OLD JAVANESE (KAWI)
A. S. Teselkin
Translated and edited with
a preface by
John M. Echols
TRANSLATION SERIES
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Modern Indonesia Project
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1972
$3.50OLD JAVANESE (KAWI)
by
A. S. Teselkin
Translated and edited with
a preface by
John M. Echols
TRANSLATION SERIES
Modern Indonesia Project
Southeast Asia Program
Cornell University
Ithaca, New York
1972©	1972 CORNELL MODERN INDONESIA PROJECTPREFACE
This is a translation of A. S. Teselkin's Drevnejavanskii
Jazyk (Kawi) which was published in Moscow in 1963. It provides
a brief survey of the phonology, morphology and syntax of Old
Javanese and thus resembles a "structural sketch." It also
gives a short description of the literature and of the scholar-
ship in this field. While it is true that there are several
detailed studies of Old Javanese by Dutch and Indonesian schol-
ars in Dutch and Indonesian respectively, as well as numerous
textbooks in Indonesian, the translator is not aware of any
other concise overall statement of this language. It is hoped
that this translation will serve as an introduction to the lan-
guage for the non-specialist and will also make this work avail-
able to a wider audience. When one considers the present state
of Old Javanese studies, it is not likely that scholars will
agree with everything in this book. Perhaps this survey will
serve to stimulate further discussion and research.
The editor has provided a glossary of all Old Javanese
words cited in the text and has cross-referenced affixed forms
to their bases.
In the bibliography are to be found all items cited in the
text together with Prof. E. M. Uhlenbeck's indispensable A
Critical Survey of Studies on the Languages of Java and Madurg.
The latter contains all publications which appeared prior to
1964. Also listed in the brief bibliography are several sig-
nificant items which have been published since the appearance
of Prof. Uhlenbeck's bibliographical survey.
I wish to thank Mrs. Avgusta Jaryc for her help at numerous
points in the translation. Prof. Benedict Anderson also pro-
vided editorial and professional assistance. Finally, Mr.
Matthew Charles made numerous useful suggestions. To all of
them I am grateful, but any errors are my responsibility.
John M. Echols
July 6, 1971
Cornell UniversityTABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTION .................................................. 1
A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE .................................... 7
THE WRITING SYSTEM............................................ 13
The Meaning of the Letters..............................  14
The Sounds......................................... 14
Vowels............................................. 16
The Consonants..................................... 20
Combinatory Changes (Morphophonemics) ................... 22
Lexicon.................................................. 26
GRAMMATICAL SYSTEM . ......................................... 31
Parts of Speech . ....................................... 32
Substantives ...................................... 35
Pronouns..........................................  38
Numerals........................................... 40
The Verb..........................................  41
Adjectives......................................... 49
Linking-Words.....................................  49
Syntax................................................... 54
The Sentence............................................. 57
APPENDIX.....................................................  67
GLOSSARY...................................................... 68
BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................ 106
vINTRODUCTION
The first historical information concerning Java is con-
tained in Chinese chronicles according to which in the middle
of the seventh century A.D. Java was divided into three states
(their names are established only approximately)--in the western
part Taruma, in the center Kalinga, in the east a state, the
capital of which was located south of the modern city of Sura-
baja. By that time Java, like the neighboring regions of Indo-
nesia, had undergone the cultural influence of India. That was
evident, in particular, in the fact that the rulers of the Java-
nese states accepted diverse religious currents of Indian origin.
From information available to us, Central Java was under the
hegemony of the Buddhist rulers of the Sailendra dynasty during
the first half of the eighth century, but in the eastern reaches
of the island adherents of the religious faith of Sivaism pre-
vailed. In the ninth and the beginning of the tenth century
the Sivaites had a firm foothold in Central Java. At the begin-
ning of the tenth century Central Java underwent a period of
decline which was probably brought on by contention among
dynasties.
The period 929-1222 was a significant stage in the develop-
ment of Javanese culture. The state which was located in the
eastern part of the island where Indian influence was consider-
ably weaker than in Central Java achieved the greatest flowering
and sway. Study of written materials as well as historical re-
search permit one to conclude that at that period in East Java
an Indonesian, not an Indian, civilization flourished.
The economic development of this area was conducive to the
growth of the state of East Java. There was an expanded area
of cultivable land and trade relations were extended to other
states. Evidence is available of the existence at that time of
trade relations with the Moluccas, with the island of Sumatra,
and with the Malay Archipelago. East Java had a close politico-
economic relationship with its neighbor, the island of Bali,
which is especially attested to by the fact that in the tenth
century one of the rulers of Bali was married to a great grand-
daughter of Mpu Sindok--ruler of East Java.
The ruler Dharmawangsa Teguh (985-1006) ordered the codifi-
cation of Javanese laws and encouraged the translation into Old
Translator's note:	In the text that follows the abbreviations
OJ and Skt represent Old Javanese and Sanskrit.
12
Javanese of Sanskrit works. From this time too begins the de-
velopment of a written literature in the Old Javanese language
which subsequently received the appellation Kawi (poetical).
The language has left numerous written monuments, chiefly from
the ninth to the thirteenth century. At the present time it
is not in use and one can judge it only from what can be gleaned
from surviving written documents (literary or other kinds of
works) and from a comparative-historical study of the languages
of Indonesia.
From the ninth to the thirteenth century Kawi was used in
ancient Java exclusively as the written language and was signifi-
cantly different from the spoken Javanese language of that time.
This came about by virtue of the fact that approximately ninety
percent of the Kawi lexicon was borrowed from Indie languages.
One should note that in a Kawi text the frequency of occurrence
of indigenous Javanese words significantly exceeds those of
Sanskrit origin. In its grammatical system Kawi is a typical
representative of the Indonesian family of languages and differs
only slightly in this respect from modern Javanese. Thus, Kawi,
being almost exclusively Indie in the origin of its lexicon,
nevertheless remains a language of the Indonesian group. There
is no doubt that Kawi appeared as a consequence of the strong
influence of the lexicon of the Indie languages upon the ancient
Indonesian language of the indigenous peoples on the island of
Java.
Traces of the cultural influence of India appear not only
in the languages but also in the literature, in the theater art,
in sculpture and in the painting of modern Indonesia. On the
islands of Java and Bali up to the present day the ruins of
great numbers of Hindu and Buddhist temples remain, the majority
of the Balinese even now profess religions of Indie origin and
the heroes of the famous Indie works, the Mahabharata and the
Ramayana are still well known even today to the inhabitants of
Indonesia. The subjects of these works serve as the basis for
the creation of plays for the Javanese national theater. The
influence of India is also visible on Java as well as in certain
other neighboring areas of Indonesia from the fact that much
attention has been given to the study of Sanskrit language and
literature. In connection with this many Sanskrit words are to
be found in the Javanese language. Sanskrit words, idioms, and
even entire phrases were widely used in the composition of offi-
cial documents and the writing of literary works. Often these
documents were composed wholly in Sanskrit. This ultimately
brought about the emergence of a special written language, the
vocabulary of which was chiefly Indie but whose grammar remained
Indonesian. Quite a number of Sanskrit words also penetrated
into the spoken language of Java. However, the common people
undoubtedly had no opportunity to study Sanskrit to any extent,
unlike those in the feudal courts and among the clergy. The3
language of official documents and literary works of that time
was therefore unintelligible to the overwhelming majority of the
population of Java. The role of Kawi for ancient Java was pos-
sibly comparable with the role played by Latin in medieval
Europe. Apparently, the appellation Kawi (poetical) was not
accidental. Hence for doing research on Kawi one must take into
account first the fact that it was not a spoken but a written
language. Second, the phenomena peculiar to that language as
to Indonesian should differ from those phenomena which were the
result of the influence of the Indie languages on it. The bulk
of the extant written documents in Kawi date from the ninth to
the thirteenth centuries. Therefore, it is provisionally
assumed that after the thirteenth century Kawi was no longer in
use, although a number of manuscripts in that language were com-
posed even in a later period. All the types of scripts used for
writing down the manuscripts of old Javanese which have come
down to us have an Indie origin. Today we possess no informa-
tion as to whether or not some sort of written language of local
origin existed on Java prior to the appearance of Kawi script.
From the ninth to the thirteenth century the Javanese
possessed no paper; they wrote chiefly on palm leaves. The
separate palm leaves (lontar) were joined together in such a
way as to form a sort of book, which was called a pustaka. A
great number of such books perished; others are so dilapidated
as to be illegible. Far better preserved are the inscriptions
on stone and on metal plates.
The oldest written record of Kawi dates from 809 A.D. In
addition to a number of works of a religious-philosophical char-
acter, various documents and inscriptions have come down to
us which are connected with historical events of that time.
Some of them are of great value for the study of the history of
Java and of all Southeast Asia. In Kawi a rich body of litera-
ture was also created; the majority of the literary works in
Kawi render the contents of Indie works. Thus, in the first
half of the ninth century there appeared on Java an abridgement
of the Indie Eamayana. Later an abridged translation and narra-
tion of separate chapters and parts of the Indie epic Mahabharata
as well as of other Indie works appeared. One should note that
even similar works by Javanese authors bore an independent char-
acter; at times they were supplemented with facts typical only
for Java. Sometimes only the general outline of the plot of the
Indie works survived. On the other hand, in independent works
in Kawi, one sometimes comes across insertions from Indie liter-
ary works.
In Kawi were written not only prose, but also poetic works,
which were characterized by the presence of a special meter and
had the name sekar. These verses were without rhyme and they
were recited in the form of a melody. Similar poetic styles4
have continued in use on Java right up to the present day.
Among the Old Javanese poetic works, Prapantja's Nagarakrtagama
(A Prosperous Country), composed in 1365 A.D., occupies a sig-
nificant place. It is a compendium of facts relating to the
period of the prominent Javanese state of Madjapahit. The
belles-lettres of ancient Java have exerted a strong influence
upon the modern literatures of Indonesia, in the first instance,
upon contemporary Javanese literature.
From the fourteenth century Kawi was used less and less,
gradually giving way to the written form of Middle Javanese.
Individual works, however, were written in Kawi up to the twen-
tieth century. As late as the twentieth century Kawi was studied
in the courts of Javanese feudal lords and in a number of cases
chronicles and genealogies were composed in this language.
The Middle Javanese written language has been studied less
fully than has Kawi. As far as can be determined from the avail-
able information, the Middle Javanese written language was re-
lated to the spoken language to a greater degree than was Kawi.
The difference between Kawi and the Middle Javanese written
language lies mainly in the lexical domain. The writing which
is used in the Middle Javanese texts is, in many respects, dif-
ferent from Kawi script, although not to such a degree as
Tjarakan, the Modern Javanese script.
The period of Modern Javanese begins approximately in the
seventeenth century. In spite of the fact that Modern Javanese
is separated from Kawi by several centuries now, no one doubts
the fact that there is a close genetic relationship between the
two languages. This relationship has been proven in many aca-
demic works by renowned scholars and thus is generally admitted;
it is based, specifically, on the common origin of the original
lexical composition and of a majority of the affixes in both
languages.
The general so-called core words common to both languages as
a rule denote concrete objects, actions, qualities, numbers to
ten and the words for hundred and thousand.1 Besides this, a
substantial resemblance in the grammars and sound systems of
these languages has been established. But at the same time the
two languages differ from each other. The basic differences
between Modern Javanese and Kawi amount in general terms to the
following.
1. In Kawi more words are Indie in origin. It stands to
reason that in Kawi as distinct from Modern Javanese very few
words are of Arabic provenience and absolutely none are borrowed
from European languages.
1. Cf. the section on "Lexicon," p. 26 of the present edition.5
In Modern Javanese there are special strata levels in the
lexicon which are appropriately called "forms of address" or
"language levels." One or other form of address is used depend-
ing on the age or social level of the persons participating in
the dialogue.2 There is no evidence of similar stylistic grada-
tions in the old Kawi literature.
2.	Speaking of differences between the two languages in
the realm of the sound system, one must remember that many words
of Indie origin preserved in Kawi their original phonetic shape
to a greater extent than did those in Modern Javanese. In Kawi,
unlike Modern Javanese, there was no glottal stop. In the ac-
cepted norm of Modern Javanese as spoken in the city of Solo
(Surakarta), a labialized sound [a] is used in a final open
syllable. In Kawi this sound does not occur. At the same time
it should be noted that in a number of Modern Javanese dialects
this sound is also absent.
3.	The Modern Javanese script Tjarakan differs signifi-
cantly from Kawi script in the shape of the letters and symbols;
in the former there are no letters which serve to represent
aspirated consonants. Some letters have changed their meaning.
However, the basic principles of the script have remained the
same.
4.	In the area of syntax some differences are to be ob-
served in the order of the parts of the sentences (in the first
instance, the position of the subject and predicate). The sys-
tem of syntactic words is the same but in fact several words are
different in both languages. Many syntactic words in Modern
Javanese go back to autonomous or semi-autonomous Kawi words.
The noun in Modern Javanese is frequently used in the form of a
collective plurality, whereas that form is very rarely encoun-
tered in Kawi. The adjective in Modern Javanese has more forms
of degree of quality than does the adjective in Kawi.
5.	Several affixes found in Kawi are not used in modern
Javanese. Individual affixes changed their original shape or
began to differ somewhat in their meaning.
In the period of Kawi's existence on Java and neighboring
islands other older written languages were also used--Old Sunda-
nese in West Java, Old Balinese on Bali, and Old Malay in
Sumatra. Although these languages possess a written literature,
it is, as far as one can determine from available data, inferior
to the literature in Kawi both in quality and in quantity. A
comparison of the works of the older written languages of Java
2. Cf. A. S. Teselkin, Javanskii jazyk (Moscow, 1961), pp. 20f.6
and the neighboring islands shows that these works were sometimes
close to each other in content. There is reason to suppose that
these languages could have had some influence upon each other.
Specifically, it has been established that Kawi exerted a very
considerable influence on the lexicon of Old Balinese. This is
explained by the fact that Kawi was sometimes used as the offi-
cial language of Bali when the latter island was a vassal of
Java. On the whole, however, the question of the mutual influ-
ence of the ancient languages of Indonesia is still not suffi-
ciently clarified.A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE
One of the first scientific accounts of the Old Javanese
and Modern Javanese languages was given by Thomas Stamford
Raffles in his two-volume work crammed with factual material,
more than a thousand pages in length.3 Approximately 130 pages
in the second half of the first volume are devoted to a descrip-
tion of Old and Modern Javanese. In all probability, until
Raffles, no one had described them in such detail.
In the book a short description of the old written language
of Java, Kawi, is given; the etymology and meaning of the word
"kawi" ("poetical") is explained and the Kawi language is com-
pared with the Modern Javanese language.4 According to Raffles,
Kawi is to Modern Javanese what Sanskrit is to Prakrit or Pali
is to Burmese or Thai. The author notes that Kawi at that time,
as is the case even now, played a much more important role on
Bali than on Java. If on Java Kawi was preserved almost exclu-
sively as the language of ancient prose and poetry, on Bali it
continued to play a role also as the language of religion and
law codes.5 Worthy of note too is the enormous number of San-
skrit words in Kawi.
In Raffles' book, the main features of the grammars of
Modern Javanese and Kawi are essentially lacking. There are
only scattered references to the fact that in grammatical struc-
ture the Javanese language and Kawi are very similar to the
Malay language, though Raffles considers Javanese grammar more
complicated.
The work of Raffles contains, first of all, a detailed sur-
vey of Javanese literature, mostly older {Paviksit, Manik Maya,
etc.), and an analysis of Javanese poetry. The’text of the Old
3.	T. S. Raffles, The History of Java (London, 1817), 2 v.
4.	The period of the Modern Javanese language begins with the
seventeenth century.
5.	The inhabitants of Bali use their own native Balinese lan-
guage. As for Kawi, for historical reasons it was used in
Bali in ancient times as the language of religion, of legal
proceedings and of official documents, although it was not
intelligible to a majority of the population. Even on Java,
however, Kawi was also incomprehensible to most inhabitants
of the island because of the large number of Sanskrit words.
78
Javanese poetic work Bratayuddha6 is published in toto in romani-
zation, with a translation of all its 719 quatrains into Eng-
lish, as well as detailed commentaries on the text.
An exceptionally significant place in Javanistics is occu-
pied by the work of the famed German linguist, Wilhelm von
Humboldt, titled "On the Kawi Language of Java."7 This work
appeared in the years 1836-1839 and after the death of its
author it played an important role in the development, not only
of Indonesian, but also to a greater degree, of general linguis-
tics. Its content is far from being restricted to a description
of the facts of Old Javanese. As is generally known, Wilhelm
von Humboldt, the greatest linguist of his time, described in
detail in the aforementioned work a series of basic questions
on the formation of the languages of the world, connecting these
questions with the problem of the development of civilization.
The book contains information on all language groups known at
that time, including those in the East, and first of all the
Malayo-Polynesian. Suffice it to say that already at that time von
Humboldt was describing the facts of such languages as Malagasy,
Tagalog, Tahitian, the language of the Sandwich Islands and
others. The three volume work of von Humboldt numbers approxi-
mately 1500 pages. Of these only 200 are devoted to the Kawi
language proper. The author does, however, devote more than a
third of the first volume to a discussion of the influence of
Indie civilization on Indonesia, in the first instance on Java.
The author expresses his appreciation for the work of the
Englishmen Raffles and Crawfurd in the area of Kawi studies.
According to von Humboldt, he relied in his description of Kawi
chiefly on the materials which he obtained from Raffles and
Crawfurd. Undoubtedly, however, the description of Kawi given
by von Humboldt surpasses all previous works both in extent and
in depth of content. It was the first truly scientific work on
Kawi. Speaking about Kawi grammar von Humboldt points out that
the latter is very similar to the grammar of Modern Javanese.
In this connection he considers it possible to explain the gram-
matical phenomena of Kawi from the point of view of the modern
language.8 For in the analysis of the grammatical system of
6.	Raffles translated the title of this work as "The Sacred (or
Great) War." Wilhelm von Humboldt, however, pointed out that
the correct translation is "War of the Brata Clan" (cf. von
Humboldt, see fn. 7).
7.	W. von Humboldt, Uber die Kawisprache auf der Insel Java,
Bde 1-3 (Berlin, 1836-1839).
8.	In this case Humboldt relied on the grammar of the Javanese
language compiled by the Dutch linguist Gericke (see J. F. C.
Gericke, Eerste gronden der javaansche taal (Batavia, 1831).9
Kawi the author was in a position to utilize only the text of the
work Bvatayuddha.9 Since that work was poetical, its grammatical
system, as von Humboldt shows, can differ somewhat from the
grammar of prose texts.
Speaking about Kawi, the author writes that this language
is Javanese in origin and differs from the spoken language,
firstly, as a literary-written one, and secondly, in the fact
that it absorbed a large number of Sanskrit words. Von Humboldt
credits Crawfurd with determining precisely that Kawi is defi-
nitely of Indonesian and not of Indie origin. As a whole the
book impresses by the breadth of the problems posed combined
with a vast quantity of adduced facts.
Paul Favre's Grammaire javanaise, published in Paris in
1866, also occupies a prominent place. In addition to the above
mentioned work, Favre wrote a grammar of the Malay language and
compiled a French-Javanese dictionary. For the compilation of
his Javanese grammar Favre was in a position to take advantage
of the published works of Raffles, Crawfurd, and von Humboldt.
Investigating the question of the formation of Kawi, the
author assumes that the appearance of Kawi coincided with the
period of penetration on Java of the Indie religions. A similar
supposition was expressed by Crawfurd according to which Kawi
began to take shape in connection with the translation of reli-
gious works from Sanskrit into Old Javanese. Such too was the
opinion held by the Dutch scholar Friederich.10 Considering
the question of the provenience of the written form of Kawi,
Favre cites various points of view. In his opinion, however,
the most acceptable hypothesis is that the Kawi script origi-
nally descended from Devanagari in a remote period, that is,
even before the penetration of Sanskrit into Java.
The work of the well known Dutch scholar Hendrik Kern,
"Researches into the Kawi Language,"* 11 has significance not only
for the practical but also for the theoretical study of this
language. In many respects it resembles von Humboldt's "On the
Kawi Language of Java." Just as in the case of von Humboldt,
Kern's description of Kawi draws widely on comparative materials
and gives general conclusions. The differences between these
two works are appreciable, however. First, von Humboldt's de-
scription of Kawi is subordinated to the much greater problem--
9.	Humboldt used Raffles' History of Java where the text was
published with a translation and commentaries.
10.	P. Favre, Grammaire javanaise (Paris, 1866), p. IV.
11.	H. Kern, Kawi-studien ('s-Gravenhage, 1871).10
that of presenting a general picture of the Malayo-Polynesian
group. Hence the author does not strive to set off the peculiar
features of Kawi, but tries rather to find in it Malayo-Polyne-
sian features. Kern, in his work, sets himself merely the goal
of describing the Kawi language itself. All kinds of parallels
and comparisons with other languages were needed by Kern for re-
vealing those specific features of Kawi which distinguish it
from other Malayo-Polynesian languages. In Kern's time the
affiliation of Kawi to the Malayo-Polynesian languages was al-
ready an indisputable fact which it was unnecessary to prove.
Second, if von Humboldt in the description of Kawi could utilize
as factual material only the works of Crawfurd, Raffles, and
Gericke, there was at Kern's disposal, on the other hand, a
series of solid works on Kawi and on Modern Javanese, specifi-
cally, a number of manuscripts in Old and Middle Javanese which
had been studied by other scholars, as well as dictionaries and
descriptions of the grammatical structure of Kawi. Von Humboldt,
on the other hand, had but a unique text of a poetic work, the
Bratayuddha, only a manuscript glossary of the Modern Javanese
language and only a very brief description of the grammar of
Modern Javanese. For that reason Kern's "Researches" contains
incomparably more factual material on Kawi than does von Hum-
boldt. This circumstance permits Kern to analyze in detail the
phonological system and grammatical structure of Kawi.
The question of Indie borrowings in Javanese is described
in great detail in Gonda's Sanskrit in Indonesia. 12 The author
analyzes Indie borrowings in a number of Indonesian languages,
but chiefly in Old and Modern Javanese. Loan words are studied
in semantic groups, from the standpoint of changes in their
meanings, in their phonetic shapes, and from the point of view
of morphology. Extensive use is made in the book of the inves-
tigations of other scholars.
Lexicography. The first dictionaries of Javanese were pub-
lished in Europe in the first half of the last century. At
first these were short guides to the lexicon, such as G. Bruck-
ner's Een klein woordenboek der Hollandsehe1 Engelsehe en
Javaansohe talen. 13 But by the end of the last century a number
of dictionaries of the older as well as of the modern form of
the language appeared, among which can be mentioned H. H. Juyn-
boll's Oudjavaansch-Nederlandsehe woordenlijst.1h And at the
12.	J. Gonda, Sanskrit in Indonesia (Nagpur, 1952).
13.	G. Bruckner, Een klein woordenboek der Hollandsche,
Engelsehe en Javaansche talen (Batavia, 1842).
14.	H. H. Juynboll, Oudjavaansch-Nederlandsche woordenlijst
(Leiden, 1923).11
beginning of the twentieth century were published solid, care-
fully compiled.dictionaries, as, for example, H. N. van der
Tuuk's Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsoh woordenboek15 in four vol-
umes. Quite a number have been published in the Republic of
Indonesia. A substantial one is that compiled by S. Prawiroat-
modjo, Kamus Besar Djawa-Indonesia.16 In a dictionary of 756
pages, he includes not only the modern lexicon, but also that
of Kawi. The only fault, in our opinion, is the fact that the
lexicographical items are poorly worked out.
Among the modern works should be named Sutjipto Wirjosu-
parto's Candakaranika Adiparwa.17 This dictionary is intended
for the reading and translating of the Old Javanese work
Adiparwa.
A substantial amount of work has been done in the field of
research and in descriptions of various written monuments in
Javanese. Javanese literature, especially the ancient, is the
richest in Indonesia. The most fully described work in Kawi is
the selection from the Indian epic Mahabharata. The best studied
of all is the Old Javanese Adiparwa. Also studied in detail are
such works as the Ramayana (beginning of the tenth century), the
Wirataparwa (end of the tenth century), and others, written on
topics from the Indie Mahabharata.
In addition, a number of Javanese works reflecting Indone-
sian life has also been studied. Some of these are of great
importance for research into the language and in particular the
history of Java:	for example, the historical work Nagarakrtagama
(A Prosperous Country). It was written in the fourteenth cen-
tury in Middle Javanese by the poet Prapantja.
Another significant Javanese work, minutely described in
the works of philologists, is the Pararaton (Book of the Kings),
composed in Middle Javanese in the fourteenth century. The
trustworthiness of the historical information adduced in this
work is less reliable than that in the Nagarakrtagama. Also
investigated has been a substantial collection of religious
tracts, official documents, decrees, etc.
Of scientific publications in which Javanese literary monu-
ments have been published most regularly one should mention, in
15.	H. N. van der Tuuk, Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsch woordenboek,
d. 1-4 (Batavia, 1897-1912).
16.	S. Prawiroatmodjo, Kamus Besar Djawa-Indonesia (Surabaja,
1957).
17.	S. Wirjosuparto, Candakaranika Adiparwa (Djakarta, 1958).12
the first place, two Dutch periodicals which have appeared for
more than one hundred years, namely Tijdsehrift voor Indisahe
Taal-y Land- en Votkenkunde and B-ijdvagen tot de Taat-3 Land-
en Votkenkunde van Nederlands(oh) Indie.
In Indonesia, too, literary monuments have been published.
Thus in 1956 selected Old Javanese monuments and Old Malay in-
scriptions of the seventh to the ninth century were published
in a special edition.18
Great attention to the study of the Old Javanese literary
language Kawi is being given at the present time in Indonesia.
A considerable number of textbooks on Kawi have been published
in Indonesian. Kawi is a required subject in the humanities
curriculum of the upper levels of secondary schools. It is
studied in the philological and the historical faculties of the
Indonesian universities.
The Indonesian linguists A. Prawirasuganda and S. Sauni
have compiled a two-volume "Textbook of Old Javanese"19 for the
upper levels of secondary schools. The Dutch linguist P. J.
Zoetmulder and the Indonesian scholar I. R. Poedjawijatna are
co-authors of a two-volume textbook Bahasa Parwa.20 The reason
for the title is the fact that the Parwa is original material of
parts of the Indian epic Mahabharata put into Kawi. One should
also note the work of the Indonesian linguist S. Wojowasito, en-
titled KawiQastra.21 It contains three parts:	a description
of Kawi affixes, texts in romanization, and glossaries for each
chapter. The book is intended for the upper levels of secondary
schools.
For teaching purposes materials in Kawi are frequently pub-
lished in mimeographed form. For example, in Jogjakarta separate
volumes of parts of the Old Javanese Adiparwa have been issued.22
This work is used as basic material for the elementary study of
Kawi.
18.	J. G. de Casparis, Selected Inscriptions from the Seventh
to the Ninth Century A.D. Prasasti Indonesia II (Bandung,
1956).
19.	A. Prawirasuganda and S. Sauni, Kitab peladjaran Bahasa
Djawa-Kuna, dj. I-II (Bandung, 1954).
20.	P. J. Zoetmulder and I. R. Poedjawijatna, Bahasa Parwa, dj.
I-II (Djakarta, 1954).
21.	S. Wojowasito, Kawiqastra (Djakarta, 1956).
22.	Kitab Adiparwa, dj. I-II (Jogjakarta, 1958).THE WRITING SYSTEM
As we have pointed out above, in Old Javanese the several
kinds of script used were of Indie origin, specifically Sanskrit,
Pallava and Kawi. The majority of works in Old Javanese were
written in Kawi, the origin of which is not precisely determined
and which, as is known, was used only within the boundaries of
Indonesia, indeed almost exclusively on the islands of Java and
Bali. The Kawi script used in Old Javanese was in some respects
different from the script used on Bali. But, undoubtedly, one
should consider them varieties of one and the same script, since
the difference between them is quite insignificant. The Kawi
script was also used in Old Sundanese (West Java). Going back
to it are the forms of the script which are used alongside the
roman script up to the present time in Javanese, Sundanese,
Balinese and Madurese as well as in Sasak, which is spoken on
Lombok.
That Kawi script is Indie in origin is indisputable. In
particular it is similar to Devanagari script in quite a number
of respects, although the forms of a majority of the basic
letters are different. Thus Kawi possesses the feature of syl-
labic writing with the letters being written from left to right
and some of them beneath the preceding letter. Like Sanskrit,
Kawi has separate letters for assigning short and long vowels
(including [r] and [1]) and also for indicating aspirated con-
sonants. There are three letters for the sibilants (in roman
transcription s, s, 5),23 by form and function corresponding
approximately to the Sanskrit symbols virama (which removes the
inherent vowel a), anusvara (which indicates syllable final
[13]), anunasika (which indicates syllable final [A]), and
visarga (which indicates syllable final [h]). All this permits
one to assume that Kawi script underwent a certain influence
from Sanskrit script. One can surmise, specifically, that
Sanskrit letters were borrowed to indicate the cacuminal or
retroflex [t] and [d] with the inherent vowel [a] and also the
symbols visarga and*anusvara. Favoring this assumption is the
fact that corresponding sounds and symbols do not occur in the
two shapes of the script which have been used in other Indone-
sian languages, for example, in Tagalog, Buginese, and others.
Letters which provide indications of retroflex sounds in their
own form remind us of the corresponding Sanskrit letters, and
the symbols anusvara and visarga completely coincide in both
23. In the case of publications on Old Javanese texts at the
present time roman transliteration has been adopted as for
Sanskrit texts.
1314
forms of the script as to shape and place of the writing as well
as to meaning.
On the other hand, in contrast to the Sanskrit script, the
Kawi script has two special signs for indicating short and long
[s] and lacks letters which correspond to the Sanskrit letters
(in transliteration) tha, dha, au.
Kawi script uses 31 letters, each of which represents a
consonant with inherent vowel [a]. These letters are written
from left to right on one line. The letter following can also
occupy a place beneath the preceding. However, it is done only
when necessary to eliminate the inherent vowel of the preceding
letter. In that case, certain letters which are written beneath
the preceding one undergo a certain modification. Some modified
letters are written for a certain purpose (for the removal of
the inherent vowel) not under the preceding letter but to the
right of it.
There are also special letters and symbols for indicating
vowel sounds. Some of them are used almost exclusively to indi-
cate short vowels at the beginning of a word, others for indi-
cating long vowels, still others as substitutes for a real vowel
Finally, as has been shown above, there are four additional sym-
bols which in their functions correspond to the Sanskrit symbols
virama, anusvara, visarga and anunasika.
When Old Javanese texts are published in Indonesia, in
addition to a roman transliteration, a transliteration created
on the basis of the modern national Javanese script, supple-
mented by a series of special letters and symbols, is also used.
The Meaning of the Letters
The Sounds
Determination of the sound system of Kawi poses a most
difficult problem. The lexicon and grammar of Kawi have been
described more fully than the phonological structure. Meanwhile
these problems are obviously very important, as their successful
resolution would make it possible to throw light on the sound
system of spoken Old Javanese. Kawi, beyond any doubt, was
formed on the basis of spoken Old Javanese, but of this language
we so far know almost nothing.
Research into the phonological system of Kawi is compli-
cated by a series of circumstances. The fact that Kawi is today
a dead language offers us no possibility of establishing the
phonetic characteristics of the sounds. Furthermore, in the
period from the ninth to the thirteenth century the same letters15
were used for the rendition of different sounds. Those who were
well acquainted with Sanskrit read the same letters slightly
differently than those who were less at home in Sanskrit.
The matter is complicated to an even greater degree by the
fluctuation of the spelling:	one and the same word is written
differently, sometimes in the same manuscript, for example,
alongside mahare-u 'great sage' one often finds maharsi. Finally,
it is extremely’difficult to account for any dialectal differ-
ences which undoubtedly existed in Old Javanese. However, in
spite of existing obstacles, the phonological system of Kawi is
yielding its approximate description. For that, in the first
place, one must depend upon the coordination of the sound system
and the written language of the Indie languages with the sound
system and written language of the modern languages of the Indo-
nesian family.
In investigating the sound system of Kawi, two basic prob-
lems have to be solved. Firstly, one must ascertain the phonemic
significance of the letters. Here it is necessary to determine
which letters and symbols are used for the transmission of the
separate phonemes and which for the transmission of allophones
of one and the same phoneme. Secondly, one has to determine the
phonetic characteristics of the letters, i.e., one has to try
to ascertain what the sounds in Kawi are from the phonetic point
of view. It is clear that these two problems are, in a number
of respects, closely bound together and the solution of one of
them can, in a certain measure, contribute to a solution to the
other.
In determining the phonemic value of the letters and sym-
bols of the Kawi script, we are, to a considerable extent, ab-
stracting from the true phonetic value. Here it is important
to establish, not the phonetic characteristics of the sounds,
but the reasons why one and the same letter enters into various
combinations with other letters and symbols.
Each of the Kawi letters can represent an open syllable,
consisting of a consonant with the inherent vowel [a]. Since
the use of one of the letters instead of the other leads to a
difference of meaning of a word, one can conclude that the
difference in them is phonemic. In connection with the fact
that inherent vowels can not in that case have any influence on
the difference in meaning, the latter is achieved exclusively
at the expense of different consonants. Hence it follows that
consonantal sounds in identical positions serve to differentiate
words or forms of words. Therefore, each of the consonants
represents in a given position (i.e., initially) an independent
phoneme.
So other letters, which are used only for the transmission
of vowels initially, serve to differentiate words or word forms,
and thereby represent separate vowel phonemes.16
For the transmission of certain consonants in final posi-
tion two methods can equally well be used. The first method
consists of writing one of the letters beneath the other. In
that case, as was pointed out, the upper letter no longer repre-
sents the consonant with inherent vowel, but merely the conso-
nant. This consonant is used at the end of a syllable. For
example, if the letter ka is written beneath the letter ma, then
these letters serve together to represent the combination [mka].
Another method consists of writing to the right of one of the
aforementioned letters a special symbol (in Sanskrit terminol-
0gy__virama, in Modern Javanese--paten), which serves exclusively
to indicate elimination of the inherent vowel. The letter to
the right of which this symbol is used represents in that case
only the consonant of the final syllable. Thus, in two differ-
ent combinations one and the same letter (in our example the
letter ma) serves to transmit one and the same syllable-final
consonant. The difference in position of the letter does not
influence a distinction	in	words or word forms.	In both	cases
one and the same letter	is	used to represent one and the	same
phoneme.
The phonetic value of the letters used for the spelling of
the texts in Kawi can only be approximate. There is no doubt
that Kawi possessed all	or	virtually all of the	sounds which
were used in the living	spoken language on Java	from the	ninth
to the thirteenth century. These sounds provided material for
the creation of certain phonetic shapes of words of local ori-
gin. With regard to words of Indie origin, they obviously were
pronounced differently by different people. Certain letters
were used in Kawi exclusively for the writing of words of Indie
provenience, since they represented sounds and sound combina-
tions alien to the phonological system of the Indonesian lan-
guages. The determination of the phonetic value of these letters
has presented us with great diff iculties . 2 **
Vowels
The sound [a] approximates the pronunciation of that of the
present time in a number of Javanese dialects in which there is
no labialization in a final open syllable.25 A similar sound
[a] also occurs in modern Sundanese, Indonesian, Dayak, Macas-
sarese and other languages.
The long [a:] which is the result of the merging of two
short [a]'s, was pronounced approximately like the corresponding
24.	The problem of the sounds of Kawi is expounded chiefly on
the basis of the works of Kern.
25.	Cf. A. S. Teselkin, Javanskii jazyk, p. 10.THE KAWI SCRIPT
Letters which designate vowels
Initial	Medial or Final
3‘)	a	j	a		e
3-n	a	o	i	Si .Si	o
a o	i	o	r	t- «	€
V	u	7	u	l-	dy
u a	t	3	u	LJ c	o
9	l +	7 ■	r	LJ	.. au
2	ai				
	Letters	which		designate	consonants		
	ka	S>	cha	Xa	da	s	tva
5	ca	%	tha	CO	ba	in	ha
L	la	(J	pha	0)	la	C	ha
61	ta	5	ra	JJ	sa	nj	ha
U	pa	U	sa	OjJ	gha	an	na
JU	7a	n	&a	m>	jho	$	na
n	qa	£	ia	z>	dha	V	ma
n>	kha	&	da	f)	bha	\	
"visarga"
(*)» (°) "anusvara"
co, co18
long [a:] in modern Macassarese. It is interesting that in one
and the same author one can find two spellings of the same word,
for example, mati and mati 'death', maty ana and maty ana 'let him
kill'. Long [a:] in closed syllables appears in most cases at
the expense of the merger of two short sounds:	thus, rah [ra:h]
'blood', resulting from the coalescence of [ra] and [ah]; wah
[wa:h] 'flow' from [wa] and [ah], etc. However, in Old Javanese
manuscripts, especially in poetical works, one can meet the
spellings rah and wah (i.e., with letters which represent a com-
bination of consonant plus short [a]). Even if one makes allow-
ance for liberties in the orthography which the poets permitted
themselves, the existence of rah and wah alongside rah and wah
can be explained only by the fact that the pronunciation of
these words was at that time uncertain. The originally short
[a] displayed a tendency to become long before sonorants after
which a consonant followed. For example, the Skt campaka (name
of a flower) became Kawi campaka. One can also cite the words
maharsi 'great sage', maharddhika 'freedom', anantara 'infinity'.
In the texts which were written down by inhabitants on the island
of Bali, the sound [a] most often of all became long before the
sound [k], followed by another consonant. For example, [ra:ksa]
'protection, defense' from [raksa], [A:ksa] proper name, from*
[Aksa]. Pronunciation of the word [raksa] did not correspond
with the present-day pronunciation, according to which the word
[r©ksa] indicates the reduction of the vowel of the first syl-
lable and not its lengthening.
The tendency according to which short [a] became long be-
fore sonorants with a consonant following was not universal.
One can note that in the period of the orthography of the oldest
manuscripts which have come down to us the difference in the
length of vowels had disappeared. In that period the use of
the long [a:] was most typical in those cases where the merger
of two short [a]'s took place, e.g., in the words rama [ra:ma]
'father' from [ra] + [ma], rakarayan [rakarayarn] 'prince* from
[rakaraya] + [an]. As regards the distinction in vowel lengths
which was typical for poetic works of the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries, it scarcely corresponded to the pronunciation of
that time.
Most frequently the original short [a] lengthened in an
open syllable:	for example, [ma:ti] 'death' (originally [mati]),
[sangga:ma] 'sexual intercourse' (originally [sanggama]). Con-
versely, [garni] could be used instead of [ga:mi]. From here one
can assume that in an open syllable [a] was pronounced long, as
is the case in the present-day language. However, one would be
overly bold if one asserted that [a] in an open syllable was pro-
nounced alike in Kawi and in Modern Javanese. Obviously, some
differences of a special sort did exist. Thus one can charac-
terize the remaining vowels of Kawi.19
The sound [i] in an open syllable was in all probability
pronounced as in Modern Javanese. But in a closed syllable one
apparently sounded it not as in Modern Javanese, but as in
modern Indonesian, Sundanese, and Madurese, i.e., more open.
Supporting this assumption is the fact that in Indie words [i]
--long by origin--was represented by a symbol which served as
an indicator of short [i]:	tiksna 'sharp' instead of tlksnat
irsya 'envy, jealousy' instead oi Irsya.
The sound designated by the letter u [u:], long, was pro-
nounced as in Modern Javanese, i.e., it was very close. This
is true at least with respect to those cases where [u] was used
in an open syllable. In support of this view one finds the
presence of an interchange of the letter u and o in a series of
words, e.g., krora and krura 'cruel', aguka and agoka 'diffi-
cult' .
The letter r represented a vowel sound only in Sanskrit
words, but even then not always. In words of local origin this
letter served to represent the sound combination [ra], i.e., a
combination of consonant + vowel. Specifically, the spelling
rngo 'to listen' should be transcribed as [r©t)©:]. The spelling
of the derived words of the same root testifies to this:
rinengo 'to be heard' and rumengb 'to listen to'. If the letter
r had served in Kawi as a vowel sound then the derived words
would have been spelled inrngo, umrngd.
So too, the letter ?, which was used exclusively for the
spelling of words of Javanese origin, served to indicate the
combination of the consonant [r] with the following long vowel
[©:], e.g., wer 'drunk' was pronounced [w©r©:].
The letters l and Z were not vocalic, but the sound com-
binations [Is], [ 1 ©:] .
The sound [©] was pronounced, apparently, as in Modern
Javanese and other Indonesian languages--approximately as in
the English central vowel [©]. The distinction in length be-
tween [©] and [©:] as it follows from Kawi manuscripts was un-
certain; for example, one finds ahom and ahem 'to deliberate'.
However, a similar interchange of sounds is rarely observed in
an open syllable; e.g., one always finds the spelling rngo 'to
listen'.
The physical characteristics of the sound represented by
the letter e are very difficult to establish precisely. Examin-
ation of the sound system of Kawi together with the utilization
of comparative material from other languages testifies to the
fact that the Old Javanese originated from a diphthong which in
Kawi was signified by the letter ay [ai]. One and the same
word is spelled sometimes with e, sometimes with ay; for example20
raray and rare 'child', gaway and gawe 'affair, business, work'.
In prevocalic position this sound is regularly represented by
the letters ay:	gawayan 'is being done', gawayen 'in order to
do', gaway ike 'this affair*. The Sanskrit sound [e] also de-
rives from the diphthong [ai], but this does not mean that in
Kawi [e] coincides with the Sanskrit sound. Nor does a compari-
son with materials in Modern Javanese provide a solution to this
problem. If we know that in the adoption of Surakarta speech as
the norm of Modern Javanese the use of close [b] and open [b]
was subordinated to definite rules no less known is the fact
that in different dialects and subdialects of Modern Javanese
these rules are not similar. It is natural to admit that dia-
lectal differences also existed in the period of Old Javanese.
As far as one is able to judge from the available data, from the
ninth to the thirteenth century the long diphthong [ai:] did
not exist in Kawi. This is evident specifically from such a
spelling as gaway 'affair, business, work'. The diphthong [ai]
later on apparently was reduced and became [e], which is evi-
dent, for example, from the parallel use of the spellings rare
and raray. At the same time it is possible that this diphthong
in an earlier period was longer, as can be judged by the spell-
ing way 'water', used side by side with way.
Determination of the physical characteristics of the sound
[o] presents substantial difficulties. One can only note that
in Sanskrit words the letter ii, which became a vowel sound in
an open syllable, sometimes alternated with the letter o; for
example:	krura 'cruel' was sometimes used alongside krora. The
letter o in such cases could only represent a close sound.
In the Kawi language of the ninth to the thirteenth cen-
tury there was no diphthong [au]. One can, however, detect
traces of its existence. For example, from siwo by means of
doubling of the root with the addition of the prefix ma- there
was formed the word masiwasiwo. As we know, in the formation of
words by means of doubling of the roots with simultaneous join-
ing of affixes, the last sound of the first part of the doubling
could fall out. This was reflected too in the orthography,
e.g.:	pulupuluhan 'tens' < puluh 'ten'; sirasirat 'to spread
everywhere' < sirat 'to spread'. In connection with this one
logically assumes that in the word masiwasiwo the sound which
is designated by the letter o goes back to the diphthong [au].
The diphthong [au] in a number of the modern languages of
Indonesia can alternate with the sound [o]; for example, in
Malay, pulau or pulo 'island', pisau or piso 'knife'.
The Consonants
In the Kawi written language there are letters which can
designate aspirated consonant sounds (with inherent vowels)21
alien to the phonetic system of Indonesian languages generally
and this one circumstance gives reason to surmise that they were
pronounced as in the Indian languages. Favoring this is testi-
mony to the fact that the letters which designate the aspirated
consonants are used exclusively for the spelling of words of
Indie provenience, if one ignores the cases of erroneous use of
these for the spelling of indigenous words. After tracing the
history of the use of the aforementioned letters up to the
present time, one can see that the cases of their use in the
spelling of words of Indie origin gradually declined. In the
Modern Javanese writing system some of the letters indicate
their origin from letters which in former times served to trans-
mit aspirated consonants (with inherent vowel). However, at
present these letters already fill other functions and none of
them renders an aspirated consonant.
Letters which render aspirated consonants were most fre-
quently used in Kawi for the spelling of Indie proper names.
With regard to the rest of the consonants and semi-vowels in
Kawi, they were, in all probability, as in Modern Javanese,
similar or identical with the corresponding Sanskrit sounds.
The sound [?] (glottal stop), occurring at the end of a
word in Modern Javanese, was evidently absent in Kawi. The
most important argument in favor of this assumption is the fact
that in place of the sounds [k] and [t] in the position before
[w],	[g] and [d] were used. This follows from the spellings:
tak 'I' and wruh 'to know' gave tag-wruh 'I know'; tat 'not'
and wruh 'to know' gave tad-wruh 'not know'. Here, obviously,
partial assimilation of the preceding consonant of the following
semivowel took place. In this case a voiceless stop became
voiced. And if this is so, then the sound [d] was a double
voicing for [t], and [g] for [k] and did not stand for [?].
It is quite possible that the paired stop consonant in Old
Javanese differed not on the level of voicelessness-voiceness,
but on other grounds, as clearly takes place in Modern Javanese.
However, even in Modern Javanese the pairs of stops [t-d],
[p-b], etc., correspond to the pair [k-g] and not to [?-g].26
In Kawi script there are three letters--s, s, q--serving
to transmit the sibilants with inherent vowel, as is the case
in Sanskrit. In Javanese, however, the pronunciation of all
three letters was undoubtedly the same. In favor of this is
the presence in the Indonesian languages of only one sibilant
[s] as well as the fact that in Kawi all three letters constant-
ly fall together. Thus the Javanese who had not mastered Indie
26. Cf. E. M. Uhlenbeck, De structuur van het Javaansche
morpheem (Bandung, 1949), pT 52.22
speech read all three letters the same even if they strove to
use these letters in the script differently. However, it is
evident that there were some exceptions, especially in such
words as tusta where retroflex [t] could show the influence of
the preceding sound.
For the spelling of some purely Javanese words they some-
times used the letter sa, but one can explain this only by the
influence of Sanskrit phonetics, according to which the dental
[s] after [u:] becomes a palatalized sibilant.
The sound [h] in an initial syllable was apparently pro-
nounced like a weak expiration, as in Modern Javanese, and, as
in Javanese, often disappeared in speech. This is reflected in
the spelling; for example:	alongside hangin 'wind' and halang
'prohibition' there also occur angin and alang with the same
meanings. But a number of words existed for the transmission
of which the use of the letter ha initially in the script was
obligatory. At the end of a syllable [h] was heard more strong-
ly. In initial position [h] was represented by the letters [ha]
and in syllable final by the visarga. In a number of cases the
letter ha written together with the signs which transmitted the
sound [o] or [©:], had no phonation but served exclusively to
make it possible to use the aforementioned symbols,^which are
not used independently. For example, in the word hemas 'gold'
the [h] was not pronounced. The letter ha which serves for the
above-mentioned purpose, is not used if another word which pre-
cedes the given word ends in a consonant. The fact is that in
that case the symbols serving to represent [g] and [9:] can be
used with a letter which becomes that final consonant, as, for
example, manik emas 'jewel made of gold'. For the spelling of
this compound a symbol indicating [g] is joined with the letter
k, as a result of which the letter and symbol together give
[kG].
The velar nasal [13] in syllable initial is rendered by the
letter nga and in syllable final with the anusvara. The syllable
final [13] is sometimes rendered by the letter nga in combination
with the virama. In such cases, the anusvara in Kawi has a
different meaning than in Sanskrit and in Old Javanese texts
one should transcribe it as [id] and not [m] or [m] as is done
in Sanskrit texts.
The anunasika is used exclusively for the spelling of the
word om (it expresses a higher degree of respect for addressing
the god or Brahmins).
Combinatory Changes (Morphophonemics)
Some combinatory changes in Kawi had an indigenous (Java-
nese) origin, but others are explained by the influence of the23
Indie languages. The confluence of vowels both within the boun-
daries of one word as well as on the border of two adjacent
words results in various sound changes, a process which is custom
arily called by the Sanskrit term sandhi (combination).
In the case of the confluence of vowels in Kawi, the fol-
lowing phenomena occur:
1
sound:
Simple short homogeneous vowels are fused into a long
[a]	+	[a]	=	[a:]
[i]	+	[i]	=	[i: ]
[u]	+	[u]	=	[u:]
For example:	[ta]	-	an intensifying particle + [awak] 'body' =
[ta:wak].
2. The vowel [a] or [a:] and following non-homogeneous
vowels are fused and changed in the following way:
[a]	or	[a:]	+	[i]	= [e]
[a]	or	[a:]	+	[u]	- [°]
[a]	or	[a:]	+	[ai]	= [ai]
[a]	or	[a:]	+	[o]	= [o]
[a[	or	[a:]	+	[e]	= [e]
e:	[nira]		'he	* +	[ing] '
An example:
The sound [e] is merged with preceding non-homogeneous
3
vowels
An example:
bear, carry'
[a]	+	[©]	=	[a]
[i]	+	[e]	=	[i]
[u]	+	[9]	=	[u]
[wawa] - verb stem + [an] - suffix = [wawan] 'to
4. The sounds [i], [i:], [e] and the second component of
the diphthong [ai] before non-homogeneous vowels change into
the semivowel [j] in the non-syllabic position and the sounds
[u], [u:], [o], [o:] become [w]; for example, [lagi] 'temporarily
staying' + [amrih] 'in order to' = [lagyamrih] 'temporarily stay-
ing for the purpose of	[wungu] 'to rise' + suffix [a] =
[wungwa] 'in order to get up'.24
The confluence of similar consonants was possible only in
words of Indie origin. Even here, however, it is evident that
there were exceptions and the coalescence of two similar letters
in the script did not always correspond with the actual pronun-
ciation.
In words of local origin the confluence of two identical
consonants does not occur, although the spelling is far from
always conforming to this. For example, there was a tradition
(as is the case in Modern Javanese) of doubling in the writing
of the final consonant of the root in the position before the
suffixes -an, -aken, and some others. It is very important to
note that the doubling of identical consonants for the transmis-
sion in writing of words of local origin never had any etymolog-
ical basis:	anaku 'my son' (anak 'son' + ku 'my'); ngaranya
'his name' (ngaran 'name' + nya 'his').
Sometimes the doubling of consonants in the writing had the
purpose of indicating the special character of the pronunciation
of the preceding vowel.
The confluence of different consonants in local words is
possible in the following cases:	1) the first sound is a nasal,
2) the second sound is either an [r], [1] or semivowel. Words
of Indie origin were not subject to the rules, for example:
ksatriya 'warrior'. In the case of the change of the phonetic
shape of some of these words under the influence of the phono-
logical system of Old Javanese more often the first of the two
consonants fell out, forming a combination atypical for Old
Javanese, or an [a] was added to the first consonant as a result
of which that consonant did not open, but closed the preceding
syllable:	sangsipta 'abandoned' instead of sangksipta, sangtawya
'the one who is’forgiven' instead of ksantawya; from the bases
astuti, stawa and ksama, by means of prefixes were formed respec-
tively mangastuti. *to eulogize', pangastawa 'eulogy' and
angaksama 'to forgive'.
Partial assimilation of preceding stops and nasals is sub-
ject to the influence of the final consonants:
tak 'I' + wruh 'to know' = tag-wruh 'I know';
tat 'not' + wruh 'to know' = tad-wruh 'not know';
ujaren 'in order to say' + ku 'I' = ujarenku 'that I
may say'.
Metathesis is observed most clearly, for example, in words
of Indie origin:	anarawata 'everywhere'--from Skt anavarata,
rinangkuga--from Skt n-irangkuga.
The loss of sounds. A frequent loss is initial and final
[h]; E angin ’wind' and lumrah 'ordinary, usual' existed alongside
angin and lumra; atungguh 'to sit' + ing 'on, in' = alunggwing.25
In the case of the confluence of two identical consonants,
one of which appears as the final of the preceding word and the
other as the initial of the following word, only one of the
sounds remains:	tlas + sinurat = tlasinurat 'vestiges of the
spelling'.
The alteration of nasals. Dental [n] is the only sound
which changes before a palatal into [n] and before a retroflex
sound into [n], for example:
yan 'if' + campur '(it) intervenes, interferes' =
yanoampur 'if (it) intervenes';
yan 'if' + dateng 'to come' = yandateng 'if it comes'
The sounds [n] and [n] play the role of initials. Thus the
combination of the sounds *[nts], [rnd^], [nt], [nd] does not
close the preceding syllable; this phenomenon occurs in Modern
Javanese. On the contrary, in the position before [p] the sound
[n] does not change into another sound and always plays a role
finally. Precisely as in Modern Javanese the sounds [n] and
[p] when they come together belong to different syllables, for
example:	tanpa [tan-pa] 'without'.
Voiced consonants in Kawi, in contrast to Modern Javanese,
do not become voiceless in final position.27
Among phonetic phenomena of Indie origin one can note the
transition of the sound [n] to [n] in cases where an [r] occurs
in the preceding syllable (rena, rene), and also a transition
sound of [s] into [s] before all vowels except [a:]; for exam-
Pl e:	nusa 'island'.
Occasionally, the sounds s and q are used in such a way
that some words of Indie provenience are treated as foreign
words, for example:	rasa 'feeling', diwaga 'time'. This, how-
ever, does not mean that there were three sibilants in the
spoken language.
Historical alternations of sounds. In the course of his-
toric aT-HWeTopmeiivt-T¥trorieor_consmTants experienced insignifi-
cant changes. In particular, the sound [n] merged with the
dental [n] in all positions, except before the retroflex [t]
and [d].*
The semivowel [w] has changed in a number of words into
[b], for example:	In Kawi the words wuri 'back, posterior', and
wagus 'nice, beautiful' correspond to the Modern Javanese buri
and bagus.
27. Cf. Kern, Kawi-studien.26
The semivowels [w] and [j] have alternated with each other.
Thus, the Kawi words twas 'heart*, gisya 'student' correspond
to Modern Javanese tyas and siswa. Tlie combination [ja] became
[e] and [wa] became [o]; for example, Kawi lyang 'hole' and
karwa 'both' correspond to Modern Javanese leng and karo. The
vowel [©:] became [o] or [e], for example: [mal©:l©:] 'to open
one's eyes wide' became [malolo:]; [g©:ng] 'great, big' became
[g®ng]. The vowels [©] and [©:] changed into [u]; for example,
[pshan] 'milk' became [puhan].
Lexicon
In spite of the fact that approximately 901 of the Kawi
lexicon was borrowed from other, mostly Indie, languages, one
can spot a considerable number of words of local (i.e., Indone-
sian) origin. Affiliation of words to the Indonesian lexicon
has been established by linguists; it is proven by the fact that
words of common origin are found in a series of similar lan-
guages and are absent in other language groups. The most con-
vincing argument is presented by the regular lexical correspond-
ences in Kawi with Malagasy and Tagalog. It is scarcely possible
to explain the existence of these correspondences by borrowing,
since Java is too far from the Philippines and from Madagascar.
Moreover, the basic stock of words consists of necessary, every-
day words. These are numerals from one to ten, the words for
hundred and thousand, pronouns, words for such concepts as man,
male, stone, etc.
Indonesian words are largely disyllabic. Thus the Kawi
words papat (or pat) 'four', lima ' five', puluh 'ten' correspond
to the Malay (Indonesian) empat, lima, puluh, to the Tagalog
apat, lima, pu, and to the Malagasy efatra, dimy [dimi], folo
[fulu]. It is not difficult to observe that in the Malagasy
efatra and fulu [f] corresponds to [p] in the Kawi, Malay and
Tagalog. The Kawi words laki 'male' and watu 'stone' correspond
to the Malay laki and batu, to the Tagalog lalaki28 and bato,
and to the Malagasy lahy, vato. In these words too it is easy
to discover the sound correspondences [w = b], [u = o], [k = h].
The number of examples of lexical correspondences in Kawi and
other languages of the Indonesian family can be considerably in-
creased.
In investigating Kawi's lexicon of non-Indonesian origin,
scholars have established that the basic source is Sanskrit.25
That fact in itself indicates that Java underwent strong influ-
ence from India. As far as one can judge from the existing
28.	The root of this word is laki.
29.	Cf. Gonda, Sanskrit in Indonesia.27
information, the Sanskrit lexicon penetrated into the language
of the Javanese chiefly by means of religion, culture and trade.
It is very likely too that on Java there existed at that time
settlements of people from India. Initially founding their
separate settlements on the territory of Java, the peasants
from India established relations with the local inhabitants and
were gradually assimilated with them.
Also in early Old Javanese literary monuments one meets
words revealing not only Sanskrit, but also Tamil, Hindi and
Persian origin. For example, in the Old Javanese Ramayana,
one finds the words panay 'a sort of earthen pitcher' from the
Tamil panai 'a large pitcher' and sambrani (name of a sorrel
horse) from the Tamil oempurani 'horse red in color'. The Old
Javanese joli 'palanquin' is from the Hindi doll 'palanquin,
litterJ lady's carriage', and mahari 'canopy*, 'small building
for receptions' is from the Hindi mahart 'upper room', 'upper
floor'. Pasar 'market' (which is now used in Javanese and
Malay) was borrowed from Hindi where in all probability it
entered from Persian {bazar 'market', 'bazaar', 'market day').
One also meets in the eleventh century Old Javanese work Arjuna
Wiwaha (The Wedding of Ardjuna) the word peka (with the meanings
'foot soldier', 'soldier', 'man servant') which most likely
comes from the Persian paik 'messenger, envoy', 'foot messenger',
'guard' and apparently was borrowed through Hindi. Clarifica-
tion of the various groups of words borrowed into Old Javanese
from Indie languages will assist in ascertaining the way in
which the cultural influence of India on Java came. However,
it will not be possible in all cases to rely entirely on the
facts of borrowed words for a definitive decision as to whether
a certain phenomenon is local in origin or whether it was intro-
duced from India.
With regard to the problem of the cultural influence of
India upon Indonesia one must first of all take into account the
degree of development of Indonesian civilization before the
penetration of Indie influence. Even before this penetration
the Indonesian had for some time been familiar with navigation
and carried on sea trade, knew how to cultivate rice on irri-
gated fields, could make different objects out of iron, bronze,
copper and gold. The Indonesians at that time also possessed
various forms of social organization. One further assumes that
they were familiar with musical and dramatic art forms.30
From an examination of the numerous words which have origi-
nated from Sanskrit and other Indie languages, one can establish
several basic lexical groups which were borrowed into Kawi.
These are the words connected with the area of Indie religion
and mythology:	names of Indie divinities and the appellations
30. Ibid., p. 129.28
of fanciful creatures, as well as (frequently fictitious) geo-
graphical place names. One finds, for example, the following
borrowings from Sanskrit:	bhatara 'sir', 'sovereign* (from
bhattara)--it is used With the'names of the principal divini-
ties; Wisnu 'the god' (from Visnu); dewa 'god, divinity' (from
deva); navaka 'hell' (from navaka)\ atma 'soul', 'consciousness'
(from atma).
A considerable number of Sanskrit loan words relate to the
area of government, legislation and law, customs and ritual:
madlksa 'to prepare for a religious ceremony' (from dlksa 'prep-
aration for a religious ceremony'); randa 'widow' (from’randa);
wrddhi 'interest on a loan' (from vrddfii) ; oara 'conduct, beha-
vior, manners' (from aeara); danda ’punishment' (from danda),
etc. From the sphere of architecture and construction one can
list the following words:	sabha 'reception hall' (from sabha);
kuta 'wall surrounding castle' (from kuta); witana 'open loca-
tion' (from vitana), etc.
A special place among borrowings is occupied by numerals
and words which transmit the notion of quantity. It is known
that Sanskrit numerals were also used in Kawi alongside the
native ones.
Furthermore, among the borrowings one can distinguish
groups of words which designate abstract concepts, personal
names, geographical appellations, names of plants, kinds of
weapons, etc.31
Borrowed words often underwent various kinds of phonetic
changes which are observable in the spelling. Together with
this is the quite obvious fact that an enormous number of these
words retained their original phonological form. An analysis
of the orthography of the words and the introduction of compara-
tive material offer the possibility of determining, in those
words borrowed into Kawi, the general directions in which the
changes of the phonological shapes of the forms went. On the
whole, these changes point to an accommodation of the phonetic
structure of the loan words to the sound features of the Indone-
sian languages. In words of Sanskrit origin, aspirates, absent
in the Indonesian languages, were as a rule replaced by simple
consonants:	palamavta 'kind, responsive' (from paramavtha);
palaoidra 'insult--harm to the enemy' (from parachidra), etc.
But, in all probability, many loanwords of Sanskrit origin,
which had aspirated consonants in their system, preserved them.
In any case, for the spelling of similar words, it was done with
letters used for the transmission of aspirates, for example:
bhumi 'earth'. Exceptions are the sounds [th] and [dh] which
31. Ibid., pp. 130-216.I
29
obviously did not exist in the spoken language of Kawi in gener-
al. It is characteristic that all borrowings which possessed
these sounds in their system were always transcribed by letters
which served for the transmission of the consonants [t], [d] or
[t]> [d]• Kawi did not have in its writing system any letters
which served specially to represent the sounds [th] and [dh].
Disyllabism of a root or of a root word in Indonesian lan-
guages was at bottom the reason for the fact that many borrowed
words which were trisyllabic in their original form became di-
syllabic. It is characteristic that the reduction or loss
occurred in the first syllable, and not in the second or third.
This also, on the whole, corresponds to a feature of the Indone-
sian languages, where the shortening of a word usually occurs
at the expense of a reduction in, or a loss of, the first syl-
lable (cf. Malay kau ’thou* from engkau, Mat [proper name] from
Amat). As has been pointed out, it is characteristic of Indone-
sian languages that there is a regular alternation in the stream
of speech of consonants and vowels. It is for this reason that
in borrowed words two adjacent consonants were frequently sepa-
rated by a vowel; for example:	maleca 'foreigner', 'one who
speaks badly in the native language' (from Skt mlecca') ,
sangaskara 'to support or reinforce by oaths' (from Skt
sangskara), etc.
In loan words r frequently became l\ palamarta 'kind, re-
sponsive' (from Skt paramartha); palaoidra 'insult, harm to the
enemy' (from Skt parachidra).
The occurrence of distant assimilation in borrowings can
be observed in such words as danda 'punishment* (from Skt danda),
etc. Frequently in words which’originally had two similar pho-
nemes, one of them fell:	garddha 'wish' (from Skt grdhra 'one
who desires').
For other foreign words it is characteristic to find spon-
taneous nasalization (an ad hoc term). This feature consists in
the fact that between a vowel and succeeding consonant a nasal
is inserted:	parintosa 'satisfaction' (from Skt paritosa),
Anggastya (proper name) (from Skt Agastya).
One can observe metathesis in the example of such loan
words as:	triyak "animal' (from Skt tiryak); pastika 'crystal,
quartz' (from Skt sphatika); paraaya 'truth' (from Skt pratyaya) .
Cases of distant metathesis are also found:	anarawata 'continu-
ous, uninterrupted' (from Skt anavarata).
Observed too are changes in vowel sounds:	for example,
there was a tendency to use for the Sanskrit diphthong ay [ai]
the sound e, e.g.:	eganya 'northeast' (from Skt aigani); kewala
'simply, only' (from Skt kaivalya). In place of the diphthong30
au the sound o was used; orasaputra (from Skt aurasaputra); goh
’cow' (from Skt gauh); boddha ’Buddhist* (from Skt bauddha);
potraka ’grandson’ tfrom Skt pautraka).
In loan words e and i alternated (occurred in free varia-
tion) : nalikira ’coconut’ (from Skt nalikera'); gandewa 'bow
(weapon)' (from Skt gandiva or gandhtva).
0 frequently became u\ dusa 'guilt, sin', gupura 'main
gate' (from Skt dosa and gogura). In a penultimate syllable a
often changed to [e] e\ alengkara 'ornament' (from Skt
alamkara); utpena 'to rise' (from Skt utpanna); metta 'one who
is drunk, excited' (from Skt matta).
Speaking of morphological changes in loan words one must
mention that a majority of words which entered Kawi began to be
used like root words of native origin. In spite of that, the
borrowings often lost their endings, but in a lesser number of
cases retained the ending which, however, in Kawi was inter-
preted as a composite part of the root. The suffix -i was re-
garded as an exception, being used in Sanskrit with feminine
nouns. In many words borrowed into Kawi, this suffix retained
its meaning. Thus one meets words of the type dewa 'god, divin-
ity' (from Skt deva) and dewi 'goddess' (from Skt devf) on the
analogy of which Kawi began to form some new words, for example:
from tapa 'hermit' (from Skt tapas 'asceticism') the word tapi
'female hermit' was formed.
On the whole, however, that phenomenon was limited to a
specific number of words and cannot be considered characteristic
for Kawi or for other Indonesian languages. A similar exception
appears in the Sanskrit prefix pra-. Since this prefix was used
in many words of Sanskrit origin, it began to be regarded as a
separate morpheme and in a number of cases served as a means of
word formation in Kawi. For example, it is possible to speak
of the formation of such words as pragagah 'courageous, bold'
(from gagah 'hard, firm, manly'); pratingkah 'state of affairs'
(from tingkah 'situation'). However, the origin of the prefix
pra in Kawi is still insufficiently clear. Some scholars con-
sidered this prefix to be of indigenous origin; in the view of
others, there were two prefixes in Kawi which fell together, one
of which was indigenous, the other of Sanskrit origin.32
Foreign words, becoming the property of Kawi, often under-
went semantic changes. For example, the Sanskrit word guna
'quality', 'good quality', 'virtue' obtained in Kawi the addi-
tional meanings 'strength', 'art'.
32. Ibid., pp. 269-300.GRAMMATICAL SYSTEM
In its grammatical system Kawi is close to a number of
Indonesian languages. This circumstance has very important im-
plications for the determination of the genetic relationships
of Kawi, because its vocabulary, as stated above, was, in the
main, borrowed from other, not genetically related, languages.
The word in Kawi possesses special features characteristic
of words of Indonesian languages generally, Specifically, Kawi
possesses a considerable group of root words, i.e., words not
further divisible into morphemes. It is quite possible, and
with respect to a number of loan words obvious, that etymologi-
cally these words were divided into morphemes. However, in the
Kawi language from the ninth to the twelfth century, these words
were used as roots. This shows that they functioned like root
morphemes in the form of derivative words. For example, in the
word mangjanma 'to revive', 'to be reincarnated' the root mor-
pheme janma phonetically coincides with the root word, janma
'man' 'reincarnation'.
Many root words can be traced back to different parts of
speech (subject to conversion):	angen 'thought', 'to think';
karya 'deed', 'to do'.
Root words of local (Indonesian) origin, as a rule, are
disyllabic, loan words are often tri- or quadrisyllabic. Root
words participate in all autonomous as well as syntactic parts
of speech and, thus, represent independent grammatical units.
They are the basis for word formation which comes about by join-
ing affixes to a root word or by means of reduplication of the
latter; thus the following words are formed:	prang 'war'--
maprang 'to wage war'; pinta 'to ask'--pininta 'that requested’;
sowe 'long'--sowe-sowe 'very long'.
Affixation, primarily prefixation, bears almost exclusively
the character of agglutination. Just as in other Indonesian
languages, the affix in each concrete case conveys only one
grammatical meaning. Very many affixes combine the function of
word formation with a word-changing function (formative). For
example:	the prefix ma- forms middle voice verbs, but at the
same time forms nouns with the aid of which verbs can be formed:
maweka 'to have children' (from weka 'child').
Affixation as a means of inflection is used almost exclu-
sively in the area of the verb, and as a means of word formation
in the sphere of the substantive.33 Certain affixes, in particu-
33. For more details cf. pp. 45-48 of the present edition.
3132
lar the verbal prefix a- (or ma + nasal), are etymologically re-
lated to affixes in other Indonesian languages.31*
Another way of forming words is by reduplication which is
widely used in Kawi, although it is less common than affixation.
Reduplication can occur by doubling the first syllable of the
root word or by doubling the entire root word. In a number of
cases even derivative words can be doubled in toto. Reduplica-
tion serves either for inflection or for word formation. In
spite of this, as will be shown below, reduplication as a means
of inflection is employed principally for forming the intensive
verb or adjective. Affixation and reduplication can be used
simultaneously.
Analytical ways of expressing grammatical meaning--morphol-
ogy and syntax--are used primarily for the implementation of
syntactical relationships or for the expression of modality.
Analytical means play a more important role in Kawi than in
other languages such as Russian or German and a much greater
one than in French or English. This is explained by the fact
that nouns in Kawi do not have grammatical categories of case,
gender and number, and verbs do not have the categories of per-
son and tense. Therefore, between the Kawi nouns and verbs
there is no concord. Word order, in spite of the important role
it plays, is not absolute. And even the most steadfast rules
of word order like the postposition of attributes and the posi-
tion of the predicate before the subject are sometimes violated
for a number of reasons.
Among syntactic words alongside prepositions and conjunc-
tions a greater role is played by the particles which not only
give a modal coloring to a sentence, but also denote the func-
tion of a word or of a word combination in the sentence. Al-
though the number of particles is comparatively small, they are
used rather often. For Kawi on the whole, it is characteristic
to use inflected words in auxiliary functions; for example, the
verb is frequently used in the function of conjunction or prepo-
sition; the demonstrative pronoun can serve for the express
meaning of definiteness, for emphasis, or for determination of
parts of the sentence, and can also be used as a nominal.
Parts of Speech
In most grammars of Kawi the following autonomous parts of
speech are distinguished:	noun, adjective, verb, pronoun, and
34. Cf. R. Brandstetter, An Introduction to Indonesian Linguis-
tics (London, 1916); 0. Dempwolff, Einfiihrung in die
Malaiische Sprache (Berlin, 1941).33
numeral. The syntactic parts of speech are preposition, con-
junction, and particle. In attributing words to one or other
part of speech account is taken of the following:	the lexical
meaning of the words, derivational and inflectional affixes and
some features of syntactical usage. It should be noted that
the meaning of different groups of words is used as a basis.
The parts of speech in the Kawi textbook of Zoetmulder and
Poedjawijatna are determined somewhat differently.35 On the
basis of a consideration chiefly of meaning, the authors of
that work divide all significant Kawi words into three parts of
speech:	appellatives, auxiliary words, and proxy words:	an
appellative is that word or group of words which names something
independent or that which is conceived independently; an auxili-
ary word is that word or group of words which points to a fact
that is inherent to something.36 The proxy words are defined
as words which can take the functions of some of the aforemen-
tioned two parts of speech.37 Besides this, some groups of
particles are distinguished.
It is quite probable that if one considers the basic cri-
teria of category to be the grammatical markers of words, then
for Kawi it is possible to construct some system of parts of
speech like that discussed above. Up to now no such attempt has
been undertaken. The apportionment of parts of speech in Kawi
on the basis of a consideration of the grammatical markers of
words, especially on the basis of the consideration of syntac-
tical features, would have a more objective character. Autono-
mous words in Kawi, as in other languages of the Indonesian
family, can, as a rule, appear in the role of any member of a
sentence. Therefore to understand the general grammatical mean-
ing of a word when it is taken outside the sentence is very
difficult, and sometimes impossible. A complication also lies
in the fact that in Kawi there is no inflection. The presence
of root words does not permit us to have any criterion about
the capacity of words to take one or other affix. In such a
situation attempts to distinguish parts of speech on the basis
of a consideration of the general grammatical meaning of groups
of words without a thorough analysis of syntactical signs can
lead to errors of a purely subjective character.
A stocktaking of the syntactical markers of a group of
words possesses a more objective character and is to a far less
degree connected with the features of the individual method of
approach to the problems of parts of speech by different investi-
gators. Finally, syntactical markers more easily yield to ob-
servation and description than does the meaning of words in
35.	Zoetmulder and Poedjawijatna, Bahasa Parwa, d. I.
36.	Ibid., p. 15.
37.
Ibid., p. 29.34
terms of grammatical categories. In our opinion, the syntactic
markers of words, primarily the combining with various classes
of words, should be considered the basic criteria for the clas-
sification of parts of speech. In assigning derivative words
to one or other form class the difference in affixes and in the
shapes of words formed by means of repetition, can to a certain
extent be used.
Words traditionally assigned to nouns can be used with
prepositions, in particular with the preposition i, which, pre-
ceding a word, serves for the expression of the objective case,
the adverbial, or the attributive relation. This preposition
can also appear in the forms ing, ni or ning, for example:	ing
hawan 'on the way', brata ning kawitan iva 'anchoritic way of
life of his father'.
Many words assigned traditionally to substantives possess
in their structure certain inflectional affixes (cf. pp. 35-36).
Words traditionally assigned to pronouns and numerals can
also combine with prepositions which precede them; they are dis-
tinguished from substantives only by the absence of affixes and
by their own general lexical meanings. Thus, one can assume
that Kawi has groups of nouns. Nouns, on the whole, are distin-
guished from words assigned traditionally to adjectives and
verbs. The latter, with rare exceptions, do not appear in com-
bination with a preceding preposition, have a series of specific
affixes, and can also appear in the shape of intensives (cf. pp.
45 and 48), which are formed by means of reduplication of the
root or of the whole. The verb and the adjective can also be
regarded as one general class.38 The basis for unification of
these groups of words into one category is the availability of
a series of general grammatical markers. To the category of
adjectives it is acceptable to assign only those words which
possess the value of a qualitative marker. Relative pronouns
and adjectives are absent in Kawi as a purely lexical group of
words, but relative markers of objects are expressed in the
sentence with the assistance of the nouns.
Adverbs as a separate part of speech do not exist in Kawi.
Nouns (often in combination with prepositions), transitive or
intransitive verbs, and adjectives appear in the role of differ-
ent adverbs.
38. Obviously, approximately the same picture is to be observed
in Chinese where, according to A. A. Dragunov, the verb and
adjective form a class of so-called predicates. Cf. A. A.
Dragunov, Issledovanniya po grammatike sovremennogo kitai-
skogo jazyka (Moscow/Leningrad, 1952).Substantives
Substantives do not possess grammatical categories of gen-
der, number or case. A distinction in animals and people on the
basis of sex is expressed in the language with the aid of words
which give the notions of 'man', 'male', 'female'. In a number
of cases this distinction is in the meaning of the word itself,
e.g.:	ibu 'mother', kanya 'girl'. Since Kawi substantives do
not possess the grammatical category of number, the same word,
depending upon the context, can correlate in meaning with one
or several subjects. In that case, if the semantic context re-
quires precision, words can be used which express lexical con-
cepts of plurality:	satunggal 'one', telu 'three', akweh 'much,
many', sing 'each', etc. Thus, while the word wwang can render
the idea of 'man' or 'people', satunggal wwang can only mean
'one man', akweh wwang 'many people'.
Sometimes in order to render the idea of several similar
objects the substantive is doubled, e.g., alas-alas 'woods,
forest', while alas can render the idea 'wood', or 'woods'. It
is known that the method of doubling substantives serves in many
modern Indonesian languages for forming collective plurals which
correlate in meaning with several objects. For example, in
Modern Javanese wong-wong means 'people'. In Kawi, however,
these forms are used very rarely, and for that reason there is
no basis for speaking of the presence here of the grammatical
category of plurality or number.
Word-formation of substantives. Substantives in Kawi can
be formed from different parts of speech with the aid of one or
several affixes by means of full or partial doubling of bases
or simultaneously by means of doubling and affixation, and also
by means of compounding. Affixation is the most productive
method for the formation of substantives in Kawi. When affixes
are joined to the root or the base of a word different phonetic
changes frequently occur, which submit to general rules of
sandhi in Kawi.
The prefix pa- forms nouns from verbal bases and more
rarely from nouns and other parts of speech. In meaning, deriv-
atives with the prefix pa- fall into two basic groups. To the
first group belong words designating action or process. This
action can be transitive or intransitive:
minta 'to request'--paminta 'request'; nadah 'to eat'--
panadah 'food'; kanya 'work, deed'--pakarya 'work';
mitra 'friend'--pamitra 'friendship'.
In a number of cases the derivative with the prefix pa- can
also designate the result of an action:	tinggal 'remain'--
patinggal 'separation, parting'.36
To the second group of derivatives with the prefix pa- be-
long words which designate the means or instrument for accom-
plishing an action:
remuk ’to destroy'--pangremuk 'means of destruction';
madem 'to extinguish a fire'--pamadem 'means or instru-
ment for extinguishing a fire'.
The prefix pi- forms a substantive from various parts of
speech. These substantives are in meaning close to derivatives
with the prefix pa-:
sor 'bottom'--pingsor 'a fall downward'; ruhur 'top'--
pingruhur 'movement upwards'.
The suffix -an forms substantives from verbs as well as
from other parts of speech. The majority of derivatives with
the suffix -an form the object or the result of an action:
larang 'to forbid'--larangan 'that which is forbidden';
dum 'to divide'--duman 'part'.
With the aid of the prefix pa- and the suffix -an substan-
tives are formed from various parts of speech. In meaning these
substantives can be broken down into three basic groups. Words
of the first group designate the location or place of accomplish-
ment of the action, e.g.:
buru 'to hunt'--paburwan 'hunting spot'; prang 'war'--
paprangan 'field of battle'.
Words of the second group have a collective meaning:
sangkep 'weapon'--pasangkepan 'all sorts of weapons';
kadang 'friend'--pakadangan 'family relationship'.
Words of the third group designate the object of the action:
tiru 'to imitate'--panirwan 'model, pattern', 'that
which serves as an example'.
The prefix ka- forms substantives from various parts of
speech. More often the prefix ka- is used simultaneously with
the suffixes -an and -en. The substantives are broken down ac-
cording to meaning into three main groups. To the first group
belong words which designate the result of an action:
wedi 'to fear'--kawedi 'fear'; pejah 'to die'--kapejah
'death'; alap 'to take'--kalapan 'theft'.
To the second group belong words which designate a property:37
Qakti 'magical'--kaQaktin 'magical power'; uttama
'devout, pious'--kottaman 'piety'.
Words of the third group designate the location of the subject:
vatu 'rulerkaratun 'palace'; doh 'far'--kadohan
'distant place'.
With the aid of the prefix ka- and the suffix -an one forms
words from various parts of speech with a dual meaning:	1) they
designate the state or result of an action, presented as a sub-
ject and, in this case, near in meaning and in syntactical usage
to a substantive; and 2) a state in which the subject is found.
In meaning and in syntactical usage they do not differ from a
verb in the passive form. Of the same kind with dual meaning
are, in particular, the words kaoaritan 'what is being or has
been recounted' (< carita 'story, tale'); kapanasan 'heat', 'to
be warmed' (< panas 'hot'). Here we in all probability have to
do with categories of words which occupy a transitional position
between substantives and verbs. These words partly resemble
passive participles which in a number of Indonesian languages
are capable of becoming substantives.
As was pointed out above, doubling is also employed as a
means of forming substantives. For this the root word is
doubled wholly, sometimes with the disappearance of the final
consonant of the first part of the reduplication. Substantives
are formed by means of the reduplication of the largest part of
the root nouns. Reduplication in this case serves, as a rule,
to transmit the meaning of resemblance, such as:
angin 'wind'--angin-angin 'movement of the air'; tali
'rope, string'--tali-tali 'ropelike object'.
It is interesting that in the nature of its meaning the
word anak-anak 'pupil (of the eye)' is derived from the word
anak 'child*. It is very probable that the development in the
meaning of the word anak-anak came about in this fashion:
child--small man--diminishing reflection of objects in the eyes
--that which reflects the diminished objects. In modern Indo-
nesian there is the word orang2an 'pupil (of the eye)' from
orang 'man'. The development of the meaning of this derivative
word occurred, obviously, like the word anak-anak.
Affixation and reduplication can be used simultaneously to
form substantives as, for example, the word kayukaywan 'various
trees' formed by doubling the base kayu 'tree(s)' and adding
the suffix -an.
Compound words also exist in Kawi. Between the components
of a compound word no special joining morphemes of any sort are
used.38
The compound frequently is difficult to distinguish from
word combinations. With regard to the various sound changes
which arise with the joining of components of the compound with
each other, these phenomena are observed within the limits of
word combination and, consequently, they cannot serve as a cri-
terion to distinguish a compound from a word combination. Many
compounds in Kawi are formed in accordance with the grammatical
rules of Sanskrit. Among these, first of all, one can note
words, the components of which are found in an attributive cor-
relation. Since in Sanskrit, as distinct from Kawi, the attri-
bute precedes the word modified, the order of arrangement of the
components in these compounds is as follows:	attribute--modi-
fied:	rajaputra 'prince', 'son of the raja' (raja 'raja',
putra 'son); manusaloka 'human world' (manusa 'man', loka
'world'); uttamajanma 'devout person' (uttama 'head, principal,
pious’, janma 'man'). In words of Javanese origin the order of
the components is found in an attributive correlation in reverse
i.e., modified--attributive:	lituhayu 'handsome appearance'
(litu 'appearance', hayu 'handsome'); janmottama 'pious person'
ijanma 'person', uttama 'pious').
The components of Kawi compound words both native and of
Sanskrit origin can also be found in a copulative correlation:
wanadri 'woods and mountains' (wana 'wood', adri
'mountain')
lakibini 'male and female, husband and wife' (laki
'man, male', bini 'woman, female').
Pronouns
In Kawi one can distinguish the following groups of pro-
nouns:	personal, interrogative, demonstrative and indefinite.
Personal pronouns. Each Kawi personal pronoun in meaning
correlates both with one person and with several. Any first
person pronoun can convey the notion of 'I' or 'we', the second
person 'thou' or 'you', the third person 'he', 'she', 'it' or
'they'. Hence, Kawi personal pronouns do not have the grammati-
cal category of number.
1st person--aku, dak, tak, kami, kita, sun;
2nd person--ko, kamu, kanyu, sira, kita;
3rd person--j/a, sira.
In modern Indonesian the pronoun kita is used to form the
first person, but at the same time can partly designate the
second person and mean 'we with you' (i.e., is used inclusively)
The OJ sira was used not only with respect to the second but39
also to the third person. For the second person twa(ng) , a
pronoun of Sanskrit origin, was also sometimes used. In the
oldest texts written in Kawi one comes across personal pronouns
k or g for the first person, t or d for the second person and
n or r for the third person. In all probability, they represent
shortened forms of personal pronouns. Thus k and g certainly
come from aku.
Used for the expression of attributes or objective rela-
tionships, personal pronouns often alter their own form:	aku
became ku or ngku', kita became ta, nta', kamu became mu', kanyu
became nyu; ya became nya\ sira became nira or ira.
Many substantives which convey such concepts as ’prince’,
'master', ’servant’, 'slave', 'father', 'mother', 'brother',
are used in the role of personal pronouns. In the function of
personal pronouns of the first person, etc., the words and com-
binations of words:	nghulun, sanghulun, pinakanghulun, ngwang,
patik haji, putu maharsi, etc., are most often used; in the
function of personal pronouns of the second person rahadyan
sanghulun, mpu, mpungku, rakryan, maharaja, etc.; and in the
function of personal pronouns of the third person pwangkulun,
maharaja, haji, and so forth, and also the demonstrative pro-
nouns rasika, sariki, etc.
Interrogative pronouns. The most used interrogative pro-
nouns are syapa 'who?', apa 'what?', 'why?', aparan 'what?',
'who?', pira 'how much?'.
The pronoun apa is used as the means of expressing a general
question (equivalent to the Russian li).
Demonstrative pronouns.		Most used	are:		
iki and	ike 'this',	' these'.	Indicates	the	obj ect
nearest	in space or	time;			
iku and	iko 'that',	' those'.	Indicates	the	obj ect
distant	in space or	in time;			
ika and	ika 'that',	' those'.	Indicates	the	object
quite a	distance away in space		or in time.		
All these pronouns can also be used in the function of
attribute and as an introduction to the verb or of an adjective
in the case of substantival use. For example, parallel with
iku ujarta 'those are your words’ one finds the word combination
ulahta iko 'that is your conduct' and ikang anibaken 'the one
who has thrown'.
The pronoun ikang (ika + ng) was used in a relative func-
tion and served to emphasize a part of the sentence or to make40
substantives of words which were not substantives. In time it
lost its lexical meaning and in Modern Javanese (in the form
ingkang or kang) appears purely as a linking word which ex-
presses the sense of relationship, playing no role as a part of
the sentence.
Besides those enumerated above the following are also
demonstrative pronouns:
sarika, rasika 'that1, 'those';
nihan 'that', ?those'. Indicates objects which are
mentioned for the first time;
nahan 'that', 'those'. Indicates objects which have
already been mentioned;
mangkana, samangkana, samangka, kumwa. Each of these
can mean:	'that', 'those', 'such a', 'also', 'thus'.
Among the demonstrative pronouns should apparently also be
added the words mangke and mangko 'now' (sometimes they mean
'such', 'thus'); mangka 'thus, such'; ngke 'here' (sometimes
'now'); ngkana, ngka 'there', 'such'.
To the indefinite pronouns belong:
anu ^somebody'; bari-bari 'any', 'any kind', 'anything'
angken (or nangken) 'each'; sing (or asing) 'each';
waneh 'other, another (person)'; lyan 'other', etc.
Numerals
Cardinal numbers. In Kawi the decimal system of calcula-
tion is used:
tunggal 'one'
rwa 'two'
telu, tiga 'three'
pat, papat 'four'
lima 'five'
nem 'six'
pitu 'seven'
wwalu 'eight'
sanga 'nine'
sapuluh 'ten'
The numerals from 'two' to 'nine' used in the function of attri-
butes take the particle -ng (or -ang); for example:	rwang wengi
'two nights'. The numerals from 'eleven' to 'nineteen' are
formed with the aid of the bound form welas (sometimes betas)
'- teen':
sawelas 'll'
rwa welas '12'
tiga welas '13'
padbelas '14'
lima welas '15'
nem betas '16'
pitu welas '17'
wwalu welas '18'
sanga welas '19'41
In the numerals designating '10',	'll', '12' and in some
others, the meaning 'one' is rendered by the prefix sa-.
The numerals from '21' to '29' are formed with the word
likur 'twenty':	satikur '21', rwalikur '22', etc.
The numerals designating '-ty' are formed with puluh 'ten':
sapuluh '10', rwangpuluh '20', telungputuh '30', etc. This
same word is often used to form numerals from '21' to '29':
rwangputuh rwa '22'.
The numerals designating hundreds, thousands, ten thousands,
hundred thousands and millions are formed with the aid of the
words:	atus 'hundred', iwu 'thousand', laksa 'ten thousand',
yuta or ayuta 'million':	satus 'one hundred', rwang atus 'two
hundred', sewu 'one thousand', etc. Kawi also uses cardinal
numerals borrowed from Sanskrit.
Numerals with the prefix ka- are used with the function of
collectives and in the function of ordinal numerals:	sang
Pandawa kalima 'all five Pandawas'; diwasa kapitung 'the seventh
day*. If the number is expressed by several words, the prefix
is joined to the first word, e.g.:	katigawelas 'thirteenth'.
Numerals expressing the idea of 'so much, so many, thus'
are formed by the use of the prefix ping-, for example:	pingtiga
'three times'. Numerals with the prefix ping- can also take the
prefix ka-. In this case they are used primarily in the func-
tion of ordinal numbers, e.g.:	kaping rwa ning strl 'the second
wife'.
Fractions are formed by the use of the morpheme -para-
(-pra- or -par-), which occupies a place between words indicating
the numerator and the denominator. With this can also be joined
the suffix -an, e.g.:	saparpatan 'one fourth'.
The Verb
In their morphemic structure, Kawi verbs are divided into
roots, either derivative or non-derivative. The latter are
formed from verbal roots or from other parts of speech (deriva-
tive or non-derivative) by means of affixation or reduplication.
The Kawi verb does not possess the grammatical categories
of time or person. Therefore any kind of verb dependent upon
the presence in the sentence of other lexical indices or upon
the context can be correlated in meaning with another person
and tense. Particular grammatical categories of voice, aspect
and mood peculiar to the Kawi verb differ greatly in method of
expression and in grammatical meaning from corresponding cate-
gories in Indo-European languages.42
Categories of voice. In the formation of voice, affixes
are used. It should be noted that almost all verbal affixes
express one or other aspectual relationship, pointing to the
nature of the connection of the action with its subject or ob-
ject. At the same time any of these affixes can be used not
only for formatives, but also for word derivation. These fea-
tures of verbal affixation are characteristic not only of Kawi,
but also of a number of other Indonesian languages.
Transitive verbs in Kawi possess two forms of active and
two forms of passive voice. One of the forms of active voice
is formed by the prefix a- (or ma-) + nasal. This prefix exists
in different variants depending upon what sound begins the ver-
bal base. In a number of cases the prefix merges with the base.
The morphophonemics of this prefix can be presented in tabular
form.
Initial sounds of the base	Prefixes which join the base	Base	Examples
d y 4» 9 y 19 y h * l, *y 3 [d5l	(m)ang- [afl]	andeh • •	angandeh 'to press
		rengo	mangrengo 'to listen'
k	ang-	kujiwat	angujiwat 'to look, observe'
t y £ y My ® Q	man- {an-)	temu	mane-mu 'to find, receive
		sungsung	manungsung 'to take, meet, come across'
p, by m, w	am-	panas	amanasi 'to heat'
		wujuk	amujuk 'to persuade' 'to decline (nouns)'
c	many- [man]	oangking	manyangking 'to carry in the hand'43
There are a number of exceptions. Thus, if the base begins
with a and the second syllable of the base also begins with e,
the prefix -man is used:	oaoar--manaoar 'to partake, eat'. The
active voice is also formed with the aid of the morpheme -um-,
which is used as an infix should the base of the word begin in
any consonant except p, m, b, or w.
The infix is inserted between the consonantal and vowel
sounds of the first syllable of the base:
santwa 'respect'--sumantwa 'to treat with respect';
sahut 'gnaw, nibble'--sumahut 'to gnaw, nibble'.
um- appears as a prefix if the base of the word begins with a
vowel or with p, m, b, or w. Initial p, m, b, or w are merged
with the prefix (which falls):	banyoana 'slander'--umanycana
'to slander'.
In meaning and in the use of these two forms there is no
significant difference. Some of the forms with -um- express an
accessory meaning of change or unintentional fulfillment of
activity and in that way differ from a- £ma-^ + nasal, formed
from these same bases, for example:	rumenyeem 'to break acci-
dentally' (from venycem)--angr>enyoem 'to break intentionally'.
However, this additional meaning of unpremeditated, accidental
fulfillment of the action occurs in only an insignificant number
of forms with -um-.
One meets active voice forms which are created as a result
of changes of the initial sound of the base p, b, or m, for
example: there are three words having exactly the same meaning:
'to meet, find':	amanggih, umanggih and manggih. It is con-
sidered that words of the type amanggih come from words of the
type umanggih, which has lost its initial u. Such a supposition
is only partly admissible. Since words of the type manggih have
also been formed as a result of the reduction of the prefix
a-(ma-) + m, they can also originate from verbs with this pre-
fix .
There are facts which give reason to affirm that the af-
fixes a- {ma-) + nasal and -um- are not used in Kawi exclusively
for forming the active voice. Many words with these affixes
have the meaning of an intransitive verb and convey different
aspects of motion:
pituhu 'a bow, nod of the head'--mituhu 'to stoop, to
bend, to bow'; laku 'road'--lumaku 'to go'; adeg 'to
stand, to get up'--umadeg 'to stand, get up'.
Pituhu, laku, and adeg do not have a passive form. There-
fore such types of words stand outside the categories of active44
and passive voice. In all probability, the affixes a- (ma-) +
nasal and -um- have a broad voice meaning. With regard to the
role of the active voice, it is used only as a special case in
the general structure. Verbs with one of the aforementioned
affixes express, as a rule, the active voice which semantically
has to do primarily with the subject of the action. In this
connection one should consider that these affixes generate forms
of a particular voice which conditionally one can call active.
The category of passive voice also appears in two forms:
The first form is produced by the morpheme -in- which is used
more frequently as an infix if the verb base begins with a con-
sonant. Thus -in- is inserted between the consonant and the
vowel of the first syllable of the base.
ton--tinon 'to be visible', 'that which has been seen';
teka--tinekan 'to be visited'; pangan--pinangan 'to be
eaten, consumed'.
In- can appear as a prefix if the verb base begins with a vowel:
usi--inusi 'to be pursued, sought after'; ugar 'to
tell'--inugar 'to be told'.
The second form of the passive voice is produced by the
prefix ka-, for example:	katon 'has been seen' (from ton 'to
see'). If the verb in the form of the active voice has in its
structure the suffix -i (with the aid of which the sense of
transitiveness is conveyed), then in the passive voice the suf-
fix -an is used in place of -i.
amegahi 'to kill'--pinegahan 'to be killed';
anghaliwati 'to pass'--kahaliwatan 'passed'.
The difference in the meaning of the two forms of the pas-
sive voice leads to the following:	when the form -in- is used
then greater attention is given to the doer and to the process
of the action, whereas with the use of the form ka- the state
or condition in which the object of the action is found domi-
nates. The form ka- frequently conveys the meaning of the re-
sult of the action, i.e., the state in which the object finds
itself as a result of the action which was produced upon it.
The form ka- often expresses the completion of the action.
In works on the Kawi language the prefix a- (ma-) is con-
sidered to belong to word formation. Yet, it seems to us, there
are also reasons for attributing it to the formation of affixes.
At least one should not consider this prefix as word-formative
only. Thus, if one observes its use, one can note that words
with this prefix, in the overwhelming majority of cases, desig-
nate action or state, irrespective of object, or, in other45
words, intransitive action. For example:	tuha 'old'--atuha 'to
be old'; weka 'son'--maweka 'to have children'; layu 'to run'--
malayu 'to run'; tanghi 'to get up'--matanghi 'to get up'.
From the examples it is clear that the prefix a- (ma-) can
join both verb and noun qualitative bases (in this case the base
coincides in form with the root word). Therefore one can often
speak of word formation (e.g., maweka is formed from a substan-
tive) . But one cannot speak of word formation if the prefix
a- (ma-) joins a verb since in this way the word does not become
another part of speech and does not change its lexical meaning.
At the same time all words with the prefix a- (ma-) designate,
as if they were formed from nominal or verbal bases, action or
state, irrespective of object. Action (or state) is inherent
in the given case to the doer himself or is performed by him in
his own interest and does not pass to another object. Sometimes
the impression can arise that a verb with the prefix a- (ma-)
appears as a transitive and takes a direct object, for example:
magawe yajnya 'to perform' (lit. 'to do') a sacrifice'; manak
raksasa 'to have a demon as a son'. But in this case the prefix
refers to the entire word combination, i.e., its meaning affects
both words. In favor of this bespeaks the fact too that in the
language the word combinations gawe yajnya 'to make an offering'
and anak raksasa 'son of a demon' actually exist.
A similar type of phenomenon is found in Indonesian where
the prefix her-, which in meaning is close to the Kawi prefix
a- {ma-) , can also relate to word combinations as a whole, for
example:	herdjual kain 'to sell cloth' {djual 'to sell', kain
'cloth').
Thus, one can conclude that the prefix a- {ma-) serves to
produce forms reminiscent in meaning of the middle voice, being
used simultaneously also as a means of word derivation. In the
structure of the word, in addition to the base (which coincides
phonetically with the root word) and the prefix a- {ma-) , there
is also the suffix -an, for example:
guling 'to go for a drive'--agulingan 'to go for a
drive'; huwus 'already, finished'--mahuwusan 'to end,
complete'.
Root verbs and also a number of verbs formed by means of
affixes have no forms with voice.
The category of aspect in Kawi is more weakly developed
than the category of voice; the grammatical meanings of aspect
frequently become intertwined with grammatical and lexical mean-
ings of another kind. As has already been pointed out, the pre-
fix ka- can often serve to express not only a voice meaning,
but also the meaning of completed action or of perfective aspect.46
In order to express the meaning of intensity of action the
method of reduplication of the root morpheme can be used. This
form can be used to convey the senses of activity, repeated ac-
tion, etc. Therefore, the term "intensity" itself can be ap-
plied here only conditionally to designate a series of shades
of grammatical meaning of aspect, for example:
tukup ’to close ’--matukup-tukup 'to try to close';
minger 'to turn, swing'--minger-mingev 'to turn con-
stantly ' .
Doubling of the root part of the verb does not always serve
to express the meaning of the aspect. It is often used for a
different purpose.
Thus there is every reason to assert that the Kawi verb has
a form of perfective aspect (formed by means of the prefix ka-)
and of intensive aspect (formed by means of doubling the root
part of the verb). In the verb system there are no formants ex-
pressing grammatical meaning of the aspect, for example: matukup
'to close'. In this case the verb should be considered in the
form of a general aspect. The aspectual features of the verb,
appearing in this form, can be expressed in the sentence struc-
ture by some sort of word (for example, by the word 'continu-
ously') or by the context of the sentence.
Mood. Verbs which play the role of a predicate in impera-
tive and hortatory sentences, as a rule have another form than
in other cases. Thus, transitive verbs appear outside the forms
of the active or passive voices. Hence verbs which form the
active voice with the aid of the affixes -urn- or a- (ma-) + nasal
lose the affixes and phonetically coalesce with the word base,
for example:	rengo 'listen' (form of the active voice of
mangrengo), ton 'look* (active voice form turnon). Verbs with
the prefixes paha- and paka- in this case also coalesce with
the word base:	pakadipati 'be an adipati (a feudal title!';
pahenak 'make pleasant!'. The forms of the active voice of
these verbs are makadipati and mahenak. With intransitive verbs
having the form of tfie middle voice in imperative and hortatory
sentences the prefix a- {met-') is replaced by the prefix pa-;
paturu 'sleep!' (the form of the middle voice maturu), etc.
Whenever the verb appears in a subjunctive-hortatory clause,
the suffix -i is replaced by the suffix -ana, and -akna replaces
the suffix -aken, for example:
amejahi 'to kill' --amejahana ; wehi 'to gi ve1 --wehana',
huvipi 'to bring to life'--huripana; gumawayaken 'to
make, do'--gumawayakna; tinggalaken 'to leave'--
tinggalakna.
If the verb (in the form of the passive voice) is used with
the affix -in-, the -in- disappears, and the verb takes the suf-
fix -en (-n) , e.g.:47
inalag 'to be taken-alapen; linamar 'to be asked'--
lamaren; winawa 'to be brought'--wawan (wawa + en);
vinengo ’to be heard'--rengdn.
Thus, one can say that the Kawi verb has an imperative-
hortatory mood. Therefore, if the verb appears in another form
it ought to be considered that it is used in the form of a
general or indefinite mood. This is particularly the case with
the verb in the active, passive or middle voice.
The word formation of verbs. Kawi affixes are used almost
exclusively for the formation of verbs. Verbs can be formed
both from root words and from derivative words with the aid of
one or more affixes, the most important of which are the follow-
ing:
The prefix a- (ma-):	weka 'son, child'--maweka 'to
have children'.
The prefix a- (ma-) + nasal can also serve not only for
the formation of different forms, but also for word formation,
for example:	mango ala 'to catch with a net' presents the word
in the active voice. But at the same time the process of word
derivation is present since manggala is formed from the word
gala 'net'. Compare also:
tumbak 'spear'--manumbak 'to strike with a spear';
4at}4a 'punishment--angfanda 'to punish'; dob. 'distant'
--angdoh 'to move off'; ttpi 'shore, edge'--manepi 'to
move towards the edge/shore'; ganma 'embodiment, rein-
carnation '--mangganma 'to embody, reincarnate'.
Possibly there are other interpretations of this phenome-
non. In Kawi, as in Modern Javanese, some simple (non-affixed)
words refer simultaneously to two parts of speech.39
The morpheme -um- can, in the same way as the prefix a-
(ma-) + nasal, serve simultaneously for the purpose of morpho-
logical combinations and word combinations:
banyoana 'slander, calumny'--umanyoana 'to slander,
calumniate'; mitra 'friend'--umitra 'to be friends'.
The prefix paha- forms transitive verbs (in the active or
passive voice) from words which designate a quality, property,
or intransitive action.
In forming the active voice, p in the prefix paha- becomes
m, for example:	mahaleba 'to make pleasant' (leba 'pleasant,
39. Cf. Teselkin, Javanskii jazyk, p. 29.48
agreeable'). It is quite possible that the m here goes back
etymologically to the active voice prefix a- (ma-) + nasal, or
to -um-. Eventually the prefixes could have been reduced to the
nasal m. The possibility of such a change of the prefixes is
corroborated by the fact that in the majority of cases a prefix
which is expressed in the Modern Javanese active voice is formed
only by the nasals -ng, n, m, n, and n.
Undoubtedly, this Modern Javanese prefix (in all its afore-
mentioned variants) goes back to the Kawi affix a- (ma-) + nasal
or -um-. The passive voice of verbs with paha- is formed exclu-
sively from the infix -in- which is inserted between the con-
sonant and the vowel of the first syllable of the prefix paha-,
for example:	pinahateguh 'to be strengthened, to be fortified'
(from teguh 'firm, strong'). Besides the forms of the active
and passive voices, verbs with paha-, like other transitive
verbs, can be used as a rule only in imperative sentences, for
example:	pahaleba 'be pleasant!'.
The prefix paka- serves to form verbs principally from sub-
stantives. The majority of these verbs are transitive and have
forms of the active and passive voice verbs which are formed
precisely like verbs with paha-, for example:	makawahana 'to
go, ride in/on something', 'to use as a vehicle or chariot'
(from wahana 'vehicle, chariot'), pinakawahana 'to be used as a
vehicle or chariot'. Apart from the aforementioned, other ver-
bal prefixes also exist, for example, kapa- (possibly the prefix
ka- + the prefix pa-) and kapi- (ka- + pi-).
The most widely used verb suffixes are -i and -aken. Both
suffixes form transitive verbs, both active and passive, from
different parts of speech. When they are joined to transitive
verbs they do not perform a word formation function, but only
concretize the relationship between action and object. In the
meaning of the above-mentioned suffixes there are the following
basic differences. The word which plays the role of an object
to the verb with -i designates the location of the completed
action; the object designated by this word is in a state of
rest. The suffix -i, in all probability, has its general origin
in the preposition i indicating the location of the subject.
On the other hand, the word which plays the role of an object
to the verb with -aken designates the subject which would be
found in a state of motion or change. It is not rare for it to
convey the meaning of movement. The difference in the meaning
of the suffixes -i and -aken is particularly evident from the
following examples:	tunggangi kuda 'mount a horse!'; tumuti
prang 'participate in the war!'; angkataken sang Dwijakangka
'raise the Dwijakangka!'.49
Adj ectives
Kawi adjectives do not possess grammatical categories of
gender, number, and case. They are represented exclusively by
non-derivative words and reduplications. The latter are formed
by doubling of non-derivative words; thus reduplication serves
to intensify the meaning of the quality or attribute or, other-
wise, to create forms irrespective of the superlative quality
or attributive, for example:	ramya ’beautiful', ramya-ramya
'very beautiful'. A special feature of Kawi adjectives lies in
the fact that they can designate the quality and attributes not
only of the subject, but also of the object. Kawi adjectives
are translated into Russian more often with qualitative adjec-
tives and adverbs, for example:	inggal 'swift, swiftly'. There
are no relative adjectives in Kawi, but relative attributives
are expressed by substantives. Used in the role of attribute,
the adjective, as a rule, follows the substantive:	kuda putih
'white horse'.
The Kawi adjective on the basis of its grammatical attri-
butes differs considerably from nominals (nouns, numerals and
pronouns) and on the other hand is drawn to the verbs, princi-
pally to the intransitive. The grammatical boundaries of adjec-
tives and intransitive verbs have the following in common. Both
the first and second in the sentence usually appear in the role
of attribute, adverb of manner, or of predicate. In addition,
both those and others can be used substantively, i.e., in the
role of subject or object, generally combined with special par-
ticles or with other groups of words. Adjectives, as also
verbs, are very seldom joined with prepositions. In a series
of grammatical attributes adjectives are differentiated from
verbs; in particular they have no category of mood. However,
the adjective sometimes plays the role of predicate in the
imperative-hortatory sentence, for example:	Yan maty ekung
raksasa si Hidimba ... haywa sowe-sowe 'If the giant Hidimba is
to die ... let there be no delay!'
One must admit that the adjective and verb in Kawi form
one general class of words which grammatically is differentiated
from the class of nouns.
Linking-Words
To the linking-words in Kawi belong the prepositions, con-
junctions, and also several groups of words of another kind
which we may call particles.
Prepositions. The most widely used preposition in Kawi is
i, which also appears in the forms ing, ni, ning, ri, and ring.
The forms ing, ning, and ring should be differentiated from the
joining of the preposition with the particle ng (cf. below).50
The functions of this preposition are very diverse. The
principal ones are the following:	adverbial, objective, and
attributive. In the adverbial function the preposition i is
most frequently used with substantives, playing the role of an
adverb of place or time, e.g.:	ing hawan ’on the road’; i sedeng
'in the period', 'at the time when'. In a number of cases the
preposition appears with a substantive in so close a relation-
ship that the two function as an entity, fulfilling the role of
a preposition or adverbial. The most characteristic combinations
of such a type are:	i sov 'below, beneath'; ingvuhuv ’upwards,
to the top’; ingjevo 'in(side)', etc. Appearing in an attribu-
tive function, this preposition most often unites two substan-
tives which stand in a relationship to each other as dependent
attribute, for example:	kahyun i nghulun 'my wish'; wavna ning
kuda 'color of a horse'. Used in the objective function\ the
preposition i unites the verb with the substantive or pronoun
(more often personal) which correlates as predicate--object.
The object introduced by this preposition can designate as ob-
ject, not only the subject (doer) of the action, but also the
instrument or means of perfective action, for example:	einukat
niva vi tungtung ing lavas 'he pierced with the point of the
bow'; pinangan ing apuy 'to be consumed by fire'; mawehanugvaha
vi kami 'give us the reward'.
The preposition saka was in origin apparently connected
with the noun sangka 'fatherland', 'place of origin'. This
preposition serves as an expression of adverbials, less fre-
quently of attributives between words. In Russian it is usually
rendered by Hz, ot, iz-za’. Used in an adverbial function, it
serves as the introduction of an adverbial function of place or
cause. In this function saka is often combined with the prepo-
sition i:	mantuk sakeng (saka + ing) panangkilan 'to return
from a reception hall', saka vi kavsa 'because of a desire'.
Saka can also be used with cardinal numbers thus forming a com-
bination meaning 'so many, at one time', for example:	saka
satus 'by hundreds', saka vwang atus 'by two hundreds'.
The preposition de is used, as a rule, with nouns or pro-
nouns which play the role of subject of action (doer). Similar
to the preposition saka it is often used in conjunction with
the preposition i:	kapangguh denta 'received by thee';
pinakawahana de bhatava Wisnu 'Lord Vishnu used it as a chariot'
(lit. 'it was used as a chariot by Lord Vishnu'); panganen
dening naga 'in order that he be eaten by a dragon'.
Frequently a word introduced by the preposition de desig-
nates not so much the doer as the source of the action or the
cause which provoked the action:	Kapuhan dahat wih pinakanghulun
de ni kottaman ing pwangkulun 'I was much surprised by his
piety'. In addition, the preposition de is also used for clari-
fication of the meaning of possession:	wadwa de mahavaja51
’servant of the emperor'; guru de ning ari 'teacher of the
younger brother'.
The Modern Javanese preposition dening undoubtedly does
back etymologically to the combination of de + ning.
Conjunctions in Kawi, as in other languages, are coordi-
nating-alid-sTTborcTin a ting.
To the coordinating conjunctions belong:	connective--saha
and mwang 'and', 'with', 'together with'; disjunctive--athawa
'or', yapwan ... yadiyan 'either ... or'; adversative--tathapi
'but, however', anghing 'however, but'.
To the subordinating conjunctions belong:
yan--used most often for the expression of real or un-
real condition (is translated in this case by 'if' or 'had it')
it can also serve to unite a subordinate object clause (trans-
lated by 'that').
yadyapin 'although, but nevertheless', yadyapin ...
tuwi 'although ... yet, but nevertheless'--introduce an object
concessive clause; kadi 'as, like'--comparative conjunction,
etc.
Particles and interjections. Among the particles can be
singled out three basic groups.
The particle ng (or ang) belongs to words of the first
group and is used as a means of expressing the sense of defi-
niteness. For example:	katha 'story, stories’ can designate
as definite, i.e., a known or previously mentioned story or
stories as well as the story which is mentioned for the first
time to the author or to his unknown interlocutor. A similar
word can mean both any kind of subjects and the aggregate of
the subjects of a given class. In many Indonesian languages a
word is used in similar cases with the indefinite article. If
that word appears with the particle ng, the subject designated
by it is considered definite, known, mentioned earlier:	ang
katha 'this story, these stories', or 'story/stories already
known to us'. Thus, the particle ng plays the role of a defi-
nite article here.
From all that has been said, it does not follow that the
use of ng is as compulsory and regular as the use of the defi-
nite article in a number of Indo-European languages. This
particle can always be omitted if the meaning of definiteness
is clear from the context. In expressing the sense of definite
ness the particle ng often serves at the same time to emphasize
a word. This is done for the purpose of a logical emphasis on52
one or other word in the clause, for example:	ang katha can
mean 'the story (or the stories)' or 'the same story'. The
sense of definiteness should be regarded as basic.
The particles si, pun, sang, etc., are also used in the
same functions as ng. The use of these particles in contrast
to ng is limited to the designation of proper names or of ani-
mate objects (most often of people, gods, demons); for example:
si Siwi 'Siwi' (name of a person); sang maharsi 'the great
sage'. In a number of cases ang, si, sang, and other particles
are used with verbs. Thus the verb appears in the function of
a noun:	sang mati 'the dead, the departed'.
To the second group of particles belong words which convey
the sense of affirmation or of negation, thus not implementing
the function of a member of a clause. To this belong, especial-
ly, the negative tan 'not, no' which also occurs in the forms
tatan, taman, tamatan, and tatar.
The words which constitute the third group consist of par-
ticles which serve as logical emphasis of a member of a clause.
These particles occupy a place after the word to which they re-
fer. Among these one can name ta, pwa, atah, ndah 'but,as re-
gards, even', etc., and samangkana ta 'at that very time, just
at that time'.
Besides those enumerated above there are in Kawi still
other particles, among which the particle a is worthy of special
attention. It has a broad range of meaning and shows that the
fact or event spoken about in a sentence still has not taken
place, will or will not have taken place, that it is possible
or not possible, desirable or undesirable, etc. In a number of
Kawi grammars it is asserted that this particle serves to form
the subjunctive mood of the verb.1*0 However, this is incorrect
since the particle a is used not only with verbs but also with
nominal clauses.1*1 It always adjoins phonetically some word
directly following it. Thus the final sound of this word can
undergo different sound changes, subject to Kawi sandhi. The
particle a can adjoin any important word, and also a conjunc-
tion. The word to which this particle joins would be the bearer
of the modal characteristic of the sentence. Examples:	sugyan
tan wruha kita ri kami 'If, perchance, you don't know me ...';
yatika paweha ra mpu ri nghulun 'Let this be your favor in rela-
tion to me'; 'yadyapin manaka satus ngwang 'Had I a hundred
40.	S. Wojowasito, Kawigastra, p. 23.
41.	In Kawi there is no verb copula which corresponds with the
verb copula of the Indo-European languages. The nominal
sentences of Kawi, as a rule, are used without copulative
verbs.53
children . . . ' ; ngke kitar walesa sih nira 'Now you can return
his love'; hana kari kenoha ni pwangkulun? 'Can I be helpful?'
(lit. 'Remains from me help?').
Kawi also has interj ections, i.e., words which serve to
convey various nuances of feelings and emotions, thus not enter
ing into a syntactical relationship with members of a sentence.
In the category of interjections fall also words such as om,
which represents the highest degree of respect and is used for
addressing divinities or Brahmins; ail 'look here! hello!'--
used for addressing a certain person for the purpose of attract
ing his attention; udu 'oh!'--expressing a strong degree of en-
thusiasm or grief, etc.
Syntax
The analytical modes of the relationship of words in the
sentences in Kawi predominate over the synthetic. This circum-
stance undoubtedly has a close connection with the grammatical
nature of the word. We know that the words which form a sen-
tence have a syntactical bond with each other. This connection
can be expressed by a specific morpheme in the structure of the
word itself. For example, in the phrase sdal knigu 'return the
book' -u indicates the character of the relationship between
the words. Thanks to the presence of this suffix we know that
the word knigu has the meaning of the direct object and that
the two words are in a verb-object relationship. In a similar
type of word combination--maharaja mabuvubuvu 'The maharaja was
hunting', what indicates the nature of the connection between
the words is the prefix ma- in the word maburuburu (the order
and the semantic content of the sentence). In the root word
there are no morphemes which would indicate the nature of the
syntactical bond of this word. The majority of derived words,
if they are not verbs, also do not possess similar morphemes in
their structure. The only exceptions are the verbs, which have
a number of affixes designating certain syntactical bonds.
Therefore, the syntactical relationship of the words is often
expressed by means which are beyond the limits of these words,
i.e., analytical. For the purpose indicated, the following
analytical methods are used in Kawi:	word-order, linking words
and autonomous words in linkage functions. There is reason to
assume that intonation plays a not inconsiderable role here.
Verbal affixes sometimes serve as a synthetic means of express-
ing relationships between words in a sentence. In the study of
grammatical ways of combining words in sentences one should
also take into account the role of the semantic content of
speech.
In Kawi word order plays a considerably more significant
role than, for example, in Russian. Let us compare the Kawi
sentence kawula ngapitaken sira with its Russian equivalent54
vab sopvovozhdal ego ('the slave accompanied him'). The Kawi
sentence will have another meaning if we change the places of
kawula. 'slave' and siva 'he'. Therefore siva ngapitaken kawula
will mean 'he escorted the slave'. In the Russian sentence,
however, one can change the word order but the sense remains
the same.
The basic grammatical functions of word order are the fol-
lowing :
1.	The difference in the attributive and the determiner.
In Kawi, as a rule, the attributive precedes the determiner.
The exceptions are the cardinal numbers and the words piva 'how
much, how many?', akweh 'several', and some others. All these
words, playing the role of the attribute, precede the word which
appears in the function of attributive, for example:	patang
tahun 'four years'; pivang kadatwan 'several palaces'. The
attributive relationship can be expressed exclusively by word
order. Hence, from the substantives which follow in succession
the first will be the attributive, the second the determiner:
panghilang wisa 'means for the destruction of poison', but wisa
panghilang 'poison as a means of destruction'.
2.	The distinction between subject and object (cf. the
previous example kawula ngapitaken siva) and between subject
and predicate. In a simple narrative sentence the predicate
more often precedes the subject. However, word order in this
case is not used as the principal means of distinguishing the
subject and the predicate. A much more important role is played
here by the particles and by the semantic content of the sen-
tence .
The prepositions can be used as a means of joining the com-
ponents of attributes or of predicate with object word combina-
tions, and also for the introduction of various adverbs.
Most widely used is the preposition i. If we realize the
relationship between the components of the aforementioned types
of word combination, the preposition i only indicates that the
component immediately following it occurs in a subordinate rela-
tionship to the other component of the word combination. The
concrete content of the relationship between the components of
the word combination is inferred exclusively from the meaning.
Thus, in the word combination tumanyaken ing lava 'to ask about
sorrow' the preposition ing only indicates that the component
tumanyaken is explained by the component lava. The concrete
content of the relationship between components is recognized
only from the sense of the content of this word combination from
which we infer that this relationship is a verb-object one, and
not an attributive one. And the more so as the preposition i
does not reveal the content of the relationship between the55
components of the different types, verbal-objective or attribu-
tive word combinations. If in the word combination tumanyaken
ing lava the word lava plays the role of object of the action,
then in the word combination pinangan ing apuy 'to be consumed
by fire' the preposition ing introduces a word which appears in
the function of a doer or subject of the action.
This same preposition can introduce a word which plays the
role of an indirect object of the action, for example:	Sang
Ambika tinavimaken i Citvanggada 'Ambika was given away to
Citranggada'.
The preposition i is used in attributive word combinations:
ngavan i nghulun 'my name'; wwe ning samudva 'water of the sea';
kaqaktin ing Bhlmavguna 'the magic force of Bhima and Ardjuna';
indva ning manuk 'king of the birds'.
The preposition i often also serves to introduce adverbs
of place or time, for example:	binunyoang ing Iwah 'to be
hurled into the river'; tibeng (tiba + ing) lemah 'to fall on
the ground'; i wekasan 'at last, ultimately'; vi sedeng 'while'.
A curious use of the preposition ing is in the combination
with the verb hana 'this is':	haneng (hana + ing). Frequently,
in the aforementioned combination, the verb hana loses its
original meaning, and then all combinations appear as preposi-
tions:	manehevakena siva haneng wukiv 'he wants to live on the
mountain*. This use was preserved and is often found in Modern
Javanese (in the form aneng or ana ing). Other prepositions,
as we have already discussed in the section on parts of speech,
are also polysemantic.
Conjunctions in Kawi are few. Those most commonly used
have already been discussed. Their functioning was illustrated
in the discussion of the different types of complex sentences.
In auxiliary functions, autonomous words related to the
substantives, pronouns, or verbs are widely used. Let us
enumerate some of them.
The substantive kavana 'reason, cause' can also be used in
the function of a causal conjunction and in this case it means
'as, because'.
The substantive dudu 'difference' can be used as a negation
with nouns:	dudu wwang 'not a person'.
The demonstrative pronoun ika 'that' can serve as a means
of emphasizing a member of a sentence or as an expression of
definiteness, for example:	dumilah ikang mata 'those eyes
shone'. This same pronoun is employed for the substantive use56
of a verb which can be extended to other words, for example:
ikang anibaken ing sumur iki ta Carmistha ngaranya 'the one who
threw me into the well is called’Carmistha'.
The verb kari 'to stay, remain' can appear in the function
of the coordinating conjunction 'and', and the verb amrih 'to
strive', 'to seek' in the function of the subordinating conjunc-
tion 'in order that'. It is interesting that in Modern Javanese
certain of the abovementioned words are used only as auxili-
aries. This can be said in particular of the words dudu--a
negation used only with nouns; and ingkang [ikang)--a relative
pronoun which also combines with non-nouns to form nouns.
As a means of syntactical relationship the particles serve
principally as a logical emphasis of parts of a sentence. Some
of these particles, used as a means of logical isolation, at
the same time indicate the function of the word in the sentence
or, more precisely, designate the boundary between two members
of a sentence. For example, the particle ta is most often used
immediately after the predicate:	mulih ta sireng ka^atwan 'he
returned to the palace'; <$ateng ta bhagawan Uttangka 'and Bagawan
Uttangka arrived'.
The particle ta is regularly used in hortatory sentences,
immediately following the verb:	pahaleba ta manahta 'calm down
your heart!'. If the verb is used with the negative haywa, the
particle immediately follows the negative:	haywa ta kita
manahaken ing manusa htnagakti 'do not shoot an arrow at a per-
son who does not possess magical power'.
Furthermore, the particle ta can place in relief the sub-
ject expressed by a pronoun, also directly following it:	ya ta
pagara hyang mami 'about this our Gods must tell'.
For emphasis of the subject, expressed not by a pronoun,
the particle ta is used extremely rarely, for example:	Sang
Uttangka ta sira kinon an atunggwa patapan 'Uttangka was ordered
to stand guard at the abode of the anchorite'.
This same particle is often used together with an inter-
rogative:	aparan ta kahyun rahadyan sanghulun? 'What is your
wish?' The particle pwa is used like ta, but far less frequent-
ly:	menget	pwa sira ... 'And he recalled . . . ' ; karengo pwa
tangis sang Jaratkaru denya 'And he heard the sobbing of
Jaratkaru'.
Ta and pwa are used together with other particles, espe-
cially often with ya:	pinanah nira ta yeng (ya + ing) astra
tiksna 'He shot a sharp arrow'; ... pegah pwa ya tang gagak
mwang tang sarpa '... and the crow and snake perished'.The Sentence
In research into the grammatical nature of the Kawi sen-
tence one encounters significant obstacles. One of the diffi-
culties stems from the fact that written records in Kawi were
composed in different regions of Java and were often separated
from each other by great periods of time. The syntax of cer-
tain records was often different from the syntax of others.
Other difficulties are bound up with the grammatical character-
istics of Kawi, in particular with the fact that nouns in this
language are not declined and verbs do not change according to
person and tense, and that in this language, also, the paucity
of prepositions and conjunctions accounts for the fact that
autonomous words are often used in auxiliary functions. The
role of semantic context in Kawi is so important that this lan-
guage, being a written language, resembles a spoken language in
its syntactical features.
Later on in the description of the sentence we shall con-
fine ourselves only to its most striking features.
Members of a sentence. Any autonomous word, most fre-
quent ly-liouns—an3-^pronounJ, can appear in the role of subject,
for example:	tinanggap sang Uttangka ikang kundala 'These ear-
rings were taken by Uttangka'; tan wareg kami de ni oaritanta
'I still wasn't satisfied with your story'.
The subject in the simple narrative sentence generally
follows the predicate. The reverse order of the words occurs
in the following cases:
a)	if the sentence begins with an adverb or with introduc-
tory words (parenthetical words) of the type kunang, yapwan:
mangke tembe yan ibungku mart huluna denta 'Henceforth my mother
is not your slave'; kunang qrv maharaja yogya magawaya danda
'It is necessary that the maharadja judge'.
b)	if a pronoun appears in the role of subject followed by
the particle ta:	kami ta kawekas ngke ring alas 'Vie remain in
this forest'; aku ta tunggal-tunggal ...	'I am quite alone ...'
Verbs rarely occur in the role of subject. But they some-
times take pre-substantive particles, particularly the particle
sang, which in this case indicates the substantive use of the
verb:	aparan ta sang makaputrt ri kita? 'Who was the one who
gave you birth?'
Instead of pre-substantival particles demonstrative pro-
nouns are often used:	syapa tanung makaprabhawa ika? 'Who is
the one who possesses strength?'58
Nouns and adjectives occur no less frequently than verbs
in the role of predicates. Thus, a nominal predicate, as a
rule, is used without a copula. The predicate generally pre-
cedes the subject and is frequently accompanied by the emphatic
particles ta, pwa, ya, etc.:	hana ta rsi bhagawan Paragara
ngaranya 'One sage was Bagawan Paragara by name'; anon ta sira
patapan 'And he saw the abode of the hermit'; kaki sanghulun
sakeng ibu rahadyan sanghulun 'You are my grandfather on the
maternal side'; brahmana daridra kami 'I'm a poor Brahman';
nahan ling ning akagawakya 'Such were the words of the voice
from heaven'; tan yogya ikang rah yan tarpanakena 'It isn't
proper (lit. 'not good') to pay for a petition with blood'; tan
yukti^ulahta iko 'Your conduct is unbecoming'; syapa ngkana
wegilengku? 'Who will be my protector there?' (lit. 'who is my
protector there?').
Root verbs of the type wenang 'be able, can', ilu 'to par-
ticipate in, to partake with', and dadi 'to become, to transfer
into s.t.', are used as copulative verbs^ for example:	tatar
wenang manghabetaken pratoda mwang tar wenang mangdharana panah
'I can't use a whip, and I can't carry a bow ...'; kunang grt
Krsna tan ilu sira mulih 'But Krishna did not go back with the
others'; ndatan hana wwang mangko Iwirnya dadya huluna 'A man
with such an appearance cannot become a slave'.
As a rule, nouns and pronouns occur in the role of an ob-
ject (it is not a characteristic function of verbs and adjec-
tives to serve as objects). Occurring in the role of object,
they are often introduced by pre-substantival particles or
demonstrative pronouns (cf. p. 55). In connection with the
fact that nouns in Kawi are not declined, formal markers of
different types of object are employed, combined with nouns in
the role of objects with verbs and prepositions. One can dis-
tinguish two basic types of object--non-prepositional and prepo-
sitional .
For the complete characteristics of the formal markers of
the object it is necessary also to take into account the morpho-
logical structure of the verb to which the object refers in a
relationship. The non-prepositional object can only have tran-
sitive verbs. One and the same type of verb can have a non-
prepositional as well as a prepositional object. For example,
side by side with umalap ika 'to take that' and mangdharana
panah 'to carry a bow' one meets a word combination of the type
amanaha ri twas 'to strike (or to shoot) the heart' and sumahut
ing wwang 'to bite a person'; alongside mangaliwati Yamuna 'to
cross the Yamuna' one can find mangaliwati sireng (sira + ing)
Kstrarnawa 'They crossed the Ksira Sea'; alongside maaaritaken
maharaga 'to relate s.t. to the maharadja' one can meet manahaken
ing manusa 'to shoot at a person'.59
Especially should one analyze the types of object to the
verb with the suffixes -i or -aken. As has been stated already,
these suffixes connect the verb with the object. The direct
object to the verb in the form of the active voice with the
suffix -i can designate either the location of completion of
the action or the object which undergoes some sort of change or
is in a state of motion; for example:	wwang mangaliwati Yamuna
'people who are swimming across the Yamuna'; prayatna tikang
Susarma manglepasi gula 'Susarma was adroitly throwing the
spear'.
The direct object of a verb with the active suffix -aken
usually designates an object or person undergoing some sort of
change or in a state of motion, in whose interest the action is
performed:	irika ta yan manurun sang TopatZ umintonaken rupa
nira ri haji 'Then Topati left in order to show himself to the
ruler' (lit. 'to show his appearance'); ya tanuwuhaken krodha
sang gurupatnZ ’This provokes the anger of the wife of the
teacher'; lakwaken ikang ratha mara ngka 'Drive the chariot
there!'; mangkana ling bhagawan Waigampayana3 maaaritaken
maharaja Janamej aya 'These were the words of the Bagawan
Waigampayana who had related the story of Maharadja Jayamejaya'.
The object to the verb in the form of the passive can be
introduced without a preposition; in this case, it, as a rule,
follows immediately after the verb and designates an object or
a person which is the course or cause of the action, or an ob-
ject which is the means of the completion of the action:	tang
sinangguh patik haji Kurukula 'I have Kurukula in mind’ (lit.
'he is in mind by me'); pinanah nira ta yeng astra tiksna 'He
shot a sharp arrow' (lit. 'by him was shot a sharp arrow');
... pinahayu tinutupan papan 'It was neatly covered by planks'.
If the object is introduced by a preposition, it is not
required to follow the verb. In introducing the object the
preposition i (with variants) and de (or de in combination with
the preposition i) are often used. Since these prepositions
possess very broad meanings, the objects introduced by them ex-
press very different ideas:	muwah ta DewayanZ mdjar i sang
bapa ... ’And again DewayanI said to her father . . . ' ; atyanta
dibyanta wenang tumanyaken ing lara mami 'How kind is your
heart, if you inquire about my sorrow'; kewalamengeti rahadyan
sanghulun ri pamujanta 'I only remind (you) about the object of
your worship'; wanggakrama nira ya ta warahakena mpungku ri kami
'Tell me about your genealogy'; ya ta oinakraken de bhatara
Wisnu ring daitya 'Lord Vishnu hit the giant with the discus';
aw'idi kawruhana de ning wandhuwarga makadi sang bapebu 'He was
afraid that his relatives would find out (lit. 'he feared he
would be found out by his relatives'), particularly by his
parents'.60
The object, related to the root verb, is always introduced
by a preposition; it can designate the subject as well as the
object of the action:	sugyan tan wvuha kita vi kami ... 'If,
perchance, you do not know me ...'; salikuv kweh ning vatu peg ah
de niva 'twenty-one rulers fell by his hand'; kenakanya donenku
ngkaneng Panyoalanagava^ pongakena tapwan wedi ning pwangkulun
'It's best we attack the country of Panchala, while they do not
fear us'; suka ta sira bapa vi dateng sang Gandhawatt 'and the
father was happy at the coming of Gandhawati'; ndatan suka sang
hyang pitava de niva 'His ancestors were not content with him';
tan lupa de niva vumaksa ikang vat 'he did not forget to protect
the world’ (lit. 'the world was not forgotten by him to protect').
A special aspect of the object is presented by the verb
katekan 'to be affected, to have experience'. The object in
this case immediately adjoins the verb and designates usually
the topic which is the source, cause, or instrument of accomp-
lishment of the action; the feature of this consists in the fact
that it is not used in the capacity of subject, since the word
katekan, being in its origin a form of the passive voice, became
part of the lexicon and the active voice of this same root (teka
'to come, arrive') does not occur:	yan hana katekan danda de
sang pvabhu 'if one is to be punished by a ruler' (lit. 'if it is
to be subjected to punishment by a ruler'); yan kita huwus
katekana swami ... 'if you were married' (lit. 'had a husband');
mogha ta mahavaja katekan vaga 'and here the maharadja seethed
with passion'.
Any kind of autonomous word can occur in the function of
an attribute. As a rule, the attribute follows the attributive.
A word which plays the role of attribute can be introduced by
prepositions:	pahaleba ta manahta 'calm your heart'; kawidagdhan
mami nita oatuvangga 'my talent--it's a game of chess'; bhagawan
Bhtsma wwang sang Avkasuta pinakapavgw angapit vi vatha niva
'Bagawan Bhisma and Arkasuta followed closely behind his
chariot'; sang hyang Kama ... amanaha vi twas sang tapa ...
'The goddess Kama will strike (with an arrow) the heart of the
hermit ...'; tan hana wwang tumahenaken pvabhawanya 'there was
no one who withstood his might'; ikang wwang awevo de ning
sagong 'a person intoxicated from strong drinks'; mangvengo
nghulun kuda putih kewala 'I heard only about a white horse';
avi ni nghulun ... pametakena mami kanya tiga 'I will find three
girls for my younger brothers'; ya ta hetu ning anangis ’Here's
the reason for the wailing'; nghulun pvasiddha kawula de sang
Dewayant 'in reality I'm a servant of Dewayani'; kaki sanghulun
sakeng ibu 'You are my maternal grandfather'; kunang kahyun i
nghulun 'This is my wish'.
Substantives, introduced by prepositions, are more often
used in the role of adverb of place. The adverb of place usual-
ly follows the head members of the sentence or precedes them:61
maneherakena sira haneng wukir 'he wants to live on a mountain';
wangke nira binunyoangaken ing suket 'his body was thrown on
the grass.'
Furthermore, in the function of adverb of place can appear
words of the type ngke 'hither, here', ngka or ngkana 'there,
thither':	laku ta wawa ngke ryaku 'go and bring her to me';
sakwehta tamolah ngke ... 'All of you who have assembled here
.. . ' ; pira ta tawas niran hana ngka ... 'He was there for
sometime ...’.
Sometimes these words are considered adverbs. However, it
is more correct, apparently, to regard them as substantives,
more precisely, as demonstrative pronouns. In particular, the
fact that they can be combined like nouns and pronouns with
prepositions testifies in favor of this:	lakwaken ikang ratha
mara ngka! 'Drive the chariot there!'; kaparnah wetan tan madoh
dahat saka ngke 'It is in the east, hot very’far from here'.
The adverb of time in its formal grammatical markers dif-
fers little from the adverb of place. Like the latter, it is
represented in a sentence by a noun, often with a preposition.
The usual location of the adverb of time is before or after the
main members of a sentence:	... i wekasan tinambakaken tawak
nireng wwe 'his body was finally used as a dam in the water';
ri kata ning wiwaha ... 'during the wedding ...'.
The words ngke and ngkana can appear in the role of adverbs
of time as well:	ngke ka kita ndak warah i kaoaritan sang
Dropadi 'Now I'll tell you a story about Dropadi'.
Derivatives of these words can also play the role of ad-
verbs of time:	amwit ta kami mangke ri kita 'Now I bid you
farewell'; samangkana ta maharaja Janamejaya mulih mareng
kadatwan ira 'At that time Maharadja Janamejaya was returning
to*his palace'.
Words of the type huwus 'already' and sedeng 'time, when'
are also used as adverbs of time. They can be joined with
prepositions and they should, in all probability, be considered
adverbial nouns:	huwus ibek de ning ksatriya ikang mandala .
ning mandapa 'the front veranda was already filled witfi*war-
riors'; ri huwus ning ksatriya pejah de bhagawan Rama Paragu,
nisksatriya ikang bhumi samangka 'after the warriors perished
at*the hand of^Bagawan Rama Paragu, there were no more warriors
on earth'; sedeng tengah wengi wahu sumurup sang hyang wulan
'It was midnight when the moon had just disappeared'; i sedeng
sang rsi amangan ... 'when the seer ate ...'.
The types of adverbs:	action, cause, purpose, consequence,
etc., are not sufficiently clearly differentiated in their own62
formal grammatical markers. Usually they are distinguished by
meaning. If the context is not clear, the word or word combina-
tion in the role of an adverbial permits several interpretations
since it has to do with its function in the sentence; for exam-
ple:	l umekas tikang Kanana mangguha 'Quickly Kanana began to
dig a cave' or 'Kanana was quick at digging a cave'; pinahalit
nira tekawak nira3 sakawenanga masuk 'and he reduced the size
of his body, so that he could crawl through' (or 'in order that
he could crawl through'); wulangun ta sira tan wruh ing lor
kidul 'he is so confused, he doesn't know where north or south
is'; tumurun ta sira manantwa ri bhagawan Qakrlputra 'and they
went out to welcome Bagawan Qakriputra' or 'and they went out,
welcoming Bagawan Qakriputra'.
Certainly, there are a number of cases where the sentence
permits only one basic interpretation, for example:	saka ri gya
nira 'since he was in a great hurry'. However, in a majority
of cases the indication of a type of adverbial is distinguished
solely by the context.
Simple sentences in Kawi can be classified according to
structure and modality.
Mononuclear sentences in Kawi are not typical. There are
no impersonal sentences in this language.
The Kawi sentence should, according to the modality, first
of all be divided into indicative and subjunctive-hortatory.
To the indicative mood belong sentences the content of
which is presented by the author as expressing something real.
In Indo-European languages, in sentences of a similar kind the
verbal predicate appears in the indicative. In Kawi, as has
already been pointed out, the predicate can be expressed not
only by a verb but also by a noun or an adjective without a
copula. Indicative Kawi sentences can be formed from verbal as
well as nominal sentences. Indicative sentences are noteworthy
for the fact that they do not have a special indicator of their
general modal characteristics.
Indicative sentences can be narrative, negative, interroga-
tive and exclamatory:	anon ta sira patapan 'and he saw the
dwelling of a hermit'; apa pwa yan alaparingku? 'Did he really
steal my sister?'; ikang naga Takqaka tan hana yeking Khandhawa-
wana 'The dragon Taksaka is not in the Khandhawa forest'; aku
dinalih ta swaminyu! 'and you still consider me your husband!'
Subjunctive-hortatory sentences report a fact or phenomenon
which is presented by the author as expressing something unreal
or contrary to fact. Formally, these sentences are character-
ized either by the presence of the modal particle a which can63
be joined to almost any word in the sentence, or, if the predi-
cate is verbal, by the use of a verb in the imperative-hortatory
mood. If the particle a is already used in the sentence, the
verb can appear in the general or infinitive form, for example:
yatika. paweha ra mpu ri nghulun 'let this be a favor of yours
to me'; bapa! matanghya ta rahadyan sanghulun! Father! Wake
up! ' ; samangkana Iwir wenanga ning kadi patik nararya 'this is
what a ruler like me can do'; kinonaken ta sang Pan^awa
pagawayakena tilem 'and the burial rite was ordered arranged
for the Pandawas'; aparan ta kahyun rahadyan sanghulun, anung
hanakena pinakanghulun 'whatever you wish, I'll fulfill it'.
The subjective-hortatory sentence expresses the following
meanings:
1)	future tense:	... tasmad dutyka panggihenyu} panganen
ing apuy ta ko 'A great grief shall befall you, you will be de-
voured by fire'; aku sumaputana kita lebu 'I'll cover you with
dust'; awedi kawruhana de ning wandhuwarga 'he was afraid that
the relatives would find out';
2)	a wish, request, supplication, appeal, obligation, etc.:
ksamakena eabda ni nghulun 'Pardon my words!'; ... anaknya
sumiliha karatun haji ring dlaha '... and may his son obtain a
principality in the future!';
3)	command:	talap3 t ulihaken i kadatwan 'catch and bring
him to the palace'; tamalaku ta kitanugrahery aku! 'ask me for
the reward!'; parwan jugeki kadatwanta 'Divide your own princi-
pality into two halves!'. Often in these cases constructions
with the word kon 'to command, to order' are used:	kinon ta
sira muliha 'they ordered him to leave'; ... akon aku majare
sang prabhu '... I order (you) to inform the prince'.
4)	purpose:	lumampah ta sirameta strt sanama nira 'he set
out to search for a wife with the same name';
5)	possibility, condition:	matya pwa sira, syapa tuming-
halana nghulun? 'If he were to die, who will look out for us?';
ndatan sapira lara ni nghulun yan huwusa kita pada maputra 'I
would not be so grieved if you had two children'; tan hana rakwa
suka lewiha sangkerika 'but there is no greater happiness, you
know' (lit. 'happiness is that which would have been great').
The subjunctive-hortatory sentence (i.e., the sentence with
the particle a or with a verb in the imperative-hortatory mood)
is not obligatorily used in all cases where it is necessary to
render one of the above-mentioned modal senses. Sometimes the
modal sense is expressed lexically only, especially in hortatory
sentences containing the negative haywa 'it's not necessary',
'one shouldn't'; for example:	haywa ta kita sandeha 'don't64
worry'; haywa ta kita manahaken ing manusa htna.Ga.kti 'don't
shoot at a man who does not possess magic power'.
Indicative and subjunctive-hortatory sentences are, in the
main, not distinguished by word order. Some features of the
structure are to be found only in interrogative sentences which
often begin with an interrogative, for example:	aparan ta
kahyun rahadyan sanghulun? 'What is your wish?'
Before going on to the complex sentence, it is necessary
to mention one phenomenon which occupies an intermediate posi-
tion between the simple and the complex sentence. It has to do
with attributive phrases which are joined with a noun by means
of simple contiguity.
Since the linking words in a given case are absent, the
attributive phrase occupies, as it were, a special place; this
can be considered a definite subordinate clause. Attributive
phrases of such a type consist most often only of verbs with an
object or an adverb; sometimes, however, they are represented
by a noun with other words syntactically subordinate to it:
tan hana wwang tumahenaken prabhawanya 'there was no one who
withstood his might'; mangkana Ung bhagawan Waigampayana
maoaritaken maharaja Janamejaya 'Such were the words of Bagawan
Waigampayana who told it to Maharadja Janamejaya'; hana ta
wangke ning ula ... kinalungaken ing gulu bhagawan Samiti
'There was the carcass of a snake which was hanging like a neck-
lace around the neck of Bagawan Samiti'; hana ta sang Dagabala
ngaranyat parnah wadwa de maharaja Basuparicara 'There was a
man by the name of Dagabala who was formerly a servant of Maha-
radja Basuparicara'.
Complex sentences by their structure and by the semantic
link of their components do not differ in principle from complex
sentences of Indo-European languages. The components of complex
sentences can be united by means of conjunctions and of conjunc-
tive words, or without them; the subordinate clause can occupy
a place after, before, or in the middle of the main clause.
The components of complex sentences can be united by the
conjunctions:	mwang, tawan, saha 'and', muwah 'and', 'and
also', etc.:	hana ta nadi Quktimatt ngaranya, Iwah ning
Kotagiri, lawan ta wwainya umilt tekeng kadatwan 'there was a
river bearing the name Quktimati, flowing from Mt. Kola, and
its waters flowed right up to the palace'; tinanyan ira pwa ri
karananyan panangis muwah yan syapa sang makastrt ya 'he asked
why she was crying and who was her husband'.
Subordinate conjunctions in Kawi are few and almost all of
them are polysemantic. Thus, the conjunction yan can introduce
a subordinate clause of real or unreal condition, subordinates65
of time, object, or also causal:	yan tuhu gisya mami, t agawe
ta kita gurudaksina ’if (you) really are m^ pupil, pay me the
earnings of a teacher’; yan kita huwus katekana swami ... ’Had
you already been married . . . ' ; yan teka sewu tahun, maluya kita
yowana 'when a thousand years pass, you will become young anew';
amratyaksaken pwa sang prabhu, yan tuhu maharaja dewata mati
pinangan ing ula 'The ruler ascertained whether the maharadja
really was dead from the bite of a snake'; yan huwus kadalurung
gabda nirebungku kumonaken yan kabehana, sira tan dadi mithya
'since mother ordered (it) to be divided among every one, I
won't obj ect'.
If a subordinate clause, introduced by the conjunction yan,
is conditional or temporal, then the words samangka, ngkana
'then' often precede the main clause:	yan tibeng lemah ikang
rah ni tendas mami, samangka ngwang kadi haji bhrasta 'if the
blood of my head falls to the ground, then you will*gerish';
yan nghutun mangyanma irikang dlaha, ngkana taku malesamatyani
kita 'if I am resurrected in the future, then I shall take re-
venge by killing you'.
One and the same type (in semantic content) of subordinate
clause can be introduced by various conjunctions and conjunctive
words. In particular, the subordinate attributive can be intro-
duced by the conjunctive words sang, ikang, and anung, trans-
lated in a given case as 'who, which, etc.':	amuta-mutani hyang
atma ngaranya, sang tamolah ri hatinta 'he pretended that he
didn't see the soul which is hidden in your heart'; mangaliwati
sireng Ksirarnawa, ikang pinuter de ning dewasura 'they crossed
the Ksira Sea which the gods and asuras made a stormy one'; ndi
tekang dega kahyunta anung yogya panghethotanta? 'Where is the
settlement in which you wished to hide?'
Subordinates of time are most often introduced by the words
se^deng 'when', 'while', huwus (or ri huwus) 'after', kata 'when',
t^elas 'after', kamena 'before', etc.:	ri huwus ning ksatriya
pejah de bhagawan Rama Paragu nisksatriya ikang bhumi samangka
'After the warriors fell by the liand of Bagawan Rama Paragu, no
more warriors remained on earth'; kata sang Arjuna mwang maharaja
Duryodhana uminangi maharaja Krsna ... 'when Ardjuna and Maha-
radja Duryodhana begged help oi*Maharadja Krishna ...'.
Subordinates of cause can be introduced with the conjunc-
tive words and conjunctions apan, sangka yan, sangka ri, sangke,
saka ri, de, etc.: ndatan panemu drwya, apan henti pinunyaken
de sang bapa '[he] did not obtain any riches, because his father
gave everything away'.
Subordinates of purpose are most often introduced with the
conjunction yatanyan 'in order that':	warangen ta juga mwang
sang Subhadra3 yatanyan apageha pamitranta tdwan sang Pandawa66
’Marry him to Subhadra so that your friendship with the Pandawas
will be consolidated*.
Subordinates of consequence are most often introduced by
the conjunctions maran or marapwan ’so that’:	kewalakon
maluyaken lembu juga siras maran tan pagawe kopadrawan sang
Korawa 'he ordered the return only of the cows so that it
wouldn’t bring misfortune to the Korawas'.APPENDIX
Sample of Text
(in transcription)
Mangrengb tang danawa, anak sang Wipracitti, matemu-tangan lawan
sang Singhika. Yatika dewatarupa, milw anginum amrta. Wruh pwa
ya sang h^ang Candraditya yan danawa, majar ta sire bhatara
Wisnu. Sedengning amrta haneng gulunya, cinakra ta ya,*pegat
gulunya. fiba ta lawayanya ring lemah, kadi tiba ning parwata-
gikara, lindu tang prthiwl, molah de ni bwat ni kawandhanya,
ndan girahnya mesat ring^akaga de ni kapawitran ikan amrta,
anghing garlran^a juga pejah, apan^tan katekan amrta. Sangka
yan lara ny ambeknya, an winarahaken de hyang Candraditya ri
bhatara Wisnu . . . , ya ta matang yan ta ya krodha ri sang hyang
Candraditya, umangan sirangken parwakala.42
(from H. H. Juynboll, Adiparwa.
Oudjavaansoh prozageschrift [*s-
Gravenhage, 1906], 3423-3510).
A Translation
A demon, son of Wipracitti, who was married to Singhika,
heard about it. After having taken the form of a deity, he
also drank the elixir of life. The goddess Candraditya saw
that this was the demon and spoke of it to God Vishnu. Yet at
that very moment, when the elixir of life was in the throat of
the demon a discus was thrown at him which chopped off his neck.
The fall of the demon's body to the earth resembled the collapse
of a mountain summit; the earth trembled under the weight of
the demon's body. Under the miraculous influence of the elixir
of life his head sped to heaven, but the body expired, as the
elixir of life did not touch it. The demon thought for a while
in his misfortune that the goddess Candraditya who informed the
God Vishnu about him, was the guilty one. He blazed with hatred
towards the goddess Candraditya and therefore he always devours
her during the lunar eclipse.
42. Prawirasuganda and Sauni, Kitab peladjaran, II, p. 61.GLOSSARY
The alphabetical order is English, d and d are not dis-
tinguished; q and 8 are not distinguished.
adeg ’to stand, get up’, umadeg ’to stand, get up’
adi 'highest, first, primary; beginning'; makadi 'primarily,
especially'
adipati 'chief, governor', makadipati, pakadipati 'to be an
adipati'
adri 'mountain'
agawe see gawe
agulingan see guling
ahem, ahom 'to deliberate, to confer'
ai 'look here, hello'
ajar 'to tell, relate, inform'; mUjar 'to say'; mljara 'will
say'; pSjara 'must tell'
5kaga 'heaven(s), outer space, sky'
akagawakya 'voice from heaven'
akon see kon
aku 'I'; -ku, -ngku 'I'
akweh see kweh
alang 'prohibition; sacred'
alap 'to take, seize'; alapa 'will seize'; alapen 'that it be
taken, seized'; inalap 'to be taken'; kaiapan 'theft';
umalap 'to take'
alapen see alap
alaparingku = alapa + ari + ngku
alas(-alas) 'woods, forest'
6869
alengkara ’ornament*
alungguh see lungguh
alunggw + ing = alungguh + ing see lungguh
amalaku ’to ask, request’
amanaha see panah
amanasi see panas
amangan see pangan
amanggih see panggih
amStyani see pati
ambek 'thought, mind'; ambeknya 'his thought'
amejahana see pejah
amejahi see pejah
amengeti see inget
ameta see pet
amratyaksaken see pratyaksa
amrih 'in order to' to strive, to seek'
amrta 'holy water'
amujuk see wujuk
amuta-mutani see wuta
amwlt 'to bid farewell; to take o's leave'
an 'if; that; because'
anak 'child, son'; anak-anak 'pupil of the eye'; anaknya 'his
son'; anaku 'my son'; manak 'to have a child'; manaka 'will
have a child, if one had a child'
anaku see anak
anangis see tangis
anantara 'infinity; without interference'70
anarawata ’continuous, uninterrupted; everywhere*
andeh ’to press'; angandeh 'to press'
ang see ng
angaksama see ksama
angandeh see andeh
angapit see apit
angdanda see danda
angdoh see doh
angen 'thought; to think'
anghaliwati see haliwati
anghing 'but'
angin 'wind'; angin-angin 'movement of the air'
anginum see inum
angkat 'to leave, depart'; angkataken 'to raise, lift'
angkataken see angkat
angken 'each'
angrenycem see renycem
angujiwat see kujiwat
anibaken see tiba
anon see ton
antuk 'to return home'; mantuk 'to return'
anu 'somebody'
anung 'who, which'; tanung 'the one who'
anuwuhaken see tuwuh
apa 'what? why?'
apageha see pageh71
apan ’because'
aparan 'what? who?'
apit 'to hem in'; angapit 'to follow closely'; ngapitaken 'to
escort'
apuy 'fire'
ar 'he, they'
ari 'younger sibling; to stop'; mari 'to stop'
arnawa 'sea, ocean'; Kslrarnawa 'the Ksira Sea'
asing see sing
agoka 'difficult'
astawa 'praise'; pangastawa 'eulogy'
astra 'arrow; weapon'
astuti 'praise'; mangastuti 'to eulogize, respect'
aguka see agoka
asura 'giant, demon'
atah 'but, as regards, even'
athawa 'or'
atma 'soul, consciousness'
atuha see tuha
atunggwa see tunggu
atus '100'; satus '100'
atyanta 'very; how'
awak 'body'; tawak 'the body'
awedi see wedi
awerd see werO
ayuta 'million'
banycana 'slander'; umanycana 'to slander'72
bapa 'father'
bapebu = bapa + ibu
bari-bari 'any'
bhagaw3n 'sir, holy master'
bhatara 'sir, sovereign'
bhrasta 'to perish, collapse'
bhGmi 'earth'
bini 'woman, female'
binunycang(aken) see bunycang
boddha 'Buddhist'
brata 'anchoritic way of life; religious observance'
bunycang 'to throw, hurl'; binunycang(aken) 'to be hurled'
buru 'to hunt'; maburuburu 'to hunt'; paburwan 'hunting spot'
bwat 'heavy; weight'
cacar 'to partake of, eat'; manacar 'to partake of, to eat'
cakra 'discus; wheel'; cinakra 'to be struck with a discus';
cinakraken 'to be struck with a discus
campaka 'k.o. flower (frangipani ?)'
campur 'to interfere, intervene'
cangking 'to carry in the hand'; manyangking 'to carry in the
hand'
cara 'conduct, behavior; manners'
carita 'story, tale'; caritanta 'your story'; kacaritan 'what
is being or has been recounted'; macaritaken 'to relate,
tell'
caturangga 'chess'
cinakra see cakra
cinakraken see cakra73
cinukat see cukat
cukat 'to pierce'; cinukat 'to be pierced'
dadi 'to become'; dadya 'will become'
dadya see dadi
dahat 'very'
daitya 'giant'
dak ' I'
daksina 'pay, earnings'
dalih 'to consider, to think, suppose'; dinalih 'to be
considered'
dalurung 'excessive'; kadalurung 'excessive'
danawa 'demon'
danda 'punishment'; angdanda 'to punish'
daridra 'poor, indigent; beggar'
dateng 'to come'
datu 'prince'; kadatwan 'palace, principality'; kadatwanta
'your principality'
de 'by, in relation, caused by'; dening = de + ning; denta =
de + nta' denya = de + nya
dening see de
denta see de
denya see de
dega 'settlement; region, area'
dewa 'god, divinity'
dewasura = dewa + asura
dewata 'the gods'
dewatarupa 'form of a deity'
dewi 'goddess'
dharana 'to carry'; mangdharana 'to carry'74
dibya 'sublime'; sibyanta 'your goodness'
dibyanta see dibya
diksS 'ceremony for receiving pupils'; madiksSl 'to prepare for
a religious ceremony'
dilah 'lamp; to shine'; dumilah 'to shine'
dinalih see dalih
diwaga, diwasa 'time; day'
dlaha 'future'
doh 'far'; angdoh 'to move off'; kadohan 'distant place'; madoh
'to be far'
don 'goal, aim'; donen 'will be attacked'; donenku 'I will
attack'
drwya 'property; riches'
dudG 'difference; no'
duhka 'trouble, grief’
dum 'to divide'; duman 'part'
dumilah see dilah
dusa 'guilt, sin'
ekung = -a + ikung
emas 'gold'
eganya 'northeast'
gagah 'hard, firm, manly'
gagak 'crow'
gandewa 'bow (weapon)'
garddha 'wish'
gaway 'to make; work'; gawa^an 'is being done'; gawayen 'in
order to do'; gumawayaken 'to make, do'' gumawayakna 'that
one may do'; magawaya 'that one do'; pagawayakena 'will be
done'; see gawe
gawe 'to make; work, affair, business'; agawe 'to do, make';
magawe 'to do, perform'; pagawe 'to make, do'; see gaway
giri 'hill, mount, mountain'; Kolagiri 'Mt. Giri'goh ’cow'
gong ’great, big’
guha ’cave’; mangguha ’to dig a cave'
guling 'to go for a drive'; agulingan 'to go for a drive'
gulu 'neck'; gulunya 'his neck'
gumawayaken see gaway
gumawayakna see gaway
guna 'virtue, good quality; strength; art, skill'
gupura 'main gate'
guru 'master, teacher'
gurudaksina 'earnings of a teacher'
gurupatni 'wife of a teacher'
gya 'hurry'
habet 'to strike, hit'; manghabetaken 'to hit, strike'
haji 'ruler; my lord/lady'
halang see alang
halit 'small'; pinahalit 'to be reduced'
haliwat 'to pass by'; anghaliwati 'to pass'; kahaliwatan
'passed'; mangaliwati 'to cross'
hana 'there is/are'; hanaken 'to arrange, organize, hold'
hanakena 'will fulfill'
hanaken(a) see hana
haneng = hana + ing
hangin see angin
hati 'heart'; hatinta 'your heart'
hawan 'way, road, course'
hayu 'handsome'; pinahayu 'to be beautifully worked'76
haywa 'don't!'
hemas see emas
henti 'entirely'
hethdt 'to hide'; panghethOtanta 'your hiding place'
hetu 'reason, cause'
hilang 'to vanish'; panghilang 'means for the destruction of'
hinagakti 'without magical power'
hulun 'slave, servant'; huluna 'will be a slave, servant'
hurip 'life'; huripana 'that one may live'; huripi 'to bring
to life, to revive'
huripana see hurip
huripi see hurip
huwus 'already, finished'; huwusa 'will end, will finish';
mahuwusan 'to end, to complete'
huwusa see huwus
hyang ’god, divinity; sacred, divine'
hyun 'wish, desire'; kahyun 'a wish'; kahyunta 'your wish'
i 'in, on, at' also:	ing, ni, ning
ibek 'full'
ibu 'mother'; ibungku 'my mother'
ibungku see ibu
ika(ng), ika 'that, those'
ike 'this, these'
iki(ng) 'this, these'
iko 'that, those'
iku(ng) 'that, those'
ill 'to flow'; umili 'to flow'77
ilu 'to participate in, to partake with'; milu ’to join in'
inak 'pleasant, gratifying'; kenakanya 'it's best'; mahenak 'to
make pleasant'; pahenak 'be pleasant!'
inalap see alap
indra 'monarch'
ing 'in, on' see i
inget 'to remember'; menget 'to recall'; amengeti 'to remind'
inggal 'swift(ly); soon'
ingjero see jero
ingkang 'which'
ingruhur see ruhur
inujar see ujar
inum 'to drink'; anginum 'to drink'
inusi see usi
ira 'his, her, them'
irika(ng) 'then; there'
irsya, Irsya 'envy, jealousy'
iwu 'thousand'; sewu '1000'
jala 'net'; mangjala 'to catch with a net'
janma 'man; birth, reincarnation, embodiment'; janmottama
'pious person'; mangjanma 'to revive; to reincarnate'
janmottama = janma + uttama
jero 'interior'; ingjero 'in(side)'
joli 'palanquin'
juga 'only'
jugeki = juga + iki
kabeh 'all'; kabehana 'to be divided among all people'78
kabehana see kabeh
kacaritan see carita
kadalurung see dalurung
kadang 'friend* relative'; pakadangan 'family relationship'
kadatwan see datu
• •
kadatwanta see datu
• •
kadi 'as, like'
kadohan see doh
kahaliwatan see haliwat
kahyun see hyun
kahyunta = kahyun + ta
kaki 'grandfather'
kala 'period of time; when*
kSlapan see alap
kalima see lima
kalung 'necklace'; kinalungaken 'to be hung like a necklace'
kamena 'before; in order to'
kami 'we, us; I'
kamu 'you'; -mu 'your'
kanya 'girl, virgin'
kanyu 'you'; -nyu 'your'
kapanasan see panas
kapangguh see pangguh
kaparnah see parnah
kapawitran see pawitra
kapejah see pejahkaping '-th'
kapitung see pitu
kapuhan see puh
karana 'reason, cause; as, because'; karananyan = karana
nya + an 'why'
karananyan see karana
karatun see ratu
karengO see rengQ
kari 'and; to stay, to remain'
karsa 'desire, will'
karwa 'both'
karya, karya 'deed; to do; ceremony'; pakarya 'work'
kagaktin see gakti
katekan see teka
katekana see teka
katha 'story, tale'
katigawelas see tiga
katon see ton
kawandha 'body'; kawandhanya 'his body'
kawedi see wedi
kawekas see wekas
kawidagdhan see widagdha
kawitan 'father; forefathers'
kawruhana see wruh
kawula, kawula 'slave, bondman'
kayu 'tree(s)'; kayukaywan 'various trees'
kenakanya see inak80
kenoh 'just, precise; fitting'; kenoha 'will be fitting'
keti '100,000'
kewala 'simply, only'
kewalakon = kewala + akon
kewalamengeti = kewala + amengeti
kidul 'south'
kinalungaken see kalung
kinon(aken) see kon
kita 'you'; -(n)ta 'your'
kitanugraheri = kita + anugraha + i + ri
kitar = kita + ar
ko 'you'
kolagiri see giri
kon 'to order, command'; akon 'to order, command'; kinon(aken)
'to be ordered'; kumonaken 'to order, command'
kopadrawan see upadrawa
koti see keti
• •
kottaman see uttama
krodha 'anger, wrath'
krora 'cruel'
krGra see krora
ksama 'to forgive'; angaksama 'to forgive'; ksamakena 'pardon!'
ksamakena see ksama
• •
ksatriya 'warrior, nobleman'
Ksir§rnawa see arnawa
• • •
-ku see aku
kuda 'horse'
kujiwat 'to give a sign with the eye'; angujiwat 'to observe,
look'81
kumonaken see kon
kumwa 'that, those; such a; also, thus'
kunang 'but; thus'
kundala 'earring'
kuta 'wall surrounding castle'
kweh 'multitude'; akweh 'many, much, several'; sakweh 'all';
sakwehta 'all of you'
lagi 'temporarily staying; occupied with'
lagyamrih = lagi + amrih
laki 'man, male'; lakibini 'male and female, husband and wife'
lakibini see laki
laksa '10,000'
laku 'to go; road'; lakwaken 'to drive'; lumaku ’to go'
lakwaken see laku
lamar 'to ask'; lamaren 'must be asked'; linamar 'to be asked'
lamaren see lamar
lampah 'to go'; lumampah 'to go'
lara 'sorrow; pain'
larang 'forbidden'; larangan 'that which is forbidden'
laras 'bow (weapon)'
lawan 'and'
lawas 'long (of time)'
lawayan 'body'; lawayanya 'his body'
layu 'to run'; malayu 'to run'
leba 'pleasant, likeable'; mahaleba 'to make pleasant';
pahaleba 'be pleasant! calm down!'
lebu 'dust'82
lekas	'to begin; conduct, activities'; lumekas	'to begin to'
lemah	'ground'	
lembu	' cow'	
lepas 'released, free; to start'; manglepasi ' throw'		to release; to
lewih	'excellent, above'; lewiha 'will exceed'	
lewiha	see lewih	
likur	'20'; rwalikur '22'; salikur '21'	
lima '	five'; lima welas 'fifteen'; kalima 'all	five'
linamar	see lamar	
lindu • •	'earthquake'	
ling 'words; to say'
litu 'appearance'
litahayu 'handsome'
loka 'world'
lor 'north'
lumaku see laku
lumUmpah see ISmpah
lumekas see lekas
lumra(h) 'ordinary, usual'
lungguh 'to sit'; alungguh 'to sit'; alunggw ing 'to sit in/on'
lupa 'to forget'
lwah 'river'
lwir 'appearance, aspect'
lyan 'other'
lyang 'hole'
maburuburu see buru83
macaritaken see carita
madem 'to extinguish a fire'; pamadem 'means or instrument for
extinguishing a fire'
madiksa see diksa
• •
madoh see doh
magawaya see gaway
magawe see gawe
mahaleba see leba
maharaja 'emperor, great king'
mahardhikka 'freedom'
mahari 'canopy; small building for receptions'
maharsi, maharsi 'great sage; prior'
mahenak see inak
mahuwusan see huwus
m3 jar see ajar
m3jare = majara + i
makadi see adi
makadipati see adipati
makaprabhawa see prabhawa
makaputrl see putrl
makastrl see stri
makawahana see wahana
malayu see layu
maleca 'foreigner, one who speaks badly in the native language,
barbarian'
malesa see wales
malesamatyani = malesa + amatyani84
malolo 'to open one's eyes wide'
maluya see waluy
mami 'my, our'
manacar see cacar
manah 'heart'; manahta 'your heart'
manahaken see panah
manahta see manah
manak see anak
manaka see anak
manantwa see santwa
mandala 'area, region, circle'
mandapa 'small hall'
maneherakena see teher
manemu see temu
manepi see tepi
mangaliwati see haliwat
mangastuti see astuti
mangdharana see dharana
manggih see panggih
mangguha see guha
manghabetaken see habet
mangjala see jala
mangjanma see janma
mangka 'thus, such'
mangkana 'that, those; such a; also,
mangke 'now; such, thus; henceforth'
thus 'mangko 'how; such; thus'
manglepasi see lepas
mangrengO see rengb
manik 'jewel'
mantuk see antuk
manuk 'bird'
manumbak see tumbak
manungsung see sungsung
manurun see turun
manusa 'man, human being'
manusaloka 'human world'
manyangking see cangking
maprang see prang
maputra see putra
mara 'to, hither'
maran 'so, that'
marapwan 'so that'
mareng = mara + ing
mari see ari
masiwasiwo see siwo
masuk 'to enter'
mata 'eye'
matang 'reason, cause'
matanghi see tanghi
matanghya see tanghi
matemu-tangan see temu
mati, mati 'death'86
matya(na) see pati
matukup-(tukup) see tukup
maturu see turu
maty ekung = matya + ikung
mawehanugraha see weh
maweka see weka
menget see inget
mesat see pesat
metta ’one who is drunk, excited’
milu see ilu
milw = milu
minger 'to turn, swing’; minger-minger 'to turn constantly'
minta see pinta
mithya 'lie; defiance; false'
mitra 'friend'; pamitra 'friendship'; pamitranta 'your friend-
ship'; umitra 'to be friends'
mituhu see tuhu
mogha 'quickly; but; thereafter'
molah see ulah
mpu 'sir'; mpungku 'my lord'
mpungku see mpu
-mu see kamu
mulih(a) see pulih
muwah 'and; again'
mwang 'and, with, together with'
nadah 'to eat'; panadah 'food'
nadi 'river'87
naga 'dragon'
nagara 'country; town'; Panycalanagara 'the country of
Panychala'
nahan 'that, those'
nahan 'thus, so'
nalikira 'coconut'
nama 'name'; sanama 'with the same name'
nangken see angken
naraka 'hell'
nararya 'ruler'
ndah 'but; as regards; even'
ndak (for emphasis)
ndan 'now, then' (intensifying particle)
ndatan 'no, not'
ndi 'where?'
nem 'six'; nem belas '16'
ng 'the'
ngapitaken see apit
ngaran 'name'; ngaranya 'his name'
nghulun 'my'; pinakanghulun 'I, slave, servant'
ngka, ngka 'there; such'
ngkana, ngkana 'there; such'
ngkaneng = ngkana + ing
ngke 'here; now'
-ngku see aku
ngwang 'I; one'
ni 'in, on, at' see i88
nihan 'that, those'
ning 'in, on, at' see i
nira 'his, him'
niran = nira + an
nirebungku = nira + ibu + ngku
nireng = nira + ing
nisksatriya 'without warriors'
nita 'game, contest; gambling'
nta see kita
nusa 'island'
ny see ni
-nya 'his, her, its'
-nyu see kanyu
om holy syllable
orasaputra 'one's own flesh and blood'
paburwan see buru
pada 'same, all; equally'
padbelas see pat
pagawayakena see gaway
pagawe see gawe
pageh 'strong, firm; loyal'; apageha 'will consolidate'
pahaleba see leba
pahenak see inak
pajara see ajar
pakadangan see kadang
pakadipati see adipati89
pakarya see karya
palacidra 'insult, harm to the enemy'
palamarta 'kind, responsive'
pamadem see madem
pametakena see pet
paminta see pinta
pamitra see mitra
pamitranta see mitra
pamujanta see puja
panadah see nadah
panah 'arrow'; amanaha 'to strike, to shoot'; (a)manahaken 'to
shoot, loose (an arrow)'; pinanah 'to be shot at'
panangis see tangis
panangkilan see tangkil
panas 'hot'; amanasi 'to heat'; kapanasan 'heat; to be warmed'
panay 'sort of earthen pitcher'
panemu see temu
pangan 'food'; amangan 'to eat'; panganen 'that he be
devoured'; pinangan 'to be consumed'; umangan 'to eat; to
devour'
panganen see pangan
pangastawa see astawa
panggih 'to meet'; (a)manggih, umanggih 'to meet'; panggihenyu
'to be met by you'
panggihenyu see panggih
pangguh 'to meet, receive'; kapangguh 'met, received'
panghethStanta = panghethOt + anta; see hethOt
panghilang see hilang90
pangremuk see remuk
panirwan see tiru
Panycalanagara see nagara
papan ’board’
papat see pat
paprangan see prang
parcaya ’truth'
parintosa 'satisfaction'
parnah 'according to position; direction; formerly'; kaparnah
'located'
parwa 'part, half; to divide into two parts'; parwan 'divide
into two parts!'
pargwa '(mountain) side'; pinakapargw 'to be flanked'
parwakala 'eclipse'
parwata 'mountain'
parwatafikara 'mountain peak, summit'
pasangkepan see sangkep
pasar 'market'
pastika 'crystal, quartz'
pat 'four'; padbelas 'fourteen'; patang tahun '4 years';
saparpatan '1/4'
patang see pat
patapan see tapa
pati 'death'; amatyani 'to kill'; matya 'will kill'; matyana
'let him kill'
patik 'servant, slave'; patik haji 'I'
patinggal see tinggal
patnl 'wife'91
paturu see turu
paweha see weh
pawitra 'holy, sacred; pure'; kapawitran 'sacredness'
pegat 'broken; to cut'
pejah 'to die, perish'; amejahana 'that one kill'; amejahi
'to kill'; kapejah 'death'; pinejahan 'to be killed'
peka 'servant, follower; foot-soldier'
pesat 'to go quickly'; mesat 'to speed; to jump, to leap'
pet 'to find, seek'; ameta 'will search for'; pametakena 'that
one seek'
pinahalit see halit
pinahateguh see teguh
pinahayu see hayu
pinakanghulun see nghulun
pinakapargw see parcwa
pinakawahana see wahana
pinanah see panah
pinang 'to request'; uminangi 'to request'
pinangan see pangan
pinejahan see pejah
pingruhur see ruhur
pingsor see sor
pingtiga see tiga
pinta 'to ask'; minta 'to request'; paminta 'request'; pininta
'that requested, was requested'
pinton 'to show'; umintonaken 'to show'
pinunyaken see punya
pinuter see puter92
pira 'how much/many?'; pirang kadatwan 'several palaces';
sapira 'how much/many?'
pirang see pira
pitara 'ancestor(s)'
pitu 'seven'; kapitung 'seventh'; pitu welas 'seventeen'
pituhu see tuhu
p6ng 'to expect, await'; pOngakena 'will expect'
pOngakena see pOng
potraka 'grandson'
prabhawa 'strength, might'; makaprabhawa 'to possess strength'
prabhu 'ruler, king*
pragagah 'courageous, bold'
prang 'war'; maprang 'to wage war'; paprangan 'field of battle
war'
prasiddha 'really, truly; celebrant'
pratingkah 'state of affairs'
pratoda 'a whip'
pratyaksa 'clear, obvious'; amratyaksaken 'to explain, to
ascertain, to learn'
prayatna 'careful, adroit; to guard against'
prthiwi 'earth'
puh 'smashed; exhausted'; kapuhan 'surprised, sad, startled'
puhan 'milk'
puja 'divine worship'; pamuja 'worship'; pamujanta 'your
worship'
pulih 'to return'; mulih 'to leave, return'; muliha 'will
return'
pulu(h) 'ten'; sapuluh 'ten'; pulupuluhan 'tens'
pulupuluhan see pulu(h)pun
'honorific'
punya 'gift, donation'; pinunyaken 'to be given away'
puter 'to turn around'; pinuter 'is turned'
putih 'white'
putra 'son'; maputra 'to have a son'
putrx 'daughter'; makaputrl 'to give birth'
putu 'grandchild'
pwa 'but, as regards; even'
pwangkulun 'he; I, we'
ra honorific prefix
raga 'passion'
rah, rah 'blood'
rahadyan sanghulun 'sir'
raja 'ruler'
rajaputra 'son of the radja, prince'
rakarayan 'prince'
rakryan 'right honorable'
raksa 'protection, defense'; rumaksa 'to protect'
raksasa 'demon, giant'
rakwa 'they say, you know'
rama 'father'
ramya 'beautiful'; ramya-ramya 'very beautiful'
randa 'widow'
• •
raray 'child'
rare see raray
rasa 'feeling'94
rasika 'that'
rat ’world'
ratha 'chariot'
ratu 'ruler'; karatun 'palace'
remuk 'to destroy, to smash'; pangremuk 'means of destruction'
rena, rene 'happy'
rengd 'to hear, to listen'; karengb 'heard'; mangrengS 'to
hear, listen';^rengOn 'that it may be heard'; rinengd 'to
be heard'; rumengO 'to hear, to listen to'
rengOn see rengb
renycem ^'to^break'; angrenycem 'to break intentionally';
rumenycem 'to break accidentally'
ri 'in, on, at'
rinangkuga ? .
rinengO see rengb
ring 'in, on, at'
rngO see rengb
rsi 'seer, sage; friar'
ruhur 'top'; ingruhur 'upwards, to the top'; pingruhur 'move-
ment upwards'
rumaksa see raksa
• •
rumengb see rengb
rumenycem see renycem
rupa 'form, appearance'
rwa 'two'; rwang atus '200'; rwalikur 'twenty-two'; rwangpuluh
'20'; rwangpuluh rwa 'twenty-two'; rwa welas 'twelve'
rwa welas see rwa
rwang see rwa
rwangpuluh (rwa) see rwa95
ryaku = ri + aku
gabda 'word(s)'
sabha ’reception hall'
saha 'and, with, together with'
sahut 'to gnaw, to nibble'; sumahut 'to gnaw, to nibble'
sajbng 'strong drink'
saka 'from; because'
sakawenanga see wenang
sakeng = saka + ing
gakti 'magical, powerful'; kagaktin 'magical power'
sakwehta see kweh
salikur see likur
samangka 'thus'
samangkana 'thus'
sambrani 'sorrel horse'
samudra 'sea, ocean'
sanama see nSma
sandeha * Cin) doubt'
sang 'honored'
sanga 'nine'; sanga welas '19'
sanga welas see sanga
sangaskara 'to support or reinforce by oaths; consecration
ceremony'
sanggama 'sexual intercourse/union'
sangguh 'to think about/of, to call, to name'; sinangguh 'to
be thought about'
sanghulun 'I (very respectful); you'96
sangka 'from; fatherland'
sangke 'from'
sangkep 'weapon'; pasangkepan 'all sorts of weapons'
sangkerika = sangka + irika
sangsipta 'abandoned; with quick understanding; short, brief'
sangtawya 'the one who is forgiven; with your leave'
santwa 'respect'; manSntwa 'to welcome'; sumantwa 'to treat
with respect'
saparpatan see pat
sapira see pira
sapuluh see puluh
saput 'to cover'; sumaputana 'will cover'
sarika 'he'
sariki 'he'
garira 'body'; gariranya 'his body'
sarpa 'serpent'
satunggal see tunggal
satus see atus
sawelas 'eleven'
sedeng 'period (of time)'; (r)i sedeng 'in the period, when';
sedengning 'when'
sedengning see sedeng
sewu see iwu
si predicate for persons of average status
sih 'love'
fikara 'summit, top'
silih 'to replace, succeed'; sumiliha 'will replace'sinangguh see sangguh
sing 'each'
sinurat see surat
sira 'he, she, they; you'
girah 'head'; girahnya 'his head'
sirameta = sira + ameta
sirangken = sira + angken
sirasirat see sirat			
sirat	'to spread'; sirasirat	' to s	pread everywhere'
sire	= sira + i		
sireng	= sira + ing		
gisya	'pupil, student'		
siwo	'feast; game'; masiwasiwo 'to		romp'
sor 'bottom; below'; i sor 'below, downward'			beneath'; pingsor
sowe	'long'; sowe-sowe 'very	long'	
grl '	illus trious'		
s tri	'wife; woman'; makastri	'to have a wife'	
sugyan	'perhaps; it's best to	; fearful lest'	
suka	'happy, happiness'		
suket	'grass, weed; thick, dense'		
gula	'spear'		
sumahut see sahut
sumantwa see santwa
sumaputana see saput
sumiliha see silih
97
a fall
sumur
'well'98
sumurup see surup
sun 'I'
sungsung 'to meet, come across'; manungsung 'to take; to meet
come across'	*
surat 'writing'; sinurat 'to be written'
surup 'to enter, to go down'; sumurup 'to go down (of the
moon/sun)'
swami 'husband'; swaminyu 'your husband'
syapa 'who?'
t 'the'
ta 'but, as regards; even'
-ta see kita
tahen 'to withstand'; tumahenaken 'to withstand'
tahun 'year'
tak ' I'
taku = ta + aku
talap = ta + alap
tali 'rope, string'; tali-tali 'ropelike object'
tamalaku = t + amalaku
taman 'no, not'
tamatan 'no, not'
tambak 'dam'; tinambakaken 'to be used as a dam'
tamolah 'to live, dwell; to assemble'
tan 'no, not'
tang 'the'
tanggap 'to take, to hold; to accept'; tinanggap 'to be taken'
tanghi 'to get up'; matanghi 'to get up'; matanghya 'get up!'99
tangis 'weeping, sobbing'; anangis 'to wail, cry'; panangis
'weeping, crying'
tangkil 'to call on, wait upon'; panangkilan 'reception hall'
tanpa 'without'
tanung = ta + anung
tanuwuhaken = t + anuwuhaken
tanya 'to ask'; tinanyan 'is asked'; tumanyaken 'to ask'
tapa 'hermit'; patapan 'hermitage'
tapi 'female hermit'
tapwan 'not (yet)'
tar 'not'
tarima 'to receive'; tinarimaken 'to be given'
tarpana 'offering'; tarpanakena 'will pay for'
tasmad 'then, for that reason'
tat 'not'
tatan 'no, not'
tatar 'no, not'
tathapi 'but, however'
tawak = ta + awak
teguh 'firm, strong'; pinahateguh 'to be strengthened/fortified'
teher 'at once, next'; maneherakena 'to drive back; to want to
live'
teka 'to come, to visit, to arrive^; katekan 'to have experi-
enced, to be affected by'; katekana 'will experience';
tinekan 'to be visited'
tekang = ta + ikang
tekawak = ta + ika + awak
tekeng = teka + ing100
telas 'after'; tlasinurat = tlas + sinurat
telu 'three'; telungpuluh '30'
telungpuluh see telu
tembe 'beginning; first'
temu 'to meet'; manemu 'to find, to receive'; matemu-tangan,
'to marry'; panemu 'to find, to obtain'
tendas 'head'
• •
tengah 'half'
tepi 'shore, edge'; manepi 'to move towards the shore'
tiba 'to fall; the fall'; anibaken 'to throw down'
tibeng = tiba + ing
tiga 'three'; katigawelas 'thirteenth'; pingtiga '3 times';
tiga welas 'thirteen'
tikang = t + ikang
tiksna, tiksna 'sharp'
tilem 'burial ceremony'
tinambakaken see tambak
tinanggap see tanggap
tinanyan see tanya
tinarimaken see tarima
tinekan see teka
tinggal 'to remain'; patinggal 'separation, parting';
tinggalaken 'to leave'; tinggalakna 'will leave'
tinggalaken see tinggal
tinggalakna see tinggal
tinghal 'to look'; tuminghalana 'will look after, will care for'
tingkah 'situation; behavior'
tinon see ton101
tinutupan see tutup
tiru 'to imitate'; panirwan 'model, pattern'
tlas see telas
ton 'to see'; anon 'to see (s.t.)’; katon 'seen'; tinon 'to be
visible' turnon 'to see'
triyak 'animal'
tuha 'old'; atuha 'to be old'
tuhu 'really, truly'; mituhu 'to bow, to bend to, 'to obey';
pituhu 'bow, nod of the head; obedient'
tukup 'to close'; matukup-tukup 'to try to close'
tulihaken = t + ulihaken
tumahenaken see tahen
tumanyaken see tanya
tumbak 'spear, lance'; manumbak 'to strike with a spear'
tuminghalana see tinghal
turnon see ton
tumurun see turun
tumuti see tut
tunggal 'one', satunggal 'one'; tunggal-tunggal 'quite alone'
tunggang 'to ride'; tunggangi 'to mount'
tunggu 'to stand guard' to dwell'; atunggwa 'that one stand
guard'
tungtung 'point, summit'
turu 'to sleep'; maturu 'to sleep'; paturu 'sleep!'
turun 'to descend'; manurun 'to leave, to descend'; tumurun 'to
go out'
tusta 'content, satisfied'
• • •
tutup 'to cover'; tinutupan 'to be covered'102
tut ’to follow, to accompany'; tumQti 'to participate in'
tuwi see yadyapin
tuwuh 'to grow; vegetation'; anuwuhaken 'to provoke, arouse,
cause to break out'
twa(ng) 'you'
twas 'heart'
udu 'oh!, well!'
ujar 'to^speak'; inujar 'to be told'; ujaren 'in order to say'
ujarengku 'that I may say'; ujarta 'your words'
ujaren see ujar
ujarta see ujar
ula 'snake'
ulah 'deed, work, activity; conduct'; molah 'to move'; ulahta
'your conduct'
ulih 'to return'; ulihaken 'will return (s.t. or s.o.)'
umadeg see adeg
umalap see alap
umangan see pangan
umanggih see panggih
umanycana see banycana
umill see ili
uminangi see pinang
umintonaken see pinton
umitra see mitra
upadrawa 'accident; calamity'; kopadrawan 'misfortune'
usi 'to pursue, to strive, to aspire'; inusi 'to be pursued,
to be sought after'
utpena 'to rise'103
uttama ’devout, pious; head, principal; excellent'; kottaman
’piety’; uttamajanml 'devout person'
wadwa ’servant; subordinate, soldier'
wagus ’nice, beautiful'
wah, wah ’flow, flood'
wahana 'vehicle, chariot'; makawahana 'to ride in a vehicle';
pinakawahana 'to be used as a vehicle or chariot'
wahu 'just, only then'
wales 'to return, to repay, to requite'; walesa 'will return'
waluy 'to return'; maluyaken 'will return'
wana 'woods, forest'; wanadri 'woods and mountains'
wanadri = wana + adri
wandhuwarga 'relatives'
waneh 'other, another (person)'
wangke 'body, carcass'
wanggakrama 'genealogy'
warah 'word; to say'; warahakena 'tell!'; winarahaken 'to be
said'
warang 'married'; warangen 'marry!'
wareg 'satisfied, content'
warna 'color; appearance'
watu 'rock, stone'
wawa 'to carry, to bear'; wawan 'bring!'; winawa 'to be brought'
wawan see wawa
way, w3y 'water'
wedi 'to fear'; awedi 'to be afraid'; kawedi 'fear'
wegil 'protection'; wegilengku 'my protector'
wegilengku see wegil104
weh 'to give'; paweha 'will form/constitute'; wehana 'may give'
wehi 'to give'
wehana see weh
wehanugraha = weh + anugraha
wehi see weh
weka 'child'; maweka 'to have children'
wekas 'end'; (i) wekasan 'finally'; kawekas 'to remain, to
stay'
wenang 'to be able^ can, possible'; sakawenanga 'in order to
be able to'; wenanga 'will be able'
wengi 'night'
wer 'drunk'
werb 'drunk'; awerb 'drunk, intoxicated*
wetan 'east' .
widagdha 'clever, talented'; kawidagdhan 'talent'
wih ?
winarahaken see warah
winawa see wawa
wisa 'poison'
witana 'open location, great hall*
wiwaha 'wedding'
wrddhi 'interest on a loan; increase'
wruh 'to know'; wruha 'will know'; kawruhana 'one will be found
out'
wujuk 'flattery'; amujuk 'to persuade, to flatter; to decline
(a noun)'
wukir 'mountain'
wulan 'moon'
wulangun 'confused'105
wungu ’to rise'; wungwa 'in order to get up*
wuri 'back, posterior'
wuta 'blind'; amuta-mutani 'to pretend, to deceive'
wwai 'water' see wwe; wwainya 'its water'
wwalu 'eight'; wwalu welas '18'
wwang 'man, person'
wwe 'water' see wwai
ya 'he, she, they'
yadiyan see yapwan
yadyapin 'although, but nevertheless'; yadyapin ... tuwi
'although ... yet, but nevertheless'
yajnya 'sacrifice, offering'
yan 'if; that'
yancampur = yan + campur
yandateng = yan + dateng
yapwan 'either'; yapwan ... yadiyan 'either ... or'
yatanyan 'so, thus, for that reason'
yatika 'this'
yeking = ya + iki(ng)
yeng = ya + ing
yogya 'fitting, best'
yowana 'young; youth'
yukti 'fitting, proper, best'
yuta 'million'BIBLIOGRAPHY
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