court favourite with a shady reputation, 
 whose sufficient epitaph is an unsavoury paragraph in 
 Pepys's ' Diary,' but who should be mentioned with charity 
 as the brother of the first President of the Koyal Society.^ 
 Brouncker belonged to the section of Charles II. 's Court 
 which, before she had been superseded in the royal graces 
 by younger rivals, revolved in the brilliant orbit of Barbara 
 Villiers, Duchess of Cleveland. To her the new Ranger 
 suggested that a grant of the Phcenix Park would be a 
 fruitful source of enrichment, and this was readily accorded 
 by the easy Sovereign. Instructions to pass the patent were 
 sent to Arthur Capel, Lord Essex, who had shortly before 
 entered on a Viceroyalty still commemorated in Dublin by 
 Capel Street and, until recently, by Essex Bridge.^ The action 
 of Essex on the occasion was worthy of a statesman who has 
 left a name among the most honourable in the eminent roll 
 of Irish Viceroys. Like Chichester sixty-six years earlier, in 
 the case of Sir Richard Sutton, he suspended the patent till 
 the King could be brought to consider his objections ; and 
 he wrote energetically to Arlington, Shaftesbury, and other 
 Ministers, desiring them to exert their influence to procure a 
 revocation of the grant. The Duchess, however, though past 
 
 ' Essex Papers, ed. Osmund Airy, Camden Society's Publications, i. p. 59. 
 
 - ' Henry Brouncker erected a large brick house on that portion of Oxman- 
 town hill which was added to the Newtown lands, overlooking the pond, which 
 he named Newtown Lodge, and which was the first olBcial residence (other than 
 the Phcenix House built by Fisher) erected within the Park ; and so continued 
 till about 1760. Thenceforth it was the residence of the deer keepers till 1835, 
 when all the land enclosed with it was granted to the Zoological Society and 
 Newtown Lodge was demolished. This lodge was long known as the Ivy 
 House.' — Evans. 
 
 ' Renamed Grattan Bridge in 1875. 
 
62 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 the zenith of her charms, still retained much of her influence 
 with Charles, and not many were willing to peril their own 
 positions by thwarting so powerful a personage. It took two 
 months of incessant remonstrance to prevail with the King 
 to cancel his gift, and even then Charles only did so upon a 
 promise that lands to the value of 1,000?. a year should be 
 found for the disappointed lady.^ Essex was much assisted 
 in his representations by his predecessor, who was keenly 
 desirous of preserving the Park to the Crown and the 
 capital. It was on this occasion that Ormond met the angry 
 and unmannerly reproaches of the Duchess of Cleveland with 
 the admirable example of the retort-com'teous recorded by 
 Carte. Meeting the Duke at Court her Grace publicly up- 
 braided him with his opposition to her interests, conclud- 
 ing an animated tirade with the expression of her hope that 
 she might live to see him hanged. To all which Ormond, 
 having heard the frail beauty out, only replied that he was 
 not in so much haste to put an end to her Grace's days, for 
 all he wished in regard to her was that he might live to see 
 her old.^ A further attempt to procure a grant of the 
 Park seems to have been made in 1679 by Sir James 
 Edwardes, but this also was defeated by the intervention 
 of Ormond.^ 
 
 We have already seen that the lands acquired from Sir 
 Maurice Eustace included the mansion-house of Chapelizod, 
 which had been occupied for some time by the Chancellor as 
 his residence. How Eustace had become possessed of this 
 property does not precisely appear, but in 1657 the house had 
 been in the occupation of Colonel Theophilus Jones, a soldier 
 who, alike under protectorate and monarchy, succeeded in 
 securing his full share of the good things that were going in 
 
 ' Essex Letters from Ireland in 1675. And see the Essex Papers, 
 i. p. 58. Several letters of Essex on the same subject not printed by Mr. Airy 
 are in the British Museum (Stowe MSS. vol. eci.). 
 
 - The date— 1664— assigned by Carte to this incident is manifestly in- 
 correct. There were other and potent causes for Barbara Villiers's dislike of 
 Ormond. It is recorded of his Duchess that ' she was very stiff with regard to 
 the King's mistresses ; and would never wait on the Duchess of Cleveland, who 
 in return never forgave the slight.' — Carte, ii. pp. 276, 587. 
 
 2 Russell and Prendergast's Report on the Carte Papers, p. 18-i. 
 
THE PHCENIX PAEK 63 
 
 an era of confiscation. Jones had, however, incurred the 
 suspicion of the Parliamentary leaders in 1659, and had quitted 
 Dublin for a time, and it was, perhaps, from David Edwards, 
 who appears in the Census of 1659 as among the three 
 ' tituladoes ' of Chapelizod, that Eustace had purchased it 
 in the following year. The house with its garden stood 
 between the river and the Chapelizod road, a little beyond 
 the present Koman Catholic church. The green meadows, 
 margined by a few decaying remnants of formerly abundant 
 timber, which run down to the north bank of the Liffey, a 
 little westward of the new University Boat Club premises on 
 the opposite side, still reveal to a careful survey some traces of 
 their former stateliness. When first taken over by Ormond, 
 the house and grounds lay within the Park. Though excluded 
 from its precincts by Sir John Temple's wall, they were 
 excepted from the grant of severed land by which Temple 
 was remunerated, and preserved as the Viceregal residence, 
 a character which they retained for a full century from their 
 first acquisition by the Crown. 
 
 Here a succession of Viceroys and Deputies, including 
 Ormond himself, his sons Lords Ossory and Arran,^ Essex, 
 Clarendon, and Tyrconnel, constantly resided down to the 
 Revolution ; and though the straitened finances of the times 
 could not afford any large expenditure on the place, the 
 King's House was evidently regarded by its tenants as a 
 desirable abode. Essex, in the correspondence already re- 
 ferred to, dwells with animation on the importance of the 
 Park residence as an alternative to the unwholesomeness of 
 the Castle, and from the correspondence of Henry, Lord 
 Clarendon, who preceded Tyrconnel as Viceroy, some idea 
 of its character may be gleaned. Both Clarendon and his 
 wife were correspondents of the accomplished Evelyn. The 
 Countess — ' a blue who looked like a madwoman and talked 
 like a scholar' — writes to the author of ' Sylva,' lamenting 
 her coming to a country which he had not cultivated, 
 but with evident enjoyment of her surroundings, though 
 
 ' Lord Arran's first wife, Lady Mary Stewart, died at the King's House, 
 July 4, 1668. 
 
64 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 she deplored a deficiency of trees and shrubs. Clarendon 
 himself describes to the same friend the fertility of the 
 extensive kitchen gardens attached to the place, dwell- 
 ing with the gusto of a gourmand on the excellence 
 of the asparagus.' Clarendon was followed at Chapelizod 
 by Tyrconnel, who lay ill there before joining James II. 
 in the decisive struggle for the crown of the Three King- 
 doms. The next occupant of ' the King's House ' was the 
 victor of the Boyne. William III., the only Sovereign 
 prior to George IV. who at any time dwelt in any of the 
 residences attached to the Park, came to Chapelizod at 
 the end of the stirring month which witnessed the defeat of 
 his rival. Three royal proclamations, one of them ordain- 
 ing a day of humiliation and prayer ' for the future progress 
 of our arms and a speedy enjoyment of peace and quietness 
 in the land,' are dated from ' Our Court at Chapelizod.' '^ 
 
 After William's departure the King's House continued 
 to be utilised by his representatives ; but from the death of 
 Henry, Lord Capel, which unfortunately occurred there in 
 1701, the place seems to have had no attraction for succeed- 
 ing Governors. The Viceroys of the eighteenth century were, 
 in any case, for the most part absentees, and from the accession 
 of George I. it does not appear that many of them resided at 
 Chapelizod. Deserted by the Viceroys, the house was given 
 over to the Lords Justices, and was allowed to fall into con- 
 siderable decay. But the Duke of Grafton and Lord Galway, 
 who governed Ireland as Lords Justices during the Vice- 
 royalty of the Duke of Shrewsbury, effected some improve- 
 ments. Lord Galway erected a pigeon-house which still stands 
 in the grounds. Primate Boulter,"* who obtained leave from 
 Lord Carteret to occupy the place, made some attempt towards 
 restoring it in 1726, and for some years the King's House 
 seems to have recovered its former glory. The Duke of Dorset, 
 whose Court was of exceptional brilliancy, resided there in 
 1731, and it is at this date that we find the entertaining 
 
 ' See also Clarendon's State Letters, ii. p. 100, both as to the maintenance 
 of Chapelizod and the condition of Dublin Castle. 
 ^ Ormonde Papers, ii. pp. 443, 445. 
 ' Primate Boulter's Letters, i. pp. 116-122 ; ii. pp. 139, 140. Dublin edition. 
 
THE PHCENIX PAEK 65 
 
 Mrs. Delany, then Mrs. Pendarves, describing the attractions 
 of the Park with her usual sprightliness. ' It is,' she writes, 
 ' a large extent of ground, very fine turf, agreeable prospects, 
 and a delightful wood, in the midst of which is a ring where the 
 beaux and belles resort in fair weather. Indeed, I never saw a 
 spot of ground more to my taste : it is far beyond St. James's 
 or Hyde Park.' ^ The ring referred to was the open space 
 in which the Phoenix Column now stands, and was at that 
 time entirely, as it is still in part, surrounded by trees.^ 
 The latest reference to the King's House as an official 
 residence occurs in another letter from the same accom- 
 plished lady, who in May 1750 dined at Chapelizod, ' a 
 sweet place about two miles from Dublin, belonging to the 
 Government,' then lent to William Barnard, the Bishop of 
 Derry, who doubtless owed the privilege to his connection 
 with the most eminent of the then Lords Justices, the 
 masterful Primate Stone. In 1743 the house was put in 
 order for the reception of Lord Chesterfield, but that noble- 
 man, though he greatly admired the Park and exerted 
 himself to improve it, seems to have resided at the Castle 
 during his stay in Dublin. 
 
 From this time forward the place ceased to be valued 
 except for the extensive gardens attached to it, which were 
 abundantly stocked with fruit trees and vegetables. The 
 house fell year by year into ever-increasing decay ; and the 
 State records contain many piteous appeals from its 
 custodians for the execution of the repairs necessary to 
 prevent absolute dilapidation.^ Ultimately, on the arrival 
 of the Duke of Bedford in 1758, it was determined to 
 dispense with the residence, and the King's House was two 
 years later given over to his Majesty's Eegiment of 
 Artillery as quarters for the officers of that corps. As such 
 
 Correspondence of Mrs. Delany, i. p. 294, and v. p. 547. 
 ^ ' About ten acres of the land adjacent to the Phoenix Column was beauti- 
 fully laid out in square plots, planted with flowering shrubs and evergreens and 
 gravel walks by Lord Chesterfield for the benefit and enjoyment of the citizens 
 of Dublin. All these improvements are still to be seen laid down on Eocque's 
 Map of the County of Dublin, 1756.' — Evans. 
 
 ^ British Departmental Correspondence, Irish Record Office. 
 
 F 
 
66 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 it continued to be utilised for the next sixty years or so, and 
 readers of Le Fanu's tale of ' The House by the Churchyard ' 
 will remember references to the King's House in this 
 capacity. In 1832 the place with its adjoining ground was 
 sold by the Government. Thenceforward the very name of 
 the King's House was lost save as a local tradition, though 
 it is still retained on the maps of the Ordnance Survey. 
 The building itself was destroyed by fire and replaced by a 
 modern house. Only some out-houses, the pigeon-house 
 already referred to, and an ornamental pond in the grounds 
 survive to mark the site of the last royal residence in 
 Ireland. 
 
 Though Chapelizod as a residence began to go out of 
 fashion with the opening of George II. 's reign, the Park, 
 as a place of resort, continued popular, and efforts were 
 made by more than one Lord-Lieutenant to contribute 
 to its improvement. In the public mind no name is so 
 closely associated with the Phoenix Park as that of the fourth 
 Earl of Chesterfield. But curiously little evidence remains 
 to attest that viceroy's share in its improvement and the 
 interest he undoubtedly took in it, beyond the substantial 
 memorial which the Phoenix Pillar still affords, and in which 
 he embalmed that misconception of the origin of the name 
 of the Park which he was the first to consecrate with 
 official authority. The tradition of the probable origin of 
 the name, already mentioned, was doubtless lost through 
 the transference of the Viceregal seat from the Phoenix 
 House to Chapelizod, and the non-residence of the Viceroys 
 for a long period. The Irish Court of the first half of the 
 eighteenth century knew little and, if possible, cared less about 
 Irish etymology, and the confusion of the name with the 
 mythical bird was a natural one in a nobleman who affected 
 a classical elegance in his correspondence. Even before 
 Chesterfield's time, Mrs. Delany, in the letter already quoted, 
 displayed the same misapprehension of the meaning of the 
 name, and wrote of ' the Park, justly called the Phoenix,' as 
 though the title had been chosen in boastful assertion of the 
 superiority of the Park to all other places of the kind. Lord 
 
THE PHCENIX PARK 67 
 
 Chesterfield undoubtedly did a good deal to improve the 
 appearance of the Park by judicious planting, and greatly 
 increased its attraction to the citizens of Dublin by forming a 
 road planted with elms on either side, which was long known 
 as, and still deserves to be denominated, the Chesterfield 
 Eoad. But neither his published letters nor those still ex- 
 tant in manuscript in the Newcastle Papers at the British 
 Museum contain any references to the improvements he 
 effected.^ 
 
 For many years after the abandonment of the King's 
 House the representatives of the Crown in Ireland remained 
 without any official residence, and the improvidence which 
 had surrendered Chapelizod must have been lamented by 
 Lord Townshend and his successors when, in 1767, Chatham 
 ordained that the King's Lieutenants should reside in 
 Ireland. Townshend apparently entertained some idea of 
 building a mansion in the Park, but did not remain in the 
 Government long enough to give effect to it.- His successor, 
 Lord Harcourt, lived at St. Wolfstan's, near Lucan. It 
 was not until 1781 that steps were taken by the then Vice- 
 roy, Lord Carlisle, and his Chief Secretary, William Eden, 
 afterwards Lord Auckland, towards acquiring the resi- 
 dences of the Park officials for the use of the Government. 
 
 ' ' Lord Chesterfield constructed a new road through the Park from the Dublin 
 gate to Castleknock. On either side of this road he planted elm trees in clumps 
 of seven or eight each, many of which are yet standing. . . . This old road 
 made by Lord Chesterfield is yet to be seen, together with the clumps of old 
 elms which oi-namented it, viz. : from the road leading to the Zoological 
 Gardens at the Gough Statue, along through the nine acres, now the polo 
 ground, close to the Viceregal demesne and out at the Phoenix Column ; thence 
 in a southerly course intersecting the roads leading to Knockmaroon.and to the 
 Mountjoy Barracks, now the Ordnance Survey Office, and again taking a 
 northerly bend terminated at Castleknock Gate ; but outside that gate it was 
 continued to Castleknock, as at present. The whole extent of this old road 
 from Park Gate Street to Castleknock Gate appears on Sheet 18 of the early 
 Ordnance Map of Dublin, on which the proposed new road (made in 1805 by 
 the Board of Woods and Forests) is marked with dotted lines.' — Evans. 
 
 '^ Just before this date the Hibernian School was founded. The original 
 grant of land by the Crown in 1766 was ' a piece of land, part of our Phcenix 
 Park, next adjoining to our Garden at Chapelizod containing 3 acres Irish 
 measure.' But a year later, it being pointed out that the low situation selected 
 was unwholesome, the present site of the School was granted instead. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Of these there were then four : — the lodges respectively 
 belonging to the Eanger, the Bailiff, the Keeper, and Charles 
 Gardiner, afterwards Lord Mountjoy. The third of these 
 was then occupied, as already explained, by the Under- 
 Secretary, in his capacity of Keeper, while the fourth was in 
 the possession of Gardiner, by whom it had been built, and 
 who had retained it as private property after the surrender 
 of a patent as Keeper which he had obtained in 1756. The 
 Ranger at this time was the Right Hon. Nathaniel Clements, 
 father of the first Lord Leitrim, who, shortly after his 
 appointment in 1751, had built the present Viceregal Lodge 
 on the site of the old lodge of Newtown. Negotiations 
 for the acquisition of this house for the use of the Lord- 
 Lieutenant were entered into in 1781, and in July of the 
 following year were completed by the payment to Mr. Robert 
 Clements of a sum of 10,000^.^ 
 
 The Park appears to have been well cared for by the 
 Ranger and other officials responsible for it down to the 
 accession of George II. ; and in the departmental corre- 
 spondence at the Irish Record Office down to that date are 
 frequent references to expenditure on drainage and repairs 
 to roads. ^ A very considerable part of the Park, especially 
 that in the neighbourhood of the Phoenix Pillar and Vice- 
 regal Lodge, is naturally of a very swampy and boggy char- 
 acter ; and large sums were required to drain the surface 
 and make the roads sound. In the middle of the eighteenth 
 century much less attention seems to have been bestowed 
 
 ' Letter from Sackville Hamilton, July 13, 1782. Irish Eecord Office. 
 
 - ' November, 1782 — Phoenix Park — I saw with Mr. Clements a plan of 
 improvements proposed to be made in the Phoenix Park by James Donnell. He 
 therein proposes to plant it in many places, to remove some of the clumps of 
 trees planted by Lord Chesterfield in order to abolish regularity ; to drain and 
 make new roads, to build a masked bridge across the pond next Dublin Gate ; to 
 build a triangular tower or observatory, with round towers at each corner ; but 
 where this should be erected he does not mention. This man lately lived with 
 Lady Massereene at Leixlip as gardener, &c., but from his map, he must have 
 some knowledge of surveying, as well as that of gardening and improvement. 
 He was last year employed by Mr. Eden, Secretary to Lord Carlisle, to drain 
 the S. side of the 15 acres, and level all the small ditches about it ; also to 
 make several additional plantations, as at the wall behind Chapelizod, the Ring, 
 &c., &c.' — Diary of Austm Cooper. 
 
THE PHCENIX PAEK 69 
 
 on these matters, and the soil relapsed, as boggy land is apt 
 to do, to its original character. At the time when the 
 Viceregal Lodge was acquired by the Government, dete- 
 rioration had spread to a very serious extent. ' The roads 
 and surface of this Park continue in a damned state,' wrote 
 Eden to Sir John Blaquiere in 1781.^ Owing, as the Chief 
 Secretary complained, to the number of the * co-existing 
 potentates of the Park,' it was difficult to fix responsibility 
 on anyone ; so that between Ranger, Keeper, and Bailiff, 
 what was everyone's business was nobody's business, and 
 the due care of the place was scandalously neglected.^ In 
 another letter, Eden called the Bailiff's attention to the 
 grievous results of this carelessness. ' Two or three hundred 
 tents,' he wrote, ' for the sale of whisky were permitted to 
 be established in the beginning of last week, and are still 
 standing in full vigour, to the great detriment of the trees 
 and turf, and the destruction of the cows, sheep, and deer,' ^ 
 
 ' Auckland MSS., Aug. 25, 1781 ; Addit. MS. Brit. Mus. 34418, f. 60. 
 
 2 June 6, 1781, Addit. MS. 34417. 
 
 ' It would appear from the following extract from the Life of Thomas 
 Druminond, the well-known Under Secretary for Ireland under Lord Melbourne's 
 administration, that this nuisance remained unabated for something like half a 
 century : — ' The following account of the suppression by Mr. Drummond of the 
 fairs that formerly used to be held on Sundays in the Phoenix Park is supplied by 
 his sister : -" On the Sunda afternoons and evenings crowds used to assemble 
 in the Phoenix Park. Drinking booths were opened, and few Sundays passed 
 without riot and mischief ensuing. My brother talked over the matter with some 
 friends, who told him he must not dream of interfering, because it was a very 
 old custom, and it would not do to attempt to put it down. He resolved, how- 
 ever, that he would make the attempt ; so one Sunday afternoon, the people 
 having assembled as usual, and the booths being erected, he rode out unattended 
 among the crowd. To the keeper of the nearest booth he represented the con- 
 sequences of the meetings — drunkenness, brawls, fighting, and then punishment. 
 He said these things were to him very painful, and that it would give him great 
 satisfaction could the meetings be altogether given up. The man immediately, 
 without a word of remonstrance, complaint, or even a show of suUenness, set 
 about packing up. He quickly left the grounds, and never returned again. 
 The same result followed at other booths, and in a short time the Park was 
 cleared, and the 'old custom' given up for ever." There is evidence that he 
 did not leave the result to depend altogether on moral suasion. As Hanger of 
 the Park, he issued placards prohibiting the meetings ; and for several succes- 
 sive Sundays he massed the police in considerable force in the neighbourhood of 
 the Park, to make effectual the prohibition.' — M'Lennan's Memoirs of Tliomas 
 Drummond, p. 404. 
 
70 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 It appears from other sources that Blaquiere had given 
 disgracefully little attention to the proper keeping of the 
 Park, and that in his anxiety to make a profit out of the 
 right of grazing which was a part of his patent he had 
 greatly injured the deer.^ 
 
 The Government appears to have quickly repented of its 
 purchase of the Lodge ; for it was no sooner acquired by 
 Lord Carlisle than his successor, the Duke of Portland, 
 sought to get rid of it, and the political circumstances of the 
 moment suggested a graceful occasion for disposing of what 
 the new Viceroy evidently regarded as a white elephant. It 
 was proposed to present the Lodge and grounds to Henry 
 Grattan, and thus to associate the Crown with the people in 
 doing honour to the illustrious author of the legislative 
 liberties which had just been conceded to Ireland. Mr. 
 Connolly was accordingly deputed to assure the House of 
 Commons ' that the Duke of Portland felt equally with the 
 Irish people the high value of Mr. Grattan's services to 
 Ireland, and that, as the highest proof he could give of his 
 admiration and respect, the Lord-Lieutenant begged to offer, 
 as part of the intended grant to Mr. Grattan, the Viceregal 
 Palace in the Phoenix Park, to be settled on Mr. Grattan 
 and his heirs for ever as a suitable residence for so meritorious 
 a person.' So flattering an ojQfer, conveyed in a manner so 
 gracious, as the gift of the King's only palace in Ireland, 
 seemed likely for a moment to achieve the impossible, and to 
 unite the Government and people of Ireland in the person of 
 Grattan. But it was only for a moment. The Opposition 
 soon affected to discover that the Viceregal compliment was 
 no better than a base attempt to divide the merit of the 
 nation's gift to its liberator between the people and the Mini- 
 stry. As Sir Jonah Barrington puts it, ' this magnificent 
 and unexampled offer, at first view, appeared flattering and 
 showy, at the second it appeared deceptions, and at the third 
 inadmissible ' ; and the offer was eventually declined.^ 
 
 ' Wm. Low to Nathaniel Clements, March 23, 1778, Brif. Dep. Cai-r., 1760- 
 1789, Irish Record Office. 
 
 - Sir Jonah Barrington's Historic Memoirs of Ireland, ii. p. 34. See also as 
 to this episode Lecky's History of England, iv. p. 559. 
 
THE PHCENIX PAKK 71 
 
 The Lodge now known as the Chief Secretary's was 
 acquired from Sir John Blaquiere at the same time.^ It is 
 the latest in date of the existing Lodges in the Park, and 
 the circumstances in which it originated deserve to be 
 noticed. The patents of appointment of the Keepers of 
 the Park required the holders ' faithfully and diligently to 
 discharge and execute the office and trust of keeper, and 
 either in person or by some trusty servant, constantly to 
 walk the round of the said Park.' ^ The patentees, being 
 gentlemen of position, invariably discharged their duties 
 through a deputy known as the bailiff. For this functionary 
 a salary of 9^, with living allowances and a small residence, 
 was provided in the estimates, and the office became in time 
 the subject of an eminently characteristic eighteenth-century 
 job. On the death, in 1774, of one Crosthwaite, who had 
 for many years filled the office of bailiff, the well-known 
 politician, Sir John Blaquiere,' then Irish Secretary in Lord 
 Harcourt's administration, had procured for himself the 
 appointment to this humble berth. He had at the same time 
 obtained a lease of a plot of land adjacent to the bailiff's 
 lodge, which he proceeded to enclose, and on which a hand- 
 some house was thereupon erected at the public expense. 
 Blaquiere being at the time unpopular, the job created a 
 great outcry ; and the Opposition, fastening on the trans- 
 action as a convenient weapon for attacking the Government, 
 the enclosure of the ground granted to Blaquiere was 
 represented as an alienation to private aggrandisement of 
 lands dedicated to the public use. Proceedings were taken 
 to test his title,"* and the Grand Jury of the County Dublin 
 presented for the removal of the wall round the ground of 
 the new Lodge *as an encroachment on the public and a 
 nuisance to his Majesty's subjects, who have been 
 accustomed to pass on horseback from time whereof the 
 memory of man is not to the contrary.' Thereupon the 
 
 ' Country Letters, Irish Record Office. 
 
 - Ormond to Flower, May 28, 1664. Carte Papers, Bodleian Library. 
 ^ Howard's Parliamentary History of Ireland, 3rd Eep. of Hist. MSS. Conim. 
 App. p. 433. See also Walker's Hibernian Magazine for 1775. 
 
 ^ Affidavit of John Morrison, Dec. 19, 1774, Crown Office, King's Bench. 
 
72 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 Crown was obliged to defend the exercise of the prerogative 
 in the grant to Blaquiere, and apphcation was made to the 
 King's Bench to quash the presentment.^ The application 
 was at first refused by the Court, but an issue being directed 
 to ascertain the question of the title of the Crown, a trial at 
 bar ensued at Green Street in which the circumstances under 
 which the Park was formed were put in evidence. The jury, 
 finding in favour of the traverser, the character of the Park 
 as the property of the Crown was thereby established, and the 
 presentment was quashed.^ Sir John Blaquiere remained in 
 the enjoyment of the Lodge until 1782, several years after 
 he had ceased to be Secretary, when he was so fortunate as 
 to receive 7,000Z. from the Government, as the price of the 
 surrender of a lease for three lives, under which he held the 
 house which the State had built for him. Yelverton, who 
 was one of the counsel in support of the presentment, made 
 the capture by Blaquiere of the petty employment of Bailiff 
 the target for much forensic ridicule, and the nickname of 
 ' the King's Cowboy,' which the great advocate applied to 
 him, stuck to the Secretary for a long time. Some mock- 
 heroic verses, entitled, ' Blaquiere's Triumph,' appeared in 
 the Freeman'' s Journal,^ and a less ephemeral memorial of 
 an incident which furnished much amusement to the wits 
 of Dublin is preserved in ' Pranceriana.' * 
 
 The more recent history of the Phoenix Park, considered 
 topographically, has been quite uneventful ; and with the 
 final acquisition by the Crown of the various residences 
 within its boundaries this record of its origin and formation 
 may fairly close. 
 
 ' The King v. Bradshaw, Crown Office Eecords, King's Bench, Feb. 6, 1775, 
 Exshaw^s Monthly Chroiwloger for 1775, p. 213. 
 
 ^ The Freeman's Journal, Feb. 7, 1775. 
 
 ' Feb. 10, 1775. 
 
 * 2nd edition, i. p. 137. See also McDougall's Irish Political Characters, 
 p. 150. 
 
THE PHOENIX PAEK 73 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 A list of the Bangers of the Phoenix Park, from the institution of 
 the office in 1661 to its abolition in 1840. 
 
 {Compiled from the Liber Muncrum Hihernicc and other Sources.) 
 
 1661. Marcus Trevor, Viscount Dungannon. 
 
 1672. Sir Henry Brouncker, afterwards 2nd Lord Brouncker. 
 
 1674. Adam Loftus, afterwards Viscount Lisburne. 
 
 1676. Edward Brabazon, afterwards 1st Earl of Meath. 
 
 1677. July 2. William Eyder. 
 
 1677. September 13. William Eyder and Edward Eichbell. 
 1698. Sir William Fownes, Bart., and Henry Petty, 1st Earl of 
 
 Shelburne. 
 1704. Sir Thomas Smith, Bart. 
 
 1736. Sir John Ligonier, afterwards Viscount Ligonier. 
 1751. Eight Hon. Nathaniel Clements. 
 1761. Lord George Sackville. 
 1785. Sackville Hamilton. 
 
 1795. Lodge Morris. 
 
 1796. Edward Cooke. 
 1801. Alexander Marsden. 
 1806. James Trail. 
 
 1808. Sir Charles Saxton. 
 1812. Sir WiUiam Gregory. 
 1830. Sir William Gossett. 
 1835-40. Thomas Drummond. 
 
Ill 
 
 HIS MAJESTTS REGIMENT OF GUARDS IN IRELAND 
 
 1661-1798 
 
 The addition to the strength of the British army, in the 
 last year of Queen Victoria's reign, of a regiment of Irish 
 Guards was hailed with acclamation at the time as an appro- 
 priate compliment to the soldierly qualities of Irishmen, and 
 as a graceful recognition of the valour displayed by Irish 
 troops on the battle-fields of South Africa. But the innova- 
 tion was also criticised, on the other hand, as a somewhat 
 tardy recognition of the claims of Ireland to a share in the 
 honour of furnishing those regiments which are most closely 
 associated with the personal service of the Sovereign, and 
 which have enjoyed for centuries a traditional precedence in 
 the regimental roll. It is not a little curious that an episode 
 so interesting in the history of Irish arms as the raising of 
 the first regiment of Irish Guards should have been so 
 completely forgotten. Yet it is a fact that what was 
 greeted as a belated innovation was really only a revival 
 of a corps which is coeval in antiquity with the institu- 
 tion of the standing army, and which, under the title of 
 ' His Majesty's Regiment of Guards in Ireland,' enjoyed a 
 distinguished reputation for valour and military efficiency at 
 a most interesting period of Irish history. 
 
 An attempt is here made to trace the record of a regi- 
 ment which anciently held a distinguished place at the head 
 of the military establishment of Ireland, and to recall the 
 history of the remarkable corps which constituted the flower 
 of the Irish army from the Restoration to the Revolution. 
 And the inquiry is not the less interesting because it is in 
 this Restoration Regiment of Irish Guards that we shall 
 find the origin of one of the most eminent of the distin- 
 
THE lEISH GUAEDS 75 
 
 guished corps which subsequently constituted the Irish 
 Brigade abroad. It may, indeed, be doubted whether the 
 history of any regiment displays a more varied career. For dis- 
 banded after the Boyne, the units of the regiment took service 
 abroad, and achieved under a succession of brilliant officers 
 an honourable place in the military history of eighteenth- 
 century France. And preserving in exile that fealty to the 
 principle of hereditary right which, combined with devotion 
 to the Roman Catholic faith, had led its officers to adhere 
 through evil days to the fallen fortunes of James II., the 
 remnant renewed, on the fall of Louis XVI., their allegi- 
 ance to the sovereign of the Three Kingdoms, and were re- 
 enrolled for a brief period in the ranks of the British army. 
 
 The oblivion into which the origin of the regiment has 
 fallen is, however, explained in great part by the circumstance 
 that the compilers of Irish military history have given but 
 scanty attention to the records of Irish regiments at home. 
 For example, O'Conor's ' Military Memoirs of the Irish 
 Nation,' useful as an account of the exploits of the Irish 
 Brigade abroad, is absolutely silent on the military establish- 
 ment of Ireland at the Restoration. D'Alton, again, in his 
 ' Historical and Genealogical Illustrations of King James's 
 Army List,' begins, as is natural, only with Tyrconnel's Vice- 
 royalty. And though O'Callaghan, in his admirably minute 
 and exhaustive ' History of the Irish Brigade in the service 
 of France,' does not omit all notice of the origin of the dis- 
 tinguished regiments whose subsequent careers he traces in 
 so much detail, his references to their pre-Revolution story 
 are brief and parenthetic. To this explanation of our 
 ignorance of the earliest records of the first regiment of 
 Irish Guards it may be added that it is only in years com- 
 paratively recent that the materials for tracing the origin of 
 the regiment with any semblance of completeness have 
 become available.^ 
 
 ' No investigator in this field of our seventeenth-century history can fail to 
 acknowledge a large debt to the late Sir John Gilbert, who, by his labours as 
 editor of the Ormonde Manuscripts and of the Records of the Corporation of 
 Dublin, has thrown open to the students of seventeenth-century Ireland two 
 splendid treasuries of historical, topographical, and antiquarian lore. And from 
 both of these sources much light is to be derived concerning the Irish Guards. 
 
76 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 The process by which the regiments raised by various 
 Royalist officers became the parents of several of the most 
 distinguished of existing regiments has its best known 
 examples in the Grenadier Guards and the Coldstream 
 Guards, and need not be delineated here. And the circum- 
 stances which, immediately following on the Restoration, 
 led to the institution of a standing army, and laid the 
 foundations of the existing military system of the United 
 Kingdom, are familiar to every student of our political and 
 constitutional history. But it may be well to glance at the 
 beginning of the system in Great Britain, since it was there 
 that the model was provided for the military establishment 
 which, on the appointment of the Duke of Ormond to the 
 Viceroyalty, was at once instituted in Ireland. Especially 
 is this necessary to the elucidation of the origin of the Irish 
 Guards, because the conception of a regiment directly 
 associated with the Crown, a regiment formed to be, in fact 
 as well as in name, * His Majesty's Guards,' goes back to 
 a period prior to the Restoration. 
 
 Four years before his return to England, Charles II., hope- 
 less of the renewal of even such ineffectual and half-hearted 
 succour as had been extended to him at the beginning 
 of his exile by the French Court, imagined that he had 
 found in Spain the assistance necessary to regain his throne. 
 Under the inspiration of Mazarin, Louis XIV. had become 
 convinced of the permanence of the Cromwellian regime, 
 and had ceased to give any serious encouragement to the 
 English Royalists. Charles had therefore turned for aid 
 from Paris to Madrid. In connection with a project for the 
 invasion of England by a Spanish expedition, it was resolved 
 to organise, for service with the Spanish forces in the Low 
 Countries, the considerable soldiery which had accompanied 
 their Sovereign abroad, and had earned distinction in the 
 armies commanded by Turenne.^ Accordingly, several 
 
 ' ' The Spanish army, after being near Turenne at Quesnoy for some days, 
 has now gone to besiege the town of Cond6. Many of the Irish in the Regiment 
 of Guards are said to be killed. Ormond's nephew Muskery, with his regiment, 
 wasonTurenne's side.'— Peter Talbot to Ormond, from Brussels, July 24, 1656. 
 Macray's Cal. of Clarendon State Papers, iii. p. 148. 
 
THE IRISH GUARDS 77 
 
 regiments, both British and Irish, were gathered together 
 into a division, and placed under the Spanish commander in 
 Flanders. The English officers, by whom Charles was more 
 immediately sm*rounded, were formed into what was called 
 a Eoyal Regiment of Guards under Lord Wentworth, and 
 some regiments of Irish were organised at the same time.^ 
 The command of the largest of these, a corps seven hundred 
 strong, was assigned to the Marquis of Ormond ; it was quar- 
 tered near Bruges, and ultimately took part in the unsuccess- 
 ful operations at Dunkirk. The officers included many of 
 the Confederate Catholic officers who had fled from Ireland.^ 
 Wentworth's Eegiment of Guards survived the ill- 
 success of Charles II. 's negotiations for aid from Spain. 
 Eemaining abroad at the Restoration as part of the 
 garrison of Dunkirk, it escaped inclusion in that general 
 disbandment of the army of the Commonwealth, in Septem- 
 
 ' Clarendon's account of the matter is as follows : ' The King resolved to 
 raise one regiment of Guards, the command whereof he gave to the Lord Went- 
 worth, which was to do duty in the army as common men till his Majesty 
 should be in such a posture that they might be brought about his person. The 
 Marquis of Ormond had a regiment in order to be commanded by his lieutenant- 
 colonel, that the Irish might be tempted to come over.' — History of the Rebellion, 
 XV. p. 68. 
 
 2 Sir F. Hamilton, in his History of the Grenadier Guards, mentions that 
 Charles I., during his stay at Oxford in 1642-3, had raised a regiment which 
 was known as ' The King's Guards,' and states that ' the Regiment of King's 
 Guards, as well as all the rest of the Royalist troops in England, ceased to 
 exist as regiments in 1646-7 ; and the English troops raised subsequently by 
 Charles II., with wliich he endeavoured to recover the Crown of his ancestors, 
 were disbanded after the battle of Worcester in 1651 ; so that though we trace 
 among the officers of the Regiment of Guards which Charles II. raised in 
 Flanders many Royalists who had either served in the King's Guards or in 
 other corps during the Civil War, both in the time of Charles I. and II., there 
 is no connection as a regiment between these two corps of Guards ' (vol. i. p. 8). 
 It appears, however, from a letter published in the Ormonde Papers (vol. i. 
 p. 97), that Wentworth's regiment existed in some form in 1649: — 'Thomas 
 Wentworth to Edward Broughton. Breda, June 24, 1649. You are to receive 
 such men as shall be delivered you on shipboard as part of a regiment to (sic) 
 the King's Guards, and you to command them as sergeant-major to the said 
 regiment, and at your landing in Ireland you are to obey such orders and 
 directions as you shall receive from the Marquis of Ormond, the Lieutenant- 
 General of the kingdom of Ireland.' It is noticeable that this letter is addressed 
 by the subsequent colonel of Charles II.'s post-Restoration Guards to an officer 
 who afterwards held a commission in that regiment. The letter is addressed, 
 ' For Major Edward Broughton, Major to the King's Guard of Foot.' 
 
78 ILLUSTKATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 ber 1660, which was among the first acts of the restored 
 monarchy. The young Sovereign, however, whose whole 
 conception of the kingly dignity was coloured by his 
 familiarity with continental courts, had no intention of re- 
 maining without a personal guard ; and at the very moment 
 which witnessed 'the dispersion of the remnant of Cromwell's 
 Ironsides, he entrusted Colonel John Eussell, a brother of 
 the Duke of Bedford, with a commission to raise a regiment 
 of Foot Guards, twelve hundred strong, under the title of 
 the King's Royal Regiment of Guards. Lord Wentworth's 
 earlier formed regiment remained abroad until the sale of 
 Dunkirk, when it came to England, where it was maintained 
 as a distinct corps during Wentworth's life. But on the 
 death of its colonel, three years later, on the eve of the 
 outbreak of the Dutch War, Wentworth's was merged in 
 Colonel Russell's regiment, to which the existing regiment 
 of Grenadier Guards proudly traces its origin.^ 
 
 No one who has had occasion to consider the character 
 of the arrangements made upon the Restoration for the 
 machinery of the constitution and the equipment of the public 
 service can have failed to be struck by the closeness with 
 which the institutions of every sort set up in Great Britain 
 were followed in the organisation of the Irish Government. 
 The formal constitution of a standing army by Charles II., 
 and the formation of his Majesty's Regiment of Guards, 
 took place early in 1661. It does not appear how far, if at 
 all, the King's advisers then contemplated the provision of a 
 separate military establishment for Ireland. It is probable 
 that the question remained in abeyance until after the 
 selection of the first Restoration Viceroy, an appointment 
 which was delayed until the autumn of that year. But when 
 the Duke of Ormond was appointed to the Viceroyalty, he 
 was careful to imitate in all respects, as far as possible, the 
 model provided in England. The establishment for Ireland, 
 both civil and military, followed closely upon the lines 
 laid down by Clarendon and the other advisers of Charles 
 11. Ormond was given a free hand in Ireland, ' the places, 
 
 ' Sir F. Hamilton's History of the Grenadier Guards, pp. 30-34. 
 
THE lEISH GUAEDS 79 
 
 as well in the martial as civil list, being left freely to his 
 disposing.' He at once proceeded to exercise his authority, 
 by providing for the civil and military needs of Ireland 
 upon a scale of great magnificence. And as a means both 
 of emphasising the dignity of the Viceregal office, and of 
 supplying an efficient force for service in emergency, one 
 of his first steps was to procure a commission to raise a 
 regiment of Guards for service in Ireland.^ Accordingly, 
 on April 23, 1662, a commission for this purpose was issued 
 to the Viceroy.^ 
 
 The Duke of Ormond having received his commission 
 he lost no time in acting on the authority thus given to 
 him. On the following day the regiment was formally 
 
 ' The earliest reference to the intended regiment I have seen is in Orrery's 
 State Letters, and is as follows : — 
 
 ' As to what your Grace mentions of his Majesty's thoughts of raising a 
 regiment of Guards to lie still at Dublin, I think it not fit on many accounts. 
 Your Grace's words " provided they be raised and supported at least one year 
 out of England " are very wise and necessary ; to which I will presume to add, 
 what will there be to maintain them after that year ? And therefore I shall 
 lay before your Grace my poor thoughts upon that thing. My Lord of Mount- 
 rath had a regiment of horse in this his Majesty's army, which by his death 
 is void. I think, as partial as you can be against your own family, your Grace 
 cannot but acknowledge that it is but mere justice my Lord Ossory being general 
 of the horse should have that regiment. Then the regiment of foot his lord- 
 ship now has may be the King's Guards in this kingdom ; whereby your end 
 will be answered without a penny charge in the raising it, or additional charge 
 in the maintaining it. I hope on this regiment your Grace will pardon me, if I 
 presume to mention Jack Stephens for an employment suitable to his fidelity 
 and merit. I have made inquiry whether the regiment may be clothed here 
 with red cassocks lined with green and with green buttons, and at what rates 
 the provision of cloth and linings of this colour will be had here : Cassocks, 
 breeches, a shirt, and one pair of stockings will cost about 38 shillings.' — Orrery 
 to Ormond, Dec. 28, 1661. 
 
 - The following is the text of this commission : — 
 
 ' Whereas we have already constituted and appointed James, Duke of 
 Ormond, to be Governor of our Kingdom of Ireland, and of all our armies there 
 raised and to be raised : And whereas we have thought fit to raise within this 
 our kingdom of Ireland, a regiment of 1,200 foot to be our Regiment of Guards 
 in our said Kingdom of Ireland : We do give and grant to our said Lieutenant 
 and Chief Governor full power, liberty and authority, by beat of drums, pro- 
 clamations, or otherwise, to raise the said number of men in England, and to 
 conduct, lead and transport them into Ireland, with power and authority to 
 him to give and grant commissions under his hand and seal to such persons as 
 he shall think fit to be officers and commanders of the said regiment.' — Carte 
 Papers. 
 
80 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY 
 
 constituted, and provision at once made for the enrol- 
 ment of twelve companies of one hundred men each. 
 The Viceroy's second son, Lord Eichard Butler, who was 
 immediately afterwards created Earl of Arran, was gazetted 
 colonel of the regiment with the captaincy of a company ; 
 and eleven other officers were appointed to the remaining 
 companies.^ The establishment of the regiment was calcu- 
 lated on a generous scale, no less a sum than 24,518Z. 8s, Sd. 
 per annum being allocated to its maintenance. Its roll 
 included, in addition to the colonel, a lieutenant-colonel, a 
 major and nine captains of companies, twelve lieutenants, 
 twelve ensigns, forty sergeants, thirty-six corporals, a 
 drum-major with tv^enty-four drummers, a piper to the 
 King's company, and twelve hundred soldiers. In addition 
 to the fighting strength of the regiment, there were attached 
 a chaplain, an adjutant quartermaster, a surgeon, and a 
 surgeon's mate.^ 
 
 It does not appear from any document from what district 
 the rank and file of the regiment was recruited ; but it is 
 evident that at the date of the commission to Ormond con- 
 siderable progress had been already made in finding the men 
 and arranging for their equipment, and the original list of 
 officers included some who had served in the regiment 
 commanded by Ormond in Flanders. On April 14, 1662, 
 the Vice-Treasurer received orders to pay to Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Sir William Flower, the sum of 1,8911. 8s. 8d., 
 ' towards the raising, sending to the sea-side, and transporting 
 into Ireland of the officers and soldiers of the said regiment.' ^ 
 Two days later a similar sum, ' being one month's pay of 
 the Eegiment of Guards for Ireland,' was ordered to be paid 
 to the same officer. On April 21 orders were given for 
 66'Bl. 14s. to be paid to John Wall, ' for 600 scarlet coats, 
 bought of him for his Majesty's Eegiment of Guards for 
 Ireland, and 755?. 12s. to be paid to Henry Prescott for 661 
 red coats, and embroidering twenty-four drummers' coats, 
 
 ' Ormonde Papers, i. p. 239. 
 
 - Sir William Petty's Political Anatomy of Ireland. 
 
 * Carte Papers, clxv. p. 3. 
 
THE lEISH GUARDS 81 
 
 with sacks to pack them up in.' ' This uniform is identical 
 with that prescribed for Colonel Kussell's Eegiment of Guards 
 in England. A little later Alderman Daniel Bellingham, 
 afterwards the first Lord Mayor of Dublin, received an order 
 to furnish all the non-commissioned officers and men with a 
 red ' cassock,' a term not as yet appropriated by the clergy, 
 together with ' cloth breeches, two shirts, one pair of stock- 
 ings, and one pair of shoes.' The cassock was lined with 
 green. ^ 
 
 No time was lost in transferring the newly raised regi- 
 ment to its destination. As early as May, the news-letters 
 of the day chronicled the embarkation of the Guards for 
 Ireland.^ ' On the 9th instant,' according to the Chester 
 correspondent of ' Mercurius Publicus,' ' Sir William Flower, 
 who had the conduct of his Majesty's Eegiment of Guards 
 for Ireland, under the command of the Earl of Arran, 
 arrived here with that regiment, in order to their transporta- 
 tion for Ireland,' and on May 14 it was reported that ' Sir 
 William commenced to ship twelve companies in eleven 
 ships at Neston.' We are further informed that ' during 
 the march from London with this regiment, Sir William 
 himself constantly marched with the men. Sir William 
 Flower, my Lord Callan, and other chief officers in the 
 regiment were entertained by the Mayor at Chester.' They 
 reached Dublin safely before the end of May ; and on the 
 28th of that month, the same journal announced that ' the 
 King's Regiment of Foot, under the command of the Earl 
 of Arran, consisting of twelve companies, that came this 
 week from England, marched this day, completely armed 
 and clothed, through the city, and are all quartered in and 
 about it for the Guards.' 
 
 The conception of the regiment being that of a body- 
 guard for the person of the Lord-Lieutenant as the 
 representative of the King, it was not contemplated that 
 the corps should serve, in time of peace at least, outside the 
 
 ' See Sir F. Hamilton's Historij of the Grenadier Guards. 
 ^ Orrery's State Letters, p. 58, and see the letter of Orrery already given. 
 ' Mercwius Publicus, May y and 28, 16(i2. See also M'Kinnon's History 
 of tJie Coldstream Guards, i. p. 109, note. 
 
 G 
 
82 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 capital. Accordingly arrangements were at once made for 
 quartering the soldiers in Dublin, and for this purpose 
 communications passed between the Government and the 
 City Corporation. Between the Court and the City the 
 liveliest accord existed throughout Ormond's Viceroyaltj', the 
 Duke having, as one of his first acts, secured a payment of 
 5001. a year from the exchequer to the Mayor, in consideration 
 of the loyalty of the city in the years following the Rebellion 
 of 1641, and of the civic poverty resulting from the civil wars, 
 and having exerted himself to the utmost at the Restoration 
 for the protection and enlargement of the liberties of Dublin. 
 And it was to Ormond's intervention that the dignity of 
 Lord Mayor, shortly afterwards conferred on the head of the 
 Corporation, as well as the royal gift of a collar of SS. and 
 cap of maintenance, and other marks of royal favour, were 
 directly due.^ 
 
 The City Assembly was therefore prepared to comply 
 with a loyal alacrity with the direction of the Viceroy to 
 provide quarters for the Guards. On May 28 the Lords 
 Justices and the Council, by direction from the Lord- 
 Lieutenant, ordered the sheriffs of Dublin and seneschals 
 of the Liberties ' to provide lodging for the officers and 
 soldiers of his Majesty's Regiment of Guards lately arrived 
 out of England, in inns, wine-taverns, ale-houses, or 
 victualling houses.' - The officers were likewise quartered on 
 the city. On June 14 Ormond wrote to the Mayor and 
 sheriffs requiring them ' forthwith to appoint convenient 
 quarters as near the Castle of Dublin as may be for our son 
 Richard, Earl of Arran, Colonel of his Majesty's Regiment 
 of Guards, and his servants ' ; ^ and shortly afterwards pro- 
 vision was made by the city, pursuant to his Excellency's 
 warrant, for the quartering of the commissioned officers of 
 the King's Regiment in the city and suburbs. Thence- 
 forward and down to the Revolution, Dublin appears to have 
 
 ^ Speech of Sir W. Davys, the Becorder, Calendar of Dublin Records, iv. 
 p. 679, and see vol. i. p. 42. 
 
 - Carte Papers, Bodleian Library, xxxvii. p. 226. 
 ^ Calendar of Dublin Records, iv. p. 273. 
 
THE IRISH GUARDS 83 
 
 continnously remained the headquarters of the Guards ; and 
 although the arrangements for their lodging appear to have 
 involved some burthen on the city, the best relations seem, 
 in general, to have been maintained between the citizens and 
 the soldiery. The troops seem to have been quartered partly 
 in the Castle, partly through the city, especially at the city 
 gate-houses, which, at that time, were still utilised for 
 residential purposes. This appears from the complaint of one 
 John Eastwood, who had contracted to pay 41. per annum to 
 the city for St. Nicholas Gate, but represented that ' the 
 said gate was taken up from him by the soldiers, by special 
 orders from the Lord-Lieutenant, to his very great damage.' ^ 
 The provision of fire and candlelight for the Guards was 
 also constituted a charge upon the city, and assessments 
 were annually made for this purpose on a warrant from the 
 Viceroy, this being, in the language of a resolution of 1665, 
 ' required to be done by act of State and a business of public 
 concernment to this city.' - The amount of the assessment 
 for this purpose was usually from 1501. to 2001. a year. The 
 tax appears to have, in general, been readily contributed, 
 though in June 1667 one John Quelch, a freeman of the 
 city and member of the Corporation, refused ' in violation of 
 his oath as freeman to pay his portion of the charge amount- 
 ing to half-a-crown ' on the ground that such a levy was 
 unlawful and unwarrantable.^ 
 
 In addition to the occasional restiveness excited by the 
 tax for their maintenance, the Guards appear to have pro- 
 voked some unpopularity by their demeanour towards the 
 citizens. In August 1667 a petition was presented to the 
 Lord-Lieutenant by the City Council ' for a redress against 
 the several oppressions of the officers and soldiers on the 
 inhabitants of the city under the pretence of quartering.' 
 This, however, was resented by the Colonel, Lord Arran, 
 and the officers of the regiment, who, in a counter-petition, 
 demanded an inquiry into the matters complained of, averring 
 their indignation at aspersions which they stigmatised as ' a 
 
 ' Calendar of Dublin Records, iv. p. 299. 
 
 2 Ibid. p. 347. ■' Ibid. p. 435. 
 
 g2 
 
84 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 high reflection on the officers and soldiers of the said Guards 
 either in committing or suffering such oppressions to be 
 committed by those under their command.' ^ But in general 
 the relations between soldiery and civilians were harmonious, 
 and Dublin was proud of the regiment. In 1666 - * his Grace 
 the Duke of Ormond, taking notice of the many buildings 
 lately made on Oxmantown Green, which have taken up so 
 much room there that his Majesty's Horse and Foot Guards 
 and the City Militia have not conveniency to exercise as 
 formerly,' and ' recommending the city to take present orders 
 that the grounds upon St. Stephen's Green, lately walled in, 
 be forthwith made fit for that purpose,' the City Assembly 
 cheerfully ordered that the ground should be levelled and 
 made smooth with that object. This was accordingly done, 
 and thenceforth St. Stephen's Green became the parade- 
 ground of the Guards. A review of the regiment on this 
 ground twenty years later is described in Clarendon's ' State 
 Letters.' ^ 
 
 A further memorial of the connection of the Irish Guards 
 with Dublin is supplied in the records of two Dublin parishes. 
 The regiment appears to have attended Divine Service 
 regularly every Friday, sometimes in St. Michael's and some- 
 times in St. Audoen's, and in 1671 Lord Arran contributed 
 a sum of 150Z. towards the re-building of the latter church. 
 In requital of his liberality it was ordered ' that the arms 
 and supporters of the said Earl of Arran be fairly presented 
 and erected in the said church ' ; ■* and further, that every 
 commissioned officer of the Koyal regiment, from the said 
 Earl to the ensign, should henceforth enjoy all privileges 
 and indemnities of parishioners in regard to marriages, 
 christenings, and burials. The parish of St. Michael was 
 less fortunate when two years later it solicited a like con- 
 tribution, notwithstanding that it was averred that ' for 
 several years past the several companies of the Eoyal regi- 
 ment quartered in this city have made use of the Church of 
 
 ' Calendar of Dublin Records, iv. p. 423. - Ibid. p. 383. 
 
 ^ Clarendon's State Letters, i. p. 434. 
 * Gilbert's History of Dublin, i. p. 281. 
 
THE lEISH GUAKDS 85 
 
 St. Michael, but in all that time nothing hath been contri- 
 buted towards the reparation of the said church or the seats 
 thereof.' 
 
 Mention has just been made of the City Militia, and 
 some confusion might easily occur between the two bodies, 
 which in the Assembly rolls are sometimes referred to 
 indifferently as the Guards of the city. The two forces 
 were, however, entirely distinct, and had no relation to each 
 other, save in so far as each was in its degree responsible for 
 the defence of the city. A militia, 24,000 strong, was raised 
 to supplement the regular army ; and in 1660 two foot 
 regiments of city militia had been formed, one for 
 service within, the other without the city ; the Mayor for 
 the time being acting as Commander-in-Chief. The Mayor 
 was likewise designated commander of a foot company 
 through the good offices of Sir Theophilus Jones, the Scout- 
 master-General of the army, a distinction which was so 
 much appreciated by the city dignitary that the City 
 Assembly voted a sum of 501. for a piece of plate to be pre- 
 sented to Lady Jones in recognition of her husband's 
 exertions.^ Some friction seems occasionally to have been 
 provoked between the City Guards and the King's regiment. 
 The author of ' Ireland's Sad Lamentation ' '•* imputes 
 to the latter a slackness little creditable to the gallantry 
 of the corps, alleging that the militia would not be suffered 
 to guard within the city, the King's Guard being ap- 
 pointed to defend the same, and were obliged to serve 
 outside the walls, ' so that upon any attempt, our volunteer 
 inhabitants might certainly have perished before the King's 
 soldiery who received pay had entered into any dangerous 
 engagement.' But this innuendo, with the rest of the 
 publication in which it appeared, was declared by the City 
 Assembly to be ' a black and ugly libel.' 
 
 Another force not to be confounded with his Majesty's 
 Eegiment of Guards was the Lord-Lieutenant's Guard of 
 Halbertiers or Battle-axes, which, during the reign of 
 
 ' Calendar of Dublin Becords, iv. p. 221. 
 
 - ' Ireland's Sad Lamentation,' 1681. Ibid. v. Preface, 
 
86 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Charles II., from the opening of Ormond's Viceroyalty^ in 
 1661 down to 1665, was maintained as part of the Military 
 Establishment. This body, which was known sometimes 
 as the Company of Battle-axes, sometimes as the Guard of 
 Halbertiers, consisted of a captain, lieutenant, two sergeants, 
 and sixty men, dressed in buff coats, and was modelled on 
 the Yeomen of the Guard. ^ The provision made at the 
 Restoration for such a retinue to attend the Viceroy was 
 in accordance with the ancient traditions of the Viceregal 
 office, for as early as the reign of Henry VIII., when the 
 Earl of Surrey came over as Deputy, one hundred Yeomen 
 of the Guard were sent to Ireland with him to serve as his 
 body-guard.^ It would appear that, at this time, in their 
 uniform and accoutrements this Guard closely followed 
 its English prototype. On April 2, 1662, Colonel, after- 
 wards Sir Daniel, Treswell, who was appointed to the 
 command of the Battle-axes, received from Ormond a 
 warrant for 275Z. 4s. towards buying ' 64 buff coats and 64 
 belts at 41. 6s. for each coat and belt for our guard of foot.'* 
 The force having been equipped in England came to 
 Ireland in that year, and ' for the more convenient perform- 
 ance of their duty ' ^' were ordered to be quartered as near to 
 Dublin Castle as possible. Treswell, their commander, who 
 had come to Ireland in 1641 in command of a troop of 
 horse, had ' faithfully served his Majesty in honourable em- 
 ployment during the whole war in England and Ireland,' 
 
 ' Ormonde Papers, i. p. 40G. 
 
 - Sir W. Petty's Political Anatomy of Ireland. 
 
 ^ Preston's Yeomen of tJie Guard, p. 100. See also Sir John Davies' 
 Discovery : ' In the time of Henry VIII. the Earl of Surrey, Lord Admiral, was 
 made Lieutenant ; and though he were the greatest captain of the English 
 nation then living, yet brought he with him rather an honourable guard for his 
 person than a competent army to recover Ireland. For he had in his retinue 
 two hundred tall yeomen of the King's Guard.' 
 
 * Carte Papers. The uniform must, however, have been materially altered 
 in the course of the next century if a plate in Walker's Hibernian Magazine 
 for Nov. 1787 may be depended on. In this drawing the ' Battle-axes ' are 
 depicted as guarding the remains of the Viceroy, the Duke of Rutland, at his 
 lying in State in the Irish House of Lords. 
 
 =• Order for quartering the Battle-axes, Dec. 8, 1662, Ormonde MSS. ; Calen- 
 dar of Dublin Records, iv. p. -545. The guard at this time was sixty strong. 
 
THE lEISH GUAEDS 87 
 
 in the course of which he had commanded the Lord- 
 Lieutenant's regiment of horse. Ormond, loyal in pro- 
 sperity to his friends in adversity, not only rewarded his 
 fidelity with the command of his Battle-axes/ but procured 
 him, in 1665, the honour of a baronetcy, and recommended 
 him in the same year to the burgesses of Downpatrick, by 
 whom he was returned to Parliament." 
 
 In addition to the City Guard the Lord Mayor, in emula- 
 tion of the Lord-Lieutenant, seems also to have instituted a 
 small body-guard of halbertiers ; but it is not surprising to 
 learn that this force, six in number, was ' not found so useful 
 as it was expected,' or that it was in consequence ordered 
 that as many of them as the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs should 
 think fit to be officers at mace should be so appointed, and 
 discharged from their place of bearing halberts. 
 
 That his Majesty's Kegiment of Guards was from the 
 first intended to hold the highest place in the regimental roll 
 in Ireland there can be no manner of doubt. When, during 
 the Viceroyalty of Lord Clarendon, at the opening of the 
 reign of James II., several of the officers of the Guards were 
 displaced by Tyrconnel in pursuance of his programme to 
 new-model the Irish army on a Roman Catholic basis, Major 
 Billingsley, one of the displaced officers, in protesting against 
 his removal, averred that 'to be a Major of the Royal 
 Regiment of Guards is better and more honourable than to 
 be Lieutenant-Colonel of any other regiment.' The prestige 
 of the regiment derived eclat at the outset from the fact that 
 the commission for the raising of the regiment was given 
 to the Viceroy. The Duke of Ormond was not alone the 
 King's representative and the General-in-Chief of the army 
 in Ireland, but was the first of his Irish subjects in rank, fame, 
 and fortune. He had held the post of Lieutenant-General 
 or Commander-in-Chief of the army formed by Strafford as 
 
 ' Ormonde Papers, vols. i. and ii. 
 The following inscription appears upon a tomb in the chancel of the old 
 church at Finglas, near Dublin : — ' Heere under lyeth the body of Sir Daniel 
 Treswell knight and baronett who faithfully served his Majesty in honourable 
 employment during the whole war in England and Ireland and dyed the 24th 
 day of May, 1670.' 
 
88 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 far back as 1640 ; and his association with the regiment 
 would have been sufficient of itself to stamp the corps with 
 peculiar distinction. Ormond was careful to secure that 
 its honour should undergo no diminution in the persons of 
 its officers, who were selected largely from the ranks of the 
 Irish nobility, and included several who had followed his 
 fortunes through the whole course of the civil war and 
 foreign exile. 
 
 Unable himself, with the multifarious duties of the Vice- 
 royalty, to assume the direct command, Ormond asserted in 
 the most marked way his personal interest in the fortunes 
 of the regiment by nominating to the colonelcy, as already 
 stated, his second son Eichard, Earl of Arran, a nobleman 
 who, if less distinguished than his gallant brother. Lord. 
 Ossory, was yet a man of considerable ability, who on more 
 than one occasion during Ormond's absence in England filled 
 the office of Lord Deputy. Arran gave proofs of considerable 
 military capacity in command of his regiment, first in sup- 
 pressing a formidable mutiny of the soldiers of other regi- 
 ments at Carrickfergus in 1666, and later, in 1673, by his 
 distinguished conduct under the Duke of York, in the sea- 
 fight with the Dutch in that year, in which, after the manner 
 of those days, the Guards took a part, serving on board ship.' 
 For his services on this occasion, Arran was rewarded with 
 an English peerage. ' No man,' says Carte, ' was more 
 active, more eager, and more intrepid in danger.' During 
 his tenure of the office of Deputy in 1684, he exhibited great 
 personal gallantry in dealing with a very serious fire in 
 Dublin Castle, by which a great part of the Castle buildings 
 was destroyed.^ An address of congratulation was presented 
 on this occasion by the citizens of Dublin, in which Arran's 
 energy is eulogised in glowing terms : ' By your Excel- 
 lency's presence of mind, care, and conduct, in the midst of 
 the devouring flames which encompassed j^ou, not only the 
 remaining part of the buildings of the Castle, but the great 
 magazine of powder to which the fire had within a few steps 
 
 ' Carte's Orvwnde, ii. p. r)44. 
 
 ■■' Calendar of Dublin Records, v. p. 312, and see p. 24 S7(p-a. 
 
THE lEISH GUARDS 89 
 
 approached, was wonderfully preserved, and the ancient 
 records of this Kingdom, then also in the Castle, rescued from 
 those flames.' On Lord Arran's premature death, early in 
 1686, shortly after his father had been recalled from the 
 Irish Government by James II., the direct association of the 
 Ormond family with the Guards was maintained by the 
 bestowal of the command of the regiment on Lord Ossory, 
 son of the distinguished soldier-statesman of that name, and 
 afterwards second Duke of Ormond : a selection which, as 
 the new Viceroy, Clarendon, reported to Sunderland, gave as 
 lively a satisfaction in Ireland as could be imagined.^ 
 
 At the time of his original appointment. Lord Arran 
 was too junior to have acquired the military knowledge 
 necessary to the commander of the regiment in the field ; 
 and for the lieutenant-colonelcy Ormond selected, as we 
 have seen, Sir William Flower, an officer who was well 
 qualified by his experience to undertake the effective control 
 of the newly enrolled corps.- Flower, whose father had 
 come to Ireland towards the close of Queen Elizabeth's 
 reign, and had served in James I.'s time as Governor of 
 Waterford, had been one of Ormond's officers in the troubled 
 years that followed the rebellion. As early as 1641 he had 
 held a captain's commission in Ormond's own regiment of foot, 
 which had its quarters in Christchurch Yard, and had formed 
 part of the garrison of Dublin down to 1648 ; and he had 
 risen to its command. He had suffered imprisonment at the 
 hands of the Parliamentary party on Ormond's departure 
 from Ireland in 1648. At the Eestoration he was at once 
 raised to eminence by his old patron, becoming a member of 
 the Privy Council, with a seat in the Irish Parliament as 
 member for St. Canice, and being appointed one of the 
 trustees for satisfying the arrears of the '49 officers. He re- 
 ceived considerable grants of land ; and his son extending 
 the family influence by a matrimonial alliance with the 
 daughter of Sir John Temple, the family became important 
 enough to win, in the person of Sir William Flower's 
 
 ' Clarendon's State Letters, i. p. 229. 
 * Archdall's Lodge's Peerage, v. p. 233. 
 
90 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 grandson, the peerage of Castle Durrow, a rank which, in 
 the generation following, was merged in the still existing 
 dignity of the Viscounty of Ashbrook.^ 
 
 The other officers appointed to the command of companies 
 at the institution of the regiment were likewise persons of 
 distinction. The King's company was given to Sir Nicholas 
 Armorer, who had acted as equerry to the King in exile, and 
 was a close friend of the Duke of Ormond, by whose influence 
 he was returned to Parliament as member for the county 
 Wicklow, and appointed Governor of Cork.^ Sir John 
 Stephens, who, like Sir William Flower, had held a com- 
 mission in Ormond's old regiment as far back as 1643, and 
 who, after the Eestoration, represented Fethard in the Irish 
 Parhament — he had married a sister of Flower's, and held 
 the office of Constable of Dublin Castle — was appointed 
 major ; and the other officers included Lord Callan, after- 
 wards the third Earl of Denbigh, Lord John Butler — 
 Ormond's youngest son, and Colonel Francis Willoughby, 
 well known in the ten years' warfare in Ireland, from 1641 
 to 1651. It is thus evident that the note of pre-eminence 
 and distinction which has ever been associated with the 
 Guards in England was characteristic of the Irish regiment 
 from the date of its institution. 
 
 A corps, whose sphere of service was restricted in time 
 of peace to the capital, and which even in war was likely 
 to be actively employed only in circumstances of emer- 
 
 ' There is some reason to suspect that during the ecHpse of the Koyalist 
 fortunes Flower, like not a few of Ormond's Irish adherents, was among those 
 who conformed to the government of Commonwealth, and that he held a com- 
 mand in Fleetwood's Regiment. See the Leyburne-Popham Papers, Hist. MSS. 
 Commissioners' Report, p. 153. The following inscription still remains on a 
 tablet in Finglas Church, co. Dublin : — ' Gulielmi Flower, equitis aurati, qui 
 tribunus militum sub Carolo Primo partes Regis et fortunas labantes fide illibata, 
 infracta virtute, ad ultimum propugnavit. Restaurata regia familia Ormonius 
 cor'ptorum ejus testis, nee immemor illi, si non quod meruit, quod tamen ipse 
 cupivit virtutis prtemium Pratorianorum militum pro-pra;fectus dedit ut fidei 
 etiam spectatissimse uberioresset honos, eum in sanetioris concilii album ascrip- 
 sit et copiarum in Ultoniam prideni missarum cum a factione Monumethensi 
 pericula in Scotia gliscerunt, sub Granardi'P comite prajfectum fecit. !Mortem 
 obiit 10 die Junii a.d. 1681.' See Journal of R.S.A.L 1897, p. 454. 
 
 - Cholmondeley Papers, Hist. MSS. Com. 5th Rep. 
 
THE lEISH GUAEDS 91 
 
 gency, was naturally deprived for some years of many oppor- 
 tunities of distinguishing itself, and it is not very easy to 
 trace the record of the regiment in the first few years of its 
 existence. Its earliest active service appears to have been 
 in suppressing the mutiny at Carrickfergus in 1666, already 
 noted,^ but down to 1673 such mention of it as we find 
 is chiefly in connection with ceremonial display. On the 
 occasion of the Duke of Ormond's State entry into Dublin, 
 in 1665, a pageant of unusual magnificence, the regiment 
 formed the guard of honour from St. James's Gate to the 
 Castle, the King's company being in close attendance on the 
 Viceroy, and following immediately the Guard of Battle- 
 axes. In 1672 they were ordered for service with the fleet 
 on the outbreak of the Dutch War, and two companies, of 
 which Lord Arran's was one, were sent to Chester, and 
 appear to have taken part in the action in Solebay.^ 
 
 The military annals of the Eestoration still remain very 
 scrappy and imperfect. Even the achievements of the 
 British Guards have been insufficiently recorded. Little or 
 nothing is known of the career of the Irish Guards from 1675 
 to 1685, when, as already mentioned, the colonelcy passed 
 to the young Lord Ossory on the death of his uncle Lord 
 Arran, although very full lists of its officers for several years 
 of this obscure decade are still extant. The changes in the 
 regiment within this period do not seem to have been many ; 
 the most important being the appointment of Sir Charles 
 Feilding — a member of the ancient family of which the 
 Earl of Denbigh is the head — to be lieutenant-colonel 
 
 ' ' 1666, about the beginning of May, tlie garrison, consisting of about 200 
 men, mutinied for want of their pay, and, choosing Corporal Dillon for their 
 commander, seized the town and castle. On the 25th of the same month, the 
 Earl of Arran, son to the Duke of Ormond, arrived by sea in the Dartmouth 
 frigate, with four companies of Guards, and he assaulting the town by sea, and 
 Sir William Flower by land, the mutineers were forced to retreat into the castle, 
 with the loss of Dillon their commander, and two others. The Earl also lost 
 two soldiers. Next day the Duke of Ormond arrived from Dublin with the 
 Horse Guards, and the mutineers surrendered at discretion. The Corporation 
 (of Carrickfergus) received thanks from the Government for their loyalty on 
 this occasion, and gave a splendid entertainment to the Earl of Arran.' — 
 McSkimin's History of CarricJcfergns, pp. 18, 19. 
 
 ■^ Sir F. Hamilton's History of the Grenadier Guards, i. p. 163. 
 
92 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 on the death, in 1681, of Sir WiUiam Flower. The Guards 
 appear, however, to have been maintained in vigorous 
 efficiency. On April 23, 1685, Major Billingsley reported 
 to his colonel, that he ' drew out the regiment to solemnise 
 the coronation, which was performed after the usual way 
 on State days.'' Lord Clarendon, who superseded Ormond 
 in the Irish Government in 1685, reported very favourably of 
 their appearance in a letter to James II. : — ' The other day,' 
 he wrote, ' I saw your Majesty's Regiment of Guards 
 drawn out ; and though I am no soldier, yet I may assure 
 your Majesty they exercise and perform all their duty as 
 well as your Guards in England can do. If they had the 
 honour to be in your presence you would have no cause to 
 be ashamed of them.'^ 
 
 But the regiment was now about to become involved in 
 those far-reaching changes which shortly after the accession 
 of James II. became so universal in every department of the 
 public service, and were ere long to lead to such startling 
 results. The King resolved on a drastic reform of the 
 personnel of the army, and Tyrconnel came to Ireland to 
 superintend and carry out the changes which had been 
 resolved upon. This is not the occasion on which to discuss 
 the policy of James II. in dealing with his Irish forces prior 
 to the events which obliged him to rely upon their services 
 in his unsuccessful effort to retain his Crown. It must 
 suffice here to observe that, under Tyrconnel's direction, a 
 sweeping reform was rapidly and even violently carried out. 
 The process may be traced in the correspondence of Lord 
 Clarendon, who, though unquestionably loyal to his Sove- 
 reign, was alarmed at the vehemence of the subordinate 
 who was so shortly to be his successor. Clarendon's 
 letters written during the period of his Viceroyalty 
 shed a flood of clear light on events in Ireland in the 
 years immediately preceding the Revolution. Though of 
 liberal opinions on the Roman Catholic question, he was, 
 despite his close family connection with King James, far 
 from endorsing every item in the policy of his royal master, 
 
 ' Ormonde MSS. - Clarendon's State Letters, i. p. 231. 
 
THE lEISH GUAEDS 93 
 
 disliking the rapidity and violence with which changes were 
 introduced into the system of government he was adminis- 
 tering, and particularly resenting the interference of Tyr- 
 connel, who, as Lieutenant-General of the army in Ireland, 
 exercised plenary powers independently of the Viceroy. His 
 correspondence relating to Tyrconnel's proceedings contains 
 several references to the Guards.' In letter after letter he 
 represented to James and to his ministers his disapproval of 
 proceedings which, apart from their unfortunate effect in 
 ahenating a large section of the Irish population, he con- 
 sidered injurious to the efficiency of the army in Ireland, 
 and especially to the Regiment of Guards. 
 
 Pursuant, however, to the commands of the King, who, 
 as he told Clarendon, was ' resolved to employ his subjects 
 of the Roman Catholic religion,' and ' not to keep one man 
 in his service who ever served under the usurpers,' ^ Tyrconnel 
 proceeded to put out of the regiment such of the officers as 
 were unlikely to lend themselves to the new order of things, 
 and at the same time to make large changes in the personnel 
 of the rank and file. The true reasons for these alterations 
 were not of course publicly avowed, the ostensible ground 
 being that, in the language of Tyrconnel, ' the Scotch 
 battalion, which is newly come into England, has undone 
 us ; the King is so pleased with it that he will have all his 
 forces in the same posture. We have here a great many old 
 men, and of different statures : ^ they must be all turned out, 
 for the King would have all his men young and of one size.' 
 This, however, was only a pretext, for, according to Clarendon, 
 the new men were ' full as little ' as those who were turned 
 out. 
 
 On June 8 the Guards were reviewed in St. Stephen's 
 Green by Tyrconnel, who owned to Clarendon that ' it was 
 a much better regiment than he could have imagined, 
 and that the men did their exercises as well as any regi- 
 ment in England ' ; ' but this did not prevent Tyrconnel 
 from proceeding with his reforms. The new officers were 
 
 ' Clarendon's State Letters, i. p. 433, ct seq. - Ibid. i. p. 431. 
 
 3 Ibid. i. p. 468. ' Ibid. i. p. 440. 
 
94 ILLUSTEATIONS OP lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 commissioned and presented to the regiment on parade. Sir 
 Charles Feilding, who had served with the regiment from 
 its formation, and risen from ensign to be lieutenant-colonel, 
 was superseded in his command — the King, as Tyrconnel put 
 it, ' being so well satisfied in the long services of Sir Charles 
 Feilding that he had removed him to prefer him to a better 
 post.' ^ Sir William Dorrington, a native of England and 
 the youngest major in the army, whose subsequent career 
 evinced considerable military ability, but who was a com- 
 plete stranger to his new command, was appointed in his 
 place. ^ Other old officers of long standing in the regiment, 
 such as Major Billingsley and Captain Margetson,^ a son of 
 the Irish Primate, were likewise superseded. The changes 
 among the officers were followed by the dismissal of five 
 hundred men, two-thirds of whom, according to Clarendon, 
 were * able and lusty men,' and a credit to the regiment. 
 The hardship of their dismissal was aggravated by the fact 
 that they had just bought fresh uniforms by direction of 
 their colonel, and were not reimbursed for their expenditure. 
 To fill the places of these men, Dorrington was ordered to 
 recruit in such counties as he thought fit ; and accordingly 
 despatched Arthur, one of his captains, to Connaught to 
 raise men for the Guards — a proceeding much resented by 
 Clarendon, who forbade Dorrington to proceed in it.^ 
 
 So violent an exercise of authority inevitably excited 
 alarm. ' All men,' wrote Clarendon, ' who have any conside- 
 ration and care of the King's service are extremely troubled 
 at the method which is taken of doing things. To turn out, 
 in one day, 400 men of the Eegiment of Guards, 300 of 
 whom have no visible fault, and many of them cheerfully 
 went the last year first into the North and afterwards into 
 England, does put apprehensions into men's heads which 
 they would otherwise have no cause for, and putting in none 
 
 ' Clarendon's State Letters, i. p. 134. 
 
 - Ibid. ii. p. 45. There is no sufficient authority for D'Alton's statement, 
 followed by O'Callaghan, that Dorrington was connected with the regiment 
 from its formation. His name does not appear in any of the early lists of 
 officers, which are printed in full in the Orinonde Papers, vols. i. and ii. 
 
 '■' Ibid. i. p. 435. * Ibid. i. p. 578. 
 
THE lEISH GUAEDS 95 
 
 but natives in their rooms, who really to the eye, as to 
 stature and ability, make worse figures than those that are 
 put out, confirms their jealous apprehensions,' ^ But though 
 the composition of the corps was largely altered, and the 
 principal positions confided to officers of Tyrconnel's way of 
 thinking, there does not appear to have been any general 
 surrender of commissions by the old officers who escaped 
 immediate dismissal. These appear to have remained in the 
 regiment down to the arrival of William III. in England. 
 
 From the sweeping changes inaugurated by Tyrconnel 
 it resulted that the regiment took part with James II. in 
 his struggle for the Crown of the Three Kingdoms, though 
 in numbers considerably short of its proper strength. And 
 this notwithstanding that the colonel. Lord Ossory, who, in 
 1688, succeeded to the dukedom of Ormond, and had been 
 left undisturbed in his nominal command, went over to 
 William III. as soon as he landed at Torbay. The colonelcy 
 was given by James to Dorrington, under whose command the 
 Guards took part in the siege of Derry, and subsequently 
 fought at the Boyne and Aughrim. In the latter battle 
 Dorrington was taken prisoner, and Barker, who had been 
 appointed lieutenant-colonel, was killed ; and it does not 
 appear under what officers the last services of the Irish 
 Guards on Irish soil were rendered at the defence of Lime- 
 rick. After the capitulation of that city the Eoyal Regi- 
 ment of Guards was the foremost of those which made 
 choice of the cause of King James and exile. In that 
 dramatic scene, so powerfully painted for us by Macaulay, 
 when the garrison of Limerick was ordered to pass in review 
 before the rival commanders, Ginkell and Sarsfield, and those 
 who wished to remain in the Ireland of King William were 
 directed to file off at a particular spot, all but seven of the 
 Guards, marching fourteen hundred strong, went beyond the 
 fatal point and embraced the alternative of exile. Not all of 
 these, however, adhered to their resolution, and only five 
 hundred appear to have been included in the thousands, 
 who, in the language of the historian, ' departed to learn in 
 ' Clarendon's State Papers, i. p. 485, July 6. 
 
96 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 foreign camps that discipline without which natural courage 
 is of small avail, and to retrieve, on distant fields of battle, 
 the honour which had been lost by a long series of defeats 
 at home.' ^ 
 
 Eeference has been made above to the fact that the 
 career of the Irish Guards was not closed with the defeat of 
 the cause with which their last years in Ireland were identi- 
 fied. After 1690, indeed, they disappeared from the roll of 
 the regiments in the service of the British Crown, and it is 
 hardly surprising that William III. made no attempt to 
 revive a corps which had fought for his opponent. But 
 though exiled to France for above one hundred years, the 
 identity of the regiment was never completely lost. It still 
 continued to be recruited abroad from the ' wild geese ' who 
 flocked in a continuous stream from Ireland to the Continent 
 through the course of the eighteenth century. Under the 
 leadership of Dorrington it served with distinction at Loudon 
 and Charleroy, and though broken up in 1698, after the 
 Peace of Ryswick, when it ceased to retain its old title, it 
 was substantially re-embodied under its old chief, and was 
 known until his death, in 1718, as the Dorrington Regiment. 
 
 The regiment continued during this period, by desire of 
 King James II., to retain the unifonn and colours it had 
 worn in the British Service.^ Thenceforward it was dis- 
 
 ' Macaulay's History of England, chap. xvii. 
 
 - See on this point, Historigiie clu 57" Regiment d'Infanterie de Ligne, 
 i690-iS92. Par Capitaine Malaguti. Paris, 1892. From this work the 
 following extracts are taken : — 
 
 ' II semble que, des cette epoque (1698), les regiments irlandais et suisses 
 ^taient distingu^s par I'habit rouge-garance ; tandis que toute I'infanterie 
 fran(?aise portait I'habit gris-blanc,' p. 16. 
 
 ' Notes siir Vuniformc diL Bi^giment de Dillon de 1690 a 1191. — Nous n'avons 
 pu trouver aucun renseignement sur I'uniforme de Dillon pendant les quarante 
 premieres annees de son s^jour en France. Le premier ouvrage qui nous ait 
 fourni une donnee precise est la Carte abregee du militaire de la France (de 
 Leman de la Jaise) qui, pour les annees 1730 et 1733, attribue a Dillon : habit 
 rouge et parements bleus,' p. 75. The ' habit rouge-garance ' was worn con- 
 tinuously down to 1791 by all the Irish regiments in the French service. The 
 facings varied in colour, and in the case of the Irish Guards were of St. 
 Patrick's blue. A representation of the nniforms of the French army in 1772 
 shows the Guards or Roscommon Regiment, as it was then called, to have worn 
 a red coat or tunic with blue facings, buff breeches, white Hessian boots, and a 
 
THE lEISH GUAEDS 97 
 
 tinguished by the names of its successive colonels, Counts 
 Michael de Eoth and Edward de Both, Kobert Dillon, Lord 
 Eoscommon, and Count Antoine Walsh de Serrant, all of 
 them representatives of old Irish families, and all of them 
 soldiers of capacity. In the Marlborough wars the regiment 
 served with the army of Flanders, and was present at 
 Malplaquet under Count Michael de Eoth ; it served with 
 the Duke of Berwick in Spain, and during the colonelcy of 
 his son took part in the battles of Dettingen and Fontenoy. 
 Finally under Count Walsh de Serrant the regiment main- 
 tained its old traditions down to the Bevolution, when it 
 merged in the 92nd Begiment of the Army of France. But 
 its officers were still, for the most part. Irishmen, and on the 
 fall of the Bourbons it was natural that the representatives 
 of a traditional loyalty to hereditary right should prefer the 
 Fleur-de-lys to the Tricolour. The successors of those who 
 had refused to concur in the English Bevolution were too 
 proud of their consistent loyalty to be content to accept the 
 French one. Almost without exception its officers followed 
 their colonel, Count Walsh, in his refusal to serve under the 
 banner of the Bepublic, and were among those who, in 1794, 
 accepted with alacrity the invitation conveyed to the colonels 
 of the three surviving regiments of Dillon, Berwick, and 
 Walsh by the Duke of Portland, to take service under the 
 British Crown under the title of the Irish Brigade.^ It was 
 intended that the regiment should be placed upon the Irish 
 Establishment, and recruited exclusively in Ireland for 
 service abroad ; and its officers came over to raise a fresh 
 corps in Ireland. But the times were out of joint for such 
 an enterprise. The emigrant officers found Ireland in a 
 turmoil of agitation, which had much more in common with 
 the France of the Bevolution than with that of the ancien 
 regime, and their efforts were almost entirely unsuccessful. 
 The Eebellion of 1798, quickly following, put a final end to 
 whatever hopes might have previously been entertained, by 
 
 plumed helmet. The colours of the regiment at this time showed a white cross 
 on a ground of St. Patrick's blue. 
 ' See p. 99 infra. 
 
 H 
 
98 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 filling the English Government with misgivings as to the 
 use to which an Irish Catholic Brigade might possibly be 
 turned in spite of the unquestioned loyalty of its leaders. 
 Eecruits being forthcoming in quite insufficient numbers, it 
 was found necessary to amalgamate the regiments forming 
 the brigade, with the result that no place remained for many 
 of the returned officers. Weak and insufficient in numbers, 
 the corps was sent to North America and the West Indies, 
 but it was found impossible to maintain the brigade as an 
 independent organisation, and within a few years it ceased 
 to exist. 
 
 This last chapter in the history of the regiment is a sad 
 one. Making every allowance for the exacerbation of feeling 
 at the time, the treatment accorded to the returned officers 
 was little creditable to Irishmen of any shade of opinion ; 
 whilst the conduct of the War Office in regard to their pay 
 and allowances was equally deserving of disapproval. Wolfe 
 Tone, in his Journal for 1796, describes how the officers, 
 intending to go to Mass on Christmas Day in full uniform, 
 were obliged to give up the idea for fear of being hustled by 
 the populace of Dublin. On the other hand, the Duke of 
 FitzJames, the descendant of the great soldier Berwick, and 
 the principal personage among those to whom the invitation 
 to join the British army had been addressed, was insulted by 
 some observations from Lord Blaney in the Irish House of 
 Lords, and fought a duel with that nobleman in the Phoenix 
 Park in assertion of the honour of his confreres} The un- 
 employed officers were treated with so little consideration by 
 the military authorities that some of them were reduced to 
 a half -starving condition, and had to wait several years for 
 arrears of pay ; while the colonels, on the final disbandment 
 of the brigade, were refused the rank as half-pay officers for 
 which they had stipulated when entering the British Service. 
 Thus the closing chapter in a story that had extended over 
 a space of above one hundred and thirty years was one of 
 misfortune, and even humiliation. But none the less the 
 record of the Irish Guards, from their formation in 1662 to 
 
 ' Annual Begister, 1797. 
 
THE IRISH GUARDS 99 
 
 the final dispersal of the last remnant of the regiment, is one 
 in every respect creditable to the martial traditions of Ireland. 
 Eooted in the history of its country, whether as Jacobite 
 or Williamite, as loyalist or rebel, as fighting for or against 
 the Crown to which it owed its origin, the career of this 
 distinguished corps was one in which were exhibited at 
 every stage the stainless honour of Irish gentlemen, and 
 the indomitable valour of the Irish race. 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Mr. Lecky, in his ' History of England in the Eighteenth 
 Century,' vol. vii. p. 254, has given some account of that final 
 chapter in the history of the Irish Brigade, to which O'Callaghan 
 in his otherwise exhaustive narrative pays but scant attention. 
 Reference is also made to the episode in Mrs. M. A. O'Connell's 
 ' Last Colonel of the Irish Brigade.' But much the fullest 
 authority for the later history of the Irish Guards is to be found 
 in a volume entitled : ' Une Pamille Royaliste, Irlandaise et 
 Fran9aise, et Le Prince Charles-Edouard 1689-1799,' privately 
 printed at Nantes in 1901 by the Due de la Tr6moille.' In this 
 work several documents relating to the regiment under the 
 colonelcy of Antoine Count Walsh de Serrant are reproduced. 
 From it are extracted the documents following, viz. : the letter 
 of the Duke of Portland above referred to, and the Commission of 
 George III. to the Comte de Serrant as a colonel of Infantry 
 in the Irish Brigade ^ : — 
 
 Letter of the Duke of Portland to Count Walsh de Serrant.^ 
 
 A Whitehall, ce 30 Sept. 1794. 
 Monsieur, — Le Roi desirant remplir les intentions de la 
 legislature d'Irlande, et de donner a ses sujets catholiques de ce 
 royaume un prompte temoignage de son affection et de sa con- 
 fiance, s'est determine k retablir le corps connu cy-devant sous 
 le nom de la brigade irlandoise, et comme vous etiez colonel d'un 
 des regiments dont elle etoit composee, Sa Majeste m'a donne 
 
 ' A translation of this work by Miss A. G. Murray MacGregor has recently 
 been published in Edinburgh. For further information as to Count Walsh de 
 Serrant, and incidentally of his i-egiment, see the sumptuous work by the same 
 writer, Souvenirs de la R('vohition : Mes Parents, Deuxi^me Partie. Paris, 1902. 
 
 " TJne Farnille Royaliste, Appendix, pp. 93-95. 
 
 u 2 
 
100 ILLUSTEATIONS OP IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 I'oi'dre de vous offiir dans ce nouveau corps le meme rang de 
 colonel que vous teniez dans I'ancien. 
 
 L'intention de Sa Majeste est, que cette brigade soit noaintenant 
 composee de quatre regiments, le commandement de trois desquels 
 elle m'a ordonne d'offrir aux colonels (ou a leurs representans) 
 qui ont commande las trois corps qui composoient la brigade 
 lorsqu'elle etoit au service de Sa Majeste tr^s chretienne, et celui 
 du quatrieme a Monsieur O'Connell, cy-devant officier general au 
 service de France, et certainement bien connu de vous et de tous 
 les gentilshommes irlandois qui ont servi dans ce corps. 
 
 II a aussi plu a Sa Majeste de determiner que tous les 
 oflBciers, tant de I'etat major que les autres, excepte vous. Monsieur 
 le comte et Monsieur le due de Fitz James, seront pris d'entre ceux 
 de ses sujets qui sont nes en Irlande, et qui se seront distingues 
 par leurs services dans les memes grades dans la brigade, et 
 que si Ton manque d'officiers (comma il y a toute apparence) 
 pour remplir les grades inf^rieurs, on les choisisse dans les families 
 des gentilshommes de la meme religion, dont la demeure a toujours 
 ete en Irlande. 
 
 L'intention de Sa Majeste est de plus, que cette brigade soit 
 mise, du moment qu'elle sera complette, sur I'etat militaire de ce 
 royaume, ou de celui d'Irlande, en sorte que, d6s ce moment-la, 
 les officiers qui y tiendront des places prendront rang avec les 
 autres officiers des armees de Sa Majeste, et en cas que le corps 
 soit reforme, ils auront droit a la derni^re paye. 
 
 Sa Majeste recevra aussi la recommandation des colonels dans 
 le choix des officiers, et cela surtout, quand ces i-ecommandations 
 seront faites en faveur de ceux qui ont servi cy-devant dans la 
 brigade irlandoise. Mais elle ne permettra pas qu'aucune con- 
 sideration pecuniere [sic] soit donnee pour obtenir aucun rang dans 
 ce corps ; et en consequence, comme il n'aura 6te permis a aucun 
 officier, de quelque rang qu'il soit, de rien payer pour sa place, il 
 doit comprendre clairement, que sous aucun pretexte il ne lui sera 
 permis de la vendre. 
 
 Sa Majeste m'a commande aussi de vous informer qu'elle est 
 determinee a ce que ce corps soit specialement affect^ au service 
 des colonies de Sa Majesty dans les Antilles, ou dans telle autre 
 possession de Sa Majeste, hors de ces deux royaumes de la Grande- 
 Bretagne et d'Irlande, qu'il lui plaira de les employer ; et que Sa 
 Majeste s'attendra a ce que tout officier de quelque rang qu'il soit, 
 qui a I'honneur d'avoir un brevet dans ces coi'ps, se tiendra comme 
 indispensablement oblige de venir avec son regiment dans quelque 
 partie du monde que ce soit. 
 
THE lElSH GUAEDS 101 
 
 Sans entrer dans de plus grands details sur ce sujet, j'ajouterai 
 seulement, a I'occasion de votre qualite de colonel proprietaive d'un 
 des regiments de I'ancienne brigade irlandaise, qu'il est trfes 
 essentiel que je vous rappelle, Monsieur lo Comte, que la constitu- 
 tion de ce pays-ci n'admet aucune propriete semblable, attendu, 
 comme vous devez vous le rappeler, que les fonds pour 
 I'etablissement militaire ne sont accordes que pour I'annee, et que 
 par consequent il ne peut avoir qu'une existence annuelle. 
 
 Cependant, quoique place ne vous soit confiee par la legislature 
 que pour un an, on doit en considerer la possession comme vous 
 6tant assuree durant votre bonne conduite, terme que je ne puis 
 regarder de moindre duree que celui de votre vie. 
 
 Je vous ai maintenant expose toutes les circonstances qui m'ont 
 paru necessaires pour vous aider k determiner si vous devez 
 accepter les offres gracieuses de Sa Majesty ; je n'ai qu'ajouter, 
 que si, apres mure consideration, il vous parait plus convenable de 
 ne pas vous en pr^valoir, la bonte naturelle de Sa Majesty la 
 disposera a interpreter les motifs qui vous auront determine, de la 
 maniere la plus favorable pour vous ; et je puis meme vous 
 assurer, que dans le cas meme ou vous accepteriez la proposition 
 que je suis charge de vous faire, et que la guerre finie, ou meme 
 pendant sa duree, vous avez I'avis de quitter le service de Sa 
 Majeste, et de rentrer a celui de Sa Majeste tres Chretienne, que 
 vous trouverez le Eoi dispose de meme de vous accorder votre 
 conge, et de considerer cette mesure avec sa bonte accoutumee. 
 
 Je ne S9aurois douter, que vous n'ayez la bonte d'informer les 
 officiers de la brigade, qui ont eu I'honneur de servir sous vos 
 ordres, des intentions du Eoi, a leur egard, selon la forme et les 
 conditions que je vous ai specifiees cy-dessus ; et que vous 
 voudrez bien aussi leur recommander, le plutot possible, aquelque 
 endroit convenable d'ou ils pourront le plus commodement se rendre 
 en Irlande, et se mettre en etat de remplir les devoirs qui leur seront 
 consignes de la part du Eoi. 
 
 Je n'ai pas besoin de vous dire, que dans le cas ou vous vous 
 decideriez a accepter la proposition que Sa Majeste m'a autorise a 
 vous faire, il n'y aura pas un moment a perdre pour vous rendre 
 iei, afin de regler tout ce qui a rapport a la lev6e des corps le plus 
 promptement possible. 
 
 II ne me reste qu'a vous prier d'etre assure, que je m'estime tr^s 
 heureux d'avoir 6te autorise k vous donner ce temoignage, non 
 equivoque, de la bonne opinion et I'estime de Sa Majeste. 
 
 J'ai I'honneur d'etre, Monsieur le Comte, votre tres humble et 
 tr^s obeissant serviteur, 
 
 Portland. 
 
102 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Brevet de colonel d'infanterie {dans la brigade irlandaise) •pour 
 Antoinc Walsh, Covite de Serrant, au nom du Boi Georges III. 
 S021S la signature de lord Portland.^ 
 
 Palace de S'. James, 1" Oct. 1794, 
 
 George the Third, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, 
 France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to our trusty and 
 well beloved Antony, Count Walsh de Serrant, greeting : We 
 reposing especial trust and confidence in your loyalty, courage, 
 and good conduct, do by these presents constitute and appoint you 
 to be Colonel of a Regiment of Foot, forming part of the corps 
 known by the name of the Irish Brigade, and likewise to be a 
 Captain of a company in our said regiment. You are therefore to 
 take our said regiment as Colonel, and the said company as 
 Captain into your care and charge, and duly to exercise as well 
 the officers as soldiers thereof in arms, and to use your best 
 endeavours to keep them in good order and discipline ; and we do 
 hereby command them to obey you as their Colonel and Captain 
 respectively ; and you are to observe and follow such orders and 
 directions from time to time as you shall receive from us, or any 
 other your superior officers, according to the rules and discipline 
 of war, in pursuance of the trust we hereby repose in you. 
 
 Given at our Court at St. James's, the first day of October, 
 1794 in the thirty-fourth year of our reign, 
 
 By his Majesty's command. 
 
 Portland. 
 Anthony Count Walsh de Serrant, 
 
 Colonel of a Regiment of Foot. 
 
 ' Une Famille Boyaliste, Appendix, p. 95. 
 
IV 
 
 THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND: THE IB ORIGIN, 
 CONSTITUTION, AND GRADUAL DELIMITATION 
 
 The dominating influence upon the development of any 
 given race or people of the main physical characteristics of 
 the land in vs^hich their lot is cast has long been understood 
 by historians ; and the effects produced on the history of the 
 M^orld, in modern times by the insular position of Great 
 Britain, or in the world of the ancients by the peninsular 
 position of Greece, are among the commonplaces of histori- 
 cal criticism. What is not so much a commonplace is the 
 extent of the influence exerted upon the domestic history of 
 any community by the accidents of its early local history, 
 and the degree in which archaic conditions of tribal division 
 may survive in the modern organisation. For these divi- 
 sions often continue for long centuries after their origin has 
 passed into the partial oblivion of unexplained tradition, to 
 mould the shape and form of a more advanced civilisation. 
 
 The application of this principle to the case of Ireland 
 is direct and obvious. For the local history of Ireland is, as 
 has been acutely observed, in a special degree the backbone 
 and foundation of its general history.^ Owing to what may 
 be described as the inorganic character of the social structure 
 in the Ireland of the Middle Ages, to the absence of a strong 
 central government or settled constitution, capable of giving 
 to the country and the people the impress of its own uni- 
 formity, it is almost exclusively to clan or sept history, and 
 
 ' See on this point the valuable essay by Mr. Eobert Dunlop on ' Some 
 Aspects of Henry Vin.'s Irish Policy,' published in Otvens College Historical 
 Essays, p. 279. 
 
104 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 to the history of the particular areas with which the septs 
 were associated, that we must chiefly look if we would seek 
 to realise the body politic of the Ireland of a not very remote 
 past. If this statement should appear at all exaggerated, let 
 it suffice to note two simple but striking illustrations. As 
 late as the reign of Henry VIII., in a memorandum on the 
 State of Ireland, which is among the most instructive docu- 
 ments in the Tudor State Papers, the names of the ' Irish 
 regions,' and not the territorial divisions to which we are 
 accustomed, are the units employed by the writer to describe 
 by far the greater portion of the country.^ And in the 
 Ehzabethan Map of Ireland, drawn by Dean Nowel, in the 
 third quarter of the sixteenth century, division by territories 
 or ' chief eries,' and not that by counties, is the method 
 adopted.^ For down to the reign of Philip and Mary, as Sir 
 John Davies observes in the lucid paragraphs devoted to the 
 history of the shiring of Ireland in his well-known work : — 
 * The provinces of Connaught and Ulster, and a good part of 
 Leinster, were not reduced to shire ground. And though 
 Munster were anciently divided into counties, the people 
 were so degenerate as no justice durst execute his commission 
 among them.' ^ To indicate the process by which these 
 large districts were gradually brought within the ambit 
 of English administration, and by which the counties of 
 
 ' ' Who list make surmise to the King for the reformation of his land of 
 Ireland, it is necessary to show him the estate of all the noble folk of the same, 
 as well of the King's subjects and English rebels, as of the Iiish enemies. And 
 first of all to make his Grace understand that there may be more than 60 
 countries, called regions in Ireland, inhabited with the King's Irish enemies ; 
 some regions as big as a shire, some more, some less, unto a little ; some as big 
 as half a shire and some a little less; where reigneth more than 60 chief 
 captains . . . that liveth only by the sword and obeyeth to no other temporal 
 persons, but only to himself that is strong . . . also there is no folk daily subject 
 to the King's laws but half the county of Uriel, half the county of Meath, half 
 the county of Dublin, and half the county of Kildare.'— ' The State of Ire- 
 land and Plan for its Reformation.' State Papers of Henry VIII. ii. part iii. 
 p. 1 (1834). 
 
 - Copy of an ancient map in the British Museum by Laurence Nowel, Dean 
 of Lichfield, ob. 1576. Printed by the Ordnance Survey Department. 
 
 ' Discovery of the True Causes why Ireland ^cas never entirely Sub- 
 dued, &c. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 105 
 
 Ireland, as we now know them, came to be formed, is no 
 easy task ; but the attempt is worth making, 
 
 ' The civil distribution of Ireland,' to quote Bishop 
 Keeves's most valuable paper on ' The Tovmland Distribu- 
 tion of Ireland,' * in the descending scale, is into Provinces, 
 Counties, Baronies, Parishes, and Townlands.' • But this 
 highly convenient division of the surface of Ireland, as the 
 bishop goes on to say, is characterised neither by unity of 
 design nor by chronological order in its development. * The 
 provinces, subject to one suppression and some inter- 
 change of adjacent territories, represent a very ancient 
 native partition which in the twelfth century was adopted 
 for ecclesiastical purposes. The counties and baronies, 
 though principally based on groupings of native lordships, 
 are of Anglo-Norman origin, and range, in the date of their 
 creation, from the reign of King John to that of James I. 
 The parochial division is entirely borrowed from the Church, 
 under which it was matured probably about the middle of 
 the twelfth century ; while the townlands, the infima species, 
 may reasonably be considered, at least in part, the earhest 
 allotment in the scale.' 
 
 With the two last of these grades of classification we 
 have nothing to do here. But a word must be said regarding 
 the third. The baronial division does not indeed present 
 any very difficult problem. For though it be not easy to 
 account for the adoption of the term * barony ' as signifying 
 the division of a county,^ seeing that it has no such meaning 
 in the territorial classification of Great Britain, there is no 
 doubt that in general the baronies were successively formed 
 on the submission of the Irish chiefs, the lands of each 
 chieftain constituting a barony, and that they thus repre- 
 
 ' Proceedings o the Royal Irish Academy, vii. p. 473. 
 
 - ' The cause of the difference in name between the Irish baronies and 
 English hundreds has been thus accounted for : When the kingdom of Meath 
 was granted to the elder De Lacy, shortly after the arrival of the English, he 
 portioned it out among his inferior barons, to hold under him by feudal 
 service, and hence their estates naturally took the name of baronies, which 
 gradually extended itself to similar subdivisions of other counties.' Hardi- 
 man's 'Notes to the Statute of Kilkenny,' in Tracts relating to Ireland, 
 ii. p. 108. 
 
106 ILLUSTEATIONS OP lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 sent more nearly than any other unit the ancient tribal 
 territories.' 
 
 The limits of the five kingdoms of what has been called 
 the Irish Pentarchy, into which Ireland was anciently 
 divided, correspond closely to those of the provincial divi- 
 sions, as the latter were maintained down to the seventeenth 
 century. They represent, as already noted, ' a very ancient 
 native partition,' the adoption of which in the twelfth century, 
 for ecclesiastical purposes, served to embalm a division of the 
 island which, being purely artificial and based on no great 
 physical boundaries, must otherwise have perished. The five 
 provinces are shown separately as late as 1610 in Speed's 
 map. For it was not until late in the reign of James I. that 
 Meath ceased to be generally reckoned a separate province. 
 In popular usage it long retained its provincial identity ; 
 and Boate, writing under the Commonwealth, mentions 
 the province as but lately merged in Leinster. The Ulster 
 of unsubdued Ireland was conterminous with the modem 
 province of that name, save that it included Louth — a fact 
 commemorated in the still existing incorporation of that 
 county in the see of Armagh and the northern ecclesiastical 
 province—and that it did not include Cavan. Ancient 
 Munster differed from the modern only by including within 
 its bounds the territory of Ely (the O'CarroU country), which, 
 represented by two baronies of the King's County, now forms 
 a part of Leinster. Connaught included, in addition to its 
 present territories, the county of Cavan, and a part of 
 Longford ; while during the sixteenth century the earldom 
 of Thomond or county of Clare oscillated, at the pleasure 
 of successive deputies, between Munster and Connaught, 
 giving to the latter, in the periods of its association with it, 
 a predominance which the western province has long ceased 
 to enjoy. Meath is substantially identical with the modern 
 counties of Meath and Westmeath, and is practically con- 
 
 ' The origin of the parochial system is much less easily traced ; and the 
 relation between the diocesan areas and the provincial and county divisions is 
 a subject which might well engage the attention of some of our ecclesiastical 
 antiquaries. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND 107 
 
 terminous with the diocese of Meath, though it seems to 
 have also embraced a considerable portion of Longford ; 
 while Leinster comprised the modern Leinster counties, less 
 Louth, Meath, Westmeath, Longford, and the part of the 
 King's County specified above. 
 
 The first attempt at a division of Ireland into counties 
 was, of course, subsequent to the Anglo-Norman conquest, 
 and is commonly dated from the reign of King John. It is 
 generally ascribed to the tenth year of that monarch's reign ; 
 but it does not appear that this ascription, though doubtless 
 substantially correct, rests upon any extant documentary 
 authority of ancient date. It has been adopted, however, 
 by every writer. Sir John Davies's account is as succinct 
 and accurate as any other : ' True it is that King John 
 made twelve shires in Leinster and Munster — namely, 
 Dublin, Kildare, Meath, Urial or Louth, Catherlogh, Kil- 
 kenny, Wexford, Waterford, Cork, Limerick, Kerry, and 
 Tipperary. Yet these counties did stretch no further than 
 the lands of the English colonies did extend.' Harris, in his 
 additions to Ware's account of the division of Ireland,' 
 asserts and, indeed, elaborately argues, that the twelve 
 counties attributed to King John were really of earlier origin, 
 and were, in fact, part of an earlier division effected by 
 Henry II. Without a division into shires and the 
 appointment of sheriffs, Henry's grant to Ireland of the 
 laws of England would, in his opinion, have been no better 
 than a mockery : * For without sheriffs, law would be a dead 
 letter ; ' and without a shire there could be no sheriff. That 
 there were sheriffs in Henry's reign Harris considers proved 
 by the language of a patent to one Nicholas de Benchi, 
 directed to all archbishops, bishops, sheriffs, &c. ; and that 
 shires were known in Ireland prior to the tenth year of King 
 John is shown by a patent of the seventh of that reign, in 
 which the county of Waterford is distinguished from the 
 city of that name. In further support of his thesis, Harris 
 also argues that the division of Connaught into the two 
 counties of Connaught and Roscommon is of earlier date 
 
 ' Antiquities of Ireland, chap. v. 
 
108 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 than King John's counties ; that, prior to the reign of 
 Philip and Mary, Leix and Offaly were reckoned in Kildare, 
 and other portions of the Queen's County in Carlow ; 
 and that there were unquestionably sheriffs of Down and 
 Newtownards, of Carrickfergus and Antrim, and of Coleraine, 
 long prior to the division of Ulster into counties under 
 Elizabeth. But though he would be a bold antiquary who 
 would venture to controvert a proposition maintained by the 
 erudition of Ware, the authority of Ware's laborious editor 
 is hardly so formidable. It may at least be said that if the 
 shiring of Ireland was really accomplished by Henry II., all 
 substantial traces of that sovereign's work have perished ; 
 and the historian must be content to start with King John. 
 
 As has just been noted, there is no conclusive evidence 
 now extant of the formation by King John of the twelve 
 counties traditionally ascribed to him. And it is certain 
 that though these divisions were probably known as separate 
 geographical areas, they cannot in several instances, if in 
 any, have formed counties in the modem administrative 
 sense till a date considerably later than King John's reign. ^ 
 For it must be remembered that the earliest grants of terri- 
 tory by Henry II. were in the nature of counties palatine 
 rather than of ordinary counties, though the term ' palatine ' 
 nowhere occurs in any early instrument. And of the t\velve 
 counties imputed to King John, five formed part of the 
 single liberty or palatine county of Leinster. In order to 
 follow the process of the development of the Irish counties, 
 it is essential to have regard to this fact and to the conse- 
 quences flowing from it. It is therefore necessary to digress 
 here to give a brief account of the origin of the institu- 
 tion of counties, and of the difference, in the extent and 
 nature of their respective jurisdictions, between simple and 
 palatine counties. 
 
 The name and office of Count were derived from the 
 Court of Charlemagne, and the institution of counties in 
 
 ' See Hardiman's ' Notes to the Statute of Kilkenny ' in Tracts relating to 
 Ireland, ii. p. 102. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 109 
 
 England is of earlier date than the Norman Conquest.^ The 
 creation of a count involved from the first a delegation of 
 royal authority for legal and administrative purposes, and 
 the ordinary county had two courts — the King's Court for 
 criminal business, and the Earl's Court for civil causes. But 
 the judicial officers and sheriffs were in all cases appointed 
 by the Crown. Between a county palatine and an ordinary 
 county the distinction was broad and well defined. Accord- 
 ing to Blackstone, * counties palatine ' — of which there were 
 in England the three great examples of Chester, Durham, 
 and Lancaster, besides the smaller ones of Hexham and 
 Pembroke — ' are so called a palatio, because the owners of 
 them had formerly in those counties jura regalia as fully as 
 the King in his palace.' " The Earl of a county was Lord of 
 all the land in his shire that was not Church land ; and 
 his jurisdiction was equivalent in all essential points to the 
 jurisdiction of the King in an ordinary county.^ Thejwra 
 regalia included a royal jurisdiction and a royal seignory. 
 By virtue of the first the Earl Palatine had the same high 
 courts and officers of justice as the King ; by virtue of the 
 second he had the same royal services and escheats, and 
 could even create barons, as was certainly done in Chester. 
 Included in the power to appoint officers of justice was the 
 appointment of the sheriff ; and with the functions of the 
 sheriff in the palatinate no King's sheriff might interfere. 
 And, therefore, says Sir John Davies, ' such county is merely 
 [absolutely] disjoined and separated from the Crown, so that 
 no King's writ runs there, except a writ of error, which 
 being the last resort and appeal is excepted out of all their 
 charters.' ^ 
 
 The origin of these immense delegations of royal power 
 was of course the inability of the Sovereign in early times 
 to establish an efficient administrative system throughout 
 his realm ; and the same considerations which compelled 
 resort to the palatine system in England by the early 
 
 ' Selden's Titles of Honour, p. 694. ^ Stephen's Blackstone, i. p. 131. 
 
 ^ Stubbs's Constitutional History, i. p. 3G3. 
 
 ■• Sir J. Davies's 'Reports des cases et matters en Ley,' Le Case del Countie 
 Palatine de Weixford, p. G2. 
 
no ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Norman kings, rendered necessary the application of an 
 analogous method of administration in Ireland by Henry II. 
 In the case of England, where the central authority was 
 strong, the palatinates were limited to the march or border 
 districts, as Chester on the Welsh, and Durham on the 
 Scottish or Northumbrian borders. In the case of Ireland, 
 the Crown having practically no authority in the interior of 
 the island, the policy of Henry II. was to hand over the 
 country to Strongbow and his followers, with powers practi- 
 cally co-extensive with the powers of the Crown, but subject 
 to and excepting any grants of Church lands. Only the 
 sea-coast towns and the territories immediately adjacent 
 were reserved to the Sovereign. And it was in these latter 
 districts only that for a long period the authority of the 
 English kings had any direct force in Ireland. 
 
 Accordingly, as Sir John Davies, with his usual insight, 
 observes, all Ireland was ' cantonised ' by Henry II. among 
 persons of the English nation, who, ' though they had not 
 gained the possession of one- third part of the whole king- 
 dom, yet in title they were owners and lords of all, so as 
 nothing was left to be granted to the natives.' Of these 
 grants at least three — those of Leinster to Strongbow, of 
 Meath to De Lacy, and of Ulster to De Courcy — were 
 grants of royal jurisdiction equivalent to palatinates ; and 
 most probably all were intended to be such. It is clear 
 at all events that the liberty of Leinster was confirmed 
 by King John in right of Strongbow's daughter to William 
 Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, and that, on the division of 
 Leinster among the five co-heiresses of the latter, the five 
 divisions of Carlow, Kilkenny, Wexford, Kildare, and Leix 
 were regarded as separately enjoying, within their respective 
 territories, the same palatine privileges which had appertained 
 to the undivided liberty of Leinster. That Leinster was 
 long considered as preserving its palatine privileges may be 
 seen by the statute 25 Edw^ard I., in which ' the whole com- 
 munity of Leinster ' is referred to as * lately but one liberty.' 
 
 Of the remaining palatinates or liberties, Meath was 
 divided between Matilda and Margaret, granddaughters of 
 
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND ill 
 
 that Hugo de Lacy to whom its territories had originally 
 been granted. Of these ladies Matilda married Geoffrey de 
 Geneville or Joinville, a brother of the famous crusader and 
 author of the ' Vie de St. Louis,' while Margaret married John 
 de Verdon. The moiety known as the liberty of Trim passed to 
 the Crown through the marriage of a descendant of Matilda 
 de Lacy with Mortimer, Earl of March ; while the second 
 half, descending to the Talbots, Earls of Shrewsbury, was 
 resumed by Henry VIII. under the Statute of Absentees.^ 
 Ulster, originally granted to De Courcy, was re-granted by 
 John to the De Lacys, and descending through a daughter 
 to the De Burghs, and thence to the Mortimers, ultimately 
 became vested in the Crown in the person of Edward IV., 
 as the descendant of Lionel, Duke of Clarence. Connaught, 
 granted to the De Burghs, also passed technically with 
 Ulster to the Crown ; though the rebellion of the younger 
 branch of the Burkes, on the failure of heirs male of the 
 elder, deprived the legal title of the Crown of all its 
 effective force. The union of all these territories in the 
 Crown of England is incidentally recognised in an Act of 
 Parliament of Henry VII. 's reign, ^ which, reciting that 'the 
 Earldoms of March, Ulster, the Lordships of Trim and Con- 
 naught, bin annexed to our sovereign lord the King's most 
 noble Crown,' makes provision for the better keeping of the 
 records of those ancient dignities, the title to which had been 
 jeopardised by the loss of the muniments. This Act expressly 
 refers to ' Eichard, late Duke of York,' as lord of Trim.^ 
 The extent and character of the privileges of a county 
 
 ' Stat. 28 Henry VIII. cap. iii. 
 
 ^ An Act touching the keeping of Records of the Earldomes of Marche, 
 Connaught, Trym, and Ulster, 15 Henry VII. c. 15. 
 
 * Selden, in his Titles of Honour (third edition, p. 694), has a reference to 
 the use of the name and oiiice of Palatine Earl in Ireland, which seems to state 
 the facts with the nearest possible approach to accuracy : — ' The title of local 
 Earl Palatine, as well as of other Earls, occurs in the Records of that Kingdom. 
 But I do not believe that any man was ever created into the title of Count 
 Palatine there, or the County expressly made a County Palatine by Patent ; 
 but as in other countries, so here, the enjoying of the title of earl (and some- 
 times of lord), together with a territory annexed to that title, wherein all royal 
 jurisdiction might be exercised, was the original whence in speech and writing 
 the title of Earl Palatine or Count Palatine grew.' This was written in 1614 ; 
 
112 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 palatine or liberty of England appear by the Charter of 
 Edward III. to John of Gaunt for the palatinate of Lan- 
 caster — a dignity which, owing to the prudent sagacity of 
 Henry IV., has been preserved in its ancient independence 
 and prerogatives almost down to the present day. Anxious 
 that the hereditary honours of his dukedom should be secured 
 to him, even should fortune deprive him of a usurped crown, 
 Henry, on attaining to the throne, had an Act passed pro- 
 viding that the duchy of Lancaster should remain in 
 himself and his heirs in like manner as though he had never 
 acceded to the royal dignity. But the precise character of 
 the jurisdiction conferred by King John on the early 
 palatine counties of Ireland does not appear from any extant 
 documents. If, however, as it seems reasonable to suppose, 
 the later jurisdictions conferred by Edward III. were similar 
 in their general scope, its nature may be gathered from the 
 records of the palatinate of Tipperary. The process of Quo 
 Warranto by which James I. resumed possession of Tipperary 
 enumerates the courts and offices which existed at the 
 beginning of the sixteenth century, and which, doubtless, 
 represented in all essentials the palatine constitution of 
 earlier times. The jurisdiction, authorities, and liberties set 
 out in the Quo Warranto of James I. were restored on the 
 reconstitution of the palatinate in 1662 in favour of James, 
 first Duke of Ormond, with the exception (which appears 
 to have been a reservation common to all palatine grants) 
 of the four pleas of arson, rape, forestalling, and treasure 
 trove, as originally reserved in the grant of Edward III ^ in 
 1328 to James le Botiller, first earl of Ormond. 
 
 and it is noteworthy that Selden's view as to the title of palatine is confirmed 
 by the Patent of Charles II. to the Duke of Ormond in 1660 for the county 
 Tipperary. Tipperary was an undoubted palatinate ; yet neither the Patent 
 nor the Act of 2 George I. cap. 8, by which it was revoked, contains the term 
 ' Palatine ' ; but speak only of the regalities and liberties of Tipperary. 
 
 ' The following are among the more important of the privileges vested in 
 the Earls of Ormond within their palatinate : — 
 
 1. To have and to hold within the county of Tipperary one Curia Cancel- 
 laricE, commonly called a Chancery Court, and to make, appoint, and constitute 
 one Cancellarins, or officer of the same Court, commonly called a Chancellor, 
 which Chancellor, under colour of such his office, makes and causes to be made all 
 
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 113 
 
 In tracing the position of the Irish counties through the 
 obscure complexity of Irish administration under the Planta- 
 genet kings, the only guide whom we may follow with any 
 degree of confidence is the Sheriff, The whole machinery 
 of local or county administration in Plantagenet times 
 practically centred in the sheriff, who united the threefold 
 functions of a civil officer in relation to the courts of law ; 
 of returning officer in relation to the election of parliament- 
 ary representatives ; and of revenue collector in relation to 
 the royal exchequer. Owing to the destruction in the reigns 
 of the first two Edwards of most of the early records of the 
 kingdom of Ireland, the materials available in regard to 
 Plantagenet sheriffs are unhappily meagre ; and the Act of 
 Henry VII. already referred to indicates the paucity of the 
 
 kinds of original writs and other processes in all actions, as well real as personal 
 and mixed, within the aforesaid county arising, occurring, or happening, . . . 
 
 2. And also to have and to hold within the aforesaid county one other Court 
 of Pleas of the Crown of the said Lord the now King, and to make, appoint, 
 and constitute one other officer or Seneschallus, commonly called a Seneschal, 
 and one other officer or Justiciarius, commonly called a Justice, to hold Pleas 
 of the Crown of the said Lord the King. . . . 
 
 3. And also to have and to hold within the aforesaid county one other Court 
 of Common Pleas held before the aforesaid Seneschal and Justice. . . . 
 
 4. And also yearly to nominate, appoint, make, and constitute in the same 
 county one other officer, viz., one Vicecovies, commonly called a Sheriff, for the 
 custody of the same county, which sheriff makes execution of all writs, &c. 
 issuing and directed to the same sheriff from the four courts of the said Lord 
 the King held at the King's Courts in the county of the City of Dublin also 
 from the Justices assigned ... to take the assizes in the county of Tipperary 
 aforesaid, as well as from the aforesaid Chancellor, Justice, and Seneschal in the 
 same county. . . . And he holds in the same county divers Courts of Turn 
 Leet, and Curia; Comitafus, called County Courts. . . . 
 
 5. And moreover to have and appropriate to themselves the power of grant- 
 ing charters of Pardon, and ad pardonmulum— Anglice, to pardon — whatsoever 
 persons are suspected, accused, convicted, outlawed, condemned, or attainted of 
 any transgressions, felonies and treasons, and misprisions of felonies or treasons 
 by them within the aforesaid county in any wise done, committed, or per- 
 petrated. . . . And further to do and execute within the aforesaid county all 
 other things whatsoever which appertain to any Earl of any County Palatine 
 to be done or executed. 
 
 6. And also to make, appoint, and constitute in the aforesaid county 
 Tipperary divers other officers, viz., one or more Coroners, and one Escheator 
 and one Feodary . , , and one Clerk of the Markets, . . . and one Sub-vicecomes, 
 commonly called a Sub-sheriff'. . . . — Fifth Reiiort of ilie Deputy Keeper of the 
 Public Records of Ireland, pp. 34-36, 
 
 I 
 
114 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 records of several of the greater earldoms. But a study of 
 the Plea Kolls, Pipe Eolls, and Patent Kolis, as well as of 
 the Plantagenet Statutes, so far as these survive, is not wholly 
 fruitless ; and the last-mentioned source is fairly rich in 
 references to the functions and office of the sheriff. An ex- 
 amination of these sources establishes, at least negatively, 
 the fact that from the time of King John to that of the 
 Tudors no new county was formed, or if formed that it did not 
 survive. It also shows that no sheriff was created for any new 
 district, with the single exception caused by the subdivision 
 of the great territory of Connaught into the separate dis- 
 tricts of Connaught and Eoscommon.^ It is impossible to 
 say how much or how little of Connaught was intended to 
 be included in Koscommon, or precisely when the division 
 was made. But the separation is certainly as old as the 
 thirteenth century, and Koscommon is among the counties 
 and liberties whose respective sheriffs and seneschals were 
 directed by the Statute 25 Ed. I. (1296) to return to the 
 * general parliament ' held in Dublin in that year * two of 
 the most honest and discreet knights of each county or 
 liberty.' ^ This vagueness of the territorial divisions and of 
 the shrievalties associated with them was not confined to the 
 western province, but was characteristic of all the so-called 
 counties of King John. And this was especially so in the 
 case of the Leinster counties, whose south-western borders 
 were probably in a state of continuous flux. Thus in 1297 
 a list of coroners of Kildare shows that county to have 
 included Offaly, Leix, and Arklow, and therefore to have 
 extended far over its present borders into the modern 
 counties of King's County, Queen's County, and Wicklow. 
 
 The broad distinction which was drawn between counties 
 ordinary and counties palatine was reflected in the designa- 
 tion of the most important office in their respective jurisdic- 
 tions. In the county proper that officer is invariably styled 
 
 ' See Hardiman's ' Statute of Kilkenny ' in Tracts relating to Irelaiid, ii. p. 106. 
 
 - The following is the enumeration in the Statute : — ' Likewise the Sheriffs 
 of Dublin, Louth, Kildare, Waterford, Tipperary, Cork, Limerick, Kerry, Con- 
 naught, and Roscommon ; and also the Seneschals of the liberties of Meath, 
 Weysford, Katherlagh, Kilkenny, and Ulster.' See Betham's History of the 
 Constitution of England aiid Ireland, p. 262. 
 
THE COUNTIES GF lEELAND 115 
 
 sheriff ; but in the county palatine he is uniformly referred 
 to as ' the seneschal of the liberty.' The distinction is clearly 
 marked in a mandate of Edward III. to the Treasury of 
 Ireland, which directs that ' because the liberty of Carlow 
 has been taken into the King's hands ' ' the writs of the 
 Ejng for execution should be directed to the sheriff of 
 Carlow, in place of the late seneschal of that liberty.^ It 
 appears, however, that a general jurisdiction lay in the 
 sheriff" of Dublin for districts not clearly belonging to a 
 specific county or liberty, or wherever the seneschal of the 
 latter should be found in default, as in the case of Kildare 
 prior to the Statute of 25 Edward I. In 18 Edward II. 
 precepts were issued to the sheriffs of Dublin and Meath to 
 execute writs ' in spite of the liberties of Kildare and Louth ' ; 
 but this interference with the general principle of palatine 
 independence was doubtless exceptional, and probably due to 
 the disorganisation resulting from the Bruce invasion. For 
 so extensive were the privileges of the liberties that, though 
 the King might and did appoint sheriffs within their limits, 
 the authority of the royal officers extended only to the Church 
 lands, whence they were known as sheriffs of the County of 
 the Cross. Of such counties there must originally have been 
 as many in Ireland as there were counties palatine ; ^ but 
 with the gradual absorption of the palatinates in the Crown, 
 either by inheritance, as in the case of Ulster, or by forfeiture, 
 as in that of Wexford, they had all ceased to exist before the 
 reign of Henry VIII., except the county of the Cross of 
 Tipperary, which being within the great Ormond palatinate, 
 created by Edward III., survived till Stuart times. 
 
 Whatever the precise origin of the counties so generally 
 ascribed to King John, there appears to be no doubt that the 
 
 ' This had been done by virtue of Edward III.'s arbitrary but temporary 
 revocation of all franchises, liberties, and grants formerly made in the kingdom 
 of Ireland — a measure doubtless intended primarily as an answer to the renun- 
 ciation by the Bourkes of Connaught of their allegiance to the Crown, and to 
 the general disorganisation which had followed the wars of the Bruces. 
 
 - Cal. Patent and Close Rolls. No. 2 Close Koll, 17 & 18 Edward III. 
 
 ^ In the list of Proffers and Fines of Sheriffs and Seneschals in the time of 
 Edward III., Sheriffs of the Cross are mentioned for the Crosses of Kilkenny, 
 Tipperary, Carlow, Wexford, Kerry, Kildare, Meath, and Ulster. 
 
116 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 writs, either of the King or of his palatines, ran in all of them 
 for a full century from John's time, and that these counties 
 represent the extent of the effective predominance of English 
 power down to the invasion of Edward Bruce in 1315. 
 Prior to that event some efforts seem to have been made to 
 extend the counties to Ulster, and to define more accurately 
 the limits of theLeinster counties. An Act of 25 Edward I. 
 (1296), for the settlement of Ireland, enacted that ' hence- 
 forward there shall be a certain sheriff in Ulster, and that 
 the sheriff of Dublin shall not intermeddle henceforth in 
 Ulster.' Meath was declared to be a county by itself ; 
 and Kildare, which had been regarded as a liberty of Dublin, 
 was discharged from the jurisdiction of the Dublin sheriff, 
 and given an independent position. But from the wars of 
 the Bruces the English colony received a blow from which 
 it did not recover until the Plantagenets had been replaced 
 by the Tudors. The authority of the State, so far as it was 
 effective in the interior of the island, was only exerted through 
 the medium of the three great earldoms of Ormond, Des- 
 mond, and Kildare, all of which dated from the fourteenth 
 century. The area under the direct control of the Crown 
 was narrowed continually, until after a lapse of precisely two 
 centuries more the boundaries of the English Pale had shrunk 
 to its lowest limits, and, in the quaint language of Stani- 
 hurst, were ' cramperned and crouched into an odd corner of 
 the country named Fingal, with a parcel of the King's land 
 of Meath and the counties of Kildare and Louth.' Thus 
 from the reign of Edward II. to that of Henry VIII. the 
 extension of the Irish counties was politically impossible.^ 
 
 ' The Pale at this period is thus described in the State Paper of Henry 
 VIII. already referred to : — 
 
 ' Also the English Pale doth stretch and extend from the town of Dundalk 
 to the town of Derver, to the town of Ardee, alway on the left side leaving the 
 march on the right side, and so to the town of Sydan, to the town of Kenlys,* 
 to the town of Dangle.t to Kilcock, to the town of Clane, to the town of Naas, 
 to the bridge of Cucullyn,| to the town of Ballyniore,§ and so backward to the 
 town of Ramore.ll and to the town of Kathcoole, to the town of Tallaght, to the 
 town of Dalkey, leaving alway the march on the right hand from the said 
 Dundalk following the said course to the said town of Dalkey.'^ — State Papers 
 of Henry VIII. ii. part iii. p. 22. 
 
 * Kells. t Dangan. J Kilcullen. § Ballymore-Eustace. || Kathmore. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND 117 
 
 That the shrinking of the EngHsh Pale had been 
 accompanied by a parallel diminution of the interest in and 
 knowlege of the country possessed by the English sovereigns 
 may be sufficiently inferred from the language used in 1537 
 in a ' Memorial for the Winning of Leinster,' addressed by 
 the Irish to the EngHsh Council, which begins by reciting 
 that ' Because the country called Leinster and the situation 
 thereof is unknown to the King and his Council, it is to be 
 understood that Leinster is the fifth part of Ireland.' ^ But 
 from this period, nevertheless, may properly be dated the 
 revival of English authority. In 1541 the resolution of the 
 Sovereign himself to convert his long nominal lordship of 
 Ireland into an effective supremacy was shown by the Act 
 constituting Henry VIII. King of Ireland. This was the pre- 
 lude to the adoption of that policy of converting the chiefs 
 of the Irish septs into the immediate feudatories of the Crown 
 which led directly to the conversion of the lands without the 
 Pale into districts cognisable by English law, and ultimately 
 to their formation into modern counties. Little, indeed, 
 was done under Henry VIII. towards defining the county 
 boundaries, the only actual change in the map being the 
 severance of Westmeath from Meath by an Act of Henry 
 VIII.^ But though the proverb quoted by Sir John Davies 
 continued to hold good during the reign of Henry VIII., 
 that * whoso lives by west of the Barrow, lives west of the 
 law,' the area of the anglicised districts steadily increased. 
 The greater part of Leinster was in this and the succeeding 
 reign gradually won back to what was called ' civility ' ; 
 till towards the close of Elizabeth's reign the Pale was un- 
 derstood to extend through all Leinster, Meath, and Louth.^ 
 
 The first step in this process of restoration, and the 
 first real addition to the list of Irish counties made since 
 King John's time, was the formation of the King's and 
 
 ' State Pa2yers of Henry VIII. ii. part iii. 
 
 - 34 Henry VIII. cap. i. Aoi Act for tlie division of MetJie into two Shires. 
 
 ^ See A Pcrambnlatioji of Leinster, Meath, and Louth, of which consist tlie 
 English Pale in 1596. Carew Cal. iii. p. 188. See Appendix I. to this paper, 
 for particulars of boundaries of counties not printed in the Carew Calendar. 
 
118 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 Queen's Counties in the time of Philip and Mary. The 
 districts of Leix and Offaly, the territories of the powerful 
 septs of the O'Moores and O'Connors, were in that reign 
 reduced to subjection, during the Viceroyalty of the Earl of 
 Sussex, who, in the words of Sir John Davies, ' took a 
 resolution to reduce all the rest of the Irish counties unre- 
 duced into several shires.' Sussex was the first of the Tudor 
 Deputies to acquire a really systematic personal acquaintance 
 with the country he was sent to govern ; and the accounts of 
 his journeys through the provinces,^ between the years 1556 
 and 1563, together with his reports to Mary and Ehzabeth 
 of the results of his observations, are among the most valu- 
 able of the Irish State Papers of that age. Sussex proposed 
 to divide Ireland into six parts, viz. Ulster, Connaught, 
 Upper Munster, Nether Munster, Leinster, and Meath ; and 
 he enumerates in his report the countries which these 
 divisions respectively comprised. But though he appears 
 to have been the first Viceroy to conceive any large plan 
 for an efficient administrative settlement of Ireland, Sussex 
 was recalled before he had had time to grapple effectively 
 with that problem of the shiring of Ireland which he saw 
 lay at the root of all real administrative reform. But at 
 least he made a beginning. It is worthy of remark, too, 
 that Sussex is the only Deputy who, in addition to creating 
 fresh counties, gave to his creations names not borrowed 
 from the territories by which they were constituted.^ 
 
 In 1556 there was passed the statute ^ ' whereby the King's 
 and Queen's Majesties, and the heirs and successors of the 
 Queen,' were declared entitled to the countries of Leix, Slew- 
 margy, Irry, Glenmaliry, and Offaly, and provision was made 
 for making these countries shire ground. After reciting that 
 these countries had been subdued in the previous reigns, but 
 
 ' See Carew Cal. i. pp. 257, 265, 274, 330, 349. 
 
 - The case of Londonderry is an exception to this statement more apparent 
 than real. In its first form, the county of Londonderry was kno\^Ti as Coleraine, 
 taking its name from the considerable town within its boundaries. The county 
 of Coleraine included, however, only the northern portion of the modern county 
 of Londonderry. 
 
 ^ 3 & 4 Philip and Mary, cap. ii. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND 119 
 
 had rebelled and been again reduced by the Queen's Deputy, 
 Thomas Radcliffe Fitzwalter, Earl of Sussex, the statute pro- 
 ceeds thus : — ' And for that neither of the said countries is 
 known to be within the limits of any shires or counties of 
 this realm, be it enacted that the King and Queen, and the 
 heirs and successors of the Queen, shall have, hold, and 
 possess for ever, as in the right of the Crown of England 
 and Ireland, the said countries of Leix, Slewmargy, Irry, 
 Glenmaliry, and Offaly.' A further section provided that 
 ' to the end that the same countries may be from hence- 
 forth the better conserved and kept in civil government, the 
 new fort in Leix be from henceforth for ever called and 
 named Maryborough, and the countries of Leix, Slewmargy, 
 Irry, and part of Glenmaliry be one shire and county named 
 the Queen's County ' ; and, similarly, that the new fort in 
 Offaly should be named Philipstown, and the country of 
 Offaly and part of Glenmaliry be called the King's County. 
 
 That the Government of the Earl of Sussex contemplated 
 a further extension of the policy embodied in this Act appears 
 from the statute immediately succeeding it, ' to convert and 
 turn divers and sundry waste grounds into shire ground.' ^ 
 This act provided for the appointment of commissioners 
 ' to view, survey, and make inquiry of all the towns, villages, 
 and waste grounds of the realm now being no shire grounds,' 
 with power to the commissioners to erect such districts into 
 counties. Little was done in this short reign, or for some 
 years afterwards, to give effect to this enactment. But 
 widely as the general policy of Elizabeth differed from that of 
 her predecessor, her attitude towards Ireland was in principle 
 the same as Mary's. A statute passed in 1569 ' for turning of 
 countries that be not yet shire grounds into shire grounds,' 
 substantially re-enacted the earlier legislation.^ And the task 
 
 ' 3 & 4 Philip and Mary, cap. iii. 
 
 - 11 Elizabeth, cap. ix. The preamble, which is the same in both statutes, 
 is worth quoting as showing the principle on which this policy of shiring was 
 based : — ' Whereas divers and sundry robberies, murders, felonies, and other 
 heinous offences be daily committed and done within the sundry countries, 
 territories, cantreds, towns, and villages of this realm being no shire ground, to 
 the great loss both of the C^ueen's JNlajesty and of divers and sundry her Highness 
 
120 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 of giving effect to these provisions was confided by Elizabeth 
 in a great measure to the same statesmen who had devised 
 them under Mary, 
 
 Though the actual delimitation of the counties was not 
 finally settled until, in the reign of James I., it was accom- 
 plished by Sir Arthur Chichester with the assistance of Sir 
 John Davies, the business of shiring Ireland, in the sense of 
 formally naming and constituting the county divisions of 
 Connaught, Ulster, and part of Leinster under their modern 
 designations, was practically the work of the last two Tudor 
 Sovereigns. Their policy was carried out by three states- 
 men of eminence — the Earl of Sussex, Sir Henry Sidney, 
 and Sir John Perrot. And as in the case of the final 
 measures taken in the reign of James I. to perfect the 
 county system we have been provided by the chief agent of 
 the work, Sir John Davies, with a vivid description of the 
 proceedings, so in the case of the earlier and more tentative 
 steps taken under Elizabeth, we have the advantage of an 
 authentic narrative by one of the principal actors. The part 
 played by the Earl of Sussex has just been noticed.' Sussex 
 
 true subjects of this realm, and to the boldening and encouraging of many 
 offenders.' 
 
 ' The amorphous state of the county system prior to Sidney's time is 
 sufficiently illustrated by the report of Sussex to Elizabeth in 1562. 
 
 Report of Earl of Snssex to Elizabeth, Carew Cal. i. 330. 
 
 Ulster. — ' The county of Lowthe, O'Donell's country, O'Cane's, McGwyre's, 
 McMahon's, Femes O'Hanlon's, Clandonell's, MeGenysse's, Tirone, McWylU's, 
 the Glynnes.Clandeboye, Kyhvowltoughe, Arde, McArtan's, Le Cayle, Kywarlyne, 
 the Dufferne. 
 
 Connaught.—' The Earl of Clanricarde's country, MeWylliam Burke, O'Conor 
 Slego, O'Connor Donne, O'Conor Roe, McDermote, O'Kelly, O'Madden, O'Flarty, 
 the Annaly, O'Mayle, O'Ewrerke. 
 
 ' O'Raili's country is taken to be within Connaught, but because it lieth 
 fitter for another government, and bordereth upon the English Pale, I leave it 
 out of the government of Connaught.' 
 
 Mimster. — ' The Nether Munster on the south and east side of the River of 
 Shanon is all shire ground, saving O'CaroU's country, which I leave to the 
 government of the Captain of the King and Queen's counties and marches ad- 
 joining, for that it bordereth upon them, and upon the north and west side on 
 the Earl of Thomond's country called Thomond, who seeketh to bring his people 
 to live under the obedience of the law. 
 
 'In this Munster be the counties of Cork, Kerry, Limerick, Tipperary, Water- 
 ford.' 
 
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND 121 
 
 was followed by the gifted and valiant Sir Henry Sidney, 
 Not only has that ablest of Elizabethan Deputies left 
 detailed accounts of his progress through the provinces, but 
 he has given in a memoir of his services in Ireland, drawn 
 up in 1583, a striking statement of the Irish policy of Eliza- 
 beth in the first half of her reign, and a full summary of 
 the proceedings taken by him to reduce the back woods of 
 Ireland to shire ground. The circumstances in which this 
 memoir was written add to its intrinsic value the piquancy 
 of an interesting historical association. For the occasion of 
 the narrative was the then approaching marriage of the 
 writer's son, Sir Philip Sidney, the chivalrous author of the 
 ' Arcadia,' to the daughter of Sir Francis Walsingham, a 
 lady whose fate it was to be successively the wife of Philip 
 Sidney, of Eobert Devereux, the unfortunate Earl of Essex, 
 and of the third Earl of Clanricarde. The memoir, which 
 was written primarily as an apology for Sidney's inability 
 to make a sufficient settlement on his son, explains how 
 his expenses as the representative of the Queen in Ireland, 
 and the neglect of the Sovereign to relieve his impoverished 
 fortune, had reduced him to a position of ' biting necessity,' 
 which prevented him from making such provision as he 
 desired for his much-loved son. ' Three times,' wrote Sidney 
 to Walsingham, ' her Majesty hath sent me her Deputy 
 into Ireland, and in every of the three times I sustained 
 a great and violent rebellion, every one of which I sub- 
 dued, and with honourable peace left the country in quiet. 
 I returned from each of those deputations three thousand 
 pounds worse than I went.' ^ 
 
 Leinstcr and Mcath. — ' Leinster has within it these countries : the counties 
 of DubUn, Kildave, Catheiiawgh, Wexford, and Kilkenny : the Byrnes Irish and 
 within the county of Dublin, the Tooles, Irish and within the county of Dublin ; 
 the Kavenawghes, Irish and within the County of Catherlowgh, the lord of Upper 
 Ossory, Irish, but holdeth his land by state tayly ; O'Dunne, Irish, O'Mawher, 
 Irish, the Queen's and the King's counties lately conquered. 
 
 ' Meath has in it these countries : the counties of Meath and Westmeath ; 
 O'MuUoy and the Fox, supposed to be in Westmeath ; McGohegan, McCowghlan 
 and O'Mullawhlen, supposed to be in Westmeath.' 
 
 ' The accounts of Sidney's provincial journeys have been printed in the 
 Ulster Ardiaological Society's Journal (Original Series), vol. iii. et seq. 
 
122 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 Sidney's contribution to the formation of the Irish 
 counties consisted in the main in the shiring of Connaught. 
 In 1566, in the first of his three Viceroyalties, he took the 
 first step in this undertaking by providing efiicient and 
 permanent means of communication between Dubhn and 
 the western province. ' I gave order,' he writes, ' for the 
 making of the bridge of Athlone, which I finished, a piece 
 found serviceable ; I am sure durable it is, and I think 
 memorable.' A few years later a bridge over the Suck at 
 Ballinasloe, ' being in the common passage to Galway,' was 
 constructed by Sir Nicholas Malby at Sidney's direction. 
 This was the necessary preliminary to any effective assertion 
 of English law in the remoter parts of the country. It was 
 followed by the division of Connaught into four of the five 
 counties of which it now consists, viz. Sligo, Mayo, Gal- 
 way, and Koscommon. With these Clare was temporarily 
 associated. In his ' orders to be observed by Sir Nicholas 
 Malby for the better government of the province of Con- 
 naught,' issued in 1579, Sidney's reasons for this arrange- 
 ment are thus given: — 'Also, we think it convenient that 
 Connaught be restored to the ancient bounds, and that the 
 Government thereof be under j^ou, especially all the lands 
 of Connaught and Thomond, being within the waters of 
 Shannon, Lough Ree, and Lough Erne.' In the same 
 document suggestions are made for the appointment of ' safe 
 places for the keeping of the Assizes and Cessions.' Sligo, 
 Bures (Burris hoole), Roscommon, and Ballinasloe are 
 respectively designated as suitable county towns. ^ 
 
 Leitrim comprising O'Rorke's country was for the present 
 excluded. It was not reduced to a county until Perrot's time 
 in 1583. But the country of the O'Ferralls, called the Annaly, 
 and the territory of the O'Reillys, or East Breny, both of 
 which, as already noted, were then reckoned in Connaught, 
 were formed into the modern counties of Longford and 
 Cavan.^ East Breny w^as described at the time by Sir 
 
 ' SeeO'Flahetty'sChorographical Description of West or H-Iar Connaught, 
 ed. Hardiman, p. 305. 
 
 - Sussex appears to have designed to add Cavan to Leinster rather than 
 
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 123 
 
 Nicholas Bagnal as ' a territory where never writ was cur- 
 rent,' and which it was ahnost sacrilege for any Governor of 
 Ireland to look into. The precise allotment of these counties 
 among the provinces seems to have been left open, for 
 Sidney, as will appear in a moment, was solicitous lest 
 Connaught, which he had already extended in another 
 direction, should become disproportionately large. 
 
 The district of Thomond had always been reckoned a 
 part of the southern province. Indeed, the name signified 
 North Munster, and its people were a Munster people. But 
 Munster was a troublesome responsibility in Sidney's time ; 
 and the Deputy, who was then forming the system of Presi- 
 dencies by which for the next seventy years the provinces of 
 Munster and Connaught were to be administered, desired to 
 reduce its importance.' He therefore ignored this ancient 
 division, and taking the Shannon as a natural boundary (the 
 province, if we exclude Leitrim, being thus, as the author 
 of the ' Description of Ireland in 1598 ' has it, ' in manner 
 an island '), he added this large territory to Connaught. 
 ' Thomond, a limb of Munster, I annexed to the President of 
 Connaught by the name of the County of Clare,' is Sidney's 
 concise summary of this important transaction.^ In his 
 instructions to Malby, already cited, the north part of the 
 city of Limerick was suggested as the * shire town,' ' because 
 a jury may be had there for the orderly trial of all country 
 causes.' But the President was directed to choose some 
 apt place in Thomond ; and Quin, Killaloe, and Ennis were 
 suggested as suitable. 
 
 We may pause at this point to consider the subsequent 
 administrative history of Thomond. It continued to be in- 
 cluded under its new designation of Clare in the government 
 of Connaught almost to the end of Elizabeth's reign. It 
 was then erected into an entirely distinct division, and 
 governed as a separate entity under a separate commission, 
 
 Ulster. ' O'Keilly,' he writes, ' bordering upon Meath, and lying by situation of 
 his country unfit for any of the other Governments, is to be under the order of 
 the principal governor.' — Carew Caleridar, i. .838. 
 
 ' ' Reasons for retaining Thomond in Connaught.' — Ibid. iv. p. 471. 
 
 ' Collins's Sydney Papers, i. p. 75. 
 
124 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 by Donagh, Henry, and Barnaby, successive Earls of 
 Thomond.^ In 1639, however, under Strafford's govern- 
 ment, it was arranged that on the death of the last-mentioned 
 earl the territory should be re-annexed to Munster ; and 
 though the ensuing disturbances delayed the fulfilment of 
 this intention, the county of Clare was finally reunited to 
 Munster at the Kestoration. 
 
 But to revert to Sir Henry Sidney. If he was successful 
 in his operations in the distant province of Connaught, he 
 was less fortunate, not only in the north, where, indeed, the 
 conditions were hardly ripe for such work, but in a district 
 much nearer to the seat of his government. It is certain 
 that the county of Dublin was originally much larger than 
 its present area indicates ; and it appears probable that it 
 anciently extended from Skerries, in the north, to Arklow, 
 in the south. It had been conterminous, in fact, as has 
 been pointed out, with the ancient Scandinavian kingdom of 
 Dublin — a territory still marked for us by the ecclesiastical 
 division of the United Dioceses of Dublin and Glenda- 
 lough.^ But the Danish rulers of DubHn troubled them- 
 selves little about the interior of the country,^ and it is 
 doubtful whether at any time prior to Henry VIII. the 
 wild septs of the Byrnes and Tooles, whose incursions in 
 the neighbourhood of the city Stanihurst describes so 
 graphically, had given even a nominal recognition to the 
 Norman or English power. In the thirty-fourth year of 
 that monarch's reign these septs are said to have petitioned 
 the Lord Deputy and Council to make their country shire 
 ground, and to call it the county of Wicklow ; but nothing 
 came of the proposal.'* Be that as it may, the sway of 
 these Wicklow chieftains was exercised without dispute 
 down to Sidney's day right up to the near neighbourhood of 
 Dublin, and the inhabitants were ever, as Davies observes, 
 ' thorns in the side of the Pale.' Indeed it may be said that 
 
 ' Liber Micnerwn Hibernics, pt. ii. p. 185. 
 
 - Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dtiblin, pp. 139 and 246. 
 
 ^ Stokes's Ireland and the Celtic Church, p. 277. 
 
 * Book of Howth, Carerv Cal. p. 454. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND 125 
 
 the whole country south-west of Dublin, including large 
 portions of Kildare, Carlow, and Wexford, as well as the 
 modern Wicklow, long remained a rude ' hinterland ' into 
 which law and order seldom penetrated. The State Papers 
 are full of such entries as this of 1537— 'Devices for the 
 ordering of the Kavanaghes, the Byrnes, Tooles, and 
 O'Mayles for such lands as they shall have within the 
 County of Carlow and the marches of the same county, and 
 also of the marches of the County Dublin,' — which plainly 
 show the unsettled state of the boundaries of these districts. 
 In 1578, however, a commission issued under the Act of 11th 
 Elizabeth and ' the Birns' and Tooles' country with the glens 
 that lie by south and by east of the County of Dublin was 
 bounded out into a shire, to be named and called the County 
 of Wicklow.'^ But though this commission was carried 
 out, and the boundaries of the counties defined by Sir 
 William Drury, who succeeded Sidney in the Irish govern- 
 ment, the troubles of Elizabeth's later years in Munster 
 and Ulster left little leisure to her Deputies to attend to 
 the Wicklow septs. The Byrnes and Tooles resumed their 
 independence ; and in 1590, as Sir George Carew wrote, 
 * those that dwell within sight of the smoke of Dublin ' were 
 not subject to the laws.^ When Sir Arthur Chichester 
 came to complete the work Sidney had begun a generation 
 earlier, of ' adding or reducing to a county certain, every 
 bordering territory whereof doubt was made in what 
 county the same should lie,' ^ he found that the mountains 
 and glens of Dublin were almost as far as ever from 
 ' civility,' and contained such a multitude of untutored 
 natives that it seemed strange that 'so many souls should 
 be nourished in these wild and barren mountains.' The 
 shiring of Wicklow was finally accomplished only in 1606, 
 and it thus fell out that the county nearest to the 
 metropolis was of all the last to be brought effectively 
 within the scope of English government. 
 
 In connection with this attempt towards the formation of 
 
 ' Fiant of Elizabeth, No. 3603, Irish Kecord Office. 
 
 - Carew Cal. iii. p. 44. '■' Sir J. Davies's Discovery 
 
126 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 the county Wicklow, Sidney had also a project for dividing 
 Wexford into two shires, of which the northern part should 
 be called Ferns. This county, severed by the Wicklow 
 mountains from the metropolis, had, though less disturbed 
 than its neighbours, been practically outside the Pale.^ The 
 southern part of it, indeed, according to a 'Description of 
 the Provinces of Ireland,' written about the year 1580, was 
 ' civil,' that part contained within a river called Pill (a name 
 given to the estuary of the Bannow) being inhabited by ' the 
 ancientest gentleman descended of the first conquerors.' 
 But this district was connected with the capital by sea only, 
 and the rest of the county was inaccessible. Sidney and Sir 
 William Drury, finding ' that there were no sufficient and sure 
 gentlemen to be sheriffs, nor freeholders to make a jury, for 
 her Majesty,' the project was let drop. Their successor. Sir 
 John Perrot, had the same object in view, and in a report 
 to Elizabeth, ' how the natives of Ireland might with least 
 charge be reclaimed from barbarism to a godly govern- 
 ment,' ^ he gives a picturesque account of the condition of 
 the south-eastern counties and the need which existed for 
 providing a proper system of administration. * The Birnes, 
 Tooles, and Kavanaghs must be reduced.' They are 'ready 
 firebrands of rebelhon to the O'Moores and O'Connors, and 
 till they be brought under or extirped, Dubhn, Kildare, Meath, 
 Westmeath, and the King's and Queen's Comity cannot be 
 clear either of them or of the O'Moores or O'Connors, or of the 
 incursions and spoils of the McGeoghegans, O'Molloys, and 
 other Irish borderers.' But though he stated the difficulty 
 thus vigorously, Perrot, like Sidney, left Ireland without 
 doing anything effective to remedy it. Sir Henry Sidney's 
 last tenure of the office of Lord Deputy had closed in 1578, and 
 for the next few years the Desmond rebellion perforce put a 
 stop to the work he had set himself to accomplish. It was 
 not until the southern rising had been crushed that Sir 
 John Perrot, who, in 1584, succeeded to the Irish Govem- 
 
 ' See Hore and Graves's Social State of the Sotcth- Eastern Counties in tlie 
 Sixteenth Century, p. 27. 
 
 "- Sloane MS. 2200 Brit. Mus. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND 127 
 
 ment, was able to resume the work. Though this statesman 
 is best remembered in our history in connection with the 
 composition of Connaught, which was effected during his 
 administration, it is in relation to Ulster that his proceedings 
 have most interest in the present connection. To Perrot 
 belongs the honour of having divided the northern province 
 into divisions substantially corresponding to its modern 
 counties, though twenty years were to elapse before these 
 divisions were generally recognised, or before they became 
 effective portions of the administrative machinery of the 
 country. 
 
 The story of the Anglo-Norman colonies of Ulster and 
 the settlements of Lecale, the Ards, and Carrickfergus, has 
 never been fully analysed, and to tell it is outside our present 
 purpose.^ Here it must suffice to observe that the only 
 counties in the modern sense of the term which can be 
 recognised as existing in Ulster before the time of Elizabeth 
 were Louth, which, as already noted, was anciently accounted 
 part of that province, and the counties of Antrim and Down. 
 The precise date at which the two last were constituted is 
 unknown ; but it appears by the ' Black Book of Christ 
 Church ' that they, or at least certain districts bearing these 
 names, had existed prior to the reign of Edward II. From 
 that time down to the settlement in Antrim of the McDon- 
 nells of the Isles, under Henry VIII., little is known of 
 them ; but the two counties had been recognised as settled 
 districts by Perrot's time, and as such were distinguished by 
 that Deputy from the ' unreformed ' parts of Ulster. In 
 1575 Sir Henry Sidney had made a journey to Ulster with 
 a view to dividing the province into shires, but had failed to 
 effect anything — an effort which was referred to by Sir John 
 Davies in his address as Speaker of the Irish Parliament in 
 1613 ; when, congratulating the Commons on the complete- 
 ness of its representation, he observed, ' How glad would Sir 
 Henry Sidney have been to see this day, he that so much 
 desired to reform Ulster, but never could perfectly perform it,' 
 
 ' A good deal of information on this topic is given in a series of papers by 
 Kev. A. Hume in the Ulster Journal of Arcliccology vol. i. 
 
128 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 Perrot's contribution to the shiring of Ulster was little 
 more than a settlement on paper of the boundaries of the 
 new counties he desired to create. It is best described in 
 the language of Sir John Davies : — * After him [Sidney] Sir 
 John Perrot . . . reduced the unreformed parts of Ulster 
 into seven shires, namely, Armagh, Monaghan, Tjrrone, 
 Coleraine, Donegal, Fermanagh, and Cavan, though in his 
 time the law was never executed in these new counties by 
 any Sheriff or Justices of Assize ; but the people left to be 
 ruled still by their own barbarous lords and laws.' Perrot's 
 work was of course interrupted, and for the time rendered 
 nugatory, by the rising of Hugh O'Neill ; but it was so far 
 effective that his division became the basis of the subsequent 
 allocation of the northern territories, which, a few years later, 
 followed the Flight of the Earls and the Plantation of Ulster. 
 
 Had affairs in England permitted the Government to 
 give steady and continuoiis attention to the government of 
 Ireland, it is probable that the work initiated by Sussex and 
 Sidney, and so largely extended by Sir John Perrot, would 
 have been completed before the close of Elizabeth's reign. 
 But Perrot was recalled in disgrace in 1588, and the business 
 of shiring Ireland was arrested for nearly twenty years. 
 With O'Neill taking full advantage of the difficulties in 
 which England was involved by the struggle with Spain, 
 and asserting his power effectively throughout Ulster, the 
 subdivision of the northern province remained purely 
 nominal. Even in the more settled districts much con- 
 fusion reigned. The result is seen in the discrepancies which 
 appear between the various accounts which remain to us of 
 the division of Ireland at this time. These exhibit consider- 
 able confusion, not only as to the counties of which each 
 province was made up, but even as to the provinces them- 
 selves. Thus Haynes, in his ' Description of Ireland,' ^ in 
 1598, states that Ireland is divided into five parts. He 
 includes Meath among the provinces, mentioning it as con- 
 taining four counties, viz. East Meath, Westmeath, Long- 
 
 ' See Haynes's Description of Ireland in 1598. Edited by Kev. Edmund 
 Haynes, S.J., F.R.U.I. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF IKELAND 129 
 
 ford, and Cavan, though he adds that the last is by some 
 ' esteemed part of Ulster.' On the other hand, in a survey 
 printed in the ' Carew Calendar,' ^ revised to the year 1602, 
 Longford is included in Connaught, while Cavan is not 
 mentioned, and the completeness of the relapse of Ulster 
 from ' civility ' is shown by the description of that province 
 as containing three counties and four ' Seignories.' 
 
 Thus it was not until after the accession of James I., in 
 the time of Sir Arthur Chichester, that, in the words of Sir 
 John Davies, ' the whole realm being divided into shires, 
 every bordering territory whereof doubt was made in what 
 county the same should lie was added or reduced to a county 
 certain.' The boundaries of the counties forming the 
 provinces of Connaught and Ulster were ascertained one 
 after another by a series of Inquisitions between the years 
 1606 and 1610, which confirmed in the main the arrange- 
 ments tentatively made by Perrot, though in the case of 
 Ulster these were necessarily varied in some important 
 respects, particularly as regards Londonderry, by the changes 
 resulting from the Flight of the Earls and the Plantation of 
 the northern province. The enumeration of counties and 
 provinces in Speed's ' Description of the Kingdom of Ireland,' 
 in 1610, shows, as already noted, that in that year the precise 
 allocation of counties among the provinces still remained 
 vague and indeterminate in the popular estimation. But 
 Meath had by that time disappeared from the list of 
 provinces ; and though some years were to elapse ere all 
 the counties could be finally delimited, this process had 
 been practically completed when Sir John Davies finally 
 left Ireland in 1619, except in the case of Tipperary, 
 where the exceptional conditions created by the existence 
 of the Ormond palatinate long retarded the final settle- 
 ment. 
 
 Although Munster is of all the great divisions that 
 which, if compared with the original distribution imputed to 
 King John, shows the least alteration in its county system, 
 the southern province has not been without its vicissitudes 
 
 ' Carew Cal. iv. pp. 44ti-54. 
 
 K 
 
130 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 in this respect. In Perrot's time Munster consisted of as 
 many as eight counties, and the final settlement of the six 
 counties now embraced in it was, in fact, delayed until after 
 the other provinces had assumed their present form. The 
 shiring of Munster was effected chiefly through the instru- 
 mentality of the provincial administration known as the 
 Presidency of Munster, which was established by Sidney in 
 1570. No single act of Elizabethan policy had more impor- 
 tant or more satisfactory results than the institution of the 
 Presidencies of Munster and Connaught ; and as the gradual 
 demarcation of the counties of both provinces as they now 
 exist was largely effected by their means, it seems desirable 
 to give a brief account of an institution which was devised 
 by Sidney, as Davies puts it, ' to inure and acquaint the 
 people of Munster and Connaught again with English 
 Government.' 
 
 The first idea of these instruments of administration was 
 formed in the time of Edward VI., when a scheme was 
 devised for the appointment of separate Presidents for each 
 of the three provinces of Munster, Connaught, and Ulster. 
 But although Sussex had a clearly defined scheme for giving 
 effect to this policy, it was not until Sir Henry Sidney's first 
 administration that, in 1565, definite shape was given to it, 
 or that the constitution of what for the next century were 
 known as the Presidency Courts of Connaught and Munster 
 was formally drafted. The Presidency included not only a 
 President answerable to the Lord Deputy, but a Council 
 composed of prelates and nobles of the province, and a Chief 
 Justice with two Justices and an Attorney-General, together 
 with a Treasurer, Clerk of the Council, and other adminis- 
 trative officers. In 1568 Sir John Pollard was nominated 
 first President of Munster, and in the year following Sir 
 Edward Fitton became President of Connaught. No 
 President was appointed for Ulster, the charge of which was 
 confided, under a temporary Commission, to a marshal : an 
 officer whose duties were half civil, half military. Pollard, 
 however, never entered on his government, and the first 
 acting President of Munster was Sir John Perrot, who. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND 131 
 
 appointed in 1570, was for six years a strenuous representa- 
 tive of the Crown in that province.^ 
 
 It is a matter for great regret that the records of these 
 Presidencies have long since perished.'^ They seem to have 
 been lost in the troubled times succeeding the rebellion of 
 1641, and the presidential institution itself did not long 
 survive that cataclysm. Though they lingered beyond the 
 Restoration, the Presidencies were not regarded by the Duke 
 of Ormond as necessary or efficient instruments of govern- 
 ment ; and in 1672, during the viceroyalty of Lord Essex, 
 they were finally abolished. But though the presidential 
 system was not destined to remain a permanent feature in 
 the administrative systeni of Ireland, its operation during 
 the years first following its institution was unquestionably 
 effective. In Perrot's hands, both as President of Munster, 
 and later when as Deputy that statesman became responsible 
 for the whole country, it was largely utilised to effect what 
 was practically a fresh delimitation of the old counties of 
 Munster. In an old ' note,' probably dating back to the fif- 
 teenth century, quoted by Perrot in his Report to Elizabeth, 
 already cited, the Munster counties are thus enumerated : 
 
 ' The following is the succession of the Presidents of Munster and Connaught 
 respectively, as given in Liber Munerum Hibernicc : — 
 
 Presidents of Munster : 1568, Sir John Pollard (never acted) ; 1570, Sir 
 John Perrot ; 1576, Sir William Drury ; 1579, Thomas, 10th Earl of Ormond ; 
 1584, Sir John Norris ; 1597, Sir Thos. Norris ; 1600, Sir George Carew ; 1603, 
 Sir Henry Brouncker ; 1607, Henry, Lord Danvers ; 1614, Donatus, Earl of 
 Thomond; 1625, Sir Edward Villiers ; 1627, Sir William St. Leger ; 1643, 
 Jerome, Earl of Portland ; 1660, Roger, Earl of Orrery. 
 
 Presidents of Connauglit : 1569, Sir Edward Fitton ; 1579, Sir Nicholas 
 Malby ; 1584, Sir Richard Bingham ; 1597, Sir Conyers Clifford ; 1604, Richard, 
 Earl of Clanricarde; 1616, Sir Charles Wilmott; 1630, Charles, Viscount 
 Wilmott, and Roger, Viscount Ranelagh ; 1644, Thomas, Viscount Dillon, and 
 Henry, Viscount Vv^ilmott ; 1645, Sir Charles Coote, Earl of Mountrath ; 1661, 
 John, Lord Berkeley of Stratton ; 1665, John, Lord Berkeley, and John, Lord 
 Kingston. Both Presidencies were abolished in 1672. 
 
 - See Prendergast's Introduction to Cal. S. P. Ireland, James I., 1606-8. 
 pp. xx-xxxv. A volume called The Council Book of Munster survives in 
 the Harleian Collection at the British Museum (Harl. Coll. No. 697) ; but it 
 only extends from 1601 to 1617. The Instructions of the Deputy and Council 
 to Sir George Carew as President of Munster in 1599-1600 will be found in 
 Pacata Hibernia, p. 6 et seg. The Instructions for 1615 have been printed 
 in Desiderata Ciiriosa Hibernica, ii. p. 1. 
 
 k2 
 
132 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 * In Munster there be five English shires — Cork,' Limerick, 
 Waterford, Kerry, Tipperary; and three Irish shires — 
 Desmond, Ormond, and Thomond.' It will be noted that 
 the five former of these comities, with Thomond or Clare, 
 nominally make up the modern province of Munster. 
 Ormond represents Tipperary, less the county of Cross 
 Tipperary, and as such still possesses a well-defined meaning. 
 Desmond is a district perhaps less clearly defined in the 
 popular mind. It embraced a large portion of East Kerry 
 and West Cork, and at one time was actually erected into a 
 separate county. In 1571 a Commission issued to Sir John 
 Perrot and others, under the Statute 11 Elizabeth,^ for the 
 counties of Waterford, Tipperary, Cork, Limerick, and 
 Kerry, and the countries of Desmond, Bantry, and Carbery, 
 and all countries south of the Shannon in Munster, to make 
 the country of Desmond one county, and to divide the rest 
 into such counties as may be convenient. As a result of 
 this Commission, Desmond became and was long regarded 
 as a distinct county, and its boundaries appear from an 
 Inquisition of 1606. But though Fynes Moryson places 
 Desmond on the list of the Munster counties, stating it to 
 have been lately added, its separate identity is not invariably 
 recognised, though for a time it boasted that essential note 
 of independence, a separate sheriff. This, however, had 
 disappeared before the close of Elizabeth's reign, for Haynes 
 writes in his account of Cork that that county,^ ' being 
 the greatest in the realm, have been tolerated to have two 
 sheriffs — the one particular in Desmond, the other in the 
 rest of the county — and this without any ground of law, but 
 by discretion of the L. Deputies ; the inconvenience thereof 
 being espied, it had been of late thought good that one 
 
 ' It appears from a document among the Carte Papers that as late as 1606 
 a proposal was entertained at the instance of the people of Youghal to divide 
 the county of Cork into separate shires, owing to the impossibility of including 
 so large a territory in the bailiwick of a single sheriff. An Order in Council to 
 this effect seems actually to have been made, the eastern district being 
 designated the county of Youghal, with Youghal as its county town. — Carte 
 Papers, Ixi. p. 337. 
 
 - Fiant, Eliz. No. 1486, Irish Record Office. 
 
 ^ S'/ie DascripLioii of Ireland in 159b, ed. by liev. Edmund Hogan, S. J., p. 169 . 
 
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 133 
 
 sheriff should be for Kerry and Desmond, and so two sheriffs 
 in one county against law taken away.' The amalgamation 
 with Kerry appears to have been completed by 1606,^ when 
 Mr. Justice Walshe, in describing to Salisbury the Munster 
 Circuit of that year, mentions particularly the successful 
 union of Desmond and Kerry. 
 
 The dual representation of Tipperary in the list of Irish 
 counties was long a puzzle to antiquaries, and even an 
 inquirer so diligent and in general so accurate as Sir John 
 Davies was misinformed on the subject, notwithstanding the 
 minute inquiries he appears to have instituted into the origin 
 of what struck him as a curious administrative anomaly. 
 ' At Cashel,' he writes in his account of the Munster Circuit 
 of 1606,^ ' we held the Sessions for the County of the Cross. 
 It hath been anciently called " the Cross " (for it had been a 
 county above 300 years ; and was, indeed, one of the first 
 that ever was made in this kingdom) because all the lands 
 within the precincts thereof were either the demesnes of the 
 Archbishop of Cashel, or holden of that See, or else belonging 
 to Abbeys or houses of religion, and so the land as it were 
 dedicated to the Cross of Christ. The scope or latitude of 
 this county, though it were never great, yet now is drawn 
 into so narrow a compass that it doth not deserve the name 
 of shire.' 
 
 Davies' confusion as to the two counties of Tipperary, 
 which continued to be separately represented in the Irish 
 House of Commons down to Strafford's Parliament of 1634, 
 was extremely natural in view of the limited information 
 available when he thus accounted for the anomalous existence 
 of the county of Cross Tipperary. But, in fact, the duplica- 
 tion had really originated in the palatine system. To the 
 accident which preserved Tipperary as the last of the pala- 
 tinates was due the survival of Cross Tipperary as the last of 
 the counties of the Cross. The county palatine of Tipperary 
 was originally created by letters patent, granted in 1328 
 by Edward III. to James le Botiller, Earl of Ormond, and 
 
 * Cal. S. Papers (Ireland), 1603-6, p. 573. See AppendixIII. to this paper, 
 p. 141 infra. - Ibid. 1606-8. 
 
134 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 confirmed by successive monarchs to that nobleman's suc- 
 cessors in the honours of the Butler family. The jurisdic- 
 tion thus granted embraced the whole county of Tipperary, 
 with the exception of certain Church lands, which constituted, 
 as was usual with Church land in palatine comities, a distinct 
 shrievalty under the ordinary jurisdiction of the King's Courts. 
 In addition to these districts of the Cross, there was also 
 excepted from the palatine grant the district of Dough Arra, 
 or MacBrien's country, adjacent to Killaloe, which, long a 
 debatable land on the borders of the three counties of Clare, 
 Limerick, and Tipperary, was in 1606 joined by Chichester 
 to the county of the Cross of Tipperary. 
 
 In 1621, during the wardship of the daughter and heiress 
 of Thomas, tenth Earl of Ormond, the palatinate of Tipperary 
 was seized into the Crown by James I. But the county of the 
 Cross apparently remained unaffected by this exertion of the 
 royal prerogative, and, as already noted, it was represented 
 in the Parliament of 1634, though the county proper appears 
 to have returned no members to that assembly. The 
 palatinate remained in abeyance for a period of forty years, 
 till, after the Eestoration, it was reconstituted by Charles II. 
 in 1664, in favour of the first Duke of Ormond. The grant 
 on this occasion included both the old territory of the Cross, 
 which never thereafter returned members to Parliament, and 
 the district of Dough Arra, formerly excepted from the 
 palatine county.^ The liberties and royalties of the whole 
 county of Tipperary were enjoyed by the Butlers until the 
 attainder in 1715 of the second Duke put an end to the last 
 Irish example of these great mediseval jurisdictions.- The 
 Statute '2nd George I., cap. 8, ' An Act for extinguishing the 
 royalties and liberties of the County of Tipperary,' by its 
 second section enacted, ' that whatsoever hath been deno- 
 minated or called Tipperary or Cross Tipperary, shall hence- 
 forth be and remain one county for ever, under the name 
 of the County of Tipperary.' 
 
 ' See p. 142, infra. 
 
 2 See 5//; Report of the Deputy Keeper nf Public Records of Ireland, p. 7, 
 and Appendix III. pp. 33-38. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND 
 
 135 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 THE NOMENCLATURE OF THE IRISH COUNTIES. 
 
 It may, perhaps, be justly expected that in any attempt to 
 sketch the origin of the Irish counties some explanation of their 
 names should be given. The nomenclature of the counties has 
 nowhere been made the subject of a specific inquiry, nor is it 
 certain that the derivations commonly accepted are in all cases 
 accurate. But though the subject is not one of which the writer 
 can treat with independent knowledge, it may be convenient to 
 give the derivations as stated by Dr. P. W. Joyce in Irish Names 
 of Places. In the case of those counties which are not mentioned 
 expressly in that well-known work, I am indebted to Dr. Joyce's 
 learning and kindness for the means of making the list here given 
 complete, or nearly so. In several instances, as Mayo and Down, 
 in which the name is derived from a word indicating a natural 
 feature which is not characteristic of the general aspect of the 
 county to which it has been applied, the discrepancy is due to the 
 county being named from a town within its borders. In such 
 cases the term will be found fairly descriptive of the town or its 
 neighbourhood, though not of the county at large. 
 
 Unless where otherwise stated, the references given in brackets 
 in this list are to Joyce's Irish Names of Places. 
 
 Name of County 
 
 Irish Equivalent 
 
 Meaning 
 
 Antrim ' 
 
 Aontruibh 
 
 — 
 
 Armagh 
 
 Ard-Macha (i. 77) . 
 
 Macha's height 
 
 Carlow . 
 
 Cetherloch or Catherlough Quadruple lake 
 
 
 (i. 448) 
 
 
 Cavan . 
 
 Cabhan (i. 401) 
 
 A hollow 
 
 Clare . 
 
 Clar(i. 427) . 
 
 A board : figuratively, a flat 
 piece of land 
 
 Cork . 
 
 Corcaeh (i. 462) 
 
 A march 
 
 Donegal 
 
 Dun-na-nGall (i. 97-8) . 
 
 The fort of the foreigners 
 
 Down ■^ 
 
 Dun (i. 280) . 
 
 A fortress 
 
 Dublin ••' 
 
 Duibh-linn (i. 363) 
 
 Black pool 
 
 Fermanagh . 
 
 Fii-Monach (i. 131) 
 
 The men of Monach 
 
 Galway 
 
 G a i 1 1 e a m h (Wilde's 
 
 The daughter of Breasil, king 
 
 
 Lough Cmrib, p. 12) 
 
 of the Firbolgs 
 
 ' Dr. Joyce declines to commit himself as to the derivation of Antrim. 
 Dubourdieu following the editor of Ware says ' the name is said to have been 
 Andruim or Endruira — that is, the habitation of the waters, from its being almost 
 insulated by sea and lake. 
 
 ■•' The name was applied at first only to the county town of Downpatrick, 
 and the name originates, of course, in the dim near the cathedral of that town. 
 
 ^ See also Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, p. 23. 
 
136 
 
 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 Name of County 
 Kerry . 
 Kildare 
 Kilkenny 
 King's County 
 Leitrim 
 Limerick ' . 
 
 Londonderry - 
 Longford 
 Louth . 
 Mayo . 
 Meath ^ 
 Monaghan . 
 Queen's County 
 Eoscommon . 
 Sligo* . 
 Tipperary 
 
 Tyrone . 
 Waterford 
 Wexford 
 Wicklow 
 
 Irish Equivalent 
 Ciarraide (i. 127) . 
 Cill-dara (i. 115) . 
 Cill-Cainneach 
 See p. 119 supra 
 Liath-dhruim (i. 525) 
 A eoiTupted form of 
 
 Luimneach (i. 49) 
 Deny 
 
 Longphort (i. 300) 
 Lughmhagh . 
 Magh-eo (i. 510) 
 Meidhe . 
 Muinechan 
 See p. 119 sup^'a 
 Ros-coman 
 Sligeach 
 Tobar or Tiobraid-Araun 
 
 {i. 453) 
 Tir-Eoghain . 
 
 Meaning 
 The race of Ciar 
 The church of the oak 
 The church of St. Canice 
 
 Grey ridge 
 
 A barren spot of land 
 
 Oak wood 
 
 A fortress or encampment 
 
 Lug (?) Magh = a plain 
 
 The plain of the yews 
 
 A neck 
 
 A little shrubbery 
 
 The Wood of St. Coman 
 
 River 
 
 The Well of Ara 
 
 The territory of Owen 
 
 In the case of these three counties the names given by the 
 Danes to their towns have completely superseded the ancient 
 Irish designations of the adjacent districts. 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 THE ENGLISH PALE IN 1596.^ 
 
 A Perambulation of Leinster, Meath and Louth, of which consist 
 the English Pale (1596). 
 
 I. County op Dublin. 
 
 The Barony of Cowlock lyeth North & by East from Dublin. . . 
 
 The Barony of Bah'oddry lyeth North from Dublin ... 
 
 ' As applied to the fair and fertile lands of Limerick, this derivation seems 
 singularly unhappy. Its original application was, however, confined to a 
 portion of the estuary of the Shannon. See also Joyce's Social History of 
 Ancient Ireland, ii. p. 194. 
 
 '^ Prior to the plantation of Ulster, Londonderry was known as Derry 
 Columbkille, from the Monastery of St. Columba. In pagan times it was 
 called Derry -Calgach, or the Oakwood of Calgeaeh, or fierce warrior. 
 
 ■* According to Dr. Joyce, the province of Meath was so called from being 
 formed by cutting a meidhe, or neck, from each of the other provinces. The 
 four pieces met at Aiall-na-Meeran, or the Stone of the Divisions, at Ushnagh 
 in CO. Westmeath. See Joyce's Child's History of Ireland, p. 58. 
 
 * The name was originally applied to the river at Sligo. 
 
 ^ The date is supplied by Carew himself in the margin of the original in 
 Carew MSS. vol. 600, p. 143. The dots represent the names of the principal 
 residents in each barony, with their places of residence, which are given in the 
 abstract of this document printed in Careio Cal. iii. pp. 188-9. The abstract 
 does not give the particulars here printed. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 137 
 
 The Barony of Castleknock lyeth North from Dublin .... 
 The Barony of Newcastle lyeth South & by West from 
 Dublin .... 
 
 The Barony of Rathdown lyeth East South East from 
 Dublin .... 
 
 The Boundary of this Countie : — 
 By East the Mayne Sea : 
 
 By North part of the County of Meath & the Nanywater. 
 By North West part of the Countie of Meath. 
 By West & by South the Couutye of Kildare. 
 By Sowth the Otooles Cuntry & the Glins. 
 By Sowth East the Obirnes Cuntry. 
 The River of Lythie coining downe thorowe the Cownty of 
 Kildare falleth eastwaz'd into the Sea ij myles from Dublin. 
 
 II. County of Wicklow. 
 
 The Birns' & Tooles' Country w*'' the Glins that lie by Sowth 
 & by East the County of Dublin was by Commission bownded 
 owte into a Shire to be named & called the Cownty of Wicklowe 
 & was divided into Baronies as foUoweth : 
 
 The General Bowndes of the Cotmty. 
 
 The same to begin to the North East where the River of 
 Delgin falleth into the sea, w*^^ River divideth the Barony of 
 Rathdown in the Countie of Dublin from the Birns Cuntrey, & 
 so the Sea to be the eastern bordre unto the River of Arclo, w*^^ 
 River of Ai'clo shalbe the Mear on the Sowthe syde, as it falleth 
 unto the great moore or Bog called Caillimona or the narrow bog, 
 & so including the territorie called Cosha, untill it come to 
 Ballishon ats. Johnstowne, leaving the Cowntie of Catherlagh to 
 the Sowthward to go direct unto a foorde upon the river of Slane 
 called Ahridlas : from w'^^ ffoord the same River of Slane shalbe 
 the Meire westward untill it passe to the landes of Rathbranne, 
 addioiiing to the sayde River, w'^*^ Towne & landes of Rath- 
 branne w*^ the Towne & landes of Tenoran, Rathtoole, Griflfins- 
 towne & so muche of Colvinstowne as is nowe supposed of the 
 County of Dublin, & also the Townes & landes of Rathsallagh & 
 Whitstowne & the bowndes to the North Westward untill it 
 come to Aghcarrigord : from whence leaving suche of the Lo : 
 Arch-bisshop of Dublin's landes as beareth w*^ the Barony of 
 Newcastle to the Northward to passe unto the foorde called 
 
138 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 Anacassan & so compassing in Eussells Towne and the landes 
 of the Burbage to passe unto the crosse of Ballycomyn : from 
 whence leaving that part of the Bishops lands w"*" beareth w*^** the 
 Barony of Nuecastle, as is also aforesayde, w'^^ the parishe of 
 Ballimoore, & the Countie of Kildare to the Northward, The way 
 w*^^ leadeth from thence eastwarde, & divideth the Barony of 
 Nuecastle from the Cowillagh unto Agherillin to be the mear or 
 boundes, and so from thence as the Barony of Rathdown passeth 
 unto Kilmasanton, from whence passing over the mountaignes 
 Eastward and towardes the Sowth, & leaving Farollin and 
 Glancapp to the Northwardes, the Eiver of Delgin that falleth 
 from thence to be the meare to the Sea, as first above sayde, 
 W^ conteyneth in length abowte xxij myles & in breadth xx 
 myles. 
 
 The speciall houndes of it divided into vj severall Baronies. 
 
 Nuecastell Maghenegmi. — So muche of the Birnes Cuntrey as 
 lyeth betwixt the water of Delgin & Barnesketh in length from 
 North to the Sowth, and so from the Sea on the East to the 
 Fertrye on the West conteyning abowt x myles in length & iiij 
 myles in breadth, to be called the Baronny of Nuecastle 
 Maghenegan. 
 
 Inishboghin.— The Birnes Cuntry from Barneskeagh unto 
 Toerulcomyn & from thence to the water of Avilo in length from 
 the North to the Sowth leaving Colrenell to the west & the sea 
 to be East bordre contayning xij myles in length & iiij myles in 
 breadth to be named the Barony of Inishboghin. 
 
 Ballinicor. — Colranell & as muche of Cossha as is w^^in the 
 generall mean streching westwarde to the landes of the Toreboy 
 in length from the Northwarde to the Southwarde having the 
 Birnes Cuntry on the East & Omaly on the West conteining in 
 length viij myles & in bredth vij myles to be called the Barony of 
 Ballinicore. 
 
 Talhots-Towne.—1h& Torboy Omayle & as muche landes as 
 is compassed w4n the river of Slane from Aghridlas to Roods 
 towne conteynig in length abowt vj myles & in breadth iiij 
 myles to be named the Barony of Talbots-town. 
 
 Holywood. — From the landes of Roodestowne, the townes & 
 landes of Rathbrane, Rathtoola, Tenoran, Griffiths-towne & as 
 muche of Colvinstowne as was supposed to be of the Countie of 
 Dublin, Rathsallagh, Trenistowne, Bally hooke, Marga, Etterely, 
 Whitstowne, Dowarde, Hollywood, the parish of Boystowne, the 
 Ladin, Kiltagaruln, Russelstowne, Burge the three-Castles Kil- 
 
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND 139 
 
 bryde, & the Brittas contayning xij myles in length & iij myles 
 in bredth to be the Barony of Hollywood. 
 
 Castle Kevin. — The territories called the Fertrye & Salkye 
 vij myles long and iiij myles broad to be called the Barony of 
 Castle Kevyn. 
 
 The County of Wexfoede. 
 
 The River of Slane roons from the west to the east pr rath"" 
 from the north west to the Sowth east, dividing the whole Cuntry 
 in a maner in the raidest, & hathe the Towne of Wexford situat 
 at the mowth of it hard by the Sea : That Towne lyeth from 
 Dublin Sowth sowth west & is distant from it Ix myles : viz. : 
 from Dublin to Nuecastle-Mageneghan xviij myles : thence to 
 Arclo the Erl of Ormondes Mano"" & Castle xviij more & so to 
 Wexforde by Glascarrike along the Sea xxiiij. 
 
 This Countie is bounden by east w'^ the sea: By Sowth & 
 Sowth West w' the Cownty of Waterforde : By West w'^ the 
 Cownty of Kilkenny : By Northwest w*^ the Countie of Catherlagh 
 the river of the Barrowe dividing of them : And by north w*^ 
 Cownty of Wicklo or the Cuntreys before specified whereof that 
 County should have been made. 
 
 The County of Kilkenny. 
 
 It is bounded : East the Cowntie of Wexforde. Southeast & 
 Sowth the County of Watei-forde. West the Cownty of the 
 Crosse of Tipperary : Northwest up4) Ossory : North Leix or the 
 Queen's Cownty & Idough. North east the Cavenaghes of 
 Idron in the Cow^nty of Catherlagh. 
 
 The Towne (? County) op Carlo als. Catherlagh. 
 
 From Dublin to the Naas xij myles To KilcuUen v "i xxxij 
 to Castles Dermood x to Catherlogh v all west j myles. 
 
 It is bounded : 
 
 By East the Cownty of Kildare. 
 
 By Sowth East the Mountaignes of Kildare. 
 
 By Sowth the County of Wexforde. 
 
 By Sowth east the Cavenaghs. 
 
 By Sowth west the Cownty of Kilkenny. 
 
 By West the Queenes Cownty in the furth"" syde the Barrowe. 
 
 By North part of the Queens Cov/uty & of the County of 
 Kildare. 
 
140 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 The County of Kildare. 
 The bowiides. 
 On the East the Cownty. On the Sowth east the marches of 
 the Cownty of Dubhn. On the Sowth the Otooles & County of 
 Catheiiagh. On the Sowth by west the Q : Cownty ; on the west 
 the King's Cownty. On the North & northwest the Countye of 
 Meath. 
 
 The Queens Cownty aIs. Leyx. 
 
 The Botondes. 
 
 By East : the Cownty of Keldare & the river of the Barrowe. 
 
 By North : The King's Cownty als. Offally ; & Odoynes Cuntrye. 
 
 By West : The Lo : of Upper ossories Cuntry ; 
 
 By Sowth : Idough part of the Cownty of Kilkenny. 
 
 .... Pi'om Mariburgh to Catherlagh Castle whereof Harpoole 
 is Constable & w'^'^ lyeth from Mariboi^ough Sowth by East circa 
 xiiij myles. 
 
 The Queens Cownty is in length xxij myles. In breadth from 
 the Barrowe east, to the water of Neon west. xij myles. 
 
 The Kings Cownty als. Offaly. 
 
 The Boundes. 
 
 By East the County of Kildare. By Southest the Eiver of 
 the Barrowe. By Sowthe the Queens Cownty. By Sowthwest 
 Odoynes Cuntry. 
 
 By West the Shennon. By northwest the Cownty of 
 Westmeath. By North & by northeast the Cownty of Meath. 
 
 The Boundes of Westmeath. 
 
 By east the County of Meath. By Sowtheast, a nook of the 
 Cownty of Kildare. By Sowth the Kings Cownty ais Offaly. 
 By Southwest part of Maroghlands Cuntry & the Shennon. 
 By West, the Shennon & Athloan, where Conaghe begins. 
 By West, & by North, the Cownty of Longford ats the Annly. 
 By North the Cownty of Cavan ais the Brenny. By Northeast 
 part of the Cavan & part of Meath. 
 
 The Boundes of Meath. 
 By East the Cownty of Dublin. By North the river of the 
 Slann ^t of the Cownty of Lowth & the Brenny. By north east 
 part or a nooke of Dublin. By West the Cownty of West Meath. 
 By northwest the Brenny. By Sowth & south west part of the 
 Kings Cownty. By Sowth & Sowtheast the Cownty of Kildare. 
 
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 14] 
 
 The Bounds of Loioth. 
 By east the Sea. 
 
 By Sowth the Cownty of Meath. 
 By West part of the Brenny. 
 By Northwest Farney and Clancarvile. 
 By North the fues k O hanlons Cuntry. 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 REPORT BY MR. JUSTICE WALSHE ' TO THE EARL OF SALISBURY, 
 ON HIS CIRCUIT IN MUNSTER IN 1606. 
 
 Justice Walshc to the Earl of Salisbury. 
 
 Eight honourahle my humble duty premised. I am obliged (by 
 my promise last in my letters sent to your lordship in July last) to 
 certify your lordship of the success of the last circuit in Munster, 
 wherein the third baron of the Exchequer and myself were em- 
 ployed. Our beginning was at Cork, where some sharp executions 
 hath been of relievers of the late slain rebel Maurice McGibbon, of 
 the White Knights' country. Thence we passed into Kerry, where 
 no sessions were holden this last seven years. And although that 
 county be yet unpeopled and poor, yet we found by their frequent 
 resort unto us that they thirsted much after justice. We have 
 there by special commission united Desmond, a wild Irish country, 
 unto the county of Kerry. The Lord President did forbear to go 
 to that county, because (as his lordship said) he feared there 
 would not be sufficient victuals to be had there. All the churches 
 in that county are ruined and uncovered ; and therefore a great 
 part of our care was to procure the re-edifying of them ; and I 
 fear it will not be effected very suddenly because there are but few 
 hands that can give help thereunto. Thence we passed over the 
 river of Shannon to the county of Clare and sat at Innis (Ennis), 
 
 ' Sir Nicholas Walshe had a distinguished judicial career. In a letter of the 
 Irish Privy Council in 1606 he is described as ' one who hath with good credit 
 and sufficiency very faithfully & painfully served in office here above thirty 
 years.'— CaZ. S. P. (Ireland), 1603-6, p. 484. He had held the office of Chief 
 Justice of Munster prior to 1584, when he was appointed second Justice of the 
 King's Bench. In 1597 he was promoted to the Chief Justiceship of the 
 Common Pleas, in succession to Sir Robert Dillon, and he held this post until 
 his death in 1615, when he was succeeded by Sir Dominick Sarsfield. In 1587 
 Walshe was sworn of the Irish Privy Council. The letters patent authorising 
 his admission to this honour testify to the high opinion entertained of him. 
 See Smyth's Law Officers of Ireland, p. 102. The report here printed inextenso 
 is very briefly summarised in Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1603-6, p. 573. 
 
142 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 where we found that country far better inhabited, and we cannot 
 but attribute the chief cause thereof to the Earl of Thomond, who 
 hath well defended the inhabitants of that county from the rage 
 of rebels in the war time and from foreign thieves since the re- 
 bellion ended. And assuredly there is not much stealing among 
 themselves. We saw two bridges newly erected there, the one 
 betwixt the Shannon and Clare, the other betwixt Bunratty and 
 Limerick. When we came to Limerick we met with the Lord 
 President, where sharp punishment was inflicted upon relievers of 
 rebels, which I assure myself will be for a long time to their good 
 remembered in that county. From thence our remove was to the 
 Gross of Tipperary, and at Cashel some few but special offenders 
 were executed. And there also we have by special commission 
 united the country of Arra, or McBrien Arra's country, to the said 
 county, because the Cross is a very small county, and the other 
 was wont to be a receptacle of offenders obeying the officers of no 
 county. And lastly we ended at Clonmel, for the exempted points 
 of the liberties of Tipperary, where some six notable offenders 
 were executed for treason, viz., murder of malice prepense, which 
 is in this land made treason, and for the procurement and relieving 
 of murderers. In all these counties we have by ordinary course of 
 law indicted most of the townsmen for not coming to their parish 
 churches in service time, according to the statute made in 2 Eliz., 
 which course is far less irksome to the people than to draw 
 them in by mandate or other means consisting upon the King's 
 mere prerogative. Before this circuit began I was specially 
 charged to deliver a great gaol at Kilkenny, and after the end of 
 our circuit at Munster I came to Sir James Ley and to Sir John 
 Davies to Waterford, betwixt whom and the Mayor of that city 
 there was some difference for their sittings as Justices of the 
 county of the city of Waterford, and I gave some help to appease 
 their variance by joining with them in assistance of the Mayor 
 and sheriffs to inquire of recusancies, and by an inquest of 
 citizens had the greatest part of the inhabitants indicted, which 
 was the thing they desired most to effect, and thus having 
 summarily related our travel in Munster, etc., I humbly take 
 leave. From Waterford, this 18th of September, 1606. 
 
 Your honourable lordship's most humbly at commandment, 
 
 Nicholas Walshe. 
 
 Endorsed : To the right Honourable my singular good lord the 
 Earl of Salisbury, these, &c. 
 
V 
 
 THE WOODS OF IRELAND 
 
 That the climate and soil of Ireland are naturally suited to 
 the growth of timber of nearly every useful kind indigenous 
 to Europe, and that the island was anciently stored with 
 woods and forests of vast extent, is proved not only by the 
 testimony of all who have considered its physical and 
 geological formation, but by the express statement of his- 
 torians and chroniclers, and the convincing implication of 
 our topographical nomenclature. The woods of Ireland, 
 and especially those formerly adjacent to our capital, were 
 famous even before the coming of the English. It was 
 from the fair green of Oxmantown, once covered with woods 
 that extended westward over the whole of what is now the 
 Phoenix Park, that William Rufus drew the timber for the 
 roof of Westminster Hall, where, as the chronicle of Dr. 
 Hanmer has it, ' no English spider webbeth or breedeth to 
 this day.' ^ And, as tradition avers, it was from Cullens- 
 wood that, only a generation after the coming of the Normans, 
 the Byrnes and Tooles made the descent upon the Bristol- 
 men who had settled in Dublin for which Easter Monday 
 was long had in remembrance in Dublin as * Black 
 Monday.' "^ 
 
 Giraldus Cambrensis states in his ' Topographia Hiber- 
 nica ' that the woodlands of Ireland exceeded in his day the 
 plains or cleared and open land. And not even the zealous 
 
 ' ' Meredith Hanmer's Chronicle,' Ancient Irish Histories, ii. p. 194. The 
 practice of using Irish timber for buildings intended to be durable seems to have 
 been usual in England in early times. The spire of the thirteenth century bell- 
 tower of Worcester Cathedral, taken down in 1647, was of ' massive timber, Irish 
 and unsawed.' — Journal of Kilkenny, Archaeological Society, 1856-7, p. 236. 
 
 - ' Meredith Hanmer's Chronicle,' Ancient Irish Histories, ii. p. 370. 
 
144 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 fervour of the author of ' Cambrensis Eversus ' has seriously 
 endeavoured to refute this assertion of our earliest descriptive 
 chronicler.' Anyone who looks into Dr. Joyce's suggestive 
 book on Irish names of places will be astonished to note the 
 extent to which the root words expressive of woods, forests, 
 and trees are found in the names of hills and valleys, town- 
 lands, and districts which are now bare of every vestige of 
 the abundant timber of which these names have long been 
 the only memory. For example : — The barony of Kilmore, 
 near Charleville, gets its name from the great wood which 
 in the sixteenth century formed, as the * Pacata Hibernia ' 
 tells us, one of the strongest barriers against the soldiers of 
 Elizabeth. Dr. Joyce has calculated that in at least seven 
 hundred cases the ' kils ' and ' kills ' so numerous in the place 
 names of Ireland really represent the word ' coill,' and are wit- 
 nesses to woods no longer visible ; while ' coillte,' the plural, 
 and ' coillin,' the diminutive of ' coill,' account for many more. 
 * Fidh,' or fioth [fih], another term for wood, also occurs fre- 
 quently, and the two baronies of Armagh, called the Fews, 
 are of this origin. * Eos,' too, occasionally stands for wood, 
 as in the Abbey of Kosserk in Mayo, Eoscrea, New Eoss, 
 and best known of all, Eoscommon. 'Fasach ' (faussagh), a 
 wilderness, ' Scairt ' (scart), a thicket of scrub, and ' Muine ' 
 (munny), a shrubbery, are a few among many arboreal terms 
 which abound in the i7idejo. locorum, and contribute to justify 
 the term ' Inis-na-veevy,' or woody island, which is among the 
 bardic names of Ireland. Over and above the terms signify- 
 ing woods, are those which denote particular trees, of which 
 Daire (Derry), an oakwood, with its many variations, is the 
 most important.- The * Annals of the Four Masters ' 
 abound in references to the ancient woods of Ireland, which 
 prove that in a great part of the country a dominant charac- 
 teristic of the social system of ancient Ireland was the forest 
 life of the people. And if we may accept as accurate a 
 passage in the ' Annals of Ulster,' for the year 835 A.D.,^ the 
 
 ' Celtic Society's Edition, ii. jj. 110. 
 
 - Joyce's Irish Names of Places, i. pp. 491-522. 
 
 3 Ibul i. p. 337. 
 
THE WOODS OF IRELAND 145 
 
 acorn and nut crop was so large in that year as to close up 
 the streams, so that they ceased to flow in their usual course. 
 
 That this state of things survived to an era well within 
 historical memory is abundantly demonstrated by many 
 authorities. Sir John Davies, a writer whose observations 
 and conclusions, even when we disagree with them, are 
 always suggestive, has noted the degree in which the politi- 
 cal system adopted by the Norman colonists of Ireland, and 
 pursued, whether by choice or necessity, by the English 
 Government for many centuries, had the effect of preserving 
 this feature. That system was to drive the native popula- 
 tion from the plains to the woods ; with the result that the 
 Irish territories tended to become ever more and more a 
 succession of forest fastnesses. Had a different plan been 
 adopted, the woods, as Davies points out, would have been 
 wasted by English habitations, as had happened just before 
 his own time in the territories of Leix and Offaly, round the 
 new-made forts of Maryborough and Philipstown. 
 
 The early Plantagenets made some attempt to establish 
 the forest laws in Ireland. In the neighbourhood of Dublin, 
 at all events, a considerable tract must have been brought 
 within their operations, for in 1229 Henry III. granted 
 permission to Luke, Archbishop of Dublin, to carry out the 
 disafforesting of certain lands formerly belonging to the 
 see of Glendalough. It is certain that a royal forest was 
 formed at Glencree, in the county Wicklow. In 1244 sixty 
 does and twenty bucks were ordered to be ' taken alive in the 
 king's parks nearest to the port of Chester to be sent to the 
 port of Dalkey, Ireland, and delivered to the king's Treasurer 
 of Dublin to stock the king's Park of Glencry ' ; and that 
 the King's lands were not limited to a mere park, but 
 included a forest properly so called, may be inferred from 
 the language of a mandate of Edward I. permitting William 
 Burnel, constable of the Castle of Dubhn, ' to have in the 
 king's forest of Glencry twelve oak trees fit for timber of 
 the king's gift to construct his house of Glenecapyn.' ^ 
 
 ' Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1171-1251, p. 398. 
 2 Ibid. 1285-92, p. 281. 
 
146 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 A reference to the misconduct of the Abbot and monks of 
 St. Mary's, Dublin, in hunting in the King's forest without 
 license supports the same conclusion.* But the royal forest 
 of Glencree disappears from view, like so much else, amid the 
 confusion that followed the wars of the Bruces. No mention 
 of it is to be found subsequent to the reign of Edward I. 
 The whole district comprised in the modern county of 
 Wicklow relapsed after the Bruce disturbance into the con- 
 trol of the Irish septs of the Byrnes and Tooles ; nor w^as 
 it effectively redeemed by the Crown until the opening of 
 the seventeenth century.^ 
 
 Apart, however, from this formation of the royal forest 
 of Glencree, no attempt was made for above three centuries 
 after the arrival of the English in Ireland to encroach 
 to any serious extent upon the native reserves of the 
 Irish inhabitants, though a Statute of Edward I., passed 
 in 1296, contained a clause which was designed to pro- 
 vide highways through the country.^ But the wars of the 
 Bruces which followed within a few years of this enactment, 
 and the subsequent decadence of English power, prevented 
 the taking of any effective steps under this Statute. 
 
 Down to the middle of the sixteenth century, it may 
 fairly be said, no substantial alteration took place in the face 
 of Ireland in this regard. In Chief Justice Finglas's ' Breviate 
 of the Getting of Ireland and of the Decay of the Same,' 
 written about 1529, occurs a passage which shows that well 
 on into the reign of Henry VIII., the period, indeed, at 
 which the English Pale had shrunk to its narrowest limits, 
 
 ' Chartulary of St. Mary's Abbey (Rolls Series), i. p. 4. 
 
 * For an excellent account of the Forest of Glencree see a paper by Mr. 
 T. P. Le Fanu, M.R.I.A., in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of 
 Ireland for 1893, p. 268. 
 
 ^ The clause ran as follows : ' The Irish enemy, by the density of the 
 woods and the depths of the adjacent morasses, assume a confident boldness ; 
 the King's highways are in places so overgrown with wood, and so thick and 
 difficult, that even a foot passenger can hardly pass. Upon which it is ordained 
 that every lord of a wood, with his tenants, through which the highway was 
 anciently, shall clear a passage where the way ought to be, and remove all 
 standing timber as well as underwood.' — Betham's Origin and History of the 
 Constitution of England and of the Early Parliaments of Ireland. 
 
THE WOODS OF IRELAND 147 
 
 the districts in which EngHsh law remained supreme were 
 everywhere hedged round by impassable forests. Finglas pre- 
 scribed a remedy very similar to that enforced by Edward I., 
 more than two centuries earlier : — ' Item — That the deputy 
 be eight days in every summer cutting passes of the woods 
 next adjoining to the king's subjects, which shall be 
 thought most needful,' — and he enumerates above thirty 
 passes, most of them adjacent to the Pale, which required to 
 be made or maintained.^ The numerous writers to whom 
 we owe our knowledge of Elizabethan Ireland and of the 
 age immediately succeeding, concur in representing the 
 great forests as having survived in most places to the 
 middle of the sixteenth century, and in many till well into 
 the seventeenth. 2 Sir Henry Piers, in his ' History of 
 Westmeath,''^ designed to illustrate the Down Survey, 
 speaks of that county as deficient m nothing, ' except only 
 timber of bulk, with which it was anciently well stored.' 
 Yet barely a century before this was written, Westmeath 
 had been one of the most secure fortresses of * the king's 
 Irish enemies,' as the native septs were called ; and it was 
 for this reason that under Henry VIII. the county was 
 
 ' The following are the names of the passes as given by Finglas : — ' The 
 Passes names here ensueth, Downe, Callibre, the Newe Ditcli, the Passes to 
 Powerscourt, Glankry, Ballamore in Foderth, going to Kearnes (or Ferns), Le 
 Roge, Strenanloragh, Pollemounty, Branwallehangry, Morterston, two passes in 
 Feemore in O'Morye's country, the passes of Ferneynobegane, Killemark, Kelly, 
 Ballenower, Taghernefine, two passes in Reyraalagh, the passes going to Moill, 
 two in Kalry, the passes of Bralion Juryne, Kilkorky, the Lagha and Ballatra, 
 Karryconnell and Killaghmore, three passes in Oriore : one by Donegall, another 
 by Faghert, and the third by Omere ; Ballaghkine, and Ballaghner.' — Harris's 
 Hibernica, p. 51. 
 
 It is not now possible to identify all the counties in which these passes were 
 situate. 
 
 - In Payne's Brief Description of Ireland, written in 1590, there occurs a 
 passage illustrative of the agricultural value of the forests. ' I find by experi- 
 ence,' wrote Payne, ' that a man may store 1,000 acres of woodland there (in 
 Ireland) for '601. bestowed in draining, which being well husbanded, will yield 
 more profit than so much like ground in England of 10s. the acre and 5001. 
 stock, for in the Irish woodlands there is great store of very good pasture, and 
 there mast doth not lightly fail ; there swine will feed very fat without any 
 meat by hand.' — Payne's ' Brief Description of Ireland,' ed. Aquila Smith ; 
 Tracts Relating to Ireland, i. p. 13. 
 
 ^ Printed by Vallancey in 1774. 
 
 L 2 
 
148 ILLUSTKATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 severed from Meath to which it had ancieatlj^ belonged.^ 
 During the wars of Elizabeth it was still a proverb that 
 ' The Irish will never be tamed while the leaves are on 
 the trees,' meaning that the winter was the only time 
 in which the woods could be entered by an army with 
 any hope of success ; and the system of ' plashing,' by 
 which the forest paths were rendered impassable through 
 the interlacing of the boughs of the great trees with the 
 abundant underwood, was the obstacle accounted by most 
 of Elizabeth's soldiers the most dangerous with which they 
 were confronted. Derricke, in his ' Image of Ireland,' written 
 in 1581, gives a description of the woods which, even if 
 we discount the figures on the score of poetic licence, must 
 be held to show that in his day the forests still covered 
 enormous areas. He speaks of them as often twenty miles 
 long."^ 
 
 The adoption of a resolute policy in Ireland by the 
 Tudor sovereigns was the first step towards the reduction 
 of these immense woodland areas. The gradual extension 
 throughout the country of the measures first applied to 
 Westmeath led, under the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, 
 to a rapid clearance of large tracts of the country. Fynes 
 Moryson, in the closing years of Elizabeth, found the central 
 plain of Ireland nearly destitute of trees. ' I confess myself,' 
 he writes, ' to have been deceived in the common fame 
 that all Ireland is woody, having found in my long journey 
 from Armagh to Kinsale few or no woods by the way, 
 excepting the great woods of Ophalia : ^ and some low, 
 shrubby places which they call glens."* The Pale had, of 
 course, for centuries been denuded of its woods, if it ever 
 
 ' By the Statute 34 Henry VIII. cap. i. 
 
 ^ ' The woodes above and 'neath those hills, 
 Some twentie miles in length : 
 Round compacte with a shakynge bodye, 
 A forte of passyng strength.' 
 
 Derricke's Image of Ireland, Small's Edition, 1883, p. 28. 
 
 ^ ' A porcon of the county of Ophaly is called Fergall, a place so stronge as 
 
 nature could desire to make yt by wood and bogge, with which yt is environed.' 
 
 — Dymmok's ' Treatise of Ireland in 1599 ' ; Tracts Relating to Ireland, ii. p. 43. 
 
 ■* See also Part II. p. 228 infra. 
 
THE WOODS OF IRELAND 149 
 
 possessed them on a large scale, and as early as 1584 an 
 ordinance of Henry VIII. had directed every husbandman 
 to plant twelve ashes within the ditcher and closes of his 
 farm. With the disappearance, in the person of Tyrone, of 
 the last Irish chieftain powerful enough to hold independent 
 sway in the island, this clearance was extended towards 
 Ulster. By Strafford's time Wicklow, Wexford, and Carlow, 
 and the Queen's County were the only districts in which the 
 forests were still extensive. And even here they had begun 
 to decline. Sir William Brereton noted in 1635 that in the 
 neighbourhood of Carnew, in Sir Morgan Kavanagh's once 
 thick woods, there remained 'little timber useful save to 
 burn, and such as cumbreth the ground.' He adds that wood 
 is ' a commodity which will be much wanting in this king- 
 dom, and is now very dear at Dublin.' ^ The civil war which 
 followed the Rebellion of 1641 doubtless tended largely in 
 the same direction, and by the time of the Commonwealth 
 Boate noted in his ' Natural History of Ireland ' that in some 
 parts you might travel whole days without seeing any trees 
 save a few about gentlemen's houses. This was especially 
 so on the northern road, where for a distance of sixty miles 
 from the capital not a wood worth speaking of was to be 
 seen. ' For,' he adds, * the great woods which the maps do 
 represent to us upon the mountains between Dundalk and 
 the Newry are quite vanished, there being nothing left of 
 them these many years since, but only one tree standing 
 close by the highway, at the very top of one of the moun- 
 tains, so as it may be seen a great way off, and therefore 
 serveth travellers for a mark.' "^ 
 
 The destruction of the woods, due in the first place to 
 deliberate policy and in the next to the accidents of war, 
 was accelerated both during the long peace that preceded 
 the Rebellion, and afterwards in the years following the 
 Restoration, by the progress of the arts of peace. The 
 revival of Irish industries was nearly as fashionable a 
 shibboleth in the middle of the sixteenth century as it has 
 
 ' See Brereton's Travels, Part II. infra. 
 
 - Boate's Ireland's Naturall Histcrry, chapter xv. 
 
150 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 been at intervals in later ages. In those days the favourite 
 objects of solicitude v^^ere the manufacture of pipe-staves, 
 and the development of the iron-w^orks which were then 
 supposed to be the true El Dorado of Irish enterprise — most 
 people holding with Bacon that * Iron is a brave commodity 
 where wood aboundeth.' Both industries depended for their 
 success upon the woods, which were accordingly drawn upon 
 regardless of the consequences. From Munster whole ship- 
 loads of pipe-staves were exported, to the great profit of the 
 proprietors and the great destruction of the woods ; and Boate 
 says, ' it is incredible what quantity of charcoal is consumed 
 by one iron- work in a year.' ^ Richard Boyle, the well-known 
 Earl of Cork, was reputed to have made 100,000Z. by his 
 iron-works, and the sale of timber must have brought him 
 almost as much again. Sir William Petty's was another of 
 the great fortunes in part accumulated by the destruction of 
 the woods of Ireland. But that Petty, undoubtedly one of 
 the most large-minded Englishmen whom the confiscations 
 of the seventeenth century attracted to Ireland, was not 
 unmindful of the need for maintaining the timber supplies 
 of the country, may be inferred from the fact that in his 
 ' Political Anatomy of Ireland,' he recommends the ' planting ' 
 of ' three millions of timber trees upon the bounds and mears 
 of every denomination of lands ' in the country.^ So rapid 
 was the consumption, however, that the want of fuel, formerly 
 abundant, began to make itself felt. Thomas Dinely writing 
 in his Journal,^ about the year 1681, remarks on the con- 
 sequent substitution for the first time of turf for wood firing. 
 ' The wars,' he says, * and their rebellions having destroyed 
 almost all their woods both for timber and firing, their want 
 is supplyed by the bogs.' A century later Arthur Young 
 noted that in the neighbourhood of Mitchelstown there were 
 ' a hundred thousand acres in which you might take a 
 breathing gallop to find a stick large enough to beat a dog, 
 
 ' Boate's Ireland's Natural! History, chapter xvi. 
 ^ Petty's Political Anatomy of Ireland, chapter ii. 
 
 ^ Reprinted from Kilkenny ArchcBological Society^s Jotirnnl, Second 
 Series. 
 
THE WOODS OF IKELAND 151 
 
 yet is there not an enclosure without the remnants of trees, 
 many of them large.' ' 
 
 The troubles of the Kevolution and the succeeding 
 changes were also injurious to the woods. The Commis- 
 sioners of Forfeited Estates comment severely on the general 
 waste committed by the grantees of these properties, in- 
 stancing in particular the woods round Killarney, where 
 trees to the value of 20,000Z. were cut down, and the 
 Muskery district, where the destruction was almost as 
 great. ^ That this reckless dealing with the timber supply 
 of the country was continued for the best part of a genera- 
 tion may be inferred from a passage in the seventh Drapier's 
 Letter, in which Swift asserts his belief ' that there is not 
 another example in Europe of such a prodigious quantity of 
 excellent timber cut down in so short a time with so little 
 advantage to the country either in shipping or building.' ^ 
 This process of rapid consumption of the anciently abundant 
 woods of Ireland continued far into the eighteenth century, 
 and notwithstanding a succession of enactments designed to 
 encourage planting, the woodland areas diminished so rapidly 
 that, to quote Arthur Young once more, ' the greatest part 
 of the country continues to exhibit a naked, bleak, dreary 
 view for want of wood, which has been destroyed for a 
 century past with the most thoughtless prodigality, and still 
 continues to be cut and wasted as if it was not worth the 
 cultivation.' ^ 
 
 Although some maps of the time of Henry VIII. are 
 extant which indicate very roughly the wooded districts, 
 nothing approaching to a statistical record of the distribu- 
 tion of the woods of Ireland is available for an earlier date 
 than the seventeenth century. Baron Finglas's rough list of 
 passes has already been referred to, and is the earliest specific 
 
 ' Young's Tour in Ireland, ii. p. 62. The clearance at Mitchelstown 
 deplored by Young has been largely made good by plantations within the last 
 century. 
 
 '^ Lecky's History of England, ii. p. 330. 
 
 ^ Swift's Works, ed. Sir W. Scott, vii. p. 52 ; Prose Works, ed. Temple Scott 
 (Bohn's Library), vi. p. 200. 
 
 * Young's Tour in Ireland, ii. p. 62. 
 
152 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 notice on the subject. In Dymmok's ' Treatise of Ireland,' 
 1599, is given ' A particular of such strengths and fastnesses 
 of wood and bog as are in every province in Ireland,' ^ in 
 which the principal forest districts are set out by name. It 
 is evident, however, that Dymmok derived his information 
 not from any first-hand acquaintance with the whole country, 
 but from the notes of one of the most diligent inquirers into 
 the condition and resources of Ireland who had ever visited 
 the country, the well-known Sir George Carew. In the 
 Lambeth Manuscripts, which bear his name, are to be found 
 Carew's observations on the subject.^ They are much fuller 
 than Dymmok's list. Half a century after Carew's time, the 
 Books of Survey and Distribution, compiled in 1657, and 
 preserved in the Irish Kecord Office, show the dimensions 
 of the woodlands throughout the country as ascertained at 
 that date. The maps of the Down Survey also indicate in a 
 rough way the distribution of the woods. And a list of the 
 iron-works through the country in the seventeenth century 
 would indicate as many places in which substantial woods 
 still existed at that period. 
 
 It appears from these and other sources, that at about 
 the close of the seventeenth century the woods or forests of 
 importance were distributed roughly, thus : 
 
 1. Leinster: In the counties of Wicklow, Wexford, 
 Carlow, and Kilkenny, and in the great territories of Leix 
 and Offaly, covering the greater portion of Queen's and part 
 of King's County. 
 
 2. Ulster: In the counties of Tyrone, Londonderry, 
 Antrim, and Down, particularly on the east and west shores 
 of Lough Neagh, and the territories adjacent. 
 
 3. Munster : In Cork, Kerry, and Limerick, the southern 
 borders of Tipperary, and East Waterford. 
 
 4. Connaught : In the barony of Tyrawly, in Mayo 
 and North Sligo, in Koscommon, and along the course of the 
 Shannon. 
 
 It is obvious, however, that the rapid diminution of the 
 
 ' Irish Arehfflological Society's Tracis Relating to Ireland, ii. p. 26, 
 ' Lambeth MS. 635. 
 
THE WOODS OF IKELAND 153 
 
 woodland area during the seventeenth century was not an 
 absolutely unmitigated misfortune. It was the natural con- 
 sequence of that social transformation which necessarily fol- 
 lowed the effective assertion of the authority of the English 
 Crown throughout the island in the reign of James I. 
 Apart from all questions between the races, it was as desir- 
 able as it was natural that large districts formerly usurped 
 by the forest should be restored to agriculture. Had the 
 clearances effected, first by the soldiers of Elizabeth and next 
 by the planters of James, ended with those which followed 
 the Kestoration, there would have been no great reason to 
 complain. But an era of confiscation was necessarily un- 
 favourable to the development of the resources of the land ; 
 and successive owners, threatened with the early deter- 
 mination of their interest in their estates, utilised the 
 short period of possession to turn their timber into gold. 
 Thus the woods that had survived fell at an alarm- 
 ing rate, and the Government were obliged to intervene. 
 Accordingly, the Irish statute-book, from the Kestora- 
 tion to the middle of the eighteenth century, contains 
 many measures which had for their object the encourage- 
 ment of planting, and the replacing of the timber in 
 districts from which it had disappeared. Some of these are 
 of great interest, and well deserve attention. 
 
 The earliest instance of legislation for the protection of 
 trees was the application to Ireland by Strafford of an 
 English statute of Elizabeth ' to avoid and prevent divers 
 misdemeanours of idle and lewd persons in barking of 
 trees.' An Act of 10th Charles I. (chapter 23) gave 
 this measure force in Ireland ; but it appears to have been 
 designed mainly for the protection of the orchards and 
 young trees in the plantation districts, and not to have been 
 directed to the conservation of the larger woods. The 
 seventeenth century had almost run its course before any 
 further statute was passed. In 1698, however, the ministers 
 of William III. felt it was time to intervene. ' An Act 
 for Planting and Preserving Timber Trees and Woods ' 
 recognises in its preamble the operation of the causes 
 
154 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 which had led to the too rapid destruction of the old 
 woods. It runs thus : — ' Forasmuch as by the late re- 
 bellion in the Kingdom and the several iron-works formerly 
 here, the timber is utterly destroyed, so as that at present 
 there is not sufficient for the repairing the houses destroyed, 
 much less a prospect of building and improving in after 
 times, unless some means be used for the planting and 
 increase of timber trees.' 
 
 The remedies prescribed by this act were threefold : 
 
 I. All resident freeholders, having estates to the value 
 of 10/. yearly and upwards, and all tenants for years at a 
 rent exceeding that sum, having an unexpired term of ten 
 years, were required, under a penalty from and after March 25, 
 1703, to plant every year, for thirty-one years, ten plants of 
 five years' growth of oak, fir, elm, ash, or other timber. 
 Owners of iron-works were required to plant five hundred 
 such trees annually, so long as the iron-works were going. 
 
 II. Every occupier of above five hundred Irish acres was 
 required to plant and enclose, within seven years of the 
 passing of the Act, one acre thereof, and to preserve the same 
 as a plantation for at least twenty years. 
 
 III. All persons and corporations seized of lands of 
 inheritance were charged with the planting of their respec- 
 tive proportions of 260,600 trees yearly of oak, elm, or fir 
 for a period of thirty-one years. The proportions in which 
 these trees were to be planted in each county is set out in a 
 list in the fourth section of the act, and the proportion in 
 which each county should be planted was to be apportioned 
 by the grand juries, by baronies, and parishes at each 
 summer assizes.' 
 
 A further provision gave tenants planting pursuant to the 
 statute a right to one-third of the timber so planted. This 
 was increased by a later Act to one-half. 
 
 The legislation of William III. was followed by several 
 acts passed in succeeding reigns with the same object. An 
 
 ' lOth Wm. III. cap. 12. As the list given in Section 4 throws some light 
 on the relative needs of each county in regard to timber at the time, it is printed 
 in Appendix II. to this paper. 
 
THE W00t)S OF IRELAND 155 
 
 Act of Queen Anne abolished the duties on un wrought iron, 
 bark, hoops, staves and timber, and forbade exportation of 
 these commodities except to England. And a further Act 
 forbade the use of home-grown gads or withes, or the erection 
 of May-poles of home-growth. These Acts, however, failed 
 to produce the desired effect.^ Thomas Prior, in the ap- 
 pendix to his List of Absentees, attributed this failure to 
 the insufficient interest given to tenants in the trees planted 
 by them, and suggested that planting should be encouraged 
 by obliging owners, on the fall of leases, to pay their tenants 
 the timber value of all trees planted by the latter. An Act 
 of George III. passed in 1775 expressly recognised in its 
 preamble the failure of the earlier legislation, which it 
 accordingly repealed. It made fresh provision for the 
 preservation of trees, and did something to carry out Prior's 
 views, which were zealously supported by the Royal Dublin 
 Society, an institution of which Prior was one of the 
 founders, and which has always been honourably distin- 
 guished by the interest it has displayed in the preservation 
 of the woods of Ireland. 
 
 The stimulating criticism and suggestions of Arthur 
 Young, who, as already noted, visited Ireland just at this 
 time, undoubtedly had much to do with the more enlightened 
 views on the subject which, towards the close of the eigh- 
 teenth century, began to characterise the majority of Irish 
 landowners. One or two of his observations on this subject 
 are worth quoting. * I have made,' says Young, * many very 
 minute calculations of the expense, growth, and value of trees 
 in Ireland, and am convinced from them that there is no 
 application of the best land of the kingdom will equal the 
 profit of planting the worst of it.'^ The remark savours, 
 perhaps, of the accustomed optimism of the reforming 
 
 " Swift, in his seventh Drapicr's Letter, already quoted, recommended 'that 
 the defects in those Acts for planting forest-trees might be fully supplied, since 
 they have hitherto been wholly ineffectual, except about the demesnes of a 
 few gentlemen,' and recommended that owners should be restrained from ' that 
 unlimited liberty of cutting down their woods before their proper time ' ' to 
 supply expenses in England,' as he puts it elsewhere in the same letter. 
 
 " Young's Toitr in Ireland, ii. p. 64. 
 
156 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 stranger who has never submitted his theories to the test of 
 practice, and is ready to sell wisdom before he has bought 
 experience. But no more competent observer than Arthur 
 Young has ever applied a trained and cautious intelligence to 
 the consideration of the economic problems of Ireland. It 
 is certain that, however wisely we may hesitate to adopt 
 literally this epigrammatic summary of his views on planting, 
 Young's opinions were based on an unusually thorough 
 statistical investigation of the country, coupled with an ex- 
 ceptionally wide knowledge of agricultural conditions in other 
 European countries. Young's observations on the subject are 
 the more worth noting in view of modern conditions because 
 he bestowed much attention on the means of enlisting the 
 peasantry in the cause of planting, and displayed a firm 
 confidence that * instead of being the destroyers of trees 
 they might be made preservers of them.' With this view 
 he recommends in his ' Observations ' that premiums should 
 be given to farmers who planted and preserved trees, and 
 suggested that the tenantry should be obliged to plant under 
 a special clause in their leases, requiring them to plant a 
 given number of trees per annum in proportion to the size 
 of their holdings. 
 
THE WOODS OF IRELAND 157 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 WOODS AND FASTNESSES IN ULSTER. 
 
 Glenbrasell, by Lough Eaugh (Lough Neagh), a great boggy and 
 
 wooddy fastnes. 
 Glencan, a boggy and wooddy country environed with two rivers 
 
 viz. : the Blackwater and the Ban. 
 Killultagh, a safe boggy and wooddy country, upon Lough Eaugh. 
 Kilwarlen, the like bounden together. 
 Kilautry, lying between Kilwarlen and Lecale. 
 Glenconkeyn,' on the river Ban's side, in O'Chane's country, the 
 
 chief fastnes and refuge of the Scotts. 
 
 THE LENGTH AND BREADTH OF THE WOODS AND FASTNESSES 
 IN MUNSTER. 
 
 Glengaruf, in O'Sullivan More's country, 4 miles long and 2 
 
 broad. 
 Glanroght, in Desmond, 3 long and 2 broad. 
 Leanmore, in Desmond, 3 long and 3 broad. 
 Glenglas and Kilmore in the Co. Limerick, 12 long and 7 broad. 
 Dromfynine, in the County Cork, on the Blackwater, 6 long and 
 
 2 broad. 
 Arlo and Muskryquirke, in Tipperary, 9 long and 3 broad. 
 Kilhuggy, in Tipperary, bordering on Limerick, 10 long and 7 
 
 broad. 
 Glenflesk, 4 long and 2 broad. 
 
 WOODS AND FASTNESSES IN CONNAUGHT. 
 
 The woods and bogs of Kilbigher. 
 Killcallon, in MacWilliam's county. 
 Killaloa, in county of Leitrim. 
 The woods and boggs near the Corleua. 
 
 WOODS AND FASTNESSES IN LEINSTER. 
 
 Glandilour, a fastness in Pheagh M'Hugh's couutrie. 
 Shilelagh, Sir Henry Harrington's, in the county of Dublin. 
 
 ' Sir John Davies described Glanconkeyn in 1608 as ' the great forest of 
 Glenconkeyn, well nigh as large as the New Forest in Hampshire, and stored 
 with the best timber.' He suggested that the timber should be used for the 
 
 royal navy, but it was eventually devoted to the building of Londondeny. 
 
 Ulster ArchcBological Journal, vi. p. 153, 
 
158 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 The Duffries, in the County of Wexford. 
 
 The Drones and Leverocke, in the county of Catherlogh. 
 
 The great bog in the Queen's County, which reacheth to Limerick. 
 
 The Fuse in the County of Kildare. 
 
 The woodland bogs of Monaster-Evan, Gallin and Slievemargy in 
 
 the Queen's County. 
 The Rowry, near St. Mullins, where the Nur and Barrow unite 
 
 together, and makes yt halfe an island. 
 Part of Coulbracke, joyning upon the County of Kilkenny.^ 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 STATUTE 18th WILLIAM III. CAP. I. SECTION 4. 
 
 And be it further enacted, that the proportion of each county, 
 county of a city, and county of a town of the said two hundred 
 and sixty thousand six hundred trees aforesaid, is and shall be as 
 hereinafter is declared. 
 
 1. Antrim county and Carrickfergus, nine thousand seven 
 hundred and fifty. 
 
 2. Ardmagh county, four thousand seven hundred and fifty. 
 
 3. Catherlagh county, three thousand two hundred and fifty. 
 
 4. Cavan county, four thousand six hundred. 
 
 5. Clare county, seven thousand eight hundred. 
 
 6. Cork county and city, twenty-six thousand six hundred. 
 
 7. Donegal county, eight thousand three hundred and fifty. 
 
 8. Down county, eight thousand four hundred. 
 
 9. Dublin county (whereof the city and its liberties, twenty-one 
 thousand five hundred) thirty-one thousand nine hundred. 
 
 10. Fermanagh county, four thousand five hundred and fifty. 
 
 11. Gallway county (whereof on Gall way town and liberties, 
 one thousand three hundred) eleven thousand eight hundred. 
 
 12. Kerry county, four thousand six hundred. 
 
 13. Kildare county, seven thousand one hundred and fifty. 
 
 14. Kilkenny county (whereof on Kilkenny city and liberties, 
 seven hundred) nine thousand. 
 
 ' Of the places enumerated which are not sufficiently indicated in Carew's 
 note have been thus identified : 
 
 Kilwarlen, in the co. Down, waa the fastness of the Magenis sept in the co. 
 Down. 
 
 Glenroght or Glenroghty is now Kenmare. 
 
 Leanmore is the modern Killarney. 
 
 Glenglas is Clonlish in co. Limerick. 
 
 Arlo is the Arlo Hill of Spenser. 
 
THE WOODS OF IRELAND 159 
 
 15. King's county, three thousand nine hundred. 
 
 16. Leitrim county, three thousand two hundred and fifty. 
 
 17. Limerick county (whereof on Limerick city and Uberties, 
 one thousand three hundred) nine thousand six hundred. 
 
 18. Londonderry county, city and barony of Colerain, six thou- 
 sand five hundred. 
 
 19. Longford county, two thousand six hundred. 
 
 20. Lowth county (whereof Drogheda and hberties, six hundred 
 and fifty) five thousand two hundred. 
 
 21. Mayo county, six thousand five hundred. 
 
 22. Meath county, twelve thousand three hundred and fifty. 
 
 23. Monaghan county, four thousand five hundred. 
 
 24. Queen's county, three thousand nine hundred and fifty. 
 
 25. Roscommon county, six thousand five hundred. 
 
 26. SHgo county, five thousand two hundred. 
 
 27. Tipperary and Holy-Cross, eighteen thousand two hundred. 
 
 28. Tyrone county, six thousand five hundred. 
 
 29. Waterford county (whereof on Waterford city and liberties, 
 one thousand and fifty) six thousand five hundred and fifty. 
 
 30. Westmeath county, six thousand six hundred. 
 
 31. Wexford county, six thousand five hundred. 
 
 32. Wicklow county, three thousand two hundred and fifty. 
 
VI 
 
 THE PARISH CHURCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 
 
 Honourable as is the antiquity of the parish of St. Andrew's, 
 and varied as are the sources of interest from which it derives 
 its importance in the history of the Irish capital, it is not 
 primarily upon its priority in the roll of Dublin parishes 
 that its attraction depends. Indeed, notwithstanding that 
 the precise date of its origin, running back to the days of 
 the Scandinavian kingdom of Dublin, is lost in the haze 
 of history, it may be doubted whether the strictness of 
 antiquarian pedantry would class St. Andrew's among the 
 ancient metropolitan parishes at all. For, lying outside the 
 walls, neither the church itself nor any part of the parish 
 could at any time have been reckoned as part of the mediaeval 
 city, whose eastern boundary terminated at Dammas Gate, 
 just below the Castle Yard. It is in fact as the first of 
 suburban, rather than as among the most ancient of city 
 parishes that St. Andrew's claims pre-eminence. This fact 
 is sufficiently emphasised by the language of an Act of 
 Parliament so modern as the statute under which the 
 parish was reconstituted after the Kestoration, in which the 
 church of St. Andrew's is still described as ' in the suburbs 
 of the city of Dublin.' It requires, indeed, no inconsiderable 
 effort of the imagination to picture the parish to which the 
 church of St. Andrew's originally ministered in the days 
 when all Dublin lay within the walls, when green fields 
 stretched right up to the Castle and down to the banks of 
 the Liffey, and when only the village of Hogges, or Hoggen 
 Green, lying on the eminence on which the modern church 
 now stands, and the monastery of All Hallows, intervened 
 between the City and Kingsend. 
 
PAEISH CHUECH OF THE IRISH PAELIAMENT 161 
 
 The erection of a church outside the city walls, yet 
 immediately adjacent to them, was almost certainly due to the 
 Danish occupation of Dublin. And it may even be that the 
 parish is older than the walls. As in the case of St. Bride's 
 and St. Michan's, the earliest associations of St. Andrew's 
 parish are connected with the Danes. Almost the first docu- 
 mentary mention of St. Andrew's itself suggests this. It 
 occurs in the register of the Priory of All Hallows, which re- 
 cords a grant in the year 1241 of land, described as situate in 
 ' Thingmotha, in the parish of St. Andrew's, Dublin.' ^ Now 
 the Thingmotha, or Thingmount, was a conical hill some 
 fifty feet high, used as the meeting place of the Danes of 
 Dublin. Mr. Haliday has conclusively located its site as 
 immediately adjacent to that of the present church, where 
 indeed it remained down to the year 1685. It was hard by 
 this spot, but a little to the west, that Henry II, was lodged 
 on his arrival in Dublin in the palace of earth roofed with 
 wattles which the old chronicler, Eoger de Hoveden, 
 describes ^ as having been * built near the church of St. An- 
 drew's the apostle, without the walls of the city of Dublin.' 
 The church thus referred to lay westward of the present 
 edifice, and there it remained down to the close of the 
 sixteenth century.^ Concerning the appearance the ancient 
 church presented there is now no sort of record ; but of its 
 importance among Dublin churches as early as the thirteenth 
 century there is some evidence. The charter granted by 
 Henri de Londres, Archbishop of Dublin, to the Dean and 
 Chapter of St. Patrick's in 1219, assigned the church of 
 St. Andrew's to the support of the precentor. This was 
 the commencement of an enduring connection between 
 the parish and the cathedral. But it is not certain that 
 the connection was altogether to the advantage of the 
 former, since the duties of their parochial incumbency not 
 unnaturally sat lightly on the cathedral dignitaries. The 
 parish remained in the charge of the precentor for a space of 
 
 ' Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, p. 162. 
 - Roger de Hoveden, ch. ii. p. 32 (Rolls Series). See p. 4 supra. 
 ' It occupied with its churchyard a plot of ground on the south side of 
 Dame Street, about where the Munster and Leiuster Bank now stands. 
 
 M 
 
162 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 some three centuries, during which history is almost silent. 
 It is more than probable that the union of the living of St. 
 Andrew's with the cathedral precentorship was due to the 
 decline in the importance of the parish as a residential 
 suburb. According to Stanihurst, who wrote late in the 
 sixteenth century, St. George's Lane, the modern South 
 Great George's Street, which is shown in Speed's map of 
 1610 as practically the only inhabited street in the parish, 
 was anciently a place of more consequence. To use his 
 own words, ' An insearcher of antiquities may (by the 
 view there to be taken) conjecture the better part of the 
 suburbs of Dublin should seem to have stretched that 
 way. But the inhabitants being daily and hourly molested 
 and preided on by their proUing mountain neighbours were 
 forced to suffer their buildings to fall in decay, and embaied 
 themselves within the city walls.' Stanihurst narrates in 
 proof of this assertion a striking incident, which vividly 
 recalls the dangers of Dublin life in these early times ; and 
 indicates the origin of an important thoroughfare in St. 
 Andrew's parish. ' Among other monuments there is a place 
 in that lane called now Collet's Inns, which in old time was 
 the Escaxor or Exchecker, which should imply that the 
 princes court would not have been kept there unless the 
 place had been taken to be cocksure. But in fine it fell out 
 contrarie. For the baron sitting there solemnlie and as 
 it seemed retchleslie [recklessly] ; the Irish espying the 
 opportunity, rushed into the Court in plumps, where surpris- 
 ing the unweaponed multitude, they committed terrible 
 slaughters by sparing none that came under their dint, and 
 withal, as far as their Scarborogh leisure would serve them, 
 they ransacked the princes treasure, upon which mishap the 
 Exchecker was from thence removed.' ' 
 
 Whether or not the allocation of its revenues to the 
 
 ' Description of Ireland, Holinshed, p. 27. Stanihurst's account of the 
 situation of the Exchequer as originally outside the Castle is confirmed by 
 entries in the Pipe Roll of 28 Edward I. which speak of mending ' the great 
 gate of the Castle towards the Exchequer.' 
 
 The expression ' Scarborough leisure,' as an equivalent to no leisure at all, 
 is believed to be derived from a salutary habit of ' hasty hanging for rank 
 robbery ' anciently in vogue in Scarborough. See Nares's Glossary. 
 
PAEISH CHURCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 163 
 
 precentor indicates that the declension of the church of St. 
 Andrew's in the scale of importance had begun so early as 
 the time of Henri de Londres, it is certain that the parish 
 fell gradually into decay. By the middle of the sixteenth 
 century it had ceased to justify its continued independent 
 existence. Accordingly in the administrative readjustment 
 which followed the Reformation, Archbishop George Browne 
 united the parish of St. Andrew's to that of St. Werburgh's, 
 ' in regard there are so few parishioners, and the income so 
 small that there is not sufficient to maintain a clergyman.' ^ 
 Thenceforward the church ceased to be maintained as such. 
 In the same year which witnessed its amalgamation with 
 St. Werburgh's, one John Ryan, a merchant, obtained ai 
 lease for twenty-one years of the rectory of St. Andrew the 
 Apostle and also the chapel of St. Andrew and the cemetery 
 of said chapel, ' together with a garden, three orchards and 
 a dove house, for the yearly rent of 24s, 4(Z.' ^ Such was the 
 value of Dublin ground rents three centuries and a half ago. 
 A few years later, in 1561, the church was given up, almost 
 literally, to the tables of the money-changers ; for the Lords 
 Justices recommended, as the fittest place for the mint, 
 ' the Castle of Dublin with the help of the chapel next 
 without the Gate ' ; ^ and in the catalogue of churches in the 
 city and suburbs of Dublin, given by Stanihurst in 1586, 
 ' St. Andrews — now profaned ' is the last on the list. 
 
 Thirty years or so after the suppression of the parish 
 the ancient edifice suffered a still more marked degradation. 
 The precentorship of St. Patrick's had fallen into the hands 
 of one Sir Arthur Athy, who had been presented to it by the 
 patron Robert, Earl of Leicester, the husband of Amy Rob- 
 sart.'' Athy appears to have been a soldier ; but otherwise 
 he had nothing to do with the Church militant, for he was 
 not even in orders. Notwithstanding this he was by special 
 letters from Queen Elizabeth preferred to the dignity,^ and 
 granted a dispensation to hold it. On May 31, 1581, Athy 
 
 ' D'Alton's Archbishops of Dithlin, p. 230. - Mason's St. Patrick'' s, p. 32 
 ' Cal. State Papers, 1509-73, p. 171. * Morrin's Gal. of Patent Rolls, p. 17. 
 ' Cal. Irish S. P. 1603-6, p. 169; Mason, App. p. 71. 
 
164 ILLUSTKATTONS OF IKISH HISTOEY 
 
 demised his chantership to Leicester, ' the Chanter's House 
 only excepted,' for a term of fifty years at the yearly rent of 
 60Z. Irish. Thereupon the church was turned into a stable 
 and yard for the Viceroy, its situation in the immediate 
 vicinity of the Castle rendering it extremely convenient for 
 this purpose. 
 
 With the sacrilege of Precentor Sir Arthur Athy — for the 
 transaction deserves no better name— the history of the 
 ancient church of St. Andrew^'s terminates. For close upon 
 three-quarters of a century nothing w^as done to restore or 
 replace it. But the conversion of the edifice to these base 
 uses led to not the least interesting episode in the history of 
 the parish. Whatever the verdict of history on the errors and 
 imprudences of Archbishop Laud, the sincerity of his zeal 
 for the orderly government of the Church according to his 
 conception of it, and his resolution to repress and correct 
 ecclesiastical scandals and abuses, have never been called in 
 question. The debasement of the church of St. Andrew's 
 to profane uses affords an instance of the thoroughness of 
 his supervision of Church affairs. From the year 1603 
 to 1635 the precentorship of St. Patrick's was held by 
 Athy's successor. Dr. George Andrews, who joined with 
 this dignity the deanery of Limerick. Andrews appears to 
 have asserted his rights as incumbent, and in 1631 obtained 
 a decree in the Chancery of the Court of Exchequer in a suit 
 against the Crown for the recovery of his church, averring 
 that ' the parishioners were ready and willing to be at great 
 charges in re-edifying, building, and beautifying the said 
 church.' ^ An injunction issued accordingly to Lord Chan- 
 cellor Loftus, as one of the Lords Justices of Ireland in the 
 absence of the Deputy, to deliver up possession to Andrews 
 as rector. Loftus, however, did not immediately obey. 
 For though he wrote to the Lord Deputy, Sir Thomas 
 Wentworth, then on the eve of entering on his momentous 
 Viceroyalty, that ' the church may not therefore any longer 
 be continued in its former use ; so as it will be fit that some 
 of your servants do think of providing you another stable,' 
 
 ' Strafford's Letters, i. p. 68 ; Cal. S. P. {Ireland), March 26, 1632. 
 
PAEISH CHUKCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 165 
 
 steps were taken to render the decree of the Exchequer 
 abortive. By the procurement either of Loftus or of Straf- 
 ford himself, a King's Letter issued, staying the injunction 
 and continuing the Crown in possession till the new Lord 
 Deputy should arrive. Hereupon Andrews, who was evi- 
 dently a man of resolution, laid the matter before Laud, who, 
 though not yet Archbishop of Canterbury, was known to be 
 the guiding spirit of the ecclesiastical policy of Charles I. 
 as well as the firm ally of the new Lord Deputy. ' The 
 Church of St. Andrew's in Dublin,' Andrews wrote on 
 March 26, 1G32, ' was 460 years ago annexed to the Chanter- 
 ship of St. Patrick's, Dubhn, of which I am the incumbent. 
 About fifty years ago the incumbent (Sir George Athy, 
 Knt.) being absent, it was (liorresco referens) turned into a 
 stable for the Deputy's horses, it being close to the walls of 
 Dublin Castle.' Laud lost no time in laying the complaint 
 before Strafford, and received from the latter an undertaking 
 to investigate the scandal. Nor was he content to leave the 
 matter here, for Strafford had scarcely seated himself in 
 the Irish government than he received a lengthy letter from 
 the Bishop of London on questions affecting the Church of 
 Ireland, the very first paragraph of which was devoted to the 
 affairs of St. Andrew's. 
 
 ' I humbly pray your Lordship,' Laud wrote, ' to remem- 
 ber what you have promised me concerning the church at 
 Dublin, which hath for divers years been used as a stable by 
 your predecessors, and to vindicate it to God's service as you 
 shall there examine and find the merits of the cause.' ^ 
 Strafford, it is evident, lent a friendly ear to Laud's repre- 
 sentations, for shortly afterwards in an official letter to 
 England, in which he made complaint of the ruinous con- 
 dition of Dublin Castle, he observes that ' there is not any 
 stable but a poor mean one, and that made of a deca3'^ed 
 church, which is such a profanation as I am sure his 
 Majesty would not allow of ; besides there is a decree in the 
 Exchequer for restoring it to the parish whence it was taken ; 
 I have therefore got a piece of ground whereon to build a 
 
 ' April 30, 1633, Strafford's Letters, i. p. 81. 
 
166 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 new one.' And a little later he wrote to Laud, ' For the 
 stable to be restored I have already given order for bounder- 
 ing out the Church Yard, and will have another built by 
 June next, and then, God willing, turn back to His Church 
 all which the King's Deputies formerly had from it.' ' 
 
 Dean Andrews, who had thus the merit of instituting 
 the movement for a restoration, did not long remain in the 
 precentorship. Having earned the disfavour both of Straf- 
 ford and Laud by endeavouring to procure the insertion 
 of certain Irish articles in the Articles of the Church of 
 England, he was kicked upstairs into the pauper bishopric of 
 Ferns and Leighlin.^ Whether in consequence of Andrews' 
 removal from the charge of the parish or owing to the 
 troubles of the times, no effective steps were taken for the 
 restoration of the old church, which, though it ceased to be 
 used as a stable, was suffered to fall into ruin, notwith- 
 standing that an assessment seems to have been levied at 
 this time to provide funds for rebuilding. In 1644 Sir 
 George Wentworth, a brother of Strafford's, obtained a lease 
 of the glebe, which had been excepted from Athy's lease to 
 Leicester, for forty years, at a rent of 401. per annum. On 
 the ground so obtained he built a house at a cost of 600/.^ 
 The glebe had stood on the south side of Dame Street, 
 which by Strafford's day had at length begun to be uti- 
 lised for building purposes. 
 
 Prior to Strafford's time the only residence in this direc- 
 tion was Chichester House, formerly Cary's Hospital, which 
 Sir Arthur Chichester, the well-known Deputy of James I., 
 had made his home in consequence of the pestilential 
 condition of the official residence at Dublin Castle. The 
 intervening space between Chichester House and the city 
 
 ' Strafford's Letters, i. pp. 131, 173. 
 
 ^ See Appendix I., Dean Andrews. Strafford's references to this controversy 
 illustrate his extraordinary interest in the details ot his work in Ireland. They 
 make excellent reading, though they are somewhat hard on Dean Andrews. 
 Indeed, no better example can be found of the masterful vigour with which the 
 great Deputy crushed all opposition to his will, or of the utter lack of considera- 
 tion for the feelings of his opponents which was a principal cause of his own 
 undoing. 
 
 ^ Mason's Histcyry of St. Patrick's Cathedral, p. 34. 
 
PAKISH CHUKCH OF THE IKISH PAELIAMENT 167 
 
 walls now began to be occupied by a succession of stately 
 mansions, which, with their spacious grounds stretching to 
 the river, covered the whole area from the northern front of 
 what are now Dame Street and College Green back to the 
 Liffey, whose southern bank must at that time have fol- 
 lowed the line of the modern Fleet Street. Of these, the 
 first was built by Sir Christopher Wandesford, Master of the 
 Eolls during Strafford's tenure of the Viceroyalty, who had 
 led the way in the movement of fashionable Dublin in an 
 easterly direction, by setting up his abode in the same 
 street, in a house near the modern Grattan Bridge, 
 * with a good orchard and gardens leading down to the 
 water-side, where might be seen the ships from the 
 Ringsend coming from any part of the kingdom, from 
 England, Scotland, or any other country, before they went 
 up to the bridge.' At the time of the Restoration the 
 chief of these houses were inhabited by Arthur Annesley, 
 Earl of Anglesey and Lord Treasurer of Ireland, by one John 
 Crow, an eminent citizen of the day, and by Sir Maurice 
 Eustace, the Lord Chancellor. Their memory is preserved 
 for us in Anglesea Street, Crow Street, and Eustace Street, 
 which were formed along their respective sites on the demo- 
 lition of these mansions a generation later. The extension 
 of the city was, however, by no means confined to College 
 Green. It included the district of the Stane or Lazy Hill, 
 the name then applied to what are now College Street and 
 Brunswick Street. 
 
 To the growth of Dublin without its eastern wall, and 
 the covering of Hoggen Green and its vicinity with houses, 
 is due the revival of St. Andrew's as an effective parish. A 
 residential district so fashionable as the neighbourhood had 
 become could not but need a church in its midst, and the 
 accommodation at St. Werburgh's was probably inadequate to 
 the demand. Accordingly, in an Act passed in 1665 * for the 
 provision of ministers in cities,' several sections were devoted 
 to the revival of ' the Church of St. Andrews in the suburbs 
 of Dublin,' and the incorporation with it of Lazy Hill.^ 
 
 ' Statute 17 & 18 Charles II. cap. 7, sections 3, 4, 5, and 6. 
 
168 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 The third section of this statute sets forth the state of the 
 case in the following terms : 
 
 Whereas the parish church of St. Andrews in the county 
 of the city of Dublin hath been wholly demolished for these 
 many years past, and no effectual care taken for the rebuild- 
 ing thereof, whereby the inhabitants of the said parish and of 
 Lazars, alias Lazy-hill, have had no place within themselves 
 for the public service of God, to the great dishonour of God 
 and the discomfort of the people, may it therefore be enacted 
 — that the ambite and tract of ground commonly called the 
 Stane, alias Lazar, alias Lazy-hill be constituted and made 
 part of the parish of St. Andrews aforesaid. 
 
 Thus the whole district of what is now the parish of St. 
 Mark's was added to St. Andrew's, and so remained for above 
 forty years, until it was severed, as will be seen later on, 
 by a Statute of Queen Anne. The Act proceeded to provide 
 for the rebuilding of the parish church by the voluntary con- 
 tributions of the inhabitants ; to ordain that it should be 
 presentative as a vicarage ; to nominate as the first vicar 
 Dr. Kichard Lingard, a distinguished fellow of Trinity 
 College, and to appoint Arthur, Earl of Anglesey, his 
 Majesty's Vice-Treasurer, Sir John Temple, Master of the 
 Eolls, whose former residence in the parish is commemorated 
 by Temple-Bar, and Sir Maurice Eustace, Knight, a nephew 
 of the Lord Chancellor of that name, to be churchwardens 
 of the parish for the first two years. Power was given to 
 these officers to make an assessment upon the inhabitants 
 for the building of the church, and the relief of the poor of 
 the parish. The ancient rights of the precentor of St. 
 Patrick's were specially recognised in the sixth section of the 
 Act, which, after reciting that ' the rectory of the church of 
 St. Andrews together with certain houses and their back sides 
 enclosed within the churchyard have anciently belonged to 
 the precentor of the Cathedral Church of St. Patrick, 
 enacted that the precentor for the time being should con- 
 tinue to be rector of the parish, and appropriated the sum 
 of 101. per annum to be paid to him by the vicar. 
 
 Thus far the description here given of the ancierit history 
 
PAEISH CHUKCH OF THE lEISH PARLIAMENT 169 
 
 of the parish of St. Andrew's has been based upon such 
 scattered fragments of information as can be culled from 
 various extraneous sources. But in the post-Restoration 
 history we tread on firmer ground. From the date of the 
 reconstitution of the parish under the Act just cited, we have 
 the invaluable assistance of the admirably complete records 
 which, despite the demolition of the church erected in 1670, 
 and the destruction by fire of its successor, have been 
 fortunately preserved in complete sequence from that date. 
 The vestry books commence with the year 1670, and the 
 first of them, which embraces a period of thirty-six years, 
 throws much light not only on the rebuilding of the church, 
 but on the social condition of this important Dublin parish 
 in the last quarter of the seventeenth century. The minutes 
 of the first vestry meeting record a resolution passed on 
 April 5, 1670, ' that according to the tenor of our Act of 
 Parliament the church shall forthwith be built on the place 
 agreed upon, being a certain parcel of land lying within 
 the said parish commonly called the old Bowling-Green, 
 given unto the said parish by the Lord Bishop of Meath 
 for the foresaid use so far as his interest is therein.' 
 
 The site so chosen was considerably eastward of the site 
 of the former church, and immediately adjacent to the 
 ancient Thingmount, which had been preserved as public 
 ground for the recreation of the citizens down to the j^ear 
 1661. The Bowling Green very probably occupied the site 
 formerly devoted to the grounds round Tib and Tom, a small 
 range of buildings adjacent to the Mount, where (according 
 to the historian Harris) the citizens amused themselves at 
 leisure times by playing at keals or ninepins — a pastime 
 which has left its record in an old Dublin proverb, ' he struck 
 at Tib and down fell Tom.' ' In 1661 this ground had 
 been leased by the city authorities to Dr. Henrj^ Jones, 
 Bishop of Meath, at a small rent, but with a proviso that ' a 
 passage six feet wide and thirty feet square from the top to 
 the bottom of the hill should be preserved to the city for 
 
 ' See Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, p. 163, where an old 
 woodcut of the Thingmount is reproduced. 
 
170 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 their common prospect, and that no building or other thing 
 should be erected on the premises for obstructing of the said 
 prospect.' But by 1670 this reservation had been so far 
 ignored as to be no longer worth insisting on. No objection 
 was taken by the Corporation to the erection of the church, 
 and a few years later the Thingmount, which by that time 
 had become entirely surrounded by buildings, was utterly 
 demolished. 
 
 No time was lost in proceeding with the building of the 
 new church. From the first it was modelled upon the plan 
 which, though rebuilt at the end of the eighteenth century, 
 it retained down to 1860. The vestry book records a 
 resolution passed on April 18, 1670, ' that the oval model 
 drawn by Mr. William Dodson shall be the model according 
 to which the parish church of St. Andrews shall be built.' 
 Dodson appears to have been at the head of his profession 
 in the Dublin of his day, and to have been much employed 
 by the Government, under whose auspices he was responsible 
 for the laying out of the Phoenix Park, as at first designed.^ 
 It does not appear whence he drew his inspiration in choos- 
 ing the oval design, nor has any sketch of the seventeenth 
 century church come down to us. But inasmuch as the 
 foundations were utilised in the rebuilding more than 
 one hundred years later, and its old shape substantially 
 preserved, its form cannot have differed materially from 
 that of the later edifice so well known to the citizens 
 of Dublin a generation ago by the name of the Round 
 Church.2 
 
 Before entering on the history of the revived parish it 
 may be convenient to trace the subsequent fate of the earlier 
 church and its cemetery. For some time the ruins remained 
 derelict and unsaleable on the hands of the parish, which 
 made more than one abortive attempt to dispose of them. 
 On September 2, 1673, the vestry, considering that ' the old 
 
 ' See p. 56 supra. 
 
 - Descriptions of the Bound Church are to be found in Brewer's Beauties 
 of Ireland, i. p. 123 ; and in Cromwell's Excxirsions thrmigh Ireland, 
 i. p. 70. 
 
PAEISH CHURCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 171 
 
 Churchyard in Dammas Street was waste and of no advantage 
 to the inhabitants,' ordered ' that it be exposed to sale on the 
 fourth day of November next, and that pubHcly in the Church 
 in the afternoon to all such persons whether strangers or 
 parishioners as shall bid most for the same.' But there was 
 no bidder. Three years later it was arranged that Captain 
 John Nicholas, ' a worthy benefactor of the Church,' should 
 have the use of the old churchyard in satisfaction for 150^. 
 due to him for materials supplied for the building of the new 
 church, ' provided always that he do not stir the corpses nor 
 dig the ground otherwise than to level it.' ^ Nicholas sub- 
 sequently'^ obtained a formal lease of the ground, which was 
 described as ' all that piece or plot of ground lying and being 
 in Dames Street in the parish of St. Andrews called the 
 old Churchyard, being by computation one hundred and 
 tw^ity feet in length fronting to the said street, and about 
 one hundred and twenty-one feet backward.' The lease 
 then given to Nicholas was some years later assigned to 
 Alderman Sir William Fownes, an eminent citizen whose 
 memory is preserved in the street which bears his name. 
 To him the parish made a fresh lease for forty- one years from 
 December 25, 1698, on the understanding that he was about 
 to carry out large improvements. These improvements 
 consisted in the formation of the Castle Market, which 
 covered a part of the cemetery, and was opened in 1704. In 
 1717 Sir William Fownes, ' finding little advantage in his 
 lease which obliged him not to dig any cellars or build great 
 dwelling houses,' applied for a new lease, and having obtained 
 one on favourable terms, erected on the remainder a number 
 of houses in Castle Lane, now known as Palace Street.^ The 
 Castle Market was removed in 1782, when the Wide Streets 
 Commissioners began their operations, and a portion of the 
 old cemetery is now daily trodden by the traffic of one of the 
 busiest thoroughfares in Dubhn. 
 
 The succession of the clergy of St. Andrew's during the 
 whole of its recorded history down to the Kestoration is, as 
 
 ' Oct. 4, 1676. •■' Jan. 1678. 
 
 ' Harris's History of Diihlin, p. 103. 
 
172 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 already noted, identical with the succession of the pre- 
 centors of St. Patrick's ; and even under the Statute recon- 
 stituting the parish, the precentors retained the title and 
 some of the emoluments of rector. Their names may be 
 found by the curious in Mason's ' History of St. Patrick's.' ^ 
 But with the building of the church there opened a new, 
 and on the whole distinguished, line of vicars, in whose 
 persons it will be convenient to trace the later history of 
 the parish. Of these the first was Dr. Richard Lingard, 
 sometime Dean of Lismore, and Professor of Divinity in the 
 University of Dublin, whose memory and virtues have been 
 recalled in one of the late Professor Stokes's charming 
 lectures.'^ 
 
 Lingard, who was a Cambridge Don, selected by the 
 first Duke of Ormond as one of the Fellows of Trinity 
 College on its reconstitution after the Eestoration, was 
 named in the Act of Parliament as the first Vicar of the 
 revived parish. His selection may perhaps be held to 
 indicate a desire on the part of the ecclesiastical authorities 
 to associate Trinity College with the parish in which it lay. 
 But Lingard can have had little active connection with 
 St. Andrew's. Though designated as vicar in the Act of 
 Parliament of 1665, Lingard's name appears but once in 
 the vestry book ; and he died in November of 1670, long 
 before the completion of the church, which was not opened 
 for worship until some years later. 
 
 Lingard was succeeded by perhaps the most celebrated 
 divine on the roll of the vicars of St. Andrew's, the well- 
 known Anthony Dopping, successively Bishop of Kildare 
 and Meath : a prelate remarkable not only for the in- 
 dependence he exhibited in the troubled period of the Revo- 
 lution, but for his once well-known theological writings. 
 From the date of his appointment in 1670 to his elevation 
 to the episcopate, Dopping proved a vigorous parish clergy- 
 man. He evinced the keenest interest in the affairs of his 
 charge, advancing money from his own purse for the build- 
 
 ' Mason, Notes, p. Ixx. 
 
 * Worthies of the Irish Church, pp. 3-31. 
 
PAEISH CHUECH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 173 
 
 ing fund, and zealously upholding the rights of the parish. 
 Of his energy in this respect, as well as of his antiquarian 
 knowledge, the vestry books contain an interesting illustra- 
 tion, which incidentally throws valuable light on the ancient 
 state of the parish. 
 
 St. Andrew's had been amalgamated at the Reformation, 
 as already stated, with the adjacent parish of St. Werburgh's, 
 a church like itself of great antiquity and of Danish origin. 
 It is scarcely surprising that when, after the lapse of above 
 a century, St. Andrew's regained its independence, some 
 difficulty should have been experienced in determining the 
 bounds of the two parishes. A somewhat angry contro- 
 versy arose upon the claim of St. Werburgh's that the 
 bounds of St. Werburgh's parish ' do extend without the 
 Dammas Gate on both sides of the way unto the water- 
 course that runs through the Castle yard (the Poddle) and 
 so along by the Horse Guard, and then empties itself at the 
 end of Essex Street into the Liffey.' The claim of St 
 Werburgh's, which, on reference to the arbitration of the 
 Archbishop of Dublin, was ultimately substantiated, rested 
 upon an order of vestry,' dated just a century earlier, which 
 established, with the concurrence of the parishioners of St. 
 Andrew's, that the watercourse just mentioned formed the 
 boundary of the parishes.^ Dr. Dopping, however, strenu- 
 ously resisted the claim. In an elaborate ' Account of the 
 Rights of St. Andrew's Parish ' he adduced a variety of 
 testimony in support of his side of the question, in the 
 course of which he made the following interesting assertions 
 as regards the topography of this part of Dublin, which 
 though not, perhaps, capable of being sustained, are certainly 
 suggestive.^ 
 
 ' Aug. 22, 1574. 
 
 ^ See Gilbert's History of Dublin, iii. p. 355. 
 
 ^ ' Supposing it to be true that the watercourse was the boundary, the 
 query still remains, whether the watercourse be not altered, and the current 
 directed another way, since it appears out of the Chronicles and history of 
 Ireland : 1. That the sea did anciently flow up as far as Ship Street, where it 
 met with the stream that came down under Powle-Gate Bridge ; 2. That boats 
 have passed about the city walls as far as Newgate ; 3. That it is not so very 
 long ago since the ground (where now the Council Chamber and Essex Street 
 
174 ILLUSTKATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 In 1674, during Dr. Dopping's incumbency, the new 
 church was completed and opened for pubhc worship. The 
 pewholders inchided, as appears from the vestry books, a 
 number of the most influential residents in Dublin. Among 
 them were the Lord Mayor of the city, who had a seat 
 allotted to him officially ; Primate Margetson ; the Coun- 
 tesses of Clancarty and Mountrath ; Dr. Jones, Bishop of 
 Meath, by whom the site had been presented, and to whom 
 a burial vault had been allotted ; and Sir James Ware, the 
 Auditor-General, and son of the well-known antiquary and 
 historian. 
 
 Dopping was elevated to the episcopal bench in 1678, 
 and was succeeded in the vicarage by Michael Hewetson, 
 subsequently Archdeacon of Armagh, and author of a curious 
 little work entitled ' A Description of St. Patrick's Purgatory 
 in Lough Derg, and an Account of the Pilgrim's Business 
 there.' ^ Hewetson' s tenure of the incumbency lasted for 
 fifteen years, and covered the troublous period of James II. 's 
 reign and deposition. An entry in the vestry books in Dr. 
 Hewetson's handwriting indicates the apprehensions felt for 
 the safety of the church while King James's Parliament sat. 
 It relates to the church plate, and sets forth how ' the silver 
 plate belonging to St. Andrew's Church, consisting of eight 
 pieces, were in the late troublesome time ' committed to the 
 rector's care. Two of these pieces, a pair of patens, still 
 form part of the church plate, and bear the inscription, ' pre- 
 served in '89 '90.' 2 
 
 Dr. Hewetson's successor was Dr. John Travers, who 
 
 stand) was a perfect strand, and recovered from the sea by Jacob Newman 
 from whom the Earl of Strafford after bought it for the King's use ; 4. That 
 the watercourse did anciently run close to the town and castle walls, and from 
 thence it passed under Dammas Bridge, and so emptied itself into the LifTey ; 
 5. I do find further by perusal of ancient history that, before the city walls 
 were built, and for some time after, the water ran round the city of Dublin, and 
 it had large trenches about twenty yards broad ; 6. The plot of ground on 
 which the Dammes Mills now stands was anciently called " Insula de le 
 Dames," which supposed a double watercourse encompassing it.' Bishop 
 Dopping was writing as an advocate, in which capacity even a bishop cannot 
 always be reckoned trustworthy. Certainly his advocacy of the case for St. 
 Werburgh's is more adroit than his antiquarian statements are accurate. 
 ' Dublin, 1727. ^ See Appendix II. to this paper. 
 
PAEISH CHUECH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 175 
 
 curiously enough had occupied the position to which his 
 predecessor at St. Andrew's succeeded, of Archdeacon of 
 Armagh. During the space of thirty-four years he ministered 
 in this parish, to which he was a generous benefactor, and 
 the period was signahsed by important changes. Dr. Travers 
 built at his own expense an almshouse for widows, and a 
 girls' school, which he erected on a site between Trinity 
 Street and Exchequer Street, purchased from Trinity 
 College, on which Trinity Hall, the original College of 
 Physicians, had formerly stood. He was also a generous 
 benefactor of the parish in his will, and he manifestly en- 
 joyed the warm affection of his flock. The minutes of the 
 vestry for February 25, 1694, the year following Dr. Travers' 
 appointment, contain a curious entry, which proves that 
 this seventeenth century vicar was not untroubled by ritual- 
 istic controversies. It sets forth * a complaint against Mr. 
 Travers, malitiously forged and delivered to His Grace the 
 Archbishop of Dublin,' of which the principal allegations 
 were that Divine offices were not performed, nor the Sacra- 
 ments administered with sufficient diligence, that sermons 
 were not preached on holy days, nor a surplice worn by the 
 minister on such days, and that several rubrics formerly 
 observed were neglected by Dr. Travers. These charges, 
 which appear to have been instigated by Dr. Hewetson, 
 were indignantly repudiated by the vestry, who, after 
 eulogising Dr. Travers' * reverent, decent, and diligent per- 
 formance of his ministerial duties,' proceeded to evince the 
 evangelical colour of their Protestantism by this uncom- 
 promising declaration : — ' The aforesaid information is for 
 the most part false, and in whatever instance 'tis true, we 
 are much better pleased with the alleged omissions than 
 we were with the unnecessary overdoings in the late Vicar's 
 time.' 
 
 But by far the most important event in Dr. Travers' 
 incumbency was the severance of what is now St. Mark's 
 from its parent parish. It has been seen how in 1665 the 
 district of the Stane or Lazar's Hill had been formally 
 added to St. Andrew's. At that time it was but thinly 
 
176 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 populated, and made no extravagant demand on the energies 
 of the minister. But, as a glance at Brooking's map is 
 sufficient to show, it had undergone in the interval a great 
 expansion, and houses had everywhere sprung up. Accord- 
 ingly it was thought desirable to relieve the old church of 
 this charge, and by an Act of Parliament passed in 1708,^ 
 which recited that the vicarage or parish of St. Andrew's 
 was too large for its church, it was enacted that after the 
 death, surrender, or promotion of Dr. Travers the parish 
 should be divided, and that a parish to be called the parish 
 of St. Mark's should be constituted, and a church erected on 
 a site presented by one John Hansard, of Lazy Hill. Thus 
 the parish of St. Andrew's reverted to its original dimensions, 
 and from that time its limits have undergone no change.^ 
 Dr. Travers survived this partition by twenty years, dying 
 in 1727, and leaving by his will substantial bequests to the 
 parish. He had held in addition to the vicarage the 
 Chancellorship of Christ Church Cathedral. 
 
 Dr. Travers' successor, the Bev. Bobert Dougatt, was a 
 nephew of Archbishop King, by whom he had been appointed 
 Archdeacon of Dublin, and through whose influence he was 
 afterwards nominated to the precentorship of St. Patrick's, 
 and the keepership of Marsh's library. Dr. Dougatt's 
 ministry lasted only three years, and is noticeable chiefly as 
 reviving the former connection between St. Andrew's and 
 the cathedral in the person of its minister. It is curious 
 that he was also appointed vicar of St. Mark's, notwith- 
 standing the manifest intention of the recent Act of Parlia- 
 ment to separate the cures. On Dr. Dougatt's death, in 
 1730, the Bev. Alexander Bradford commenced an incum- 
 bency of thirty years, which, although the new vicar was 
 not a man of special distinction, is remarkable from our 
 present point of view as having witnessed the first formal 
 acknowledgment of the existence of close official relations 
 
 ' 6th Anne, cap. 21. 
 
 ^ It is a curious circumstance that the Roman Catholic parish of St. 
 Andrew's was constituted in the same year, 1708, which witnessed the severance 
 of the district comprised in it from what still remains for civil purposes the 
 parish of St. Andrew's. 
 
PARISH CHURCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 177 
 
 between the parish of St. Andrew's and the Irish Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 Neither the journals of Parliament nor the records of 
 the parish inform us at what period the practice grew up 
 under which the church of St. Andrew's came to be used as 
 the place of worship of the Houses of Parliament on impor- 
 tant public anniversaries. The Irish Parliament first met 
 within the limits of the parish in 1661, when the first of 
 the post-Kestoration Parliaments was opened at Chichester 
 House. That building was in 1674 leased to the Crown by its 
 then owner, Dr. John Parry, Bishop of Ossory, for the use of 
 the Parliament. But inasmuch as the Viceroys of Charles II. 
 summoned no second Parliament, from the dissolution- of 
 the first one in 1666 to the end of the reign, it is impossible 
 that the church, which was not completely built till 1673, 
 could have been so utilised prior to the Kevolution. 
 William III.'s Parliament of 1692 lasted for seven years, 
 during all which time it continued to sit at Chichester 
 House. But there is no evidence that the church was 
 used for State purposes either during this Parliament, 
 or during those called by Queen Anne and George I. ; and 
 it is possible that the practice did not begin until after the 
 demolition of Chichester House in 1728, and the erection of 
 the new Parfiament House. But, at whatever precise date 
 the custom originated, there is no doubt that for years before 
 the first half of the eighteenth century had run its course, 
 St. Andrew's had become the recognised place of worship of 
 the two Houses, and that it had become customary for the 
 House of Commons to attend in State on certain anniver- 
 saries. 
 
 The earliest recorded mention of such attendance is 
 in 1733, when the Commons' Journal contains the entry, 
 under date November 5, ' The House met in order to go 
 to Church, and then adjourned till next day,' the occasion 
 being of course the commemoration of Gunpowder Plot. 
 The entry does not mention St. Andrew's but it was almost 
 certainly the scene of the service ; for in the same month 
 official recognition was given to the claims of St. Andrew's 
 
 N 
 
178 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 to be the parish church of Parhament, in connection 
 with a petition by Dr. Bradford to be compensated for 
 the loss of minister's money through the rebuilding of the 
 Parliament House, and the consequent removal of several 
 houses which were cleared for the purpose, and which had 
 formerly contributed to the parochial assessment. At the 
 instance of Mr. Wesley, afterwards the first Lord Morning- 
 ton and grandfather of the Duke of Wellington,^ Parliament 
 undertook to make good these losses, and to pay the assess- 
 ment to the parish for the future. From this period allusions 
 to the attendance of the House of Commons at St. Andrew's 
 are frequent in the Journals. In the year 1745 there occur 
 as many as three entries, in each of which the church is 
 specially mentioned. On October 9 Kev. Dr. Marmaduke 
 Phillips was desired to preach before the House of Commons 
 at St. Andrew's Church, Dublin, on the 23rd of that month, 
 being the anniversary thanksgiving day ' for the deliverance 
 from the horrid rebellion which broke out in this kingdom 
 on the 23rd day of October, 1641 ' ; and on the 24th Mr. 
 Phillips received the thanks of the House for his excellent 
 sermon on the occasion, and was requested to print the same. 
 The Kev. Benjamin Barrington received a like command, 
 and a like compliment, for a sermon on November 5 follow- 
 ing. And on November 6, 1746, in a petition to Parliament 
 for assistance in re-roofing the church, the parishioners 
 prayed that, * inasmuch as the House doth on all public 
 occasions resort to the said Church of St. Andrews, the 
 House may please to take this Petition into consideration.' 
 The committee to which the petition was referred held that 
 the claim of the parish had been proved, and a sum of 5001. 
 was accordingly voted in aid of the work. This was the 
 first of a series of contributions by Parliament in aid of the 
 repair or restoration of the fabric of the church, in all of 
 which the position of the parish in relation to Parliament 
 was freely acknowledged. And when in 1793 it was found 
 
 ' Wesley's Dublin residence, Mornington House, still stood until quite 
 recently in the parish. He was an active member of St. Andrew's vestry, as 
 well as ot the House of Commons. 
 
PARISH CHURCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 179 
 
 necessary to rebuild the church, the petition for help from 
 the Commons besought ' such aid as will enable the 
 Parishioners to accommodate the House in a manner suited 
 to its dignity,' inasmuch as ' the House of Commons on 
 public days compose a considerable part of the congregation.' 
 That the House of Lords also occasionally attended appears 
 from the language employed in an address presented in the 
 same year to the Lord Chancellor, Lord FitzGibbon, after- 
 wards Lord Clare, whose aid was solicited on the ground 
 of his occasional presence in the church in his capacity as 
 Speaker of the House of Lords. 
 
 The closeness of the connection between Parliament and 
 the parish is traced with great fulness in a petition presented 
 to the House of Commons of the United Parliament on 
 January 22, 1805, by Mr. Foster, the ex-Speaker of the Irish 
 House of Commons, in which help was sought to enable the 
 parish to complete the restoration of the church begun in 
 1793. This document opens with the assertion that 
 ' Hitherto and until the Act of Union both the Houses of 
 Parliament of Ireland were situate in the parish, to the 
 Church of which the Speaker and Members of the House of 
 Commons always resorted on public and solemn occasions.' 
 It recalls the instances already enumerated of the extension 
 of parliamentary patronage to the parish, and cites the reports 
 of several Committees of the Irish House in 1796, 1798, and 
 1799, in which financial assistance was rendered on the 
 express ground that the parish could not by its own exertions 
 render the church fit for the reception of the parishioners 
 and members of the House, 
 
 The work of rebuilding the church was spread over a 
 period of fourteen years. Commenced in 1793, the work was 
 frequently interrupted for want of funds, notwithstanding 
 contributions of 5001. and 1,000L respectively from Parlia- 
 ment, and in 1798 was entirely suspended during the period 
 of the Eebelliou. The original intention had been to 
 rebuild the church de novo from the foundation on an 
 entirely fresh design, and plans drawn by Mr. George 
 Hartwell on this understanding were approved by the 
 vestry. It was soon evident, however, that the funds for 
 
 N 2 
 
180 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 so extensive an undertaking could not be raised. It being 
 ascertained that the old walls from below the level of 
 the windows were in a perfectly sound condition, it was 
 decided to retain the original shape ; and the ground plan 
 of the Eound Church designed by William Dodson a 
 hundred and thirty years earlier was thus preserved. 
 Hartwell having resigned his commission as architect, the 
 work was confided to Francis Johnston/ by whom the 
 new front was designed. The interior arrangements, which 
 all authorities concur in eulogising as extremely handsome 
 and convenient in all respects, save as to the acoustic 
 properties of the building, were carried out by the father of 
 the celebrated novelist, Charles Lever. 
 
 But even to this reduced scheme the resources of the 
 parish were soon found to be inadequate, and it is doubtful 
 whether the church would ever have been restored but for 
 the munificence of the Imperial Parliament on the one hand 
 and a fortunate windfall to the parish on the other. The 
 petition already referred to, presented to the House of 
 Commons at Westminster by Mr. Foster, was favourably 
 entertained, and a sum of 6,0001. voted for the completion of 
 the church. About the same time a suit which had been 
 long in progress respecting the allocation of the sum paid 
 into the hands of the trustees by the Wide Streets Com- 
 missioners in respect of the old churchyard was brought 
 to a conclusion, the parish establishing its title through the 
 lapse of the lease formerly given to Sir William Fownes, 
 and the funds being divided by decree of the Lord Chancellor 
 between the vicar and the parish. The money thus made 
 available was devoted to the building fund. So aided, the 
 work was at last brought to a completion fourteen years after 
 its inception, and the church opened for Divine Service on 
 March 8, 1807, in the presence of the Viceroy and a distin- 
 guished congregation. The total cost, inclusive of the organ, 
 and of the fine statue of St. Andrew, which long stood over 
 
 ' Johnston was also the architect under whose superintendence the additions 
 to the Parliament House consequent on its conversion to its present uses were 
 carried out by the Bank of Ireland. 
 
PAEISH CHUECH OF THE IKISH PAELIAMENT 181 
 
 the entrance, but which now in a much battered condition 
 hes in a corner of the churchyard, amounted to 22,000^. 
 
 Long before the building could be finished the Parliament, 
 on whose honourable connection with which the parish of 
 St. Andrew's will always pride itself, had disappeared. But 
 for many years the church contained a valuable memorial 
 of the days when it was the parish church of the Irish 
 Parliament. Through the graceful act of the Viceroy, Lord 
 Hardwicke, the parish was presented in 1802 with the 
 handsome gilt candelabrum which had hung in the Irish 
 House of Commons. This relic now adorns the examination 
 hall of Trinity College, to which building it was fortunately 
 transferred in view of some contemplated repairs to the 
 roof of the church a year or two before the great fire of 
 January 9, 1860, in which it must otherwise have perished. 
 
 Apart from their interest in relation to the Irish Parlia- 
 ment, the parish records of St. Andrew's illustrate life in 
 Dublin during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
 Many particulars appear in them which throw light on the 
 social condition of the city. The parochial regulations for 
 the relief of the poor, especially a plan for lodging beggars 
 according to the parishes to which they belonged, which is 
 the subject of an animated paper in Dean Swift's miscel- 
 laneous writings,^ occupy several entries. There are also 
 many references to the mode of lighting the streets,^ to the 
 
 ' ' A Proposal for giving Badges to the Beggars in all the Parishes of Dublin.' 
 Swift's Works, ed. Sir Walter Scott, vii. p. 381. 
 
 ^ The said Messrs. Stokes and Gregory did also acquaint the Vestry that in 
 pursuance of the forementioned printed agreement of the Churchwardens they 
 had caused between the 19th and 26th days of February last (1726) an ascertain- 
 ment to be made upon an actual view and measurement of the number, dis- 
 tances, and proportions of the Public Lamps in this parish, by which it was 
 found that there was no public lamp erected in the places following, namely, 
 Dermot's Lane, Lindsay's Row, St. Mark's Street, the Folly on Lazers Hill .... 
 and of 165 public lanthorns or lamps in other places of this parish 135 were 
 then (like as in all probability they had been before from the time of their 
 erection and have been since) at illegal distances ; that is to say, each of the 
 said 135 lamps was at a greater distance from y" next lamp than 22 yards in 
 streets, considerable lanes and broad places, and than 33 yards in narrow bye 
 lanes, courts and allies, and of the 165 lanthorns about 130 did not project 2^ 
 feet from irons erected for that purpose.' — E.\tract from report to Select 
 Vestry, 1726. 
 
182 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOKY 
 
 inefficiency of the watchmen, and the frequency of street 
 outrages, and other like matters. But these and other 
 topics, such as the contents of the parish registers, the 
 eminent persons connected with the parish, and the charity 
 sermons of Dean Kirwan, who preached some of his most 
 eloquent sermons in St. Andrew's, are matters too purely 
 local in their interest to be set forth here. Equally 
 impossible is it to recall the story of St. Andrew's in the 
 nineteenth century. But it is the less necessary to do so 
 from the fact that by the close of the eighteenth century the 
 parish had assumed very much of the appearance it presents 
 nowadays. For though a succession of handsome banks 
 and other buildings have altered the south side of Dame 
 Street, the thoroughfares are in the main unchanged. 
 From an archasological and antiquarian point of view the 
 more recent history of the parish has no special claim on 
 our attention ; while the one conspicuous parochial event 
 for which the nineteenth century is memorable, is the de- 
 struction of the old Kound Church by fire on the morning 
 of Sunday, January 9, 1860.^ 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 DEAN ANDREWS AND STEAFFORD. 
 
 Successful as was Dean Andrews in invoking Laud's aid in the 
 rescue of St. Andrew's from desecration upon this occasion, he 
 does not appear to have long retained the good opinion of his 
 Grace of Canterbury. In a letter to Strafford, dated Oct. 20. 
 1634, on the subject of episcopal promotions, Laud refers to 
 Andrews as follows : - 'I received a letter from the Dean of 
 Limerick, Mr. George Andrews, that he might now succeed in the 
 bishopric (of Limerick), but his letters came too late. ... I did 
 formerly receive a letter from the Lords Justices of that Kingdom 
 
 ' The existing building, which replaced the Round Church, was built at a 
 cost of above lO.OOOZ. from the design of Messrs. Lanyon, Lyne, and Lanyon, of 
 Belfast ; its foundation was laid by the Viceroy, Lord Carlisle, on August 
 11,1862; and it was consecrated on St. Andrew's Day, November 30, 1866. 
 by Archbishop Trench, in presence of the Lord-Lieutenant, the Duke of 
 Abercorn. 
 
 ^ The correspondence will be found in Strafford's Letters, i. pp. 330-44. 
 
PAEISH CHURCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 183 
 
 in Mr. Andrews' behalf, with a great testimony of his sufficiency/ 
 and truly, my Lord, I should have done any reasonable thing for 
 him upon their testimony, had not the thing been settled upon 
 another. Now my thoughts do a little stagger, and by the letters 
 which he hath sent me that staggering is occasioned ; I send you 
 herein his letters, that you may see what fustian they are, but 
 when you have read them, I pray you burn them (for I would not 
 publicly disgrace him), and send me word in your next what 
 esteem you have of the man for honesty and sufficiency.' 
 
 The Dean's letters were doubtless duly destroyed ; but some 
 idea of the nature of his offence may be gathered from a lengthened 
 reference to his proceedings as chairman of a select committee of 
 the Lower House of Convocation in Ireland, appointed to consider 
 the canons of the Church of England, in which the Dean had the 
 temerity to exhibit an independence of the High Church party 
 little to the liking either of the imperious prelate or of the masterful 
 Deputy. Strafford's report of the matter in a letter to Laud is 
 as follows : 
 
 ' The Popish Party growing extreme perverse in the Commons 
 House, and the Parliament thereby in great danger to have been 
 lost in a storm, had so taken up all my thoughts and endeavours 
 that for live or six days it was not almost possible for me to take 
 an account how business went among them of the Clergy. 
 Besides, I reposed secure upon the Primate (Ussher) who all this 
 while said not a word to me of the matter. At length I got a little 
 time, and that most happily too, informed myself of the state of 
 those affairs, and found that the Lower House of Convocation, had 
 appointed a select Committee to consider the Canons of the Church 
 of England, that they did proceed in the examination without con- 
 ferring at all with their bishops, that they had gone through the 
 Book of Canons, and noted in the margin such as they allowed 
 with an A, and on others they had entered a D, which stood for 
 Deliberandum ; that with the lafth Article they had brought the 
 Articles of Ireland to be allowed and received under the pain of 
 excommunication, and that they had drawn up their Canons into 
 a body, and were ready that afternoon to make report in the 
 Convocation. 
 
 ' I instantly sent for Dean Andrews, that reverend clerk, who 
 sat forsooth in the Chair at their Committee, requiring him to bring 
 along the said foresaid Book of Canons so noted on the margin, 
 together with the draught he was to present that afternoon to the 
 
 ■•■ Andrews had been recommended to Laud in 1631 for the bishopric of 
 Killaloe. — Lisviore Papers, 1st Ser., iii. p. 111. 
 
184 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 House : this he obeyed, and herewith I send your Grace both the 
 one and the other. 
 
 'But when I came to open the book, and run over their 
 Dcliheraiidums in the margin, I confess I was not so much moved 
 since I came into Ireland. I told him certainly not a Dean of 
 Limerick, but an Ananias had sate in the chair of that Committee ; 
 however sure I was Ananias had been there in spirit, if not in 
 body, with all the fraternities and conventicles of Amsterdam. 
 That I was ashamed and scandalised with it above measure. I 
 therefore said he should leave the book and draught with me, and 
 that I did command him upon his allegiance that he should report 
 nothing to the House from that Committee till he heard again from 
 me.' 
 
 Strafford goes on to detail how he forthwith summoned a 
 meeting of the committee together with several of the bishops, at 
 which, after rebuking with characteristic vehemence ' the spirit of 
 Brownism and contradiction ' he observed in their dclihcrandums, 
 he forbade all discussion touching the articles of Ireland, and en- 
 joined them to vote aye or no as to receiving the Articles of the 
 Church of England. 'This meeting thus broke off,' Strafford 
 concludes ; ' there were some hot spirits, sons of thunder, amongst 
 them, who moved that they should petition me for a free Synod, 
 but in fine they could not agree amongst themselves who should 
 put the bell about the cat's neck, and so this likewise vanished.' 
 
 To cross the Deputy was no light matter, and Andrews' ill- 
 timed assertion of the independence of the Church of Ireland had 
 like to have cost him the favour as well of Laud as of Strafford. 
 His visions of preferment must certainly have faded but for the 
 support of Ussher, and of Bramhall, then Bishop of Derry and 
 Laud's chief adviser among the Irish bishops, who wrote recom- 
 mending Dean Andrews as fit to be a bishop and ' a grave cathedral 
 man.' ' Yielding to these influences, Strafford characteristically 
 resolved to give the aspirant a kick upstairs. ' If your lordship 
 thinks Dean Andrews hath been to blame,' he wrote to Laud, 
 ' and that you would chastise him for it, make him Bishop of Ferns 
 and Leighlin, to have it without any other commcndam than 
 as the last bishop had it, and then I assure you he shall leave better 
 behind him than wnll be recompensed out of that bishopric, which 
 is one of the meanest of the whole Kingdom.' - Andrews accordingly 
 received his promotion, and if we may judge by the Deputy's 
 concluding reference to him all parties were satisfied. ' I con- 
 
 ' Cal. Irish State Papers (1633-47), p. 89. 
 
 - Strafford's Letters, i. p. 378, 18th March. 1634-5. 
 
PARISH CHURCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 185 
 
 ceive the Primate is well satisfied in Dean Andrews' translation 
 to the bishopric of Ferns, and so is the man himself. Never any 
 so well pleased, or so much desirous, I persuade myself, to take a 
 rochet to loss as he. Had he not died a bishop he had been 
 immemorial to posterity, where now he may be reckoned one of the 
 worthies of his time. But the best jest is, now that he leaves the 
 Deanery of Limerick, I find he hath let a lease very charitably to 
 himself, contrary to the Act of State, which I will cause him to 
 restore, and so make that deanery worth one [? over] three score 
 pounds a year better than now it is, and furnish his lordship with 
 an argument to move those to do the like to him that usurp the rights 
 of the bishopric of Ferns. For he may truly say, " You see, gentle- 
 men, my lord deputy spares none, he hath made even me myself, 
 to restore a lease I held of the Deanery of Limerick, and if this be 
 done to the green, what shall become of the dry? " ' ^ 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 THE SUCCESSION OF THE VICARS OF ST. ANDREW'S, DUBLIN, 
 FROM THE RESTORATION. 
 
 1665. Richard Lingard, Dean of Lismore. 
 
 1670. Anthony Dopping, Bp. Kildare 1679, Meath 1681. 
 
 1678. Michael Hewetson, Archdeacon of Armagh 1693. 
 
 1693. John Travers. 
 
 1727. Robt. Dougatt, x\rchdeacon of DubUn. 
 
 1730. Alexander Bradford. 
 
 1750. Isaac Mann, Bp. Cork 1772. 
 
 1757. William Browne. 
 
 1784. Hon. John Hewitt, Dean of Cloyne. 
 
 1794. James Verschoyle, Bp. Killala 1810. 
 
 1798. Hon. Rd. Bourke, Bp. Waterford 1813. 
 
 1800. Chas. Mongan Warburton, Bp. Limerick 1806, Cloyne 1820. 
 
 1806. William Bourne. 
 
 1862. Ven. CadwalladerWolseley, Archdeacon of Glendalough. 
 
 1866. Wm. Marrable, D.D. 
 
 1900. Herbert Kennedy, B.D. 
 
 ' For a full account of the proceedings of Convocation in 1634 in 
 reference to the adoption of the English canons see Elrington's Life of Arch- 
 bishop Ussher, pp. 165-88. See also Vesey's Life of Archbishop Bravihall. 
 
VII 
 
 SOME ILLU8TBATI0NS OF THE CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL 
 
 HISTORY OF DUBLIN IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND 
 
 EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES 
 
 I. THE ORIGIN OF THE BALLAST OFFICE AND PORT AND 
 DOCKS BOARD OF DUBLIN. 
 
 Projects for the improvement of the harbour of Dublin 
 and the better regulation of the shipping of the port appear 
 to have been frequent in the last quarter of the seventeenth 
 century. The fear lest the audacity of the Dutch and the 
 defenceless condition of the environs should expose the 
 capital to attack had led, in 1673, to Sir Bernard de Gomme's 
 well-knov^n ' Survey of the city of Dublin and part of the 
 harbour below Ringsend ' ; and although this survey was 
 undertaken from purely military considerations, it naturally 
 drew the attention of mercantile people to the deficiencies 
 of the port from a commercial standpoint. The control of 
 the port of Dublin was vested at this period in the citizens, 
 by whom it had been exercised from the time of King 
 John, when a royal charter had endowed the citizens ^ 
 with one half of the water of the Liffey for fishing.- The 
 Corporation does not appear to have paid close attention 
 to that part of its responsibilities which concerned the 
 harbour ; but in the year following De Gomme's visit their 
 attention was called to the matter by the visit of Andrew 
 Yarranton, an expert on harbour improvement.^ Yarranton, 
 
 ' ' Medietatem aque de Auenelith ad piscandum ' is the language of the 
 charter. Historic and Municipal DociLmcnts of Ireland, 1172-1320, p. 60. 
 
 ^ The Mayor of Dublin anciently exercised, as Admiral of the Port of Dublin, 
 a jurisdiction which appears to have extended from Skerries to Arklow, and the 
 city was entitled to the customs of all merchandise within those limits. — Hali- 
 day's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dubli7i, pp. 139 and 246. 
 
 ' Ibid. p. 242. 
 
CIVIC AND COMMEECIAL HISTORY OP DUBLIN 187 
 
 ' acquainting the Lord Mayor with his thoughts as to the 
 making a very good harbour at Kingsend,' was ' importuned 
 to bestow some time in a survey and discovery thereof,' and 
 devoted three weeks to this task But though the survey 
 was made no steps were taken by the citizens, and the 
 first effort towards providing a proper machinery for the 
 control of the port was left to private enterprise. In 1676 
 one Thomas Howard petitioned the Irish Privy Council for 
 a patent for the provision of a Ballast Office in all the ports 
 of Ireland. Howard's proposal stirred the city fathers to 
 activity. Protesting against the petition, so far as it related 
 to Dublin, as an encroachment on their civic rights, they 
 appointed a committee to consider the erection of a 
 Ballast Office, ' the profits whereof is intended for the 
 King's Hospital,' and prayed the Lord-Lieutenant that no 
 patent should pass to Howard. The protest of the citizens 
 was effective, and Howard, though he had obtained a 
 patent in England for the erection of a Ballast Office in 
 Ireland, was unsuccessful in his application. Accordingly 
 his next move was to petition the city, in association with 
 his brother, for a lease of the port of Dublin at fifty pounds a 
 year, in return for which Howard undertook to surrender his 
 English patent. A lease for thirty-one years was granted ; 
 but as the Howards took no step to perfect it, it was three 
 years later declared void, and formal petition was made by 
 the citizens for a patent to the city for a Ballast Office. 
 The activity displayed on this as on the previous occasion 
 was due to the exertion of a private individual who had 
 taken up Howard's project. 
 
 In the year 1697 one Captain Davison had made a 
 proposal to the city to erect on or near the bar of Dublin 
 a Lighthouse ^ forty feet above water, which should be 
 enclosed with a small fort of thirty guns capable of defend- 
 ing the harbour, and at the same time he proposed a Ballast 
 Office ' by which ships should be supplied with ballast from 
 such places only as should tend to the bettering the harbour.' 
 
 ' Memorial about the Light House at Dublin. Brit. Museum, Add. MS. 
 21136, folio 82. Printed in Calendar of Dublin Records, vi. p. 609. 
 
188 ILLUSTEATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY 
 
 In 1700, having obtained the approval of the Dublin 
 merchants and captains of ships trading there, and being 
 encouraged by the Irish Government, Davison proceeded 
 to London, and petitioned William III. for authority to 
 proceed with the work, and for a grant of the Lighthouse 
 and Ballast Office. His petition was referred to the Irish 
 Lords Justices, who reported that the design was useful and 
 ' absolutely necessary for the preserving the trade of the 
 place ' ; but stated that the * city desired that the grant 
 thereof might be made to them.' The Lords Justices 
 accordingly recommended that, * lest it should be thought a 
 business of clamour to grant such a thing away from a 
 whole city,' the grant should be made to Davison as the 
 instrument of the citizens. 
 
 The matter was then referred to the Committee of the 
 Privy Council for the affairs of Ireland, ' to investigate the 
 claim of the several parties pretending to a right in the carry- 
 ing on of this work,' several other persons having mean- 
 time sought a patent. The Committee found the claims of 
 Davison infinitely superior to those of all private rivals. But 
 the city of Dublin alleging * several ancient charters by which 
 they had title to the ground from whence the said ballast 
 was proposed to be taken,' and having ' in the sitting of the 
 last Parliament obtained a bill to be sent over for the 
 establishment of a Ballast Office,' they recommended the 
 claims of the citizens to her Majesty's favour in preference 
 to those of any private persons. They at the same time 
 expressed an opinion that, if the authority were given to 
 the city of Dublin, Captain Davison should be employed on 
 the work. 
 
 No action appears to have been taken upon this report, 
 and in 1702 Davison renewed his application,^ which was 
 again opposed by the Dublin civic authorities as highly 
 prejudicial to the city, and the project seems to have re- 
 mained in abeyance for some years. In 1707, however, a 
 petition under the city seal was ordered to be addressed to 
 his Boyal Highness, Prince Gaorge of Denmark, Queen 
 
 ' Calendar of Dublin Beccn-ds, vi. p. 272. 
 
CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL HISTORY OF DUBLIN 189 
 
 Anne's Consort, then Lord High Admiral of Great Britain 
 and Ireland, for erecting a Ballast Office. This petition set 
 forth that ' the port and river of Dublin are almost choked 
 up, and are very unsafe by the irregular taking in and throw- 
 ing out of ballast,' and besought favourable consideration 
 for a fresh bill which had been sent over for erecting a 
 Ballast Office, the petitioners being advised that without 
 legislation no duty for the support of such office when 
 erected could be imposed on shipping. The petition 
 further averred that ' nothing can contribute more to the 
 safety of the lives of seafaring men who resort hither than 
 the mending of one of the most dangerous ports in her 
 Majesty's dominions ' ; and in order to obviate the possibiHty 
 of a grant to any private individual rather than to the city, 
 it expressed the willingness of the assembly that all profits 
 arising from the Ballast Office ' should be applied towards 
 the maintenance of the poor boys in the Blue Coat Hospital 
 in this city, whereby they are instructed in navigation to 
 qualify them for her Majesty's sea service.' ^ In a letter 
 from the Lord Mayor to Prince George, in furtherance of 
 the city claim, it was also stated that the port was so unsafe 
 that there was scarce depth of water left for a small vessel 
 to ride, where some years before a man-of-war could safely 
 anchor."'^ 
 
 These applications were not favourably entertained by the 
 Admiralty, Prince George of Denmark being of opinion that 
 the erecting of a Ballast Office by Act of Parliament was a 
 direct infringement of the rights of his office of Lord High 
 Admiral. He therefore expressed his intention of opposing 
 the bill.^ But his Koyal Highness, ' having a particular 
 regard to the cleansing of the port of Dublin,' was content 
 ' if the Lord Mayor would make proper application to him 
 and to him only,' to grant a lease of a Ballast Office to the 
 city of Dublin for a term of years, provided that the surplus 
 of the port dues should be applied to the benefit of the Blue 
 
 ' Calendar of Dublin Recwds, vi. pp. 374-5. '^ Ibid. p. 616. 
 
 '■' Letter of Josiah Burchett, Secretary to the Admiralty. Calendar of 
 Dublin Eecoids, vi. p. 618. 
 
190 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Coat School in the manner already mentioned. The objec- 
 tions thus raised by the Admiralty were combated in a 
 very vigorous letter addressed to Lord Sunderland, the 
 Secretary of State, in vs^hich it was pointed out that the 
 sand and soil whence the ballast was to be taken were the 
 inheritance of the city of Dublin, which by several charters 
 had the jurisdiction of the Admiralty granted to it. Not- 
 withstanding this, the city, they added, would be willing to 
 waive all such rights and take a lease from the Lord High 
 Admiral, were it not that powers under an Act of Parlia- 
 ment were absolutely necessary, as a means of obviating 
 the difficulty raised by Prince George, to enforce payment 
 of harbour dues. In token of the readiness of the city to 
 admit the claims of the Admiralty, an offer was made on the 
 part of the Corporation to add to the bill a clause saving the 
 Admiralty jurisdiction, by providing in the following quaint 
 terms for the city's ' yielding and paying therefor and 
 thereout to his Koyal Highness, Prince George of Denmark, 
 Lord High Admiral of Great Britain, and to his successors, 
 Lord High Admirals of the same, one hundred yards of 
 best Holland duck, that shall be made or manufactured 
 within the realm of Ireland, at the Admiralty Office of 
 London on every first day of January for ever hereafter.' ^ 
 The solution thus proposed was accepted by the Admiralty, 
 and the heads of the bill having been approved in England, 
 there was passed through the Irish Parliament in 1707 the 
 Statute of the 6th Anne, chapter 20, entitled, ' An Act for 
 Cleansing the Port, Harbour, and River of Dublin, and for 
 erecting a Ballast Office in the said City.'^ 
 
 II. THE OEIGIN OF THE DUBLIN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE. 
 
 In the account given by Sir John Gilbert in his ' History 
 of Dublin ' of the origin of the Royal Exchange (now the City 
 Hall), mention is made of an association of merchants formed 
 
 ' Calendar of Dublin Records, vi. p. 621. 
 
 ^ A minute-book acquired in 1902 by the Royal Irish Academy contains the 
 record of the steps first taken to put this Act in motion, and must form the 
 materials for the first chapter in any history of the Ballast Office, or of its 
 successor, the Port and Docks Board. 
 
CIVIC AND COMMEECIAL HISTORY OF DUBLIN 191 
 
 to resist the exactions of one Thomas Allen, who, having been 
 appointed in the year 1763 to the office of Taster of Wines, 
 endeavoured to enforce for his own advantage a fee of two 
 shillings per tun on all wines and other liquors imported into 
 Ireland. The struggle against this arbitrarj^ tax did not, 
 according to the authority quoted by Gilbert, last long ; 
 ' and turning their thoughts to the best mode of applying 
 the redundant subscriptions raised to conduct the opposi- 
 tion,' the members unanimously adopted the idea of erecting 
 a commodious building for the meeting of merchants and 
 traders. A site having been fixed upon, the purchase-money, 
 13,000/., was obtained from Parliament by the zeal and 
 activity of Dr. Lucas, then one of the city representatives. 
 The building so erected was the Eoyal Exchange, of which 
 the foundation stone was laid in 1769. It was opened ten 
 years later.^ No record exists of the circumstances under 
 which Dublin Chamber of Commerce was founded, and in- 
 quiries recently instituted regarding its origin show that, 
 save in so far as they are contained in the * Rough Minute- 
 Book ' of the Committee of Merchants, acquired by the Eoyal 
 Irish Academy in 1902, those circumstances cannot now 
 be traced. For although the Chamber of Commerce still 
 possesses among its records the first minute-book of the 
 Chamber, that volume "throws no light upon the mode in 
 which the Chamber of Commerce was first constituted. It is 
 to the proceedings of the Committee of Merchants, by whom 
 the building of the Exchange was promoted and conducted, 
 that the ' Rough Minute-Book ' relates ; and the record shows 
 that the committee not only performed for many years 
 many of the functions now discharged by the Chamber of 
 Commerce, but was the actual parent of that institution.^ 
 
 ' Gilbert's Histcn-y of Dublin, ii. p. 56. 
 
 - The Minutes of the Chamber begin with an entry dated March 18, 1783, 
 which records the calling of a meeting for March 22 ensuing to elect a Pre- 
 sident, two Vice-Presidents, and a Treasurer, and to determine on the duties of 
 a Secretary. And the next entry duly announces the election of those officers, 
 and the appointment of one William Shannon as Secretary at an annual salary 
 of 30i. But of the circumstances leading up to these proceedings no trace 
 remains. The ' Rough Minute-Book ' of the Committee of Merchants not only 
 unexpectedly supplies the lost details, but incidentally gives us a very interest- 
 ing chapter in the history of the mercantile development of Dublin. 
 
192 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 The minute-book opens with the record of a resolution 
 ' that the ground for building an Exchange be convej^ed to 
 the Corporation of the Guild of Merchants, and the planning 
 of the building and the carrying into execution of the Ex- 
 change conducted by a committee of certain citizens therein 
 named, together with fifteen wholesale merchants, freemen 
 of the Guild of Merchants to be chosen by the wholesale 
 freemen of the Guild Merchants from among themselves.' 
 The earlier entries in the book are concerned with the steps 
 taken to raise funds for the erection of the Exchange, the 
 money voted by Parliament being absorbed by the cost of 
 the site. These funds were for the most part obtained by 
 means of lotteries. On February 23, 1768, it was resolved 
 ' that a scheme be grafted on the State Lottery now depend- 
 ing in England in order to raise a further sum towards the ex- 
 pense of erecting an Exchange on the reserved ground on Cork 
 Hill, and that an advertisement for that purpose be published 
 in due time in all the Dublin papers, except the Gazette.' 
 The minute-book is crowded with entries, between the dates 
 1768 and 1778, relating to the progress of the building, in- 
 cluding a resolution of February 24, 1769, for the payment 
 of the bills ' for the expenses of entertaining the Lord-Lieu- 
 tenant on the occasion of his laying the foundation stone, 
 notwithstanding the Committee are of opinion they are ex- 
 ceedingly extravagant.' The bills amounted to 298^. 13s. l^d. 
 
 But the Committee of Merchants were concerned with 
 topics more serious than these. They busied themselves 
 from the first in such matters as the procuring an amend- 
 ment in the Irish Bankruptcy Laws, in movements for the 
 direct importation of spirits from the British plantations 
 without first landing them in Great Britain, and other ques- 
 tions directly affecting the commercial interests of Ireland. 
 That they also took a lively interest in the mercantile 
 development of their own city is evident from the space 
 devoted in their records to such topics as the building of the 
 new Custom House, and a proposal for erecting Law Courts 
 in College Green. Both of these projects were opposed by 
 the merchants on the ground that they tended to shift the 
 
CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL HISTOEY OF DUBLIN 193 
 
 commerce of Dublin from its old centre in the neighbour- 
 hood of Essex Quay. The latter scheme was especially 
 obnoxious as tending ' to the erection of a bridge east of 
 Essex Bridge ' ; and the former was formally condemned as 
 ' extremely injurious to the interests of thousands of 
 individuals, and highly prejudicial to the commerce of this 
 city in general.' * It is interesting to note that the erection 
 of the former Custom House had two generations earlier led 
 to similar complaints. But the objections of the merchants 
 were, of course, unavailing. The Commissioners of Revenue 
 pointed out that the increase of building had been of late so 
 rapid that the town, which formerly terminated to the west 
 at Essex Bridge, was now divided by that structure into 
 equal parts, east and west, that the eastern portion had no 
 communication across the river save by ferries, and that as 
 the city must naturally continue to develop in an easterly 
 direction, they would be highly blamable in preventing such 
 a commimication in the future. The merchants, however, 
 did not surrender without a struggle ; they interviewed the 
 Viceroy, petitioned Parliament, and invoked the aid of the 
 merchants of London ; and they voted gold snuff-boxes to 
 two London merchants who had interested themselves in 
 promoting opposition among the traders of the English 
 capital. The result of their efforts was to retard the erection 
 of the new Custom House for about ten years. But in 1781 
 the Commissioners of Eevenue were at length empowered 
 to build the Custom House on the site so much objected 
 to, and although at a public meeting, summoned by the 
 merchants under the presidency of the Lord Mayor, a 
 further petition was ordered to be presented to the Viceroy 
 by the members for the city, Mr. Clements and Sir Samuel 
 Bradstreet, the protest was unavailing. The Custom House 
 was built where it still stands, Carlisle (now O'Connell) 
 
 ' On Dec. 30, 1773, it was resolved : — ' That the removal of the Custom 
 House below Temple Lane slip will tend to draw the inhabitants of the city 
 further down the river, and so furnish a pretext for building a bridge to the 
 east of Essex Bridge, which would be still more injurious to private property, 
 to trade, and to navigation than even the removal of the Custom House.' — 
 Extract from Minute-Book. 
 
 O 
 
194 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Bridge became an immediate necessity, and the develop- 
 ment of the city to the east and south-east at once pro- 
 ceeded apace. 
 
 It was probably a sense of the deficient authority of the 
 Merchants' Committee, as revealed by the failure of their 
 opposition to the Custom House scheme, which led to the 
 institution of the more formal organisation of a Chamber of 
 Commerce. The change may also have been hastened by an 
 investigation into the conduct of the lotteries held by the 
 Committee, which appears to have provoked some scandal, 
 though no proofs of fraud were established. It is certain, at 
 all events, that little more than a year later the Committee 
 was convened to meet at the Royal Exchange on February 
 10, 1783, for the special purpose of taking into considera- 
 tion a 'Plan for instituting a Chamber of Commerce in this 
 city.' Resolutions affirming this plan were at once 
 adopted, and the Committee of Merchants, after a useful 
 and interesting existence of exactly fifteen years, merged in 
 the Chamber of Commerce of Dublin. 
 
 Although it is not the province of this paper to further 
 pursue the history of the Chamber of Commerce, it appears 
 desirable, inasmuch as that history has never been written, 
 to note the steps which were taken to provide the new 
 association with a formal, constitution pursuant to the 
 resolution just chronicled. One month after the final meet- 
 ing of the Committee of Merchants a ballot was held for the 
 election of a Council of forty-one members.^ One hundred 
 and fifty-three persons appear to have voted, and Mr. 
 Travers Hartley, long the most active member of the old 
 Committee, who had been for many years a representative 
 of Dublin in the College Green Parliament as a follower of 
 Grattan, was returned at the head of the list. At a further 
 meeting, held on March 22 for the election of officers, Mr. 
 Hartley was elected President of the Chamber — a position 
 which he appears to have held continuously down to 1788. 
 In that year rules were drawn up for the annual election of 
 officers of the Chamber, but no election under these rules is 
 
 ' Minutes of Chamber of Commerce. 
 
CIVIC AND COMMEECIAL HISTOEY OP DUBLIN 195 
 
 recorded in the minute-book, which is a blank from March 
 29, 1788, to 1805, except for a single entry in 1791. 
 Whether or not the Chamber met during this long interval 
 does not certainly appear ; but from the fact that the first 
 minute-book in the possession of the Chamber of Commerce 
 is indexed as * Old Chamber,' and that what is referred to 
 as the * second ' Chamber began to sit in 1805, it may be 
 assumed that the Chamber as originally started failed to 
 meet for several years, and was, in fact, during a period of 
 seventeen years a less efficient guardian of mercantile 
 interests than the old Committee of Merchants which it had 
 replaced had proved. The minute-book ends with 1807. 
 No records exist of any meetings from that year until 1820, 
 when the Chamber appears to have been reconstituted ; and 
 it is doubtful for how many years its proceedings were sus- 
 pended. From 1820 the manuscript records have been 
 preserved in perfect sequence. The printed reports of the 
 Chamber date from 1821. 
 
 III. THE ALDERMEN OF SKINNER'S ALLEY. 
 
 There have lately been deposited in the National Museum 
 of Ireland certain of the paraphernalia and other relics of an 
 ancient Dublin association, which, after an existence of above 
 two centuries, has practically ceased to exist. Long one of 
 the most influential of political associations in the capital, the 
 Aldermen of Skinner's Alley have of late years so passed out 
 of sight as to have become almost unknown, even by name, 
 to all but the old and grey among the citizens of Dublin. 
 There is no occasion to lament the disappearance of a society 
 which, whatever its uses in former ages, was latterly of no 
 practical significance save as recalling a phase of political 
 and religious fanaticism which has long become obsolete, or 
 nearly so. But advantage may be taken of an incident which 
 may be held to mark the practical demise of this venerable 
 association to furnish in the form of an obituary notice some 
 account of the origin and history of the ' Ancient and Loyal 
 Society of Aldermen of Skinner's Alley.' 
 
 Though no formal history of the ' Ancient and Loyal 
 
 o 2 
 
196 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 Society of Aldermen of Skinner's Alley ' has ever been com- 
 piled, readers of Sir Jonah Barrington's well-known 'Personal 
 Sketches of my Own Time ' will recollect the chapter devoted 
 to the Aldermen by that sprightly, if somewhat unveracious, 
 chronicler of eighteenth century Ireland. Though there 
 are some passages in Sir Jonah's account of the society, of 
 which he was himself for many years a member, which are 
 obviously not meant to be taken seriously, the explanation 
 there given of the origin of the society is sufficiently accu- 
 rate for quotation. It runs as follows : ' After William 
 III. had mounted the English throne, and King James had 
 assumed the reins of government in Ireland, the latter 
 monarch annulled the then existing charter of the Dublin 
 Corporation, dismissed all the aldermen who had espoused 
 the revolutionary cause, and replaced them by others 
 attached to himself. The deposed aldermen, however, had 
 secreted some little articles of their paraphernalia, and 
 privately assembled in an alehouse in Skinner's Alley, a very 
 obscure part of the capital.^ Here they continued to hold 
 anti-Jacobite meetings ; elected their own lord mayor and 
 officers, and got a marble bust of King WilHam, which they 
 regarded as a sort of deity. These meetings were carried on 
 till the battle of the Boyne put William in possession of 
 Dublin, when King James's Aldermen were immediately 
 cashiered, and the Aldermen of Skinner's Alley re-invested 
 with their mace and other Aldermanic glories. To honour 
 the memory of their restorer, therefore, a permanent associa- 
 tion was formed, and invested with all the memorials of 
 their former disgrace and latter reinstatement.' ^ 
 
 Although the Aldermen at no time in their history had 
 any direct association with the more modern Orange Society, 
 Barrington is not far wrong in describing them as in effect 
 'the first Orange Association ever formed.' They were 
 organised on a basis exclusively Protestant, and their 
 primary object was the promotion of the principles of the 
 ' Glorious Ke volution ' of 1688 and the perpetuation of the 
 
 • Skinner's Alley ran between Weaver's Square and the Coombe. 
 
 * Barrington's Personal Sketches, edited by Townsend Young, i. pp. 134-5. 
 
CIVIC AND COMMEECIAL HISTOEY OF DUBLIN 197 
 
 constitution in church and state as established at the ac- 
 cession of William III. Their animating principle cannot, 
 indeed, be better indicated than by quoting the terms of the 
 charter toast, as published in the rules and regulations of 
 the society printed in 1871 : 
 
 * The glorious, pious, and immortal memory of the Great 
 and Good King William III., who saved us from Popery, 
 slavery, arbitrary power, brass money, and wooden shoes, per- 
 mitted all debtors to walk abroad on Sundays, and left us his 
 best legacy, " The House of Hanover," which may God in 
 His great mercy bless and preserve, so long as they will 
 faithfully maintain and uphold the British Constitution, as 
 established at the Revolution of Sixteen Hundred and 
 Eighty-eight.' Barrington gives a version of this toast more 
 grotesque in its terms, but not essentially different.' 
 
 At the time when Sir Jonah joined the Aldermen this 
 society had existed for a full century, acquiring, as he states, 
 considerable influence and importance. It continued to be 
 recruited from the members of the old corporation and the 
 Protestant freemen of the city of Dublin. But though 
 thus Protestant and constitutional in their prejudices, the 
 Aldermen were not devoid of national sympathies, nor un- 
 influenced by the ideals to which Grattan appealed. It is 
 an odd, but striking illustration of the revolution of senti- 
 ment which a century has witnessed, that a society with 
 such opinions as are embodied in the toast just quoted 
 should have numbered amongst its members a patriotic 
 demagogue so unimpeachably national as the celebrated 
 Napper Tandy. Though Sir Jonah does not say so, it is 
 probable that the opinions of the Aldermen in 1800 were 
 identical with those of Speaker Foster, and other eminent 
 members of the patriotic party in the Irish Parliament, 
 who based their opposition to the Union exclusively on 
 Protestant grounds. 
 
 Though most of the relics of this ancient society date 
 from about the middle of the eighteenth century, the extant 
 records of the Aldermen of Skinner's Alley, mifortunately, 
 
 ' Personal Sketches, i. p. 13G. 
 
198 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 do not extend further back than the early years of the nine- 
 teenth.^ The ' Eules and Eegulations ' already referred to 
 appear, however, to embody the traditional procedure of the 
 Aldermen at their meetings and festivals. Except that the 
 chief official is described in the rules as ' His Excellency the 
 Governor,' instead of the Lord Mayor, the official account of 
 the society agrees in the main with Barrington's description. 
 In addition to the governor, the officers comprised a deputy- 
 governor, a lord high treasurer, a secretary, a sword-bearer, 
 and a mace-bearer. Meetings were held on the 4th of each 
 month, and on the 4th of November in each year the 
 anniversary of the birthday of William III. was invariably 
 celebrated by a banquet. At this feast the principal dish 
 was one of sheep's trotters, in allusion, according to Har- 
 rington, to James II. 's inglorious flight after the Bojue. 
 
 While the general object and ideals of the Aldermen of 
 Skinner's Alley remained unchanged through the course of 
 two centuries, the society appears to have assumed, in the 
 latter half of its existence, political functions of a specific 
 kind. In the printed rules the Aldermen are represented 
 as composed of ' an unlimited number of members, being 
 Protestant, who shall consent to be bound by the rules, 
 obligations, and qualifications of the society, and who shall 
 be registered parliamentary electors of the City of Dublin.' 
 The last clause points to the function which ultimately 
 gave to the Aldermen their chief importance. The society 
 became in effect an electioneering organisation. Kecruited 
 in the main from the ranks of the freemen of the city, it 
 became, under the franchise as it existed after the Eeform 
 Act of 1832, an important factor in all contested elections in 
 the metropolis, and was a principal prop and pillar of Dubhn 
 Toryism in the now remote days when the members for the 
 city, county, and university of Dublin were uniformly Con- 
 servative, and were toasted as ' the Dublin Six.' 
 
 The surviving records of the Aldermen consist for the 
 
 ' In Whitelaw and Walsh's History of Dublin, p. 1069, it is stated that a 
 schism rent the society about the close of the eighteenth century, when one 
 party kept the paraphernalia and the other the records. Hence, no doubt, the 
 lack of any early minutes. 
 
CIVIC AND COMMEECIAL HISTOEY OF DUBLIN 199 
 
 most part of a parchment roll, containing the signatures 
 of members admitted to the society from the year 1825, and 
 a minute-book of proceedings, which commences in 1841. 
 The form of these records, though comparatively modern, 
 preserves the terms of the impressive exordium which it was 
 customary for the governor to address to each new member 
 before signing the roll, wherein the novice was admonished 
 to declare his allegiance to * our unequalled constitution in 
 Church and State.' The roll contains a large number of 
 names eminent in Dublin annals, and a few of still wider 
 fame. Among them are those of Sir Edward Grogan and 
 Sir William Gregory, sometime Conservative members for 
 the City of Dublin. But its most remarkable curiosity, in 
 view of subsequent events, quite comparable for the incon- 
 gruity between the principles of the Aldermen and the 
 subsequent opinions of the new member to the enrolment of 
 Napper Tandy half a century earlier, is the signature which 
 establishes the adhesion of Isaac Butt, the founder of the 
 Home Kule movement, to the tenets of the Aldermen of 
 Skinner's Alley. 
 
 The minute-book covers the history of the Aldermen for 
 a period of about a quarter of a century, commencing on 
 November 4, 1841. This was a year of much political 
 excitement in Dublin, and of serious moment to the Alder- 
 men of Skinner's Alley, as the successors of the ancient 
 Protestant corporation. The Municipal Corporations Act, 
 which had just passed, had transformed the city fathers 
 from a close Protestant and Tory oligarchy to a body largely 
 Liberal and Koman Catholic, and to the horror of these 
 staunch upholders of the ' glorious, pious, and immortal 
 memory,' Daniel O'Connell was placed in the Lord Mayor's 
 chair. A glance at the minutes of the Aldermen's proceed- 
 ings in the days immediately succeeding municipal reform 
 brings home very vividly the immensity of the changes 
 which have been wrought within a space of no more than 
 sixty years in the domestic politics of Ireland. An example 
 may be cited from them which, though not intrinsically 
 more characteristic than several other illustrations which 
 
200 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 might be selected, has the piquancy which attaches to the 
 associations of eminent and famihar figures. 
 
 The names of Sir WilHam Gregory and Isaac Butt were 
 mentioned a moment ago as among the signatories to the 
 roll of Aldermen. Almost the earliest entries in this minute- 
 book are concerned with the once celebrated Dublin election 
 of 1842, at which the future Governor of Ceylon was returned 
 for the city in the Tory interest, largely through the exer- 
 tions of the future father of the Home Kule movement. Sir 
 "William Gregory, despite his unimpeachably Conservative 
 antecedents, was, as his memoirs show, very much more of 
 a Whig than a Tory in his natural proclivities. He has left 
 in his ' Autobiography ' an account of his uncomfortable 
 sensations while submitting to the aggressively Protestant 
 championship of some of the more outspoken of his sup- 
 porters. By none of them was he more severel}^ tried than 
 by Butt, of whom he has left a reminiscence strangely at 
 variance with the Irish leader's later career. ' Among the 
 extreme partisans distinguished by the virulence of their 
 language and uncompromising hostility to Eoman Catholics 
 as well as to their religion, were a Protestant clergyman, 
 the Rev. Tresham Gregg, and Professor Butt, of Trinity 
 College. They were both admirable mob orators, and they 
 
 got the steam up with a vengeance Butt was at 
 
 that time the extreme of the extremes in all rehgious ques- 
 tions, the very type of ultra-domineering, narrow-minded 
 Protestant Ascendancy.' That this is no great exaggeration 
 of Butt's position and opinions at this time is sufficiently 
 apparent from the terms of the following resolution, recorded 
 in the minute-book as having been moved by him at an 
 ' aggregate meeting ' of the Protestant Freemen of Dublin, 
 convened in support of Gregory's candidature by the 
 Aldermen of Skinner's Alley : 
 
 ' That fully satisfied with the Protestant and Constitu- 
 tional principles of our respected friend, William Gregory, 
 Esq., and satisfied that he will in Parliament pursue a bold 
 and uncompromising spirit of Protestant principles in all 
 their integrity, as well as preserve the Freemen of the City 
 
CIVIC AND COMMEECIAL IIISTOEY OF DUBLIN 201 
 
 of Dublin in the exercise of their rights handed down to 
 them for centuries by their forefathers, and assembled under 
 the auspices of this ancient body, associated with so many 
 recollections of the perils and fideHties of their ancestors, we 
 unite, and with one heart and mind resolve to support him 
 at the next election as a candidate worthy of a cause with 
 which such recollections are associated.' 
 
 Gregory was duly elected on this occasion, but he was 
 unable to live up to the expectations of his Protestant 
 sponsors. At the general election of 1847 his Peelite pro- 
 chvities and obvious lack of zeal on the religious question 
 lost him the support of the ' Aldermen,' and he was de- 
 feated by the then well-known demagogue, John Eeynolds. 
 A resolution moved after the election at a meeting of the 
 Aldermen sufficiently explains his rejection, and indicates 
 the extraordinary tenacity with which, even as recently as 
 1847, the principles of the 'Protestant Eevolution ' were 
 still cherished in DubHn : ' This ancient Society, the 
 Aldermen of Skinner's Alley, being an essentially Protestant 
 Body pledged to maintain the principles of the British 
 Constitution as settled in 1688, and, consequently, the 
 ascendancy of Protestant truth and the extirpation of Popish 
 error, the members being bound in conscience by their 
 declaration of adherence to its Charter to carry out those 
 principles as their judgment shall dictate, be it resolved that 
 our late representative, William Gregory, Esq., having 
 abandoned those principles of high Protestantism, for the ex- 
 pression of which he was supported by this Society, it was 
 competent for any member of this body to oppose to the 
 utmost the return of that gentleman.' 
 
 The successive extensions of the franchise, which first 
 reduced and ultimately destroyed the once dominant influ- 
 ence of the Protestant Freemen of Dubhn, struck a fatal 
 blow at the prestige of the Aldermen of Skinner's Alley. 
 Since 1885 the society has waned to practical extinction, 
 and though never formally dissolved it is most unlikely 
 that it will ever be effectively revived. Not many citizens 
 of Dublin would nowadays be found wilHng to avow the 
 
202 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 perfervid Protestantism of this ancient body, nor would the 
 most convinced champions of Reformation doctrines now 
 endeavour to justify them by an appeal to ' Revolution ' 
 principles. But though its raison d'etre has long ceased to 
 exist, the society has a distinct interest for the historian of 
 the development of opinion in Ireland. And the sidelight 
 which is thrown by the episode of Sir William Gregory's 
 election upon the early career of Isaac Butt is of value as 
 enabling us to understand the evolutionary process, which 
 might otherwise appear incomprehensible, by which some of 
 the most earnest of Irish Conservatives were led to embrace 
 the notion of an Irish Parliament in Dublin as a protest 
 against the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland by the 
 British Parliament at Westminster. 
 
 No account of the Aldermen of Skinner's Alley could be 
 considered complete which omitted to refer to the Charter 
 Song of the Society, which is accordingly appended. The 
 authorship is commonly credited to Mr. Hardinge Giffard. 
 
 CHAETEE SONG. 
 
 Tune — ' Maggie Lauder.'' 
 
 When Tyranny's detested power 
 
 Had leagued with Superstition, 
 And bigot James, in evil hour, 
 
 Began his luckless mission. 
 Still here survived the sacred flame ; 
 
 Here Freedom's Sons did rally. 
 And consecrate to deathless Fame 
 
 The Men of Skinner's-alley. 
 
 When William came to set them free 
 
 From famine, lire, and slaughter, 
 And the first dawn of Liberty 
 
 Had blushed on the Boyne Water — 
 Then did tliey fill to Glorious Will, 
 
 At such a toast who'd dally. 
 While Liberty and Loyalty 
 
 Exist in Skinner's-alley. 
 
 And here, through each revolving day, 
 
 The sacred flame was cherished, 
 Though lost in Faction's fearful fray, 
 
 It once had nearly perished ; 
 Until our Fathers' spirit rose. 
 
 While knaves stood shilly-shally : 
 Then did we sing, God save the King, 
 
 We Men of Skinner's-alley. 
 
CIVIC AND COMMEECIAL HISTOKY OF DUBLIN 203 
 
 And oft may we repeat that toast, 
 
 By festive draughts elated, 
 While loyalty, our proudest boast, 
 
 On every heart is seated ; 
 For ne'er can we forget the King, 
 
 Round whom all virtues rally, 
 The memory of William III. shall ring 
 
 Each night in Skinner's-alley. 
 
 IV. THE OUZEL GALLEY SOCIETY. 
 
 At the end of the seventeenth century, in the closing 
 years of the reign of Wilham III., a vessel known as the 
 ' Ouzel,' in the ownership of a Dublin merchant, and 
 engaged, it is believed, in the Smyrna trade, sailed from 
 Ringsend for the Levant. Prior to her departure she had 
 been insured against risks, with Dublin underwriters, in the 
 usual way. In the ordinary course her absence would have 
 been a lengthened one ; but when, after a lapse of some 
 years, nothing had been heard of her, she was assumed to 
 have been lost at sea with all hands. The owners duly 
 claimed their insurance-money, which was paid by the 
 underwriters ; the ship was deemed to have made her last 
 voyage ; and the commercial transactions in respect of her were 
 regarded as finally closed. But it fell out that not very long 
 afterwards, to the astonishment of all concerned, the ' Ouzel 
 Galley ' cast anchor in the port of Dublin. The captain 
 had a strange tale to tell. Proceeding in her eastern course 
 down the Mediterranean, the ' Ouzel ' had fallen a victim to 
 the Algerine corsairs, who in those days, and, indeed, for 
 long after, were still the scourge of the mercantile marine. 
 Being a large and well-found ship, she had been appro- 
 priated by her captors to their own uses. But by some 
 fortunate chance the crew of the ' Ouzel ' were enabled to 
 turn the tables on their conquerors, to repossess themselves 
 of their ship and its cargo, and to return in safety to the 
 port from whence they had sailed. 
 
 So far all was for the best. But the return of the 
 ' Ouzel,' unfortunately, proved the occasion of a knotty legal 
 difficulty involving troublesome litigation, which in one form 
 or another lasted for several years. The ' Ouzel ' brought 
 
204 ILLUSTEATIONS OP IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 home in her hold not alone the peaceful merchandise which 
 it was her mission to carry, but the piratical spoils of her 
 sometime Algerine masters. This loot was of a value far 
 exceeding that of the legitimate cargo, and immensely in 
 excess of the amount for which the ship had been insured, 
 and for which the owners had been compensated. A 
 question at once arose as to the ownership of the plunder. 
 Was the booty the property of the original owners under 
 whose auspices it had been gained ? Or did it pass to the 
 underwriters in virtue of their completion of the contract of 
 indemnity? The point was a nice one, which apparently 
 had not then been settled, and the gentlemen of the law 
 courts exerted their ingenuity in the endeavour to determine 
 the destination of so rich a prize. No records of this litiga- 
 tion are now traceable ; but it is reputed to have engaged 
 the Courts for years without any result being reached ; and 
 the case was ultimately referred to the arbitration of a 
 committee of merchants, through whom a compromise was 
 effected, and the litigation terminated. 
 
 To celebrate this triumph of the elastic principle of 
 arbitration over the unaccommodating and dilatory procedure 
 of the Courts, the merchants of Dublin resolved to found a 
 society which should have for its object the settlement of all 
 commercial disputes without having recourse to the winding 
 mazes of the law ; and they gave to their association the 
 name of the vessel which had been the means of bringing it 
 into being. Accordingly, about the year 1705, the Ouzel 
 Galley Society was founded. 
 
 The books of the proceedings of the society for the first 
 half-century of its existence have long been irrecoverably 
 lost, and only the more recent minute-books are now extant. 
 But its rules and regulations, with a list of members, were 
 printed in 1859, as collected from the books of proceedings 
 which were then available. These rules and regulations 
 include the report of a committee of the society appointed 
 in 1799, ' to inquire into and prepare a declaration of the 
 rules, orders, and customs of the Galley.' We are thus 
 enabled to understand the precise objects of the society and 
 
CIVIC AND COMMEKCIAL HISTORY OF DUBLIN 205 
 
 the mode in which it was organised. From this it appears 
 that it was the duty of all members of the Galley to sit as 
 arbitrators in the settlement of such disputes as might be 
 referred to them, ' provided all the arbitrators chosen are 
 members of the Galley.' Parties were prohibited from 
 making any personal applications to members respecting any 
 matter in dispute, and all proceedings were regulated under 
 the guidance of an officer known as the Registrar, to whom 
 a sum of money, arranged according to a fixed scale, was 
 payable by the parties seeking arbitration, ' to insure the 
 payment of the Galley Fees,' which were appropriated, after 
 payment of the costs of the award, to a charitable fund. 
 Within the limits of the society parties were entitled to the 
 choice of their arbitrators, but with the arbitrators when 
 chosen lay the appointment of an umpire. 
 
 Such were the purposes for which the society was 
 formally constituted ; but it had, or grew to have, other 
 functions, at once benevolent and convivial, which appear in 
 time to have engrossed a large share of the attention of its 
 members. From the year 1770 the subscription appears to 
 have been a guinea ; but on November 11, 1801, ' it appear- 
 ing by the bursar's accounts that the subscription of one 
 guinea per annum is insufficient to pay the annual dinners,' 
 it was raised to a guinea and a half. Two years later, no 
 doubt for the same reason, it was raised to 'U. 5s. 6d. ; and 
 the frequent occurrence of the word ' dinner ' in its rules 
 may, perhaps, be held to account for the mourning accents 
 with which surviving members long continued to speak of this 
 ancient society. Most of the business of the society was 
 transacted at or after dinner, except at the November meeting, 
 which was held immediately before dinner. Certain it is, at all 
 events, that while continuing to perform its more serious 
 functions, the Ouzel Galley Societj^ became highly popular 
 among the merchants of Dublin as a convivial association. 
 Its roll being limited to forty members, admission to it was 
 highly prized. The list of its members for a period of a 
 hundred and forty years contains, it is no exaggeration to say, 
 representatives of all that is most honourable in mercantile 
 
206 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOKY 
 
 Dublin, and attests the high character the society continuously 
 enjoyed. The names of La Touche, Guinness, Hone, Pirn, 
 Jameson, Hartley, Colvill, and others equally familiar con- 
 stantly recur. 
 
 But the growing element of conviviality did not entirely 
 divert the minds of the members from more serious objects. 
 Like the Corporation and the public institutions of the 
 Irish capital at the time, they were in full sympathy with 
 Henry G rattan's assertion of the parliamentary liberties of 
 Ireland. On April 16, 1782, the society unanimously re- 
 solved ' that the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland are 
 solely competent to make laws for the government thereof.' 
 
 The esteem in which the society was borne, and the hold 
 it had on the affections of its members, were strength- 
 ened by the quaint and characteristic customs which 
 its constitution ordained and its rules enforced. It was 
 organised, in deference to its marine origin, on a nautical 
 basis. The affairs of the Ouzel Galley were administered by 
 a Council, of which the ofi&cers were : — * The captain, two 
 lieutenants, master, bursar, boatswain, gunner, carpenter, 
 master's mate, coxswain, boatswain's mate, and carpenter's 
 mate ' ; and a peremptory regulation enacted that at the meet- 
 ings of the Galley, of which three were held annually, ' the 
 captain, or in his absence the senior officer on board, has 
 supreme command, and any disobedience to him is mutiny.' 
 The introduction of officers and new members was conducted 
 * according to the ancient and immemorial usage of the Galley,' 
 part of the ceremony being, it is understood, the draining, at 
 a single draught, of a bumper of claret from the society's glass 
 cup, a beautiful example of Irish glass-work. Guests could 
 only be introduced on the invitation of the ' captain, officers, 
 and crew of the Ouzel Galley.' At each meeting members 
 were bound, on pain of a fine, to wear a gold medal ^ pendant 
 
 ' The records of the society for Feb. 13, 1772, contain the following : 
 ' Ordered, that the medal be made of gold. That on one side of the medal 
 the " Ouzel Galley " be represented, and the motto " Steady." That on the 
 reverse be represented the figure of "Equity," with the motto " cuique suum." ' 
 These medals appear to have been struck at different periods. That acquired 
 by the Academy is believed to be from the design of Parks, a Dublin 
 
CIVIC AND COMMEECIAL HISTORY OF DUBLIN 207 
 
 from an orange ribbon. Finally, the members were ' piped 
 to dinner ' with a boatswain's whistle ; and the minutes for 
 1754 record that a silver whistle was ordered to be provided 
 by the carpenter for the boatswain's use.^ 
 
 That at these convivial meetings the charitable objects 
 associated with them were by no means ignored appears 
 from the regulation that the bursar should keep two 
 accounts, one for the Subscription Fund and the other for 
 the Charitable Fund ; and from the fact that after such dinner 
 it was customary to vote away in charity the earnings of the 
 Galley. It is certain that the Society enjoyed throughout its 
 existence a high reputation for practical benevolence. The 
 meetings of the Ouzel Galley Society were held through- 
 architect. Many citizens of Dublin are familiar with the large painting of a 
 full-rigged ship which hangs over the door of the news-room in the Chamber of 
 Commerce, with the legend, ' The Ouzel Galley,' beneath it. A similar repre- 
 sentation of a full-rigged ship appears carved in stone above the exit door from 
 the Commercial Buildings leading to the river. It seems right that in this 
 notice of the society the pedigree of this painting should be preserved so far as 
 it can be collected from the records of the society. The painting appears to 
 have been presented to the society as far back as 1752 by Alderman John 
 Macarrell, the then captain of the Galley. Whether it was a merely fancy 
 picture, or an authentic representation of the actual ship from which the society 
 took its name, cannot be stated, for nothing further is known of the date of 
 the picture or of the artist. In the minutes of the meeting of the Galley 
 held at Chapelizod in August 175.3, a receipt is inserted, in which one .John 
 Morris acknowledges the receipt of ' a large painted piece representing the Ouzel 
 Galley, which is put up in the great room in my house,' and admits the picture 
 to be the property of the Galley. Morris was probably the owner of the inn 
 or tavern in which the society was then in the habit of meeting. Nineteen 
 years later, July 16, 1772, the minutes record the appointment of a committee 
 ' to inquire after and recover the picture of the Galley presented to the society 
 by Alderman Macarrell,' but the result of the inquiry is not given in any 
 subsequent minute. It may be presumed, however, that the picture was 
 recovered, and is identical with that which still hangs in the Chamber of 
 Commerce, and is thus referred to in the entry for June 3, 1870 : ' That the 
 offer of the Chamber of Commerce to place the old painting of the Galley in a 
 more conspicuous place be accepted.' 
 
 ' The captain's oath, in 1754, was as follows : — ' I, .4. £., do swear that I 
 will be faithful to our Sovereign Lord King George the Second ; and this galley, 
 entrusted to my command, I will, to the best of my power, defend against all 
 pirates either by sea and land ; the rules and orders established on board I will 
 see observed to the utmost of my power, and justice administered to the crew, 
 and all who put any freight on board. I will continue to be a good fellow, and, 
 as long as I can, hearty and merry.' 
 
208 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 out the nineteenth century at the Commercial Buildings, 
 and many still recall these gatherings which each November 
 were held in the open square behind the Chamber of Com- 
 merce. In the latter part of the eighteenth century, and 
 for many years subsequently, the dinners appear to have 
 been held at Atwell's Tavern in Dame Street.^ 
 
 From the foregoing account, it is easy to understand that 
 a society of this kind must in time have outgrown the circum- 
 stances in which it originated. Though as a benevolent as- 
 sociation it continued to serve a useful purpose, its functions 
 as an institution for promoting arbitration gradually fell into 
 desuetude, as legal procedure adapted itself more closely to 
 the needs of the mercantile community. From a printed 
 account of awards made in each year from 1799 to 1869, it 
 appears that 364 awards, many of them dealing with matters 
 of great magnitude, were made within that period. But of 
 these nearly two-thirds were made in the first quarter of the 
 nineteenth century. In 1888, accordingly, the Ouzel Galley 
 was voluntarily wound up and dissolved by an order of the 
 Court of Chancery, which provided for the distribution of 
 its funds, to the amount of 3,3001., among charitable insti- 
 tutions connected with the city in which the Society had 
 so long flourished. - 
 
 • The meeting-places of the society, as recorded in their Transactions, throw 
 interesting light on the taverns or eating-houses of Dublin and its environs, in 
 the second half of the eighteenth century. In 1748 the Galley met in the 
 Phcenix Tavern, Werburgh Street; in 1751, at the Ship Tavern, Chapelizod ; in 
 1765, at the Eose and Bottle, Dame Street ; in 1770, at the Eagle Inn, Eustace 
 Street ; in 1776, at Power's, Booterstown ; in 1796, at Harrington's, Grafton 
 Street ; and, in 1800, at Atwell's Commercial Tavern, Dame Street. In the early 
 part of the nineteenth century the favourite resorts were Leech's Eoyal Hotel, 
 Kildare Street ; Morrison's, in Nassau Street ; the Bilton, in Sackville Street ; 
 and Jude's Hotel, Commercial Buildings. A century ago Atwell's was apparently 
 a favourite eating-house or tavern. In Andrew Carmichael's Metropolis, a 
 topical poem, pubUshed in Dublin in 1805, occurs the line : 
 ' Dip them at Atwell's in a bowl of soup.' 
 
 - Photographic reproductions of the glass bowl, medals, and silver whistle, 
 referred to at pp. 206-7, have been published in the Proceedings of the Royal 
 Irish Academy, vol. xxiv. section 0, in which this paper first appeared. 
 
Part II 
 CONTEMPOEARY ACCOUNTS OF IRELAND 
 
 IN THE 
 
 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 
 
I 
 
 THE ITINERARY OF FYNES M0RY80N 
 
 Although it is close upon three centuries since the first publica- 
 tion of the larger portion of the important work known as Fynes 
 Moryson's ' Itinerary,' it is only quite recently that the full scope 
 of Moryson's undertaking has been properly understood. The 
 publication by Mr. Charles Hughes, as lately as 1903, in a work 
 entitled ' Shakespeare's Europe,' ^ of the large section of the 
 ' Itinerary,' which had so long remained in manuscript in the 
 library of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, has for the first time 
 rendered it possible to appreciate the full extent and value of 
 Moryson's labours as a social historian of his own times. No 
 single portion of Moryson's remarkable survey of the manners, 
 customs, and institutions of the various countries and kingdoms of 
 Europe at the opening of the seventeenth century is more valuable 
 than the chapters devoted to Ireland. The ' Description of Ireland,' 
 which forms the fifth chapter of the third book of Part III. of the 
 original ' Itinerary,' is well known and has been more than once 
 reprinted.^ But the account of the ' Commonwealth of Ireland,' 
 which forms the fifth chapter of the second book of the long un- 
 published fourth part and the chapter on Manners and Customs 
 (Book V. chapter v.) were unknown until their publication by 
 Mr. Hughes. Other references to Ireland in the ' Itinerary ' besides 
 those printed in this volume occur in the chapter which treats ' Of 
 
 ' SJiakespeare' s Europe. Unpublished Chapters of Fynes Moryson's 
 Itinerary : being a Survey of the Condition of Europe at the end of the Sixteenth 
 Century. With an Introduction and an Account of Fynes Moryson's Career. 
 By Charles Hughes, B.A. (London). London : Sherratt & Hughes. 1903. 
 
 - The Description is included at the end of the second volume of the Dublin 
 edition of Part II. of the Itinerary, pi-inted in 1735 under the title of A History 
 of Ireland from 1559 to 1603. It has also been included by Professor Henry 
 Morley in his Ireland under Elizabeth and James L, which forms vol. x. of 
 the Carisbrooke Library Series. 
 
 r2 
 
212 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 the Turks, French, EngUsh, Scottish, and Irish Apparel ' (Part III. 
 Book IV. chapter v.), and in that on ' The Journey through Eng- 
 land, Scotland, and Ireland' (Part I. Book III. chapter v.). The 
 latter contains many interesting sidelights on the conditions of 
 travelling in the three kingdoms thi'ee hundred years ago. While 
 the ' Description ' will always remain valuable as a picture of Irish 
 life and manners by a traveller whose large comparative knowledge 
 of the Europe of his day gives a special importance to his observa- 
 tions, Moryson's notes on the Commonwealth have a unique 
 interest for the light they throw on the political institutions of 
 Ireland, as seen by one who had been actively engaged in Irish 
 affairs, and had enjoyed peculiar opportunities of studying the 
 administrative system of the Irish government at a very important 
 crisis in Irish history. A like praise can hardly be accorded to 
 the observations ' touching religion ' in Ireland (Book III. chapter 
 vi.). Moryson's views on this head are as acutely controversial 
 and as inevitably uncharitable as might be expected ; and it has 
 not appeared expedient to print them here. 
 
 No one can have had greater facilities than were possessed by 
 Fynes Moryson for understanding the machinery of the Irish 
 executive in all its parts as it existed at the close of Elizabeth's 
 reign. For not only was he placed, as secretary to Mount] oy 
 during the whole period of that Viceroy's active career in Ireland, 
 in the closest possible contact with the central executive, but he 
 had ample means of information regarding the local instruments 
 of government in the provinces. His brother, Sir Eichard 
 Moryson, who came to Ireland in the army of Essex in 1599, held 
 important appointments there for close on thirty years. From 
 1609 to 1628 Sir Eichard held the considerable office of Vice- 
 President of Munster, and he was visited at Cork by the historian 
 in 1613. Thus the faculty of precise observation which gives so 
 much value to Fynes Moryson's narrative, even where his notes 
 represent no more than the rapid but acute deductions of a 
 passing traveller, has, in the case of his account of Ireland, the 
 enhanced interest which comes of the writer's intimate knowledge 
 of the social and pohtical state of the country. 
 
 Often as it has been printed, Fynes Moryson's ' Description of 
 Ireland' is an indispensable introduction to any collection of 
 contemporary works on seventeenth century Ireland, and as such 
 it is once more printed here. The chapters on the Commonwealth 
 and on manners and customs are reproduced because, although so 
 recently published, the Irish sections of Part IV. of the ' Itinerary * 
 are scattered at wide distances through Mr. Hughes's substantial 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 213 
 
 volume ; • and, forming only a relatively small portion of the whole, 
 have scarcely attracted the attention they deserve. 
 
 The extracts from ' Shakespeare's Em-ope ' are included in this 
 volume with the cordially expressed assent of Mr. Charles Hughes, 
 and of the owners of the copyright in that work, Messrs. Sherratt 
 & Hughes, publishers, of Manchester and London. Some passages 
 not printed by Mr. Hughes, which appear to throw useful light on 
 the social condition of Ireland at the time when Moryson wrote, 
 are now published for the first time by the kind permission of the 
 President and Fellows of Corpus Cbristi College, Oxford. 
 
 ' See Sliakcspeare's Europe, pp. 185-260, 285-9, and 481-6. 
 
A 
 
 THE DESCBIPTION OF IRELAND 
 
 The longitude of Ireland extends four degrees, from the 
 meridian of eleven degrees and a half to that of fifteen and 
 a half, and the latitude extends also four degrees, from the 
 parallel of fifty-four degrees to that of fifty-eight degrees. 
 In the geographical description I will follow Cambden as 
 formerly.^ 
 
 This famous island in the Virginian sea is by old writers 
 called lerna, Inverna, and Iris, by the old inhabitants Erin, 
 by the old Britains Yuerdhen, by the English at this day 
 Ireland, and by the Irish Bards at this day Banno, in which 
 sense of the Irish word, Avicen calls it the Holy Island ; 
 besides, Plutarch of old called it Ogygia, and after him 
 Isidore named it Scotia.^ This Ireland, according to the 
 inhabitants, is divided into two parts, the wild Irish, and the 
 English-Irish, living in the English pale. But of the old 
 kingdoms, five in number, it is divided into five parts. 
 
 1. The first is by the Irish called Mowne, by the English 
 Munster, and is subdivided into six counties — of Kerry, of 
 Limerick, of Cork, of Tipperary, of the Holy Cross, and of 
 Waterford — to which the seventh county of Desmond is now 
 added. The Gangavi, a Scythian people, coming into Spain, 
 and from thence into Ireland, inhabited the county of Kerry, 
 full of woody mountains, in which the Earls of Desmond 
 had the dignity of palatines, having their house in Trailes,^ 
 a little town now almost uninhabited. Not far thence lies 
 
 ' See Camden's Britannia (edition of 1722), vol. ii. p. 1334 et seq. 
 * On the ancient names of Ireland, see Joyce's Irish Names of Places, ii. 
 pp. 458-9. 
 3 Tralee. 
 
THE DE8CEIPTI0N OF lEELAND 215 
 
 St. Mary Wic, vulgarly called Smerwick, where the Lord 
 Arthur Gray, being Lord Deputy, happily overthrew the 
 aiding troops sent to the Earl of Desmond from the Pope 
 and the King of Spain. On the south side of Kerry lies the 
 county of Desmond,^ of old inhabited by three kinds of 
 people, the Luceni (being Spaniards), the Velabri (so called 
 of their seat upon the sea-waters or marshes), and the 
 Iberni, called the upper Irish, inhabiting about Beer-haven 
 and Baltimore, two havens well known by the plentiful 
 fishing of herrings, and the late invasion of the Spaniards in 
 the year 1601. Next to these is the county of MacCarty- 
 More, of Irish race, whom, as enemy to the FitzGeralds, 
 Queen Elizabeth made Earl of Glencar in the year 1566. 
 For of the FitzGeralds, of the family of the Earls of Kildare, 
 the Earls of Desmond descended, who, being by birth 
 Enghsh, and created earls by King Edward III., became 
 hateful rebels in our time. The third county hath the 
 name of the City Cork, consisting almost all of one long 
 street,^ but well known and frequented, which is so com- 
 passed with rebellious neighbours, as they of old not daring 
 to marry their daughters to them, the custom grew, and 
 continues to this day, that by mutual marriages one with 
 another all the citizens are of kin in some degree of affinity. 
 Not far thence is Yoghal, having a safe haven, near which 
 the Viscounts of Barry, of English race, are seated. In 
 the fourth county of Tipperary nothing is memorable, but 
 that it is a palatinate.^ The little town Holy Cross, in 
 the county of the same name, hath many great privileges. 
 The sixth county hath the name of the City Limerick, the 
 seat of a bishop, wherein is a strong castle built by King 
 John. Not far thence is Awne,"* the seat of a bishop, and 
 the Lower Ossory, giving the title of an earl to the Butlers, 
 and the town Thurles, giving them also the title of viscount. 
 And there is Cassiles,^ now a poor city, but the seat of an 
 archbishop. The seventh county hath the name of the 
 
 ' Vide Part I. p. 132 supra. ^ North and South Main Street. 
 
 ^ See Part I. p. 112 supra. •• Emiy. 
 
 ^ Thurles and Cashel are both in Tipperary. 
 
216 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 City Waterford, which the Irish call Porthlargi, of the 
 commodious haven, a rich and well-inhabited city, esteemed 
 the second to Dublin. And because the inhabitants long faith- 
 fully helped the English in subduing Ireland our kings gave 
 them excessive privileges ; but they, rashly failing in their 
 obedience at King James's coming to the crown, could not 
 in long time obtain the confirmation of their old Charter.' 
 
 2. Leinster, the second part of Ireland, is fertile, and 
 yields plenty of corn, and hath a most temperate mild air, 
 being divided into ten counties of Catherlough, Kilkenny, 
 Wexford, Dublin, Kildare, the King's County, the Queen's 
 County, the counties of Longford, of Ferns,^ and of Wicklow. 
 The Cariondi of old inhabited Catherlogh (or Carlow) County, 
 and they also inhabited great part of Kilkenny, of Upper 
 Ossory, and of Ormond, which have nothing memorable but 
 the Earls of Ormond, of the great family of the Butlers, 
 inferior to no earl in Ireland (not to speak of Fitzpatrick, 
 Baron of Upper Ossory). It is ridiculous which some Irish 
 (who will be believed as men of credit) report of men in 
 these parts yearly turned into wolves, except the abundance 
 of melancholy humour transports them to imagine that they 
 are so transformed.^ Kilkenny giving name to the second 
 county is a pleasant town, the chief of the towns within 
 land, memorable for the civility of the inhabitants, for the 
 husbandman's labour, and the pleasant orchards, I pass over 
 the walled town Thomastown, and the ancient city Eheban, 
 now a poor village with a castle, yet of old giving the title 
 of baronet. I pass over the village and strong castle of 
 Leighlin, with the country adjoining, usurped by the sept of 
 the Cavanaghs, now surnamed O'Moors. Also I omit Ross,"* 
 of old a large city, at this day of no moment. The third 
 
 ' The charter of Waterford suspended by James I. was not renewed till 
 1626, when Charles I. gave the city a new charter. 
 
 - See Part I. p. 126 siqyra. 
 
 ^ See, as to this legend, Giraklus Cambrensis, Topographia Hibeiiiica, v. 
 104 (Rolls Series). See also the remarks on Irish Wolf -legends in Dr. Joyce's 
 Social History of Ancient Ireland, i. p. 299. 
 
 * Eheban is in Kildare, Leighlin in Cavlow, and Boss in Wexford. But in 
 Moryson's time there was considerable confusion as to the boundaries of all 
 the south-eastern counties of Leinster. See Part I. p. 125 siqva. 
 
THE DESCEIPTION OF lEELAND 217 
 
 county of Wexford (called by the Irish County Eeogh) was 
 of old inhabited by the Menapii, where, at the town called 
 Banna,' the English made their first descent into Ireland, 
 and upon that coast are very dangerous flats in the sea, 
 which they vulgarly call grounds. The City Weshford, 
 Weisford, or Wexford, is the chief of the county, not great, 
 but deserving praise for their faithfulness towards the 
 English, and frequently inhabited by men of English race. 
 The Cauci (a sea-bordering nation of Germany) and the 
 Menapii aforesaid, of old inhabited the territories now 
 possessed by the O'Moors and O'Birns ; also they inhabited 
 the fourth county of Kildare, a fruitful soil, having the chief 
 town of the same name, greatly honoured in the infancy of 
 the Church by St. Bridget. King Edward II. created the 
 Giralds Earls of Kildare. The Eblani of old inhabited the 
 territory of Dublin, the fifth county, having a fertile soil and 
 rich pastures, but wanting wood, so as they burn turf, or sea- 
 coal brought out of England. The City Dublin, called 
 Divelin by the English, and Balacleigh ^ (as seated upon 
 hurdles) by the Irish, is the chief city of the kingdom, and 
 seat of justice, fairly built, frequently inhabited, and adorned 
 with a strong castle, fifteen churches, an episcopal seat, and 
 a fair college (an happy foundation of an university laid in 
 our age), and endowed with many privileges, but the haven 
 is barred and made less commodious by those hills of sands. 
 The adjoining promontory, Hoth-head, gives the title of a 
 baron to the family of St. Laurence ; and towards the 
 north lies Fingal, a little territory, as it were the garner of 
 the kingdom, which is environed by the sea and great 
 rivers, and this situation hath defended it from the incur- 
 sion of rebels in former civil wars. I omit the King's and 
 Queen's Counties (namely, Ophaly and Leax) inhabited by 
 the O'Connors and O'Moors, as likewise the counties of 
 Longford, Ferns, and Wicklow, as less affording memorable 
 things. 
 
 ' Bannow. 
 
 '^ Divelin = Dubh-linn, or black pool. Balacleigh = Bally- Athcliath. See 
 as to the etymology of Dublin, Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 
 p. 3 et seg. 
 
218 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 3. The third part of Ireland is Midia or Media, called by 
 the English Meath, in our fathers' memory divided into 
 Eastmeath and Westmeath.' In Eastmeath is Drogheda, 
 vulgarly called Tredagh, a fair and well-inhabited town. 
 Trim is a little town upon the confines of Ulster, having a 
 stately castle, but now much ruinated, and it is more notable 
 for being the ancient (as it were) barony of the Lacies. 
 Westmeath hath the town Delvin, giving the title of baron 
 to the English family of the Nugents, and Westmeath is also 
 inhabited by many great Irish septs, as the O'Maddens, the 
 Magoghigans, O'Malaghlans, and MacCoghlans, which seem 
 barbarous names. Shanon is a great river in a long course, 
 making many and great lakes (as the large lake or Lough 
 Kegith^), and yields plentiful fishing, as do the freqaent 
 rivers and all the seas of Ireland. Upon this river lies the 
 town Athlone, having a very fair bridge of stone (the work 
 of Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy^), and a strong fair castle. 
 
 4. Connaught is the fourth part of Ireland, a fruitful 
 province, but having many bogs and thick woods, and it is 
 divided into six counties, of Clare,^ of Leitrim, of Galway, 
 of Eoscommon, of Mayo and of Sligo. The county of 
 Clare or Thomond hath his Earls of Thomond, of the 
 family of the O'Brenes, the old kings of Connaught, and 
 Tuam is the seat of an archbishop ; only part, but the 
 greatest, of this county was called Clare, of Thomas Clare, 
 Earl of Gloucester.^ The adjoining territory. Clan Bichard 
 (the land of Eichard's sons), hath his earls called Clan- 
 rickard of the land, but being of the English family de Burgo, 
 vulgarly Burke, and both these earls were first created by 
 Henry VIII. In the same territory is the Barony Atterith,*' 
 belonging to the barons of the English family Bermingham, 
 of old very warlike, but their posterity have degenerated to 
 
 ' See Part I. p. 117 supra. - Lough Kee. 
 
 ' See Part I. p. 122 supra. And see The Old Bridge at Athlotie, by the 
 Rev. John S. Joly, Dublin, 1881. 
 
 * See Part I. p. 123 supra. 
 
 * This is a view of the origin of the name of the county which has been 
 held by competent antiquaries. But see Dr. Joyce's etymological derivation, 
 Part I. p. 135 supra. 
 
 ^ Atlienvy. 
 
THE DBSCKIPTION OP lEELAND 219 
 
 the Irish barbarism. The City Galway, giving narae to the 
 county, lying upon the sea, is frequently inhabited with civil 
 people, and fairly built. The northern part of Connaught is 
 inhabited by these Irish septs, O'Connor, O'Eourke, and 
 MacDiermod. Upon the western coast lies the island 
 Arran, famous for the fabulous long life of the inhabitants. 
 
 Ulster, the fifth part of Ireland, is a large province, 
 woody, fenny, in some parts fertile, in other parts barren, 
 but in all parts green and pleasant to behold, and exceed- 
 ingly stored with cattle. The next part to the Pale and 
 to England is divided into three counties — Lowth, Down, 
 and Antrim ; the rest contains seven counties — Monaghan, 
 Tyrone, Armagh, Coleraine, Donnegal, Fermannagh, and 
 Cavan. Lowth is inhabited by English-Irish (Down and 
 Antrim being contained under the same name), and the 
 barons thereof be of the Bermingham's family, and remain 
 loving to the English. Monaghan was inhabited by the 
 English family Fitzursi, and these are become degenerate 
 and barbarous, and in the sense of that name are in the 
 Irish tongue called MacMahon, that is the sons of Bears. 
 I forbear to speak of Tyrone, and the earl thereof, 
 infamous for his rebellion, which I have at large handled 
 in this work. Armagh is the seat of an archbishop, and 
 the metropolitan city of the whole island, but in time of 
 the rebellion was altogether ruinated. The other counties 
 have not many memorable things, therefore it shall suffice 
 to speak of them briefly. The neck of land called Lecaile is 
 a pleasant little territory, fertile, and abounding with fish 
 and all things for food, and therein is Down, at this time a 
 ruined town, but the seat of a bishop, and famous for the 
 burial of St. Patrick, St. Bridget,^ and St. Columb. The 
 town of Carrickfergus is well known by the safe haven. 
 The river Bann, running through the Lake Evagh ^ into 
 the sea, is famous for the fishing of salmons, the water 
 being most clear, wherein the salmons much delight. 
 The great families (or septs) of Ulster are thus named : 
 O'Neal, O'Donnel (whereof the chief was lately created 
 
 ' St. Bridget was buried at Kildare. - Neagh. 
 
220 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 Earl of Tirconnel), O'Buil, MacGwire, O'Kain, O'Dogherty, 
 MacMahown, MacGennis, MacSurleigh, &c. The lake Erne 
 compassed with thick woods hath such plenty of fish as 
 the fishermen fear the breaking of their nets rather than 
 want of fish. Towards the north, in the midst of vast 
 woods (and as I think) in the county Donnegal is a lake, 
 and therein an island, in which is a cave, famous for the 
 apparition of spirits, which the inhabitants call Ellanvi 
 frugadory — that is, the island of Purgatory — and they call it 
 St. Patrick's Purgatory, fabling that he obtained of God by 
 prayer that the Irish seeing the pains of the damned might 
 more carefully avoid sin.^ 
 
 The situation. — The land of Ireland is uneven, moun- 
 tainous, soft, watery, woody, and open to winds and floods 
 of rain, and so fenny as it hath bogs on the very tops of 
 mountains, not bearing man or beast, but dangerous to 
 pass, and such bogs are frequent over all Ireland. Our 
 mariners observe the sailing into Ireland to be more dan- 
 gerous, not only because many tides meeting makes the sea 
 apt to swell upon any storm, but especially because they 
 ever find the coast of Ireland covered with mists, whereas the 
 coast of England is commonly clear and to be seen far off. 
 The air of Ireland is unapt to ripen seeds, yet (as Mela wit- 
 nesseth) the earth is luxurious in yielding fair and sweet 
 herbs. Ireland is little troubled with thunders, lightnings, 
 or earthquakes, yet (I know not upon what presage) in the 
 year 1601, and in the month of November almost ended, 
 at the siege of Kinsale and a few days before the famous 
 battle, in which the rebels were happily overthrown, we 
 did nightly hear and see great thunderings and lightnings, 
 not without some astonishment what they should presage. 
 The fields are not only most apt to feed cattle, but yield 
 also great increase of corn. I will freely say that I observed 
 
 ' For a very full account of St. Patrick's Purgatory, in Lough Derg, co. 
 Donegal, long celebrated as a place of pilgrimage, see an elaborate article by 
 W. Pinkerton in the Ulster Archccological Journal, vols. iv. and v. The chapel 
 on the island was demolished in 1632, and again in 1680, the popularity of the 
 pilgrimage haviug been revived after 1641. See also Ware's ^4?;ii2!ii7it's, which 
 contains a plate showing the 'Purgatory ' prior to its demolition. And seethe 
 Lismcn-e Papers, 1st Ser. iii, p. 15'J. 
 
THE DESCRIPTION OF IRELAND 221 
 
 the winter's cold to be far more mild than it is in England, 
 so as the Irish pastures are more green, and so likewise the 
 gardens all winter time, but that in summer, by reason of 
 the cloudy air and watery soil, the heat of the sun hath not 
 such power to ripen corn and fruits, so as their harvest is 
 much later than in England. Also I observed that the best 
 sorts of flowers and fruits are much rarer in Ireland than in 
 England, which notwithstanding is more to be attributed 
 to the inhabitants than to the air. For Ireland being oft 
 troubled with rebellions, and the rebels not only being idle 
 themselves, but in natural malice destroying the labours of 
 other men, and cutting up the very trees of fruit for the 
 same cause, or else to burn them : for these reasons the 
 inhabitants take less pleasure to till their grounds or plant 
 trees, content to live for the day in continual fear of like 
 mischief. Yet is not Ireland altogether destitute of these 
 flowers and fruits, wherewith the county of Kilkenny seems 
 to abound more than any other part : and the said humidity 
 of air and land making the fruits for food more raw and 
 moist ; hereupon the inhabitants and strangers are troubled 
 with looseness of body, the country disease. Yet for the 
 rawness they have an excellent remedy by their Aqua Vitae, 
 vulgarly called Usquebagh, which binds the belly, and 
 drieth up moisture more than our Aqua Vitae, yet inflameth 
 not so much. Also inhabitants as well as strangers are 
 troubled there with an ague which they call the Irish ague, 
 and they who are sick thereof, upon a received custom, do 
 not use the help of the physician, but give themselves to 
 the keeping of Irish women, who starve the ague, giving the 
 sick man no meat, who takes nothing but milk and some 
 vulgarly known remedies at their hand. 
 
 The fertility and traffic. — Ireland, after much blood spilt 
 in the civil wars, became less populous, and as well great 
 lords of countries as other inferior gentlemen laboured more 
 to get new possessions for inheritance, than by husbandry 
 and peopling of their old lands to increase their revenues ; 
 so as I then observed much grass (wherewith the island so 
 much abounds) to have perished without use, and either to 
 
222 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY 
 
 have rotted, or in the next spring time to be burnt, lest it 
 should hinder the coming of new grass ; this plenty of grass 
 makes the Irish have infinite multitudes of cattle, and in 
 the heat of the last rebellion the very vagabond rebels had 
 great multitudes of cows, which they still (like the nomades) 
 drove with them whithersoever themselves were driven, and 
 fought for them as for their altars and families. By this 
 abundance of cattle the Irish have a frequent though some- 
 what poor traffic for their hides, the cattle being in general 
 very little, and only the men and the greyhounds of great 
 stature. Neither can the cattle possibly be great since they 
 eat only by day, and then are brought at evening within the 
 bawns of castles,^ where they stand or lie all night in a dirty 
 yard without so much as a lock of hay, whereof they make 
 little for sluggishness, and their little they altogether keep 
 for their horses ; and they are brought in by nights for fear 
 of thieves, the Irish using almost no other kind of theft, 
 or else for fear of wolves, the destruction whereof being 
 neglected by the inhabitants, oppressed with greater mis- 
 chiefs, they are so much grown in number as sometimes in 
 winter nights they will come to prey in villages and the 
 suburbs of the cities.^ The Earl of Ormond in Munster, 
 and the Earl of Kildare in Leinster, had each of them a 
 small park inclosed for fallow deer, and I have not seen any 
 other park in Ireland, nor have heard that they had any 
 other at that time, yet in many woods they have many red 
 deer loosely scattered,^ which seem more plentiful, because 
 
 ' For a very instructive account of the bawns surrounding the dwellings of 
 Irish planters in the seventeenth century see ' Notes on Bawns ' in the Ulster 
 Journal of Archaolocjy, vi. p. 125. 
 
 ^ As to wolves in Ireland see O'Flaherty's West or H-Iar Connauglit, ed. 
 Hardiman, note D, p. 180, where a declaration concerning wolves is printed, 
 with other documents of the Cromwellian period, which shows the extent to 
 which wolves had multiplied during the desolation of the Civil War, and the 
 measures taken to exterminate them. See also Ulster Journal of Arcliceology, 
 ii. p. 281. 
 
 ^ Red deer were known in a wild state in the west of Ireland down to the 
 middle of the nineteenth century. See Knight's Erris in the Irish Highlands. 
 They still survive in Kerry and Donegal. As to their numbers in the same 
 district in the eighteenth century, see Pocock's Tour in Ireland in 1752, ed. 
 Stokes, p. 86. 
 
THE DESCRIPTION OP IRELAND 223 
 
 the inhabitants used not then to hunt them, but only the 
 governors and commanders had them sometimes killed with 
 the piece. They have also about Ophalia and Wexford, and 
 in some parts of Munster, some fallow deer scattered in the 
 woods ; yet in the time of the war I did never see any 
 venison served at the table, but only in the houses of the said 
 earls and of the English commanders. Ireland hath great 
 plent}^ of birds and fowls, but by reason of their natural 
 sloth they had little delight or skill in birding or fowl- 
 ing. But Ireland hath neither singing nightingale nor 
 chattering pie,^ nor undermining mole, nor black crow, but 
 only crows of mingled colour such as we call Eoyston crows. 
 They have such plenty of pheasants as I have known sixty 
 served at one feast, and abound much more with rails, but 
 partridges are somewhat rare. There be very many eagles, 
 and great plenty of hares, conies, hawks, called goss-hawks, 
 much esteemed with us, and also of bees, as well in hives 
 at home as in hollow trees abroad and in caves of the earth. 
 They abound in flocks of sheep which they shear twice in 
 the year, but their wool is coarse, and merchants may not 
 export it, forbidden by a law made on behalf of the poor,^ 
 that they may be nourished by working it into cloth, namely 
 rugs (whereof the best are made at Waterford), and mantles 
 are generally worn by men and women and exported in 
 great quantity. Ireland yields much flax, which the inhabi- 
 tants work into yarn, and export the same in great quan- 
 tity ; and of old they had such plenty of linen cloth as the 
 old Irish used to wear thirty or forty ells in a shirt all 
 gathered and wrinkled, and washed in saffron because they 
 never put them off till they were worn out. Their horses, 
 called hobbies, are much commended for their ambling pace 
 and beauty ; but Ireland yields few horses good for service 
 in war, and the said hobbies are much inferior to our 
 geldings in strength to endure long journeys, and being bred 
 in the fenny, soft ground of Ireland are soon lamed when 
 
 ' ' No Pies to pluck the thatch from House 
 
 Are bred in Irish ground.' — Derricke's Image of Ireland, p. 43. 
 * See the statutes 11 Eliz. cap. 10, and 13 EHz. cap. 4. 
 
224 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 they are brought into England, The hawks of Ireland, 
 called goss-hawks, are (as I said) much esteemed in England, 
 and they are sought out by money and all means to be 
 transported thither.^ Ireland yields excellent marble near 
 Dublin, Kilkenny, and Cork ; and I am of their opinion who 
 dare venture all they are worth that the mountains would 
 yield abundance of metals if this public good were not 
 hindered by the inhabitants' barbarousness, making them 
 apt to seditions, and so unwilling to enrich their prince and 
 country, and by their slothfulness, which is so singular as 
 they hold it baseness to labour, and by their poverty not 
 able to bear the charge of such works ; besides that the wiser 
 sort think their poverty best for the public good, making 
 them peaceable, as nothing makes them sooner kick against 
 authority than riches. Ireland hath in all parts pleasant 
 rivers, safe and long havens, and no less frequent lakes of 
 great circuit, yielding great plenty of fish ; and the sea on all 
 sides yields like plenty of excellent fish, as salmon, oysters 
 (which are preferred before the English), and shell-fishes, 
 with all other kinds of sea-fish, so as the Irish might in all 
 parts have abundance of excellent sea and fresh-water fish, 
 if the fishermen were not so possessed with the natural 
 fault of slothfulness, as no hope of gain, scarcely the fear of 
 authority, can in many places make them come out of their 
 houses and put to sea. Hence it is that in many places they 
 use Scots for fishermen, and they, together with the English, 
 make profit of the inhabitants' sluggishness ; and no doubt 
 if the Irish were industrious in fishing, they might export 
 salted and dried fish with great gain. In time of peace the 
 Irish transport good quantity of corn ; yet they may not 
 transport it without license, lest upon any sudden rebellion 
 the King's forces and his good subjects should want com. 
 Ulster and the western parts of Munster yield vast woods,^ 
 in which the rebels, cutting up trees and casting them on 
 heaps, used to stop the passages, and therein, as also upon 
 
 ' For information as to hawking in Ireland see a paper by J. P. Prendergast 
 on ' Hawks and Hounds in Ireland,' Journal of Society of Antiquaries of IrC' 
 land, ii. p. 144. 
 
 * See Part I. p. 14B et seq., supra. 
 
THE DESCRIPTION OP IRELAND 225 
 
 fenny and boggy places, to fight with the Enghsh. But I 
 confess myself to have been deceived in the common fame 
 that all Ireland is woody, having found in my long journey 
 from Armagh to Kinsale few or no woods by the way, 
 excepting the great woods of Ophalia and some low shrubby 
 places which they call Glins ; also I did observe many 
 boggy and fenny places whereof great part might be dried 
 by good and painful husbandry. I may not omit the 
 opinion commonly received that the earth of Ireland will 
 not suffer a snake or venomous beast to live, and that the 
 Irish wood transported for building is free of spiders and 
 their webs ; ^ myself have seen some (but very few) spiders, 
 which the inhabitants deny to have any poison, but I have 
 heard some English of good credit affirm by experience the 
 contrary. The Irish having in most parts great woods, or 
 low shrubs and thickets, do use the same for fire, but in 
 other parts they burn turf and sea-coals brought out of 
 England. They export great quantity of wood to make 
 barrels, called pipe-staves, and make great gain thereby. 
 They are not permitted to build great ships of war, but they 
 have small ships, in some sorts armed to resist pirates, for 
 transporting of commodities into Spain and France, yet no 
 great number of them ; therefore since the Irish have small 
 skill in navigation, as I cannot praise them for this art, so I 
 am confident that the nation, being bold and warlike, would 
 no doubt prove brave seamen if they shall practise naviga- 
 tion, and could possibly be industrious therein. I freely 
 profess that Ireland in general would yield abundance of all 
 things to civil and industrious inhabitants ; and when it lay 
 wasted by the late rebellion, I did see it after the coming of 
 the Lord Mountjoy daily more and more to flourish, and, in 
 short time after the rebellion appeased, like the new spring 
 to put on the wonted beauty. 
 
 The diet. — Touching the Irish diet, some lords and knights, 
 and gentlemen of the English-Irish, and all the English there 
 abiding, having competent means, use the Enghsh diet, but 
 some more, some less cleanly, few or none curiously, and 
 
 ' See Part I. p. 143 supra. 
 
 Q 
 
226 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 no doubt they have as great, and for their part greater, 
 plenty than the EngHsh, of flesh, fowl, fish, and all things 
 for food, if they will use like art of cookery. Always I 
 except the fruits, venison, and some dainties proper to 
 England, and rare in Ireland. And we must conceive that 
 venison and fowl seem to be more plentiful in Ireland, 
 because they neither so generally affect dainty food, nor so 
 diligently search it as the English do.^ Many of the English- 
 Irish have by little and little been infected wdth the Irish 
 filthiness, and that in the very cities, excepting DubHn, and 
 some of the better sort in Waterford, where the English, 
 continually lodging in their houses, they more retain the 
 English diet. The English-Irish after our manner serve to 
 the table joints of flesh cut after our fashion, with geese, 
 pullets, pigs, and like roasted meats, but their ordinary food 
 for the common sort is of white meats, and they eat cakes of 
 oats for bread, and drink not English beer made of malt and 
 hops, but ale. At Cork I have seen with these eyes young 
 maids, stark naked, grinding of corn with certain stones to 
 make cakes thereof, and striking off into the tub of meal 
 such reliques thereof as stuck on their belly, thighs, and 
 more unseemly parts. And for the cheese or butter com- 
 monly made by the English-Irish an Englishman would 
 not touch it with his lips, though he were half-starved ; yet 
 many English inhabitants make very good of both kinds. 
 In cities they have such bread as ours, but of a sharp savour, 
 and some mingled with anice-seeds and baked like cakes, 
 and that only in the houses of the better sort. 
 
 At Dublin and in some other cities they have taverns,^ 
 wherein Spanish and French wines are sold, but more com- 
 monly the merchants sell them by pints and quarts in 
 their own cellars. The Irish aqua vitse,^ commonly called 
 
 ' See Gernon's Discozirse, p. 361, infra. 
 
 * For a very full notice of Dublin taverns see Barnaby Rich's New Description 
 of Ireland, chapter xvii., published in 1610. 
 
 ^ Notices of the drinking of usquebagh or whisky are frequent in sixteenth and 
 seventeenth century references to Irish social habits. The statute 3 <i' 4 Philip 
 and Mary, chapter vii., was passed to restrain its indiscriminate manufacture. 
 Among earlier references Stanihurst speaks, in his Plain and Perfect Description 
 
THE DESCRIPTION OF IRELAND 227 
 
 usquebagh, is held the best in the world of that kind, 
 which is made also in England, but nothing so good as that 
 which is brought out of Ireland. And the usquebagh is 
 preferred before our aqua vitae, because the mingling of 
 raisins, fennel-seed, and other things mitigating the heat, 
 and making the taste pleasant, makes it less inflame, and 
 yet refresh the weak stomach with moderate heat and a 
 good relish. These drinks the English-Irish drink largely, 
 and in many families (especially at feasts) both men and 
 women use excess therein. And since I have in part seen, 
 and often heard from other experience, that some gentle- 
 women are so free in this excess, as they would kneehng 
 upon the knee and otherwise garausse health after health 
 with men ; not to speak of the wives of Irish lords or to 
 refer it to the due place, who often drink till they be 
 drunken, or, at least, till they void urine in full assemblies 
 of men. I cannot (though unwillingly) but uote the Irish 
 women more especially with this fault, which I have 
 observed in no other part to be a woman's vice, but only 
 in Bohemia. Yet so, as accusing them, I mean not to 
 excuse the men, and will also confess that I have seen 
 virgins, as well gentlewomen as citizens, commanded by 
 their mothers to retire after they had in curtesy pledged one 
 or two healths. In cities passengers may have feather beds, 
 soft and good, but most commonly lousy, especially in the 
 highways, whether that came by their being forced to lodge 
 common soldiers or from the nasty filthiness of the nation 
 in general. For even in the best city and at Cork I have 
 observed that my own and other Englishmen's chambers 
 hired of the citizens were scarce swept once in the week, 
 
 of Ireland, of the excellence of Waterford whisky : ' as they distil the best Aqua 
 Vitffi, so they spin the choicest rug in Ireland ' (p. 24). Campion, writing in 
 1571, also refers to the consumption of the same drink. The earliest extant 
 reference to the national beverage appears to belong to the year 1405 and 
 illustrates with admirable point and brevity the use and abuse of strong 
 liquors. In that year ' Richard MacRaghnaill, heir to the chieftaincy of Muinter- 
 Eolais, quievit after drinking iiisce-betha (usquebagh, literally water of life) • and 
 it was uisce-marbtha (literally water of killing) to Richard.' Amials of Loch 
 C6, ii. p. 103, Hennessy's translation. See on this subject the Ulster Journal 
 0/ Archceology, vii. p. 33. 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 and the dust then laid in a corner was perhaps cast out 
 once in a month or two. I did never see any pubhc inns 
 with signs hanged out among the Enghsh or Enghsh-Irish, 
 but the officers of cities and villages appoint lodgings to 
 the passengers, and perhaps in each city they shall find one 
 or two houses where they will dress meat, and these be 
 commonly houses of Englishmen, seldom of the Irish, so as 
 these houses having no signs hung out a passenger cannot 
 challenge right to be entertained in them, but must have it 
 of courtesy, or by entreaty. 
 
 The wild and (as I may say) mere Irish, inhabiting many 
 and large provinces, are barbarous and most filthy in their 
 diet. They scum the seething pot with a handful of straw, 
 and strain their milk taken from the cow through a like hand- 
 ful of straw, none of the cleanest, and so cleanse, or rather 
 more defile, the pot and milk. They devour great morsels 
 of beef unsalted, and they eat commonly swine's flesh, 
 seldom mutton ; and all these pieces of flesh, as also the 
 entrails of beasts unwashed, they seethe in a hollow tree 
 lapped in a raw cow's hide and so set over the fire, and 
 therewith swallow whole lumps of filthy butter. Yea (which 
 is more contrary to nature), they will feed on horses dying of 
 themselves, not only upon small want of flesh, but even for 
 pleasure. For I remember an accident in the army when the 
 Lord Mountjoy, the Lord Deputy, riding to take the air out 
 of the camp, found the buttocks of dead horses cut off, and 
 suspecting that some soldiers had eaten that flesh out of 
 necessity, being defrauded of the victuals allowed them, 
 commanded the men to be searched out, among whom a 
 common soldier, and that of the English-Irish, not of the 
 mere Irish, being brought to the Lord Deputy, and asked 
 why he had eaten the flesh of dead horses, thus freely 
 answered, ' Your lordship may please to eat pheasant and 
 partridge, and much good do it you, that best likes your 
 taste ; and I hope it is lawful for me without offence to eat 
 this flesh that hkes me better than beef.' Whereupon the 
 Lord Deputy, perceiving himself to be deceived, and further 
 understanding that he had received bis ordinary victuals 
 
THE DESCEIPTION OF IRELAND 229 
 
 (the detaining whereof he suspected, and purposed to punish 
 for example), gave the soldier a piece of gold to drink in 
 usquebagh for better digestion, and so dismissed him. 
 
 The foresaid wild Irish do not thresh their oats, but burn 
 them from the straw, and so make cakes thereof, yet they 
 seldom eat this bread, much less any better kind, especially 
 in the time of war, whereof a Bohemian baron complained, 
 who, having seen the courts of England and Scotland, would 
 needs out of his curiosity return through Ireland in the 
 heat of the rebellion ; and having letters from the King of 
 Scots to the Irish lords then in rebellion, first landed among 
 them in the furthest north, where for eight days' space he 
 had found no bread, not so much as a cake of oats, till he 
 came to eat with the Earl of Tyrone, and after obtaining the 
 Lord Deputy's pass to come into our army, related this their 
 want of bread to us for a miracle, who nothing wondered 
 thereat. Yea, the wild Irish in time of greatest peace 
 impute covetousness and base birth to him that hath any 
 corn after Christmas, as it were a point of nobility to con- 
 sume all within those festival days. They willingly eat the 
 herb shamrock, being of a sharp taste, which, as they run 
 and are chased to and fro, they snatch like beasts out of the 
 ditches. 
 
 Neither have they any beer made of malt and hops, nor 
 yet any ale — no, not the chief lords, except it be very rarely ; 
 but they drink milk like nectar, warmed with a stone first 
 cast into the fire, or else beef -broth mingled with milk. But 
 when they come to any market town to sell a cow or a horse 
 they never return home till they have drunk the price in 
 Spanish wine (which they call the King of Spain's daughter), 
 or in Irish usquebagh, and till they have outslept two or 
 three days' drunkenness. And not only the common sort, but 
 even the lords and their wives ; the more they want this 
 drink at home, the more they swallow it when they come to 
 it, till they be as drunk as beggars. 
 
 Many of these wild Irish eat no flesh, but that which 
 dies of disease or otherwise of itself, neither can it scape 
 them for stinking. They desire no broth, nor have any use 
 
230 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 of a spoon. They can neither seethe artichokes nor eat 
 them when they are sodden. It is strange and ridiculous, 
 but most true, that some of our carriage horses falling into 
 their hands, when they found soap and starch carried for the 
 use of our laundresses, they thinking them to be some dainty 
 meats did eat them greedily, and when they stuck in their 
 teeth cursed bitterly the gluttony of us English churls, for 
 so they term us. They feed most on white meats, and es- 
 teem for a great dainty sour curds, vulgarly called by them 
 Bonaclabbe.^ And for this cause they watchfully keep their 
 cows, and fight for them as for their religion and life ; and 
 when they are almost starved, yet they will not kill a cow, 
 except it be old and yield no milk. Yet will they upon 
 hunger in time of war open a vein of the cow and drink the 
 blood, but in no case kill or much weaken it. A man would 
 think these men to be Scythians, who let their horses blood 
 under the ears, and for nourishment drink their blood, and, 
 indeed (as I have formerly said) some of the Irish are of the 
 race of Scythians, coming into Spain, and from thence into 
 Ireland. The wild Irish (as I said) seldom kill a cow to eat, 
 and if perhaps they kill one for that purpose, they dis- 
 tribute it all to be devoured at one time ; for they approve 
 not the orderly eating at meals, but so they may eat enough 
 when they are hungry they care not to fast long. And I 
 have known some of^ these Irish footmen serving in England 
 (where they are nothing less than sparing in the food of 
 their families) to lay meat aside for many meals to devour it 
 all at one time. 
 
 These wild Irish, as soon as their cows have calved, take 
 the calves from them, and thereof feed some with milk to 
 rear for breed ; some of the rest they slay, and seethe them in 
 a filthy poke, and so eat them, being nothing but froth, and 
 send them for a present one to another. But the greatest 
 part of these calves they cast out to be eaten by crows and 
 wolves, that themselves may have more abundance of milk. 
 
 ' Bonnyclabber, a kind of buttermilk, or curds. See Kilkenny Archcco- 
 logical Journal, v. p. 25, and Ulster Journal of Archceolpgy, ii. p. 283 and v. 
 p. 349. See also Dinely's Tour, p. 29. 
 
THE DESCEIPTION OF IRELAND 231 
 
 And the calves being taken away, the cows are so mad 
 among them, as they will give no milk till the skin of the 
 calf be stuffed and set before them, that they may smell the 
 odour of their own bellies. Yea, when these cows thus 
 madly deny their milk the women wash their hands in 
 cows' dung, and so gently stroke their dugs, yea, put their 
 hands into the cow's tail, and with their mouths blow into 
 their tails, that with this manner (as it were) of enchantment 
 they may draw milk from them. Yea, these cows seem as 
 rebellious to their owners as the people are to their kings, for 
 many times they will not be milked, but of some one old 
 woman only, and of no other. 
 
 These wild Irish never set any candles upon tables. 
 What do I speak of tables ? since, indeed, they have no 
 tables, but set their meat upon a bundle of grass, and use the 
 same grass for napkins to wipe their hands. But I mean 
 that they do not set candles upon any high place to give 
 light to the house, but place a great candle made of reeds 
 and butter upon the floor in the midst of a great room ; 
 and in like sort the chief men in their houses make fires in 
 the midst of the room, the smoke whereof goeth out at a hole 
 in the top thereof. An Italian friar coming of old into 
 Ireland, and seeing at Armagh this their diet and nakedness 
 of the women is said to have cried out : 
 
 Civitas Armachana, civitas vana, 
 Carnes crudae, mulieres nudsa. 
 
 Vain Armagh City, I did thee pity, 
 
 Thy meat's rawness, and women's nakedness. 
 
 I trust no man expects among these gallants any beds, 
 much less feather beds and sheets, who like the nomads 
 removing their dwelhngs, according to the commodity of 
 pastures for their cows, sleep under the canopy of heaven, 
 or in a poor house of clay, or in a cabin made of the boughs 
 of trees, and covered with turf, for such are the dwellings of 
 the very lords among them. And in such places they 
 make a fire in the midst of the room, and round about it 
 they sleep upon the ground, without straw or other thing 
 under them, lying all in a circle about the fire with their 
 
232 ILLUSTKATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 feet towards it. And their bodies being naked, they cover 
 their heads and upper parts with their mantles, which they 
 first make very wet, steeping them in water of purpose, for 
 they find that when their bodies have once warmed the wet 
 mantles the smoke of them keeps their bodies in temperate 
 heat all the night following. And this manner of lodging, 
 not only the mere Irish lords and their followers use, but 
 even some of the English-Irish lords and their followers, 
 when, after the old but tyrannical and prohibited manner, 
 vulgarly called coshering,^ they go (as it were) on progress, 
 to live upon their tenants, till they have consumed all the 
 victuals that the poor men have or can get. To conclude, 
 not only in lodging passengers not at all or most rudely, 
 but even in their inhospitality towards them, these wild 
 Irish are not much unlike to wild beasts, in whose caves a 
 beast passing that way might perhaps find meat, but not 
 without danger to be ill entertained, perhaps devoured of his 
 insatiable host. 
 
 Ware defines coshering thus, ' Coshery cxactio erat Dynastae Hibernici, 
 quando ab incoUs sub ejus potestate et clientela victnm et hospitium capiebat, 
 pro seipso suaque sequela.' — Antiquities, chapter xiii. Davies, in his Discovery, 
 says, ' Cosherings . . . were visitations and progresses made by the lord and 
 his followers among his tenants.' 
 
B 
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 
 
 OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND ACCORDING TO ALL THE 
 PARTICULAR SUBJECTS MENTIONED IN THE TITLE OF THE 
 FIRST CHAPTER AND FIRST BOOK OF THIS PART.' 
 
 Now briefly I will write of the Irish Commonwealth, wherein 
 it shall suffice with a finger to point at the fountains of past 
 mischiefs. 
 
 It is governed by a Lord Deputy and Council of State 
 
 resident at Dublin, and the Councillors are made by the 
 
 , King's letters, and. continue in that place during their 
 
 The Lord ... ^ ,,',.,, ^ „ ^ 
 
 Deputy life, yet at the Kmg s pleasure to recall or remove 
 Co^uncil ^h®^' whereof notwithstanding we have few or 
 none examples, and at the end of the war they 
 were not many, only consisting of the Lord Chancellor, the 
 Lord High Treasurer, the Master of the Rolls, the Marshal 
 of Ireland, the Master of the Ordinance, the Treasurer at 
 Wars, the Bishop of Meath, the Secretary and some few 
 chief colonels of the army, but since that time there have 
 been two Secretaries of State, and the number hath been 
 much increased by the Lord Chief Baron and many other 
 gentlemen both of the army and otherwise. Besides that, the 
 Lords Presidents of provinces are always understood to be 
 of this Council when they come to Dublin or any place 
 
 ' Chapter i. of Book I. of Part IV. of the Itinerary defines the topics included 
 under the term Commonwealth thus : ' Under which title I contain the 
 historical introduction, the King's pedigrees and courts, the present state of 
 public affairs, the tributes and revenues, the military power for horse, foot and 
 navy, the courts of justice, rare laws, more especially those of inheritance, and 
 contracts of marriage, the criminal judgments, and the diversity of degrees in 
 family and commonwealth.' 
 
234 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 where the Lord Deputy resides. As for the Lord Deputy, 
 he is made by the King's letters patent during pleasure, and 
 commonly hath continued some three years, but sometimes 
 fewer or many more years, at the King's pleasure. Some- 
 times he hath the title of Lord-Lieutenant for greater 
 honour, as the Earl of Essex lately had, and sometimes for 
 diminution is styled Lord Justice, as more specially when, 
 upon the death of the Lord Deputy, one or more Lords 
 Justices are chosen to govern till a new Deputy be appointed. 
 Yet of old when our kings were styled Lord of Ireland, this 
 chief governor under them was commonly styled Lord 
 Justice.^ But howsoever the titles differ, the power is all 
 one. Sometimes of old, kings' brothers and sons (as John, 
 son to Henry II., and Lionel, Duke of Clarence, son to 
 Edward III., and George, Duke of Clarence, brother to 
 Edward IV.) have governed this kingdom with title of 
 Lord-Lieutenant, and with power to leave their own 
 Deputy to govern it when at any time themselves returned 
 into England, which Deputy gave them at the Court an 
 account of the Irish affairs, where they gave the like account 
 thereof to the King and his Council of State. In our time 
 Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, for his great deserts in sub- 
 duing Tyrone's rebellion, was by our sovereign King James 
 created Earl of Devonshire, and besides rich rewards of 
 inheritance in England was made Lord-Lieutenant of 
 Ireland, with two parts of the Lord Deputy's entertain- 
 ment, who had the other third part with his own commands 
 in the army and kingdom, and gave like account of the 
 Irish affairs to this noble Earl living at Court, only he was 
 not the Earl's, but the King's Deputy. And this Earl during 
 his life not only swayed all Irish suits at the Court, but all 
 other chief affairs in Ireland, his letters of direction being 
 as commands to the Deputy. But after his death the 
 entertainment and full power returned to the Lord Deputy, 
 
 ' The title of Lord-Lieutenant did not become the habitual designation of 
 the Viceroy until after the Restoration. In Tudor and early Stuart times it 
 was an exceptional honour, although in Edward IIL's time and under the later 
 Plantagenets it had been frequently bestowed. The Deputies of King John 
 and Heni7 IIL were called Justiciaries (justiciarius). 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 235 
 
 the command of Lord-Lieutenant ceasing from that time 
 to this day, which dignity indeed seems more fit for the 
 sons or brothers of kings than for any subject. It is 
 enacted by Statute of ParHament ' in the 33rd year of King 
 Henry VIII., that upon the death of the Lord Deputy or 
 Hke vacancy of that government the Lord Chancellor and 
 Council there may choose one or two to supply the place of 
 Lord Justice till the King may be advertised of that vacancy, 
 and appoint another government, provided that they choose 
 no churchman, nor any but an Englishman. ^ The foresaid 
 Lord Lieutenant, Deputy, or Justice (be they one or more) 
 have ample power, little differing from regal, yet always 
 limited according to the King's letters patent, which do 
 very rarely enlarge or restrain the same to one more than 
 the other, and that power also is countermanded many 
 times by instructions from the state and by letters from 
 the kings of England. The Lord Deputy by his letters 
 patent under the great seal of Ireland may grant pardon 
 of life, lands and goods, to any guilty or condemned man, 
 even to traitors, only special treasons against the King's 
 person are commonly excepted, as likewise wilful murders, 
 which the kings themselves profess not to pardon. And to 
 these men he may likewise give the King's protection for a 
 time, when they live in the woods as outlaws or rebels ; and 
 in like sort he may give the lands and goods of felons and 
 traitors convicted to any of his servants or friends, or to 
 whom he will, either English or Irish. The King commonly 
 reserves to his own gift some eight chief places, as of the 
 Lords Presidents, the Lord High Treasurer, the Lord 
 Chancellor, the Master of the Kolls, the Secretary, the 
 Chief Justice, and Chief Baron, and likewise some chief 
 places of the army, as of the Marshal, the Master of the 
 Ordinance, and the Master Treasurer at Wars. For all 
 other places the Lord Deputy grants them under the great 
 seal of Ireland (as the former also when he is first warranted 
 
 ' An Act for the election of the Lord Justice. 33 Hen. VIII. cap. 2. 
 - ' Two persons of English blood and sirname, being no spiritual persons,' 
 is the lanauage of the statute. 
 
236 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 by letters out of England), and these he disposeth not only 
 for his own time, but for the life of the possessors. The 
 King reserves to himself the choice of bishops, but all other 
 church livings are in the Lord Deputy's gift. The King 
 reserves to himself the pupils of earls and barons, but the 
 rest are in the Lord Deputy's gift, who likewise disposeth to 
 his servants, friends and followers all intrusions, alienations, 
 fines, and like things of great moment. And howsoever by 
 inferior commissions some of the Council are joined to assist 
 the Deputy in disposal of these things, yet that was wont to 
 to be only for form, these Councillors very rarely opposing 
 themselves to his pleasure. Yea, the gifts of the higher 
 places in the state and army, of bishoprics, of earls' and 
 barons' pupils, though reserved to the King, were wont 
 seldom to be granted in England but upon the Lord 
 Deputy's letters of recommendation sent out of Ireland. 
 Finally, the Lord Deputy may leave forces, and do all things 
 of regal authority save coining of money, which was always 
 coined at London and sent into Ireland. • True it is that in 
 those things which are put in his mere power by his letters 
 patent he hath always subjected himself to instructions and 
 letters sent out of England, which notwithstanding seldom 
 have crossed his free disposal of all things in his power, since 
 he used to grant them presently, before any can pass into 
 England and return, having obtained them there. Notwith- 
 standing in things put in his mere power, the most wise and 
 moderate Deputies, foreseeing the short time of their govern- 
 ment, and knowing that the councillors of state have their 
 places for life, and observing that most Deputies returned 
 into England laden with complaints, as well of councillors as 
 of many private men, so as after good service they have been 
 glad to receive the pardon of their errors for their deserved 
 reward, for these causes have been so wary as in many 
 things of their absolute power they used to refer the con- 
 sideration of them to one or two of the Council, by that art 
 
 ' This is not accurate. Money had ceased to be coined in Ireland in 
 Moryson's time, but mints had formerly existed in Dublin and some provincial 
 cities. See Part I. p. 30 sup}-a. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 237 
 
 drawing their consent, and yet still having their own inten- 
 tions seldom or never opposed by those councillors, who 
 found those referments graceful and profitable to them, and 
 so willingly seconded the Lords Deputies' pleasure.^ 
 
 In my opinion nothing is so contrary to the affections 
 of the Irish to which the King's personal presence might 
 not easily lead or draw them,^ more than his sword in 
 his Deputy's hand can force them. But the dangerous 
 passages of the sea and the general affairs of state giving 
 the Irish small hope of their King's frequent presence, no 
 doubt in his absence they more reverence a Lord Deputy 
 that is by degree a Duke, Earl or Baron, than any knight 
 though he be of any like great family, and such a Deputy 
 shall by the authority of his degree more easily suppress 
 their rebellious spirits against the state, and tyranny to- 
 wards their tenants, than any Deputy of inferior degree can 
 do, by greater valour and wisdom. And since the Irish are 
 most prone to tumults and commotions, their nature in 
 general rather requires a valiant, active Deputy, than one 
 that is wise and politic, if withal he be slow and faint- 
 hearted. 
 
 But it may well be doubted whether the short govern- 
 ment commonly allotted to the Deputies be profitable to our 
 state or no. For magistrates often changed like hungry 
 flies suck more blood, and as the devil rageth more because 
 his time is short, so these magistrates, fearing soon to be 
 recalled, are not so much bent to reform the commonwealth, 
 the fruit whereof should be reaped by the successor, as 
 they are vigilant to enrich themselves and their followers. 
 Neither indeed can that crafty and subtle nation be well 
 known to any governor by few years' experience. So as the 
 Irish, hoping the magistrate shall be recalled before he be 
 skilful of their affairs, and that another far more unskilful 
 
 ' See as to the powers of the Deputies Harris's Ware, ii. p. 88, and Liber 
 Munerum Hibe^-nice, vol. i. part iii. p. 52 w. 
 
 - This was also the opinion of Moryson's eminent contemporary, Sir John 
 Davies : ' I join with these laws the personal presence of the King's son (Lionel, 
 Duke of Clarence) as a concurrent cause of this reformation ; because the people 
 of this land, both English and Irish, out of a natural pride, did ever love to be 
 governed by great persons.' — Sir J. Davies' Discovery. 
 
238 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 shall be sent over in his place, use nothing more than 
 dilatory temporising in their obedience to the King's com- 
 mands or laws, hoping that new magistrates will give new 
 laws ; and so, if they can, put off any business for the present, 
 if it be but for a day, thinking with crafty Davus^ that in the 
 meantime some chance may happen to their advantage, 
 daily gaping for such changes and inquiring after nothing 
 more. Yea, many times they are not deceived in this hope, 
 but flocking to the new Deputy at his first arrival with their 
 causes formerly determined though not to their mind and 
 liking, they many times extort from these Deputies wanting 
 experience new determinations, disagreeable and perhaps 
 contrary to the former, with great hurt to the common- 
 wealth and disgrace to the government. 
 
 It may be objected that it may prove dangerous to give a 
 great man the absolute command of a kingdom for many years. 
 No doubt, as barbarous nations, not knowing God whom they 
 see not, worship his creatures by which immediately he confers 
 ill or good upon them, so the Irish in the first place obey 
 their landlords as nearest benefactors or oppressors, and in 
 the next place, the Lord Deputy, whose person they see and 
 whose power they feel ; yet so as keeping faith promised to the 
 present Deputy, they think themselves free from keeping the 
 same to his successors, and for the King, he as unknown and 
 farthest from revenge, hath ever been less feared by them. 
 But the state may always be confident of a Lord Deput)^ 
 whose faithfulness and ends free from ambition, are well 
 known to them. And let him be never so fit to embrace 
 new and dangerous counsels, yet if he have a good estate of 
 lands in England there is no danger of his attempts. For a 
 wise man would not change that certain estate for any hopes 
 of Ireland, which will always be most uncertain, as well 
 because the kingdom cannot subsist without the support of 
 some powerful king, as because the minds of the Irish are 
 unstable, and as the common people everywhere, so they 
 in a far greater measure, have most inconstant affections. 
 Besides that such ambitious designs cannot by any man be 
 
 ' ' Crafty Davus,' a character in Terence's Andria. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 239 
 
 resolved in council, much less put in execution, before the 
 state of England may have means to know and prevent them. 
 Their objection is of greater force who think it fit 
 these governments be often changed, that many of the 
 English may know the affairs of that kingdom, which other- 
 wise will be known to few. But what if three years will 
 not suffice to understand how to govern that crafty nation ! 
 Surely at least after these years of contemplation, methinks 
 some time should be given to the governor to bring his 
 counsels and experience into actual reformation. For as 
 heretofore they have been often changed, so the Deputies 
 have laboured more to compose tumults and disorders for the 
 time than to take away the causes, and to make the peace 
 permanent, lest their successor should enter upon their 
 harvest, imputing the troubles to them, and arrogating the 
 appeasing thereof to himself. Whereupon sharp emulation, 
 or rather bitter malice, hath commonly been between the 
 Deputies nearest foregoing and succeeding. So as the new 
 Deputy, affecting private fame rather than pubhc good, hath 
 seldom or never trodden the steps of his predecessor, but 
 rather insisted upon his own maxims of government, espe- 
 cially caring that his actions be not obscured by those of his 
 predecessor, and this Babylonian confusion of distracted and 
 contrary motions in the chief governors hath made the 
 Irish, like wild colts having unskilful riders, to learn all 
 their jadish tricks. Whereas if the government were continued 
 till the magistrate might know the nature of the people, 
 with the secrets of that state, and apply the remedies proper 
 thereunto ; if after their government (according to the 
 custom of the state of Venice) each Deputy should give in 
 writing to the state in England a full relation of his govern- 
 ment and the state of that kingdom, so as his successor 
 might weave the same web he had begun, and not make a 
 new frame of his own ; if in regard the King's presence in 
 Ireland may rather be wished than hoped, some special 
 commissioners, sworn to faithful relation, were chosen in 
 England once in two or three years, and sent over to visit 
 the affairs of that kingdom, and to make like relation thereof 
 
240 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 at their return : no doubt that kingdom might in short 
 time be reformed, and the King's revenues might be so 
 increased, as Ireland might not only maintain itself in peace, 
 but restore part of the treasure it hath formerly exhausted 
 in England, and lay up means to supply future necessities of 
 that state, since the said Deputies and commissioners would 
 every one be ashamed not to add something to the public 
 good of their own, and much more to do that was alread}' 
 done, or rather to destroy it by their employment. And the 
 Irish would thereby be put from their shifting hopes, gaping 
 for new, unskilful, and diversely affected magistrates, which 
 have always animated them to destroy obedience and rebel- 
 lious courses.^ 
 
 By the complaint of former ages rather than experience 
 in our time, I have observed that the Lord Deputy's au- 
 thority in Ireland hath been much weakened by the grant- 
 ing of suits and rewards in England to many of the Irish, 
 without having any recommendations from their Deputy, 
 and much more because the judicial causes of the Irish have 
 been determined in England without the Lord Deputy's 
 privity, or having been formerly determined in Ireland, were 
 sent back to be again examined and determined, according to 
 letters of favour obtained by the plaintiffs in England, which 
 made the subject proud, and to triumph upon the overruled 
 magistrate, who no doubt is either unfit to govern a king- 
 dom, or ought best to know who deserve punishment, who 
 reward, and the most fit ways to determine judicial causes. 
 Wherein I dare boldly say the contrary proceedings of our 
 time, giving that magistrate his due honour, hath much 
 advanced the public good. 
 
 Some do not approve the residence of the Lord Deputy 
 at Dublin, and would have it rather at Athlone, upon the 
 
 ' It was probably with the idea of giving a greater continuity to the policy 
 of the Irish Government that Mountjoy, on leaving Ireland at the close of the 
 rebellion, was retained in the office of Lord-Lieutenant. He acted until his 
 death as a kind of referee of the English Privy Council on all matters of Irish 
 policy, though he was never in Ireland after 1603. With a similar view, Sir 
 George Carew was sent over in 1611 to report on the state of the Irish Govern- 
 ment under Sir Arthur Chichester, his Lord Deputy. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 241 
 
 edge of Connaught and Ulster, where he should have those 
 seditious provinces before him, and might easily fall with his 
 forces into Munster, and so should be nearer hand to prevent 
 tumults with his presence and compose them with his power, 
 and likewise should have at his back the Pale (containing 
 five shires, and so called because they ever were more quiet 
 and subject to the English), and so might stop all rebels 
 from disturbing the Pale, which would not only yield 
 supplies of necessaries to his train and soldiers, but also 
 give safe passage for transporting munition and victuals to 
 Athlone from the store-houses at Dublin. And this counsel 
 was so much urged to Queen Elizabeth, as these reasons, to- 
 gether with the saving of the charge to maintain a governor 
 in Connaught with counsellors to assist him, and the like 
 charge then intended for Ulster moved her to refer the 
 determination thereof to the Lord Mountjoy, then Deputy, 
 and the Council of State, who altered nothing because that 
 course would have ruined or decayed the city of Dublin, and 
 especially because the rebellion was soon after appeased, 
 and our state hath commonly used, like mariners to be 
 secure in fair weather, and never fly to the tacklings till a 
 storm come. 
 
 Touching the mere Irish, before I speak of them 
 ^^Irish^*^^ give me leave to remember four verses expressing 
 four mischiefs alHicting them, as fruits of their 
 idleness, slovenliness, and superstition : 
 
 Quatuor hybernos vexant animalia, turpes 
 Corpora vermiculi, sorices per tecta rapaces, 
 Carnivori vastantque lupi crudeliter agros, 
 Haec tria nequitia superas Romane saoerdos. 
 
 For four vile beasts Ireland hath no fence : 
 Their bodies lice, their houses rats possess ; 
 
 Most wicked priests govern their conscience, 
 
 And ravening wolves do waste their fields no less. 
 
 That may be well said of the Irish which Csesar in his 
 ' Commentaries ' writes of the old Germans : like beasts they 
 do all things by force and arms, after a slavish manner. The 
 magistrate doth nothing publicly or privately without arms. 
 They revenge injuries seldom by law, but rather by the 
 
242 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 sword and rapine, neither are they ashamed of stealth or 
 taking preys or spoils. Formerly I have showed that the 
 Englishmen who subdued Ireland, and long maintained the 
 conquest thereof, did flock into England upon the civil 
 wars between the houses of York and Lancaster, as well to 
 bear up the factions as to inherit their kinsmen's lands in 
 England, and so left waste their possessions in Ireland. At 
 that time the mere Irish rushed into those vacant posses- 
 sions, and the better to keep them, from that time were ever 
 prone to rebellions, that the course of law might cease while 
 they were in arms ; and from that time resumed old barbarous 
 laws and customs, which had been long abolished, and by 
 withdrawing themselves from obedience to our laws, became 
 powerful tyrants in all countries. From that time they did 
 ever put forth and secretly maintain upon all fit occasions 
 some outlaws to disturb peace (like our Robin Hood and 
 Little John in the times of Richard I. and John, kings of 
 England), growing to that impudency as these outlaws are 
 not by them termed rebels, but men in action, living in the 
 woods and boggy places. Among them (and many of the 
 English-Irish by their example) those that became lords of 
 countries were ever as many heads so many monstrous tyrants. 
 These have not their lands divided in many countries, as our 
 noblemen in England (whereby they are less powerful to 
 disturb peace) but possess whole countries together, whereof 
 notwithstanding great parts lie waste only for want of 
 tenants. And because they have an ill custom, that tenants 
 are reputed proper to those lands on which they dwell, with- 
 out liberty to remove their dwelling under another landlord, 
 they still desire more land, rather to have the tenants than 
 the land, whereas, if we could furnish their old lands with 
 tenants (as perhaps they have in some sort done since the 
 last rebellion, of which and former times I write) they 
 would much exceed our greatest lords in yearly revenues. 
 
 It is a great mischief that, among them, all of one name 
 or sept and kindred dwell not (as in England) dispersed in 
 many shires, but all live together in one village, lordship, 
 and county, ready and apt to conspire together in any mis- 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OP lEELAND 243 
 
 chief. And by an old law, which they call of themistry 
 vulgarly called tanistry ^ — by many, of our laws abolished, yet 
 still in force among themselves — every sept chooseth their 
 chief head or captain, not the eldest son of the eldest family, 
 but the oldest, or rather the most daring, man (whereby 
 they always understand the most licentious swordsman) as 
 most fit to defend them. And this chief they not only 
 choose among themselves, but of corrupt custom impudently 
 challenged to be confirmed by the Lord Deputies, producing 
 many like grants of that dignity made of old by the Lord 
 Deputies under their hands and seals, than which nothing 
 can be more fit to maintain factions and tumults, and to 
 hinder the course of the King's laws. By the same law — 
 often abolished by us, but still retained in use among them — 
 they will needs have the choice of him that shall inherit the 
 land of the last chief of any sept or name, not respecting 
 therein the eldest son according to our laws, but him that 
 most pleaseth their turbulent humours, whence flows a 
 plentiful spring of murders, parricides and conspiracies 
 against the kings and their laws. For first hereby they 
 professed to live after their own laws, and openly denied 
 obedience to the King's laws ; and again (to give an instance 
 of one mischief, passing over many other of no less moment), 
 when any of these chiefs or lords of countries upon sub- 
 mission to the state, hath surrendered his lands to the King, 
 and taken a new grant of them by the King's letters patent 
 with conditions fit for public good, they boldly say that he 
 held his lands by the tenure of tanistry only for his life, 
 and so will not be tied to any of his acts. And it is no 
 matter what they profess, why should we hear their words 
 when we see their deeds ? I do not think, but know, that they 
 will never be reformed in religion, manners, and constant 
 obedience to our laws but by the awe of the sword, and by 
 a strong hand, at least for a time, bridling them. 
 
 By these and like corrupt customs, neglecting our laws, 
 
 ' For a succinct account of the custom of tanistry, see Kichey's History of 
 Ireland, pp. 49-50. For a more nearly contemporary exposition of the custom, 
 see Spenser's View of tlie State of Ireland, and Sir J. Davies's Reports. 
 
244 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 they become disturbers of the peace, and after a barbarous 
 manner, for terror or in pride, add to their names (noting 
 the chief or head) and Mac (noting the son of such a one), 
 and thus they are called O'neales, O'Donnells, MacMa- 
 hownes, with a rabble of like names, some rather seeming 
 the names of devouring giants than Christian subjects ; yea, 
 some of old English families, degenerating into this bar- 
 barism, have changed their names after the Irish tongue, 
 as the Urslies ^ are called Mahownes, taking the notation 
 from the name of a bear : 5^ea, some of the most licentious 
 take to themselves nicknames suitable to their wicked dis- 
 positions, as one of the O'Donnells was called Garbe," that is 
 a choleric, strong (or lusty) gallant, and such he was indeed. 
 And some as if they were knights of Amadis of Gaul, and 
 had the valour of those errant knights, were called the 
 Knight of the Valley, the White Knight, and the like. And 
 withal they despise our titles of earls and lords, which so 
 weakens the great men's estimation among them as they 
 must cast them away, and assume their old barbarous names 
 whensoever they will have the power to lead the people to 
 any rebellious action. For in those barbarous names and 
 nicknames the Irish are proud to have the rebellious acts of 
 their forefathers sung by their bards or poets, at their feasts 
 and public meetings. Again, they have a corrupt custom to 
 increase their power by fostering their children with the 
 most valiant, rich, and powerful neighbours, since that 
 people bears such strange reverence to this bond and pledge 
 of love, as they commonly love their foster-children more 
 than their own. The events of which custom forced our 
 progenitors to make severe laws against the same, which 
 notwithstanding, howsoever restrained for the time, grew 
 again to be of force among them in our age. 
 
 ' The FitzGeralds, Knights of Glin, and FitzGibbons, or White Knights, 
 both representing powerful Anglo-Norman families which had become hiberni- 
 cised, are referred to here. This account of the origin of the McMahons is 
 followed by all the English writers on Ireland of this period. But as Father 
 Hogan points out in his notes to Hajynes's DescrijJtioji of Irela7td in 1598, p. 23, 
 Mr. Evelyn Shirley in his History of Monaghan has traced the pedigree of the 
 McMahon sept to purely Celtic sources. 
 
 ^ Garve. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 245 
 
 They have likewise a ridiculous custom — that married 
 women give fathers to their children when they are at the 
 point of death ; insomuch as they have a pleasant tale — 
 that a younger son hearing his mother give base fathers 
 to some of his brethren, besought her with tears to give 
 him a good father. But commonly they give them fathers 
 of the O'neales, O'Donnells, or such great men, or at least 
 those that are most famous for licentious boldness. And 
 these bastard children ever after follow these fathers, and, 
 thinking themselves to descend of them, will be called 
 swordsmen, and, scorning husbandry and manual arts, live 
 only of rapine and spoil. 
 
 These foresaid mere Irish lords of countries govern the 
 people under them with such t5Tanny, as they know no 
 king in respect of them, who challenge all their goods and 
 chattels to be theirs, saying that their progenitors did not 
 only give them lands to till, but also cows and other goods 
 to possess at the lord's will and disposal. Neither take 
 they any rent of them for their lands, but at pleasure 
 impose money upon them upon all occasions of spending, as 
 journeys to Dublin or into England, paying their debts, 
 entertaining of the Lord Deputy or judges, and like occasions, 
 sometimes true, sometimes feigned, taking a great or small 
 portion of their goods according to the quality of the cause. 
 And these exactions they do well call cuttings,^ wherewith 
 they do not only cut, but devour the people. And it little 
 availeth these poor tenants, though some of them can prove 
 by indentures that they are freeholders, and not tenants at 
 will, for of old to the end of the last war (of which time I 
 write and desire to be understood) the lords by tyrannical 
 custom still overswayed the people's right in these courses. 
 And this custom was the fountain of many evils, more 
 especially of one mischief — that if the tenant by any crime 
 forfeited his goods, the lord denied him to have any property 
 therein ; and yet if the same goods were seized by the 
 sheriff for any fines for the King, or debts of the lord to 
 
 ' Levies made by the lord upon his tenants either for warlike expeditions or 
 other expenses of the kind mentioned in the text. 
 
246 ILLUSTRATIONS OP lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 private men, the tenants forthwith exclaimed of injustice to 
 punish them for the lord's offences with this (as it were) 
 dilemma, still deluding the execution of justice. Yea, these 
 lords challenged right of inheritance in their tenants' 
 persons, as if by old covenants they were born slaves to till 
 their ground, and do them all like services, and howso- 
 ever they were oppressed might not leave their land to 
 dwell under any other landlord. And these suits between 
 the lords for right in tenants were then most frequent. 
 Thus I remember the son of Henry Oge ^ to be killed in the 
 country of MacMahon while he went thither to bring back 
 by force a fugitive tenant (as they term them). Like suits 
 for tenants were frequent at this time between the new 
 created Earl of Tirconnell and Sir Neale Garve,^ and at first 
 the magistrate commanded the Earl to restore to Sir Neale 
 his old tenants ; but when peace was more settled, the 
 itinerant judges, going to Ulster, added a general caution in 
 this case — that the tenants should not be forced to return, 
 except they were willing, professing at public meetings, with 
 great applause of the people, that it was most unjust the 
 King's subjects, born in a free commonwealth, should be used 
 like slaves. Again these lords, challenging all their tenants' 
 goods, think scorn to have any cows or herds of cattle of 
 their own, though sometimes they permit their wives to 
 have some like property. They distribute their lands among 
 their tenants, to be tilled only for one, two, or three years, 
 and so the people build no houses, but, like nomads living in 
 cabins, remove from one place to another with their cows, 
 and commonly retire them within thick woods not to be 
 entered without a guide, delighting in this roguish life, as 
 more free from the hand of justice and more fit to commit 
 rapines. Thus the country people living under the lords' 
 absolute power as slaves, and howsoever they have plenty of 
 corn, milk, and cattle, yet having no property in anything, 
 
 ' Henry Oge O'Neill, 
 
 ^ The headship of the O'Donnells was disputed during Mountjoy's govern- 
 ment between Rory O'Donnell and Neill Garve O'Donnell. The Deputy 
 decided in favour of the former, as the direct heir to his brother, the former Earl. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 247 
 
 obey their lords in right and wrong, and being all of the 
 Roman Church, and being taught that it is no sin to break 
 faith with us, and so little regarding an oath taken before 
 our magistrates, the King was often defrauded of his right 
 by the falsehood of juries, in his inheritance, wards, 
 attainders, escheats, intrusions, alienations, and all pleas of 
 the crown. At the end of the war, among infinite examples, 
 this was well seen in the case of Meade, the Recorder of 
 Cork, who, having committed open treason, was acquitted 
 by an Irish jury, himself craftily hastening his trial for fear 
 he should be tried in England.^ The Court of the Star 
 Chamber, shortly after established, severely punished juries 
 for abuses of this last kind, but with what effect is beside 
 my purpose to write. These Irish lords in the last war had 
 a cunning trick — that howsoever the father possessing the 
 land bore himself outwardly as a subject, yet his sons, 
 having no land in possession, should live with the rebels, 
 and keep him in good terms with them, and his goods from 
 present spoiling. The lords of Ireland, at this time whereof 
 I write, nourished thieves, as we do hawks, openly boasting 
 among themselves who had the best thieves. Neighbours 
 entertaining these men into their families, for mutual 
 prejudices, was a secret fuel of the Civil War, they being 
 prone to rebellion, and in peace not forbearing to steal at 
 home, and to spoil all passengers near their abode. 
 
 The wild or mere Irish have a generation of poets, or 
 rather rhymers vulgarly called bards, who in their songs 
 used to extol the most bloody, licentious men, and no others, 
 and to allure the hearers, not to the love of religion and 
 civil manners, but to outrages, robberies, living as outlaws, and 
 contempt of the magistrates' and the King's laws. Alas ! how 
 
 ' William Meade, Recorder of Cork, incited the citizens of Cork to resist 
 the building of a fort for the defence of the city, and shut the city gates in the 
 face of the soldiers of the President of Munster. Meade was tried at Youghal, 
 after Cork had submitted, by the Viceroy, but was acquitted by the jury. 
 Proceedings were taken against the jurors in the Court of Castle Chamber for 
 disregard of their oaths, and they were heavily fined. Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 
 1603-1606, pp. 2-121. See also Smith's Ancient and Present State of the 
 County of Cork, vol. ii. cap. iv. 
 
248 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 unlike unto Orpheus, who, with his sweet harp and whole- 
 some precepts of poetry, laboured to reduce the rude and 
 barbarous people from living in woods to dwell civilly in 
 towns and cities, and from wild riot to moral conversation. 
 All good men wished these knaves to be strictly curbed and 
 severely punished. For the mere Irish, howsoever they 
 understood not what was truly honourable, yet out of bar- 
 barous ignorance are so affected to vainglory, as they nothing 
 so much feared the Lord Deputy's anger as the least song 
 or ballad these rascals might make against them, the 
 singing whereof to their reproach would more have daunted 
 them than if a judge had doomed them to the gallows. 
 They had also another rabble of jesters, which used to 
 frequent the tables of lords and gentlemen, continual tellers 
 of news, which commonly they reduced to the prejudice of 
 the public good. 
 
 Again, the Irish in general, more especially the mere Irish, 
 being slothful and given to nothing more than base idleness, 
 they nourished a third generation of vipers vulgarly called 
 carrows,^ professing (forsooth) the noble science of playing 
 at cards and dice, which so infected the public meetings of the 
 people and the private houses of lords, as no adventure was 
 too hard in shifting for means to maintain these sports. 
 And indeed the wild Irish do madly affect them, so as they 
 will not only play and lose their money and movable goods, 
 but also engage their lands — yea, their own persons, to be 
 held as prisoners — by the winner, till he be paid the money 
 for which they are engaged. It is a shame to speak, but I 
 heard by credible relation that some were found so impudent 
 as they had suffered themselves to be led as captives, tied by 
 the parts of their body which I will not name, till they had 
 money to redeem themselves. Could a provost-marshal be 
 better employed than in hanging up such rascals and like 
 vagabond persons ? For howsoever none could better do it 
 
 ' ' Carrows.' Cf. Spenser's View of the State of Ireland : ' Carrows, which 
 is a kind of people that wander up and down to gentlemen's houses, living only 
 upon cards and dice.' Campion in his history defines these people as ' a 
 brotherhood of Carrows that profess to play at cards all the year long and 
 make it their only occupation,' p. 19. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 249 
 
 than the sheriffs, yet because the Irish frequently, and in 
 part justly, complained of their extortions (as I shall after 
 show), I dare not say that martial law might well be com- 
 mitted to them. 
 
 The Irish thus given to idleness, naturally abhor from 
 manual arts and civil trades to gain their own bread, and the 
 basest of them will be reputed gentlemen and swordmen, 
 for so they are termed who profess to live by their swords and 
 have been always apt to raise civil wars, and ever most hardly 
 drawn to lay down arms by which they had liberty to live in 
 riot. Many examples might be given in the highest kind of 
 mischief produced by this idleness ; but that the vice is most 
 natural to the Irish I will only give one example, which 
 myself observed of fishermen in the cities of Munster, who 
 being no swordsmen, yet were generally so slothful, as in the 
 calmest weather, and the greatest concourse of noblemen, 
 when they had no fear of danger, and great hope of gain, 
 though seas abound with excellent fish and the province 
 with frequent ports and bays most fit for fishing, yet so 
 long as they had bread to eat would not put to sea, no, not 
 commanded by the Lord Deputy, till they were beaten by 
 force out of their houses. And in my opinion this idleness 
 hath been nourished by nothing more (as I have formerly 
 showed upon other occasions) than by the plenty of the land 
 and great housekeeping drawing the people from trades, 
 while they can be fed by others without labour. This 
 experience hath showed of old, as well in England, where 
 the greatest robberies were commonly done by idle serving 
 men swarming in great houses, as in the more northern 
 parts, and in Ireland, where the multitude of loose followers 
 hath of old been prone to fight their lords' quarrels — yea, to 
 rebel with them. Whereas no doubt the exercise of trades, 
 and the custom of industry to live every man of his own, are 
 a strong establishment of any commonwealth. The mere 
 Irish given to sloth are also most luxurious, and not to 
 speak of the abundance of meats, they are excessively given 
 to drunkenness. For howsoever while they live in woods 
 and in cabins with their cattle they could be content with 
 
250 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 water and milk, 5'^et when they came to towns nothing was 
 more frequent than to tie their cows at the doors, and never 
 part from the taverns till they had drunk them out in sack 
 and strong water, which they call usquebaugh ; and this did 
 not only the lords, but the common people, though half 
 naked for want of clothes to cover them. No man may 
 justly marvel if, among such people, dissolute hucksters, apt 
 to raise seditions and live like outlaws, be frequently found. 
 Therefore at the end of the last war it was wished and 
 expected that this luxury should be suppressed, at least from 
 general excess, that all vagabond persons should be severely 
 punished, that the people should be allured and drawn to 
 love manual arts and trades, and specially husbandry of 
 tillage. For whereas all, yea the most strong and able 
 bodies, and men given to spoils and robberies in all times, 
 gladly employed themselves in feeding of cows, that course 
 of life was embraced by them as suitable to their innate 
 sloth, and as most fit to elude or protract all execution of 
 justice against them, while they commonly lived in thick 
 woods abounding with grass. But no doubt it were much 
 better if Ireland should be reduced to less grazing and more 
 tillage by the distribution of lands among tenants, in such 
 sort as ever after it should (as in England) be unlawful to 
 change any tillage into pasture. 
 
 Touching the English-Irish — namelj', such as descend of 
 
 the first English conquering that country, or since in divers 
 
 mv ages and times to this day transplanted out of 
 
 English- England into Ireland — it is wonderful, yet most 
 
 true, that for some later ages they have been (some 
 
 in high, some in less measure) infected with the barbarous 
 
 customs of the mere Irish and with the Eoman religion, so 
 
 as they grew not only as adverse to the reformation of civil 
 
 policy and religion as the mere Irish, but even combined 
 
 with them and showed such malice to the English nation as 
 
 if they were ashamed to have any community with it, of 
 
 country, blood, religion, language, apparel, or any such 
 
 general bond of amity. And for this alienation they did not 
 
 shame in the last civil war to allege reasons to justify their 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 251 
 
 so doing — namely, that they whose progenitors had conquered 
 that kingdom, and were at first thought most worthy to 
 govern the same under our kings, were by a new law 
 excluded from being deputies, and had otherwise small or 
 no power in the state. Again, that after they were broken 
 and worn out in the civil war of England between the 
 houses of York and Lancaster, they were not strengthened 
 with new colonies out of England, and so being weaker 
 than the mere Irish, were forced to apply themselves to the 
 stronger, by contracting affinity with them, and using their 
 language and apparel. These and like reasons they pre- 
 tended, which I will first answer, and then show the true causes 
 thereof. It cannot be denied but the English-Irish after 
 the first conquest were by our kings made chief governors of 
 that kingdom, yea and many ages after were sometimes lord 
 deputies, and were always capable of that place, till the 
 time of King Henry VIII. ,^ but never without detriment of 
 the Commonwealth, and danger from them that possessed it. 
 To the first English-Irish born of noble families in England 
 our kings gave large patrimonies and great privileges, making 
 them sometimes governors of the state, but in process of 
 time, some of them forgetting their country, blood, and all 
 pledges of love towards the English, not only became rebels, 
 but by degrees grew like the mere Irish in all things, even 
 in hating the English, and becoming chief leaders to all 
 seditions ; growing at last to such pride in the last civil war, 
 as if they had not rewards when they deserved punishments, 
 or could not obtain pensions to serve the state, they were 
 more ready to rebel than the mere Irish themselves. 
 Among these, some in hatred to the English changed their 
 English names into Irish, yet retaining the old notation, as 
 the Urselies called themselves MacMahownes, some in 
 Ulster of the family of Veres called themselves Macrones, 
 others of the family of great Mortimer called themselves 
 Macmarrs. These and some others, as Eermingham 
 descended of old English barons, and the Lord Courcy, whose 
 progenitors of the English nobility were among the chief 
 
 ' See the ' Act for the Election of a Lord Justice,' 33 Henry VIII. cap. 2. 
 
252 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY 
 
 and first conquerors of the kingdom, grew so degenerate, as 
 in the last rebellion they could not be distinguished from 
 mere Irish. The rest retaining their old names, and in good 
 measure the English manners, as Tyrrell, Lacy, many of 
 the Bourkes and Geraldines, and some of the Nugents, yet 
 became chief leaders in the late rebellion. These men no 
 man will judge capable of the chief governments in that 
 kingdom. But let them pass, and let us consider if the 
 English-Irish that in the rebellion remained subjects, and 
 will not be stained with the name of rebels, have any just 
 cause to complain that they are excluded from the govern- 
 ment, because the law forbids them to be Deputies. They 
 are in England free denizens, having equal right with the 
 English to inherit lands, and bear offices, and obtain any 
 dignity whereof their merit or the King's favour may make 
 them capable. Let them remember that the Earl Strongbow, 
 being the leader of the English that first conquered Ireland, 
 when the King would have committed him the government 
 thereof, did modestly refuse the same, except the King would 
 join some assistants with him, not ignorant what danger 
 that magistracy would bring to him more than to any other. 
 Let them remember that among other noble families of the 
 English conquerors, first Lacy, then Courcy, had the chief 
 government of that kingdom, but the first was recalled into 
 England to give account of his government, not without 
 danger of losing his head ; the other was long cast into 
 prison. Let them remember that the Lord Deputy's place 
 did weaken and almost destroy the family of the Geraldines, 
 after which time King Henry VIII. by Act of Parliament 
 first excluded the English-Irish from being chief governors 
 of that kingdom, as common experience made all men find 
 that government not only dangerous to themselves advanced 
 to it, but also more displeasing to the people, who least like 
 the command of their own countrymen, and were most 
 ready to load them with complaints in England, as also their 
 own countrymen being councillors of state, whose oppres- 
 sions they most felt, and grieved at. Yet many Enghsh- 
 Irish continued councillors of state at the time of Queen 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 253 
 
 Elizabeth and the last rebellion whereof I write. For my 
 part, if the English-Irish had English affections, I would 
 think no difference should be made between them and the 
 English. But in the last rebellion nothing was more 
 evident than that our secret counsels were continually made 
 known to Tyrone and other rebels, and let men judge un- 
 partially, who could more justly be suspected of this false- 
 hood than the councillors of state born in that kingdom ? 
 Many counsels were propounded for reforming the state, for 
 banishing Jesuits and other troublers of the state, and let 
 themselves unpartially speak, who did more frustrate those 
 designs than the councillors of that time born in that 
 kingdom? Were not the Chief Justice and the Chief Baron 
 of that time both born and bred in Ireland '? ^ Let them say 
 truly for what good service of theirs Queen Elizabeth appointed 
 overseers to look into their actions and make them known 
 to her Deputy. No doubt that wise Queen either thought 
 the counsels of Sir Eobert Dillon, Knight, the said Chief 
 Justice of Ireland, contrary to the public good, or upon 
 better advice she would never have removed him from that 
 place which her gracious favour had first conferred upon 
 him. What needs we use circumstances ; the general 
 opinion of that time was, that the English- Irish made 
 councillors of state and judges of courts did evidently hurt 
 the public good, and that their false-hearted help did more 
 hinder reformation than the open acts of the rebels. 
 Generally before this time they were papists, and if some 
 of them upon hypocritical dispensation went to church, 
 commonly their parents, children, kinsmen and servants 
 were open and obstinate papists in profession. Tell me any 
 one of them who did, according to the duty of their place, 
 publicly commend or command to the people the use of the 
 Common Prayer Book, and the frequenting of our churches ? 
 Why do they glory of their governing the commonwealth 
 
 ' The Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Sir Robert Dillon, and the 
 Chief Baron, Sir Luke Dillon, were both Irishmen ; but the Chief Justice of 
 Ireland from 1585 to 1604, Robert Gardiner, was an Englishman. See Smyth's 
 Laio Officers of Irelaml. 
 
254 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 if they cannot show one good act of reformation persuaded 
 and perfected by them ? 
 
 In the reign of King Edward III., when the King 
 found the Pope obstinate for usurping the hereditary right 
 of him and his subjects, in bestowing church livings under 
 their patronage, and vahantly opposed himself to this and 
 other oppressions of the Pope, observing that his counsels 
 were no way more crossed than by Italians and Frenchmen, 
 whom the Pope had cunningly preferred to bishoprics and 
 benefices, yea, to be of the King's council of state, whereby 
 they had means to betray the secrets of the state, he wisely 
 made an Act of Parliament in the twenty-fifth year of his 
 reign, whereby he provided remedy against these unfaithful 
 counsellors and churchmen. That which King Edward 
 might do in this case, may not his successors do the same 
 in Ireland upon like danger, sequestering any suspected 
 persons from places in counsel and judgment. When magis- 
 trates themselves use only connivancy in punishing dis- 
 obedience to the laws, and sects in religion, doth not their 
 example confirm the people in disobedience to their king ? 
 But you shall know the lion by his paw (as the proverb 
 saith). Let us further see how the English-Irish in those 
 times carried themselves in military commands committed 
 to them. Queen Elizabeth, finding that the Lords Deputies 
 from the first beginning of the last rebellion had made a 
 great error in levying companies of the English-Irish to 
 suppress the mere Irish, so having trained them up as the 
 very horse-boys of them following our army were proved 
 good shot, was at last forced to entertain of them many 
 companies of foot and troops of horse in her pay, lest they 
 should fall to the rebel party. Of these some worthy com- 
 manders did good service, and all in general, so long as they 
 were employed in our army, served bravely, so as the Lord 
 Deputy was often bold to take the field when half his forces 
 consisted of them. But when they were left in garrison, 
 especially in their own countries, it was observed that gene- 
 rally they did no service ; but, lying still, wasted the Queen's 
 treasure, and lest they should lose their pay, which they 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 255 
 
 esteemed a revenue, or religion should be reformed in time 
 of peace (which they most feared), they did make our 
 counsels known to the rebels, did underhand relieve them, 
 and used all means to nourish and strengthen the rebellion. 
 It is strange but most true that, as well to merit the rebels' 
 favour, as to have the goods of their country safe from 
 spoiling, the very subjects gave large contributions to the 
 rebels, insomuch as one country (whereby an estimate of 
 the rest may be made) did pay the rebels three hundred 
 pounds yearly, using this art to avoid the danger of the law, 
 that when they made a cutting upon cows for this purpose, 
 they pretended to make this exaction for the lord's use, 
 underhand sending the rebels word thereof that they might 
 by force surprise those cows, which indeed were levied for 
 them. And besides all or most of them had children, 
 brothers or kinsmen joined with the rebels, as hostages of their 
 love, and pledges of reconcilement upon all events. Again, 
 I said formerly that the septs, or men of one name and blood, 
 lived together in one town and country, each sept having a 
 captain or chief of that name. Now this point is a great 
 mystery, that they could give no more certain pledge of faith 
 to us than to draw blood of any of these septs. But the 
 Lord Deputy making it a chief project to make them draw 
 blood in this kind upon their neighbours, found it a most 
 hard thing to effect with any of the English-Irish, yea with 
 those that were in the Queen's pay ; yet the English-Irish 
 being in the state's pay, lest they should be held altogether 
 unprofitable, and to purchase reward of service, would some- 
 times kill a poor rebel, or bring him alive to the state, whose 
 revenge they feared not, yea perhaps a rebel of note to whom 
 the chief neighbour rebels bore malice, and so cast him into 
 their hands. And this done they used to triumph as though 
 they had done a masterpiece of service, and could hardly 
 have the patience to expect a ship to carry them into 
 England that in Court they might importune extraordinary 
 reward besides their ordinary pay. To be brief, the Queen's 
 letters shall bear me witness that the English-Irish placed 
 in garrisons at their own home lived idle without doing any 
 
256 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 service, exhausted the pubHc treasure, and by all means 
 nourished the rebeUion, especially by plots laid at private 
 parlies and at public meetings upon hills (called raths), where 
 many treacherous conspiracies were made. Would any 
 equal man blame a prince for putting such soldiers out of 
 pay, for prohibiting such parlies, and for careful watching 
 over such meetings ? Great privileges were worthily granted 
 at first to the great lords of English race for their conquest, 
 and great power over the people was wisely given them at 
 first, both for reward and for power to keep the mere Irish in 
 subjection. But if these lords use their privileges and power 
 to contrary ends, spoiling the subjects and wasting the 
 country by their swordmen, when the cause ceased shall 
 not the effect cease? When their virtue is changed and 
 their ends corrupted, may not a wise prince abridge their 
 privileges and power ? The same is the reason of the law 
 forbidding any of the English-Irish to be Lord Deputy. 
 The famous Queen Elizabeth, finding the ill event of these 
 ill causes, became jealous of the English-Irish councillors of 
 state and judges, and used the aforesaid remedies against a 
 chief justice and a chief baron of that time.^ Formerly I 
 acknowledge that the English-Irish served bravely in our 
 army, while they were under the Lord Deputy's eyes ; and 
 some worthy commanders of them showed great faithfulness, 
 and did special services ; yet this most wise Queen found 
 their defects, and that the strength of her affairs consisted 
 in breeding English soldiers, so as she commanded the other 
 companies to be no more supplied, but to be cast by degrees, 
 as they grew defective, and in the meantime to be employed 
 out of their own countries, where they might not fear to 
 draw blood of the bordering septs. The Earl of Clanricarde 
 served the said Queen so well, as he cannot be too much 
 commended for the same, and was also highly in her favour ; 
 yet when the Earl of Essex had left him governor of his 
 own country, howsoever, she would not openly displace him, 
 yet she ceased not till by her directions he was induced to a 
 
 ' Sir Robert Dillon was deprived of bis cilice in 1593. Tlie Chief Baron 
 had died the year before. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 257 
 
 voluntary resignation thereof into her hands. For indeed, 
 the English-Irish and mere Irish of that time were generally 
 so humorous as their fathers or brothers that died having 
 any government of the country or command in the army, 
 they esteemed the same as due to them by inheritance, or at 
 least if they were not conferred on them, grew discontented 
 and prone to any mischievous course. To conclude, the 
 English-Irish of that time (few or none excepted) were 
 obstinate and most superstitious papists, and what our state 
 might have hoped from such men in high places of govern- 
 ment let wise men judge. 
 
 The second excuse of the English-Irish for applying them- 
 selves to the mere Irish in manners, laws and customs, and 
 so growing strangers (if not enemies) to the English, hath 
 some colour of truth, but can never justify this action : 
 namely, that the colonies of the first English conquering 
 Ireland, being broken and wasted in the civil war of Eng- 
 land between the houses of York and Lancaster, were never 
 supplied, but left so weak as they were forced to apply them- 
 selves to the mere Irish as the stronger. Since the noble 
 families of England were much wasted in the same war, no 
 marvel if at the end thereof, our Kings first intended the re- 
 storing of England to the former vigour before they could 
 cast their eyes upon Ireland, and in this meantime the mere 
 Irish had taken such root, and so overtopped the English- 
 Irish as the sending of English colonies thither so long as 
 the mere Irish remained good subjects, would rather have 
 disturbed than established peace. The first fair occasion of 
 planting new English colonies there was given in the reign 
 of Queen Elizabeth by two rebellions, the first of the English- 
 Irish Geraldines, who had the Earl of Desmond for their 
 head, the second of the mere Irish and many English-Irish, 
 having the Earl of Tyrone for their head. Touching the 
 first, when the Earl of Desmond was subdued, and that 
 rebellion appeased, the said Queen (of happy memory) 
 intended great reformation by planting new English families 
 upon the forfeited lands of the Earl of Desmond in Munster. 
 But this good intention was made void by a great error of 
 
 S 
 
258 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 that time, in that those lands were granted, partly to ob- 
 stinate papists, partly to courtiers who sold their shares to 
 like obstinate papists, as men that would give most for them. 
 Whereof two great mischiefs grew. First, that these 
 papists being more obstinate than others, and thereupon 
 choosing to leave their dwelling in England, where the 
 securing of the laws bridled them, and to remove into Ire- 
 land, where they might be more remote, and so have greater 
 liberty, showed the old proverb to be true : 
 
 Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt. 
 Passing the sea with a swift wind, doth change the air but not the mind. 
 
 For they not only remained papists, but grew more and 
 
 more obstinate with liberty, and by their example confirmed 
 
 both the English-Irish and mere Irish in that superstition. 
 
 Secondly, these new-planted English (commonly called 
 
 undertakers) being thus ill affected, did not perform the 
 
 covenants imposed in their grants for establishing peace in 
 
 that province ; for they neither built castles, to strengthen 
 
 them against times of rebellion, neither did they plant their 
 
 lands with well-affected tenants out of England, giving them 
 
 freeholds, copyholds, and leases, and tying them to serve on 
 
 foot or horseback upon all occasions of tumult or war, 
 
 which would much have strengthened the English against 
 
 the mere Irish and all invasions. But they took a contrary 
 
 course, not only planting their lands with mere Irish tenants 
 
 (to whom they gave no such tenor of freehold, copyhold or 
 
 lease, and who served them upon base abject conditions, 
 
 whereby they made great profit for the present), but also 
 
 entertaining them for servants in their families for the same 
 
 reason of present profit. And this made their great profit of 
 
 small continuance, and their dwellings of less strength and 
 
 safety. For in the first troubles of the next rebellion of 
 
 Tyrone, themselves and the state found by woeful experience 
 
 that they had noway strengthened the province, but only 
 
 dispeopled and wasted other lands to bring tenants upon 
 
 their own, so as the King's other rents were thereby as much 
 
 diminished as increased by their rents, and the number of 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 259 
 
 horse or foot to defend the province were nothing increased 
 by them ; neither had they made greater number of EngHsh 
 to pass in juries between the King and the subjects, so as 
 the Lord President had not power to suppress the first 
 rebels, and the judges in all trials were forced to use the 
 Irish, who made no conscience of doing wrong to the King 
 and the English subjects. Again, their Irish tenants either 
 ran away, or turning rebels spoiled them, and the Irish in 
 their houses were ready to betray them, and open their doors 
 to the rebels. So, as some of those undertakers were in 
 the first tumult killed, some taken prisoners were cruelly 
 handled, and had their wives and daughters shamefully 
 abused, great part ran out of the kingdom, and yet shamed 
 not to claim and profess in the end of the rebellion these 
 lands, the defence whereof they had so basely forsaken. 
 Some few kept their old revenued castles, but with great 
 charge to the state in maintaining warders to defend them, 
 which warders were so many as greatly diminished the 
 force of our army in the field. Thus were the good purposes 
 of that first plantation made frustrate by ill-disposed under- 
 takers. 
 
 Touching the other rebellion of Tyrone, the appeasing 
 thereof concurred at one instant with the death of our 
 said Queen, beyond which time my purpose is not to write, 
 and therefore it should be impertinent for me worthily to 
 magnify the plantation in the north established by King 
 James, our gracious sovereign. Only I will say for the want 
 of former colonies planting, whereof the English-Irish com- 
 plain, that as the plantation after Desmond's rebellion was 
 made frustrate by ill-disposed undertakers; so, from the fore- 
 said civil wars between the houses of York and Lancaster to 
 the end of Tyrone's rebellion, all the English in general 
 that voluntarily left England to plant themselves in Ireland, 
 either under the said undertakers of Munster, or upon the 
 lands of any other English-Irish throughout Ireland, or to 
 live in cities and towns, were generally observed to have 
 been either papists, men of disordered life, bankrupts, or 
 very poor (not speaking of those of the army remaining 
 
 s 2 
 
260 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IKISH HISTORY 
 
 there after the rebellion, who are of another time suc- 
 ceeding that whereof I write, and well known to be of good 
 condition). By which course Ireland, as the heel of the 
 body, was made the sink of England, the stench whereof 
 had almost annoyed very Cheapside, the heart of the body, in 
 Tyrone's pestilent rebellion. To conclude, I deny not but 
 the excuse of weakness in the English-Irish colonies, forcing 
 them to apply to the mere Irish as stronger, hath in part 
 a true ground, though it cannot justify the act. And if I 
 should persuade the planting of Ireland with new colonies, 
 I should now speak out of time, when that profitable and 
 necessary action is in great measure performed by the pro- 
 vidence of our dread sovereign. If I should commend and 
 extol the Act, I fear I should therein be reputed as foolish as 
 the sophister, who in a public assembly made a long oration 
 in praise of Hercules, whom no man at that time or formerly 
 ever dispraised. 
 
 But I will pass from their alleged excuses to the true 
 causes of their alienation from us and application to the 
 mere Irish. The grand cause is their firm consent with 
 them in the Eoman religion, whereof I shall speak at large 
 in the next book of this part.' The second cause, also 
 predominant, though in a lower degree, is the profit they 
 have long time found in the barbarous laws and customs of 
 the Irish, by tyrannical oppression of the poor people under 
 them, of which point I have formerly spoken in this 
 chapter. The third cause is their contracting affinity with 
 them by marriage, and amity by mutual fostering of chil- 
 dren. The fourth is community of apparel. The fifth com- 
 munity of language. Of which three last causes I will now 
 speak briefly. 
 
 The power of these three last causes to corrupt the 
 manners and faith of any nation, being well known, the 
 
 ' Book III. of Part IV. of Moryson's work is devoted to an account of the reli- 
 gious systems of the countries through which he travelled, and religion in Ire- 
 land is considered at large in chapter vi. of this book. Mr. Hughes has printed 
 a portion of Moryson's remarks on this head at pp. 285-9 of Shakespeare's 
 Europe. As they are acutely controversial, and as this volume is not con- 
 cerned with the theological quarrels of the period, they are not reproduced here 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 261 
 
 progenitors of our kings with consent of the states of that 
 kingdom in Parliament, did of old make many Acts against 
 them, which sometimes wrought reformation, but without 
 any during effect. For, contrary to these laws, the English- 
 Irish have for many ages, almost from the first conquest, 
 contracted marriages with the mere Irish, whose children of 
 mingled race could not but degenerate from their English 
 parents, and also mutually fostered each other's children, 
 which bond of love the Irish generally so much esteem as 
 they will give their foster-children a part of their goods with 
 their own children, and the very children fostered together 
 love one another as natural brothers and sisters, yea, their 
 foster brothers or sisters better than their own. Only I must 
 say for the English-Irish citizens, especially those of Cork, 
 that they have ever so much avoided these marriages with 
 the mere Irish, as for want of others commonly marrying 
 among themselves, all the men and women of the city had for 
 many ages been of kindred in near degree one with the other. 
 Again, contrary to the said laws, the English-Irish for 
 the most part have for many ages had the same attire 
 and apparel with the mere Irish, namely the nourishing of 
 long hair (vulgarly called glibs ^) which hangs down to the 
 shoulders, hiding the face, so as a malefactor may easily 
 escape with his face covered therewith, or by colouring his 
 hair, and much more by cutting it off, may so alter his 
 countenance as those of his acquaintance shall not know 
 him ; and this hair being exceeding long, they have no use 
 of cap or hat. Also they wear straight breeches, called 
 trousers, very close to the body, and loose coats like large 
 waistcoats, and mantles instead of cloaks, which mantles are 
 as cabin for an outlaw in the woods, a bed for a rebel, and a 
 cloak for a thief, and being worn over the head and ears, and 
 hanging down to the heels, a notorious villain lapped in them 
 may pass any town or company without being known. Yet 
 I must likewise confess that the best part of the citizens did 
 not then use this Irish apparel.^ 
 
 ' Glibs, ' a thick curled bunch of hair, hanging down over his eyes.' — Spenser. 
 
 - For illustrations of the Irish costumes of the period see the plates in 
 
 Speed's TJicatre of the British Empire. See also for a slightly earlier period the 
 
262 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Again, contrary to the said laws, the Irish-English 
 altogether used the Irish tongue, forgetting or never learn- 
 ing the English. And this communion or difference of 
 language hath always been observed a special motive to 
 unite or alienate the mind of all nations, so as the wise 
 Romans, as they enlarged their conquests, so they did spread 
 their language, with their laws and the divine service all in 
 the Latin tongue, and by rewards and preferments invited 
 men to speak it ; as also the Normans in England brought in 
 the use of the French tongue in our common law, and all 
 words of art in hawking, hunting, and like pastimes. And 
 in general all nations have thought nothing more powerful 
 to unite minds than the community of language. But the 
 law to spread the English tongue in Ireland was ever 
 interrupted by rebellions, and much more by ill-affected 
 subjects, so as at this time whereof I write the mere Irish 
 disdained to learn or speak the English tongue, yea, the 
 English-Irish and the very citizens (excepting those of 
 Dublin where the Lord Deputy resides), though they could 
 speak English as well as we, yet commonly speak Irish 
 among themselves, and were hardly induced by our familiar 
 conversation to speak English with us. Yea, common 
 experience showed, and myself and others often observed, 
 the citizens of Waterford and Cork having wives that could 
 speak English as well as we bitterly to chide them when they 
 speak English with us, insomuch as after the rebellion ended, 
 when the itinerant judges went their circuits through the 
 kingdom each half year to keep assizes, few of the people, 
 no, not the very jurymen, could speak English, and at like 
 sessions in Ulster, all the gentlemen and common people (ex- 
 cepting only the judges' train) and the very jurymen put upon 
 life and death and all trials in law, commonly speak Irish, 
 many Spanish, and few or none could or would speak English. 
 
 These outward signs, being the touchstones of the inward 
 affection, manifestly showed that the English-Irish held 
 it a reproach among themselves to apply themselves any 
 
 plates in Derricke's Notable Discovery of tlie State of the Wild Men in Ireland, 
 1581, appended to his Image of Ireland edited by Small, 1883. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 263 
 
 way to the English, or not to follow the Irish in all things. 
 Insomuch as I have heard twenty absurd things practised 
 by them, only because they would be contrary to us, whereof 
 I will only name some few for instances. Our women, 
 riding on horseback behind men, sit with their faces 
 towards the left arm of the man, but the Irish women sit 
 on the contrary side, with their faces to the right arm. Our 
 horses draw carts and like things with traces of ropes or 
 leather, or with iron chains, but they fasten them by a withe 
 to the tails of their horses, and to the rumps when the tails 
 be pulled off, which had been forbidden by laws, yet could 
 never be altered.' We live in cleanly houses ; they in cabins 
 or smoky cottages. Our chief husbandry is in tillage ; they 
 despise the plough, and where they are forced to use it for 
 necessity, do all things about it clean contrary to us. To 
 conclude, they abhor from all things that agree with English 
 civility. Would any man judge these to be born of EngHsh 
 parents, or will any man blame us for not esteeming or 
 employing them as English who scorn to be so reputed? 
 The penal laws against abuses had often been put in execu- 
 tion, but as the Popes, by their book taxing all sins with a 
 penalty, did rather set sin at a price than abolish it, so they 
 who had letters patent to execute these penal laws did not so 
 much seek reformation, as by a moderate agreement for the 
 penalties to raise a yearly rent to themselves, and so making 
 the fault more common, did eat the sins of the people. 
 
 The fair cities of Ireland require something to be said of 
 them. They were at first all peopled with Englishmen, 
 
 ' As late as 1635 it was still necessary to legislate against this practice. 
 The statute 10 & 11 Charles I. cap. 15, is directed ' against ploughing by the 
 tail, and pulling the wool of living sheep.' The enactment seems to have been 
 unpopular, for in the Peace of 1646 between the Duke of Ormond and the Con- 
 federate Lords, article 28 provided for the repeal of this legislation. Article 22 
 of the Peace of 1648 is to the like efiect {Histor7j of tlie Confederates and War 
 in Ireland, vol. vii. p. 201). In 1663 Sir Jerome Alexander was desired to aid 
 on circuit in recovering forfeitures ' for driving and ploughing by the tail ' {Carte 
 Papers, vol. 144, p. 20). Dinely in his Tour (p. 162) mentions the custom as 
 still prevalent in the i)arony of Burren, co. Clare, in 1681 : ' Here horses four 
 abreast draw the plough by the tails, which was the custom all over Ireland, 
 until a statute forbade it ' ; and Young found the practice yet in vogue in Cavan 
 a century later (Tour, i. p. 292). 
 
264 ILLUSTEATIONS OP IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 and had large privileges, but in time became wonderfully- 
 degenerate, and perverted all these privileges to pernicious 
 rpjjg uses, as they were degenerated from the English 
 Cities, to the Irish manners, customs, diet, apparel (in 
 some measure), language, and generally all affections, so 
 besides the universal inclination of merchants, no swords- 
 men more nourished the last rebellion than they did by all 
 means in their power. First, they did so for fear lest upon 
 peace established they might be inquired into for their 
 religion, being all obstinate papists, abhorring from entering 
 a church as the beasts tremble to enter the lion's den, and 
 where they were forced to go to church (as the Mayor and 
 Aldermen of Dublin to attend the Lord Deputy), there using 
 to stop their ears with wool or some like matter, so as they 
 could not hear a word the preacher spoke (a strange 
 obstinacy, since faith comes by hearing, to resolve not to 
 hear the charmer charm he never so wisely).^ Secondly, for 
 covetousness, since during the rebellion great treasure was 
 yearly sent out of England, whereof no small part came to 
 their hands from the army for victuals, apparel, and like neces- 
 saries. Yea, not content with this no small enriching of their 
 estate, to nourish the war and thereby continue this enrich- 
 ing, as also for private gain from the rebels, they furnished 
 them continually with all necessaries, never wanting crafty 
 evasions from the capital danger of the law in such cases. 
 For among other subtleties, were observed some of them to 
 load great quantity of English woollen cloth and like neces- 
 saries upon carts and horses, as if they would send them to 
 some of our neighbour garrisons; but we found manifest 
 probabilities, yea certain proofs, that in the meantime they 
 advertised some rebels of this transportation, who meeting 
 the goods, intercepted the same as it were by force, and their 
 servants returned home with a great outcry of this surprisal, 
 but neither wounded nor so much as sad in comitenance, as 
 their masters proved never the poorer; for no doubt those 
 rebels paid them largely for those goods, who without warm 
 
 1 See Barnaby Eich's New Descripticn of Ireland, chapter xvi., for an 
 account of the observance of Sunday in Dublin at this period. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 265 
 
 clothes should have suffered a hard life in the woods. Nay 
 more, they furnished them even with swords, with guns, and 
 with gunpowder, and all our arms ; by which abominable 
 act they made excessive profit, the rebels being sometimes 
 in such want of munition as they would give whole herds 
 of cows for a small quantity of munition, for they could 
 easily recover cows again by rapine, but most hardly get sup- 
 plies of arms and munition. And these arms the citizens 
 used to buy of our cast captains, as powder from our soldiers 
 having a surplusage of that which was allowed them for 
 exercise of their pieces, and also underhand of traitorous 
 under-ministers in our office of the Ordinance residing in 
 their cities. And in like sort they furnished the rebels with 
 our best victuals. For the ministers of our victuallers, under 
 pretence of leave to sell victuals to the citizens if they feared 
 it would grow musty, did often sell our best biscuit and 
 victuals to the citizens, who secretly sold it to the rebels. 
 These their abominable practices were well seen and greatly 
 detested, but could not easily be remedied, the delinquents 
 ever having colourable evasions, and especially because there 
 was no forbidding the emption of munition to merchants 
 upon pain of death (which was thought most necessary), 
 except our stores of munition had then been, and had had 
 sure hope to be, fully supplied, in regard that the winds are 
 there so uncertain as the public stores not being continually 
 furnished, an army might run great hazard before new 
 supplies came if the merchants could no way relieve it. 
 And this necessity of supplying our stores we found appa- 
 rently at Kinsale, where as soon as our ships with men and 
 munition were arrived, the wind turned, and still continued 
 contrary till we took the town by composition, being more 
 than six weeks. 
 
 Again, for the great privileges granted to the first English 
 ancestors of these cities, more specially in all this discourse 
 meaning Waterford, Cork, and Limerick, for Dublin was in 
 part overawed by the Lord Deputy's residency, and Galway 
 gave some good testimonies of fidelity in those dangerous 
 times, I will show, by one or two instances, how the 
 
266 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 degenerate citizens of that time perverted the same to per- 
 nicious uses. Waterford had a privilege by charter from 
 King John that they should not at any time be forced to 
 receive any of the King's forces into the city. And vi^hen, 
 upon their manifest rebellion at the very end of the last 
 rebellion, the Lord Mount] oy, then Lord Deputy, bringing 
 to their city the forces of our sovereign, King James, there- 
 with to conform them to his Majesty's laws, they, alleging 
 this charter, refused to receive any of the said forces into 
 their city, his lordship vowed to cut King John's charter (as 
 not grantable to such prejudice of his successors) with King 
 James his sword, and to sow salt upon the soil of their 
 destroyed city if they obeyed him not, and with much dispu- 
 tation and power hardly drew them from the ridiculous plea 
 of the said charter.^ Secondly, all fines for violating penal 
 statutes of the admiralty and all others were by an old 
 charter granted to the citizens, and in these days whereof 
 I write, the citizens degenerated from English to Irish (or 
 rather, to Spanish), if our magistrates imposed any fines upon 
 delinquents, especially in cases for reformation of religion 
 and the like, would privately remit those mulcts falling to 
 the treasure of the city, which impunity made them offend 
 the law without fear, as this and like immunities made them 
 without danger of the law to transport prohibited wares, to 
 parley with rebels, to export and import traitorous Jesuits 
 in their ships, and to do manifold insolencies, while it was 
 in the hand of the mayor and his brethren freely to remit all 
 penalties imposed on delinquents. These and like privileges 
 were in those days judged too great for any merchants, and 
 most unfit for merchants of suspected fideHty (to say no 
 worse). To conclude, these citizens were for the most part 
 in those days no less alienated from the English than the 
 very mere Irish, upon the same fore-alleged causes, as in 
 one particular case of their community of language with 
 
 ' The charter seems even to have included a privilege not to .admit his 
 Majesty's judges of Assize into the city. In 1617 the charters of Waterford 
 were found by a jury to be forfeited, and they remained in abeyance until 1626, 
 when a new charter was granted by Charles I. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 267 
 
 the Irish I have showed, and could many ways ilhistrate, if 
 I took any pleasure to insist upon that subject. 
 
 The English-Irish thus affected did generally in these 
 
 times impute some errors to the state. First, that when 
 
 any dissolute swordsman, for want, or for means to 
 
 Errors im- . i t -i n i 
 
 puted to support his luxury, began to rob and spoil, and so to 
 ^^h ^h? ^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^® woods for safety from the law— and there 
 English- never wanted some like-affected persons, ready, upon 
 "^ ' the first rumour thereof, to fly unto the woods and 
 live like outlaws with him, which small number the state 
 might easily have prosecuted to death for example and 
 terror to others — yet when these men had spoiled the country 
 and all passengers, experience taught that the state, for fear 
 of a small expense in prosecuting them, used upon their 
 first submission to grant them protections to come in, 
 and then not only to pardon them, but to free them 
 from restitution of that they had robbed, so as good and 
 quiet subjects might see their goods possessed by them, and 
 yet could not recover them. Yea, nothing was more frequent 
 than for the state to give rewards and yearly pensions to like 
 seditious knaves, in policy (forsooth) lest they should trouble 
 the peace, and put the state to charge in prosecuting them. 
 So, as quiet and good subjects being daily wronged without 
 redress, and seditious knaves being rewarded for not doing ill, 
 and, as it were, hired to live as subjects, they said it was no 
 marvel that so many dissolute persons swarmed in all parts 
 of that kingdom, Galba, the Eoman Emperor, in his oration 
 to his soldiers expecting and murmuring for a largesse, or 
 free gift, at his election, said bravely that he did enrol and 
 not hire his subjects to serve in the war, but this free speech 
 to a dissolute army cost him his life and empire ; and such 
 was then the miserable state of Ireland, as these corruptions 
 could not altogether be avoided, though they savoured rather 
 of a precarium imperium — that is, a ruling by entreaty and 
 rewards, than absolute command over subjects. 
 
 But they further urged that these abuses grew from the 
 corruption of the chief magistrates, for as he said well that 
 no city was impregnable that would open their gates to give 
 
268 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 entrance to an enemy's ass laden with gold, so Ireland could 
 not have firm peace while no man was so wicked who, for a 
 bribe of cows ^ (such and no other are the bribes of the Irish) 
 found that the Lord Deputy's followers and servants, yea, 
 councillors of state, and (I shame to speak it) the very wives 
 and children of the Lord Deputy ready to beg his pardon, 
 who seldom or never missed to obtain it. They further 
 urged that not only armed rebels were in this kind pardoned, 
 but also that those taken and put in our prisons were com- 
 monly by like corruption freely pardoned, or suffered under 
 hand to break prison, and then pardoned under pretence of 
 the public good to save charges in prosecuting them, whereof 
 they gave instances of O'Donell- breaking prison in the 
 beginning, and Cormac MacBaron's eldest son in the end 
 of the rebellion, and of many like rebels of note. So as 
 nothing was more vulgarly said among the rebels themselves 
 than that they could have pardon whensoever they listed, 
 according to the poet : 
 
 Crede mihi, res est ingeniosa dare. 
 Believe, 'tis a most witty course, to give and bribe with open purse. 
 
 And touching the prisons, they said that the jailors of pro- 
 vincial and other prisons seldom brought their prisoners to 
 be tried before judges, but some were executed by martial 
 law, contrary to the dignity of civil justice; others they would 
 affirm to be dead upon their bare word without testimony of 
 the Crowner, or any like proceeding necessary in that case. 
 Others they would affirm to have been freed by the com- 
 mand of provincial governors available rather by custom 
 than law. Yea, they would not shame to confess some to 
 have escaped by breaking prison, as if they were not to be 
 punished for so gross negligence, admitting no excuse. 
 
 Touching the sacred power of pardons and protections 
 they confessed that it was fit to give power of protection to 
 
 ' See Sir J. Davies's Discovery. 
 
 2 If this refers to the escape of Hugh Roe O'Donnell from Dublin Castle on 
 Christmas Eve 1591, it is difficult to understand. There is no evidence of 
 official connivance at an escape which was a source of great embarrassment to 
 Elizabeth's Irish Government. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 269 
 
 military governors that they might bring rebels in to the 
 state, but they alleged many corrupt abuses committed in 
 that case, whereby not only armed rebels, but many taken 
 prisoners, having once their protection, had means with 
 safety of their persons to importune the state for obtaining 
 their pardon in which kind MacCarthen, notorious for many 
 murders, and many like notable villains, had lately been freed 
 from the hand of justice. Again, they confessed that the 
 general giving of protection and pardons by the Lord Deputy 
 was necessary after the rebellion was grown strong and 
 general, when it behoved the state (as a mother) with open 
 arms to receive her disobedient children to mercy lest they 
 should be driven to desperate courses, especially since the 
 punishment of all was impossible in such a strong com- 
 bination : that of the chief was difficult for their strong 
 factions, and of particular and inferior offenders was some- 
 what unequal, if not unjust. But they freely said that our 
 State had greatly erred in not making strong and sharp 
 opposition to the first eruption of that rebellion before they 
 were united, yea, rather dallying with them till by mutual 
 combinations they were grown to a strong body, and that 
 for saving of charges, without which it was hoped they 
 might by fair treaties be reclaimed, which foolish frugality 
 in the end caused an huge exhausting of the public 
 treasure, and which vain hope had no probable ground, 
 since the Irish attributed our moderate courses in reducing, 
 rather than conquering them to our fear rather than our 
 wisdom ; waxing proud when they were fairly handled and 
 gently persuaded to their duties, as no nation yields more 
 abject obedience when they are curbed with a churlish and 
 severe hand. How much better (said they) had our State 
 done to have given no protection or pardon in the beginning, 
 but to have severely put to death all that fell into our 
 hands (which examples of terror were as necessary in Ireland 
 as they ever had been rare), or if pity and mercy had been 
 judged fit to be extended to any, surely not to those who 
 after malicious and bloody acts of hostility were at last 
 broken and unable longer to subsist, much less without 
 
270 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 some pecuniary mulct or fine towards the public charge, or 
 with freedom from making restitution to private men, and, 
 least of all, with rewards and pensions bestowed on them 
 for a vain hope of future service. In all which kinds they 
 gave many instances that our state had often erred. To 
 conclude, they said that sharp and speedy prosecution in 
 the beginning had been most easy (scattered troops being 
 soon suppressed with small forces), and no less advantageous 
 and profitable to the state (as well by the confiscation of 
 their lands and goods as by long and firm peace likely to 
 follow such terrifying examples of justice). 
 
 Again, they bitterly imputed this error to our state, 
 proved by many notable instances, that Irish and English- 
 Irish, who had forsaken their lords in rebellion to serve in 
 our army, after when their lords were received to mercy, with 
 free pardon and restoring of honour and lands, had been 
 quitted and left by us to live again under the same lords 
 highly offended with them, and so never ceasing till they had 
 brought them to beggary, if not to the gallows, which pro- 
 ceeding of ours in their opinion argued that, so we could keep 
 the great lords in good terms, we cared not to forsake the 
 weaker and leave them to the tyranny of the other. Yea, 
 that to these great lords that of rebels were become subjects, 
 our state granted warrants to execute martial law against 
 vagabond and seditious persons, who upon the same pre- 
 tences had often executed these men returning to them from 
 the service of the state, and more specially those who had 
 faithfully served us in the wars for spies, and for guides to 
 conduct our forces through their bogs and woods and fortified 
 places, or if they had not dared so to execute those men, yet 
 by violent oppressions had brought them to beggary, and 
 sometimes by secret plots had caused them to be killed. In 
 this case, if I may boldly speak my opinion, I should think 
 it were impossible so to protect inferior persons of best 
 desert in time of peace from the tyranny of great lords, as 
 they should no way oppress or hurt them either by their 
 power which is transcendent, or by their craft w^herein no 
 people may compare with them. And as formerly I have 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 271 
 
 spoken at large of oppressions done by their power, so I will 
 give one notable instance of their tyranny by craft. The 
 famous traitor Hugh, late Earl of Tyrone, used in his cups 
 to brag that by one trick he had destroyed many faithful 
 servants to the state, namely, by causing them underhand to 
 be brought in question for their life, and then earnestly 
 entreating the Lord Deputy and the judges to pardon them, 
 who never failed to execute them whose pardon he craved. 
 But why we should subject the servants of the state to the 
 oppression of great lords that had been rebels, or why the 
 state should upon any pretence grant them martial law 
 (the examples of both which I confess were frequent and 
 pregnant), I think no colourable reason can be given. 
 
 To be short, among many other errors they did rnuch 
 insist upon this. That our state, contrary to our law of 
 England, yearly made such men sheriffs of the counties as 
 had not one foot of land in the counties, and that they 
 bought those places of the Lord Deputy's servants on whom 
 he used yearly to bestow them ; which made great cor- 
 ruption, since they who buy must sell. Yea, that these 
 sheriffs were commonly litigious men to the county, who 
 having many suits in law, bought those places to have power 
 in protracting or perverting the justice of their own (as also 
 their friends') causes, especially by making juries serve their 
 turn. And most of all that these sheriffs, as having ill con- 
 science of their own oppression, used yearly after the expir- 
 ing of their offices, to sue out and obtain the King's general 
 pardon under the great seal of Ireland, the bare seeking 
 whereof implied guiltiness, so as the ministers of the state 
 above all other men should be excluded from being capable 
 to have these pardons who ought to be free of all dangerous 
 crimes. Hereof myself can only say, that in England these 
 pardons are not obtained without great difficulty ; and that 
 the Irish lords in and before the last rebellion complained of 
 nothing more than the extortions and oppressions of these 
 sheriffs, and their numerous trains and dependants, yet pre- 
 tended the same for a chief cause of their taking arms. 
 
 Touching the general justice of Ireland, howsoever it was 
 
272 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 in the last rebellion tied hand and foot, yet of the former 
 establishment thereof and the hopeful beginning to flomrish 
 „, at the end of the rebellion, something must be said. 
 General And first, in general, the English have always 
 ustice. governed Ireland not as a conquered people by the 
 sword and the conqueror's law, but as a province united 
 upon marriage or like peaceable transactions, and by laws 
 established in their parliaments with consent of the three 
 estates. The supreme magistrate is the Lord Deputy (of 
 whose power I have spoken) with the Council of State named 
 and appointed in England, and these have their residence at 
 Dublin. The next is the Lord President of Munster, with 
 counsellors or provincial assistants, named and appointed by 
 the Lord Deputy, with a chief justice and the King's attorney 
 for the province, not having any courts of justice, but only 
 assisting the Lord President at the council table, where, and 
 likewise at Dublin, causes are judged by the Lord Deputy 
 and the Lord President, as at the council table in England, 
 according to equity with respect to the right of the law.^ 
 The province of Connaught was in like sort governed by a 
 governor (after styled Lord President) with councillors to 
 assist him, and among them a chief justice and the King's 
 attorney, as in Munster, both governing in chief as well for 
 military as civil matters, according to their instructions out 
 of England, and the directions and commands from the 
 Lord Deputy. The state proposed in like sort to establish 
 the province of Ulster,'^ but at the end of the rebellion the 
 Earl of Tyrone laboured earnestly not to be subject to any 
 authority but that of the Lord Deputy, so as there only some 
 governors of forts and comities (as in other parts of Ireland) 
 had authority to compose differences between inferior sub- 
 
 ' For an account of the powers and constitution of the President and 
 Council of Munster, see the Instructions of the Lord Deputy to Sir George 
 Carew, printed in Pacata Hibernia,^^'^. G-19. See also Gernon's account of the 
 Council of the Munster presidency, p. 353 infra. See also Part I. p. 130, supra. 
 
 ^ The project for an Ulster Presidency was revived by Chichester in 1606 
 as an essential check upon Tyrone's proceedings in the province. This proposal 
 was probably a proximate cause of the Flight of the Earls. See Cal. S. P. 
 (Ireland), 1603-6, p. 482. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 273 
 
 jects. The cities and towns had their subordinate magis- 
 trates, as mayors and sovereigns to govern them. But the 
 courts for the common law for all Ireland were only at 
 Dublin, as the King's Bench, the Common Pleas, and the 
 Exchequer, as likewise the Chancery for Equity. And there 
 the King's records were kept by a Master of the Rolls. ^ And 
 all causes in these several courts were pleaded in the 
 English tongue, and after the manner of the courts in 
 London, save that Ireland of old times had made such fre- 
 quent relapses to the sword, as the practice of the law was 
 often discontinued, and the customs of the courts by in- 
 termission were many times forgotten, and the places being 
 then of small profit were often supplied by unlearned and 
 unpractised men.^ And there also at the end of the war was 
 erected the court of the Star Chamber. And there resided 
 the chief judges of the whole kingdom, as the Lord Chan- 
 cellor, Mr. Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of the Common 
 Pleas, and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, who had not 
 formerly the style of lords nor scarlet habits, both which 
 were granted them after the rebellion ended, to give more 
 dignity to the law.^ All the counties had sheriffs for execu- 
 tion of justice yearly appointed by the Lord Deputy, only 
 Ulster was not then divided into counties, as now it is, and 
 hath the same officers.^ 
 
 Touching the laws. The mere Irish from of old to the very 
 
 end of the war had certain judges among themselves, who 
 
 The determined their causes by an unwritten law, only 
 
 Laws, retained by tradition, which in some things had a 
 
 smack of right and equity, and in some others was contrary 
 
 to all divine and human laws. These judges were called 
 
 ' See Part I. pp. 33-6, supra. 
 
 - In a manuscript report to Sir Julius Cassar on certain impediments to the 
 King's service in Ireland, it is remarked that ' it hath pleased his Majesty to 
 dignify the chief judges of his courts with honourable titles as they be in 
 England, but the courts themselves are undignified again by the insufficiency of 
 inferior clerks thereunto belonging.' — Lansdmvne MS. 156, No. 6. 
 
 ^ 'By his Majesty's express direction all the judges go now in their robes 
 after the manner of England.'— Lord Deputy and Irish Council to the Lords, 
 May 27, 1606. Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1603-6. 
 
 ' See Part I. pp. 127-8, siqjra. 
 
274 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Brehons, altogether unlearned, and great swillers of Spanish 
 sack (which the Irish merrily called the King of Spain's 
 daughter). Before these judges no probable or certain ar- 
 guments were available to condemn the accused, but only 
 manifest apprehensions in the fact. A murder being com- 
 mitted, these judges took upon them to be intercessors to 
 reconcile the murderer with the friends of the murdered, by 
 a gift vulgarly called Iriesh.' They did extort unreasonable 
 rewards for their judgment, as the eleventh part of every 
 particular thing brought in question before them. For the 
 case of incontinency, they exacted a certain number of cows 
 (which are the Irish rewards and bribes) from the married 
 and unmarried, though they lived chastely (which indeed 
 was rare among them), yet more for the married and un- 
 chaste than from others. Myself spoke with a gentleman 
 then living, who affirmed that he had paid seven cows to 
 these judges, because he could not bring witnesses of his 
 marriage, when he had been married fifty years. Among 
 other their barbarous laws, or rather customs and traditions, 
 I have formerly spoken of their tenure of land, vulgarly 
 called themistry, or tanistry, whereby not the eldest son 
 but the elder uncle, or the most valiant (by which they 
 understand the most dissolute swordsman), of the family 
 succeeded the deceased by the election of the people, whereof 
 came many murders and parricides and rebellions, besides 
 threat wrongs done to the state, as in this particular case : — 
 If the predecessor, of free will or constrained by arms, had 
 surrendered his inheritance to the King, and had taken it 
 back from the King's grant by letters patents, upon rent and 
 other conditions for the public good, they at his death made 
 this act void, because he had no right but for life. By these 
 judges and by these and like laws were the mere Irish 
 judged to the end of the last rebellion, though the English 
 laws had long before been received in Ireland by consent 
 of the three states in ParHament. 
 
 For in the tenth year of King Henry VII.,- by the 
 
 ' Properly eric. See Joyce's Social History of Ancient IreUmd, i. pp. 7-11. 
 * Statutes lOtli Henry VII. caps. xi. and xxiii. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 275 
 
 consent of the three states in Parliament, the barbarous 
 Brehon judges and laws, and this particular law of themistry 
 by name, were all abrogated, and the common law and 
 statutes of Parliament made to that day in England, were 
 all established in Ireland. And from the first conquest to 
 that time and long after, the states of Ireland were called to 
 the Parliament by the King's writs, and the laws there made 
 were sent into England, and there allowed or deaded in 
 silence by the King ; and so the approved were sent back to 
 the Lord Deputy, who accordingly confirmed them for Acts 
 of that Parliament, and rejected the other by the king's 
 authority, by which also the Lord Deputy, according to his 
 instructions from the King, prorogued or dissolved the 
 Parliaments. But if the worthy progenitors of our late kings 
 should revive, and see the face of these Parliaments changed, 
 and the very English-Irish backward to make laws of refor- 
 mation, they would no doubt repent their wonted leniency 
 in making them lawgivers to themselves, and freeing them 
 from constraint in that kind. At first this government was 
 fatherly to subjects being as children, but if they were now 
 degenerated, should not the course of government be made 
 suitable to their changed affections ? No doubt if the King 
 of Spain (whom then they adored as preserver of their 
 liberty, and whose yoke then they seemed glad to undergo) 
 had once had the power to make them his subjects, they 
 should have learned by woeful experience that he should by 
 the same power have imposed such laws on them as he thought 
 fit, without expecting any consent of theirs in Parliament, 
 and would quickly have taught them what difference ever 
 was between the Spanish and English yoke. But if this 
 course might in us seem tyrannical, the statesmen of that 
 time judged it easy by a fairer means to bring them to con- 
 formity in a Parliament : namely, by a new plantation of 
 English well affected in religion (who after the war might 
 be sent in great numbers and find great quantities of land 
 to inhabit), out of which men the Lord Deputy by the 
 sheriff's and other assistance, might easily cause the greatest 
 part of the knights of the shire and burgesses to be chosen 
 
 T 2 
 
276 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 for the swaying of the Lower House. As likewise by sending 
 over wise and grave judges and bishops, and if need were 
 by creating or citing new barons by writs (in imitation of 
 King Edward III.), being men well affected to religion and 
 the state, so to sway the Upper House. 
 
 The general peace after the rebellion (when Ireland was 
 left as a pair of clean tables, wherein the state might write 
 laws at pleasure) gave all men great hope that the laws 
 should receive new life and vigour. Hitherto the barbarous 
 lords at hand had been more feared and obeyed than the 
 King afar off, and though they had large territories, yet 
 neither themselves had raised answerable profit (at least by 
 way of rent) nor the King's coffers had ever swelled with the 
 fatness of peace. But the end of the war was the time (if 
 ever) to stretch the King's power to the uttermost north, to 
 bring the lords to civil obedience, to enrich them by orderly 
 rents, and to fill the King's coffers out of their abundance. 
 And indeed the courts of justice at Dublin began to be 
 much frequented before our coming from thence, and shortly 
 after each half year itinerant judges began to ride their 
 circuits through all the parts of Ireland, and those who had 
 passed through all Ulster to keep assizes there, made hope- 
 ful relation of their proceeding to the Earl of Devonshire, 
 Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, residing in the English Court, 
 advertising him that in those sessions they had persuaded 
 the lords to grant their tenants their land by freeholds, 
 copyholds, and leases, that they might build houses, and 
 clear the passes of their woods, to make free passage from 
 town to town, and likewise to give the King a yearly com- 
 position of rents and services, and themselves abolishing the 
 old tyrannical exactions called cuttings, to establish their 
 yearly revenues by certain rents, which would be more profit- 
 able to them. That the lords seemed gladly to yield to these 
 persuasions, and to establish certain rents to themselves, so 
 they might be permitted after the old manner to make only 
 one cutting upon their tenants for the payment of their 
 debts. That they, the judges, had taught the inferior gentle- 
 men and all the common people that they were not slaves 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 277 
 
 but free men, owing only rents to their lords, without other 
 subjection, since their lords as themselves were subject to a 
 just and powerful king, whose sacred majesty at his great 
 charge maintained them his judges to give equal justice to 
 them both, with equal respect to the lords and to them for 
 matters of right. That a great lord of Ulster named O'Cane, 
 having imprisoned a tenant without legal course, they had 
 not only rebuked him for usurping that power over the King's 
 subjects, but howsoever he confessed his error publicly, and 
 desired pardon for it, yet, for example, they had also im- 
 posed a fine upon him for the same. And that the inferior 
 gentlemen and all the common people gladly embraced this 
 liberty from the yoke of the great lords, and much applauded 
 this act of justice upon O'Cane, promising with joyful 
 acclamations a large composition of rents and services to 
 the King, so this justice might be maintained to them, and 
 they be freed from the tyranny of their lords. So as it 
 seemed to the judges there remained nothing to content the 
 people but a constant administration of this justice, with 
 some patience used towards the people at first in bearing 
 with their humours, among which they more specially noted 
 these : — That they not only expected easy access to the Lord 
 Deputy, the judges and the inferior magistrates, but were 
 generally so litigious and so tedious in complaints as they 
 could not be contented without singular patience. And that 
 from the lords to the inferior sort they had a ridiculous 
 fashion, never to be content without the magistrate's hand 
 under their petitions, and therewith to be content were it 
 never so dilatory, yea flat contrary to their request, which 
 hand they used to sign though they knew the ill and crafty 
 uses the Irish made of it, who coming home would show 
 this hand to their tenants and adversaries, without reading 
 the words to which it was set, and so pretending the magis- 
 trates' consent to their request, many times obtained from 
 ignorant people their own unjust ends. Yet had not the law 
 as yet that general and full course in Ireland which after 
 it had by continuance of peace, and by that dignity which 
 the King's majesty gave to the law, in granting the title 
 
278 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 of lords to the chief judges, and the scarlet robes to 
 them all. 
 
 It remains to say something of the hands whereby the 
 law was to be put in practice, namely the lawyers. They 
 were either English, sent, or willingly coming out of 
 England, more specially at the end of the rebellion, of 
 whose concurring in the reformation of Ireland I make no 
 doubt ; or English-Irish, who of old, and now after the 
 rebellion, in greater numbers pleaded most of the causes in 
 the courts of justice. These English-Irish lawyers were 
 always wont to study the common laws of England in the 
 Inns of Court at London, and being all of the Roman religion 
 (as the rest in Ireland), did so lurk in those Inns of Court 
 as they never came to our churches, nor any of them had 
 been observed to be taught the points of our religion there, 
 but having got a smack of the grounds of our law, and 
 retaining the old superstition in religion, they returned to 
 practise the law in Ireland, where they endeavoured nothing 
 more than to give the subjects counsel how they might 
 defraud the King of his rights, and find evasions from 
 penalties of the law, more specially in matters of religion, 
 the reformation whereof they no less feared than the rest, 
 and therefore contrary to their profession nourished all 
 barbarous customs and laws, being the seeds of rebellion, 
 and sought out all evasions to frustrate our statutes 
 abrogating them, and tending to the reformation of civil 
 policy and religion. For prevention of which mischief 
 many thought in those times it w6re fit to exclude them 
 from practice at the bars of justice, but since experience 
 hath taught us how weak this remedy is, while the priests 
 swarm there, combining the people, according to the rule 
 of St. Paul, not to go to law under heathen magistrates, 
 for such or no better they esteemed ours, and so reducing 
 all suits of law, and the profit thereby arising, to the hands 
 of the same lawyers in private determinations, whom the 
 state excluded from public pleading at our bars ; so as 
 there is no way better to remedy this mischief than during 
 their education at our inns of court in England to bring 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 279 
 
 them to church, and teach them our reHgioji, and after to 
 punish some particular men that are of greatest practice and 
 most refractory, by which examples, and the strict eye and 
 hand of our magistrates seen to hang over them, this mischief 
 might in time either be taken away or be made less general. 
 These lawyers taught the proud and barbarous lords of 
 Ireland how they might keep the people of their countries in 
 absolute subjection, and make them not only obey for fear of 
 their power daily hovering over their heads, but also to think 
 that their lords by right of law or equivalent custom had 
 absolute command over their goods and bodies. By which 
 and like means they not only gave strength to rebellious 
 affections, but also made open resistance to all intended 
 reformations, to their uttermost power seeking to root out 
 the wise foundations to that end carefully laid by former 
 ages, or at least to shake them and still keep them from 
 any firm establishment. In this kind I will only give one 
 instance. When Kory O'Donnell ' at the end of the rebellion 
 was come over into England, with the Lord Mountjoy 
 (after created Earl of Devonshire), there to obtain the con- 
 firmation from the King's majesty of that pardon and grant 
 of his brother's land ^ (the second arch-rebel) which the said 
 lord had promised him at his submission while he was yet 
 in England, and all that depended formerly on his brother, 
 hovered between hope and fear how they and that country 
 should be established, one of these lawyers employed there 
 by the said Rory persuaded MacSwyne and 'Boyle, and 
 other gentlemen of old freeholders in Tirconnell under the 
 O'Donnells, that they had no other right in their lands but 
 only the mere pleasure and will of O'Donnell. This the 
 said gentlemen, though rude, and in truth barbarous, and 
 altogether ignorant in our laws, not only denied, but offered 
 to produce old writings to prove the contrary. When 
 that fox perceived their confidence, and after heard that 
 the said Rory had his pardon, and lands confirmed in 
 England, and was moreover created Earl of Tirconnell, 
 he essayed these gentlemen another way, telling them 
 
 ' Rory O'Donnell, first Earl of Tyrconnel, 1575-1608. 
 = Hugh Roe O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnel, 1571-1602 
 
280 ILLUSTKATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 that the King having granted pardon, and all his brother's 
 land to this new Earl of Tirconnell, they having yet 
 no pardon had lost all their old right in their lands, 
 were it freehold or at the lord's pleasure, or what other 
 right soever, and so could now have no dependency but on 
 the Earl's favour. Herein he told a triple lie : first, that he 
 denied their right of freehold which was held to be most 
 certain, though it had been abolished by long tyranny of the 
 chief lord, and perhaps at first owed him some limited 
 services, as Tirlogh MacHenry for the Fewea, and Henry Oge 
 for his country, did both owe to the Earl of Tyrone, and 
 all under lords in England owe to the lord paramount. 
 Secondly, that he affirmed the whole province to be given to 
 the Earl by the King, whereas it was granted in these 
 express words, ' to hold to his Majesty's special grace in as 
 ample manner as his brother held it before the rebellion' (in 
 which he was as far engaged as his brother), which grant 
 took not away the former right of freehold or other that any 
 subject might pretend. Thirdly, that he restrained the 
 King's gracious pardon as if it extended only to the Earl, 
 when it was general to all the inhabitants of Tirconnell, 
 restoring them all to their former rights. Yet by this shame- 
 ful lie he obtained the unjust end he sought, to the great 
 prejudice of the King's majesty's service, and of his subjects 
 in Tirconnell. For these gentlemen and the rest of the 
 people in that province being ignorant of the law, and afraid 
 of every rumour, upon a guilty conscience of deserved punish- 
 ment in their rebellion, and the new change of the state in 
 England, were easily induced to renounce all their rights to 
 the said Earl (though with great prejudice to themselves and 
 ignominy to the justice of the state), and to receive their lands 
 by new grants from the Earl as of his mere grace and favour. 
 And howsoever the itinerant judges did after make known 
 their error to them, and gave them hope this act would be 
 reversed upon their complaint, yet they chose rather to enjoy 
 their estates in this servile kind with the said Earl's favour, 
 than to recover their rights and freedoms by course of law 
 with his displeasure. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 281 
 
 Again these lawyers in all parts of Ireland taught 
 the people artificial practices to defraud the king of his 
 rights, in services due to the lords of their fees in his 
 Court of Wards, and liveries, intrusions, alienations, yea 
 in very confiscations of goods and lands, the preservation 
 vv^hereof to the heirs vs^ill always make the possessor more 
 prone to treasons and all wickedness. For the truth where- 
 of I appeal to all friends and servants of former Lords 
 Deputies, who have obtained any such gifts of wards, intru- 
 sions, alienations and confiscations ; for they well know 
 what tedious suits, crafty circumventions, and small profit 
 they have found thereby. And I appeal to the manifold 
 conveyances of lands by feoffees of trust, and all crafty 
 devices, nowhere so much used as in Ireland. Insomuch as 
 nothing was more frequent than for Irishmen, in the time 
 of our war with Spain, to live in Spain, in Kome, and in 
 their very seminaries, and yet by these and like crafty con- 
 veyances to preserve to them and their heirs their goods 
 and lands in Ireland, yea very spiritual livings for life, not 
 rarely granted to children for their maintenance in that 
 superstitious education, most dangerous to the state. 
 
 I formerly showed that King Henry VII. established the 
 
 English laws in Ireland, yet the common law, having not his 
 
 due course in the time of the rebellion, most civil 
 
 Capital causes were judged according to equity at the coun- 
 
 J"<^e- cil tables, as well at Dublin as in the provinces of 
 
 ments . 
 
 and Laws Munster and Connaught, and by military gover- 
 
 of Inherit- ^^^ several counties. And for these laws of 
 
 ance. 
 
 England, the most remarkable of them shall be 
 
 explained in the discourse before promised of the common- 
 wealth of England.^ 
 
 In like sort the laws of England were for capital matters 
 established in Ireland, but during the rebellion and at the 
 end thereof the martial law was generally used, hanging 
 up malefactors by withes instead of ropes upon their first 
 
 ' The discourse of the Commonwealth of England was never written ; or, 
 if written, has been lost. It was intended, according to the prospectus in tha 
 folio of 1617, to form chapter ix. of Part IV., Book I. 
 
282 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 apprehension. In cases of treason the great lords of the 
 kingdom were of old judged by the assembly of the three 
 states in Parliament ; but since Henry VII. 's time they are 
 tried as in England, the lords being beheaded, and others 
 hanged, drawn and quartered. As in England so there, 
 not only treasons but wilful murders and felonies are 
 punished by death and confiscation of lands and goods. 
 By the law in England, so in Ireland, the accessory cannot 
 be tried before the principal be apprehended and brought 
 to his trial, so as the principal escaping, receivers cannot 
 be judged. And so for other capital laws of England, 
 which shall be at large set down in the foresaid treatise. 
 The English laws of inheritance are likewise of force in 
 Ireland, the elder brother having right to the lands of de- 
 scent, and the father's last will disposing purchased lands 
 and goods among his wife and children, and the wife being 
 widow, besides her part that may be given her by her 
 husband's last will, having the jointure given her before 
 marriage, and if none such were given her, then having 
 right to the third part of his lands for her life. 
 
 Touching the degrees in the commonwealth ; not to 
 
 speak of the offices of the Lord Chancellor and the Lord 
 
 rj.j^g High Treasurer, giving place above all degrees of 
 
 Degrees nobility, the highest degree is that of Earls. And 
 Common- the Earl of Ormond in this time whereof I write 
 
 wealth, ^g^g Lord High Treasurer of Ireland, and knight 
 of the noble Order of the Garter in England. The next 
 degree is that of Barons.' And in general, as the degrees 
 of the Irish nobility in England give place to all the 
 EngHsh of the same degree, so do the English to the 
 Irish in Ireland. But howsoever the Irish lords, to make 
 their power greater in peace, are content to have the titles 
 of earls and barons, yet they most esteem the titles of 
 and Mac set before their surnames, after their barbarous 
 manner (importing the chief of the sept or name), as 
 
 ' It is curious that Moryson omits the title of Viscount, which, first used in 
 England in 1440, was known in Ireland as a degree of honour as early as the 
 reign of Henry III. The title of Gormanston, the first Irish viscounty created 
 by patent, dates from 1478. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 283 
 
 O'Neale, O'Donnell, MacCarthy, and the like. And these 
 names they used to resume when they would lead the 
 people into rebellion. The title of Knights Baronets was 
 not then known in Ireland. They have no order of knight- 
 hood like that of the Order of the Garter in England/ and 
 the like in other kingdoms, but only, as in England, such 
 knights as are made by the sword of the King, or of the 
 Lord Deputy there, who always has the power, by his per- 
 mission from the King, to make any man knight whom he 
 judges worthy of that dignity.^ The poorest of any great 
 sept or name repute themselves gentlemen, and so will be 
 swordmen, despising all arts and trades to maintain them ; 
 yet such is the oppression of the great lords towards the 
 inferior sort, the gentlemen and freeholders, as I have seen the 
 chief of a sept ride, with a gentleman of his own name (and so 
 learned as he spoke Latin) running barefooted by his stirrup. 
 The husbandmen were then as slaves, and most exercised 
 grazing, as the most idle life, using tillage only for necessity. 
 Touching the degrees in the family. The citizens of 
 Munster, as in Waterford, Limerick, and more specially in 
 The Cork, and they of Galway in Connaught, upon the 
 Degrees jg^,^ forbidding marriage with the mere Irish, and 
 
 in the . ... 
 
 Family, especially to keep the wealth of the city within the 
 walls thereof, have of old custom used to marry with their 
 own citizens, whereby most of the families and private 
 branches of them were in near degree of consanguinity one 
 with another, frequently marrying within the degree for- 
 bidden by the law of God. And the married women of Ire- 
 land still retain their own surnames, whereas the English, 
 losing them utterly, do all take the surname of their hus- 
 bands. The men hold it disgraceful to walk with their 
 own wives abroad, or to ride with their wives behind them. 
 
 ' The Order of St. Patrick is, it need hardly be noted, of quite modern 
 origin, having been instituted as late as 1783. 
 
 ■■^ This delegated power was exercised with great frequency by the Lords 
 Deputies during the period of which Moryson writes. Between February 28, 
 1599-1600 and May 29, 1603, Mountjoy created twenty-six knights. His 
 deputy, Sir George Carew, created as many as fifty-one between June 1603 and 
 December 25, 1604. Catalogue of Knights made by Charles, Lord Mountjoy, 
 etc. Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 4784, f. 95. And see Metcalfe's Book of Knights. 
 
284 ILLUSTEATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY 
 
 The mere Irish divorced wives, and with their consent took 
 them again frequently, and for small, yea ridiculous, causes, 
 always paying a bribe of cows to the Brehon judges, and 
 sending the wife away with some few cows more than she 
 brought. And I could name a great lord among them, who 
 was credibly reported to have put away his wife of a good 
 family and beautiful, only for a fault as light as wind (which 
 the Irish in general abhor), but I dare not name it, lest I 
 offend the perfumed senses of some whose censure I have 
 incurred in that kind. The more civil sort were not 
 ashamed, and the mere Irish much less, to own their 
 bastards, and to give them legacies by that name. Inso- 
 much as they have pleasant fables of a mother, who upon 
 her deathbed (according to their above-mentioned custom), 
 giving true fathers to her children, and finding her hus- 
 band offended therewith, bade him hold his peace, or else 
 she would give away all his children. As also of a boy, 
 who seeing his mother give base fathers to some of his 
 brethren prayed her with tears to give him a good father. 
 The children of the English-Irish, and much more of the 
 mere Irish, are brought up with small or no austerity, 
 rather with great liberty, yea licentiousness. And when you 
 read of the foresaid frequent divorces, and generally of the 
 women's immoderate drinking, you may well judge that 
 incontinency is not rare among them ; yea even in that 
 licentiousness they hold the general ill affection to the 
 English, sooner yielding those ill fruits of love to an Irish 
 horse-boy than to any English of better condition ; but how 
 their priests triumph in this luxurious field let them tell 
 who have seen their practice. 
 
 It remains to speak something of their military affairs. 
 Their horsemen are all gentlemen (I mean of great septs or 
 Qj ^ . names, how base soever otherwise), and generally 
 Military the Irish abhor from using mares for their saddle, 
 Affairs. ^^^ indeed they use no saddles, but either long, nar- 
 row pillions bumbasted or bare boards of that fashion. So 
 as they may easily be cast off from their horses, yet being 
 very nimble do as easily mount them again, leaping up with- 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 285 
 
 out any help of stirrups, which they neither use nor have, as 
 likewise they use no boots nor spurs. ^ They carry weighty 
 spears, not with points upwards, resting them on their sides 
 or thighs, but holding them in their hands with the points 
 downwards, and striking with them as with darts, which 
 darts they used to carry, and to cast them after their enemies 
 when they wheel about ; these spears they use to shake over 
 their heads, and by their sides carry long swords, and have 
 no defensive armour but only a morion on their heads. 
 They are more fit to make a bravado and to offer light 
 skirmishes than for a sound encounter. Neither did I ever 
 see them perform anything with bold resolution. They 
 assail not in a joint body but scattered, and are cruel 
 executioners upon flying enemies ; but otherwise, howsoever 
 they make a great noise and clamour in the assault, yet, 
 when they come near, they suddenly and ridiculously wheel 
 about, never daring to abide the shock. So as howsoever 
 the troops of English horse by their strong second give 
 courage and strength to their foot companies, yet these 
 Irish horsemen basely withdrawing themselves from danger 
 are of small or no use, and all the strength of the Irish 
 consists of their foot, since they dare not stand in a plain 
 field, but always fight upon bogs and passes of skirts of 
 woods, where the foot being very nimble come off and on at 
 pleasure, and if the enemies be fearful upon the deformity 
 and strength of their bodies or barbarous cries they make in 
 the assault, or upon any ill accident show fear and begin to 
 fly, the Irish foot without any help of horse are exceeding 
 swift and terrible executioners, in which case only of flying 
 or fearing they have at any time prevailed against the 
 English. And how unprofitable their horse are, and of 
 what small moment to help their foot, that one battle at 
 Kinsale did abundantly show, where the Irish horse and foot 
 being encouraged by the Spaniards to stand in the plain 
 field, the horse were so far from giving the foot any 
 courage or second, as for fear they break first through 
 
 • See as to Irish saddles and stirrups, Joyce's Social Hiatory of Ancieyit 
 Ireland, ii. pp. 414, 419. 
 
286 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 their own bodies of foot, and after withdrawing themselves 
 to a hill distant from the foot as if they intended rather to 
 behold the battle than to fight themselves, by this forsaking 
 of their foot they might justly be said to be the chief 
 cause of their overthrow. Their horses are of a small 
 stature, excellent amblers, but of little or no boldness and 
 small strength either for battle or long marches, fit and 
 used only for short excursions in fighting and short 
 journeys, and, being fed upon bogs and soft ground, are 
 tender-hoofed, and soon grow lame used upon hard ground. 
 So as our English horsemen, having deep war saddles and 
 using pistols as well as spears and swords, and many of 
 them having corslets and like defensive arms, and being 
 bold and strong for encounters and long marches, and of 
 greater stature than the Irish, our troops must needs have 
 great advantages over theirs. 
 
 Touching their foot, he that had seen them in the 
 beginning of the rebellion so rude — as being to shoot off a 
 musket, one had it laid on his shoulders, another aimed it at 
 the mark, and a third gave fire, and that not without fear 
 and trembling — would have wondered, in short time after, 
 to see them most bold and ready in the use of their pieces, 
 and would have said that the Spartans had great reason 
 who made a law never to make long war with any of their 
 neighbours, but after they had given them one or two foils 
 for strengthening of their subjection, to give them peace, 
 and lead their forces against some other, so keeping their men 
 well trained, and their neighbours rude, in the feats of war. 
 But when the Earl of Tyrone first intended to rebel, he used 
 two crafty practices. The first, to pretend a purpose of 
 building a fair house (which we hold a sure argument of 
 faithful hearts to the state), and to cover it with lead, where- 
 by he got license to transport a great quantity of lead out of 
 England, which after he converted to make bullets. The 
 second, to pretend to join his forces in aid of the English 
 against the first rebels which himself had put forth, whereby 
 he got our captains, with licence of the state, to train his 
 men, who were after called * Butter Captains ' because they. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 287 
 
 and their men lived upon cess in his country, having only 
 victuals for their reward. And surely, howsoever some of the 
 English state lightly regarded the frequent rebellion of the 
 Irish, thinking them rather profitable to exercise the English 
 in arms than dangerous to disturb the state ; yet woeful ex- 
 perience taught us that the last rebellion wanted very little 
 of losing that kingdom. The Irish foot in general are such as, 
 I think, men of more active bodies, more able to suffer cold, 
 heat, hunger, and thirst, and whose minds are more void of 
 fear, can hardly be found. It is true that they rather know 
 not than despise the rules of honour observed by other 
 nations ; that they are desirous of vainglory, and fearful of 
 infamy, appears by their estimation of their bards or poets, 
 whom they gladly hear sing of their praise, as they fear 
 nothing more than rhymes made in their reproach. Yet 
 because they are only trained to skirmish upon bogs and diffi- 
 cult passes or passages of woods, and not to stand or fight in a 
 firm body upon the plains, they think it no shame to fly or run 
 off from fighting, as they advantage (and indeed at Kinsale, 
 when they were drawn by Spaniards to stand in firm body 
 upon the plain, they were easily defeated). And because they 
 are not trained to keep or take strong places, they are easily 
 beaten out of any forts or trenches, and a weak house or fort 
 may easily be defended with a few shot against their rude 
 multitude. Divers kinds of foot use divers kinds of arms. 
 First, the Galliglasses are armed with morions and halberts. 
 Secondly, the Kerne and some of their footmen are armed 
 with weighty iron mails and jacks, and assail horsemen 
 aloof with casting darts, and at hand with the sword. 
 Thirdly, their shot, which I said to be so rude in the begin- 
 ning of the rebellion as three men were used to shoot off one 
 piece not without fear, became in few years most active, 
 bold, and expert in the use of their pieces. All these foot 
 assail the enemy with rude barbarous cries, and hope to 
 make them afraid therewith, as also with their nakedness 
 and barbarous looks, in which case they insist violently, 
 being terrible executioners, by their swiftness of foot upon 
 flying enemies, never sparing any that yield to mercy ; yea, 
 
288 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 being most bloody and cruel towards their captives upon 
 cold blood, contrary to the practice of all noble enemies, 
 and not only mangling the bodies of their dead enemies, but 
 never believing them to be fully dead till they have cut off 
 their heads. But after the English had learned to abide 
 their first assault firmly and without fear, notwithstanding 
 their boldness and activity, they found them faintly to assail, 
 and easily to give ground when they were assailed, yet never 
 could do any great execution on them upon the bogs and in 
 woods, where they were nimble to fly, and skilful in all 
 passages, especially our horse there not being able to serve 
 upon them. To conclude, as they begin to fight with barbarous 
 cries, so it is ridiculous and most true that when they begin to 
 retire from the skirmish, some run out to brawl and scold like 
 women with the next enemies, which sign of their skirmish 
 ending and their retiring into the thick woods never failed us. 
 Touching the ships in Ireland, they had then no men-of- 
 war, nor merchants' ships armed, only some three or four 
 Of their trading for Spain and France carried a few iron 
 Shipping, pieces for defence against pirates in our Channel 
 that might assail them in boats, and they were all under one 
 hundred tons burthen. The rest of their ships were all of 
 much less burthen, serving only to transport passengers to 
 and fro, and horses and merchandise out of England, little 
 or nothing being carried out of Ireland in time of the rebel- 
 lion. And these were not many in number, the English 
 ships most commonly serving for those purposes. So, as 
 little can be said of their mariners for navigation, only by 
 the general nature of the people, I suppose, that they being 
 witty, bold, and sluggish, if they had liberty to build great 
 ships for trade, they were like to prove skilful and bold in 
 navigation, but never industrious in traftic. It is true that 
 the arch-traitor Tyrone, upon his good successes, grew at 
 last so proud, as in a treaty of peace he propounded an 
 article, that it might be lawful for the Irish to build great 
 armed ships for trade, and men-of-war for the defence of the 
 coast ; but it was with scorn rejected by the Queen's Com- 
 missioners. Lastly, I think I may boldly say, that no 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 289 
 
 island in the world hath more large and commodious havens 
 for the greatest ships — and whole fleets of them — than Ire- 
 land hath on all sides ; excepting St. George's Channel, 
 which hath many flats, and the havens there be few, small 
 and barred, or unsafe to enter ; for, otherwise in one-third 
 part of Ireland, from Galway to Killybegs in the north, it 
 hath fourteen large havens, whereof some may receive two 
 hundred, some three hundred, some four hundred great ships, 
 .and only two or three are barred and shallow, besides divers 
 large and commodious havens in Munster. 
 
 Having spoken particularly of their horse and foot and 
 
 shipping, I will add something in general of the Irish wars. 
 
 It hath been observed that every rebellion in Ire- 
 
 of the land hath grown more dangerous than the former, 
 
 J"^^ and though mariners are industrious and vigilant 
 
 Wars. ° . o 
 
 in a tempest, yet the English have ever been slow 
 in resisting the beginnings of sedition, but as mariners sleep 
 securely in calms, so the English having appeased any rebel- 
 lion, ever became secure without taking any constant course 
 to prevent future dangers in that kind. In this last rebellion 
 I am afraid to remember how little that kingdom wanted of 
 being lost and rent from the English Government, for it was 
 not a small disturbance of peace or a light trouble of the 
 state, but the very foundations of the English power in 
 that kingdom were shaken and fearfully tottered, and were 
 preserved from ruin more by the Providence of God out of 
 His great mercy (as may appear by the particular affairs at 
 the siege of Kinsale) than by our counsels and remedies 
 (which were in the beginning full of negligence, in the pro- 
 gress distracted with strong factions, and to the end slow 
 and sparing in all supplies), so as if the Irish soldiers which 
 were at first unskilful (and ought to have been so kept in 
 true policy of state) as in short time they grew skilful and 
 ready in the use of the piece, the sword and other arms, and 
 very active and valiant in light skirmishes, had likewise 
 attained the discipline of war to march orderly and fight 
 upon the plain, to assault and keep forts, and to manage 
 great ordnance (which they neither had nor knew to use) ; if 
 
 u 
 
290 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 the barbarous lords, as they were full of pride, some vaunting 
 themselves to be descended from the old kings of Ireland, so 
 had not nourished factions among themselves, but had con- 
 sented to choose a king over them, after their many good 
 successes, more specially after the defeat of Blackwater 
 (when it was truly said of the Earl of Tyrone that the 
 Komans said of Hannibal after the defeat of Cannae, ' Thou 
 knowest to overcome, but knowest not to make use of thy 
 victory ') ; not to speak of the Providence of God even 
 miraculously protecting our religion against the papists ; 
 no doubt in human wisdom that rebellion would have had 
 another end than by the grace of God it had. And it was 
 justly feared that if constant serious remedies were not used 
 to prevent future eruptions, the next rebellion might prove 
 fatal to the English state. 
 
 Now that I may not seem forward to reprove others, but 
 negligent in observing our own errors, give me leave to say 
 boldly, and to show particularly, that the following and no 
 other causes brought upon us all the mischiefs to which the 
 last rebellion made us subject. When any rebel troubled 
 the state our custom was, for saving of charges, not to 
 suppress him with our own arms, but to raise up some of 
 his neighbours against him, supporting him with means to 
 annoy him, and promoting him to greater dignities and 
 possessions of land, and if he were of his own blood, then 
 making him chief of the name (which dignity we should 
 constantly have extinguished since nothing could more 
 disturb peace than to have all septs combined under one 
 head). And these neighbour lords thus raised never failed 
 to prove more pernicious rebels than they against whom 
 they were supported by us. One instance shall serve for 
 proofs : that of the Earl of Tyrone, raised by our state from 
 the lowest degree against his kinsman Tirlogh Linnagh,^ 
 whom the Queen too long supported, even till his men were 
 expert in arms, and too highly exalted, even till he had all 
 
 ' Tmlough Luineach O'Neill was long the rival of Hugh O'Neill, '2nd Earl 
 of Tyrone, for the succession to the position of Shane O'Neill as chief of his 
 name. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IKELAND 291 
 
 his opposite's power in his hand, which he used far worse 
 than the other, or any of the O'Neales before him. In our 
 state parcatur sumptui, let cost be spared, were ever two most 
 fatal words to our government in Ireland, as by this and that 
 which follows shall plainly appear. When the rebellion first 
 began we, to save charges, not only used the Irish one 
 against the other, but long forbore to levy English soldiers, 
 vainly thinking to reduce them by treaties. When the 
 rebellion was increased we, to save charges in transporting 
 English soldiers, raised whole companies of English-Irish, 
 and as our captains had trained Tyrone's men while he 
 pretended service to the state, so now we trained in our 
 army all the English-Irish, giving them free use of arms, 
 which should be kept only in the hands of faithful subjects. 
 This raising of whole companies of foot and troops of 
 horse among them, was a great error, for they once having 
 gotten the use of arms we durst not cast them, lest they 
 should fall to the rebels' party. Perhaps their social arms 
 might have been useful if we had mixed them in our com- 
 panies, and that in small limited numbers, but we not only 
 raised whole bands of them, and all of one sept or name 
 (easily conspiring in mischief), and used their service at home 
 (where they would now draw blood upon any neighbour 
 sept and lived idly upon their own provisions, putting all 
 the Queen's pay into their purses, which might have been 
 prevented by employing them in remote places), but some- 
 times trusted them with keeping of forts, for which service 
 they are most unfit, though we doubted not of their faith- 
 fulness, justly then suspected, yea, further weakened all our 
 own bands and troops by entertaining them. For an English 
 troop of horse sent out of England, commonly in a year's 
 space was turned half into Irish (having worse horses and 
 arms and no saddle, besides the loss of the English horse- 
 men) only because the Irish would serve with their own 
 horses and could make better shift with less pay. And in 
 like sort our English bands of foot were in short time filled 
 with English-Irish, because they could make better shift for 
 clothes and meat, with less pay from their captains. 
 
 u 2 
 
292 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 In all the war we only used the English-Irish for horse- 
 boys, who were slothful in our service, and little loved us, 
 but having learned our use of arms, and growing of ripe 
 years, often proved stout rebels. To conclude these errors, 
 I confess that the English-Irish served valiantly and honestly 
 in our army, whereof many times a third part consisted of 
 them, but many particular events taught us that these our 
 counsels were dangerous, and made us wish they had been 
 prevented at first, though in the end for necessity we made 
 the best use we could of the worst. 
 
 Other great abuses, though less concerning the Irish in 
 particular, were committed in our army. The munitions in 
 great part was of sale wares, as namely the tools for pioneers, 
 and muskets slightly made to gain by the emption, which 
 our officers might have shamed to see compared with those 
 the Spaniards brought to Kinsale. Our powder and all 
 munitions were daily sold to the rebels by divers practices, 
 for sometimes the under-officersof the Ordinance there would 
 sell some proportions of divers kinds of munition to citizens 
 or ill-affected subjects, and sometimes the cast captains, 
 commonly using to appropriate to themselves the arms of 
 their cast soldiers, did sell them to the citizens, and some- 
 times the common soldier, having a proportion of powder 
 allowed him for exercise of his piece, sold to the citizens 
 whatsoever he could spare thereof, or of the powder left 
 him after skirmishes, and all these munitions sold to the 
 citizens were by them unrlerhand conveyed to the rebels, 
 who would give more for them than they were worth. In 
 like sort the contractors serving the army with victuals, 
 having obtained from the council in England liberty to sell 
 to the citizens and poor subjects such victuals as were like 
 to grow mouldy, their servants in Ireland many times, 
 while they served the army with mouldy biscuit and cheese, 
 did underhand sell the best to such citizens and subjects, 
 by whom it was conveyed to the rebels. For reforming of 
 which abuses, command was given out of England that 
 some offenders should be detected, and severely punished for 
 example, and that the citizens should be forbidden upon 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OP lEELAND 293 
 
 great penalty to buy any munition upon pretence to sell it to 
 subjects, who should rather be served out of the public 
 stores, and that the victuallers should be restrained from 
 selling any victuals, or because that could not be without 
 great loss to the public state in allowing great waste, that 
 faithful overseers at least might be appointed to view what 
 was mouldy, and to whom it was sold. But these abuses 
 were not detected till towards the end of the rebellion, so 
 as the remedies too late prescribed were never put in execu- 
 tion. 
 
 Again, one great mischief did great prejudice to us, that our 
 stores were not always furnished aforehand, so as the moving 
 of our army was often stayed till the munition and victuals 
 arrived, which is most dangerous, especially in Ireland, 
 where winds out of England are very rare, and blow con- 
 trary half a year together ; whereof we had experience at 
 Kinsale, where as soon as our soldiers, munition and victuals 
 were happily arrived, the wind turned presently to the west, 
 and blew no more out of England till the Spaniards had 
 yielded upon composition. 
 
 Again, our provant master for apparelling the soldier 
 dealt as corruptly as the rest, not sending half the proportion 
 of apparel due to the soldier, but compounding for great part 
 thereof with the captains in ready money, they having many 
 Irish soldiers who were content to serve without any clothes 
 so good as the allowed price required. The provant masters 
 thus compounding with the captains, they contented the 
 soldiers with a little drinking money, which the Irish desired 
 rather than clothes, not caring to go half naked, by whose 
 example some of the English were drawn to like barbarous 
 baseness. So as in a hard winter siege, as at Kinsale (and 
 likewise at other times), they died for cold in great numbers, 
 to the grief of all beholders. Again, we had no hospitals to 
 relieve the sick and hurt soldiers, so as they died upon a 
 small cold taken, or a prick of the finger, for want of con- 
 venient relief for few days till they might recover. 
 
 Thus however they wanted not excellent chirurgeons 
 and careful of them, yet particularly at the siege of Kinsale, 
 
294 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 they died by dozens on a heap, for want of little cherishing 
 with hot meat and warm lodging, notwithstanding the 
 Lord Deputy's care, who had imposed on his chaplain the 
 task to be as it were the sick soldiers' steward, to dispense a 
 good proportion of victuals ready dressed for comfort of the 
 sick and hurt soldiers, at the charitable alms of the captains 
 above the soldiers' pay. Where a king fights in the head of 
 his army, such brave soldiers as ours were could not have 
 suffered want, but deputies and generals, though honourable 
 and charitable persons, cannot go much beyond their tether. 
 To conclude, nothing hath more preserved the army of the 
 United Netherlanders than such public houses, where great 
 numbers have been recovered, that without them must needs 
 have perished. 
 
 Lately Guicciardini writes that the Popes are more 
 abused in their musters of soldiers than any other prince ; 
 which may be true compared with the frugal Venetians, and 
 states of the Low Countries, and with armies where the 
 prince is in prison. But I will boldly say that Queen 
 Elizabeth of happy memory, fighting by her generals, was 
 incredibly abused in the musters of her army, both in the 
 Low Countries and France, and especially in Ireland, where 
 the strongest bands of one hundred and fifty by list never 
 exceeded one hundred and twenty by poll at the taking of the 
 field, upon pretence of ten dead pays allowed the captain for 
 his servants waiting on him, and for extraordinary pays he 
 might give some gentlemen of his company, as also for sick 
 soldiers left in his garrison, besides that many times the 
 strongest bands were much weaker by wanting of supplies 
 of Englishmen to fill them. But they were far more weak 
 at pretence of men dead in the summer service, yet were 
 the coming out of the field and retiring of garrisons upon 
 checks nothing answerable to the deficient numbers, where- 
 in the Queen was much wronged, paying more than she had, 
 and her general served with great disadvantages, being 
 reputed to fight with greater numbers in list, when he had 
 not two-third parts of them by poll, yet scarce half of them, 
 considering the men taken out of the army for warders in 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OP lEELAND 295 
 
 castles and forts. It is a pity the Pope's should not be 
 much more abused in ; but temporal princes, to whom the 
 mystery of arms properly belongeth, ought carefully to 
 prevent this mischief to pay men in list who are not to be 
 found by poll when they should fight. And more specially 
 in forts, where the covetous captains abating their numbers, 
 and passing their false musters by bribery, lie open to the 
 enemies' surprisal, as besides many other examples we 
 found by the destruction of our garrison at the Derry in 
 O Dogherty's rebellion, where the captain wanted many of 
 his number, and of those he had, many were English-Irish, 
 serving for small pay, to whom the keeping of forts should 
 not be committed. The Queen, to prevent this mischief, 
 increased her number of commissaries, but that was only 
 to increase the captain's bribes, not the number of his men. 
 Therefore some thought the best reformation would be, if 
 the pay formerly made to the captain for his whole band 
 were paid by a sworn commissary to the soldiers by poll, 
 and those commissaries exemplarily punished upon any 
 deceit, whose punishment the soldier would not only well, 
 besides that the apparel provided by them was nothing near 
 induce [?], but joyfully applaud. Others thought the pay 
 should still be made to the captains as honourable persons, 
 so their deceit were punished by note of infamy, and 
 cashiering out of employment, in which case their honour 
 being dear to them, they would either not offend, or few 
 examples of punishment would reduce all to good order in 
 short time. 
 
 Having largely written of all mischiefs grown in the 
 government of Ireland, I will add something of the reforma- 
 tion intended at the end of the last rebellion. The 
 
 Reforma 
 
 tion in- Worthy Lord Mountjoy (as I have mentioned in the 
 thTend o*f ^^^ *^^ ^^^ second part of this work) having reduced 
 
 the last Ireland from the most desperate estate, in which it had 
 
 ever been since the Conquest, to the most absolute 
 
 subjection, being made as a fair pair of tables wherein our state 
 
 might write what laws best fitted it ; yet knowing that he 
 
 left that great work imperfect and subject to relapse, except 
 
296 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 his successors should finish the building whereof he had laid 
 the foundation, and should polish the stones which he had 
 only rough hewed ; and finding every rebellion in Ireland to 
 have been more dangerous than the former, and the last to 
 have wanted little of casting the English out of that kingdom, 
 was most careful to prevent all future mischiefs. To which 
 end (howsoever his designs were diverted), I dare boldly say, 
 both from his discourse with nearest friends and from the 
 papers he left, that he projected many good points of refor- 
 mation, whereof these few that follow are worthy to be 
 remembered. 
 
 First, to establish the maintenance of some necessary 
 forts planted within land remote from seas and rivers, the 
 warders whereof might clear all passes (or passages of bogs 
 and woods), and might not only keep the Irish in awe, but 
 be to the state as it were spies to advertise all mutinous 
 and seditious inclinations. Also, to plant hke garrisons upon 
 such havens as be easy and commodious for the descent of 
 foreign enemies. And because the cities (especially of 
 Munster) having large privileges granted to the first English 
 inhabitants (as, namely, the profit of fines and penal statutes) 
 had many ways abused them in the last rebellion, to the 
 prejudice of the commonwealth (as, namely, in remitting to 
 the delinquents all fines and penalties imposed on them for 
 transporting and importing Jesuits and priests and prohibited 
 wares), and also because these cities in the rebellion, had 
 nourished the same by secret practices, and in the end 
 thereof had by open sedition in the cause of religion for- 
 feited their charters, his lordship purposed to procure the 
 cutting of many exorbitant privileges in the renewing of 
 their charters, and likewise the establishing of forts with 
 strong garrisons upon those cities which had showed them- 
 selves most false-hearted and mutinous, more specially Cork 
 and Waterford, who had denied entrance to the King's 
 forces, and were only reduced by a strong hand from their 
 obstinate sedition, without which forts he thought the 
 cities would neither be kept in obedience for the safety of 
 the army, nor be brought to any due reformation in religion. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 297 
 
 But howsoever Dublin was no less ill-affected in the cause 
 of rehgion than the rest, yet he thought it sufficiently 
 restrained by the residency of the Lord Deputy in the Castle, 
 and great numbers of English that lodged in the city attend- 
 ing upon the state. For the forts within land^ he hoped 
 they would in short time become towns well inhabited, as 
 was found by experience in the old forts of Leix and Ophaly, 
 and in some new forts in Ulster, and that they would much 
 strengthen the state, so great caution were had that only 
 English soldiers should keep them, and that by faithful 
 musters they were kept strong, so as the covetousness of 
 captains might not lay them open to surprisal, either by 
 taking Irish soldiers serving for less pay, or by wanting 
 their full numbers of warders ; and that, as the garrisons 
 were to have land allotted and many privileges granted to 
 them, so constant care was taken to keep them from spoiling 
 the country by severe discipline. Again, for the forts, be- 
 cause he feared the soldiers could not be kept from making 
 affinity by marriage with the neighbouring Irish, and for 
 that the captains and officers were likely to entertain the 
 Irish for soldiers and servants as content with small or no 
 wages, whereby the forts could not but be subject to betray- 
 ing, as likewise for that the captains were likely, in time, 
 by letters patents from the state, to appropriate to them- 
 selves the land allotted to each fort for the public use of 
 the garrisons, and for divers like reasons, more specially 
 for that the continual sound of drums and trumpets was 
 dissonant from a commonwealth peaceably governed, his 
 lordship thought these forts were not like to yield such 
 strength to the state as the planting of faithful colonies. 
 And so his lordship in the second place purposed to per- 
 suade the reformation of the old colonies and the leading of 
 new into that kingdom, both to be planted upon the sea 
 coasts and upon rivers and navigable lakes lying upon the 
 
 ' The provision of a system of forts tiiroughout the kingdom, designed by 
 Mountjoy, was perfected under Chichester's government. Sir Josias Bodley 
 was appointed overseer of fortifications. Several of his reports are extant 
 among the State Papers. 
 
298 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 sea, forcing the Irish to inhabit the country within land, 
 whereby these colonies might be free or more safe from 
 their assaults, and not only be easily relieved out of 
 England, but grow rich with foreign traffic. And to this 
 purpose to exchange inland possessions pertaining to the 
 old colonies or belonging to the King with such Irish as 
 then had their lands upon the sea coasts, rivers, and lakes, 
 giving them greater proportions of ground to make them 
 better content with this exchange. Some advised in this 
 exchange to give the Irish also those spiritual livings which 
 they held by custody as vacant at that time, but this course 
 was thought to overthrow the foundations of all good 
 reformation that must begin with religion, which could not 
 be established without settling a learned and honest clergy, 
 nor they be maintained without these livings. But because 
 the Irish and English -Irish were obstinate in Popish super- 
 stition, great care was thought fit to be taken that these 
 new colonies should consist of such men as were most 
 unlike to fall to the barbarous customs of the Irish, or the 
 Popish superstition of Irish and English-Irish, so as no less 
 cautions were to be observed for uniting them and keeping 
 them from mixing with the other than if these new colonies 
 were to be led to inhabit among the barbarous Indians. In 
 which respect caution was thought fit to be had, that these 
 new colonies should not consist of obstinate papists, nor 
 criminal fugitives, cut-purses, and infamous women, or per- 
 sons rather drawn out to cleanse England of ill members, 
 than to reduce Ireland to civility and true religion, but of 
 honest gentlemen and husbandmen to inhabit the country, 
 and honest citizens and merchants to inhabit the cities, 
 with women of good fame, and especially learned and 
 honest preachers and ministers for them both. That the 
 citizens, consisting of noble and plebeian families, should 
 build and fortify cities upon the rivers and lakes, to be 
 thoroughfares for the wiiole kingdom, all other by-passages 
 through woods and desert places being shut up, so as 
 thieves and malefactors might more easily be apprehended, 
 and all cattle being not otherwise to be sold or bought 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 299 
 
 than in the public markets of cities, all thefts and rapines 
 might easily be detected, and the barbarous people seeing 
 the citizens to live plentifully under good government, and 
 to grow rich by trades and traffic, might in time be 
 allured to embrace their civil manners and profitable 
 industry. That the gentlemen inhabiting the adjoining 
 countries should dwell in castles of stone, and not keep 
 their husbandmen under absolute command as tenants at 
 will, but grant them freeholds, copyholds, and leases, with 
 obligation to maintain horse and foot, and to rise up with 
 them for defence of the country from thefts and incursions. 
 And in case England was not able to supply these colonies, 
 or the English (as less industrious) were not thought so fit 
 for this purpose, without others joined with them, then his 
 lordship judged the Netherlanders most fit to be drawn to 
 this work as a people most industrious, peaceable, and 
 subject to just command, and abounding with inhabitants, 
 but straitened by not having large territories. Many other 
 cautions were projected for the quality of these colonies, as 
 that they should not dwell together in great numbers of one 
 sept or name, nor should consist of bordering people used to 
 live like outlaws upon spoil, and one sept to have deadly 
 quarrels and hatred (as it were by inheritance) with another. 
 That they should be a free people like the Flemings, and 
 used to live of themselves like them and the Italians, not 
 used to the absolute command of lords after the servile 
 manner of Ireland, which dependency makes them apt to 
 follow their lords into rebellion and private quarrels. That 
 they should be such as were not used to live in smoky 
 cottages and cabins, or to go naked and in ragged apparel, 
 but in commodious houses and decently attired, that so they 
 might not be apt to fall to the Irish manners, but rather to 
 bring them to civility. That they should be planted in 
 remote places from their native home lest in seditions they 
 might easily draw their neighbouring friends and country- 
 men to take part with them. Finally and especially, that 
 they should be soundly affected to the reformed religion. 
 Thirdly, because his lordship knew" all endeavours would 
 
300 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 be in vain if civil magistrates should think by fair means 
 without the sword to reduce the Irish to due obedience (they 
 having been conquered by the sword, and that maxim being 
 infallible that all kingdoms must be preserved by the means 
 by which they were first gained, and the Irish especially 
 being by their nature pliable to a hard hand, and jadish 
 when upon the least pricking of provender the bridle is let 
 loose upon them) : therefore it was thought fit that the 
 Irish should not only bear no arms in the pay of the state 
 (which should ever be committed to the hands of most 
 faithful subjects), but should also have all private arms 
 taken from them till by Parliament it might be agreed what 
 use of swords or pieces were fit to be granted some men by 
 privilege for grace and ornament, or for necessary use as for 
 fowling and like uses. And howsoever this disarming of the 
 Irish could not well be done during the rebellion, when the 
 Council of England commanded it, because the submitted 
 Irish should thereby have been left a prey to the spoiling of 
 those that were still in rebellion, yet nothing seemed more 
 fit and easy to be done when the rebellion was full)' 
 appeased, and our conquering army hovered like falcons 
 over the heads of any that should dare to resist. And 
 likewise that law of reformation should be enacted by 
 Parliament if either the Irish would consent or could be 
 overtopped by the voices of the new colonies and bishops, or 
 otherwise should be imposed by absolute power, as no doubt 
 the King of Spain would do upon any his subjects in like 
 case, to whose subjection the Irish seemed then strongly 
 affected. Fourthly, for the last alleged reason, his lordship 
 puiposed to procure that the English army should be con- 
 tinued in some strength till religion were reformed, whereof 
 I shall treat in the last chapter of the next book, and till 
 the King's revenues, customs and tributes were established, 
 whereof something must here be added. 
 
 Of old the customs of exported or imported merchandise 
 were very small, the people having few commodities to 
 export, and desiring not to have more imported than wines 
 and such things for necessity, upon which things the ancient 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 301 
 
 kings imposed small or no customs, in regard the conquered 
 Irish were basely poor, and content with any apparel, yet 
 with nakedness, and with milk and butter for food, and for 
 that it was fit the English-Irish should have immunity from 
 such burthens, thereby to draw more inhabitants into that 
 kingdom. For which reason also the tolls within land and 
 the rents of the King's lands of inheritance were of small 
 value, and both they and the customs, yea the very fines 
 of penal statutes were for rewards of service given, or let 
 upon a small rent to the English-Irish cities, and lords of 
 countries. In the last rebellion the whole revenues of the 
 kingdom, amounting to some thirty thousand pounds yearly, 
 were so far from defraying the charge of the army as it cost 
 the state of England one year with another, all reckonings 
 cost up, between two and three hundred thousand pounds 
 yearly above the revenue. And the rebellion being appeased, 
 when the army was reduced to 1,200 foot, and some 400 
 horse, yet the charge of these small forces, and the stipends 
 of magistrates and judges, exceeded the revenues some forty- 
 five thousand pounds yearly. But due courses being taken 
 in this time of peace, it was thought the revenues might be 
 much increased, than which nothing was more necessary. 
 The Irish cows are so stubborn, as many times they will not 
 be milked but by some one woman, when, how, and by 
 whom they list. If their calves be taken from them, or they 
 otherwise grow stubborn, the skins of the calves stuffed with 
 straw must be set by them to smell on, and many fooleries 
 done to please them, or else they will yield no milk. And 
 the inhabitants of that time were no less forward in their 
 obedience to the state than their beasts were to them. But 
 I would gladly know from them by what right they chal- 
 lenge more privilege than England hath, why they should 
 not bear the same tributes and subsidies that England 
 beareth, and why so rich a kingdom should be so great 
 a burthen to the state of England, and not rather yield 
 profit above the charge thereof. One lord of the county 
 of Carbery • being in rebellion maintained one thousand 
 
 ' A district in West Cork. 
 
302 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 rebels against the state, who after becoming a subject was 
 hardly drawn to serve the state with thirty foot at the inva- 
 sion of the Spaniards, and yet thought he deserved thanks 
 and reward for that poor supply. I cannot wonder enough, 
 how the lords of Ireland can be so kind in their own affec- 
 tions as having maintained some 15,000 men in rebellion, 
 they should think much in time of peace to pay the stipends 
 of magistrates and judges, and to maintain the small 
 remnant of the English army, being some 1,200 foot and 
 under 500 horse. Of old after the first conquest, when 
 Ulster was obedient to the state, that province alone paid 
 30,000 marks yearly into the Exchequer, and besides (as 
 many relations witness) maintained some thousands of foot 
 for the state service, yielding also timber to build the King's 
 ships, and other helps of great importance to the state. No 
 doubt Ireland, after the rebellion appeased, was in short time 
 like to be more rich, and happy in all abundance, than ever 
 it had been, if the subjects would delight in the arts of 
 peace ; and the fertility of Ireland yieldeth not to England 
 if it had as many and as industrious inhabitants. In 
 summer it hath less heat than England, which, proceeding 
 from the reflection of the sun upon the earth, is abated by 
 the frequent bogs and lakes (which, together with raw or 
 little roasted meats, cause the country diseases of fluxes and 
 agues fatal to the English), but this defect might be helped 
 by the industry of husbandmen draining the grounds, and 
 may hinder the ripening of some fruits, but no way hurts 
 the corn, though perhaps it may cause a later harvest than 
 England hath. Again in winter, by the humidity of sea and 
 land, Ireland is less subject to cold than England, so as 
 the pastures are green, and the gardens full of rosemary, 
 laurel and sweet herbs, which the cold of England often 
 destroyeth. It passeth England in rivers and frequent 
 lakes abounding with fish, whereof one lake [river] called 
 the Bande [Bann] yieldeth 500^. yearly rent by fishing. The 
 havens from Galway to Calebeg [Killybegs], a third part of 
 the kingdom, are fourteen in number, whereof some will 
 receive two hundred, some three hundred, some four hundred 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OP lEELAND 303 
 
 great ships, and only two or three of them are barred and 
 shallow, and all these with the other harbours, creeks, and 
 seas on all sides of Ireland abound with plenty of excellent 
 fish, if the inhabitants were industrious to get them for 
 food and traffic. 
 
 For the increasing of the King's customs in time by 
 insensible degrees, it was thought the Irish were not likely 
 to repine much thereat, since that burthen grieveth none 
 that are content with native commodities, and affect not 
 foreign luxuries, but they have been little used to taxes and 
 tributes upon their land, and have ever kicked at the least 
 burthen in that kind for the service of the state, only bearing 
 it cheerfully for their own ends, as to support the Popish 
 religion, and to maintain agents in England, to plead for 
 that and other clamorous grievances. Howsoever the 
 question is not how willingly they will yield profit to the 
 King, but how it may be most commodiously raised. To 
 which purpose in regard the wealth of Ireland consists 
 especially in cattle and victuals, and wanted nothing more 
 than money, the^best relations of the Irish estate in those 
 times of the rebellion appeased, though not so fit to raise 
 it by new compositions of all countries, and increasing the 
 old, as by making Ireland only to bear the charge of the 
 magistrates' and judges' stipends, and moreover (as it were) 
 a nursery for some competent English forces, extracting old 
 soldiers from thence upon occasion of service, and sending 
 new men to be trained up in their place. This done, whereas 
 foreign enemies heretofore thought Ireland the weakest place 
 wherein England might be annoyed, henceforward, they 
 would rather dare to invade England than Ireland thus 
 armed. And the rents by compositions would be a trifle in 
 respect of this profit of cessing soldiers. By cessing' I mean 
 the allotting of certain numbers to each city and shire to be 
 maintained by them, who would be as so many spies to 
 observe their parlies and conspiracies, and as garrisons in 
 towns to keep them in awe, whither they might be sent in 
 
 ' The evils of cessing are fully discussed in Spenser's Vieiv of the State of 
 Ireland. 
 
304 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 greater or less numbers as the public service required. 
 Provided always that this cessing should be to the King's 
 profit only, not (as it was in the last rebellion) for the 
 captain's profit, who took all the profit thereof without 
 taking a penny less pay from the state, or making any 
 satisfaction to the subjects, though they had their hands to 
 charge them. As this cessing was thought to be most 
 profitable to the state (easing it of the army's charge, 
 especially for victuals, whereof the public stores could 
 never be replenished but with far greater expense than any 
 compositions were like to yield), so was this kind of charge 
 most easy for the Irish abounding in victuals. Provided 
 that the soldiers were restrained from extorting by violence 
 more than should be due to them, and the due provision were 
 gathered by orderly course. For prevention whereof, and 
 for the soldiers' safety, they should not lie scattered in the 
 country, but together in garrisons, yet not leaving it in the 
 power of the Irish to starve them, but they fetching in 
 victuals aforehand, if according to order it were not brought 
 to them. Provided also, that the soldiers travelling for any 
 service should in like sort be restrained from extortions. 
 When the rebellion was ended, and the English army in 
 strength, this course was thought easy to be settled, and if 
 at any time after the state should think fitter to receive 
 yearly rents it was not doubted but this course for a time 
 would after make the people glad to raise their composi- 
 tions so as the cessing might be taken away. And by this 
 practice we see that France hath of late raised great 
 tributes, increasing them upon new burthens of war, and 
 so making the most seditious to abhor troubles, and love 
 peace. 
 
 Then it was projected that commissioners should be 
 sent over out of England, to view such lands, for which 
 small or no rent had long been paid to the King, upon false 
 pretence that they lay waste. To raise the rents of those 
 imdertakers in Munster, to whom the Queen having 
 granted to some three thousand, to some more, acres of good 
 land for small rent, or they having bought it at second-hand 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 305 
 
 at so easy a price, as some of them raised as much profit in 
 one year as paid the purchase, and they having broken all 
 their covenants with the Queen, not peopling the land vv^ith 
 English tenants, nor having English servants, but using the 
 Irish for both, as serving upon base conditions, and not 
 building their castles, but suffering the old castles to go to 
 ruin, and so in the rebellion being betrayed by their own 
 Irish men, and having no English to serve the state, or keep 
 their own possessions, were forced upon the first tumults to 
 quit their lands, or charge the Queen with warders to keep 
 their castles, for which causes, if their estates were not taken 
 from them upon breach of covenants, yet at least they deserved 
 to be charged with greater rents. To tie them strictly to be 
 observing hereafter of all covenants, for the public good, upon 
 pain to forfeit their grants. To dispose for the King's best 
 profit all concealed lands given to superstitious uses, which 
 were thought of great value. To dispose of spiritual lands 
 and livings by custody to the King's profit, for a time till 
 a learned clergy might be settled. To rate the cessing of 
 soldiers in Ulster, where it was thought the people would 
 willingly bear any reasonable burthen, so they might be 
 freed from the great lords' tyranny. To do the like in other 
 parts of the kingdom, at least for a time, since if after yearly 
 rents were thought more commodious the people would 
 more willingly raise the compositions to be freed from this 
 cessing, and maintaining of garrisons. Lastly, to raise the 
 customs by degrees, and to consider what privileges of cities, 
 or of private men, for that present deserving little of the 
 state, were fit to be cut off, or restrained. 
 
 By these means it was thought no difficult thing in few 
 years highly to raise the King's revenues, and to reform 
 in some good measure the civil and ecclesiastical policy. 
 Provided that these commissioners, being of the best sort 
 for nobility and experience, were after the first reformation 
 continued still in that employment, and sent over once in 
 five years, or like space of time, to visit that kingdom, 
 especially for administration of justice, yet by the way (with 
 arts of peace, and by degrees) for settling and increasing the 
 
 X 
 
306 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOBY 
 
 King's revenues, which we see daily and wisely to have been 
 done in England. Thus the Irish, bearing common and 
 equal burthen with the English, should have no just cause 
 to complain, and finding rebellions to increase their burthens 
 would be taught to love peace ; the Enghsh should be eased 
 from bearing the wonted burthen of their seditions ; the 
 King should have means in Ireland to reward his magistrates 
 and servants in that kingdom. And it was hoped such 
 treasure might in time be drawn out of Ireland as might in 
 some measure repay the great expenses England hath here- 
 tofore disbursed to keep Ireland in peace, without raising 
 any least profit from a conquered kingdom. 
 
 To conclude, as I have taken the boldness plainly and 
 
 truly to give some light of the doubtful state of Ireland 
 
 about the time of the last rebellion, so methinks no 
 
 The 
 
 Conciu- Irish or English-Irish of these times should take 
 ^'°"" offence at any things I have written if they be clear 
 from the ill affections wherewith those times were polluted 
 (I mean in general, since I have not concealed that some of 
 them deserved well in those worst times). And for all other 
 men I trust that in their love to truth and for the use may 
 be made of this plain narration in future times, they will 
 pardon any rudeness of style or errors of judgment which I 
 may have incurred. God is my witness that I envy not to 
 the Enghsh-Irish any wealth, Hberty, or prerogative they 
 may justly challenge, nor yet to the mere Irish a gentle and 
 moderate government, so the English-Irish had the noble 
 and faithful hearts of their progenitors towards the Kings 
 of England, or that leniency would make the Irish more 
 obedient, which heretofore hath rather puffed them with 
 pride and wanton frowardness. But as they were both in 
 those times very disobedient (if not malicious) to the State 
 of England, I have been bold to say that things so standing, 
 England ought to use power where reason availeth not. 
 Nothing is so proper as to rule by force whom force hath sub- 
 jected. To keep the Irish in obedience by arms who were first 
 conquered by arms, and to use the like bridle towards the 
 Enghsh-Irish, who degenerating became partners in their 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 307 
 
 rebellions. To impose laws on them by authority for the 
 public good, whom reason cannot persuade to make them 
 by consent for their own good. To reform the old colonies 
 deformed by their own faults, and to establish them by 
 planting new. And to take the sword out of madmen's 
 hands, for such are they that use arms against those that 
 armed them. All subjects must be kept in duty by love or 
 fear; love were better towards both, and especially the 
 English-Irish ; but the mere Irish are more pliable to fear, 
 and such of the other as by habit have gotten their barbar- 
 ous affections must be manacled in the same chain with 
 them. Reformation is necessary ; neither of them admits any. 
 We must reform, and' that will gall them, and their pride in 
 those times was likely to make them kick. It remained that, 
 by constant counsel and all honest means, we should take 
 from such subjects all power to wreak their malice. For to 
 use remedies sufficient to provoke them to anger, and to 
 withhold those that might suppress their fury, were great 
 folly. In a word, nothing is more dangerous than middle 
 counsels, which England of old too much practised in Ireland. 
 To what purpose are good laws made, if the people cannot 
 be led or forced to obedience ? A man in those days might 
 more easily lead bears and lions than the Irish. If Orpheus 
 himself could not make those stones and trees dance after 
 his harp, then Hercules and Theseus must make them follow 
 their clubs. The marshals must make them feel punish- 
 ment whom philosophers and lawgivers find without all 
 feeling of their public good. Let any man who hath been 
 served with Irish footmen in sober sadness tell me the truth, 
 if he have not always found them most obedient (by general 
 experience) under a hard hand, but stubborn and froward 
 towards their masters as soon as they are well clothed and 
 set on horseback, for they are all in their opinion and they 
 all will be gentlemen, which poverty made them forget. 
 This properly belongs to the mere Irish, but such of the 
 English-Irish as are become of that nature must be content 
 to be joined with them, till they return to Enghsh manners 
 and affections. Some of our old governors wisely observed 
 
 x2 
 
308 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 this nature of the Irish, and practised the right course to 
 bridle it, proclaiming their commands at the point of the 
 sword. Such was the Lord Gray, in the late Queen's reign 
 Lord Deputy of Ireland, who knew best of all his prede- 
 cessors to bridle their fierce and clamorous nation.^ Such 
 was Sir Eichard Bingham,-' though only a subordinate 
 governor of the province of Connaught, who with a handful 
 of soldiers, and a heavy hand of justice, taught us what 
 reformation might be wrought this way if it were constantly 
 and sincerely followed. But I know not upon what grounds 
 of policy the counsellors of our state in those days did not 
 approve their actions. For the complaints of the subdued 
 Irish (which no nation can more skilfully frame to gain, or 
 at least tie, their judges, they being always clamorous, but 
 in adversity as abject suppliants as proud enemies in pro- 
 sperity) — I say their complaints found such pity in the royal 
 (may I with leave say womanly ?) breast of the late famous 
 Queen, and such favour with the lords of her council 
 (perhaps desiring the present, rather than durable peace of 
 that kingdom), as these late rebels were sent back comforted 
 for their losses with fair promises ; and the magistrates, re- 
 called into England, reaped heavy reproof for their merited 
 reward. So as their successors, either terrified by that ill 
 success or ambitious to gain the hearts of the Irish (at 
 which the counsels of the next Deputy seemed to aim), 
 or upon vain hope to reduce that nation to obedience by 
 leniency, did in all judicial causes so much respect the Irish, 
 as to that end they spared not to lay unequal burthens some- 
 times on the English. Thus new magistrates bringing new 
 laws and counsels wrought that confusion which they sought 
 to avoid. For one Deputy was sharp and severe, another 
 affable and gentle, whereas in all good governments, howso- 
 ever the magistrates are changed, the face of justice should 
 
 ' Arthur, 14th Baron Grey de Wilton (1536-93), was Lord Deputy of 
 Ireland 1580-2. It was as his secretary that Edmund Spenser came to 
 Ireland. 
 
 '' Sir Richard Bingham (1528-99) was appointed Governor of Connaught 
 in 1584. His vigorous methods were successful, but severe, and brought 
 him into conflict with the Deputy. Sir John Perrot. 
 
THE COMMONWEALTH OF lEELAND 309 
 
 constantly remain one and the same. And what prejudice 
 to the commonwealth this course hath of old wrought in 
 Ireland particularly experience hath made manifest. God 
 grant that hereafter we may at least (according to the Latin 
 proverb) grow wise with the wounded fisherman, and as in 
 the last rebellion we were good Epimethei, to discern (by 
 the sense of ill accidents) the true causes thereof, so here- 
 after we may become provident Promethei, in diverting fore- 
 known dangers, before they fall heavily upon us. 
 
c 
 
 THE MANNEBS AND CUSTOMS OF IRELAND 
 
 OF IRELAND: TOUCHING NATURE AND MANNERS, BODIES AND 
 WITS, MANUAL ARTS, SCIENCES, UNIVERSITIES, LANGUAGE, 
 CEREMONIES, PARTICULARLY IN MARRIAGES, CHILD-BEAR- 
 INGS, CHRISTENINGS, AND FUNERALS ; AND ALSO OF THEIR 
 DIVERS CUSTOMS, PASTIMES, EXERCISES, PARTICULARLY OF 
 THEIR HUNTING, HAWKING, FOWLING, BIRDING AND FISHING. 
 
 In this chapter I will speak of the mere Irish. Only I will 
 say for the English-Irish that they may be known by the 
 description of our English at home. But as horses, cows, 
 and sheep transported out of England into Ireland do each 
 race and breeding decline worse and worse, till in few years 
 they nothing differ from the races and breeds of the Irish 
 horses and cattle, so the posterities of the English planted 
 in Ireland do each descent grow more and more Irish, in 
 nature, manners and customs, so as we found in the last 
 rebellion divers of the most ancient English families, planted 
 of old in Ireland, to be turned as rude and barbarous as any 
 of the mere Irish lords. Partly because the manners and 
 customs of the mere Irish give great liberty to all men's 
 lives, and absolute power to great men over the inferiors, 
 both which men naturally affect. Partly because the mere 
 Irish of old overtopped the English-Irish in number, and 
 nothing is more natural — yea, necessary — than for the less 
 number to accommodate itself to the greater. And especially 
 because the English are naturally inclined to apply themselves 
 to the manners and customs of any foreign nations with 
 whom they live and converse, whereas the mere Irish by 
 nature have singular and obstinate pertinacity in retaining 
 
THE MANNEES AND CUSTOMS OF IBELAND 311 
 
 their old manners and customs, so as they could never be 
 drawn, by the laws, gentle government, and free conversation 
 of the English, to any civility in manners or reformation in 
 religion. 
 
 Now to return to the mere Irish. The lords, or rather 
 chiefs of countries (for most of them are not lords from any 
 grants of our kings, which English titles indeed they despise), 
 prefix O or Mac before their names in token of greatness, 
 being absolute tyrants over their people, themselves eating 
 upon them and making them feed their kern, or footmen, and 
 their horsemen. Also they, and gentlemen under them, 
 before their names put nicknames, given them from the 
 colour of their hair, from lameness, stuttering, diseases, or 
 villainous inclinations, which they disdain not, being other- 
 wise most impatient of reproach, though indeed they take 
 it rather for a grace to be reputed active in any villainy, 
 especially cruelty and theft. But it is strange how contrary 
 they are to themselves, for in apparel, meat, fashions, and 
 customs they are most base and abject, yet are they by 
 nature proud and disdainful of reproach. In fighting they 
 will run away and turn again to fight, because they think it 
 no shame to run away and to make use of the advantage they 
 haVe in swift running ; yet have they great courage in 
 fighting, and I have seen many of them suffer death with as 
 constant resolution as ever Komans did. To conclude this 
 point, they know not truly what honour is, but according to 
 their knowledge no men more desire it, affecting extremely 
 to be celebrated by their poets, or rather rhymers, and 
 fearing more than death to have a rhyme made in their 
 disgrace and infamy. So as these rhymers — pestilent 
 members in that commonwealth — by animating all sorts by 
 their rhymes to licentious living, to lawless and rebellious 
 actions, are so much regarded by them as they grow very 
 rich, the very women, when they are young and new married, 
 or brought to bed, for fear of rhymes giving them the best 
 apparel and ornaments they have. 
 
 The Irish are by nature very factious, all of a sept or 
 name living together, and cleaving close one to another in 
 
312 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 all quarrels and actions whatsoever, in which kind they 
 willingly suffer great men to eat upon them, and take what- 
 soever they have, proverbially saying Defend me and spend 
 me ; but this defence must be in all causes, just or unjust, 
 for they are not content to be protected from wrong, except 
 they may be borne out to do wrong. 
 
 They are by nature extremely given to idleness. The 
 Sea coasts and harbours abound with fish, but the fishermen 
 must be beaten out before they will go to their boats. 
 Theft is not infamous but rather commendable among 
 them, so as the greatest men affect to have the best thieves 
 to attend upon them ; and if any man reprove them, they 
 answer that they do as their fathers did, and it is infamy for 
 gentlemen and swordsmen to live by labour and manual 
 trades. Yea, they will not be persuaded that theft displeaseth 
 God, because He gives the prey into their hands, and if He be 
 displeased, they say, yet He is merciful and will pardon them 
 for using means to live. This idleness makes them also 
 slovenly and sluttish in their houses and apparel, so as upon 
 every hill they lie lowsing themselves, as formerly in the 
 discourse of the Commonwealth.^ I have remembered four 
 verses, of four beasts that plague Ireland, namely, lice upon 
 their bodies, rats in their houses, wolves in their fields, and 
 swarms of Romish priests tyrannising over their consciences. 
 This idleness also makes them to love liberty above all things, 
 and likewise naturally to delight in music, so as the Irish 
 harpers are excellent, and their solemn music is much liked 
 of strangers ; and the women of some parts of Munster, as 
 they wear Turkish heads and are thought to have come first 
 out of those parts, so they have pleasant tunes of Moresco 
 dances. 
 
 They are by nature very clamorous, upon every small 
 occasion raising the hobou (that is a doleful outcry), which 
 they take one from another's mouth till they put the whole 
 town in tumult. And their complaints to magistrates are 
 commonly strained to the highest points of calamity, some- 
 times in hyperbolical terms, as many upon small violences 
 
 ' See p. 241 supra. 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF IRELAND 313 
 
 offered them have petitioned to the Lord Deputy for justice 
 against men for murdering them, while they stood before him 
 sound and not so much as wounded. 
 
 In the late rebellion we found the Munster men to betray 
 the Earl of Desmond, their chief leader, into our hands, for 
 their own pardons and rewards of money. But howsoever 
 the state by public proclamation did set a great reward upon 
 the head of Tyrone to any should bring his head, and a 
 greater to any should bring him alive, yet the northern men 
 could not be induced by any rewards of money or pardons 
 for their own estates and lives to betray him — no, not when 
 themselves were driven to greatest misery, and he forced to 
 hide his head in the woods without any forces, and only was 
 followed by some few of his most trusty vassals. In like 
 sort by experience we reputed the northern men of better 
 nature and disposition to peace, to civil government, and 
 reformation of religion than the Munster men, at that time 
 rebels. For howsoever the northern men followed their 
 lords with all their hearts and powers in rebellious and 
 unlawful actions, yet they did it because they lived by them, 
 and had feeling of their power ready at hand to do them 
 good or hurt, and had formerly no knowledge of the King's 
 power and justice, but far off, and not ready to support and 
 protect them in their obedience, whereas the Munster men 
 had long lived happily under the protection of the state and 
 EngHsh laws. Yea, when the wars were ended and the 
 Enghsh judges went their circuits through all Ireland, the 
 northern people more obediently and more joyfully than any 
 other received the English laws and government to protect 
 them from the oppression of great lords and their swordsmen. 
 And howsoever the northern men were generally Papists, 
 yet we considered that they must be so or of no religion, 
 having not formerly been taught any other, whereas 
 the rebels of other parts, by long conversation with 
 the English and living among them, had formerly had 
 great opportunity to be well instructed in religion and civil 
 manners. 
 
314 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 It is an old saying, 
 
 Rustica gens optima flens, pessima ridens. 
 
 The country clowns are best when they do weep, 
 And worst when they in plenty laugh and sleep. 
 
 And this saying may more truly be spoken of the Irish 
 than any other nation. For nothing more brings them to 
 obedience than poverty, and heretofore they never had plenty 
 but presently they rushed into rebellion. For particular 
 experience, let them witness who have kept Irish footmen, 
 if ever they could bring any of them on foot again whom 
 once they had set on horseback, and if they have not had 
 better service from them whom they kept most bare in 
 apparel or money, and most subject to correction, than 
 from those they kept most bountifully and used most freely 
 and gently. [^ They are by nature superstitious, and given 
 to use witchcrafts. The approved author by Mr. Camden,^ 
 cited in his own words, saith they salute the new moon with 
 bended knee, saying to it ' Leave us as sound as thou findest 
 us.' He adds incantations they use against wolves, their 
 opinions that some one shall die if they find a black spot 
 upon a bared mutton bone, and their horses shall live long 
 if they give no fire out of the house, and that some ill-luck 
 will fall to their horses if the rider, having eaten eggs, do 
 not wash his hands after them, or be not careful to choose 
 the eggs of equal bigness. That they are much offended if 
 a man commend their cattle, except withal he say God save 
 them, or else spit upon them. That some men's eyes bewitch 
 their horses, and if they prove lame or ill, old women are 
 sought for to say short prayers and use many incantations 
 to recover them. That if a man fall on the ground, he 
 useth to turn thrice about towards his right hand, and to dig 
 up a sod of earth with his sword or knife, to prevent ill-luck. 
 
 ' The passage in brackets has not been printed by Mr. Hughes in Shake- 
 speare's Europe. 
 
 '^ See the account of the native or wild Irish in the chapter on ' The Ancient 
 and Modern Customs of tlie Irish ' in Camden's Britannia. This chapter first 
 appeared in the sixth edition published in 1607. The author, a priest named 
 Good, was a contemporary of Moryson.— Camden's Britannia, edition of 1722, 
 p. 1415. 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF IRELAND 315 
 
 That they use many like incantations when they go to fight. 
 That women divorced bewitch the men putting them away 
 for the disabihty of generation, and many diseases against 
 which men use the help of witches. But I will omit many 
 other superstitions and witchcrafts which he there relates. . . . 
 The same author relates that the Irish were great swearers 
 and forswearers, presuming upon God's mercy, and that to 
 make them keep faith there was no other means but to have 
 them swear before the altar, upon a book opened and laid 
 upon their head, and to swear by some saint or with kissing 
 of a bell, or to swear by the head of the lord of their 
 country which they most feared. Because those lords used 
 to extort cows from them for perjuries, as having therein 
 abused their names.] 
 
 The bodies of men and women are large for bigness and 
 stature, because they are brought up in liberty and with 
 loose apparel, but generally the very men are observed to 
 have little and ladylike hands and feet, and the greatest 
 part of the women are nasty with foul linen, and have very 
 great duggs, some so big as they give their children suck 
 over their shoulders. The women generally are not strait- 
 laced, perhaps for fear to hurt the sweetness of breath, and 
 the greatest part are not laced at all. Also the Irish are 
 generallj^ observed to be fruitful in generation, as at Dublin 
 in the time of the last war, it was generally known for 
 truth that one of the Segers,^ while she lodged in the house 
 of Mistress Arglas, bore five children at one birth, and we 
 all know an alderman's wife that bore three at a birth, 
 with many like examples. 
 
 For the wits of the Irish, they themselves brag that 
 Ireland yields not a natural fool, which brag I have heard 
 divers men confirm, never any to contradict. My honoured 
 lord the late Earl of Devonshire till his dying day kept 
 an Irishman in fool's apparel, and commonly called his lord- 
 ship's fool ; but we found him to have craft of humouring 
 every man to attain his own ends, and to have nothing of 
 a natural fool. But for the Irish generally they are subtle 
 ' Perhaps Segrave. 
 
316 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 temporisers, and because they have been used to frequent 
 change of governors, if they cannot attain their ov^^n ends, 
 they labour by all shifting devices to delay their adversaries 
 prevailing against them till a new governor be sent, as 
 crafty Davus in the comedy, thinking he had done vi^ell to 
 put off his young master's marriage but for one day, hoping 
 that some new impediments might therein arise. They are 
 crafty to observe their governors' humours, and to present 
 to them at their first coming causes of justice formerly 
 determined against them, from whom if they can get (while 
 they are yet unpractised in the affairs) any new decree con- 
 trary or differing from the old, they will not cease to make 
 new trouble to their adversaries. Yea many, getting the 
 governor's hand to their petitions, though nothing to their 
 favour, yet have made such use of it with their adversaries 
 at home as if it had been an absolute grant of their requests. 
 If they can fasten upon their governors any bribe (which 
 is always cows), they hold them as slaves for ever. And 
 if they will not be corrupted, but execute justice against 
 them, then are they most clamorous in complaints to the 
 supreme magistrate, or to the State in England, and when 
 the inferior governors are called to Dublin, or the Lord 
 Deputy recalled into England, they fly after them with open 
 throats to load them with false calumnies, especially if 
 these governors happen to be in any disgrace with the state, 
 or have any great enemies at home glad to back their com- 
 plaints. 
 
 [^ Touching manual arts I have showed that the Irish are 
 
 most slothful, the swordmen holding it infamy to labour, but 
 
 none to steal, which may suffice for that point. 
 
 Sciences, We read that in the very primitive Church Ireland 
 
 ^"tieT^' yielded many and learned men called monks, but 
 
 Lan- far differing from those of the Eoman Church at 
 
 guages. ^j^-g ^^y Yet I should think they were rather 
 
 esteemed for holiness than for learning in sciences. For 
 
 howsoever the Irish are naturally given to religion (which 
 
 was holiness in them, but grown to superstition in their 
 
 ' The remainder of this chapter is now printed for the first time. 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF IRELAND 317 
 
 successors), and are also naturally given to a monkish life of 
 ease, yet what learning they had there was gotten among 
 the Britains and Scots. For I read not of any universities 
 or public schools the Irish had of their own, and their natural 
 disposition to this day makes me think they were not 
 laborious in the study of sciences. In succeeding ages they 
 grew more and more superstitious and ignorant, their priests, 
 monks, and bishops growing generally illiterate, except some 
 few in latter times bred in the universities of the Koman 
 religion, whereof very few or none were of profound learn- 
 ing. And their common lawyers likewise were bred in the 
 Inns of Court in London. But at the end of Tyrone's 
 rebellion, the late famous Queen Elizabeth having founded 
 a college or university near Dublin for education of the Irish, 
 many of whom have therein attained to good reputation of 
 learning, and some few have been reputed in the profession 
 of divinity (for which the said college was chiefly founded) 
 equal to the best and most learned doctors of England, as 
 no doubt they want not wit to attain learning when they 
 will be industrious. And since that time (besides the fruits 
 and hopes of this university) the kingdom hath out of 
 England been fully furnished with many learned and grave 
 bishops, and as well judges as inferior pleaders of the 
 common law. 
 
 Touching the Irish language. It is a peculiar language, 
 not derived from any other radical tongue (that ever I could 
 hear, for myself neither have nor ever sought to have any 
 skill therein) ; but as the land, as I have showed, hath been 
 peopled by divers nations besides the first inhabitants, so 
 hath the tongue received many new words from them, 
 especially Spanish words from the people coming thence to 
 inhabit the west parts. But all I have said hereof might 
 well be spared, as if no such tongue were in the world 
 I think it would never be missed either for pleasure or 
 necessity. 
 
 Touching ceremonies of state or of civil actions, the mere 
 Irish being barbarous, and loving so to continue, cannot be 
 acquainted with them, which they affect not. For marriage 
 
318 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 I will onl}' say of the English-Irish that they keep it orderly 
 
 as in England, save that in respect of the law forbidding 
 
 Cere- them to many with the mere Irish, the citizens 
 
 narticif-' ^^^ing wives within their own walls were grown to 
 
 laily be all of kindred one with another, and so forced 
 
 jV1[fli 1*1' 18.^6 • 
 
 Child ' to marry those of near kmdred ^ 
 
 bearing, Touching child-bearing, women within two hours 
 
 Christen- 
 
 ings, after they are delivered, many times leave their 
 ^D^^er^^' ^^^^ to go fop and drink with women coming to 
 Customs, visit them ; and in our experience a soldier's wife 
 delivered in the camp did the same day, and within few 
 hours after her delivery, march six miles on foot with the 
 army to the next camping place. Some say that commonly 
 the women have little or no pain in child-bearing, and attri- 
 bute the same to a bone broken when they are tender 
 children ; but whatever the cause be, no doubt they have 
 such easy deliverance, and commonly such strange ability 
 of body presently after it, as I never heard any woman in 
 the world to have the like ; and not only the mere Irish, 
 but most of the English-Irish dwelling in the cities. Mid- 
 wives and neighbours come to help women to be delivered 
 commonly more for fashion than any great need of them ; 
 and here is no talk of a month's lying-in, or solemn 
 churching at the end of the month, as with us in Eng- 
 land. They seldom nurse their own children, especially 
 the wives of lords and gentlemen (as well mere Irish as 
 English-Irish). For women of good wealth seek with great 
 ambition to nurse them, not for any profit, rather spending 
 much upon them while they live, and giving them when 
 they die sometimes more than to their own children. But 
 they do it only to have the protection and love of the parents 
 whose children they nurse. And old custom is so turned 
 into a second nature with them as they esteem the children 
 they nurse more than their own, holding it a reproach to 
 nurse their own children. Yea, men will forbear their wives' 
 bed for the good of the children they nurse or foster, but 
 
 ' A few sentences as to the moralitj of mere Irish, taken directly from 
 Camden's Britannia, are omitted here. 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF IRELAND 319 
 
 not nursing their own. Yea, the foster-brothers— I mean 
 the children of the nurse and strangers that have sucked her 
 milk — love one another better than natural brothers, and hate 
 them in respect of the other. And by frequent examples we 
 have seen many mourn for their foster-brothers much more 
 than they would have done for their natural brothers ; and 
 some to oppose their own brothers to death that they might 
 save their foster-brothers from danger thereof. The worst 
 is that these nurses with their extreme indulgence corrupt 
 the children they foster, nourishing and heartening the boys 
 in all villainy, and the girls in obscenity. 
 
 In christenings and like rites of religion they use 
 generally the rites of the Roman Church, the which they 
 persist with obstinacy, little care having been taken to 
 instruct them in the reformed doctrine. But in all things 
 they intermix barbarous customs, as when the child is 
 carried to be baptised they tie a little piece of silver in the 
 corner of the cloth wherein the child is wrapped, to be given 
 to the priest, and likewise salt to be put in the child's mouth. 
 And at christenings they have plenty of drink and of flesh 
 meats to entertain the friends invited. Yea, among the very 
 English-Irish remaining Papists, the father entertains the 
 guests, though he be a bachelor and have disvirgined the 
 mother, for it is no shame to be or to beget a bastard. 
 Banquets of sweetmeats are unknown to the mere Irish, and 
 the nurses are rather beneficial to the children they foster 
 than receive anything of them or their friends (as in the 
 Commonwealth above written I have showed in the abuse 
 of fostering children, both among the mere Irish and also 
 among the English-Irish). 
 
 Touching funerals, when they be sick, they never speak 
 to them of making any will, neither care they to have any 
 made, for the wife hath the third of goods, and the children 
 the rest divided amongst them, and the land, after their law 
 of tanistry, (which they willingly observe rather than the 
 English) is commonly possessed by the most active and 
 powerful of the sept and kindred, bearing all one sirname ; 
 so as the uncles on the father's side or the mother's many 
 
320 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 times invade it, excluding the sons. Neither do they 
 who visit the sick person speak aught to him of good 
 counsel, for his soul's health, vi^hich sad discourses they 
 think hke to increase his sickness, taking it for a despe- 
 rate sign of death if the sick person desire to receive the 
 sacrament. But all their speeches tend to mirth and hope 
 of recovery ; and the sick person hath about him many 
 lights and great show of company, as if thereby they could 
 keep him from death. Whereof I remember an English 
 gentleman, who, seeing a sick lord of great quality thus 
 surrounded with lights and hundreds of men and women 
 attending in his own and the next chamber, said merrily to a 
 friend : ' If this man think not better of repentance than he 
 doth, all this light and company cannot keep him from the 
 hands of death and the devil.' And when the sick person 
 draweth to the point of death, the near friends and all 
 the company call and cry out to him, as if they would stay 
 his soul from departing by remembering the goodness of the 
 wife or husband and children, and the wealth and friends to 
 be left behind him, reproaching him with unkindness in 
 forsaking them, and asking whither and to whom he will go 
 to be in better case than he is with them. When the sick 
 person is dead they make a monstrous cry, with shrieking, 
 howling, and clamping of hands ; and in like sort they follow 
 the dead body at the burial, in which outcries the nurse, 
 the daughters and the concubines are most vehement. The 
 women especially and children do weekly visit the graves of 
 their dead friends, casting flowers and crosses upon them, with 
 weeping and many prayers for the dead. In like sort, with out- 
 cries, they bewail those that die in the war, and in stealths or 
 taking preys, though they think the death of them more happy 
 than any other. The septs of one name carry deadly feud 
 towards the man who kills any of their name, and towards 
 all that are of the same name or sept of him who killed him. 
 Touching divers customs, they seldom eat wild fowl or 
 fish, though they have great plenty of both, because they 
 will not take pains in catching them, and so leave them 
 all for the English. They gladly eat raw herbs, as water- 
 
THE MANNEES AND CUSTOMS OF IRELAND 321 
 
 cresses and shamrocks, and most commonly eat flesh, many 
 times raw ; and if it be roasted or sodd, they seldom eat 
 bread with it or any meat, holding him a churl who hath any 
 bread left after Christmas, save that they keep most of their 
 corn for their horses, whereof they take special care. They 
 drink much usquebagh, which is the best aqua vitce ^ in the 
 world, and much sack, but seldom any claret wine. They 
 swallow lumps of butter mixed with oatmeal, and often let 
 their cows blood, eating the congealed blood with butter, 
 and love no meat more than sour milk curdled. ^ In their 
 frequent drinkings and those feasts of flesh, not only the 
 mere Irish, but also the old inhabitants of English-Irish have 
 the German fashion of putting frolics about the table, as 
 pinching and kissing over the shoulders, and many strange 
 ways, and the manner is to sup where you dine. 
 
 Generally, or most commonly, the men go bare-headed, 
 except they wear a steel helmet ; but they wear long curled 
 hair, which both men and women nourish long and take 
 pride in it, especially if it be yellow. The men wear long 
 and large shirts, coloured with saffron, a preservation against 
 lice, they being seldom or never washed. The men wear 
 short coats and straight trousers, or breeches, and both men 
 and women wear long mantles for the uppermost garment, 
 which the men at night cast into the water, and so upon the 
 ground sleep in them cast over their heads. The women 
 wear many yards of linen upon their heads, as the women 
 do in Turkey ; and wear so many bracelets and necklaces, 
 as rather load than adorn. The men, as well mere Irish as 
 the old inhabitants of the English-Irish, hold it a shame 
 to go abroad or walk with their wives, and much more to 
 ride before them on horseback. They hold it a disgrace to 
 ride upon a mare. 
 
 As conquered nations seldom love their conquerors, so in 
 those times Shane O'Neill, the great lord of the North, 
 is said to have cursed his people, at his death, if any of them 
 
 ' See note at p. 226 siipra. 
 
 * See note on bonnyclabber, p. 230 supra. 
 
322 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 should build houses or shire towns, to invite the English- 
 men to live among them. And in most customs they affected 
 to be contrary to the English. Myself have heard a worthy 
 old captain, who had served long in Ireland, relate some 
 forty customs clean contrary to the English, which I have 
 now forgotten and therefore will only instance one or two of 
 them, namely that women took horse on the contrary side to 
 the Englishmen, with their faces turned the contrary way, and 
 that the Irish used no harness or traces for horses drawing 
 in the plough or drawing sledges with carriage, but only 
 fastened the plough and the carriage by withes to the tails 
 of the horses (or garrans, for so they call them), whereby the 
 tails of them are commonly pulled off, and the very rumps 
 bared. To omit the rest which I cannot remember, we 
 generally observed that not only the women of the mere 
 Irish, but also the old English-Irish, who could speak 
 English as well as ourselves, yet durst not speak it with us 
 if their husbands or their fathers were present. They keep 
 the old calendar, and only the cities have clocks, and keep 
 them as we do in England. 
 
 Touching pastimes. They exceedingly dehght in playing 
 at cards and dice, especially at dice ; and professed gamesters 
 Pastimes, go about, carrying cards and dice with them,^ and 
 
 H^ntin^^' ^^^^ ^^■'^ ^°* *-*^^y P^^y ^^^ ^^^ ^^® money and 
 Hawking, clothes they have, but even for the members of 
 and Fisii- their body at a rate of money, suffering themselves 
 ii^g- to be tied by those members and to be led about 
 
 till they can free them by paying the rate of money. They 
 delight much in dancing, using no arts of slow measures or 
 lofty galliards, but only country dances, whereof they have 
 some pleasant to behold, as Balrudery, and the Whip of 
 Dunboyne, and they dance about a fire commonly in the 
 midst of a room holding withes in their hands, and by 
 certain strains drawing one another into the fire ; and 
 also the matachine dance, with naked swords, which they 
 make to meet in divers comely postures. And this I have 
 seen them often dance before the Lord Deputy in the houses 
 
 ' Carrows, see p. 248 supra. 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF IRELAND 323 
 
 of Irish lords ; and it seemed to me a dangerous sport to 
 see so many naked swords so near the Lord Deputy and 
 chief commanders of the army in the hands of the Irish 
 kerne, who had either lately been or were not unlike to 
 prove rebels. 
 
 Touching exercises, the activity of their bodies, as well 
 in swift running on foot as in the nimble mounting their 
 horses without stirrups, with the dexterity of using skeans 
 and darts and riding swiftly, shows that they are well 
 breathed in like exercises. 
 
 Touching hunting, Ireland yields some reasonable plenty 
 of fallow deer, as well closed in parks (namely one at 
 Maynooth, belonging to the Earl of Kildare, and another in 
 Munster, then belonging to the Earl of Ormond, and a third 
 lately made in the north, as I hear, by the lord of Belfast) as 
 also running loose in the woods of the north, of Ophalia, of 
 Leix, and of Munster. And it also yields a few stags or red 
 deer,^ running loose in the woods bordering upon Lecale in 
 the north, and the other woods above-named. And this 
 plenty is the greater because ordinary persons dare not, and 
 great lords of the mere Irish will not, hunt them. For the 
 mere Irish delight not in the sport, nor care to eat such 
 meats. So as in the time of war, and for all the time I 
 lived there, the English commanders and gentlemen of the 
 army for the most part enjoyed this game running loose in 
 the woods. The Irish used to kill both fallow and red deer 
 by shot with the harquebus ; and commonly catched his 
 stags by driving them into nets, shouting with a great 
 noise upon the contrary side from the nets, which made 
 them go forward and go into the nets, or by the way 
 stand gazing till they might be shot. They also had an art 
 to catch stags by singing a certain tune upon all sides about 
 them, by which music they fall down and lay as sleeping. 
 Also they catched both fallow and red deer by springes of 
 arms of trees, or young trees half cut and lightly fastened 
 to the ground, upon which while the deer browsed they 
 were caught by the trees, which being loosened from the 
 
 ' See note 3, p. 222 supra. 
 
 T 2 
 
324 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 ground rose up and many times hoisted and gripped them far 
 from the ground. But of late some of the English have 
 brought hounds and greyhounds out of England and some- 
 times used to hunt these deer with dogs. And at the end 
 of the rebellion Ireland had great store of hares, but very 
 foggy (?), being not breathed with coursing. The Irish grey- 
 hounds are so high that they overbear the hares when they 
 have turned them. But after the wars many of the 
 English brought over English greyhounds and hounds to 
 course and hunt them as we do. 
 
 Ireland is much annoyed with innumerable wolves,^ which 
 they labour not to destroy for very idleness, though they have 
 excellent greyhounds bold to fasten on them. So as they 
 not only destroy their cattle, but also the fallow and red 
 deers in the woods, which in time of the rebellion they 
 were observed to hunt very cunningly. And one of our forts 
 of Munster, which could not be victualled, being far within 
 the rebels' country, was twice relieved by stags hunted by 
 wolves and faUing near it. The Irish hold it ominous to 
 meet wolves, and have many enchantments against them. 
 Sir Eichard Bingham, governor of Connaught, was observed 
 to have a great disaster upon the meeting of wolves ; and 
 we read that the Emperor Charles V., having met a 
 wolf, did in the same journey break his leg. The Irish 
 also and. the EngHsh observed that before the defeat of 
 Blackwater and upon divers like disasters, the wolves were 
 seen to enter the villages and the towns of Ireland. 
 
 Touching hawking, Ireland in time of the war had great 
 plenty of partridges and pheasants, so as in Munster it was 
 well known that sixty pheasants were served at one feast. 
 And myself living there found this plenty, but thought that 
 the pheasants of Ireland were nothing so good meat as the 
 English, or at least I am sure that they were most eaten by 
 the servants attending at the table. They had also plenty of 
 sea-fowl, but birds in the woods and groves were in divers 
 parts rare and few ; whereof I heard some yield this reason, 
 that they were scared from them by the frequent shooting of 
 
 ' See note 2, p. 222 supra. 
 
THE MANNEES AND CUSTOMS OF lEELAND 325 
 
 pieces in the woods and underwoods, where the Irish kerne 
 used commonly to lurk and to skirmish with the English. 
 No country is more abounding with fish, as well sea fish in 
 the frequent harbours and upon all the coasts, as fresh 
 fish ; especially excellent trouts in the frequent rivers and 
 brooks. To conclude, the idleness of the Irish, and their 
 having no delight in their meats, yielded to the English 
 a plentiful enjoying of these games, as well for the sports as 
 the meats. 
 
II 
 
 A VISIT TO LEGALE, IN THE COUNTY OF DOWN, 
 IN THE YEAB 1602-3 
 
 By Sir Josias Bodley 
 
 The intrinsic interest of this humorous narrative of the holiday 
 excursion of a knot of English officers in Ulster in the last days 
 of Elizabeth's reign derives an extrinsic attraction from the fact 
 that its author was a brother of the famous founder of the Bodleian 
 Library. Sir Josias Bodley was the youngest of Sir Thomas 
 Bodley's four brothers. Not much is known of his early life, but 
 Anthony Wood's statement that he spent some time at Merton 
 College, Oxford, is confirmed by the evidence of classical reading 
 which the narrative of his Irish tour affords. After serving some 
 years in the Netherlands, Bodley came to Ireland in 1598, and 
 seems to have spent his remaining years in that country. His 
 earliest experience of the country was gained in the war with Tyrone. 
 He served under Essex and Mountjoy, and is frequently mentioned 
 by Fynes Moryson in his account of the Irish wars as holding 
 considerable commands in various parts of Ireland. In March 
 1604 he was knighted by Mountjoy. After the pacification of 
 Ireland he was appointed to superintend the Castles of Ireland. 
 In 1609 Bodley was selected to survey the Ulster Plantation, 
 and in recognition of this work received the appointment of 
 director-general of the fortifications of Ireland, a post which he 
 held until his death. Bodley, who died August 19, 1617, was 
 buried at Christ Church, Dublin, August 26, 1617 (Finlayson's 
 ' Monumental Inscriptions in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin,' 
 p. 72). Transcripts of the ' Descriptio Itineris ad Lecaliam in 
 Ultonia ' are among the manuscripts at the British Museum 
 (Add. MS. 4784, f. 87) and at the Bodleian Library (Tanner 
 MS. 444). The transcript from which the version here printed is 
 translated was copied by Bishop Keeves from that at the British 
 
A VISIT TO LEGALE 327 
 
 Museum, and is in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin 
 (MS. No. 734). This translation is also by Bishop Eeeves, by 
 whom it was published in the ' Ulster Journal of Archaeology ' 
 for 1854 (vol. ii. pp. 73-99). Comparison with the manuscript 
 in the Bodleian, and with a further copy formerly in the Phillipps 
 collection which has recently been acquired by the University of 
 Dublin, shows the British Museum version from which Dr. Eeeves 
 took his transcript to be less accurate than the others. 
 
AN ACCOUNT OF A JOUBNEY OF CAPTAIN JOSIAS BODLEY 
 INTO LECALE, IN ULSTER, IN THE YEAR 1602-3 
 
 Good God ! What have I taken on me to do ? ^ Truly I 
 am an ass, otherwise I would never have undertaken so 
 
 ' The opening paragraphs of the original ' Descriptio.' taken from the 
 transcript in the Bodleian Library, will give the reader a sufficient idea of 
 Bodley's 'Latinity.' It is printed in full, from Dr. Eeeves's transcript in 
 the library of Trinity College, Dublin, in the Ulster Archceological Journal, 
 ii, p. 73, et seq. 
 
 ' Deus bone, quid ego in me suscepi ? Sane ego sum asinus, aliter nunquam 
 suscepissem tarn grave onus ; sed nihil refert ; faciam quod potero, ut ilia canis 
 Coppingeri, quae semper fecit suam bonam voluntatem. Ego cepi in manu 
 declarare quid accidit in Itinere quod fecimus ad Lecaliam, Capitanus Caul- 
 feildus, Capitanus Jonsonus et ego, euntes ad visitandum Sirrum Eichardum 
 Morrisonum, amieum nostrum, et ad recreandum nos ibi. Et ego narrabo 
 omnia ordine ; quia ordo est pulchra res, et omnes amant ilium, prseter 
 milites Irlandicos, qui sunt pessimum genus hominum ; [si saltem illos homines 
 licet appellare, qui vescuntur gramine, et sunt animo vulpes et factis lupi.] 
 Sed ad rem. 
 
 Preedictus Dominus Morrisonus mittebat literas ad nos valde humanas, 
 quibus invitabat nos ad custodiendum Natalitias (quas Angli Christmas vocant) 
 apud se. Sed quia Sirrus Arthurus Chichesterus, Sergeantus Major totias 
 exercitus, convocarat nos cum nostris cohortibus in illo ipso instante, ad 
 pugnandum cum Tyrone, qui fuit tunc in sylvis Glenconensibus cum multis 
 vaccis at paucis militibus, nos non potuimus ire pro illo tempore in Lecaliam ; 
 sed ivimus ad dictum Dominum Arthurum, et cum illo mansimus per sedecim, 
 vel septendecim dies in campis sine facere aliquid magnum malum ad 
 Tyronum ; quia ille Tyronus est pessimus nebulo, et valde cautus, et subtilis, et 
 non vult esse verberatus, nisi super bonos terminos ; tamen nos pugnavimus 
 bis cum illo in ipsis sylvis, et fecimus ilium currere ad fortitudines suas : sed 
 postea linquentes circa ilium locum unum garrisonum bene munitum discessimus 
 singuli cum bona venia et bona voluntate. 
 
 Jam venit nobis in mentem dicta invitatio Sirri Kichardi et post delibera- 
 tionem (quia rebus inchoantibus deliberatione, periclitantibus audacia, 
 utendum est, ut ait Seneca) nos putavimus bonum ire illuc, quamvis Natalitise 
 jam assent octo dies prseteritas, quia non dubitavimus esse bene venti etiamsi 
 fuit in Quadragesima. Fuit hoe determinatum in urbe Armachensi, ubi est 
 gubernator unus valde honestus homo cum barba nigra, qui tractat omnes 
 
A VISIT TO LEGALE 329 
 
 heavy a burthen ; but no matter, I shall do what I can, 
 like Coppinger's dog, who always took her own way. 
 
 I have taken in hand to recount what happened in a 
 journey which Captain Caulfeild,^ Captain Jephson,- and I 
 made to Lecale, to visit our friend Sir Eichard Morrison'' 
 and divert ourselves there. And I shall narrate everything 
 in due order ; for order is a fair thing and all love it, 
 except the Irish men-at-arms, who are a most vile race of 
 men, if it be at all allowable to call them ' men ' who live 
 upon grass, and are foxes in their disposition and wolves in 
 their actions. But to our business. 
 
 The aforesaid Master Morrison sent very kind letters to 
 us, inviting us to keep the Nativity (which the English call 
 ' Christmas ') with him, but, as Sir Arthur Chichester, the 
 
 bene, secundum parvam habilitatem suam, et ti'actaret multo melius, si haberet 
 plus illius lei quam Angli vocant ' meanes.' 
 
 ' Sir Toby Caulfeilcl, 1565-1627, first Baron, and ancestor of the Earls of 
 Charlemont, came to Ireland in 1599 with the Earl of Essex. He was appointed 
 by Mount joy governor of the fort of Charlemont, and rewarded by James I. by 
 the grant of extensive estates in Ulster. 
 
 - Sir John Jephson seems also to have come to Ireland with Essex. He 
 was at first attached to the army in Connaught under Sir Conyers Clifford, 
 and was present at the battle of the Curlew Mountains, on the Sligo borders 
 of Roscommon, at which that commander was defeated and slain. Jephson's 
 valour on this occasion has been eulogised by Fynes Moryson, in his 
 Itinerary, Part II. p. 38. He was at this period quartered at Carrickfergus as 
 second in command to Sir Arthur Chichester. In 1604 he was knighted. 
 Jephson married the daughter and heiress of Sir Thomas Norris, and acquired 
 large estates in co. Cork. In the Bodleian MS., and also in the British 
 Museum transcript, the name is spelt Jonson throughout. Bishop Reeves in 
 his notes observes that no officer of the name is mentioned by Fynes Moryson, 
 whereas a Captain Jephson was certainly a brother officer of Bodley's. It may 
 be added that the voluminous lists of the ofiBcers of the army in Ireland, printed 
 in the Irish State Paper Calendars, confirm Dr. Reeves's view. 
 
 ■■' Sir Eichard Moryson, 1571-1628, a younger brother of Fynes Moryson, 
 served in Flanders under Sir Roger Williams (see post, p. 336). In 1599 he 
 accompanied Essex to Ireland, and was knighted by him at Dublin. Under 
 Mountjoy he was governor successively of Dundalk, Lecale, Waterford and 
 Wexford. In 1609 he became Vice-President of Munster, and represented 
 Bandon in the Parliament of 1613. After several unsuccessful efforts to obtain 
 the presidency of Munster, he secured in 1618 a grant of the office in reversion, 
 but did not live to succeed to it. He had meantime left Ireland on being 
 appointed Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance in England. Morysou's wife was 
 a daughter of Sir Henry Harrington. His daughter Letitia married Lucius 
 Gary, Lord Falkland. 
 
330 ILLUSTKATIONS OP lEISH HISTORY 
 
 serjeant-major of the whole army, had convoked lis with 
 all our companies at that very moment to fight with Tjirone, 
 who was then in the woods of Glenconkein^ with much 
 cattle and few fighting men, we could not go at that time 
 to Lecale, but joined the said Sir Arthur, and remained with 
 him for sixteen or seventeen days in the field, without 
 doing much harm to Tyrone ; for that Tjrrone is the worst 
 rascal, and very wary and subtle, and won't be beaten 
 except on good terms. However, we fought him twice in 
 the very woods, and made him run to his strongholds. So 
 after leaving about that place a well-provided garrison, we 
 each departed, with full permission and goodwill. 
 
 We now remembered the said invitation of Sir Eichard, 
 and after deliberation (for in the commencement of affairs 
 deliberation should be used by those adventuring bold 
 attempts, as Seneca says), we thought it good to go thither, 
 although it was now eight days after the Nativity, because 
 we did not doubt our being welcome though it had been 
 Lent, This was resolved on in the city of Armagh, where 
 there is a Governor,^ a very honest fellow with a black 
 beard, who uses every one well according to his poor ability, 
 and would use them much better if he had more of the 
 thing the English call ' means.' 
 
 We set out from that city for the town commonly called 
 Newry,^ which was one day's journey. There, to speak 
 truth, we were not very well entertained, nor according 
 to our qualities, for that town produces nothing but lean 
 beef, and very rarely mutton, the very worst wine, nor was 
 there any bread, except biscuits, even in the Governor's 
 house. However, we did our best to be merry and jocund 
 with the bad wine, putting sugar in it (as the senior lawyers 
 are used to do with Canary wine), with toasted bread, which 
 in English is called ' a lawyer's nightcap.' There we found 
 
 ' A forest of great extent on the borders of Derry and Tyrone. See Part I. 
 p. 157 supra. 
 
 - Dr. Eeeves in his notes suggests that Bodley here refers to himself. But 
 the Governor of Armagh in 1603 was Sir Henry Danvers. 
 
 * Cf. the references to Newry in the accounts of Sir W. Brereton at p. 372 
 infra and of M. Jorevin de Eocheford at p. 121 infra. 
 
A VISIT TO LEGALE 331 
 
 Captain Adderton/ an honest fellow and a friend of ours, who, 
 having nothing to do, was easily persuaded to accompany us 
 to Lecale. 
 
 So the next morning we four take horse and set out. 
 We had no guide except Captain Caulfeild, who promised he 
 would lead us very well. But before we had ridden three 
 miles we had lost our way and were compelled to go on foot, 
 leading our horses through bogs and marshes, which was 
 very troublesome, and some of us were not wanting who 
 swore silently between our teeth, and wished our guide at 
 a thousand devils. At length we came to some village of 
 obscure name where, for two brass shillings, we brought 
 with us a countryman who might lead us to the island of 
 Magennis,2 ten miles distant from the town of Newry, for 
 Master Morrison had promised he would meet us there. 
 
 The weather was very cold, and it began to roar dread- 
 fully with a strong wind in our faces when we were on the 
 mountains, where there was neither tree nor house ; but 
 there was no remedy save patience. Captain Bodley alone 
 had a long cloak with a hood, into which he prudently thrust 
 his head, and laughed somewhat into himself to see the 
 others so badly armed against the storm. 
 
 We now came to the island of Magennis, where, alighting 
 from our horses, we met Master Morrison and Captain 
 Constable,^ with many others, whom, for the sake of brevity, 
 I pass by. They had tarried there at least three hours 
 expecting our arrival, and in the meantime drank ale and 
 
 ' A Captain Henry Adderton, or Atherton, held a command at Mount Norris, 
 00. Armagh, from 1603 to 1606.— CaL S. P. (Ireland), 1603-6. Like his fellows 
 he had come to Ireland with Essex, and was first employed under Sir Henry 
 Harrington in the expedition against Phelim McPheagh O'Byrne in co. Wicklow 
 (Dymmok's Treatise of Ireland, p. 42). 
 
 - At Castlewellan, co. Down. 
 
 * Sir Balph Constable was at this time stationed at Carrickfergus. 
 He too was present at the battle of the Curlew Mountains, and took part also 
 in the fight on the Blackwater, July 16, 1601. In a letter from Chichester to 
 the Earl of Salisbury, dated July 17, 1606, Constable is commended as having 
 ' in the busiest times of the rebellion proved himself a very worthy and valiant 
 gentleman,' qualities which in 1604 procured him the distinction of a knight- 
 hood at the hands of the Deputy, Sir George Carew. — Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 
 1603-6, p. 519. 
 
332 ILLUSTEATIONS OP lEISH HISTORY 
 
 usquebaugh with the Lady Sara/ the daughter of Tyrone, 
 and wife of the aforesaid Magennis ; a truly beautiful 
 woman ; so that I can well believe these three hours did not 
 appear to them more than a minute, especially to Master 
 Constable, who is by his nature very fond not of women 
 only, but likewise of dogs and horses. We also drank twice 
 or thrice, and after we had duly kissed her we each prepared 
 for our journey.^ 
 
 It was ten or twelve miles from that island to Down- 
 patrick, where Master Morrison dwelt, and the way seemed 
 much longer on account of our wish to be there. At length, 
 as all things have an end, and a black pudding two (as the 
 proverb hath it), we came by little and little to the said 
 house. And now began that more than Lucullan entertain- 
 ment, which neither Cicero, whose style in composition I 
 chiefly imitate (although Horace says, ' imitatores, servum 
 pecus ! ') nor any other of the Latin or Greek authors, could 
 express in suitable terms. 
 
 When we had approached within a stone's-throw of the 
 house, or rather palace, of the said Master Morrison, 
 behold ! forthwith innumerable servants ! Some light us 
 with pinewood lights and torches because it is dark ; others, 
 as soon as we alight, take our horses and lead them into a 
 handsome and spacious stable, where neither hay nor oats are 
 wanting. Master Morrison himself leads us by wide stairs 
 into a large hall, where a fire is burning the height of our 
 chins, as the saying is, and afterwards into a bed-chamber 
 prepared in the Irish fashion. 
 
 Here, having taken off our boots, we all sit down and 
 converse on various matters : Captain Caulfeild about supper 
 and food, for he was very hungry ; Captain Constable about 
 hounds, of which he had there some excellent ones, as he 
 himself asserted ; and the rest about other things. Master 
 Morrison ordered a cup of Spanish wine to be brought, with 
 burnt sugar, nutmeg, and ginger, and made us all drink a 
 
 ' Sarah, daughter of Hugh O'Neill, died 1638. 
 
 -' See as to the custom of taking drink at the hands of the lady of the 
 house, Gernon's Description, p. 360 infra. 
 
A VISIT TO LEGALE 333 
 
 good draught of it, which was very grateful to the palate, 
 and also good for procuring an appetite for supper if anyone 
 needed such. 
 
 In an hour we heard some one down in the kitchen 
 calling with a loud voice, ' To the dresser.' Forthwith we 
 see a long row of servants decently dressed, each with dishes 
 of the most select meats, which they place on the table in 
 the very best style. One presents to us a silver basin with 
 the most limpid water, another hands us a very white towel ; 
 others arrange chairs and seats in their proper places. 
 
 Denique quid verbis opus est ? spectemur agendo 
 
 (as Ajax says in Ovid). Grace having been said, we begin 
 to fix our eyes intently on the dishes whilst handling our 
 knives ; and here you might have plainly seen those Belgian 
 feasts, where 
 
 In principio est silentium, 
 In medio stridor dentium, 
 Et in fine rumor gentium. 
 
 For at first we sat as if rapt and astounded by the variety of 
 meats and dainties — like a German I once saw depicted 
 standing between two jars, the one of white wine, the other 
 of claret, with this motto : ' I know not which way to turn.' 
 But after a short time we fall to roundly on every dish, 
 calling now and then for wine, now and then for attendance, 
 everyone according to his whim. In the midst of supper 
 Master Morrison ordered to be given to him a glass goblet 
 full of claret, which measured (as I conjecture) ten or eleven 
 inches roundabout, and drank to the health of all and to 
 our happy arrival. We freely received it from him, thanking 
 him, and drinking, one after the other, as much as he drank 
 before us. He then gave four or five healths of the chief 
 men and of our absent friends, just as the most illustrious 
 lord, now Treasurer of Ireland,^ is used to do at his dinners. 
 And it is a very praiseworthy thing, and has perhaps more 
 in it than anyone would believe ; and there was not one 
 
 ' Sir George Carew, the well-known statesman of Elizabeth, and collector 
 of the invaluable manuscript materials for Irish history known as the Carew 
 Papers, 
 
334 ILLUSTEATIONS OP lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 among us but did pledge him and each other without any 
 scruple or gainsay, which I was very glad to see, for it was 
 a proof of unanimity and assured friendship. 
 
 For there are many (a thing I can't mention without 
 great and extreme sorrow) who won't drink healths with 
 others, sitting, nevertheless, in the company of those who do 
 drink, and not doing as they do, which is of all things the 
 most shameful. And since I have now happened upon this 
 discourse on drinking I will say something, by way of 
 digression, on the subject. Not long ago I was in company 
 with some boon companions who were drinking healths in 
 usquebaugh, when one was present who wished to appear 
 more abstemious than the rest, and would not drink with 
 them, to whom one of them, who could not speak Latin as well 
 as I do, said these words : ' Si tu es plus sapientis [sic] quam 
 nos sumus, tu es plus beholden to God Almighty quam nos 
 sumus,' which was most nobly said and very apposite. And 
 I saw with my own eyes, when I was in Poland, a certain 
 person sitting at table with many others, and refusing to 
 drink as they drank, thrust out of doors by the head and 
 shoulders with great disgrace, and made almost unfit for all 
 civilised society. For at table he who does not receive 
 whatsoever healths may be proposed by another does so, 
 either because he likes not the proposer, or him to whom 
 they drink, or the wine itself. Truly I would not willingly 
 have any dealings with him who undervalues either me or 
 my friend, or, lastly, wine, the most precious of all things 
 under heaven. 
 
 But if any such person thinks he should go excused 
 because he cannot bear wine, owing to the weakness of his 
 brain, he may depend on it that it happens through his own 
 fault ; to wit, because he does not sufficiently accustom him- 
 self to wine ; for by a daily and frequent use of wine he will 
 so easily familiarise himself to it (for custom, according to 
 Galen, is second nature) that he may quaff as many cups 
 as he pleases, not only without injury, but even with the 
 greatest pleasure and delight. But if he abstains from 
 potations because he thinks that from them arises the cause. 
 
A VISIT TO LEGALE 335 
 
 sometimes of quarrels, sometimes of mischief, let him under- 
 stand that such things happen not from wine but from the 
 vicious natures of men, from which it is rather to be 
 deduced that, by a continual habit of drinking, we may 
 avoid, when drunk, those vices we endeavour to avoid when 
 sober. And for my part I have ever thought the abstemious 
 are self-conscious of some great crime, which they fear they 
 would betray if drunk. For wine is the father of Ebriety, 
 but Ebriety is the mother of Truth, although some say that 
 Truth is the daughter of Time ; but they think so because 
 wine is always drunk in good time, and it requires time to 
 make a man drunk. 
 
 But I think I hear some severe Cato — such as they are 
 who place their greatest happiness in long and ' well got-up ' ^ 
 beards — I say I think I hear him saying, ' Dost thou to us 
 praise drunkenness, which enervates not only the powers of 
 the body, but enfeebles the spirit and dulls the sharpness of 
 the intellect ? ' Silence, I prithee, my good Cato, unless 
 you first of all explain to us what drunkenness is ; for he 
 who well explaineth teacheth well. There are certain 
 gradations of drunkenness ; there are certain limits ; nor 
 can he be in reality styled a drunkard who is occasionally 
 conquered by wine ; but he who so indulges that, neglecting 
 all other business, he hath always his nose in the cup, 
 without regard to the place where, the persons with whom, 
 or the time when, he drinketh. 
 
 For I maintain that being drunk is nothing else than 
 being sometimes rationally mad, just as if one should take 
 any medicine that intoxicates the brain, or produces perhaps 
 nausea, vomiting, or sleep ; of which there are many, as 
 antimony, nux vomica, opium, mandrake, and such like, 
 and yet which may subsequently expel some disease, and 
 conduce to health. Even Hippocrates himself, the prince of 
 physicians, recommends amongst other things that contri- 
 bute to health, an immoderate potation of wine at least once 
 a month. And I remember having heard that a certain 
 most learned physician, when he was asked by a friend 
 
 ' Comptis or completis in the original. 
 
336 ILLUSTEATIONS OP lEISH HISTORY 
 
 why he drank so much wine himself, and was almost 
 daily drunk, although to others he preached abstinence from 
 wine, whereby they might prolong their life, replied that 
 he lived more in one day by living his own way and 
 according to his own will, than if he had lived a whole 
 year according to the laws of physic. And certainly there 
 are more old drunkards than old physicians, as Eabelais 
 says. 
 
 I could, indeed, adduce in corroboration of my opinion, 
 almost innumerable instances of illustrious and learned men 
 who were wont to get drunk after the manner I have 
 mentioned. But what need is there for particular examples 
 when so many countries on the globe are so addicted to 
 potations that you would suppose they did scarcely anything 
 else than drink — to wit, Flanders, Germany, Poland, Den- 
 mark, Sweden, Norway, with many others, now too tedious 
 to particularise. Much more could be said on this point, 
 but I wish not to amplify farther, for the thing is as clear 
 in itself as the day. I will therefore conclude with these 
 lines of Horace, which are worthy of being inscribed in 
 letters of gold on every table : 
 
 Quid non ebrietas designat ? Aperta recondit ; 
 Spes jubet esse ratas : iu prelia trudit inermem, 
 Sollicitis animis onus eximit ; addocet artes ; 
 Foeeundi calices quem non fecere disertum ? 
 Contracta quem non in paupertate solutum ? ' 
 
 Let us now return to Lecale, where the supper (which, 
 as I have said, was most elegant) being ended, we again 
 enter our bedroom, in which was a large fire (for at the 
 time it was exceedingly cold out of doors) and benches for 
 sitting on, and plenty of tobacco, with nice pipes, was set 
 before us. The wine also had begun to operate a little on 
 us, and every one's wits had become somewhat sharper ; all 
 were gabbling at once, and all sought a hearing at once, like 
 what Sir Koger Williams,^ of worthy memory, used to call 
 
 ' Horace, Epistles, Book I. 5th. Ep. Aperta recondit is a misquotation for 
 Horace's Operta 7'ecludit. 
 
 * Sir Eoger Williams was a distinguished Elizabethan soldier. He 
 fought under Sir Thomas Norris in the Low Countries in 1577 and was present 
 
A VISIT TO LEGALE 337 
 
 ' his academy,' to wit, where all were speakers and no 
 listeners. And it is not true what some say, ' When wine is 
 in wit is out,' unless they mean thereby, that when anyone 
 is full of wine, then his wit, which was previously hidden 
 and unknown, exhibits itself openly and plainly. For if any 
 sober person had been present at that time in any corner of 
 the room, I doubt not that he would have heard very remark- 
 able and witty things, which I cannot now recollect. 
 
 I remember, however, that we conversed profoundly 
 about things poHtical, economical, philosophical, and much 
 else ; and amongst other things we said that the time was 
 now happily different from when we were before Kinsale at 
 Christmas of last year,^ when we suffered intolerable cold, 
 dreadful labour, and a want of almost everything, drinking 
 the very worst whiskey. ^ We compared events, till lately 
 unhoped for, with the past, and with those now hoped for. 
 Lastly, reasoning on everything, we conclude that the verse 
 of Horace squares exceedingly well with the present time 
 namely. 
 
 Nunc est bibendum, nunc pede libero 
 pulsanda tellus. 
 
 at Zutphen in 1586. Camden in his Annals has several references to Williams, 
 who was the author of A Brief Discourse of War, 1590, which he dedicated to 
 Essex. 
 
 Miss Strickland records a good story of Williams' bluntness : ' Ehzabeth 
 was very delicate in her olfactory nerves, and affected to be still more 
 sensitive on that point than she really was. One day that valiant Welsh 
 commander, Sir Eoger Williams, knelt to prefer a petition which her Majesty 
 was determined not to grant, and did not like to be compelled to refuse. Ob- 
 serving that his boots were made of rough, untanned leather, instead of answer- 
 ing him she turned away with a gesture of disgust, exclaiming, " Pho, Williams ! 
 how your boots stink ! " " Tut, madam," replied the sturdy Williams, who 
 understood her meaning, " it is my suit that stinks, not my boots." ' — Strickland's 
 Lives of the Queens of England, edition of 1851, iv. p. 709. 
 
 ' Bodley, with most of his comrades in the visit to Lecale, was present 
 under Mountjoy at the siege of Kinsale, September to December 1(501. 
 
 - Dr. Reeves here notes that this sentence is obscure in the original, and 
 conjectures that some words may have been omitted from the British Museum 
 transcript from which he copied. A comparison with the version in the 
 Bodleian and that recently acquired by the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, 
 shows that two or three sentences have been omitted. They are, however, of 
 no importance to the narrative. 
 
 Z 
 
338 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 Therefore, after a little, Captain Jephson calls for usque- 
 baugh, and we all immediately second him with one consent, 
 calling out ' Usquebaugh, usquebaugh ! ' for we could make 
 as free there as in our own quarters. 
 
 Besides it was not without reason we drank usquebaugh, 
 for it was the best remedy against the cold of that night, 
 and good for dispersing the crude vapours of the French 
 wine ; and pre-eminently wholesome in these regions, where 
 the priests themselves — who are holy men, as the Abbot of 
 Armagh, the Bishop of Cashel, and others, and also noble 
 men, as Henry Oge McMahon McHenry, and men and 
 women of every rank — pour usquebaugh down their throats 
 by day and by night, and that not for hilarity only which 
 would be praiseworthy, but for constant drunkenness which 
 is detestable. 
 
 Therefore after everyone had drank two or three healths, 
 still discoursing between each health on grave affairs re- 
 lating to the State (amongst which many things concerning 
 Marius and Sylla, concerning Caesar and Pompey, and also 
 about Marcus Coriolanus, were most learnedly handled 
 and most keenly argued) we all at once agree to go to 
 bed. For, what because of the assailing fumes of the 
 wine which now sought our heads and, by reason of the 
 coolness of our brains, diffused themselves over our eyes, 
 what because of the fatigue from the previous day's journey, 
 and what because of the hour itself, when the sun had 
 advanced from the east to the meridian line of the other 
 hemisphere, fifteen degrees, six minutes, five seconds and 
 four-thirds, we thought it right (as I have said) to rest for 
 some hours. And behold now the great kindness that 
 Master Morrison shows towards us ! He gives up to us his 
 own good and soft bed, and throws himself upon a pallet in 
 the same chamber, and would not be persuaded by anything 
 we could say to lie in his own bed ; and the pallet was very 
 hard and thin such as they are wont to have who are 
 called ' Palatine ' of great heroes. 
 
 I need not tell how soundly we slept till morning, for 
 that is easily understood, all things considered — at least, if 
 
A VISIT TO LEGALE 339 
 
 the old syllogism be true, ' He who drinks well sleeps well.' 
 We did not, however, pass the night altogether without 
 annoyance, for Captain Constable's dogs, which were very 
 badly educated (after the northern fashion), were always 
 jumping on the beds, and would not let us alone, although 
 we beat them ever so often, which the said Constable took 
 in dudgeon, especially when he heard his dogs howling ; but 
 it was all as one for that, for it is not right that dogs, who 
 are of the beasts, should sleep with men who are reasoning 
 and laughing animals, according to the philosophers. 
 
 When the sun, on the line of the ecliptic, over the poles 
 of the Zodiac, had already made almost the fourth part of 
 his daily journey above our horizon, and the domestics, 
 knowing that it was time for us to rise, came in to light the 
 fire, we all suddenly awoke, and saluted each other as is the 
 custom with the well-educated. Before we get out of bed 
 they bring to us a certain aromatic of strong ale com- 
 pounded with sugar and eggs (in English, * caudle '), to 
 comfort and strengthen the stomach ; they also bring beer 
 (if any prefer it), with toasted bread and nutmeg to allay 
 thirst, steady the head, and cool the liver ; they also bring 
 pipes of the best tobacco to drive away rheums and catarrhs. 
 
 We all now jump quickly out of bed, put on our clothes, 
 approach the fire, and, when all are ready, walk abroad 
 together to take the air, which in that region is most salu- 
 brious and delightful, so that if I wished to enumerate all 
 the advantages of the place, not only powers (of description) 
 but time itself would be wanting. I shall therefore omit 
 that, as being already known, and revert to ourselves, who, 
 having now had a sufficient walk, returned to our lodgings 
 as dinner time was at hand. 
 
 But how can we now tell about the sumptuous prepara- 
 tion of everything ? How about the dinners ? How about 
 the suppers ? How about the dainties ? For we seemed as 
 if present (as you would suppose) at the nuptial banquet to 
 which some Cleopatra had invited her Antony ; so many 
 varieties of meat were there ; so many kinds of condiments, 
 about every one of which I would willingly say something, 
 
 z 2 
 
340 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 only that I fear being tedious. I shall therefore demon- 
 strate from a single dinner what may be imagined of the 
 rest. There was a large and beautiful collar of brawn with 
 its accompaniments, to wit, mustard and Muscadel wine ; 
 there were well-stuffed geese (such as the Lord Bishop is 
 wont to eat at Ardbraccan),' the legs of which Captain Caul- 
 feild always laid hold of for himself ; there were pies of 
 venison and of various kinds of game ; pasties also, some 
 of marrow with innumerable plums, others of it with 
 coagulated milk, such as the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of 
 London almost always have at their feasts ; others, which 
 they call tarts, of divers shapes, materials, and colours, 
 made of beef, mutton, and veal. I do not mention, because 
 they are reckoned vulgar, other kinds of dishes, wherein 
 France much abounds, and which they designate quelq'- 
 choses. Neither do I relate anything of the delicacies which 
 accompanied the cheese, because they would exceed all 
 belief. I may say in one word that all things were there 
 supplied to us most luxuriously and most copiously. 
 
 And lest anyone might think that God had sent us the 
 meat but the devil the cook (as the proverb says), there was 
 a cook there so expert in his art that his equal could scarce 
 be found ; and I shall now say one big (superbum) word — 
 I believe that Master Robert, the cook who presides over 
 the kitchen of the Lord Deputy (with pardon be it spoken) 
 is not a much better cook, or more skilled in his art than he 
 — and his name is Philip. And truly this may suffice as to 
 the dishes and dainties, for a word is enough to the wise. 
 
 If you now inquire whether there were any other amuse- 
 ments besides those I have related, I say an infinite number 
 and the very best. For if we wished to ride after dinner 
 you would have seen forthwith ten or twelve handsome steeds 
 
 ' See the account of Mountjoy's visit to Aidbraccan in Fynes Moryson's 
 Itinerary, Part II. (p. 91, of the foho of 1617) :— ' The l-5th of March his lord- 
 ship drew to Ardbrachin, the Bishop of Meath's house, six miles distant (from 
 Trim), where his lordship had appointed the adjoining garrisons to meet him 
 the next day.' The bishop was Dr. Thomas Jones, afterwards Archbishop of 
 Dublin. 
 
A VISIT TO LEGALE 341 
 
 with good equipments and other ornaments, ready for the 
 road. We quickly mount ; we visit the Well and Chair of 
 St. Patrick,^ the ancient fort, or any other place according to 
 our fancy, and at length returning home, cards, tables, and 
 dice are set before us, and amongst other things, that Indian 
 tobacco (of which I shall never be able to make sufficient 
 mention) and of which I cannot speak otherwise ; whereas 
 there are many who loathe it as not at all pleasant or 
 necessary ; and they do not so, like others who unnaturally 
 and from antipathy dislike certain foods, just as Captain 
 Morris hates eels, Captain Sydney cheese, Captain Wind- 
 sor ^ mutton chops, and Captain Bodley usquebaugh, never- 
 theless, admitting these things to be good in themselves, 
 and freely allowing them to others ; whereas those good 
 fellows (of whom I speak) not only contemn tobacco them- 
 selves but also advise others against it. 
 
 And I have now, for twelve years and more, been 
 expecting some sound reason from them to confirm that 
 opinion, but have, as yet, heard none (that is worth a 
 farthing), nor shall I ever hear one. Almost all have but 
 one argument, that would make a dog laugh and a horse 
 break his halter, saying that neither our sires nor grand-sires 
 took tobacco, yet they lived I know not how long. So, 
 indeed, they lived until they died, despite of tobacco ; but 
 who knows if they might not have lived longer had they 
 used tobacco ? And if one who now uses tobacco die of any 
 disease, who knows if he might not have died sooner if he 
 had abstained from tobacco ? 
 
 And do not reject as ridiculous and entirely false that 
 some tobacconists, being dissected after death, have been 
 found to be black inside, because (if such hath ever hap- 
 pened) it proceeds from the vitiation or corruption of the 
 blood, or from the superabundance of the atrabilious 
 
 ' At Struel, near Downpatrick. See Harris's Histcyry of Doion, p. 25, 
 and Eeeves's Eccl. Antiq. p. 42. 
 
 - Captain Edward Morris was quartered at Mountjoy, co. Tyrone, at this 
 time. Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1603-6, p. 91. Captain John Sidney, or Sydney, 
 was quartered at Cavan, and Captain Sir William Windsor, or Winsor, at 
 Drogheda. Ibid. p. 92. Sydney was knighted in 1604. 
 
342 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 humour, or, lastly, from the morbus Galliciis, or any other 
 indisposition of the body ; for physicians very well know, 
 and with their opinion T agree, that tobacco, nevertheless, 
 may contain in itself something divine, and may conduce 
 wonderfully to our health. 
 
 Whence, I prithee, could I bring stronger or surer 
 testimony than that so many noble and, at the same time, 
 wise men (besides countless others) delight in it extremely ? 
 And from the time it was first discovered it hath maintained 
 the same repute for so many years ; nor hath it ever had an 
 enemy except the ignorant, who, either on account of the 
 cost (for it is sold dear) or because he imagined himself 
 awkward in properly or skilfully imbibing it, was deterred, 
 as it were, on the very threshold. Indeed, from my experience, 
 I have so much in view its innumerable and unspeakable 
 benefits, that I might even venture to say (with the poet) : 
 
 Cur moriatur homo qui fumat in ore tobacco ? ' 
 
 And now once more to our Lecale, where, amongst other 
 things that contributed to hilarity there came one night after 
 supper certain maskers of the Irish gentry, four in number, 
 if I rightly remember. They first sent in to us a letter 
 marked with ' the greatest haste ' and ' after our hearty 
 commendations,' according to the old style, saying that they 
 were strangers just arrived in these parts, and very desirous 
 of spending one or two hours with us ; and leave being 
 given, they entered in this order : first a boy, with lighted 
 torch ; then two beating drums ; then the maskers, two and 
 two ; then another torch. One of the maskers carried a 
 dirty pocket-handkerchief with ten pounds in it, not of 
 bullion, but of the new money lately coined, which has 
 the harp on one side and the royal arms on the other. 
 They were dressed in shirts with many ivy leaves sewn 
 
 ' At the period at which Bodley was writing the controversy as to the use 
 of tobacco was at its height. James I. had not yet pubKshed his well-known 
 Counterblast, to Tobacco, which did not appear till 1604. But since its 
 introduction into England in 1586 by some returned Virginian colonists its 
 use had become sufficiently general to have provoked much social controversy. 
 Several works on the subject appeared between 1590 and 1602. See Arber's 
 edition of A Counterblaste to Tobacco in ' English Reprints," pp. 85-94. 
 
A VISIT TO LEGALE 343 
 
 on here and there over them, and had over their faces masks 
 of dog-skin with holes to see out of, and noses made of 
 paper ; their caps were high and peaked (in the Persian 
 fashion) and were also of paper, and ornamented with the 
 same leaves. 
 
 I may briefly say we play at dice. At one time the 
 drums sound on their side, at another the trumpet on ours. 
 We fight a long time a doubtful game ; at length the maskers 
 lose, and are sent away, cleaned out (vacui). Now whoever 
 hath seen a dog struck with a stick or a stone run out of the 
 house with his tail hanging between his legs would have (so) 
 seen these maskers going home, without money, out of 
 spirits, out of order, without even saying ' Farewell ' ; and 
 they said that each of them had five or six miles to go to 
 his home, and it was then two hours after midnight. 
 
 I shall now tell of another Jest or gambol which amongst 
 many the domestics of Master Morrison exhibited for us. 
 Two servants sat down after the manner of women (with 
 reverence be it spoken) when they ' hunker,' only that they 
 (the servants) sat upon the ground ; their hands were tied 
 together in such a manner that their knees were clasped 
 within them, and a stick placed between the bend of the 
 arms and the legs, so that they could in no way move their 
 arms ; they held between the forefinger and thumb of either 
 hand a small stick almost a foot in length and sharp at the 
 farther end. Two are placed in this way : one opposite the 
 other at the distance of an ell. Being thus placed they 
 engage, and each one tries to upset his opponent by 
 attacking him with his feet, for being once upset he can 
 by no means recover himself, but presents his rear to his 
 upsetter for attack with the aforesaid small stick, ^ which 
 
 ' Bishop Eeeves has the following note on this game : ' Here is a most 
 graphic description of a game still common in the North of Ireland at harvest 
 homes (provincially churns) and at Halloween and Christmas merrymakings. 
 It is called in this part of Ireland " skiver {i.e. skewer) the goose," and is a 
 very good representation of that biped trussed and prepared for the spit. As 
 now generally practised the pointed stick is properly dispensed with, and the 
 attack is confined to the parties endeavouring to upset each other by pushing, 
 in which the aggressor is frequently " hoist with his own petard," as much to 
 
344 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 made us laugh so for an hour that the tears dropped from 
 our eyes, and the wife of Philip, the cook, laughed, and the 
 scullion, who were both present. You would have said that 
 some barber-surgeon was there, to whom all were showing 
 their teeth. But enough of these matters ; for there would 
 be no end of writing were I to recount all our grave and 
 merry doings in that space of seven days. I shall therefore 
 make an end both of the journey and of my story. For 
 on the seventh day from our arrival we departed, mourn- 
 ful and sad ; and Master Morrison accompanied us as far 
 as Dundrum,' to whom each of us bidding farewell, and 
 again farewell, and shouting the same for a long way, 
 with our caps raised above our heads, we hasten to our 
 quarters, and there we each cogitate seriously over our 
 own affairs. 
 
 the amusement of the company as it appears to have been enjoyed by Bodley 
 and his brothei' warriors.' Ulster Journal of Arclupology, ii. p. 94, note. 
 ' Dundrum in co. Down, about ten miles from Downpatrick. 
 
Ill 
 
 A DISCOUBSE OF IRELAND, ANNO 1620 
 By Luke Geenon. 
 
 Of the author of this ' Discourse of Ireland,' which is preserved 
 among the Stowe Papers at the British Museum/ and has not 
 hitherto been printed, not much can now be ascertained. But the 
 accuracy of the endorsement on the manuscript, which ascribes it 
 to one Luke Gernon, is borne out by the internal evidence of the 
 narrative. The writer mentions that he was resident in Limerick, 
 the seat of the presidency of Munster, and that he was a member 
 of the council by which the affairs of the province were ad- 
 ministered. And it appears that one Luke Gernon was appointed 
 to the office of Second Justice of the province of Munster in 1619.^ 
 Gernon became a member of the King's Inns at Dublin in the 
 same year, and it is perhaps reasonable to identify him with the 
 ' Lucas Garnons of Beds, gent.,' who was admitted to Lincoln's 
 Inn on May 5, 1604. That he held that position at least nominally 
 until the Restoration appears from the patent of appointment of 
 his successor, one John Naylor, and the provision of a pension of 
 100^. a year in Gernon's favour, payable out of the ' casual profits 
 of the provincial courts in Ireland.' Of Gernon's career prior 
 to his appointment to the provincial judgeship nothing can be 
 ascertained. His name, which is an old one in the counties of 
 Louth and Meath, suggests an Irish origin. But a letter of Sir 
 William St. Leger, President of Munster from 1626 to 1642, to 
 Dudley Carleton, Lord Dorchester, the well-known Secretary of 
 State to Charles I., speaks of Gernon as having been recommended 
 for preferment by 'his friends in Hertfordshire,'^ where, as in 
 other English shires, families of the name were long seated. 
 
 ' The Discourse is to be found in Stowe MSS. vol. 28, folio 5. The manu- 
 script contains no clue to the authorship beyond the endorsement, in a 
 seventeenth -century hand, ' A Discourse of Ireland by L. Gernons.' 
 
 ^ Liber Mwierum Hlhernve, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 186. 
 
 3 S. P. {Ireland), vol. 251, No. 131. 
 
346 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 These friends may however have been his wife's relatives, for it 
 appears that there was some connection between Mrs. Gernon 
 and the second Lady Dorchester/ and the latter seems to have 
 used her good offices, but unsuccessfully, to procure Gernon's 
 promotion to a judgeship in Dublin. The whole tone of the 
 ' Discourse ' suggests, however, that the author w^as of English 
 birth, and he was quite certainly bred in England, 
 
 Gernon remained in Limerick until the outbreak of the rebel- 
 lion of 1641, when, like most persons in the south of Ireland 
 connected with the English interest, he fell upon evil days. A 
 petition sent by his wife to Cromwell- in 1653 describes him as 
 having been deprived of all his estate to the value of 3,000Z., and 
 as having been constrained with his vafe and four small children 
 ' to travel all naked through woods and bogs in the depth of 
 winter,' whereby one of his children was ' starved to death ' and 
 Mrs. Gernon lost the use of her limbs. Cromwell, it appears from 
 this petition, had when in Ireland granted Gernon a pension of 
 100 marks per annum, probably at the instance of Lord Orrery, 
 with whose father, the great Earl of Cork, Gernon had been well 
 acquainted.^ The pension, however, had not been paid, hence the 
 petition to Cromwell. The earlier petition by Gernon himself on 
 which Cromwell first granted a pension contains a declaration 
 by Gernon of his ' free submission ' to Cromwell's Government, but 
 his claims to the Protector's favour seem to have been based chiefly 
 on those of the suppliant's wife, ' a lady of quality whose worth 
 the petitioner doth much tender,' and who was certified by 
 Archbishop Ussher to be ' a most fit object of Christian charity.' 
 That Gernon survived the Eestoration, and that his pension of 
 100 marks was continued to him by the Duke of Ormond's 
 Government appears from a letter of Lord Orrery's, but the exact 
 date of his death is unknown. In 1673, however, administration 
 in respect of the goods of ' Luke Gernon, lately of Cork, Esquire, 
 deceased,' was granted to his principal creditor, one Thomas 
 Sheridan, A daughter of Gernon's, marrying a Eoyalist ofiicer 
 of Bandon, became in 1659 the mother of Nicholas Brady, the 
 joint author wath Nahum Tate of the metrical version of the 
 Psalms.* Another of Gernon's descendants, through the same 
 
 ' Cal. S. P. {Ireland), 1625-32, p, 598. 
 
 - S. P. (Ireland), vol. 283, No. 303. 
 
 ' Lord Cork's diary contains entries of loans of 20/. and lOZ. in 1622 and 
 1627 to ' Mr. Second Justice Gernon.' — Lismore Pai:iers, 1st series, ii. pp. 61 
 and 241, 
 
 * Brady's Records of Cork, i. p. 182, 
 
A DISCOUESE OF lEELAND 347 
 
 alliance, Maziere Brady, was Lord Chancellor of Ireland in the 
 last century. 
 
 Gernon's ' Discourse ' is undated, but apart from the fact that it 
 was manifestly written within a short time of his arrival in 
 Munster, the approximate date of its composition appears from the 
 narrative. Gernon states at p. 350, ' It is now since she (Ireland) 
 was drawn out of the womb of rebellion about sixteen years, by'r- 
 lady nineteen,' and as Tyrone's submission was made in 1603, 
 this would show his ' Discourse ' to have been written between 1619, 
 the year of the writer's appointment, and 1622. A more precise 
 reference at p. 354 reduces this period of three years to one. The 
 fire at Galway mentioned as having ' happened in May was twelve 
 month ' is known to have occuiTed in 1619.^ The winter of 1620 
 is therefore the most probable date of the ' Discourse.' 
 
 Gernon's narrative is full of many of the mannerisms of the 
 time, and in certain passages he expresses himself with a freedom 
 not quite appropriate to the social amenities of the twentieth 
 century. Such colloquial licence seems less jarring in the garb 
 of seventeenth- century orthography, and for this reason the 
 spelling of the original manuscript has been retained. 
 
 ' See Hardiman's History of Galway, p. 101. 
 
A DISCOUBSE OF IRELAND 
 
 When I am playing at poste and payre/ my opposite 
 challengeth w'^ two counters ; If I answer him w*^ two 
 other, and rest, I have but a faynte game, but if I see that, 
 and revye w*^ foure more, my game is a vigorous game, that 
 will hold water. So it is in letters. You have written unto 
 me, and I have answered, if it should stopp there, it were a 
 signe of could friendshipp. I must revye it w**" something 
 that may be plausible and delightfull. I am casting for an 
 essay. Should I tell of our old trickes. It is a pleasant thing 
 to recorde, but not to rescribe. Olde things are paste, and 
 new things come in place. Should I speake of matters in 
 England hcsc vohis cUcenda relinquo. What then ? On the 
 backe of your letter there is inscribed Ireland. Ireland 
 shall be my theame, not so much because I am resident there, 
 
 ' ' Post and pair ' is explained in Nares's Glossary (ed. Halliwell and Wright, 
 1867, ii. p. 676) as a ' game on tlie cards, played with three cards each, wherein 
 much depended on vying, or betting on the goodness of your own hand.' In 
 certain points, which are specified by Nares, ' it would,' he says, ' much resemble 
 the modern game of commerce.' Ben Jonson in The Masc[ue of Christmas 
 (1616) introduces Post and Pair among the ten sons and daughters of Christmas. 
 ' Post and Pair, with a pair-royal of aces in his hat ; his garment all done over 
 with pairs and purs ; his squire carrying a box, cards and counters.' Nares 
 has a long note on ' Pur ' (s. v.), of the meaning of which he is uncertain. In 
 Jonson's Works (ed. Gifford, Chatto & Windus, iii. p. 107) will be found a note 
 by Gifford, in which he refers to having read prose descriptions of the game, 
 and quotes from John Davies's Wittes Pilgrimage, part of a poem entitled 
 ' Mortall Life compared to Post and Pare.' The whole of this poem will be 
 found in Grosart's ' John Davies of Hereford,' Wittes Pilgrimage, p. 38. 
 Jonson again mentions ' post and pair ' in his Masque of Love Restored (speech 
 of Plutus as Cupid). The game is spoken of by Heywood in A Woman Kilde 
 with Kindness (Pearson's Heywood, 1874, ii. p. 122). In HaUiwell's Dictionary 
 of Archaic and Provincial Wm-ds, references are given under ' Post and Pair ' 
 to ' Florio [Italian Diet., under Gile], p. 210 ; Taylor's motto, 1622, sig. D, iv.' 
 See also T. L. 0. Davies, A Supplementary English Glossary (1880) under 
 ' Post ' and under ' Greek.' 
 
A DISCOUESE OF lEBLAND 349 
 
 as for this cause that it will be most appropryated to yo*" 
 love, for though you would not look into Ireland but for me, 
 yett when you look after me, yo*' imaginacon transports 
 yo''self into Ireland. Do you look that I should describe 
 the clymat, the degrees, the scituation, the longitude, the 
 latitude, the temperature, &c. Go look in yo'' mapps, I 
 must have a more quaynt and genuine devise. It was my 
 chance once in a place, but I know not where, to see a 
 map of Europe, and it was described in the lineam*'' of a 
 naked woman, and upon the surface was a mapp of the 
 countreyes. I dare not set downe how every country was 
 placed, least I should misplace them, but one was in her 
 forhead, another on her right brest, another on her lefte, 
 others in her armes, others on her thighes, and Fraunce w*^ a 
 pope was in her plackett. In such a forme will I represent 
 our Ireland, and yett, if my cunning fail me not, I will de- 
 paynt her more lively and more sensible to yo'" intelligence 
 then if you had her in a table. 
 
 This Nymph of Ireland, is at all poynts like a yong 
 wenche that hath the greene sicknes for want of occupying. 
 She is very fayre of visage, and hath a smooth skinn of 
 tender grasse. Indeed she is somewhat freckled (as the 
 Irish are) some partes darker than other. Her flesh is of a 
 softe and delicat mould of earthe, and her blew vaynes 
 trayling through every part of her like ryvoletts. She hath 
 one master vayne called the Shanon, which passeth quite 
 through her, and if it were not for one knot (one mayne 
 rocke) it were navigable from head to foot. She hath three 
 other vaynes called the sisters, the Seuer, the Noyer & the 
 Barrow, w'^'* rysing at one spring, trayle through her middle 
 partes, and iojme together in theyr going out.^ Her bones 
 
 ' C/. Spenser's Faery Queeiie, Book IV. canto xi. 42 : 
 
 And there the three renowmed brethren were, 
 
 The first the gentle Shure that, making way 
 By sweet Clonmell, adornes rich Waterford ; 
 The next, the stubborne Newre whose waters gray 
 By fairs Kilkenny and Eossponte boord ; 
 The third, the goodly Barow which doth hoord 
 Great heapes of salmons in his deepe bosome. 
 
350 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 are of polished marble, the grey marble, the blacke, the redd, 
 and the speckled, so fayre for building that their houses 
 shew like colledges, and being polished, is most rarely 
 embelished. Her breasts are round hillockes of milk-yeelding 
 grasse, and that so fertile, that they contend w*^ the vallyes. 
 And betwixt her leggs (for Ireland is full of havens), she 
 hath an open harbor, but not much frequented. She hath 
 had goodly tresses of hayre arhorihiisq' comce, but the iron 
 mills, like a sharpe toothed combe, have notted & poled her 
 much, and in her champion partes she hath not so much as 
 will cover her nakedness.^ Of complexion she is very tem- 
 perate, never too hott, nor too could, and hath a sweet breath 
 of favonian winde. She is of a gentle nature. If the anger 
 of heaven be agaynst her, she will not bluster and storme, 
 but she will weepe many dayes together, and (alas) this last 
 summer she did so water her plants, that the grasse and 
 blade was so bedewed, that it became unprofitable, and 
 threatens a scarcity. Neyther is she frosenharted, the last 
 frost was not so extreame here as it was reported to be 
 in England. It is nowe since she was drawne out of the 
 wombe of rebellion about sixteen yeares, by'rlady nineteen, 
 and yet she wants a husband, she is not embraced, she 
 is not hedged and diched, there is noo quicksett putt into 
 her. 
 
 How shall I describe her townes, her people, her flockes. 
 Her townes shall be her pallaces. I have sacred warrant. The 
 daughter of Zion is all desolate, her pallaces are destroyed. 
 Those which are called by the name of cittyes are DubHn, 
 Waterford, Corke, Lymerick, Galloway, Killkenny, the Derry 
 and Colrane. A poynt must serve for a description, but 
 I will place it in that part w°'' is most worthy of yo'' appre- 
 hension. 
 
 Dublin is the most frequented, more for conveniency 
 then for Maiesty. There reside the deputy, and the 
 Councel ; there she receyves intelligences, advertisem*^ in- 
 structions. The buildings are of timber, and of the English 
 forme, and it is resembled to Bristoll, but falleth shorte. 
 ' See Part I. p. loO siq^ra. 
 
A DISCOURSE OF lEELAND 351 
 
 The circuit of the Castle is a huge and mighty wall four- 
 square, and of incredible thicknes, built by King John, w'^'in 
 it are many fayre buildings, and there the deputy keeps his 
 court. There are two cathedralls under one Archbishopp. 
 St. Patrickes, and Christchurch. St. Patricks is more vast 
 and auncient, the other is in better repayre.^ The Courtes of 
 Justice (the same as in England) are kept in a large stone 
 building pcell of Christchurch, w''' is built in forme of a 
 crosse, at the foure ends are the foure courts well adorned, 
 the middle is to walk in. There is a house of Courte where 
 the Judges and other lawyers have chambers,^ and a comon 
 hall to dyne in, and it is called, the Innes, the Judges, and 
 the Kings Councell make the Benche, in w'^'' number I am, 
 the rest are barristers, and atturnyes. further there is a 
 Colledge w'^'" is also an University. You will expect to know 
 the state of our state. It is not very magnificent, nor to be 
 disregarded. There is a presence where they stand at all 
 times uncovered, and a clothe of state under w*^"^ the deputy 
 sitteth. When that he sitteth at meate, there sitt of men of 
 quality as many as the table will contayne. When he goeth 
 abroad in solemne manner, all whom it concernes do attend 
 him. Before him goe the gentlemen captynes, knights, and 
 officers, all on foote. Then cometh the deputy ryding in 
 state, and before him a knight bareheaded carrying the 
 sword. After the deputy, the nobles, the Councell, and the 
 Judges, all in footeclothes. His guarde consists of fifty tall 
 men, they weare not redd coates, but soldiers cassockes, and 
 halberts in theyr handes.^ On principall festivalls, the 
 herauld goes before him in a cote of armes.^ So much of 
 Dublin. I may call it her Whyte hall. Lett us tak our 
 iourney to Waterford. 
 
 Waterford is scituated upon the best harbour, and in a 
 
 ' This is incorvect as to the relative antiquity of the two cathedrals. 
 St. Patrick's Cathedral was consecrated in 1191, Christ Church in 1038. 
 
 ^ The King's Inns had been quite recently constituted. See as to the 
 allocation of chambers in 1609, Duhigg's History of the King's Inns, p. 75. 
 
 ' See Part I. pp. 85-6 supra. 
 
 * See plate vi. to Derricke's Image of Ireland, illustrating Sir Henry 
 Sidney leaving Dublin Castle on a State progress. 
 
352 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IKISH HISTOEY 
 
 pleasant and temperat ayre. The buildings are of English 
 forme, and well compact. There is a fayre cathedrall, but 
 her beauty is in the key, for the wall of the towne extend- 
 in<7 for neare half a mile along the water, between that and 
 the water, there is a broad key maynly fortifyed w*'' stone 
 and stronge piles of timber, wheer a shipp of the burden of 
 1000 tunnes may ryde at anchor. It was famous for 
 merchandise, but her high stomacke in disobeying the state, 
 depryved her of her magistrate, and now she is in the 
 governem^ of a souldyer.^ In her prosperity, there was a 
 league between her and Bristoll that theyre merchants 
 respectively should be exempted of custom, but now she 
 complayns that Bristoll refuseth her. Our next iorney is 
 to Corke. 
 
 Cork is a porte of the sea also, but stands in a very 
 bogge and is unhealthy. The building is of stone, and built 
 after the Irish forme, w'=^ is Castlewise, and w*^ narrow 
 windows more for strength then for beauty, but they begin 
 to beautify it in better forme. There is the quarry of redd 
 marble, w*"^ maketh the towne appeare of a ruddy colour. 
 There is also a cathedrall but in decay. It is a populous 
 towne and well compact, but there is nothing in it remarke- 
 able. There is nothing to comend it but the antiquity, 
 and nothinge dothe disgrace it so much as theyr obstinacy 
 in the antick religion. Passe on to Lymerick. 
 
 Lymericke is the place of my commerce, lett me entertayn 
 yo" w'^ a broad cake, and a cupp of sacke as the maner is, 
 you will be the lesse sensible of my tediousnes. Lymericke 
 divides itself into two partes, the high towne, w"^ is com- 
 passed w^'' the Shanon, and the base towne, and in forme 
 it doth perforth resemble an hower glasse, being bound 
 together by that bridge w°^ divides the two partes. A 
 philosopher that saw a little towne w*'' a wyde open gate, 
 gave warning to the citizens to shutt up theyr gate, least the 
 towne should runne out. The founders of this citty were 
 more considerate, for they have fensed the base towne w*'' 
 such a huge strong wall that travaylers affirme, they have 
 
 ' Waterford was without a charter from 1617 to 1626. 
 
A DISCOUESE OF lEELAND 353 
 
 not seene the like in Europe. It is a mile in compasse, and 
 three men a breast may walke the round. ^ Notw'standing 
 theyr provydence I am of opinion that that part hath crept 
 over the bridge into the high towne, for now there is 
 nothing remayning in that part, but a street of decayed 
 houses, w"' orchards and gardens, saving a church and a 
 storehouse, monum'^ of former habitacon. The other 
 parte is a lofty building of marble. In the highe streete it 
 is builte from one gate to the other in one forme, like 
 the Colledges in Oxford, so magnificent that at my first 
 entrance it did amase me, sed intus cadavera, noysome, & 
 stincking houses. The cathedrall is not large but very light- 
 some, and by the provydence of the Bishop - fayrely beauti- 
 fy ed w"'in, and as gloriously served w*'' singing and organs. 
 There is in this citty an auncient Castle, the Bishop's 
 pallace, and a stone bridge of fourteen arches.^ But that w^** 
 is most notorious to my iudgem* is the key wall. This wall 
 is extended from the towne walle into the middle of the 
 ryver, and was made for a defense and harbor for the ship- 
 ping. It is in lengthe about 200 paces, and it is a double 
 wall. In the botome it is a mayne thicknes, and so con- 
 tinueth untill it be raysed above high water. Then there 
 is w^'in it a long gallery arched over head, and w**" 
 windowes most pleasant to walke in, and above that a 
 tarace to walke upon w*'' fayre battlem*^ at the end of it 
 there is a round tower w*^ two or three chambers, one above 
 the other, and a battlement above. This towne now 
 reioyceth in the residence of the president. The presidency 
 is kept in the forme as it is in Wales.* A president, two 
 Justices and a Councell. We sitt in councell at a table. 
 
 ' The walls of Limerick were dismantled in 1760. Only a very small 
 portion now remains. 
 
 - The Bishop of Limerick in Gernon's time was Dr. Bernard Adams. 
 This prelate, who held the see from 1604 to 1626, was a fellow of Trinity 
 College, Oxford. Ware has recorded his munificence as a restorer of the 
 cathedral. Ware's Bislwps. 
 
 ^ See the drawing in Dinely's Toitr, p. 109. The bridge is also well shown 
 on a map by Thomas Phillips, drawn in 1685, which is preserved at Kilkenny 
 Castle. See Ormonde Papers, ii. p. .SIO. 
 
 * See Part I. p. 130 supra. 
 
 A A 
 
354 ILLUSTKATIONS OF IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 When the president goeth forthe, he is attended in military 
 forme, when he rydeth, w'^'' a troupe of horse, when he 
 walketh, w* a company of foote, w'"' pikes and musketts in 
 hand. I have kept you too long at Lymerick, lett me con- 
 ducte you towards Galloway. 
 
 I was never there myself, but it is reported to be the 
 Windsore of Ireland.^ It hath been praysed for the magnifi- 
 cent building and a stately Abbey there, used for a parish 
 churche." But a great fyer w"'^ hapned in May was twel- 
 month did consume 400 houses, and utterly defaced the 
 Abbey being so vehement that the bodyes of the dead lying 
 in vaults were consumed to ashes. They beginne to reedify. 
 lett us returne by Killkenny, 
 
 Kilkenny is an inland towne scituate in a pleasant 
 valley, and upon a fresh ryver. It is praysed for the 
 wholsom ayer, and delightful! orchards and gardens, w'^'^ 
 are somewhat rare in Ireland. The houses are of grey 
 marble fayrely builte, the fronts of theyr houses are sup- 
 ported (most of them) w'^ pillars, or arches under w"'' there 
 is an open pavement to walke on. At the one end of the 
 towne is a large cathedrall, at the other end, a high mounted 
 Castle appertayning to the Earles of Ormond, but now it is 
 allotted to the portion of the Countesse of Desmond.^ 
 
 The other two Cyttyes, the Derry, and Colrane are of 
 
 ' This will appear an exaggerated eulogy, but the relative importance of 
 Galway among Irish cities was greater in Gernon's day than it has been in 
 later times. It was then accounted the second city in Ireland, and is so 
 placed as late as 1662 by Boats : ' Next to Dublin is Galway, the head city of 
 the Province of Connaught to be reckoned, as well for bigness and fairness as 
 for riches.' Boats places the cities of Ireland in this order ; 1, Dublin ; 
 2, Galway ; 3, Waterford ; 4, Limerick ; 5, Cork ; 6, Londonderry. — Ireland's 
 Nattirall History, chap. i. And see Lady Fanshawe's Memoirs, pp. 186-90. 
 
 ■^ The Collegiate Church of St. Nicholas, Galway, was founded in 1320. 
 
 ' Elizabeth, only daughter of Thomas, tenth Earl of Ormond, being a ward 
 of James I. was given in marriage to his favourite, James Preston, created 
 Earl of Desmond. Under an award of James I. the Castle and a great portion 
 of the extensive Ormond estates were, at this time, divorced from the bearer of 
 the hereditary honours of the Butler family. But they were reunited a few 
 years later than Gernon's narrative in the person of the Countess of Desmond's 
 only daughter Elizabeth, who married the twelfth Earl of Ormond, afterwards 
 so well known as the first Duke of Ormond.— See Ormonde Papers, vol. ii. New 
 Series, p. 345. 
 
A DISCOUKSE OF IRELAND 355 
 
 the new plantacon in the Northe, they are reported to be 
 fayrly built, but they are hke new pallaces, they are not 
 slated nor the flowers layd yett let them alone till they be 
 finished. 
 
 To the inferior places I will not invite yo", onely cast yo"" 
 regard upon Youghall and Bandonbridge. 
 
 Youghall is a sea towne, and little inferior to the cittyes. 
 It is scituated between Waterford and Corke, and is a 
 lurcher, for it hath gotten the trafiick from them both, 
 especially for transporting of cattle. 
 
 Bandonbridge is a new plantation begun w*"" in these 
 fifteen yeares, and is encreased to be neare as large as 
 Lycester. It reioyceth in the patronage of that happy man 
 Richard Boyle, now Earle of Corke, by whose procurem* it 
 is now engirting w*'' a new wall for w''*' the province is 
 taxed at 5* the plowland. It is estimated that the charge 
 will amount to 4000". 
 
 In this peregrination you have viewed the country in 
 passing, the villages are distant each from other about two 
 miles. In every village is a castle, and a church, but bothe 
 in ruyne. The baser cottages are built of underwood, 
 called wattle, and covered some w**" thatch and some w*^^ 
 green sedge, of a round forme and w'^'out chimneys, and to 
 my imaginacon resemble so many hives of bees, about a 
 country farme. In the end of harvest the villages seem as 
 bigg agayne as in the spring, theyre corne being brought 
 into theyr haggards, and layed up in round cockes, in forme 
 of theyr houses. And by the way, there is no meate so 
 daynty as a haggard pigg, a pigg that hath been fedd at 
 the reeke, take him at a quarter old, and use him like a 
 rosting pigg ; because his biggness should not be offensive, 
 they serve him up by quarters. Here I would conclude w*^'' 
 our buildings, but when I look about I cannot but bewayle 
 the desolation w*"^ cyvill rebellion hath procured. It lookes 
 like the later end of a feast. Here lyeth an old ruyned castle 
 like the remaynder of a venyson pasty, there a broken forte 
 like a minced py half subiected, and in another place an old 
 abbey w'''' some turrets standing like the carcase of a goose 
 
 A A 2 
 
356 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 brokisn up. It makes me rememb'" the old proverb. — It is 
 better to come to the end of a feast, then the beginning of a 
 fray. But I have held you too longe among this rubbish. 
 
 Lett us converse w"' the people. Lord, what makes you 
 so squeamish — be not affrayd. The Irishman is no Canniball 
 to eate you up nor no lowsy Jack to offend you. 
 
 The man of Ireland is of a strong constitution, tall and 
 bigg limbed, but seldome fatt, patient of heate and coide, 
 but impatient of labour. Of nature he is prompt and in- 
 genious, but servile crafty and inquisitive after newes, the 
 simptomes of a conquered nation. Theyr speach hath been 
 accused to be a v^^hyning language, but that is among the 
 beggars. I take it to be a smooth language well comixt 
 of vouells and of consonants, and hath a pleasing cadence. 
 
 The better sorte are apparelled at all poynts like the 
 English onely they retayne theyr mantle w*"^ is a garment 
 not indecent.' It differs nothing from a long cloke, but in 
 the fringe at the upper end, w'''' in could weather they weare 
 over their heades for warmth. Because they are comanded 
 at publicke assemblyes to come in English habit, they have 
 a. tricke agaynst those times, to take off the fringe, and to 
 putt on a cape, and after the assembly past, to resume it 
 agayne. If you aske an Irishman for his cloke, he will tell 
 you it is in his pockett and show you his cape. The churle 
 is apparelled in this maner. His doublett is a pack saddle 
 of canvase, or coarse cloth w^''out skirtes, but in winter he 
 weares a frise cote. The trowse is a long stocke of frise, close 
 to his thighes, and drawne on almost to his waste, but very 
 scant, and the pryde of it is, to weare it so in suspence, that the 
 beholder may still suspecte it to be falling from his arse. It is 
 cutt w'''' a pouche before, w*"'' is drawne together w^*" a string, 
 he that will be counted a spruce ladd, tyes it up with a 
 twisted band of two colours like the string of a clokebagge. 
 
 ' It is interesting to compare Gernon's description of the dress of the 
 native Irish with Spenser's account of it a quarter of a century earlier. View 
 of the State oj' Ireland, p. 89 (Prof. Morley's edition). Gernon's is written in 
 a much more liberal spirit than the poet's. For a careful account of Irish 
 dress see Joyce's Social History of Irelaiui, ii. p. 189 et seq. See also Fynes 
 iMoryson's obbervatious at p. 321 supra. 
 
A DISCOUKSE OF IRELAND 357 
 
 An Irishman walking in London a cutpurse took it for a 
 cheate, and gave him a slash. His broges are single soled, 
 more rudely sewed then a shoo but more strong, sharp at 
 the toe, and a flapp of leather left at the heele to pull them 
 on. His hatt is a frise capp close to his head w**^ two lappetts, 
 to button under his chinne. And for his weapon he weares 
 a skeyne w°'' is a knife of three fingers broad of the length 
 of a dagger and sharpening towards the poynt w*'' a rude 
 wodden handle. He weares it poynt blanke at his codpiece. 
 The ordinary kerne seldome weares a sword. They are also 
 wedded to theyr mantle, they plow, they ditch, they thressh 
 with theyr mantles on. But you look after the wenches. 
 
 The weomen of Ireland are very comely creatures, tall 
 slender and upright. Of complexion very fayre & cleare- 
 skinnd (but f reeled), w*'' tresses of bright yellow hayre, w*"** 
 they chayne up in curious knotts, and devises. They are 
 not strait laced nor plated in theyr youth, but suffred to 
 grow at liberty so that you shall hardely see one crooked or 
 deformed, but yet as the proverb is, soone ripe soone rotten. 
 Theyr propensity to generation causeth that they cannot 
 endure. They are wemen at thirteene, and olde wives at 
 thirty. I never saw fayrer wenches nor fowler calliots,' so 
 we call the old wemen. Of nature they are very kind and 
 tractable. At meetings they offer themselves to be kiste 
 w'** the hande extended to embrace you. The yong wenches 
 salute you, conferre w*^' you, drinke w*'' you w^'^out controll. 
 They are not so reserved as the English, yett very honest. 
 Cuckoldry is a thing almost unknawne among the Irish, 
 At solemne invitements, the Benytee, so we call the goodwife 
 of the house meets at the hall dore w*'^ as many of her 
 femall kindred as are about her all on a row ; to leave any of 
 them unkist, were an indignity though it were done by the 
 lord president. 
 
 I come to theyr apparell. About Dublin they weare 
 the English habit, mantles onely added thereunto, and they 
 
 1 It ig difficult to account for the etymology of calliot. It is perhaps 
 the same word as callet, a scold. Or it may be connected with callot, which 
 Nares defines as ' a kind of scull cap or any plain coif ' such as matrons might 
 wear. ; 
 
358 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 that goe in silkes, will weare a mantle of country making. 
 In the country even among theyr Irish habitts they have 
 sundry fashions. I will beginne w"' the ornament of theyr 
 heads. At Killkenny they weare broad beaver hatts 
 coloured, edged w*'' a gold lace and faced w'*" velvett, w''' a 
 broad gould hatt band. At Waterford they weare capps, 
 turned up w*^*^ furre and laced w*"" gold lace. At Lymerick 
 they weare rolles of lynnen, each roll contayning twentj' 
 bandies of fyne lynnen clothe (ABandle is half an ell ^), and 
 made up in forme of a myter. To this if it be could weather, 
 there is added a muffler over theyr neck and chinne of like 
 quantity of linnen ; being so muffled, over all they will 
 pinne on an English maske of blacke taffaty, w''*' is most 
 rarely ridiculous to behold. In Conaught they weare 
 rolles in forme of a cheese. In Thomond they weare ker- 
 chiefs, hanging downe to the middle of theyr backe. The 
 maydes weare on the forepart of theyre head about foure 
 yards of coloured ribbon smoothly layd, and theyr owne 
 hayre playted behind. In other places they weare theyre 
 hayre loose and cast behind. They weare no bands, but 
 the ornament of theyr neckes is a carkanett of gold- 
 srayths worke besett w*'' precious stones, some of them very 
 ritch, but most of them gawdy and made of paynted glasse 
 and at the end of them a crucifixe. They weare also 
 braceletts, and many rings. I proceed to theyr gowns. 
 Lend me yo'' imaginac5n, and I will cutt it out as well as 
 the tayler. They have straight bodyes, and longe wasts, 
 but theyre bodyes come no closer, but to the middle of the 
 ribbe, the rest is supplyed w*'' lacing, from the topp of their 
 breasts, to the bottome of theyr plackett, the ordinary sort 
 have only theyr smockes between, but the better sort have 
 a silke scarfe about theyre neck, w'''' they spread and pinne 
 over theyre breasts. On the forepart of those bodyes they 
 have a sett of broad silver buttons of goldsmiths worke sett 
 
 ' ' The clothing is a sort of frieze, of about twenty inches broad, whereof 
 two foot, called a handle, is worth from 3id. to 18d. Of this, seventeen 
 bandies make a man's suit, and twelve make a cloak.'— Sir W. Petty's Political 
 Anatomy of Irelatid, chap. xii. 
 
A DISCOURSE OF IRELAND 359 
 
 round about. A sett of those buttons will be worth 40"- 
 some are worth 5"- They have hanging sleeves, very 
 narrow, but no arming sleeves, other then theyre smocke 
 sleeves, or a wastcoate of stripped stuffe, onely they have a 
 wrestband of the same cloth, and a lyst of the same to ioyne 
 it to their winge, but no thing on the hinder part of the 
 arme least they should weare out theyr elbowes. The better 
 sort have sleeves of satten. The skyrt is a piece of rare 
 artifice. At every bredth of three fingers they sew it quite 
 through w**^ a welte, so that it seemeth so many lystes putt 
 together. That they do for strength, they girde theyr gowne 
 w**" a silke girdle, the tassell whereof must hang downe poynt 
 blanke before to the fringe of theyr peticotes, but I will not 
 descend to theyr petycotes, least you should thinke that I 
 have bene under them. They beginne to weare knitt stockins 
 coloured, but they have not disdayned to weare stockins of 
 raw whyte frise, and broges. They weare theyr mantles 
 also as well w*^ in doors as w^'' out. Theyr mantles are 
 commonly of a browne blew colour w"' fringe alike, but 
 those that love to be gallant were them of greene, redd, 
 yellow, and other light colours, w*'' fringes diversifyed. 
 An ordinary mantle is worthe 4", those in the country w*"'' 
 cannot go to the price weare whyte sheets mantlewise. I 
 would not have you suppose that all the Irish are thus 
 strangely attyred as I have described. The old women are 
 loath to be shifted out of theyr auncient habitts, but the 
 younger sort, especially in gentlemens houses are brought 
 up to resemble the English, so that it is to be hoped, that 
 the next age will weare out these disguyses. Of theyr 
 cleanlynes I will not speak. 
 
 ' which hidden sure is best. 
 
 Happy is he, that will believe, and nevere seek ye rest. 
 
 Lett US not passe by theyr entertaynem*% I will not leade 
 you to the baser cabbins, where you shall have no drink but 
 Bonyclabber,^ milk that is sowred to the condition of butter- 
 
 ' The whole of the quotation is not decipherable in the MS. 
 - See p. 230 siipra. 
 
360 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 milk, nor no meate, but mullagham (mallabanne), a kinde of 
 choke-daw cheese, and blew butter, and no bread at yo'' first 
 coming in, but if you stay half an ho war you shall have a cake 
 of meale unboulted, and mingled w*'^ butter baken on an yron 
 called a gridle, like a pudding cake,^ But we will goe to 
 the gentleman that dwells in the castle. See the company 
 yonder, they are ryding to a coshering, lett us strike in 
 among them. (Cosherings are publick invitations, by occa- 
 sion of marriages, neighbourhood or the like, and for the 
 present open house.) Marke how they be mounted, some 
 upon sidesadles, and some upon pillyons. The Irish saddle 
 is called a pillyon, and it is made on this forme. The tree 
 is as of an ordinary saddle, but the seate is a playne table of 
 two foote longe, and a foote broad or larger, high mounted, 
 and covered with a piece of chequered blanketting. It is 
 not tyed w'^ girths, but it is fastned w**^ a brest plate before, 
 and a crupper behind, and a sursingle in the middle. The 
 men ryde upon it astryde, w'^^ theyr leggs very farr extended, 
 and towards the horse neck. If the horse be dull, they 
 spurregall him in the shoulder. It seemeth very uneasy to 
 us, but they affirme it to be an easy kind of ryding. If it be, 
 it is very usefull, for a man may ryde astryde, a woman may 
 ryde a syde, and a man may ryde w'*" a woman behind him, 
 all upon the like saddle. It is an excellent fashion to steale 
 a wench, and to carry her away. 
 
 We are come to the castle already. The castles are built 
 very strong, and w**" narow stajrres, for security. The hall is 
 the uppermost room, lett us go up, you shall not come downe 
 agayne till tomorrow. Take no care of yo' horses, they shall 
 be sessed among the tenants. The lady of the house meets 
 you w^^ her trayne. I have instructed 3^ou before how to accost 
 them. Salutations paste, you shall be presented w"' all the 
 drinkes in the house, first the ordinary beere, then aquavitae, 
 then sacke, then olde-ale, the lady tastes it, you must not re- 
 fuse it. The f yre is prepared in the middle of the hall, where 
 
 ' Dinely's enumeration of the food of the people {Tour, p. 23) is very 
 similar to Qernon's. But by Dinely's time, about two generations later, 
 potatoes had become part of ' the dyet of the vulgar Irish. ' 
 
A DISCOURSE OF IRELAND 361 
 
 you may soUace yo'selfe till supper time, you shall not want 
 sacke and tobacco. By this time the table is spread and plen- 
 tifully furnished w'" variety of meates, but ill cooked, and w"' 
 out sauce. Neyther shall there be wanting a pasty or two 
 of redd deare (that is more comon w*^'' us then the fallow). 
 The dishe w°^ I make choyce of is the swelld mutton, and 
 it is prepared thus. They take a principall weather, and 
 before they kill him, it is fitt that he be shorne, being killed 
 they singe him in his woolly skynne like a bacon, and rost 
 him by ioynts w''' the skynne on, and so serve it to the table. 
 They say that it makes the flesh more firme, and preserves 
 the fatt. I make choyce of it to avoyd uncleanely dressing. 
 They feast together with great ioUyty and healths around ; 
 towards the middle of supper, the harper beginns to tune 
 and singeth Irish rymes of auncient making. If he be a 
 good rymer, he will make one song to the present occasion. 
 Supper being ended, it is at your liberty to sitt up, or to 
 depart to yo*" lodgeing, you shall have company in both kind. 
 When you come to yo'" chamber, do not expect canopy and 
 curtaynes. It is very well if your bedd content you, and if 
 the company be greate, you may happen to be bodkin in the 
 middle. In the morning there will be brought unto you a 
 cupp of aquavitae. The aquavitse or usquebath of Ireland is 
 not such an extraction, as is made in England, but farre 
 more qualifyed, and sweetened with licorissh. It is made 
 potable, and is of the colour of Muscadine. It is a very 
 wholsome drinke, and naturall to digest the crudityes of the 
 Irish feeding. You may drink a knaggin w'^out offence, 
 that is the fourth parte of a pynte. Breakfast is but the 
 repetitions of supper. When you are disposing of yourself to 
 depart, they call for Dogh a dores, that is, to drink at the 
 doore, there you are presented agayne w*'' all the drinkes in 
 the house, as at yo'' first entrance. Smacke them over, and 
 lett us departe. 
 
 Should I enter into a discourse of the conditions of the 
 people, theyr pollicyes, theyr assemblyes called parly hills, 
 theyre husbandry, theyr huntings, w''' are strange kind of 
 excursions, the passages of theyr lives, the antickes at theyr 
 
362 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 buryalls, I could tell as much as most of my time, but I liste 
 not to make it a labour, A word of the provisions of 
 Ireland and but a word. 
 
 What feeds on earth, or fiyes in th'ayre, or swimeth in 
 ye water, Lo, Ireland hath it of her owne, and lookes not 
 for a cater. But I have drawne you too farre a field, keepe 
 your self in England, farewell. 
 
 [Endorsed : A discourse of Ireland by L. Gernons.] 
 
IV 
 
 TRAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON IN 
 IRELAND, 1635 
 
 This account of Ireland in 1635 is extracted from the ' Travels in 
 Holland, the United Provinces, England, Scotland and Ireland, 
 1634-1635,' of Sir William Brereton, Bai't., the well-known 
 Parliamentary general.^ Brereton's journal of his travels, after 
 remaining for two centuries in manuscript, was printed in 1844 
 from the original in the possession of Sir Philip de Malpas Grey 
 Egerton, and forms the first volume of the publications of the 
 Chetham Society. The manuscript had previously undergone 
 some curious vicissitudes, and a high testimony to the interest and 
 value of Brereton's narrative of his adventures at home and abroad 
 is supplied in Sir Walter Scott's warm approbation. Scott strongly 
 urged its publication, actually * tendering his own services as editor, 
 and offering to supply all the necessary explanatory notes.' Most 
 people will share the regret of Mr. Hawkins, the editor of the 
 Chetham Society's volume, ' that this most valuable offer should 
 have been declined.' 
 
 Although the existence of the manuscript was known to writers 
 on Irish antiquities for many years prior to its being printed, 
 Brereton's narrative has been little noticed by writers on Ireland. 
 Monck Mason was shown it by Sir William Betham, and in a note 
 at p. 7 of his ' History of St. Patrick's Cathedral,' published in 
 1820, he printed Brereton's description of the appearance of that 
 edifice in 1635. Dubourdieu in his ' Statistical Survey of the 
 County of Down,' published in 1802, printed the paragraphs of the 
 journal which relate to that county, and the same writer also 
 refers to the narrative in his ' Sui'vey of the County of Antrim ' 
 (1812). Dubourdieu mentions, on the authority of Bishop Percy, 
 with whose ownership the Chetham Society's pedigree of the 
 manuscript begins, that the journal belonged to the well-known 
 antiquary, General Vallancey, who had bought it at an auction in 
 1791. It was doubtless on Vallancey's death in 1812 that Bishop 
 
 ' For his character as a soldier see Clarendon, ii. p. 112. 
 
364 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Percy acquired the manuscript.^ Portions of the Irish narrative 
 were also printed by the Rev. Sir Francis Lynch Blosse in the 
 ' Church of Ireland Magazine ' for 1826, but without any attempt 
 at annotation, and in D'Alton's 'History of Drogheda' part of 
 Brereton's account of that city is given, as the description of ' an 
 anonymous traveller.' The fact that the Irish journal occupies 
 barely a fifth of the Chetham Society's publication has caused it 
 to be overlooked even by writers interested in the historical topo- 
 graphy of Ireland, as well as by the historians. It is not mentioned 
 in Anderson's ' Book of British Topography,' and the writer of 
 the notice of Brereton in the ' Dictionary of National Biography,' 
 though he states that Brereton's travels extended to Ireland, 
 mentions the diary only as affording information regarding the 
 social condition of England and Scotland. Neither Froude nor 
 Lecky in their rapid surveys of seventeenth century history, nor 
 Gardiner in the admii'able Irish chapters of his chief work, makes 
 any mention of Brereton's narrative. Although the Chetham 
 Society's edition of the Travels is now out of copyright, the Irish 
 Section has not been printed here without the courteous con- 
 currence of the present seci'etary. Those notes to the Chetham 
 edition which have been utilised in this volume bear the initials 
 of Mr. Hawkins. For the remainder the present editor is re- 
 sponsible. 
 
 ' Dubourdieu's Statistical Survey of the County of Down, in the Royal 
 Dublin Society's series of Surveys, Dublin, 1802, p. 307. 
 
TRAVELS OF SIB WILLIAM BREBETON IN IBELAND, 
 
 1635 
 
 Jtdy 4. — We went from hence ' to the Port Patrick, 
 which is foul winter way over the mossy moors, and there 
 we found only one boat, though yesternight there were fif- 
 teen boats here. We hired a boat of about ten ton for five 
 horses of ours, and for five Yorkshiremen and horses ; for 
 this we paid 11. and conditioned that no more horses should 
 come aboard, save only two or three of an Irish laird's, who 
 then stayed for a passage, and carried his wife and three 
 horses. His name is Levinston, laird Dun Draide.- Here 
 we shipped our horses two hours before we went aboard. 
 It is a most craggy, filthy passage, and very dangerous for 
 horses to go in and out ; a horse may easily be lamed, 
 spoiled, and thrust into the sea ; and when any horses land 
 here, they are thrown into the sea, and swim out. Here was 
 demanded from us by our host, Thomas Marsh-banke, a 
 custom of 2s. an horse, which I stumbled at, and answered 
 that if he had authority to demand and receive it, I was 
 bound to pay it, otherwise I was free to pay or refuse : here- 
 with he was satisfied, and declined his further demand. 
 Here is a pretty chapel lately built by Sir Hugh Mont- 
 gomeries,^ laird of Dunskie on this side, where he hath a 
 
 ' Hugh Boyd's inn at the Chapel, now Stranraer. Brereton elsewhere 
 speaks of this house as the best inn in Scotland. 
 
 - Sir William Livingston of Kilsyth had charters of the lands of Duntreath, 
 the place perhaps here called Dundraide. — E. H. 
 
 ■' Sir Hugh Montgomery, created Viscount Montgomery of the Great Ards by 
 James I. m 1622, died in the year following Brereton's visit. He was the ancestor 
 of the Earls of Mount Alexander, a title created by Charles II. at his restoration 
 which became extinct in 1758. See the Montgomery Manuscripts, by the Rev. 
 George Hill ; Belfast, 1869. 
 
366 ILLUSTKATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 castle, and of Newton de Clanboyes ^ on the Irish side, where 
 he hath a market town. 
 
 The boatman that carried us in a bark of about fifteen 
 ton, his name was David Dickie, who hath a dainty, fine, 
 pretty, nimble boy to his son, who will make a good sailor. 
 The boat is a good sailing vessel, with good expert mariners, 
 but not manned with sufficient number of men. She took 
 in four horses more than we covenanted, and was so much 
 overthronged with passengers as we had not every man his 
 own length allowed to lie in at ease. Our horses were 
 shipped about two hour, the wind being north-west ; but 
 turning into the south-west, or rather west-south-west, we 
 went not aboard until after three hour ; the wind then being 
 so much averse and so directly against us, as that we could 
 not get out of the haven, so as they were constrained to haul 
 out with a cock-boat a good way. We were got clear out of 
 the haven about four hour, and before we had sailed a 
 league, the wind was more averse ; but presently favouring 
 us something more with a full gale of wind, we had so 
 speedy a passage as that by six hour we were within sixteen 
 miles of the coast of Ireland. The wind then failed, and was 
 sometimes very weak and poor, and sometimes due west and 
 directly averse, yet we passed on though slowly, and about 
 eight or nine mile from the coast of Ireland we passed the 
 Strangawre,-^ which is a mighty high running channel, where 
 there is a concurrence and confluence of three strong tides, 
 which run about nine or ten mile in length, and about two 
 mile in breadth ; these occasioned by the islands and points 
 of land ; but when we passed them, the wind was so weak, 
 as it was there more calmed and less troubled than in any 
 other part of our passage. We had no sooner passed the 
 Strangawre, but (although when we went aboard it was very 
 calm and like to be fair weather, which gave encouragement 
 to them to hazard a passage by night) the wind failed us, 
 
 ' Now Newtownards. The borough received a charter from James I., and 
 continued to return two members to the Irish Parliament from 1613 until the 
 Union, when it was disfranchised. 
 
 - Strangfovd is so called from the strong and dangerous currents of the 
 lough or tiord.— Joyce's Irish Names of Places, i. p. 107. 
 
TRAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON 367 
 
 and we were much affected with the apprehension of the 
 inconvenience of lying at sea all night, because the tides are so 
 strong as they would carry us with the ebbing water down 
 towards the isles of Scotland, the wind also being either so 
 averse as to bring us back to the shore of Scotland, or to 
 concur with the tide to carrry us down towards the isles of 
 Scotland ; but then suddenly arose a strong wind and 
 storms of rain, which did come out of the west and from the 
 landward, which did much perplex the sailors, so as they 
 were constrained to take down, and did in all haste take 
 down, the lower part of the mainsail and the foresail, which 
 they call the main bowline or main bonnet. Two or three 
 of these showers and storms did follow one another, which 
 though they did increase and renew our fears, yet it pleased 
 God (who knows better what might conduce unto our safety 
 than ourselves) to make these storms the instruments of 
 bringing us to harbour about two hour upon the coast of 
 Ireland, under the Black Rock,^ which is in the island of 
 Mague ; '^ hereby we were sheltered all night from most 
 cruel, violent, and tempestuous storms, which did much affect 
 and discourage us, though we lay at anchor and under the 
 shelter of a high hill. Here we took up our lodging in 
 this open boat, and suffered a wet cold lodging, yet it pleased 
 God that I took no cold, nor did any other distemper seize 
 upon me save only a f aintingness when I came on shore, and 
 an extreme purging, although the sea wrought effectually and 
 plentifully with me, and purged me more by vomit only 
 when I was at sea than ever formerly, so as my stomach 
 was not only cleared and discharged of phlegm, but also of 
 abundance of choler and green stuff. 
 
 'Twixt Erwin in Scotland and Colrane^ in Ireland are the 
 highest running seas about the sound of Raughrick,^ which 
 is an island belonging to the Earl of Antrim. The shortest 
 passage 'twixt Scotland and Ireland is from Mule Kenteir,^ 
 a rock or point of the Highlanders in Scotland, which is 
 
 ' Black Head. - Island Magee. 
 
 ^ Irvine in Ayrshire ; Coleraine, co. Londonderry. 
 * Rathlin Island. ' Mull of Cantlre. 
 
368 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 sixteen mile to the Fair-head or Marble-head ^ in Ireland ; 
 this is only a passage for the Highlanders ; from Port 
 Patrick to Carrick-Fergus is about nineteen leagues, and to 
 Donoh-a-Dee,"^ or Groomes Port, about fifteen leagues, as 
 one of the sailors informed me. At our landing in Ireland, 
 the ship came as near the shore as she durst, and all the 
 horses were thrown into the sea, and did swim to land, and 
 climb a great steep rock. 
 
 July 5. — Upon the Lord's day in the morning we went 
 ashore the coast of Ireland, in the Isle of Mague, where we 
 were landed upon the rock, whence we found a difficult and 
 tedious passage ; and at the top of the hill we were very 
 civilly and courteously entertained by a Scotch gentleman, 
 who lives in a mean, poor house, hath good store of corn, 
 milk, calves, and kine ; hence we went to Carrick-Fergus, 
 corruptly called Knock-Fergus, which is four miles, and 
 came thither about two hour. Took up our inn in Mrs. 
 Wharton's house, who is a Chester woman, a neat woman 
 in her house ; good lodging and usage, sixpence ordinary, 
 fourpence a night hay and oats, sixpence peck provender. 
 
 This town, so called from one Fergus, who built the 
 castle, and from Carrick, which in Irish signifies a rock ; ^ 
 and indeed the town may well take his denomination from 
 the castle, which is seated upon a rock, and commands both 
 town and haven. Almost all the houses in this town were 
 built castle-wise, so as though the Irish made spoil of and 
 burnt the town, yet were they preserved unburnt. This is 
 but a pretty little town within the walls of a very small 
 extent and capacity ; the only grace of this town is the 
 Lord Chichester's house,"* which is a very stately house, or 
 
 ' Fair Head or Benmore in Antrim. ^ Donaghadee, co. Down. 
 
 ^ According to McSkimin, the historian of Carrickfergus, who follows 
 Campion, the name commemorates King Fergus, first King of Scotland, said to 
 have been lost in a storm off this place, B.C. 320. 
 
 * Cf. the description of the Castle and town of Carrickfergus in the Descrip- 
 tion of M. Jorevin de Rocheford, p. 423 infra. See also McSkimin's History 
 of Carrickfergus. The Lord Chichester referred to by Brereton was Edward, 
 second Baron and first Viscount Chichester, brother of the well-known Lord 
 Deputy of Ireland, by whom the mansion at Carrickfergus was built in 1618, 
 on the site of a suppressed Franciscan monastery. An excellent account of 
 
TEAVELS OF SIK WILLIAM BREEETON 369 
 
 rather like a prince's palace, wherennto there belongs a 
 stately gate-house, and graceful terrace and walk before the 
 house, as is at Denton my Lord Fairfax house. ^ A very 
 fair hall there is, and a stately staircase and fair dining-room 
 carrying the proportion of the hall ; fine garden and mighty 
 spacious orchards, and they say they bear good store of fruit. 
 I observed on either side of his garden there is a dove-house, 
 placed one opposite to the other in the corner of the garden, 
 and 'twixt the garden and orchards a most convenient 
 place for apricots or some such tender fruit, to be planted 
 against the dove-house wall, that by the advantage of the 
 heat thereof they may be rendered most fruitful, and come 
 sooner to maturity, but this use is not made thereof. Very 
 rich furniture belongs unto this house, which seems much to 
 be neglected and begins to go something to decay. It is a 
 most stately building, only the windows and rooms and 
 whole frame of the house is over-large and vast ; and in this 
 house you may observe the inconvenience of great buildings 
 which require an unreasonable charge to keep them in 
 repair, so as they are a burthen to the owners of them. 
 
 There is maintained in this town two companies of 
 soldiers, the one a troop of horse, the other of foot, consist- 
 ing of fifty in either company, under the command of my 
 Lord of Chichester's eldest son.^ The troop of horse were 
 lately sent to attend my Lord Deputy, in this progress very 
 completely furnished, well horsed, and in red coats all suitable. 
 
 It is reported of this town that they have been always 
 loyal and faithful to the state of England.'^ This is seated 
 
 Joymount, as the mansion was called from Chichester's patron, Mountjoy, will 
 be found in the Ulster Journal of Archccology, vii. p. 1, in an article on ' The 
 Palace of Carrickfergus.' About 1780 Joymount was pulled down to make 
 way for a gaol and court house. See also the Montgomery Manuscripts, p. 424. 
 
 ' Near Ilkley in Yorkshire. 
 
 2 Arthur, the eldest son of Viscount Chichester, was, in March 1647, created 
 Earl of Donegall in his father's lifetime. 
 
 ^ Carrickfergus is reported to have been founded by Hugh de Lacy, the 
 younger, who endowed a Franciscan friary there in 1232. The statement in 
 the text is substantially true. In 1316 the town was taken by the Bruces and 
 held against the English forces for two years. And in 1573 it was sacked by 
 Sir Brian MacPhelimy. But with these exceptions it remained at all times a 
 stronghold of English power. 
 
 B B 
 
370 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 upon a loch which comes from the sea, and is navigable 
 with the tide for small vessels to the quay. This loch runs 
 all along to Belfast, which is eight mile from Carrick- 
 fergus, and is thither also navigable ; it is about three or 
 four miles broad, well furnished with fish, and also with fowl 
 in winter. Here upon that part of this loch next to Belfast 
 I observed a convenient seat. From Carrickfergus to Belfast 
 you ride all upon the loch-side ; it is most base way, and deep 
 in winter and wet weather, though now it is hard and dry. 
 
 July 6. — This town of Carrickfergus is governed by a 
 mayor, sheriff, and aldermen, endowed with great privileges, 
 and is the shire town. At Belfast my Lord Chichester hath 
 another dainty stately house (which is indeed the glory and 
 beauty of that town also), where he is most resident, and is 
 now building an outer brick wall before his gates. This is 
 not so large and vast as the other, but more convenient and 
 commodious ; the very end of the loch toucheth upon his 
 garden and backside ; here also are dainty orchards, gardens, 
 and walks planted.^ Near here unto, Mr. Arthur Hill (son 
 and heir to Sir Moyses Hill) ^ hath a brave plantation, which 
 he holds by lease, which still is for thirty years to come ; the 
 land is my Lord Chichester's, and the lease was made for 
 sixty years to Sir Moyses Hill by the old Lord Chichester. 
 This plantation it is said doth yield him a 1,000/. per annum. 
 Many Lancashire and Cheshire men are here planted ; with 
 some of them I conversed. They sit upon a rack rent, and 
 pay 5s. or 6,s. an acre for good ploughing land, which now is 
 clothed with excellent good corn. From Belfast to Linsley 
 Garven ^ is about seven mile, and is a paradise in comparison 
 of any part of Scotland. Linsley Garven is well seated, but 
 
 ' Belfast Castle, long the seat of the Eavls of Donegall, originally a possession 
 of the O'Neills, was granted to Sir Arthur Chichester by James I. The splendid 
 mansion built by Chichester was destroyed by fire in 1708. The site is now 
 occupied by the Castle Market. See'Benn's History of Belfast, i. pp. 15, 85, 293. 
 
 - Sir Moyses Hill, Provost Marshal of Ulster, came to Ireland in 1573, and 
 was ancestor of the Marquesses of Downshire. The plantation was at Hillsboro', 
 CO. Antrim, where Sir M. Hill first settled. Hillsboro' Fort in co. Down was not 
 built till 1641. Benn's Histm-y of Belfast, i. p. 85. See also the Ulster Journal 
 of Archceology, iv. p. 80. 
 
 ' Or Lisnegarvey, the modern Lisburn. 
 
TRAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON 371 
 
 neither the town nor country thereabouts well planted, being 
 almost all woods, and moorish until you come to Dromore. 
 This town belongs to my Lord Conoway,' who hath 
 there a good handsome house, but far short of both my 
 Lord Chichester's houses, and this house is seated upon an 
 hill, upon the side whereof is planted a garden and orchard, 
 and at the bottom of which hill runs a pleasant river which 
 abounds with salmon ; hereabouts my Lord Conoway is now 
 endeavouring a plantation, though the land hereabouts be 
 the poorest and barrenest I have yet seen, yet may it be 
 made good land with labour and charge. 
 
 From Linsley Garven to Dromore is about seven mile. 
 Herein we lodged at Mr. Haven's house, which is directly 
 opposite to the Bishop of Dromore ^ his house, which is a 
 little timber house of no state nor receipt. His chaplain's 
 name is Leigh, born in Manchester. This is a very dear 
 house : 8^. ordinary ourselves, 6d. our servants, and we were 
 over-reckoned in beer. This town, as it is the seat of the 
 bishop of this see, so he is lord of it, and it doth wholly belong 
 unto him. In this diocese, as Mr. Leigh his chaplain 
 reported, this is the worst part of the kingdom, and the 
 poorest land and ground, yet the best church livings, because 
 there are no impropriations. 
 
 At my coming to Carrickfergus, and being troubled with 
 an extreme flux, not as yet come to so great height as a 
 bloody flux, my hostess, Miss Wharton, directed me the use 
 of cinnamon in burnt claret wine, or rather red wine, as 
 also the syrup and conserve of sloes well boiled, after they 
 have been strained and mingled according to discretion with 
 sugar, they are to be boiled with sugar until they be cleared, 
 having been first boiled in water until they be softened, and 
 then strained.^ 
 
 ' Edward, second Viscount Conway and Killultagh, succeeded his father in 
 1631, and died in 1655, leaving an only son, at whose death in 1683 the title 
 became extinct. These Irish estates passed ultimately to the Marquesses of 
 Hertford. 
 
 '' Theophilus Buckworth was Bishop of Dromore from 1613 to 1652. From 
 the outbreak of the rebellion of 1641 until his death he resided at Cambridge, 
 his native city. 
 
 * A lengthy passage descriptive only of Brereton's ailments during his Irish 
 
 B B 2 
 
372 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY 
 
 July 7. — We left Dromore and went to the Newrie* 
 which is sixteen miles. This is a most difficult way for a 
 stranger to find out. Herein we wandered, being lost 
 amongst the Irish towns. The Irish houses are the poorest 
 cabins I have seen, erected in the middle of the fields and 
 grounds, which they farm and rent. This is a wild country, 
 not inhabited, planted, nor enclosed, yet it would be good 
 corn if it were husbanded. I gave an Irishman to bring us 
 into the way a groat, who led us like a villain directly out of 
 the way and so left us, so as by this deviation it was three 
 hour before we came to the Newrie. Much land there is 
 about this town belonging to Mr. Bagnall,^ nothing well 
 planted. He hath a castle in this town, but is for most 
 part resident at Green Castle ; a great part of this town is 
 his, and it is reported that he hath a 1,000Z. or 1,500Z. per 
 annum in this country. This is but a poor town, and is 
 much Irish, and is navigable for boats to come up unto 
 with the tide. Here we baited at a good inn, the sign of 
 the Prince's Arms. Hence to Dundalk is eight mile ; stony, 
 craggy, hilly, and uneven, but a way it is nothing difficult to 
 find. Before you come to Dundalk you may discern four or 
 five towers or castles seated upon the seaside. 
 
 This town of Dundalk hath been a town of strength, 
 and is still a walled town, and a company of fifty soldiers 
 were here in garrison under the command of Sir Faithful 
 Fortescue.^ This town is governed by two bailiffs, sheriffs, 
 
 tour and the remedies he applied to them is omitted here. The bloody flux and 
 other diseases prevalent in Ireland in the seventeenth century are scientifically 
 discussed according to the learning of his day by Boate in his Ireluiid's 
 Naturall History, chap. xxiv. See pp. 130-1 of the Chetham Society's 
 edition. 
 
 * Now Newry. So called from the Irish lubhar, meaning a yew tree. St. 
 Patrick is said to have planted a yew tree at the monastery here. — Joyce's Irish 
 Names of Places, i. p. 512. 
 
 * Newry was granted as fee by James I. to Marshal Bagnal in 1613, in which 
 year the town was incorporated by charter. Cf. the account of Newry in 
 Bodley's Visit to Leeale, p. 330 supra. 
 
 ' Sir Faithful Fortescue, 1581-1666, Constable of Carriekfergus Castle, took 
 an important part in the Civil War both in Ireland and England. At Edeghill 
 his action in going over to Prince Bupert with his cavalry had much to do with 
 the fortunes of that fight. 
 
TBAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BREEETON 373 
 
 and aldermen ; • the greatest part of the inhabitants*©! the 
 town are popishly affected, and although my Lord Deputy, 
 at the last election of burgesses for the Parliament, com- 
 mended unto them Sir Faithful Fortescue and Sir Arthur 
 Teringham,- yet they rejected both, and elected a couple of 
 recusants. One of the present bailijffs is popish. Abund- 
 ance of Irish, both gentlemen and others, dwell in this town, 
 wherein they dare to take the boldness to go to mass, 
 openly. This town seated upon the sea, so as barks may 
 come within a convenient distance with the flood ; much low, 
 level, flat land hereabouts, which is often overflowed in the 
 winter, and here is abundance of fowl, and a convenient 
 seat. Here we lodged at one Mrs. Veasie's house, a tnost 
 mighty fat woman ; she saith she is a Cheshire woman, near 
 related in blood to the Breretons, desired much to see me ; 
 so fat she is, as she is so unwieldy she can scarce stand 
 or go without crutches. This reported one of the best inns 
 in the north of Ireland ; ordinary 8d. and 6d., only the knave 
 tapster over-reckoned us in drink. 
 
 July 8. — We left Dundalk and came to Tredaugh,^ which 
 is accounted sixteen mile, but they are as long as twenty-two 
 mile.^ About five mile hence we saw Sir Faithful Fortescue's 
 house or castle,-^ wherein for most part he is resident, which 
 he holds by a long lease upon a small rent under my Lord 
 Primate of Armagh. This is a dainty, pleasant, healthful, 
 and commodious seat, and it is worth unto him about [ ]. 
 During ten miles riding from this town, much rich corn 
 land, and the country well planted ; the other six miles 
 towards Tredaugh, until you come near unto it, not so rich 
 nor so well husbanded. 
 
 ' See D'Alton's History of Dundalk. 
 
 '-' Sir Arthur Tyringham was of considerable influence in Ireland, and upon 
 the breaking out of the rebellion in Ireland in 1641 was commissioned, with 
 Arthur, afterwards first Earl of Donegall, to command in chief within the county 
 of Antrim. 
 
 ' Drogheda. 
 
 * Sixteen Irish miles are the exact equivalent of twenty-two English ones 
 The distances as given by Brereton are usually in Irish miles. 
 
 * Dromiskin, co. Louth. 
 
374 ILLUSTBATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 This town, as it is the largest and best built town I have 
 yet seen in Ireland, so it is most commodioiisly seated upon a 
 good navigable river, called Boyne, whereinto flows the sea 
 in so deep a channel (though it be very narrow) as their 
 ships may come to their doors. ^ This river is built on both 
 sides, and there is on either side a convenient quay ; a stone 
 wall built all along the river, so as a ship may lie close unto 
 this quay, and may unload upon her. It is like the quay 
 of Newcastle, and those channels I have seen in Holland in 
 their streets. This town is also commodiously situated for 
 fish and fowl. It is governed by a mayor, sheriffs, and 
 twenty-four aldermen ; most of these, as also the other 
 inhabitants of the town, popishly affected, insomuch as those 
 that have been chosen mayors, who for the most part have 
 been recusants, have hired others to discharge that office.^ 
 One man (it is said) hath been hired by deputation to execute 
 that place thirteen times ; the present mayor also is but a 
 deputy, and the reason why they make coy to execute that 
 office is because they will avoid being necessitated to go 
 to church. 
 
 I observed in this city divers fair, neat, well-built houses, 
 and houses and shops well furnished, so as I did conceive 
 this to be a rich town, the inhabitants more civilised and 
 better apparelled. But this is graced with nothing more 
 than my Lord Primate's palace, which is seated near unto 
 the east gate. This is a neat, handsome, and convenient 
 house, built within this twenty years by Primate Hampton.^ 
 The building is foursquare, of wood, rough-cast and not 
 high ; an handsome, plain, though long and narrow hall, two 
 dining-rooms, one little neat gallery which leads into the 
 chapel, which also [is a] pretty little plain and convenient 
 chapel, whereinto there lead two ways, the one at the great 
 
 ' Cf. the description of Drogheda, by Jorevin de Kocheford. pp. 417-8 infra. 
 
 - See D'Alton's History of Drogheda. 
 
 ^ During the wars of the O'Neills Armagh was practically inaccessible to the 
 Primates, and their principal residence was at Drogheda as the nearest point 
 in their diocese to Dublin. Primate Hampton, however, repaired the cathedral, 
 and built a palace at Armagh as well as at Drogheda. He was Primate from 
 1613 to 1624. 
 
TRAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRBEETON 375 
 
 door out of the hall or court, the other, which is more private, 
 out of the gallery ; there is a little pair of organs herein. 
 Whilst Dr. Usher ' (my Lord Primate that now is) is here 
 resident, he preacheth constantly every Lord's day in the 
 morning in the church. There is a sermon therein in the 
 afternoon, and after the same is ended, one of my Lord's 
 chaplains repeats his sermon in his own chapel, whither not 
 only all his own family resort, but also (the common door 
 being open) those of the town that please may resort there- 
 unto. In one of the dining-rooms is this conceit : the arms 
 of this see and bishopric, and Bishop Hampton's own arms 
 or coat enquartered together, and underneath is this inscrip- 
 tion or motto : ' Fac tu similiter.' Here is a pretty neat 
 garden, and over against the window in the gallery end, upon 
 a bank, these words in fair great letters are written : ' O man, 
 remember the last great day ! ' The bank is bare, the propor- 
 tion of the letters is framed and cut in grass. In this palace 
 the Primate is most resident when he is not at Dublin. 
 
 In this town are two churches, one placed on the one 
 side the river, the other on the other, over which is a wooden 
 bridge. In the great church - my Lord Primate preacheth 
 every Sabbath. In the body of the church, over against the 
 pulpit, the communion table is placed lengthwise in the 
 aisle ; the body of the church is kept in good repair. The 
 chancel, as no use is made of it, so it is wholly neglected 
 and in no good repair ; only herein is a fair monument for 
 my Lord Moore,^ his lady, Sir Edward Moore and Sir 
 Thomas Moore, his sons, and their wives and children ; 
 amongst these is one erected for the Lady Salisbury,'' now 
 
 ' Primate James Usshev, Archbishop of Armagh, 1624 to 1655. His uncle, 
 Henry Ussher, was Primate from 1595 to 1613. 
 
 -' St. Peter's, Drogheda. 
 
 ^ Sir Garret Moore was created Baron Moore 1615, and Viscount Moore of 
 Drogheda 1621. He was accused of complicity with Tyrone, but was acquitted, 
 and was subsequently a principal undertaker in the Ulster plantation. He died 
 in 1627, having married Mary, daughter of Sir Henry Colley, of Castle Carbery, 
 county Kildare. 
 
 * Lady Sahisbury, widow of Sir Edward Moore, married as her second 
 husband Sir Henry Salusbury of Leeweny, in Denbighshire, who was created a 
 baronet in 1619. She was a daughter of Sir John Vaughan, Lord Carbery. 
 
376 ILLUSTKATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 living at Chester. On the other side, opposite hereunto, is 
 Sir Francis Koe's monument, who died when mayor ; he is 
 pictured in his scarlet gown,^ 
 
 July 9. — From Tredaugh we came to the Swordes, which 
 is fourteen miles thence, and six from thence to Dublin. 
 Here we lodged at the sign of the Boot, a tavern, and were 
 well used, and found far better accommodation in so mean a 
 village than could be expected. The way from Tredaugh 
 hither as dainty fine a way as I ever rid, and a most plea- 
 sant country ; greatest part corn upon the very sea-coast, 
 almost Wirrall-like,^ and very good and well-eared corn ; the 
 barley now beginning to turn, and will be ripe before the 
 rye. Upon the left hand, about three miles from Tredaugh, 
 my Lord N. ^ hath a pleasant-seated house or castle, the 
 prospect whereof commands the sea, and a most plain, 
 rich-champaign corn country towards the land. 
 
 About two or three mile from Swordes my Lord Chief 
 Baron ^ hath a dainty, pleasant, high-built wood house, and 
 much right and brave land about it, this placed on the right 
 hand ; his name is [Sir Kichard Bolton]. On the other hand, 
 about half mile. Sir [ ] hath a gallant pleasant 
 
 ' Sir Francis Roe was a distinguished soldier in the Irish campaigns of 
 Essex and Mountjoy. He was knighted by Sir George Carew 29 Sept. 1603. 
 See Metcalfe's Booh of Knights. His name however is not in the list of mayors 
 as given in D'Alton's History of Droglieda. 
 
 - Wirral, a hundred of Cheshire, north-west of Chester, between the river 
 Dee and the Mersey, which now gives its name to the north-western division of 
 the county. 
 
 ' The only nobleman of Ireland at this time with this initial was Viscount 
 Netterville, whose handsome residence was at Dowth, upon the banks of the 
 Boyne.— E. H. 
 
 * Sir Richard Bolton, 1570-1648, Attorney-General of the Court of Wards, 
 Lord Chief Baron from 1625 to 1639, when he became Lord Chancellor of 
 Ireland. He edited the Statutes of Ireland, 1621, an early legal treatise on the 
 office of Justice of the Peace for Ireland, and has been credited with the author- 
 ship of a ' Declaration setting forth . . how the Laws of England came to be of 
 force in Ireland.' (See Harris's Hibernica, part ii.) Bolton, who was created a 
 peer by Charles I. in 1645, was a close confidant of Strafford, and was impeached 
 by the Irish House of Commons for his share in that statesman's policy in 1641. 
 The house mentioned, which was named Brazeel, was burned by Owen Roe 
 O'Neill in 1647. 
 
TBAVELS OF SIK WILLIAM BEERETON 377 
 
 seat ^ ; also - [ ]. Here I saw very fair large 
 
 English kine ; I enquired the price, which was about 2Z. or 
 11. 10s. or 3^. These worth in England double the price. 
 Land here sold for about twenty years' purchase, set some 
 for 5s. or 6s. an acre, and meadowing for 2Z. an acre, some 
 for 1^. Some land about Dublin is set for 2Z,, 3^., and 4^. an 
 acre. 
 
 We came to the city of Dublin, July 9, about 10 hour. 
 This is the metropolis of the kingdom of Ireland, and is 
 beyond all exception the fairest, richest, best-built city I have 
 met with in this journey (except York and Newcastle). It 
 is far beyond Edinborough ; only one street in Edinborough 
 (the great long street) surpasseth any street here. Here is 
 the Lord Deputy^ resident in the Castle, and the state and 
 council of this kingdom. There is also an Archbishop of 
 Dublin, which is the second in the kingdom. Archbishoprics 
 in Ireland : 1. Armathe ; 2. Dublin ; 3. Casiell ; 4. Tuam. 
 Bishoprics in Ireland about eighteen, as they are now 
 united.* 
 
 This city of Dublin so called, it is seated upon the river 
 Liffie, which is not navigable about the bridge, nor far, nor 
 flows not above one mile higher. The river is no good 
 channel, but full of shelves and sands ; and here is a very vile 
 barred haven, over which few ships can pass that carry four 
 hundred ton or thereabouts. The harbour here is very 
 naked, plain, and the least shelter and protection from storms 
 that I have found in any haven ; the most ships ride by the 
 Ringe's end, which is a point which runs into the sea, but it 
 is so low, as it is very poor and bare shelter, and little defence 
 against the violence of the storms, so the King's ship which 
 lies here to scour the coasts (which is said to be the 'Ninth 
 
 ' This was probably Brackenstown, afterwards the residence of the Viscounts 
 Molesworth as the heirs of Chief Baron Bysse. See D'Alton's History of the 
 Co. Dicblin, p. 328. 
 
 - This may have been Lissen Hall, the seat of vSir Edward Bolton. 
 
 ^ Thomas Viscount Wentworth, afterwards Earl of Strafiord. 
 
 * Besides the archbishops there appear to have been twenty Irish bishops 
 at this time : Atdfert, Clogher, Cloyne, Clonfert, Cork, Derry, Down, Connor, 
 Dromore, Elphin, Ferns, Kildare, Kilfenora, Killala, Killaloe, Kilmore, Limerick, 
 Ossory, R aphoe, Waterford. 
 
378 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Whelpe,' ' and the ' Bonaventure,' a tall stout ship) is con- 
 strained to remove for harbour, sometimes under the Head of 
 Howard," sometimes under the opposite shore. 
 
 As I came from Dublin to Hacquett's town,^ I saw the 
 head of the Liffie, where she breaks out of the mountains ; 
 this is not above seven miles from Dublin, and yet fetcheth 
 a course of forty mile before it come to Dublin. 
 
 There are about thirteen churches in this city. Christ 
 Church, a cathedral, where the Lord Deputy and State 
 frequent ; the chancel is only made use of, not the body of 
 the church, wherein are very great strong pillars, though 
 very short ; the chancel is but plain and ordinarily kept, the 
 body of the church a more stately building. St. Patrick's 
 Church is a cathedral and prime church in this kingdom. 
 It is denominated from St. Patrick, the tutelar saint and 
 protector of this kingdom. It is in best repair and most 
 neatly whited and kept of any church I have seen in Scotland 
 or Ireland, especially in the chancel, wherein it is curiously 
 and very artificially arched, and whited overhead. The body 
 of the church is a strong ancient structure, wherein are great 
 and strong pillars, but this is not floored overhead. This 
 structure affords two parish churches under one roof, in 
 either of which there is a sermon every Sabbath. In a 
 corner, a small part of the middle aisle, there is a pretty, 
 neat, convenient place framed, wherein there is a sermon 
 every Sabbath at ten hour ; and this though it be very little 
 and narrow, yet it is sufficiently enlarged to receive a great 
 congregation, by reason of capacious galleries round about, 
 wherein are abundance of seats placed one above another 
 with great advantage of room. There is also at one hour 
 in the afternoon a sermon in the quire, in the higher end 
 whereof was a very famous, sumptuous and glorious tomb of 
 my Lord of Corke's.^ This by the commandment of the 
 
 ' See p. 405 infra. ' Howth. 
 
 ^ Hacketstown, in the co. Carlow, is about tifteen miles from the head of the 
 Liffey in the Dublin mountains. The river runs a devious course through 
 Kildare and Dublin, as stated in the text. See p. 386 infra. 
 
 * This monument, erected by the well-known Richard Boyle, first Earl of 
 Cork, to the memory of his second wife Katherine, daughter of Sir Geoffrey 
 
TRAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON 379 
 
 Deputy is taken down, and is now to be erected in the side 
 of the same quire. The marble whereof this was made was 
 gotten within two miles of this city. 
 
 St. Warburr's is a kind of a cathedral ; ' herein preacheth 
 judicious Dr. Hoile/ about ten in morning and three in after- 
 noon, a most zealous preacher, and general scholar in all 
 manner of learning, a mere cynic. St. Owen's^ is the parish 
 wherein my Lord Primate was born ; and here in this church 
 doth he preach every Lord's day at eight hour, whilst he is 
 in town. I heard him upon Sabbath last, the most excellent, 
 able man, and most abundantly holy, gracious man that 
 I have heard. St. Bride's where Mr. Jerom^ preacheth. 
 
 July 10. — This day I dined with my Lord Primate of 
 Ireland, Dr. Usher, who is a tall, proper, comely man, about 
 fifty-six years of age ; a plain, familiar, courteous man, who 
 spends the whole day at his study, except meal time. He 
 seems to be a man of pregnant parts, who hath good intelli- 
 gence ; he is well read in antiquities. His entertainment 
 
 Fenton, was at the time of Brereton's visit the subject of a controversy which 
 may be said to have had consequences affecting the course of English history, 
 since it was to the quarrel with the powerful Earl and his family, originating in 
 this dispute, that the vehemence of the Irish evidence by which the charges 
 against Strafford were supported on his trial was largely due. The monument 
 is now at the extreme west end, on the south side of the nave. See Mason's 
 History of St. Patrick^s, notes, p. liii. The monument which, as visitors to 
 St. Patrick's Cathedral are aware, is very massive and elaborate, was designed, 
 as we learn from Lord Cork's diary, by ' Mr. Leveret, the pursuivant at arms,' 
 who received 401. for the model. It was executed by one Edward Tingham, 
 a stone-cutter at Chapelizod, near Dublin, at a cost of 400Z. Lismore Papers, 
 First Series, iii. 31, 171. A yet more elaborate monument in the same style was 
 raised by Lord Cork in St. Mary's Church, Youghal, where it may still be seen. 
 
 ' St. Werburgh's was used as a kind of chapel royal for the Viceroys, being 
 regarded as the parish church of Dublin Castle. See Hughes's Church of St. 
 Werhurgh, Dublin, 1889. 
 
 - Nathaniel Hoyle, D.D., born at Sowerby, Yorkshire, educated at Magdalen 
 College, Oxford, removed to Dublin, became fellow of Trinity College, and ulti- 
 mately Vice-Provost and Professor of Divinity. Having been driven from 
 Ireland by the rebellion he was appointed Master of University College, Oxford, 
 in the chapel of which college he was buried, 1654. He was abused by Walker, 
 praised by Wood, and respected by Ussher. — E. H. 
 
 ' St. Audoen's. 
 
 * Rev. Stephen .Jerome. See Carroll's Succession of ths Clergy in St. 
 Bride^s, Dublin. St. Bride's disappeared from the roll of Dublin churches late 
 in the nineteenth century. 
 
380 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 good and plentiful, but nothing curious nor excessive. He 
 is a most holy, well-affected bishop, a good companion, a 
 man of good discourse. Having some conference with him 
 about the reading of the book which gives liberty for recrea- 
 tion upon the Lord's day,^ he used this expression : that 
 there was no clause therein commanding the ministers to 
 read the book, but if it were published in the church by the 
 clerk or churchwardens, the King's command is performed ; 
 this was his sense and opinion. 
 
 Here was this day at dinner Doctor Richardson,- bishop 
 of (Ardagh), a Cheshire man born, an able man, and good 
 scholar; he was born near Chester, and married Sir Henry 
 Bunbury's daughter, whom I went to visit after dinner ; a 
 tall, handsome, fat woman. This bishop is an intelligent 
 man, and gave me good resolution and satisfaction in many 
 things. 
 
 Hence I went to the Castle, wherein my Lord Deputy 
 resides, within which are both the Houses of Parliament, 
 whereof I took a view : much less and meaner than ours. 
 The Lords' house is now furnished with about sixty or 
 seventy armours for horse, which are my Lord Deputy's : 
 this a room of no great state nor receipt. Herein there sat 
 the first session about eighty lords ; not so many the latter. 
 
 The Commons House is but a mean and ordinary place ; 
 a plain, and no very convenient seat for the Speaker, nor 
 officers.^ The Parliament men that sat in this house were 
 about 248. There are about 30 or 32 shires, which send 60 
 or 64 knights for the shire, the rest are burgesses. 
 
 Here in this Castle we saw the council chamber, wherein 
 stands a very long table, furnished with stools at both sides 
 
 ' The Book of Sports, first published under King James in 1618, subsequently 
 under King Charles, October 18, 1633. 
 
 - He was a grave man and good divine. Educated in the University of 
 Dublin ; born 1584, died 1658, aged 74. He was the author of Choice Observa- 
 tions mid Explanations upon the Old Testavient, fol. 1655 ; a work which 
 earned him the praise of ' being extraordinary Textuary.' Richardson, who 
 was consecrated Bishop of Ardagh in 1633, left Ireland at the outbreak of the 
 rebellion of 1641, and never returned to his see. Vide Cotton's Fasti Ecclesi(Z 
 Hibernicce, iii. p. 184. 
 
 ' See Part I. p. 28 supra. 
 
TEAVELS OF SIE WILLIAM BEEEETON 381 
 
 and ends. Here sometimes sit in council about 60 or 64 
 privy councillors. Here we saw the hall, a very plain room 
 and the dining-room, wherein is placed the cloth of estate 
 over my Lord Deputy's head, when he is at meat.' Beyond 
 this is the chamber of presence, a room indeed of state ; and 
 next unto this is there a withdrawing chamber, and beyond 
 that a pretty, neat, short gallery, which leads to the council 
 chamber; this was lately built by my Lord Falkland, whilst 
 he was here Deputy ; the lower part of it is built arch- 
 wise and very gracefully, so as it is a great ornament to the 
 Castle, about which there are very high walls and of great 
 strength, and a drawbridge which is pulled up every 
 night. 
 
 The command which this Castle hath over this city is 
 from some of the leads and towers above on the top of the 
 Castle, whereupon there is ordnance planted ; and one fair 
 brass piece of ordnance is placed in the court before the 
 gate. Parker ^ committed a forfeiture here in taking out the 
 stopple, for which he was seized upon, and I paid 6d. to 
 redeem him. Here my Lord Deputy hath lately erected a 
 gallant, stately stable, as any I have seen in the King's 
 dominions; it is a double stable, there being a strong wall 
 in the middle, to either side whereof stand the horses' heads. 
 Thirty horses may stand at ease on either side, the stalls 
 being very large ; these are exceeding high, at least five or 
 six yards, and very near the same breadth ; no planks made 
 use of, but Holland bricks placed upon the edges, whereon 
 the horses lie and you walk ; these as easy to walk upon as to 
 lie upon, and these are made of Holland earth, which is 
 harder and more durable much than our clay ; with these 
 the streets are paved in Holland.-^ 
 
 July 11. — We went to Sir Thomas Rotheram * (who is a 
 privy councillor), who used us respectively, and accompanied 
 
 ' See Part I. p. 22 sup7-a. ^ Perhaps Brereton's servant. 
 
 ' See Part I. p. 23 supra. 
 
 * Sir Thomas Rotheram held the office of Overseer of Fortifications in con- 
 junction with Nicholas Pynnar in succession to Sir Josias Bodley. He was 
 member for Tuam in Strafford's Parliament of 1634, and became a member of 
 the Irish Privy Council. 
 
382 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 me to the Castle, and showed me the courts of justice, which 
 are conveniently framed and contrived, and these very capa- 
 cious ; the Star-Chamber,^ the Chancery, the King's Bench 
 and Common Pleas — these rooms as useful as ours in England, 
 but here is not such a stately structure or hall to walk in 
 as Westminster Hall. I saw also the church, which was 
 erected by the Jesuits, and made use by them two j^ears. 
 There was a college also belonging unto them, both these 
 erected in the Back Lane. The pulpit in this church was 
 richly adorned with pictures, and so was the high altar, 
 which was advanced with steps, and railed out like cathe- 
 drals ; upon either side thereof was there erected places for 
 confession ; no fastened seats were in the middle or body 
 hereof, nor was there any chancel ; but that it might be 
 more capacious, there was a gallery erected on both sides, 
 and at the lower end of this church, which was built in my 
 Lord Falkland's time, and whereof they were disinvested 
 when my Lord Chancellor and my Lord of Cork executed 
 by commission the Deputy's place. This college is now 
 joined and annexed to the College of Dubhn, called [Trinity], 
 and in this church there is a lecture every Tuesday.^ 
 
 We saw also St. Stephen's Hall, wherein are disposed 
 about eighteen scholars, who are also members of the 
 college whereunto this hall is annexed. This sometimes 
 was a cloister for the Capuchins, who said mass, and 
 preached in a pretty little chapel or chamber ; this was like- 
 wise taken from them about that time, and now there is 
 prayers in it twice a day. My Lord of Cork allowed 401. 
 per annum to maintain this lecture in the Jesuit's church, 
 but now hath withdrawn this exhibition.^ In this street 
 
 ' The Irish Star-Chamber waa more usually called the Court of Castle- 
 Chamber. It is so described in successive patents ; but its functions and juris- 
 diction were in all respects similar to those of the English Star-Chamber. The 
 Court of Castle-Chamber survived the Restoration ; at least appointments to 
 offices connected with it were made as late as 1661. — Liber Munerum Hibernice, 
 vol. i. part ii. p. 180. 
 
 2 The great Earl of Cork has left a description of this building, afterwards 
 known as Kildare Hall, which accords in its details with Brereton's account. 
 Vide Mahaffy's Epoch in Irish History, pp. 21, 45, 218. 
 
 ' According to Lord Cork's diary the endowment was 30/. a year, of which 
 
TRAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON 383 
 
 which is called the Bridge Street, almost opposite to this hall, 
 there died this day an Irish merchant, and as we passed by 
 we heard either his wife or sister roaring out as though she 
 were violently distracted ; this they say is very ordinary with 
 the Irish, and is their custom. 
 
 I went this day to view the college, which is called 
 Trinity College, and was erected by Queen Elizabeth, and 
 endowed with about 1,400/. per annum. There is a pro- 
 vost hereof. Dr. Chappell,^ a vice-provost, and six senior 
 fellows, whose fellowships are worth 9/. per annum, besides 
 their diet ; there are eight junior fellows, whose fellow- 
 ships are worth, besides their diet, 3/, per annum ; poor 
 scholars about sixty, whose scholarships are only worth 
 their diets. There are about sixty poor scholars, and 
 about fifteen fellow commoners. In the chapel is a 
 monument for Dr. Challoner,^ sometimes provost of this 
 college, and father to my Lord Primate's wife. Here- 
 unto belongs a pretty little convenient garden. This house 
 is seated in a good air, out of the city, and near the 
 sea. They glory much in their library, whereof I took a 
 full view, and there were showed unto me many manu- 
 scripts : one they highly esteem, which they call Friar 
 Bacon's work, and say the same is not anywhere extant 
 save with them ; but he must have a stronger faith to 
 believe it than mine, for it is new bound, a very fair manu- 
 script without any blot or blemish ; it treats of all manner 
 of learnings ; but that it is Friar Bacon's work doth not ap- 
 pear either in the frontispiece, title, or any part of the book, 
 as also the subject seems unto me, and the style not to be 
 Friar Bacon's work ; but here it is so received and reported.^ 
 
 201. was provided by the Earl of Kildare, and lOl. by Lord Cork. — Lismore 
 Papers, 1st Ser. iii. p. 82. 
 
 ' William Chappell, Dean of Cashel, was appointed provost in 1634, con- 
 secrated Bishop of Cork and Ross 1G38. He retained the provostship until 1640. 
 
 ■^ Dr. Luke Chaloner was one of four original fellows of this institution, and 
 treasurer of the fund for building it, but never provost. On his deathbed he 
 recommended his only daughter, Phoebe, to Ussher for a wife. He died 1612. 
 E. H. — Chaloner has been called the real founder of Trinity College. See 
 Mahaffy's Epoch in Irish History. 
 
 ^ ' We have a fine copy of the Opus Majus of Roger Bacon, of the still 
 
384 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 This library is not large, well contrived, nor well furnished 
 with books. They say it is to be disposed of to some other 
 uses, and a new library and schools to be erected. 
 
 Juhj 12. — I heard my Lord Primate at eight hour at St. 
 Owen's Church, which is his parish, wherein he was born, 
 where he preacheth every Sabbath whilst he is in Dublin. I 
 never heard a more powerful and convincing sermon, and 
 indeed he is a most holy and heavenly man, and as pregnant 
 witted as any I have heard. He doth most industriously 
 apply his study, which he hath placed at a good distance 
 from his house to prevent distraction and diversion by the 
 access of any company to visit him, who are not admitted to 
 disturb his studies. This his course and order is so public as 
 that few come to him at any time of the day, save at the 
 hours of relaxation, which is from eleven to one, and also 
 about supper time ; the rest of the day, from five in the morn- 
 ing until six in the evening, is spent ordinarily in his study. 
 
 July 13. — I dined with him also, and then he was much 
 more free and familiar with me. I had much private con- 
 ference with him, and after dinner he took me into his closet, 
 where although there be not very many books, yet those that 
 are, much used and employed. Herein he shewed me the 
 whole books of the Waldenses, which are very rare ; they cost 
 him 22L sterling ; they are in octavo, about ten or twelve vol. 
 The language wherein they are printed is a miscellaneous 
 language, 'twixt French and Spanish ; these were sent him 
 from a counsellor in France, as also a copy of the plots 
 and designs and proceedings of the inquisitors in France. 
 He shewed me his Articles of Keligion, printed 1563 ; but I 
 left mine with him, which was more ancient and orthodox 
 than his. He did enforce me to take awaj' and read a 
 packet of news (which came unto him there) before himself 
 had cast an eye upon it.^ 
 
 unprinted portion of which I gave, many years ago (in Proceedings of Royal 
 Irish Academy, vol. vii.), a detailed account.' — J. K. Ingram's Library of Trinity 
 College, Dublin, p. 12. 
 
 ' Primate Ussher's library, as is well known, ultimately found its way to 
 the library of Trinity College. ' The fate of the Histm-y of the Waldeiises has 
 been thus described by Ussher's chaplain, Dr. Nicholas Bernard. While 
 
TEAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON 385 
 
 At ten hour this Lord's day I heard Dr. Hoile preach at 
 St. Warburrs, and at three in afternoon in the same church. 
 He is a most holy man, full of zeal and grace, a general 
 scholar, but not sufficiently furnished with words to express 
 that fulness of matter which aboundeth in him ; who is a 
 mere cynic to the world, but doubtless a gracious man in the 
 sight of God. You may with much ease and conveniency 
 hear four sermons every Lord's day, and, as I was informed, 
 six sermons may be heard on one day. This city of Dublin 
 is extending his bounds and limits very far ; much additions 
 of building lately, and some of those very fair, stately and 
 complete buildings ; every commodity is grown very dear. 
 You must pay also for an horse hire Is. 6d. a day ; here I 
 met with an excellent, judicious, and painful smith. Here 
 are divers commodities cried in Dublin as in London, which 
 it doth more resemble than any town I have seen in the 
 King of England's dominions. 
 
 July 14. — Upon Tuesday, July 14, I left Dublin and 
 came to Hacquetts Town, about eleven hour at night. It is 
 accounted twenty-seven miles, but it is as long as thirty- 
 seven. After you pass four miles from Dublin, you travel 
 through the mountains, which are dry land, and some of 
 them good pasture for cattle that are young, and sheep, but 
 these are not sufficiently stocked. Towards evening we 
 passed through troublesome and dangerous ways and woods, 
 and had wandered all night had we not hired an Irish 
 guide, by whose direction we arrived at eleven hour at 
 Hacquetts Town, where we lodged in a httle low, poor 
 thatched castle. Here Mr. Watson, a Lancashire man, hath 
 a plantation. As we passed this way I observed the head 
 of the river Liffie, which comes under the bridge at Dublin, 
 whence it is made navigable by the flood, which goeth a mile 
 above the bridge, and Httle further; I passed also, about 
 
 travelling in Wales two of his trunks full of books were broken open by some 
 soldiers, " amongst which he lost two manuscripts of the History of the Walde^ises, 
 which he never got again ; most of the other books were returned by the 
 preachers exhorting of all sorts in their sermons to that end ; but those two 
 manuscripts, though the most meanly clad, he could never hear of." ' — Ingram's 
 Library of Trinity College, p. 7. 
 
 C C 
 
386 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 eighteen miles from Dublin, by the head of the Slane,* 
 which runs to Waxford,'-^ and is there navigable, and twenty 
 miles above Waxford. 
 
 This town, called in Irish Haggers town, is built upon 
 my Lord of Ormond's land, which he holds by lease for 
 about fifty years ; this is in the province of Leinster, and in 
 the county of Catherloe.^ It is lately made a market town 
 (a poor one) ; ^ it is most inconveniently seated amongst the 
 mountains, a barren dry soil, and not easily improved and 
 made rich. A branch of the river of the Slane runs below 
 this town, wherein are but a few straggling houses. Some 
 land is here set by Mr. "Watson at 2s. and some at 3s. 4:d. an 
 acre, as to John Torkinton, and for thirty years. Here is 
 good butter made as in England, and they say good cheese, 
 but I tasted none. This is in the diocese of Loghlein,' and 
 so is Sir Morgan Kavanagh ^ his estate ; the bishop hereof 
 was lately Dean of Limbreck, Dr. [Andrews].^ Here Mr. 
 Watson hath erected a dainty new church, and maintains a 
 good minister, Mr. Eoote's wife's brother. He allows him 40^. 
 pension per annum and his house, and a competent provision 
 of ground. He paid for the purchase of this lease above 500Z. 
 fine, and he pays also an 100^. rent. He hath already im- 
 proved it unto more worth than 400^. per annum, and hath 
 much prejudiced his plantation by insisting upon overhard 
 conditions and demands. Here we were very courteously 
 and kindly entertained all night by Mr. Needham, and [ ] 
 who married Mr. Watson's sister. 
 
 July 15. — We went hence through Mr. Watson's woods, 
 wherein is very little good timber, the most small, old, and 
 decayed, and those trees which seem best are shaken and 
 unsound at heart. When we went out of his grounds 
 we entered upon Mr. Chambers' land, and saw abundance 
 
 ' Slaney. ^ Wexford. ^ Carlow. 
 
 * A patent for a market for Hacketstown was granted to the Earl of Ormond 
 in the year of Brereton's visit. 
 
 * Leighlin. 
 
 " Morgan Kavanagh, of Borris and Poulmonty. died 1636, a direct ancestor 
 of the Kavanaghs of Borris, co. Carlow. 
 ' See Part I. p. 182 supra. 
 
TEAVBLS OF SIE WILLIAM BEEEETON 387 
 
 of woods, more than many thousand acres ; and some of 
 those parts through which we travelled the ground was so 
 thronged and pestered with wood which was fallen and lay 
 upon the ground, as the ground was thereby made of no use. 
 Out of this part of the wood the best hath been made use of 
 for pipe-staves, which were sold for 61. a 1,000 : upon every 
 1,000 of these there is now a custom imposed of 3^., which 
 doth so much deduct as there is no valuable advantage, the 
 charge of hewing being 11. 10s., besides conveying them down 
 by water to Ennerscoff,' which is twelve miles, at which time 
 there is required the aid and endeavour of a hundred men 
 to conduct and guide them in this narrow, shallow, and 
 crooked river, which runs through this wood. 
 
 Before we passed this wood and river, we passed by 
 Minmoare, a little Irish town, where a brother of Chambers 
 dwelleth. Two miles hence is Carnue,^ the town wherein 
 Mr. Chambers his castle is erected, and which is a neat, 
 rough-cast, and well-contrived, convenient house. Here 
 calling to drink a cup of beer (the weather being extreme 
 hot), Mr. Chambers overruled us to stay all night, where we 
 had very free and courteous entertainment. Two of his 
 daughters, now married, are with my Lord Brabseon's [Bra- 
 bazon's] lady, and Mr. Sandeford's wife.^ Here is now Mr. 
 Odell, who doth commend and magnify beyond all measure 
 the park belonging to this house, which is about seven miles 
 in compass, and wherein are both fallow and red deer good 
 store. Here is good butter and cheese made, and they say 
 fair English cattle are here bred, though the ground seems 
 but barren and poor, and moorish hereabouts ; but here hath 
 a brave large scope of ground, and it is of the best sort that 
 this county of Wickley yields. Nor far hence, about a quarter 
 of a mile, he hath erected an iron-work, which is called a 
 
 ' Enniscorthy. -' Carnew, co. Wicklow. 
 
 ^ Calcofe Chambre, of Denbigh in Wales, and of Carnew in the county of 
 Wicklow. He left a son and two daughters : Eliisabeth, married to Francis 
 Sandford ; and Mary, married in 1632 to Edward, Lord Brabazon, afterwards 
 the second Earl of Meath, who was drowned, 1675, between Holyhead and 
 Beaumaris. Upon this lady and her heirs the Wicklow estates were settled. — 
 E. H. 
 
 c c 2 
 
388 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 [ ]. Herein the sows ^ of iron which are brought from 
 
 Bristow are melted into iron bars. They stand in 51. a ton, 
 being laid down at the door, and are worth in bars xxlb. a ton. 
 July 16. — We left Carnue about seven hour, and 
 went thence into the county of Wexford to Claghaman,^ by 
 Lord of Baltamoare's^ town, where he hath a brave house, 
 but of no great strength, nor built castle-wise. Here I saw 
 lime burnt, wherewith they use to enrich their ground. 
 This town is seated upon the bank of river Slane, which 
 doth hence carry down to Ennerscoffe, and so to Wexford, 
 all pipe-staves, boards and other timber which grows in the 
 woods near adjoining. We passed through Sir Morgan 
 Kavanagh's woods, wherein (we were informed in the morn- 
 ing at Carnew) there were lurking about sixteen stout rebels, 
 well appointed, every of them with his pistols, skene, and 
 darts ; they have also four long pieces, but we saw none, 
 only we had one lusty fellow in jealousy * in the wood. 
 Herein there hath been good store of good timber, though 
 now there remains little timber useful, save to burn, and 
 such as cumbreth the ground, but they say he hath better 
 timber in his more remote woods from the river. This is a 
 commodity which will be much wanting in this kingdom, 
 and is now very dear at Dublin. In this wood there runs 
 a little river which divides the counties of Wexford and 
 Catherloe, over which when we had passed we went to 
 Clenmoullen,^ the castle and seat of Sir Morgan Kavanagh, 
 who seems to be a very honest, fair-dealing man, and his 
 lady ^ a good woman, but both recusants. Here we were 
 
 ' We know not whether ' sow ' is a term now used amongst iron manu- 
 facturers, or whether the modern word ' pig ' is used as more delicate, or 
 expressive of a different form or weight of rough metal. — E. H. 
 
 - Clohamon. 
 
 ^ CeciHus Calvert, Lord Baltimore, to whom Charles I. granted the province 
 of Maryland, with very extensive powers, in l(iH2. — E. H. 
 
 * Jealousie, i.e. lattice or grate, from behind which anyone may unperceived 
 watch another. — E. H. But the expression may here mean suspicion. — C. L. F. 
 
 * ClonmuUen Castle appears by the Ordnance survey of Ireland to be 
 situated in the parish of Banagh, co. Carlow, on the borders of Wexford. — E. H. 
 
 " This lady was Eleanor, third daughter of Edmund, second Lord Mount- 
 garret.— E. H. 
 
TRAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON 389 
 
 entertained with good beer, sack and claret, whereof he was 
 no niggard. He demands a 1,000/. per annum, and a 1,000/. 
 rent for twenty town lands, and, as he saith, it is about 
 12,000 or 13,000 acres, but I cannot conceive it less than 
 20,000 acres ; much hereof mountain wood, and the rest but 
 poor land, all overgrown with fern and bracken, and not to 
 be improved but with great charge and trouble. 
 
 Here he showed me a convenient seat for an iron-work, 
 which may be supplied with sufficient water and charcoal ; 
 for this respect I do believe he doth set a far higher valuation 
 and price upon his lands, which he doth much overvalue and 
 esteem. In this wood I observed and tasted of the dew 
 which fell upon the oak leaves, which glistened and shined 
 and tasted like honey ; doubtless this kingdom is a most 
 fruitful place for bees. This castle and seat of Sir Morgan 
 Kavanagh is an old, high, narrow, and inconvenient building ; 
 the stairs leading up into the dining-room and chambers 
 being narrow and steep, like a steeple stair ; this also seated 
 in a most solitary, melancholy place, woods on two sides and 
 plains on the other ; these are moors and mountains, whereon 
 they say there are wolves. This also is in the Dufferie,^ 
 which hath always been reputed a thievish place, but Sir 
 Morgan being demanded, said that the sixteen rebels before- 
 named were most conversant about Ross and in the county 
 of Kilkennie. 
 
 In the way to Ennescorffie,- about two miles thence on 
 the other side the Slane, I went to survey (over the river) 
 the manor of the Ollort,^ in the county of Wexford, in the 
 parish and diocese of Femes and Loghlein, which is to be 
 sold with these parcels following : Taebcurrye, Taenknock, 
 Rahennemonye, Boliincahine, and Sherewelch. Hereunto 
 belongs a court-leet, a court-barron, and one fair. It is 
 mortgaged by one Mr. Darbie Cavenah, in Irish called Dor- 
 maunt MacDoullin. This land is now in mortgage to one 
 
 ' See Part I. p. 158 s^ip-a. The name is preserved in Dutfry Hall, a seat of 
 the Colcloughs, in the parish of Templeshanbo, co. Wexford. 
 
 ^ Enniscorthy. 
 
 ^ Oulait. Oulart Hill was the scene of one of the insurgents' successes in 
 the rising of 1798. 
 
390 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY 
 
 Turner, an apothecary in Dublin, for 800/., and may be 
 redeemed whensoever the money is paid. This land adjoins 
 to Sir James Caroll's ' new and stately house, which hath 
 almost sunk him by the charge of building the same. It is 
 called Ballyeskerne. This land lies upon the bank of the 
 Slane, which is plentifully furnished with salmon and trouts ; 
 down this river abundance of timber is conveyed down to 
 Waxford, so to be transported by sea. Upon this river 
 bank many pleasant convenient seats for houses or towns 
 may be found out. Here are coneys belonging hereunto. 
 It will keep cattle, and good sheep and horses ; these I saw, 
 though by reason of the most extreme, violent drought both 
 that land and all this country is burnt up and no grass, so as 
 you cannot look upon this land but with much disadvantage ; 
 yet it seems to be a good-natured earth, but it hath been 
 overtilled, and much wronged by the Irish husbandry. It is 
 given in for 1,000 acres, but it is by those who know not 
 how to guess at 1,000 acres : for doubtless there is no less 
 than 1,000 acres of arable and pasture land, which may be 
 made rich land by lime, which may be conveniently provided 
 very cheap for 2d. a barrel, and may be conveyed by water 
 at a small charge. Our host, Mr. Plummer (who lives in 
 Ennerscoffie, and is a Scotchman ; his wife an English- 
 woman), affirmed that the third part of the corn (for so the 
 Irish tenants sow their landlords' grounds, and allow them 
 the third sheaf, and take two sheaves for their pains) which 
 grew last year upon that ground was sold for 1201. There 
 is meadow land and bog, which being guttered, ditched, and 
 drained (which may be done with 20/. or 30/. charge) will be 
 good and rich meadow ; this is no less than 500 acres. Of 
 commoning also, which yields fern and gorse, and would 
 be made good land with a small charge, there is about 800 
 acres. Here is woodland belonging hereunto, but how much 
 I am uncertain. Little good timber I saw ; some part of the 
 wood may easily be cleared of the oullers ^ and underwood, 
 
 ' Sir James Can-oil, four times Lord Mayor of Dublin in the reigns of 
 James I. and Charles I. 
 -■ Alder trees. 
 
TEAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON 391 
 
 and made good meadowing. Here is as handsome an Irish 
 hall upon this ground as ever I saw in this kingdom, and if 
 Sir James Carroll will part with his house, it stands most 
 conveniently to be occupied herewith ; and it is generally 
 believed that both house and lands may be purchased 
 upon easy terms. This were a brave seat for a younger 
 brother, but this will not be sold, for Mr. Darbye Cavenah 
 himself came to me at Washford, and would have made 
 a lease for twenty-one years for 200 years, paying in the 
 interim ten shillings an acre, which was a most senseless 
 demand, and as much as the lands can be improved unto at 
 the end of the 200 years ; hereupon we brake off. 
 
 This kingdom is now divided into four provinces : 
 
 I. Linster ; 2. Munster ; 3. Ulster ; 4. Connaught. Linster 
 containeth these counties: 1. Eastmeath ; 2. Westmeath ; 
 3. Dublin ; 4. Kildare ; 5. Louth — these five called within 
 the English Pale ; 6. Longford ; 7. King's County ; 8. Queene ; 
 9. Kilkennie, one of the finest counties in Ireland ; 10. Carloe ; 
 
 II. Wexford ; 12. Wickley. Munster divides itself into 
 these shires and counties : 1. Waterford ; 2. Tiperarie and 
 Cross Tiperarie ; 3. Corke, greatest in Ireland ; 4. Kerrie, 
 furthest point of Ireland, south-west ; 5. Limbreck, the richest 
 land ; 6. Toemond.^ Ulster : 1. Donegall, furthest north-west 
 county ; 2. Enneschelyn, or Fermanough ; 3. Cavan ; 4. 
 Monohain ; 5. Tyrone ; 6. Londonderie ; 7. Armath ; 8. 
 Downe-Patrick ; 9. Antrim, wherein stands Carick-Fergus. 
 Connaught: 1. Gallaway ; 2. Mayeo; 3, Kosscommon ; 4. 
 Letrim ; 5. Sligoe.- 
 
 We lodged on Thursday, July 16, at Ennerscorffie,^ at 
 one Andrew Plummer, a Scotchman, his wife an English- 
 woman, where we paid Is. ordinary for ourselves and M. for 
 our servants. Here is a neat little castle in good repair. 
 This and the town and the lands hereabout belong unto 
 Sir Henry Wallope,* who hath a very brave command and 
 royalty and revenue hereabout. This town is seated upon 
 
 ' Clare. ^ See Part I. p. 103 et seq. supra. ^ Enniscorthy. 
 
 ■• Sir Henry Wallop, ancestor of the Earls of Portsmouth. His father, who 
 had been Lord .Justice of Ireland in 1582, and Lord Treasurer 1579-99, received 
 large grants of land in Wexford. 
 
392 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 the fair river Slane, which ebbs and flows even to this town, 
 the greatest part of all the wealthy inhabitants whereof 
 (there cannot be many) are wood merchants. Here our 
 host informed us that Mr. Chambers had now at least, there 
 landed and coming down the water, an hundred thousand 
 pipe-staves, &c., which were worth at Wexford ten (shillings) 
 an hundred : there his money to be received, out of which 
 he cannot gain less than half in half. 
 
 Jiily 17. — Here I bought of John Torkinton a little white 
 mare ; the price was 21. 4s. He said if I returned her to 
 Hacquetts Town when I had finished my journey, I should 
 not abate above ^d. a day. I tried also a grissell gelding, for 
 which I deposited 4Z. 2s. Qd. and covenanted in this manner: 
 that if I returned the horse within thirty days I was to receive 
 my money back again, allowing an abatement of Is. a day 
 for so many days as I had the horse ; only by this agreement 
 I was to keep the horse ten days at least, so as if I returned 
 him next day, I must abate 10s. of the 4^. 2s. ^d. This horse 
 was one Mainwareing's,' steward to Sir Henry Wallope : 
 he descended out of Caringham house, and is uncle to Mr. 
 Mainwareing that now is.* This money was left with 
 Mr. Andrew Plummer, who undertook the performance of 
 conditions. 
 
 Here we parted with Mr. Needham, who appointed with 
 me to meet me on Tuesday morning next at Carick,^ where 
 my Lord of Ormond lives. Hence I sent to Dublin by 
 John Torkinton the two horses there hired, which were 
 
 ' Eoger Mainwaring, fourth son of Henry Mainwaring, of Kermincham or 
 Carineham, sheriff of Cheshire, 1575, was appointed in 1612 by Sir Henry 
 Wallop, constable, governor and keeper of Enniseorthy Castle, with all 
 jurisdictions and privileges, and general I'eceiver of all his rents, &c., with the 
 yearly fee of 20/. English money. He died without issue. Carineham is now 
 held by Mr. Uniaeke, descended from an heiress of the Mainwarings ; but the 
 name of Mainwaring was assumed, in 1809, by sign manual, by another 
 descendant, in the female line, of the same heiress. Sir W. Brereton afterwards 
 calls him cousin, but the pedigrees do not show this exact alliance. There 
 were at an early pei'iod intermarriages which might have occasioned the use of 
 a woi'd which is sometimes applied in a very general way. — E. H. 
 
 '^ Possibly Mathew Mainwaring, who was constable of Dublin Castle in 1635, 
 was one of the same family. 
 
 ^ Carrick-on-Suir. 
 
TEAVELS OF SIE WILLIAM BEEEETON 393 
 
 promised to be delivered there the day following, which I 
 made use of, and was to pay for five days, for which I paid 
 in Dublin 12s. beforehand. 
 
 We went hence towards Wexford, which is accounted 
 eight mile, but they are very long miles. We crossed the 
 water at Ennerscoffie on horseback, and at the Carick, a mile 
 from Wexford, we passed over a narrow ferry ; all the grass 
 in the country is burnt up, and here they complain of drought, 
 and aftirm they never felt such extreme scorching hot weather 
 in Ireland. Here are divers of the Eoches, which have much 
 land about Wexford, and who would willingly set or sell ; 
 their land lieth very convenient for a Cheshire man. 
 
 About a mile hence lies a farm called the Park, which is 
 now leased unto one Mr. Hardye, an Englishman, who lives 
 upon it, and hath an estate in it about thirteen years. The 
 landlord is one Mr. William Synode [? Synnot], of the Lough, a 
 man that needs money. This land is almost 161. per annum. 
 He saith it contains about three hundred acres, others say two 
 hundred acres, and that it will keep twenty or thirty milch kine, 
 yield sufiicient corn for a small family, affords abundance of 
 rabbits, whereof here there are too many, so as they pester the 
 ground, and here may be more fish and fowl provided than 
 to keep a good family, for on three sides it is compassed with 
 great loughs a mile or two broad, so as the flood being in it 
 flows to the very bank sides ; when the flood is out, the shore 
 being mud is bare and dry ; when the tide is out, the depth 
 of the mud is half a yard or a yard ; but I could not find the 
 mud bare, and this was the reason given by Mr. Hardye, 
 that so long as the wind blows west, it clears it of water, but 
 now the wind being at east keeps the tide in ; when the 
 flood is in, it is said to be not above one yard deep of water 
 (except at some extraordinary springtides). I cannot believe 
 but that this mud will much fertilise and enrich the ground. 
 This I do believe is a place of much security to such cattle or 
 goods as are therein kept, and they aflirm that they have not 
 lost any since they came thither, which is about eight years. 
 
 Here is the best feeding for fowl that I ever saw. This 
 grass which comes from the mud is good food for them, and 
 
394 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 there is a good store of it ; and here is a httle grove of oaks, 
 wherein is no good timber, but it so stands as it is most 
 strong shelter to the fowl that feed or frequent under it. 
 
 Here is the most commodious and convenient seat for a 
 c(oy) ^ that ever I saw, but there is no more room whereupon 
 to erect a c(oy) betwixt the water and an high bank of the 
 wood than four or five rood in breadth, but sufficient in length 
 so as you must either make so much of the mud firm land, 
 whereupon to build your c(oy), or else you must only make 
 good one side with two pipes, or you must erect your work 
 upon a point of land which lieth much eastward, and is in 
 view of the town, and much more inconvenient, or you must 
 carry away abundance of earth to make a pond, and pipes in 
 some ground, as yet much too high at the north-west end of 
 the wood. Here grew oilers ^ sufficient to plant a coy, and 
 here is sufficient wood to cleave into stakes for all uses ; and 
 as I am informed, reed may be provided out of Sir Thomas 
 Esmond's lands which is on the other side the water, and all 
 necessaries may be supplied by water from the Slane. Mr. 
 Hardye demands for his interest, which is for thirteen years, 
 55^., and will abate nothing. 
 
 And herein grow good cherries, and all wood here planted 
 flourisheth well. Mr. Turner, father-in-law to Mr. William 
 Synode, demanded an 100^. fine for a lease of eighty years in 
 reversion after the determination of the thirteen years now 
 in being ; of the unreasonableness of which demand being 
 convinced, he sent next day a messenger and letter to his 
 son-in-law, Mr. Synode, who desired to know what I would 
 give. I would offer nothing, but Mr. Main waring offered '201. 
 per lease for eighty (years). Mr. Turner replied that 40^. 
 would not be accepted, and an augmentation of the rent 41. 
 per annum from 161. to 20/. Upon this we broke off. 
 
 We lodged at Wexford at the sign of the Windmill at 
 the house of Paul Bennett. This town is seated upon a 
 
 ' Coy, an artificial snare or decoy for catching wild fowl. These coys were 
 fashionable at this period, and Brereton describes more than one such in his 
 Travels. 
 
 ■ Alder trees. 
 
TEAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BEERETON 395 
 
 brave spacious harbour, capacious of many thousand sail, 
 but it is much prejudiced and damnified by a most vile 
 barred haven, which, notwithstanding, is far better than 
 formerly. Two narrow bands of sand run along on both 
 sides the channel into the sea, betwixt the points whereof is 
 the channel or passage. Trade much decayeth in this town, 
 and it is very poor by reason of herring fishing here failing. 
 They report here of an incredible multitude of herrings 
 ordinarily taken in one night, in this large and vast harbour, 
 by five or six men in one boat of ten ton burthen, sometimes 
 to the value of 20/., sometimes 401., sometimes more. This 
 was informed me and affirmed by one that ordinarily fished 
 here and took this proportion. Now of latter times, the 
 herrings have forsaken this coast, this town is much im- 
 poverished and decayed. Their quays go to ruin, and are in 
 no good repair ; there belonged sometimes unto every great 
 merchant's house seated on the shore either a quay, or a part 
 interest in a quay, or a private way to the quay. Their 
 haven was then furnished with five thousand sail of ships 
 and small vessels for fishing, and is now naked. 
 
 July 18. —This day I went to the court (the assizes being 
 now here held for this county of Washford, which began on 
 Wednesday last, and ended this day), where is their shire 
 hall. The judges that ride this circuit are Sir George 
 Sherley,' Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, and Sir John 
 Fillpott,^ one of the judges in the Common Pleas, a little, 
 black, temperate man. The one — -viz., my Lord Chief 
 Justice — sits upon Isie-prices,^ the other upon matters of mis- 
 demeanours and trials for life and death. Here I saw four 
 justices of peace sit upon the bench with Sir John Philpott, 
 amongst which was one Devereux and my cousin Main- 
 wareing, uncle to Mr. Mainwareing of Caringham that now 
 is, a courteous, grave, civil gentleman, who came from the 
 bench and saluted me in the hall, and accompanied me to 
 the tavern, and bestowed wine upon me. He is agent 
 
 ' Sir George Shurley was L.C.J, of Ireland 1625-39. 
 
 - Sir John Phillpott, third Justice of the Common Pleas, 1621-37. 
 
 ^ Nisi prius. 
 
396 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 unto Sir Henry Wallopp, and is a justice of peace of this 
 county, and was a burgess for the Parhainent.^ He told me 
 there were three rebels condemned, as also he advised me 
 rather to go by Balliehack and by the way of the Passage 
 than by Koss, because of the rebels which frequent there- 
 abouts ; hereof he said there were about six or eight, and 
 these furnished with some pieces, pistols, darts and skenes, 
 and some of them most desperate spirits, and so cruel, that 
 the inhabitants of the country dare scarceHravel that way ; 
 these are proclaimed rebels, and such as are to be hanged, 
 drawn and quartered so soon as they are apprehended. So 
 also are those to be dealt withal who are not to be executed. 
 One of them I saw in the streets returning towards the 
 castle, and the women and some other following making 
 lamentation, sometimes so violent as though they were 
 distracted, sometimes as it were in a kind of tune singing ; 
 one of these ('twas said) was his wife. This is the Irish 
 garb.^ This town is governed by a mayor, and two bayliffs 
 or sheriffs, and ten or twelve aldermen. 
 
 Beyond the bar also it hath a very safe harbour, and 
 shelter for ships to ride at anchor in, who want tide to 
 bring them into the haven. Sir Adam Cotcliffe ^ told me that 
 he had dined at Milford in Wales, and supped in this town, 
 which is about twenty-four hours' sail from Bristoll, and as 
 much to Dublin.^ By reason of the assizes here, the inhabi- 
 tants of the country resorted hither in greater numbers and 
 better habits (Irish garments I mean) than I have yet seen. 
 Some gentlewomen of good quality here I observed clothed 
 in good handsome gowns, petticoats and hats, who wore 
 Irish rugs which have handsome, comely large fringes, which 
 go about their necks, and serve instead of bands. This 
 
 ' Roger Mainwaring was member for Carysfort in the Parliament of 1634. 
 
 -' Habit. 
 
 ' Sir Adam Colclough, of Tintern Abbey, in the county of Wexford, was 
 the son of Sir Thomas Colclough of Tintern and Martha, daughter of Arch- 
 bishop Adam Loftus. He was created a baronet in 1628. 
 
 * Though always recognised as one of the shortest passages between Eng- 
 land and Ireland it is only in the twentieth century that the advantages of 
 the route have been fully appreciated. It is about to become the medium of 
 a rapid service. 
 
TEAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BEERETON 397 
 
 ruggy fringe is joined to a garment which comes round 
 about them, and reacheth to the very ground, and this is an 
 handsome, comely vestment, much more comely as they are 
 used than the rug short cloaks used by the v^omen upon 
 festival days in Abbeville, Bullein, and the nearer parts 
 of Picardie in Fraunce. The most of the women are bare- 
 necked and clean skinned, and wear a crucifix tied in a 
 black necklace, hanging betwixt their breasts. It seems 
 they are not ashamed of their religion, nor desire to conceal 
 themselves ; and indeed in this town are many papists. 
 
 July 19. — The present mayor, Mr. Mark Cheveu, 
 attended the judges to the church door, and so did the 
 sheriff of the shire, both which left them there, and went to 
 mass, which is here tolerated, and publicly resorted unto in 
 two or three houses in this town, wherein are very few 
 Protestants, as appeared by that slender congregation at 
 church where the judges were. This morning I went unto 
 and visited both the judges, and was respectively used by 
 them ; the mayor, a well-bred gentleman, an inns-of-court 
 man, who is a counsellor, a gentleman that hath an estate 
 in the country, and was knight of this shire for last Parlia- 
 ment, invited me to dinner as also to supper with the judges.^ 
 He is an Irishman, and his wife Irish, in a strange habit, a 
 threadbare short coat with sleeves, made like my green coat 
 of stuff, reaching to her middle ; she knew not how to carve, 
 look, entertain, or demean herself. Here was a kind of beer 
 (which I durst not taste) called charter beer, mighty thick, 
 muddy stuff ; the meat nothing well cooked or ordered . Much 
 discourse here, complaint and information given against the 
 rebels, the captain whereof is called Simon Prendergrasse, 
 whose brother also will be brought in trouble for relieving, 
 &c. Three carriers were robbed betwixt Ross and this town 
 on Friday last, and two other travellers, and one in his 
 lodging, by three of these rebels well appointed, who said 
 if they could have taken my Lord of Kildare,- who passed 
 
 ' Richard Cheevers was member for Wexford in 1634. He appears to have 
 died shortly after Brereton's visit in February 1635-6. 
 - George, sixteenth Earl of Kildare. 
 
398 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 through them nakedly attended, he should have procured 
 their pardon. There was a letter sent and read this night 
 at supper, advertising a gentleman in town that last night 
 they came to his house with a purpose to take away his life, 
 because he proisecuted against them, and informed that they 
 had taken from him the value of 200Z. The judge here said, 
 if all the justices of peace did not wait upon them to Koss, 
 to guard them from these rebels, he would fine them deeply. 
 The junior judge told me of a very wise demeanour of the 
 now mayor of Boss, who being informed that three of these 
 rebels lay asleep near the town, and being required to send 
 out some ten or twelve with him to apprehend them, he 
 answered that he would provide for the safety of his town, 
 commanded the gates to be shut, the drum to be beat, and 
 pieces, warning - pieces, to be discharged, whereby they 
 awaked, and took notice thereof and escaped. 
 
 JuUj 20. — We left Washford, and the Lord provided a 
 good guide for us, and directed us to a better course than we 
 intended, for instead of going over the passage (which was 
 this day so much troubled and so rough as my Lord of 
 Kildare was in great danger there, and himself and servants 
 constrained to cut the sail ropes and tacklings) we took up 
 our lodging at Tinterden,^ a dissolved abbey, where now 
 Sir Adam Cocliffe lives, and where we were exceedingly 
 kindly and courteously entertained. Now my disease began 
 to increase upon me. This a very fair, large, stately house, 
 and of great receipt. He keeps a good house, and hath a 
 great estate here, and his lady is a dainty, complete, well- 
 bred woman. She is Sir Kob. Rich his daughter. The 
 land on this side Washford about four or five miles, and 
 so to Ballihack, is much better land than that which I 
 saw in any other part of this county. This day we had 
 more rain than upon any day since we came from home. 
 Here they say no rain fallen this two months, all extreme 
 
 ' Tintern, or Kinneagh, an abbey founded by William, Earl of Pembroke, 
 who placed in it Cistercians from Tintern Abbey in Monmouthshire. It has 
 long been in the possession of the family of the Colcloughs. — E. H. See Here's 
 History of Wexford, vol. ii. 
 
TEAVELS OF SIE WILLIAM BRERETON 399 
 
 dry, but nothing so much burnt up as in the other side of 
 this county. 
 
 July 21. — We went home about eight hour, and came to 
 Ballihack, a poor Httle village on this side the passage 
 over the river of Waterford, v^hich here is the broadest 
 passage said to be in Ireland, and a most rough, troubled 
 passage when the wind is anything high. Here last day 
 the boat, wherein my Lord of Kildare came over, was in 
 danger to be run under water by carrying too much sail, and 
 running foul upon the passage boat. Down this river come 
 all the shipping for Waterford. Here we saw the ' Ninth 
 Whelp ' lying at anchor, to guard the fleet which now is 
 ready to go hence to Bristoll fair. Sir Beverley Newcombe 
 is captain of her, and is now at Waterford.^ They say there 
 are about fifty sail to go to St. James fair at Bristoll. The 
 Irish here use a very presumptuous proverb and speech 
 touching this passage. They always say they must be at 
 Bristoll fair, they must have a wind to Bristoll fair, and 
 indeed it is observed they never fail of a wind to Bristoll 
 fair ; yea, though the fair be begun, and the wind still averse, 
 yet still do they retain their confident presumption of a wind. 
 It is most safe here to hire a boat to pass over in, not with 
 horses, which is rowed over with four oars. I paid for the 
 hire of it 2s. This is a full mile over. The passage 
 boat which carries your horses will not carry at one time 
 more than two or three horses. Here is far better coming 
 into the boat and landing than at Port Patricke, but less 
 and worse boats. On Munster side is good lodging and 
 accommodation. 
 
 This day we passed over the land of a gentleman whose 
 name is [ ]. He died about seven days ago of a gan- 
 
 grene ; his fingers and hands, toes and feet, rotted off, joint 
 by joint. He was but a young man, of above 1,000^. per 
 annum, and married an old woman, a crabbed piece of flesh, 
 who cheated him with a 1,000Z. she brought him, for which 
 he was arrested within three days after his marriage. 
 
 We came to Waterford about three hour, and baited at 
 
 ' See note at p. 405 infra. 
 
400 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 the King's Head, at Mr. Wardes, a good house, and a very 
 complete gentleman-Hke host. This town is reputed one of 
 the richest towns in Ireland. It stands upon a river (called 
 Watterford River), ^ which maintaineth a sufficiently deep and 
 safe channel even to the very quay, which, indeed, is not 
 only the best and most convenient quay which I found in 
 Ireland, but it is as good a quay as I have known either in 
 England or observed in all my travels. A ship of three 
 hundred may come close to these quays. This quay is made 
 all along the river side without the walls, and divers fair and 
 convenient buttresses made about twenty yards long, which 
 go towards the channel. I saw the river at a spring tide 
 flow even with the top of this quay, and yet near the quay a 
 ship of three hundred ton full loaden may float at a low water. 
 Upon this river stand divers forts and castles which com- 
 mand it. At the mouth of the river is there a fort called 
 Duncannon, wherein lieth my Lord Esmond's company, 
 consisting of fifty good, expert soldiers.^ Here is also a com- 
 pany of fifty soldiers, which are under the command of Sir 
 George Flowre,^ an ancient knight. These are disposed of 
 in the fort, which is placed without the gate towards Caricke, 
 a pretty little hold, which stands on high and commands the 
 town. There stands upon this river the Carick twelve mile, 
 hence, and Clonmell about eight mile thence ; hither (as I 
 have heard) the river flows. There is, seated upon this river 
 also Golden Bridge, and there is a passage by water from 
 Cullen [?] and Limbrecke. This is no barred, but a most bold 
 haven, in the mouth whereof is placed an eminent tower, a sea 
 
 ' The Suir. 
 
 - A very full account of Duncannon Fort will be found in Here's History of 
 Wexford, vol. iv. 
 
 ^ Sir George Flower was an active officer employed against the rebels in 
 Ireland in 1600, and commanding a body of troops of from 1.200 to 2,000 men. 
 In 1601 he was made sergeant-major of his Majesty's forces, and performed 
 many gallant, daring, and successful achievements, for which he received the 
 honour of knighthood. In 1627 he was appointed governor and constable of 
 the fort then newly erected at Waterford, and appointed one of the commis- 
 sioners to execute martial law within the province of Munster. Soon after this 
 he died. He appears, however, to have been alive, though ' an ancient knight,' 
 in 1636.— E. H. See Archdall's Lodge'n Peerage, v. 282, sub lit. Ashbrook. 
 
TKAVELS OP SIE WILLIAM BRBRETON 401 
 
 mark, to be discerned at a great distance ; ' j'et this river runs 
 so crooked as without a W. or N.W. Hence went a great 
 fleet to Bristoll fair, who staid long here waiting for a wind. 
 
 This city is governed by a mayor, baihffs, and twelve 
 aldermen. Herein are seven churches ; there have been 
 many more. One of these, Christ Church, a cathedral ; 
 St. Patrick's, Holy Ghost, St. Stephen's, St. John — but none 
 of these are in good repair, not the cathedral, nor indeed are 
 there any churches almost to be found in good repair. Most 
 of the inhabitants Irish, not above forty English, and not 
 one of these Irish goes to church. This town trades much 
 with England, France, and Spain, and that which gives 
 much encouragement hereunto is the goodness of the 
 haven. 
 
 This town double-walled, and the walls maintained in 
 good repair. Here we saw women in a most impudent 
 manner treading clothes with their feet ; these were naked 
 to the middle almost, for so high were their clothes tucked 
 up about them. Here the women of better rank and quality 
 wear long, high laced caps, turned up round about ; these 
 are mighty high ; of this sort I gave William Dale money to 
 buy me one. Here is a good, handsome market-place, and a 
 most convenient prison that I ever saw for the women apart, 
 and this is a great distance from the men's prison. Herein 
 dwells a judicious apothecary, who hath been bred at 
 Antwerpe, and is a traveller ; his name is (as I take it) Mr. 
 Jarvis Billiard, by whose directions and good advice I found 
 much good, and through God's mercy recovered from my 
 sickness. After I had dined here, I went about four or five 
 hour towards Caricke, where I stayed at a ferry about a 
 mile from Water ford a whole hour for the boat, wherein we 
 and our six horses were carried over together. 
 
 Hence to Caricke is accounted nine miles, good large 
 ones, but very fair way, and very ready to find. We came to 
 Caricke about nine hour. We lodged at the sign of the 
 Three Cuts at Mr. Croummer's, where is a good neat woman. 
 Here my disease increasing, I wanted good accommodation. 
 
 ' Hook Tower. 
 
 D D 
 
402 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Here is my Lord of Ormond's ^ house, daintily seated on the 
 river bank, which flows even to the walls of his house, which 
 I went to see, and found in the outer court three or four 
 hay-stacks, not far from the stable-door ; this court is paved. 
 There are also two other courts ; the one a quadrangle. 
 The house was built at twice. If his land were improved 
 and well planted, it would yield him great revenue ; for it is 
 said he hath thirty-two manors and manor-houses, and 
 eighteen abbeys. This town of Carick is seated upon the 
 bank of a fine, pleasant, navigable river, but it is a most poor 
 place, and the houses many quite ruinated, others much 
 decayed ; here is no trade at all. This hath been a town of 
 strength and defence ; it is walled about, and with as strong 
 a wall, and that to walk upon, as is West Chester ; the 
 church in no good repair ; nor any of the churches in this 
 country, which argues their general disaffection unto religion. 
 Here in this town is the poorest tavern I ever saw — a little 
 low, thatched Irish house, not to be compared unto Jane 
 Kelsall's of the Green at Handforth.^ 'Twixt Waterford and 
 this town are many spacious sheep-pastures, and very fair 
 large sheep as most in England ; the greatest part of the 
 land hereabouts is converted unto this use. 
 
 July 22. — From this town I returned back to Waterford, 
 fearing indeed lest the country disease should so far prevail 
 upon me as to disable me to endure, whereas indeed immedi- 
 ately after my departure I did begin by degrees to recover, 
 and was within a few days, and before my departure out 
 of that kingdom, perfectly recovered, and my body rather 
 inclined to be costive, but yet this did not continue with me 
 above two days ; and whereas I feared faintings by reason 
 of sea-sickness, I thank God I was nothing subject there- 
 unto, though I was never well at sea. Here, by promise, Mr. 
 Needham of Hacquett's Town stood engaged to meet me, and 
 sends in his stead Mr. Eobert Cooke, an English gentleman 
 who lives about one or two miles from this town, upon a 
 
 ' James, twelfth Earl and first Duke of Ormond, whose talents and virtue 
 are too well known and appreciated to require or admit of notice here.— E. H. 
 - Near Stockport in Cheshire. 
 
TRAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON 403 
 
 farm called Tibruchne (as I take it), which is my Lord of 
 [ ] land ; he is my Lord of Ormond's uncle. He 
 
 pays 120^. rent for this farm, and paid an 100/. fine ; his term 
 in it is twenty years or thereabouts. The quantity of the 
 ground hereunto belonging, as he valueth and esteems it to 
 be, about 1,000 acres English measure ; but, upon my view 
 and survey thereof, I could not judge it to be less than 1,200 or 
 1,400 acres. This is all good land, and a great part marsh 
 land lying along the river in common and not enclosed, 
 which, if it were but divided and enclosed, would yield more 
 than the rent of the whole, and this would be a small charge 
 to make only ditches ; this is commodiously, sometimes and 
 not over often, watered and enriched by this navigable great 
 river, which runs all along this ground a mile or two. 
 
 Here I observed a very convenient seat [ ]. This 
 
 was this day overflowed with the tide, by reason of a strong 
 east wind concurring with this high St. James' flood ; here 
 abundance of fowl in winter. Here is a very fair, handsome 
 English stone house, new built, and also a castle, to both 
 which there comes up at every tide in a deep lough or channel 
 sufficient water to carry a boat, and when the tide is gone 
 out this is dry ; so as if a net be placed in the mouth of it 
 (which is but narrow) you may be thereby furnished with 
 salmon, flookes, and other fish sufficient. There is now an 
 Englishman tenant, who lives in the castle, who keeps a 
 dairy and rents thirty kine from him, who keeps them 
 summer and winter; for every cow he is to pay 11. 10s. per 
 annum, and half of the calves, all which are to be reared. 
 I tasted of their milk, butter and cheese, and it was 
 excellent good ; I never drunk so good buttermilk. Here 
 the milk is so good, as they churn that in the evening which 
 was milked in the morning, so as the buttermilk is much 
 sweeter and wholesomer ; they never yet sold any cheese, 
 only butter at 4:d. a pound. Here I saw abundance of 
 cheeses. Here is a town hereunto belonging, inhabited by 
 Irish, who have no longer estate than from year to year ; 
 they pay neither here nor elsewhere no rent in money, 
 only plough the ground to the parts, and allow the landlord 
 
 D D 2 
 
404 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 a third part ; this is so slothfully and improvidently ordered 
 as the ground is much impaired, and yields much less 
 than if well husbanded. But these unprofitable commodi- 
 ties may be removed at pleasure, and without any manner 
 of inconvenience, exclamation or exception. Mr. Kobert 
 Cooke, who now dwells here, affirmed that this farm would 
 keep 120 kine and their increase, sufficiently plentifully, 
 both summer and winter. There is one now tenant upon 
 another part hereof who will take the whole one half of the 
 farm, so much as is grazing ground for cattle, and will pay 
 901. per annum ; and indeed Mr. Cooke is so honest a gentle- 
 man as I cannot but believe his report. He saith it will 
 also keep five or six hundred sheep, as good fair sheep as are 
 Leicestershire or Northamptonshire, and sufficient good 
 corn land may be reserved as will employ two ploughs ; 
 besides the moor, which is a rich marsh like Saltney,^ will 
 keep abundance of young cattle, horses and colts, and in my 
 judgment this marsh land cannot be less than 400 acres. 
 Herein although the salt water this day overflowed in my 
 view, yet owlers - grow and prosper well ; hence you may go 
 conveniently enough to Caricke to church, the church in 
 this town being in decay. Mr. Cooke will part with his 
 interest herein, and demands his 100^. fine and the rent of 
 1201. per annum ; the reason why he will part with his 
 interest is because he hath a kinsman of his name partner 
 with him, who fails in the payment of his part of the rent, 
 for which his cattle was distrained. 
 
 July 23. — This day I rested at King's Head at Mr. 
 Warde's and prepared barley water, cordials and perfumes 
 to take to sea, to preserve me from fainting, whereunto I 
 was nothing subject (I thank God) at sea or land. Herein 
 I made use of and spent most of the afternoon with Mr. 
 Jarvis Billiard, the apothecary, who showed me the best 
 Mercator that ever I saw in my life ; and indeed before my 
 departure hence I was freed from that indisposition. 
 
 July 24. — Next morning I went down to the passage, 
 which was so thronged as I could not be furnished with 
 
 ' In Flintshire. - Alders. 
 
TEAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BREKETON 405 
 
 convenient lodging : hard bed, without curtains, air or case- 
 ments, a corn room. We lodged at the Bell — 6d. ordinary — a 
 most unquiet house at this time. The wind stood well for 
 them (if they could have gotten out to sea) two or three days 
 before, but it was so strong as they durst not adventure out 
 of the river, for fear of being thrown upon some of the 
 crooked points in this river. 
 
 Jtily 25. — But upon St. James day the wind was 
 sufficiently calmed, and stood fair, and they in * The Whelp ' 
 discharged a piece of ordinance to summon us aboard very 
 early, so I was constrained to go aboard without my break- 
 fast. There I bought half a mutton, cost 3s., and eggs seven 
 a penny, and three pullets at 3d. apiece, but wanted a 
 stomach to make use of any save eggs and pullets. About 
 six hour I went aboard one of the King's ships, called the 
 ' Ninth Whelp,' which is in the King's books 215 ton and 
 tonnage in King's books. ^ She carries sixteen pieces of 
 ordinance, two brass sakers, six iron demi-culverin drakes, 
 four iron whole culverin drakes, and four iron demi-cannon 
 drakes. They are called drakes. They are taper-bored 
 in the chamber, and are tempered with extraordinary 
 metal to carry that shot ; these are narrower where the 
 powder is put in, and wider where the shot is put 
 in, and with this kind of ordinance his Majesty is much 
 affected. This ship is manned with sixty men ; the captain 
 is Sir Beverley Newcomen ; ^ lieutenant, John Newcomen ; 
 master, William Brooke ; master's mate, William Purser, 
 who hath lost an arm — a temperate, well-governed, and 
 
 ' The Ninth Whelp was long on this station. She is frequently mentioned 
 in the Lismore Papers as carrying the first Earl of Cork and his fortunes. It 
 was the Earl's habit to recompense such services handsomely. ' Landed all safely 
 at Bristol, August 4 (1638),' he notes, ' and I gave to the Captain Owens a 
 fair sword, a silver belt, and all that was left of a hogshead of claret wine.' — 
 Lismore Papers. The Ninth WJielp was lost at sea in 1640. Cat. S. P. 
 (Ireland), 1633-47. 
 
 - Sir Beverley Newcomen, Bart., of Kenagh, co. Longford, commanded the 
 ships employed to guard the Irish coast at this period. In 1619 he had been 
 granted the office of Admiral of Ireland. Sir Beverley was drowned in 163 7 
 by the upsetting of a pinnace in which he went to sound Waterford Harbour. 
 His only son perished with him. He represented Tralee in Strafford's Parlia- 
 ment of 1634. Cal. S. P. (Ireland), 1633-47, pp. 63, 95, 158. 
 
406 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 well-affected man ; master gunner, Joseph Dudley ; boatswain, 
 corruptly called boseon, John Green ; purser, Thomas 
 Morgan ; serjeant, Nathaneell Gilson ; and indeed the most 
 of the better sort of the rest civilised and well-governed men, 
 and divers of them I observed attentive and diligent at 
 prayer. We had (through God's mercy) a quick, pleasant, 
 and dainty passage, for within twenty-six hours after we 
 parted with Ireland, the utmost point I mean of Irish shore, 
 we were landed at Minehead in Somersettshire. This is a 
 most dainty, steady vessel, so long as she carries sail, and a 
 most swift sailer, able to give the advantage of a topsail to 
 any of the rest of this fleet, for whom we made many stays, 
 and yet could not keep behind them, so as they did not put 
 up all their sails as they otherwise might, but suited their 
 course to the pace of this fleet, whom they waited upon to 
 waft over from Waterf ord to Bristoll fair, and to guard them 
 from the Turks, of whom there was here a fear and rumour 
 that they were very busy upon the coast of Fraunce.' These 
 are full of men, ordinance and small shot. This day we caused 
 match to be made ready and prepared, and looked for them 
 about Lundye next morning, but saw none, only it was the 
 captain's care to see all the sail before him ; for which end 
 staying often, the vessel then (as also when she wanted sail) 
 tottered and rolled intolerably ; this did make me vomit 
 extremely, and much more sea-sick than otherwise. 
 
 Here the captain's cabin was taken up by Alderman 
 Joanes, of Dublin, and Dr. [Tilson],^ Dean of Christ Church 
 in Dublin, who came in her by sea from Dublin to Water- 
 ford, and so thence for Bristoll ; and the captain himself 
 lodged in the master's cabin, so as I could not be accommodated 
 with any more convenient cabin than the master gunner's 
 cabin in the gun-room, but I could not endure under hatches, 
 nor was I any longer in this cabin than about four hours in 
 the night, during which time I could not rest ; the ship 
 
 ' The descent of the Turks on another port in the south of Ireland, celebrated 
 by Thomas Davis in The Sa<:k of Baltimore, had occurred only three years 
 earlier. 
 
 ^ Henry Tilson, Dean of Christ Church, 1634, consecrated Bishop of Elphin 
 1639. He was one of Strafford's chaplains. 
 
TRAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON 407 
 
 tossed so exceedingly so as I thought it had been tempestuous, 
 and yet was it very cahn, fair and moon-shine night ; and 
 sometimes the waves flashed into the ship at the loop-holes at 
 stern, so as I could not endure in bed longer than one watch, 
 from ten to two hour, and then I arose and went to the 
 hatches, and presently we discovered Lundye, which seems 
 like a high rock in the sea, and is an island ; this is accus- 
 tomed to be the pirates' harbour and shelter, but now we 
 could not discover any. 
 
 The remarkable points, shores, sands, rocks and islands 
 in this passage are these : on Washford side Dunkannon, 
 which is a fort wherein my lord Esmond's company is 
 desposed ; and a low point whereon is placed the tower of 
 Waterford, a white eminent conspicuous seamark ; hence 
 about four miles are two islands called the Saltes [Salteso]. 
 On Waterford side is Crayden Head [Creaden Head], and 
 the utmost point is called Horseleffes, so called from a shelf 
 of sand. Hence to Lundy is about thirty leagues. 
 
 b D 4 
 
• V 
 
 IBELAND UNDER THE BE8T0BATI0N 
 By Albert Jouvin, de Eochefort. 
 
 This description of Ireland in the reign of Charles II. is taken 
 from a translation of a French original which appeared in the 
 second volume of Grose and Astle's ' Antiquarian Kepertory.' 
 Both in the first edition of the ' Repertory,' which was issued in 
 1779, and in the second, published in 1809 by Edward Jeffery, the 
 name of the French author is given as M. Jorevin de Rocheford, and 
 the notes of the English editors constantly refer to the author as 
 ' Monsieur Jorevin.' But though they state that the work was 
 published in Paris in 1672, the editors nowhere mention its title, 
 A diligent search through all available biographical and biblio- 
 graphical dictionaries entirely failed to identify any such author^ 
 and this volume had already passed through the press before any 
 further information regarding the book and its origin could be pro- 
 cured. It was only on the eve of publication that a visit to the 
 Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris enabled the present editor to 
 establish the writer's identity. None of the catalogues in the library 
 contained the name Jorevin de Rocheford ; but in Pere Lelong's 
 ' Bibliotheque Historique de la France,' 1778, mention was made of 
 a work by Albert Jouvin, de Rochefort, published in 1672, in three 
 volumes, each of two parts, of which the full title proved to be : ' Le 
 Voyageur d'Europe ; ou sont les Voyages de France, d'ltalie et de 
 Maltre, d'Espagne et de Portugal, des Pays-Bas, d'Allemagne et de 
 Pologne, d'Angleterre, de Danemark et de Suede ' : Par Monsieur 
 A. Jouvin, de Rochefort : Dedie k Monsieur de Pomponne, Secretaire 
 d'Bstat. Paris, 1672. At pp. 472-93 of Part VI was found the 
 original from which the translation here reprinted was made for the 
 ' Antiquarian Repertory.' Beyond the description of the author 
 in Lelong's catalogue as ' Tresorier de Prance ' nothing further has 
 been ascertained concerning M. Jouvin's career.^ 
 
 ' The precise date of Jouvin's visit to Ireland, or indeed of any portion of 
 his extended travels, is nowhere mentioned in his book. If he is accurate his 
 tour must have taken place in June 1666, since the mutiny at Carrickfergus is 
 known to have occurred in May of that year. But this inference is inconsistent 
 with the pi-ior mention in the English part of the Tour of the launch of the ship 
 ' Charles ' in the presence of Charles II. and his consort, an incident which 
 Pepys has recorded under date March 3, 1667-8 {Pepys's Diary, ed. Wheatley, 
 vii. 348). It is, however, certain that the Tour was made in the latter years of 
 the Duke of Ormond's second tenure of the Irish Viceroyalty, which terminated 
 in November 1668. 
 
DESCRIPTION OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND AFTER 
 THE RESTORATION' 
 
 By Jorevin de Eocheford. 
 
 Chester lies at the mouth of the river Dee, where it enlarges 
 itself into the form of a gulf, in which by the assistance of 
 the tide vessels come up to the town. On this account it 
 may be reckoned among the good sea-ports, since it is the 
 ordinary passage of the packet-boat, messengers and mer- 
 chandise, going from England to Ireland. 
 
 The plan is nearly formed by two great streets, which 
 cross each other in the middle, and as they are very broad at 
 this crossing, they make a fine and spacious area, which 
 serves for the market-place, in which is the town house. 
 Turning on the right hand, the way leads to the great church, 
 where I saw a tomb worth remarking. The wall on the 
 bridge is very agreeable ; the gate which shuts it in is like 
 
 ' The following is the note prefixed by Grose to his reproduction of M. 
 Jorevin de Rocheford's Travels : 
 
 ' The descriptions of England, by Messieurs Perlin and De la Serre, which 
 form the preceding article, show the opinion foreigners entertained of this 
 country in the reigns of Edward VI. and Queen Mary, as well as some of the 
 prevailing manners and customs of those times. The reader, it is more than 
 probable, will be glad to see the observations of other travellers on the same 
 subjects at a later period. Under this supposition a translation is here pre- 
 sented of the travels of Monsieur Jorevin de Rocheford : at least, that part 
 which treats of England and Ireland. This book was printed at Paris in 1672 
 in three volumes duodecimo, and is now extremely rare. 
 
 ' Monsieur Jorevin, though far from a writer of the first rank, appears to 
 have been rather superior to either of the gentlemen above mentioned ; his 
 abstract of our national history is false and ridiculous, even beneath criticism ; 
 but his descriptions of places, buildings, &c., seem to have been accurate, as 
 they still retain striking likenesses of the respective subjects, notwithstanding 
 the alterations which must necessarily have happened in the space of nearly a 
 century and a half. In a word, though he is an indifferent historian, he is a 
 tolerable topographer.' 
 
410 ILLUSTKATIONS OF IRISH HISTOEY 
 
 a strong little castle ; there is then a suburb. Chester is 
 esteemed one of the strongest towns in England, on account 
 of its fine high walls, the many towers by which it is 
 defended, and its strong castle, standing in the highest part 
 of the town, which it commands. It has been much damaged 
 during the late wars. Under the usurpation of Cromwell 
 the town was almost entirely ruined, after having sustained 
 a long siege. The first thing I did on my arrival at Chester 
 was to learn when the packet-boat would sail for Dublin ; it 
 had set off some days before ; but I found a trading vessel 
 laden with divers merchandises, in which I took my passage 
 for Ireland. This vessel was at anchor in the gulf, near the 
 little village of Birhouse,^ eight miles from the town. Here 
 are some large storehouses for the keeping of the merchan- 
 dise to be embarked for Ireland, as is generally done every 
 month from hence to Ireland, and reciprocally from Ireland 
 to England, from whence all the letters, the messengers, and 
 vessels that are to pass go first to the village of Holeyd,- 
 which is in the island of Mona or Anglesey, as a place of 
 rendezvous, there being a very good harbour, from whence a 
 boat commonly sets out for Dublin. 
 
 I embarked, then, in this vessel, which set sail at four 
 in the afternoon, the weather bad and rainy ; on account 
 whereof, after we got out of the gulf and the mouth of this 
 river, within sight of the town of Flint and its strong castle, 
 we chose not to expose ourselves much to the sea, when the 
 wind was so furious and so contrary that it split all our sails, 
 and obliged us to put out all our anchors, one of which 
 broke as the storm augmented. This, together with the 
 horrid spectacle of surrounding rocks, which seemed to 
 threaten our destruction, threw us into great terrors, the sea 
 seeming opening to swallow us up, without any resource. 
 This lasted all the night, but the dawn of day brought us a 
 stark calm, attended with rain, which ceased when the wind 
 became fair, although this did not last long ; for as we could 
 not, for want of depth of water, pass the straits that lie 
 between the land and the Isle of Anglesey, we turned round 
 
 ' Perhaps Burton, eight miles from Chester. " Holyhead. 
 
DESCRIPTION OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND 411 
 
 about to go to the village of Holeyd, distant from Chester 
 more than sixty miles, to embark the merchandise and pas- 
 sengers, who come to this place as a rendezvous from Eng- 
 land to go to Dublin, the capital town of Ireland. We 
 anchored in this port ; during which time we went to walk 
 in the village and about the island, which seemed fruitful in 
 corn. We saw the post arrive, who gave his packet to the 
 captain of our ship. There were a good many persons who 
 waited for a passage to Ireland. Among them was a young 
 man who spoke a little French ; he was a clockmaker, and 
 had worked in the galleries of the Louvre in Paris ; with 
 whom, entering into some discourse, touching the skill and 
 valour of the English, he said he should not fear two French- 
 men. ' It would not be,' said I (in answer to him), ' a man 
 of your sort that could terrify me sword in hand,' when all 
 on a sudden he drew his sword, crying out, ' Defend your- 
 self.' Whilst I learned to fence at Rome, there were several 
 English with whom I practised, whose faults I easily dis- 
 covered ; and, in fine, observing this young man assaulted 
 me precipitately, by keeping always on the defensive, and 
 considering his default, I retired a long way, which caused 
 this young, giddy-headed fellow to throw himself almost out 
 of all kind of guard. He had a sword of the French fashion, 
 long and slender, that would not cut, which is the ordinary 
 way of using the sword in England. Stopping, then, all on 
 a sudden, I gave him a thrust in the under part of the right 
 arm, which made him cry out to me, in the presence of many 
 persons, who prevented me from killing him in the rage I 
 was then in at being attacked by such a young coxcomb. I 
 broke his sword on a rock, after having disarmed him, and 
 he was blamed by all for having attacked me without cause. 
 This did not prevent our embarking with a very favourable 
 wind, which carried us that day to Dublin, a distance of fifty 
 miles. 
 
 DUBLIN. 
 
 Dublin is the capital city of the kingdom of Ireland, 
 situated on the river Leffer,^ where the tide rises near two 
 
 ' Liffey. 
 
412 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 fathoms, by which large barks are brought up to a quay in 
 the middle of the town, and loaded vessels remain at anchor 
 at its mouth, under cover of some high mountains, which 
 run out into the sea in form of a promontory. We landed 
 at the little village of Ranesin,^ which is on the borders of 
 that little gulf, from whence we entered into a great suburb, 
 where stands the college of the University, which I visited 
 after having found an inn at the Mitre, in the little part of 
 the town,^ separated by the river which runs through it. 
 On the morrow, being accompanied by a French merchant 
 who lived there, I went to see this grand college. I was 
 introduced to the principal,^ who was a man of great wit 
 and learning. He showed me a fine library, in which were 
 many very scarce books ; among others he lent me that of 
 Camdenus Britannicus, who has written the history and 
 description of England, enriched with maps of every county 
 and the plans of all the cities. This man was curious to 
 hear me speak of the city of Paris, and of the French 
 customs, and seemed astonished that out of mere curiosity 
 I should come to see Ireland, which is a country so retired, 
 and almost unknown to foreign travellers. He likewise 
 showed me a fine garden, very well taken care of, wherein 
 was a great parterre representing a sun-dial, and in 4he 
 middle a tree that served for the gnomon. There was a 
 vine nailed against the back part of a chimney exposed to 
 the mid-day sun, and yet nevertheless its grapes never would 
 ripen, the climate being too cold, which is the case with 
 many fruit trees that cannot live here, or at least bring their 
 fruits to maturity. In the garden is a very fine terrace, 
 from which is a view of this great sea-port. I was shown 
 from the terrace the mountain of Plinlimont,* which is in the 
 principality of Wales, in England ; the weather, it is true, 
 was then very fine and clear. This grand college has two 
 
 ' Eingsend. - Oxmantown. 
 
 ^ The Provost of Trinity College at this time was Dr. Thomas Seele. See 
 Mahaffy's Epoch in Irish History, 1591-1660, p. 253. 
 
 ' The Welsh mountains are occasionally visible from the neighbourhood of 
 Dublin — a presage always of bad weather. But Plinlimmon is certainly not 
 within range at any time. 
 
DESCEIPTION OF ENGLAND AND lEELAND 413 
 
 large courts, encompassed with lodgings ; the schools are in 
 the second, as also the church, where he showed me the 
 tomb of a doctor who founded and endowed this university.* 
 He afterwards invited me to dinner, where I had great 
 pleasure, not so much for the good cheer, as because during 
 that time he entertained me with the account of many fine 
 things respecting the kingdom of Ireland. 
 
 I returned him thanks, in leaving him to see the palace 
 of the Viceroy, Monsieur the Duke of Ormont, uncle to the 
 King, who has a fine court, and a suite altogether royal ; 
 among them are several French gentlemen." This Castle is 
 at one of the ends of the town, and within its ancient walls, 
 which at present do not contain one third of its extent. The 
 Castle is strong, enclosed by thick walls, and by many round 
 towers that command the whole town ; on them are mounted 
 a good number of cannon. The court is small, but the 
 lodgings, although very ancient, are very handsome, and 
 worthy of being the dwelling of the Viceroy. The principal 
 gate is in a great street, called Casselstrit, that runs from one 
 end to the other of the town ; in the middle of it is an open 
 space in which the principal streets of Dublin meet. That 
 of Aystrit ^ is fine ; in it is the town-hall with a fine clock, 
 
 ' Dr. Luke Chaloner. See Dr. Mahaffy's Epoch in Irish History, chap, ii;, 
 and p. 383, note 2, stipra. 
 
 ^ The impressions of another Frenchman, who visited Ireland in 1G44, 
 regarding DubUn and the Viceregal Court, have been recorded in the Tour of 
 M. Boullaye le Gouz, edited in 1837 by T. Crofton Croker, as follows : — ' There 
 are fine buildings in Doublin ; a college and many churches, amongst which is 
 that of St. Patrick, the apostle of the country. In the choir are displayed the 
 arms of the old English knights, with their devices. I went there on Sunday 
 to witness the ceremonial attending on the Viceroy. I saw much that was 
 really magnificent. On leaving the church there marched before him a 
 company of footmen, beating the drum, and with match-locks ready for action. 
 Then followed a company of the halberdiers, his body-guards, and sixty gentle- 
 men on foot, with four noblemen well mounted, and the Viceroy in the midst 
 upon a white Barbary horse.' 
 
 ^ By ' Casselstrit ' is meant Castle Street, and by ' Aystrit ' is meant High 
 Street. M. Jorevin de Rocheford's shots at English street nomenclature are 
 often odd enough. Thus, in the English part of his Tour, Hyde Park appears 
 as ' Ayparte.' His account of this is characteristic : ' Among these (gardens) 
 is Ayparte, which is the common walk and jaunt of the coaches of London, 
 where we plainly perceived that the English ladies are very handsome, and 
 that they know it very well.' — Ant. Rep. iv. p. 566. 
 
414 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 which is before Christ Church. This great church seems to 
 me to have been some abbey ; the cloisters are converted 
 into shops of tradesmen, and the abbey-house serves for the 
 court in which pleadings are held. This same street passes 
 by the open place called Fichsterit,^ which is the fish-market, 
 that terminates at one of the ancient city gates between two 
 great towers, where are the two prisons. Beyond this is a 
 great suburb, which is at present both the best and largest 
 part of Dublin. A little river runs through the largest 
 street, called Tomstrit,^ wherein dwell several workmen of 
 different trades for the conveniency of this rivulet, of which 
 they make use, and that waters and cleanses all the suburb, 
 the houses of which are fine and straight. I went to see the 
 metropolitan church of St. Patrick, tutelar of all Ireland : 
 it has been much damaged by thunder, and principally its 
 high tower. There is an open spot used for the market- 
 place like that called the Haymarket. Here is a large 
 covered market-house. So that Dublin, with its suburbs, is 
 one of the greatest and best-peopled towns in Europe, and 
 the residence of all the nobility of the kingdom of Ireland. 
 There is a stone bridge, which joins that small part of the 
 town called Oxmonton to the greater. On that side which 
 lies by the water is a great quay, where are the finest 
 palaces in Dublin. I was there shown the ancient abbey of 
 St. Mary, formerly, after that of Armagh, the richest in the 
 whole island ; at present only the ruins of it are remaining. 
 I lodged in this suburb, from whence I often went to walk 
 in the great meadows by the side of the river, contemplating 
 the country and the situation of this famous town, which 
 seemed to me to be near high mountains on one side, and on 
 the other adjoining to a fine country, with this advantage 
 that it is in the middle of the island of Ireland ; so that the 
 produce of the country may be conveniently brought thither 
 from every part, as well as what comes by sea from foreign 
 countries, with which, by the means of its port, it may 
 traffic. 
 
 One may go to the town of Kilkenny, which lies fift}' 
 
 ' Fishamble Street. * Thomas Street. 
 
DESCEIPTION OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND 415 
 
 miles from Dublin, to see the fine castle of Monsieur the 
 Duke of Ormont, rich on every side with marble, and 
 ornamented with many things so curious, that those who 
 have seen it say that it surpasses many palaces of Ital3\ 
 It is only ten leagues from Waterford, which is one of the 
 good sea-ports of this kingdom, as are those of Wexford, 
 Cork, Kinsale, Limerick and Galway, from whence sail 
 every year many vessels, loaded with leather, butter, cheese, 
 tallow, salt meat, and fish ; as also with a kind of cloth 
 manufactured in the country, which is very cheap, and is 
 carried to Spain, Italy, and often to the American Islands, 
 from whence a return is made of divers merchandises of 
 those countries, as I have observed in several sea-ports of 
 this kingdom, which is the richest of all Europe in things 
 necessary for human life, but the poorest in money. This 
 causes provisions to be so cheap, that butter and cheese are 
 commonly sold at a penny the pound ; a pound of beef, at 
 the butchery, for eight deniers ; veal and mutton a penny ; 
 a large salmon just out of the sea, threepence ; a large fresh 
 cod, twopence ; a pair of soles, or quaviver, above a foot 
 broad, a penny ; an hundred herrings, threepence ; so that 
 one is served with flesh and fish in the best manner for 
 twelvepence a day. In fine, this is the land of plenty. 
 And, moreover, on the road, if you drink two pennyworth of 
 beer at a public-house, they will give you of bread, meat, 
 butter, cheese, fish, as much as you choose ; and for all 
 this you only pay your twopence for the beer, it being the 
 custom of the kingdom, as I have experienced wherever I 
 have been. 
 
 This island is between the degrees 51 and 56. It may be 
 about 200 French leagues in length, and fifty in breadth. It 
 has several large towns, great castles, and good sea-ports. 
 They have suffered much in the last civil wars on account 
 of religion, when they were almost all ruined, the inhabitants 
 punished, and the rest banished from the kingdom for having 
 resisted the will of their King, and persisted in following the 
 Catholic religion, which was rooted in the hearts of many. 
 These have been forbidden, upon pain of death, to return, 
 
416 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOKY 
 
 for fear that the rehgion might in time revive, and little 
 by little increase in the kingdom. In truth the Irish are 
 naturally inclined to the Catholic religion ; there are even in 
 Dublin more than twenty houses where mass is secretly said, 
 and above a thousand places, and subterraneous vaults and 
 retired spots in the woods, where the peasants assemble to 
 hear mass celebrated by some priests they secretly maintain. 
 I consider it as a fact that one third of the Irish are Catholics, 
 wherefore if any Catholic prince was to attempt the conquest 
 of Ireland, I believe he would be readily seconded by the 
 inhabitants. On this account perhaps it is that there are 
 garrisons in all the maritime places, and the entries and 
 ports are always guarded. There are several great lakes, 
 and large bodies of standing water in the middle of this 
 kingdom, all full of fish ; and in some places very high 
 mountains, such as those of Torne, Anna, [?] and those near 
 the town of Armagh, which was formerly the capital of the 
 kingdom, but has been ruined in the wars between the 
 Protestants and Catholics, when it was burned, so that at 
 present it is but a kind of deserted village. There are, how- 
 ever, among these mountains many great meadows, where a 
 number of cattle are fed, for which the country seems more 
 proper than for the growing of corn, so that many persons 
 live on the produce of their lands, without having any inter- 
 course with the towns ; on which account it is said by many, 
 that in Ireland there are provinces inhabited by savages. 
 
 Ireland is commonly divided into four provinces : these 
 are, Ultonia,^ Connacie,^ Lagenie and Momonie,^ sub- 
 divided into their counties. There is but one principal and 
 large river in all the kingdom, which is called Shannon. 
 Those who would go from Dublin to London must take the 
 great road from London to Bornek,* to St. Alban's, Dunsta,^ 
 Brigil,*^ Stanistritford,^ Daventry, Couentru,^ Colsid,^ Leche- 
 fild,^*^ Strone/^ Nantich,^^ Chester; here is the packet-boat 
 and ordinary passage to Dublin, which is 120 miles ; so that 
 
 ' Ulster. '• Connaught. ^ Leinster and Munster. * Barnet. 
 
 ^ Dunstable. ^ Brickhill. ' Stony Stratford. ' Coventry. 
 
 » Coleshill. "^ Lichfield. " Stone. '■ Najitwich. 
 
DESCRIPTION OP ENGLAND AND IRELAND 417 
 
 from London to Dublin it is 270 miles, or 120 common 
 French leagues.' Those who go from Dublin to Edinburgh, 
 the capital of the kingdom of Scotland, must take the way 
 I did, along the sea-coasts by several little ports, where one 
 may often meet with a passage for Scotland ; although they 
 say the packet-boat, which is the ordinary one, goes from 
 Portpatrick, that consists of five or six houses near Olderflet,^ 
 six miles from Knock Fergus [Carrickfergus], and arrives at 
 Donocady [Donaghadee], crossing an arm of the sea about 
 fifteen miles broad. From thence one may go straight 
 to Edinburgh, without going through the town of Glasco. 
 This is the shortest way from Dublin, the capital of Ireland, 
 to Edinburgh, the capital of Scotland, being 200 miles, 
 or 100 common leagues of France. 
 
 I left Dublin in my way to Scotland, and on my route 
 passed through an agreeable country, having a view of the 
 sesi-coast and the towns of Sandre and Souldres,^ where is 
 a ruined castle. On the way we saw several of these small 
 castles, all ruined in the last wars. I found afterwards 
 some meadows, and many herds of oxen, cows and calves, 
 which are not naturally large, the climate of this country 
 being too cold, but when transported into a warmer country 
 they become large and robust. From thence the road lies 
 by Ardof,* and a castle near Bardelet.^ In the inland parts 
 of Ireland they speak a particular language, but in the 
 greatest part of the towns and villages on the sea coast only 
 English is spoken. At length I arrived at 
 
 DROGHEDA. 
 
 Drodaph ^ is one of the biggest and most populous towns 
 in the kingdom, occasioned by her traffic on the sea, as well 
 
 ' Much information concerning the communication between London and 
 Dublin in early times has been gathered together in a series of papers con- 
 tributed to the Irish Builder for 1897 by Mr. F. Elrington Ball, M.R.I.A. 
 
 - Olderfleet is at the extremity of the peninsula which forms the haven of 
 Larne. Its castle, built by the Bissets, a Scotch family, dated from the reign 
 of Henry III. Olderfleet was the scene of the landing of Edward Bruce and 
 his army in 1315. 
 
 ' Santry and Swords. * Ardeath, in Meath. 
 
 ^ The identity of this castle is doubtful. * Drogheda. 
 
 E E 
 
418 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 on account of the goodness and safety of its port, as of its 
 being placed in a country full of all kinds of provisions, and 
 situated on the river Boyne, bordered by two hills, v^hereof 
 it occupies the greatest part, which makes it a very strong 
 place, with a castle in the highest part of the town, on the 
 side by which I entered, where it appeared almost in ruins ; 
 but the walls of the town are still entire and defensible ; here 
 is always a garrison, as in the most important place of the 
 kingdom. Passing over a bridge, which joins this part of the 
 town to the larger, you come to a great quay, bordered by 
 vessels, which come hither from all parts of Europe. The 
 tide here rises near a fathom and a half, and the river would 
 be deep enough, and capable of bearing large vessels, if the 
 entrance had not been greatly damaged, and almost stopped 
 up by the sands which it brings with it from the mountains 
 wherein it rises. From this bridge you come to a fine and 
 broad street, which forms a square in its centre, which 
 serves for a parade ; here is the town-house, towards which 
 tend most of the best streets in the town. I was there on a 
 Sunday, and was told that if I was desirous of hearing mass, 
 one would be said at two miles distance from the town. It 
 would be astonishing to relate the numbers of Catholics that 
 I saw arrive from across the woods and mountains to 
 assemble at this mass, which was said in a little hamlet, 
 and in a chamber poorly fitted up. Here I saw, before mass, 
 above fifty persons confess, and afterwards communicate 
 with a devotion truly Catholic, and sufficient to draw these 
 blind religionists to the true faith. The chapel in which the 
 priest celebrated mass was not better adorned than the 
 chamber ; but God does not seek grand palaces, He chooses 
 poverty and pureness of heart in those that serve Him. This 
 priest informed me that the Irish were naturally inchned to 
 the Catholic faith, but that there were many in different 
 parts of the kingdom who found great difficulty to perform 
 freely the functions of their religion. He had studied long 
 in France, and spoke the French language well. He told 
 me the Irish Catholics did not eat either flesh or eggs on 
 Wednesdays, Fridays, or Saturdays ; that they followed the 
 
DESCEIPTION OF. ENGLAND AND lEELAND 419 
 
 commandments of the Church, and of our holy Father the 
 Pope, whom they acknowledged for chief of the Catholic, 
 Apostolic and Koman Church. This good man discoursed 
 with me touching many difficulties there were in exercising 
 the Catholic religion among the Protestants. He kept me 
 with him for the space of half a day. Thence I returned to 
 lodge at Drodaph. I left it on the next morning, and came 
 into an open country, by a road almost all paved, toDoulers' 
 and Keltron,^ on a river, from whence you approach the sea- 
 side, which you must follow, and afterwards pass over a 
 river near Dondalk. 
 
 DUNDALK. 
 
 Dondalk is a small town, consisting almost of one great 
 street, situated near the bank of a small river, which at high 
 water has sufficient depth to bring vessels nearly up to the 
 town, if the sands did not choke the entry. Near it are to 
 be seen a chain of high mountains, which run out into the 
 sea, where they form a promontory, seen in front on leaving 
 the town after passing this river, over which there is no 
 bridge. I never saw finer fish, and so great a variety as in 
 the market of this little place. It must be owned that the 
 coasts of Ireland and Scotland are the most abundant in fish 
 of any in Europe. Water-fowl are frequently here taken in 
 such quantities, and sold so cheap, as to take away the 
 pleasure of sporting for them ; for my part I will say that I 
 could never have believed it, however it might have been 
 affirmed to me, if I had not seen them in flocks on the sea- 
 shore, and sometimes the air for leagues together darkened 
 by these fowl. There are besides, in the interior parts of the 
 country, several large lakes and pools full of fish. Among 
 these in the province of Ultonie, that of St. Patrick's 
 Purgatory is remarkable ; it has a little island, where, near 
 a convent, the voices of divers persons may be heard under 
 a rock, groaning and lamenting like the souls of persons 
 suffering in purgatory ; therefore the inhabitants of the 
 place say that St. Patrick, the apostle of Ireland, besought 
 
 ' Dunleer. ^ Castlebellingham. 
 
 E E 2 
 
420 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 God that He would cause the cries of the souls in purga- 
 tory to be heard here in order to convert the people to the 
 Christian religion, whence this lake has been named St. 
 Patrick's Purgatory, or the Purgatory of the Island.^ One 
 may from this judge, that in general fish is as plenty in the 
 middle of the island as on the sea-coasts which surround 
 it. It is saying everything to relate that navigators who 
 frequent these parts, complain that their vessels are some- 
 times obstructed by the quantities of fish they meet with in 
 their course. 
 
 It is a peculiarity in this island that there are no venom- 
 ous animals, not even frogs, toads, lizards, spiders, nor any 
 other kind, which is a mark of the purity and goodness of 
 its air. Some persons have tried the experiment whether 
 any creatures of this sort brought from other places would 
 live here, but it is a certainty that they die as soon as they 
 arrive in the country ; and farther it is said, that the touch 
 of a native of Ireland proves mortal to any of these animals 
 in any foreign country whatsoever, and that a circle being 
 made about any venomous creature with a stick which grew 
 in this island, the animal will instantly die. Let not, then, 
 the island of Malta boast of being the only island in the 
 world which neither nourishes nor suffers any venomous 
 animals, since we have that of Ireland so near to us which 
 has this natural virtue, enjoyed by Malta only some little 
 time, and that by a particular miracle of St. Paul, as the 
 sacred history informs us, and as we have related in the 
 voyage to Malta. 
 
 After having passed the little river at the end of Dondalk, 
 you must ascend the high mountains which enclose the 
 small town of Carlinfort ; ^ these I left on my right, and on 
 the left hand Armagh, distant about twenty miles from 
 thence. It was formerly the capital town of this kingdom, 
 and in Catholic times had an archbishopric, one of the four 
 which are in this island, with over nine-and-twenty bishop- 
 rics : at present it is only a village, remarkable for the fine 
 
 ' In Lough Derg, co. Donegal. See note at p. 220 supra. 
 * Carlingford. 
 
DESCRIPTION OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND 421 
 
 antiquities of an abbey and its handsome church, equal in 
 size to the largest in all England. The way by these moun- 
 tains is through a desert strewed with flint and other stones, 
 from whence one sees on the left hand some valleys filled 
 with cattle, where I passed a river, and farther on came 
 down over a large wooden bridge, and arrived at Newry. A 
 great gulf is formed here that brings vessels up to the town, 
 which is situated on an eminence, extending to the river's 
 side. Here I feasted on fish, which made me halt here for 
 the space of two days, during which time I diverted myself 
 with walking and visiting the environs. From hence I set 
 out for the mountains by a desert road, covered with flint 
 stones, to Braklen.^ Continuing still by the mountains, I 
 came to a river, from whence I arrived at Dromore, upon a 
 river. They pretended to me that it was a good town, and 
 had formerly a bishopric,^ but there is no appearance of it. 
 I remember I eat of a salad made according to the mode of 
 the country, of I know not what herbs ; I think there were 
 sorrel and beets chopt together ; it represented the form of a 
 fish, the whole without oil or salt, and only a little vinegar 
 made of beer, and a quantity of sugar strewed over it, that it 
 resembled Mount Etna covered with snow, so that it is im- 
 possible to be eaten by any one not accustomed to it. I 
 made my host laugh heartily in the presence of a gentleman, 
 a lord of the town, on asking for oil to season this salad, 
 according to the French fashion, and after having dressed it, 
 I persuaded the gentleman to taste it, who was pleased to 
 hear me speak of the state and customs of France. He had 
 studied at Dublin, and told me he was extremely desirous of 
 seeing France, and that before he died he would certainly 
 make that voyage. He begged me to stay only eight days in 
 his house, promising that I should pass my time in all sorts 
 
 ' Loughbrickland. 
 
 - The traveller's astonishment at the aspect of Dromore is not surprising. 
 The ancient Cathedral had been a ruin before the Reformation. Partly rebuilt 
 in the reign of James I. by Bishop Buckworth, it was destroyed during the 
 civil strife which followed the Rebellion of 1641. Jeremy Taylor who ruled 
 the diocese at the time of this visit contented himself with building a modest 
 church in lieu of a cathedral. 
 
422 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 of pleasures and diversions, both of walking and the chase ; 
 that he rarely saw any strangers or Frenchmen pass through 
 those parts, and he was still more astonished when I informed 
 him that I came only out of curiosity, after having visited 
 the most southern parts of Europe. He showed me many 
 curiosities in his cabinet, as well as all the apartments of his 
 castle, which were well furnished, and hung with tapestry. 
 He knew not how sufficiently to entertain and make me 
 welcome, in order to induce me to remain with him some 
 days ; but as I had resolved to prosecute my journey, I was 
 obliged to thank and take leave of him. He conducted me a 
 mile on the way, after which I got to Hilbara,' otherwise 
 Tilburg, where there is a large castle, one of the finest in 
 Ireland, situated on a river which runs out of a large pool, 
 where I passed over a great causey, which finished where the 
 mountains begin near Lenegiardin,^ whose large castle and 
 its garden are filled with wonders, like many others in the 
 same town, which is on an eminence, the foot whereof is 
 washed by the river. After this the country is but ill- 
 cultivated, and corn dear. 
 
 Few windmills are to be seen in Ireland. They eat here, 
 as well as in some parts of Scotland, cakes called kets, which 
 they bake on thin iron plates over a fire ; being sufficiently 
 baked on one side, they turn them on the other, till they 
 become as dry as a biscuit. They are made without leaven, 
 and sometimes so ill baked that a person who is not used to 
 them cannot eat them ; nevertheless throughout all the inns 
 on the road no other sort of bread is eaten ; however, they 
 do not spare to cover them with butter, and thick cheese, 
 here very cheap, costing only a penny per pound. The 
 common people live chiefly on this, especially in places 
 distant from the rivers and lakes. Afterwards I arrived at 
 Belfast, situate on a river at the bottom of a gulf, where barks 
 and vessels anchor on account of the security and goodness 
 of the port ; wherefore several merchants live here who 
 
 ' Hillsborough, co. Down. Not to be confounded with the earlier Hillsboro', 
 CO. Antrim, close to Belfast. See p. 370 stipra. 
 - Lisnegarvey, tlie modern Lisburn. 
 
DESCRIPTION OP ENGLAND AND IRELAND 423 
 
 trade to Scotland and England, whither they transport the 
 superfluities of this country. Here is a very fine castle, and 
 two or three large and straight streets, as in a new-built 
 town. One may often procure a passage here for Scotland, 
 but as I could not meet with one, I went to Knockfergus, 
 which is at the entry of this gulf, and within eight miles of 
 Belfast. 
 
 CARRICKFERGUS. 
 
 Knockfergus is a strong town, and one of the most ancient 
 in the kingdom ; it is situated, as it were, at one of the ends 
 of the island, at the entry of a gulf environed by mountains, 
 whereby it is sheltered from the wind, having besides a port, 
 enclosed by a great mole built with flints, composing a large 
 quay in the form of a semicircle, by the side of which there 
 are always a number of vessels. The entrance is defended 
 by a huge castle on the sea-shore, elevated upon a rock, that 
 renders it difficult to be scaled. There are garrisons in both 
 the town and castle, as there are in all the strong places in 
 Ireland. I was not disappointed in procuring a passage for 
 Scotland, but the wind being contrary, obliged me to wait 
 eight days, during which time I walked about all the envi- 
 rons of the town, and upon the sea-shore, which are very 
 agreeable. I was well entertained here, both on fish and 
 flesh, for a shilling a day, exclusive of my horse, which I had 
 sent back to Dublin, where I hired him to this place. I 
 nevertheless began to tire, being without company, or any 
 person to discourse with, unless in the English language, in 
 which I had great difficulty to make myself understood in a 
 long discourse, as well as to understand what was said to me 
 in the same tongue, wherefore my whole amusement was to 
 walk and see the town, expecting the change of wind and 
 weather. They took me into the great castle, which is en- 
 closed by very thick walls, and defended by round towers 
 placed all about it, having in the middle a large keep, or 
 dungeon, over whose gate are many pieces of cannon ; these 
 command the city, and also the port. About a month before 
 my arrival the garrison was in arms against the Viceroy, who 
 
424 ILLUSTKATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 had not paid them.' Being informed of this, he equipped 
 six large ships of war and three thousand land forces, and 
 besieged the castle, which resisted three months, without the 
 guns being able to do anything ; but provisions and ammu- 
 nition failing, the mutineers were obliged to make conditions 
 with the Viceroy, who caused five or six of the most guilty 
 to be punished. At the distance of about an hundred paces 
 in the city, near the sea-side, are still to be seen some old 
 towers of an ancient castle. Another day I went to see the 
 great palace, which is at one of the ends of the town. It is 
 a great square pavilion, having, I think, as many windows 
 as there are days in the year. The top is terraced, and sur- 
 rounded with balustrades ; the entry is handsome. You first 
 come into the outer great court, surrounded with the officers' 
 lodgings, having a gallery over it, from whence there is a 
 view of the sea and all over the town ; then you advance to 
 a drawbridge between two little turrets, which accompany a 
 small pavilion rising over the gate of the drawbridge ; this 
 leads from the first to the second court, and faces the grand 
 edifice. Its staircase is admirable, and its gate or door much 
 more so, on account of many pieces of sculpture and engrav- 
 ing with which it is ornamented. The town has properly 
 but two principal streets ; in the largest there is a market- 
 place, where are the town hall and parade ; a small river 
 runs through the middle of it, and empties itself at the port, 
 whither I often went to see if the wind had changed.^ 
 
 The etymology of Knocfergus,^ according to the opinions 
 of many of the natives, comes from the embarkation made 
 by the King Fergus for Scotland, from near that rock on 
 which the castle stands ; a rock being in the Irish tongue 
 called Knock, or Karrick, which added to Fergus, the name 
 of the King, gave the name of Knock Fergus, or Karrick 
 Fergus, to this town. 
 
 ' The mutiny at Carrickfergus was of serious dimensions. See Carte's 
 Life of Ormond, ii. pp. 325-7, and McSkimin's History of CarricJcfergus. See 
 also reference to the part played in suppressing it by the Irish Guards, 
 Part I. p. 91, supra. 
 
 - See p. 368 supra, and see also the Montgomery Manuscripts, p. 424, note. 
 
 ^ See p. 368 supi-a, note 2. 
 
DESCRIPTION OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND 425 
 
 I knew that the common passage for the post and 
 packet-boat was six miles above the town, at a little village 
 called Larne, and that formerly this passage was to Arglas 
 and to Denocadi/ villages below Belfast ; but for security, 
 and finding an opportunity of passing from Knockfergus, or 
 Karri ckfergus, in Scotland, I would wait for proper wind 
 and weather to do it. During my stay I saw the burial of 
 the governor of the town, who was carried in procession 
 about all the streets, followed by the most considerable 
 burghers of the town, and all the officers and soldiers of the 
 garrison, their arms trailing on the ground, with many 
 trumpets playing sorrowfully and in a dismal tone, until 
 they came into the church, where, after all these ceremonies, 
 before he was put into the grave, they fired a general 
 discharge on the spot where he was placed, m the middle of 
 the church.^ 
 
 As the water throughout England is in general unfit to 
 drink, they make a sort of beer they call Smal Bir, or weak 
 beer, for the servants and children, instead of water. It is 
 made solely of what remains after they have drawn off the 
 good beer, by the addition of water passing through the 
 grains, which is afterwards well boiled up. This small beer 
 is extremely proper to quench thirst and to refresh, but has 
 neither strength nor nourishment. 
 
 The wind at length became favourable for leavmg 
 Knockfergus, from whence we kept the Irish coast for some 
 time, until it was stark calm. This gave occasion to our 
 sailors to observe, that it was a presage of our having 
 presently a brisk gale ; and in effect, early in the morning, 
 so violent a wind arose that, though it was abaft, it obliged 
 us to take in all our sails, and run into the great gulf of 
 Dombritton,^ at the entry of which there is the great rock 
 Aliza.'' The storm increased so much, that the sea often 
 covered our vessel, and passed over it, threatening to bury 
 
 ' Ardglas and Donaghadee. 
 
 '^ This must have been a deputy or Constable of Carrickfeigus. The 
 Governor at the time of de Rocheford's visit was Arthur, first Earl of 
 Donegall, who survived till 167-5. 
 
 ^ Dumbarton. •• Ailsa Craig. 
 
426 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY 
 
 us in its waves. This gulf is skirted by high mountains and 
 bare rocks, whence we saw on the right hand Yroiien.^ 
 Towards the approach of night the wind began to abate, 
 owing to some clouds portending rain and a change of wind, 
 which came on with a fury, and in so tempestuous a 
 manner that resistance was impossible, and in the little 
 gulf of Krinock^ our sailors were obliged to put out all the 
 anchors they had, trusting to the mercy of God, in whom 
 was placed all our hope. We arrived there after the storm 
 was over, which both wetted and greatly fatigued our 
 sailors, happy to get off so well. This town is the passage of 
 the Scotch post and packet-boat to Ireland ; its port is good, 
 sheltered by the mountains which surround it, and by a 
 great mole, by the side of which are ranged the barks and 
 other vessels, for the conveniency of loading and unloading 
 V J more easily. We made good cheer together, as companions 
 
 of fortune. After which I left this town, and coasted the 
 gulf of Dombritton. 
 
 ' Perhaps Arran is meant. - Greenock. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Adams, Bernard, Bishop of Limerick, 
 
 353 
 Adderton, Captain Henry, 331 
 Addison, Joseph, Keeper of the Records 
 
 in Ireland, 35 
 Aldermen of Skinner's Alley, 195-203 ; 
 
 Charter Song, 202 
 Allen, Thomas, 191 
 Andrews, George, Bishop of Ferns, 
 
 164-(j, 182 5, 380 
 Anglesey, Arthur, first Earl of, 167, 168 
 Armagh, 420 ; epigram on, 231 
 Armoi'er, Sir Nicholas, Governor of 
 
 Cork, 90 
 Arran, Earl of, 24, 63, 80, 82, 83, 84, 
 
 88 
 Ashtown Castle, 60 
 Athy, Sir Arthur, 163 
 Atwell's Tavern, Dublin, 208 
 Auckland, Wilham Eden, Lord, 67, 69 
 
 Bacon, Roger, MS. of his Opus Majus, 
 
 383 
 Bagnal, Sir Henry, Marshal of Ulster, 
 
 372 n. 2 
 Bagnal, Sir Nicholas, 123 
 Ballast Office, 186-90 
 Ballihack (co. Wexford), 398-9 
 Baltimore, Cecilius Calvert, Lord, 388 
 ' Bandies,' 358 
 Bandonbridge, 355 
 Bards, 247-8, 311, 361 
 Baronial divisions, Irish, 105 
 Barrington, Rev. Benjamin, 178 
 Barrington, Sir Jonah, his works 
 
 quoted, 70, 196 
 Battle-axes, Lord Lieutenant's guard 
 
 of, 85-7 
 'Bawns,' 222 
 Belfast, 422 
 Belfast Castle, 370 
 Bermingham family, 218, 219, 251 
 Billingsley, Major, 87, 92, 94 
 Bingham, Sir Richard, Governor of 
 
 Connaught, 308 
 
 Bishopries, Irish, 377 
 
 Blaquiere, Sir John, 69-72 
 
 Blosse, Francis Lynch, 364 
 
 Boate, Gerard, his ' Natural History 
 
 of Ireland ' referred to, 149, 150, 
 
 354 n. 1, 371 n. 3 
 Bodley, Sir Josias, 297 n., 341 ; his 
 
 visit to Lecale, 326-44 
 Bolton, Sir Richard, Lord Chancellor 
 
 of Ireland, 376 n. 4 
 ' Bonnyclabber,' 230, 359 
 Book of Sports, 380 
 Boullaye le Gouz, M., 413 n. 2 
 Boulter, Hugh, Archbishop of Armagh, 
 
 64 
 Bowling Green, Dublin, 169 
 Bradford, Dr. Alexander, 176, 178 
 Brady, Maziere, 347 
 Brady, Nicholas, 346 
 Bramhall, John, Archbishop of 
 
 Armagh, 184 
 Brehon judges, 274, 275, 284 
 Brereton, Sir William, Travels of, 
 
 363-407 ; referred to, 23, 149 
 Bristol fair, 399 
 Brouncker, Henry, Lord,' 61 
 Bruces, their invasion of Ireland, 116, 
 
 140, 369 n. 3, 417 n. 2 
 Buckworth, Theophilus, Bishop of 
 
 Droraore, 371, 421 7i. 2 
 Butt, Isaac, 199, 200 
 ' Butter Captains,' 286 
 
 ' Calliots,' 357 
 
 Camden's Britannia, 314, 412 
 
 Capel, Henry, Lord, 64 
 
 Carew, Sir George, 22, 125, 152, 
 
 240 n., 333 
 Carnew, 387 
 Carrick-on-Suir, 401 
 Carrickfergus, 368, 369 n. 3, 423 
 Carroll, Sir James, Lord Mayor of 
 
 Dublin, 390 
 ' Carrows,' 248, 322 
 Gary's Hospital, 22, 166 
 
 ''^^tmtir^ 
 
428 
 
 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Catholicism, 253, 373, 397, 401, 40'2, 
 
 415-6, 418 
 Caulfeild, Sir Toby, first Lord Charle- 
 
 mont, 329 n. 1 
 ' Cessing,' 303 
 
 Chaloner, Dr. Luke, 383, 413 
 Chamber of Commerce of Dublin, 
 
 origin of the, 190-5 
 Chambre, Calcot, 387 
 Chapelizod, the King's House at, 53-5, 
 
 62 (5 
 Chappell, William, Bishop of Cork, 383 
 Cheevers, Biehard, 397 
 Chester, 409 
 Chesterfield, Philip Stanhope, fourth 
 
 Earl of, 65, 60-7 
 Chichester, Sir Arthur, 21-2, 46, 120, 
 
 125, 166, 328, 370 n. 1 
 Chichester, Edward, first Viscount, 
 
 368 
 Chichester House, 166, 177 
 Chief Secretary's Lodge in Phoenix 
 
 Park, 71-2 
 Churches, Dublin : 
 
 Christ Church Cathedral, 351, 378, 
 
 414 
 Jesuits' Church, 382 
 Round Church, see St. Andrew's 
 St. Andrew's, 160-85 
 St. Audoen's (Owen's), 84, 379 
 St. Bride's, 379 
 St. Mark's, 168, 175-6 
 St. Michael's, 84 
 St. Patrick's Cathedral, 16, 17, 29, 
 
 34, 161, 168, 176, 351, 378, 414 
 St. Sepulchre's, 16 
 St. Werburgh's, 163, 173, 379, 385 
 Clarendon, Henry Hyde, Earl of, 63-4, 
 
 92-5 
 Clements, Nathaniel, 60, 68 
 Cleveland, Barbara Villiers, Duchess 
 
 of, 61-2 
 Clonmullen Castle, 388 
 Cloth, trade in, 415 
 Colclough, Sir Adam, 396, 398 
 Connaught, ancient province of, 106, 
 111; presidents of, 130-1; shiring 
 of, 122 
 Constable, Sir Ralph, 331 
 Constables of Dublin Castle, 36-8 
 Conway, Edward, second Viscount, 371 
 Cooper, Austin, his Diary quoted, 68 
 Cork, 261, 262, 283, 296, 352 
 Cork Hill, 32 
 Cork, Richard Boyle, first Earl of, 150, 
 
 378, 382 n. 2, 405 n. 1 
 ' Coshering,' 232, 360 
 Costumes, Irish, 261, 321, 356-9, 396 
 Counterblaste to Tobacco, 342 n. 
 Counties of Ireland, the : their origin, 
 
 constitution, and gradual delimita- 
 tion, 103 ; nomenclature of, 135 
 
 ' Coy ' ( = wild-fowl decoy), 394 
 
 Creagh, Richard, titular Archbishop 
 of Armagh, 21 
 
 Cromwell, Henry, in Phcenix Park, 51 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, grants a pension to 
 Luke Gernon, 346 
 
 Cross Tipperary, county of, 133 
 
 Crow, John, 167 
 
 ' Cuttings,' 245, 276 
 
 D'Alton, John, his King James's 
 
 Army List, 75 
 Dancing, Irish country dances, 322 
 Danish rule in DubUn, 1-2, 161 
 Danvers, Sir Henry, 330 
 Davies, Sir John, his Discovery of 
 
 Ireland quoted, 104, 107, 232, 
 
 237 n. 2 ; on counties palatine, 109 ; 
 
 referred to, 117, 120, 124, 145, 157 n. 
 Davison, Captain, 187-8 
 Deer, placed in Phcenix Park, 60 ; in 
 
 Glencree royal forest, 145 ; wild, 
 
 222, 323 
 Delany, Mrs., her references to the 
 
 Phcenix Park, 64-5 
 Derricke, John, his Image of Irela^id 
 
 referred to, 18 n. 2, 20, 32, 148, 223, 
 
 261 n. 2, 351 7i. 4 
 Desmond, district of, 132 
 Desmond, Earl of, 215, 257, 313 
 Diet, Irish, 225, 320-1, 359-61 
 Dillon, Sir Luke, Chief Baron, 253 
 Dillon, Sir Robert, C.J., 253, 256 
 Dinely, Thomas, quoted, 150; his 
 
 Tour referred to, 353 9i. 3, 360 n. 
 Discourse of Ireland, by Luke 
 
 Gernon, 345-62 
 Dodson, Wilham, 56, 170 
 Donegall, Arthur Chichester, first Earl 
 
 of, 369, 373 n. 2 
 Dopping, Anthony, Bishop of Meath, 
 
 172 
 Dorrington, Sir William, Colonel of 
 
 Irish Guards, 94, 95, 96 
 Dorset, Duke of. Viceroy of Ireland, 64 
 Dougatt, Dr. Robert, 176 
 Dough Arra, co. Tipperary, 134 
 Drogheda, 373-4, 417-8 
 Dromore, 371, 421 
 Drummond, Thomas, Under-Secretary, 
 
 69 n. 3 
 Drury, Sir William, 125, 126 
 Dublin : described by Gernon, 350-1 ; 
 by Sir William Brereton, 377-85; 
 by Jorevin de Rocheford, 411 ; by 
 Boullaye le Gouz, 413 ?j. 2 ; Bala- 
 cleioh and Diveliu (old names for 
 Dubhn), 217 
 
INDEX 
 
 429 
 
 Dublin Castle, history of, 1-40 ; as 
 Parliament House, 27-9; as Law 
 Courts, 29-30 ; as Exchequer and 
 Mint, 30-2; as State Prison, 32-3; 
 as Kecorcl Oliice, 33-6 ; Conatablcs 
 of, 36-8 ; Survey of, in 1624, 38-40; 
 visited by Sir W. Brereton, 380 ; by 
 Jorevin de Rocheford, 413 ; Ber- 
 mingham Tower, 32, 34 
 
 Dublin county, its former area, 124 
 
 Dubourdieu, Brereton's Travels quoted 
 by, 363 
 
 Duffries, the (Co. Wexford), 158, 389 
 
 Dun, Sir Patrick, his account of the 
 fire in Dublin Castle, 24 
 
 Duncannon Fort, 400 
 
 Dundalk, 372, 419 
 
 Dungannon, Marcus Trevor, Viscount, 
 first Ranger of Phoenix Park, 59 
 
 Dymmok's Treatise of Irelaitd quoted, 
 148 n. 3, 152 
 
 Edgcdmbe, Sir Richard, his Voyage 
 
 into Ireland, 13-14 
 Edinburgh, communications between 
 
 Dublin and, 417 
 English-Irish, the, Moryson's account 
 
 of, 250 
 Enniscorthy, 389 
 Essex, Robert Devereux, Earl of, 19, 
 
 46, 121, 234 
 Essex, Arthur Capel, Earl of, 23, 44, 61 
 Eustace, Sir Maurice, Lord Chancellor 
 
 of Ireland, 52, 55 n. 4, 167, 168 
 Evans, Mr., Dublin antiquary, 57 n. 2 
 Evelyn, John, 63 
 Exchequer, Dublin Castle used for, 30 
 
 Falkland, Henry Gary, Viscount, 22, 
 49 
 
 Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount, 
 329 n. 3 
 
 Feilding, Sir Charles, Lt.-Col. of Irish 
 Guards, 91, 94 
 
 Finglas, Patrick, C.J., 146 
 
 Fisher, Sir Edward, 48 
 
 Fitton, Sir Edward, President of Con- 
 naught, 130 
 
 FitzGibbon, John, Lord Chancellor, 
 179 
 
 Fitz-Henry, Meiller, Justiciary of Ire- 
 land, 5-7 
 
 Fitzjames, Duke of, fights duel in 
 Phoenix Park, 98 
 
 Fitzwalter, Thomas Radcliffe, Vis- 
 count, see Sussex, Earl of 
 
 Flower, Sir George, Governor of Dun- 
 cannon, 400 
 
 Flower, Sir William, Lt.-Col. of Irish 
 
 Guards, 801, 69 
 Forest laws in Ireland, 145 
 Forests of Ireland, 143-59 
 Fortescuc, Sir Faithful, 372 
 Foster-children, 244, 261, 318 
 Foster, John, Speaker, his connection 
 with St. Andrew's Church, 179, 197 
 Four Courts, Dublin, 29, 30 n. 2 
 Fownes, Sir William, 171, 180 
 Fulburn, Stephen, Bishop of Water- 
 ford, 10 
 Funeral customs, 319 
 
 Galway, its earlier importance, 354 
 
 Galway, Lord, 64 
 
 Gardiner, Robert, C.J., 253 n. 
 
 George, Prince, of Denmark, Lord 
 High Admiral of Ireland, 188-90 
 
 Geraldines, the, 252, 257 
 
 Gernon, Luke, his Discottrse of Ire- 
 land, 345-62 
 
 Gilbert, Sir John, his works on 
 Dublin referred to, 18, 75 w., 190 
 
 Glencree, royal forest of, 59 n. 2, 145 
 
 ' Glibs,' 261 
 
 Gomme, Sir Bernard de, his map of 
 the harbour of Dublin, 186 
 
 Gormanston, viscounty of, 282 
 
 Grattan, Henry, proposed grant of 
 Phoenix Park to, 70; referred to, 
 197, 206 
 
 Gregg, Rev. Tresham, 200 
 
 Gregory, Sir WilUam, 199, 200-1 
 
 Grenadier Guards, origin of the regi- 
 ment, 78 
 
 Grey de Wilton, Arthur, fourteenth 
 Baron, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 308 
 
 Greyhounds, 324 
 
 Grogan, Sir Edward, 199 
 
 Grose, the antiquary, on Jorevin de 
 Rocheford, 409 n. 
 
 Hacketstown, 378, 385-6 
 Halbertiers, Lord -Lieutenant's Guard 
 
 of, 85-7 
 Haliday, Charles, his Scandhiavian 
 
 Kingdom of Dublin reierred to, 161, 
 
 169 n. 
 Hamilton, Sir F., his History of the 
 
 Grenadier Guards referred to, 77 n. 2 
 Hampton, Christopher, Archbishop of 
 
 Armagh, 374 
 Hansard, John, 176 
 Hardiman's Statute of Kilkenny 
 
 quoted, 105 n. 2 
 Hardwicke, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland, 
 
 181 
 
430 
 
 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Harris, Walter, on Dublin Castle, 20 
 Hartley, Travers, first President of 
 
 Dublin Chamber of Commerce, 194 
 Hartwell, George, 179-80 
 Hawking, 224, 324 
 Hawkins, E., editor of Brereton's 
 
 Travels, 363-4 
 Henri de Londres, Archbp. of Dublin, 
 
 builder of Dublin Castle, 6-8, 161 
 Henry H., visits Dublin, 4 
 Henry HI., adds chapel to Dublin 
 
 Castle, 8-9 
 Hewetson, Michael, Rector of St. 
 
 Andrews and Archdeacon of Armagh, 
 
 174 
 Hill, Sir Moyses, 370 
 Hillsboro' (co. Antrim), 370 
 Hillsborough (co. Down), 422 
 Holyhead, 410-11 
 Hook Tower, 401 
 Howard, Thomas, 187 
 Hoyle, Dr. Nathaniel, 379, 385 
 Hughes, Mr. Charles, Editor of 
 
 Shakespeare's Europe, 211 
 Hunting, 323 
 Hyde Park, Jorevin de Rocheford in, 
 
 413 n. 3 
 
 ' Ieiesh ' ( = eric), 274 
 Irish Guards, 74-102 
 Iron-works, 150, 154, 387, 389 
 Island Bridge, built by Sir H. Sidney, 
 45 n. 3 
 
 James I., his Counterhlaste to Tobacco 
 
 referred to, 342 n. 
 James II., at Dublin Castle, 26 
 Jephson, Sir John, 329 n. 2 
 Jerome, Rev. Stephen, 379 
 Jesuits' Church, Dublin, 382 
 John, King, orders building of Dublin 
 
 Castle, 5 ; visits Dublin, 7 
 Johnston, Francis, 180 
 Joinville (or Geneville), Geoffrey de, 
 
 111 
 Jones, Henry, Bishop of Meath, 169, 
 
 174 
 Jones, Sir Theophilus, 62, 85 
 Jones, Thomas, Archbishop of Dublin, 
 
 340 
 Joyce, P. W., his Irish Names of 
 
 Places referred to, 49, 135-6, 144, 
 
 372 n. 1 
 Joymount, Carrickfergus, 368 7i. 4 
 
 Kavanagh, Sir Morgan, 386, 388-9 
 Keating, James, Prior of Kilmainham, 
 13-14 
 
 Kildare, George, 16th Earl of, 397-8 
 Kildare Hall, 382 
 Kilkenny Castle, 354, 414-5 
 Kilmainham Priory, 44-8 
 King's House, see Chapelizod, 
 Kinsale, siege of, 287, 289, 292, 293, 
 
 337 
 Kirwan, Dean, 182 
 Knights Hospitallers, Kilmainham, 
 
 44 
 Knockfergus, see Carrickfergus 
 
 Lancaster, palatinate of, 112 
 
 Language, Irish, 262, 317 
 
 Lame, 425 
 
 Laud, Archbishop, 164-6, 182-5 . 
 
 Law Courts, Irish, 29-30, 273, 382 
 
 Laws of Ireland, Moryson's account 
 
 of the, 273 
 Lawyers, Moryson's account of, 278- 
 
 281, 317 
 Lazy [Lazars] Hill, 167, 168, 175, 
 
 181 n. 2 
 Lecale, 219 ; Sir Josias Bodley's visit 
 
 to, 326-44 
 Le Fanu, T. P., on the royal Forest 
 
 of Glencree, 59 n. 2, 146 n. 2 
 Leinster, ancient province of, 107, 
 
 110 
 Lever, James, 180 
 Lighting of Dublin streets, 181 n. 2 
 Limerick, described by Gernon, 352 
 Lingard, Dr. Richard, 168, 172 
 Lionel, Duke of Clarence, his restora- 
 tions at Dublin Castle, 11 
 Lisnegarvey ( = Lisburn), 370, 422 
 Livingston, Sir William, 365 
 Loftus, Adam, Lord Chancellor of 
 
 Ireland, 164 
 London, communication between 
 
 Dublin and, 417 
 Londonderry, county of, 118 n. 2 
 Lord-Lieutenant, title of, 234 
 Lucas, Dr., assists in founding Royal 
 
 Exchange, Dublin, 191 
 Lundy Island, 407 
 
 McMahon sept, origin of, 244 
 McSkimin, Samuel, historian of 
 
 Carrickfergus, referred to, 91 n. 1, 
 
 368 nn. 3, 4, 424 n. 1 
 Mainwaring, Roger, 392 
 Malby, Sir Nicholas, President of 
 
 Connaught, 122 
 Marble, Irish, 350, 352, 379 
 Marshall, William, Earl of Pembroke, 
 
 110 
 
INDEX 
 
 431 
 
 Massingberd, Sir Oswald, Prior of 
 Kilmainham, 45 
 
 Meade, William, Recorder of Cork, 
 247 
 
 Meath, ancient province of, 106, 110 
 
 Mere Irish, the, Moryson's account of, 
 241 
 
 Milford route to Ireland, 396 
 
 Military aiiairs, Moryson's account of, 
 284 
 
 Militia, City of Dublin, 85 
 
 Minstrels, Irish, 247-8, 311, 361 
 
 Mints, Irish, 30-2, 236 
 
 Monmouth, Duke of, intended grant 
 of Phoenix Park to, 61 
 
 Montgomery, Sir Hugh, 1st Viscount 
 Montgomery, 365 
 
 Moore, Sir Garret (Viscount), 375 
 
 Mornington, Richard CoUey Wesley 
 (Wellesley), first Lord, 178 
 
 Morris, Capt. Edward, 341 
 
 Moryson, Fynes, 148, 211-3 ; extracts 
 from his Itinerary : A. ' The De- 
 scription of Ireland,' 214-32 ; B. 
 'The Commonwealth of Ireland,' 
 233-309; C. 'The Manners and 
 Customs of Ireland,' 310-25 
 
 Moryson, Sir Richard, Vice-President 
 of Munster, 212, 329 n. 3 
 
 Mountjoy, Charles Blount, eighth 
 Baron (Earl of Devonshire), 212, 
 225, 2*28, 234, 240 n.,2i6, 266, 276, 
 295, 315 
 
 Munster, ancient province of, 106, 
 129 ; Presidency and Presidents of, 
 130-1 ; shiring of, 130-3 
 
 Netteeville, Viscount, 376 
 Newcomen, Sir Beverley, Admiral of 
 
 Ireland, 399, 405 
 Newry, 330, 372, 421 
 Newtown, Phoenix Park, 59, 68 
 Newtownards, 366 
 Nicholas, Captain John, 171 
 'Ninth Whelp,' guardship, 377-8, 
 
 405 
 Nomenclature of Irish Counties, 135 
 Nowel, Dean, his Elizabethan map of 
 
 Ireland, 104 
 
 O'Callaghan, John Cornelius, his 
 History of the Irish Brigade re- 
 ferred to, 75 
 
 O'Cane, 277 
 
 O'Connell, Daniel, 199 
 
 O'Conor, Matthew, his Military 
 Memoirs of the Irish Nation, 75 
 
 O'Donnell, Hugh Roe (Lord of Tyr- 
 
 connel), 268, 279 
 O'Donnell, Neill Garve, 244, 246 
 O'Donnell, Rory, first Earl of Tyr- 
 
 connel, 246, 279 
 Olderfleet, 417 
 
 O'Neill, Henry Oge, 246, 280, 338 
 O'Neill, Hugh, see Tyrone 
 O'Neill, Lady Sara, daughter of 
 
 Tyrone, 332 
 O'Neill, Shane, 290 n., 321 
 O'Neill, Turlough Luineach, 290 
 Ormond, district of, 132 
 Ormond, James Butler, first Duke of, 
 
 24, 42, 43, 51, 52-3, 60-2, 77-80, 
 
 82, 87-8, 112, 402 
 Ormond, Thomas, tenth Earl of, 282 
 Orrery, Roger Boyle, Earl of, his State 
 
 Letters quoted, 51 
 Ossory, Thomas, Earl of, 63, 89, 95 
 Oulart, or Ollart, 389 
 Ouzel Galley Society, 203-8 
 
 Palatine, Counties, 109, 111 n. 3 
 Pale, English, period of its shrinking, 
 
 116-7 ; its extent in 1596, 136 
 Parliament, Irish, its place of as- 
 sembly, 27-9, 380 
 Passes, names of, 147 n. 1 
 Pentarchy, Irish, 106 
 Perrot, Sir John, 18, 21, 120, 126-8, 
 
 130 
 Petty, Sir William, on planting in 
 
 Ireland, 150 
 Phillips, Dr. Marmaduke, 178 
 Phillips, Thomas, 353 n. 3 
 Phillpott, Sir John, Judge of Irish 
 
 Common Pleas, 395 
 Phcenix, etymology of the name, 49 
 Phoenix Park, 41-73; House, 52 
 
 Magazine, 52 
 Piers, Sir Henry, 147 
 Pies (Magpies), 223 
 Pillions, 360 
 Pipe-staves, trade in, 150, 225, 387, 
 
 392 
 ' Plashing,' 148 
 Ploughing by the tail, 263, 322 
 Pollard, Sir John, first President of 
 
 Munster, 130 
 Portland, third Duke of, his letter to 
 
 Count Walsh de Serrant, 99 
 Post and Pair, game of, 348 
 Presidents of Connaught, 130-1 ; of 
 
 Munster, 130-1, 272 n. 1 
 Prior, Thomas, 155 
 Prison, Irish State, 32-3 
 Pynnar, Capt. Nicholas, 22 ?i. 3 
 
432 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY 
 
 Radcliffe, Thomas, see Sussex, Earl 
 of, 
 
 Eangership of Phcenix Park, 59-60 
 
 Ilawson, Sir John, Prior of Kilmain- 
 ham, 44 
 
 Record Office, Irish, 33-6 
 
 Reeves, William, Bishop of Down, his 
 Toionland Distribution of Ireland 
 quoted, 105 ; his translation of 
 Bodley's Visit to Leeale, 326-7 ; on 
 game of ' skewer the goose,' 343 n. 
 
 Regan, Maurice, his Chro7iicle quoted, 
 6n. 3 
 
 Rheban, 216 
 
 Richard II., his visits to Dublin, 11- 
 12 
 
 Richardson, John, Bishop of Ardagh , 
 380 
 
 Rocheford, Jorevifi de, 24 ; his De- 
 scription of England and Ireland, 
 409-26 
 
 Roe, Sir Francis, 376 
 
 Rotheram, Sir Thomas, 381 
 
 Round Church, see St. Andrew's, 
 Dublin 
 
 Royal Exchange, Dublin, 191 
 
 Russell, Colonel John, 78 
 
 Saddles, Irish, 284, 360 
 
 St. Andrew's Church, Dublin, 160- 
 
 185 
 St. Audoen's Church, Dublin, 84, 379 
 St. Bride's Church, Dubhn, 379 
 St. John, Sir Oliver, Lord Grandison, 
 
 49 
 St. Mark's Church, Dubhn, 168, 175- 
 
 176 
 St. Michael's Church, Dublin, 84 
 St. Owen's Church, Dublin, see St. 
 
 Audoen's 
 St. Patrick, Order of, 283 n. 1 
 St. Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, 16, 
 
 17, 29, 34, 161, 168, 176, 351, 378, 
 
 414 
 St. Patrick's Chair, Struel, 341 
 St. Patrick's Purgatory, 220, 419 
 St. Patrick's Well, Struel, 341 
 St. Sepulchre's Church, Dublin, 16 
 St. Stephen's Green, 43, 84 
 St. Stephen's Hall, 382 
 St. Thomas the Martyr, Dublin, Abbey 
 
 of, 16 
 St. Werburgh's Church, Dublin, 163, 
 
 173, 379, 385 
 Salusbury, Lady, 375 
 Sankey, Sir Jerome, 51 
 ' Scarborough leisure,' 162 
 Seele, Dr. Thomas, Provost of Trinity 
 
 College, Dublin, 412 
 
 Selden on ' counties palatine,' 111 n. 3 
 
 Septs, Irish, 103-4 
 
 Serrant, Count Walsh de, Colonel of 
 
 Irish Guards, 97, 99, 102 
 ShakesjJcare's Europe, 211 
 Sheriffs, Irish, 113-6 
 Shires, division of Ireland into, 107 
 Shurley, Sir George, L.C.J, of Ireland, 
 
 395 
 Sidney, Sir Henry, restores Dublin 
 Castle, 17 ; establishes Irish Record 
 Office, 35 ; resident at Kilmainham, 
 45 ; his work in shiring Ireland, 
 120-6 
 Sidney, Sir Philip, 121 
 Silken Thomas, siege of Dublin Castle 
 
 by, 14-15 
 ' Skewer the goose,' game of, 343 
 Skinner's Alley, Aldermen of, 195-203 
 ' Sow ' { = ' pig ' of iron), 388 
 Spanish-Irish relations, 215, 262, 266, 
 275, 281, 285, 287, 292, 300, 317, 
 401, 416 
 Spanish wine, 229, 274, 332 
 Spenser, Edmund, referred to, 308 n. ; 
 
 the Faeri/ Queene quoted, 349 n. 
 Spiders, 143, 225, 420 
 Staniburst, Richard, his Latin poem 
 on Sir Henry Sidney quoted, 17 n. 
 2 ; referred to, 116, 124, 162 
 Stephens, Sir John, 90 
 Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, Earl 
 of, 18, 22-3, 35, 42, 50, 164-6, 182- 
 185, 378 n. 4 
 Strangford, 366 
 Strongbow, Richard, 4, 252 
 Struel, St. Patrick's Well at. 341 
 Sunday observance in Dublin, 264, 
 
 384-5 
 Superstitions, popular, 314 
 Sussex, Thomas Radcliffe, Earl of, 
 
 Lord Lieutenant, 45, 118-9 
 Sutton, Sir Richard, 47 
 Swift, Dean, quoted, 52, 151, 155 n. 1, 
 
 181 
 Sydney (Sidney), Capt. John, 341 
 
 Tandy, Napper, 197 
 
 Tanistry, 243, 274, 319 
 
 Taverns, Dublin, 226; 18thcentury, 
 
 208 n. 1 
 Taylor, Jeremy, Bishop of Dromore 
 
 421 n. 2 
 Temple, Sir John, 58, 89, 168 
 Thingmount, the, 161. 169-70 
 Thomond (Clare), its government, 
 
 123-4 
 ' Tib and Tom,' 169 
 Tilson, Henry, Bishop of Elphin, 406 
 
INDEX 
 
 433 
 
 Tintern Abbey (Wexford), 396 n. 3, 
 
 398 n. 
 Tipperary, two counties of, 138-4 
 Tirconnell, Hugh Roe O'Donnell, lord 
 
 of, 279 
 Tobacco controvei'sy, 341-2 
 Townshend, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland, 
 
 67 
 Travers, John, 174 
 Treswell, Sir Daniel, Captain of the 
 
 guard of Battle-axes, 86 ; epitaph 
 
 on, 87 
 Trim, liberty of, 111 
 Trim Castle, 34 n. 2 
 Trinity College, Dublin, 383 
 Turkish pirates, 406 
 Tyrconnel, Rory O'Donnell, first Earl 
 
 of, 246, 279 
 Tyrconnel, Richard Talbot, Earl of, 
 
 63, 64, 92-5 
 Tyringham, Sir Arthur, 373 
 Tyrone, Hugh O'Neill, second earl of, 
 
 219, 229, 253, 257-60, 271, 272, 286, 
 
 288, 290, 291, 313, 330 
 
 Ulster, ancient province of, lOfi, 111, 
 
 127; shiring of, 128 ; presidency of , 
 
 272 n. 2 
 ' Undertakers,' 258, 259, 304 
 Usquebagh, 221, 226 n. 3, 229, 250, 
 
 338, 361 
 Ussher, James, ArchbiGhop of Armafih, 
 
 184, 346, 375, 379, 384 
 
 ViCKKEGAL Lodge, 60, 68, 70 
 Viscount, title of, 282 n. 
 
 Waldenses, History of the, 384 
 Walshe, Sir Nicholas, his Report of 
 
 1606 to Lord Salisbury, 141 
 Wandesford, Sir Christopher, 167 
 Ware, Sir James (jun.), 174 
 Waterford, 216, 262, 266, 283, 296, 
 
 352, 399-401 
 Welsh mountains visible from Dublin, 
 
 412 
 vVentworth, Sir George, 166 
 Wentworth, Thomas, see Strafford 
 Westminster Hall, roofed with Irish 
 
 timber, 143 
 Wallop, Sir Henry, 391 
 Wexford, 394 
 
 William III., at Chapelizod, 64 
 Williams, Sir Roger, 336 
 Willoughby, Col. Francis, 90 
 Windsor (Winsor) Sir William, 341 
 Wolf-legends, 216 
 Wolves, 222, 324 
 Woods of Ireland, 143-59 
 
 Yaeranton, Andrew, 186 
 Yelverton, Barry, 72 
 Youghal, 355 
 
 Young, Arthur, (juoted, 150, 151, 
 155-*6 
 
 PRINTED BY 
 
 8POTT1SWOODK AND CO. LTD., NEW-STREET SQCAHE 
 
 LONDON 
 
 F F 
 
H Classifieb CataloGue 
 
 OF WORKS IN 
 
 GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G. 
 
 91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, and 32 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE). - 
 BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL ME- 
 MOIRS, &c. 
 
 CHILDREN'S BOOKS - - . 
 CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANS- 
 LATIONS, ETC. ... - 
 COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE- 
 MENT, &c. 
 
 EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY, 
 
 &c. 21 
 
 FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. - - - 25 
 FINE ARTS (THE) AND MUSIC - 36 
 FUR, FEATHER AND FIN SERIES 15 
 HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, 
 
 POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. - - 3 
 LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND 
 
 SCIENCE OF 20 
 
 LOGIC, RHETORIC, PSYCHOLOGY, 
 &c. 
 
 36 
 
 MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL 
 PHILOSOPHY 17 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL 
 WORKS 38 
 
 POETRY AND THE DRAMA - - 23 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- 
 NOMICS 20 
 
 POPULAR SCIENCE - . . . 
 
 RELIGION, THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 SILVER LIBRARY (THE) 
 
 SPORT AND PASTIME - 
 
 PHILOSOPHICAL 
 
 STONYHURST 
 SERIES - 
 
 TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE 
 COLONIES, &c. - . . . 
 
 17 ; WORKS OF REFERENCE - 
 
 30 
 21 
 
 33 
 12 
 
 19 
 
 II 
 31 
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS. 
 
 Abbott (Evelyn) 
 
 (J. H. M.) 
 
 (T. K.) - - 
 
 (E. A.) - - 
 
 Acland (A. H. D.) - 
 Acton (Eliza) - 
 Adelborg (O.) - 
 ^schylus 
 Agacy (H. A.) - 
 Airy (Osmund) 
 Albemarle (Earl of) - 
 Alcock (C. W.) 
 Allen (Grant) - 
 AUgood (G.) - 
 Alverstone (Lord) - 
 Angwin (M. C.) 
 Annandale (N.) 
 Anstey (F.) 
 Anstruther Thomson 
 Aristopnanes - 
 Aristotle - . . 
 Arnold (Sir Edwin) - 
 
 (Dr. T.) - - 
 
 Ashby (H.) 
 Ashley (W. J.) - 
 Atkinson (J.J.) 
 Avebury (Lord) 
 Ayre (Rev. J.) - 
 Bacon 
 
 Bagehot (W.) - 9. 
 Bagwell (R.) - 
 Bailey (H. C.) - 
 Bain (Alexander) 
 Baker (Sir S. W.) - 
 
 Page 
 
 19, 22 
 
 3 
 
 17,18 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 36 
 
 32 
 
 22 
 
 13 : 
 
 15 
 
 30 
 
 3 
 
 '5 
 36 
 21 
 25 
 
 {JO 9 
 22 
 17 
 
 II, 23 
 
 3 
 
 36 
 
 3. 20 
 
 21 
 
 21 
 
 31 
 
 9.17 
 
 20, 38 
 
 3 
 
 25 
 
 9. 17 
 II, 12 
 
 Baldwin (C. S.) - 17 
 Balfour (A. J.) 13, 20, 21 
 Ball (John) - - 11 
 Banks (M. M.) - - 24 
 Baring-Gould (Rev. 
 
 S.) - - -21,38 
 
 Barnett(S.A.andH.) 
 Baynes (T. S.) - 
 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 
 Beaufort (Duke of) 
 
 12, 13, 14 
 Becker (W. A.) . 22 
 Beesly (A. H.) - - 9 
 
 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) - 23 
 Belmore (Earl of) - 3 
 
 Bent (J. Theodore) - 11 
 Besant (Sir Walter)- 3 
 
 BickerdykeQ.) 
 Blackburne (J. H. 
 Bland (Mrs. Hubert) 
 Blount (Sir E.) 
 Boase (Rev. C. W.) 
 Boedder (Rev. B.) 
 Bonnell (H. H.) 
 
 38 
 
 Booth (A. J ; 
 Bottome (P.) - 
 Bowen (W. E.) 
 Brassey (Lady) 
 
 (Lord) - - i^ 
 
 Bright (Rev. J. F.) - 
 Broadfoot (Major W.) 
 Brooks (H. J.) - 
 Brough(J) - - 
 Brown (A. F,) - 
 
 - 14. 15 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 
 9 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 38 
 38 
 25 
 
 Bruce (R. L) - 
 Buckle (K. T.) - 
 Bull (T.) - 
 Burke (U. R.) - 
 Burne-Jones (Sir E.) 
 Burns (C. L.) - 
 Burrows (Montagu) 
 Campbell (Rev. Lewis) 
 Casserly (G.) - 
 Chesney (Sir G.) 
 Childe-Pemberton(W.S 
 Chisholm (G. C ) - 
 Cholmondeley-Pennell 
 
 (H.) - - - 
 Christie (R. C.) 
 Churchill (Winston S.) 4, 
 Cicero 
 
 Clarke (Rev. R. F.) - 
 Clodd (Edward) - 2r, 
 Clutterbuck (W. ].)■ 
 Cochrane (A.) - 
 Cockerell (C. R.) - 
 Colenso (R. J.) 
 Collie (J.N.) - 
 ColviUe (Mrs. A.) - 
 Conington (John) - 
 Converse (F.) - 
 Conybeare (Rev. W. J.) 
 
 & Howson (Dean) 
 Coolidge (W. A. B.) 
 Corbett (Julian S.) - 
 Coutts(W.) - 
 Cox (Harding) 
 Crake (Rev. A. D.) - 
 
 Creierhton (Bishop) - 
 Cross (A. L.) - 
 Crozier (J.B.) - 
 Cutts (Rev. E. L.) - 
 Dabney (J. P.) - 
 Dale (L.) - 
 Dallinger (F. W.) - 
 Dauglish (M. G.) - 
 Davenport (A.) 
 Davidson (A. M. C.) 
 
 (W. L.) - 
 
 Davies (J. F.) - 
 Dent (C. T.) - 
 De Salis (Mrs.) 
 De Tocqueville (A.) - 
 Dent (P. O.) - 
 Devas (C. S.) - 
 Dewey (D. R.) - 
 Dickinson (W. H.) - 
 Dougall (L.) - 
 Dowden (E.) - 
 Doyle (Sir A. Conan) 
 Du Bois (W. E. B.)- 
 Dunbar (Aldis) 
 
 (Mary F.) . 
 
 Elkind (Louis) - 
 Ellis (J. H.) - 
 
 (R. L.) - - 
 
 Erasmus - - - 
 Evans (Sir John) 
 Falkiner (C. L.) 
 Farrar (F. W.) - 
 Fite (W.) - - 
 Fitz^vygram (Sir F.l 
 
 Page 
 
 4. 5.9 
 
 5 
 
 9. 17 
 
 5 
 
 23 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 25 
 
 22 
 
 20 
 
 22 
 
 14 
 
 36 
 
 4 
 
 19, 20 
 
 20 
 38 
 25 
 40 
 25 
 
 5 
 25 
 25 
 
 5 
 
 15 
 17 
 
 9 
 38 
 
 4 
 26 
 17 
 
INDEX OF AUTHORS AND KU IT OB.S— continued 
 
 Page\ 
 
 
 Page 
 
 Ford (H.) - 
 
 15 
 
 ames (W.) 
 
 18,21 
 
 Fountain (P.) - 
 
 11 
 
 ameson (Mrs. Anna) 
 
 37 
 
 Fowler (Edith H.) - 
 
 26 
 
 ' efferies (Richard) - 
 
 38 
 
 Francis (Francis) - 
 
 15 
 
 ' ekyll (Gertrude) - 
 
 38 
 
 Francis (M. E.^ 
 
 26 
 
 erome (Jerome K.) - 
 ohnson (J. & J. H.) 
 
 27 
 
 Freeman (Edward A.) ^ 
 
 . 5 
 
 39 
 
 Fremantle (T. F.) - 
 
 15 
 
 ones (H. Bence) - 
 
 31 
 
 Frost (G.)- 
 
 38 
 
 ordan (W. L.) 
 
 39 
 
 Froude (James A.) 4,9,11 
 
 ,26 
 
 ; oyce (P. W.) - 6, 
 ustinian - 
 
 27-39 
 
 Furneaux (W.) 
 
 30 
 
 18 
 
 Gardiner (Samuel R.) ^ 
 
 • 5 
 
 Cant (L) - 
 
 18 
 
 Gathorne-Hardy (Hon. 
 
 
 Kaye (Sir J. W.) - 
 
 6 
 
 A. E.) - - 15, 
 
 16 1 
 
 Keller (A. G.) - 
 
 21 
 
 Geikie (Rev. Cunning- 
 
 
 K':Uy(E.)- - - 
 
 18 
 
 ham) 
 
 38 
 
 Kendall (H. C.) 
 
 24 
 
 Gibson (C. H.)- 
 
 17 
 
 Kielmansegge (F.) - 
 
 10 
 
 Gilkes (A. H.) - 
 
 38 
 
 Killick(Rev. A. H.) - 
 
 18 
 
 Gleig (Rev. G. R.) - 
 
 10 
 
 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 
 
 5 
 
 Gore-Booth (E.) - 
 
 23 
 
 Knight (E. F.) - 
 
 II, 12 
 
 Graham (A.) - 
 
 5 
 
 Kbstlin (J.) 
 
 10 
 
 (P. A.) - -15. 
 
 16 
 
 Kristeller (P.) - 
 
 37 
 
 (G. F.) - - 
 
 20 
 
 Ladd (G. T.) - 
 
 18! 
 
 Granby (Marquess of) 
 
 15 
 
 Lang (Andrew) 6 ,13, 
 
 14, 16, 
 
 Grant (Sir A.) - 
 
 17 
 
 21,22, 24, 27, 
 
 32.39 
 
 Graves (R. P.) - 
 
 9 
 
 Lapsley (G. T.) 
 
 5 
 
 (A. F.) - - 
 
 23 
 
 Laurie (S. S.) - 
 
 6 
 
 Green (T. Hill) - 17 
 
 18 
 
 Lear (H. L. Sidney) - 
 
 3*^ 
 
 Greene (E. B.)- 
 
 5 
 
 Lecky (W. E. H.) 6, 
 
 18, 24 
 
 Greville (C. C. F.) - 
 
 5 
 
 Lees (J. A.) 
 
 12 
 
 Grose (T. H.) - 
 
 18 
 
 Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 
 
 20 
 
 Gross (C.) 
 
 5 
 
 Lieven (Princess) - 
 
 6 
 
 Grove (Lady) - 
 
 II 
 
 Lillie(A.)- 
 
 16 
 
 (Mrs. Lilly) 
 
 13 
 
 Lindleyd.) 
 
 31 
 
 Gurnhill (J.) - 
 
 17 
 
 Lodge (H. C.) - 
 
 5 
 
 Gwiltd.)- 
 
 31 
 
 Loftie (Rev. W. J.) - 
 
 5 
 
 Haggard (H. Rider) 
 
 
 Longman (C. J.) 
 
 12, 16 
 
 II, 26, 27 
 
 38 
 
 (F. W.) - - 
 
 16 
 
 Halliwell-Phillipps(J.) 
 
 10 
 
 (G. H.) - - 
 
 13. 15 
 
 Hamilton (Col. H. B.) 
 
 5 
 
 (Mrs. C.J.) 
 
 37 
 
 Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 
 
 36 
 
 Lowell (A. L.) - 
 
 6 
 
 Harding (S. B.) 
 
 5 
 
 Lucian 
 
 22 
 
 Hardwick (A. A.) - 
 
 II 
 
 Lutoslawski (W.) - 
 
 18 
 
 HarmsviTorth (A. C.) 13 
 
 . 14 
 
 Lyall (Edna) - 
 
 27,32 
 
 Hart (A. B.) 
 
 5 
 
 Lynch (G.) 
 
 6 
 
 Harte (Bret) - 
 
 27 
 
 (H.F. B.)- 
 
 12 
 
 Harting(J.E.)- 
 
 15 
 
 Lytton (Earl of) 
 
 24 
 
 Hartwig (G.) - 
 
 30 
 
 Macaulay (Lord) 7 
 
 ,10,24 
 
 Harvey- Brooks (E.G.) 
 
 38 
 
 Macdonald (Dr. G.) - 
 
 24 
 
 Hassall (A.) - 
 
 8 
 
 Macfarren (Sir G. A.) 
 
 37 
 
 Hatch (L. C.) - 
 
 5 
 
 MackaiUJ. W.) 
 
 10, 23 
 
 Haweis (H. R.) - 9 
 
 ,36 
 
 Mackenzie (C. G.) - 
 
 16 
 
 Head (Mrs.) - 
 
 37 
 
 Mackinnon (J.) 
 
 7 
 
 Heathcote (J. M.) - 
 
 14 
 
 Macleod (H. D.) 
 
 20 
 
 (C. G.) - - 
 
 14 
 
 Macpherson(Rev.H.A.) 15 
 
 Helmholtz (Hermann 
 
 
 Madden (D. H.) 
 
 16 
 
 von) - 
 
 30 
 
 Magnusson (E.) 
 
 28 
 
 Henderson (Lieut- 
 
 
 Maher (Rev. M.) 
 
 19 
 
 Col. G. F. R.) - 
 
 9 
 
 Mallet (B.) 
 
 7 
 
 Henry (W.) 
 
 14 
 
 Malleson(Col. G.B.) 
 
 6 
 
 Henty (G. A.) - 
 
 32 
 
 Marbot (Baron de) - 
 
 10 
 
 Higgins (Mrs. N.) - 
 
 9 
 
 Marchment (A. W.) 
 
 27 
 
 Hiley (R. W.) - 
 
 9 
 
 Marshman (J. C.) 
 
 9 
 
 Hill (S. C.) - 
 
 5 
 
 Mason (A. E. W.) - 
 
 27 
 
 Hillier (G. Lacy) - 
 
 13 
 
 Maskelyne (J. N.) - 
 
 16 
 
 Hime (H. W. L.) - 22 
 
 ,38 
 
 Matthay (Tobias) - 
 
 37 
 
 Hodgson (Shadworth) 18,38 
 
 Matthews (B.) 
 
 39 
 
 Hoenig (F.) 
 
 38 
 
 Maunder (S.) - 
 
 31 
 
 Hoffmann (J ) - 
 
 30 
 
 Max Miiller (F.) 
 
 
 Hogan (J. F.) - 
 
 9 
 
 10, 18, 20, 21, 22 
 
 27. 39 
 
 Holmes (R. R.) 
 
 10 
 
 May(SirT. Erskine) 
 
 7 
 
 Homer 
 
 22 
 
 Meade (L. T.) - 
 
 32 
 
 Hope (Anthony) 
 
 27 
 
 Melville (G. J. Whyte) 27 
 
 Horace 
 
 22 
 
 Merivale (Dean) 
 
 7 
 
 Houston (D. F.) 
 
 5 
 
 Mill (John Stuart) - 
 
 18,20 
 
 Howard (Lady Mabel) 
 
 27 
 
 MiUais (J. G.) - 
 
 16, 30 
 
 Howitt (W.) - 
 
 II 
 
 Milner (G.) 
 
 40 
 
 Hudson (W. H.) - 
 
 30 
 
 Monck(W. H. S.) - 
 
 19 
 
 Huish (M. B.) - 
 
 37 
 
 Montague (F. C.) - 
 
 7 
 
 Hullah (J.) 
 
 37 
 
 Moore (T.) 
 
 31 
 
 Hume (David) - 
 
 18 
 
 (Rev. Edward) - 
 
 17 
 
 (M. A. S.) 
 
 3 
 
 Moran (T. F.) - 
 
 7 
 
 Hunt (Rev. W.) 
 
 5 
 
 Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 
 
 21 
 
 Hunter (Sir W.) - 
 
 6 
 
 Morris (W.) - 22, 
 
 23.24, 
 
 Hutchinson (Horace G.) 
 
 27, 28 
 
 37.40 
 
 13. 16, 37 
 
 ,38 
 
 Mulhall (M. G.) 
 
 20 
 
 Ingelow (Jean) 
 
 23 
 
 Myers (F. W. H.) - 
 
 19 
 
 Ingram (T. D.) 
 
 6 
 
 Nansen (F.) - 
 
 12 
 
 Page 
 24 
 17 
 28 
 
 9 
 
 28 
 
 Nesbit (E.) 
 Nettleship (R. L.) - 
 Newman (Cardinal) - 
 Nichols (F. M.) 
 Norris (W. E) - 
 Oakesmith (J.) - - 22 
 Ogilvie (R.) - • 22 
 Osbourne (L.) - - 28 
 Packard (A. S.) - 21 
 — (W.) - - 33 
 
 Paget (Sir J.) - - 10 
 Park (W.) - - 16 
 
 Parker (B.) - - 40 
 Payne-Gallwey(SirR.)i4,i6 
 Pears (E.) - - 7 
 
 Pearse (H. H. S.) - 6 
 
 Peek (Hedley) - - 14 
 Pemberton (W. S. 
 
 Childe-) - - 9 
 
 Penrose (H. H.) - 33 
 Phillipps-Wolley(C.) 12,28 
 Pierce (A. H.) - - 19 
 Pole (W.) - - - 16 
 Pollock (W. H.) - 13, 40 
 Poole (W.H. and Mrs.) 36 
 Poore (G. V.) - - 40 
 Portman (L.) - - 28 
 Powell (E.) - - 8 
 
 Praeger (S. Rosamond) 33 
 Pritchett (R. T.) - 14 
 Proctor (R. A.) 16, 30, 35 
 Raine (Rev. James) - 5 
 
 Rankin (R.) - - 8, 25 
 Ransome (Cyril) - 3, 8 
 Reid(S. J.) - - 9 
 
 Rhoades (J.) - - 23 
 Rice (S. P.) - - 12 
 Rich (A.) - - - 23, 31 
 Richmond (Ennis) - 19 
 Rickaby (Rev. John) 19 
 
 (Rev. Joseph) - 19 
 
 Riley (J. W.) - - 24 
 Roberts (E. P.) - 33 
 Robertson (W. G.) - 37 
 Robinson (H. C.) - 21 
 Roget (Peter M.) - 20, 31 
 Romanes (G.J.) 10, 19,21,24 
 
 (Mrs. G. J.) - 10 
 
 Ronalds (A.) - - 16 
 Roosevelt (T.) - - 5 
 
 Ross (Martin) - - 28 
 Rossetti (Maria Fran- 
 
 cesca) - - - 40 
 Rotheram (M. A.) - 36 
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26 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 
 
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 16 
 
MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 
 
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28 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 
 
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30 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 
 
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MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 
 
 31 
 
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 33 
 
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32 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 
 
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 33 
 
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