PERSATUAN ISLAM
ISLAMIC REFORM IN TWENTIETH CENTURY INDONESIA
by
HOWARD M. FEDERSPIEL
MONOGRAPH SERIES
Modern Indonesia Project
Southeast Asia Program
Cornell University
Ithaca, New York
1970
Price: $7.50
SEAP Publications
C°P9
Do not remove from room 213
640 Stewart AvenuePERSATUAN ISLAM
ISLAMIC REFORM IN TWENTIETH CENTURY INDONESIA
by
Howard M. Federspiel
MONOGRAPH SERIES
Modern Indonesia Project
Southeast Asia Program
Cornell University
Ithaca, New York
1970
Price:	$7.50©	1970 Cornell Modern Indonesia Project*
PREFACE
Three basic concerns have absorbed the attention of Indone-
sian Muslims in the twentieth century:	response to local non-
Muslim culture, concern for basic Islamic belief and practice,
and accommodation with modern thought and technology. Like
Muslims elsewhere, Indonesian Muslims have responded in differ-
ent ways to these concerns. One group has identified itself
closely with traditional Middle Eastern Islamic beliefs, ritual
and jurisprudence and attempted to make local culture and modern
thought conform to it. A second group has continued to identify
with indigenous Southeast Asian religious values and with local-
ly evolved customary law and has reshaped Islamic beliefs and
ritual to coincide with these indigenous values. A third group
has responded to Western secularism and attempted to relegate
formal religion to the realm of private worship and belief with
only a moral and ethical influence on society and government.
The interaction of these three attitudes has been a primary
factor in the particular development of Indonesian social and
political life over the past seventy years.
The major Islamic organizations that have appeared in Indo-
nesia in the twentieth century--Sarekat Islam, Muhammadijah,
Nahdlatul Ulama and Masjumi--have all been representatives of
the group that emphasizes traditional Middle Eastern Islamic
beliefs and practices. All have been concerned with the primacy
of Islamic law, even though their concepts of just what consti-
tuted that law were vague and different from one another. All
have maintained that religious values are so important that the
state should be responsible for assuring the adoption of such
values throughout Indonesian society, although again there has
been no common concept of what these values actually are or
just what the state was to do about them. All have been con-
vinced that the traditional Islamic values are correct and that
all of Indonesian society should come to accept this premise,
but there has been a wide variety of interpretations as to just
how these traditional values should be implemented in contempo-
rary Indonesian life.
The reasons for failure to agree rested primarily on dif-
ferences of just what constituted proper Islamic religious
sources, although there was some disagreement of interpretation
of those sources. The traditionalists (kaum tua), represented
by the Nahdlatul Ulama, believed that religious truth is con-
tained in the writings of past Muslim scholars, particularly
those of several noted jurists and theologians. The modernists
111ikaum muda), represented by the Muhammadijah, held that new in-
vestigation and interpretation (ijtihad) of religious fundamen-
tals was necessary rather than relying on the tradition of past
interpreters. A third approach--perhaps more correctly a varia-
tion of the modernist approach--represented by the Persatuan
Islam (Persis), the subject of this paper, lays particular
stress on the importance of Qur sin and Sunnah (traditions of
the Prophet Muhammad) as sources of religious investigation.
The value of the Persatuan Islam as a topic for scholarly
research lies not in its organization, for it was small and
loosely knit, nor does it lie in its participation in Indonesian
political life over the past forty-five years, for its activity
was incidental and peripheral to the mainstream of political
developments. Although its role in religious education made
some impact on Indonesian Muslims, it has been far less influen-
tial than several other organizations. In the same manner, its
press has been influential at times but has never attained the
stature and readership among Indonesians accorded the publica-
tions of several other Muslim organizations. Rather, the Per-
satuan Islam is important because it has attempted to define
for Indonesian society just what it is that constitutes Islam,
what the basic principles of that religion are, and what consti-
tutes proper religious behavior for Muslims. In this presenta-
tion, the Persatuan Islam has avoided vague concepts and gener-
alizations - -somewhat unusual in Indonesia--and has dealt with
the details and substance of religious behavior in Indonesia.
Its members have propounded very definite views toward tradi-
tional Indonesian culture, toward developments occurring in the
twentieth century, toward "Western" culture and toward tradi-
tional Muslim religious thought and practices.
What emerges from the study is a profile of a fundamental-
ist Muslim group, similar in outlook to that of the Muslim
Brotherhood (Ikhwan al-Muslimun) in the United Arab Republic
and to Mawlana Sayyid Abu-1-A(la Mawdudi's Jama(at-l-Islaml in
Pakistan. Like those two movements, it also rejected the secu-
lar concept of the nation-state and called for establishment of
a state and society structured to implement its concept of Is-
lamic values. The insistence on Muslim unity in a single inter-
national community and on the necessity for a harsh form of
Islamic religious law has been so dominant in the social and
political viewpoint of the organization that it emerges as ide-
ology. In Indonesia, a nation marked by a variety of political
and social thought, this uncompromising political stance has
not been popular, yet it has attracted a significant number of
followers and its message has had an impact on the formulations
of the noted Islamic political parties.
The Persatuan Islam then is similar to other Indonesian
Muslim movements in that it has similar concerns. At the same
time, it is distinctive in that it has its own solutions for
outstanding problems confronting Indonesian Muslims in the
IVtwentieth century. A study of the Persatuan Islam allows author
and reader an opportunity to review the common problems con-
fronting all Indonesian Muslims, to note how one group chose to
resolve these problems, and to compare the solutions of the Per-
satuan Islam with those of other organizations. The net result
should be an understanding of the Indonesian Muslim community
and its place in Indonesian national life.
The Indonesian spelling of personal names and the use of
many terms with an Arabic root is often confusing, owing to dif-
ferences in transliteration from Arabic. While some Indonesians
use the system common to Dutch scholars, others employ a system
generally consistent with Bahasa Indonesia sounds and letters,
and still others have developed their own transliteration sys-
tems. Consequently, names and terms often are spelled with
minor modifications at different times. In this essay personal
names are rendered according to the most common usage without
regard for the Arabic derivation of those names. Place names
are spelled according to the system employed by the U.S. Board
of Geographic Names, which follows current spellings in Indone-
sian government regulations and decrees. Terms in common use
in Bahasa Indonesia are rendered in that form, while technical
religious terms and terminology derived from Arabic are rendered
according to the transliteration system employed by the Insti-
tute of Islamic Studies at McGill University. Beyond this,
footnotes and parenthetical notes are used whenever special
problems arise or further clarification seems necessary.
Indonesian language materials, largely pamphlets, books
and periodicals written by members of the Persatuan Islam, were
the chief source of material for this essay. These works can
be found scattered among several Indonesian libraries, and
partly in United States and Canadian libraries. Early in its
existence, the Persatuan Islam established a publishing house
and issued a large number of works by its own members outlining
the beliefs and attitudes of the Persatuan Islam on a variety
of subjects. These works in particular served as basic source
material for this study.
My appreciation for aid and assistance go to many individu-
als and institutions. In Indonesia, I am indebted to Ustadz
Abdulkadir Hassan, Abdullah Musa and their many associates at
the Pesantren Persatuan Islam in Bangil, East Java; to Muhammad
Sofwanhadi, one-time publisher of the Suara Rakjat in Surabaja;
to Ustadz E. Abdurrahman, the chairman of the Persatuan Islam
and his assistant Junus Anis at Bandung; to Dr. Deliar Noer in
Medan; to Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, Dr. Hadji Abdulmalik Karim
Amrullah (Hamka) and Zainal Arifin in Djakarta; to Timur Jaylani
in the Ministry of Religious Affairs; to the Museum Library in
Djakarta and the Islamic Library in Jogjakarta. My special
thanks to Dr. Hadji Muhammad Rasjidi, my friend and adviser at
McGill University, for his general guidance. In the United
States, the Library of Congress, the Wason Library at Cornell
vUniversity, the U.S. Department of State Library, the Library
of the Islamic Center in Washington and the Ahmadiyya Movement
in Islam (Washington Center) all provided material that was of
value in the preparation of this study. In Canada I would like
to express my thanks to Professor Wilfred Cantwell Smith, former
director of the Institute of Islamic Studies, to Dr. Charles
Adams, the present director, to Mr. William Watson, the librarian
and to Dr. John A. Williams, my dissertation adviser. My thanks
also go to Professor George Kahin and to my many friends asso-
ciated with the Cornell Modern Indonesia Project who have en-
couraged me over the years to continue my research in the field
of Indonesian Islam. Finally, my gratitude to my wife Johanna
who put up with my eccentricities during the long research
period.
Howard M. Federspiel
Hickory, North Carolina
November 1969
viTABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter	Page
I.	Introduction.........................................  1
II.	The Persatuan Islam prior to World War II ... .	11
III.	The Basic Beliefs of Ahmad Hassan.................... 28
IV.	Modernist Muslims and Traditionalist Muslims . .	46
V.	The Viewpoint toward Indonesian Values .............. 69
VI.	Religion and the Nationalist Movement ............... 84
VII.	Polemic Against the Ahmadiyah QadiyUn and
Christianity ...................................... 99
VIII.	Curtailed Activity under the Japanese and
during the Revolution ............................ 112
IX.	Organization after World War II..................... 121
X.	Adjustment to Contemporary Scientific, Economic
and Sociological Trends .......................... 137
XI.	Politics in the Constitutional Period .............. 154
XII.	Conclusions......................................... 186
Glossary of Terms......................................... 199
Bibliography
I.	The Persatuan Islam................................. 213
II.	Background and Comparative Materials ............... 235
viiCHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The dominant religious pattern at the time Islam entered
the Indonesian Archipelago--between the thirteenth and seven-
teenth centuries --was a mixture of pagan animism and a mysticism
superimposed on it during the Buddhist and Hindu periods.1
Animism found expression primarily in spirit worship which ac-
knowledged the existence of spirits in living persons, in the
dead, and in inanimate objects. During the ascendency of Hin-
duism and Buddhism in the archipelago, between the ninth and
thirteenth centuries, this animistic belief survived in a sub-
dued form and exercised some considerable influence on these
new religions. Hinduistic practices, notably those of the
Shaivistic sect, and Mahayana Buddhism, entering the archipelago
through Indian and Malay trade exchange, succeeded in large
part because they incorporated and adapted to these indigenous
religious beliefs. The traditional wayang shows and the gamelan
orchestras, which developed their strong ties with mystical
practices and Hindu mythology during this period, continued to
reflect Javanese values and to mirror the Javanese outlook on
life.2 The great Borobudur monument near Jogjakarta also shows
considerable concern for ancestor worship and animism in its
bas reliefs and ornamentation, despite its many stupas and its
claim to be a Buddhist shrine.3
Islam was acceptable to the Indonesians only in so far as
it was able to accept the old religious patterns and associate
itself with existing practices and beliefs. In this respect,
Islam was fortunate, for it was introduced into the Malay area
by traders from Gujerat, on the West coast of India, where
Islam had been subject to Hindu and Isma	Shtlah influences
1.	Kenneth P. Landon, Southeast Asia: Crossroad of Religions
(Chicago: University of Chicago, 1949), pp. 138-135.
2.	Daniel George Edward Hall, A History of Southeast Asia
(London: Macmillan, 1955), pp. 9, 67.
3.	Ibid., pp. 48, 53. A stupa in architecture is a specific
type of Buddhist religious building, consisting of a solid
mass of masonry built above a receptacle containing a
sacred relic. Encyclopedia Britannica.
12
and consequently also gave considerable stress to mystical form.
This Gujerati version of Islam struck a responsive chord among
the Indonesians, and it "was easy for the Indonesians to under-
stand it, appreciate it, and use it."1'
Many indigenous religious practices continued after Islam's
arrival, some openly, but most under the guise of being part of
Islam itself. Veneration of saints and heroes continued, with
the addition of new personalities associated with Islam. The
belief that certain numbers and names have magical and mystical
qualities took on an Islamic appearance by including the names
of "the first four caliphs, the four Arabic letters that spelled
the name of the Prophet and of Allah, the twelve signs of the
zodiac, the twelve imams of the Shiahs, and others." Exorcism
was held in high regard, and Islamic prescriptions and refer-
ences were introduced into the practice. Indonesian charms
took on an Islamic look, by attaching to them the confession
of faith and citations from the Qur> an.5
Taking over where Buddhism had left off, Islamic mysticism
(ta^awwuf) was able to make considerable impact on the Indone-
sians, and, in the early period, the Muslim mystic (§ufZ) was
highly regarded and honored. In north Sumatra in the last half
of the sixteenth century, the most highly respected religious
scholars were all mystics,6 and on Java, the nine waits who,
according to Javanese history, were responsible for the spread
of Islam on that island, were also mystics.7 The theologians
and jurists, so influential in the Middle Eastern variety of
Islam, took second place to the sufts in the early period, and,
even until the twentieth century, Indonesian (ulama) noted for
legal or theological knowledge were also sufts.
That Islam compromised with existing religious patterns
when it was introduced into the archipelago is not surprising,
since Muslims, from the time of the Prophet Muljammad, have
been content with nominal Islamization of the inhabitants in
any new area. This was the pattern in the first great expan-
sion of Islam in the first century A.H., when Syria, Egypt and
Persia came into the Muslim sphere of influence through war-
fare; in the succeeding centuries, the population was induced
4.	Landon, Southeast Asia, p. 139.
5.	Ibid.
6.	G. W. J. Drewes, "Indonesia: Mysticism and Activism" in
Gustav E. von Grunebaum, Unity and Variety in Muslim Civi-
lization (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1955j , pp. 287-
JW.
7.	C. C. Berg, "The Islamization of Java," Studia Islamica,
IV (1950), pp. 111-142.3
to accept Islam for political and economic reasons. So far as
faith is concerned, Muslims traditionally accept the confession
of faith as sufficient for considering a person a fellow Muslim.
So far as Muslim society is concerned, however, this tolerance,
while extended during proselytization, does not imply eternal
acceptance or permanent compromise with practices regarded by
the (ulama) as contrary to Islamic teachings, but rather only a
temporary truce. The establishment of schools, contact with
other Muslim areas, and the guidance of Muslim rulers are in-
tended to deepen religious belief and practice with each suc-
ceeding generation. This development is still taking place in
Indonesia, and over the past four hundred years Islam in Indo-
nesia has slowly altered its form; the heterodox religious
trends of the early period have slowed in momentum, and more
orthodox Islamic practices and patterns have slowly gained in
importance. This trend is clearly discernible when the areas
longest under the influence of Islam--Atjeh and north Sumatra--
are compared with Java, where Islam entered considerably later.
In Atjeh and North Sumatra, religion assumes a significant role
in community affairs and in the private lives of individuals,
and Islam is recognized as equal to, and sometimes takes prece-
dence over, custom. Among the Javanese, where professed Mus-
lims generally are only nominal Muslims, adat, or custom, has
clear precedence over Islam.8 In all areas, the trend over the
past few hundred years has been for orthodox Muslim values to
assume greater importance as Indonesians learned more about
orthoprax Islam and became more interested in its teachings.
The process, however, is long in terms of time, and slow in
making perceptible gains, and in Indonesia it has had to contend
with several factors that have complicated its development.
The arrival of the Europeans in Southeast Asia and the
establishment of Portuguese, Dutch and British colonial rule in
that area shortly after the initial contact of Islam had a
severe impact on the new religion. When the Europeans first
arrived, Islam was already associated with the royal courts but
had not yet attained mass appeal. The conversion of the popula-
tion from nominal Buddhism and Hinduism to nominal Islam because
of the royalty's conversion was considerably accelerated by the
threat posed by European traders and soldiers following a reli-
gion opposed to Islam.9 Islam clearly was associated with Indo-
nesian interests and served as a rallying point against the
"infidel" invader, an association that was to continue through
the various revolts and uprisings of the Dutch period until
independence was achieved in 1950.
8.	Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese, trans. R. J.
Wilkinson (London: Luzac and Leyden: E"! JT Brill, 1906), I,
p. 72 .
9.	See, for example, Bernhard H. M. Vlekke, Nusantara, A His-
tory of Indonesia (The Hague and Bandung: Van Hoeve, 1943),
pp. 97-98'.4
The establishment of Dutch rule over the Indonesian Archi-
pelago, while initially speeding the conversion to Islam, im-
peded- -sometimes intentionally and at other times inevitably--
the development of this nominal acceptance of Islam into a more
serious regard for Islamic belief and practice. European eco-
nomic domination, with its mercantilistic practices of monopoly
and close regulation of trade, inadvertently curtailed the
influence of the foreign Muslim trader on the Indonesian believ-
er. The Netherlands became Indonesia's primary trading partner,
and trade with India and the Middle East was severely curtailed.10
Moreover, foreign trade was almost completely controlled by the
Dutch themselves thereby further reducing the need for contact
between the foreign Muslim trader and the Indonesian Muslim.
Within Indonesia, the local Muslim trader continued to play an
important religious role, but after the arrival of the Dutch,
foreign Muslim traders dropped appreciably in numbers and, con-
sequently, in influence.
Indonesian Muslims continued, however, to have some con-
tact with the outside Muslim world through the large number of
Indonesian Muslims participating in the hajj (pilgrimage to
Makkah required of all Muslims), and by a small number of stu-
dents who studied at the Dar al-(Ulum in Makkah, at Al-Azhar in
Cairo, and at other centers of learning in the Near and Middle
East.* 11 At the same time, a limited number of Muslim scholars
from other areas, particularly from the Arab world, also trav-
eled to Indonesia to teach at the courts and at various reli-
gious schools.12 These contacts seem to have had a considerable
impact on Indonesian Islam, and they were responsible for the
introduction of many new religious ideas into the archipelago.
Sometimes, as in the early nineteenth century when Wahhabism,
brought in by returning pilgrims, produced the Padri wars,13
10.	Hall, A History of Southeast Asia, p. 312; Bertran Johannes
Otto Schrieke, "The Seventeenth Century: The Downfall of
Javanese Trade" in Indonesian Sociological Studies (Bandung
and The Hague: Van Hoeve, 1957), 11, pp. 49-79.
11.	Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the Nineteenth Cen-
tury, trans. J. H. Monahan (London: Luzac, 1931), p. 291.
12.	Schrieke, "Ruler and Realm in Early Java," Indonesian
Sociological Studies, II, pp. 239-240.
13.	The Padri wars occurred in the Minangkabau area of Sumatra
between the years 1785 and 1838. The cause of these wars,
which resulted in the extension of Dutch political control
over West Sumatra, was the attempt of an Islamic group, in-
fluenced by Wahhabi ideals brought back from the pilgrim-
age, to convert the local population to its own brand of
Islam. The Padri movement was particularly opposed to
customary law (adat), and sought to establish a severe form5
the ideas reflected militant trends that sought to spread par-
ticular beliefs through force. At other times, as in the late
nineteenth century when Ahmadlyah beliefs were introduced by
students returning from India, the ideas were contrary to gener-
ally accepted Sunnt Muslim belief.11* Generally, however, as
Snouck Hurgronje noted in his report to the Netherlands Indies
Administration on this problem, the contact with the outside
Muslim world provided by the pilgrimage and students served to
strengthen Sunnt Muslim religious patterns and worked against
heterodoxy.15 It can only be speculated as to how much greater
the pressure for reform toward orthopraxy would have been had
the various Indonesian kingdoms not come under Dutch colonial
rule. The Dutch destruction of the several Indonesian trading
fleets and a reorientation of trade away from the rest of Asia
certainly destroyed a most significant means for the passage of
religious ideas. The loss of this form of contact, so important
throughout Muslim history, must be regarded as having slowed
the maturing process in Indonesian Islam.
The Dutch colonial administration also limited the deepen-
ing of religious belief by rigidly maintaining a political and
economic system that limited the role of the local rulers, and
inadvertently prevented the adoption of social and political
reforms that, from a religious viewpoint, would have intensi-
fied Islam among the general population. The traditional vil-
lage unit was maintained wherein the rights of the individual
were subordinated to village community obligations, both in
everyday practice and according to Muslim law. The importance
of the individual believer, the priority of Islamic religious
law, the spiritual responsibility to a source outside the com-
munity, were all contradictory to the concept of the all-encom-
passing, closed community. In accepting Islamic religious
dogma, therefore, the average peasant found it difficult to
adopt Islamic social principles as well, or to abandon the
customs and practices common to the community, even though they
were often contrary to Islamic practices.16
of the shart^ah. See Ph. S. Van Ronkel, De Roman van Amir
Hamzah (Leiden: University of Leiden, 1895); and R. A.
Kern, "Padris," Encyclopedia of Islam (London: Luzac, and
Leiden: E. J. Brill ,“1913-TTTSSy.-----
14.	Afymadtyah beliefs were introduced into Indonesia by Indone-
sian students studying in India at the Ahmadlyah school
there.
15.	Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, "Het Mohammedanisme," in
Verspreide Geschriften (Bonn and Leipzig: Kurt Schroeder,
1923-1927), VI, ii, pp. 219-220.
16.	Harry J. Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun (The Hague
and Bandung: Van Hoeve, 1958), p.6
Within this adat system, Islam was only acceptable in so
far as it was able to exist alongside custom and to provide
religious sanction for many non-Islamic practices. For example,
the celebration of Maulud (mawlid or mawlud in Arabic--the
birthday celebration for the Prophet Muhammad) was regarded as
not conflicting with adat and in many places was observed with
feasts and celebration that had a distinct animistic flavor.
Kenduvis and slametans, both meals celebrating animistic occa-
sions, were given sanction by the inclusion of Muslim prayers
and readings from religious texts. The pitrah, or rice tax,
roughly corresponding to zakat, early became very popular since
its distribution to the poor enabled them to take part in the
general feasting marking Hard Raja ((Id al-fitr). Marriage,
circumcision, funerals and several other ceremonies were sanc-
tioned by religion, but much of the content of these rites was
adat common to these ceremonies before Islam arrived in the
archipelago. On the other hand, Islam encountered considerable
resistance in the execution of its legal prescriptions, which
were more often than not at variance with established adat.
Land laws and inheritance were the most troublesome areas, and
Islam made very little progress in displacing adat on these
matters.17
Two groups of persons were responsible for developing
orthodox Sunni religious thought in Indonesia:	the religious
officials in the schools and mosques, and the merchants. The
religious schools taught a very rudimentary form of Islam. In
the lower classes, instruction consisted primarily of memoriz-
ing passages from the Qur>an in Arabic, with little regard for
the students' comprehension or understanding of the subject
matter. At the higher levels, in the pondoks and pesantrens,
it consisted of more memory work in various religious sciences,
but primarily in fiqh and tasawwuf (mysticism) with little
interpretative work or application of religious principles and
practices to Indonesia.18 The religious schools ultimately pro-
duced persons who viewed religion as more important than custom,
and must be regarded as having made a distinct contribution to
the development of Indonesian Islam. This group of religiously
oriented persons came to be known as santri, while those who
were nominally Muslim but clung to custom and animistic prac-
tices were known as abangan.19
Islam made its best progress among the merchant class which
consisted for the most part of persons who had broken away from
17.	Landon, Southeast Asia, pp. 159-163.
18.	R. A. Kern, "Pasantren," Encyclopedia of Islam.
19.	For a full explanation of these two terms see Clifford
Geertz, The Religion of Java (Glencoe, 111.: Free Press,
1960), esp. pp. 121-130 .7
the closed community for economic reasons and were not bound by
the customs and laws of usage that impeded Islam's progress in
the village. Freed from the narrow concepts of village custom,
the merchant class sought ideas and concepts that fit with their
own more diverse experiences and found them in Islam.20 As
middle class merchants they had wealth that could be expended
on the education of their children and on fulfilling their reli-
gious obligation to undertake the pilgrimage, which consequently
brought them into closer contact with religion. Significantly,
it had been merchants who had been responsible for the initial
spread of Islam throughout Indonesia, and it was perhaps natural
that their successors should also be interested in furthering
religious development. The Indonesian nobility, on the other
hand, while adopting Islam as a religion and sometimes acting
as patrons for religious scholars, was generally more concerned
with prijaji (court ritual) forms of behavior which took empha-
sis away from strict religious behavior.21
A final factor affecting the development of Islam in Indo-
nesia was the immigration of a considerable number of Ha^rami
Arabs to Indonesia throughout the Dutch period, and particularly
during the latter half of the nineteenth century. These Arabs
brought with them a brand of Sunnt Islamic belief and practice
that, while marked by some heterodox practices, had some posi-
tive influence on the development of orthopraxy in Indonesia.
A significant number of these Arabs became religious teachers,
and a large number of them became traders, thus fortifying the
two groups already concerned with deepening Islamic belief in
Indonesia. This advantage was clearly offset, however, by the
Arab tendency to stress their racial association with the
Prophet Muhammad (and frequently to use it to attain status
among Indonesian Muslims), a factor that frequently detracted
from their effectiveness as reformers of Indonesian Islam.22
In the latter half of the nineteenth century, the work of
the Dutch scholars Van Vollenhoven and Snouck Hurgronje on the
role of religion and custom in the lives of Indonesians resulted
in the adoption of an official policy designed to encourage
some aspects of religious activity, but giving custom clear
20.	Cf. Clifford Geertz, Modjokuto: Religion in Java (Boston:
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1958), pp. 217, 231.
21.	Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, p. 14; Berend ter
Haar, Adat Law in Indonesia" trans. A. Arthur Schiller and
E. Adamson Hoebel (New York: Institute of Pacific Rela-
tions, 1948), pp. 74-77.
22.	For a study of Arabs in the Indonesian archipelago, see
Justus M. van der Kroef, Indonesia in the Modern World
(Bandung: Masa Baru, 1954'J'j I, pp". 253-255.8
precedence over religion.23 The frajj and social and education-
al activities were encouraged, since they were considered to
increase orthodox religious belief and lessen the chances of
adopting fanatical religious beliefs inimical to Dutch rule.
At the same time, the government was to suppress sternly those
new ideas and activities among Muslims that could threaten
Dutch control over the Indonesians.2 * This new policy also set
aside religious law that had come into limited use in several
courts of law during the Dutch colonial period, on grounds that
administration of justice should rest on the mores and customs
of the various areas. This new policy confirmed Dutch prefer-
ence for limited, controlled contact between Indonesian Muslims
and Muslims outside Indonesia, and for the closed community
regulated by custom that limited Islam's hold in the villages.2
Such was the religious situation in Indonesia at the turn
of the present century when new religious ideas were once again
introduced into the archipelago by returning pilgrims and stu-
dents. These new ideas, propounded by such men as Jamal al-Din
al-Afghani and Muhammad (Abduh, maintained that religious re-
form would revitalize Islam, and called for Muslims to unite in
a single community {ummah). 6 The Dutch, and indeed most colo-
nial nations, saw these modernist Muslim principles as anti-
thetical to their own interests and attempted to keep such
influence from penetrating Indonesia. Books and pamphlets advo
eating these ideas were banned for some time, though Dutch con-
trol over their entry was far from successful. The ideas con-
tinued to arrive through returning pilgrims and students.27
Modernist Muslim thought arrived in Indonesia primarily
through the influence of several Indonesian Muslim teachers in
23.	For a brief survey of these scholars' influence on Dutch
policy in Indonesia see Vlekke, Nusantara, pp. 323-328.
24.	Snouck Hurgronje, "Het Mohammedanisme," Verspreide
Geschriften, VI, pp. 219-220. See also Georges Henri
Bousquet, A French View of the Netherlands Indies, trans.
Philip E. Lilienthal (New York: Institute of Pacific Rela-
tions, 1940), pp. 6-21.
25.	See H. Westra, "Customs and Muslim Law in the Netherlands
East Indies," Transactions of the Grotius Society, XXV
(1939), pp. 151-167.
26.	Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Islam in Modern History (Princeton
Princeton University Press, 1957) , pp. 54-58; 62-63 (refer
ences are to Mentor Book edition, 1950) .
27.	Oemar Amin Hoesin, "Sedjarah perkembangan politik modern
di Indonesia," Hikmah, VIII, No. 20/21 (May 21, 1955), pp.
24-26.9
Makkah who laid particular stress on the importance of u§ul
al-fiqh in studying the Qur>an and sunnah. Ahmad al-Khatib,
from the Minangkabau area of Sumatra, was perhaps the most in-
fluential; through his own writings and the activity of several
of his students, particularly Hadji Rasul and Ahmad Taher, his
ideas gained considerable following. These modernists in
Sumatra played down the pan-Islamic content of the modernist
Muslim viewpoint and concentrated their efforts on internal
religious reform, a factor which probably led to Dutch willing-
ness to allow them to continue their activities. The modern-
ists attacked those aspects of mysticism which they regarded as
excessive and non-Islamic, certain practices in ritual worship
they believed to be accretions, and the madhhabs (schools of
jurisprudence) as the final authority in matters of Muslim
behavior. This modernist activity was not only suspect by the
Dutch, and consequently closely observed by the authorities,
but by the traditional iulama) as well, who regarded the modern-
ists as emasculating Islamic teachings by deemphasizing the
interpretations of classical and medieval theologicans and jur-
ists. The traditionalists' response--never well articulated--
stated that the subservient political and social position of
the Muslims throughout the world was caused by Muslim failure
to follow the prescriptions of Islam as laid down by the four
madhhabs.28 The dispute between the modernists and traditional-
ists had no early resolution; as modernist ideas gradually
spread throughout Indonesia during the first quarter of the
twentieth century, the struggle between the two groups contin-
ued in every region.
The appearance of modernist Islam in Indonesia corresponded
with the rise of nationalist feeling among the Indonesians and
contributed to the growth of that feeling into the nationalist
movement of the 1920's and 1930's. The Sarekat Islam, formed
in 1912, generally subscribed to modernist Muslim principles
and was the primary vehicle of Indonesian nationalist political
aspirations until the early 1920's. The downfall of the Sarekat
Islam was caused by its failure to resolve the differences be-
tween religion on the one hand and nationalism and Communism on
the other. These differences led to a fragmentation of the
Sarekat Islam in 1925, and consequently marked the beginning of
secular nationalism and Muslim nationalism along completely
separate lines.29 Like the kaum tua-kaum muda (traditionalist-
modernist Muslims) split, this development also had serious
implications for the development of Islam in Indonesia and has
been a focal point of Muslim interest until the present.
28.	Hamka (Hadji Abdulmalik Karim Amrullah), Ajahku (Djakarta:
Widjaya, 1958), pp. 46-47, 76-84.
29.	Fred A. von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in South-
east Asia (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1963), pp.
7TT6.----10
The remainder of this essay is given to the study of the
Persatuan Islam which was clearly committed to a modernist view
of Islam. This organization played an important role in the
debate between the traditionalist and modernist viewpoints in
the religious field, and a significant role in the struggle
between secular nationalists and Muslim nationalists in the
political field. This essay will outline the Persis view toward
the various problems confronting Islam in Indonesia during the
twentieth century, indicate how these views differed from those
of other Indonesian Muslims, and examine the effect of these
views in its educational activity, its political viewpoint and
its relations with other Muslim and non-Muslim groups. The
value of such a study lies in the insight it affords into the
development of Indonesian Islam in this century, and should re-
veal whether the trend toward orthoprax Islam that has been
evident in Indonesian history is continuing, has been arrested,
or has taken some diverse course.CHAPTER II
THE PERSATUAN ISLAM PRIOR TO WORLD WAR II
Beginnings
The Persatuan Islam was founded formally on September 12,
1923 in Bandung by a group of Muslims interested in religious
study and activity.1 The founding of a religious organization
at this time was not unusual since numerous other organizations,
movements and clubs had been organized for religious, social,
educational, economic and political purposes in Indonesia during
the first quarter of the century. The Budi Utomo (High Endeav-
or),2 founded in 1908 for the advancement of native education,
the Sarekat Islam,3 4 organized in 1912 for Muslim trade and
political advancement, and the Muhammadijah, “* founded in 1912
for Muslim social welfare and educational activity, were per-
haps the most important of the early movements. Several hundred
more clubs were organized in the period between 1920 and 1935,
most with little appeal beyond their own limited circles, and
consequently few survived more than a few years. The most prom-
inent of these local organizations were the study groups formed
in the major cities in the 1920's, particularly at Bandung,
Djakarta and Surabaja, which came together in 1930 and formed
1.	The Netherlands, Department van Kolonien, "Mohammedaansche
Eeredienst," Indische Verslag, 1930, pp. 310-311.
2.	See for example:	"Budi Oetomo," Encyclopaedic van Neder-
landsch Oost-Indie; L. N. Sitorus, Sedjarah Pergerakan
Kebangsaan Indonesia (Djakarta: Pustaka Rakjat, l95l), pp.
9-10; S. Suryaningrat, Het herdenkingfeest van het 10-jarig
bestaan den vereniging "Budi Oetomo", 1908-Mei 20-1918
(Amsterdam: Oud en Nieuw, 1918) .
3.	Timur Jaylani, "The Sarekat Islam: its contribution to Indo-
nesian nationalism" (Montreal: McGill University thesis,
1959); C. C. Berg, "Sarekat Islam," Encyclopedia of Islam.
4.	See (Abdu-l Mu (ti (All, "The Muhammadijah: A Bibliographical
Introduction" (Montreal: McGill University thesis, 1957);
Georges-Henri Bousquet, "Muhammadiya," Shorter Encyclopedia
of Islam.
1112
the Partai Nasional Indonesia.5 The Jong Islamieten Bond6 was
probably the most well known among the religious groups organ-
ized during that period, and the Persatuan Islam was in that
tradition.
The founding of the Persatuan Islam was an effort by
several Muslims to enlarge discussions on religious topics that
had been undertaken on an informal basis for several months.
The Muslims involved in these discussions all belonged to the
merchant class, and came from three family groups that two
generations earlier had immigrated, for reasons of trade, from
the Palembang region on Sumatra to the West Java area where
they had come to regard themselves as Sundanese, the dominant
ethnic group in the West Java region. The two leading figures
in these discussions were Hadji Zamzam and Hadji Muhammad Junus.
Hadji Zamzam had spent three and a half years studying at the
Dar al- (Ul€Lm in Makkah and then had been a teacher at the Darul
Muta'allimun religious school in Bandung about 1910. He was
acquainted with Ahmad al-Surkati, the founder of the Al-Irsjad
(Guidance) and an early advocate of fundamentalist Islamic
thought in Indonesia. Muhammad Junus, while primarily a trader
by occupation, was interested in religious matters and had col-
lected a library of works on Islam.7
The discussions that led to the founding of the Persatuan
Islam centered not so much on actual religious teachings as on
the new reformist ideas that were then enjoying considerable
popularity on Sumatra, with some following on Java, and on the
conflict of these new ideas with the established religious sys-
tem. They discussed the contents of al-Manar (The Beacon),8
the modernist Muslim publication printed in Cairo, and al-Munir
(The Light),9 a periodical of similar bent published in Singa-
pore and smuggled into Indonesia. They also followed the de-
bate between Al-Irsjad and the Djamijat Chair (also al-Djamiyat
5.	See Sitorus, Sedjarah Pergerakan Kebangsaan Indonesia, p.
44; J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, De Nationalistische Beweging
in Nederlandsch-Indie (Haarlem: H. UI Tjeenk Willink $ Zoon,
1931) .--------------
6.	See J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, "Jeudbeweging--Inlandsche,"
Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Post-Indie.
7.	Deliar Noer, "The Rise and Development of the Modernist
Muslim Movement in Indonesia during the Dutch Colonial
Period (1910-1942)" (Ithaca: Cornell University thesis,
1963) , pp. 132-134.
8.	Charles Clarence Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt
(London: Oxford University Press, 1933) , pp. ISO-187.
9.	Hamka, Aj ahku, pp. 73, 86.13
al-Chairiya), the principal organizations for Arabs resident in
Indonesia, concerning status of Arabs among non-Arab Muslims.
The issue of Communism, communist infiltration of the Sarekat
Islam, and Muslim efforts to remove communist influence from
that Muslim political movement also came under discussion.10
Initial membership in the Persatuan Islam was less than
twenty persons; in the early years, activity centered about
Friday community prayer when the members came together and on
courses of religious instruction given by several Persis mem-
bers.* 11 * IV, The only requirement for membership during this early
period was an interest in religion, and Muslims representing
both the kaum muda and kaum tua factions originally were listed
among its members. Prior to 1926, Persis did not espouse
modernist principles as an organization, but in keeping with its
mixed membership promoted the study of Islam in general terms.12
There seems to have been an inclination on the part of Hadji
Zamzam and others to promote fundamentalist ideas, and there
was resentment by those members favoring a traditionalist view-
point about the development of the Persatuan Islam in the
modernist direction.
Ahmad Hassan, who joined the movement in 1924, was the
member whose viewpoint gave real format and individuality to
the Persatuan Islam and clearly placed it in the modernist Mus-
lim camp.13 Ahmad Hassan was born in 1887 in Singapore, the
son of a Tamil scholar and a Javanese mother. He received a
classical religious education from his father, who placed empha-
sis on language, and consequently Ahmad learned Malay, English,
Arabic and Tamil as well as the usual religious subjects.
After completing his schooling, he taught at several religious
schools in Singapore and Johore and later wrote daily articles
for the Utusan Melayu (Malay Messenger) newspaper of Singapore.
10.	All, "The Muhammadijah Movement," p. 49.
11.	Noer, "The Rise of the Modernist Muslim Movement," p. 134.
12.	"Mohammedaansche Eeredienst," Indische Verslag (1930), p.
311.
13.	Short studies of Ahmad Hassan include:	Nawawi Dusky, "A.
Hassan: Kenang-Kenangan kita terachir dengan ulama besar
ini," Hikmah, Tahun XI, No. 32 (November 1958), pp. 13-15;
Roebaie Widjaya, "Biografia--A. Hassan: Pengarang, kritikus
dan debat Islam," Hudjdjatul Islam, I, No. 1 (August 1956),
pp. 35-41 and Buku Kita, It, No. !T (May 1956), pp. 195-199;
Hadji Tamar Djaja, "Tokoh kita A. Hassan," Daulah Islamyah,
I, No. 8 (August 1957), pp. 6-14; and M. Jasin, ''A. Hassan:
Dokumentator surat-surat Islam dari Endeh," Gema Islam,
IV, No. 74 (May 15, 1965), pp. 12-14, 26.14
Sometime in the early 1920's he visited Surabaja in connection
with the family's batik business and while there had discussions
with an Indonesian religious scholar on the issues of difference
between the kaum muda and kaum tua. His father had been in-
clined toward many modernist Islamic viewpoints, and these dis-
cussions in Surabaja apparently struck a responsive chord in
Ahmad, so that he subsequently developed a viewpoint that was
in basic conformity with the kaum muda. He then moved to Ban-
dung, entered the Persatuan Islam, and centered his life in-
creasingly on religion and what he considered to be the defense
of Islam.
Ahmad Hassan's religious system emphasized that man's rela-
tionship with God depended vitally on the correct interpretation
and implementation of religious law. Roebaie Widjaja, writing
at a later date, succinctly summarized Ahmad Hassan's religious
belief in a biographical sketch.
The life of a Muslim according to the view of A.
Hassan is not separated from the laws of Islam [and] as a
consequence mankind must value the Islamic life. The indi-
vidual Muslim must . . . worship Allah, purified from the
elements of disbelief coming from outside Islam or from
traditions which Islam did not command.
. . . the famous '•ulamad and great imams of Islam
. . . were only considered "teachers" whose views should
not be accepted unquestioningly. For this reason A. Hassan
does not follow any of the madhhabs of the four great
schools. . . . however, the opinions of the four great
schools are [not] wrong, so long as their viewpoints on a
question are not in conflict with the sources of Islamic
law (i.e., Qur’an and sunnah).
Life in general, according to A. Hassan, depends on
the will [taqdir] of Allah. "If people want to place them-
selves in a particular place that placing is because of
taqdir; if they do not want to be in a particular place
that attitude is because of taqdlr.lh
This orientation came to be generally accepted by a large seg-
ment of the Persatuan Islam, but alienated those members who
held the madhhabs to be the chief guide for religious life. By
1926 the differences between the two trends within the Persatuan
Islam were sufficiently great for a split to occur. The seces-
sionist group, composed of the kaum tua, founded a rival organi-
zation known as the Permoefakatan Islam (Islamic Association),
while the rump group retained the name Persatuan Islam and
14. Widjaya, "Biografia--A. Hassan," p. 36.15
declared itself to be a modernist Islamic movement.15
The statutes of the Persatuan Islam adopted after this
split called for "furthering Islam on the basis of Qur>an and
sunnah" and for "the propagation and instruction of Islam."16
Among Persatuan Islam leaders "furthering Islam" generally came
to mean scholarly research in religious studies, particularly
proper religious ritual and the regulations surrounding such
ritual, followed by instruction to the general Muslim public,
through fatwas and courses of instruction, about the results of
that research. Its leaders pictured themselves as a new brand
of <‘ulama) whose fatwas would cleanse religion,of unauthorized
innovation (bidlah) and adapt religious principles to contempo-
rary conditions. The major religious-oriented organizations
existing in the pre-war period were not fitted for the role the
Persatuan Islam chose for itself. Al-Irsjad, which had a simi-
lar purpose, limited its endeavors to the Arab population of
the Indies and was plagued for years by internal dissension in
the Arab community over the question of Arab prerogatives in
the Muslim community in Indonesia.17 The Muhammadijah espoused
modernist Muslim principles but, during the first twenty years,
concentrated on educational and social welfare activities, and
it was not until 1935 that attention was given to improving the
religious belief and behavior of its members.18 The Sarekat
Islam was almost always more concerned with political activities
and gave only secondary attention to the purely religious as-
pects of the Islamic movement.19
There was in Persis little emphasis on expanding its mem-
bership, and prior to World War II, it remained a relatively
small, loose-knit organization. Deliar Noer in his dissertation
on modernist Muslim movements in Indonesia stated that the
membership of the Persatuan Islam never rose above 300 at
15.	"Mohammedaansche Eeredienst," Indische Verslag (1930), p.
311. Usual references on Muslim organizations existing at
that time reveal no further information about the Permoefa-
katan Islam. It is likely that the organization either
passed out of existence, or was absorbed into the Nahdlatul
Ulama, founded in 1926 by several kaum tua leaders in
Central Java.
16.	Ibid.
17.	Van der Kroef, "The Arab Minority," Indonesia in the Modern
World, I, p. 257.
18.	Muhammadijah, Panitia Pusat Perajaan 40 Tahun Berdirinja
Perserikatan, Kitab 40 Tahun Muhammadijah (Djakarta, 1952),
p. 32.
19.
Cf. Jaylani, "Sarekat Islam."16
Bandung, but that it was popular in that city and by 1942 con-
trolled six mosques in the city, each serving over 500 Muslims.
A number of branches were established by sympathizers in vari-
ous cities and towns, mostly in West and Central Java, and
according to Deliar Noer, the membership of the larger organiza-
tion was less than a thousand persons.2" The popularity enjoyed
by the Persatuan Islam appears to have centered on the reli-
gious education the Persatuan Islam offered, on its clear posi-
tion regarding controversial issues, and on the social contact
and entertainment offered by the many meetings, lectures and
debates organized by the Persatuan Islam. The reputation of
the Persatuan Islam, however, lay less with its organizational
accomplishments than with the achievements of its individual
leaders. Ahmad Hassan, Hadji Moehammad Moenawar Chalil and
Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz were known for their many fatwas on all
facets of Muslim behavior. Sabirin and Fachroeddin al-Kahiri
edited the controversial Pembela Islam, a periodical that at-
tacked and castigated groups holding views contrary to those of
the Persatuan Islam.21 Moehammad Natsir, often writing under
the pseudonym A. Muchlis, expressed a viewpoint that had a very
considerable influence on Muslim nationalism in Indonesia.22
20.	Noer, "The Rise of the Modernist Muslim Movement," p. 134.
Branches were established at Bogor, Djakarta, Leles, Ban-
djarmasin, Surabaja, Malang, Bangil, Sibolga, Kotaradja
and Gorontalo.
21.	Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. M. Wahid Hasjim
dan karangan tersiar (Dj akarta: Panitya, 1957), p . 221.
There is little biographical material on Hadji Mahmoed
'Aziz, Fachroeddin al-Kahiri and Sabirin.
22.	Moehammad Natsir's basic education was in the secular
schools established by the Dutch, supplemented with some
religion courses. He undertook intensive training in reli-
gious subjects from Ahmad Hassan. This blend of religious
and secular training probably accounts for writings defend-
ing basic Islamic values against the impact of "Western"
influences in terms capable of being understood by Indone-
sians educated in secular schools. His most important
articles, including many of those written under the pseudo-
nym A. Muchlis and appearing in Pandji Islam, appear in
Moehammad Natsir, Capita Selecta^ ed. IT F! Sati Alimin
(Djakarta, The Hague: Van Hoeve, 1954 and 1957), 2 vols.
A presentation of Natsir's political outlook appears in
Deliar Noer, "Masjumi: Its Organization, Ideology and
Political Role in Indonesia" (Ithaca: Cornell University
thesis, 1960), pp. 150-152; 171-180. Other biographical
descriptions are found in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup
Wahid Hasjim, pp. 217-221; and Parlaungan, Hasil Rakjat
memilih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen (Djakarta: C. V. Gita, 1956),
pp. 175-176; Sutan Rais Alamsjah, 10 Prang Indonesia17
Hamka (Hadji Abdulmalik Karim Amrullah), noted after Indonesian
independence was attained for his exposition of Islam as a
social force, was associated with Persis in this early period.23
Muhammad Hasbi Ash-Shiddiqy, who won some reknown for his fatwa
stating that blood transfusion was permitted by Islamic law,
also belonged to the Persatuan Islam during this period.2 **
It must be noted that many persons belonging to the Per-
satuan Islam during this period were influential members of
other religious, political and social organizations as well.
Sabirin was a prominent member of the Sarekat Islam,25 Hadji
Moenawar Chalil was a leading member of the Muhammadijah in
Samarang,26 and Moehammad Natsir belonged to the Jong Islamieten
Bond.27 This dual membership by many members perhaps indicates
that the members regarded Persis as a religious study and educa-
Terbesar Sekarang (Bukittingi and Djakarta: Mutiara, 1952),
pp. 83-102 .
23.	Hamka's major works were written after World War II and
attempted to explain Islam in a sociological framework
rather than the legalistic outlook of the Persatuan Islam.
Peladjaran Agama Islam (Djakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1956) con-
tains his major teachings, which reflect the influence on
Hamka of the Egyptian Muslim modernist al-Manfaluti. A
list of Hamka's major religious works appears in John M.
Echols, Preliminary Checklist of Indonesian Imprints (1945-
1949) with Cornell University Holdings (Ithaca: Cornell
University, 1965), pp. 7-8. In his formative years prior
to the war, he wrote several novels (see below, p. 25 and
Junus Anis Hamzah, Hamka sebagai Pengarang Roman: sebuah
studio sastra [Djakarta: Mega Bookstore, 1964]) and various
works of religious subjects. "Kemenangan," Pembela Islam,
No. 46 (May 1932), pp. 16-23,expressed basic fundamentalist
Muslim beliefs, and "Persatuan," Pembela Islam, No. 34
(September 1931), pp. 2-7, advocated Pan-Islamism. Both
articles reflected a viewpoint in conformity with the Per-
satuan Islam. Some biographical material may be found in
his autobiographical work Pribadi (Djakarta: Bulan Bintang,
1957) .
24.	Muhammad Hasbi Ash-Shiddioqy is perhaps better known for
his work on translating and compiling a collection of
hadzth into Bahasa Indonesia. 2002 Mutiara Hadiets (Dja-
karta: Bulan Bintang, 1954), 6 vols. His major works are
listed in the bibliography attached to this essay.
25.	Pembela Islam, No. 34 (September 1931), frontispiece.
26.	(Ali, "The Muhammadijah Movement," p. 80.
27.	Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup Wahid Hasjim, p. 80.18
tional group, and that other groups could be used to attain
other goals. The similarity of the religious viewpoints of
these members, and particularly the consensus on political
matters, seems to indicate that these members took the Persis
outlook with them to other organizations, and/or that it was
that outlook which attracted them to Persis in the first place.
The composition of Persis membership also shows a peculiar
development in Indonesian Islam, i.e., the greater ease with
which non-Javanese Muslims accepted a santri orientation while
Javanese usually remained only nominal Muslims (abangan). The
organization was founded by Sumatrans; and as it developed, it
found its greatest support among the Sundanese. This is not to
say, however, that there were no Javanese members of the Per-
satuan Islam, for there were--such as Hadji Moenawar Chalil--
but only that, as in other santri movements, non-Javanese ele-
ments played the leading role.28
Stress on Education
From the very beginning, instruction in Islam and its
sciences was offered at the meeting place of the Persatuan Islam
in Bandung, but the courses and classes were operated by indi-
viduals or groups of individuals rather than by the organization
itself.29 This was an extension of the time-hallowed pesantren
system in which religious teachers attached themselves to a
mosque and taught voluntarily, depending on gifts from the stu-
dents, and on a rice field or trade for their livelihood. In
this traditional system, the student was free to choose his own
subjects, and teachers and students would often travel from one
center to another to study special subjects or hear renowned
lecturers.3 0
In the case of the Persatuan Islam, Hadji Zamzam, first
alone and then after 1924 in conjunction with Ahmad Hassan,
gave lectures and talks to adult classes concerning Islamic be-
lief and proper observance of religious ritual. In 1927, and
possibly before, classes were also operated for Muslim students
studying at Dutch schools; a law of 1915 allowed optional reli-
gious instruction to be given as part of the public educational
28.	Robert R. Jay, Religion and Politics in Rural Central Java
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963).
29.	"Perkembangan Pesantren Persatuan Islam," Risalah, Tahun 1,
No. 1 (June 1962), p. 10.
30.	R. A. Kern, "Pesantren," Encyclopedia of Islam.19
system.31 In 1930, the Pendidikan Islam (Islamic Education) was
founded by Persis member A. A. Banaama, who used Persis facili-
ties to conduct his first elementary school classes. This edu-
cational organization, which came under Moehammad Natsir's
leadership in 1932, established a MULO {Meer Uitgebreid Lager
Onderwijs--More Extended Lower Instruction) junior high school
and a teachers' training school in Bandung, and by 1938, had
started schools in five other locations on Java.32 Persis
facilities were also used by other teachers to give religious
instruction, and some of these came under attack after the
split in the organization in 1926, and were charged with giving
"opiniated teachings and the viewpoint of the people of ignor-
ance," a direct reference to the kaum tua.3Z
In March 1936, the educational system of the Persatuan
Islam underwent a reorganization to make the education uniform
and to regulate the form and standardize the content of the
teachers' lectures. A brochure, issued by the school at a later
date, stated that "the purpose of the founding of the 'Pesantren'
was to produce propagandists (muballighien) capable of spread-
ing, teaching and defending and maintaining Islam, wherever
they were." The subject matter taught after the reorganization
probably changed only slightly from what it had been prior to
the reorganization, but Persis leaders were assured that the
modernist Islamic viewpoint would be presented in all courses
of instruction. Some general subjects and basic science courses
were added at this time, but stress remained overwhelmingly on
religious subjects. Ahmad Hassan became the director and prin-
cipal teacher of the new school, and Moehammad Natsir, who had
completed a teachers' training course sponsored by the Dutch
Administration, served as adviser and teacher. At the time of
the establishment of the new school, which was named the
Pesantren Persatuan Islam, there were forty students, mostly
from Java, but with a few from other parts of Indonesia as
well.31*
During the same reorganization, an afternoon class was
established for elementary school children, both boys and girls,
31.	Noer, "The Rise of the Modernist Muslim Movement," p. 140;
Amry Vandenbosch, The Dutch East Indies (Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California, 1942), p. 47.
32.	Noer, "The Rise of the Modernist Muslim Movement," p. 141;
Pembela Islam, No. 45 (April 1932), inside cover--front
and back.
33.	Risalah, Tahun I, No. 1 (May 1963), p. 10.
34.	Persatuan Islam, Jajasan Pesantren di Bangil, Pesantren:
Bagian Putera dan Puteri (Bangil: Persatuan Islam, 1960),
ppT 2-3.20
who attended secular schools in the morning.35 The director
and principal teacher of the afternoon class, which came to be
called the Pesantren Ketjil (Small Pesantren), was Ustadz Hasan
Hamid, who had formerly been a teacher at the Al-Irsjad school
in Djakarta. E. Abdurrahman was a teacher in the afternoon
classes. The initial enrollment was about 100 pupils.
In March 1940, the seminary section of the Pesantren re-
located to Bangil in East Java, and the Pesantren Ketjil re-
mained in Bandung. The move was apparently prompted by family
considerations on the part of Ahmad Hassan who had relatives
living in the Surabaja area. A group of twenty-five graduated
students accompanied Ahmad Hassan and served as a cadre for the
new school. Although the Pesantren was reestablished in Bangil
and a new section for girls was added in February 1941, the
Japanese Occupation, beginning in early 1942, forced the school
to close.36 The course work given in Persatuan Islam schools
is discussed in the chapter concerning activities of the organi-
zation after World War II.
Publications
The first regular periodical published by the Persatuan
Islam, entitled Pembela Islam (Defense of Islam), first appeared
in 1929, had a circulation of about 2,000, and was properly
licensed by the authorities.37 It was intended to be a bi-
monthly magazine, and during the six years it was published a
total of 71 numbers was issued. Articles appearing in Pembela
Islam were written either by the members of the organization or
by other prominent Muslims, reflecting a viewpoint similar to
that of the Persatuan Islam. The primary emphasis in Pembela
Islam was on proper observance of religious behavior and ritual
in the lives of Muslims, and on the role of religion in the
politics of the nationalist movement and in international
affairs. The magazine was proscribed by the Dutch Administra-
tion in 1935 for allegedly slandering the Christian writers of
Belanda A.I.D. in an article attacking Christianity.38
35.	A., "Pesantren Persis di Bangil," Dunia Madrasah, No. 5
(January 5, 1955), p. 17.
36.	J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, "Moehammadijah," Encyclopaedia
van Nederlandsch Post-Indie.
37.	"Moehammedaansche Eeredienst," Indische Verslag (1930), p.
310. All circulation figures for this and following peri-
odicals are as given in Noer, "The Rise of the Modernist
Muslim Movement," pp. 142-145.
38.	Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup Wahid Hasjim, p. 221.21
In 1931, the magazine Al-Fatwaa (Legal Opinion [see glos-
sary]) was undertaken in addition to Pembela Islam. Al-Fatwaa
consisted largely of reprints of articles from Pembela Islam>
transliterated in djawi (Malay written in an adapted Arabic
script), which was used among Malays of Singapore and Malaya
and by some groups in Indonesia. Twenty numbers of this monthly
magazine were issued before it ceased publication in 1933. It
had a readership of approximately 1000 and was distributed on
Sumatra, Kalimantan, and throughout Java.
After 1935, with the closing of Pembela Islam, the Per-
satuan Islam issued a new periodical named Al-Lisan (The Tongue).
The preface of the opening issue in December 1935 stated that
the new magazine was to be a continuation of Pembela Islam and
Al-Fatwaa, but would attempt to develop new materials as well;
in practice it differed little from its predecessor.39 The
periodical continued to appear until the beginning of 1942 when
the Japanese Occupation began.
Beginning in 1937 and continuing through 1941, the Persatuan
Islam Bandung branch published a periodical entitled At-Taqwa
(Devotion), a Sundanese language publication. This was largely
a collection of articles from Pembela Islam and Al-Lisan, but
laid special stress on removing Hindu and pagan observances
from religion.90 At-Taqwa had a circulation of 1000 and was
edited by E. Abdurrahman and Qamaruddin. Also in 1937, Lasjkar
Islam (Islamic Defender) was published, consisting of a collec-
tion of leading articles from Pembela Islam, and two years
later a similar collection of articles from Al-Lisan was issued
under the title Al-Hikam (Wisdom).
An important part of all these periodicals was the sual-
djawab (question-answer) section in which one member of the edi-
torial staff, usually Ahmad Hassan, but sometimes Hadji Mahmoed
'Aziz or Moehammad Moenawar Chalil, answered the questions of
readers on matters of religious importance, ranging from ritual
worship to social and political behavior. They were really
observing the old practice of issuing a religious decision, or
fatwat since religious sources were used as the basis for the
decision.1*1 The format of the decisions was quite simple. The
question was stated, then all of the religious sources employed
were written out, first in Arabic and then, after the interjec-
tion of the word artinja ("its meaning") translated into
39.	Al-Lisan, No. 1 (December 1935), p. 1.
40.	Conversation with Junus Anis, Chairman of the Pemuda
Persatuan Islam, at Bandung on July 21, 1963.
41.	See below, pp. 48-52, for the Persatuan Islam's view on
what qualifications and training were considered necessary
for issuing fatwas.22
Indonesian. Finally, the opinion of the writer was expressed.
Quotation from religious sources was intended to encourage the
reader to study the origin if he was able, and to indicate the
original reference, free of translation difficulties. This
sual-djawab section was not a unique development since similar
columns appeared in several other Muslim periodicals of that
period. The Persatuan Islam probably developed this form of
writing more fully than other groups did, however, and increas-
ing emphasis was placed on these fatwas as time passed, even to
the detriment of other forms of writing. Readers’ letters to
Pembela Islam indicate that the sual-djawab section was well
read, and apparently in response to a demand for such decisions,
a collection of those fatwas appearing in Persis publications
was published in several volumes throughout the 1930's under
the collective title of Sual-Djawab."2
In addition to periodical publications, the Persatuan pub-
lished pamphlets and short monographs by its own members and
other Muslim groups and individuals reflecting the philosophy
and viewpoint of the organization. Pengadjaran Shalat (Teach-
ings of Worship) and At-Tauhied (Unity of God [see glossary]),
both subsequently reprinted several times, contained a complete
outline of all orthodox Sunni Muslim beliefs, annotated with
numerous references to Qur’an and Hadlth. Several other works,
such as Kitab Zakat (Book on Zakat) and Risalah Djoem 'ah (Book
on Friday Worship), were intended to outline a Muslim’s reli-
gious obligations and describe proper religious behavior. A
series of books, notably Kesopanan Tinggi (High Civilization)
and Al-Moahtar (The Digest), outlined Islamic history and glori-
fied the history of Islam, apparently with the purpose of con-
vincing Indonesian Muslims of past Muslim glories and of coun-
tering the secular nationalists, who looked to the Hindu past
of Java as the golden age of Indonesia. Several books were
written to urge reforms in contemporary religious practice
Persis members regarded as wrong, such practices as those de-
scribed in Kitab Talqien orang wet (Book of Talqln according to
law) which contained an outline of accepted burial practices
and was aimed at refuting certain practices condoned by the
kaum tua. The Persatuan Islam had little to say on economics,
but did publish two books, Kitab Ribaa (Book on Usury) and
Risalah Pendjawab debatan T. Soelaiman Thojib .	.	. terhadap
Kitab Ribaa (Book of reply to the debate of T. Soelaiman Thojib
.	. . concerning Kitab Ribaa'), to explain fully its own position
regarding the question of interest and usury which came under
considerable discussion among Muslims in the 1930’s because of
the introduction of banks, savings accounts, and insurance poli-
cies. Qamoes al-Baja' (Dictionary of Terms), a short dictionary
of Arabic terms in use in Malay, and Al-Fuvqan (The Criterion),
a many-volumed commentary on the Qur’an in both Malay and
42. Sual-Djawab (Bandoeng: Persatoean Islam, 1931-1940), 15
vols .23
Sundanese, were the first of several dictionaries and religious
commentaries prepared by the Persatuan Islam. Several works,
such as a pamphlet written by Sabirin entitled Poeasa3 mengan-
doeng pendidikan hygiene (kesehatan toehoeh) physiek (tabi’at),
moveele discipline (boedi pekevti), psychologie (ruh) (Fasting,
containing the lessons of hygiene, nature, moral discipline and
psychology), reflected the concern of Persis members for recon-
ciling religion with contemporary scientific knowledge .**3
To facilitate the understanding of religious terms, Ahmad
Hassan developed a transliteration system by which untranslated
Arabic religious terms could be assigned Indonesian letters
which would aid the reader in pronunciation. The translitera-
tion system, although probably not widely used beyond the
members of the Persatuan Islam, did correspond in many important
respects with a more widely accepted transliteration system
developed by A. M. A. Temvang, and, indeed, may have had a con-
siderable influence on Temvang's system.lftt
Persatuan Islam publications filled a need for basic books
on religion written in the vernacular. For several centuries,
43.	Ahmad Hassan, Pengadjaran Shalat (Bandoeng: Persatoean
Islam, 1935-1937), 4 vols.; Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied (at-
Tawhid) (Bandoeng: Persatoean Islam, 1937) , published in
both the Roman and djawi script; Ahmad Hassan, Sabirin and
Fachroeddin al-Kahiri, Kitab Zakat (Bandoeng: Persatoean
Islam, 1934); Persatoean Islam, RTsalah Djoem'ah (Bandoeng:
Persatoean Islam, 1931); Ahmad Hassan, Kesopanan Tinggi
(Bandoeng: Persatoean Islam, 1930), translated into Sunda-
nese under the title Kitab Kasopanan Islam (Bandoeng: Per-
satoean Islam, 1931); Ahmad Hassan and Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz,
A1-Mochtar (Bandoeng: Persatoean Islam, 1931), 2 vols.;
Ahmad Hassan, Kitab Talqien orang wet (Bandoeng: Persatoean
Islam, 1931); Ahmad Hassan, Kitab Ribaa (Bandoeng: Persa-
toean Islam, 1932) , originally published in two parts in
Pembela Islam, Nos. 51 (October 1932) and 52 (November
1932) ; Ahmad Hassan, Risalah Pendjawab Debatan T. Soelaiman
Thojib .	.	. terhadap Kitab Ribaa (Bandoeng: Persatoean
Islam, 1936); Ahmad Hassan, Qamo~es al-Baja' (Bandoeng:
Persatoean Islam, 1928); Ahmad Hassan, Al-Furqan (Bandoeng:
Persatoean Islam, 1931); Sabirin, Poeasa, mengandoeng pen-
didikan hygiene (kesehatan toeboeh), physiek (tabi'at),
moreele discipline (boedi pekerti), psychologie (ruh) (Ban-
doeng! Persatoean Islam, 1934) .
44.	Roebaie Widjaja discusses this transliteration system
briefly in his biography of Ahmad Hassan in Rudjdjatul
Islam, I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 39. This transliteration
system is outlined in Ahmad Hassan, Edjaan (Bangil: Persa-
tuan Islam, n.d.). See also A. M. A. Temvang, Beladjar
Huruf A1-Quran (Djakarta: N. V. Versluiys, n.d.J!24
works on Muslim law, theology, and mysticism had been written
in Malay, but these works were so interspaced with Arabic reli-
gious terms--and even entire sections written in Arabic--that
they were read only by scholars. The Persatuan Islam leaders
sought to widen the readership of religious works by developing
a new kind of religious text--one which would be entirely com-
prehensible to a person who knew only Bahasa Indonesia. Notable
in almost all books published by the Persatuan Islam was the
search for brevity and clarity. In the preface to At-Tauhied,
for example, Ahmad Hassan stated that he would employ the sual-
djawab method throughout the book "in order that the reader not
become bored." ". . . the reader will be able to understand,
. . . and if . . . not ... he will not be so bored as not to
read it once or twice."1*5 Clarity was achieved by simple sen-
tences, by defining all religious terms used in the discussion,
and by avoiding time-consuming lateral problems. The result
was usually a clear explanation of basic religious doctrine,
comprehensible to the uninformed layman and student for whom
Persatuan Islam publications were intended.
Persatuan Islam efforts to write about religion came during
a period when there was a great wave of literary activity among
Indonesians . **6 Several literary groups appeared during this
period, and a rash of newspapers, periodicals and books were
published by the various political, social and religious clubs,
organizations and movements. The Persatuan Islam's efforts
were a part of this greater activity, and while it produced no
outstanding literary works, Persis developed a simplicity of
style in its textbooks that facilitated the study of religion
in schools and by persons interested in religion. Moreover,
the writing of Indonesian religious textbooks had some impact
on the development of Bahasa Indonesia, by defining and using
religious terms in Indonesian language works.
Defense of Islam
A final aspect of the Persatuan Islam's activity was the
effort by its members to defend Islam from what they regarded
as threats to the existence or purity of Islam. Consequently
they publicly challenged any individual or group who they be-
lieved misunderstood, misinterpreted or distorted proper reli-
gious belief and practice. The secular nationalists, led by
Sukarno, were challenged for refusing to recognize the political
role of Islam and for rejecting religious law as national law
45.	Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied. pp. I-II.
46.	See for example, Anthony H. Johns, "Genesis of a Modern
Literature" in Ruth T. McVey, ed., Indonesia (New Haven:
HRAF Press, 1963), pp. 410-437.25
in an independent Indonesia. The Nahdlatul Ulama was attacked
for adhering to classical jurisprudence, and for maintaining
traditional views on some matters of ritual, particularly re-
garding the burial ceremony. The Ahmadlyah Qadiyan was chal-
lenged for its stand in maintaining that a prophet existed after
Muhammad. Christianity, as has already been mentioned, was
bitterly attacked for its belief that Jesus was divine and a
messiah, instead of a prophet as Muslims believed.1*7
The Persatuan Islam also debated other modernist Muslim
groups whenever their interpretation of particular religious
principles differed from its own. Abdulkarim Amrullah, the
leading religious reformer on Sumatra was attacked for a par-
ticular fatwa regarding woman's attire,1*8 and Hamka's novels
Dibawah Lingdungan Ka'bah (In the Shadow of the Ka)abah) and
Tenggelamnja Kapal van dev Wyck (Sinking of the Ship Van der
Wyck) were called indecent because they dealt lightly with reli-
gious subjects.1*9
Pembela Islam and Al-Lisan were, of course, the prime vehi-
cles for conducting polemic, and Persis members, writing under
the initials M.S. hit at their adversaries in short, pointed
articles.50 For example, on the subject of nationalist atti-
tudes toward religion, one particular article in Pembela Islam
stated:	"[Previously] the nationalists did not ever mention
Islam, its movements or even its shortcomings . . . but now
there is frequent use of . . . Islamic matters. ... We hope
Islam will no longer be used as an instrument for gaining
47.	These differences with other organizations are dealt with
more fully in later chapters.
48.	Hamka, Aj ahku, p. 167.
49.	Hamka, Dibawah Lindungan Kabah (Djakarta: Balai Pustaka,
1956, 6th ed.). Roebaie Widjaja, "Biografia A. Hassan,"
Hudjdjatul Islam, I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 38. In gen-
eral the members of the Persatuan Islam were suspicious of
novels, which they may have seen as frivolous. They did,
however, recognize Moehammad Dimyatie's Anak Jatim (Ban-
doeng: Persatoean Islam, 1935) as a good novel, possibly
because it dealt with the issue of independence and had
been banned by the Dutch; Hamka, Tenggelamnja Kapal van
der Wyck (Djakarta: Balai Pustaka" 1961, 6th ed.). See
also, Junus Anis Hamzah, Tenggelamnja kapal Van der Wyck
dalam polemik dengan bantuan H. B. Jasin (Djakarta: Mega
Bookstore, 1963) .
50.	Many of these short items were collected into a two volume
publication. M.S., Kitab Pepetah (Bandoeng: Persatoean
Islam, n.d.).26
freedom, but rather that freedom will be attained for Islam."51
Similarly, in another article appearing in Pembela Islam the
following opinion was expressed regarding the struggle between
the kaum muda and the kaum tua:	"If we combat innovation
(bidlah) which is clearly forbidden by Allah and the Prophet
and clearly causes the destruction of Islam, several Muslim
leaders make accusations and propaganda charging that we are
splitting the ummah.	.	. If splitting of this type is wrong,
then the Prophet Muhammad was the greatest splitter of all!"52
In addition to these short, vigorous notes signed with the
initials M.S., letters were often printed which challenged oppo-
nents to public debate and which were polemic in themselves.
This sort of polemic was well illustrated in the letter from the
Islamic Committee of Surabaja challenging Pastor Ten Berge to
public debate because he printed an article containing uncompli-
mentary remarks about the Prophet Muhammad. "From these words
it is clear that you have a confused viewpoint concerning our
reverence of the Prophet Muhammad . . . , or, otherwise you
obviously intend deliberately to speak slander and hatred toward
our Religion."53
The Persatuan Islam also used the public debate to make
its opposition known toward viewpoints it regarded as wrong.
In the ten years preceding World War II, Persis had debates with
the Nahdlatul Ulama and the Ittihadijatul Ulama on the subjects
of taqlzd and talqtn, with the Ahmadiyah Qadiyan on prophethood
and Nabt (Jsa,51t with the Seventh Day Adventists on Christianity,
and with a nationalist leader on secular theories of law and
government.55 Large audiences attended these debates, probably
because they were well publicized by the Persatuan Islam, and
because the debates centered on controversial issues then draw-
ing considerable public attention. Ahmad Hassan usually repre-
sented the Persatuan Islam in these debates, and proved effec-
tive since he was able to formulate arguments using both reli-
gious texts and reason to refute the positions taken by Persis
opponents. These debates, while of marginal value in reconciling
51.	Pembela	Islam,	No.	56	(December 1932), p. 6
52 .	Pembela	Islam,	No .	29	(July 1931), p. 9.
53.	Pembela	Islam,	No.	32	(August 1931), p. 27.
54.	Pembela	Islam,	No.	57	(January 1933), p. 41
55. Noer, "The Rise of Modernist Muslim Movement," pp. 143-144;
Djaja lists a debate between Ahmad Hassan and the Christian
scholars Diernhuis, Eisink and Schoemaker, and makes refer-
ence to debates with "atheists" in Djakarta and Malang.
Djaja, "Tokoh kita A. Hassan," Daulah Islamyah, I, No. 8
(August 1957) , p. 12.27
the differences between the debating factions, did give the
Persatuan Islam a forum in which to propound its viewpoint, and
Persis--and Ahmad Hassan in particular--gained a reputation for
formulating lucid and cogent arguments in defense of modernist
Muslim principles. The minutes of these debates were usually
printed in Pembela Islam and Al-Lisan, and several also appeared
as separate publications.
Finally, to promote similar activity among other groups in
Indonesia holding a viewpoint similar to that held by the Persa-
tuan Islam, editorials appearing in Pembela Islam urged that
"Pembela Islam" committees be set up throughout Indonesia to
counter "threats to Islam."56 Persis leadership apparently con-
ceived these committees as being local clubs promoting the study
of religion and defending modernist Muslim principles. Numerous
"Pembela Islam" committees were apparently founded, but none
survived for any great length of time or rose to any position
of importance, perhaps because they had no central organization
to offer guidance and coordinate a definite program.
56. Pembela Islam, No. 31 (August 1931), p. 40.CHAPTER III
THE BASIC BELIEFS OF AHMAD HASSAN
Ahmad Hassan was the chief figure in the Persatuan Islam
and was responsible for its particular orientation on Islamic
questions. Writings of other Persis leaders indicate a basic
agreement with his stated beliefs although no one else in the
organization expressed himself as fully as Ahmad Hassan did.
There is value, therefore, in outlining Ahmad Hassan*s religious
beliefs and philosophy, for such an outline aids in understand-
ing the criteria that he, and with him the Persatuan Islam, em-
ployed in regard to politics, social life and worship.
The formulation of Ahmad Hassan*s doctrine and religious
belief was not gathered into one work, but was scattered through-
out a number of important books, each written for a particular
purpose. At-Tauhied explained his belief concerning God and
man's relationship with Him, and was intended to refute the
Christian concept of the Trinity, the worship of saints, and
certain animistic practices prevalent on Java. An-Nubuwwah
(Prophethood) outlined his conception of the Prophet to demon-
strate to the secular nationalists and to Christians that
Muhammad--and by implication Islam--was progressive and in con-
formity with scientific thought. Islam dan Kebangsaan (Islam
and Nationalism) explained his view of man's obligation to God
and his fellow man, and was intended to show Muslims the proper
role of Islam in public life. In drawing these works together,
one risks the danger of emphasizing what is not intended to be
emphasized. Yet a look at Ahmad Hassan's basic religious be-
liefs, in toto, is vital to understanding the Persatuan Islam's
particular views.
The first section of Ahmad Hassan's basic religious beliefs
is concerned with defining the concepts "God," "prophet" and
"holy scripture," examining the attributes and purpose of each,
and finally presenting evidence for the genuineness of each in
the Muslim context. There is no speculation concerning these
fundamental beliefs, and his understanding is within the Sunni
Muslim tradition and conforms closely with the exposition of
basic beliefs made by Muhammad (Abduh and Rashid Rida. Ahmad
Hassan made no attempt to probe into the nature of religion or
speculate upon any facet of belief, but accepted those beliefs
as genuine and as a necessary part of a Muslim's religious life.
2829
God and His Attributes
Ahmad Hassan approached the study of the nature of God with
great reverence. In the introduction to At-Tauhied, his major
work on the nature of God and man’s relationship with Him, he
stated that "if the science of religion is viewed as holy be-
cause it contains the laws of Allah, then the science of tawhld
[God's nature] is more holy (and indeed there is no real com-
parison) for its contents concern the attributes of God Who
reveals that religion."1 A proper understanding of the nature
of God is valuable to all Muslims, he maintained, so that they
may attain a proper relationship with God.2 By acquainting him-
self with the knowledge of God's nature, the informed Muslim
becomes aware of His greatness, and of the folly of fearing any
creature other than God,3 4 while improper understanding of God's
nature causes man to err and transgress His commands. The wor-
ship of saints by Christians and some Muslims, ** and the Javanese
practice of consulting sorcerers for performing miraculous feats
were cited by Ahmad Hassan as examples of an improper comprehen-
sion of the nature of God because such acts disregarded God's
power, and were contrary to His commands. He concluded that
for their own spiritual well-being and eternal reward, Muslims
should study and try to comprehend God's nature.5
Ahmad Hassan began his discussion on the nature of God
with a clear definition of God; a definition acceptable to both
modernist and traditionalist elements of the Indonesian Muslim
community.
A.	Clarify for me who Allah is?
B.	Allah is God Who creates, sustains and grants suste-
nance to everything that we see and do not see, that
we know and do not know, in heaven, in the air, on the
face of the earth, in the earth, in the water and
everywhere.
1.	Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, p. I. For two studies of this
subject by contemporaries of Ahmad Hassan, see Hadji Agus
Salim, "Tauhid (De belijdenis van de Enige God)," in Djedjak
Langkah Hadji A. Salim, ed. Moehammad Rum and others "(Dja-
karta: Bulan Bintang, 1954), pp. 245-256; Hadji Abdul Karim
Amrullah, "Hanja Allah," in Hamka, Ajahku, pp. 263-277.
See also Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, pp. 144-148.
2.	Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, p. I.
3.	Ibid., p. 48.
4.	Ibid., pp. 58-59.
5.
Ibid., pp. 49-51.30
A.	Are we able to see Allah with our eyes or experience
His existence with the other senses?
B.	We are not able to know the essence of Allah with our
five senses, and it is only necessary for us to believe
on Him through the knowledge of His attributes alone.
A. What do we believe about Allah? . . .
B. We believe that there is no other God than Him, and
that He possesses all the attributes of divinity and
perfection, as well as great holiness. Regarding His
attributes He is not needy, not weak, not submissive
and nothing is like unto Him. .	. .
A.	Why are we obliged to believe this?
B.	Common sense leads us to believe this, as well as (the
words and statements) of Allah and His prophet, since
these godly attributes are mentioned in the Qur>an and
in the hadlths.6
Concerning God’s existence and His attributes, Ahmad Hassan
put forth a proof long expounded among Sunni Muslim theologians.
The very existence of things, he stated, indicates the existence
of a God to the reason of man. Man knows, for example, that
the plain objects he views in everyday life, such as "a pen, a
book, a table" do not exist by themselves, but are the product
of the artisan who created them." In the same manner man
reasons that there must also be a creator for man, for animals
and for all plantlife on the earth. Continuing with this argu-
ment, i.e., that all things must have a beginning, Ahmad Hassan
concluded that "our common sense is not able to accept the fact
that any object could exist without a creator." For example,
plants grow from seeds, and seeds come from plants, but at some
point there must have been a plant that did not come from a
seed. Likewise, in the case of man, Ahmad Hassan queried, "who
made the first mother and father, if it was not Allah?" Carry-
ing the argument to its logical conclusion, Ahmad Hassan stated
that after having traced creation to its beginnings any con-
tinued speculation leads only to a dead end. The only possible
solution is that God is a being, able to create, Who has not
been created Himself, and that beyond such a conclusion man's
reason is unable to go.7
Having established to his own satisfaction that God exists,
Ahmad Hassan examined each attribute necessary to life, and
maintained that all such attributes must also belong to God
6. Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, pp. 3-4.
7. Ibid., pp. 4-6 .31
since not to have them would make God less than perfect. "It
is unthinkable that God is not powerful, because one who is not
powerful is weak. One who is weak could not be Allah." In the
same way, God must be alive for to be dead is to lack power
which is impossible in God. For the same reason, it is unthink-
able that Allah could be plural or multiple, for in a situation
where two gods exist one of them would certainly be weak, or
their very equality would limit the power of each.8
In making rational assumptions on the nature of God, At-
Tauhied warned the reader not to fall into a trap of comparing
human attributes with divine attributes. The nature of God
(i.e., His attributes, such as hearing, seeing, living) stated
Ahmad Hassan, is similar to that of man; yet, at the same time,
the divine and human forms are not identical, and God remains
unique and distinct from His creation. The difference is one
of degree since man’s life is limited, while God is eternal.
Man has certain powers, but they are limited in comparison with
the power of God that is capable of producing whatever He
desires. In the same way, man is an individual, but has an
equal in other men, while God’s individuality cannot be paral-
leled. Therefore, despite the similarity of attributes, con-
cluded At-Tauhied, "our attributes are not like the attributes
of Allah and Allah is not like us."9
Concerning the age old problem of reconciling God's power
with man's independent will, Ahmad Hassan stated that "we all
believe that the world and all its contents were formed and
created by God."10 The problem, as he saw it, was whether God
knew when He created the world that "we would perform this and
that, and whether this and that would happen to us." He re-
jected the notion that events could occur without God's willing
them, since all creation had been willed by God, and therefore,
by definition, the will of man as well. Ahmad Hassan rejected
the argument that God had created man but is not actively in-
volved in what man does, for if He were not involved, it would
mean that God's power was limited, an attribute impossible in
God. Rather, Ahmad Hassan accepted the reasoning that events
cannot occur without God willing them. All events, he stated
in the fatwa. "Nasib" (Fate) , "occur with the will of God. . .	.
This is called taqdtv." In support of this conclusion he cited
An-Nisa> (Women) 4:78, which states:	"Say that everything
comes from Allah," and al-Hadld (Iron) 57:22, stating:	"Naught
of disaster befalleth in the earth or in yourselves but it is
8. Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, pp. 10, 11, 13.
9 . Ibid., p. 8.
10. (Ahmad Hassan), "Nasib," Sual-Djawab, No. 12, p. 84. See
also Ahmad Hassan, Pengadjaran Shalat, II, p. 31.32
in a Book before We bring it into being."11
Ahmad Hassan recognized that to accept this particular
view of taqdlr raised many problems in regard to the purpose of
religion and of life itself. "If all these matters occur with
the will of God, then why did God send a message, establish
Religion and give laws to mankind, whereas creatures perform
those commands and prohibitions according to the will of God
himself?" He also admitted that there were a number of other
difficult problems, such as "sorrow and happiness, heaven and
hell" that also appear contradictory to men. Despite this be-
lief that all things are determined by God, Ahmad Hassan gives
the impression throughout his works that Muslims are not to
allow this belief in God's complete control over creation to
lead to resignation and a blind acceptance of fate. He con-
stantly reiterated his belief that man should strive and use
his reason to do those things he knew to be right and correct.12
In At-Tauhied, for example, he stated that if an evil man
(zalim') does wrong against a Muslim by attempting to steal his
rights, it is necessary to "respond with . . . strength suffi-
cient for achieving the return of our rights." In the same
manner when one in unarmed and meets a tiger he runs, but when
the tiger is in the village and endangers its members, "it is
certain we will respond by building a trap, preparing a snare."13
He concluded that "we may not continuously run from the zdlim
or the wild beast," but must respond, and that response "may
not be with the bare hands, but rather it is necessary that we
respond seriously [with thought], strongly."11* While this de-
scription appears only incidentally concerned with the problem
of taqdir, it illustrates Ahmad Hassan's thinking regarding
man's ability to shape his environment, and how his own efforts
affect his own fate in some way. However, when called upon to
reconcile complete determinism with his belief in man's ability
to change things through effort, Ahmad Hassan would always fall
back on his answer that God is always involved; and that when
people desire to do something, that desire is willed by God;
and when they decide not to do something, that attitude is also
willed by God.15
11.	(Ahmad Hassan), "Nasib," Sual-Djawab, No. 12, p. 85.
12. Ibid. See also his references to reason and ijtihad below,
p. 49; also Mochtar Naim, "The Nahdlatul Ulama Party
(1952-1955)" (Montreal: McGill University thesis, 1960),
p. 145.
13.	Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, p. 48.
14.	Ibid.; cf. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, p. 153.
15.	Roebaie Widjaja, "Biografie A. Hassan," Hudjdjatul Islam,
I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 36.33
Ahmad Hassan's presentation of qadar is certainly a weak
point in his theological exposition. Unlike many modernist
Muslim thinkers, such as Muhammad <Abduh who devoted consider-
able attention to this problem,16 Ahmad Hassan made almost no
effort to explain this thorny problem to his readers. He touched
on it only in relation to the power of God, unlike his contempo-
rary Agus Salim who dealt with it in several works and attempted
to clarify the problem by examining the problem from the view-
point of man, nature and society as well as from the viewpoint
of God's power.17 In many respects, Ahmad Hassan's approach is
more like that of the conservative Muslim iulama'> in Indonesia
who place emphasis on the predetermination of all things without
attempting to reconcile such a viewpoint with the problems it
creates.18 Throughout Ahmad Hassan's works, however, there is
the underlying emphasis on action and individual choice--as in
the example of the tiger in the village--both marks of the
modernist Muslim, and in several works, he implies that eternal
rewards and punishments are a result of man's own free choice.19
Prophethood
The pamphlet Benarkah Muhammad itu Rasul? (Was Muhammad
truly a Prophet?)20 was written to point out "that the Prophet
Muhammad is truly a Messenger commissioned by Allah to guide
human beings in matters temporal and spiritual." Ahmad Hassan
stated in the preface that he had derived his evidence and
proofs from the Qur>an and §ahth hadlth, and that the arguments
he presents were not only acceptable by faith, but were "actual
16.	Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, pp. 152-155.
17.	Hadji Agus Salim, Gods laaste boodschap, De universele
godsdienst (Djakarta: Sumber Ilmu, 1937). Reprinted in
part m Djedjak Langkah Hadji A. Salim, pp. 257-288. See
also Muhammad Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy, Al-Islam: Tugas Hidup
seorang Muslim (Medan: Islamyah, 1952), I, pp. 81-83;
Hamka, Peladj~aran Agama Islam, pp. 83-86.
18.	Cf. Geertz, Religion of Java, pp. 150-152; Naim, "The
Nahdlatul Ulama Party," p. T45. Cf. the official Sarekat
Islam view in "Tafsir Program asas 'Partai Sjarikat Islam
Indonesia" (1931) in Amelz, H. 0. S. Tjokroaminoto, hidup
dan perdjuangannja (Djakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1952) , II, p.
19.
19.	See, for example, Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, p.
27.	‘
20.	Ahmad Hassan, Benarkah Muhammad itu Rasul? (Bangil: Persa-
tuan Islam, n.d.).34
proofs that stand the test of reason and investigation."21 In
a later revision of his work on Muhammad, titled An-Nubuwwah
(Prophethood),22 Ahmad Hassan described first the general attri-
butes and characteristics of prophethood in the tradition of
Sunni- Islam and then proceeded to outline Muhammad's life as
the fulfillment of these conditions. An-Nubuwwah is a highly
idealized study of Muhammad, and deliberately so, for it was
conceived as a reply to criticism from many secular nationalists,
and from some Christians, that Islam was decadent and hide-bound,
preserving a way of life set down by a seventh-century desert
ruler.23 To refute arguments of this type, Ahmad Hassan empha-
sized those aspects and actions of Muhammad's life that were
unusual for Muhammad's age but in conformity with current knowl-
edge and reasoning, and cited such instances as evidence of
Islam's capability to adapt to, and prosper in, the twentieth
century. While adapted to his own style and format, Ahmad
Hassan's study followed much the same basic argument put forward
by Muhammad (Abduh, and later by Rashid Rida.2?
In Risalah al-Madz-hab (Study on the schools of Muslim
jurisprudence), Ahmad Hassan stated that man in unable to know
by his own mental capabilities just what God's purpose was in
placing mankind upon the earth. To give man an infallible
guide, God has sent numerous prophets with holy books to ex-
plain the divine purpose and outline mankind's duties, both in
relation to God and toward other creatures.25 Ahmad Hassan ex-
plained further in An-Nubuwwah that the Qur>an lists twenty-five
prophets --although he recognized that this was not an exclusive
21.	Ahmad Hassan, Is Muhammad a True Prophet?, trans. K. A.
Abdul Wahid (Bangil: Persatuan Islam, l95l), p. 3.
22.	Ahmad Hassan, An-Nubuwwah (Bangil: Persatoean Islam, 1941).
23.	H. A. R. Gibb, Modern Trends in Islam (Chicago: University
of Chicago, 1947), pp. 74-75; Ameer Ali, The Spirit of
Islam (London: Christophers, 1922), is perhaps the best
effort of a modernist Muslim to present the Prophet's ac-
tions as compatible with modern values.
24.	See, for example, the presentations in Adams, Islam and
Modernism in Egypt, pp. 155-161, 201-202. The most com-
plete study of the Prophet in Indonesian by a contemporary
of Ahmad Hassan was Zainal 'Arifin Abbas, Peri Hidup
Muhammad Rasulullah, s. a. w. (Medan: Islamyah, 1952) , 3
vo1s.; cf. also Hamka, Peladjaran Agama Islam, pp. 147-
201. “
25.	Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab (Bangil: Persatuan Islam,
1956), p. 1. Gibb, Modern Trends in Islam, p. 87, comments
briefly on this argument presented by most modernist Mus-
lim thinkers.35
list and that there had been many more--who were sent to mankind
in the past.26 Each prophet was sent to a particular community
(ummah), but the Prophet Muhammad, as the final emissary who
carried the complete message sufficient to guide man to the end
of time, had been made a messenger to all mankind.27 Ahmad
Hassan emphasized, undoubtedly as a refutation of the Ahmadlyah
Qadiyan's belief that their founder was a prophet, that’there
had been no other prophets --nor would there ever be--after
Muhammad.28
Concerning prophecy, Ahmad Hassan noted that it was a con-
dition unable to be inherited, or earned through pious life,
and was not to be confused with magic or fortune-telling, which
could be learned.29 Revelation30 in its highest form is gener-
ally confined to males, but on occasion it has been given in
limited form to women as well.31 The message entrusted to the
prophets through revelation, Ahmad Hassan stated, was always
concerned with matters of law and worship. The message informed
mankind just what God regarded as good and as evil so that he
could give proper emphasis to life and prepare himself for
final judgment.32 To protect mankind from committing error,
Allah protected the Prophet Muhammad-- and indeed, all prophets
before him--from making any wrong actions or statements in mat-
ter involving religious affairs. In matters of earthly affairs,
and in ijtihad, prophets were subject to forgetfulness or able
to do wrong, but Allah did not allow this wrong to stand and
admonished them through inspiration or the reminder of other
men. If this were not so, it would have been possible for them
to have introduced mistakes into religion or even for them to
have concealed or distorted the religious message itself.33
26.	Ahmad Hassan, An-Nubuwwah, p. 21.
27.	Ibid., p. 16.
28.	Inspiration after the prophet Muhammad became limited to
good dreams only, according to an hadlth of Bukhari.
Ibid., p. 5.
29.	Ibid., pp. 18, 7, 25.
30.	"Wahy," Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam. Wa^y, and not
ilham (inspiration) is the term used by Ahmad Hassan in
both instances.
31.	Namely to the mothers of Musa and (!sa. Ahmad Hassan,
An-NubuwWah, p. 4.
32. Ibid., p. 19. "... what is viewed as good by one group
of men is not necessarily viewed as good by another group.
The same is true of evil. ..."
33.
Ibid., pp. 10-11, 167.36
The second section of An-Nubuwwah narrowed the range of
the topic from prophethood in general to a specific discussion
of the Prophet Muhammad. A highly idealized picture of the
Prophet emerged. Short chapters individually described his many
virtues and elaborated anecdotes designed to depict his generos-
ity, good will, hospitality, steadfastness, self-control, for-
giveness, bravery and trustworthiness.31* The theme that emerged
in An-Nubuwwah was that throughout his life the behavior of the
Prophet was impeccable. His actions differed radically from the
customs of the people of his day, for he never "worshipped
idols, fornicated, drank alcohol or gambled" from childhood
until he died. Ahmad Hassan concluded that this abstention,
despite a lack of education and living among people who con-
sidered such actions normal, could not have been a coincidence
and was more likely due to his having been a chosen instrument
of God, protected from intentional and unintentional sin and
given a character containing only the noblest of qualities.35
In a parallel argument, Ahmad Hassan stressed that Muhammad
was illiterate in the meaning that he could not read or write
and therefore had no access to the scriptures of other reli-
gions. He stated further that Muhammad was never known to have
associated with persons of other religions, and was never
charged by his enemies among the Quraysh with having derived
his teachings from those of the Christians and Jews. Indeed,
the message Muhammad revealed was different from that of the
Christians and Jews; it criticized the other two religions on
many points, and for those reasons could hardly have been an
attempt on Muhammad's part to appeal to those religious groups
for political reasons as some Western writers have maintained.
Rather the message must have genuinely come from God.36
In a third argument, Ahmad Hassan stated that "in Islam
there are several matters that are perfectly ordered, such as
worship, culture, society, marriage, trade, personal care, care
of orphans, management of education, household affairs, national
life, etc., which are necessary for orderly human living." The
overwhelming success of this system--so different from the prac-
tices of the Arab tribes of that day, certainly not established
by any other religion, and achieved only through the Prophet's
efforts--could hardly have occurred by accident and must be
viewed as another proof of Muhammad's extraordinary guidance
from God.3 7
34.	Ahmad Hassan, An-Nubuwwah, pp. 42, 48.
35.	Ibid., p. 39.
36.	Ibid., pp. 44-46.
37.	Ibid., pp. 39-40.37
As further proof of Muhammad's genuineness as a prophet,
Ahmad Hassan noted that, like other prophets before him,
Muhammad had access to certain secret matters and was able to
perform miracles. For example, Muhammad prophesied the success
of Islam and the peace it would bring to Arabia, forecast that
many of his tormenters would embrace Islam and become its
staunch defenders, and foresaw plots against his own life.38
Among the miracles ascribed to him were cases of healing, de-
struction of idols, and feeding of multitudes.39 The most spec-
tacular miracle was the isva) and miirdj, in which Allah took
Muhammad, both his body and spirit, into heaven and conversed
with him.1*0 On this point, Ahmad Hassan differed from most
other modernist Muslim writers outside of Indonesia who generally
did not emphasize the claim of the Prophet to predict events and
to perform miracles.
According to An-Nubuwwah, the genuineness of the Prophet's
mission is also shown by the great difference between the lan-
guage of the Qur>an and the arrangement of hadZth, both of which
came to mankind through the same voice. Ahmad Hassan argued
that if the Qur’an were not from God, but only a creation of
Muhammad, it would not be so essentially different from the
style and form of hadlths as it actually is. "We know, accord-
ing to the Muslim faith, that the Qur’an, its words, its ar-
rangements, its composition, its compilation, its contents, its
meaning, is from God. As for hadiths which are related to this
religion, then their content and meaning is from God, but the
compilation, composition and words are from the Prophet Muhammad
himself."1*1
Qur’an and yadtth
Qur’an and hadZth were of great importance to Ahmad Hassan
and the Persatuan Islam for the fundamentalist Muslim viewpoint
stressed that these sources presented Islam in its pristine form
38.	Ahmad Hassan, An-Nubuwwah, pp. 197, 199, 203.
39.	Ibid., pp. 222, 225.
40.	Ibid., pp. 233-234. The isvd) and mi (raj has been a popu-
lar-subject for Indonesian Muslim writers. See, for exam-
ple, K. H. Moehammed Moenawar Chalil, Peristiwa Isra' dan
Miradj (Djakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1961); Ahmad Hassan,
Sedjarah Isra' dan Miradj (Bangil: Persatuan Islam, 1949);
Hadji Agus Salim, "Tjeritera Isra dan Miradj Nabi Muhammad
glm" (Djakarta: Sumber Ilmu, 1935), also found in Dj edj ak
Langkah Hadji A. Salim, pp. 207-244.
41.
Ahmad Hassan, An-Nubuwwah, pp. 166-167.38
and in that form could be adapted to conditions and concepts
prevailing in the modern world.1*2 Like Rashid Rida, Ahmad
Hassan charged the traditionalist lulama) with having neglected
these two sources, and wrongly stressing the interpretations of
legalists and theologians. The Persatuan Islam, perhaps more
than any other modernist Muslim group in Indonesia, drew heavily
on Qur'an and hadtth to provide evidence for the correctness of
its position on religious, social, economic and political
issues. It is not surprising then that considerable space was
given in An-Nubuwwah- - and in several other works as well1*3--to
prove that Qur'an and hadtth were genuine, to show that they
both were God-inspired, and that they both were suitable to be
used as the mainsprings of Islam.
The Qur'an is unique, Ahmad Hassan maintained, in that it
is different from any other writing, and mankind has been unable
to produce anything similar or equal to it in either style or
content. The Qur'an itself contains the challenge, made origi-
nally to the Arabs--but to all mankind as well--to create a
chapter like one of the chapters of the Qur'an. But until the
present age, "there has been none who can take that challenge.
And the Qur'an specified that they cannot and will not be able
to do so."1*1*
A second indication of the holiness of the Qur'an, accord-
ing to Ahmad Hassan, is its appeal to mankind; the beauty of
its style has an attraction for mankind unlike the poetry or
writings of mortal man. In Benarkah Muhammad itu Rasul?, he
asked:	"Is there any other book which is read and listened to
by its followers with such delight and respect?"1*5 Beyond the
claim of having an inimitable style, Ahmad Hassan saw two other
proofs that bore witness to the Qur'an's authenticity as a holy
book, i.e., the fulfilled prophecies it forecast and its con-
formity with modern scientific thought. Ahmad Hassan maintained
that the Qur'an foretold certain events that were to occur dur-
ing the lifetime of the Prophet and subsequently did. In al-
Fath (Victory), 48:27, for example, it was foretold that
42.	See below pp. 137-145.
43.	Hadji Moenawar Chalil, Al-Qur'an dari masa ke masa (Dja-
karta and Groningen: J. B. Wolters, 1954) ; see also the
comments on these two sources by Hadji Abdulkarim Amrullah
in Pengantar Usui Fiqh (Djakarta: Djajamurni, 1961), pp.
31-63; the official view of the Sarekat Islam is cited in
Amelz, H. Q. S. Tjokroaminoto, II, pp. 17-19.
44.	Ahmad Hassan, Is Muhammad a True Prophet?, p. 52; see also
pp. 35-37.
45.
Ibid., p. 52.39
Muhammad would enter Makkah in peace, even though at the time
the prophecy was revealed Muhammad was residing in Madinah, and
there was warfare with the Quraysh. In several other places,
there are forecasts citing Muhammad's eventual victory over the
Quraysh and the Jews, and in al-Rum (The Romans), an ztyah (30:3)
accurately forecast a later Roman victory over the Persians.1,6
Ahmad Hassan concluded that since Muhammad was human, he had no
way of accurately forecasting such events and that the uncanny
accuracy of the forecasts was proof that the Qur'an was the
product of divine inspiration. ** 7
Another proof put forth by Ahmad Hassan for the authenticity
of the Qur)an was the claim that it conformed with reason, and
particularly with modern scientific thought. He cited an ayah
in al-Nur (Light), 24:45, stating "and Allah has created every
creeping animal from water: as a reference to modern scientific
thinking that all life originated from water.1*8 He pointed to
qur'anic references to the movement of the earth and heavenly
bodies and stated that such passages were consistent with modern
astronomical theory, even though these theories were completely
unknown to mankind when the Qur'an was revealed. Similarly,
the Qur'an mentions wind as the carrier of pollen and as aiding
in the reproduction of plant life, a remarkable observation
since this was not yet realized by humans at the time of the
Prophet.1*9 Finally, the Qur'an speaks of smallpox, or the pest
--in symbolic terms to be sure, but nevertheless with an under-
standing comprehensible to modern scientific thinking. Since
the Prophet Muljammad was an ignorant man, stated Ahmad Hassan,
and lived in an age before scientific enlightenment, he could
have only received this knowledge that is so in harmony with
modern thinking through divine inspiration.50
Ahmad Hassan described sunnah as "the speech of the Prophet,
behavior of the Prophet and behavior of other persons which was
permitted by him."5 In matters of religious affairs, such as
worship, prayer, etc., the Prophet's words and actions were
regulated by revelation from God and laid down the proper manner
in which these religious duties are to be performed. Besides
these matters of religious ritual, that is, in matters of per-
sonal behavior and in secular affairs, the Prophet was not
46 .	Ahmad	Hassan,	Is Muhammad a True Prophet?, pp. 37-38.
47 .	Ibid.	, p. 52.	
00	Ibid.	, p. 43.	
49.	Ibid.	, pp. 44	-45 .
50 .	Ibid.	, p. 54.	Cf. Gibb, Modern Trends in Islam, p. 72
51.	Ahmad	Hassan,	An-Nubuwwah, p. 32.40
guided by revelation but regulated his performance by ijtihad,
or mental exertion, which was considered correct so long as
revelation was not sent to change that interpretation. Ahmad
Hassan noted that Muslims accepted all the actions and behavior
of the Prophet --whether sent by revelation or derived through
ijtlhad--as part of their religion.52
Man's Relationship with God
The second part of Ahmad Hassan's religious belief was
directly concerned with man's relationship with God and with
his fellow man. Ahmad Hassan's belief concerning God, prophets
and sacred scriptures generally conformed with Sunni Muslim
tradition, and it is not surprising, therefore, that his beliefs
concerning man's relationship with God and his fellow man empha-
sized the legal obligations of Islam.
In the view of Ahmad Hassan, man's relationship to God, to
his fellow creatures, and to the world about him is all regu-
lated by law. Ahmad Hassan stated that law is not a single,
all-embracing system, but is actually several different systems,
each regulating a portion of man's life. Shari <■ ah law regulates
his relationship with God, commanding him to perform certain
actions and abstain from others. Hukum wadil, or created law,
shapes the relationship and interrelationship of man with other
men and regulates the progress and status of his society. The
laws of nature regulate the working of natural phenomena and
determine many of man's actions and behavior. Ahmad Hassan be-
lieved that it is important for man to perceive the difference
between these various law systems so that man would not confuse
them in his thinking and behavior, and so that he would know
what he is able and not able to do in each aspect of his life.53
The Shari ^ah, regulating man's relationship with God, is,
of course, the most important of the legal systems regulating
mankind, according to Ahmad Hassan. "To worship Allah," he
stated in At-Tauhied, "is to humble oneself in order to perform
a task in the manner ordered and desired by Allah." The purpose
of the Shari (ah is to outline the commands and desires of God
so that mankind is able to execute them, for without the
Shari (ah man has no real way of knowing just what God desires
men to do. For this reason, God has given man this divine law,
52.	Ahmad Hassan, An-Nubuwwah, p. 18.
53.	Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, pp. 60, 67-68. This latter anal-
ysis is also presented in Abdulkadir Hassan, U-Shul-Fiqih
(Surabaja: Al-Muslimun, 1956), pp. 20-21.41
in the form of the QurJan and hadlth, as a guide and a direc-
tive . 5 4
The Shari lah, Ahmad Hassan explained, divides all human
action into five parts. There are those acts that must be per-
formed and constitute a sin if they are not. There are those
acts which are commended with reward by Allah is performed, but
which do not constitute a sin if they are not. There are acts
which are neutral, that is, they are neither worthy of praise
nor in any way reprehensible. Then there are those acts not
pleasing to God, but if performed do not constitute a sin, and
finally, there are acts forbidden by God, and if performed con-
stitute a sin.55 Beyond this general classification of all
human actions, the Shari {ah is concerned with worship, temporal
affairs and personal behavior, according to Ahmad Hassan. Re-
garding these, he explained in Pemerlntahan Tjara Islam (Govern-
ment according to Islam), that so far as worship is concerned,
the Shari (ah regulates most ritual and order of worship, such
as "prayer, fasting, the pilgrimage, burial rites, vows and
sacrificial offerings."56 These matters of worship in fact
make up the larger part of the Shari (ah because they are con-
cerned with rules and regulations that cannot be derived by
human reasoning but only through the revelation from God to man.
The temporal aspects of Shari (ah law were broken by Ahmad
Hassan into two parts. The first part is concerned with matters
that pertain to Muslims alone--marriage, the tax for charitable
purposes, inheritance, dietary laws, jihad, and everything else
relating to these matters--and are not binding on non-Muslims
living in a Muslim area. The second part are laws binding on
Muslims and on all non-Muslims living in Muslim areas, such as
matters of trade, labor relations, contracts, peace accords,
wages, associations, legal representation, guarantees, securi-
ties, bankruptcy and other legal affairs generally regarded as
civic matters. Finally, Ahmad Hassan stated, the Shari (ah
furnishes criminal law for all mankind, by listing the manner
and amount of punishment for such crimes as "wounding, murder,
54.	Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, p. 70. A good analysis of the
Shari (ah, its general makeup and its role in Muslim society
is found in Joseph Schacht, "The Law" in Gustav von
Grunebaum, Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization, pp.
65-86. See also Mejid K'hadduri and Herbert J. Liebesny,
Law in the Middle East (Washington: Middle East Institute,
1955) , esp. pp. 85-112; and Gibb, Modern Trends in Islam,
pp. 85-105.
55.	Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, p. 60.
56.	Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan Tjara Islam (Malang and Bangil:
Toko Timoer, 1946), p~! 8”!42
swindle, recrimination, drunkenness and fornication."57 He
noted that beyond such legalistic aspects of the Shari'ah, each
Muslim has the additional responsibility, transcending all
phases of Shari 'ah law, to "promote the good and banish evil"
(nahl anna al-munkar wa amar al-ma'ruf). This, as a personal
function, is one in which every Muslim must be given the widest
authority.58 Ahmad Hassan concluded that the proper observance
of the Shari lah is important since it marks the believer from
the unbeliever (kafir), sinner (fdsiq) and hypocrite (munafiq).59
Ahmad Hassan explained that beyond the Shari 'ah man is
also regulated by certain laws of nature, which he divided into
two parts, i.e., law acceptable to reason (hukum 'aqll) , and
law accepted by custom (hukum 'adl) . According to hukum 'aqll,
for example, "a father must be older than his son" and contrari-
wise, it is impossible that "a child is older than his father."
Hukum 'adl is similar to that perceived by reason, and is de-
rived by man "after witnessing a particular occurrence repeated-
ly, such as 'fire burns' or 'knife cuts.'" These two classifi-
cations are concerned with man's observance of natural phenomena,
and since Ahmad Hassan gave no criterion for dealing with such
law, he presumably meant only to show that it cannot but be
observed and is generally beyond man's ability to control.
Finally, Ahmad Hassan noted that there is fyukum wad'l, which is
created law, a type of law used by nations, societies, organiza-
tions and households and includes customary of 'adat law. It
is a type of law created according to need, and binding on all
members of the group holding the law to be valid. Unlike
Shart'atie law, matters of 'adat may be changed, added to, or
lessened according to the desires of mankind.60
After having perceived the differences among these various
types of law, Ahmad Hassan stated that man is better able to
realize the difference between what cannot be changed, what can
be changed but should not for religious reasons, and what can
be changed depending on current social and political mores.
Man must then be aware of the dangers of change, or innovation
(bid'ah) , only in so far as it affects the Shari'■ah. In matters
57.	Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan Tjara Islam, pp. 8-9.
58.	Ibid., p. 15.
59.
Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan (Bangil: Persatuan
Islam, 1941), p. 1.
60. Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, pp. 61-67. He did note that
some variance in hukum radl was possible for "generally
fire must burn, but it can occur that it does not burn,"
and "there are knives that do not cut" (p. 63). See also
Shamoon T. Lokhandwalla and Jan Prins, "(Ada," Encyclopedia
of Islam (New Edition).43
of 'ibadat, i.e., ritual worship, there could be no deviation,
addition or omission of the precise order and content of worship
as prescribed by Qur> an and sunnah. In a fatwa on the subject,
Ahmad Hassan clarified this point by stating that "God has
stated that He has perfected our Religion .	.	. and there is no
innovation (bid'ah) in 'ibadat, except that it is wrong."61
In secular matters regulated by the Shart'ah, Ahmad Hassan
stated that there is room for some change in the execution of
particular laws, but the law itself is not subject to change.
In a second fatwa on this subject, he attempted to show just
how free man is to amend procedure connected with the Shari'ah.
Now religion has commanded us to learn, to aid people
and fight. Then the commanding of the order to learn,
give aid, and the command to fight are called commands of
iibadat, but its performance is the way of 'adat, that is,
its way may be changed according to time and necessity, in
accordance with the knowledge then on earth.62
Thus, while man is generally free to change hukum wad,'iy i.e.,
social and political mores, with impunity, Ahmad Hassan cautioned
lest such laws conflict with the Shari'ah which lays down mini-
mum regulations for the proper conduct of human affairs. In
Islam dan Kebangsaan (Islam and Nationalism) Ahmad Hassan dealt
with the possible conflict between these two types of law and
warned that whoever does not give proper place to the laws of
God (Shari'ah) "on earth and in the Hereafter is a kafir, a
zalim and a fasiq." According to Ahmad Hassan, such a person
is an unbeliever (kafir) if he holds that a law exists better
than the law of God, a wrongdoer (zalim) if he makes an unsuit-
able law, i.e., one contrary to the Shari'•ah when one should be
made, and a transgressor (fasiq) if "he knows of the existence
of the law of God in a particular matter, but somehow, either
deliberately or by necessity, judges with laws that were not
revealed by God." Ahmad Hassan recognized, however, that the
Shari'ah and tiukum wad 'i were sometimes closely related, that
it was difficult to perceive the difference on occasion, and
that confusion sometimes resulted among sincere Muslims.63
61.	Ahmad Hassan, "Mas-alah membagi bid'ah kepada bahagian,"
Sual-Djawab, No. 7, p. 37. See also a later appraisal of
this problem in Muhammad Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy, "Bid'ah lebih
berbahaja dari Ma'shiat," Hudjdjatul Islam, I, No. 1
(August 1956), pp. 26-29.
62.	Ahmad Hassan, "Memegang ubun-ubun lepas salam," Sual-
Djawab, No. 3, pp. 23-24; for a general discussion of the
relationship between Shari 'ah and customary laws see,
Reuben Levy, The Social Structure of Islam (Cambridge:
University Press, 1957), pp. 260-262.
63.
Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, pp. 5-6.44
On Being a Muslim
A question of importance throughout Muslim history, and
one of equal importance in Indonesia where a considerable por-
tion of the population is only nominally Muslim, is who is ac-
tually a believer and who is not. On this question Ahmad Hassan
was lenient. In reply to the question "how does an unbeliever
[kafir] become a	believer	[mu'* min] ?" he	stated:	"[He is a be-
liever] if he believes	on	Allah, on the	angels, on Allah's books
of religion, on the prophets, on the day of judgment, and on
good and bad fortune." He added, however, that it is necessary
only for a person to recite the confession of faith (shahadah),
that there is no God but Allah and Muhammad is the prophet of
God, to be considered a Muslim by other Muslims. The reasoning
for this argument, according to Ahmad Hassan, is that "iman
means faith, and	faith	is	in the heart,	therefore we are not
able to know the	heart	of	anyone. This	situation is surrendered
to God." Ahmad Hassan pointed out that such practice was in
accordance with the practice of Muhammad--as recorded in hadith
--who accepted converts to Islam on the basis of reciting the
creed alone.6**
Ahmad Hassan recognized that there are four remaining obli-
gations for Muslims beyond recitation of the creed, namely,
prayer, alms {zakat), fasting during Ramadan and the tyajj. He
also recognized that these four are "important obligations that
must be performed by people who have already recited the confes-
sion." But even though they are required of all Muslims, not
to have performed them does not indicate that a person is not a
Muslim; for if such were the case, a person who had not per-
formed the hajj or given zakat, even though he possessed no
wealth, would not be considered a Muslim. Ahmad Hassan con-
cluded that the significance of these four pillars is not like
confession in marking the believer off from the unbeliever.65
In the same vein, Ahmad Hassan maintained that a person
could not be judged an unbeliever unless he undertook some very
specific and significant act by which he clearly denied Islam.
Considering a person a kafir is not a small matter.
A person who confesses Islam may not be considered a kafir
unless he continuously and clearly denies the Qur’an, the
Prophet, any one of the laws of Islam mentioned in reli-
gion, [such as] clearly [and unmistakenly] worshipping
64. Ahmad Hassan, "Darihal meng-qadla sembahjang," Sual-Djawab,
No. 2, pp. 43-44.
65 . Ibid., p. 44.45
idols, paying homage to spirits, or other matters that
clearly constitute disbelief [kufr].&6
As for the believer who holds mistaken ideas on religious ques-
tions--even if the question is one of belief--he may not be
considered a kafir. As proof of this stand, Ahmad Hassan stated
that seventy-three persons were mentioned in hadiths as commit-
ting errors in religious matters, and that the Prophet--although
reprimanding them for their mistakes--regarded them still as
members of his community (ummah) and not as kafirs. He also
quoted several other hadiths stating that falsely to accuse a
person of disbelief (kufr) is to make a kafir out of the person
making the false accusation, and concluded his argument on the
note that judging a person's religious faith is a matter for
God and not for man. 7
66. Ahmad Hassan, "Meng-kafirkan," Sual-Djawab, No. 3, p. 30.
See also Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, pp. 46-48, for a listing
of actions which constitute shirk (polytheism).
67. Ahmad Hassan, "Meng-kafirkan," Sual-Dj awab, No. 3, p. 31.CHAPTER IV
MODERNIST MUSLIMS AND TRADITIONALIST MUSLIMS
Members of the Persatuan Islam belonged almost exclusively
to the modernist school of Islamic thinking and generally fol-
lowed the religious thinking of Muhammad (Abduh as developed by
the al-Manar school.1 (Abduh's teaching called for a revival
of Islam by emphasizing the Qur’an and hadtth as the prime
sources of religious law without the accompanying compendia of
interpretation that had grown up around them over the centuries.
Taqltdy or unquestioning obedience to the interpretation and
teachings of religious law expounded by the four classical
schools of Muslim jurisprudence and their systems, was regarded
as the prime cause for stagnation of Muslim religious life and
consequently the cause for the loss of Muslim political power
in their own lands to the Europeans.1 2 In Indonesia the follow-
ers of this modernist religious thought became known as the
kaum muda, or "young group," because they advocated radical
changes in religious thought and practice then existing in the
Archipelago.
Opposing the changes advocated by the kaum muda and defend-
ing the established religious system in Indonesia, was the kaum
tua, or "old group." The kaum tua believed that the truth ex-
pressed in the teachings of the great Islamic scholars of clas-
sical and medieval Islam--such as GhazSlI, Maturidx, and
al-Ash(ari in theology, and the imams of the great madhhabs in
jurisprudence--did not change. That truth, the kaum tua argued,
did not ever need to be brought to trial since it was not ever
altered by change in time and conditions and was as valid in
the twentieth century as when it was formulated. A reexamination
1.	The best single source in English for Abduh's thought is
Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt.
2.	This viewpoint became quite popular in Indonesia, and the
works of Amir Shakib Arslan were quite popular. His book
Lima dha ta’akhkharah al-Muslimun was translated into Indo-
nesian with the title Kenapa orang Islam Moendoer and ap-
peared in serial form in Pembela Islam during 1932 and 1933.
Another translation with the title Mengapa kaum Muslimun
Mundur appeared in 1957 with an introduction by Hadji
Moenawar Chalil (Djakarta: Bulan Bintang).
4647
of Qur> an and hadZth was not only unnecessary but also dangerous
since it could lead to misinterpretation and error.3
Beginning with the efforts of Ahmad Taher and Hadji Rasul
at the turn of the century, the kaum muda undertook vigorous
polemic against the kaum tua for defending certain religious
practices that the kaum muda found objectionable. These objec-
tionable practices included the emphasis on mysticism, adherence
to the madhhabs, the performance of "unauthorized" ritual, and
prayers intended to pass merit to the spirits of recently de-
ceased Muslims. The kaum muda marshalled considerable evidence
from religious sources, primarily Qur> an and tyadithy supported
it with the arguments of the modernist Muslims of the Middle
East, and argued it with force and reason to prove the validity
of their own viewpoint and to dispute the stand of their adver-
saries.
There were few leaders of the kaum tua in the early period
intellectually prepared to refute either the kaum muda's argu-
ments or approach, and it was seldom that the kaum tua responded
with well-reasoned arguments. To the conservative Muslim, reli-
gious knowledge, learned almost entirely by rote in the pondok
school, was a matter of faith, was infallible, and not neces-
sarily meant to be subject to the scrutiny of reason. Any
attack on any part of the religious system was consequently re-
garded by the kaum tua as denying religion itself, and they
responded by charging that the kaum muda were unbelievers
(kafirs) and blasphemers. The depth of feeling among the kaum
tua is apparent in an emotional attack leveled against Ahmad
Dachlan, the founder of the Muhammadijah, in which Dachlan was
described as a "Wahhabi, who had deviated from the path of the
ahl al-sunnah wa al-jamalah, rejected the accepted schools of
thought {madhhabs) , ruined the religion, a MuHazill, a Khariji
.	.	. nay a kafir, whose tongue, when he died, would come out
two meters from his mouth."4
3.	Nahdlatul Ulama, Verslag-Congress Nahdlatul- 1Oelama1 Jang
ke 14 di Kota Malang 6-7 Juli 1939 (Surabaja, 1940) , p. 19.
4.	(A1I, "The Muhammadijah Movement," p. 32. Similar in con-
tent was the admonishment of a member of the traditionalist
Ba (Alaivl group against the works of the Pembela Islam:
"Fellow Muslims, beware of the works published by 'Pembela
Islam' such as At Fatwaa, .	.	. which are false, and quote
ayahs out of context. Friends, do not read, accept or buy
those books for they lead astray and induce one to become
a Wahhabi and a kaum muda. Whether Wahhabi or kaum muda we
may not approach them or eat with them for they are more
wicked than the Chinese and the Dutch." Pembela Islam, No.
57 (January 1933), p. 27.48
The modernist Muslims were also given to irrational reply
and unsubstantiated fact in countering these emotional outbursts,
and charged that the traditionalist Muslims were not only ig-
norant in religious matters, but were unwilling to change their
outlook because of vested political, social and economic inter-
ests. The kaum muda pointed to the many "conservative (ulama'>
who held positions of responsibility in the Dutch colonial
administrative structure,5 and to their positions of influence
and status in the rural villages, and charged that the kaum
muda feared loss of these positions and status if they altered
their religious views. A terse article appearing in Pembela
Islam in 1930 followed this line of attack against the kaum tua.
Do not trouble your hearts colleagues about those who
err . . . [in religious matters] for they collide with the
laws of God and the Prophet like the dumb and blind because
of their taqlld, because they want money, because they
want fame, because of selfishness.6
, One of the fundamental issues between the kaum muda and
the kaum tua revolved about the use of reason in religious mat-
ters. The traditionalist Muslims believed that the human mind
was generally incapable of grasping the patterns and intricacies
of God's commands without a reliable guide. They maintained
that the founders of the great madhhabs--who had examined, com-
piled, explained and interpreted these patterns and intricacies
when Islam was still young--had provided such a reliable guide,
which needed no alteration. In their system reason was, in
general, limited to the application of the madhhabs’ teachings
in the special problems of life in any particular period of
time.7
5.	For the positions of responsibility held by the Muslim
learned see the following works:	H. Westra, "Custom and
Muslim Law in the Netherlands East-Indies," Transactions of
the Grotius Society, vol. 25 (1939), pp. 151-167; R. A.
Kern, "Pangulu," Encyclopedia of Islam; and J. Th. Petrus
Blumberger, "Islam II," Encyclopaedic van Nederlandsch Oost-
Indie.
6.	Sual-Djawab, No. 2, p. 15. Similar in tone was the follow-
ing admonition:	"There are not a few people writing books,
suggesting that it is not necessary to worship, not neces-
sary to fast, etc., and every day these books pass under the
noses of the [traditionalist lulama)] on the Religious Coun-
cil of Preanger, but they all remain sitting.
"Is this the way approved by the Shaft H madhhab?"
Pembela Islam, No. 42 (January 1932), p. 36.
7.	"Speech of Kijai Hadji Machfoezh Shiddieq" in Verslag Con-
gress, p. 19; Mochtar Naim, "The Nahdlatul Ulama Party," p.
152; Al-Lisan, No. 5 (April 1936), p. 35.49
The kaum muda, on the other hand, believed that only the
fundamental truths had been set down in the Qur'an and hadlth
and that in every age these truths had to be applied anew to
current conditions. The kaum muda held that this could best be
accomplished through ijtihad, which they defined as examining
the Qur'an and tyadlth to discover the legal prescriptions and
moral teachings contained therein, and through reason, applying
them to the contemporary situation.8 The kaum muda recognized
that there was considerable danger in the use of reason, and
stressed that reason was only a tool for religious analysis,
and not a source of religious knowledge in itself.9 To lessen
the dangers of error, most modernist Muslim groups insisted
that ijtihad should be undertaken only by those trained in this
science of religious investigation. "A mujtahid," stated Ahmad
Hassan, "must know Arabic and its sciences (Him al-tafslv,
{llm al-usul3 Him al-mustalah al-hadlth) sufficient for .	.	.
understanding the meaning and intention of Qur'an and hadlth."10
The Muhammadijah considered it necessary to establish a council
on Muslim law, Madjlis Tardjih, which was instructed to "examine
the problems of religious law whose solutions is necessary to
eliminate confusion in the community,"* 11 i.e., to prevent its
members from adopting unorthodox views because of lack of
rational insight or misguided reason.
To the kaum tua the term ijtihad denoted an unbridled use
of reason which they could not accept, and their frequent charge
that the kaum muda were MuHazill was a reflection of their
belief that, like the rationalist movement in early Islamic
history, the kaum muda subordinated religion to reason.12 The
8.	D. B. MacDonald, "Ijtihad," Encyclopedia of Islam; Adams,
Islam and Modernism in Egypt, pp. 191-193.
9.	Moehammad Natsir, "Sikap 'Islam' terhadap 'Kemerdekaan-
berfikir,'" Capita Selecta (Bandung, The Hague: Van Hoeve,
1954), I, pp. 206-229.
10.	Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab, p. 6; cf. Abdur Rahim,
Principles of Muhammedan Jurisprudence (London: Luzac,
1911), p. 119.	'
11.	Pengurus Besar Muhammadijah, Anggaran Dasar Muhammadijah
dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga (Dj okjakarta: 1952), p~! 30; Ali,
*'The Muhammadijah Movement," pp. 52-53.
12.	The Mu Hazilah were a theological and philosophical school,
originally within orthodox Sunni Islam, who advocated the
use of reason above faith. Under the Khalif Ma'mun (813-
833 A.D.) their preachments on religious doctrine were
given the official sanction of the (Abbasi state, and all
religious leaders refusing to accept this doctrine were
subject to imprisonment. After the death of Khalif50
kaum tua maintained that ijtihad, although a legitimate device
employed by the founders of the Muslim schools of jurisprudence,
could no longer be used, and insisted that taqlid was the proper
method for determining religious truth. In 1935, however, K. H.
Machfoed Shiddieq, a leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama, adopted a
slightly different tactic and announced that ijtihad was a
legitimate practice in researching religious problems. In his
speeches on the subject and in a pamphlet issued at this time,
Machfoed revealed, however, that his concept of ijtihad differed
considerably from that held by the kaum muda and certainly by
the Persatuan Islam.13 Citing the study of the traditionalist
Shafi^i scholar al-Maqahadus Sadld, Shiddieq noted that every
Muslim was expected fully to employ his capability to determine
religious truth, and that some had the capability of becoming
mujtahids, while others reached lower levels of competence such
as a§Jj.ab al-wujub, ahl al-tarjth and kiai.lM At the mujtahid
level, however, Machfoed differentiated between mujtahid
mustaqill and mujtahid munta§ib and maintained that it was im-
possible for Muslims to become mujtahid mustaqill, as this
class, which has direct access to religious sources, was limited
to the first great imams who first began the systemization of
the Shari(ah. He stated that Muslims were capable of becoming
only mujtahid munta^ib, i.e., those who accepted the principles
already formulated by those first great imams, and applied those
principles to more practical problems.15 This approach was re-
jected by the kaum muda on the basis that it attempted to equate
ijtihad to taqlid by denying Muslims direct access to the Qur1an
and hadith and insisted on the validity of interpretation set
down by previous lulama) ; and this the kaum muda would not com-
pletely accept.16
al-Wathiq, several succeeding khalifs persecuted the
Mu(tazilah. The Multazilah viewpoint on the importance of
reason was refuted by al-Ash(ari who used reason and logic
in the rebuttal. See Claude Huarte, "Kalam," Encyclopedia
of Islam; and Melville Patton, Ahmad Ibn Hanbal and the
Mihna (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1897) , pp. 57-61.
13.	A1-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) (December 1935), p. 7; Al-
Lisan, No. 5 (April 1936), p. 35; K. H. Machfoedz ShiddTeq,
Pi Sekitar Soal Idjtihad dan Taqlid (Djakarta: Pengurus
Besar Nahdlatul Ulama, 1959) , pp. 5”4-65.
14.	Ibid., p. 64; the classifications of jurists is given in
Abdur Rahim, Principles of Muhammedan Jurisprudence, pp.
182-184.
15.	Shiddieq, Pi Sekitar Soal Idjtihad dan Taqlid, p. 64; cf.,
Abdur Rahiin^ Principles of Muhammedan Jurisprudence, p.
1.69.
16.	Al-Lisan, No. 5 (February 1936), pp. 35-36.51
The kaum muda's stress on direct access to basic religious
sources did not mean a total rejection of religious decisions
made in the classical or medieval periods, and they frequently
stated that such decisions should be used as an aid in deriving
new religious decisions. For example, the statutes of the
Muhammadijah’s Madjlis Tardjih stated that all of its legal
decisions were to be based on Qur>an and hadlth, but that every
precaution was to be taken so that rational interpretation not
take precedence over the traditional.17 The Persatuan Islam,
like the Muhammadijah, reviewed the important decisions of past
(-ulama'> --classical, medieval and modern--before rendering a
decision on any subject. Fatwas issued by members of the Persa-
tuan Islam, although stressing Qur’an and hadlth, frequently
reviewed previous fatwas on subject being examined, noted the
differences in interpretation among the lulama), and listed
their own preference given current conditions.18 This regard
for the teachings of past Muslims tended to inhibit any radical
departures from past Muslim practices and kept the kaum muda
essentially conservative despite their emphasis on ijtihad.
This difference of attitude between the kaum muda and the
kaum tua was also carried over into their respective attitudes
toward the role of the unlearned in religious affairs. The
kaum tua insisted that the religious teacher is the only quali-
fied interpreter of the teachings on religious law and doctrine,
and that the unlearned are obliged to accept those interpreta-
tions without question and without further proof.19 The modern-
ist Muslims, on the other hand, held that while only the learned
are capable of authoritative interpretation of religious sources,
the unlearned also have a duty to exercise mental effort. The
Persatuan Islam believed that those not trained to undertake
ijtihad might undertake ittiba(, whereby a lay Muslim made a
religious decision on the basis of the fatwas of several
mujtahids. The Persatuan Islam stated that the lay Muslim
undertaking ittibai should secure several fatwas from mujtahids
who listed specific references (Qur’an, hadlth, ijma( and qfyds)
used as the basis for their decisions, and, after comparing
such fatwas, make his own decision as to which one he would
follow.20 Persis writers stressed that the responsibility for
the correctness of the decision lay with the giver of the origi-
nal fatwa and the receiver did not sin if the decision was in
17.	Anggaran Dasar Muhammadijah, p. 31.
18.	See, for example, Ahmad Hassan, "Gambar," Sual-Djawab, No.
2, pp.	1- 3.
19.	A1-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) (December 1935), p. 7.
20.	Ibid.; Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab, p. 14.52
error.21 Machfoed Shiddieq charged that ittiba*- gave the Muslim
little opportunity to look into religious sources, and was cer-
tainly below the level of the kiai.22 In replying to Shiddieq's
argument, the Persatuan Islam stated that while ittiba( was not
a very learned type of religious research, it did promote indi-
vidual investigation and discourage total reliance on a single
religious scholar.
The kaum tua employed a process known as taqlid to deter-
mine proper religious behavior for particular situations.
Taqlid consisted of research in the accepted law texts of a
recognized madhhab, and following the decision cited therein.23
The kaum tua recognized the existence of four law schools,
Shafi*t, Maliki, Qanaft and Hanball, although the Shaft *i
madhhab was by far the most widely accepted among Indonesian
Muslims. For example, the Nahdlatul Ulama statutes allowed NU
members to follow any one of the four,24 while the statutes of
the Pergerakan Tarbijah Islam (Perti) mentions only the Shafi*i
madhhab. 25 The Nahdlatul Ulama stressed, however, that a Muslim
had to adhere to the prescriptions of a single madhhab--although
he was free to choose the particular one he wanted to follow--
and could not exercise talfiq, i.e., following prescriptions
from different madhhabs on different occasions usually in order
to find the easiest way. The Persatuan Islam, believing that
selection among several choices encouraged research by the
individual believer, attacked the Nahdlatul Ulama for refusing
to allow talfiq.26 This stand was consistent with the Persis
belief that the madhhabs ' decisions were useful for comparison
21.	Ibid.; the Muhammadijah did not advocate ittiba (, although
it did not forbid it. A prime purpose in establishing its
Madjelis Tardjih was to give guidance in matters of Islamic
law so that its members would no longer exercise taqlidy
or be tied to the Shdfi*i madhhab, and so that its members
would be encouraged to exercise freedom in matters of reli-
gious law. Kitab 40 Tahun Muhammadijah, p. 32.
22.	Shiddieq, Pi Sekitar Soal Idjtihad dan Taqlid, pp. 59, 169.
23.	See for example, Abdur Rahim, Principles of Muhammedan
Jurisprudence, p. 171; Joseph Schacht, "Taklid," Encyclo-
pedia of Islam.
24.	Nahdlatul Ulama, Ang^aran Dasar dan Peraturan Rumah Tangga,
given in full in Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K°
H. A. Wahid Hasjim, p. 520.
25.	Pergerakan Tarbijah Islamijah, Undung-undung Dasar Partai
Islam "Perti" in Kementerian Penerangan, Kepartaian dan
Parlementaria Indonesia (Djakarta: 1954) , p. 434.
26.
Ahmad Hassan, Risalah Madz-hab, p. 12.53
and guidance in exercising ijtihad, and so naturally wanted ac-
cess to all viewpoints instead of just one.
The kaum muda saw taqlld as blind obedience to outmoded
legal prescriptions, and generally centered their attacks
against the 'kaum muda on its use. The Persatuan Islam, using
the general arguments put forth by other kaum muda organiza-
tions, attacked the use of taqlld on three different bases--by
citing Qur>an and hadlth as forbidding it, by refuting the kaum
tua's arguments defending taqlld, and through an historical
interpretation of Muslim jurisprudence. The Persatuan Islam's
challenge to the Nahdlatul Ulama in 1935 to meet and debate the
validity of taqlld succinctly summarized the basic Persis argu-
ments on the subject and illustrated how interlocked were the
three bases of the attack.27
The statement of challenge to debate claimed that several
ay at from the Qur’an, particularly Banl Israeli (The Children
of Israel), 17:36, "clearly forbid us to employ taqlld toward
anyone." It also maintained that several hadlth of the Prophet
state that accepting the teachings of religious teachers with-
out question is forbidden. The statement claimed that the Com-
panions of the Prophet did not employ taqlld toward each other,
and "if they wanted to know a law, they asked [one another]
'What was the law of Allah [Qur’an] and His Prophet [the hadlth]
in this instance?'" The statement also noted that the four
great imams, whose teachings the members of the madhhabs sup-
posedly follow "forbid and condemn people who employed taqlld."28
The Persatuan Islam's historical interpretation maintained
that the madhhabs had their beginnings about the end of the
first century A.II., and that they only arose because of the cir-
cumstances prevailing in that period.29 During the lifetime of
the Prophet, and throughout the first century, Muslims fulfilled
their legal requirements in both "matters of worship and beha-
vior" by referring to the Qur’an and sunnah of the Prophet. At
the beginning of the second century, the most knowledgeable
group concerning Islam, the Companions, were all dead, and the
few Followers (first generation after Muhammad) who remained
were spread throughout the Islamic world. Thus the situation
arose whereby Muslims came to accept the decisions of the fol-
lowers of the Followers (taba 1 al-taba (ln) on matters of reli-
gious action. Such fatwas were always based on Qur’an and on
hadlth as had been related to the taba( al-taba^ln by the
27.	Al-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) (December 1935), pp. 2-4.
28.	Ibid., pp. 2-3. Bani Isra(il, 17:36 states:	"[0 man],
follow not that whereof thou hast no knowledge.
29.	This historical interpretation is found in Ahmad Hassan,
Risalah al-Madz-hab, pp. 1-10.54
previous generations. The imams of the great madhhabs--Abu
Hanifah, Malik ibn Anas, Shafi<i and Ibn Hanbal--were all within
this tradition, as were numerous others whose decisions have
not been historically important because they were not recorded.
These lulama) operated under a great handicap since the scatter-
ing of the Companions and the Followers during the Muslim con-
quests also scattered the complete record of Muhammad's sunnah.
"It is clear," stated Ahmad Hassan in Eisalah al-Madz-hab,
"that no one of the four imams received the complete sunnah,
and also that they did not receive the same [material]. .	. ."30
Therefore, according to Ahmad Hassan, the incomplete sunnah,
combined with the natural tendency by the great imams to err
occasionally, account for the differences in the several
madhhabs. This "historical interpretation" was at odds with
the traditionalist Muslim assumption that the entire sunnah had
been available to all the madhhabs' founders. The traditional-
ist Muslims, when indeed they thought about this problem, saw a
line of authority between Muhammad and the madhhabs. There is
no record of kaum tua response to the Persis "interpretation"
as such, but it can reasonably be assumed that conservative
Muslims, relying as they did on the line of authority of the
madhhabs , would reject a viewpoint that suggested that the
madhhabs' founders did not have the complete message.31
Based on its "historical interpretation," the Persatuan
Islam questioned the need for the madhhabs when the first three
generations of Muslims did not have them to rely on but had
direct access to Qur'an and sunnah for solving their problems.32
The Persatuan Islam argued that the great imams did not mean
for others to follow their interpretations blindly, without
checking their correctness according to the Qur'an and sunnah,33
30.	Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab, p. 8.
31.	The origins of Islamic jurisprudence has been of great in-
terest--and sometimes a subject of debate--by Western ori-
entalists. The historical exposition of the Persatuan
Islam is basically along lines developed by such Western
scholars as Joseph Schacht, but does not appear to have
been influenced by those scholars. Cf. David Samuel
Margiolath, The Early Development of Mohammedanism (New
York: Scribner Dodd, 1914); Joseph Schacht, The Origins of
Muhammedan Jurisprudence (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1950) ,
especially pp. 6-10; Gustav Bergstrasser, "Anfange und
Charakter des juristischen Denkens im Islam," Der Islam,
XIV (1924-1925), pp. 76-81.
32.	Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab, p. 33.
33.	"The lulama) of that time, as well as the	four	imams,	con-
tinually said:	'No one may imitate us or	make	fatwas	on
the basis of our fatwas before he himself	is aware of	our
derivation [of them] from Qur'an or sunnah.'" Ibid. , p. 6.55
but that their followers had ignored these admonitions and ac-
cepted their decisions as the basis of their own decisions. In-
creasingly, therefore, explained Persis writers, the learned
concentrated on studying the teaching of their own particular
madhhab, and the source of religious law passed from the Qur’an
and sunnah to the pronouncements of the * iulama) of the various
schools.
The Persatuan Islam maintained that there was no clear
reference in the Qur’ an or in hadlth that ordered the use of
taqlzd, and cited certain references in those two sources to
indicate that taqlld was, in fact, forbidden. Bani Israel,
ayah 36, stating "Do not follow that which you do not know" was
cited by Ahmad Hassan as a clear admonition by Allah for Muslims
not to use taqlld.Al-Tawbah (Repentance), 9:30, and several
fyadlths judged as genuine by Thabarani and Malik ibn Anas, were
also put forth as similar evidence.35 One particular fyadlth
reported the Prophet as stating that if one was commanded to do
a wrong act (i.e., follow a madhhab) he should refrain from per-
forming it, that he should follow only those who command with
the Qur’ an, and that if there was a dispute over any matter,
that matter was to be referred to God (Qur’ an) and the Prophet
(fyadlth).36 Another fyadlth recorded by Malik ibn Anas was also
used to substantiate the Persatuan Islam's viewpoint.
There	remain with you two matters	which will	not	lead
you astray	so long as you keep hold of	them, that	is,	the
Book of God and the sunnah of the Prophet.37
On the	basis of	these references and others	like them,	the	Per-
satuan	Islam concluded that only Qur’an and	sunnah had	any	value
34.	Ahmad Hassan, "Bertaqlid kepada 'ulama'," Sual-Djawab, No.
1, p. 15. The Qur’an quote cited in the above text is a
translation from Ahmad Hassan's Indonesian rendition. The
Pichthall translation of this ayah is given in footnote 28
above.
35.	Al-Tawbah, 9:30.	". . . They [the Jews and Christians]
imitate the sayings of those who disbelieved of old.
Allah [Himself] fighteth against them. How perverse are
they." The hadlth recorded by Thabarani states:	"Obey me
so long as I am among you and keep hold of the book of God.
You are permitted what it permits and forbidden what it
forbids." Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab, pp. 21-22.
36.	A1-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) (December 1935), p. 10.
37.	Quoted in Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab, p. 23. See
pages 22-24 for other hadlth cited as evidence against the
validity of taqlld.56
in making religious decisions, "and nothing else, not the sunnah
of the Taba^ln, the sunnah of the mujtahidln, not the sunnah of
HanafI, or the sunnah of Shafi(I."38
The Persatuan Islam also countered arguments put forward by
kaum tua to defend taqlld. For example, Persis writers pub-
lished a pamphlet in 1935 that outlined twenty-one arguments
for taqlld and the refutations for each argument.39 For exam-
ple, the pamphlet took issue with the kaum tua interpretation
of An-Nisfi.> , 4:59, which admonishes Muslims to obey those in
authority over them. The kaum tua argued that those in author-
ity included the iulamn.) , and that to refuse to accept their
teachings, or to question the correctness of those teachings
constituted disobedience. The Persatuan Islam retorted that
the An-Nisa? ayah was concerned with secular affairs and was
limited in scope to rulers, such as "khalifs, radjas, governors
and amirs" and that (ulama) were not included.tt0 The pamphlet
also noted the kaum tua insistence that An-Nalj.1 (The Bee) ,
16:43, stating, "ask the followers of the Remembrance if ye
know not," was a clear reference to the importance of the ialim
and his teaching in religious matters and hence, by analogy, a
justification for taqlld. In its response, the Persatuan Islam
recognized that the ayah did cite the importance of the reli-
gious teacher, but noted as well that the ayah did not command
the Muslims to accept whatever teachings an ialim put forth.
The reference, according to the Persatuan Islam, indicated that
the ialim was to give an answer based on the Qur*an and not on
38.	Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab, p. 23. This statement
by Ahmad Hassan is slightly misleading taken out of context.
He did not reject ".	. . sunnah of the Taba^ln etc." as
useful for guidance, but in this particular reference is
arguing against its use as holy writ, which he believed
that the kaum tua did through taqlld.
39.	This composed the entire contents of A1-Lisan (Extraordi-
nary issue) and was also published as a special pamphlet.
Persatoean Islam, Verslag Debat Taqlied--A. Hassan dan H.
A. Wahhab (Bandoeng-! 1936) . See also, Al-Lisan, No. 4
(March 1936), pp. 28-30; No. 5 (April 1936), p. 35. In a
mock debate published by the Persatuan Islam, Ahmad Hassan
chided the efforts of the traditionalist Muslims to justify
taqlld on the basis of Qur>an and tyadlth:	"I want you to
realize that the teachers are not consistent in their view-
point. They are smart enough to become mujtahidln while
pursuing the justification for being muqallidln, but they
do not want to become mujtahidln to find the justification
for becoming a mujtahid or muttabi1." Ahmad Hassan,
Risalah al-Madz-hab, p. 35.
Al-Lisan (Extraordinary issue) (December 1935), pp. 10-11.
A1 -NisiT- 59 states: "0 ye who believe! Obey Allah and
40.57
his own, or someone's else, speculation and belief.1,1 Another
justification for taqltd not in the 1935 pamphlet, was presented
in 1936 by Machfoed Shiddieq at a lecture summarizing the Indian
Muslim thinker Shah Waliyullah's al-Insdf ft Sebab al-ikhtildf
(Resolution of the matters of difference) which pointed out
the value of the Companions of the Prophet as sources of inter-
pretation for religious teachings. Shiddieq cited this work as
a clear justification for the use of taqltd and the indispensible
role of the religious teacher. In response to Shiddieq, the
Persatuan Islam pointed out that the book made no mention of
the iulama) as interpreters of religion, but referred only to
the Companions' importance as transmitters of the sunnah, an
importance all kaum muda readily recognized.1*3
The Persatuan Islam's argument with the kaum tua was con-
cerned not only with the taqltd-ijtihad dispute, but centered
also on certain religious practices condoned by traditionalist
(ulama> but considered by the Persatuan Islam and many other
kaum muda as innovation (bidlah). The Persatuan Islam believed
that bidlah in matters of Hbadat was not permissible, even if
the change was seemingly good, since all matters of religious
worship had been ordained by God Himself, and man was unable to
improve on that system of worship. Persis writers cited the
ntyah, the reciting of creeds and litanies {tahltl and talqtn)
during and after burial ceremonies, and the use of Arabic in
the khutbah and the story of the Prophet's birth (mawlud) as
examples of innovation in religious matters, and charged that
traditionalist lulama) perpetuated bid'-ah when they defended
these practices. The khutbah, talqtn and ntyah disputes are
outlined here because they have represented major focal points
of difference between the kaum tua and kaum muda from approxi-
mately 1910 until the present. A fourth point, the status of
the Arabs among the Indonesian Muslims, was a special point of
argument between the kaum muda and traditionalist Arab iulama)
residing in Indonesia. While this last point was actually a
revolt by Malay Muslims against the status and prerogatives of
Arab Muslims in the Malay world, the dispute took place within
the framework of the taqltd-ijtihad dispute.
obey the messenger and those of you who are in authority;
and if ye have a dispute concerning any matter, refer it to
Allah and the messenger if ye are [in truth] believers in
Allah and the Last Day. This is better and more seemly in
the end."
41.	Ahmad Hassan, "Bertaqlied 'ulama'," Sual-Dj awab, No. 1, p.
42.	Al-Lisan, No. 4 (March 1936), pp. 28-30. Cf. M. D. Rahbar,
"Shah Wall Ullah and Idjtihad," The Muslim World, XLIV
(1955), pp. 346-358.
43.	Al-Lisan, No. 4 (March 1936), p. 29.58
Khutbah
Among the distinct disagreements between the kaum tua and
the kaum muda was the language of the khufbah, i.e., the sermon
given during the Friday community worship. **“* The standard prac-
tice in the Netherlands Indies had always been to read or recite
the khutbah in Arabic; and, if queried, lulama) would presumably
have answered that as part of the ritual of worship it must
necessarily be in Arabic. The modernist Muslims, however, main-
tain that since the purpose of the khutbah is to inform Muslims
concerning proper religious and moral behavior that it should
be given in a language understood by the listeners. Many mosques
under the influence of the kaum muda consequently allowed the
khutbah to be given in the vernacular, claiming that there was
no prohibition against it.
Ahmad Hassan reflected the thinking of the modernist Mus-
lims on this subject in two fatwas concerning the recitation of
the khutbah. In "Bahasa Chut-bah" (The Language of the Khufbah),
he again explained the important difference between Hbadat and
ladat. {Ibadat, as ritual established by God, must be performed
as the Prophet set it down, and since formal worship utilized
Arabic, Arabic had to be used. "Al-Fdtihah3 duld) iftitdlh3
tasblh3 ruku^3 tasbth sujud" are all included in this category,
but other parts of worship, such as individual prayer and
na§thah (advice) were not fixed by the Prophet, had no exact
form, and the language could, therefore, vary for the conven-
ience of the worshipper.1*5 In "Chutbah Bahasa Melayu" (Khutbah
in the Malayan Language), Ahmad Hassan took a rational, rather
than a legal, approach and stated that the Qur'an and hadlth
commanded Muslims to "think and understand" and "revile those
who do not think and know" when they read religious texts. He
stated that the purpose of the khutbah was to offer advice and
allow religious reflection, a state that could only be attained
if the khutbah was understood by those listening to it. The
Prophet Muhammad delivered the khutbah in Arabic, "because he
was an Arab in an Arab land and the people he faced all under-
stood Arabic," stated Ahmad Hassan, and added that there were
no references in the Qur'an or hadlth commanding that the
khutbah had to be given in Arabic to the exclusion of other
languages.h6
44.	A. J. Wensinck, "Khutba," Encyclopedia of Islam.
45.	Ahmad Hassan, "Bahasa Chut-bah," Sual-Djawab, No. 7, p. 22;
see also "Sembahjang dengan Al-Fatihah Melayu," Sual-Djawab,
No. 12, pp. 58-59 which stated al-Fatihah may not be cited
in Malay during worship.
46.	Ahmad Hassan, "Chutbah Bahasa Melayu," Sual-Djawab, No. 4,
pp. 4-5.59
Ahmad Hassan concluded that the entire argument concerning
the language of the khutbah was really conditional on the status
of Arabic as the official language of the Muslims. He main-
tained that if it could be argued that the khutbah must be de-
livered only in Arabic because the Prophet delivered his
khutbahs in Arabic, then it could also be argued that Muslims
must speak only Arabic and no other language, since the Prophet
spoke only Arabic. Ahmad Hassan acknowledged that while knowl-
edge of Arabic is necessary for study of religious sources, it
is not required for everyday usage in Indonesia. He speculated
that if a single Muslim ummah existed, Arabic would undoubtedly
be its official language, and the recitation of the khutbah in
Arabic would then be logical. In an allusion to the fractional-
ized situation in the Muslim world and the great obstacles to
Muslim unity, he concluded that "in this time, here [in Indone-
sia] if a person teaches only in Arabic, he will not succeed."117
Tatqtn
A second specific point of disagreement between the kaum
muda and the kaum tua concerned burial procedure. Muslim belief
on death--greatly developed and defined by medieval Muslim theo-
logians - -held that immediately after the completion of the
burial ceremony, the deceased was visited by the angels Naklv
and Munkar who asked the deceased questions to determine his
real belief and exacted painful retribution if the answers were
wrong. While Muslim theologians maintained that the questions
posed by the angels could be answered properly only if the de-
ceased had lived a pious life, the practice grew up in Islam of
giving one last prompting to the deceased during the burial
ceremony by reciting the confession of faith. The practice,
known in technical religious terms as talqln, was sanctioned by
some (ulama) of the Sha.fi madhhab and formed an integral part
of the Indonesian burial custom. The religious official per-
forming the ceremony read or recited the funeral speech in
Arabic, and sometimes in Bahasa Indonesia or in the vernacular. **
47.	Ahmad Hassan, "Chutbah Bahasa Melayu," Sual-Djawab, No. 4,
p. 5.
48.	For descriptions of the Indonesian funeral practices, see
Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese, I, pp. 418-434; Clifford
Geertz, Religion of Java, pp~ 58-76. Geertz (p. 71) has
recorded the following oration:	"Oh, you are already liv-
ing in the world of the grave. Do not forget the Confes-
sion of Faith. You will shortly be visited by two messen-
gers of God, two angels. (The angels will say):	'0 human
being, who is your God and what is your religion, and who
is your prophet, and what is your religious lodestar, and
what is the direction in which you turn to pray, and what60
The kaum muda generally disapproved of this practice, arguing
that it was not commanded in the Qur> an, hadtth or in the sunnah
of the Companions, and charged that it was an accreation, taken
into religious practice over the centuries, and hence was an
innovation, unacceptable in matters of religious worship.1*9
The Persatuan Islam believed that talqtn was a meaningless
ritual that Muslims would do well to cast aside. During the
early 1930's, Pembela Islam and Al-Fatwaa frequently printed
fatwas and other articles critical of the kaum tua's position
on this subject which consequently drew heavy criticism from
the kaum tua, particularly the Ba (Alawl, the Ittihadijatul
Ulama and the Nahdlatul Ulama.50 On at least one occasion Per-
satuan Islam leaders met with Nahdlatul Ulama leaders to debate
the validity of talqtn as a proper Islamic ceremony. In a
fatwa entitled "Talkienkan orang sudah mati" (Performing talqtn
for the dead) Ahmad Hassan stated that "talqtn . .	. does not
exist in the Qur> an, is not confirmed by hadtth, was not ever
performed by the Companions, and was not mentioned as a valid
ceremony by any of the four imams."51 He stated that all hadtth
has been commanded of you and who are your brothers.' You
must answer clearly and forthrightly; you must not be
afraid or startled:	'The Lord Allah is my God:	Islam is
my religion; Muhammad is my Prophet; the Holy Koran is my
lodestar; I turn toward the Black Stone of Mecca to pray;
the five daily prayers are what I have been commanded; all
Moslems, men and women, are my brothers.' 0 Pak Tjipto
(name of the deceased), you now already know that the ques-
tions of the angels do in fact exist, that life in the
grave does in fact exist, that the balancing of good and
evil deeds does in fact exist, that heaven and hell indeed
do in fact exist, and that the Lord Allah will wake each
individual in the grave on Judgment Day is a fact as well."
See also "Talqin" in Hughes, Dictionary of Islam.
49.	See Persatoean Islam, Boekoe Verslag Debat Talqien antara
t. A. Hassan dengan H. Abdoel-Wahhab di Tjledoeng (Cheribon)
(Bandoeng, 1932) ; Persatoean Islam, Kitab Talqien: Djawaban
"Persatoean Islam" atas Tulisan t. H. Hoesain Tjitjalengka
(Bandoeng, n.d.).
50.	In Sumatra this subject was of great interest, particularly
among the Minangkabaus. The Raad Agama (Religious Council)
at Palembang decided on December 23, 1929 that performing
talqtn for a dead person was permissible because the Proph-
et performed it. Sual-Dj awab, No. 2, p. 14. See also G.
IV. J. Drewes, "Indonesia and Activism" in von Grunebaum,
Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization, p. 294.
51.	Ahmad Hassan, "Talkienkan orang sudah mati," Sual-Djawab,
No. 1, p. 21.61
introduced by the kaum tua as evidence of the correctness of
their position, were considered to be weak by the science of
hadlth examination generally followed by Sunni iulama), and
therefore should not be taken as the basis for religious prac-
tice .
In "Mengadjar orang mati" (Teaching the dead), Ahmad Hassan
more fully outlined the stand of the Persatuan Islam on the sub-
ject of talqln.
.	. . We stand on the correctness of what was written in
Pembela Islam on December 1929.52
1)	The Qur>an clarifies that people who are dead cannot be
taught anything.
2)	The imams of the ahl al-tyadlth state that there is not
a single firm narrative of the Prophet confirming
talqln.
3)	Imam Ahmad [Ibn Hanbal] said that he did not ever see a
person perform talqln, except the people of Syria [ahl
al-Sham] when Abul Muqhirah died, and that at that time
a person came and performed talqln.
4)	There are no hadlth that indicate that the Prophet ever
performed talqln, or that his Companions, or that the
mujtahidin imams did.
5) Teaching the dead is not only refuted in Religion, but
according to reason it can be seen to be the act of a
madman.
6)	It is according to the Qur>an that when a person is
close to death his repentance is not accepted. If this
is true, then how can the teachings of the living to
the dead already in the grave have validity?53
Ahmad Hassan also quoted An-Naml (The Ant), 27:80, and Al-Fatir
(The Creator), 35:22, both of which state that man cannot
"create hearing among persons already in the grave," as proof
that the deceased can only answer the questions posed by the
angels according to the actions of his own life. The dead, he
concluded, are unable to be taught or reminded of any religious
teaching whatsoever, and he added an ironic suggestion that the
traditionalist iulama) might better teach the living about
52.	Pembela Islam, No. 3 (December 1929).
53.	Ahmad Hassan, "Mengadjar orang mati," Sual-Djawab, No. 2,
p. 14.62
religion than waste their time in fruitlessly reminding the
dead of their teachings.54
Ntyah
Another point of contention between the kaum muda and the
kaum tua was concerned with whether the niat {ntyah), i.e., a
short declaration of purpose stated by a Muslim about to perform
a required religious act and generally incorporated as part of
ritual worship, should be said inwardly or repeated aloud.55
The dispute apparently originated on Sumatra about 1910 when
Abdul Karim Amrullah declared that the practice of repeating
aloud this vow of intention, known among Indonesian <-ulama'> as
ushalli, could not be traced back to the Prophet but was an in-
novation from a later date. Amrullah*s opponents maintained
that the ntyah prepared the worshipper to undertake sincere wor-
ship, and in that context was an aid to worship, and hence per-
missible. Their charges that Amrullah was a heretic because of
his stand produced a lively exchange of polemic between his
supporters and opponents.56
That the Persatuan Islam was concerned with this problem
some fifteen years later shows in some respect the slowness of
the acceptance of the modernist viewpoint among Indonesian Mus-
lims. The viewpoint of the Persatuan Islam was not different
from that of Amrullah, and its efforts were aimed at the large
group of traditionalist Javanese iulama) who disputed the claim
of the modernists and maintained that the utterance of the ntyah
was a ligitimate part of ritual worship. Moehammed Moenawar
Chalil stated in a fatwa entitled "Lafadz Ushalli" (Pronouncing
ushal'li') that the hadtth used by the kaum tua to support their
contention was weak, and that several sahth hadtths contradicted
their viewpoint. On this basis alone, Noenawar Chalil main-
tained that it should not be performed.57
54.	Ahmad Hassan, "Talkienkan orang sudah mati," Sual-Djawab,
No. 1, pp. 19-20. An-Nami, 27:80 states:	"LoT Thou canst
not make the dead to hear, nor canst thou make the deaf to
hear the call when they have turned to flee." Al-Fatir,
35:22 states:	"Nor are the living equal with the dead.
Lo! Allah maketh whom He will to hear. Thou canst not
reach those who are in the graves."
55.	G. W. T. Drewes, "Indonesia and Activism" in von Grunebaum,
Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization; see also A. J.
Wensinck, "Niya," Encyclopedia of Islam.
56.	Hamka, Aj ahku, pp. 72-73.
57.	Moehammed Moenawar Chalil, "Lafadz Ushalli," Sual-Djawab,
No. 8, p. 36.63
In another fatwa, Ahmad Hassan stated that the practice was
condoned only by some (-ulama'> of the ShafUi madhhab, but that
Shafi<i himself had not followed the practice. He countered
the arguments that performing ushalli aids sincerity by aligning
the heart with the lips and was therefore permissible, by stat-
ing that "it is the heart that moves the lips, and not the lips
that move the heart."58 He also rejected the argument that
ushalli was justified by analogy (qiyas) from the example of
the Prophet's repetition of ushalli in performing the hajj,
first on the grounds that an hadith reporting the Prophet's
action was weak, and second, that qiyas cannot be used to deter-
mine matters of worship. Finally, he countered the argument
that it was innovation but permissible because it was a good
innovation by reiterating that while bidlah is permissible in
secular matters, it can never be incorporated into matters of
worship which have been determined by God's clear commands.59
Status of Muslim Arabs in the Malay Community
A special problem connected with the struggle between the
kaum muda and the kaum tua revolved about the status of the
Arabs in the Malay-Indonesian world, particularly those Arabs
claiming descent from the Prophet Muhammad. This problem was
really only an extension of the controversy existing in Islam
since the Arab expansion in the seventh century when non-Arabs
entered Islam and debate arose as to whether Arabs, as the
original people of Muhammad, should hold a status superior to
that of the newcomers. This controversy assumed considerable
importance among Indonesians in the first half of the twentieth
century because of the sizeable Arabic community--about 71,000
in 19306°--and the existence in that community of a large num-
ber of persons claiming direct descent from the Prophet.
58.	Ahmad Hassan, "Melafadhkan niat," Sual-Djawab, No. 1, p.
11. Drewes maintains that the practice goes back to the
Shafili scholar Nawawi in the thirteenth century. Drewes,
"Indonesia and Activism," in von Grunebaum, Unity and
Variety in Muslim Civilization, p. 294.
59.	Ahmad Hassan, "Melafadhkan niat," Sual-Djawab, No. 1, pp.
11-12. Hadji Abbas bin Thaha discusses the position of
the traditionalist (ulama.* in an article originally pub-
lished in A1-Hoeda, the periodical of the Al-Irsjad move-
ment, in 1933. IT was reprinted in Malay with the title
"Taladfoezh niat" in Pembela Islam, No. 60 (April 1933),
pp. 35 - 39.
60.	Van der Kroef, Indonesia in the Modern World, I, p. 250.64
A certain aura of respect and even reverence had grown up
around the Arabs in Indonesia--partly because a large number of
religious teachers were Arab, partly because the Arabs were
more serious about their everyday religious observances than
the general Indonesian population and were envied for it, and
partly because the Arabs allowed the illusion to grow that the
race of the Prophet Muhammad constituted an aristocracy among
Muslims. There was some sentiment for modernist Muslim princi-
ples among the peranakan Arab, as was evidenced by the success
of the Al-Irsjad, but for the most part, the Arab community in
Indonesia preferred traditionalist Islam.61 The chief repre-
sentative of this conservative viewpoint was the Ba (Alawi,62 a
group of Hadraml Arabs claiming descent from the Prophet, who
furnished a large number of religious officials in Indonesia.
Through such organizations as the al-Djamiat al-chair and the
Masjarakat Thaljbin, this group attacked the modernist Muslims,
particularly the Al-Irsjad, and acted as the spokesman for the
principle of high status for the Arabs.63
The Persatuan Islam, and more specifically its periodical
Pembela Islam, was deeply involved in the polemic against the
Arabs in the early 1930's, and was in turn a favorite target of
Ba (Alawi polemic and retort. A series of articles bearing the
general title "Belief of the Ba (Alawl concerning their own im-
portance and the dangers of such belief" appeared in Pembela
Islam during 1933, and outlined the major criticisms of the
modernist Muslims toward the views of the Ba (Alawi.61* In
general these articles attacked the Ba (Alawi's adherence to
taqltd and rejection of ijtihad, its emphasis on the visitation
of tombs and consequent approval of saint worship, its insist-
ence that its women not marry except to a sayyid, and its belief
in the elevated status of the Arab in the Indonesian Muslim
community.
The Persatuan Islam repeatedly emphasized its belief that
the perpetuation of the class distinctions demanded by the Ba
(Alawi in religion was contrary to Islamic social doctrine,
61. Van der Kroef, Indonesia in the Modern World, I, p. 270.
62. For the claims of the Ba (Alawi to be descended from the
Prophet see 0. Lofgren, "Ba (Alawi," Encyclopedia of Islam
(New Edition).
63.	A description of this dispute is found in Deliar Noer,
"The Modernist Muslim Movement," pp. 99-107.
64.	A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba-'Alwi tentang ketinggian dirinja dan
bahaja-bahaja i'tiqad itoe," Pembela Islam, from No. 34
(September 1931) to No. 61 (May 1933).65
which the Persatuan Islam claimed propounded equal rights for
all men. Persis writers stressed that Islam was a religion for
all mankind, and that within religion there were to be no dis-
tinctions and prerogatives based on race or ancestry. Ahmad
Hassan cited references from the Qur>an and hadlth and stated
that the only distinction among believers was in perfecting
their worship of God. In one particular argument, he noted his
belief that it was contemptible for a person to glorify himself
on the basis of his descent. He stated that "if a person feels
exalted because of his family, then we answer that it may be
considered that there is not a family existing that is not re-
lated to prophets," and perhaps even more pointedly that "if a
person prides himself that he is an Arab then we remind him that
Jews come from the same stock."65 In the same vein, an unidenti-
fied writer in Pembela Islam charged that the Arab insistence
on special prerogatives was contrary to the rule of universal
equality espoused by Islam. This writer compared the Ba (AlawI
attitude with that of the Dutch in attempting to exploit the
Indonesians for their own ends. "The Ba (AlawI," he stated,
perhaps drawing an argument from the nationalist struggle
against the Dutch, "are opponents of groups which advocate equal
rights and undertake efforts to free themselves of the fetters
of servitude." The writer concluded that the Arab opposition
to equality was wrong and hinted that it might even be evidence
of shirk.66 Another article in Pembela Islam elaborated on the
charge of shirk by stating that in many cases Arabs, particu-
larly those belonging to the Ba (Alawi, had attempted to set
themselves up as being "blessed" and to make themselves inter-
cessors between other people and God.67 This charge, actually
more connected with the problems of mysticism and saint worship,
is discussed more fully in a later chapter.
The Persatuan Islam apparently regarded taqbil as a symbol
of Arab insistence on status and consequently opposed it. Ahmad
Hassan reportedly was compelled by this custom to kiss the hand
of an Arab official when he taught at the Assegaf school in
Singapore, and later, when he was a daily writer on the Utusan
Melayu, he wrote an article criticizing the custom.68 His
65.	Ahmad Hassan, "Saijid, Raden, ’Arab," Sual-Djawab, No. 3,
pp. 4, 7. al-Hu jurat (The Private Apartments) , 4"9:13,
states:	"Lol the noblest of you in the sight of Allah, is
the best in conduct." al-Hujurat, 49:10, states:	"The
believers are naught else than brothers." An hadtth re-
corded by Abu Dawud states:	"An Arab is not more noble
than a non-Arab unless in conduct."
66.	A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba 'Alwi," Pembela Islam, No. 58 (February
1933), p. 11.
67.	A., "I'tiqad Al-ba 'Alwi," Pembela Islam, No. 59 (March
1933), p. 18.
68.
Noer, "The Modernist Muslim Movement," p. 138.66
thesis in that article was similar to that of the editors of
Pembela Islam who justified their opposition to taqbll on the
basis that it was not practiced in the time of the Prophet.
. and not ever did they ask a person to kiss their hand,
and not ever did people kiss their hand."69
The Persatuan Islam rejected the title sayyid as having
any special religious significance, and generally supported the
Al-Irsjad position that sayyid could be used in Arabic as a
general form of address, similar to "mister."70 The Ba (Alawi
believed that sayyid was a title denoting "authority, responsi-
bility and property,"71 and indicated that the person using the
title was honored among Muslims.72 In 1932 and 1933, Shaykh
Muhammad al- (A'f'fas Ba (Alawi, the Arab representative on the
Volksraad, urged that body to recommend enactment of a law
limiting use of the title sayyid in the Netherlands East Indies
to those who already claimed the title. Pembela Islam was in
the forefront of the modernist Muslim press on this issue and
roundly attacked al-(Attas's stand.73 Illustrative of the
Pembela Islam attack was an article written in 1932 which stated
that during the time of the Prophet, (A1I, his son-in-law, and
Hasan and Husayn, his grandsons, were never addressed with
the title sayyid. The article claimed the custom of calling
the descendants of the Prophet sayyid was a latter day practice,
but professed not to know its origin.71*
Ahmad Hassan, and later his son Abdulkadir Hassan, were
particularly opposed to the use of titles denoting religious
status, and both refused to use the titles hadji Cbajj) and
kijai although qualified to do so.75 In a fatwa discussing use
69.	Saijjid Toelen al-Alawie, "Al-Irsjad in actie?," A letter
to Pembela Islam, dated March 10, 1932. Pembela Islam,
No. 45 (April IH32). See the editorial remarks on p. 13.
70.	Keng Po 3074 as quoted in Pembela Islam, No. 59 (March 9,
1933) , p. 27.
71.	(non-Arab), "0, itoe tjoema keldai kita," Pembela Islam,
No. 50 (August 1932), p. 20.
72.	A., "I'tiqad A1-Ba-'Alwi," Pembela Islam, No. 58 (February
9, 1933), p. 11.
73.	(non-Arab), "0, itoe tjoema keldai kita," Pembela Islam,
No. 50 (August 1932), pp. 10, 20-21.
74.	Editorial remarks to Saijjid Toelen Al-Alawi's letter,
Pembela Islam, No. 45 (April 1932), p. 13.
75.	See comments on this subject in Roebaie Widjaya, "Biografie,
A. Hassan," Hudjdjatul Islam, I, No. 1 (August 1956), p.67
of the title hajj, Ahmad Hassan broadened the subject to include
all titles of respect and concluded that "these expressions and
names do not harm so long as whoever has the title does not be-
come proud and haughty with the title."76
The matter of inter-marriage between Arabs and Malays was
also viewed by modernist Muslims as undue Arab concern for
status, and consequently this issue became a point of contention
between the Ba (Alawi and modernist Muslim groups. Among the
Ba (Alawi, it was commonly believed that a sharlfah (i.e., a
title indicating descent of a woman from the Prophet, usually
through his grandson Husayn) could marry only an Arab of the
Qurayshl tribe, preferably tracing his own descent to the
Prophet. The Ba (Alawl also believed that for a sharlfah to
marry someone not having such exalted antecedents would cast an
unfavorable reflection on the status of the Ba (Alawi, on the
Quraysh, on Fatimah (the daughter of the Prophet), and even on
the Prophet himself. This restriction was not as binding on
men, and indeed Arab men frequently married Indonesian women.77
In 1933 at least two cases of Ba (Alawi opposition to particular
marriages between a sharlfah and an Indonesian received news-
paper coverage and produced considerable criticism by modernist
Muslim groups.78 Pembela Islam was very critical of the Arab
position on this matter and continually pointed out that the
exclusivism on the part of the Arabs was due to an exaggerated
belief in their own importance. In a lengthy fatwa examining
the question of marriage between a sharlfah and a non-Arab,
Moenawar Chalil noted that Islam did place some restrictions on
marrying, but all these restrictions were to prevent marriage
between close relatives. Ahmad Hassan stated emphatically that
there were no references in the Our'an or hadlth to support the
ruling of several (-ulama) of the Shafi(l madhhab in this matter.
He concluded that marriage should not be based on any such
38. Both Ahmad Hassan and Abdulkadir Hassan have been re-
ferred to by others as "kiai," but they themselves have
not used the K. H. (kiai hadji) appelative before their
names. This has not, however, been established practice
among Persatuan Islam members, for most other scholars in
the organization do use the K. H. title.
76.	Ahmad Hassan, "Titel Hadji," Pembela Islam, No. 60 (April
4, 1933), p. 31.	-------------
77.	A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba-'Alwi," Pembela Islam, No. 45 (April
1932), pp. 27-31.	-------------
78.	(Moeslim Indonesier), "Perkawinan Sjarifah dengan Indone-
sier," undated letter appearing in Pembela Islam, No. 48
(June 1932), pp. 17-18.68
policy of exclusivism that was intended to undermine the Islamic
belief in the religious equality of all Muslims.79
79. Moehammad Moenawar Chalil, "Halal berkahwin dengan
Sjarifah," Sual-Dj awab, No. 6, pp. 52-65 ; see also M. S.,
"Madz-hab Sjafi'ie,*' Pembela Islam, No. 50 (August 1932),
p.	21.CHAPTER V
THE VIEWPOINT TOWARD INDONESIAN RELIGIOUS VALUES
The strength of the Indonesian social system lay in the
villages, and there Islam had gained a foothold only by tempor-
izing with many customs that had certain religious significance.1
It was natural that the Persatuan Islam in searching for a
"pure" Islam free of all accretions would oppose these elements
of a popular life that it believed conflicted with Islam. Persis
opposition never solidified into a major campaign, perhaps be-
cause there was no organization identified with local custom
that could be the target of propaganda and polemic,2 and because
the elements that fundamentalist Islam disapproved of were so
pervasive in Indonesian life that it was difficult to generate
any effective opposition among the Indonesian public. Nonethe-
less, the members of the Persatuan Islam did take exception in
their writings and fatwas to specific practices that they be-
lieved contravened acceptable religious behavior.
Nearly all santvi groups expressed opposition to these non-
Islamic practices and customs. The Muhammadijah maintained that
superstition, surviving Hindu practices and <adat contrary to
Islam should be eliminated.3 The Nahdlatul Ulama and Perti have
always urged the elimination of practices conflicting with
Islamic commands and prohibitions. The generally accepted Mus-
lim sufl orders operating in Indonesia condemned many Indonesian
mystical practices as heretical. This consensus existed only
in theory, but hardly in practice, for the kaum tua and the
sufts were very often tolerant of heterodox religious behavior.
Kaum tua {ulama) maintained their considerable influence over
the abangan population in many villages because they were willing
1.	See above, pp. 5-8.
2.	Permai (Persatuan Rakjat Marhaen Indonesia--Organization of
the Indonesian Common People) was founded later in December
1945. According to Clifford Geertz, Permai is an abangan
organization seeking to adjust abangan practices with the
modern world. See Geertz, Religion of Java, pp. 112-118.
3.	(A11, "The Muhammadijah Movement," pp. 91, 126; K. H. Mas
Mansur, Risalah Tauhid dan Sjirik (Surabaja: Peneleh, after
1949).
6970
to tolerate many practices outside the Shari(ah. Some <ulama>
apparently believed that such practices would disappear as the
abangan population became more aware of their religious obliga-
tions, and other (ulama> appear to have believed that the inclu-
sion of Islamic recitations and prayers purified many non-Islamic
practices having a religious connotation.1* The suft orders
also adopted a very tolerant attitude toward heterodox mystical
behavior although, to the credit of the orthodox orders, many
excesses were eliminated as they gained strength in Indonesia.
The kaum muda, usually having less contact with the abangan
population and more concerned with the application of the law
than with mystical experience, were uncompromising toward cus-
toms and attitudes they saw as conflicting with Islam. Believ-
ing that tolerance by the kaum tua only diluted Islam and intro-
duced innovation into religious practice, kaum muda organiza-
tions like the Persatuan Islam directed their opposition against
the kaum tua. The kaum muda were particularly concerned about
the use of religious recitations and prayers in non-Islamic
rituals and ceremonies and about inclusion of Indonesian custom
into such Islamic practices as burial of the dead.
Slametans
The Persatuan Islam generally disapproved of the custom,
common to most ethnic groups in Indonesia of giving slametans,
or communal feasts, to mark festive occasions. The ritual of
the slametan differed according to its purpose, but an underly-
ing structure always included special ceremonial food, the burn-
ing of incense, the recitation of Islamic litanies and a speech
in extra-formal language by the host. The slametan appears to
have some connection with ancient Javanese animism when it
probably was a ceremony to propitiate spirits and ward off evil
fortune. "A slametan," stated Clifford Geertz, "can be given
to almost any occurrence one wishes to celebrate, ameliorate,
or sanctify."5
Birth, marriage, sorcery, death, house moving, bad
dreams, harvest, name changing, opening a factory, illness,
supplication of the village guardian spirit, circumcisi' ,
and starting off a political meeting may all occasion a
slametan. 6
4.	Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, De Islam in Nederlandsch-Indie
(Baarn: Hollandia Drukkerij, 1913) , pp. 41-42.
5.	Geertz, Religion of Java, pp. 11-12.
6. Ibid. , p. 11.71
This festival appears to have become confused and integrated
with the kanduri or sadakah (Arabic--sadaqah) feast which is
mentioned in ShafUi books of law in use in Indonesia, to be
given at weddings and at other joyous occasions. An important
belief attached to the kanduri was that it gained religious
merit for the host. The food took the form of a gift to the
visitors, and, since several poor and destitute persons were
generally invited, that portion of the feast given to them was
considered to be alms. The religious merit accruing to the
host was increased by the recitation of prayers, portions of
the Qur’ an and the dhikr. As the kanduri and the slametan be-
came closely identified the religious meaning of the kanduri,
often became obscure, but on some occasions, the feast was re-
garded as having particular religious significance, such as on
Mawlud Nabi and in connection with the burial of the dead.7
However, if the religious purpose of the kanduri often disap-
peared, so then also did the slametan take on a certain identi-
fication with Islam, for Qur’an recitations, dhikr and prayers
became an indispensible part of its ceremony.8
The Persatuan Islam, like other modernist Muslim groups,
rejected the slametan because it was tied in with the abangan's
philosophy of life, his belief in non-Islamic spirits, and his
superstitions regarding propitious and unlucky days and numbers.
Hadji Moenawar Chalil was explicit in his opposition to the
slametan and in a fatwa on that subject, stated that "performing
a slametan as it is generally practiced in Indonesia is consid-
ered bid^ah. . .	."9 In a fatwa entitled "Selamatan Hamil"
(■Slametan for pregnancy), Ahmad Hassan stated that "... from
7.	Hurgronje, De Islam, p. 31; "Kandoeri," Encyclopaedia van
Nederlandsch Oost-Indie, II. The use of the terms kanduri
and slametan are somewhat misleading since neither is Indo-
nesian, but rather both are derived from Arabic and Persian.
These two titles have, however, come to be attached to the
practice of giving festive meals and replaced the older
titles of pest a and perdgamuan.
8.	Hurgronje, The Achehnese, I, p. 215.
9.	Moehammed Moenawar Chalil, "Tahliel dan makan-makan dirumah
orang kematian," Sual-Djawab, No. 5, p. 37. Moenawar
Chalil's argument was actually less concerned with the reli-
gious implications than with the serious financial repercus-
sions on persons holding slametans:	".	. . and this partic-
ular type of bidlah sometimes ruins people who are not well
to do, for sometimes they sell their belongings, or place
them in pawn, or borrow money to hold a slametan, and conse-
quently they go into debt and become poor. Truly sound
reasoning tells us that people in debt should not increase
debts, but should be happy to liquidate their indebtedness."72
conception until birth, there is not a single type of kanduri,
slametan, pesta or perdjamuan [all feast ceremonies regulated
by <adat] that is established by Religion." He stated that
Islam commands a feast to be observed at marriage but maintained
that the practice of reciting litanies and confessions of faith
is not condoned. Ahmad Hassan's fatwa also stated that on the
seventh day after the birth of a child, Muslims are commanded to
make a sacrifice, name the child, and then may make a feast for
the immediate family from the meat of the sacrifice. "In this
matter there is never a reading of the selamat prayer, the
tahltl, or the reading of the berzandjt or anything else."10
All members of the Persatuan Islam objected strongly to
the slametan held at a house of mourning on the day of the
burial, and on several succeeding days, to recite special pray-
ers for the redemption of the deceased. Usual Indonesian prac-
tice was to meet in the house of the deceased immediately after
the burial ceremony, and again on the third, seventh, fortieth,
one hundredth and one thousandth day after the death.* 11 The
rationale for this practice was that religious merit could be
generated by those present through the performance of non-obliga-
tory worship, such as repetition of the dhikr, recitations from
the Qur’an and special prayers, and that the merit gained there-
by could then be made over to the deceased for his reward.12
The kaum tua generally insisted that the slametans con-
nected with death were a proper religious observance, and cited
several hadtth and references from books of jurisprudence to
defend their stand. For example, in 1934 the traditionalist
Muslim periodical Kewadjiban Kita (Our Obligations) cited an
hadtth stating that on one occasion the Prophet went to the
home of the bereaved after a burial and ate food there prepared
by the household members.13 On the basis of this hadtth, the
Islamic Council at Samalangka, Atjeh later issued a fatwa stat-
ing that gatherings and eating in the house of the deceased was
permissible. In a fatwa entitled "Makan-makan di rumah orang
10.	Ahmad Hassan, "Selamatan Hamil," Sual-Dj awab, No. 7, p. 7.
11.	Geertz, Religion of Java, pp. 71-72; "Darihal makan-makan
dirumah orang mati," Sual-Djawab, No. 12, p. 33; Hurgronje,
The Achehnese, I, p. 429. The practice is followed in
different form in many other Muslim countries. See Maurice
Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Muslim Institutions, trans. John D.
MacGregor (London: George Allen § Unwin, 1950), p. 173.
12.	Hurgronje, The Achehnese, I, p. 428.
13.	"Darihal makan-makan dirumwah orang mati," Sual-Djawab, No.
12, pp. 29-30.73
mati dan batas terlarangnja" (Eating in the house of the de-
ceased and the limitations of the prohibition), Ahmad Hassan
countered the Atjehnese fatwa by stating that on one occasion
after a death in the community, the Prophet commanded neighbors
to prepare food for the mourners on the day of the burial.
Ahmad Hassan noted that this act of the Prophet was contrary to
the usual Indonesian practice and stated that the Prophet had
ordered it out of consideration for the deceased's family at a
time when their grief made normal household functions difficult.
Ahmad Hassan rejected as weak the hadith presented by the kaum
tua in defense of their position because of a fault in the sanad
that was not strengthened by another hadith. He stated that,
in his own opinion, the family of the deceased should be left
alone with its grief for several days and that the neighbors
should prepare food for them up to three days, depending on the
sorrow caused by the death of the deceased, but that no slametan
should be held at that time.11*
Although opposed to the slametan on all occasions, Ahmad
Hassan was most concerned with religious recitations and prayers
at the death slametans intended to aid the deceased. Conserva-
tive (ulama'> maintained that non-obligatory prayers to obtain
merit for the deceased at those gatherings was justified on the
basis of several hadith that indicate that a young man could
undertake the hajj or the fast in the name of an older person
unable to perform these religious requirements himself. They
reasoned that other matters of religious merit might likewise
be transferred. Ahmad Hassan denied that the practice of pray-
ing and reciting religious texts at the slametan had any his-
torical justification. In a fatwa on the subject, he stated
that neither the Qu^an nor hadith commanded Muslims to engage
in this practice, and that it was never performed by the Com-
panions, by the Followers, by followers of the Followers, or by
any of the four great imams. 5 In another fatwa, an unknown
Persis writer quoted the fatwas of prominent Makkah muftis as
confirming this stand.16 Ahmad Hassan also rejected the conten-
tion that merit obtained by one Muslim could under any circum-
stances be transferred to another Muslim, and particularly to
the deceased. He stated that there was no clear reference in
the Qur>an and hadith to this problem and maintained that, in
order for a specific practice of religious worship to have merit,
it must be defined in those sources. ". .	. Every reading and
action may be said to be good if it is performed according to
the time and conditions defined by Religion." Since there is no
14.	Ahmad Hassan, "Makan-makan dirumah orang mati dan batas
terlarangnja," Sual-Dj awab, No. 8, pp. 64-66.
15.	Ahmad Hassan, "Tahliel," Sual-Dj awab, No. 8, pp. 62-63.
16.	"Darihal makan-makan dirumah orang mati," Sual-Djawab, No.
12, pp. 32-33.74
set procedure of worship prescribed for performance in the house
of the bereaved, such action cannot be regarded as producing
merit for those who perform the practice. Ahmad Hassan also
denied that merit could be passed to the dead, stating that
reason impels one to realize that only one's own actions can
cleanse him from his sins. In a rhetorical question, he queried
that if it were possible to transfer merit from one person to
another, why then did Allah make worship compulsory at all since
He could have transferred it from anyone who had it to anyone
who needed it without any worship having been performed at all?
He argued further that if merit could be transferred to the
dead, why not also to the living?17 Finally, he cited Al-Najm
(The Star), 53:39 and la Sin (Oh Man), 36:54, both of which
make reference to God's judging only on the basis of that which
the individual himself has done.18
Magic, Soothsaying and Amulets
The Persatuan Islam saw the belief in magic, soothsaying
and amulets, so popular in Indonesia, as evidence of shirk
(i.e., ascribing the powers of God to other than God), since
these practices ascribed to certain men the power to alter and
affect men's lives in a manner it believed only God was powerful
enough to accomplish. The focal point of the Indonesian belief
in magic are the dukuns, the practitioners of magic who claim
to possess secret power and who perform a large variety of func-
tions ranging from the treatment of illness with herbs and
native medicine to the casting of spells for good and bad for-
tune. 1 9 The dukuns do not usually claim to be connected with
17.	Ahmad Hassan, "Tahliel," Sual-Dj awab, No. 8, pp. 63-64.
18.	Ahmad Hassan, "Tahlil dan Chandoeri," Pembela Islam, No.
59 (March 9, 1933), p. 39. Al-Najm, 53:39, states:	"And
that man hath only that for which he maketh effort." Ya
Sin, 36:54 (Pickthall translation 53), states:	"Nor are
ye requited aught save what ye used to do."
19.	There are various kinds of dukuns, bearing titles according
to their sphere of activity and their manner of approach.
There are midwives, masseurs, mediums, circumcisors, har-
vest ritual specialists, wedding specialists, experts in
numerical divination, sorcerers, specialists who cure by
inserting golden needles under the skin, curers who rely
on spells, curers who employ herbs and other native medi-
cines, specialists in preventing natural misfortune, and
curers whose powers are temporary and result of their having
been entered by a spirit. Geertz, Religion of Java, pp.
86-87; cf., K. H. Mas Mansur, Risalah Tauhid dan Sjirik,
pp. 43-61, who, as Muhammadijah leader undertook an active
campaign to remove the influence of the dukun among Indo-
nesian Muslims.75
Islam, and they seldom have any contact with traditionalist
religious officials; yet they do not exclude the use of Arabic
phrases and terminology from their ritual and mystical formulae.
This inclusion of religious terminology leads many persons to
believe, and many others to rationalize, that the magic prac-
ticed by dukuns does indeed have some connection with religion.
In At-Tauhied, Ahmad Hassan warned Muslims not to invoke
secret oaths and curses meant to harm and cause loss to other
persons and their possessions. In this obvious attack on the
dukuns, he also warned Muslims not to ask the aid of "creatures
and objects believed to have miraculous power," for such favors
as "asking for a child, asking to be liked by people, asking to
become rich." He clarified that there was no harm in wanting
those things, which he regarded as natural human desires, but
maintained that such requests should be asked only of God and
that to ask them of other "creatures and objects" was to place
such "creatures and objects" on a par with God. Ahmad Hassan
pointedly stated that any person who made such a comparison was
an idolator (mushrik), and that his very standing as a Muslim
and a believer was in jeopardy.20
Hadji Moenawar Chalil, in a fatwa on a related subject,
admonished Muslims not to confuse the practices of the dukuns,
particularly in regard to amulets, with proper religious beha-
vior. He stressed that even though the dukun attempted to asso-
ciate amulets with Islam by including Qur)anic texts and reli-
gious phrases, such practices had no religious foundation what-
soever and were to be disregarded as a means of obtaining
spiritual aid. Moenawar Chalil warned particularly against the
practice of reciting a portion of Surah Yd Sin before a con-
tainer of water and then using the water as a medicine to cure
a sick person.21 Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz agreed with Moenawar
Chalil and particularly cited "amulets, charms and blessed ob-
jects" as being in the category which constitute shirk.22
20.	Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, pp. 48-49. "Not a few people in
Indonesia ask favors at graves which are considered to be
holy, so also there are those who ask favors of guns,
stones, wood, etc." (p. 51).
21.	Moehammad Moenawar Chalil, "Air Jaa-sien," Sual-Djawab, No.
3, pp. 39-41.	"Santris [i.e., dukuns who claim to be
santris] usually employ changed passages from the Koran
interpreted mystically, or magic bits of carefully drawn
Arabic script chewed up and swallowed, or the like; and some
santris claim that whatever curing 'real Moslems' do is
based on scientific medical knowledge included in the Koran
hundreds of years before it was 'discovered' in the West."
Geertz, Religion of Java, p. 87.
22.	Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, "Tachijul, 'Azimah, Keramat," Sual-
Djawab, No. 4, pp. 25-26.76
Mystical Practices
Mystical practice, such as the trance-state, and the repe-
tition of formulae intended to induce the trance-state, has a
long history on Java and in several other Indonesian areas.
Shamanistic practices preceded Islam in the Archipelago, influ-
enced and were influenced by Buddhism and Hinduism during the
dominance of these two religions in the Malay area, and in turn
accepted concepts and contributed to Muslim mystical practices
when Islam finally arrived. A large number of Muslim brother-
hoods have existed in Indonesia--the Naqshabandiyah, the
Shattariyah, the Qadiriyah and the Tijanlyah--representing the
mainstream of Muslim mystical practice. A large number of
heterodox orders that mix Islamic §uft practices with Buddhist,
Christian and shamanistic practices have also come into exist-
ence, while practitioners of magic, the dukuns, also use trance-
states and repetition of formulae as part of their ritual.23
These dukuns are eclectic and they select those practices, re-
gardless of the source, that appear to strengthen their magical
powers and aid them in affecting cures, predicting future events
and casting spells. In this manner, several practices common
to Islamic mysticism, such as the various forms of the dhikr
(tahltl, takblr, and tasblh) have come to be used by many dukuns
as part of their own rituai, even though dukuns rarely claim
that their mystical practices have any connection with Islam,
or even that the powers they supposedly receive from the per-
formance of such mystical practices come from God.21*
The Persatuan Islam generally held mysticism suspect,
whether autochthonous or tasawwuf, and maintained that it was
at best innovation (bid1ah)’in worship, and at its worst, idola-
try. It viewed the mysticism practiced by the sufl orders as
far removed from the simplicity and purity of early Muslim §ufi
practice because of its accretion of alien practices and
customs,25 and the emphasis on mystical practice to the exclu-
sion of other religious obligations.
Specifically the Persatuan Islam attacked the sufi conten-
tion that mystical experience revealed "the truth of a thing"
and was therefore more important than the regular manner of
worship, i.e., prayer, fasting and the hajj. Absorbed as it
23.	Hurgronje, De Islam, pp. 41-42. See Georges Henri Bousquet,
Introduction a 1'etude del*Islam indonesian (Paris: Paul
Guenther, 1938), pp. 201-202, who has some brief remarks
on the status of mystic orders in Indonesia.
24.	Geertz, "Modjokuto," p. 146.
25.	Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, "Haqiqat, Marifat, Sjari'at dan
Thariqat," Sual-Dj awab, No. 1, p. 31.77
was in the observance of correct religious behavior, the Persa-
tuan Islam found the frequent suft omission of prescribed reli-
gious ritual as contrary to Isiamic law, and the substitution
of suft mystical practice as bidiah. The proper role for
mysticism, according to the Persatuan Islam, was for sufts to
recognize the overriding importance of proper ritual and to
abandon those practices not in accord with Qur>an and the sunnah
of the Prophet. Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz concluded that the proper
role for mysticism was not the full-blown, all-embracing insti-
tution it had developed into over the centuries, but only a
process to prepare man's soul for worship, and to allow reli-
gious contemplation.26
Persis writers, concerned as they were with a description
of Islam, had little to say about the practices of dukuns since
they clearly regarded them as outside Islam.27 In separate
fatwas, however, both Moenawar Chalil and Ahmad Hassan stated
that recitation of the dhikr, although a good act, has no
validity unless performed at the proper time and in the proper
place.28 Presumably this argument was used as a condemnation
of the dukun's practice of repeating the dhikr in his mystical
practices. Persis leaders probably believed, however, that re-
form in the suft brotherhoods would define the limits of mysti-
cal practice * acceptable to Islam, and clearly indicate that
other mystical practices outside such defined limits were not
to be associated with Islam.
Intercession and Saint Worship
As in most countries of the world, the worship of saints
is not uncommon in Indonesia. In ancient times, the Indonesians
apparently honored ancestors and during the Hindu and Buddhist
periods religious images. Such practices continued after Islam
arrived, and Indonesian Muslims visited the tombs of holy men,
such as those of the nine waits, the first propagators of Islam
on Java, or of sainted mystics to ask their favor and interces-
sion. The usual practice is to visit the tomb of a saint and
make a vow to perform a certain deed if the saint will cause
certain favorable events to come to pass. Incense, rice and
flowers are taken to the tomb as an offering, and an Arabic
26.	Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, "Haqiqat, Marifat, Sjari'at dan
Thariqat," Sual-Dj awab, No. 1, p. 31.
27.	Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, "Tachijul, 'Azimah, Keramat," Sual-
Dj awab, No. 4, pp. 25- 26 .
28.	Ahmad Hassan, "Tahliel," Sual-Djawab, No. 8, p. 62; Moe-
hammed Moenawar Chalil, "Tahliel dan makan-makan dirumah
orang kematian," Sual-Dj awab, No. 5, p. 37.78
incantation, usually a portion of the Qur’an, is recited, thus
giving an Islamic color to the custom.29
The Persatuan Islam regarded saint worship as un-Islamic
and attacked the practice in several fatwas, in several periodi-
cal articles, and in at least one major theological work.30 In
general, the Persis attack centered on the problem of interces-
sion and on what it regarded as the proper manner in which
Muslims were permitted to visit and pray at tombs. In At-
Tauhied, Ahmad Hassan stated that the Qur’an and hadlth command
that prayer be addressed directly to Allah without any such
formula as "with the blessing of the Prophet."31 He further
stated that during the Prophet's lifetime, the Companions asked
Muhammad to pray for them but "after he died they did not ever
ask his spirit, or at his grave. . . ,"32 Ahmad Hassan argued
that if it would have been correct to ask for the Prophet's
intercession after his death, the Companions would have done so.
However, the actual practice of the Companions was to ask a
leading member of their group to conduct prayers on their
behalf, and that member then prayed direct to Allah and never
invoked the Prophet as an intercessor.33
According to Ahmad Hassan, these two clarifications, i.e.,
the virtual prohibition of intercession in the Qur’an and
hadlth, and its non-existence among the Companions, also clari-
fies the matter of intercession with the names of holy men.
Prayers should not be "clothed with intercession, such as:	'0
God, grant me . . . with the blessedness of the Apostle of God
or (Abdul Qadir Jalani, or others.'"31t Ahmad Hassan gave fur-
ther clarification of the Persatuan Islam's viewpoint concerning
29.	Landon, Southeast Asia, pp. 155-156; Bousquet, Introduction
a 1'etude del'Islam indonesien, pp. 202-207; see also
Mansur, Risalah Tauhid dan Sjirik, pp. 16-21 for a condem-
nation of such practices.
30.	See for example, Pembela Islam, No. 61 (May 1933), pp. 23-
26.
31.	Ahmad Hassan, "Tawassul," Sual-Dj awab, No. 3, p. 15. Ahmad
Hassan clarified that there is only one hadlth, regarded as
weak by the original collectors of hadlth, which justifies
a contrary stand. al-Jawhar al-Munadhdhan related that the
Prophet once said "After Adam did wrong he called '0 God,
I ask you through Muhammad to forgive me.'" Ibid., p. 11.
32.	Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, p. 50.
33. Ahmad Hassan, "Tawassul," Sual-Dj awab, No. 3, p. 15.
34. Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied, p. 52. "Not a few people of the
Hadramaut askecTi '0 Muchdlar help me! 0 'Aidarus!'"
Ibid., pp. 50-51.79
intercession in a short discussion entitled "Praying to Someone
other than God." He stated that the problem of intercession
has plagued man for centuries, and that the <-ulama) have con-
stantly brought forth interpretations indicating that interces-
sion is not permitted in Islam. He noted, however, that despite
this clarification, many Muslims still have a compulsion to
believe that intercession may be valid. Ahmad Hassan stated
his concurrence with the (ulama) 's consensus and noted that
adherence to the doctrine of intercession could recreate the
situation existing in Arabia immediately prior to the arrival of
Islam (Jahillyah) when men built idols to intercede for them
with God and then turned to worshipping the idols themselves.35
The Persatuan Islam pointed out two groups--the sufls and
the Ba (Alawi Arabs--that it regarded as particularly guilty of
perpetuating the doctrine of intercession and leading to the
worship of idols, in this case, tombs of "holy men." Persis
writers stated that the sufl practice of a novice relying com-
pletely on the spiritual guidance of his teacher to discover
the path to God was a form of intercession. This dependence,
Persis writers claimed, often placed the teacher in an exalted
position and led to the growth of a cult about the persons of
famous sufl teachers, first by the novices and later by other
Muslims as well. After their deaths, not infrequently, the
tombs of these saints became sites of visitation where Muslims
asked the saint to seek intercession for them with God.36 A
writer in Pembela Islam in 1933 noted a similar development
caused by the Ba (Alawi Arabs' claim to special blessing and
position among Muslims because of their claim of direct descent
from the Prophet Muhammad. The writer noted that several cults
had grown up around several Ba (Alawi personages, such as Shaykh
Habshi Hadramaut, who used his claim to special blessing as a
descendent of the Prophet to reinforce his high position as
sufl shaykh. Persis writers strongly attacked the Ba (Alawl
practice of encouraging Muslims to visit the tombs of Ba (Alawi
saints to pray for the saint's intercession with God.37
35.	Ahmad Hassan, "Berdoa kepada jang lain dari Allah," Sual-
Djawab, No. 1, p. 22. "They knew that these idols were not
able to furnish any aid with their own power, but they wor-
shipped the idols with the purpose that these idols would
ask God or intercede with God." Ibid., p. 21.
36.	Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, "Haqiqat, Ma'rifat, Sjari'at dan
Thariqat," Sual-Dj awab, No. 1, p. 31.
37.	A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba 'Alwi tentang ziarah qoeboer dan bahaja-
bahaja i'tiqad itoe," Pembela Islam, No. 61 (May 9, 1933),
pp. 23-27. Shaykh al-Habshi's tomb in Surabaja was the
site of annual celebrations prior to World War II. Similar
celebrations were held at the tombs of other saints, many
of them Hadvaml Arabs, at Luar Batang, Djakarta, Tegal,80
Despite numerous Persis injunctions against intercession,
Ahmad Hassan stated that visiting tombs is permissible for Mus-
lims on the basis that the Prophet visited graveyards and
allowed others to do so as well. He described the purpose of
the visit as to pray for the deceased and to "recall the Here-
after," and stated that prayers in the graveyard should not be
to aid a specific deceased Muslim--which could be done elsewhere
--but should be of a general nature and should call for God's
blessing on all dead believers. Here again, Ahmad Hassan warned
against innovation (bid^ah) and cautioned Muslims not to adhere
to a regular schedule in their visits, and to avoid visiting
particular graves, on the grounds that sahlh hadlth did not
describe or define any established procedure in the matter.38
Wayang and Popular Theaters
The attitude of the Persatuan Islam regarding the Indone-
sian shadow theater--the wayang kulit--and its counterpart, the
wayang orang, a play performed by human actors, is not stated
in the primary works of its major writers. In a single refer-
ence pertinent to the subject, Ahmad Hassan stated that it was
strongly forbidden for women to appear in public in the garb of
men, a decision perhaps aimed against the wayang orana where
women played all roles, both those of men and women.38 The
organization's viewpoint toward the wayang theater, however,
was probably not fundamentally different from that of the
Nahdlatul Ulama and the Muhammadijah which rejected this art
form, so popular among the Javanese, on the basis that it was
opposed to Islam because of its Hindu content. The wayang
theater had strong roots in the non-Islamic Javanese past, and
the plots and content of the performances usually revolved
about tales and allegories from Hindu and early Javanese tradi-
tion; all factors accounting for their distastefulness for
Pekalongan and Bogor. Noer, "The Rise of the Modernist
Muslim Movement," p. 89; cf. Snouck Hurgronje, The Acheh-
nese, II, pp. 288-300.
38. Ahmad Hassan based this viewpoint on a sahlh hadlth of
Muslim, which states:	"A small amount of peace [sent down
by God] on them in the grave who are believers and Muslim.
If it were desired by Allah we will meet them. We ask
peace for us and for them." Ahmad Hassan, "Sedekah,
pasang lampu, lailatul qadar dan ziarah kubur," Sual-
Dj awab, No. 2, pp. 21-22.
39.
Ahmad Hassan, "Perempoean berpakaian laki-laki," Pembela
Islam, No. 60 (April 1933), p. 33.81
strict Muslim groups.1*0
As for the popular theater (toneel ma'ruf) , that is, the
stage play similar to that found in the West, the Persatuan
Islam expressed only a slightly more tolerant attitude. Hadji
Mahmoed 'Aziz maintained that it was forbidden for Muslims to
see and act in such plays because of the free association of
men and women in them which violated Islamic social ethics. As
support for his viewpoint, he cited a hadlth, recorded by Ahmad
Ibn Hanbal, stating that a good Muslim’will not be together
alone with a woman not his relative, "because the third person
there is a shay tan 1 Ahmad Hassan defined the problem some-
what differently, and stated that all plays in which men and
women (the women not being related to the men) performed could
not be seen by men. However, plays in which men alone act, or
in which men with women who are their relatives act could be
seen by women.1*2 However, in the field of entertainment, theory
was quite different from actual practice, and it was not an un-
common practice among santvis, including members of the Persa-
tuan Islam, to see stage plays and movies without undue concern
for religiously unwarranted association of men and women among
the actors.1*3
The Persatuan Islam regarded the use of the drum and gamelan
as dependent upon the occasion of their use. The practice
had grown up in the early days of Islam in the Archipelago of
using both of these musical instruments to attract the Indone-
sians to Islam, and it became the common practice at many
mosques throughout Indonesia to use them for the call to wor-
ship.1*1* Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz stated that this particular prac-
tice was an innovation in religious matters and maintained in a
fatwa that drums might not be used to call people to worship,
40.	For a description of wayang plays see Mantle Hood, "The
Enduring Tradition: Music and Theater in Java and Bali" in
Ruth McVey, ed., Indonesia (New Haven: Human Relations
Area Files Press, 1963), pp. 438-471. For additional com-
ments see also van der Kroef, Indonesia in the Modern
World, II, pp. 162-181.	—
41.	Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, "Main dan Lihat Toneel," Sual-Djawab,
No. 1, pp . 27-28 .
42.	Ahmad Hassan, "Tonel," Pembela Islam, No. 60 (April 1933),
p. 33.
43.	See, for example, Ahmad Hassan's preference for plays and
movies, as stated by Widjaya, "Biografia--A. Hassan,"
Hudjdjatul Islam, I, No. 1 (August 1956), p. 41.
44.
Landon, Southeast Asia, p. 149.82
since the Prophet had rejected all means except the adhan. **5
Abdulkadir Hassan saw no objection to the use of drums or the
gamelan at other festivities connected with religious ceremonies
such as at a wedding, and stated that the criteria for its
permissibility was tied in with the appropriateness of the music
itself. He stated that if the music was suggestive, or appealed
to the lower emotions, it was wrong, but if it was wholesome
there was no objection to its use from a religious standpoint.1*6
Finally, there were several other customs found among the
Indonesians that the Persatuan Islam viewed as incompatible with
Islam. The practice of men wearing gold and silver ornaments,
quite popular on Java, was judged by Ahmad Hassan as wrong be-
cause, according to a hadtth, the Prophet had not allowed it.1*7
He pointed out, however, that for the most part there were no
restrictions on the clothing worn by a Muslim, that there was
no dress peculiar to a Muslim and that except for the minor re-
striction on gold in clothing, Muslims had the greatest latitude
in wearing apparel. On the same basis, i.e., restriction by
hadtth, the Persatuan Islam also rejected the Indonesian custom
of women thinning their eyebrows and filing their front teeth,
both practices common throughout the Archipelago as a means to
enhance feminine beauty.1*8
These particular customs were representative of the prob-
lems that Muslims faced in Indonesia in implementing their reli-
gion, i.e., replacing those customs that were objectionable to
Islam, and realigning the loyalty of Indonesians from their own
lddat system to that of Islam and the Shart^ah. Ahmad Hassan,
as we have already stated in the chapter concerning his reli-
gious belief, believed that the Shavl(ah was not meant to
totally displace ladat--and in several fatwas on the legality
of specific iadat customs he restated his belief that much of
45.	Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, "Tokok dan Beduk," Sual-Djawab, No. 5,
p. 28.
46.	Abdulkadir Hassan, "Gendang di Perkahwinan," Sual-Djawab,
No. 14, pp. 79-80.
47.	Ahmad Hassan, "Laki-laki pakai emas," Pembela Islam, No.
56 (December 1932), pp. 39-40. In another fatwa, Ahmad
Hassan stated that there is a dispute among iulamd) on
whether wearing gold and silver ornaments is forbidden
(haram) or merely reprehensible (makruh). Ahmad Hassan,
"Memakai mas," Sual-Djawab, No. 6, p. 8; see also Landon,
Southeast Asia, p. 153.	^
48.	Ahmad Hassan, "Menghaluskan kening, merenggangkan gigi,"
Sual-Dj awab, No. 11, pp. 5-6.
f83
(adat law could stand alongside the Shari (ah. It was appar-
ent, however, by the large number of objections he had to (adat
--slametans, wayang theater, dukuns and wearing ornaments--that
Ahmad Hassan believed that (adat would be acceptable only in a
thoroughly altered form and totally subservient to the Shari (ah.
In the final analysis, it seems that the Persatuan Islam's view-
point on this matter was not really greatly different from the
attitude of the Middle East * iulama) who allowed (urf a signifi-
cant place in law, but also claimed to reject that portion of
custom it found in conflict with the revealed law of God.
49. See for example, Ahmad Hassan, "Tanda Perawan," Sual-Djawab,
No. 13, p. 72, for a specific instance of approval of
ladat; and Ahmad Hassan, "Kulit ular," Sual-Dj awab, No. 2,
pp. 4-8 for his general comments on (adat.CHAPTER VI
RELIGION AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
The Nationalist Movements
It is not the purpose of this essay to relate the history
of the nationalist movement in Indonesia, for our concern is
limited to the period from about 1928 to 1941 when Persis mem-
bers participated in the nationalist movement. Studies of that
movement and the intricate relationships between various fac-
tions can be found in a number of monographs in English, Dutch
and Indonesian.1 In general, there were three streams of polit-
ical thought among the nationalists of Indonesia:	the Muslims
following Tjokroaminoto and the Sarekat Islam, the secularists
led by Sukarno, and the Communists led by Semaun, Tan Malaka
and Alimin.
The Sarekat Islam,2 founded in 1912 by Muslim merchants
for economic and social purposes, was the first Indonesian mass
political movement, and it dominated the nationalist scene for
over fifteen years. It initially followed a policy of coopera-
tion with the Dutch, but dissatisfaction with the limited role
the Dutch allowed Indonesians in the governing process led to
the adoption of a policy of non-cooperation and strikes in the
1.	The best of the Indonesian studies is L. M. Sitorus,
Sedjarah Pergerakan Kebangsaan Indonesia. A fine Dutch
study for the early period is J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, De
Nationalistische Beweging in Nederlandsch Indie. The events
between 1930 and 1942 are analyzed in J. M. Pluvier, Over-
zicht van de ontwikkeling der Nationalistische Beweging in
Indonesie in de Jaren 1950 tot 1942 (.The Hague and Bandung:
W. van Hoeve, 1953) . The best study in English is George
M. Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia (Ithaca:
Cornell University, 1952) .
2.	There are numerous writings on the Sarekat Islam. In addi-
tion to the standard works on Indonesian nationalism, see
Jaylani, "The Sarekat Islam"; C. C. Berg, "Sareket Islam,"
Encyclopedia of Islam; Fred R. von der Mehden, Religion and
Nationalism in Southeast Asia; Kepartaian dan ParlementarTa
Indonesia, pp . 335 - 386 ; and Amelz , FT! S~! Tj okroaminoto ,
2 vo 1 s .
8485
early 1920’s. After 1917, however, much of the Sarekat Islam's
effectiveness was dissipated in a struggle for control of the
organization between extremists, who wanted to foment revolu-
tion and adopt Marxist doctrines, and Muslim moderates, who
wanted Muslim principles to prevail. In 1921, the more reli-
gious members succeeded in expelling the Communists and extrem-
ists from the Sarekat Islam, but in doing this so disoriented
the organization that it was unable to quell factionalism among
its remaining members or agree on a dynamic program capable of
retaining popular support. Nevertheless, until the beginning
of the Second World War the Muslims, organized in several par-
ties as a result of schisms in the Sarekat Islam, remained a
considerable force in the nationalist movement.
Nationalism based on secularism--as opposed to Muslim
nationalism--received its impetus from students sent to the
Netherlands to study by the Dutch Colonial Administration.3 4
These students were impressed with the West’s technical progress
its ideals of personal liberty and by socialist concepts of
economic justice then under considerable discussion in European
schools. Having only a superficial religious training for the
most part, these students tended to view religion--specifically
Islam--as tied to the past, incapable of providing answers to
modern problems, and at least partly responsible for Indonesia's
300 year position as a colony. They came to believe that the
best way to achieve independence and build a strong Indonesian
state was to follow the secular trend of the West and confine
religion to the areas of individual belief and worship. The
secular governments established in Persia, Egypt and Turkey,
which seemed dynamic and promising in their beginnings, rein-
forced the viewpoint of these Indonesian students. In Indone-
sia, these returning students gravitated towards groups, like
the Budi Utomo and Soetomo's study clubs, that stressed Javanese
values rather than Muslim principles.1* Sukarno, an exponent of
the Javanese - secularist approach, believed that political coop-
eration between secularists and Muslims was essential for attain
ing independence, and in 1931, established the PPPKI (Permoefa-
katan Perhimpunan2 Politik Kebangsaan Indonesia--Consultation
of National Political Organizations in Indonesia) as a united
front containing both factions. The experiment failed after
3. The students club was founded in 1913 as a social organiza-
tion with the name Indische Vereiniging (Indies Association)
In 1922 it adopted a political program and changed its name
to Perhimpunan Indonesia (Indonesian Association). It pub-
lished a periodical called Hindia Putra (Young Indies),
later titled Indonesia Merdeka (Free Indonesia). Sitorus,
Pergerakan Kebangsaan Indonesia, pp. 34-39.
4. For an outline of nationalist efforts with a Javanese bent
see Vlekke, Nusantara, pp. 380-^383.86
only a few years because Muslim ideals and religious practices
clashed sharply with the secularity philosophy and actions,
which led to mutual recriminations from the very beginning.5
While limited cooperation between the two factions continued on
an ad hoc basis throughout the colonial period, a debate on
what principles should properly underlie the nationalist move-
ment was carried on between the Muslims and the secular nation-
alists .
The third trend of Indonesian political thought and action
was Communism, which tied itself to the Sarekat Islam movement
until 1921 and then, until 1926, worked through the trade union
movement. Its efforts to promote revolution through a series
of nation wide strikes proved unsuccessful in 1927, and Dutch
security measures forced the party underground. With its
leadership either in prison or in exile, the Communists played
only a slight role in the nationalist movement from 1927 to
1942.6
Persatuan Islam Views Regarding Nationalism
In its 1931 report, the Dutch East Indies Administration
stated that the Persatuan Islam was not a political organiza-
tion, but that many of its members were active politically and
could be found in both the two major parties existing at that
time, the Sarekat Islam and the Nationalist Party.7 While not
a political organization, the Persatuan Islam did advocate a
specific political viewpoint, and in the decade of the 1930's,
this viewpoint brought it into conflict not only with the secu-
larists, as might have been expected, but with the Sarekat
Islam as well.
The Persatuan Islam was committed to the Muslim nationalist
viewpoint, and throughout the 1930's, Pembela Islam and Al-Lisan
published numerous articles supporting that viewpoint and con-
demning those of the secularists. The editorial line, expressed
5.	J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, "De Nationalistische Beweging in
Nederlandsch Indie," Encyclopaedic van Nederlandsch Oost-
Indie.
6.	In addition to the general works on nationalism which cover
the early Communist movement, see also Harry Benda and Ruth
McVey, The Communist Uprisings of 1926-1927 in Indonesia
(Ithacal Cornell, 1960) ;	Aidit, Entstehung und Ent-
wicklung der Kommunistischen Partai Indonesiens (Berlin:
Dietz, 1956).
"Mohammedaansche Eeredienst," Indische Verslag (1931), p.
311.
7.87
primarily in the articles of Sabirin, Natsir and Fachroeddin
al-Kahiri, followed the viewpoint prevalent in the Sarekat Islam
faction led by Hadji Agus Salim and Abdoel Muis which accentu-
ated the religious content of politics and stressed the import-
ance of cooperation among all Muslims of the Middle East and
Asia, i.e., Panislamism. In these articles, the secularists
were attacked for insisting on law other than the Shari <ah and
for limiting the independence movement to Indonesia and not
seeking the independence of all Muslim peoples under colonial
rule. In short, succinct and penetrating articles entitled
"Merdeka buat apa?" (Freedom for what?), "Kebangsaan djangan di
bawa-bawa" (Nationalism should not be involved), and similar
titles, Pembela Islam attacked the nationalists on these two
counts. Fachroeddin al-Kahiri's article appearing in Pembela
Islam in 1933 summed up their attitude very well.
So long as the Muslims of Indonesia consider Indone-
sian freedom as more important than the freedom of all
Muslims, consider politics as more important than worship,
. . . exchange obedience to the kijai for obedience to the
leader, . . . consider emotions more important than exami-
nation of substance, . . . and consider the enemies en-
dangering Indonesian freedom more important than the
enemies who endanger Islam, ... so long will Indonesian
freedom remain only a phrase on the lips.8
Response to Secularist Arguments
Secularists stated that Islam could not be the basis for a
united nationalist movement since Christians, Hindus, Buddhists
and even animists were also involved and would not support a
movement intended to favor Islam and place themselves in a sub-
servient position. Secularism, stated the secularists, would
be a logical compromise since it did not favor any religious
group, yet allowed every person to follow his own religious
principles and obligations.9 The Muslims responded that ninety
percent of the Indonesian population was Muslim, and such an
overwhelming majority should determine the basic principles and
direction of the nationalist movement. "Is it fitting," queried
Ahmad Hassan in Islam dan Kebangsaan, "that we blot out the
8.	Fachroeddin al-Kahiri, "Selama Moeslimin Indonesia . . . ,"
Pembela Islam, No. 59 (March 1933), p. 25.
9.	See, for example, Tamar Djaja, Pusaka Indonesia orang-orang
Tanah Air (Bandung: G. Kolff, 1951), pp. 161-162; Sukarno,
"Mendjadi Pembantu Pemandangan," in Dibawah Bendera Revo-
lusi, Goenadi and Mualliff Nasution, eds. (Djakarta: Panitya
Penerbit Dibawah Bendera Revolusi, 1963), pp. 507-513 .88
importance of the 90% majority because of the 10% minority?
Would such a settlement be fair?" Moreover, continued the Mus-
lim argument, the adoption of Islamic principles by the nation-
alist movement was not incompatible with the inclusion of mem-
bers of other religions whose rights would be respected by
Islam. "Like it or not," stated Ahmad Hassan, "a Muslim must
always employ Islam in all places and in all things. ... As
for other groups this is not true. Their religion does not
forbid them to follow any particular basis. Whoever does so,
does it from personal preference, which can be changed."10
Muslims pointed out that in a Muslim-oriented movement members
of other religions would be protected and given certain rights
--a guarantee other religions, particularly the Christians,
viewed with suspicion and outright hostility, believing that
Muslim guarantees would relegate them to second class member-
ship with little voice in the policy of the movement.
The Muslims attacked the secularist argument that secular-
ism would be acceptable to all groups by stating that Islam
placed an obligation on every Muslim to place Islamic principles
in effect in the state and society. Muslim writers noted that
Islam contained not only rules concerning actual worship, but
included rules regulating political, social and economic life
as well that would be unable to function through secular law.
The Persatuan Islam explained this in terms of its concept of
interrelated legal systems and charged that secular concepts
were really an attempt to displace the sacred law of the
Shari <ah with wa4 ll or created law.11
The content of nationalism was a major subject of debate
between secularists and Muslims in the late 1920’s and early
1930's. In the period between 1912 and 1926, the Sarekat Islam
had dominated the political scene in Indonesia, and Islam was
consequently recognized as a chief ingredient of nationalism.
With the stagnation of the movement in the late 1920's and the
rise of new leaders like Sukarno, Hatta and Soetomo, a new mean-
ing was given to nationalism, one not wholly acceptable to Mus-
lims. These leaders saw the Muslim concept of nationalism as
incapable of mobilizing enough support to drive out the Dutch
despite fifteen years of effort. At the same time, they saw
that particularist feeling had grown among certain ethnic groups
to a point where it might fragment Indonesian unity. Those
leaders, and particularly Sukarno, attempted to synthesize a
national culture that would appeal to all Indonesian groups re-
gardless of religious belief or ethnic association. This new
Indonesian culture extolled the glories of the empires of
Srivijaya and Madjapahit and pictured them as having formed an
Indonesian nation with a distinctive Indonesian culture. In
10. Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, pp. 41, 49.
11. See above pp. 42-43.89
this concept, nationalism was presented as the movement which
was to usher in a new Indonesia reflecting the glories of those
past empires.12
Many Muslims never really saw Sukarno's synthesis between
secularism and Old Java as representing a culture acceptable to
all Indonesians. They labeled the concept "Javanism" and re-
garded it as another of the many ethnic and regional movements
calling itself nationalism.13 Moehammad Natsir, writing in
Pembela Islam, stated that without Islam, there was no Indone-
sian nationalism since Islam had "first planted the seeds of
Indonesian unity, removed the attitudes of isolation of various
islands .	.	. and planted the seeds of brotherhood with [Muslims]
outside Indonesia." He stated that nationalism advocated by
the secularists broke down on ethnic lines (suku bangsa) and
that only Islam had an appeal to "hundreds of thousands of
people" throughout the whole of Indonesia.11*
There were also differences between the secularists and
the Muslims concerning the limits of the nationalist struggle.
During the heyday of the Sarekat Islam, Tjokroaminoto argued
for Muslim endeavor confined to Indonesia. There was a faction,
however, led by Hadji Agus Salim, that saw the Indonesian
struggle for independence as only one part of a gigantic effort
by Muslims throughout Asia and the Near East to drive out Euro-
pean rule. After its 1921 decision to rid the party of Commu-
nists and the consequent loss of a large part of its membership
while enforcing party discipline, the Sarekat Islam seized upon
panislamic feeling to mobilize Muslim support for the party.
The Sarekat Islam sponsored ten Al-Islam congresses and the
short-lived MAIHS (Islamic World Council--East Indies Branch)
to promote Muslim political efforts in Indonesia and abroad.
These congresses passed resolutions on Palestine and the caliph-
ate question, but primary emphasis continued to be on national
issues and Indonesian Muslim problems.15 The secularists, par-
ticularly after Sukarno gained control, viewed the Indonesian
struggle as limited to Indonesia and solely dependent on
12.	Reflections of this appear in Sukarno's speeches before
the war. This conception was probably best developed after
Indonesian independence by Moehammad Yamin. See D. G. E.
Hall, Historians of Southeast Asia (London: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1961), pp. 148-149.
13.	Moehammad Natsir, "Kebangsaan Moeslimin," Pembela Islam,
No. 42 (January 1932), pp. 2-3.
14.	Moehammad Natsir, "Meninggalkan tahun 1931, menudju tahun
1932," Pembela Islam, No. 39 (December 1931), p. 2.
15.	Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia,
p.	161.90
Indonesian resources and efforts. The secular nationalists
stated their sympathy with other movements to gain independence,
but maintained that freedom could best be achieved on a national
basis, with every people seeking to gain independence in their
own land. In a speech in 1928 just after he had gained control
of the Nationalist Party, Sukarno confirmed this position by
stating that Indonesian national aspirations could only be
achieved through Indonesian efforts and that Indonesians could
not rely on help coming either from the panislamism of the Mus-
lim world or from the international Communist movement in
Moscow.16
The Persatuan Islam supported the panislamic position in
its propaganda and rejected nationalism as advanced by the
Sukarno group for placing national goals ahead of religion and
creating "artificial" national boundaries that would perpetuate
divisions in the Muslim community. The organization's viewpoint
was well expressed in a Pembela Islam editorial in 1931 which
stated that "Islam does not, properly speaking, contain nation-
alism, or that which leads to a consideration of national im-
portance alone . . . separated from moral law and humanity."17
In Islam dan Kebangsaan, Ahmad Hassan explained that there was
no religious prohibition against loving one's country, and he
generally recognized that the national state was the practical
political organization for the current age. He stated, however,
that it was the first duty of all Muslims to form a single com-
munity (ummah) patterned after the ummah organized by Muhammad.
He cited several sahth hadtth that condemn a narrow partisan-
ship18 that promotes the interests of a small group or tribe at
the expense of the Muslim community as a whole, and concluded
16.	Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia, p. 91.
17.	"Kebangsaan," consisting of an undated letter from a PSI-er
(Partai Sarekat Islam) and a response by the Pembela Islam's
editors. Pembela Islam, No. 29 (July 1931), pp. 2-6.
18.	The word "partisanship" is used here to denote the Arabic
term (asabtyah referred to in a number of hadtth, and
translated by Ahmad Hassan into Indonesian as "kebangsaan,"
that is, "nationalism." Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan,
pp. 21-25. Similar is another editorial in Pembela Islam
which stated that "a nationalist worker is prepared to
sacrifice his life, his mind, his wealth and his soul for
national freedom, because of mother Indonesia" while the
Muslim will make the same sacrifice "in the way of Allah
because of Allah.” "Bangsa [racial grouping] does not
exist in the Qur>an," the article concluded, "but the prin-
ciple of nationalism is rejected, forbidden, and cursed by
Islam." "Nasionalisme tiada bertentangan dengan Islam,"
Pembela Islam, No. 60 (April 9, 1933), pp. 3-4.91
that, on that basis, Muslim political efforts were not to be
limited by national boundaries but were to be undertaken in
such a way as to benefit Muslims everywhere.19 So convinced
were the members of the Persatuan Islam of the validity of this
stand that they held firm to it long after many other politi-
cally active Muslim groups adopted policies less antagonistic
toward the secularists.20 It was only in 1945 that the Persa-
tuan Islam put aside its differences for the sake of national
unity, and then agreed to only a temporary truce.
The differences between the secularists and Muslims con-
cerning the limits of nationalistic endeavor eventually centered,
in the early 1930's, about the problem of the hajj. Dr. Soetomo,
an advocate of Javanese culture as the basis of Indonesian
nationalism, stated that the Kalabah was an idol of the Arabs
and that Digul prison camp, where nationalist leaders had been
interned, was better than Makkah. He maintained that people
"went to Digul" out of conviction while Muslims went to Makkah
only because of a religious obligation.21 This charge reflected
general secularist thinking about many of the obligations Islam
imposed on its followers, and particularly the hajj, which drew
attention away from nationalist efforts, was viewed as a mean-
ingless ritual connected with another country and of consider-
ably less importance than contemporary Indonesian political
endeavors. Consequently, secularist leaders' arguments stressed
that the hajj was really only an Arab device designed to in-
crease their own wealth at the expense of the non-Arab Muslims.22
The Muslims considered such statements as an effort to de-
grade and ridicule a basic tenet of their religion, and numerous
protests were made by Muslim organizations and personalities
denouncing the nationalist allegations. In Islam dan Kebangsaan,
Ahmad Hassan warned Muslims to be aware of professions by the
nationalists which tended to emphasize things Indonesian and to
treat basic practices of Islam as "Arabism" which could be
easily and safely dismissed.23
19.	Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, pp. 45-46.
20.	The short article on Ahmad Hassan in Ensiklopedia Indonesia
cites only his opposition to secular nationalism. See also
Tamar Djaja, Pusaka Indonesia orang-orang besar Tanah Air,
p. 162.
21.	Ibid., p. 161.
22.	Moehammad Natsir, "Hadji, zakat, fithrah, riba, kawin-
tjerai, d.1.1.," Pembela Islam, No. 26 (May 1931), pp. 8-9.
23. Ahmad Hassan's uncompromising stand on this issue, and his
refusal to drop the subject as a topic of debate at a time
Muslims and secularists were looking for a basis of unity,I
92
Believers should mark anyone who speaks of Digul as
being better than Makkah! Anyone who orders the moving
of the qiblah to Demak! Anyone who abuses the Prophet
Muhammad and refers to him as the old fellow of the
people of Shahwah! Anyone who holds the law of polygamy
revealed by God as wrong . . . ! Watch out!21*
On another tack, Moehammad Natsir attempted to answer the
charge that the hajj represented a perennial loss of income to
Indonesia that could not be afforded in economic and political
terms comprehensible to the secularists. Natsir accused his
opponents of following Western theories of mercantilism with
their stress on goods and balance of payments, and claimed that
a nation's economic wealth was really measured in both "visible
and invisible assets." The hajj, he stated, was an example of
"invisible assets" and as such had tremendous value, particu-
larly in the villages where the enlightened hadji worked dili-
gently and without fanfare for religious goals after his return
from Makkah. Natsir maintained that the Colonial Administration
always feared the hajj, even as it feared the "spectre of Pan-
Islamism and the development of an Islamic spirit." He stated
that Snouck Hurgronje's recommendations were evidence of this,
for while Hurgronje had recommended continuation of the hajj,
he also urged the obstruction of the hajj's influence by"initi-
ating widespread Western education. Natsir accused the nation-
alists of having fallen into the trap, and of obstructing the
hajj through a "new-type blind imitation" of Western books.
Western-style education within Indonesia "devours several mil-
lion rupiah every year" which is lost to the Dutch. Moreover,
he charged, if one talks about loss of money due to the hajj,
one should also consider the cost of maintaining a student in a
Western country. Natsir maintained that the real exploitation
in the hajj was not by the Arabs, who were fellow Muslims and
opposed to colonialism, but by the Dutch, who made profit out
of transporting pilgrims. The answer to this problem, explained
Natsir, was not to abolish the hajj but to establish a Muslim-
controlled body to administer pilgrim affairs, including trans-
portation, so that they might reduce the costs and prevent the
Europeans from profiting from a religious activity.25
was viewed by many on both sides as detrimental to the
struggle for national freedom.
24.	Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, pp. 16-17.
25.	Natsir, "Hadji, zakat, fithrah, riba, kawin-tjerai, d.1.1.,"
Pembela Islam, No. 26 (May 1931), pp. 9-12. He specifical-
ly mentioned the plans of the Muhammadijah to form a Badan
Penolong Hadji (Hadji's Aid Society). For more on this
enterprise, see (Ali, "The Muhammadijah Movement," pp. 58,
81; D. van der Meulen, "The Mecca Pilgrimage and its im-
portance to the Netherlands East Indies," The Asiatic
Review, XXXVI (July 1940), pp. 588-597.93
Another point of friction in the Indonesian nationalist
movement in the 1930's was the secularist view of Islam as a
moribund religion--retrospective of departed glories, unconcerned
with, and hence incapable of, providing answers to modern ques-
tions. "Kijahis," lamented Sukarno in his correspondence with
Ahmad Hassan, "often have no feeling for or touch with history,"
and confuse the past with the present. The secularists argued
that the Muslim past could not be recaptured, and that a new
culture was needed to take its own place in history. "Society,"
stated Sukarno, "asks to be developed, to the forefront, onward,
upward, to 'the future,' and cannot ever be called upon to
'return'!" The nationalists cited the cases of Egypt, Persia,
Iraq, and especially Turkey, as examples of nations with pre-
dominantly Muslim populations that had found it necessary to
separate "church" from "state" in order to ensure progress and
in order to move their nations into contact and harmony with
the modern world.26
The Muslims countercharged that secular nationalists knew
very little about Islam, certainly did not understand it, and
were really imitating the separation of church and state as
practiced in Europe. Kaum muda Muslims stated that the spirit
and content of the Qur> an was as suited to contemporary life as
to the life of Makkah and Madinah in the seventh century.27
Agus Salim was able to undercut the Communist position at the
1921 Congress of the Sarekat Islam by stating that Marxism had
no monopoly on socialism and that socialism was justified in
the Qur*an and had even been practiced by Muhammad.28 In a
like manner, Ahmad Hassan argued ten years later that democracy
was supported by the Qur>an and had been practiced at the time
of the Prophet. He stated that with laws revealed to the
Prophet, Muslims had established a "government without equal in
performance or in length of time."29 He also declared that the
principles of Islam, and the laws it prescribed would still
function well and effectively in the modern period, for they
were adaptable to any time and place. The reason for the back-
wardness of many Muslim countries--and he specifically indicated
Turkey, Egypt and Persia, which had adopted secular legal sys-
tems and put aside religious law as antiquated--was caused by
the failure of Muslims in those countries to adapt religious
26.	Sukarno, "Surat-surat Islam dari Endeh," Dibawah Bendera
Revolusi, I, pp. 332, 334, 336.
27.	Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan Tjara Islam, pp. 1-2; Dj.,
"Penjakit ke-Baratan," Pembela Islam, No. 55 (December
1932), p. 8.
28.	Von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia,
pp. 62, 69.
29.
Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan Tjara Islam, pp. 2-3.94
laws and principles to the contemporary world. Ahmad Hassan
charged that secularist leaders, like Kemal Ataturk in Turkey
and Riva Pahlevi in Iran, regarded as progressive leaders by
the Indonesian secularists, were really ignorant of Islam and
afraid that Muslims would displace them in a properly-run
Islamic state.30
The separation of "church" and "state" was, therefore, an
important part of the polemic between the two groups throughout
the twenty years preceding the Second World War. The secular-
ists viewed Ataturk and Pahlevi as reformers who had eliminated
foreign influence and introduced modernism and progress in their
countries. They tended to ignore or minimize any actions of
these leaders which opposed religion, and they charged that
Muslims who complained of Ataturk and Pahlevi's harshness toward
religious leaders and disregard for Muslim custom were unappre-
ciative of their greatness. In his correspondence with Ahmad
Hassan, Sukarno chided the Muslims for that viewpoint.
Ignorance in religious matters was what forced Ibn
al-Su(ud to tear down the transmission towers of Radio
Madinah and it is ignorance that leads Muslims to mis-
understand many of the measures taken by Kemal Ataturk,
Riza Khan Pahlevi or Joseph Stalin.31
For his part, Ahmad Hassan cited what he regarded as short-
comings in secular Turkey and Persia and stated that the in-
feriority of those states was shown because "brandy, adultery,
gambling and other sins are widespread, even to the extent of
actually being permissible." Further proof of their inadequacy,
he stated, could clearly be seen in the numerous problems of
security which such states had and which the "kingdoms of
Afghanistan and Ibn Su(ud, which employ Islamic laws, do not
have."32
On this question of church and state, Moehammad Natsir
presented a more reasoned reply designed to undercut secularist
arguments. Natsir started from the assumption that a backward
state is backward because its leadership and population is not
progressive and that merely changing the form of government or
separating religious and secular functions would not guarantee
progress. "What must be separated out," he argued, "are evil,
sin, disobedience, disbelief, and greed that destroy the power
of the ummah, that lower morals and ethics, that close the gate
of earthly glory and the prosperity of the Hereafter." In its
30.	Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, p. 52.
31.	Sukarno, "Surat-surat Islam dari Endeh," Dibawah Bendera
Revolusi, I, pp. 336-337.
32.	Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, pp. 52-53.95
place, a relationship between the spirit of man with God, through
worship, should be established, and this would lead to a "pro-
gress that is true progress." He maintained that since life on
earth and life in the Hereafter are really identical in that
one leads into the other, the religious and secular should be
joined together, to ensure the fulfillment of the religious
obligations commanded by religion. Natsir concluded that in
such a context the action of Ataturk and Pahlevi was really a
step backward for the Muslim populations of their countries.33
While the Persatuan Islam attacked the nationalists with
many of the same arguments used by other Muslim groups, one
argument was peculiar to it alone. That argument attacked the
nationalists for raising the concept of nationalism above all
other values and charged that the adoption of a flag and national
anthem and the deference given to national heroes and dead lead-
ers of the movement was apt to take on a meaning rivaling reli-
gion and lead individuals to disbelief (shirk). Hadji Mahmoed
'Aziz stated that these symbols might soon be regarded as having
some special significance, and eventually come to be regarded
as serving as a mediary between God and man, even as saints and
holy men had been mistakenly regarded by Muslims in the past.3**
In Ahmad Hassan's view, there was a possibility that such prac-
tices could even create a situation similar to that existing
during the pre-Islamic period (Jahiliyah) when the Quraysh
honored idols--not to worship them--but in order that the idols
intercede with God on the worshippers' behalf.35 While there
33.	Moehammad Natsir (writing under the name A. Muchlis),
"Agama dan Negara" in Moehammad Isa Anshary, Falsafah Per-
djuangan Islam (Bandung: "Pasifik," 1949), p. 219. Natsir's
many writings on nationalism are worth reading for their
rational defense of Islam in this controversy. Several of
these articles are outlined in English in Noer, "The Mod-
ernist Muslim Movement," pp. 427-432.
34.	Hadji Mahmoed 'Aziz, "Memberi salam kepada bendera dan
mentjium batu," Sual-Djawab, No. 1, p. 35; see also Ahmad
Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, pp. 58-61. "First they build
statues commemorating people, then the statues become places
of respect, later they become places for paying homage, and
not long after there are those who believe [the statues] to
be God.
"When the flag was originally created ... it was
used in warfare as a symbol where various people or nations
united. .	. . Gradually the flag acquired a fervent salute,
as if it was an actual person, or a very prominent person.
It is not impossible that in a short time homage will be
given to the flag, and, [eventually], . . . veneration,
reverence, and then regarded as God Himself."
35.	Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, p. 44.96
is no record of any nationalist reply to this charge, they pre-
sumably stressed that religion should be limited to its cere-
monial aspects and that the Persatuan Islam's charge was not in
line with contemporary thought. In any event, the nationalists
used all three--the song, the flag, and the honoring of dead
leaders--as emotional rallying devices. These were particularly
effective after independence was declared in 1945.
View Toward Participation in Politics
There is evidence that members of the Persatuan Islam be-
longed to the Nationalist Party and that even those in the
Sarekat Islam were in favor of united efforts with the national-
ists in the period from 1928 to 1933. However, the development
of polemic between the Muslims and the nationalists toward the
end of that period, and particularly the heated discussions
concerning the hajj and polygamy, appear to have set the Persa-
tuan Islam firmly against the nationalists. The movement chided
such Muslim organizations as the Persatoean Moeslimoen Indonesia
(PMI-- Indonesian Muslim Union) which based its organization on
"Islam and nationalism" and entered into limited cooperation
with the nationalists.36
In Islam dan Kebangsaan, Ahmad Hassan stated that it was
inconceivable that Muslims would cooperate with the national-
ists, since the nationalists were unwilling to allow the Muslims
freedom to carry out their religious obligations to their full-
est extent. He warned Muslims to be on guard against secularist
leaders who asked for cooperation but were really insincere in
their approach. Beware of them "who only profess the role of a
Muslim when meeting believers, but who, after departing, tighten
their lips out of hatred for us because we do not favor their
principles of nationalism." Beware of the hypocrite, he con-
tinued, for "if they are able to succeed in the struggle, cer-
tainly they will suppress us as much as possible!" He also
stated that since the secularists actively threatened religion,
it was the duty of every Muslim to enter the political arena
and help defend Islam. That could best be accomplished, he
maintained, by Muslim participation only in Muslim organiza-
tions, and by the unification of all Muslim movements in a
united front.37
36. Djaja, Pusaka Indonesia, p. 162; see also J. Th. Petrus
Blumberger, "Persatoean Moeslimin Indonesia (PMI)," Ency-
clopaedie van Nederlandsch Post-Indie, VII.
37. Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, pp. 15, 19.97
The Persis Quarrel with the Sarekat Islam
Persis members may have advocated Muslim unity, but their
strong insistence on the reform of religious matters according
to the Persis way of thinking was viewed by many Muslim leaders
as detrimental to Muslim unity. Persis' concern with what con-
stituted proper religious behavior and Persis' insistence that
other groups accept their standpoint on such issues as taqltd,
talqln and ntyah were carried over into the Muslim political
movement by Persis members. The Persatuan Islam explained that
the decline of Islam's political power had been caused by Muslim
neglect of religious principles and the weakening of those prin-
ciples by innovation. Only by reestablishing these principles
in their unaltered form could Islam regain its strength. Persis
members believed that to this end, it was necessary that open
discussion be allowed in Muslim political groups so that bid<ah
could be revealed for what it was.38 This stress on airing
differences of opinion conflicted sharply with the view of
Tjokroaminoto who believed that differences between various
Muslim groups, including differences between kaum muda and kaum
tua, should be minimized because such differences created dis-
unity, weakened Muslim political strength, and detracted from
efforts against the external threat to Islam.39
Persatuan Islam members belonged, in the large part, to
the Sarekat Islam, and the Sarekat Islam in the Bandung area
was heavily financed by the Persatuan Islam.1*0 In early 1932,
however, a dispute emerged in the Bandung Sarekat Islam, between
the members belonging to the Persatuan Islam and its supporters
on one side and the followers of Tjokroaminoto's unity view on
the other, over the question of differences in religious belief.1*1
By June 1932, the dispute had become sufficiently serious to
threaten unity and weaken the leadership, and the Tjokroaminoto
group in the Bandung organization conducted a "clearing away,"
expelling a number of members who adhered to the Persis view-
38.	M. S., "Selamat Hari Raja," Pembela Islam, No. 41 (January
1932), p. 35; Moehammad Natsir, "Keadaan Oedara Moesim
Sekarang," Pembela Islam, No. 47 (June 1932), pp. I-IX.
39.	Amelz, H. 0. S. Tjokroaminoto, p. 49.
40.	Noer, "The Modernist Muslim Movement," p. 390.
41.	For the arguments on each side in this dispute see Boekoe
Verslag Openbaar Debat antara PSII dan Kaoem Furu (Public
record of the debate between the Partai Sarekat Islam
Indonesia and the adherents of furu() (Bandung: Persatoean
Islam, 1932).98
point.1*2 Several members of the Persatuan Islam, including
Ahmad Hassan, Moehammad Natsir and Hadji Zamzam, were purged
even though they had made no personal attacks on any Sarekat
Islam leaders.1*3 Several other Persis members, including
Sabirin, were not purged and continued to hold membership in
both the Persatuan Islam and in the Sarekat Islam.
Despite this rebuff from the leading Muslim political
organization of the day, the Persatuan Islam did not depart
from its viewpoint that Muslim political unity was incumbent on
all Muslims. In the MIAI (Madjelis Islam A'la Indonesia--High
Islamic Council of Indonesia), established in 1937 as a federa-
tion of all Indonesian Muslim organizations, the Persatuan Islam
was a prominent member and took part in its religious and polit-
ical activity until it was dissolved by the Japanese in 1942.k4
The Dutch analysis that the Persatuan Islam was not a
political organization was not quite correct. The organization
was not constituted for direct political activity, but its reli-
gious viewpoint (perhaps because it was an Islamic one) was so
concerned with certain aspects of political behavior that its
leaders found it necessary, and desirable, to take a political
stand, to participate in politics themselves and to encourage
its members--and indeed all Muslims--to participate as well.
42.	Noer, "The Modernist Muslim Movement," p. 391; Natsir,
"Keadaan Oedara Moesim Sekarang," Pembela Islam, No. 47
(June 1932) , p. II.
43.	Noer, "The Modernist Muslim Movement," p. 390.
44.	Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, pp. 115-119; Aboe-
bakar Atjeh, K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim, pp. 311-319; Willard
Galbraith, "Native Socio-Political Problems of the Nether-
lands Indies," Basic Report from the American Consulate
General in Batavia, Java, March 10, 1941, pp. 41-42.CHAPTER VII
POLEMIC AGAINST THE AHMADIYAH QADIYAN
AND CHRISTIANITY
The appearance o£ the Ahmadiyah Qadiyan and the intensifi-
cation of Christian missionary activity in Indonesia between
the two world wars caused considerable concern among Indonesian
Muslims. Muslims in both the modernist and traditionalist fac-
tions saw these two religious trends as threats to the position
of Islam in Indonesia and they consequently issued considerable
propaganda, polemic and apologetic to check the activities of
the two threatening groups. The problems posed by the Ahmadiyah
Qadiyan and by Christian mission activity were entirely separate
matters--and regarded as such by Indonesian Muslims--yet they
had similarities in that each came from outside the archipelago,
and each disputed the Muslim belief in prophecy, with attendant
consequences on other religious beliefs as well.
The Persatuan Islam took part in the activity against these
two groups, and through its periodicals and in debate with the
Ahmadiyah and Christian groups, undertook what it believed to
be defense of correct faith. Its arguments were again repre-
sentative of the wider modernist Muslim viewpoint and are worth
reviewing for that purpose.
The Ahmadiyah Qadiyan
The Ahmadiyah Qadiyan,1 who held that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad
was a Muslim prophet, first began its efforts to proselytize
1. Actually there are two groups of the Ahmadiyah who differ on
their interpretations of Ghulam Ahmad's claim. The Qadiyan
branch, which is of interest to this paper, maintained that
their founder was a prophet, while the Lahore branch claimed
that he was only a mujaddid (reformer). For further infor-
mation on both these groups' activities in Indonesia see,
J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, "Ahmadyah," Encyclopaedia van
Nederlandsch Post-Indie; "Djema'at Ahmadijah" in Republik
Indonesia: Propinsi Djawa Timur (Djakarta: Kementerian Pene-
rangan, 1953), pp. 8U5-806; C. F. Pijper, "De Ahmadijah in
Indonesie" in Ringkisan Eudi (Leiden: A. W. Sijthhoff, 1950),
pp. 247-254. For a summary of Ahmadiyah beliefs see Wilfred
99100
Indonesians in 1925 when several Indonesian students returned
from the organization's school in the Panjab where they had
studied Ahmadiyah doctrine and been converted to its belief.
These students were accompanied by Rahmat (Ali, representative
of the movement from India, who undertook vigorous missionary
activity with the aid of the returned students. Initially their
activity was limited to Sumatra, particularly the Minangkabau
area, where they aroused the opposition of the Muslim (uZama>
of the region and gained a small number of converts to their
belief. The initial response to Ahmadiyah efforts was quite
disorganized, and the original counterarguments to Ahmadiyah
contentions were generally weak and ineffective. As * they became
familiar with Ahmadiyah arguments and manner of approach, how-
ever, the lulama) of West Sumatra developed arguments that
proved effective in countering Rahmat (Ali's propaganda, and
probably greatly checked the rate of conversion of Muslims to
the new sect.2
In 1925, Rahmat (A11 widened the area of his campaign to
include Java, and, in the ensuing years, issued religious propa-
ganda and debated religious belief with several Muslim groups,
including the Persatuan Islam. In his debates with the
Ahmadiyah Qadiyan, Ahmad Hassan apparently drew on the arguments
already formulated by the West Sumatran iulama) but appears
also to have developed several additional arguments of his own.
The most complete record of Ahmad Hassan's argument against
Ahmadiyah belief appears in the minutes of his two debates with
Rahmat (A1I in 1933 and 1934, which were subsequently published
in pamphlet form.3 4 In several later works, Ahmad Hassan also
included a refutation of specific Ahmadiyah beliefs. In An-
Nubuwwah, for example, he specifically attacked the belief that
Ghulam Ahmad was a prophet, ** and his objections to Qadiyan! be-
lief concerning (!sa were succinctly outlined in a fatwa en-
titled "Prophets who are still living."5
In many respects, the religious viewpoint of the Ahmadiyah
Qadiyan was not very different from that of the modernist Mus-
lims, for it also called for the removal of non-Islamic prac-
tices and beliefs from Islam and was against many of the
Cantwell Smith, "Ahmadiyya," Encyclopedia of Islam (New
Edition).
2.	Hamka, Ajahku, pp. 109-113; "Djema'at Ahmadijah," Republik
Indonesia: Propinsi Djawa Timur, pp. 805-806.
3.	Hamka, Aj ahku, pp. 112-113.
4.	Ahmad Hassan, An-Nubuwwah, p. 11.
5.	Ahmad Hassan, "Nabi jang masih hidup," Sual-Djawab, No. 12,
pp. 80-86.101
practices of traditionalist Muslims. On two specific points,
however, i.e., the death of the Prophet (!sa, and the claim of
the Ahmadiyah founder Mirza Ghulam Ahmad to be a prophet, there
was a total divergence of belief, and the emphasis placed on
these differences caused considerable animosity between the
Ahmadl and Sunni Muslims.
•
Ghulam Ahmad's claim to prophethood rested on Ahmadiyah
interpretation of al-Ahzab (The Clans), 33:41 which stated that
Muhammad was the seal of the prophets.6 They disputed Sunni
Muslim belief that this verse indicated that Muhammad was the
last prophet and claimed that the verse only indicated that
Muhammad was the last prophet who would bring divine law to
mankind. The Ahmadiyah claimed that other prophets not bringing
a law could appear, and that Ghulam Ahmad was such a prophet.
They stated that Ghulam Ahmad had only appeared in order to
reform religion but that the Shari <ah introduced by Muljammad
was still sufficient for mankind.7
Ahmad Hassan refuted this contention by stating that the
indicated ayah had been misinterpreted by the Ahmadiyah Qadiyan,
that it did not differentiate between types of prophets, but
indicated only that Mubammad was the last of the prophets of
any kind. In his 1933 debate with Rahmat (Ali, Ahmad Hassan
suggested that Qadiyani references to prophets with and without
a Shari lah was really only a confusion of the words rasul and
nabl, two words that Ahmad Hassan claimed had become almost
interchangeable in Muslim theological terminology.8 9 In An-
Nubuwwah, he flatly rejected Ghulam Ahmad’s claim by stating,
"There has not been a single prophet [since Muhammad] either
with or without the Shari lah."s
The Ahmadiyah Qadiyan claimed that a new prophet was neces-
sary in order to fulfill references in hadlth to the return of
the "al-maslh" on the day of judgment to play a prominent role
at the resurrection of the dead. Sunni Muslims generally be-
lieved that the Prophet (isa, the last claimed prophet to appear
before Muhammad, who founded the Christian ummah, and was also
referred to as al-Maslh, was the person cited in the tyadlth.
It was also generally believed by Sunni Muslims that the Prophet
6.	al-Azhab, 33:40, states:	"Muhammad is not the father of any
man among you, but he is the messenger of Allah and the Seal
of the Prophets; and Allah is aware of all things."
7.	Hamka, Aj ahku, p. 110.
8.	Persatoean Islam, "Perslag opisil dari Debatan 'Pembela
Islam'--’Ahmadijah Qadian'," Pembela Islam, No. 61 (May
1933), p. 29.	--------------
9.	Ahmad Hassan, An-Nubuwwah, p. 11.102
(Isa had not died a natural death, but had been taken in his
earthly form from the earth by God, and was to return in that
form on Judgment Day.10 The Ahmadiyah did not dispute the
validity of the belief that "al-masth? would return on Judgment
Day, but claimed that the Prophet (!sa had died "as did all
other prophets" and that the "(isa" or "al-maslh" designated
for the Judgment Day role was actually Mirza Ghulam Ahmad.11
In his fatwa on this topic, Ahmad Hassan noted that all
hadlths dealing with (Isa's return on Judgment Day were weak,
and could be rejected as the basis for doctrine according to
the generally recognized rules of hadtth examination among the
(ulamd} . Ahmad Hassan stated that* to reject these fyadlth, how-
everj would leave unexplained several references in the Qur> an
to (Isa's existence as a mortal in God's presence. For that
reason alone, he saw value in considering them as valid hadtth,
but contended thatthere was no reference in any one of them to
Ghulam Ahmad as "(isa" or "al-masih.''12
In his presentation, Rahmat (Ali also cited several dyat
as proof that (!sa was actually dead and could not be the
"al-maslh" mentioned in the hadlth. He quoted al-Ma*idah (The
Table), 5:76 implying that all messengers including (isa were
mortal, and At-lImrdn (The Family of (Imran), 3:144 which states
that all prophets before Muhammad were dead as proof of his
position. Ahmad Hassan countered that such references were
general in nature, but that al-Nisa) 4:158 stating, "but Allah
raised him up unto Himself" was a more specific reference to
(Isa.13 Ahmad Hassan stated that all hadlths referring to
(Isa's return on Judgment Day indicated that he existed as a
mortal in the presence of God, for they used the words "will
descend."_ "It is clear" concluded Ahmad Hassan, "that the
Prophet (isa has been taken up and will descend. If we say:
'He will descend,' certainly then he exists above l"11*
10.	D. B. MacDonald, "(!sa," Encyclopedia of Islam.
11.	"Perslag opisil," Pembela Islam, No. 61, p. 37.
12.	Ahmad Hassan, "Nabi jang masih hidup," Sual-Dj awab, No. 12,
pp. 82-83.
13.	al-Ma>idah 5:76 states:	"The Messiah, son of Mary, was no
other than a messenger, messengers [the like of whom] had
passed away before him." Al-(Imran 3:144 states:	"Muhammad
is but a messenger, messengers [the like of whom] have
passed away before him." al-Nisa* 4:158 states:	"But
Allah took him up unto Himself, Allah was ever Mighty,
Wise."
14.	Ahmad Hassan, "Nabi jang masih hidup," Sual-Dj awab, No. 12,
p.	82 .103
In another argument, the Ahmadiyah QadiySn used reason to
establish its position on (Isa. This argument stated that
"prophets have physical bodies as other men and are not able to
live without food. If (isa lives in heaven, certainly he must
eat and drink and have bowel movements. ..." Moreover, the
argument ran, there were matters of spiritual concern as well
as bodily functions to be considered, such as "where does he
face when he prays, for in heaven there is no qiblah? Moreover
is there anyone in the blue heaven to whom to give zakat?"15
Ahmad Hassan responded to this argument by stating that while
there certainly were difficulties for a person existing in
heaven in physical form, it was not beyond God's power to do it
Is it inconceivable for a man to be taken by Allah
to a star!? No, not ever! It is not inconceivable that
Allah would take all mankind to another world. But be-
cause this has not happened before our eyes, then we
feel the matter is exceedingly difficult.16
As a further example, Ahmad Hassan stated that sixty years pre-
viously it was generally believed that to go from Bandung to
Djakarta in forty-five minutes time was impossible, but with
the advent of the airplane the trip took only half an hour. In
a like manner, he maintained, other matters not familiar to man
could exist as well, and (Isa's sojourn in heaven could well be
one of them.17
The Ahmadiyah movement in Indonesian eventually developed
good relations with several Muslim groups including the
Muhammadijah.18 They drew considerably less criticism as they
became more and more associated with the modernist Muslim move-
ment, for they opened schools, supported the Muslim viewpoint
in politics and engaged in polemic with the Christians.19 Occa
sionally, however, an organization like the Persatuan Islam
would lose a member to Ahmadiyah mission work and a renewal of
propaganda would occur briefly, but no large scale campaign was
15.	"Perslag opisil," Pembela Islam, No. 61, pp. 38, 40.
16.	Ahmad Hassan, "Nabi jang masih hidup," Sual-Djawab, No.
12, p.	82 .
17.	Ibid.
18.	(Ali, "The Muhammadijah Movement," pp. 71-72.
19.	van Nieuwenhuijze, "Islam in a period of Transition in
Indonesia," Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia
(The Hague and Bandung: van Hoeve, 1958), pp. 58-59.104
renewed.20 The Ahmadiyah was grudgingly accepted, even though
its own peculiar doctrines were not.
Muslim Attitudes Toward Christianity
Dutch historians have noted the amazing speed with which
Islam spread throughout the Archipelago in the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, and have maintained that the rapid accept-
ance of Islam was a reaction to the arrival of the Christian
white man to the area.21 There is also considerable evidence
to support the contention that for the past 350 years, Islam in
the Indonesian Archipelago has been identified with the native
population, and that Christianity has been considered by its
Muslim inhabitants as synonymous with the Dutch. Opposition to
the Dutch throughout the colonial period invariably had reli-
gious overtones--even though causes might be more mundane in
actuality-- and were regarded as part of a religious struggle to
remove the "non-believing" Dutch from the Indies.22 Muslim
polemics against Christianity during a period of nationalistic
fervor must also be seen as a native effort to strike at the
Dutch in the realm of religion.
The policy of the Dutch East Indies Administration, from
the time Snouck Hurgronje in the latter part of the nineteenth
century, was not to discriminate against Islam, largely because
it feared security problems if the faith of staunch Muslim popu-
lations was challenged.23 The Colonial Administration had never
been sympathetic with Christian missionary activities, and had
even excluded them from working in such strongly Muslim areas
as Atjeh and Bantam, and had made it difficult for them to enter
several other areas with large Muslim populations.21* Gottfried
20.	See, for example, A., "Letter from A. to K. H. M. A.
Sanusi," A1-Musiimun, IV, No. 38 (November 1958), p. 23.
21.	See, for example, Schrieke, "The Penetration of Islam in
the Archipelago," Indonesian Sociological Studies, II, pp.
232-237.
22.	The Padri wars (1800 to 1837), the Atjehnese wars (1873 to
1908), the uprising of Diponegoro (1825 to 1830) and the
Samim peasant revolt (1890 to 1917), inter alia, had reli-
gious overtones.
23.	Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje's recommendations regarding
Dutch Islamic policy are outlined above pp.
24.	von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia,
p. 172; see also Bousquet, Introduction a 1'etude de
1'Islam indonesien, pp. 162-164 for further comment on the
status of missions and their relationship with the Dutch.105
Simon, one of the leading mission writers at the turn of the
century, denounced the policy of the Administration "which is
always that of neutrality, often degenerating into favoritism"
for the Muslim, and stated that such an attitude hindered
Christian proselytizing efforts.25 Church groups and religious
political parties in the Netherlands were sympathetic toward
mission activities, and when the Christian coalitions came to
power in 1909, active Christianizing of the Indies was a stated
government policy.26
Muslims had long believed that the Dutch favored Christian-
ity over Islam and saw the increase in mission activity as an
attempt to undermine and destroy Islam. The large amount of
government aid given to Christian religious schools because
they qualified for government educational grants caused consid-
erable resentment, even though some Muslim institutions received
aid as well.27 Throughout the period between the two world
wars, Indonesian Muslims wrote articles and held meetings pro-
testing missionary activity and called for a halt in Muslim
areas. In 1934, Muhammadijah leader Hadji Fachroeddin wrote a
pamphlet against the Christian mission effort and against
Christianity in general which gained considerable readership
among Indonesian Muslims.28 The Oemmat Islam organization at
Solo held a congress of Indonesian Muslim leaders in 1933 and
sent recommendations to the government to continue controls on
missionary activities.29 The 1939 Congress of the Madjelis
Islam A'la Indonesia passed a resolution against expanded mis-
sionary activity in the Indies, which took on added meaning
since MIAI was a coalition of all the leading Muslim organiza-
tions, political and non-political, in Indonesia.30 Von der
Mehden suggests that much of the Muslim concern with national-
ism, including the founding of the predecessor organization to
the Sarekat Islam, arose from the rise in mission activity and
the belief held by many Muslims that a deliberate policy of
"Christianizing" the Indies was being followed by the East
25.	Samuel M. Zwemer, Across the World of Islam (New York:
Fleming H. Revell, 1929) , p. 269.
26.	von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia,
p. 177.
27.	(All, "The Muhammadijah Movement," p. 56.
28.	Cited in Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi, I, p. 330.
29.	"Menentang propaganda Keristen," originally appearing in
Adi 1, No. 152 (April 1933), p. 153 ff., and reprinted in
Pembela Islam, No. 61 (May 1933), pp. 30-33.
30.	Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim, p. 315.106
Indies Administration.31
Dutch missionaries enjoyed their greatest success among
those groups still following pagan rites and religions, while
their contact with Muslim areas were seldom productive.32 Faced
with a hostile attitude on the part of zealous Muslims and aware
of the superficial Islamization of a large part of the Indone-
sian population, many Christian missionary writers were prone
to make depreciative statements about Islam and Muslims.
Gottfried Simon, for example, revealed a commonly held viewpoint
among Christian missionary writers about Islam with such state-
ments as ".	. . within Islam animism does not play the part of
a barely tolerated slave, rather it receives royal favor."33
Simon observed further that only by incorporating animism had
it been possible for Islam to become a world religion. Other
Christian writers in Indonesia attacked Islam for its defense
of polygyny, but perhaps most offensive to the Muslims was the
denial of Muhammad's prophethood, in sometimes abusive terms by
Western orientalists in general and by several Christian mis-
sionaries in particular. In 1931, Joannes Josephus ten Berge,
31.	von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia,
pp. 179-180.
32.	(Ali, "The Muhammadijah Movement," p. 21; Samuel Zwemer
hinted at the lack of conversions from Islam to Christian-
ity after his visit to the Dutch Indies mission field in
1929. "During my visit we found unanimity in the testimony
of all missionaries in Java and Sumatra that 'Islam can
never be a bridge over the gulf that separates the heathen
from Christianity'. .	.	." Across the World of Islam, p.
269.
33.	The quote continues:	"The despised cult of animistic
magic receives in Islam the rank of a divine institution.
It is the gift of God to His faithful believers." Ibid.,
p. 270. See also Gottfried Simon, The Progress and Arrest
of Islam in Sumatra (London, Edinburgh and New York: Mar-
shall Brothers, 1912) . Simon's approach is understandable
in light of his zealous missionary background, but he does
not show great perception of Islam. He sees the nominal
conversion to Islam as compromise with foreign religions,
without viewing the emphasis of Islam on the deepening of
religious belief that marks the progress of Islam in nearly
every place it has established itself. The charges of the
Muslims were just as frequently offensive to the Christians.
One particular writer cited statistics, which he claimed
were official, of illegitimate children, incidence of syph-
ilis, and abortions occurring in America as evidence of the
moral bankruptcy of Christianity. Moehammad Natsir,
"Zending contra Islam," Pembela Islam, No. 21 (March 19
pp. 24-29.107
a Dutch missionary in Central Java, caused considerable stir
when he published an article in a missionary periodical in which
he called Muhammad an "anthropomorphist" and suggested that he
had been too concerned with women and sex to have founded a
higher religion.34
Muslim Reaction to Christian Polemic
For their part, Muslim writers were prone to point out what
they regarded as failings of the West and cited them as examples
of the failure of Christianity to regulate political and social
life. These Muslims charged that the First World War showed
Christian society to be bankrupt of fundamental spiritual feel-
ing,35 and maintained that the problems that the European powers
were experiencing with their colonies during the 1930's were
further evidence of such spiritual bankruptcy.36 They pointed
out the crime rate in Western countries, particularly in America,
and noted that Christianity permitted the drinking of alcohol
and the free association of sexes, which, in these writers'
opinions, were the causes of many social crimes.37 This polemic
was actually part of the general disdain felt for Western cul-
ture by all Indonesians, but expressed as a dislike of Chris-
tianity because Muslims thought in religious terms.
Attacks against the Prophet, or unflattering statements
made about Muhammad by non-Muslims, aroused Indonesian Muslims
several times in the early 1930's. In early April 1931, the
ten Berge article appeared, followed in late April by an article
by Oei Bee Thay in Hoakien characterizing Muhammad as "an
34.	Centraal Comite al-Islam Indonesia (Surabaia), "Surat tan-
tangan ke J. J. Ten Berge di Mantillan, August 17, 1931,"
Pembela Islam, No. 32 (August 1931), pp. 27-28. The letter
quoted Pastor Ten Berge's remarks from the periodical
Studien (April 1931) as follows:	"Men ziet het . . . Koe
zou hij (Moehammad, W.) de anthropomorphist, de onwetende
Arabier, de grove wellusteling, die gewoon was in de armen
van vrouwen te liggen, ook een andere en hoogere opvatting
van het Vaderschap hebben kunnen vermoeden."
35.	Natsir, "Zending contra Islam," Pembela Islam, No. 21
(March 1931), p. 25.
36.	Si Goblok (pseudonym), "Doenia Islam masa sekarang,"
Pembela Islam, No. 29 (July 1931), pp. 15-16.
37.	Natsir, "Zending contra Islam," Pembela Islam, No. 21
(March 1931), pp. 26-27 ; M. T., "Andj ing, alcohol, vrijom-
hang d.s.b.," Pembela Islam, No. 20 (February 1931), pp.
6-7 .108
aspirant self-murderer," insane and a robber. In 1937, Siti
Sumandari and Soeroto published an article in Bangun which
charged that Islam's views on polygyny and marriage were caused
by the Prophet's "desires and jealousy." Muslim reaction to
these articles was immediate and hostile. The Comite Al-Islam
in Surabaja was established to protest the ten Berge and Hoakien
articles--and prompted Hoakien to retract its article. Suman-
dari and Soeroto apologized after most leading Muslim organiza-
tions protested their article, and the Parindra (Partai Indone-
sia Raj a--Greater Indonesia Party) to which they belonged put
pressure on them in the interests of Indonesian nationalist
harmony.38 While non-Christians made some of these remarks
about the Prophet, Muslims generally associated such attacks
with Christianity. The MIAI, in 1939, considered all these un-
complimentary articles at its congress and assigned to the
Persatuan Islam the task of preparing a response to Christian
attacks on Islam.39
Persis Views of Christianity
In response to the MIAI request Ahmad Hassan wrote Ketoe-
hanan Jesoes menoeroet Bigbel (The Divinity of Jesus according
to the Bible), which presented a number of scholarly and logi-
cal arguments in easily understandable terms refuting the
divinity of Christ.1*0 While the approach was basically Muslim,
Ahmad Hassan made no reference to Islamic scripture in making
his points but relied entirely on reason and an analysis of
Christian scripture. The following composite of Persis argu-
ments against Christianity draws heavily on Ahmad Hassan's
study, but includes other Persis writers which appeared in
Pembela Islam and Al-Lisan.
Persatuan Islam writers maintained that holy writ had been
revealed to Jesus in the same manner that the Qur3an had been
revealed to Muhammad, but complained that the Old and New Testa-
ments bore no relationship to the Tawrah and Injil mentioned in
the Qu^an because of modifications and falsifications made by
Jews and Christians. A Persatuan Islam writer in Al-Lisan in
1935 stated that the New Testament of the Christians did not
contain a single qualification as a holy book. "The original
book does not exist, the authors are not known, the contents
38.	See:	Noer, "The Rise of the Modernist Muslim Movement,"
pp. 244 and 400-401.
39.	Ahmad Hassan, Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Bijbel (Bandoeng:
Persatoean Islam, 1940), p. H
40. Ibid., p. 2.109
are far from fitting, and one portion conflicts with another in
a great many cases."1*1
In Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Btybel, Ahmad Hassan stated
that Christians completely misunderstood references in the
Bible to the mission of Jesus. He maintained that Jesus was a
prophet like other prophets before him and Muhammad after him,
and that he had not been crucified to take away the sins of man-
kind. He suggested that the devotion of the Christians to the
personality of Jesus had led to an exaggeration of Jesus'
prophetic role into the belief that he was actually God. "We
(Muslims) do not believe in Jesus as God, nor as part divine,
nor as the son of God, nor as a form combining God and man."1*2
Ahmad Hassan claimed that several expressions in the New
Testament had been poorly translated into European languages:
"Lord," "Christ the Lord," and "son of God," were actually
titles of respect and probably only referred to Christ's rela-
tionship with God--a relationship not exclusively belonging to
Jesus alone, but to others as well. ".	. . And there are a
great many more verses from the Bible indicating that 'Father'
means 'God,' and 'son' means a person loved by God."1*3 David
and Adam, Ahmad Hassan pointed out, were also described in
Christian and Hebrew scripture as having this same special rela-
tionship with God. Likewise, he argued, biblical references to
the "holy spirit" really meant "a clean spirit, (i.e.) not a
devil or a shay tan." He admitted that a "clean spirit" may
have been the device employed in the immaculate conception but
stated his opinion that none of the several references to the
"holy spirit" in the Old and New Testaments made the holy spirit
identical with God.1*1*
41.	A1-Lisan, No. 1 (December 1935), p. 19.
42.	Ahmad Hassan, Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Bijbel, pp. 5, 2.
The citation continues, "We only believe he is a person,
prophet and apostle, who was free from sin as were other
prophets, and we do not believe that he was crucified,
especially crucified to cut away the sins of mankind."
Ibid., p. 2. For more on Ahmad Hassan's belief concerning
(Isa, see his fatwa entitled "Nabi Isa berbapa?," Sual-
Dj awab, No. 4, pp. 16-18.
43.	Ahmad Hassan, Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Bijbel, p. 26.
44.	Ibid., p. 4. In An-Nubuwwah, Ahmad Hassan, arguing from
the context of the legitimacy of the Prophet Muhammad's
mission, maintained that Christ's references to a "comfort-
er" in the 16th chapter of St. John, were direct references
to Muhammad, and not to the holy spirit as is generally
held among Christians. He stated that the root meaning of
the word "paraclet," the Greek word for comforter, means110
Persis writers found the Christian belief in the cruci-
fixion of Christ for the expiation of sins unacceptable. Ahmad
Hassan lamented, "Does God not know any other way to save man-
kind except by the sacrifice of flesh and blood?" "Would it
not have been easier for Him to forgive mankind [its sins] with-
out shedding the blood of His son? ..." Even in the story of
the crucifixion, Persatuan Islam writers noted what they con-
sidered contradictions. They wondered how Jesus could be God
and still be killed, when life is an attribute of God. It was
equally incomprehensible that Jesus, if he were truly God,
could know fear, as when tempted by Satan and while upon the
cross, when according to Muslim theological speculation fear is
foreign to God's character.45 Finally, Persatuan Islam writers
regarded the Christian doctrine of the Trinity as beyond their
comprehension--a view not uncommon to most non-Christians. "We
and all people of the world are not able to fathom the extra-
ordinary method of algebra [used by] the Christians. For
instance, how can one equal three and three equal one."46 To
the members of the Persatuan Islam, as to nearly all Muslim
writers, the entire concept of the Trinity violated tawhld, the
divine unity.
Persis writers saw the missions as a threat to Islam in
Indonesia, but like many other Indonesian Muslims, they occa-
sionally accorded the missions grudging respect. In an unsigned
article entitled "Christianity in Indonesia works and Islam
merely gapes," the Persatuan Islam noted that the Muslims were
no match for the activities of the missions which had "wealth,
energy and spirit" and were able to influence young Indonesians
in matters of religion through the schools they operated. Mus-
lims on the other hand, the article noted, were disorganized,
disinterested and badly led. The Islamic effort "is organized
willy-nilly, its capital is the turban [sorban] , the rosary
[tasblh] and amulet [djimat], it prefers mysticism [dhikr] and
sleeping in the religious schools [langgar], and it has, for
the greater part .	.	. totally ignorant leaders." According to
the article, it was such Muslim shortcomings that aided Chris-
tian inroads on Islam and strengthened the Dutch hold on Indo-
nesia. The article concluded that to be successful against a
dynamic Christianity, Islam would have to create a new image,
characterized by unity of purpose, with emphasis on education
and leadership that had capability and knowledge.47 Undoubtedly,
"a person who is very much praised," i.e., the same meaning
as the name Muhammad in Arabic, p. 213.
45.	Ahmad Hassan, Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Bijbel, pp. 34-35
46.	Ibid., p. 12 .
47.	"Agama Kristen di Indonesia bekerdja dan Islam boleh ngang-
goer," Pembela Islam, No. 71 (May 1935), pp. 3-5.Ill
the Persatuan Islam believed that Muslim acceptance of the
fundamentalist principles it advocated would aid considerably
in the development of that new image.CHAPTER VIII
CURTAILED ACTIVITY UNDER THE JAPANESE
AND DURING THE REVOLUTION
The Japanese occupation, from February 1942 until August
1945, as an event was a turning point in the history of Indone-
sia. As a time-span, it was a transition period which marked
the loss of Dutch control over the area, for all practical pur-
poses, and offered the Indonesians the opportunity to declare
national independence and begin the final effort necessary to
attain it. For this study, however, a description of that
period, and the Muslim activity during it would have only
peripheral value, for it also marked a low point in Persatuan
Islam activity. A brief look at the occupation period is in-
cluded here only to indicate some of the difficulties confront-
ing the organization's leaders, and to indicate how they sur-
vived into the post-war period.1
The Japanese Occupation
Immediately upon occupying Indonesia, the Japanese banned
all native political and religious organizations, but over the
next three years, they allowed several organizations to resume
activity. They also created several new organizations and used
them to rally support for the Japanese war effort. In late
1942, the Madjelis Islam A'la Indonesia (MIAI) was re-established
for the purpose of coordinating the activities of the lulama),
and was encouraged to publish a monthly periodical entitled
Soera MIAI. Over the next two years four other religious organ-
izations- -the Muhammadijah, the Nahdlatul Ulama, the Perikatan
1. The four primary works for the Japanese period are:	Benda,
The Crescent and the Rising Sun; M. A. Aziz, Japan's Coloni-
alism and Indonesia (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1955) ;
Benedict R. 0'G. Anderson, Some Aspects of Indonesian Poli-
tics under the Japanese Occupation, 1944-1945 (Ithaca:
Cornell University, 1961); and Okuma Memorial Social
Sciences Research Institute of Waseda University, Indonesia
ni Okeru Nihon Gunsei no Kenkyu (Tokyo: Kinokuniya Shoten,
1959), trans. Joint Publications Research Service of the
U.S. Department of Commerce, October 1963, JPRS #21,359.
112113
Oemmat Islam of Madjalengka and the Persatoean Oemmat Islam
Indonesia--were allowed to resume activity.2 The Persatuan
Islam was not among this selected group, but several of its
schools survived, including the Pesantren Ketjil in Bandung.
The organization itself, its principal school at Bangil, its
periodicals, and all its many other activities, ceased function-
ing, and members of the Persatuan Islam were able to act only
as individuals. Members of the Persatuan Islam therefore could
not play the prominent role in national affairs that some of
the Muhammadijah and the Nahdlatul Ulama did, but several Persis
members occupied responsible positions in regional religious
bureaus established by the Japanese.
Like many other Muslim and nationalist groups, the members
of the Persatuan Islam outwardly cooperated with the Japanese
but engaged in low-level nationalist underground activity--pri-
marily training and indoctrination--aimed at attaining eventual
Indonesian independence. Moehammad Isa Anshary, for example,
was a member of the Secretariat of the MIAI organization in the
Priangan (Greater Bandung) region and later held the same posi-
tion in Masjoemi, the successor organization to MIAI. Isa
Anshary*s official biography stated that he was active in organ-
izing youth for anti-Japanese underground activity and, in 1944,
was imprisoned for a month when these activities were discovered
by the Japanese. The lightness of the sentence indicates that
no actual anti-Japanese activities had been undertaken, and it
is probable that Isa Anshary*s activities were only in the
organizational stage.3 Moehammad Natsir was an adviser on edu-
cational affairs in the Priangan area and, in 1943, took an
active part in organizing training programs for iulama) from
the Java area.4 These programs, organized exclusively by the
Indonesian (ulama} themselves, were officially intended to pro-
vide general instruction on Japanese ideas and beliefs, educa-
tional methods and even sports, but apparently there was con-
siderable discussion among participating lulama) concerning the
promotion of Islam--tmam and tawhtd--among the general Muslim
population.5 These discussions of Islamic beliefs tended to
play down--and often contradict--much of the Japanese public
teaching and propaganda, particularly the doctrines of chosen
race and the divinity of the emperor. In his study of the
Japanese attitude toward Islam in Indonesia, Harry Benda claimed
2.	Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, p. 116.
3.	Parlaungan, Hasil Rakjat memilih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen, pp.
156-158; see also Aboebakar Atjeh, K~! H. A. Wahid Hasjim,
pp. 219-224.	---------------------
4.	Parlaungan, Hasil Rakjat memilih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen, p.
221; Deliar Noer, *'Masjumi," p. 28.
5.	Noer, "Masjumi," p. 28.114
that these cadre courses served as an effective organizing and
indoctrinating device for anti-Japanese activity among Indone-
sian Muslims.
It is somewhat surprising that Ahmad Hassan, who had taken
a forthright stand on many issues affecting religion in the
fifteen years prior to the war, did not openly object to Japa-
nese efforts to introduce the sai keirei, the ritual bowing
toward the emperor in Tokyo at the beginning of all official
meetings. Early in the Japanese occupation, keirei had been
introduced at government offices and schools as a patriotic
ceremony marking the opening of business. In 1942, Hadji Abdul-
karim Amrullah, the leading advocate of Islamic modernism on
Sumatra, sent a tract to the Japanese director of religious
affairs on Java condemning the practice as contrary to estab-
lished Islamic practice,6 7 and at a subsequent conference of
lulama) refused to perform this ritual obeisance.8 Hamka, writ-
ing his father's biography, described the dilemma facing
Amrullah before that particular (utama) 's conference, and men-
tioned that of those most likely to oppose sai keirei "Ahmad
Hassan was absent and in Bandung."9 However, if Ahmad Hassan
was against the sai keirei he never initiated any crusade
against it, nor is there any record of his opposition in the
works of the Persatuan Islam members published after the war.
If Ahmad Hassan did disapprove of sai keirei, he did it private-
ly and avoided taking a public stand on the issue, as his ab-
sence from the lulama)'s conference suggests. There is also no
record of his participation in any position in the Japanese
administration, nor is there any indication that he was actively
opposed to the Japanese administration; presumably he remained
inactive on the basis of ill health.10
This then was the sum total of the Persatuan Islam's activ-
ity during the period of the Second World War. By losing its
organization and, more importantly, its instruments of propa-
ganda, and by being denied the opportunity to speak out on reli-
gious and nationalist issues without fear of reprisal, the
6.	Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, p. 135; see also
Noer, "Masjumi," p. 28.
7.	Hamka, Ajahku, pp. 183-186.
8.	Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun, p. 130.
9.	Hamka, Aj ahku, p. 185.
10.	Ahmad Hassan, Kedaulatan (Malang: Toko "Timoer," 1946), p.
1. "At the time Indonesian independence was originally
proclaimed, I was afflicted by several forms of illness
which took me from where I was to where I could be cured."115
dynamism of the organization's members was stilled. Its only
real effort--participation in cadre training courses--was at
best only a holding action designed to maintain "true Muslim
belief" until a more opportune period would allow a return to
more active efforts.
The Revolutionary Years
The Indonesian proclamation of independence made by Sukarno
and Hatta on August 17, 1945 was supported by all Indonesian
factions existing at that time. Competing political factions
put aside their differences in hope that a united front would
strengthen the new state to withstand the Dutch attempt to reim-
pose colonial rule. The coalition stood, although shakily at
times, until after the Dutch transfer of sovereignty to the
United States of Indonesia in 1950.
During this period, between 1945 and 1950, the differences
between the Muslims and the secular nationalists over the proper
direction and content of an independent Indonesia was not en-
tirely forgotten, despite cooperation of both groups in the
republican government. The differences between the two sides
had been apparent when the Committee for Preparing Indonesian
Independence, formed in the latter days of the Japanese occupa-
tion, had debated and considered the matter of the role of Islam
in the state.11 Certain Muslim lulama) on the committee, not-
ably K. H. Mas Mansur, Abdulkahar Muzakkir and Agus Salim, pre-
pared a document known as the Djakarta Charter (Piagam Dja-
karta)12 which placed Sukarno's Pantja Sila concept13 in a
11.	For accounts of the committee see Noer, "Masjumi," pp. 30-
32; Indonesia ni Okeru Nihon Gunsei no Kenkyu, pp. 418-428;
Anderson, Some Aspects of Indonesian Politics', pp. 108-110.
12.	"Piagam Djakarta" appears in Republik Indonesia: Kotapradja
Djakarta Raya (Djakarta: Kementerian Penerangan, 1953) , p.
13.	Pantja Sila is a Sanskrit term meaning five principles,
not to be confused with the Panoh Sila of the Bandung Con-
ference in 1955. Sukarno's Pantja Sila were Ketuhanan gang
Masa Esa (The absolute unity of God-- implying belief in
God), Kemanusiaan gang adit dan beradab (humanitarianism
based on justice and civility), Persatuan Indonesia (the
national unity of Indonesia, commonly referred to as
nationalism), Kerakgatan (democracy) and Keadilan Sosial
(social justice). There is some discussion of Pantja Sila
in most standard works on Indonesia. See, in particular,
van der Kroef, Indonesia in the Modern World, II, pp. 198-
210 for a sociological study, and C. W. Ch van Nieuwenhuijze,116
framework acceptable to Muslims. The crucial portion of the
Djakarta Charter stated that "With belief in almighty God and
motivated by noble wishes to live as an independent nation, the
Indonesian people hereby declare their independence." While
Sukarno, Hatta and several other nationalist leaders signed
this document, and the major content of the Charter itself was
incorporated into the preamble of the 1945 Constitution, the
Preparatory Committee, with its predominantly secularist member-
ship, modified the crucial portion to read "With God's Blessing
and moved by the high ideal of a free national life, the Indo-
nesian people declare their Independence ."1 **
This change in stress was less than satisfactory to many
Muslim leaders who saw it as a deliberate secularist attempt to
undercut the Muslim position. These Muslims believed that the
Muslims should organize their own party to express their griev-
ances and strive for Muslim ideals and not join, without party
affiliation, in a united front with the secularists. Conse-
quently, in September 1945, a group of prominent Muslim leaders,
led by Abdulkahar Muzakkir, Wahid Hasjim and Moehammad Roem,
met to reactivate the still existing though largely dormant
Masjoemi, established by the Japanese as a Muslim unity organi-
zation. They organized a conference of prominent tulama) later
that month at which it was decided to create an entirely new
organization called Masjumi with theoretically no connection
with the old Masjoemi founded under the Japanese. Nevertheless,
the adoption of the same name--with a new spelling to correspond
with Bahasa Indonesia orthography rather than Dutch--allowed it
to incorporate the old Masjoemi's organization into its new
form.15 Masjumi immediately adopted a policy of cooperation
with the secularists then running the Republic of Indonesia
government, and until 1952, the governments were coalitions of
the Masjumi and the Nationalist Party to which most secularists
belonged.
The Persatuan Islam was not reestablished until 1948, but
its members supported the republican effort from the very begin-
"The Indonesian state and 'deconfessionalized' Muslim con-
cepts" in Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia (The
Hague and Bandung:	W. van Hoeve, 1958) , pp. 180- 243 .
14.	The 1945 Constitution has been printed in a number of books
and has been issued as a pamphlet by various Indonesian
organizations. For the Indonesian text see Osman Raliby,
Documenta Historica (Djakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1953), pp.
489-494. For an English translation, see Charles Wolf
Jr., The Indonesian Story (New York: John Day, 1948),
Appendix, pp. 165-171.
15.	Noer, "Masjumi," p. 39; Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution
in Indonesia, pp. 156-158.117
ning. Younger members of the organization actively participated
in the Sabillah and Hizbullah, the paramilitary organizations
formed by Masjoemi in the latter days of the Japanese occupa-
tion. Isa Anshary held posts in the Sabillah organization in
the Priangan residency and was also a member of the local
"national committee" of the same residency which functioned as
a local government of sorts in the early days of the Revolution.
Moehammad Natsir was Minister of Information in the republican
government until 1947 and thereafter supported the republican
effort as editor of the influential daily Suara Eepublik. 16
Ahmad Hassan wrote two pamphlets supporting the republican
government in early 1946 that reflected the Muslim leadership's
decision to cooperate with the secularists. He stated in
Kedaulatan (Sovereignty), apparently written to answer impa-
tient criticism by some Muslim factions of the Sukarno govern-
ment and convince them of the need for unity, that "they [the
secularists] proclaimed independence and we [Muslims] sought
shelter in an independent nation. ... We must give them our
thanks." Muslims, he stated, should have patience and later,
when it would become possible to decide the matter of a perma-
nent state with permanent laws, "we will establish a government
for Indonesia on the Shari iah of Islam." Ahmad Hassan recog-
nized that until that time came Indonesia would be a secular
state and that there would be many shortcomings, but added that
those shortcomings caused by secularism should be combatted
peacefully--"with orderly sermons and advice."17 Muslims were,
for example, to use their influence with local officials and
the police to check and eliminate improper behavior among the
population. "Using force" to erect an Islamic system in the
state at that time, stated Ahmad Hassan, "would result in slander
and the heavy outpouring of blood," and cause "civil strife that
could be used by our enemies."18 He concluded in Mereboet
Kekuasaan (Seizing Power) that until the opportunity arrived
for the formulation of a permanent constitution, that it was
incumbent upon the Muslim groups to "honor the government and
its policies" and not undertake action detrimental it it.19
While they believed fully in cooperation with Sukarno and
the secular nationalists, like other Muslim groups, the members
of the Persatuan Islam made plans for the establishment of a
national state based on Islamic lines. As early as 1946, Ahmad
16.	Parlaungan, Hasil Rakjat memilih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen, pp.
158, 175-176”
17.	Ahmad Hassan, Kedaulatan, pp. 17-19.
18.	Ibid., p. 6.
19.
Ahmad Hassan, Mereboet Kekuasan (Malang: Toko "Timoer,"
1946), p. 19.118
Hassan published a short monograph entitled Pemevintahan Tjava
Islam (Government according to Islam) which was an attempt to
reconcile Islam's political theory with modern democratic
theories of government. Ahmad Hassan suggested that democracy
had been recognized in early Islam--in the election of the first
khallfah Abu Bakr and in a statement made by the khaltfah (Umar,
and that actually, the rest of the world had learned about
democracy from Islam.20 Islamic government was based both on
the Qur> an and on consultation of the people; because Islam had
certain rules that could not be transgressed, it eliminated many
of the pitfalls of democracy based merely on the will of the
people, which may choose many evils "even drinking alcohol and
permitting whoredom (sina*)."21 He concluded that the forms of
Islamic democracy were no different than those of other democra-
cies and that officials like prime ministers and institutions
like cabinets and parliaments would be needed, even with Islam.22
The Persatuan Islam was reestablished as a functioning
organization in April 1948,23 a short time after Isa Anshary
and other members who had constituted a republican government
for the Priangan region at Garut were allowed by the Dutch to
return to Bandung under the terms of the 1948 Renville Agree-
ment between the Dutch and the Republic of Indonesia.2 ** The
proclamation of its founding stated that, like the Persatuan
Islam existing before World War II, the new organization would
be interested solely in religious matters.25 In 1948, however,
the Dutch established a Pasundan state in West Java, supposedly
as part of the Renville agreements. The Renville Agreement
called for a plebiscite in the West Java area, but the Dutch
held several congresses of selected Sundanese nationalists
20.	Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan Tjara Islam, pp. 6-8, 3.
21.	Ibid., p. 13.
22.	Ibid., pp. 10-11, 19-21.
23.	Abdul Haris Nasution, Sekitar Perang Kemerdekaan Indonesia
(typescript, no date), vol. VII, unpaginated.
24.	Aboebakar Atjeh, K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim, p. 224.
25.	Nasution, Sekitar Perang Kemerdekaan Indonesia, VII. "We,
the Central Leadership of the Persatuan Islam announce that
as of April 1, 1948, the Persatuan Islam has resumed func-
tioning. It is generally known that before broken by World
War II, the Persatuan Islam was known as a movement whose
special struggle was in the field of religion alone. With
this announcement, we continue that religious struggle.
We call to all branches of the Persatuan Islam and their
sections to continue their work as usual by observing
national laws."119
who established a "Sundanese" state without the promised pleb-
iscite. This state, regarded as a Dutch puppet even by large
segments of its own population, endured until 1950 when it dis-
solved itself and was incorporated into the unitary Republic of
Indonesia.26 Despite the large number of Sundanese among Persis
membership who might be expected to have some sympathy with a
Sundanese state, the Persatuan Islam opted for the republican
cause. On April 13, 1948, the Persatuan Islam participated in
a conference of religious organizations in the Bandung region
to discuss the Pasundan State and other matters, and formed a
Madjelis Persatuan Ummat Islam (Unitary Council of the Islamic
Ummah) which announced its separation from the Pasundan State.27
This federation was replaced later by the Gerakan Muslimun
Indonesia (Indonesian Muslim Movement) headed by Persis leader
Isa Anshary, which worked for the republican cause in West Java
until Pasundan entered the Republic of Indonesia.28
Through his periodical Alivan Islam (Basis of Islam),
started in 1948 and published in Dutch controlled Bandung, Isa
Anshary published articles openly favoring the republican move-
ment. His articles reflected the dislike in West Java for the
"second Dutch police action" in 1948 that had captured Sukarno,
Hatta and other important republican leaders, and for the subse-
quent Dutch announcement that the Republic of Indonesia no
longer existed.29 When the Dutch proceeded with plans to estab-
lish indirect rule over the archipelago by forming a United
States of Indonesia (Negara Indonesia Serikat) from fifteen
states and special areas recognized by the Dutch, Isa Anshary
stated that such a federation should not be formed without par-
ticipation by the imprisoned republican leaders. ".	. .It
must be with the knowledge," he stated in "Garis Perdjuangan
Kita" (Outline of our Struggle), "that the Indonesian people
stand behind the Republic of Indonesia, stand behind Sukarno
and Hatta."30 A like attitude on the part of delegates meeting
26.	Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia, pp. 368-
369 , 44T:
27.	Nasution, Sekitar Perang Kemerdekaan Indonesia, VII.
28.	Parlaungan, Hasil Rakjat memilih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen, p.
1.58.	~—~
29.	Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia, p. 343.
30.	Moehammad Isa Anshary, "Garis Perdjuangan Kita," Aliran
Islam, No. 3 (January 1949), p. 124. Another example of
his support of the Republic of Indonesia appeared in
Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam, p. 5, where he referred to
TT^ !	! Sukarno and Hatta as the spokesmen of Indonesian
independence representing 70 million Indonesians. ..."120
to form the Negara Indonesia Serikat, combined with renewed
fighting by republican forces in central Java and United Nations
pressure, ultimately succeeded in participation by the impris-
oned republican leaders in negotiations with the Dutch that
resulted in the creation of an independent Indonesian state in
1950.
Despite his support of the secularist leaders of the Repub-
lic of Indonesia, Isa Anshary, like Ahmad Hassan, did not lose
sight of the goal of establishing an Indonesian state based on
Islamic principles. In Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam (The Philos-
ophy of Islam's Struggle), written in 1949, he noted that Mus-
lims were participating in the struggle for independence to
"erect a nation in the grace of God [keridlaan Allah] as ful-
filling their responsibility as Muslims."31 The nation Muslims
strive for, Isa Anshary concluded, "regulates and gives guidance
and life concerning the basic truths of the human community,
whether in the field of politics, economics or social affairs."32
This was a reiteration of the Muslim political stand made prior
to the war and was indicative that no real change of attitude
had occurred. Since the secular nationalists led by Sukarno
had already created a secular state, beset though it was by an
external enemy and only provisional in nature, they had every
reason to hold to their stand of secularism, and it was only a
matter of time before a clash occurred between the two groups.
With the constitutional period (1950 to 1958), when the threat
of Dutch intervention was constantly receding, the dispute was
provided with conditions for fruition.
31. Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam, p. 13.
32. Moehammad Isa Anshary, "Garis Perdjuangan Kita," Aliran
Islam, I, No. 3 (January 1949), pp. 122-125.CHAPTER IX
ORGANIZATION AFTER WORLD WAR II
Prior to World War II, emphasis in the Persatuan Islam was
on individual activity rather than on organization, and this
same emphasis was apparent until the mid-1950's, when concern
for the direction of the educational program, for the mainte-
nance of uniform standards of quality in those schools, and for
following a united policy in all the organization's branches
led to the reorganization of the Persatuan Islam on a more
formal basis than had existed before that time. The result has
been a formalization of the relationship between the branches
and the central organization, the establishment of various
youth, women and student auxiliaries, the issuing of a house
periodical; in general, all the trappings of a regular Indone-
sian organization seeking to gain its ends through organiza-
tional activity rather than through individual action.
Organization and Membership
The membership of the Persatuan Islam in mid-1963 was
approximately 10,000, according to officials at its central
bureau in Bandung. This figure presumably included members of
the women's organization, the Persatuan Islam Isteri (Persatuan
Islam Wives), the young women's group, the Djamijatul Banat
(Association of Young Women), and the young men's association
called the Pemuda Persatuan Islam (Persatuan Islam youth).
While attending Persis schools, male students would belong to a
student organization called the Ridjalul Ghad (men of tomorrow)
and girls to an organization called the Ummatiatul Ghad (Mothers
of Tomorrow), both of which were concerned only with student
activities at the school and had no other political or social
ends. After graduation, all students, both boys and girls,
joined the Tanstiqul-Uchuwwah (Students' Reunion) which met
each year at various locations in West Java to discuss efforts
for the spreading and propagation of Islam in Indonesia.1
1. Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman, General Chairman of
the Persatuan Islam, and Junus Anis, Chairman of the Pemuda
Persatuan Islam at Bandung on July 21, 1963. The Persatuan
Islam officially denies that its organization is intended
to stifle individual initiative. "The Persatuan Islam does
121122
The organizational structure of the Persatuan Islam was
centered in a central board or secretariat (Badan Pusat) at
Bandung. At the central headquarters, there were several de-
partments for directing and coordinating the activities of the
Persatuan Islam:	the Bagian Tabliegh (Information Unit) was
responsible for propaganda and spreading the Persis message;
the Bagian Pendidikan (Education Unit) regulated the curriculum
for the twenty schools of the organization; the Bagian Penjiaran
(Distribution Unit) published the periodical Risalah and other
publications of value to the organization; a Bagian Wanita
(Women's Unit) coordinated women's affairs; and the Bagian
Pemuda (Youth's Unit) was concerned with the activities of the
various student and youth groups.* 2 Branches of the Persatuan
Islam were located throughout West and western-Central Java and
a few other branches were found outside this area in such places
as Palembang on Sumatra and at Bangil in East Java.3 Each
not have a Central Management [Pengurus Besar]. However,
the Persatuan Islam has a Central Leadership [Pusat Pim-
pinan]. The Persatuan Islam does not regulate members, but
the Persatuan Islam guides its members. Those who are led
are only inanimate objects [benda-benda mati] which have no
energy of life. But we guide members who have energy of
life, members who live, who cannot even be compared with
the lifeless forms which have no energy or power, who have
no aims, directions or ideals for life. Every branch [of
the organization] has similar leadership . .	. who guide
living members, who are characterized by determination and
ideals. All of the [organization's] leadership is like
that, and it wants to be "centered" [berpusat], not acting
on its own and alone without relations of one with another,
but rather can be characterized as a power with purpose,
aiming toward achieving our goals and ideals." "Amanat K.
H. E. Abdurrahman dimuka Tjabang Persatuan Islam Kotapradja
Bandung, tanggal 8 Djuli 1962" as quoted in Risalah, I, No.
6 (August 1962), p. 56.
2.	Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July 21,
1963. No mention was made in the interview of a Bagian
Sosial dan Ekonomi (Social and Economic Unit), but one prob-
ably does exist at Bandung since several of the branches of
Persis have such a unit in their own local organizations.
Risalah, III, No. 20 (April 1965), p. 4; I, No. 1 (June
1962)',~P • 12.
3.	Risalah, I, No. 6 (August 1962), p. 57. Branches of the
organization were listed as existing in Bandung, Simpang
Tjiawi, Tjikalong-Kulon, Tasikmalaja, Soreang, Tjisomang,
Sumedang, Tjitjalengka, Lekong-Buahbatu, Radjapolah, Palem-
bang (South Sumatra), Magung, Padalarang, Pinang, Purwa-
karta, Serang, Tjiandjur. All of the above, except for
Palembang, are located in West Java. According to Risalah,123
branch undertook activities corresponding roughly to those of
the central organization, although some branches lacked educa-
tional or printing facilities. In general, however, the work
of the branches centered about education, with nearly every
branch having a school, ranging from elementary in most places,
to the teachers' education courses at Sumendang and at Bandung.I, * * 4
Leaders
When the Persatuan Islam was formally reconstituted in
1948, Moehammad Isa Anshary became general chairman and con-
tinued in that position until 1961.5 Moehammad Natsir, although
he became chairman of the Masjumi Party in 1949, still retained
ties with Persis and helped re-establish the educational facili-
ties at Bangil in the 1950's.6 Ahmad Hassan again became an
important figure in Muslim education and, as prior to the war,
argued for an emphasis on Islam in national affairs. Ahmad
Hassan died in 1958.7 Abdurrahman, long associated with the
Persis educational system at Bandung, became Secretary General
of Persis after the war, and in 1961, succeeded Isa Anshary as
General Chairman.8 He showed considerable organizational abili-
ty in keeping the Persatuan Islam functioning during a period
of considerable political instability and rapid national eco-
nomic decline.9 Hadji Moehammad Moenawar Chalil served for a
I, No. 1 (June 1962), p. 13, a branch exists at Pameungpeuk,
and Risalah, II, No. 1 (May 1963), p. 20, lists a branch at
Matraman Utara in Djakarta and another at Pamaniukan.
Risalah, III,	No.	20 (April	1965),	p. 4, lists the estab-
lishment of a	new	branch at	Sambas	in the Riau Archipelago.
4.	Risalah, I, No. 1 (June 1962), p. 13.
5.	Nasution, Sekitar Perang Kemerdekaan Indonesia, VII.
6.	Persatuan Islam, Pesantren:	Bagian	Putera dan Puteri, p. 6.
7.	Nawawi Dusky,	"A.	Hassan," Hikmah,	XI, No. 32 (November 22,
1958) , p. 13.
8.	Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July 21,
1963 .
9.	K. H. E. Abdurrahman has been primarily an educator and ad-
ministrator for the Persatuan Islam. It was only during his
years as General Chairman of the Persatuan Islam, that he
did any amount of writing, and all of that in the periodicals
of the Persatuan Islam. His writings show deep knowledge
of Islamic history and doctrine; his article "Ahlis Sunnah
wal Djama'ah," written in 1956, is an outstanding example124
considerable period as representative of the Persatuan Islam on
the Department of Religious Affairs' board of Islamic scholars
until his death in 1962.10
Several Persis leaders gained prominence only after the
Revolutionary Period. Moehammad Ali Alhamidy was from the same
mold as Ahmad Hassan and Isa Anshary, and actively advocated
intense Muslim activity in every phase of life including poli-
tics.* 11 Abdulkadir Hassan, the son of Ahmad Hassan, operated
the schools at Bangil originally established by his father, and
continued the practice, initiated by his father, of issuing
fatwas on a large number of subjects.12 Several other members
also played a prominent role in the organization's development
but did not become prominent as individual scholars:	at Bandung
K. H. E. Abdullah and K. H. I. Sudibjo, and at Bangil Mohammed
bin Salim Nabhan, Abdullah Musa and Anwar Katsir.
During his tenure as chairman of Persis, Isa Anshary pro-
vided leadership and a point of view, just as Ahmad Hassan had
of how Islamic history can be related to current situations.
See below p. 163. For an article outlining some of
his teachings see, Hurlela, "Perpetjahan dalam Persatuan,"
Hikmah, XI, No. 22 (August 2, 1958), pp. 2-21.
10.	Hadji Moenawar Chalil was a prolific writer on religious
subjects and his articles appeared in several Muslim peri-
odicals including Hikmah and Al-Islam. A large number of
his fatwas appeared in Sual-Djawab. His chief works, out-
lining his own religious viewpoint, were Al-Qur'an dari
masa ke masa and Kembali kepada Al -Qur' an~~dan As- Sunnah;
Suatu muqaddamah bagi himpunan hadits-hadits melihara (Dja-
karta: Bulan Bintang, 1961) . See the bibliographies at-
tached to this essay for other important works. A bio-
graphic sketch of Moenawar Chalil appeared under the title
"H. Moenawar Chalil" in Minggu Abadi, February 28, 1960.
11.	Moehammad Ali Alhamidy is a prolific writer for Islamic
periodicals, and an orator of considerable repute. An out-
line of his basic principles appears in his book entitled
Rukun Hidup (Djakarta: Al-Ma'arif, 1951). For a personal
sketch and partial biography see Nawawi Dusky, "Ulama,
rumahnja terbuka buat peminat-peminat agama: Usadz M. Ali
Alhamidy dengan tenaga muda jang terlatih," Hikmah, XII,
No. 6 (March 14, 1959), pp. 11-13.
12.	Abdulkadir Hassan's principle work is U-Shul Fiqih (Prin-
ciples of Jurisprudence). A number of his fatwas appear
in Sual-Djawab particularly volumes XIII, XIV and XV.125
done in the pre-war years. Isa Anshary was originally from the
Minangkabau region in Sumatra where he had been educated in a
madrasah operated by Muslim modernists. In 1932, at the age of
16, he traveled to Bandung where he entered a political movement
headed by Sukarno and undertook religious education from Ahmad
Hassan.13 He apparently remained in Bandung after Ahmad Hassan
moved to Bangil and began writing on religion and politics
under the tutelage of Moehammad Natsir.11*
Isa Anshary's basic viewpoint was concerned with what he
termed the "modern JahilZyah,” caused by man's departure from
spiritual values for the attainment of technical progress. He
criticized Western technical progress which has developed the
material manifestations of life, but "sink man into the valley
of darkness" as far as spiritual values are concerned. The
conditions of the Jahiltyah are similar to the modern period,
he maintained, in that man's spirit, in the midst of "bombs,
artillery and atomic weapons",still thirsts ". . . for eternal
concepts." The many "isms" hqve clouded his vision and led man
to confuse his own "desires and passions with the overall good."
What man needs, Isa Anshary stated, is an absolute guide, and
such a guide is provided by Iilam, with its unchanging beliefs
in God, its Shari lah and its ummah.15
Educational Facilities
Persatuan Islam leaders, like most other Indonesian Muslim
leaders, believed that a religious oriented education was
preferable for all Muslims. Their own schools were necessary
because the Indonesian government's education system had almost
no religious content and was secularist in outlook.
The Persatuan Islam's educational system had its headquart-
ers at Bandung in the Bagian Pendidikan, which was established
in 1955 to standardize all religious instruction in the schools
of the Persatuan Islam and maintain the same degree of quality
throughout the system. In 1963, the Persatuan Islam operated
over twenty schools throughout West and Central Java, a number
of special teachers and "informants" courses and two theological
13.	Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, K. H. M. Wahid Hasjim, p. 219.
14.	He was apparently on the editorial board of the Persis
periodical Lasjkar Islam and wrote articles for the
Perbintj angan newspaper and for several periodicals includ-
ing Pandj i Islam, Pedoman Masj arakat, Islam Raya (Solo)
and Islam Bergerak (Jogjakarta). Parlaungan, Tokoh-tokoh
Parlemen, pp. 156-157.
15.	Isa Anshary, Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam, pp. 15, 45.126
schools at Bangil. According to Persis statistics, in 1963,
there were approximately 6000 students enrolled in its schools.
Except for its several teachers and theological training courses
Persis training concentrated on elementary and secondary courses
designed to provide a lay Muslim not intending to become a reli-
gious official an adequate education with considerable religious
content. "It is an ordinary education for ordinary pursuits,"
stated Junus Anis in an interview in 1963.16
The Pesantren Ketjil17 in Bandung provides a good example
of the Persis educational system since it had nearly all the
types of training afforded by the Persatuan Islam. The elemen-
tary school was six years in length. During the first two years
of primary school, seventy-five percent of school time was
allotted to the study of religious subjects and twenty-five
percent to general subjects, while in the last four years the
instruction time was equally divided between the two types of
study. Religious subjects included Arabic (writing, speaking,
syntax and grammar), Qur>an (content, recitation, commentary and
exegesis), fiqh, ethics, religious obligations and Muslim his-
tory. General subjects included geography, history, arithmetic,
Indonesian and language instruction in the vernacular (Javanese
and Sundanese). Textbooks were mostly written in Bahasa Indo-
nesia, but a few elementary works in Arabic were also used.18
16.	Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July
21, 1963.
17.	The Pesantren Ketjil in Bandung was able to function during
the Japanese Occupation, but apparently stopped activity
in late 1945 when the British occupied Bandung. Several
of the teachers conducted classes in other parts of West
Java until 1948 when the school in Bandung was reopened.
"Perkembangan Pesantren Persatuan Islam," Risalah, I, No.
1 (June 1962), p. 10.
18.	Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia (Dja-
karta: Pustaka Mahmudiah, i960), pp. 260-261. Mahmud Junus
listed the following texts in use at the Pesantren Ketjil:
Ahmad Hassan, Pengadjaran Shalat; Ahmad Hassan, Kesopanan
Islam; Ahmad Hassan, Al-Muchtar, Ahmad Hassan, At-Tauhied;
Ahmad Hassan, Al-Hidajah (Bandung: Al-Ma'arif, n.d.); Ahmad
Hassan, Al-Faraaidl (Bangil and Batavia: Persatuan Islam,
1949); A. D. Hany, Kursus Bahasa Arab (Jogjakarta: Walfa-
djri, n.d.); Mabadi* qir^ah rashidah (Cairo, n.d.); (A1I
Fikri, Al-Samirat al-mahazzib (Cairo, n.d.); Muhammad Farid
Wajdi, Awdat al-tafsir/ al-musfoaf al-mufassar (Cairo, n.d.)
(Umar Abdul Djabar, Khulasat al-Nur al-Jaqin (Cairo, 1925)
(Surabaja, 1930); Al-Akh Bilaj , Bafrr al-Adab' (Cairo; Al-
Jawa’b al-Misriyah, 1905), 3 vols.; Al-Akh Bilaj, Safinat
al-Nuhat (Cairo: Al-JawaJb al-Misriyah, 1907), 4 vols.127
Sixty percent of the secondary school work at the Bandung
school consisted of religious subjects, with a stress on hadlth
(acquaintance and rules of use), Arabic (grammar, syntax, rhe-
toric and pronunciation) and jurisprudence (usul al-fiqh and
fiqht) . General subjects consisted of Indonesian, English,
arithmetic, geography, psychology, some health and some educa-
tion. Many textbooks were in Bahasa Indonesia, including
several written by Ahmad Hassan, but several Arabic works were
used as well. During the first two years of secondary training,
courses were predominantly religious in scope and during the
last two years the emphasis was on general subjects.19
The preparatory courses for teachers (mu'allimin') and the
theological courses (tadjhizijjah) were apparently relatively
short training courses lasting from six weeks to three months
in length. Course work was almost entirely religious in nature
since the purpose was to train a person for a religious occupa-
tion. These courses were apparently given on an ad hoc basis
rather than following a regular schedule.
Persatuan Islam schools in other cities in West Java and
elsewhere numbered twenty in 1955 and had a total of approxi-
mately 6000 students enrolled.20 Some of these schools offered
only elementary training, while others offered secondary educa-
tion as well. Some, such as the Sumendang branch in West Java
occasionally operated three month teacher preparatory courses
and in 1962 there were plans for developing the schools in all
the branches to that level.21 Persatuan Islam schools were
established either by the branches of the Persatuan Islam
located in their respective cities, or by teachers returning to
19.	Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia, p.
261. The following texts were used in addition to many of
those used in the elementary classes:	Ahmad Hassan, Sharaf
(Bangil: Persatuan Islam, n.d.); Abdul Hamid Hakim, Al-
Bayan (Medan, 1930); Mustafa ibn Muhammad Lutfi al-ManTaluti,
Al-Nazarat (Cairo, Al-Rabmaniyah, 1920), 3 vols.; Abdullah
bin Abdul Kadir Munsji, Kalilah wa dimnah (Djakarta: Balai
Pustaka, n.d.); Al-Akh Bilaj, Safinat al-Balaghah (Cairo:
Al-JawsPb al-Misriyan, 1907); Al-Dlbaj; Muframmad Abu Zayd,
Hady al-Rasul (Cairo, 1925); Ahmad ibn Sharqawi, Tawhid
(Cairo, n.d.); Husayn ibn Sulayman al-Rashidl, Bulugh al-
Maram (Cairo: Al-Wahabiyah, 1881).
20.	Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July
21, 1963.
21.	"Perkembangan Pesantren Persatuan Islam,” Risalah, I, No.
1 (June 1962), p. 11.128
their villages after having received training at the Bandung or
Bangil pesantrens. While educational standards originally var-
ied greatly between schools, in the early 1960's, central direc-
tion did much to provide minimum standards and a uniform quality
of education.22
The higher education facilities of the Persatuan Islam
were located in Bangil where two separate and distinct schools
exist. Both were established by Ahmad Hassan before the war,
but were forced to close when the Japanese Occupation began.
The Pesantren Putera, for young men, was reopened in 1951,23
and in 1962 it was reorganized and renamed the Universitas
Pesantren Persatuan Islam.21* The school for girls, called the
Pesantren Puteri was not reopened until 1957.
The Pesantren Puteri had a five year course of instruction
to train young Muslim women for becoming religious teachers and
informants (mubalighien). Entering students were required to
have completed elementary schooling and to have a reading and
speaking knowledge of Arabic. Seventy percent of the course
work concerned Islam and its sciences, including us ul al-fiqh,
Qur’an and hadith commentary, Arabic and ethics. General sub-
jects included English, Indonesian, education, courses on woman-
hood, political science, geography, algebra and biology. All
girls were required to live in the residence hall (asrama),
dress in the manner prescribed by Persis, and conduct themselves
properly according to general Islamic standards. In August
1963, there were over fifty girls enrolled at the Pesantren
Puteri.2 5
The Universitas Pesantren Persatuan Islam had a five year
course of study, and entering students were required to be at
least eighteen years of age, have a secondary education or its
equivalent, and to be able to read and write Arabic. Subject
matter was similar to that of other Persis schools, i.e.,
Arabic, Qur’an, hadtth, usul al-fiqh, tawhid, etc., but greater
depth and understanding was required. General subjects included
education, political science, cosmography and comparative reli-
gion. The school was intended to prepare religious officials,
and many did take up posts with the Department of Religion,
22.	Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July
21, 1963.
23.	Persatuan Islam, Pesantren: Bagian Putera dan Puteri, pp.
16-17. -----------------------------------------------
24.	Suara Rakjat, September 30, 1962, p. 1.
25.	Persatuan Islam, Pesantren: Bagian Putera dan Puteri, pp.
!6-17. ~129
become officials in various schools and mosques; others took
additional training at Al-Azhar in Cairo.26
In addition to its normal role of educating youth, the
Persatuan Islam also undertook some adult education, thus carry-
ing on a tradition started by Ahmad Hassan and Hadji Zamzam in
the 1920's. The purpose was to deepen the adult members' under-
standing of religion and inform them of the proper fulfillment
of religious duties. Beyond its own members, special courses
were also given in government schools, orphan schools, schools
for the blind, in prisons and at hospitals.27 On at least one
occasion, in 1961, the school at Bandung conducted a pesantren
kilat (religious indoctrination course) for students from the
Indonesian Air Force Technical School at the request of the
commander.2 8
The Persatuan Islam's educational system operated on funds
received from a number of sources. General operating expenses
were covered from tuition paid by students' families and from a
grant the Indonesian government gave to all schools teaching a
required number of general courses.29 Buildings and capital
equipment were dependent upon waqf, gifts and grants from char-
itable institutions.30 The mosque and school of the Pesantren
Ketjil, for example, was built on waqf land, and the Pesantren
Putera, which undertook an extensive building program beginning
in 1960 several times received grants from Muslim charitable
institutions.31 The Universitas Pesantren Persatuan Islam also
26.	Persatuan Islam, Pesantren: Bagian Putera dan Puteri, pp.
6-9. Interview with Abdulkadir Hassan and several other
Persatuan Islam officials at Bangil on July 13, 1963.
27.	Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July
21, 1963.
28. Risalah, I, No. 1 (June 1962), p. 13.
29. In general, to be eligible for a government subsidy a Mus-
lim school must provide an education equivalent to that of
the public school system. See M. Hutasoit, Compulsory Edu-
cation in Indonesia (UNESCO series on compulsory education)
(Paris: UNESCO, 1954), pp. 68-69, which gives the specific
criteria governing the granting of subsidies.
30.	Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman and Junus Anis, July
21, 1963; interview with Tuan Sofwanhadi, publisher of the
Surabaja daily Suara Rakjat, during an automobile trip from
Surabaja to Bangil and return on July 13, 1963.
31.	"Perkembangan Pesantren Persatuan Islam," Risalah, I, No.
1 (June 1962), p. 11.130
received government grants from the Department of Religious
Affairs to promote the education of religious officials.32
The education received at Persatuan Islam schools had more
religious content than most other educational systems operating
in Indonesia. At the schools operated by the Sarekat Islam and
the Muhammadijah for example, the selection of general subjects
was greater, and a more even balance was maintained between
religious subjects and general subjects.33 Persis education
utilized Bahasa Indonesia as the language of instruction, while
stressing the importance of Arabic for religious sources, in
apposition to Perti which believed that Arabic should be the
language of instruction in religious subjects.311 Persis educa-
tion was more diversified than the education offered by the
institutes operated by the Department of Religious Affairs which
concentrated almost solely on religious subjects.35 Ahmad
Hassan appeared to be thinking along similar lines in the last
few years of his life and he advocated revision of the organiza-
tion's university to concentrate more on religious subjects to
the exclusion of many general subjects.36 That this did not
occur, probably indicates that there was sentiment against it
among other leaders of Persis, who saw general subjects of
value to modern Indonesian Muslims.
Publications
The high regard for publication that marked the Persatuan
Islam prior to the war continued after the organization's re-
establishment. The Persatuan Islam published several new peri-
odicals in the period since 1948, republished a number of im-
portant studies made before the war, and issued a number of new
publications written by its members on problems confronting
Islam in an independent Indonesia.
32.	Interview with Timur Jaylani, Director of the Section for
Higher Education in the Department of Religious Affairs,
in Djakarta, July 9, 1963.
33.	Cf. Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia,
pp. 233-248. A survey of general Muslim education is found
in M. Hutasoit, Compulsory Education in Indonesia, pp. 74-
79.
34.	Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia, pp.
85-87.
35.	Ibid., pp. 354-360.
36.	Nawawi Dusky, "A. Hassan," Hikmah, XI, No. 32 (November 22,
1958), p. 14.131
The first periodical associated with the post-war Persatuan
Islam was Ativan Islam, which began publishing in late 1948;
while not issued by the Persatuan Islam itself, it contained
the writings of several members, such as Isa Anshary--the peri-
odical's general editor--Moehammad Natsir and E. Abdurrahman.
The magazine was in general highly attuned to political affairs,
the role of Islam in politics, and followed the thinking of
Masjumi on most political issues.
Al-Muslimun, which began publication in 1954 and published
until 1963, was a more staid publication and although published
in Surabaja was actually the Bangil branch's organ. It was
primarily religious-educational in function and contained a
large number of fatwas and serial articles on religious sub-
jects--u?wZ- al-fiqh, muq^alah hadith, studies of the Qur*an and
biographies of the Companions of the Prophet. Its editorials
and fatwas frequently spoke out against secularism, communism
and atheism.
A new series of Pembela Islam was published in 1956 at
Bangil by Ahmad Hassan, but only a limited number of issues came
out before publication ceased. Its format was similar to Al-
Muslimun in that it concentrated on fatwas as its primary mode
of expression. Most articles and fatwas in Pembela Islam ex-
pressed either a political viewpoint or were polemics against
Muslim and non-Muslim groups who adhered to views not agreeing
with Ahmad Hassan's own fundamentalist viewpoint. Like the
earlier Pembela Islam, the new series contained numerous short,
punchy--often sarcastic--paragraphs and articles designed to
stimulate thought on particularly controversial issues.
A number of periodicals appeared in Bandung. Hudjdjatul
Islam, which was listed as the official organ of the movement,
published only one number, but contained several outstanding
articles relating Islamic history to the current Indonesian
situation. The magazine contained no fatwas and was apparently
designed to serve only as a theoretical journal of the organiza-
tion .
Risalah, first issued in 1962, became the official publica-
tion of the Persatuan Islam. It was primarily a house organ,
printing the news and developments of the organization's various
branches in both Bahasa Indonesia and in Sundanese. It had a
question-answer section, but replies generally were not as
authoritative as those published at Bangil and did not cite
references from Qur}an and hadith. Risalah contained some
articles on religious subjects but these were generally informa-
tive of historical Islam and did not attempt to prove a politi-
cal point or take stands on social issues.
Several other periodicals were of importance to the Persa-
tuan Islam. Suava Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama'ah, a monthly maga-
zine, was published for a short time in 1956 by the Djakarta132
branch of the organization. Hikmah, published between the years
1947 and 1960 and reflecting the thinking of the pro-Natsir
wing of Masjumi, printed a large number of statements and arti-
cles by Persis members, particularly Isa Anshary, Moehammad
Natsir (for a time the periodical's general editor), Ali
Alhamidy and Moenawar Chalil.
In addition to periodical literature the Persatuan Islam,
at Bangil in particular, also was active in the publication of
new works and the republication of older works. A brochure
issued in 1950 listed over fifty works available from its press,
with the larger number reprintings of major works--Sual-Djawab,
Pengadjaran Shalat and At-Tauhied--which had appeared before
the war. In fact, the basic works published by the organization
continued in demand and were used in some schools and as basic
reference works for persons interested in religion. Pengadjaran
Shalat offers a case in point; the fourth printing was made in
1963. Al-Furqan, a commentary on the Qur}an published before
the war was expanded, and achieved considerable popularity among
Indonesian Muslims.3* New works appearing after the war con-
tinued to be in the tradition of Persis writers and were gener-
ally instructional in nature. Kedaulatan (Sovereignty) by Ahmad
Hassan, for example, illustrated to Indonesians just how the
democratic process functioned in an independent state; Abdul-
kadir Hassan's U Shut Fiqih was a complete study of classical
Muslim jurisprudence; Hai Tjoetjoekoe (0 My Grandchildren) by
Ahmad Hassan was concerned with proper behavior for young Mus-
lims reminding them not to fall victim to modern secularist
behavior; Ali Alhamidy's Islam dan Perkawinan (Islam and Mar-
riage) fully explained Muslim marriage procedure and belief,
and Qamus Rampaian A sampai Z tammat (Dictionary of Terms A to
Z inclusive) was a dictionary of foreign terms in use in Indo-
nesian writing and speech, particularly in the area of poli-
tics.38
37.	Ahmad Hassan, Al-Furqan (Tafsir Qur*an) (Surabaja: Salim
Nabhan, 1956, and Djakarta: Tintamas, 1962). This work is
apparently a continuation of earlier commentaries made by
Ahmad Hassan which were limited to specific surahs, such
as Ahmad Hassan, Al-Djawahir (Permata-permata) Ajat dan
Hadits (Bangil: Persatuan Islam, 1957); Ahmad Hassan,
Tafsier Surah Jasien dengan keterangan dan ringkasan; and
Ahmad Hassan, Al-Hidajah (djuz amma). The publications
are those of available volumes and in every case earlier
editions of these works were published.
38.	Ahmad Hassan, Hai Tjoetjoe-koe (Nasihat seorang tua jlang
telah hidoep lama, banjak melihat, banjak mendengar dan
banjak mengalami hal-hal doenia kepada tjoetjoenja jang
laki-laki dan jang perempoean dan kepada kanak-kanak jang
se'oemoer dengan mereka) (Surabaja: Salim Nabhan, 1948);
Moehammad Ali Alhamidy, Islam dan Perkawinan (Djakarta:133
There were a number of works published by Persis members
that, like Ahmad Hassan's Islam dan Kebangsaan before the war,
attempted to adapt fundamentalist Islam to the political situa-
tion existing in independent Indonesia. Isa Anshary's Revolusi
Islam (Islamic Revolution), for example, outlined Muslim hopes
for the establishment of an Indonesian state based on Islamic
principles; his Bahaja Merah di Indonesia (The Red Threat in
Indonesia) warned Muslims and Indonesians against the ideology
and practices of Communism which he saw as contrary to both
religion and nation; and his Islam dan Nasionalisme (Islam and
Nationalism) which indicated the similarities and differences
between Muslim and secularist actions and goals. Moenawar
Chalil's Funksi Ulama dalam Masjarakat dan Negara (The Function
of the iulama.) in Society and the Nation) , describing the
lulamay as a political leadership, also belongs to this series
of works.3 9
A final series of publications was made available from the
reports and fatwas issued by the congresses of the Persatuan
Islam. Lengthy reports were issued after the VI Congress in
December 1956, and the VIII Congress in September 1960, contain
ing the Weltansahauung of the Persatuan Islam and its views on
many specific subjects. l*° A number of official fatwas and
Al-Ma'arif, 1951); Ahmad Hassan, Qamoes Rampaian A sampai
Z tammat (Malang: Indian League, 1950). In the introduc-
tion to this latter volume, Ahmad Hassan stated that the
purpose of the book was to give the meaning of foreign
words commonly used by Indonesian writers but who do not
give their meaning. The selection contained European,
Malay, Hebrew, Indonesian, Sundanese, Tamil, Persian,
Arabic and Sanskrit terms. Ahmad Hassan stated his inten-
tion to publish a second volume using another set of words
and terms. See Sabirin, Kekajaan Basa dan Pengetahoean
Oemoem (Bandoeng: C. T. Van Dorp, 1938).
39.	Moehammad Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam (Surabaja: Hasan
Aidid, 1953); Moehammad Isa Anshary, Jusuf Wibisono and
Sjarief Usman, Bahaja Merah di Indonesia (Bandung: Front
Anti-Komunis, 1955); Moehammad Isa Anshary, Islam dan
Nationalisme (Bandung: Pustaka Djihad, 1954); Moenawar
Chalil, Funksi Ulama dalam Masjarakat dan Negara (Djakarta
Bulan Bintang, 1957) .
40.	The 1956 and 1960 reports have only slight differences in
text. The original draft, in 1956, was prepared by Moe-
hammad Isa Anshary in his capacity as General Chairman,
and adopted by the congress with slight changes. Pusat
Pimpinan Persatuan Islam, Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan
Islam (Bandung, 1958). The 1960 report, with the same
title appears in serial articles in Hikmah, X, Nos. 1-2
(January 12, 1957) through No. 6 (February 9, 1957).134
memoranda were issued by the Persatuan Islam as an organization
in addition to those issued by its individual scholars, and
these usually appeared in various Muslim periodicals publishing
at the time.
The Continued Importance of Fiqh
The basic Persis stress on fiqh survived the organization's
suspension during the war and re-emerged in the post-war period.
The pesantren at Bangil in particular, where Ahmad Hassan and
Abdulkadir Hassan were located, was probably most active in
issuing fatwas in the period of the 1950's, but the function
was by no means limited as to place or persons and several other
<-ulama'> within Pers is --Abdullah Ahmad and Hadji Moenawar Chalil
for example--also issued fatwas. Persis fatwas after the war
had a slightly different emphasis than during the period of the
1930's, in that more fatwas made pronouncements on political
subjects, reflecting perhaps greater interest in political af-
fairs by leaders of the Persatuan Islam. It should be noted,
however, that Persis fatwas only rarely criticized actual
government policies; as in the Dutch period, "political" fatwas
were confined to pronouncements concerning the general content
of nationalism, the philosophic basis of a national state, and
condemnation of political trends opposed to Muslim political
goals. This is not to say, however, that the Persatuan Islam
never took a political stand on specific issues of government
policy, for Isa Anshary, Moehammad Natsir and Ahmad Hassan fre-
quently did so. They always worked through some political
group, such as the Masjumi party or the Anti-Communist Front,
or with an article or a book clearly recognized as political in
character, while the authoritative fatwa was not used. There
were two notable exceptions to this generalization:	in 1957,
when the Persatuan Islam denounced Sukarno's konsepsi (concep-
tion) for introducing a united front government with Communist
participation, and in 1961, when the movement called for active
government suppression of Communism in Indonesia.1*2 On both
occasions, the Persatuan Islam as an organization issued the
fatwa--in apposition to the usual practice of individual fatwas
41.	These fatwas and memoranda are cited below in the chapter
on politics.
42.	Pusat Pimpinan Persatuan Islam, "Persatuan Islam menolak
konsepsi Bung Karno," Suara Masjumi, March 15, 1957, p. 8.
Eighth Congress of the Persatuan Islam, "Persatuan Islam
menuntut Penghantjaran Partai Komunis Indonesia," Bangil,
September 4, 1960. Printed in Harian Abadi, September 7,
1960, pp. 1-2 (translated into English by the Joint Publi-
cation Research Service, JPRS #4369, February 1, 1961).135
--and on both occasions, the fatwas condemned Communism as such
and warned about its effect on the government, and did not
directly criticize government policy.
Most of the fatwas issued by Persis members after the war
were concerned with matters of worship. Largely they reiterated
Persis demands made in the 1930's for the exclusion of certain
practices the Persatuan Islam believed were not genuinely a
part of proper religious practice. In a fatwa entitled "Ta'rief
Bid'ah" (Definition of bid<ah) written in June 1955, an anonymous
Persis writer enumerated a list of actions and practices he re-
garded as unacceptable to good religious practice.
Included in bid l II, III,ah--particularly in the past--were
many things, among them were:	ushalli [niyah], pronounc-
ing talqin for the dead, reciting takbir at the grave,
ignoring ritual washing--prayers while performing ritual
washing for every member of the body--asking pardon for
sins [istighfar] by reciting the Jamalah prayer after the
salam prayer--reciting tahlil for the deceased--reciting
the dhikr while attending a funeral, reading al-fatihah
to the deceased, reading Surah Yd Sin and other surahs
while performing general work--using the Qur’an as a
shield--adding the words sayyidina di shawat to worship--
because none of these practices genuinely belong to
Islam.1*3
Lacking in Persatuan Islam fatwas, both prior to the war
and afterwards, was any full discussion of the social problems
presented by the technological advances and sociological develop-
ments of the past fifty years, and the impact of these trends
on the religious life of Indonesian Muslims. There is no Persis
fatwa extant that discussed this problem generally, and fatwas
dealing with individual problems arising from it were limited
only to those problems, such as the efforts to change the status
of women in society, occasional fatwas on the use of zakat for
public projects, the problem of interest and banks, and only
rarely fatwas on a problem like birth control or blood trans-
43. "Ta'rief (definisi) Bid'ah," Al-Muslimun, II, No. 3 (June
1955), pp. 7-8. A number of fatwas from the Bangil group
written during the 1950's indicate that Persis thinking on
these subjects had not changed from what it had been prior
to the war. The following fatwas support that conclusion:
"Talqin untuk siapa," Al-Muslimun, II, No. 7 (October 1955),
p. 9; "Niat dalam 'Ibadat," Al-Muslimun, V, No. 43 (Novem-
ber 1960), pp. 8-9; "Mentjium tangan 'ulama'," Al-Muslimun,
II,	No. 1 (April 1955), p. 11; "Kenduri tjukur rambut baji,"
Al-Muslimun, VI, No. 25 (April 1956), p. 7; "Memakai 'Azi-
mat,'* Al-Muslimun, II, No. 4 (June 1955), pp. 10-11; and
"Gamelan, Gambus, Orkes, dll," Al-Muslimun, II, No. 2 (June
1955), pp. 5-6; "Mendapat ilham untuk menobat," Al-Muslimun,
III,	No. 30 (August 1957), pp. 10-11.136
fusion. Even these discussions were kept within a tight reli-
gious framework which offered answers for almost all situations
in the society, rather than discussed in the context of a world
affected by technological advances and sociological developments
where the society itself was being transformed, even in the non-
industrial areas of the world including Indonesia.CHAPTER X
ADJUSTMENT TO CONTEMPORARY SCIENTIFIC,
ECONOMIC AND SOCIOLOGICAL TRENDS
The Persatuan Islam has been concerned with the impact of
the Twentieth Century, with its technological, scientific and
sociological developments, on Muslims and on Islamic princi-
ples. Basically Persis members accepted these contemporary
developments as beneficial to mankind, but maintained that
their true value could only be guaranteed when given guidance
by the spiritual and moral values of Islam. There has been no
article, fatwa or monograph by a Persis member, however, at-
tempting to analyze this subject and define Islam's relation-
ship to modern trends, but several Persis authors have treated
the subject casually in their works on other matters.
Persis writers frequently stated their belief that Islam
was compatible with Twentieth Century developments. In a fatwa
with the provocative title "Langit tidak ada" (Heaven does not
exist) , a Persatuan Islam (alim stated that "there is no contra-
diction between belief in science and .	.	. religious belief,"
and concluded that a Muslim was free to study science without
fear of being branded an apostate (murtadd). Ahmad Hassan,
writing in Muhammad benar Rasul itu?, cited references in
the Qur> an to cross pollination, to virus and bacteria and to
the revolution of heavenly bodies as proof that Islam histori-
cally has been compatible with science.1 2 One particular fatwa
admitted that science had changed Muslims' thinking on some
subjects, and cited the concept of "heaven" as an example. The
fatwas noted that Muslims once believed that heaven occupied
the space immediately above the earth and was perceptible to
the five senses but conceded that science had proven that
heaven did not exist in that form or place. The fatwa con-
cluded that heaven (sama)) did still exist in another place and
1.	"Langit tidak Ada," Al-Muslimun, II, No. 5 (August 1955),
p. 5 .
2.	Ahmad Hassan, Is Muhammad a True Prophet?, p. 53; similar
in its effort to show the Qur’an's compatibility with
modern science was "Bumi Bulat," Al-Muslimun, II, No. 4
(July 1955), pp. 5-6.
137138
another form and insisted that heaven as such was not contrary
to scientific thinking.3 4
While Persis writers regarded science as beneficial to man
and acceptable to Islam, they were somewhat more reserved on
the influence of the civilization and culture that science,
through technology with accompanying modifications of society,
had produced in the West. They stated that Muslims could accept
science and even technology but warned Muslims that to follow
the example of the West in the way it made use of these benefits
was to court disaster. They maintained that technology in the
West had not been tied to a system of values, had been disrup-
tive of morality, and threatened the very destruction of Western
civilization. "Man climbs the tower of technical development,"
stated Isa Anshary, "... but intellect, reason and thought
alone are not capable of providing guidance for .	. . life."1*
In the same vein, Moehammad Natsir, in a speech in the Constitu-
ent Assembly, noted that the secularists "claim that knowledge
must be separated from the values of life and culture." He ad-
mitted that the separation was useful in so far as objectivity
was concerned, but stated his belief that science had unfortu-
nately become "science for the sake of science" and the scien-
tists felt no responsibility when their creation was used in a
destructive manner.5 Both writers concluded that the spiritual
3.	"Langit tidak Ada," A1-Muslimun, II, No. 5 (August 1955),
p. 5 .
4.	Moehammad Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam, p. 24. The complete
quote reads as follows:	"Man climbs the tower of technical
development, solves the power of electricity, raises the
highest laws. With his reason man can attain to the highest
world, raise the likeness of fire and light. Man can fly
in the sky like the garuda [mythical bird], he can dive to
the bottom of the sea like a fish. With his intellect man
has been able to make many things beneficial to his cultural
development and for the flowering of humanity. . . . But
intellect, reason, thought, are not capable of providing a
compass and guidance for . . . life. . .	. [Not the intel-
lect but the] spirit is necessary to provide such guidance
and leadership."
5.	Moehammad Natsir, "Pidato di Komite II Konstituante" in
Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante
(Bandung, 1958), I, p. 17. This speech was also published
separately, Islam sebagai ideologie (Djakarta: Pustaka Aida,
[1951]). The complete quote reads as follows:	"Toward
science colleagues, secularism claims that the sciences
[ilmu-ilmu] must be separated from the values of life and
culture. Ethics, they say, must be separated from science.
In this viewpoint the science of economics must be separated
from ethics. History must be separated from ethics. Soci-139
side of man, properly informed of religious commands and pro-
hibitions, was necessary to give technical advances proper
utilization and direction.
In Revolusi Islam, Isa Anshary lamented the appearance of
an attitude among Indonesians that copies the non-spiritual out-
look of the West. He warned Indonesians that by imitating the
West and disregarding religion as a guide for life, they were
taking the same path to destruction that the West was already
following. He saw this reflected in the attitude of Indonesian
youth who seemed more sophisticated, yet restless. "Parents
are no longer able to control their children, because the
children feel more developed, more internationally minded."
This attitude could also be seen among women, he maintained,
where it was clear in the mode of dress for Muslim women. Even
some lulama) 's wives "dress in frocks, bare in the middle and
scant above and below." Isa Anshary stated that Muslims would
do well not to allow their standards to degenerate and accept
without qualification the many trends and influences brought
forth during the modern age. Muslims have freedom of thought,
but it is a freedom "to think, to compare and to criticize."
He concluded that society would develop correctly if it was
cognizant of religion and adopted principles based on a genuine
fear and respect of God {taqwa ’ 11ah).6
While there was only limited discussion of modern develop-
ments in general, there were many Persis articles and fatwas
that attempted to deal with the individual problems that arose
when these trends came into contact with particular religious
beliefs and practices. Health advances had to be adjusted to
Muslim dietary regulations; economic thinking and institutions
collided with Muslim laws of zakat and usury; and the women's
emancipation movement challenged Muslim rules of conduct for
its women.
ology must be separated from the norms of morality, culture
and [religious belief]. The same with theology, philosophy,
law and so forth. For the sake of objectivity this attitude
of separating ethics from science has its use, but there is
a limit [beyond which] we are not able to separate science
and ethics.
"The development of technical science has produced an
atom bomb. Should the scientists who contributed their
energies to the creation share responsibility for its use,
or not?
"For those who separate ethics from science it is easy
to free themselves from the responsibility for use of the
bomb. Here we see the extent of the influence of secularism.
Science has already become an end in itself. 'Science for
the sake of science.'"
6. Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam, pp. 36-37.140
Modern Medical Practice
Regarding modern medical practice, several fatwas pointedly
suggest that persons with strange maladies and mental problems
would do well to consult medical specialists rather than rely
on folk ritual for cure. But while modern medical practice was
accepted, several Persis fatwas noted the possibility that
medical treatment could interfere with religious ritual and
transgress religious prohibitions, and attempted to reconcile
general religious principles and medical practice. One Persis
{alim noted an hadtth recorded by Abu Dawud, which stated that
God had put sickness on the earth but had provided a cure for
every illness. The hadlth warned lest sickness be treated with
methods and drugs that are forbidden by religion, for permissi-
ble drugs and methods did exist for the curing of every ill-
ness.* * * 7 In line with this hadlth, Persis writers stated that
Muslims could not take medicine containing alcohol, but did
note that in an emergency where a Muslim's life was at stake
medicine containing alcohol could be used, if appropriate and
if other medicine was not available.8 The drinking of blood
for reasons of health was prohibited, but several fatwas stated
that the characteristics of a blood transfusion were entirely
different than that of drinking blood, and judged that trans-
fusion was a permissible act.9
Several fatwas noted the problem of medical practice during
the Fast, and maintained that taking medicine in the daytime
during Ramadan did not negate the Fast for a sick person. The
rationale for this judgment was that taking medicine, while
similar to eating and drinking in that the substance entered
the mouth and passed to the stomach, actually had a different
purpose and could not be considered to be either food or
drink.10 Other fatwas used parallel arguments to allow injec-
tions and enemas for the ill during the Fast.11
7.	See for example, "Selamatan Gerhana," Al-Muslimun, III, No.
25 (April 1956), p. 4; "Makan Darah (Didih)," Al-Muslimun,
II, No. 3 (June 1955) , p. 10.
8.	"Obat tjampur arak ketika dlarurat," Al-Muslimun, II, No.
8 (November 1955), pp. 5-6.
9.	"Memasukkan Darah," A1-Muslimun, I, No. 7 (October 1954),
p. 5. Cf., Muhammad Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy, Pemindahan darah
(blood transfusion) dipandjang dari sudut hukm agama Islam
(Dj akarta: Bulan Bintang, 1954).
10.	"Minum obat waktu puasa," Al-Muslimun, III, No. 25 (April
1956) , p. 8.
11.	"Indjeksi dalam Puasa," Al-Muslimun, II, No. 7 (October141
In a problem related to medical practice, Persis iulama)
decided that birth control for Muslims was permissible. This
decision, recorded in a fatwa entitled "Membatas Kelahiran"
(Limiting Birth), was based on an hadlth recorded by Ahmad ibn
Hanbal, Muslim and Abu Dawud, which cited the Prophet's permis-
sion for Muslims to practice coitus interruptus for the preven-
tion of pregnancy, and hence, by analogy, concluded that other
types of birth control were permitted as well. The same fatwas
noted that birth control included only the prevention of preg-
nancy, and that abortion was clearly forbidden by Islam.12
Several fatwas decided that artificial insemination caused con-
siderable problems regarding Muslim family life, inheritance
and other matters, and concluded that it would be better not
practiced.13
Economics
There is some discussion among Persis writings concerning
economics and its effects on Indonesian Muslims. Moehammad
Natsir, for example, even before he became a government minister,
showed considerable awareness of modern economic theory and prac-
tice. In an article written in 1932, he explained that in Islam
wealth is considered to be a blessing, given by God for the en-
joyment of all men. He noted in his speech before the Constitu-
ent Assembly that Islam has not provided laws on economics and
other subjects to "regulate 1001 detailed circumstances," which
would be subject to change in different places and times.
Rather, he stated, Islam has provided the basic kernel which,
when used in conjunction with man's reason, could be applied at
any place in any age.111 Moehammad Natsir's belief in a social-
istic system was based on this principle, and the argument he
employed for its adoption by Indonesians was a clear attempt to
distill a basic economic principle from Islam and apply it to
contemporary life. He quoted Al-Tawbah 9:34 promising a painful
doom to those who do not use their wealth in a way pleasing to
God, and stated that this ayah rejected capitalism, which he
characterized as a "greedy and covetous soul .	. . amassing
1955), p. 7; Ahmad Hassan, "Memasukkan obat di djalan buang
air dan di djalan darah, waqtu puasa," Sual-Djawab, No. 3,
p.	1.
12.	"Membatas Kelahiran," Al-Muslimun, II, No. 9 (November
1955), pp. 4-7.
13.	"Melahiran anak dengan orang lain," Al-Muslimun, I, No. 9
(December 1954), p. 10.
14.	Moehammad Natsir, "Pidato di Komisi II Konstituante,
Tentang Dasar .	. . dalam Konstituante, p. 130.142
wealth, gold and silver only for his own joy, without consider-
ing society." He used analogy to state that wealth should not
be concentrated among only a few persons to provide them with
luxury while others suffered, but rather should be "turned into
the productive process for raising the level of prosperity so
that greater equality would exist."15 This preference for
socialist forms of economic systems is common to many newly in-
dependent nations who see capitalism connected with colonialism
as well as a common modern Muslim interpretation of the tradi-
tionally paternalistic and communally based life of Muslim
society. Moehammad Natsir's justification was an Indonesian
attempt to give socialism religious sanction.
While condemning capitalism, Moehammad Natsir was also
clearly opposed to the sort of socialism espoused by Communism.
He saw Marxist dialectic, with its insistence on the inevitabil-
ity of class struggle, as setting one class of Muslims against
another, and maintained that this viewpoint was contrary to the
Muslim view of the equality and brotherhood of all men. He
stated that the Muslim rich were not to be the enemies of the
Muslim poor, but rather their guides and benefactors. He ad-
mitted, however, that there were many movements--"liberal, radi-
cal, fascist and Communist"--that wanted to improve economic
and social differences so as to "lessen the differences between
men," but claimed that, except for Islam, all of them had de-
fects and none neared perfection. Only Islam, as the religion
of God, he declared, was capable of bringing about equality
through raising the low economic and social level of the masses
to the "level of humanity" and by stripping the aristocrats of
their "divinity" and making them common mortals.16
Natsir's own ideals regarding the equality of mankind,
rather than any command of Islam, probably led him to prefer a
moderate brand of socialism. His speeches in parliament often
supported socialistic measures, but these had no specific char-
acteristics that branded them as Islamic, as opposed to any
other socialistic legislation.17 It appears then that Natsir
15.	Al-Tawbah 9:34.	"0 ye who believe! Lo! Many of the rabbis
and the monks devour the wealth of mankind wantonly and
debar (men) from the way of Allah. They who hoard up gold
and silver and spend it not in the way of Allah, unto them
give tidings (0 Muhammad) or a painful doom." Natsir cited
only the last part as support for his case. Moehammad
Natsir, "Pidato di Komisi II Konstituante," Tentang Dasar
. . . dalam Konstituante, pp. 134-135.
16.	Moehammad Natsir, "Marhaenisme dan Islam," Pembela Islam,
No. 56 (December 1932), pp. 3-4.
17.	See for example, Mohammad Natsir, "Pidato di Parlemen,
tanggal 31 Mei 1951. Menjambut Keterangan Pemerintahan143
was not really arguing for a specific system of economics, but
rather that any system adopted by Indonesia should be guided by
basic Muslim principles.
Indonesian Muslims, like Muslims in other parts of the
Islamic world, gave considerable scrutiny to the institution of
zakat and the prohibition of usury (riba) , in trying to fit them
to the contemporary age. Regarding zakat, Persis members were
meticulous in working out the formulae laid down in Qur’an and
hadith for assessing the amount of tax due from each Muslim.18
Moehammad Natsir noted that zakat was a social pressure built
into Islam to prompt the rich to alleviate the burdens of the
poor. As such, he believed that it could play an important role
in contemporary Indonesian society.19 Persis writers made no
mention of the suggestions put forward by some Muslims that
zakat should be incorporated into the national tax system and
the money used for social welfare programs. They did state,
however, that it was permissible for zakat to be used for the
construction and operation of schools, hospitals and other
social welfare projects. These writers interpreted broadly the
injunction in the Qur’an to distribute zakat to the destitute,
the wayfarer and "in the way of God," and stated that zakat
could be used in any way that would aid the Muslim cause.20
The problem of riba, commonly translated as usury, pre-
sented a more difficult problem than zakat, since, at first
glance, riba appeared to clash with the operations of several
modern interest gathering institutions, such as banks, insurance
companies,21 and cooperatives. In line with modernist Muslim
Babak Pertama" in Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indone-
sia, Risalah Perundingan, 1951, X, pp. 4231-4242; reprinted
in Capita Selecta~j Il° pp. 19-27.
18.	See for example, Ahmad Hassan, Sabirin and Fachroeddin al-
Kahiri, Kitab Zakat; Abdulkadir Hassan, Risalah Zakat (Dja-
karta: Tmtamas, 1961); Ahmad Hassan, Risalah Zakat liwat
setahun (Bangil: Persatuan Islam, 1955JT
19.	Moehammad Natsir, "Marhaenisme dan Islam," Pembela Islam,
No. 56 (December 1932), p. 3; cf. Wilfred Cantwell Smith,
Islam in Modern History, pp. 159-160.
20.	"Bolehkah uang zakat-wadjib diberikan untuk keperluan
mesdjid-mesdjid dan sekolah-sekolah?" Al-Muslimun, I, No. 4
(June 1955), pp. 8-12; Such an interpretation leaves the
use of zakat open to abuse in activities quite far removed
from the welfare activities that have traditionally marked
zakat.
21.	Insurance was actually a problem unto itself, for in addi-
tion to its interest bearing characteristics, it was con-144
thinking in the Arab world, the Persatuan Islam found these
financial institutions compatible with Islam. The usual Muslim
position since the time of the Prophet, however, had been that
the prohibition on riba included not only usury, but any profit
by the lender on the goods he lent. However, the need for
credit had often led to a circumvention of this rule by the use
of the double sale (mukhatarah contract) and other ruses.22 In
contrast to this traditional approach, the Persatuan Islam de-
fined riba merely as "excessive profit" and stated that interest
gained from banks and cooperatives was reasonable and should
not be considered as included in the Prophet's condemnation of
riba. In a fatwa entitled "Koperasi" (Cooperatives), a Persis
(alim stated that the Prophet's condemnation was intended to
control the practice common to pre-Islamic Arabia where double
the amount of interest was agreed to for lengthening the dura-
tion of the loan. "The sum of one hundred dirham became two
hundred, and so on, several times."23 The fatwa noted that such
a practice could easily lead to a considerable loss of wealth on
the borrower's part, and having perceived that such loss was
unjust, the Prophet had forbidden such practices.
A second fatwa, entitled "Mengambalikan sebanjak jang
dipindjam" (Returning a sum greater than was borrowed), ex-
plained the Persis position further and challenged as invalid
the hadith used by traditionalist Muslims to justify their stand
on riba. The hadith stated that repayment of a loan of grain
was to be in the same grain with no increase, and that there
was to be no dealing in futures (i.e., the success of the next
harvest). The writer of the fatwa claimed that this hadith was
not valid because its terms were impossible to fulfill, for one
who borrowed grain could not possibly repay in the same grain
until after a later harvest. "Is it fitting for the Prophet to
have received such guidance from God?" he asked, and then
answered his own question by stating, "Certainly not, and we
can never accept that the Prophet uttered" such words. This
sidered by many Muslims to be a form of gambling. The
Nahdlatul Ulama Congress in Solo in 1935, for example,
passed a decision stating that life insurance was forbidden
by Islamic law on the basis that it was gambling. Naim,
"The Nahdlatul Ulama Party," p. 156.
22.	Gaudefroys-Demombynes, Muslim Institutions, pp. 190-191.
23.	"Koperasi," Al-Muslimun, II, No. 6 (September 1955), pp.
7-8. See also Ahmad Hassan, "Ribaa," Pembela Islam, No.
51 (September 1932) and No. 52 (October 1932), which has
also appeared under separate cover with the title, Kitab
Ribaa; and the section on "Riba, speculatis, dalam desa"
in Moehammad Natsir, "Hadji, Zakat, fitrah, riba, kawin-
tjerai d.1.1.," Pembela Islam (May 1951), pp. 15-16.145
fatwa also dismissed other hadlths presented by traditional Mus-
lims as proof of their position on riba "because they (the
hadlths) conflict with one another.”2h A third fatwa stated
that Muslims were permitted to use modern banks and to accept
the interest they gave on savings. This fatwa concluded that a
Muslim was remiss in his obligations if he failed to accept
interest from a bank, and stated that "if a person regards it
as unclean, let him give it to an orphanage or a school."25
The Laws of Punishment (%udud)
The punishments prescribed by Qur> an and hadlth for certain
unrighteous acts have often been difficult for Muslims to adjust
with current social norms and behavior. There has been criti-
cism from many quarters --Muslim and non-Muslim--of such punish-
ments as flogging those taken in adultery and severing the hand
of the thief.26 Secularists in Indonesia found such punishments
to be totally unfitting, and even Muslim organizations attempted
to make them less harsh. The Muhammadijah attempted to distill
the spirit of the commands, believed, for example, that theft
should be punished by imprisonment, and maintained that such
confinement was a limitation on the thief's power to steal,
i.e., a figurative way of "severing a man's arm."27 Unlike the
Muhammadijah, the Persatuan Islam interpreted the punishment
for theft literally and maintained that a thief's hand should
be severed, since God had clearly commanded it. In Pemerintahan
Tjara Islam, Ahmad Hassan defended this viewpoint by stating
that such harsh punishments served as a constant reminder to
the criminal and discouraged other persons from comitting similar
crimes. Ahmad Hassan admitted that Islamic laws of punishment
were harsh and stated that they were meant to frighten, but
justified such an approach by stating that "90% of the laws of
non-Muslim states are intended for that purpose" (i.e., to
frighten people) and yet "lawlessness is higher in non-Islamic
lands." He concluded that if such laws were applied regularly
throughout Indonesia they would cause much initial distress,
"but as generations passed, the new groups would be less likely
24.	Mengembalikan sebanjak jang dipindjam," Al-Muslimun, I,
No. 12 (March 1955), p. 7.
25.	Ahmad Hassan, "Riba Bank," Sual-Dj awab, No. 13, pp. 72-73.
26.	See for example, Al-Nur 24:2-4; Al-Baqarah (The Cow) 2:178;
A1-Ma}idah 5:38-3^
27.	Interview with Fakih Usman, General Secretary of the
Muhammadijah and one-time Minister of Religious Affairs,
in Djakarta on July 10, 1963.146
to err and they would be more prosperous."28
It should be noted that Persis fatwas and articles never
attempted to assign punishments for acts it believed contravened
the Sharitah but only made judgments as to what actions were
within the limits of proper behavior and what was not. Nor did
the Persatuan Islam agitate for the inclusion of these punish-
ments in national law. Apparently Persis members sought only
to defend such punishments as the command of God, but left the
implementation to the state. The literal stance taken on this
issue by the Persatuan Islam and several other Muslim groups
had an unfavorable impact on Muslim political fortunes, and many
nominal Muslims and Muslims with secularist tendencies did not
give their support to Muslim political parties because they
believed that the establishment of an Islamic state might lead
to the implementation of such harsh Islamic laws.
Woman's Role in Society
One of the most significant social developments in the
past century has been the increased role that women have come
to play in society in the West. It is a development that has
caused considerable thought among some Muslim women’s groups,
among Muslim divines, and has prompted the publication of new
studies outlining Muslim views toward the role of women in
society.29 In Indonesia, the Muslim attitude became a point of
serious contention in the 1930's between secularists, who advo-
cated greater matrimonial and social freedom for women, and
Muslims, who saw many aspects of the emancipation of women as
transgressing religious prohibitions.30 This difference pre-
vailed after the war as well. While most advocates for a less
inhibited role for women in society belonged to secularist
organizations, there were those within the Muslim community who
also wanted to give women a new, more prominent role in national
life. This trend was apparent, for example, in the Muhammadijah
where the 'Aisijah, the organization's women's movement, had,
over a period of thirty years, made considerable impact on
Muhammadijah leadership and considerably broadened the role of
women members within the organization.31 These gains, which
28.	Ahmad Hassan, Pemerintahan Tjara Islam, pp. 27, 32, 30.
29.	Cf., C. C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, pp. 230-
239; Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islann
30.	Blumberger, "Vrouwenbeweging (Inlandsch)," Encyclopaedic
van Nederlandsch Post-Indie.
31.	(Ali, "The Muhammadijah Movement," pp. 155-157; Blumberger,
"Moehammadijah," Encyclopaedic van Nederlandsch Post-Indie.147
still did not allow unrestricted mixing of men and women social-
ly, carried over into Masjumi, and caused some dissension among
groups, including Persis, with a more narrow interpretation of
women’s role in life.
The Persatuan Islam held the viewpoint that there were
essential differences of character between men and women that
fitted each sex for different functions in life. Muslims, both
in Persis and in other organizations, argued that within this
division of function the two sexes really only operated in dif-
ferent spheres, and that one sex could not be regarded as supe-
rior to the other. "Men have several functions that cannot be
performed by women and vice versa, .	.	. but for the wellbeing
of both sexes mutual aid and cooperation is essential." Men
were regarded as the masters who control the nation, the reli-
gious community, and the family, and provide livelihood and
sustenance for the family. Woman’s role was regarded as being
concerned with housekeeping and motherhood. 'Ali Alhamidy, in
his monograph Islam dan Perkawinan (Islam and Marriage), stressed
that the natures of the two sexes were primarily responsible
for this particular division of labor; men were assigned intel-
ligence and strength, and women attractiveness.32 Ahmad Hassan,
on the other hand, stressed the legal case and stated that such
a division of responsibility was set by religious law. "Women
must obey," he stated, "and men must provide subsistence."33
The Persatuan Islam maintained that men and women could
not mix socially or associate freely with one another, except
within the family circle and through marriage. As the religious
basis for the separation of the sexes, Persis (ulama) cited
Al-Nur 24:31, which states that women should dress modestly and
32.	Ali Alhamidy, Islam dan Perkawinan, p. 5. "Man exceeds
women in three matters; strength, thought and intelligence,"
and because of these characteristics "man is as a pillar
which becomes a strong support for woman." Man's superior
intelligence and strength have been granted by God so that
he could be His vice-regent on earth and control all life
and matter on it. In contrast to the intelligence and
strength of men, women are characterized by sweetness,
softness of form and attractiveness, maintained Ali A1
Alhamidy. Woman's principal function is as a "place of
enjoyment for man, and a place of his life's contentment.
Woman is a blessing of inestimable value from God to man."
(pp. 6, 8). See also, Moehammed Aviar A. Sophy, "Orang
Isteri itu mendjadi radja dalam roemah tangga lakinja,"
Pembela Islam, No. 35 (October 1931), p. 11.
33.	Ahmad Hassan, Perempuan Islam di Dewan dan Podium (Bangil:
Persatuan Islam, 1940) , p. 4. See also "Perempuan tidak
memperdulikan suami," Al-Muslimun, III, No. 33 (November-
December 1957), p. 4.148
reveal their charms only to their husbands and close relatives.3k
During the lifetime of the Prophet, stated Ahmad Hassan, women
were allowed to leave the house, to go to the marketplace, go
on the hajj, to undertake a large number of everyday tasks and
to perform religious obligations that would bring them into the
view of men. On the assumption that such actions were proper
or they would have been corrected by the Prophet, Ahmad Hassan
concluded that women could appear before men while undertaking
similar activities at the present time, but nothing more since
the Prophet gave no express or implied permission for any other
contacts and indicated in a number of instances that the sexes
should be kept apart as much as possible.35 Reflecting an argu-
ment in common use by modernist Muslims throughout the Muslim
world, Ali Alhamidy stated that a chief characteristic of woman
is allure, and not properly controlled, this allure could bring
harm to both men and women.36 An article signed with the ini-
tials M. S. and appearing in Pembela Islam echoed the same argu-
ment and concluded that women have an allure of sweetness--even
if some women are not really sweet--and if they are not properly
cherished and protected "can destroy themselves and other people
as well."37 In this context, the separation of the sexes,
stated Ahmad Hassan, was not intended to be a "humbling or
lowering of either sex," but an indication of Islam’s awareness
of women and at attempt to honor them.38
Persis’ regard for the disruptive power of womanhood on
mankind dictated the organization's belief on what it regarded
34.	A1-Nur 24:31. "And say to the believing women, that they
cast down their eyes and guard their private parts, and
reveal not their adornment save such as is outward; and
let them cast their veils over their bosoms, and not reveal
their adornment save to their husbands, or fathers, or hus-
band's fathers, or their sons, or step-sons, or brothers,
or nephews, or women, or their slaves, or men who attend
them who have no sexual desire, or children. ..."
35.	Ahmad Hassan, Perempuan Islam di Dewan dan Podium, pp. 13-
14.
36.	Ali Alhamidy, Islam dan Perkawinan, pp. 8-9.
37.	M. S., "Perempuan," Part 2, Pembela Islam (New Series),
No. 2 (April 1956), p. 35.
38.	Ahmad Hassan, Perempuan Islam di Dewan dan Podium, p. 8.
One Persis article maintained that Islam honored women by
reserving special places at (id al-Fitr ceremonies and in
the mosque for their exclusive use, by providing special
entry ways and shielded walks to the mosques, and by bowing
in greeting to them. M. S., "Perempuan," Part 1, Pembela
Islam (New Series), No. 1 (March 1956), p. 10.149
as proper clothing for women. "Islam honors women," stated an
article in Pembela Islam, "by requiring that women wear clothing
that covers their bodies and their shapes, in order that they
not be appealing to men, and to avoid the temptations "which
lead to corruption, perversion and destruction of society."
"People who do not sincerely honor women," the article contin-
ued, "allow them to dress in provocative Western clothes where
the shape of the breasts and thighs are an enticement to men."
Coupled with free association with men it could lead to a situa-
tion "as in England where up to 70% of the schoolgirls" are no
longer virgins.39
In religious matters, Ahmad Hassan noted, "a woman may not
become a prophet or a judge, and may not become an imam [at the
mosque] in public," and "it is forbidden for a woman to become
a leader."* 1*0 Ali Alhamidy explained that men, but never women,
had been chosen by God to reveal His religious message to man-
kind, and accordingly stressed his belief that religious activ-
ity was man's responsibility. Alhamidy specifically pointed
out, however, that women could undertake to teach and to spread
religion among other women and that they could be active in
women’s affairs. The political role of women was limited to
activity among other women while political activity in which
women sat with men on political party governing boards, or on
elected and appointed government councils, was specifically
condemned by Persis.1*1 Ahmad Hassan stated that during the time
of the Prophet, women did not sit on councils and that to do so
in present circumstances would obviously contravene the Sunnah
of the Prophet. He argued further that Islam forbade women and
men to imitate one another, and since the ruling function be-
longed to man, any attempt by a woman to sit on a council was
actually imitating a man and ipso faoto wrong.1*2 An article
39.	M. S., "Perempuan," Part 1, Pembela Islam (New Series), No.
1 (March 1957), p. 10. The article stated that only the
hands and the oval of the face are to remain uncovered.
See also "Perempuan berkudung," Al-Muslimun, I, No. 8
(November 1955), p. 11.
40.	Ahmad Hassan, Perempuan Islam di Dewan dan Podium, p. 8.
Ahmad Hassan stated further that "women are forbidden to
perform jinazah [burial rite] because jinazah is a male
matter and also because of the desire to prevent the meet-
ing of men and women.
"Women may not call	the adhan and may not call	the
iqamah and are not permitted to tasblh in response	to the
imam because the female voice easily becomes lost among
male voices, and because these tasks are males' work."
41.	Ali Alhamidy, Islam dan	Perkawinan, pp. 6, 89.
42.	Ahmad Hassan, Perempuan	Islam di Dewan dan Podium,	pp.	9-
11, 14. Similar in content are two fatwas by members of150
appearing in Pembela Islam in 1956, and signed with the anony-
mous letters M. S., stated that those groups in Indonesia cham-
pioning free association of men and women and supporting a wider
role for women in politics and society were actually hypocrites.
Such groups, M. S. maintained, did not really honor women, but
only used the "presence of women to attract men to political
parties, meetings and conferences," and allowed them to become
film stars and to appear in advertisements "only in order to
make money."1*3
This strict view of the role of women in society brought
the Persatuan Islam, and especially Ahmad Hassan, into conflict
and debate with other Muslim groups on many particular points.
There are records of debate between Ahmad Hassan and Hasbi Ash-
Shiddieqy and between Ahmad Hassan and Moenawar Chalil on minor
differences of interpretation regarding women's status in soci-
ety. In the debate with Ash-Shiddieqy, Ahmad Hassan argued
that it was not permissible for a woman to shake hands while
greeting a government or party of f icial, ** “* and in the debate
with Moenawar Chalil, Ahmad Hassan maintained that women are
excused (but not necessarily excluded) from attending the
service at the mosque for Friday community prayers.1** In an-
other dispute, Ahmad Hassan questioned the decision of the
Madjelis Sjuro (Legal Council) of the Masjumi Party in June
1956 stating that women could travel outside the country without
being accompanied by their male relatives (mahram).46 Ahmad
the Persatuan Islam:	Abdullah Ahmad, "Bolehkah wanita
berbitjara dihadapan umum?" Pembela Islam (New Series), No.
1	(March 1956), p. 26; "Perempuan berpidato dihadapan laki-
laki," Al-Muslimun, I, No. 2 (May 1954), pp. 10-12.
43.	M. S., "Perempuan," Part 2, Pembela Islam (New Series), No.
2	(April 1956), p. 35.
44.	Djaja, "Tokoh kita A. Hassan," Paulah Islamyah, I, No. 8
(August 1957), p. 12; see also, "Berdjabatan tangan dengan
perempuan," Al-Muslimun, I, No. 7 (September 1956), pp.
8-10.
45.	Ahmad Hassan, Wadjibkan Perempuan Berdjumah? (Bangil: Per-
satuan Islam, 1959) . See also "Sembahjang wanita dirumah/
dimesdjid," Al-Muslimun, III, No. 29 (July 1957), p. 11.
46.	The Madjelis Sjuro's decision was intended to sanction the
trip of leading women members of Masjumi to Communist China
and the Soviet Union. The fatwa maintained that these
women could go unaccompanied so long as several Muslim
women journeyed together and seclusion was maintained. The
fatwa justified its stand on the basis that the trip was
for national and party interests and could be considered
as a jihad when normal legal proscriptions could be set151
Hassan called for debate with the (-ulama'> of the Madjelis Sjuro
on this issue, but as his challenge went unanswered, he contented
himself with issuing a fatwa refuting the Masjumi decision. **7
The number of women in the Persis organization, in its
schools, and the sort of activity these women might participate
in, perhaps better indicates the real attitude of the Persatuan
Islam toward women. In 1963 dress for women and girls was
standard at all Persis schools, with the body completely covered
except for the oval of the face and the hands.1*8 At Bangil,
where separate schools were maintained for boys and girls, male
teachers were employed in the girls’ school and male visitors
were granted full access to the classrooms while classes were
in session.1*9 At Bandung separation was more liberally inter-
preted and boys and girls sat in the same class but on different
sides of the room, a device used by several Indonesian religious
organizations, notably the Muhammadijah, while holding meetings
which both men and women attend. The level of education was
the same for both boys and girls at all but the highest levels.
Young ladies, moreover, trained at Bandung to become teachers,
and at Bangil to become informants and propagandists, an indica-
tion that the organization did not believe that woman is strict-
ly limited to the household but can engage in some teaching and
religious activities, as Ali Alhamidy has pointed out.50 Final-
ly, the women and girls have their own autonomous organizations,
following the organization’s recognition that women may be
socially active among other women.51
It is apparent, however, that some members of Persis, per-
haps those who were influenced by the liberal modernists in
Masjumi, did not entirely agree with stringent Persis views
aside. The main points of this decision are recorded in
Ahmad Hassan, "Hukum Perempuan Islam berpergian (safar)
tidak dengan mahramnja," Al-Muslimun, III, No. 28 (July
19 56), p. 5 .
47.	Djaja, "Tokoh kita A. Hassan," Paulah Islamyah, I, No. 8
(August 1957), p. 12. See Ahmad Hassan’s argumentation of
this subject in "Hukum Perempuan Islam berpergian (safar)
tidak dengan mahramnja," Al-Muslimun, III, No. 28 (July
1956), pp. 5-9.
48.	See Pesantren: Bagian Putera dan Puteri, p. 12, for an il-
lustration showing proper dress according to Persis
standards.
49.	Interview with Abdulkadir Hassan .	.	. and others at Bangil
on July 13, 1963.
50.	Ali Alhamidy, Islam dan Perkawinan, p. 89.
51.
See above, pp. 121-122.152
concerning women, and advocated--and even allowed-- their daugh-
ters to dress in Western clothes, and to associate with boys in
the Western manner. A 1956 issue of Pembela Islam carried an
article, again signed with the initials M. S., which chided the
members of the Persatuan Islam for "new bid<-ah," The bidlah,
as the article saw it, was imitation of Westernism, and particu-
larly its manifestations toward womanhood. The article stated
that the members of the Persatuan Islam were no longer guilty
of such things as prayers for the dead, making the khutbah too
long, and other old bid^ah. However, M. S. stated, "In Persis
there are not a few who allow their daughters to dress modern
.	. . with chests and posteriors protruding, .	.	. allowing
them to become guides [scouts] and associate with boys, .	.	.
and even, on one occasion .	.	. one member's house was used by
young men and women for a dance."52 Probably few such persons
in Persis would defend an attitude of greater freedom for women
in society and attempt to justify it with a fatwa.
Defense of Polygyny
The Muslim practice of polygyny was also a target of the
secularists before and after the war. In 1930 the Isteri Sedar
(Conscious Womanhood), a secularist women's organization, was
founded and its program specifically attacked "polygamy, child
marriages and prostitution."53 While Muslim women's groups
agreed with other parts of the Isteri Sedar's program, most
found it impossible for religious reasons to agree with the con-
demnation of polygyny the program called for. In 1929, the
Muhammadijah's woman's organization 'Aisijah maintained that
polygyny was beneficial in that it had proven successful in pre-
venting the increase of prostitution.5Most Muslim women's
groups thereafter urged legal restraints to prevent "illegal"
polygyny, which they defined as marriage not sanctioned by Islam
or incorrectly performed according to their conception of what
52.	M. S., "Kembali Lagi," Pembela Islam (New Series), No. 1
(March 1956), pp. 6-7. Similar is Tsa Anshary's lament:
"I once asked a guru [religious teacher] who taught here,
and once also asked an important person in the Pevsgari-
katan Islam which has a middle level school:	'What is the
dress of the girl students like?'
"They answered:	'If we were strict in matters of
dress, eventually our school would not be able to find
students.'
"This is a sign of the 'moral crisis' which threatens
the Islamic community." Revolusi Islam, p. 36.
53.	Vandenbosch, The Dutch East Indies, p. 338.
54.	Blumberger, "Moehammadijah," Encyclopaedic van Nederlandsch
Oost-Indie.153
the proper ceremony should be. Several Muslim women's organiza-
tions maintained that while polygyny was sanctioned by religion,
monogamy was better suited to most Muslims because of economic
necessity.5 5
The Persatuan Islam itself had little to say regarding
polygyny, but did defend the practice because it was permitted
in Qur>an and Sunnah. In the debate between Muslims and secu-
larists in the 1930's, the Persatuan Islam countered secularist
statements that monogamy was more suited to past Indonesian
practice, by countering that the secularists were not really
basing their arguments on Indonesian considerations but rather
on an imitation of Western practice. "They who are afflicted
with Westernism," a writer in Pembela Islam states, do not
understand that polygyny "is confirmed by Islam," and that the
matter was not subject to debate or change.56 Another article
sought to counter secularist statements that polygyny was open
to abuse by stating that many other situations were also open
to abuse as well. "We confess," the article ran, "that polygamy
is a danger, like a knife in the hand of a housewife in the
kitchen," but that in itself is little enough reason for stop-
ping polygamy, or "removing the knife from the kitchen."57
55.	J. Th. Petrus Blumberger, "Vrouwenbeweging (Inlandsch),"
Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Post-Indie.
56.	Dj., "Penjakit ke-Baratan," Pembela Islam, No. 55 (December
1932), p. 9.	--------------
57.	M. S., "Permadoean," Pembela Islam, No. 55 (December 1932),
p. 11.CHAPTER XI
POLITICS IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL PERIOD
If the Persatuan Islam prior to the Second World War had
had a direct interest in furthering Muslim political goals, it
was even more politically committed after independence. Its
leaders stressed that the Persatuan Islam was primarily a reli-
gious organization, but to establish Islamic ideology in society
it was necessary to engage in political activity.1 Persis mem-
bers speaking or acting politically generally did so through
the medium of some other Muslim political organization such as
Masjumi or the Anti-Communist Front. The nature of the post-
independence political dispute between Muslims and secular na-
tionalists, and among Muslims themselves, occasionally brought
a response from the Persatuan Islam, however, and on those occa-
sions, the organization issued statements, manifestos and fatwas
that had, and were meant to have, directly political conse-
quences .
During the years of the Revolution (1945 to 1949), it was
generally agreed by the various political factions supporting
the republican government that after Indonesian independence
was secured, still outstanding questions--including the federal-
provincial relationship and the role of religion in the state--
would be resolved by democratic means. With the transfer of
sovereignty in 1950, a provisional constitution was adopted
that called for elections and for the convening of a constitu-
ent assembly to resolve these controversies and to incorporate
solutions in a new constitution.2 The formulation of an elec-
1.	Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam, 1956, p. 24.
2.	The Provisional Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia
was actually placed in effect in August 1950, some seven
months after the transfer of sovereignty. For a detailed
study of that constitution and some information on the Indo-
nesian plans to convene a constituent assembly, see Prof.
Dr. R. Supomo, The Provisional Constitution of the Republic
of Indonesia, trans. Garth N. Jones (Ithaca: Cornell Univer-
sity, 1964), esp. pp. 10, 78-81; for a brief discussion of
the problems facing the nation and the political parties
see Herbert Feith, "Toward Elections in Indonesia," Pacific
Affairs, XXVII, No. 3 (September 1954), pp. 236-254; for
154155
tion law, the preparing of voting lists and other preparations
for elections, coupled with frequent changes of government and,
at times, deliberate stalling by political groups to gain better
advantage, delayed parliamentary elections until 1955, and the
Constituent Assembly did not meet until 1956. Two major politi-
cal developments occurred during this pre-election period:	the
breakup of the Muslim unity party Masjumi along liberal and
conservative lines, and the renewal of open polemic between
Muslims and secularists on the role of religion in the state.
Of the two developments, the split in Muslim unity had the more
serious repercussions for Muslim activists, for, thereafter,
Muslims had to contend with each other as well as to combat non-
Muslim opponents.
The Persatuan Islam’s Role in Masjumi
Persis leaders, as individual religious scholars, partici-
pated in the November 1945 Muslim conference that established
Masjumi as the unity political party of all Indonesian Muslims.3
When the Persatuan Islam was formally reestablished in 1948, it
entered Masjumi as an extraordinary member, just as the Muham-
madijah and the Nahdlatul Ulama, among others, had already done
before it. Members of Persis were urged--and later almost re-
quired--^ join Masjumi on an individual basis, and several of
the Persis leaders were selected by the Masjumi leadership as
anggauta kern (core members) who were respected lulama) and lay
leaders chosen to serve as guides for the larger party member-
ship . 4
The Persatuan Islam held the viewpoint that all Muslims
had a duty to engage in political activity as part of their re-
ligious duties. This was apparent in the writings of Ahmad
Hassan, reiterated in the writings and speeches of Isa Anshary
and Moehammad Natsir, implied in the manifestos of the organiza-
tion, and fully outlined in several fatwas of its ulama . The
1956 manifesto stated, for example, that the efforts of the
Persatuan Islam were "not limited to creed [ laqldah] and worship
[ libadah]," but also "to struggle in the political realm for
achieving victory for Islamic ideology."5 Isa Anshary expressed
the Muslim understanding of the purpose of the Constituent
Assembly see Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam, 1956, p.
22.
3.	Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam, 1956, p. 36.
4.	Aboebakar Atjeh, K. H. M. Wahid Hasjim, pp. 216, 285.
5.	Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam, 1956, p. 24.156
the same thought in Islam dan Nasionalisme when he stated that
"politics itself is an instrument by which to achieve Muslim
ideals."6
In his discussion of the political obligations of a Muslim,
Isa Anshary drew a distinction along the time-honored lines of
fard kifayah and fard t-ain. Fard kifayah designated a specific
religious obligation which could be brought to completion for
the community by the efforts of a few people, so that other Mus-
lims were accordingly freed from performing that action. Fard.
(ain, as a designation indicated that the religious obligation
was essential and general, so that all Muslims were required to
strive for its fulfillment. Isa Anshary maintained that the
effort to institute Islamic laws and ideals in society and
nation could not be accomplished only by a few people, and in-
deed, "even with the efforts of the entire ummah it will not
easily be achieved." He concluded that political activity con-
stituted fard lain and was an obligation placed equally on every
Muslim, "whether a leader or one who is led."7
Moehammad Natsir justified political activity for Muslims
as Muslims on the argument that Islam was a "philosophy of life"
that dictated Muslims' actions in every endeavor and could not
be excluded from any human activity including politics. In
1950, he stated that "we Muslims do not separate ourselves from
politics, and as political activists we are unable to separate
ourselves from our ideology which is Islam. For us, the estab-
lishment of Islam cannot be separated from the establishment of
society, of nation, of freedom."8
On the basis of such arguments, most Persis members did
apparently join Masjumi, and several even achieved some distinc-
tion as leaders. Immediately after the war, Moehammad Natsir
became prominent in Masjumi, and in 1949, after holding several
junior cabinet positions in the republican government, he be-
came general chairman of Masjumi and generally accepted leader
of the modernist faction of the party. In 1951, as party lead-
er, he formed a cabinet which lasted until the following year
and was noted for its businesslike approach to the administra-
tive and economic problems then facing the Indonesian nation.9
6.	Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam, p. 30.
7.	Moehammed Isa Anshary, Islam dan Nasionalisme (Bandung:
Pustaka Djihad, 1954), pp. 59-60; cf., Moehammad Natsir,
"Revolusi Indonesia" in Capita Selecta, II, pp. 136-137 for
use of these terms in a broader context.
8.	Moehammad Natsir, "Agama dan Politik," Capita Selecta, II,
p. 157.
9.	This essay will not deal with the Natsir cabinet since a157
Isa Anshary became a member of the leadership council of Masjumi,
was party provincial leader in West Java, and leader of the
small fundamentalist faction of Masjumi. Ahmad Hassan did not
play a prominent political role, possibly because of health
problems, but more probably because of his own deep interest in
rebuilding the Persatuan Islam’s educational system. He did,
however, write several articles and fatwas on political matters
that firmly supported Isa Anshary’s position, and later he
served as a member of the important Madjelis Sjuro, the
advisory council of Masjumi.
Since Masjumi was a unity organization, among its members
there were many viewpoints on religion, politics, economics and
social problems. Moreover, Muslim organizations which often
represented mutually contrary views were also federated members
and held disciplinary control over many members of Masjumi,
thus ensuring a permanent mechanism within Masjumi for the per-
petuation of difference and factionalism. The Muhammadijah,
with its concern for social progress and its modernist viewpoint
in religious matters, was almost the exact opposite of the
Nahdlatul Ulama, which wanted to preserve the traditional reli-
gious system that had been dominant in Indonesia before the
entry of modernist Muslim thought. These two groups formed the
nucleus for two wings or factions within the party, with the
Muhammadijah representing what came to be known as the moderate
wing and the Nahdlatul Ulama representing the conservative wing.
It was typical of the Persatuan Islam that while it was funda-
mentalist in religious matters and thus frequently allied with
the reforming or moderate wing on many points, it was so uncom-
promising on other matters that it often was regarded as an
arch-conservative faction. A Persis manifesto in 1953 called
its own viewpoint "revolutionary-radical," and described itself
as "wanting to change society to its very roots," and wanting
to "shatter the illness of the Muslims in a radical and revolu-
tionary manner; clearly, without disguise, without hesitancy,
with firmness."10
The Persis mission, although termed "revolutionary-radical"
by some of its leaders, can perhaps best be described as an
effort to ensure that what it regarded as the fundamentals of
religion were operative throughout society. Persis emphasized--
even as it had before the war--that the performance of basic
study would shed no light on the Persatuan Islam. Natsir
regarded his cabinet as an administrative cabinet with the
responsibility for correcting many administrative weaknesses
in the state, a task the cabinet was unable to fulfill be-
cause of its short duration. See Herbert Feith, The Decline
of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1962j , pp. 146-176.
10. Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam, 1956, p. 26.158
religious obligations, i.e., prayer, alms-giving and the pil-
grimage, and particularly the performance of these obligations
in the prescribed manner, free of all "innovations," was an
essential step in creating a strong, healthy and effective Mus-
lim body politic. Persis leaders believed that an important
purpose of Masjumi was to bring Muslim factions together where
differences of principle (khilafiyah) and associated problems
(furu () between the various groups might be solved through con-
sultation.* 1 2 3 * * * * * * * 11 Several Persis manifestos noted that solutions to
problems dividing the Muslim community could easily be found
and a clear and effective Muslim viewpoint established if all
Muslims would accept the Qu^an and Sunnah as the ultimate
guides in their consultations.12
There was a sizeable group within Masjumi that believed
that discussions of religious differences would produce no re-
sult and were likely to produce ill will that would harm Muslim
political unity. This group, called the "liberal-moderate"
element by Isa Anshary, generally controlled Masjumi and usually
headed off attempts to discuss points of religious difference,
11. Khilafiyah is literally "differences of principles" and
among Indonesian Muslims the dispute concerning taqlid and
ijtihad (see above pp. 46-57) was considered to be a dif-
ference of principle. Furu( is the consequent disputes
growing out of the differences of principle, but not dif-
ferences of principle themselves. The disputes concerning
talqin and ushalli, for example, were considered to be
furii(, that is, an outgrowth of the dispute over taqlid
and ijtihad. In a short essay on the subject Ahmad Hassan
attempted to provide guidance for eliminating many of the
differences among various Muslim groups.
1)	When there are contradictory views on a religious sub-
ject it is necessary to examine the Qu^an and Sunnah.
Whatever these sources confirm "we accept" and "that which
has no basis we reject."
2)	In a matter in which conflicting views are supported by
hadith (with no Qur’anic clarification), it is necessary
to reject the weak hadiths, and to take the viewpoint of
the hadiths which have the better claim to be genuine.
3)	When Qur^n and hadith conflict on a matter, it is
necessary to reject the hadith.
Paraphrased from Ahmad Hassan, "Mas-alah Chilafiyah,"
Hikmah, IX, No. 37-38 (October 12, 1956), p. 34. Accept-
ance of Ahmad Hassan's suggestions would of course follow
the doctrine of the Persatuan Islam and would exclude the
commentary of the madhhabs.
12. Manifes Perduangan Persatuan Islam, 1956, p. 64; Isa
Anshary, Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam, p. 73.159
whether they came from the Persatuan Islam or from more tradi-
tionalist groups. Persis congress resolutions noted this desire
to block discussion on the part of the "liberal-moderate" ele-
ment and stated that the Persis' willingness to cooperate with
other Muslim groups could never mean a halt in its efforts to
cleanse religion of innovation and to resolve matters of differ-
ence in the Muslim community. "The Persatuan Islam cannot ac-
cept the standpoint that to strengthen unity, questions of furu(
and khilaftyah should be frozen. The Persatuan Islam cannot
remain quiet toward any such betrayal [of its religious princi-
ples]."13 Nor was the Persatuan Islam's insistence on debating
religious differences with other Muslim groups much different
from the practice of several other Muslim groups within Masjumi.
The Masjumi policy, formulated by the Central Leadership Coun-
cil, even cut across Muhammadijah interests at times, and on at
least two occasions, there was consideration by Muhammadijah
leaders of whether to leave Masjumi.14 The Nahdlatul Ulama,
for as long as it remained in Masjumi, also believed that its
own viewpoint was made subservient to that of other factions.
Eventually, it became convinced that it suffered too much for
the case of Muslim unity and left the organization.15 Like
Persis leaders, both the Muhammadijah and Nahdlatul Ulama lead-
ers maintained the right to speak out for their organizations'
interests, and rejected the contention that to contest issues
destroyed Muslim unity.
The challenging tone of Persis manifestos in maintaining
the organization's right to speak out on religious differences
within the Muslim community may have been politically oriented
as well as religious in nature. Isa Anshary was frequently
criticized in Masjumi for striking too hard a line in politics,
particularly in his vitriolic attacks against secularists which
made working relationship with them difficult for Masjumi lead-
ership. He received further criticiam for implying that those
Muslims who did not completely agree with his line of thinking
were apostate (murtadd).16 While the issue of fuvu( and
13.	Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam, 1956, pp. 25, 26. The
Persatuan Islam charged that the "liberal-moderate" group
was fully aware of what constituted bid(ah but did not
"actively and positively combat bid^ah," believing that to
discuss the differences in furu< and khilaflyah "only
divides Muslim unity." The Persatuan Islam believed that
discussion could have led to a resolution of the differ-
ences .
14.	Times of Indonesia, July 7, 1956; Merdeka, April 12, 1956.
15.
16.
Naim, "The Nahdlatul Ulama Party," pp. 1-11.
Haluan, April 5, 1957.160
khilaftyah was only a minor controversy within Masjumi, Isa
Anshary, who was the principal drafter of Persis manifestos,
may have directed the statements on furu< and khilaftyah pri-
marily as a riposte to his critics, whom he probably saw as de-
siring to stifle all his religious and political pronouncements.
While the majority of Persis members did follow Isa
Anshary's approach in politics, there were many who chose the
more moderate approach of Moehammad Natsir. Even this latter
group and Moehammad Natsir himself agreed, however, that the
matters of furu{ and khilaftyah should not be frozen in the
interests of political unity, but implied that discussions could
be two-sided and friendly, whereas Isa Anshary's approach often
conveyed the impression of an ultimatum.
Polemic Against the Nahdlatul Ulama
factionalism in Masjumi reached its peak in 1952 when the
Nahdlatul Ulama, the Pergerakan Tarbijah Islamijah (Perti) and
the Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia withdrew from the party.
The primary complaint of the seceding groups centered on party
leadership, which they claimed was dominated by the Western edu-
cated and modernist-inclined faction to the virtual exclusion
of conservative leaders. Nahdlatul Ulama leaders were particu-
larly bitter concerning the 1949 reorganization of Masjumi in
which party control was centered in the modernist dominated
Central Leadership Council. The reorganization stripped all
but advisory functions from the conservative dominated Madjelis
Sjuro, which conservatives claimed had been established in 1945
to function as a senate of prominent {ulama) to review the
Leadership Council's decisions and policies against Muslim legal
standards. Nahdlatul Ulama leaders also complained that the
considerable influence of NU iulama) among the rural populations
of Java and Borneo warranted their organization a greater voice
in Masjumi and in the formulation of party policies. The NU
leaders charged that their organization's role during the Revo-
lution- -when its iulama) provided leadership in the towns and
villages and its young men were the mainstay of Hizbullah,
Masjumi's paramilitary organization--was unappreciated. The
Nahdlatul Ulama concluded that the modernist faction was active-
ly seeking to keep Nahdlatul Ulama members out of party leader-
ship and from Masjumi posts in the government.17
17. The following works discuss the Nahdlatul Ulama's action
in withdrawing from Masjumi:	Feith, The Decline of Consti-
tutional Democracy in Indonesia, pp. 233-237; Naim, "The
Nahdlatul Ulama Party," pp. 1-25; Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul
Ulama, "Pedoman Kampanje Pemilihan Umum untuk Madjlis Kon-
stituante, 20 Oktober 1953," Risalah, No. 5 (1955); Deliar
Nur, "Masjumi," pp. 50-51.161
Nahdlatul Ulama leaders, particularly on the highest
levels, were lulama) steeped in traditionalist religious teach-
ings. The graduates of the NU school system with its somewhat
liberalized curriculum had not in 1952 yet begun to emerge in
the party. Consequently, there were few NU leaders who would
have been suited by education to assume a cabinet position or a
principal party post. The modernist faction, on the other hand,
had an abundance of persons with Western-based educations who
were interested in authority and, in Indonesian terms, capable
of exercising it.
The actual NU decision to break with Masjumi centered on
the selection of a Muhammadijah ialim for the post of Religious
Affairs minister in the Masjumi-Nationalist Party (PNI) coali-
tion cabinet formed by Wilopo. The NU candidate, Wachid Hasjim,
who had held the post in two previous cabinets, was opposed by
the modernist faction led by Moehammad Natsir because of charges
circulating at that time that Wachid Hasjim had been involved
in the mismanagement of funds during his previous appointment
as minister.18 The Nahdlatul Ulama regarded modernist Muslim
refusal to allow Wachid Hasjim to be appointed as another in a
series of modernist discriminations against the traditionalist
elements of Masjumi, and decided to withdraw from Masjumi.
Within several months, the Nahdlatul Ulama and several other
seceding organizations established the rival Liga Muslimun
Indonesia (Indonesian Muslim League).
The Nahdlatul Ulama congress at Surabaja in 1952 cited its
many complaints against Masjumi, and emphasized that the Madjelis
Sjuro-Central Leadership Council dispute and the Masjumi refusal
to reorganize as a federation were actually the reasons for the
NU withdrawal. That congress also reaffirmed the traditional
NU position on the importance of the madhhabs as the source of
Islamic teachings and doctrine. A resolution was passed declar-
ing that Muslims must follow a madhhab, that talflq was not
permitted, and that Muslims could only enter political parties
that followed the teachings of the madhhabs.18 The Persatuan
Islam, more sensitive to the religious differences of the dis-
pute than to political differences and long annoyed with the
persistence of the NU in emphasizing the traditional importance
of the madhhabs , saw this NU resolution as the chief issue in
the dispute between the Nahdlatul Ulama and Masjumi.
In Risalah al-Madz-hab, Ahmad Hassan stated that the
Nahdlatul Ulama knew--"and knew quite well"--when it joined
Masjumi in 1945 that many other organizations and persons in
Masjumi did not share the NU regard for the madhhabs. Ahmad
18. Feith, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indone-
sia, pp~ 234- 235 .	"
19. See above pp. 52-53 for definition of these terms.162
Hassan pointed out that Hadji Muhammad Hasjim Asj'ari Tebu-
Ireng, the noted NU leader who had brought the NU into Masjumi,
had agreed that religious decisions would be made by the
Madjelis Sjuro, composed of competent <ulama'* , some of whom
followed a madhhab and others who did not.20 Ahmad Hassan
wryly noted that six years was certainly a long time for the
Nahdlatul Ulama to be a member of Masjumi if the NU leadership
really could not tolerate Masjumi refusal to accept the madhhabs
as final authority on religious matters. He suggested that if
membership in Masjumi was as reprehensible as stated in NU reso-
lutions and statements made after NU separation in 1952, then
the NU leaders responsible for bringing the Nahdlatul Ulama
into Masjumi were guilty of sin, at the very least.21 Realizing
that the NU leaders would not denigrate Hadji Hasjim Asj'ari
for taking the NU into Masjumi, Ahmad Hassan implied that the
NU decision to leave Masjumi was not based on a regard for cor-
rect religious principles, but only as a political expedient.
In Risalah al-Madz-hab, Ahmad Hassan rejected the new
Nahdlatul Ulama declaration on the importance of the madhhabs
and reiterated arguments he had used twenty years earlier in
debates with NU leaders to prove his case. As in his earlier
debates he declared that Qur> an and Sunnah did not even mention
the madhhabs, and again outlined his theory on how the madhhabs
actually came into being.22 His presentation severely casti-
gated all groups that regarded the madhhabs as the final arbiter
of religious matters, and he implied that anyone who followed a
madhhab was wrong and a misinterpreter of religious doctrine,
whether or not such a Muslim belonged to Masjumi. Ahmad Hassan
did state, however, that despite differences on the madhhab
issue that political cooperation by all Muslims was desirable
and possible. He pointed out--correctly--that even after the
Nahdlatul Ulama withdrawal, Masjumi still had many traditional-
ists among its members and that Masjumi attempted to accommodate
the religious views of those members as well as those of the
modernist Muslims.23
20.	Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab, p. 117. There is a dis-
cussion of Hadji Asj'arie Tebu-Ireng and his school, con-
sidered to be the first of the modern pesantrens (yet kaum
tual) in Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam di Indo-
nesia., pp. 204-208.
21.	Ahmad Hassan, Risalah al-Madz-hab, pp. 20, 118.
22.	See above Chapter IV and pp.
23.	Ahmad Hassan's statement was correct, since even after the
secession of the Nahdlatul Ulama many individuals and or-
ganizations remained with Masjumi who favored the madhhab
position. A1-Djam'iatul Washlijah, for example, remained
a special member of Masjumi until 1958 when all the special
members left the organization.163
In 1956, K. H. E. Abdurrahman, then Secretary General of
the Persatuan Islam, published a well written and well argued
article in the Persatuan Islam's theoretical journal Hudjdjatul
Islam which also attacked Nahdlatul Ulama refusal to cooperate po-
litically with Masjumi. Abdurrahman lamented that the Nahdlatul
Ulama had taken the term ahl al-sunnah wa al-djamalah (the tra-
ditional term used for orthoprax Sunni Muslims) as a party sym-
bol and by using it in its propaganda had "spread slander and
calumny, divided the unity of the Islamic ummah and generated a
feud among the Muslims themselves." Abdurrahman maintained
that by playing upon the religious implications of the phrase
and claiming Masjumi did not belong to the ahl al-sunnah wa al-
dgamalah, the Nahdlatul Ulama sought to slander Masjumi and
suggest that Masjumi was outside the pale of Islam. The epithet,
he maintained, "is not a guaranty for entering paradise; the
name is only a name without any special value .	. . [and if it
has any value, it] lies in the behavior, actions, capabilities
and energy which fit the title." Abdurrahman then considered
the historical origin of the term and stated that it had been
assigned by al-Ash(ari to those persons who based their faith
on the Sunnah of the Prophet rather than on unbridled reason as
the Mu(tazilah aid. Abdurrahman concluded that the term ahl
al-sunnah wa al-jama (ah should not be applied to any group that
followed a madhhab since the legal formulations of the madhhabs
were the product of man's reason and did not have the sanction
of Qur’an and Sunnah. He restated the Persis stand that Muslims
could only make decisions regarding religious matters on the
revealed law as found in Qur’an and hadlth. He concluded that
the Persatuan Islam, and not the Nahdlatul Ulama, belonged to
the ahl al-sunnah wa al-gama ah, because Persis had always worked
against the perpetuation of bid'-ah in religious matters, while
confirming correct religious doctrine and behavior.2h
The call to unity of all Muslims continued to be a Persa-
tuan Islam slogan throughout the constitutional period. Par-
ticularly in the period before the general elections in 1955,
Persis leaders tended to deemphasize the madhhab issue, which
they realized was a source of contention unlikely to be easily
resolved. In a speech at Bandjarmasin in February 1955, for
example, Isa Anshary urged political cooperation of all Indone-
sian Muslims in the fact of the approaching elections. He ig-
nored the madhhab problem and stated that Muslims were divided
only on minor problems (/uru(), such as talqln and ushalli, and
that these were not great enough to cause division in the Muslim
community.25 His speech was explicit, however, that there could
24. K. H. E. Abdurrahman, "Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama'ah," Hudjdja-
tul Islam, I, No. 1 (August 1956), pp. 12-20. This article
was incorporated into the Persatuan Islam's 1956 manifesto;
see Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam, pp. 28-35.
25. Suara Masjumi, March 1, 1955, p. 1.164
not be a moratorium on attempts to resolve these differences
between kaum muda and kaum tua, and that he was only asking
that both groups cooperate politically while working for the
resolution of differences within the Muslim community.
There were many differences that militated against an NU
return to Masjumi--personality problems, political issues, and
in general a different Weltanschauung. While all Muslim ele-
ments spoke of eventual Muslim reunification, no real progress
was made throughout the constitutional period. Even such coop-
eration as was achieved among Muslim parties in the Constituent
Assembly sessions in 1956 was tenuous and functioned only on
the common goal of establishing an Islamic state. No real at-
tempt was ever made to resolve basic political and religious
differences so that an accommodation would have been possible.
Persis insistence on a resolution of differences of religious
principles on its own terms typified the general attitude among
all Muslim groups. The statements of Ahmad Hassan, Abdurrahman
and Isa Anshary certainly did clarify the "revolutionary-radi-
cal" position of the Persatuan Islam, but all three writers
demonstrated that what Persis really wanted was adoption of its
viewpoint by the opposition, not any sort of compromise.
Attitudes Toward an Islamic State
and the Darul Islam
In the parliamentary period, most politically active Mus-
lim groups maintained that their political goal was the estab-
lishment of an Islamic state (negara Islam') .26 In the years
prior to the 1955 elections, and even afterward in 1956 when
the Constituent Assembly considered the issue, these Muslims
saw the deliberations of the Constituent Assembly as the way to
establish the principle that Islam would become the guiding
philosophy of the Republic of Indonesia. There were two basic
viewpoints prevalent among the Muslims as to just how Islamic
principles and behavior could be placed into practice in Indo-
nesian society so that an Islamic state could be said to exist.
The first viewpoint, held by the Muhammadijah, maintained that
an Islamic society wherein Islamic principles and practices
functioned, was all that was really important and that after a
proper society had been founded, the spirit generated by that
26. The term negara Islam (negara meaning state or nation) was
common among Indonesian Muslims during this period. Occa-
sionally there was reference to Bar al-Islam, but this was
usually avoided because of possible identification with
the rebel group of the same name. Sometimes, apparently
to assuage the feelings of non-Muslims, Muslims spoke of a
"state based on Islam" (negara berdasarkan Islam).165
society would directly determine the content and form of an
Islamic state. Although the Muhammadijah argued that the basic
principles of Islam should be the basic guide for an Indonesian
state, it was less concerned than many other Muslim groups by
the necessity of living under secular law for a temporary per-
iod, since it believed that with the development of an Islamic
society the outlook of the state would change as well and even-
tually an Islamic system of law would be fully operative.27
The second viewpoint, espoused by the Nahdlatul Ulama and
most other traditionalist groups, believed that the declaration
of an Islamic state had necessarily to come before creation of
an Islamic society, and that only after such a state had been
formally established would it be possible to give it real reli-
gious content. Adherents of this viewpoint believed that a
declaration calling an Islamic state into existence would create
an atmosphere which would allow Islamic law to be more easily
established throughout society and the nation. These groups,
moreover, believed that Islamic law as defined in the books of
Shafi jurisprudence-some would say books of the four madhhabs
--could immediately become operative in the courts, without any
discussion of the difficulties of such a move.28
The Persis viewpoint regarding an Islamic state was similar
to that of the Muhammadijah in that Persis leaders believed
society had to first be molded before an Islamic state could
really be strong and effective. Isa Anshary stated that Muslim
goals, whether political, religious, social or economic, would
be successful only if a society, developed spiritually by its
individual members, was created first.29 Persis saw political
activity as useful in promoting religious principles throughout
society and for combatting what it regarded as confusing tend-
encies of secularism promoted by non-Muslim political parties.
Persis believed that certain clear commands and prohibitions
spelled out in the QurJan and Sunnah--prohibition of alcoholic
27.	See A. R. Sutan Mansur’s discussion of state and society
in "Ringkasan Pidato Ketua Pusat Pimpinan Muhammadijah
Indonesia A. R. Sutan Mansur" in Universitas Muhammadijah
Pembukaan Fakultas Falsafah dan Hukum Muhammadijah (Suma-
tera Tenggah, 1955 or 1956) , pp. 43-44; Pusat Pimpinan
Muhammadijah, Tafsir Anggaran Dasar Muhammadijah (Djog-
jakarta, 1954)” pp. 23-24.
28.	Pengurus Eesar Partai Nahdlatul Ulama, Pokok-pokok Uraian
didalam Pidato Kampanje Pemilihan Umum untuk Konstituante,
20 Oktober 1955 in Risalah, No. 5 (1955), p. Tl~.
29.
Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam, pp. 18-24.166
drink, gambling, and immorality--should be placed in operation
in the state immediately.30 The remainder of the law of an
Islamic state, stressed Persis <u3ama> , would be defined by
legislatures and courts, learned in religion, who would make
law by applying religious principles to contemporary situa-
tions.31 Not stated, but obvious here, was that the (ulama'> ,
as the interpreters of religious sources would have to play the
leading, and perhaps the dominant, role in councils and courts.
Regardless of which viewpoint the various Muslim groups
ascribed to, most were convinced that the ultimate establish-
ment of an Islamic state could be achieved by democratic means
in the Republic of Indonesia. From the beginning of the Indo-
nesian Revolution, the Muslims had generally regarded the secu-
lar government established in 1945 as an expedient for gaining
political independence. Most Muslims believed that general
elections would give the Muslims control of the government and
allow steps to be taken for implementing Islamic principles as
part of the Indonesian government’s official policy. This
policy of cooperation in a secularist state in hope of changing
the existing order was not shared by all Muslim groups. A
small but significant number refused to recognize the Republic
of Indonesia as the legal government of Indonesia. The Darul
Islam in West Java, the Persatuan Ulama-ulama Seluruh Atjeh
(Union of (-ulama) from throughout Atjeh--PUSA), Kahar Mudzakkar's
Momoc Ansjarullah (Spirits of the Helpers of God) in Central
Celebes and Ibnu Hadjar's Kesatuan Rakjat Jang Tertindas (Union
of Oppressed Peoples--KRJT) in South Kalimantan, all believed
that the immediate declaration of an Islamic state was neces-
sary and that to live in a non-Muslim state was contrary to
religious principles.32 Each of these groups declared itself
30.	Moehammad Natsir, Islam Sebagai Ideologie, p. 53.
31.	Ahmad Hassan, Islam dan Kebangsaan, p. 36.
32.	Sources on the Darul Islam of West Java are listed in sev-
eral following footnotes. For further details on the Atjeh-
nese group see A. H. Gelanggang, Rahsia Pemberontakan Atjeh
dan Kegagalan Politik Mr S. M. Amin (Kutaradja: Murni Hati,
1956) ; A. Piekaar, ’’Atjeh," Encyclopedia of Islam (New
Edition). For further details on the Celebes group, see
'Abdul Qahar Mudzakkar, "Konsepsi Negara Demokrasi Indone-
sia," 1960 (typescript); Herbert Feith, The Decline of Con-
stitutional Democracy in Indonesia, pp. 212-214; and Kemen-
terian Penerangan, Sekitar Pemeriksaan Perkara-perkara
Affandi Ridhwan dan Achmad Buchari (Djakarta, 1954). There
is reference to Ibnu Hadjar's group in "Indonesian Army re-
port on the restoration of security," Selected Translations
on Indonesia, No. 4 (Washington: U.S. Joint Publication
Research Service, May 1961 [JPRS #8286]), pp. 5-6.167
to be a government based on Islam--the Darul Islam in 1948, and
the others between 1951 and 1954. Except for the Darul Islam,
these groups attached themselves to regional autonomist goals
so that the support received from local populations was not
always strictly for religious reasons. All these movements
were able to exist despite the Indonesian government’s military
operations against them because they operated in mountainous
and tropical terrain and enjoyed the covert support of the popu-
lations in those regions in which they operated. This essay
will treat briefly only the Darul Islam because it existed in
West Java in the area where the Persatuan Islam had several
branches and schools and because several Persatuan Islam lead-
ers were accused of supporting Darul Islam goals.
During the first few years after the proclamation of Indo-
nesian independence (1945), the Darul Islam, then only a para-
military unit of Masjumi, had fought against the Dutch in the
mountainous West Java area. The Renville Treaty of January
1948 defined the territories of the Republic of Indonesia and
the Dutch forces, and the cease-fire left this particular unit
in an area assigned to the Dutch. S. M. Kartosuwirjo, the
unit's commander, then dissociated the unit from both Masjumi
and the Republic of Indonesia, presumably so as not to embar-
rass them, and continued to fight the Dutch.33 Kartosuwirjo
had voiced strong beliefs on the necessity of declaring an
Islamic state in Indonesia, by force of arms if necessary, even
prior to the war, and after the Renville Treaty, he apparently
decided that the moment had arrived for such a state to be
established. In March 1948, he declared the area of West Java
that his forces occupied to be a provisional Islamic state with
himself as head of state (imam).31* When hostilities between
Dutch and Indonesian forces began again in late 1949, Kartosu-
wirjo received support from several other Indonesian Islamic
groups, but his forces were hostile to any military forces,
whether Dutch or republican, that attempted to enter his area
of occupation.35 By late 1949, Kartosuwirjo apparently believed
his influence was strong enough to declare an Islamic state
33.	C. A. 0. Van Nieuwenhuijze, "The Dar ul-Islam Movement in
Western Java," Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia,
pp. 168-170.	~
34.	"Testimony of Kiyai Jusuf Taudjiri" as quoted in Republik
Indonesia: Propinsi Djawa Barat, p. 215.
35.	In 1948 during the Second Dutch Police Action, for example,
the Siliwangi Division, loyal to the Republic of Indonesia,
retreated into Darul Islam territory because of the press
of the Dutch action at Jogjakarta, and was attacked by
Darul Islam guerrilla units throughout their stay. Kahin,
Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia, p. 409.168
embracing the whole of Indonesia, and on August 7, 1949, he
issued his proclamation establishing the Islamic State of Indo-
nesia (Negara Islam Indonesia). The proclamation declared that
the aim of the new state was to establish its power "one hundred
percent de facto and de jure in all of Indonesia," and that the
laws of Islam would be operative within all the territory held
by this state.3 6
Even as early as 1948, the Republic of Indonesia had
trouble with the Darul Islam. In that year, the government
decided to create a national army responsive to central control,
and as a first step decided to disarm all guerrilla groups.
Like the Communists at Madiun that year, the Darul Islam, by
then heavily infiltrated by bandits and adventurers, refused to
lay down their arms and announce support for the Republic of
Indonesia. Eventually the republican government decided that
the terrorist activities, the announced goals, and the refusal
to recognize the republic government constituted rebellion and
declared the Darul Islam to be an illegal organization.37 A
parliamentary investigation in 1948, led by Moehammad Natsir,
was less severe in its judgments and recommended that the
government differentiate between renegade groups conducting
terror in the countryside and the true Darul Islam with its con-
cept of an Islamic state.38 Natsir's recommendation reflected
the viewpoint of many Muslim groups within the Republic, in
that they did not support Kartosuwirjo and disapproved of his
approach to the problem of an Islamic state but were reluctant
to either condemn him or have the government take decisive
action against his movement. Many Muslims feared that to con-
demn the Darul Islam was really a move against the principle of
an Islamic state and believed that persuasion could ultimately
bring Kartosuwirjo into the republican fold.
Throughout the 1950's, Moehammad Natsir, speaking as the
Masjumi leader, deplored the many government attempts to resolve
the Darul Islam problem by force of arms. In 1952, for example,
he stated that the rebels should not be dealt with harshly
since they had aided in the struggle against the Dutch and that
the very existence of the rebel groups was due to the revolu-
tion. Natsir recognized that the attitudes and actions of the
36.	"Keterangan ringkas. Dari Proklamasi Karto Suwirjo" in
A. H. Gelanggang, Rahsia Pemberontakan Atjeh dan Kegagalan
Politik Mr S. M. Amin, p. 29.
37.	"Peraturan Panglima Tentera dan Territorium III Djawa
Barat, No. 25, December 9, 1950" in Republik Indonesia:
Propinsi Djawa Barat, p. 215.
38.	Van Nieuwenhuijze, "The Dar ul-Islam Movement in Western
Java," Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial Indonesia, pp.
173-174:169
rebel groups did conflict with those of the Indonesian Republic
but stated his belief that through discussion and a sincere
effort to understand the rebel problem on the part of the gov-
ernment, a solution acceptable to both sides might be found.39
Natsir was strongly criticized by Nationalist Party (PNI)
leaders who believed that negotiations with rebels was useless.
Although the Nationalist Party government of Ali Sastroamidjojo
(1953 to 1955) made occasional attempts to negotiate differences
with several rebel groups, the Nationalist Party and the Ali
government appear to have preferred a policy of military action
to halt guerrilla activity. The Communists charged that Natsir
and Masjumi followed a conciliatory approach toward the rebels
because Masjumi was in fact in league with Darul Islam and
other Muslim dissident groups.1,0 Although Masjumi spokesmen
constantly reiterated that it was not connected with the Darul
Islam, its soft stand on the rebel issue allowed Communist
propaganda to build a popular image that Masjumi and the rebel
movements were connected in some way.
Where Moehammad Natsir only favored reconciliation between
rebels and the government, Isa Anshary attempted to show that
the rebel problem was a fault of the unresolved political prob-
lems facing Indonesia. During Constituent Assembly hearings in
1957, he contended that the adoption of Islam as the state
philosophy would satisfy rebel demands, and that the fighting,
which had no prospect of ending as long as Indonesia was a secu-
lar state, could then be halted. Throughout the early 1950's,
when elections were stalled for various political reasons, Isa
Anshary remarked on several occasions that the delays were dis-
appointing to the Muslims and made many Muslims wonder if the
Darul Islam was not correct in its contention that the nation-
alists would never permit an Islamic state to be established in
Indonesia.91 Such statements, made by Ahmad Hassan and Isa
Anshary, were probably the reason for their arrest in August
1951 when the Sukiman government conducted a general razzia
against the Communists and against Muslims believed to be con-
spiring with the Darul Islam. Ahmad Hassan and Isa Anshary
39.	Moehammad Natsir, "Soal 'Gerilja'," Capita Selecta, II, p.
196; see also "Lagi Soal 'Gerilja'," Capita Selecta, II,
pp. 198-200.
40.	See for example, D. N. Aidit, "Report to the Second Plenary
Session of the Indonesian Communist Party Central Commit-
tee on November 8 and 10, 1954," Harian Rakjat, November
11, 1954 (unknown translator), p. 9.
41.	Isa Anshary, "Kami menudju Republik Indonesia berdasarkan
Islam," speech in Komisi II Konstituante, Tentang Dasar
Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante, II^ pp. 2D5-
1M~.	~~~170
were released within three days of their arrest and charges
against them were never substantiated.14 2
There may have been some contacts between the Darul Islam
and Persis members from time to time throughout the constitu-
tional period, but it is highly unlikely that Persis, committed
as it was to achieving its goals through peaceful means and
having considerable reason prior to 1956 for believing that
peaceful means could be successful, actually aided the Darul
Islam. Contact with the Darul Islam, if it occurred, would
have been as a means of keeping lines of communication open,
with an eye toward promoting eventual rebel reconciliation with
the government. Even such contact must have been exceedingly
limited. In 1949, Moehammad Natsir led a Muslim sponsored edu-
cation program in territory controlled by the Darul Islam143 and
there may have been later attempts by Persis members to contact
Darul Islam groups for similar activity. There is no evidence,
however, to suggest that Persis efforts ever extended beyond
this exploratory stage. It is unlikely that Persis branch mem-
bership in West Java, coming as it did from middle class Muslim
traders, had much to do with the Darul Islam, which was given
to brigandage and disruption of security, whatever religious
principles were involved.
Quarrel with the Secularists
All political parties, regardless of ideology, looked for-
ward to the first national elections which were finally held,
after many delays, in 1955. The Muslims when united, before
1952, were in favor of immediate elections, believing that the
Muslim complexion of Indonesia would give Masjumi a majority in
parliament and in the Constituent Assembly. After 1952, the
split in Muslim ranks led Muslim parties and Muslim controlled
governments to be more cautious about elections, yet believed
that Muslims would still increase their parliamentary strength
in a fair election. Since a Muslim victory depended on a solid
Muslim front, most Muslim parties based their election campaign
ing on religion and attempted to convince anyone who regarded
himself as a Muslim that it was a religious obligation to vote
for Muslim candidates .1414
42.	H. Siradjuddin Abbas, "Pidato di Parlemen tanggal 20 Okto-
ber 1951" in Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indonesia,
Risalah Perundingan 1951, XIV, p. 7142.
43.	George Kahin, "Indonesian Politics and Nationalism" in
William L. Holland, ed., Asian Nationalism and the West
(New York: Macmillan, 1953) , p. 109.
44.	Willard Hanna, "Indonesia’s Political Parties I," American
Universities Field Staff Reports, December 27, 1956, p. T8171
The secularists, less sure of their support among the popu-
lace in 1950, favored elections at a later date, believing that
a delay would strengthen their position.1*5 Since a secular
government was already in existence and Nationalist Party par-
ticipation in early governments assured secularists of a number
of administrative posts, these secular nationalist groups saw
no pressing need to hold immediate elections. The Nahdlatul
Ulama's secession from Masjumi in 1952 and its cooperation with
the Nationalist Party allowed the Nationalist Party to form a
government without Masjumi support, and the entry of President
Sukarno into active politics on the secularists side in 1953
considerably improved the Nationalist Party's position. The
Nationalist Party, as the chief representative of the secular-
ists, bolstered its popular image in the pre-election period by
urging chauvinistic nationalism, particularly the acquisition
of West Irian by force, and severance of remaining Indonesian-
Dutch ties.1+6
Differences between Masjumi and the Nationalist Party
rapidly strained working relations between these two parties
after 1953. The excessive derogations and insinuations made by
both sides during this period dashed any prospect of post-elec-
tion cooperation and, in large measure, contributed to the
antagonistic atmosphere of 1958 that prompted elements of
Masjumi to join the Outer Areas rebellion in that year. The
differences covered a host of subjects, including the basic
differences on the form of state Indonesia should have. The
prime cause of the dispute, however, seemed to center on polit-
ical control of the government and the patronage that went with
that control.
Members of the Persatuan Islam were quite active in polemic
against the Nationalist Party, particularly those who subscribed
to Isa Anshary's "revolutionary-radical" approach. While Isa
Anshary's arguments were not greatly different in fundamentals
than those of the more moderate faction of Masjumi led by Nat-
sir, they contained a strain of radicalism, and often intoler-
ance, less evident in the arguments of the moderates. The
"revolutionary-radicals" pointed out that Muslims were permitted
by their religion "to treasure race and land" and that Indone-
sian Muslims held just as high a regard for Indonesia as did
the secularists. Isa Anshary stated that Islam commanded Mus-
lims to demonstrate their support of the land in which they
45.	Herbert Feith, "Toward Elections in Indonesia," Pacific
Affairs, XXVII, No. 3 (September 1954), pp. 236-254.
46.	Willard A. Hanna, "Indonesia's Political Parties, I,"
American Universities Field Staff Report, December 27,
1956, pp. 4-13, outlines the Nationalist Party's program,
attitudes and tendencies.172
lived by actions, "with jihad, with struggle and sacrifice."
He stated that the secular nationalists and Muslims had the
same outlook "toward social justice, prosperity of society and
national security," but that the two groups differed on the
exact approach needed to achieve such goals.1*7 The point at
which Muslims and secular nationalists parted, stated Isa An-
shary, was on the type of law that was to be operative in the
Indonesian state. Like Ahmad Hassan before the war, Isa Anshary
argued that Muslim law had to be made operative in society and
that Muslims were opposed to any movement which rejected reli-
gious law and advocated secular law for Indonesia.
The "revolutionary-radical" group believed that the strug-
gle for independence would not be complete and the revolution
would not be ended until some sort of Muslim control over the
state was established. In Revolusi Islam, for example, Isa
Anshary stated that the "Islamic revolution" was not a national
revolution, limited to national boundaries, but rather was a
revolution "to release man from physical and spiritual exploita-
tion." "The theory, character, nature, characteristics and
philosophy of this revolution," he maintained, "were determined
by God through revelation in the form of the Sunnahl" The Indo-
nesian revolution, Isa Anshary exhorted, had stopped before it
had completed its task because it had fallen under control of
"unbelievers" (kafirs) and hypocrites (munafiq) ." He urged
that the Indonesian revolution be continued, but that it be
given spiritual content to achieve its goal of establishing
Islam and its laws in the state and society.1*8
In 1953, President Sukarno, who had until then avoided
taking a public stand on the issue of an Islamic state, declared
in a speech at Amuntai that "if we establish a state based on
Islam, many areas whose population is not Islamic . . . will
secede." He made several other speeches of a similar nature
designed to play down the Islamic state. Most Muslim leaders
made restrained responses, but several secondary Masjumi lead-
ers, including Isa Anshary, responded with harsh invective.
Despite efforts from Masjumi leadership to quiet him, Isa
Anshary stated that "there is a cold war between Islam on the
one hand and on the other are those who call themselves Islamic
and are not." In a reference widely interpreted as aimed at
Sukarno, Isa Anshary stated that the Islamic state, as it had
been established by the Prophet at Madlnah, insured the rights
of members of other religions but gave no protection to munafiq
Muslims.1*9 As might be expected, this sort of invective was
47.	Isa Anshary, Islam dan Nasionalisme, pp. 59-60.
48.	Isa Anshary, Revolusi Islam, pp. 15-16, 12.
49.	Feith, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indone-
sia, pp~ 281 , 283. See also Boyd R. Compton, ‘'President173
not well received by either Sukarno or by the Nationalist Party,
and there were many Muslims who believed that Isa Anshary had
overstepped the bounds of propriety. While some elements in
Masjumi favored disciplinary action against Isa Anshary for this
and similar statements, there was a sizeable group which saw
Sukarno at fault; a showdown was avoided in the interests of
party unity. Isa Anshary*s outburst, however, came under strong
attack by the Nationalist Party and by the Communists and was
presented by them as evidence of Muslim political and religious
intolerance.
Another source of dispute between Muslims and secularists
centered on the unique and peculiar position in Indonesian
politics occupied by Sukarno's Pantja Sila concept. All groups,
including the Muslim community, had accepted the Pantja Sila as
a symbol of cooperation among Indonesians and as a statement of
Indonesian goals during the Revolution. Consequencely, after
the Revolution there had been considerable sentiment for its
retention as a state motto or expression of national ideals.
Moehammad Natsir, for example, spoke highly of Pantja Sila in a
speech at Lahore, Pakistan in 1953 and referred to it as con-
taining the founding principles of the Indonesian nation.50
After 1953, those elements in Indonesia that preferred the
retention of a secular based state--the secular nationalists,
the Communists and the Christians--began to promote Pantja Sila
as the philosophical basis of the state. An organization was
founded for the "Defence of Pantja Sila," and when Sukarno re-
turned to active politics in 1953, Pantja Sila was promoted in
opposition to the concept of an Islamic state. By 1956, when
the Constituent Assembly met, Muslim support for Pantja Sila
had almost entirely disappeared and the terms Pantja Sila and
"Islamic state" were mentioned as diametrically opposed concepts.
It was typical of Persis that its members saw Islam as an
ideology with a transcending claim to loyalty and Pantja Sila
as a competing, and hence false, ideology in a society that
could rightly be only Islamic. In his address before the Con-
stituent Assembly, Moehammad Natsir stated that Pantja Sila was
not suitable as a state ideology because it consisted of five
relative terms, because no one of the five could be considered
to be absolute in nature, and because the silas were all rela-
tive, in themselves and one to another. He stated that in con-
trast to Pantja Sila, Islam had laws, given to man by God
Sukarno and the Islamic State," Newsletter of the Institute
of Current World Affairs, March 1953 ; Isa Anshary,
Revolusi Islam, p. 52.
50. Moehammad Natsir, Some Observations Concerning the Role of
Islam in National and International Affairs (Ithaca: Cor-
nell University Southeast Asia Program, 1954).174
through revelation, which provided an absolute criterion by
which to regulate human affairs. Natsir noted that Sukarno him-
self did not view Pantja Sila as a deep rooted philosophy but
only a compromise or meeting place for all the viewpoints of
differing Indonesian factions. It was Natsir's judgment that
as pure concepts, the silas were incapable of shaping reality
in actual situations, and he argued that if they did, they would
no longer be neutral. The vagueness and sterility of Pantja
Sila, Natsir concluded, could not convince Muslims who already
had a clear ideology to support Pantja Sila instead of Islam,
for to "go from Islam to Pantja Sila ... is the same as
springing from earth .	. . into a vacuum."51
I
As Natsir stated, the principles enumerated in Pantja
Sila were vague terms, and deliberately so, since they had been
intended from the first as a compromise which would rally all
political groups regardless of ideology to the republican
government. The interpretation and definition of each of the
five principles was left to each faction, and because of differ-
ing ideologies and outlook, there was no consensus on any of the
five points. Isa Anshary and his "revolutionary-radical" fol-
lowing, with their fixed views regarding the role of Islam in
politics, were among the first Muslim groups to attack this
vagueness as weakness. In Ummat Islam menghadapi Pemilihan
Umum (The Islamic Community faces the General Elections) Isa
Anshary charged that Pantja Sila was a vague ideology with no
real interpretation, used only as a slogan. He cited the sila
of democracy, and asked whether such democracy was to be "West-
ern democracy or the democratic centralism of Eastern Europe,
and whether it would operate on the principle of majority rule."
He stated that Islam placed many restrictions on democratic
action and that Islam did not allow "total submission to the
majority" on all questions since many matters had already been
decided by the Qur* an and were not open to debate. He noted
the same vagueness in the first sila> "Belief in God," and sug-
gested that this sila was not the same "belief in God" confessed
by Muslims. The belief in God mentioned in the Pantja Sila, he
stated, was not concerned with undertaking good and shunning
evil, establishing the Shari {ah, "establishing tawhid" and
"destroying shirk," nor could it be used as a measure by which
to resolve all matters and settle all disputes.52 Isa Anshary's
51.	Moehammad Natsir, "Pidato Komisi II Konstituante," Tentang
Dasar Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante, p. 129. See
also Moehammad Natsir, "Bertentangankah Pantja Sila dengan
Al-Quran?" Hikmah, VII, Nos. 21-22 (May 29, 1954), pp. 6-7,
37. This essay also appears in Capita Selecta, II, pp.
144-154.
52.	Moehammad Isa Anshary, Ummat Islam menghadapi Pemilihan
Umum (Surabaja: Hasan Aidid, 1953), ppT 7-8, 18-19 . He
stated elsewhere:	"We hear people sloganize Belief in God175
remarks illustrate the great gulf that existed after 1953 be-
tween the two leading factions in Indonesian politics and ex-
plain in part the inability of these groups to cooperate for
the solution of the urgent national problems then facing the
nation.
Attitudes Toward Communism
The bitter feelings that reemerged during the parliamen-
tary period between Muslim and secular nationalists were ex-
celled only by the total distrust of the Muslims for the
Communists. The Communist Party, driven underground in the
1920's, had become a part of the nationalist movement during
the early revolutionary years, but, in 1948, the Communist Party
suffered another setback when it directly challenged the repub-
lican government and was defeated by the republican army at
Madiun in East Java. Under the leadership of D. N. Aidit, the
Communist Party adopted a policy of creating a national unity
front with other "progressive groups" and, by 1952, had again
begun to play an active role in Indonesian politics.53 The
Communists were able to cooperate with elements of the Nation-
alist Party partly because parallel interests existed and partly
because several Nationalist Party leaders were willing to use
Communist support to improve their own political position.
President Sukarno as well was favorably disposed toward a Com-
munist Party that would be loyal to the government and partici-
pate openly in the Indonesian political system. Muslim groups
were generally outspoken against Communism, but the intensity
of the opposition varied toward a Communist Party seeking
accommodation and offering support for the programs of some
Muslim parties. Several Perti leaders, for example, were sym-
pathetic toward many goals espoused by the Indonesian Communists
in the 1950's, and Perti leader Hadji Siradjuddin Abbas was
active in the Communist-dominated international peace movement
of that period. The Nahdlatul Ulama's membership remained
generally anti-Communist, but its leaders found Communist Party
.	.	. whose actions are contrary to the laws of God; people
who propagandize humanity but whose actions show bestial-
ity; people who sloganize social justice but work only for
their own comfort and satisfaction; people who sloganize
democracy, but who promote only the interests of their own
parties. Pantja Sila is used only as a slogan, for agita-
tion and demagoguery, a gadfly of the people. Pantja Sila
.	.	. has become tanpa sila [without principle]." Isa
Anshary, Revolusi Islam, pp. 13-14.
53. Donald Hindley, The Communist Party of Indonesia 1951-1963
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press,
1964), pp. 46-59.176
support for some of its parliamentary programs advantageous and
frequently downplayed its own anti-Communist orientation, for
example, in 1957, when NU leadership avoided confronting Sukarno
on his plan to allow PKI participation in the government.
Masjumi, however, was openly anti-Communist and saw no room for
compromise or cooperation with the Indonesian Communist Party.
The Persatuan Islam was equally adamant in its complete rejec-
tion of Communism, and its members issued a large number of
books, manifestos and fatwas that spelled out the basis for
that rejection.
The March 1957 manifesto of the Persatuan Islam stated
that the "theory and practice of Communism is not only opposed
to all religions but has only enmity and opposition toward
inner faith as taught by all religions. "5 ** On the same line of
thought, Isa Anshary remarked that the Communists rejected Cod,
revelation and prophets and that Communists saw religion as a
"superstition shackling man’s reason."55 Isa Anshary noted
that the Communist rejection of religious belief and absolute
values revealed itself in a lack of morality which permitted
Communism to use terror as a fundamental instrument of control.
"The practice of Communist governments in lands they control,"
stated a Persis document, "is cruelly to exterminate religious
life, tear down the places of worship, and terrorize religious
leaders and (uZama't inhumanely, as was done in Turkestan, Cauca-
sia and Hungary." The document concluded that the Communists
of Indonesia were no different than Communist parties in other
lands and were also guilty of resorting to terror as was appar-
ent "by the slaughter of Muslim leaders" at Madiun in 1948 "when
the Communist Party was in open revolt against the Republic of
Indonesia."5 6
54.	Persatuan Islam, "Persatuan Islam menolak Konsepsi Bung
Karno" in Suara Masjumi, March 15, 1957, p. 8.
55.	Isa Anshary, Jusuf Wibisono and Sjarief Usman, Bahaja Merah
di Indonesia, p. 11. See also, Isa Anshary, "Kami menudju
Republik Indonesia berdasarkan Islam" in Tentang Dasar
Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante, II, pp. 227-
228~ 2T9--”231.------ -----------------------
56.	"Persatuan Islam menolak Konsepsi Bung Karno," Suara
Masjumi, March 15 , 1957 , p. 8. In 1948, the Indonesian
Army ordered the Communist and Socialist youth fronts who
served as paramilitary units against the Dutch in the
Madiun area to lay down their arms. The youth fronts re-
fused and attempted an insurrection in which the Communist
Party leader Musso joined. In the Communist takeover of
Madiun, Masjumi leaders were the particular targets of the
insurrectionists. The revolt was completely crushed by
the Indonesian Army within a matter of weeks. Hindley,
The Indonesian Communist Party, p. 21.177
Isa Anshary stated that the Communists were international-
ist in orientation and received aid and orders from the Kremlin
to further Communist efforts. He maintained that Communism's
real aim was the introduction of a new kind of colonialism which
would replace the imperialism of the West, and it was only in
order to achieve this goal that the Communists masqueraded as a
staunchly nationalistic group.57 The 1957 Persis manifesto ex-
pounded this argument and stated that Indonesian Communist
strength in the 1955 elections had been attained through decep-
tion and deceit and warned that "promises from the mouths of
Communists to the Indonesian masses have no validity and no
meaning in Communist ideology."58
Persatuan Islam manifestos issued in 1953, 1954, 1957,
1958 and 1960, all devoted considerable space to a condemnation
of Communism. The 1954 declaration, for example, stated that
any Muslim who, having heard the evidence against Communism and
secular nationalism, still adhered to either of them politically,
would "be considered an apostate" (murtadd) and would not "re-
ceive Muslim prayers or a Muslim burial after death."59 The
1957 manifesto gave a brief resume of Qur>anic references on
which Muslims could base their opposition to Communism.
At- (Imran 117 recalls that kafirs--anti-religious and
anti-God--are always causing and undertaking destruction
of every ummah that believes properly and follows reli-
gion; at-Mujaditah 22 contains the explanation that the
Islamic ummah may not cooperate with groups opposed to
Allah and His Prophet; at-Nisaf 140 clearly forbids Mus-
lims to remain together with people who reject religious
teachings; al-Ma)idah 2 commands Muslims to work together
57.	Isa Anshary, Jusuf Wibisono and Sjarief Usman, Bahaja
Merah di Indonesia, pp. 25, 27; also, Isa Anshary, "Kami
menudju Republik Indonesia Berdasarkan Islam" in Tentang
Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante, II,
p“ 234.	--------------- --------------------------
58.	"Persatuan Islam menolak Konsepsi Bung Karno," Suara
Masjumi, March 15, 1957, p. 8.
59.	"Fatwa ulama 'Persatuan Islam'" [adopted by the Conference
of the Persatuan Islam at Bandung on November 9, 1954] in
Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante,
II, p. 288. A partial English translation of the fatwa
appears in Compton, "Muslim Radicalism" The Anti-Communist
Front," p. 8. Compton mistakenly translates the term
murtadd as excommunicated, which has a papal connotation
and is not known in Sunni Islam.178
for accomplishment of taqwa and forbids cooperation for
the purpose of committing sin and injustice.60
Fatwas issued by individual Persis (-ulama) presented similar
arguments and accurately reflected the arguments and attitudes
toward Communism of a large segment of Indonesian Muslims. One
particular fatwa, appearing in Al-Muslimun in 1955, declared
that marriage between a Muslim woman and a Communist could not
be valid.51 A fatwa by Ahmad Hassan condemned the Communist
united front policy and stated that Muslim cooperation with
Communists was not permissible since such cooperation would
lead only to destruction of religion.62
In 1957, the Persatuan Islam issued a rebuke to President
Sukarno in a joint resolution of all Persis '•ulama'1 entitled
"The Persatuan Islam rejects Sukarno's 'concept'" (Persatuan
Islam menolak konsepsi Bung Karno). The Persis resolution re-
jected Sukarno's plan, called upon the President to reconsider
and called upon all non-Communists to close ranks and combat the
"anti-God and anti-religious basis which is Communism and athe-
ism."63 Again in 1960, the Persatuan Islam, at its annual con-
gress, called upon Sukarno to abolish the Communist Party which
"openly chooses sides with the Communist Bloc . . . and assumes
the position of a fifth column for the Soviet Union and Red
China." This 1960 statement demanded that the army take action
against the "subversive Communist Party" which "like the rebels"
in the Outer Islands "endangers the safety of the country."61*
In the period from 1953 through 1958, Isa Anshary conducted
a vigorous crusade against the Indonesian Communist Party, as
was exemplified in his periodical entitled Anti-Komunis (Anti-
Communist) . All of his writings during this period had a strong
60.	"Persatuan Islam menolak Konsepsi Bung Karno," Suara
Masjumi, March 15, 1957, p. 8.
61.	Abdulkadir Hassan, "Kawin dengan orang komunis," Al-
Muslimun, I, No. 12 (March 1955), pp. 7-8.
62.	Ahmad Hassan, "Kerdjasama dengan qaum-qaum jang berfaham
sosialis," Pembela Islam (New Series), I, No. 2 (April
1956), p. 32.
63.	"Persatuan Islam menolak konsepsi Bung Karno," Suara Mas-
jumi, March 15, 1957, p. 8. The 1957 statement was issued
when Sukarno, seeking to build a united front of his own
in Djakarta with which to oppose the disaffected Outer
Regions threatening his position, raised the possibility
of placing Communists in the cabinet.
64.	"Persatuan Islam menuntut Penghantjuran Partai Komunis
Indonesia," Harian Abadi, September 7, 1960, p. 1.179
warning to Muslims against ideologies not compatible with Islam;
in Bahaja Merah di Indonesia (The Red Menace in Indonesia) and
again in his speech before the Constituent Assembly, he out-
lined his specific objections to Communism and rejected it as
incompatible with Islam and with Indonesian nationalism. In
1954, along with Muslim leaders Wibisono and Sjarif Usman, he
formed the Front Anti-Komunis (The Anti-Communist Front) which
was intended to become a national political pressure group,
organized on lines similar to the Communist cell system, that
was to combat Communism on all levels of society.65 It was in-
tended to cross party lines but depended heavily on local
Masjumi groups and, consequently, was regarded by other politi-
cal groups as a Masjumi front organization. While it gathered
considerable strength in some areas such as Djakarta and Sura-
baja, it never really caught on nationally, and was finally
banned sometime after 1958.6 6
Political Attitudes Toward Christians
Another important political problem faced by the Muslim
political groups in the pre-election period was the relation-
ship between Christians and Muslims on the political plane.
The four million Christians in Indonesia, like Christian minori-
ties in other predominantly Muslim lands, generally believed
that Muslim political aspirations would directly discriminate
against Christianity and make Christians second class citizens.
Christian political leaders from the Protestant Party (Partai
Kristen Indonesia--Parkindo) and the Catholic Party (Partai
Katoliek Indonesia) stressed that Christians had fought for
independence from colonial rule and, like Muslims, had spilled
considerable blood to achieve that goal. They argued that the
secular basis for the state was more equitable for all Indone-
sians and that Pantja Sila with its guaranty of religious belief
was sufficient to allow both Muslims and Christians to undertake
their religious obligations without discriminating against
Christianity. The Christian leaders stressed that Islam as the
65. There are only a few readily available materials on the
Anti-Communist Front. Boyd R. Compton, "Muslim Radicalism:
The Anticommunist Front," American Universities Field
Staff Report, March 5, 1953-; '‘Front Anti Komunis menudju
Djalan Djihad," Suara Masjumi, December 10, 1954, p. 3;
"Statemen Front Anti -Komunis, Djakarta," Suara Masjumi,
September 1, 1956, p. 8. In late 1957, the Anti-Communist
Front changed its name to Liga Anti-Komunis Rakjat Indone-
sia (The Indonesian Peoples Anti-Communist League--LIKRA).
66.
See below p. 185.180
guiding force of the state would have an adverse impact on the
Christian population, and some Christian leaders even threatened
that predominantly Christian areas such as the Celebes and the
South Moluccas would not accept such Muslim domination.67
The Persatuan Islam followed the general lead of Masjumi
on the Christian issue, and the 1958 Persis manifesto mentioned
that in an Islamic state, Christians would be protected and that
Muslims would be tolerant of Christian teachings.68 Two differ-
ent approaches to the matter were apparent, however, in the
writings of Persis leaders. Isa Anshary, reflecting his "revo-
lutionary-radical" approach, stated in Islam dan Nasionalisme
that Muslims and Christians were alike in that they both wor-
shipped God, and if each followed the lessons of their respec-
tive religions, there was no reason why the followers of the
two religions should not live in friendship and without fric-
tion. Freedom of religion, he pointed out, was clearly observed
in Islamic history and was "more guaranteed and of much wider
scope than the 'freedom of religion' observed in several of the
great states of Europe."69 Like many Muslim writers dealing
with Muslim relations with Christians, Isa Anshary implied that
the "religious freedom" that was to be guaranteed religious
minorities was to be determined by Muslim standards and inter-
pretation and that the Christian interpretation would be ac-
cepted only if it did not conflict with the Muslim viewpoint in
the matter.
Moehammad Natsir's approach accepted Isa Anshary's formula-
tion but made an additional effort to overcome Christian fears
of Muslim political power. In "Keragaman hidup Antara-Agama"
(Religious tolerance among religions), Natsir maintained that
Muslims were commanded to spread the true faith, but in perform-
ing this religious obligation, Muslims were "to give summons in
a manner free of all force" and under no circumstance were they
to attempt to solve the problem of religious difference by re-
sorting to the dictates of passion. Muslims, Natsir argued,
were not to be passive in following a policy of religious toler-
ance, but were to constantly undertake to remove irritations
among religious groups, and to come to the aid of other reli-
gions whenever there was a threat to those religions. "Whenever
freedom of religion is threatened and suppressed, even if Muslim
religious rights are not involved, Muslims are obliged to aid
the 'people of the book' [and allow them] to worship God accord-
67.	J. B. Kawet, "Speech in Committee II of the Constituent
Assembly," in Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia
dalam Konstituante, II, pp. 12 -13.
68.	Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam, 1956, p. 55.
69.	Isa Anshary, Islam dan Nasionalisme, pp. 61-62.181
ing to their various religions, even by pledging their own
lives if necessary."70
Despite assurances by Natsir and other responsible Indone-
sian Muslim leaders, Christians saw their religious obligations
as best served by a secular state and, consequently, developed
both political and religious arguments to support their choice.
During the Constituent Assembly debates on the nature of the
Indonesian state, the Christian political parties supported
Pantja Sila as a state ideology. The radical approach of Isa
Anshary, his intolerance of munafiq Muslims, and the anti-
Christian activities of the outlawed Muslim rebel groups in
West Java and the South Celebes made rapport between Muslims and
Christians difficult regardless of Muslim assurances of friend-
ship and tolerance. Muslim efforts to join forces with the
Christians, however, continued even after the general elections
and, occasionally, the Persatuan Islam made unsuccessful appeals
for Christians to join with Muslims and form an anti-Communist
front.71
The Importance of the (UZama^
In the Persatuan Islam, there was general recognition that
the (ulama) had a major role in political affairs. The (uZama>
of the organization--Ahmad Hassan, Isa Anshary, Ahmad Abdullah
and Abdulkadir Hassan--all formulated many fatwas on political
subjects intended to determine the direction of Muslim political
activity. These fatwas, without exception, urged Muslim politi-
cal unity and passed judgment against Muslim aid to the secular-
ists and communist parties because such parties wanted a state
not based on Islamic principles.
Persis writers made occasional references in their books
and articles concerning the role they considered appropriate
for the (ulama) to play in society and in national affairs.
In an article entitled Funksi- UZama daZam Masgarakat dan Negara
(The iUZama) 's Function in Society and the Nation), Moenawar
Chalil explained that the (aZim was the transmitter of the word
of God to subsequent generations following the Prophet. Through
their role as transmitters of the message and as guardians of
its pristine truth, Moenawar Chalil stated, the iuZama) have
built up considerable respect among lay Muslims. He maintained
70.	Moehammad Natsir, "Keragaman hidup Antar-Agama," Hikmah,
VII, No. 6 (February 6, 1954), p. 6; also in Capita Selecta,
II, pp. 225-230.
71.	See for example, "Persatuan Islam menuntut penghantjuran
Partai Komunis Indonesia," Harian Abadi, September 7, 1960,
p. 1.182
that lay Muslims would often respond to the words of the (utama)
when they would not respond to similar orders from state offi-
cials. He concluded that since (utama) had such considerable
influence over the faith and morals of the Muslim population
and were listened to on political and social matters as well,
the (-ulama) had a great responsibility to act with prudence and
wisdom.7 2
Isa Anshary developed a similar line of reasoning, perhaps
to explain his own considerable participation in political
activity. He recognized that the well-being of Muslims, whether
political, religious, social or economic, depended on the indi-
vidual, and that it was ultimately "auto-activity" (auto-
aaktivitat) that determined the success or failure of Muslim
efforts. He stated that it was the duty of the lulamay and
other Muslim leaders to educate ordinary Muslims in the "lessons
of religion, laws of God" so that they would follow a course of
action that would bring reward to the Muslims in this world and
in the Hereafter.73 Isa Anshary*s own political activity was
guided by such considerations, and he apparently believed that
his own activity would have considerable impact on lay Muslims
and determine the direction of their political activity. Moe-
hammad Natsir also believed that the lulama) had a significant
role to play in political affairs, and in a number of speeches,
he called on {ulama) to give guidance to lay Muslims on politi-
cal as well as religious affairs.
This stress on lulamay was made by many other Muslim groups
as well. Deliar Noer has stated in his thesis on the Masjumi
Party that the iulama) in Indonesia could not be ignored as a
political factor and that whoever gained their approval would
consequently gain a large following, particularly in the rural
areas.71* It was generally recognized among Masjumi activists
that the iulama) did wield considerable political as well as
religious influence among much of the rural population. The
Nahdlatul Ulama, for example, was particularly strong in East
Java and on Kalimantan where the local {ulama'> tended to follow
traditionalist Islamic patterns. Masjumi itself was organized
so that the {ulama) were on all levels of the party structure,
and at least one lalim was on the control board at each level
of the organization. Even though the Nahdlatul Ulama quit
Masjumi on the charge that the iulama) in the Madjelis Sjuro
were denied leadership responsibilities, the charge was that
the Nahdlatul Ulama's leaders felt slighted that its own lulama)
72.	Moenawar Chalil, Funksi Ulama dalam Masjarakat dan Negara,
pp. 27-28.
73.	Isa Anshary, Ummat Islam menghadapi Pemilihan Umum, p. 69.
74.	Deliar Noer, "Masjumi," p. 50.183
did not dominate the Central Leadership Council. Several mem-
bers of the Central Leadership Council were in fact (ulama) by
recognized Sunni Muslim standards, and the NU implication that
('ulama) had no voice in Masjumi was misleading. Like the
Nahdlatul Ulama and Masjumi, Persis' emphasis on the iulama)
reflected the general view that iulama) were to be active in
political affairs and serve as leaders and guides for the Muslim
population. Moreover, the political activity of Isa Anshary
and the political statements of Ahmad Hassan and Moenawar
Chalil appears to have been an expression of that ideal.
The End of Persis Political Activity
The Indonesian political situation went badly throughout
the parliamentary period when governments resting on weak par-
liamentary coalitions were unable to form stable governments or
to resolve basic economic and political problems facing the
nation. The failure of a single party to win a majority in the
1955 elections and the consequent deadlock in both parliament
and the Constituent Assembly offered only the prospect of fur-
ther political immobilization and deterioration. Sukarno’s
decision in 1957 to resolve the stalemate by instituting presi-
dential rule consequently had considerable support throughout
Indonesia and, most importantly, was favored by the military
leadership. Sukarno's move was adamantly opposed by Masjumi and
by several other political parties.
Although several regionalist movements had actively opposed
the central government since 1950, by 1957, disillusionment
with the Djakarta government was widespread in several of the
outer areas, and local army commanders established local govern-
ing councils and refused to recognize the authority of the cen-
tral government. In 1958, a group of dissident political lead-
ers, mostly from the Masjumi Party, formed a Revolutionary
Republic of Indonesia (PRRI) and attempted to bring together
all dissident units in a move to win basic political concessions
from the Djakarta government. The Revolutionary Republic de-
manded more autonomy for the Outer Areas, insisted that a great-
er portion of the finances that the Outer Areas' exports earned
abroad be returned to the Outer Areas, and demanded the removal
of several leftists widely believed to be crypto-communists
from cabinet and sub-cabinet posts. The economic strength of
the areas under rebel control--Sumatra, parts of Kalimantan and
the Celebes--the support of the armed forces stationed in those
areas, and a responsible and well-known leadership appeared at
first to give the Revolutionary Republic a good chance of at-
taining its goals. The rebellion was easily defeated, however,
when, contrary to expectations, the Indonesian army conducted a
quick and effective campaign against the rebel heartland in
central Sumatra. Rebel units held several areas on Sumatra,
Kalimantan and the Celebes until 1961, when army leaders offered184
a general amnesty and convinced most military units and many
civilian leaders in the rebel cause to surrender.75
There was considerable hesitation by Moehammad Natsir be-
fore he joined the rebels in 1958 even though several other
leading Masjumi personalities had already done so. Ultimately
he gave way, apparently because he believed that insurrection
was the only way left to correct the slide to the left and
steady deterioration of politics which had marked Indonesia's
parliamentary period. In the several weeks prior to his defec-
tion, he was threatened with physical violence by Communist
youth groups seeking to discredit him as loyal to the Outer
Areas cause,76 and it must have been apparent to him that
Masjumi was widely regarded as responsible for the rebellion.
In August 1958, he was given the position as vice president in
the rebel government77 and for the following three years at-
tempted to revive the dissident forces which the government
forces had been unable to crush after their initial campaign
had outstripped their logistical capacity. Finally, in 1961,
Natsir surrendered to central government forces under terms of
the general amnesty offered that year.
The Masjumi organization Natsir left behind continued to
exist until 1961 when Sukarno banned it by decree, but the in-
stitution of presidential rule and a number of state of emergency
75.	Leslie H. Palmier, Indonesia (New York: Walkers and Co.,
1965), pp. 185-198, succinctly describes the main events
of this period. See also Willard Hanna, "The Rebel Cause,"
American Universities Field Staff Reports, October 9, 1959.
The central government viewpoint is given in Lt. Col. Rudy
Pirngadi, Peristiwa PRRI: ditindjau dar Sudut Sedjarah TNI
(Djakarta: N. V. Endang, 1958) . Translated into English
with the title The PRRI Affair (as seen in the light of
the history of the Indonesian Armed Forces) (Djakarta:
Nusantara, 1958). The rebel viewpoint appears in The Birth
of New Indonesia (Six months PRRI) (Frankfurt a/Mam: PRRI
Mission in Europe, 1958), and in RPI Monthly Review, No. 1
(March 1960) .
76.	Herbert Feith, "Dynamics of Guided Democracy" in Ruth
McVey, ed., Indonesia, p. 321.
77.	This essay will not include a study of Natsir's role in
the PRRI because it is removed from our real subject, the
Persatuan Islam. Natsir's views during this period are re-
corded in "Moehammad Natsir's views on Sukarno," Bulletin
PRRI: Voice of New Indonesia, No. 8 (February 1959) , p. 4",
and "Excerpts of Natzir's speech" [broadcast over Radio
PRRI from Central Sumatra], PRRI Bulletin: Voice of New
Indonesia, No. 2 (November 1958), p. Tl185
decrees had put an end to Masjumi activity as early as 1959.
Anticipating its demise, the extraordinary members of Masjumi,
including the Persatuan Islam, all dissociated themselves from
Masjumi in October 1958.78 Some of these member organizations
continued to perform a political role, but many, like the
Muhammadijah and the Persatuan Islam, backed away from political
life and concentrated on the educational and social welfare
aspects of their programs.
Isa Anshary, although from Sumatra, did not join the rebels
but continued to play an active political role on Java. By
1961, however, his Front Anti-Komunis had taken on a more clan-
destine appearance and was rumored to be anti-Sukarno as well.
Shortly thereafter, Isa Anshary was placed under detention.79
His arrest and the banning of Masjumi marked an end to political
activity by Persis members, although some Persatuan Islam lead-
ers, such as Ali Alhamidy, continued to stress that Muslims
must play an active role in the political affairs of the nation,
are obliged to combat Communism, and are commanded by Islam to
make Islamic principles operative in nation and society.80
78.	Harian Abadi, October 14, 1958, p. 1.
79.	Interview with Abdurrahman and Junus Anis on July 21, 1963.
80.	Lecture by Ali Alhamidy at the Universitas Pesantren
Persatuan Islam on July 13, 1963.CHAPTER XII
CONCLUSIONS
The Persatuan Islam was significant because it attempted to
define for Indonesian society what constituted Islam, what were
basic Islamic principles, and what constituted proper religious
behavior for Muslims. The Persis attempt to define Islam came
at a crucial point in history, at a time when new ideas from
the West and from other Muslim areas clashed with each other
and with cultural and religious traditions already esteemed in
Indonesia. The importance of the Persatuan Islam lay in an
examination, critical in its time and context, of the problems
created by the interaction of these diverse influences and in
attempts to judge what was religiously permissible and what was
not.
The Persatuan Islam presented a religious ideal that pre-
scribed worship and the other obligations of the Shari {ah as
the focal point of life, and it insisted that Muslims excise
all beliefs and practices that it regarded as contrary to Is-
lamic teachings. This attempt to make Islam the most important
influence in the lives of Indonesians was not new in Islamic
history, for Islam has always demanded such commitment. The
Persis message was significant precisely because it was a re-
iteration of the historical Islamic ideal within a nation which
had been converted to Islam for only a relatively short time,
and where indigenous religious institutions had not developed
to a point where they could facilitate such an ideal. The mes-
sage of the Persatuan Islam intended to hasten the development
of new and needed "Islamic" institutions, to deepen and broaden
faith and practice in Indonesia and thereby make Islam the
dominating influence on Indonesians and on Indonesian national
life.
Exposition of Basic Beliefs
Perhaps the most important Persis contribution to the
development of Indonesian Islam was its description of the fun-
damentals of religion. Persis iulama) defined Sunni Muslim be-
liefs that they regarded as basic. They avoided controversy on
matters of belief that have long been issues of debate among
Muslims, such as God's eternal existence, and determinism
(qadar), and noted that man was not to spend his time on earth
186187
idly speculating on matters beyond his ability to understand.
The reduction of Sunni Muslim doctrine to simple, readily under-
standable forms set a mark for other religious educators in
Indonesia and redounds to Persis' credit, while the Persis abil-
ity to express those beliefs in a context meaningful with the
contemporary world was equally laudable.
This exposition of Sunni doctrine led directly to the pub-
lication of textbooks easily understood by students and inter-
ested lay Muslims. Pengadjaran Shalat, At-Tauhied and Al-Furqan
among others, were a considerable contribution to the Indonesian
Muslim community since they presented an exposition of Muslim
beliefs and practices written in Bahasa Indonesia, and included
the appropriate religious texts in Arabic with an Indonesian
translation. Such texts marked an obvious advance over the
Arabic texts in use in Indonesian religious schools at the turn
of the century. These books outlining basic Sunni Muslim be-
liefs were well received when first published, have retained
their popularity as religious texts to the present, and compare
very favorably with more ambitious texts written in recent
years.
The Persatuan Islam's exposition of the obligations placed
on every Muslim was well made and showed considerable insight
into the problems confronting Indonesian Muslims when their
loyalty is conflictingly demanded by religious law, by secular
law and by custom. Ahmad Hassan's exposition of the various
systems of law and their relationship one to another helped Mus-
lims to better understand their religious obligations. Persa-
tuan Islam insistence that the Shari (ah take precedence over
ladat and secular law, and its refusal to seek accommodation
with these systems except on its own terms did little, however,
to reconcile these three diverse trends in Indonesian social
and political life or to give Muslims a genuine understanding
of the problems facing adherents of other systems.
Presentation of Modernist Muslim Principles
With its exposition of indispensable Sunni doctrine, the
Persatuan Islam presented cogent arguments for modern fundamen-
talist Muslim principles and for the reforms which such princi-
ples would entail. While the principles of modern Muslim funda-
mentalism were not original to Indonesia--having originated
with the Salafiyah movements of the Middle East--the Persis
presentation was valuable since it placed both principles and
reform in an Indonesian context. The introduction of modernist
principles was made easier by the changes in the character of
Indonesian Islamic life after the beginning of the twentieth
century. While the older syncretic patterns were still predomi-
nant, a minority of Muslims adhering to sharl(l patterns exist-
ed, and modernist Muslim principles assisted many from this188
group to make explicit their religious ideals. On the one hand,
modernist Islam allowed a reinterpretation of religion in order
to bring it into harmony with contemporary conditions, and on
the other hand, it urged the removal of syncretism from Indone-
sian Muslim practices, which the sharl (l group favored and
which traditionalist Muslims were reluctant to undertake. As
it happened, modernist Islamic thought also made a considerable
contribution to the development of the Indonesian nationalist
movement by providing religious justification for political
action. In addition, leaders in several of the early govern-
ments of independent Indonesia had been associated with modern-
ist Islamic movements.
On the negative side, the adoption of modernist principles
led to a greater cleavage between the santrl and abangan seg-
ments of Indonesian society. Muslim traditionalists had always
helped minimize this split in the population by their consider-
able contact with the abangan population. Unlike the tradition-
alists, modernist Muslims (and particularly the Persatuan Islam)
were hostile to and removed from the abangan population because
of abangan concern with beliefs and practices that were unac-
ceptable for the modernist position. This hostility and draw-
ing apart, which modernist Muslims intensified, perpetuated a
dichotomy marking Indonesian society that is perhaps most evi-
dent in Indonesian political life.
The depth and breadth of Persis' exposition of taqlld and
ijtihad, the two central concepts involved in the traditional-
ist-modernist dispute, illustrated the Persatuan Islam's ability
to justify its program within the terms of Sunni Muslim doc-
trine. Its attacks on taqlld and its defense of ijtihad were
vigorously argued and backed by apposite religious texts, and
the opponents' counterarguments were well answered. While
traditionalist Muslims charged that modernist Muslim thinking
emasculated religion by ignoring tradition to replace it with
unbridled reason, Persis (-ulamd'> appear to have arrived at their
conclusions through a scrupulous application of the principles
of usul al-fiqh, a religious science recognized as valid (if
not always used by Sunni Muslim (ulama) since the third century).
The Persatuan Islam appears to have been within the Ash(arite
tradition in its use of reason, for it used reason to apply
religious principle to specific problems, but there was certain-
ly no instance in which Persis lulama) reached conclusions on
the basis of reason alone, because their method involved a fun-
damentalist return to primary texts.
The Persatuan Islam's unique contribution to Islam in Indo-
nesia was the role it assigned to lay Muslims in determining
their own religious behavior. Both traditionalist and modernist
Muslims placed heavy emphasis on the religious scholar, gener-
ally leaving little for the lay Muslim to do but make his own
religious belief and practice conform to the views of the lalim
he listened to. While reserving primary research on religious189
matters for the <-ulama) , the Persatuan Islam still gave lay
Muslims a limited role through ittiba(, by which they were to
choose between the decisions of various (ulamay on matters
affecting their religious behavior and belief. Persis' critics
were correct in stating that ittiba( did not allow great freedom
in religious research, but certainly it did encourage lay Mus-
lims to examine religious texts and use some discretion in
choosing the religious decision that would affect their own
religious behavior. This would appear to be a genuine contribu-
tion to Muslim religious practice and a suitable solution to
the age old problem of assigning to the rank and file some re-
sponsibility in religious matters while retaining for the
iulama) a control over the direction and scope of such effort.
Persatuan Islam Reforms
Persis' reform of certain practices in worship appear to
have contributed to the strengthening of Sunni Muslim thought
and behavior in Indonesia. Recitation of the khutbah in the
vernacular was intended to deepen Muslim knowledge of religion,
a goal traditionally favored among <ulama) . Reform of burial
practices aimed at separating basic Islamic belief and practice
from the folk custom and superstition that have been a fecund
source of contention among iulama) for centuries. The demand
that the recitation of niyah be removed from worship was aimed
at removing from ritual worship a practice not actually com-
manded in Qur>an and Sunnah, and this was a stand that Sunni
lulamd) have always regarded as theoretically correct, even
when they have not adhered to the principle. Insistence on the
abolition of taqbil and other acts of deference paid to certain
Arab iulamay was in accordance with the commonly-held Islamic
principle of the equality of believers. Whether the reforms
were popular or not, and whether the traditionalist <ulama)
agreed or not, is not really germane; the reforms do seem to
have been justified within the Sunni Muslim tradition.
The Persatuan Islam maintained that, as a general rule,
all things outside the area of Hbadat were permitted by Islam
unless specifically prohibited and that change was permissible
so long as certain broad limitations established by Islam were
not transgressed. In some areas, such as economics, modern
medical practice and scientific advancement, Persis lulamay
interpreted this principle in a wide sense and showed consider-
able ability in relating Muslim principles to new developments.
This broad interpretation was apparent, for example, in Ahmad
Hassan's discussion of riba, which he defined as excessive
interest, and in his explanation that Muslims were permitted to
use banks and cooperatives because these institutions charged
and paid normal rates of interest. The same liberal attitude
was also present in Persis' decisions permitting blood trans-
fusions and birth control measures which illustrate the Persatuan190
Islam's attitude of attempting to relate religion to the
thought, goals and developments of the twentieth century.
In some matters not related to worship, the Persatuan Is-
lam opposed pressures for change and moved contrary to the
direction of developments in the contemporary world. Persis
iulama) opposed basic changes in the traditional status of Mus-
lim women and chose a rigid interpretation of scripture to
oppose what they saw as radical, unwarranted change. Persis
insistence on traditional dress and limitation of women's move-
ment in society preserved what Persis regarded as positive Mus-
lim social values. At the same time, Persis (utama) sought to
overcome critics' charges that women held a subservient position
in Islam rather than an equal but separate position, as Muslim
apologues maintained, by granting greater educational opportuni-
ties for women and allowing considerable freedom for women to
contact other women for social, educational, political and reli-
gious purposes. These limited concessions show an effort to
correct apparent inequities without opening the way to what the
Persatuan Islam regarded as destructive tendencies inherent in
the radical changes advocated by the secularists and other
groups favoring emancipation for women.
It was not inconsistent for the Persatuan Islam to approve
some contemporary developments while rejecting others. Scrip-
ture was the final authority on what could and what could not
be accepted, and in the case of women's role in life, the Persa-
tuan Islam believed that the progressive emancipation of women
of the past century is not condoned by scripture. The Persatuan
Islam was apparently satisfied that the limited liberalization
of women's role in society it advocated achieved the proper ad-
justment of religious principle and contemporary development.
In this matter, the Persatuan Islam appears to have been guided
by prejudgment since it was not consistent with its own princi-
ples. Thus Persis iulama) stated that in the problem of women's
status, the matter was limited to what was permitted in Qur>an
and hadtthy but this stand contradicted the Persatuan Islam's
stated position:	that change is permissible in matters not re-
lated to worship. This was one of the few contradictions by
Persis (ulamd'> of the theoretical principles they themselves
defined. Defense of the established system regarding women is
obviously not wrong in itself, but the conservative arguments
used in defense of their position on womanhood indicate that
Persis tulama* had not made the deep, careful examination of
the role of women in society that they claimed to have made.
Its condemnation of secularism again showed Persis' refusal
to accept a contemporary trend it believed was not permitted by
Islam, even though the nation-state based on non-religious fac-
tors and relegating religion to a lesser role in national af-
fairs has been the trend over the past sixty years. Persatuan
Islam's resistance to this trend was not unusual considering
that historically most Muslims have insisted that Islam must191
dictate the policies of the government of any Muslim area, even
though one can find few Muslim governments in history where
this was wholly true.
The Persatuan Islam formulated many of the arguments against
secularism that were taken up by other Muslims to defend their
convictions against the attacks of the secularists. Persis
political statements were a clear argument that Muslims must
not abandon their faith as a means of achieving independence
and that the retention-- indeed the intensification--of religious
values was essential to give national independence real meaning.
Persatuan Islam writers clouded their arguments somewhat with
their stress on pan-Islamic beliefs and their rejection of
national boundaries. Their objections to the flag and the other
trappings of a national state were too cautionary. Their argu-
ments for the inclusion of Muslim values in the operation of an
independent Indonesia were justifiable--both by Muslim tradition
and because many secular states are guided by religious princi-
ples. In fact, religiously-based morality does appear to be
called for in the operation of a state, as Isa Anshary pointed
out, to maintain proper governmental behavior and to avoid the
use of terror and immorality as deliberate state policy.
It does appear that the Persatuan Islam was over-intransi-
gent in its insistence that Indonesia must have an Islamic state
governed according to Islamic law. Not only was "Islamic state"
a vague term, but also in Indonesia during the 1930's and the
1950’s, it created disagreeable reactions in the minds of many,
Muslim and non-Muslim. It was generally believed among non-
Muslims that Islamic law would be harsh and onerous; Persis'
insistence on the stern laws of punishment (hudud) did little
to dispel this apprehension. Seeing that Persis realized that
there was as yet no law code that could be characterized as
Islamic and implemented immediately, and that there was even a
great measure of disagreement on basic principles, Persis' ef-
forts might have been better directed toward a fuller explana-
tion of its view concerning the content of "Islamic law" and
the nature of an "Islamic state." Of the leading Persis writ-
ers, only Moehammad Natsir attempted such an explanation, while
most Persatuan Islam effort was expended on insisting that
"Islamic law" was required by religion and condemning as apos-
tates those who did not agree.
Shortcomings in the Persis Argument
There were several shortcomings in the Persatuan Islam's
efforts to define Islam and its proper mode of operating in
twentieth century Indonesia. Most outstanding was an attitude
of non-compromise that marked the statements of Persis leaders
and hindered the establishment of the unity which the Indonesian
nation so badly needed. Persis arguments were almost without192
exception directed against concepts and generalized actions of
its opponents and only rarely against individuals and their
specific actions. Ahmad Hassan's use of etymology to refute
the concept of Christ’s divinity in Jesoes menurut Bijbel,
Abdurrahman's presentation of Islamic history to challenge the
viewpoint of traditionalist Islam in "Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama'ah"
and Moehammad Natsir's reconciliation of Islamic and Indonesian
values as a basis for an Indonesian Islamic state in his Con-
stituent Assembly speech are polemic at its best, containing
well-reasoned, pertinent arguments, worthy of an answer. These
works reflect the trait usually found in Persis writings of
keeping arguments centered on the issue at hand and hitting
hard against what the organization regarded as objectionable
and unacceptable. Since Persis arguments were sharp and to the
point, this characteristic--not common in much of Indonesian
argumentation and writing--clearly alienated many persons, both
non-Muslim opponents and people associated with the Indonesian
Muslim movement. Persis writing, moreover, offered no quarter
and accepted no compromise, but demanded complete submission
to its viewpoint by both Muslims and non-Muslims. The demand
for submission encompassed all matters on which the Persatuan
Islam chose to pronounce judgment, whether in matters of wor-
ship, in matters of social behavior, or problems of political
action. Deliar Noer, speaking of Ahmad Hassan’s approach prior
to World War II, offers an analysis that holds generally true
of all the leading writers of the Persatuan Islam either before
or after the war.
Persis seemed to create antagonism, if not enemies,
everywhere, first among the traditionalists, then the
"emancipated" nationalists and even within the Muslim re-
form group. ... It would be difficult to state with pre-
cision who started this hostility first .	.	. but Hassan
was hard in his judgments, and his writing style might
upset his opponents, although he remained in general ob-
jective and avoided personal criticisms, he considered the
application of his fatwa, whether on furu’ or questions of
principles, as something not to be compromised with.1
A genuine Islamic sense of catholicity, of acceptance of
disagreement, was lacking among Persis (-ulama) , nor could they
envisage a society where the opposition would have the right to
disagree for all time. There was, at best, tolerance for only
a limited period, since Persis members were convinced that
finally all other viewpoints would inevitably conform with
their own. This was Islam as ideology rather than religion.
Persis maintained for example that Christianity was tolerated,
but, on closer examination, it appears that what was to be
tolerated was Christian action conforming to the Persis inter-
pretation of what it believed Christian action and behavior
1. Noer, "The Modernist Muslim Movement," p. 149.193
should be. Little wonder then that Christians were suspicious
of Muslim intentions and preferred a secular to an Islamic
state. Toward the secularists there was even less tolerance as
illustrated by the brands of fasiq, zalim, kafir and munafiq
applied by Ahmad Hassan and Isa Anshary to persons in the secu-
larist movement. This attitude, which suggested that the Muslim
dispute with the secularists could only be resolved by a com-
plete Muslim victory and implied further that secularist beliefs
had to be eradicated as evil, certainly contributed to the
failure of Indonesian political leaders to find a common modus
oiperandi for Muslim and secularist political factions. Since
Indonesian democracy failed in great part because these two
factions could not cooperate politically, Persis as an opponent
of accommodation shares in the blame for the failure of parlia-
mentary democracy in Indonesia.
Even toward fellow santris, Persis remained uncompromising
on matters of difference, demanding that its own viewpoint be
accepted without change as the basis of reconciliation. This
attitude made it difficult to build the strong ummah the Persa-
tuan Islam wanted, since differences between traditionalists
and modernists were considerable and an attitude of intolerance
worked counter to an accommodation. One cannot consider it
wrong for the Persatuan Islam to have defined its own religious
principles or for Perslis to refuse to surrender on matters of
principle. It was unfortunate, however, that the Persatuan
Islam decided only to expound its viewpoint without seeking to
understand the views of the opposing faction and look for an
accommodation on those matters tl^t could be acceptable to both
sides.
In its effort to clearly define Islam, the Persatuan Islam
made little use of history, either Muslim or Indonesian, to
amplify and explain its arguments. Its statements usually made
references only to the "glorious past" of Islam. All the same,
Abdurrahman's discussion of the term ahl al-sunnah wa al-djamd(ah3
Ahmad Hassan's formulation of the history of Muslim jurispru-
dence and Moehammad Natsir's succinct presentation of Indonesian
history to explain Islam's place in Indonesian politics, were
notable exceptions and show how historical perspective might
have been effective in other arguments as well. While several
other Persis works have had some discussion of the Muslim past,
particularly events during the lifetime of the Prophet, these
were always presented as part of belief, or as raw material to
be utilized in fiqh, but seldom viewed as history itself, or
even given historical perspective. It was this point that
prompted Moehammad Rasjidi, in his dissertation for the Sorbonne,
to conclude that the Persatuan Islam was not sufficiently aware
of "historical evolution and development" and was unable to
find answers to fundamental problems facing Indonesian Muslims194
in the modern world.2
A better understanding of history might have enabled Persis
writers to use religious sources with even greater understanding
than they did. This could have had considerable impact, for
example, on their attempts to extract religious principles from
hadZth, where they too often were literalists and often did not
separate the religious message from its historical setting.
The interpretation of woman's role in society, for example, is
the product of a literalist interpretation of religious sources
that historical perspective might have changed considerably.
The Persis practice of reviewing decisions of earlier lulama)
on particular religious problems would also have been consider-
ably enhanced by an awareness of history and might have enabled
Persis lulama) to see how contemporary factors could influence
decisions in the age in which they were made. Finally, a study
of history would have made the Persatuan Islam more aware of
the processes of time and change themselves and how man's think-
ing and actions are affected by them. This awareness could
perhaps have enabled its members to better cope with the changes
that were taking place in twentieth century Indonesia, and
aided the analysis of the problems confronting them.
A third shortcoming of the Persatuan Islam's formulation
of its religious program was its failure to take sufficient
cognizance of Western advances and culture that have made such
a great impact on the non-Western areas. Not unlike Muslims
throughout other parts of Asia, Persis {ulama) believed that
many aspects of the culture generally referred to as the "West"
were inimical to Islam and destructive of Islam's moral and
ethical principles. Persis writing contained a strong distrust
of the West and condemned those Indonesians who appeared to be
exponents of Western ideas, such as the secularists. On occa-
sion, Persis writers examined individual ideas, institutions
and processes developed by the West, but never undertook a deep
and penetrating study of the West in an attempt to analyze the
true values of the West or to find the source of the West's
vitality.
Two of the Persatuan Islam's most capable writers --Ahmad
Hassan and Moehammad Natsir--were capable of providing greater
explanation of the West to Indonesian Muslims. Ahmad Hassan,
with his considerable ability in stripping a problem to its
rudiments and analyzing it according to religious text and prin-
ciples, showed in the several instances where he examined prac-
tices developed by the West--modern medical practice and in-
terest-granting financial institutions--that he could sanction
some as acceptable with Islam. Moehammad Natsir, with his own
2. Mohamad Rasjidi, "L'Evolution de l'Islam en Indonesie (Java)
ou Consideration Critique du Livre Tjentini" (Paris: Univer-
sity of Paris dissertation, 1956), p. 167.195
secularist education, should have been able to act as a bridge
and better explain the West to Indonesian Muslims.
More attention to the West was needed, because the West
has had an undeniable impact on Islam and Indonesia. This is
not to suggest that all Persis arguments on women and national-
ism would necessarily have been different had Persis iulama)
been better informed about the West, but the Persis position on
many matters would have reflected greater understanding of the
concepts it opposed, and possibly different solutions would
have emerged as a result.
The Educational Effort
Connected with the attempt to define Islam has been the
Persatuan Islam's emphasis on education. Since its establish-
ment in 1923, Persis maintained that only an educated ummah
could really understand fundamentalism and practice ittiba(,
and only a highly trained '■utama> could be capable of correctly
consulting religious sources and practicing ijtihad. Persatuan
Islam.insistence that education be based on religion is a prin-
ciple with considerable support in both East and West, and it
would seem that there is considerable merit in an educational
system that aims at producing a body of educated lay Muslims
with a solid understanding of Islam. While emphasis was on
religious subjects in Persis elementary and secondary schools,
general subjects were not neglected and the quality of the edu-
cation appears consistent with that of other Indonesian Muslim
schools and the Indonesian national education system.
The training offered at the Persatuan Islam's teacher
courses and seminaries reflected the organization's emphasis on
Islamic law. It is difficult to criticize an educational course
intended to train religious officials for placing too much
stress on religion. Yet given the Persis statements of intent
to equate religion with every aspect of life, it is apparent
that in addition to their detailed knowledge of Islamic sciences,
these future iulama) needed a broader understanding of people,
society, traditions, history, and developments, whether indige-
nous, Western or Muslim. Some graduates of the Pesantren Persa-
tuan Islam went to Al-Azhar in Cairo for further training, and
this perhaps broadened their knowledge and experience. There
were also other universities that specialize in religious
studies in both Asia and the West attendance at which would have
helped the participants, and the Persatuan Islam, develop a
broader viewpoint, and perhaps greater perception in their own
concerns. This is not to suggest that Persis (ulamd) had to
lose their identity as Indonesian Muslims, but only that the
Persatuan Islam needed among its members those who were knowl-
edgeable about other parts of the Muslim world, the West, and
other Asian areas as well.196
The Persatuan Islam led in giving young men and women in-
terested in religious careers the necessary training during an
era when adequate training in the religious field was difficult
to attain. When it is realized that the pesantren operated on
modern lines had only a twenty year history when Persis began
its work, and that the first university offering full-time
studies in Islamics appeared in Indonesia only in 1956, Persis*
educational efforts in the religious field take on more signifi-
cance. The Persatuan Islam helped develop the new educational
system and its Pesantren Persatuan Islam was a leading center
for religious training in the pre-World War II era. With the
rise of state-financed institutions to train <‘ulama) , the Persa-
tuan Islam had also to compete with these new institutions.
Epilogue
During the period of Guided Democracy (1958 to 1966), the
Persatuan Islam concentrated on its own organizational struc-
ture and on developing its educational system. Its political
activities became muted because its past association with the
discredited Masjumi party made its message suspect to Indonesian
society, which came increasingly under the dominance and con-
trol of the political left. Persis did not completely abandon
its political role, but it did speak and act in the context of
political acceptability for that period and did not pursue the
highly independent line it had followed in the previous decade.
Its periodical, Risalah, and other pronouncements of the move-
ment made reference to the paramount importance of Sukarno in
Indonesian national life, and its calls for action were argued
within the context of the dominant thought of that period. The
leaders of the Persatuan Islam did not favor the mounting influ-
ence of the left in Indonesian political life, but they did
support and assist in the convening of an Afro-Asian Islamic
Conference in 1965 to aid Sukarno's efforts to make Indonesia a
capital of the Afro-Asian world.3 4 Risalah lamented the growing
emphasis in Indonesian society of anti-religious propaganda,
but at the same time, it lauded Sukarno's speeches and avoided
comment on those parts that implied cooperation with the com-
munists as a principle of national political unity.1* By early
3.	"Dengan K.I.A.A.: Kita Amalkan Adjaran Islan," Risalah, III,
No. 20 (April 3, 1965), pp. 3-4.
4.	The issues of Risalah that appeared between January and
October 1965 have several reprinted speeches of Sukarno and
several articles about him. Like other Muslim periodicals,
Risalah apparently screened the speeches and used only those
that emphasized Muslim values while avoiding those that
lauded communism and Marxism. Almost no editorial comment
is made about Sukarno in Risalah during this period, and
certainly there is no criticism of him or of his views.197
1965 then, the Persatuan Islam had become politically docile,
even as it had been during the period of the Japanese occupation
twenty years earlier.
The events of early October 1965 that ended Sukarno's domi-
nance of Indonesian political life had a reviving effect on the
members of the Persatuan Islam as they did on many other Muslim
groups opposed to leftist dominance. Younger members of the
organization participated in street demonstrations and gave sup-
port to the pogroms carried out against the leftists in the
latter part of 1965 and early 1966. Again they were active in
the numerous street rallies during 1966 and early 1967 that were
mounted by the military to remove Sukarno entirely from the
government.5 The Persatuan Islam identified itself with the
New Order {Orde Baru) and castigated the Old Order (Orde Lama),
that is, those who had been identified with the Sukarnoist
government. Articles in Risalah implied that the traditionalist
Muslims and the secularists that had cooperated with Sukarno
had been misled into cooperating with the communists because
their concepts of religion had been wrong, even as the Persa-
tuan Islam had warned them previously in the 1950's.6
While the Persatuan Islam has identified itself with the
Suharto government and the New Order, it has been cautious in
reentering politics via a formal political organization. Since
1966, its leaders have stressed that the Persatuan Islam is not
a political organization. They have also insisted that members
refrain from joining any political organization lest the public
interpret such membership as a Persatuan Islam identification
with a particular political viewpoint.7 This is, of course, a
reversal of earlier practice, for, in the 1920's and 1930's,
Persis members were active in the Sarekat Islam and, in the
1950's, they were active in Masjumi. This refusal to reenter
political life may be due in part to a reluctance by the leaders
to associate Persis with a new political group which has been
less than enthusiastically received by the Suharto government.
It may, however, indicate a commitment on the part of the lead-
ers to devote the energies of the movement to educational pur-
suits, since that activity has become its primary focus in the
past few years and is not at all controversial.
5.	Personal interviews with members of the Pemuda Persatuan
Islam, February 1967.
6.	"Vested Interest," Risalah, VI, Nos. 53-54 (December 1967-
January 1968), pp. 10-11; E. Nashrullah and Junus Anis,
"Mulailah dari Ana bukan si Anu!" Risalah, V, No. 42 (Janu-
ary 1967), pp. 3-10.
7.	E. Nashrullah, "Peliharalah sangka baik orang," Risalah, VI,
Nos. 45-46-47 (April, May and June 1967), pp. 40-42; Risalah,
VI, No. 51-52 (October and November 1967), p. 35.198
The Persatuan Islam is no longer the small, elite group of
Muslim crusaders that it was in the 1930's and 1950's. The
older activists no longer seem as militant or as eager, and the
message they once pursued with such vigor is not directly appli-
cable to the contemporary Indonesian environment. The younger
members have involved themselves in direct political action,
but they are followers of programs initiated outside the move-
ment. They have not yet developed a distinctive political and
social viewpoint, relevant to current conditions, that can pro-
vide the movement with a common social purpose, as it had had
when Ahmad Hassan and Isa Anshary dominated the movement. But
whether this new viewpoint emerges or not, the Persatuan Islam
seems certain to continue as an educational system, providing a
religiously-based education for those Muslims who believe that
fundamentalist religious values remain the touchstone of life.GLOSSARY OF TERMS
This glossary of terms is intended only to briefly identify
foreign words and terms appearing in the text of this essay.
More detailed definitions can be found in basic works on Islam
and in books on Indonesia. The definitions given below are
taken chiefly from the Encyclopedia of Islam, the Encyclopaedic
van Nederlandsch Oost-Indie, and T. P. Hughes, A Dictionary of
Islam.
abangan (Javanese) The general term applied to Javanese who
are nominally Muslims but who do not follow strict reli-
gious practices; they often are syncretic toward religion,
incorporating Islam into surviving Javanese, Hindu and
Buddhist beliefs and practices.
adat (Indonesian from Arabic lada) In Islamic law, a legal term
designating a custom which is recognized by Muslim jurists
as valid in some instances. The word has been taken into
Malay and other languages of the Indonesian Archipelago to
mean all things Indonesian that are custom, usage or prac-
tice .
adhan (Arabic) The call to prayer given for the five daily
prayers and for the Friday community worship.
ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama lah (Arabic) An epithet used by Sunni
Muslims to describe themselves, usually in apposition to
the Shi lah and other sects regarded as heretics by the
Sunni Muslims. Generally speaking the criteria for being
able to use this epithet is to adhere to the religious
teachings of al-Ash(ari and/or al-Maturidi, and the legal
teachings of one of the recognized legal schools (madhabs).
(dHm, pi. « ulama) (Arabic) Those Muslims who are considered
knowledgeable in religious learning, particularly in juris-
prudence and theological matters. The Indonesian equiva-
lent is kljal, which, often along with the term hadji, is
included as an honorific before an	s name.
{aqldah (Arabic) A statement of doctrine, or an article of
faith. In Islam, the theory of revelation has precluded
the composition of a creed with divine aid, but many have
been written as statements of Islamic faith and have been
useful for purposes of teaching.
199200
asrama (Sanskrit) Dormitory.
ayah (Arabic) A verse of the Qu^an.
barzandgi (Indonesian from Persian) A special prayer usually
recited on the occasion of the celebration of the birthday
of the Prophet (Mawlud).
bedoeg (Javanese) A great drum that is played in the gamelan
orchestra. It is also used at some mosques for the call
to worship.
bid{ah (Arabic) Innovation; a view, thing or mode of action
that has formerly not existed or been practiced. The term
has come to suggest change in religious belief or action
that leads to heresy, but not necessarily to disbelief.
dhikr (Arabic) A Muslim practice, commonly associated with
suflsm in which a formula is incessantly repeated as a
means of removing extraneous thoughts from the worshipper's
mind, and to prepare it for religious contemplation. A
common form of dhikr is the repetition of the ninety-nine
names of God. The name is also applied to the performance
of litanies by groups of sufis. Dhikr is widely believed
among Muslims to give religious merit to the performer.
dirham (Arabic) A unit of silver coinage in the Arab monetary
system.
dgawi (Malay) Malay written in an Arabic script adapted to
accommodate Malay letters and sounds. It is still in use
in Malaysia, but was dropped for a Romanized script in
Indonesia in the early twentieth century.
du la'> (Arabic) In Indonesian doa. The prayer of petition or
aspiration, which may be made at any place or time, as
distinct from salat, the ordained ritual prayers.
dukun (Javanese) A practitioner of magic who claims to possess
secret powers which he employs in a variety of functions.
The dukun's chief employment is the treatment of illness
with herbs and native medicines. Some classes of dukuns
foretell the future, others cast spells to create good or
bad fortunes, and some are practitioners in black magic.
fard (Arabic) In Islamic law that which is strictly prescribed
and obligatory, the omission of which will be punished,
while the execution will be rewarded. Muslim law distin-
guishes fard at- (ain, to which everyone is bound, and fard
al-kifayah in which it is only demanded that a sufficient"
number of Muslims should fulfill the religious duties con-
cerned (holy war, performance of common prayer).201
fard at- iain See fard.
fard al-kifayah See fard.
fasiq (Arabic) A transgressor; in Muslim law a term applied to
a person who behaves contrary to practice established by
the sharl {ah.
fatihah (Arabic) The first and most popular surah in the Qur’an,
very often recited as a short prayer.
fatwa (Arabic) A decision of sacred law made by a religious
scholar ( (alim), or a legal scholar {mufti) or a judge
{qadl). The decision is intended to aid individual Mus-
lims, and religious courts, in determining just what con-
stitutes proper religious behavior. The fatwa itself is
not legally binding on any believer, but is considered
only to be an advisory opinion.
furu( See khilaflyah.
gamelan (Javanese) An ensemble of stringed and percussion in-
struments which provides accompaniment for the wayang
(shadow) plays, and for other occasions.
garuda (Sanskrit) A mythical bird which carried the God Vishnu.
The garuda as an eagle is the official seal of the Republic
of Indonesia.
guru (Indonesian from Sanskrit) Teacher; this term is used in
the general sense as a teacher in any school. It is also
the equivalent of guide (plr) in the mystical {?ufl) orders
in Indonesia.
hadlth (Arabic) A narrative concerning the Prophet Muhammad as
passed on orally from one generation of Muslims to another
until recorded in the second century A.H., by the great
collectors of hadlth. These collectors attempted to check
the authenticity of the hadlths, and label those clearly
spurious, by recording the chain of relators of the hadlth.
The term hadlth is sometimes used in writings on Islam as
synonymous with sunnah.
Sahlh. hadlth are those that pass all the criteria
laid down by the collectors and are regarded as particular-
ly fit for legal purposes. Muqtalah Jgadlth is the science
of examining and using hadlth for legal and religious pur-
poses as established in Sunni Muslim jurisprudence.
/■
hadgi (Indonesian, from Arabic hagg) Honorific often included
as part of the title of address for those Indonesian Mus-
lims who have undertaken the pilgrimage to Makkah.202
Hari Raja See (Id al-fitr.
(ibadat (Arabic) The ordinances of divine worship in Islam.
In books on Islamic law (ibadat comprises the first sub-
ject matter and includes tahirah (ritual purification),
§alat (ritual prayer), sawm (fasting), hajj (pilgrimage),
zakat (almsgiving), and sometimes jihad (holy war).
(Id al-fitr (Arabic) The feast marking the end of the fasting
month, and one of the chief feastdays of Islam; it includes
a special ritual service. (Id al-fitr is known as Hari
Raja in Indonesia.
ijma( (Arabic) One of the four sources from which Muslim law
is derived. It is frequently defined as the agreement of
the mujtahids of the people (i.e., those who have a right,
in virtue of knowledge, to form a judgment of their own),
in any age, on any matter of faith. It is also defined by
some as ’’agreement of the Muslim community."
ijtihad (Arabic) A term used in Muslim jurisprudence to desig-
nate the process of arriving at new judgments in a rule of
law in a particular case by drawing conclusions from basic
sources of Islam (i.e., the Qur’an and hadith), as opposed
to acceptance of tradition. In Indonesia the adherents of
ijtihad have been referred to as the kaum muda.
ikhlas (Arabic) A term, used in all modes of Islamic religious
practice, to define "absolute devotion to God." Ikhlas is
often used as a contrast to shirk (disbelief).
ilham (Arabic) Revelation in an individual sense as opposed to
revelation to men in general. In Sunni Islam, many saints
have been said to have been recipients of ilham. It dif-
fers from intellectual knowledge in that it cannot be
gained by meditation and rational deduction.
Him (Arabic) A broad term for knowledge; in Muslim history it
has come to mean sciences and particularly the religious
sciences--knowledge of definite things in contrast to
innate knowledge or perception {ma Hifah).
imam (Arabic) Either the leader of Muslim ritual prayer; or
the title given to the spiritual and secular head of a
Muslim political unit, also called khalifah.
tman (Arabic) A theological term denoting proper religious be-
lief and faith, generally described as "belief of the heart
and confession of the lips to the truth of Islam."
Injil A variation of the Greek word for gospel (evavv^Axov).
Islam holds that the Injil was, like the Qur’an, originally
a holy book containing divine law, revealed to a prophet
(here, (Isa) for the guidance of mankind.203
iqamah (Arabic) The second call to ritual prayer {salat) pro-
nounced by the mu'* adhdhin in the mosque before* each of the
prescribed prayers.
IsmaHUyah (Arabic) A sect of Shi (ah Islam, which itself is
divided into differing subsects. The IsmdHlls believe
that its leaders {imams) receive divine guidance, and that
religion has inner mysteries which are revealed only to
those believers with sufficient intelligence and proper
indoctrination.
istighfar (Arabic) Begging for divine pardon.
ittiba1 (Arabic) Literally "following"; the Persatuan Islam
maintained that those Muslims not trained to undertake
ijtihad might make a decision on religious behavior by
deciding between the fatwas of several mujtahids.
Jahillyah (Arabic) The age of ignorance; it refers to the state
of things in Arabia before the arrival of Islam.
Jama^ah prayer (Arabic) The obligatory Friday community prayer.
jihad (Arabic) Holy struggle. Exerting oneself for Islam, and
defense of it by arms is a religious duty for Muslims in
general.
jinazah (Arabic) The funeral rites in Muslim law, which in-
cludes detailed prescription for the preparation of the
body and prayers for the deceased.
Ka labah The "House of God" and center of Islam, constructed of
layers of gray stone situated almost in the center of the
great mosque at Makkah. Muslims pray toward the Kalabah,
and circumambulation of the Ka *abah is part of prescribed
ritual for the pilgrimage {hajj) .
kafir (Arabic) Literally "rejecter"; used in Muslim theology
and law to define the unbeliever.
kalimah (Arabic) Actually kalimat al-shahadah-- the expression
"There is no god but Allah and Muhammad is the apostle of
God." This is the f irst tenet of practical religious prac-
tice and is generally recognized by Muslim theologians and
jurists as separating believers from unbelievers.
kaum muda (Indonesian) "The young group." A term applied to
those Muslims in Indonesia in the twentieth century who
advocated changes in religious ritual, belief and practice,
on the basis that such change purifies Islam of accretions
taken on over the centuries. The Persatuan Islam, the
Muhammadijah and Al-Irsjad were the major kaum muda groups.204
kaum tua (Indonesian) "The old group." The term applied to
those Muslims in Indonesia during the twentieth century
who defend traditionalist Islam against reforms by the
modernists. The kaum tua hold that the madhhabs are the
proper interpreters of religious behavior. The Nahdlatul
Ulama, Perti and several Ba <AlawI groups have been major
kaum tua organizations.
keivei (Japanese) Slight bowing in use among the Japanese as a
form of greeting. During the Japanese occupation of Indo-
nesia the keivei was required of all inhabitants, free or
jailed, vis-a-vis any Japanese. Not to be confused with
sai keivei, which had ceremonial aspects.
kenduvi (Persian) A communal feast noted in Sha.fi lt law books
in Indonesia, that became confused with a local animistic
feast meal. See also slametan.
khalifah (Arabic) Literally "successor." Title of the supreme
head of the Muslim community, usually regarded as successor
of the Prophet Muhammad.
khilaftyah (Arabic) Differences in the Muslim community in
matters of doctrinal importance. In Indonesia the dispute
concerning the correct use of taqlid and ijtihad was con-
sidered to be a khilaftyah dispute, while other differences
such as pronouncing the khutbah in the vernacular or in
Arabic, which was dependent on the taqltd-ijtihad debate,
was considered an associated dispute (/uru<).
khutbah (Arabic) The sermon delivered on Fridays at the time
of the zuhv or meridian prayer. The khutbah is also given
in the morning after sunrise at the lId al-Fitv and (Id al-
Adha festivals.
kijai or kiai (Indonesian from Persian) A title of respect
given lulama) in Indonesia. See lalim.
kufv (Arabic) A legal and theological term denoting rejection
of any of the tenets of Islam, and connoting disbelief in
Islam itself as the religion of God.
madhhab (Arabic) A jurisprudential school among Sunni Muslims.
At the present time, there are four major madhhabs in the
Muslim world--Sha.fi lt, Malikt, Hanaft and I}anbalt --although
a number of others were of considerable importance in the
past. The formulations of each madhhab are intended to
regulate in considerable detail the religious acts of its
followers. There are only relatively minor differences
existing among the madhhabs.
%
madrasah See pesantren.205
Mahayana Buddhism (Sanskrit) One of the two major divisions of
Buddhism. The Hinayana school stresses an individualistic
search for salvation while the Mahayana stresses the
importance of universal salvation as integral to the good
life.
mahram (Arabic) A male with whom a woman could not marry be-
cause of their close family relationship. He may accompany
her on journeys and be in her presence alone and when she
is unveiled.
al-Masth (Arabic from Aramaic) The messiah. Identified in the
Qur>an with (lsa b. Maryam.
mu' adhdhin (Arabic) One who gives the summons to worship. See
adhan.
mulallim (Arabic) A teacher, specifically a Muslim learned in
the Muslim sciences of religion. Usually an
muballigh (Arabic) A Muslim propagandist who, in Indonesia,
has a function somewhat similar to that of a Christian
missionary in spreading the religious message among non-
Muslims or among Muslims of a different sect or outlook.
mufti (Arabic) A Muslim, learned in science and methodology of
Muslim jurisprudence, who issues advisory opinions (fatwas)
on matters of Muslim sacred law. Some countries in the
Middle East have salaried muftts as part of the judicial
administration, but any qualified person may give ifta) .
muhaddithun (Arabic) Collectors of hadith in the second and
third centuries A.H. who collected all traditions available
concerning the Prophet and laid down procedures for judging
their authenticity. Al-Bukhari, Muslim, Abu Dawud, al-
Nasa)i, al-Tirmidhi and Ibn Maja were the major collectors
of hadith in Sunni Islam.
mukhatarah contract (Arabic) A double contract whereby more
money or goods is repaid than originally borrowed in order
to avoid formally violating the Islamic prohibition on
usury {riba).
MULO {Meer Uitgebreid Lager Onderwijs--More Extended Lower
Instruction) (Dutch) Lower secondary school system (three
years) established by the Dutch for Indonesians in 1903.
MULO schools gave instruction in Dutch, English, German,
history, science, mathematics and drawing, and graduates
were eligible to attend a higher course in mathematics or
literature. Private groups could found MULO schools and
were eligible for subsidy from the Colonial Administration
so long as they maintained minimum standards.206
munafiq (Arabic) Hypocrite; the term has been used in Islam,
especially during the time of the Prophet, to designate
those persons who, while outwardly professing to accept
Islam, have secretly denied the faith.
Munkar (Arabic) According to popular Muslim belief, one of two
angels who asks pertinent questions of the recently de-
ceased to determine whether he is truly a Muslim. If the
deceased fails to answer the questions satisfactorily,
Munkar and his associate Nakir inflict painful punishment.
murtadd (Arabic) An apostate to Islam. Apostasy may either be
verbal by denying a principle of belief or by action in
treating things religious with disrespect.
mustalah hadlth See hadlth.
• • • •
nabl (Arabic from Hebrew) Prophet. In Islam a prophet is a
messenger sent to a particular people--or in Muhammad's
case to all mankind--with a revealed message to"indicate
what is right and wrong, and to serve as a guide for human
behavior. Sunni Muslims hold that Muhammad was the final
or seal (khatam) of the prophets.
Nakir (Arabic) An angel; see Munkar.
negara Islam (Indonesian) A general term in use in Indonesia by
Muslims since the early part of the century to express
their ideal of an independent Indonesian state based on
the principles of the Islamic religion. The defining of
these principles by various groups led to several distinct
views of just what should constitute an Islamic state,
such as the liberal-democracy advocated by Zainal Abidin
Ahmad and the totalitarian Darul Islam of S. M. Kartosu-
wirj o.
nlyah (Arabic) A short declaration of intention pronounced
audibly or mentally, immediately prior to prescribed reli-
gious ritual in which the performer states his intent to
perform the act.
Padri (Minangkabau) A religious sect in the Minangkabau area
of Sumatra at the beginning of the nineteenth century which
sought to replace local custom ( ladat) with a severe form
of religious law {sharl lah). The Padri wars, during which
Dutch control was extended over the west coast of Sumatra,
lasted from 1795 to 1838.
Pantja Sila (Indonesian from Sanskrit) A formulation of five
principles put forward by Sukarno in 1945 as the philosoph-
ic basis for an Indonesian state. The principles were
Belief in God, humanitarianism, nationalism, democracy,
and social justice.207
perdjamauan (Indonesian) Ritual meal; see slametan.
pesantren (Javanese) A seminary for students of theology. The
pondok (Sundanese) is usually the lodging place of the
students at a religious school. The pesantren is known as
a surau in Minangkabau and panj antren in Madurese. The
madrasah is a school combining religious and general
courses in its curriculum.
pesta (Javanese) Ritual meal; see slametan.
pitrah (Indonesian from Arabic fitrah) The tax on rice accord-
ing to the laws of zakat, which is traditionally divided
among the poor in time for the Hari Raja ((Id al-Fitr)
celebrations at the end of the fasting month.
pondok (Javanese) A lodging place for students; see pesantren.
prijaji (Javanese; variant prijayi) A set of cultural values
among the aristocratic elements of Javanese society that
emphasizes refinement and polite form. Clifford Geertz
describes the abangan as Java's peasantry and the prijajis
. as its gentry.
qiblah (Arabic) The direction toward Makkah. The Qur’an com-
mands Muslims to face toward Makkah while performing ritual
prayer.
qiyas (Arabic) Analogy; one of the four sources of Sunni Muslim
jurisprudence. See usul al-fiqh.
Qur’an (Arabic) In Islam, the word of God revealed to the
Prophet Muhammad, containing a guide for proper religious
action.
Quraysh (Arabic) A tribal grouping in Arabia at Makkah into
which the Prophet Muhammad was born. Many Muslims consider
the Quraysh to form an aristocracy among Muslims.
rak (ah (Arabic) In Islamic prayer the act of prostration by
the worshipper.
Ramajan (Arabic) The holy month in which the Qur’an was re-
vealed. It is the fasting month in which Muslims may not
eat, drink or have sexual relations during the daylight
hours.
rasul (Arabic) Messenger or apostle from God to mankind,
originally distinct in meaning from a prophet (nabl) who
brings a message. Historically, rasul has been confused
and identified with the term for prophet (nabl).208
riba (Arabic) Usury; in general any unjustified increase of
capital for which no compensation is given.
sadakah (Indonesian from the Arabic sadaqah) Generally the
giving of alms. In the Indonesian context, sadakah retains
its association with alms at ritual meals where the food
given to the poor, invited for this purpose, is considered
to be alms which redound to the religious merit of the
giver of the meal.
sahih (Arabic) See hadtth.
sai keirei (Japanese) The deep bow toward Tokyo as a token of
obeisance to the emperor that marked the commencement of
every official Japanese function prior to the end of World
War II. In Indonesia, this was part of a daily brief morn-
ing ceremony in all government offices during the Japanese
Occupation. The sai keirei was similar in form to the
prostration (ruku () of Muslim ritual prayer and several
iulama) objected to the sai keirei on that basis. The
Japanese maintained that the two prostrations were entire-
ly different in purpose.
salam (Arabic) A litany, which is pronounced from the minarets
every Friday about half an hour before the adhan of the
community prayer {jama {ah). This part of the liturgy is
repeated inside the mosque before the beginning of the
regular ceremonies by several people with good voices.
sama) (Arabic) Heaven, or the heavens.
santri (Javanese) Those Indonesian Muslims who strive to ful-
fill their religious obligations, as opposed to the abangan
element that is only nominally Muslim.
sayyid (Arabic) A title commonly taken by persons claiming
descent from the Prophet Muhammad, particularly through
his grandson Husayn. At the turn of the twentieth century
the term sayyid came into use in some parts of the Arab
world as a title of address equivalent to the English
"mister."
shahadah (Arabic) Literally "witnessing"; in the religious use
of the word it is the profession of faith--"There is no
god but God; Muhammad is the Prophet of God."
Shaivism (Sanskrit) One of the three chief sects of Hinduism,
centering on the worship of Shiva. Shaivism has two main
systems which are theistic in that they admit to a personal
God, but are monistic in that they hold Shiva to be the
ultimate Reality, with other realities in some sense iden-
tical with him or his creative power.209
sharHah (Arabic) The sacred law of Islam. An amorphous term
since it has a different meaning to various groups of Mus-
lims. Traditionalist Muslims view the sharl(ah as the
legal systems defined by the various madhhabs, while
modernists speak of the principles and clear commands from
Qur> an and Sunnah as constituting the sharllah.
sharlfah (Arabic) Feminine form of a title commonly taken by
persons claiming descent from the Prophet Muhammad, par-
ticularly through his grandson Hasan. According to some
Arabic writers of the Shaft madhhab in Indonesia, a
sharlfah might only marry a Muslim who was likewise de-
scended from the Prophet, in order to perpetuate the purity
of the line.
shaypan (Arabic) Generally an evil spirit, including bad dginns
(spirits) and Lucifer (Iblis).
Shl(ah (Arabic) The general name for a group of different Mus-
lim sects, the starting point of all of which is the recog-
nition of (Ali as the legitimate khallfah after the death
of the Prophet Muhammad. It constitutes a second orthodox
. community in Islam, separate from the Sunni Muslim tradi-
tion.
shirk (Arabic) "Associating" something or someone with God;
worshipping someone other than God; hence polytheism.
slametan (Javanese from Arabic) A communal feast, popular among
the nominal-Muslim (abangan) population on Java, given to
commemorate important events in an individual's life. The
ceremony attached to the meal has an animistic, and shaman-
istic flavor.
sual-djawab (Indonesian from Arabic sm> at and jawab') Literally
"question and answer." A device used by Ahmad Hassan to
expound his viewpoint. A question was posed and then an
answer given. This was the general format of most of Ahmad
Hassan's works, and is a recognized method employed in all
fatwas issued by the Persatuan Islam. Muhammad Rasjidi
believes that this is Ahmad Hassan's attempt to apply the
Socratic method to Indonesian Muslim problems.
sufl (Arabic) A Muslim mystic; see tasawwuf.
sunnah (Arabic) Used in Muslim theology and jurisprudence to
refer to the "acts, words and pattern of life" of the first
three generations of Muslims, which have relevance in ex-
plaining the Prophet Muhammad's actions and behavior.
Sunnah, applied to the Prophet, is the words, behavior and
pattern of life of Muhammad, which are considered to be
divinely inspired and augmenting the QurJ an as a pattern of
conduct for Muslims. In this respect often synonymous with
hadlth.210
surah (Arabic) The name given to the chapters of the Qur>an.
tabi lun (Arabic) That generation that come after the Companions
(ashab). The tabi lun also include those of the generation
of the Prophet who did not know him personally but knew
one of his Companions.
tabi (ul tabi (%n (Arabic) Followers of the followers. In Muslim
jurisprudence the third generation after Muhammad who re-
lated traditions about the actions and deeds of the Prophet.
Traditions related by them have been historically accepted
by Sunni Muslim jurists in the formulation of jurisprudence,
but are of less authority than those related by persons
who have actually known the Prophet.
tadjhizijjah (Indonesian from Arabic tajhizi) In Indonesian
Muslim education, a preparatory course for a specialized
subject, such as for teachers or for religious propagand-
ists.
tahlil (Arabic) The act of repeating the ejaculation la ilaha
ilia llahl, i.e., "There is no god but Allah!" It is be-
lieved by many Muslims that repetition of the tahlil will
cleanse a person's sins and gain him religious merit.
takbir (Arabic) The act of pronouncing the formula Allah akhbar,
i.e., "God is great!"
talfiq (Arabic) Following the regulations of a madhhab other
than that one usually followed. Traditionalist Muslims in
Indonesia maintained that a Muslim might not perform talfiq
but might only follow consistently the regulations of a
single madhhab.
talqin (Arabic) A term used to denote an instruction given by
a religious teacher, and generally denoting instruction
given to the deceased at graveside at the close of the
burial service.
taqbil (Arabic) A practice whereby a Muslim not descended from
the Prophet Muhammad kneels and kisses the hand of the
sayyid or sharif, i.e., those descended from the Prophet.
In considerable use in the Malay-Indonesian world earlier,
the practice was originally intended to show respect for
the Prophet, but came to be the mark of Arabic superiority
over non-Arab Muslims.
taqdir (Arabic) The Islamic doctrine of fate or predestination.
taqlid (Arabic) A term used in Muslim jurisprudence for un-
critically accepting legal and theological decisions of a
teacher or teachers. In Indonesia the adherents of taqlid
were referred to as the kaum tua.211
taqwa (Arabic) Fear of God in the sense of reverence, and shame
of man's shortcomings in the presence of God.
tasawwuf (Arabic) The act of devoting oneself to the mystic
life. A great number of mystical brotherhoods have ap-
peared in Islam. In Indonesia, the most important of these
"paths" have been the Naqshabandiyah, the Qadiriyah and the
Shattariyah.
tasblh (Arabic) The act of repeating the formula subhan Allah,
i.e., "praise God!"
tawhld (Arabic) A theological term used to express the unity
of the Godhead. It is a fundamental tenet of Islam, and
is generally believed by Muslim theologians to contradict
the Christian doctrine of the Trinity.
Tawrah (Arabic from the Hebrew Tdva)	In Islam the name of the
holy scripture revealed after the time of Ibrahim and
Isra’il and afterward confirmed by (isa which contains the
"laws of God" (hukum Allah').
iulama) (Arabic) Religious scholars; see lalim.
ummah (Arabic) "Community," hence also nation and sect. The
term is primarily used to denote the community of believers
among Muslims.
ushalli See nlyah
usul al-fiqh (Arabic) The science of the methodology of Muslim
jurisprudence. It concentrates on extraction of principles
and data for the formulation of religious law. In Sunni
Islam the traditional sources {usul) are Qur’an, sunnah
qlyas (analogy) and ijma( (consensus).
Volksraad (Dutch) The legislative council established by the
Dutch Colonial Administration in Indonesia in 1917. It
consisted of both appointed officials and members chosen
by indirect suffrage. Since it had no power to legislate,
but only advised the Governor-General Indonesian national-
ist groups used it alternately as a sounding board or boy-
cotted it. It was abolished at the beginning of the Japa-
nese Occupation in 1942.
wahy (Arabic) Revelation, by which a message is given to man-
kind through a Prophet. The Tawrah, Injll, Zabur and
Qur’an are considered by Muslims to have been revealed for
man's general guidance. Wahy differs from ilhdm which is
inspiration given to an individual rather than to mankind
in general.212
wait (Arabic) Literally "near one," or "friend." Especially a
friend of God, a title generally involving mystical prac-
tices and forms. In Javanese folklore nine waits , or
saints, supposedly introduced and propagated Islam in Java.
waqf (Arabic) Pious endowment.
wayang (Javanese) A play or performance depicting legendary
stories, both of Javanese origin and from the Hindu
Ramayana. The wayang kulit is a shadow play whose dialogue
and action highlights moral and ethical lessons, given
usually to celebrate important events in the village, city
or person’s life. The wayang orang is performed by human
actors. Specialized forms exist as well.
Zabur (Arabic) The Psalms of David, which the Qur>an defines as
a scripture to the Jews containing a religious law like
that contained in the Qu^an.
zakat (Arabic) A religious duty imposed on all Muslims to give
a portion of their wealth, as prescribed by religious law,
in alms to the poor. It is one of the five commands of
practical religious behavior. In Indonesia its most im-
portant application is the pitrah, commonly referred to as
the rice tax, used by the poor to celebrate the festival
of Hart Raja ((Id al-Fitv).
zina (Arabic) Fornication, or any sexual intercourse between
persons who are not in a state of legal matrimony or
concubinage.BIBLIOGRAPHY I
THE PERSATUAN ISLAM
1. Manifestos, Reports and Fatwas Issued by the
Persatuan Islam and Associated Organizations
Front Anti-Komunis, "Front Anti-Komunis menudju djalan Djihad"
[The Anti-Communist Front aims the way of jihad], Suara
Masjumi, December 10, 1954, p. 3.
--------, "Statemen Front Anti-Komunis, Djakarta, August 14,
1956" [Statement of the Anti-Communist Front of Djakarta,
August 14, 1956], Suara Masjumi, September 1, 1956, p. 8.
Pembela Islam, "Kebangsaan" [Nationalism], Pembela Islam, No.
29 [July 1931) , pp. 2-6.
Persatoean Islam, Boekoe Verslag Debat Talqien antara t. A.
Hassan dengan~H. Abdoel-Wahhab di Tjledoeg (Cheribon)
[Record of the debate concerning talqin between Ahmad
Hassan and Hadji Abdoel Wahhab at Tjledoeg (Cheribon)].
Bandoeng, 1932.
--------, Boekoe Verslag Openbaar Debat antara P. S. I. I. dan
kaoem foeroe [Record of the public debate between the
Sarekat Islam and the adherents of furu1]. Bandoeng, 1932.
--------, Debat Kebangsaan antara pemimpin-pemimpin Islam di
Bandoeng dengan t. H. Moechtar Lubis [The debate on nation-
alism between the Muslim leaders in Bandung and Moechtar
Lubis]. Bandoeng, (n.d.).
--------, [Fatwa ordering local religious leaders to refuse a
Muslim burial to Communists], Abadi, February 28, 1954,
p.	1.
--------, Kitab-kitab jang di-terbitkan oleh Persatoean Islam,
Bandoeng (Books published by the Persatoean Islam, Bandung].
Attachment to Pembela Islam, No. 42 (January 1932).
--------, Kitab Talqien: Djawaban "Persatoean Islam" atas
Tulisan t. H. Hoesain Tjitjalengka [Book on talqin: answer
of the "Persatuan Islam" to the writing of Hoesain Tjitja-
lengka] . Bandoeng, (n.d.) .
213214
Persatoean Islam, Lasjkar Islam [Islamic Defender]. Bandoeng,
1937. Selections of articles appearing previously in
Pembela Islam.
--------, Perslag Opisil dari Perdebatan "Pembela Islam"--"Ahmad-
ijah Qadian" [Official record of the debate between the
Pembela Islam and the Ahmadlyah Qadiyan]. Bandoeng, 1933.
Also given in serial form in Pembela Islam, No. 61 (May 9,
1933)	to No. 63 (July 1933).
--------, Risalah Dj oem1ah [Book of Friday community prayer].
Bandoeng, 1931.
--------, Sual-Djawab [Question-answer]. Bandoeng, 1931-1940,
1956-1958, 15 vols. Collection of fatwas appearing previ-
ously in Pembela Islam, Al-Fatwaa and Al-Lisan.
--------, Verslag Debat antara "Pembela Islam'’--"Ahmadijah
Qadian" di Gang Kenari 3/4 Nobember 1954 [Report of the
debate between Pembela Islam and the Ahmadlyah Qadiyan at
Gang Kenari, November 3-4, T934]. Bandoeng, 1934. Also
given in serial form in Pembela Islam, No. 66 (December
1934)	to No. 69 (March 1935).
--------, Verslag Debat Luar Biasa 1934 antara "Pembela Islam"
dengarTAhmadyah jang mempoenjai Nabi baroe di Batavia-
Centrum [Record of the special 1934 debate between the
Pembela Islam and the Ahmadlyah who have a new prophet, in
the Batavia Centrum]. Bandoeng, 1934.
--------, Verslag Debat Taqlied--A. Hassan dan H. A. Wahhab
[Record of the debate on taqtld between Ahmad Hassan and
Hadji Abdoel Wahhab], Al-Lisan (Extraordinary number),
December 27, 1935.
Persatuan Islam, "Fatwa ulama 'Persatuan Islam' [adopted by the
Conference of the Persatuan Islam at Bandung on November 9,
1954]," in Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam
Konstituante [Toward a National Philosophy for the Indone-
sian Republic in the Constituent Assembly]. Bandung, 1958,
II, pp. 285-288. A partial English translation appears in
Boyd R. Compton, "Muslim Radicalism: The Anti-Communist
Front," American Universities Field Staff Reports, March 5,
1955 , p. 8.
--------, Bangil, Bahagian Pustaka, Daftar Harga [Catalog of
prices]. May 13, 1950.
--------f ---------1 Jajasan Pesantren, Pesantren: Bagian Putera
dan Puteri [Pesantren: Sections for boys and girls] .
Bangil, 1960.215
Persatuan Islam, Pusat Pimpinan, Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan
Islam [Struggle Manifesto of the Persatuan IslamJ, drafted
by K. H. M. Isa Anshary, General Chairman, and adopted at
the VI Congress of the Persatuan Islam, December 18, 1956.
Bandung (n.d.). It appears in serial articles in Hikmah,
X, Nos. 1/2 (January 12, 1957) through No. 6 (February 9,
1957). One part appears under the title "Kejakinan dan
Perdjuangan ’Persatuan Islam’" [Belief and Struggle of the
Persatuan Islam], Hudjdjatul Islam, I, No. 1 (August 1956),
pp. 4-11.
---, --------, Manifes Perdjuangan Persatuan Islam [Struggle
Manifesto of the Persatuan Islam], drafted by K"! H. M. Isa
Anshary, General Chairman, and adopted at the VII Congress
of the Persatuan Islam, September 5, 1958. Bandung, 1958.
---1 --------, "Persatuan Islam menolak Konsepsi Bung
Karno" [The Persatuan Islam rejects the conception of Bung
Karno], Suara Masjumi, March 15, 1957, p. 8.
---, VIII Kongres, "Persatuan Islam menuntut Penghantjuran
Partai Komunis Indonesia" [The Persatuan Islam demands
dissolution of the Indonesian Community Party], being a
decision of the Congress at Bangil on September 4, 1960,
in Harian Abadi, September 7, 1960, pp. 1-2; translated
into English by the Joint Publication Research Service of
the United States Department of Commerce, JPRS #4369,
February 1, 1961.
2. Monographs Written by Persatuan Islam Members
Alhamidy, Moehammed Ali, Islam dan Perkawinan [Islam and Mar-
riage] . Djakarta, Al-Ma’arif, 1951.
---------, Rukun Hidup [Principles of Life]. Djakarta, Al-
Ma ’arif, 1951.
---------, and Usman, Sjarief, Allahu-akbar adalah komando
perdjuangan ["Almighty Allah" is the command for the
struggle]. Djakarta, Badan Kontak Organisasi Islam, 1955.
Aziz, Hadji Mahmud, Hukum Perkawinan Islam [The Islamic Law of
Marriage], Bandung, Sulita Bookstore, 1954.
---------, and Bakri, H. M. K., Peladjaran . . . musthalah hadits
dalam bahasa Indonesia [Lessons concerning examining
hadlths in Indonesian]. Bandung, Pustaka Sulita, 1962.
---------, and Junus, Mahmud, Ilmu musthalah hadis [Science of
examining hadtths]. Djakarta, Djajamurni, 1961.216
Dimyatie, Mohammad, Anak Jatim [Orphan]. Bandoeng, Persatuan
Islam, 1932.
Hassan, Abdulkadir, Risalah Puasa [Book of Fasting]. Djakarta,
Tintamas, 1960.
--------, Risalah Zakat [Book of almsgiving]. Djakarta, Tin-
tamas) 1961.
--------, U-Shul-Fiqih [Principles of jurisprudence, usu.1 al-
fiqky. Surabaja, "Al-Muslimun," 1956. Appeared in serial
articles in Al-Muslimun, I, No. 1 (April 1954) through III,
No. 28 (July 1956).
Hassan, Ahmad, Apa dia Islam? [What is Islam?]. Djakarta,
Al-Ma' arif) 1951.
--------, Benarkah Muhammad itu Rasul? [Is Muhammad a True
Prophet?]. Bangil, Persatoean Islam, (n.d.). Translated
into English in part by K. A. Abdul Wahid under the title
Is Muhammad a True Prophet? Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1951.
The Indonesian version is contained in its totality in
Ahmad Hassan's An-Nubuwwah.
--------> Al-Boerhan [The Proof], being a commentary on the
Qur’an) Bandoeng, Persatuan Islam, 1933. (Indonesian and
Sundanese).
--------, Al-Djawahir (permata2) ajat dan hadits [Clarifications
of ayahs and hadiths]. Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1957.
--------, Edjaan [Orthography]. Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam,
(1929JT
--------, A1-Faraa-idl [Inheritance]. Bangil and Batavia,
Persatuan Islam, 1949.
--------, Al-Furqan [Tafsir Qur’an], Surabaja, Salim Nabhan,
(1956) and Djakarta, Tintamas, 1962.
--------, Hai Tjoetjoe-koe! (Nasihat seorang tua jang telah
hidoep lama, banjak melihat, banjak mendengar dan banjak
mengalami hal-hal doenia kepada tjoetjoenja jang laki-laki
dan jang perempoean dan kepada kanak-kanak jang se'oemoer
dengan mereka [0, my grandchildren! The advice of an
adult, who has lived long, seen much, heard much and ex-
perienced many situations, to my descendents both male and
female, and to all children who are the same age as they
are]. Surabaja, Salim Nabhan, 1948.
--------, Al-Hidajah (djuz1 amma) [Guidance on juzy amma].
Bandung, Al-Ma’arif, (n.d.).217
Hassan, Ahmad, Islam dan Kebangsaan [Islam and Nationalism].
Bangil, Persatoean Islam, 1941.
---------, Kedaulatan [Sovereignty]. Malang, Toko "Timoer,"
1946.
---------, Kesopanan Tinggi [High Civilization]. Bandoeng, Per-
satoean Islam, 1930° Translated into Sundanese under the
title Kitab Kasopanan Islam. Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam,
193- .
---------, Ketoehanan Jesoes menoeroet Bijbel [The Divinity of
Jesus according to the Bible]. Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam,
1940.
----, Kitab Ribaa [Book concerning usury]. Bandoeng, Persa-
toean Islam, (1932) . Originally published in two parts in
Pembela Islam, Nos. 51 and 52 (October 1932).
----, Kitab Talqien orang wet [Book of law concerning burial
practices]. Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1931.
----, Mereboet Kekuasan [Seizing Power]. Malang, Toko
"T imoer," 1946.	-
----, An-Nubuwwah [Prophethood]. Bangil, Persatoean Islam,
1941. Contains Benarkah Muhammad itu Rasul? as its second
part.
----, Pemerintahan Tjara Islam [Government according to
IslamT"! Malang and Bangil, "Toko Timoer," 1946.
----, Pengadjaran Shalat [Teachings on ritual worship].
Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1935-1937, 4 vols.
----, Perempoean Islam di Dewan dan Podium [Muslim women in
councils and assemblies]. Bangil, Persatoean Islam, 1940.
----, Qamoes al-Baja1 [Dictionary of Clarification of Arabic
terms in Indonesian]. Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1928.
----, Qamoes Rampaian A sampai Z tammat [Dictionary of terms
A through 1}. Malang, Indian League, 1950.
----, Risalah al-Madz-hab [Study of the jurisprudential
schools]. Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1956.
----, Risalah Pendjawab Debatan T. Soelaiman Thojib .	.	.
terhadap Kitab Ribaa [Book of the answering debate of TT
Soelaiman Thojib .	. . toward Kitab Ribaa]. Bandoeng,
Persatoean Islam, 1936.218
Hassan, Ahmad, Risalah Zakat liwat setahun [Book on Zakat at the
end of the year]. Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1955.
--------, Sedjarah Isra' dan Miradj [Story of the isra) and
mi iraj]. Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1949.
--------, Sharaf [Grammar]. Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1949.
--------, Tafsier surah Jasien dengan keterangan dan ringkasan
[Commentary of Surah Ya Sin with clarifications and sum-
maries]. Bangil, Persatuan Islam, 1951.
--------» At-Tauhied [Divine unity--tawhid]. Bangil, Persatuan
Islam” 1937 . This monograph appears in both Roman and
Djawi scripts.
--------, Wadjibkan perempuan berdjum'ah? [Is it necessary for
women to attend Friday worship?]. Bangil, Persatuan Islam,
1959.
---------, and Aziz, Hadji Mahmoed, Al-Mochtar. Bandoeng, Per-
satoean Islam, 1930, 2 vols.
---------, Sabirin, and al-Kahiri, Fachro«ddin, Kitab Zakat [Book
on almsgiving]. Bandoeng, Persatoean Island 1934.
Isa Anshary, Moehammad, Beberapa Fakta P. K. I. [Several facts
about the Indonesian Communist Party]. Djakarta, Badan
Kontak Organisasi, 1955.
---------, Falsafah Perdjuangan Islam [The Philosophy of Islam's
Struggle]. Bandung, Pasifik, T949.
---------, Islam dan Nasionalisme [Islam and Nationalism].
Bandung, Pus taka Djihad, T9"54.
---------, Revolusi Islam [Islamic Revolution]. Surabaja, Hasan
Aidid, 1953.
---------, Sebuah Manifesto [A Manifesto]. Bandung, Pasifik,
1952 .
---, Ummat Islam menghadapi Pemilihan llmum [The Islamic
Community faced the general elections]. Surabaja, Hasan
Aidid, (1953).
---, and Usman, Sjarief, Mari merebut kemengangan [Let us
achieve victory]. Djakarta, Badan Kontak Organisasi, 1955.
---1	} and Wibisono, Jusuf, Bahaja Merah di Indo-
nesia [The Red Menace in Indonesia]. Bandung, Front Anti-
Komunis, 1955.219
Moenawar Chalil, Moehammad, Funksi Ulama dalam masjarakat dan
Negara [Function of the (ulama) in society and nationj.
Diakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1957 . Also appeared in Hikmah,
VII, Nos. 21-22 (May 29, 1954), pp. 34-37 , 40.
--------, Kelengkapian Tarich nabi Muhammad, s. a. w. [Complete
study of the Prophet Muhammad]. Dj akarta, Bulan Bintang,
1954.
--------, Kembali kepada A1-Qur’an dan As-Sunnah; suatu
muqaddamah bagi himpunan hadits-hadits pelihara [Return to
Qur’an and the Sunnah; an introduction for a guide of cher-
ished hadtths]. Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1961.
--------, Peristiwa Isra' dan Miradj [The event of the isra) and
mi (rajj. Dj akarta, Bulan Bintang, 1961.
--------, A1-Qur'an dari masa ke masa [The Qur>an from age to
age]. Djakarta and Groningen, J. B. Wolters, 1954.
--------, Ringkasan riwajat Sajjidah Chodidjah dan Sajjidah
Aisijah; permaisuri nabi Muhammad [The short story of
Khadidiyan and (Aisiyah, the wives of Muhammad]. Solo,
Sitti Sjamsijah, 1964.
--------, Tafsir Qur'an hidaajatur-rahmaan djuz 1 [Commentary
on the first jks1 of the Qur an]. Solo, Sitti Sjamsijah,
1958. In Javanese.
M. S., Kitab Pepetah [Proverbs]. Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam,
(n.d.), 2 vols.
Natsir, Moehammad, Capita Selecta [Major Works], edited by D.
P. Sati Alimin” Bandung and the Hague, Van Hoeve, 1954
and 1957, 2 vols.
--------, Ditasik Hikmat [In the Sea of Wisdom]. Djakarta,
Djawaban Penerangan Agama, 1951.
--------, Islam dan Akal Merdeka [Islam and Freedom of Thought].
Tas ikmalaj a, Persatuan Islam, 1947.
--------, Islam sebagai ideologie [Islam as an ideology]. Dja-
karta^ Pustaka Aida, 1958. Same as his speech delivered
in Committee II of the Constituent Assembly.
--------, Operasi Dj iwa Sari dan nilai pidato2 Mohammed Natsir
[Operation of the Spirit:	essence and basis of Moehammad
Natsir's speeches], edited by Ghazali Hassan. Medan,
Menara Islam, 1956.220
Natsir, Moehammad, Some Observations concerning the role of
Islam in national and international affairs. Ithaca,
Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 1954.
--------, Isa Anshary, and Ahmad, Zainal Abidin, Intisari:
Chutbah Natsir, Isa Anshary dan Z. A. Ahmad [Victory: ser-
mons of Natsir, Isa Anshary and Z. A. Ahmad]. Medan,
Saiful, 1951.
Sabirin, Kekajaan Basa dan Pengetahoean Oemoem [Vocabulary and
general terms]. Bandoeng^ C. T. Van Dorp, 1938.
--------, Memerangi Boeta Hoeroef [Combating illiteracy]. Ban-
do engT'inTs^er^-CoT^ 1935 .
--------, Organisatie Dunia [Political structure of the world].
Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1934.
--------, Poeasa, mengandoeng pendidikan hygiene (kesehatan
ToebuIT) physiek (Tabi'at) moreele discipline (boedi
pekerti) psychologie (ruh) [Fasting, containing the lessons
of hygiene, nature, moral discipline and psychology].
Bandoeng, Persatoean Islam, 1934.
--------, Riwajat Marhoem H. 0. S. Tjokroaminoto, harga dan
djasanja [the story of the late H. 0. S. Tjokroaminoto,
his value and merit]. Bandoeng, Soemberilmoe, 1935.
3. Significant Fatwas, Articles and Parts of Books
Written by Persatuan Islam Members
A., "I'tiqad Al-Ba-'Alwi tentang ketinggian dirinja dan bahaja-
bahaja i'tiqad itoe" [The belief of the Ba (Alawi concern-
ing their own importance and the dangers of that belief],
Pembela Islam, No. 34 (September 1931) to No. 61 (May 1933).
--------, "I'tiqad Al-Ba 'Alwi tentang ziarah qoeboer dan
bahaja-bahaja i'tiwad itoe" [The belief of the Ba (Alawi
concerning visiting graveyards and the dangers of that
belief], Pembela Islam, No. 61 (May 9, 1933), pp. 23-27.
--------, "Letter from A. to K. H. M. A. Sanusi," Al-Muslimun,
IV, No. 38 (November 1958), p. 23.
Abdurrahman, K. H. E., "Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama'ah," Hudj dj atul
Islam, I, No. 1 (August 1956), pp. 12-20.
--------, "Amanat K. H. E. Abdurrahman dimuka Tjabang Persatuan
Islam Kotapradja Bandung" [Address of K. H. E. Abdurrahman
before the Bandung branch of the Persatuan Islam on July 8,
1962], Risalah, I, No. 6 (August 1962), p. 56.221
Abdurrahman, K. H. E., "Rab Warisan dan Kemerdekaan Agama"
[Inheritance and freedom of religion], Aliran Islam, No. 4
(February 1949), pp. 237-239.
Ahmad, Abdullah, "Bolehkah wanita berbitjara dihadapan umum?"
[May a woman speak publicly?], Pembela Islam (New Series),
No. 1 (March 1956), p. 26.
--------, "Hukum Islam terhadap orang-orang jang beragama Islam
tetapi mereka tidak mengikuti pemilihan umum" [The law of
Islam concerning persons who adhere to Islam but who do
not participate in the general election], Pembela Islam
(New Series), No. 1 (March 1956), p. 25.
Alhamidy, Moehammad Ali, "Daulah Muhammad s. a. w." [Muhammad's
state], Hikmah, VIII, Nos. 43/44 (October 26, 1955), pp.
7-8.
--------, "Hubungan Amar Ma'ruf Nahi Mungkar dengan perkembangan
negara dan masjarakat" [The relation of the "promotion of
good and limiting evil" to the development of nation and
society], Hikmah, VII, No. 1 (January 2, 1954), pp. 20-21.
--------, "Membela Islam" [To protect Islam], Hikmah, VII, No.
10 (March 13, 1954), p. 21.
Aziz, Hadji Mahmoed, "Haqiqat, Ma'rifat, Sjari'at dan Thariqat"
[haqlqah, ma{rifah, shav%(ah and tariqah], Sual-Djawab,
No. 1, pp. 30-32.
--------, "Main dan Lihat Toneel" [Performing in and viewing
stage plays], Sual-Djawab, No. 1, pp. 27-28 .
--------, "Memberi salam kepada bendera dan mentjium batu"
[Saluting the flag and kissing stones], Sual-Djawab, No.
1, pp. 34-36.
--------, "Tachaijul, 'Azimah, Keramat" [Superstition, charms,
blessings], Sual-Dj awab, No. 4, pp. 24-28.
--------, "Tokok dan Beduk" [Drums], Sual-Djawab, No. 5, pp.
28-30.
Dj., "Penjakit ke-Baratan" [Sickness of Westernism], Pembela
Islam, No. 55 (December 1932), pp. 8-10.
Hamka [Hadji Abdulmalik Karim Amrullah], "Kemenangan" [Victory],
Pembela Islam, No. 46 (May 1932), pp. 16-23.
--------, "Persatuan" [Unity], Pembela Islam, No. 24 (September
1931), pp. 2-7.222
Hassan, Abdulkadir, "Gendang di Perkahwinan" [Drums at a wed-
ding] , Sual-Dj awab, No. 14, pp. 79-80.
--------, "Kawin dengan orang komunis" [Marriage to a Communist],
A1-Muslimun, I, No. 12 (March 1955), pp. 7-8.
-——-----, "Perempuan tidak wadjib Djuma'at" [Women do not need
to attend Friday community worship], Al-Hikmah, VII, No.
41 (October 9, 1954), pp. 18-19.
Hassan, Ahmad, "Bahasa Chuth-bah" [Language of the Friday
Sermon], Sual-Djawab, No. 7, pp. 21-23; also Pembela Islam,
No. 22 (March 1931), pp. 33-34.
--------, "Baldatun Thajibatun" [Fair Land], Hikmah, VIII, Nos.
43/44 (October 26, 1955), pp. 4-6.
--------, "Berdoa kepada jang lain dari Allah" [Praying to some-
one other than God], Sual-Dj awab, No. 1, pp. 20-22 .
—-------, "Bertaqlid kepada ’ulama'" [Imitation of the iulama)],
Sual-Dj awab, No. 1, pp. 12-16.
--------, "Binatang jang haram dimakan menurut Qur-aan dan
Hadiets” [Animals forbidden to be eaten according to
Qur> an and hadtth], Sual-Dj awab, No. 8, pp. 45-54.
--------, "Chabaran jang tidak betul" [Incorrect reports], Al-
Mus1imun, III, No. 31 (September 1957), p. 2.
--------, "Chuthbah Bahasa Melayu" [Friday sermon in Malay],
Sual-Dj awab, No. 4, pp. 3-5.
--------, "Darihal meng-qadla sembahjang" [Concerning the ful-
filling of worship], Sual-Dj awab, No. 2, pp. 43-57.
--------, "Gambar" [Pictures], Sual-Dj awab, No. 2, pp. 1-3.
--------, Hukum Perempuan Islam berpergian (safar) tidak dengan
Mahramnja" [Law of women traveling without their male
relatives], A1-Muslimun, III, No. 28 (July 1956), pp. 5-9.
--------, "Kerdjasama dengan qaum2 jang berfaham sosialist"
[Cooperation with socialists], Pembela Islam (New Series),
No. 2 (April 1956), p. 32.
--------, "Kulit ular" [Snakeskins], Sual-Djawab, No. 2, pp.
4-8.
--, "Laki-laki pakai emas" [Men wearing gold ornamenta-
tion] , Pembela Islam, No. 56 (December 1932), pp. 39-40.223
Hassan, Ahmad, "Makan-makan di rumah orang mati dan batas
terlarangnja" [Eating in the house of the deceased and the
limitations of the prohibition], Sual-Djawab, No. 8, pp.
64-66.
---------, "Mas-alah Chilafijah" [Matters of principle], Hikmah,
IX, Nos. 37/38 (October 12, 1956), p. 34.
---------, "Mas-alah membagi bid'ah kepada lima behagian" [The
question of dividing bidiah into five types], Sual-Dj awab,
No. 7, p. 37 .
---------, "Melafazhkan niat" [Pronouncing aloud the nzyah],
Sual-Djawab, No. 1, pp. 8-12.
---------, "Memakai mas" [Wearing gold], Sual-Djawab, No. 6, pp.
5-8.
----, "Memasukkan obat di djalan buang air dan di djalan
darah, waqtu puasa" [Taking medicine through an anema or
in the blood during the Fast], Sual-Dj awab, No. 3, p. 1.
----, "Membongkar Qubur" [Destroying a grave], Al-Muslimun,
V, No. 43 (November 1960), pp. 4-6.
----, "Memegang ubun-ubun lepas salam" [Touching the fore-
lock in greeting], Sual-Dj awab, No. 3, pp. 22-26.
----, Mengadjar orang mati" [Educating the dead], Sual-
Djawab, No. 2, pp. 13-16.
----, "Menghaluskan kening, merenggangkan gigi" [Thinning
the eyebrows, spacing the teeth], Sual-Djawab, No. 11, pp.
5-6.
----, "Meng-kafirkan" [To consider a person an unbeliever],
Sual-Dj awab, No. 3, pp. 30-32.
----, Nabi 'Isa berbapa?" [Did the Prophet (isa have a
father?], Sual-Dj awab, No. 4, pp. 16-17.
----, "Nabi jang masih hidup" [Prophets who are still
living], Sual-Dj awab, No. 12, pp. 80-82.
----, "Nasib" [Fate], Sual-Dj awab, No. 12, pp. 84-85.
----, "Perempoean berpakaian laki-laki" [Women dressing
like men], Pembela Islam, No. 60 (April 1933), p. 33.
----, "Ribaa" [Usury], Pembela Islam, No. 51 (September
1932) and No. 52 (October 1932). Also appeared under
separate cover with the title Kitab Ribaa.224
Hassan, Ahmad, "Riba Bank" [Bank interest], Sual-Djawab, No.
13, pp. 72-73.
---------, "Saijid, Raden, 'Arab" [titles], Sual-Djawab, No. 3,
pp . 4-5 .
---------, "Sedekah, pasang lampu lailatul-qadar dan ziarah
kubur" [Feasts, lighting lamps and the night of power, and
visiting graves], Sual-Djawab, No. 2, pp. 19-22.
---------, "Selamatan hamil" [Feast celebrating pregnancy],
Sual-Djawab, No. 7, pp. 6-7; also Pembela Islam, No. 20
(February 1931) , pp. 36-37.
---------, "Tahliel" [recitation], Sual-Djawab, No. 8, pp. 61-64.
—--------, "Tahlil dan Chandoeri" [Recitation and feast], Pembela
Islam, No. 59 (March 9, 1933), p. 39.
---------, "Talkienkan orang sudah mati" [Prompting the confes-
sion of faith from a person who is already dead], Sual-
Dj awab, No. 1, pp. 18-20.
---------, "Tanda Perawan" [Evidence of virginity], Sual-Djawab,
No. 13, p. 72.
---------, "Tawassul" [Intercession], Sual-Djawab, No. 3, pp.
11-16.
---------, "Titel Hadji" [The title "Hadji"], Pembela Islam, No.
60 (April 1933), pp. 31-32.
---------, "Tonel" [Plays], Pembela Islam, No. 60 (April 1933),
p. 33.
---------, "Urusan dalam qubur" [Matters concerning the grave],
Sual-Dj awab, No. 8, pp. 75-95 .
Isa Anshary, Moehammad, "Dari Mesdjid ke Masjarakat dan Negara"
[From mosque to society and nation], Suara Masjumi, Febru-
ary 10, 1956, p. 3.
---------, "Funksi Mesdjid dalam Islam" [Function of the mosque
in Islam], Suara Masjumi, January 10, 1956, p. 5.
---------, "Garis Perdjuangan Kita" [Outline of our struggle],
Aliran Islam, No. 3 (January 1949), pp. 122-125.
---------, "Kami menudju Republik Indonesia berdasarkan Islam"
[We strive to have an Indonesian Republic based on Islam],
speech in Komisi Konstituante II, in Tentang Dasar Negara
Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante" II, pp. 175-296.225
Isa Anshary, Moehammad, "Peranan Ulama" [The role of the
lulama)], Suara Islam, February 20, 1956, pp. 1, 8; March
1, 1956, p. 1.
---------, "Perdjuangan Kita" [Our Struggle], Hikmah, VII, Nos.
21-22 (May 29, 1954), pp. 12-14.
---------, "Republik Indonesia Serikat" [Unitary Republic of
Indonesia], Aliran Islam, No. 2 (December 1948), pp. 69-74.
---------, "Pidato di Parlemen, tanggal 19 Oktober 1951" [Speech
in Parliament on October 19, 1951], in Dewan Perwakilan
Rakjat Republik Indonesia, Risalah Perundingan, 1951, XIV,
pp. 7007-7025.
al-Kahiri, Fachroeddin, "Selama Moeslimin Indonesia ..."
[So long as Indonesian Muslims . .	. ], Pembela Islam, No.
59 (March 1933), p. 25.
Moenawar Chalil, Hadji Moehammad, "Air Jaa-sien [Water of Ya
Sin], Sual-Djawab, No. 3, pp. 39-41.
--------, "Halal berkahwin dengan Sjarifah" [Is it permitted to
marry a shartfah], Sual-Dj awab, No. 6, pp. 52-65 .
--------, "Lafadz Ushalli" [Pronouncing the ushalli], Sual-
Dj awab, No. 8, pp. 36-38.
--------, "Manoesia" [Mankind], Pembela Islam, No. 22 (March
1931), pp. 7-10.
--------, "Tahliel dan makan-makan dirumah orang kematian"
[Tahiti and eating in the house of the deceased], Sual-
Dj awab, No. 5, pp. 37-39.
M. S., "Agama djangan di bawa-bawa" [Islam should not be in-
volved], Pembela Islam, No. 57 (January 21, 1933), p. 30.
--------, "Bid'ah" [Innovation], Pembela Islam, No. 29 (July
1931), p. 9.	~
--------, "Kebangsaan djangan di bawa bawa" [Nationalism should
not be involved], Pembela Islam, No. 57 (January 21, 1933),
p. 30.
--------, "Kembali Lagi" [Return again], Pembela Islam (New
Series), No. 1 (March 1956), pp. 6-7.
--------, "Madz-hab Sjafi'ie" [Shafi^t madhhah], Pembela Islam,
No. (August 1932), p. 21.
--------, "Perempuan" [Women], Pembela Islam (New Series), No.
1 (March 1956), p. 10 and mo. 2 (April 1956), p. 35.226
M. S., "Perempoean Pandai" [Intelligent women], Pembela Islam,
No. 20 (February 1931), p. 30.
---------, "Pergerakan--Agama" [Movements--religious], Pembela
Islam, No. 56 (December 30, 1932), p. 6.
---------, "Permadoean" [Polygamy], Pembela Islam, No. 55 (Decem-
ber 1932), p. 11.
---------, "Selamat Hari Raja" [(Id al-Fitv greetings], Pembela
Islam, No. 41 (January 1932), p. 35*.
M. T., "Andjing, alcohol, vrijomhang d. s. b." [Dogs, alcohol,
free association, etc.], Pembela Islam, No. 20 (February
1931), pp. 6-8.
Natsir, Moehammad, "Agama adalah unsur mutlak didalam nation-
building" [Religion is an absolute requirement in nation-
building] . Pamphlet issued by Kementerian Agama. Djakarta,
March 1952.
---------, "Agama dan Negara" in Isa Anshary's Falsafah Per-
djuangan Islam. Bandung, Pasifik, 1949, pp. 216-237.
Article is written under the pseudonym A. Muchlis.
---------, "Agama dan Politik" [Religion and Politics], Capita
Selecta, II, pp. 157-159.
---------, "Bertentangankah Pantjasila dengan Al-Quran" [Does
Pantja Sila oppose the Qur>an], Hikmah, VII, Nos. 21/22
(May 29, 1954), pp. 6-7, 37. This essay also appeared in
Capita Selecta, II, pp. 144-154.
---------, "Excerpts of Natsir’s speech" (broadcast over Radio
PRRI from Central Sumatra in late October 1958) , PRRI
Bulletin: Voice of New Indonesia, No. 2 (November 1958) ,
_	^r_
---, "Hadji, zakat, fithrah, riba, kawin-1jerai, d.1.1."
[Hajj, zakat, fitvah, marriage-divorce, etc.], Pembela
Islam, No. 26 (May 1931), pp. 8-16.
---, "Keadaan Oedara Moesim sekarang" [The prevailing
atmosphere], Pembela Islam, No. 47 (June 1932), pp. I-IX.
---, "Kebangsaan Moeslimin" [Muslim nationalism], Pembela
Islam, Nos. 41-45 (December 1931 to April 1932).
---, "Keragaman hidup Antar-Agama" [Religious tolerance
among religions], Hikmah, VII, No. 6 (February 6, 1954),
pp. 5-6; also in Capita Selecta, II, pp. 225-230.227
Natsir, Moehammad, "Lagi soal 'gerilja'" [More on the "guerrilla"
question], Capita Selecta, pp. 198-200.
---------, "Marhaenisme dan Islam" [Proletarianism and Islam],
Pembela Islam, No. 56 (December 1932), pp. 3-6.
---------, "Moehammed Natzir's views on Sukarno," Bulletin PRRT:
Voice of New Indonesia, No. 8 (February 1959), p.
---------, "Meninggalkan tahun 1931, menudju tahun 1932" [Leaving
1931 and entering 1932], Pembela Islam, No. 39 (December
1931) , pp. 1-6 .
---------, "Pemandangan tentang buku-buku Roman" [Viewpoint
toward novels], Capita Selecta, I, pp. 41-49; originally
published in Pedoman Masjarakat and in Pandji Islam in
early 1940.	—
---------, "Persatuan Agama dengan negara" [Unity of religion
and nation], Pandj i Islam, VI, Nos. 27 (July 8, 1940) to
No. 37 (September 16, 1940) .
---------, "Pidato di Komisi II Konstituante" [Speech in Commit-
tee II of the Constituent Assembly], Tentang Dasar Negara
Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante" pp. 109-141;
also published separately under the title Islam sebagai
ideologie.
---, "Pidato di Parlemen, tanggal 31 Mei 1951. Menjambut
Keterangan Pemerintahan Babak Pertama" [Speech in Parlia-
ment on May 3, 1951. Given at the first reading of the
Government's program], in Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik
Indonesia, Risalah Perundingan, 1951, X, pp. 4231-4242 ;
also in Capita Selecta, II, pp. 19-27.
---, "Pidato di Parlemen tanggal 28 Augustus 1953.
Pemandangan umum babak ke-I" [Speech in Parliament on
August 28, 1953. General clarification (of the Government's
program) at the first reading], Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat
Republik Indonesian, Risalah Perundingan, 1950-1951; also
in Capita Selecta, II~ pp . 28 - 38 .
---, "Pidato di Parlemen tanggal 6 September 1953. Peman-
dangan umum babak ke-II" [Speech in Parliament on September
6, 1953. General clarification (of the Government's pro-
gram) at the second reading], Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat
Republik Indonesian, Risalah Perundingan, 1950-1951; also
in Capita Selecta, II~ pp. 39-50.
---, "Revolusi Indonesia" [Indonesian Revolution], Capita
Selecta, II, pp. 124-139.228
Natsir, Moehammad, "Sikap 'Islam' terhadap 'Kemerdekaan-
berfikir'" [Attitude o£ "Islam" toward "freedom of
thought"], Capita Selecta, I, pp. 206-229; originally
published in Pandji Islam, 1940.
--------, "Soal 'gerilja'" [The "guerrilla" question], Capita
Selecta, II, pp. 195-197.
--------, "Tjinta Agama dan Tanah Air, Bersimpang dua dan
berpahit-pahit" [The values of religion and nationalism,
the dividing of the two and embitterment], Pandj i Islam,
VI, No. 4 (January 23, 1934), to No. 8 (February 20, HT39).
--------, "Zending contra Islam" [Missions opposed to Islam],
Pembela Islam, No. 21 (March 1931), pp. 24-29.
(non-Arab), "0, itoe tjoema keldai kita!" [0, that is merely
our ass!], Pembela Islam, No. 50 (August 1932), pp. 20-21.
Sabirin, "Marhaenisme dan Islam" [Proletarianism and Islam],
Pembela Islam, No. 56 (December 30, 1932), pp. 3-6.
--------, "'Non' atau 'Co'--PSII Baru jang pintjang" ["Noncoop-
eration" or "cooperation"--The new PSII is crippled],
Pemandangan, January 5, 1937.
Si Goblok (pseudonym), "Doenia Islam masa sekarang" [The Islamic
world at present], Pembela Islam, No. 29 (July 1931), pp.
15-16.
"Agama Kristen di-Indonesia bekerdja dan Islam boleh nganggoer"
[Christianity in Indonesia works and Islam merely gapes],
Pembela Islam, No. 71 (May 1935), pp. 3-5.
"Bantuan atas batjaan untuk orang jang sudah mati" [Conflict on
the question of readings for the deceased], Al-Muslimun,
II, No. 10 (January 1956), pp. 4-10.
"Beberapa Pertanjaan" [Several questions], Al-Muslimun, II, No.
5 (August 1955), p. 4.
"Berdjabatan tangan dengan perempuan" [Shaking hands with a
woman], A1-Musiimun, II, No. 7 (September 1956), pp. 8-10.
"Bolehkah uang zakat-wadjib diberikan untuk keperluan masdjid-
masdjid dan sekolah-sekolah?" [May compulsory zakat be
used for schools and mosque essentials?], Al-Muslimun, I,
No. 4 (June 1955), pp. 8-12.
"Bumi Bulat" [The earth is round], A1-Musiimun, II, No. 4 (July
1955), pp. 5-6.229
"Dapatkah hukum polygami berobah?" [May the law of polygamy be
changed?], Al-Muslimun, II, No. 1 (April 1955), pp. 7-8.
"Darihal makan-makan di-rumah orang mati" [Concerning eating in
the house of the deceased], Sual-Djawab, No. 12, pp. 29-34.
"Djimat, wirid, hizib" [charms], Al-Muslimun, I, No. 9 (December
1954)	, pp. 7-8.
"Gamelan, Gambus, Orkes d.1.1." [musical instruments], Al-
Muslimun, II, No. 2 (June 1955), pp. 5-6.
"Indjeksi dalam puasa" [Injection during the Fast], A1-Muslimun,
II, No. 7 (October 1955), p. 7.
"Islam dan Nasionalisme" [Islam and nationalism], Aliran Islam,
No. 56 (January 1954).
"Kenduri tjukur rambut baji" [Ritual meal for shaving the head
of a baby], A1-Muslimun, III, No. 25 (April 1956), p. 7.
"Koperasi" [Cooperatives], Al-Muslimun, II, No. 6 (September
1955)	, pp. 7-8.
"Langit tidak ada" [Heaven does not exist], Al-Muslimun, II,
No. 5 (August 1955), p. 5.
"Makan darah (didih)" [Drinking blood-boiled], Al-Muslimun, II,
No. 3 (June 1955), p. 10.
"Melahirkan anak dengan mani orang lain" [Artificial insemina-
tion] , A1-Muslimun, I, No. 9 (November 1954), p. 10.
"Memakai 'Azimat" [Wearing a charm], Al-Muslimun, II, No. 4
(June 1955), pp. 10-11.
"Memasuki partai selain partai Islam" [Entering a party other
than an Islamic party], Al-Muslimun, I, No. 1 (April 1954),
p. 4 .
"Memasukkan darah" [Blood transfusion], Al-Muslimun, I, No. 7
(October 1954), p. 5.
"Membatas kelahiran" [Birth control], Al-Muslimun, II, No. 9
(November 1953), pp. 4-7.
"Mendapat ilham untuk mengobati" [Receiving inspiration for
healing], Al-Muslimun, III, No. 30 (August 1957), pp. 10-11
"Menentang propaganda Keristen" [Combating Christian propaganda]
Adil, No. 152 (April 1933), pp. 152 ff.; reprinted in
Pembela Islam, No. 61 (May 1933), pp. 30-33.230
"Mengembalikan sebanjak jang dipindjam" [Returning more than
was borrowed], Al-Muslimun, I, No. 12 (March 1956), pp.
6-7.
"Mentjium tangan 'ulama'" [Kissing the hand of the (ulama)],
Al-Muslimun, V, No. 1 (April 1955), p. 11.
"Minum obat waktu puasa" [Drinking medicine during the Fast],
Al-Muslimun, III, No. 25 (April 1956), p. 8.
"Nasionalisme tiada bertentangan dengan Islam" [Nationalism
that is not opposed to Islam], Pembela Islam, No. 60
(April 9, 1933), pp. 3-4.
"Niat dalam ’ibadat" [Nlyah in worship], A1-Muslimun, V, No. 43
(November 1960), pp. 8-9.
"Obat tjampur arak ketika dlarurat" [Medicine containing alcohol
during an emergency], Al-Muslimun, II, No. 8 (November
1955) , pp. 5-6.
"Perempuan berkudung" [Veiling of women], Al-Muslimun, I, No. 8
(November 1955), p. 11.
"Perempuan berpidato dihadapan laki-laki" [Women speaking be-
fore men], Al-Muslimun, I, No. 2 (May 1954), pp. 10-12.
"Perempuan tidak memperdulikan suami" [Woman who does not obey
her husband], Al-Muslimun, III, No. 33 (November-December
1957), p. 4.
"Rukun2 Chuth-bah Djum'ah" [The pillars of the Friday community
sermon], Al-Muslimun, II, No. 6 (September 1955), p. 11.
"Selamatan gerhana" [Slametan for an eclipse], Al-Muslimun, III,
No. 25 (April 1956), p. 4.
"Sembahjang dengan al-Fatihah Melayu" [Worship with al-fatihah
in Malay], Sual-Djawab, No. 12, pp. 58-59.
"Sembahjang wanita dirumah/dimasdjid" [Women worshipping in the
home/in the mosque], Al-Muslimun, III, No. 29 (July 1957),
p.	11.
"Surah ichlash d.1.1. untuk maijit" [Reading Surah Ikhlas for
the deceased], Al-Muslimun, I, No. 11 (February 1955), pp.
10-11.
"Talqin untuk siapa?" [For whom is talqtn?] , Al-Muslimun, II,
No. 7 (October 1955), p. 9.
"Ta'rief (definisi) bid'ah" [Definition of "innovation"], A1-
Muslimun, II, No. 3 (June 1955), pp. 7-8.231
"Usaha supaja tidak hamil" [Birth control], Al-Muslimun, III,
No. 34 (January 1959), p. 5.
"Ushalli sebagai tambahan" [Nlyah as supplementary worship],
A1-Muslimun, No. 5 (August 1955), p. 142.
4. Monographs and Periodical Articles Written About
the Persatuan Islam and Its Members
A., "Pesantren Persis di Bangil," Dunia Madrasah, No. 5 (January
5, 1955), p. 17.
Aboebakar Atjeh, Hadji, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim
dan karangan tersiar [Biography of K. FH JT. Wahid Has j lm
and his essays]. Djakarta, Panitya, 1957.
Alamsjah, Sutan Rais, 10 Prang Indonesia Terbesar Sekarang [The
ten leading Indonesians of today]. Bukittingi and Djakarta,
Mutiara, 1952.
Benda, Harry J., The Crescent and the Rising Sun. The Hague
and Bandung, Van Hoeve, 1958.
Compton, Boyd R., "Muslim Radicalism: The Anticommunist Front,"
American Universities Field Staff Report, March 5, 1955.
Djaja, Tamar, Pusaka Indonesia Orang-orang Besar Tanah Air
[Indonesian heritage of great national heroes). Bandung,
G. Kolff, 1951.
--------, "Tokoh kita A. Hassan" [Our prominent figure--Ahmad
Hassan], Paulah Islamyah, I, No. 8 (August 1957), pp. 6-14.
Dusky, Nawawi, "A. Hassan: Kenang2an kita terachir dengan ulama
besar ini" [Ahmad Hassan: Our final memories of this great
lalim], Hikmah, XI, No. 32 (November 1958), pp. 13-15.
--------, "Ulama, rumahnja terbuka buat peminat-peminat agama:
Ustadz M. Ali Alhamidy dengan tenaga muda jang terlatih"
[<Ulama) , his house is open for those interested in reli-
gion: Ustadz M. Ali Alhamidy with the power of trained
youth], Hikmah, XII, No. 6 (March 14, 1959), pp. 11-13.
Feith, Herbert, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in
Indonesia. Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1962.
--------, "Toward Elections in Indonesia," Pacific Affairs.
XXVII, No. 3 (September 1954), pp. 236-254.
Hamka [Hadji Abdulmalik Karim Amrullah], Ajahku [My Father].
Djakarta, Widjaya, 1958.232
Hamka, "Pengaruh Muhammad Abduh di Indonesia" [The influence of
Muhammad (Abduh in Indonesia]. An address delivered upon
receiving the degree of Doctor Honoris Causa from A1-Azhar
on January 21, 1959. Djakarta, Tintamas, 1961.
Hurlela, "Perpetjahan dalam Persatuan" [Discord in unity],
Hikmah, XI, No. 22 (August 2, 1958), pp. 20-21.
Jasin, M., "A. Hassan: Dokumentator surat-surat Islam dari
Endeiy' [Ahmad Hassan: Documentator of the Islamic letters
from Endeh], Gema Islam, IV, No. 74 (May 15, 1965), pp.
12-14, 26.
Junus, Mahmud, Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia [History
of Islamic Education in Indonesia]. Djakarta, Pustaka
Mahmudiah, 1960.
Nasution, Abdul Haris (Colonel, later General), Sekitar Perang
Kemerdekaan Indonesia [Concerning the War for Indonesian
independence]. Typescript, (n.d.), 8 vols.
The Netherlands. Department van Kolonien, "Mohammedaansche
Eeredienst" [Muslim religious affairs], Indische Verslag,
1930, pp. 310-313.
Noer, Deliar, "The Rise and Development of the Modernist Muslim
Movement in Indonesia during the Dutch Colonial Period
(1900-1942)." Ithaca, Cornell University thesis, 1963.
Parlaungan, Hasil Rakjat memilih Tokoh-tokoh Parlemen [Results
of the popular elections for parliament]. Djakarta, C. V.
Gita, 1956.
Rasjidi, Mohammad, L'Evolution de 1'Islam en Indondsie (Java)
ou Consideration critique du Livre Tjentini [The evolution
of Islam in Indonesia (Java) and consideration of a cri-
tique of a book by Tjentini]. Paris, University of Paris
thesis, 1956.
Sukarno, "Surat-surat Islam dari Endeh--dari Ir. Sukarno kepada
t. A. Hassan, guru 'Persatuan Islam' Bandung" [Letters on
Islam from Endeh--from Sukarno to Ahmad Hassan, Persatuan
Islam teacher at Bandung], in Dibawah Bendera Revolusi, I,
pp. 315-343.
Widjaya, Roebaie, "Biografia--A. Hassan: Pengarang, kritikus
dan ahli debat Islam" [Biography of Ahmad Hassan: Islamic
writer, critic and debater], Hudjdjatul Islam, I, No. 1
(August 1956), pp. 35-41; also in Buku Kita, II, No. 5
(May 1956), pp. 195-199.
"A. Hassan," Ensiklopedia Indonesia, 1954.233
"H. Moenawar Chalil," Minggu Abadi (February 28, 1960).
"Perkembangan Pesantren Persatuan Islam" [Development of the
Persatuan Islam’s Pesantren], Risalah, I, No. 1 (June 1962),
pp. 10-11.
5. Periodicals Published by the Persatuan Islam
and Its Members
Aliran Islam [Islamic Outlook]. Bandung. Monthly magazine
published from 1948 to 1955.
Anti-Komunis: Mingguan Perdjuangan Pembela Agama, Demokrasi,
dan Kemanusiaan [Anti-Communist: Struggle weekly, defend-
ing religion, democracy and humanity]. Bandung. Weekly
magazine published from January 1958 to March 1958, 7 nos.
Al-Fatwaa [al-fatwa]. Bandung, Persatuan Islam. Monthly maga-
zine published from 1931 to 1933, 20 nos.
A1-Hikam [Maxims]. Bandung, Persatuan Islam. One issue pub-
lished in 1939 containing selections of articles appearing
previously in Al-Lisan.
Hudjdjatul Islam: Madjallah Resmi Pusat Pempinan "Persatuan
Islam" [Islamic Argument: Official magazine of the Central
Leadership of the Persatuan Islam]. Bandung. One issue
published in August 1956.
Al-Lisan [The Tongue]. Bandung, Persatuan Islam. Monthly maga-
zine published from 1935 to 1942, 65 nos.
Al-Muslimun [Muslims]. Surabaja. Organ of the Persatuan Islam
at Bangil. Monthly magazine published from 1954 to 1958,
and thereafter until 1960 at irregular intervals.
Pembela Islam [Islamic Defender]. Bandung, Persatuan Islam.
Monthly magazine published from 1929 to 1935, 71 nos.
Pembela Islam [Islamic Defender]. Bangil, Persatuan Islam.
Monthly magazine published in 1956, 3 nos.
Risalah [Narrative]. Bandung, Persatuan Islam. Official jour-
nal of the Central Leadership of the Persatuan Islam.
Magazine published at irregular intervals from June 1962
to the present.
Suara Ahlis Sunnah wal Djama'ah [Voice of the people of the
tradition and community]. Djakarta, Persatuan Islam.
Magazine published during 1956.234
At-Taqwa [Reverence]. Bandung, Persatuan Islam. Monthly maga-
zine published from 1937 to 1941.
6. Interviews Having Relevance to a Study
of the Persatuan Islam
Interview with Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, former Indonesian civil
servant and Muslim scholar, in Djakarta on July 10, 1963.
Interview with Abdulkadir Hassan, Chairman of the Universitas
"Pesantren" Persatuan Islam, Kijai Alauddin, Abdullah Musa,
General Director of Al-Muslimun, Mohammad Ali Alhamidy,
and several other officials of the Persatuan Islam's educa-
tional system, at Bangil on July 13, 1963.
Interview with K. H. E. Abdurrahman, General Chairman of the
Persatuan Islam, and Junus Anis, Chairman of the Pemuda
Persatuan Islam, at Bandung on July 21, 1963.
Interview with Fakih Usman, General Secretary of the Muhammadijah
and former Minister of Religious Affairs, in Djakarta on
July 10, 1963.
Interview with Junus Anis, Chairman of the Pemuda Persatuan
Islam, at Bandung on July 21, 1963.
Interview with Mohammad Sofwanhadi, former publisher of the
Surabaja daily Suara Rakjat, during an automobile trip
from Surabaja to Bangil and return on July 13, 1963.
Interview with Timur Jaylani, Director of the Section for Higher
Education of the Department of Religious Affairs, in Dja-
karta, July 9, 1963.BIBLIOGRAPHY II
BACKGROUND AND COMPARATIVE MATERIALS
1. General Reference Works
<Ali, (Abdu-l Mu(ti, "The Muhammadijah Movement: A Bibliographi
cal Introduction." Montreal, McGill University thesis,
1957.
Echols, John M., Preliminary Checklist of Indonesian Imprints
(1945-1949) with Cornell University Holdings. Ithaca,
Cornell, 1965.
Hughes, Thomas Patrick, A Dictionary of Islam. London, W. H.
Allen, 1895.
Republic of Indonesia. Kementerian Penerangan [Ministry of
Information], Republik Indonesia. Djakarta, 1953, 8 vols.
Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch Post-Indie, edited by D. G.
Stibbe and S. de Graaf. The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, and
Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1917-1939, 4 vols. and 4 supplements.
Encyclopedia of Islam. London, Luzac, and Leiden, E. J. Brill,
19l3-1938.	4 vols. and one supplement. New Edition, 195-
and continuing.
Ensiklopedia Indonesia, Bandung and the Hague, Van Hoeve, 1954,
4 vols.
Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam, edited by H. A. R. Gibb and J. H
Kramers. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1953.
2. Monographs, Collections of Writings, Government
and Political Parties Records of Proceedings
Abbas, Zainal 'Arifin, Peri Hidup Muhammad Rasullah s.a.w. [The
Life of Muhammad the Apostle of God]. Medan, Islamyah,
1957, 3 vols. Vol. 1 was originally published under the
title Tarich Nabi Muhammad [Life of the Prophet Muhammad].
SunggaT^ 1939.
235236
Abdur Rahim, Principles of Muhammadan Jurisprudence. London,
Luzac, 1911.
Abil Zayd, Muljammad, Hady al-Rasul [Guidance of the Prophet] .
Cairo, 1925.
Ahmad ibn Sharqawi, Tawhid. Cairo, (n.d.).
Adams, Charles Clarence, Islam and Modernism in Egypt. London,
Oxford University Press, 1933.
Aidit, Dipa Nusantara, Entstehung und Entwicklung der Kommunis-
tischen Partai Indonesiens [Establishment and development
of the Indonesian Communist Party]. Berlin, Dietz, 1956.
Al-Akh Bilaj, Bafrr al-adab [Sea of refinement]. Cairo, Al-JawaJb
al-Misrlyah, 1905, vols.
--------, Safinat al-balaghah [Ship of language]. Cairo, Al-
JawaJb al-Misriyah, 1907 .
--------, Safinat al-nufoat [Ship of syntax]. Cairo, Al-Jawa’b
al-Misriyah, 1907.
Ali, Ameer, The Spirit of Islam. London, Christopher, 1922.
‘All Fikri, Adab al-fata* [Refinement for youth]. Cairo, Al-
Mawsu(at, 1900.
—-------, Al-Samirat al-mufrazzib [Anecdotes of the parties].
Cairo" (n.d.) .
Amelz, H. 0. S. Tjokroaminoto hidup dan perdjuangannja [H. 0. S.
Tjokroaminoto, his life and his struggle]. Djakarta, Bulan
Bintang, 1952.
Amrullah, Dr. Hadji Abdulkarim, Pengantar Usui Fiqh [Introduc-
tion to principles of jurisprudence]. Djakarta, Djajamurni,
1961.
Arslan, Amir Shakib, Lima dha ta^khkharah al-Muslimun [Why the
Muslims became backward]. Appeared in Indonesian in
Pembela Islam in 1932 and 1933 with the title Kenapa Orang
Islam Mundur, and in 1957 it was published under the title
Menapa Kaum Muslimun Mundur. Djakarta, Bulan Bintang,
Tvsr.-----------------------
Aziz, M. A., Japan's Colonialism and Indonesia. The Hague,
Martinus Nijhoff, 1955.
Benda, Harry, and McVey, Ruth T., The Communist Uprisings of
1926-1927 in Indonesia. Ithaca, Cornell University Press,
i^rn-------------------237
Blumberger, J. Th. Petrus, De Nationalistische Beweging in
Nederlandsch-Indie [The Nationalist Movement in the Nether-
lands Indies] . Haarlem, T. D. Tjeenk Willink fj Zoon, 1931.
Bousquet, Georges Henri, A French View of the Netherlands Indies
New York, Institute of Pacif ic Relations, 1940. A transla-
tion by Philip E. Lilenthal of La Politique musulmane et
colonial des Pays-Bas. Paris, Paul Hartmann, 1939.
--------, Introduction a 1 * 6tude de l1Islam indondsien [Intro-
duct ioiTTo_TEe-Tnidy_^T-TnHoiresTairTsTamr! Paris, Paul
Geuthner, 1938. Reprinted from Revue des dtudes islamiques
XII (1938), pp. 135-260.
Djabar, Umar Abdul, Khulasat al-nur al-jaqln [Resume of Nur al-
j aqin by A^mad Khudari, Cairo, 1925] . Surabaja, 1930.
Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Maurice, Muslim Institutions, translated
from French by John D. MacGregor. London, George Allen §
Unwin, 1950.
Geertz, Clifford, Modjokuto: Religion in Java. Boston, Massa-
chusetts Institute of Technology, 1958.
Geertz, Clifford, Religion in Java. Glencoe, 111., The Free
Press, 1960.
Gelanggang, A. H., Rahsia Pemerontakan Atjeh dan Kegagalan
Politik Mr. S. M. Amin [Secrets of the Atjehnese rebellion
and the failure of the politics of S. M. Amin]. Kutaradja,
Pustaka Murna Hati, 1956.
Gibb, H. A. R., Modern Trends in Islam. Chicago, University of
Chicago, 1947.
--------, Whither Islam. London, Gollancz, 1932.
von Grunebaum, G. E., Islam: Essays in the nature and growth of
a cultural tradition. London, Routledge 5 Kegan Paul,
1955.
ter Haar, Berend, Adat Law in Indonesia, translated from Dutch
by A. Arthur Schiller and E. Adamson Hoebel. New York,
Institute of Pacific Relations, 1948.
Hakim, (Abdul Hamid, Al-Bayan [Clarification--of usul al-fiqh],
Sumatra, (1930).
Hall, Daniel George Edward, Historians of Southeast Asia.
London, Oxford University Press, 1961.
, A History of Southeast Asia. London, Macmillan, 1955.238
Hamka (Hadji Abdulmalik Karim Amrullah), Dibawah lindungan Kabah
[In the shadow of the Ka<abah]. Djakarta^ Balai Pustaka,
1956	(6th edition).
--------, Peladjaran Agama Islam [Teachings of the Islamic Reli-
gion]"! Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1956.
--------, Pribadi [My Life]. Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1957.
--------, Tenggelamnja Kapal Van der Wyck [Sinking of the ship
Van der Wyck]. Dj akarta, Balai Pustaka, 1961 [6th edition)
Hamzah, Junus Anis, Hamka sebagai pengarang Roman; sebuah studio
sastra [Hamka as a writer of novels; a study of literature]
Dj akarta, Mega Bookstore, 1964.
--------, Tenggelamnja kapal Van der Wyck dalam polemik dengan
bantuan H° R. Jasin ["The sinking of the Van der Wyck'' in
the polemic with the followers of H. R. Jasin]. Djakarta,
Mega Bookstore, 1963.
Hany, A. D., Kursus Bahasa Arab [Arab language instruction].
Djogjakarta, Walfadjri, [n.d.).
Hindley, Donald, The Communist Party of Indonesia 1951-1963.
Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press,
1964.
Hutasoit, M., Compulsory Education in Indonesia. Paris, UNESCO,
1954. A part of the UNESCO series of studies on compulsory
education.
Republic of Indonesia. Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indo-
nesian [Parliament], Risalah Perundingan, 1950 to the
present.
--------, Kementarian Penerangan [Ministry of Information],
Kepartaian dan Parlementaria Indonesia [Indonesian parties
and parliamentaria]. Dj akarta, 1954.
--------, Konstituante [Constituent Assembly], Tentang Dasar
Negara Republik Indonesia dalam Konstituante [Toward a
national philosophy for the Indonesian Republic in the
Constituent Assembly]. Bandung, 1958, 1959, 1960, 3 vols.
Jay, Robert R., Religion and Politics in Rural Central Java.
New Haven, Yale University Press, 1963.
Jaylani, Timur, "The Sarekat Islam: its contribution to Indone-
sian nationalism." Montreal, McGill University thesis,
1957	.239
Kahin, George McTurnan, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia.
Ithaca, Cornell University, 1932.
Khadduri, Mejid, and Liebesny, Herbert J., Law in the Middle
East. Washington, Middle East Institute, 1955.
van der Kroef, J. M., Indonesia in the Modern World. Bandung,
Masa Baru, 1954, 1956, 2 vols.
Landon, Kenneth Perry, Southeast Asia: Crossroad of Religions.
Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1949.
Levy, Reuben, The Social Structure of Islam. Cambridge, Univer-
sity PressJ 1957 .
al-Manfalupi, Mustafa ibn Muhammad Lutfi, Al-Nazarat [Consider-
ations]. Cairo, Al-Rahmaniyah, 1920, 3 vols.
Mansur, K. H. Mas, Risalah Tauhid dan Sjirik [Book of belief
(tawhld) and disbelief (shirk)]. Surabaja, Peneleh, (1949).
von der Mehden, Fred R., Religion and Nationalism in Southeast
Asia. Madison, University of Wisconsin, 1963.
Muhammadijah, Panitia Pusat Perajaan 40 Tahun berdirinja
Perserikatan [Central committee for celebration of the
fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the organiza-
tion] , Kitab 40 Tahun Muhammadijah [Yearbook for the
Fortieth Anniversary of the Muhammadijah]. Djakarta, 1952.
--------, Pengurus Besar [headquarters], Anggaran Dasar Muham-
madi j ah dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga [Statutes of the Muham-
madi j ah and its internal organs]. Djogjakarta, 1952.
--------, Pusat Pimpinan [Central board], Tafsir Anggaran
Pimpinan Muhammadijah [Commentary on the statutes of the
Muhammadijah). Djogjakarta, 1954.
Munsji, Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, Kalilah wa dimnah [Gems and
traces]. Djakarta, Balai Pustaka, (n.d.).
Nahdlatul Ulama, Anggaran Dasar dan Peraturan Rumah Tangga
[Statutes of the Nahdlatul Ulama and its internal organs].
Given in full in Hadji Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K.
H. A. Wahid Hasjim, pp. 520 ff.
--------, Verslag-Congress Nahdlatul 'Oelama' Jang ke 14 di Kota
Malang-6-7 Juli 1939 [Report of the 14th congress of the
Nahdlatul Ulama at Malang from 6 to 7 July 1939]. Sura-
baja, 1940.
---, Pokok2 Uraian didalam Pidato Kampanje Pemilihan Umum
untuk~Konstituante, 20 Oktober 1955 [Bases of analysis in240
campaign speeches for the general election to the Constitu-
ent Assembly, October 20, 1955]. Given in Risalah, No. 5
(1955).
Naim, Mochtar, "The Nahdlatul Ulama Party (1952-1955)." Mon-
treal, McGill University thesis, 1960.
The Netherlands, Indische Verslag:	Tekst van het verslag van
bestuur en staat van Nederlandsch-Indie, 1930-1940 [Indies
Report: text of the report of the administration and gov-
ernment of the Netherlands Indies], The Hague, Rijksuit-
geverij dienst van de Nederlandsche Staatcourant.
van Nieuwenhuijze, C. A. 0., Aspects of Islam in Post-Colonial
Indonesia. The Hague and Bandung, Van Hoeve, 1958.
Noer, Deliar, "Masjumi: Its organization, ideology and political
role in Indonesia." Ithaca, Cornell University thesis,
1960.
Okuma Memorial Social Sciences Research Institute of Waseda
University, Indonesia ni Okeru Nihon Gunsei no Kenkyu
[Research on the Japanese Military Administration in Indo-
nesia]. Tokyo, Kinokuniya Shoten, 1959. Translated from
Japanese by Joint Publications Research Service of the
United States Department of Commerce in October 1963, JPRS
#21,359.
Palmier, Leslie H., Indonesia. New York, Walkers and Co., 1965.
Partai Sjarikat Islam Indonesia, Tafsir Program--Asas, 1931
[Commentary on the basic program of the party, 1931].
Given in Amelz, H. 0. S. Tjokroaminoto, hidup dan perdju-
angannj a, II, pp~ 15- 56 .
Patton, Walter Melville, Ahmad Ibn Hanbal and the Mihna.
Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1897.
Pergerakan Tarbijah Islamijah (Perti), Undang-undang dasar
Partai Islam "Perti" [Constitution of the "Perti" Islamic
Party]. Given in Kepartaian dan Parlementaria Indonesia,
pp. 427-440.
Pirngadie, Lt. Col. Rudy, Peristiwa P.R.R.I.: Ditindjau dari
sudut sedjarah TNI. Djakarta, N. V. Endang, 1958. Trans-
lated into English as The PRRI Affair (As seen in the light
of the history of the Indonesian National Army). Dj akarta,
Nusantara, 1958.
Pluvier, Dr. J. M., Overzicht van de ontwikkeling der National-
istische Beweging in Indonesie in de Jaren 1930 tot 1942
[Survey of the development of the nationalist movement m
Indonesia in the years from 1930 to 1942] . The Hague and
Bandung, Van Hoeve, 1953.241
Prins, Jan, Adat en islamieten plichtenleer [Adat and Muslim
obligatory law]. The Hague, Van Hoeve, 1954.
Raliby, Osman, Documenta Historica: Sedjarah dokumenter dari
pertumbuhan dan perdjuangan Negara Republik Indonesia
[Historical Documents: documents from the rise and struggle
of the Republic of Indonesia]. Djakarta, Bulan Bintang,
1953.
al-Rashldl, Husayn ibn Sulayman, Bulugh al-maram [Attainment of
the goal], being a book of hadiths. Cairo, Al-Wahabiyah,
1881.
van Ronkel, Ph. S., De Roman van Amir Hamzah [The legend of
Amir Hamzah]. Leiden, University of Leiden, 1895.
Salim, Hadji Agus, Gods laaste boodschap, De universele gods-
dienst [God's last message, the universal religion]. Dja-
karta, Sumber Ilmu, 1937. Reprinted in part in Djedjak
Langkah Hadji A. Salim, pp. 257-288.
--------, Keterangan filsafat tentang Tauhid, Taqdir dan
Tawakkal [Clarification of divine unity {tawhid) , Tate
{taqdir) and submission {tawakkal)]. Djakarta, Tintamas,
1953. Reprinted in Djedjak Langkah Hadji Agus Salim, pp.
329-386.
--------, Tjeritera Isra dan Mi'radj Nabi Muhammad elm [Story
of the isra) and mi Kraj of the Prophet Muhammad]. Dja-
karta, Sumber Ilmu, 1933. Reprinted in Djedjak Langkah
Hadji A. Salim, pp. 207-244.
Schrieke, Bertran Johannes Otto, Indonesian Sociological
Studies. The Hague and Bandung, Van Hoeve, 1957, 2" vols.
Ash-Shiddieqy, Mohammed Hasbi, Dasar-Dasar Pemerintahan Islam
[Bases for an Islamic government]. Medan, Saiful, 1950.
--------, 2002 Mutiara Hadiets terdjemah dan sjarah hadiets
[2002 treasured hadith, translated with their basis].
Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1954, 6 vols.
--------, Al-Islam: Tugas hidup seorang Muslim [Islam: Duties
of the individual Muslim]. Medan, Tokobuku "Islamyah,"
1952, 2 vols.
--------, Kitab Hukum Islam, [Book of Islamic Law]. Djakarta,
Pustaka Islam, 1962.
--------, Kullyah 'Ibadah:	'ibadah ditindjau dari segi hukum
dan hikmah [Course in worship: worship as surveyed from
the viewpoint of law and intelligence]. Djakarta, Bulan
Bintang, 1963.242
Ash-Shiddieqy, Moehammad Hasbi, Kursus sembahjang dan doa
[Course in ritual worship and prayer]. Medan, Pustaka
Madju, 1950.
--------, Kursus tjepat sembahjang [Quick course on worship].
Medan" Pustaka Madju, 1951.
--------, Lembaga pribadi [Model for the individual]. Medan,
Pustaka Maaju, T951.
--------, Pedoman berumah tangga [Guide for the household].
Medan" Pustaka Madju, 1952.
--------, Pedoman hukum sjar'y jang berkembang dalam 1 alam
Islamy" sunny [Guide to sharl <ah law as it developed in the
Sunni Muslim world]. Djakarta, Pustaka Islam, 1956-1958,
3 vols.
--------, Pedoman Puasa [Guide on Fasting], Djakarta, Bulan
Bintang, 1963.
--------, Pedoman Shalat [Guide to prayer]. Medan, Islamyah,
1951.
--------, Pemindahan darah (blood transfusion) dipandjang dari
sudut hukm agama Islam [Blood transfusion as seen from the
viewpoint of Islamic religious law]. Djakarta, Bulan
Bintang, 1954.
--------, Pengantar hukum Islam [Guide to Islamic law], Dja-
karta, Bulan Bintang, 1963.
--------, Pokok-pokok Ilmu Dirajajah Hadiets [The bases for the
science of hadlth]. Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1958.
--------, Polygarni menurut hukum Islam [Polygamy according to
Islamic law]. Dj akarta, Bulan Bintang, 195 5.
--------, Sedjarah dan pengantar Ilmu Tafsir [History and guide
for sciences of Qur>anic commentary]. Djakarta, Bulan
Bintang, 1954, several vols.
--------, Sedjarah kehakiman dalam Pemerintahan2 Islam [The
history of justice in Islamic governments]. Medan,
Islamyah, 1950.
--------, Tafsir al-Quranul madj ied [Commentary on the Qu^an].
Djakarta, Bulan Bintang, 195-, 30 vols.
--------, Zakah dan Fitrah [Almsgiving]. Djakarta, Bulan
Bintang, 1958.243
Shiddiq, K. H. Mahfudz, Disekitar Soal Idjtihad dan Taqlid [Con-
cerning the question of igtihad and taqlidJ. Dj akarta,
Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama, 1959.
Simon, Gottfried, The Progress and Arrest of Islam in Sumatra.
London, Edinburgh and New York, Marshall Brothers, 1912.
Sitorus, L. M., Sedjarah Pergerakan Kebangsaan Indonesia [The
History of the Indonesian Nationalist Movement]. Djakarta,
Pustaka Rakj'at, 1951.
Smith, Wilfred Cantwell, Islam in Modern History. Princeton,
Princeton University Press, 1957.
Snouck Hurgronje, Christiaan, The Achehnese, translated from
Dutch by R. J. Wilkinson. London, Luzac, and Leiden, E. J.
Brill, 1906, 2 vols.
--------, De Islam in Nederlandsch-Indie [Islam in the Nether-
land s_TndTes"J7 Baarn, Hollandia Drukkerij , 1913.
--------, Mekka in the Nineteenth Century, translated from Dutch
by J. H. Monahan. London, Luzac, TD31.
--------, Verspreide Geschriften [Collected Works]. Bonn and
Leipzig, Kurt Schroeder, TD23-1927, several volumes.
Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi [Under the banner of revolu-
tion"]"^ edited by K. Goenadi and Mualliff Nasution. Dja-
karta, Panitya Penerbit Dibawah Bendera Revolusi, 1963,
2 vols.
--------, Indonesia menggugat Pidato Pembelaan Bung Karno dimuka
Hakim Konial [Indonesia accuses: Dung Karno's defense
before the Colonial Court]. Djakarta, S. K. Seno, 1956.
Supatmo, Raden, Animistic Beliefs and Religious Practices of
the Japanese’^ New York, East Indies Institute of America,
TMT.---------
Supomo, Prof. Dr. R., The Provisional Constitution of the
Republic of Indonesia, translated from Indonesian by Garth
M. Jones. Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1961.
Suryaningrat, S., Het herdenkingfeest van het 10-jarig bestaan
den vereniging "Boedi Oetomo," 1908-20 Mei-1918 [The com-
memoration celebration of the tenth anniversary of the
"Budi Utomo" 1908-20 May-1918]. Amsterdam, Oud en Nieuw,
1918.
Temvang, A. M. A., Beladjar Huruf Al-Quran [Learning the letters
of the Qu^an]"! Djakarta, N. V. Versluiys, (n.d.).244
Vandenbosch, Amry, The Dutch East Indies. Berkeley and Los
Angeles, University o£ California Press, 1942.
Wajdl, Muhammad Farid, Aw<Jat al-Tafsir/al-mushaf al-mufassar
[Commentary--the Qur’an clarified]. Cairo, (n.d.).
Wolf, Charles, Jr., The Indonesian Story: The birth, growth and
structure of the Indonesian Republic. New York, John Day,
1948.
Zwemer, Samuel M., Across the World of Islam. New York,
Fleming H. Revell, 1929.
Al-DIbaj [Fine verse]. Cairo, (n.d.).
Mabadi’ qira’ah rashidah [Introduction to good recitation].
Cairo, (n.d.).
3. Articles and Parts of Books
Abbas, H. Siradjuddin, "Pidato di Parlemen tanggal 20 Oktober
1951" [Speech in parliament on October 20, 1951] in Dewan
Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indonesia, Risalah Perundingan,
1951, XIV, pp. 7137-7143.
Abbas bin Thaha, Hadji, "Talaffoezh Niat" [Pronouncing the
intention], Al-Hoeda, No. 91 (1934); reprinted in Pembela
Islam, No. 6 (April 1933) , pp. 35-39.
Aidit, Dipa Nusantara, "Report to the Second Plenum of the
Indonesian Communist Party Central Committee on November 8
and 10," translation from Indonesian by an unknown trans-
lator. From Harian Rakjat, November 11, 1954.
Al-Alawie, Saijjid Toelan, "Al-Irsjad in actie?" [The activity
of al-Irsjad?], a letter to Pembela Islam, dated March 10,
1932. Pembela Islam, No. 45 (April 1932), pp. 13-16.
Berg, C. C., "The Islamization of Java," Studia Islamica, IV
(1950), pp. 111-142.
Centraal Comite al-Islam Indonesia (Surabaia), "Surat tantangan
ke J. J. ten Berge di Mantillan" [Letter of challenge to
J. J. ten Berge in Mantillan] dated August 17, 1931,
Pembela Islam, No. 32 (August 1931), pp. 27-28.
Compton, Boyd, "President Sukarno and the Islamic State," News-
letter of the Institute of Current World Affairs, March 8,
1952 .245
Drewes, G. W. J., "Indonesia: Mysticism and Activism" in Gustav
E. von Grunebaum, Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization.
Chicago, University of Chicago, 1955, pp. 284- 310 .
Feith, Herbert, "Dynamics of Guided Democracy" in Ruth T. McVey
(ed.). Indonesia, pp. 309-409.
Galbraith, Willard, "Native Socio-Political Problems of the
Netherlands Indies." Basic Report from the American Con-
sulate General in Batavia, Java, March 10, 1941.
Hanna, Willard A., "Indonesia’s Political Parties," American
Universities Field Staff Reports, December 27, 1956 and
December 29, 1956, 2 parts.
--------, "The Rebel Cause," American Universities Field Staff
Reports, October 9, 1959.
Hoesin, Oemar Amin, "Sedjarah perkembangan politik modern di
Indonesia" [History of modern political development in
Indonesia], Hikmah, VIII, No. 20/21 (May 21, 1955), pp.
21, 24-26.
Hood, Mantle, "The Enduring Tradition: Music and Theater in
Java and Bali" in Ruth T. McVey (ed.), Indonesia, pp. 438-
471.
Indonesia. Kementerian Penerangan [Department of Information],
"Sekitar Pemeriksaan Perkara-perkara Affandi Ridhwan dan
Achmad Buchari" [Concerning the trials of Affandi Ridhwan
and Achmad Buchari]. Djakarta, 1954.
Johns, Anthony H., "Genesis of a Modern Literature" in Ruth T.
McVey (ed.), Indonesia, pp. 410-437.
Kahin, George, "Indonesian Politics and Nationalism" in William
L. Holland (ed.), Asian Nationalism and the West. New
York, Macmillan, 1953, pp. 67-196.
Kawet, J. B., "Speech in Committee I of the Constituent Assem-
bly," Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia dalam
Konstituante) pp. 12-13.
Mansur, A. R. Sutan, "Ringkasan pidato Ketua Pusat Pimpinan
Muhammadijah Indonesia A. R. Sutan Mansur" [Summary of the
speech of A. R. Sutan Mansur, chairman of the Central
Leadership of the Muhammadijah], Universitas Muhammadijah
pembukaan Fakultas Falsafah dan Hukum Muhammadijah [The
Muhammadijah University inaugurates a Faculty of Philosophy
and Law]. Sumatera Tengah, 1955.246
van der Meulen, D., "The Mecca Pilgrimage and its importance to
the Netherlands East Indies," The Asiatic Review, XXXVI
(July 1940), pp. 589-597.
Moeslim Indonesier (anonymous), "Perkawinan Sjarifah dengan
Indonesier" [Marriage of a sharlfah with an Indonesian]
being an undated letter, Pembela Islam, No. 48 (June 1932),
pp. 17-18.
Mudzakkar, 'Abdul Qahar, "Konsepsi Negara Demokrasi Indonesia"
[Conception of an Indonesian democratic state]. Typescript,
1960 .
Nahdlatul Ulama, Pengurus Besar, "Pedoman Kampanje Pemilihan
Umum untuk Madjlis Konstituante 20 Oktober 1953" [Guide to
the campaign for generals elections to the Constituent
Assembly, October 20, 1953], Risalah Politik, No. 5 (1955).
Pijper, C. F., "De Ahmadijah in Indonesie," Bingkisan Budi.
Leiden, A. W. Sijthhoff, 1950, pp. 247-254.
Rahbar, M. D., "Shah Wall Ullah and Ijtihad," The Muslim World,
XLIV (--------1955), pp. 346-358.
Salim, Hadji Agus, "Tauhid (De belijdenis van de Enige God)"
[The divine unity--confession that there is only one God],
Sumber Ilmu, No. 1 (1935); reprinted in Djedjak Langkah
Hadji A. Salim, pp. 245-256.
Schacht, Joseph, "The Law" in Gustav von Grunebaum, Unity and
Variety in Muslim Civilization. Chicago, University of
Chicago, 1955, pp. 65-86.
Ash-Shiddieqy, Moehammad Hasbi, "Bid'ah lebih berbahaja dari
Ma'shiat" [Innovation is more dangerous than disobedience],
Hudjdjatul Islam, I, No. 1 (August 1956), pp. 26-29.
Sophy, Moehammed Aviar A., "Orang isteri itoe mendjadi radja
dalam roemah tangga takinja" [Woman is the ruler in the
house of her husband], Pembela Islam, No. 35 (October 1931),
pp. 7-11.
Thaha, Hadji Abbas bin, "Taladfoezh niat" [Pronouncing the
ntyah], Pembela Islam, No. 60 (April 1933), pp. 35-39;
also appeared in Al-Hoeda on an unknown date.
Westra, H., "Custom and Muslim Law in the Netherland East
Indies," Transactions of the Grotius Society, XXV (1939),
pp. 151-1577
"Djema'at Ahmadijah" in Republik Indonesia: Propinsi Djawa
Timur, pp. 805-806.247
"Indonesian Army Report on the Restoration of Security" origi-
nally appearing in Pikiran Rakjat, from February 25 to
March 10, 1961. Translated from Indonesian and appearing
in Selected Translations on Indonesia, No. 4. Joint
Publications Research Service of the United States Depart-
ment of Commerce. JPRS #8286 (May 17, 1961).
"Mohammedaansche Eeredienst" in Indische Verslag, 1930, pp.
310-313.
"Perkembangan Kebatinan," Republik Indonesia: Propinsi Djawa
Timur, pp. 813-835.
Piagam Djakarta" [Djakarta Charter], Republik Indonesia:
Kotapradja Djakarta Raja, p. 34.
"PSII" [Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia], in Indonesia. Kepar-
taian dan Parlementaria Indonesia, pp. 335-386.
4. Periodicals and Newspapers
Hikmah [Wisdom]. Djakarta. Weekly magazine published from
T947 to 1960.
Al-Hoeda [Guide]. Djakarta, Al-Irsj ad. Monthly magazine pub-
lished during the early 1930 * s.
Al-Islam. Medan. Monthly magazine published during the mid-
rSTO's.
Minggu Abadi. Djakarta. Sunday edition of Abadi, Masjumi
Party newspaper published throughout the 1950's.
PRRI Bulletin: Voice of New Indonesia. New York. Weekly
magazine published from October 1958 to June 1959, 16 nos.
Suara Masjumi [The Voice of Masjumi]. Djakarta, Masjumi.
Newspaper published three times monthly from 1954 to July
1957 .