Hy i itt t d i Hie aM Y ini Gy th i On Bn a iH 5 o t ip bi oH i PR He 3O ee CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ENGLISH COLLECTION THE GIFT OF JAMES MORGAN HART PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH A.vtzacueg Zyfr\ar PR 2830.S66 Shakespeare's Pericles and Apollonius of FROM WYNKYN DE WORDE. 1510. Shakespeare’s Pericles AND Apollonius of Tyre y A STUDY IN COMPARATIVE LITERATURE BY ALBERT H. SMYTH Professor of English in the Central High School of Philadelphia; Author of “American Literature," ‘' The Philadelphia Magazines and Their Contributors,’ “' Bayard Taylor.” “‘Noch einmal sattelt mir den Hippogryfen ihr Musen, Zum Ritt ins alte romantische Land!" —WIELAND PHILADELPHIA MACCALLA & COMPANY INCORPORATED 237-9 Dock Street 1898 CONTENTS. The Story of Apollonius, The Origin of the Story, The Antiquity of the Story, The Persistence of the Story, German Versions, Scandinavian Versions, Danish Ballad, Dutch Versions, . Hungarian Versions, . Italian Versions, . Spanish Versions, Provencal and French Versions, Modern Greek Versions, Russian Versions, The Story in English, . Shakespeare’s “‘ Pericles Prince of Tyre,” . The Stability of the Story, . Correlated Stories, Appendix: The Gesta Romanorum Text, . 10 17 23 25 31 32 34 37 38 39 4 43, A7 47 60 69 77 93 SHAKESPEARE’S PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS OF TYRE. Shakespeare’s Pericles'Prince of Tyre is the most singular example in Elizabethan literature of a consistent copying of a venerable and far-traveled story. The Apollonius Saga, from which it is wholly drawn, is known to nearly every language of Europe, and persists. through more than a thousand years, flourishing in extraordinary popularity. Its undiminished vitality through many centuries and its almost unaltered integrity through many languages make it an attrac- tive subject for critical exposition. From its untraced origin in the late sophistic romance of Greece it entered the literatures of Europe through a hundred manuscripts of an early Latin version. It was popular in Italy, Russia, Hungary, Bohemia, Norway and Iceland ; it is found in a Danish ballad and a Netherland drama; it was sung by Provengal poets, and beyond the Pyrenees it was borrowed from to praise the Cid ; it was translated in Crete into modern Greek in the sixteenth century ; it was absorbed in France into the cycle of Charlemagne, and it is the only romance in Anglo-Saxon literature. The mythical Apollonius tossing on strange seas about the Mediter- ranean coasts became a veritable hero of history to the Germans, French and Italians, in the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth cen- turies. The long line of translations, imitations, marchen, volksbiicher, sagas, romances, ballads and plays, ends at last in the culminating — splendor of Shakespeare’s Pericles Prince of Tyre. The Anglo-Saxon romance, Gower’s version in Confessio Amantts, and Shakespeare’s drama have been studied with zeal and care; Al. Riese and M. Ring have edited the Latin text; Prof. Erwin Rohde, in Der griechische Roman und seine Vorléufer, and Teuffel- Schwabe, Geschichte der rémische Litteratur, have partly traced the history of the saga; and S. Singer, Apollonius von Tyrus, Untersuchun- gen ber das Fortleben des antiken Romans in spitern Zeiten, has compared the chief versions of the story. I have attempted in this new study to give a complete historical sketch of the romance, to REPRINTED FROM PROC. AMER. PHILOS. SOC., VOL. XXXVII, NO. 158. 6 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. compare its more important narratives with particular reference to its final shape in Shakespeare, and to indicate its relations to the Vilkina saga, the poem of King Orendel, the chanson of Jourdain de Blaivies, the Solomon-Markolf cycle, and the Antheia and Habro- homes of Xenophon of Ephesus. For ten years I have followed the story through the libraries of Europe, collating MSS. and examin- ing ¢ncunabula from Copenhagen to Constantinople. And I have observed with satisfaction in that time a growing sense of the im- portance of this saga in the history of literature. Various literary tasks have interfered with the completion and publication of my study, a delay which has not been without its advantages; for in consequence of it I have seen certain rare and important texts and codices edited and given to the world by far worthier hands than mine. A few years ago I edited the unique manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Afpol/onius in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and should have embodied it in this publication, but that my friend, Prof. Julius Zupitza, has happily forestalled me and edited the text’? with erudition, judgment and skill that leave noth- ing to be desired. The full text of the story, according to the version in the Gesta Romanorum, will be found printed in an Appendix to this paper, and to that the reader should refer as to an authoritative source. The story as it is found in Historia Apollonii regis Tyri (Alex. Riese, Lipsiz, 1871; iterum recensuit, 1893) may be briefly sum- marized as follows: THE Story. King Antiochus, the founder of Antioch, having one only daughter, fell in unnatural love with her; and that he might keep her for himself he made a law that whoso presumed to desire her in marriage and could not unfold the meaning of certain rid- dles which the king proposed should lose his life, and his head should be placed over the palace door as a warning. Among many other rich and powerful princes and lords who adventured came Apollonius of Tyre, who interpreted the riddle in which the king 1 Archiv far das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Litteraturen, 1896. THE STORY. 5 had artfully concealed, as he thought, his illicit love for his daugh- ter. Terrified at his discovery, Apollonius returned secretly to Tyre, freighted a ship with necessaries, with wheat and with treasure, and in the night departed upon a sea-voyage. Antiochus dispatched a slave to Tyre with poison for the prince, only to learn from his messenger that Apollonius had fled. While he was thus sought for, Apollonius had arrived at Tarsus in Cilicia, where a citizen, Stranguillio, informed him of the famine that prevailed in the city. With his wheat he relieved the distress of the people, and out of gratitude they erected a bronze statue of him in the mar- ket-place. After a little while the vessel again put to sea, and, in a great tempest, was wrecked, and Apollonius alone, of all the ship’s company, was cast ashore at Cyrene. An old fisherman who discovered him pitied his misfortune, clothed him with part of his own garments, and directed him to the city (Pentapolis of Cyrene). , Upon his arrival there he found the youth of the land engaged in ball-play (ézlexvpos)? before Archistrates, the king. Apollonius took part in the game and won the king’s approval and the prize of com- . petition by his skill and strength. He was commanded to sit by the king at supper, and the king’s daughter begged him to relate his adventures. Apollonius, having gone outside, put on a robe of state’ (satus) and a crown and taking a lyre went into the triclinium. Delighted with his playing, the princess besought the king that she might learn from the stranger, who, by permission of the king, became her teacher. One day the king was encountered in his walk by three young men (prince’s sons) who declared their love for his daughter. Archistrates required each of them to write a letter setting forth his name, his parentage and his wealth, and sent the letters by the hand of Apollonius to the princess, who confessed the great love that had grown in her for Apollonius. With the royal consent they were married. After a time a vessel from Tyre put into port bringing the news that Antiochus and his daughter had been killed by a lightning stroke, and that Apollonius was heir to the city of Antioch, with all “1See Marquardt, Rimisches Altertum, v, ii, 425. 2 This robe, or long flowing gown—statum lyricum—appears to indicate the costume of the Citharists. 8 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. its riches, and the whole kingdom. With his consort he im- mediately set sail, with the best wishes of Archistrates for a pros- perous journey. Hardly were they two days old at sea when a tempest arose, during which the princess was delivered of a daughter. The mother directly after appeared as one dead, whereupon the captain of the vessel came to Apollonius saying that the sailors would not permit the body to remain in the ship. A chest was made with much care, and the supposed corpse of the princess was laid within it, with treasure at the head and at the feet, and so committed to the deep. On the third day the chest was cast ashore on the coast of Ephesus, and was found by Cerimon, a physician, who, with his scholars, was walking upon the shore. When the chest was opened, and the body found and marveled at by all, it was observed by one of the scholars (Machaon) that some sparks of life yet lingered. He ordered a fire to be kindled, and chafed the body until the blood again began to flow freely and the lady to awaken from her trance. By her own request she was placed in the Temple of Diana at Ephesus, ‘‘ for aye to be in shady cloister mewed.’’ The sorrowful Apollonius came, by fortunate winds, to Tarsus, where he left his daughter and her nurse, Lycoris, in the care of Stranguillio and his wife, Dionysias, to be brought up with their daughter. And he swore an oath that he would not cut his hair, nor his beard, nor his nails until his daughter’s marriage. He then departed into Egypt. The daughter, whose name was Tharsia, grew up in Tarsus, comely and well schooled. At fourteen years of age she learned from her dying nurse the names of her parents and the story of her birth in the tempest. Dionysias, jealous of the child’s beauty, and that she was so much in the heart of the people that her own child was altogether mis- prised, ordered her slave (Theophilus) to murder Tharsia, instruct- ing him to wait by the tomb of Lycoris, whither it was the wont of Tharsia each day to repair and to pray, and there to seize and slay the child and to throw the body into the sea. The murderous in- tent was frustrated by the sudden appearance of some pirates, who carried Tharsia to their ships and departed with her. The slave returned to Dionysias and announced that the deed that she had ordered was done, whereupon the family put on mourning and a THE STORY. 9 monument was erected by the people with this inscription ‘‘ Unto the virgin Tharsia in lieu of her father’s benefits, the citizens of Tarsus have erected this monument.’” The pirates landed at Mitylene and sold Tharsia to a brothel. In this loathsome place she still preserved her honor, drawing tears from those who sought her company by her moving recital of her painful adventures. Athenagoras, ‘the first in the city,’’ visited her and was moved with compassion and pity. After fourteen years Apollonius returned to Tarsus only to learn that his daughter was dead, and after he had seen her monument he returned to his ship where he lay lonely and sad. Again driven by a tempest, the vessel chanced upon the coast of Mitylene, upon the birthday of Apollonius. Athenagoras walking toward the sea-shore saw Apollonius’ tall ship riding at anchor and praised her stately appearance to the mariners, who invited him to come aboard and to partake of their feast. Upon inquiring after the owner of the ship, he learned that he was ill and weak with sorrow, that he had lost his wife upon the sea and his daughter in a strange land. Athenagoras offered two pieces of gold to the servant who would go down and tell his master that the Prince of the City desired him to come up out of darkness into light, but the servant replied that he could not buy new thighs with gold and that his master had said that whoever troubled him should have his thighs broken. Athenagoras then went in person, but in vain. Upon being told that the name of the master of the ship was Apollonius, he remem- bered that he had heard Tharsia call her father so. It occurred to him to send for Tharsia, whom he desired to comfort the lord of the vessel with her song. Apollonius wondered at her song, requited her with a hundred pieces of gold and bade her depart. Upon the demand of Athenagoras, she returned again to the despairing father and attempted to cheer him with riddles. Apollonius solved the riddles, but, vexed by her importunity, as it seemed to him, he rose up suddenly and struck her on the face so that she fell to the ground. Weeping, she lamented her unhappy fate, and at last Apollonius recognized his daughter. 1«D, M. Cives Tharsi Tharsie Virgini Beneficiis Tyrii Apollonii” (Codex Parasinus, 4955). 10 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. "The bawd who had purchased Tharsia was burned ; the citizens of Mitylene erected two statues of brass in the market-place, ‘‘ Unto Apollonius, prince of Tyrus, the preserver of our houses; and unto his virtuous daughter Tharsia ;’’ and Tharsia was given as wife unto Athenagoras. Upon his return to Tyre, in company with his daughter and son- in-law, Apollonius had a dream in which he was commanded of an angel to sail unto Ephesus and to go tothe Temple of Diana and there with a loud voice to declare all his adventures. This he did, and was recognized by his wife, and the reunited family journeyed to Antioch, where Apollonius was crowned king. Thence he sailed to Tyre, where he found his kingdom governed in good order. He left his son-in-law as lieutenant at Tyre, and took ship for Tarsus, and denounced Stranguillio and Dionysias, who were thereupon stoned to death by the people, who would also have slain the slave Theophilus had not Tharsia interposed, and at whose intercession his life was spared. After three months the family departed for Cyrene, where they were received with great joy. The old king, Archistrates, died in the arms of his children; the fisherman who had befriended the naked Apollonius was richly rewarded, as was also Hellenicus, who had brought to him the news of the malice of Antiochus. So Apollonius reigned over Antioch, Tyre and Cyrene, and in happy union with his wife reached a great age. The history of his adventures he wrote in two volumes ; one he sent to the Tem- ple of Diana at Ephesus and the other he placed in his own library (Oxon. Magdal., 50). THE ORIGIN OF THE STORY. It is clear that the narrative exhibits the familiar mannerism of the Greek sophistic romance. The circle of adventures in the Babylonian histories of Iamblichus, the Ethiopian histories of Heliodorus,’ the Ephesian histories of Xenophon, the history of Leucippe and Klitophon, etc., is the same in all instances. The writers of this cycle had contrived a universal apparatus of romance upon which they drew liberally and upon equal terms—pirates, ™Hedtoddpov Atdtontxis ‘Iotopias BifAta déxa, Heliodori Historize Athio- pice libri decem, nunquam antea in lucem editi (ed. by V. Obsopaeus). Ba- silice, 1534. THE ORIGIN OF THE STORY. 11 sea-storms, dreams, apparent death, reunited lovers, etc., were the materials out of which the romances were made. No Greek original of the Apollonius story has been discovered, but it is hardly believable that no such original existed. Riese (Historia Apollonit regis Tyri), Rohde (Der griechische Roman), W. Christ (S¢tzungsberichte der Miinchen, Philol. Cl., 1872, S. 4), W. Teuffel (22. Mus., xxvii, 104), W. Meyer (‘‘ Abhandlung liber den lateinischen Text der Geschichte des Apollonius von Tyrus,’”’ in Sttzungsberichte der philosophisch., philolog. u. histor- tschen Classe ad. Kinig-Bayer. Akad. der Wissenschaften 2u Miinchen, 1872, Heft i, S. 3-29), E. Bahrens (Mleckezsens Jahr- buch, 103, pp. 856-858), W. Hartel (Oestreich. Wochenschrift f. Kunst und Wissenschaft, 1872, pp. 161-172), and J. G. von Hahn (Griechische und Albanesische Mérchen, ii, 250), have searched for Greek color and allusions in the earliest Latin versions and have found sufficient to justify Teuffel’s conclusion that the original author was a pagan Greek from Asia Minor (‘‘ Der Verfasser dessel- ben war vielleicht aus dem griechischen Klein-Asien und noch Heide,’’ Rh. Mus., xxvii, 104). Teuffel adds (¢d., 103), ‘‘das christliche Gewand ist dem Stoffe erst von dem Uebersetzer lassig umgeworfen.’’ A list of the greecisms may be found in Riese, ed. 1871 (xi-xiii). Haupt denied the Greek origin, but was confuted by Rohde. See Thielmann, Ueber Sprache und Krittk des lat. Apollonius Romans, Speier, 1881, for arguments for the Latin origin of the story.? There is a singular relationship which cannot be explained as an accidental coincidence between the Apollonius and the Greek sophistic romance of Antheia and Habrokomes, of Xenophon of Ephesus—Xenophontis Ephesii Ephesiacorum, libri V, de Amori- bus Anthiz et Abrocome nunc primum prodeunt.... cum Latina interpretatione A. Cocchii, London, 1726. 1Cf. E. Klebs, Phil. 47, 80, for evidence that the story is a version of a pagan Latin work of the third century. 2Cf. Dunlop History of Prose Fiction London, 1888, Vol. i, pp. 61-63. Angelo Poliziano mentions the Ephesian History—Zyeotaxa ta Kata. AvOiav «at ABpoxdunv—in his Liber. Miscell., li. It was translated into Italian in 1723. There are two other Xenophons nearly contemporary—X. Antiochenus and X. Cyprius. 12 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. Antheia and Habrokomes meet in the Temple of Diana, are mar- ried, but in obedience to an oracle of Apollo are forced to travel. They become separated and A. falls into the hands of robbers, from whom she is rescued by Perilaus, a young nobleman. A. consents to marry him but, on the eve of the marriage, swallows a sleeping potion which she had secured from a physician, a friend of Perilaus, to whom she has confided her story.’ She is lamented as dead, and is conveyed to a sepulchre. She awakens in the tomb which is plundered by pirates for the sake of the treasure it con- tains. The bold outlines of the narrative are common to both the Ephesiaca and the Apollonius. The marriage of the principal figures of the romance is in both instances at the beginning and not at the end of the adventures. The stories are alike in the in- tended assassination of the heroine by a slave commissioned by a jealous mistress; the compassion of the murderer; the escape of the heroine; her preservation of her purity in a brothel, and the final recognition of the lovers in a temple by means of the hero’s repetition in a loud voice of his adventures. Apollonius is succoured by an old fisherman of Cyrene; Habro- komes sojourns with a fisherman of Syracuse. Rohde conjectures that the idyllic sequestration of such a picture of contented poverty called forth imitators (Der griechische Roman, p. 412). The wife of Apollonius is regarded by mistake as Artemis herself, and the same mistake is made with regard to Antheia. The correspondence between the two romances is briefly indicated by W. Meyer (.Si#- zungsberichte der Miinch. Akad. Phil. Cl., 1872, p. 3), and the parallelism is more fully made out by Rohde (Der griechische Roman, pp- 412, 413). The latter even finds in the brevity and dryness of the narrative an indication of a significant correspondence of man- ner in the two narrators, for the usual romantic style of the period was overflowing with pathos and color. 1 Douce (‘Illustrations””) observed that these incidents resemble the leading adventure of Romeo and Fuliet though he admits that Xenophon’s work was not translated nor published when Luigi da Porto wrote the novel La Giu- Jietta on which Shakespeare’s play is based. The story was everywhere popular. Lopez de Vega wrote a play upon it—Los Castelvines y Monteses, THE ORIGIN OF THE STORY. 13 A correspondence so exact and even verbal is only explicable upon the theory that one of the narrators was the imitator of the other. Of course it is quite conceivable that some Latin follower of later Greek sophistry had ventured an imitation of the Greek prototypes of erotic romance poetry, but the possibility of such an explanation disappears, and the conviction that the Latin Apol- lonius is a translation of an original Greek romance becomes irre- sistible when the student discovers in the text—as in a palimpsest, Rohde says—a double stratum of pagan-Greek and Christian-Latin conceptions, customs and turns of expression. It is clear enough that the pagan ground work and the clumsily adjusted Christian additions are by different hands; and if in the oldest Latin version two writers are found to be engaged upon the old text there is hardly a more simple explanation conceivable than that a Greek romance originally written by a Greek of the ancient faith was translated by a Christian of the Latin half of the empire. The love of arts evinced by both men and women in the Apollonius romance smacks more of Greek manners than of Roman, or Christian-Roman iconoclastic zeal; while such a passage as that in which the fisherman divides his cloak with Apollonius resembles the story of St. Martin and indicates an origin in the Vulgate.” When Tharsia plays upon the harp in the cabin of Apollonius’ ship, she proposes to the king, in order to dispel his melancholy, certain riddles derived from the collection of Symphosius.? Here there is a reminiscence of a popular kind of Oriental mérchen in which the sad and the sick are cheered and healed, by jugglers, moun- 1 « Sic piscatorem dimidiam sagi partem Apollonio naufrago dantem ad sancti Martini exemplum [Sulpic. Sever. Vita S. Mart. c. 3] conformavit,” Riese, ed. of 1893, p. xviii. The story of Tharsia in the house of the Pander reappears in the ecclesiastical legends, ¢. g., the legend of St. Agnes. Cf. Simrock, p. 119. Cf, Leben und Wunderthaten des Heiligen Martin. Ailtfransisisches Gedicht aus dem Anfang des XIII. Jahrhunderts von Péan Gatineau (aus Tours). Herausgegeben von Werner Sdderhjelm, Prof. Univ. Helsingfors, in Bibliothek des Litt. Vereins in Stuttgart, 1896, Vol. 210. 2The riddles of Symphosius or Symposius are to be found in many editions. Cf. Cent Enigmes & la Manitre de Symposius, Auguste Du Bois [1868]; Epigrammata et Poematia Vetera, 1590. The author was Caelius Firmianus Symposius. See also the conclusion of the Piaedrus of Joannes Meursius, 1610. 14 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. tebanks and fools. J. G. von Hahn, in Griechische und albanesische Miarchen, ii, 250, collects some parallels to the Apollonius-Tharsia story that are useful for comparison. He does not mention the Apollonius, but he quotes from Apollodor, iii, cap. vii, para. 7: ‘« Euripides sagt [¢. ¢., in his second tragedy A/kmaén], Alkmaén zeugte zur Zeit seines Wahnsinns mit Manto, der Tochter des Tire- sias, zwei Kinder, Amphilochos und Tisiphone. Er brachte die Kinder nach Korinth, und iibergab sie dem K6nig der Korinther, Kreon, zur Erziehung. Die Tisiphone aber welche sich durch ihre Schénheit auszeichnete wurde von der Gattin des Kreon in die Sklaverei verkauft, weil diese fiirchtete, dass sie Kreon zu seiner , Frau machen kénnte. Alkmaé6n kaufte sie und hatte sie zur Skla- vin, ohne zu wissen, dass es seine Tochter sei. Als er darauf nach Korinth ging, um seine Kinder abzuholen, brachte er auch von dort seinen Sohn mit.’’ Hahn compares the Euripidean story with the northern saga of Aslaug, daughter of Sigurd: ‘‘ Aslaug als Kind von einem Harfner in seiner Harfe geborgen wird, so ergiebt sich in dem Zitherspiele der jungen Heldin des griechischen Marchens ein neues Verbindungsglied zwischen Aslaug und Tisiphone.’’ The story of Tisiphone is repeated in India. Benfey, Pantschatantra, ii, 201, relates: ‘‘ Ein Konig wendet einem Schuhmacher seine Gunst zu, und vertraut ihm sein Séhnchen an. Der Schuhmacher entfiihrt den Knaben in seinem 4ten Jahre, beraubt ihn seiner Kostbarkeiten und verkauft ihn als Sklaven. Der neue Herr ver- kauft ihn an seinen Vater, der ihm seine Gunst zuwendet ; diese benutzt des Kénigs Juwelier um ihn zu verfiihren des K6nigs Siegel zu stehlen; als ihn dieser dafiir hinrichten lassen will, und ihn entkleiden lasst, erkennt er in ihm an einem Male seinen verlore- nen Sohn.”’ The Volksmarchen are marked by childlike simplicity and naivete. They translate the reader into a realm of extravagant fancy where « One vast realm of wonder spreads around, And all the muse’s tales seem truly told.” The gold that is sown so liberally is fairy gold, and the kings and princesses are fairy people. Not seldom, however, in the THE ORIGIN OF THE STORY. 15 midst of the thaumaturgy of the Apollonius narrative a scene is half disclosed that reveals the presence of the attentive and skillful Greek rhetorician who was the first to handle the romance. Thus the scene at the beginning of the banquet with King Archistrates is perhaps modeled after the meal of Menelaus in the Odyssey. Rohde thinks also that the grace of an original picture has been blurred by the copyist in such scenes as the courtship of the three youths, and the old king’s roguish familiar treatment of them; the dis- covery of the chest by the physician, Cerimon, and his preco- ciously smart pupil; and the half-scurrilous, half-farcical manner of the bawd. On the other hand, Riese points out (Vorrede, p. xv) that certain boorish witticisms may likely have been introduced into the narra- tive by the Latin author. Here then are sufficient indications from every source that the romance was originally a work of sophistic rhetoric, though pre- sumably of the simpler sort after the style of Xenophon. Its scenery is the coast lands and islands of the Mediterranean ; its pirates and other malefactors are the usual evil-doers of the sophistic romance ; its motives are external, accidental and fatalis- tic. Under the hands of the Latin scribe the rhetorical romance was transformed into a Volksbuch, which accounts for its wide- spread popularity in the Middle Ages.* Before we leave this aspect of the romance it may be well to attend a moment to’a conjecture which Prof. Erwin Rohde has de- veloped with much ingenuity. He imagines that the Latin scribe broadened the trend of the story by an addition that is not particu- larly successful. In the first part of the romance Apollonius is introduced as a suitor for the hand of Antiochus’ daughter. He is rebuffed and goes abroad. We should expect that his vain wooing 1The Latin text even in the oldest extant MSS. shows traces of provincialisms and of the ififluence of popular usage. This passage of a pseudo-classical romance into a Volksbuch is alluded to by Riese in his edition of 1893: ‘Inter quae sunt popularia quaedam, quae iam prorsus linguarum romanarum prae se ferunt imaginem, ut ablativi illi zx matrimonio postulabant, populi = homines, habet annos (gallice 77 y a des Ans), guid est hoc quod (gallice gu’est ce gue), alia. 16 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. would cause him some grief, but we have no word of sorrow or regret. On the contrary, he pledges his love to the first maiden who looks upon him with favor and compassion. King Antiochus and his daughter could be spared from the story altogether and the rest of the narrative not suffer in the least. It is true that King Antiochus reappears occasionally, and that at his shipwreck on the coast of Ethiopia Apollonius cries out that Neptune is more cruel than Antiochus. The wicked king dies by lightning and Apol- lonius claims his paternal kingdom (cum desiderassem properare ad patrium [meum] regnum percipiendum). He journeys into Egypt where he remains fourteen years. Why does he not go to Antioch ? “« After the loss of my dear wife I will not take possession of the kingdom,’’ ke says to his friends of Tarsus. It seems natural enough to them, but not to us. We know nothing of the kingdom for fourteen years, but when all the family are again united we learn that Apollonius took possession of the kingdom and that all was well. Prof. Rohde therefore concludes that Antiochus, his daughter and his kingdom, have nothing to do with the fable, and that the Antiochus episode had been first prefixed to the romance and then clumsily interwoven. Perhaps the Latin scribe was moved to intro- duce this prologue by the necessity of providing a motive sufficiently strong to send forth this luxurious king of Tyre a lonely ocean waif. The Greek poet might have found this motive, as in Xenophon, in an oracular response impelling and exhorting Apollonius to action, but the Christian poet could hardly accept the domination of human action by the oracle of a heathen demon. He must change the motive, and the one which he chose to substitute for the original he found freely developed in Greek myth and saga. The tale of the father who loves his own daughter, and who deters suitors by imposing upon them difficult tasks, is the story of Ginomaus, who, loving his daughter Hippodamia, delays her marriage through chariot races with her suitors; Sithon who loving his daughter Pallene slays her lovers in single combat ; the father of Side loves his own daughter and she kills herself upon her mother’s grave, and is transformed into a pomegranate tree, and her father into a buzzard (see Grimm, Deut. Sagen, 483 (ii, THE ANTIQUITY OF THE STORY. 17 182), and Rohde, p. 420, note, for references to Servian and Per- sian folk-tales).+ So much for Prof. Rohde’s riddle-guessing. This much of good is in it, that it has pointed out the incongruities and the weaknesses of the tale as we have it. The whole episode of the first sojourn at Tarsus might be spared, nor is there any explanation of the sud- den departure for the Pentapolitan region of Cyrene. The words of the author are ‘‘ Interpositis mensibus sive diebus paucis, hor- tante Stranguillione et Dionysiade et premente fortuna ad Penta- politanas Cyrenzorum regiones adfirmabatur navigare ut ibi latere posset.’” The monument erected to Apollonius is referred to by Lycoris who advises Tharsia when in need to take refuge by the statue of her father ; and Hellenicus, too, reappears at the end of all to remind Apollonius of his fidelity. THE ANTIQUITY OF THE STORY. Moritz Haupt, of Berlin, wrote to Tycho Mommsen in 1857, that he knew of more than one hundred manuscripts of the Latin Apollonius. They are widely distributed, a dozen MSS. are in Eng- land, seven in Vienna (Nos. 226, 362, 480, 510, 3126, 3129, 3332), two in Breslau, three in Munich, and others in Paris, Rome,’ Stutt- gart (fol. 411), Berne (228), Leipsic, Géttingen, Basle and Buda- Pesth. The oldest is a Florentine Codex of the ninth or tenth century. The earliest publication of the Latin text seems to have been about 1470.5 The unique copy of it in the Vienna Hofbiblio- thek lacks the title-page, and the volume remained undescribed until 11If the Latin scribe followed the opinion of Mallalas that Antioch was named after the son of Seleucis, he may have had a dark recollection of that particular Antiochus’ love for his mother-in-law. 20, Riemann has collated two MSS. in Rome; the one is in the Minerva Library (A. I., 21), the other in the Library of the Vatican (foundation of Queen Christina, No. 905). Both are of the thirteenth century. The collation of chapters 28-31 (where the Laurentian is at fault), is published in Revue de Philologie, Tome vii, 1883 (** Note sur deux Manuscrits de |’ Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri). Still another MS. in the Vatican (7666) is described by Bethmann. It is of the fifteenth century and resembles Sloan, 1619 (Cf. Pertz, Archiv 12: 402). 8Riese says civca 1471; Brunet “ antérieure 4 1480;” Grasse “ vers 1470,”” See Hain, 1293. 18 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. it was collated by S. Singer and its readings quoted in his Apo//onius von Tyrus (1895). The next edition was made by Marcus Velser in 1595 from an Augsburg MS. which is now lost. It is entitled “ Narratio eorum quae contigerunt Apollonio Tyrio, ex membranis vetustis. Augustae Vindelicorum ad insigne pinus, anno 1595.” This edition consisted of twenty-three quarto leaves. It was re- printed in Velseri Opera, 1682 (p. 677). In 1856 appeared Erotic? Scriptores, ex nova recensione, G. A. Hirschig, Parisiis, ed. Didot, in which between pp. 611 and 628 is found ‘‘ Eroticam de Apollonio Tyrio Fabulam ex codice Parasino emendatius edidit et przefatiuncula notulisque instruxit. J. Lepaume Lingonensis.’’ The edition is a poor one. The prefatiuncula occupies pp. 601-608, and is dated August, 1855. An edition in Latin verse was edited by Diimmler in 1877— ‘“Gesta Apollonii Regis Tyri metrica, ex codice Gandensi,’’ edidit E. Diimmler, pp. 20, Berolini, 1877, 4°. It appeared again in “‘Monumenta Germaniz Historica, edidit Societas Aperiendis Fontibus Rerum Germanicarum medii evi,’’ Berolini, 1884; it is found in the second volume—‘ Pcete Latini evi Carolini, Recensuit Ernestus Diimmler.’’ Jt occupies pp. 483-506, is in leonine verse, with Virgilian reminiscences, and is printed from an eleventh-century MS. preserved in Ghent: ‘‘ Codex membranaceus, szeculi XI, biblio- thecz universitatis Gandensis, Nr, 169, signatus constat 229 foliis. Scriptum autem eum esse in monasterio hujus civitatis sancti Petri testatur pagine 454 subscriptio ‘liber sancti Petri Gandensis ecclesie . . . . servanto benedictio . . . . tollente ma'edictio qui folium ex eo tulerit uel certauerit Anathema sit.’’’ Diimmler in his Jrefatio says, ‘‘ Poeta noster fabulam suam omnem ex historia Apollonii regis Tyrii pedestri oratione conscripta mutua- tus dilatando copiosiorem ornatioremque reddidit. Utrum ad finem eam perduxerit necne ignoramus, quia fortuito duo tantum codicis folia ceteris deletis ad nostram usque ztatem pervenerunt.”’ Tycho Mommsen, who has spent many years of his long and learned life in the study of the Apollonius story, gave his collations of MSS. to Alexander Riese in 1871, who published in the Teub- ner Classics in that year a volume, Historia Apollonii Regis Tyrt. A few years later Michael Ring edited the previously unknown Paris Codex, and published Aistoria Apollonit Regis Tyrie codice Parasino 4955, edidit et commentario critico instruxit, Michael Ring, pp. 20, Posonit et Lipsia, 1887. Riese reviewed Ring’s THE ANTIQUITY OF THE STORY. 19 edition in Berliner Philolog. Wochenschrift, 1888, p. 561, and de- cided that the new text was of such importance as to render it necessary that his own publication should be recast. Accordingly he issued Historia Apollonit Regis Tyri, iterum recensutt, Alexan- der Riese, Lipsia, in edibus B. G. Teubnert, mdcceluxxxiit, with an entirely new Preface, in which he repeats his acknowledg- ments to Tycho Mommsen, and confesses his obligation to Maxi- milian Bonnet, who carefully collated anew the Paris Codex after the appearance of Ring’s volume. This final work of Riese was completed at Frankfurt-am-Main, December, 1892. So far as the MSS. have been examined, they are found to differ widely in language and construction, but to cling rather persistently to the type of the story. An account of such of the MSS. as have been collated may be found in Georg Penon, Biydragen tot de Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Letterkunde, 1880 ; W. Meyer, ‘‘ Ab- handlung iiber den lateinischen Text der Geschichte des Apollonius von Tyrus’’ (in Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch und hist. Cl. a. kon.-bay. Akad. ad. Wissen. zu Miinchen, 1872,Heft I); A. Ri ese, prefatioto Historia Apollonit Regis Tyri ; Car\ Schroeder, Griseldis, S. xii, xiii; Mauricii Hauptii, Opuscuda, Lipsie, iii, 4, 5 and 6; Piper, Héjfische Epik, iii, 376; Zupitza, Roman. For., iii, 269; Hermann Hagen, Der Roman vom Konig Apollonius von Tyrus in seinen verschiedenen Bearbeitungen, Berlin, 1878, and S. Singer, Apollonius von Tyrus, Halle, 1895. The MSS. in the British Museum have been carefully studied and catalogued by L. H. D. Ward, Catalogue of Romances, i, 161- 171. He enumerates Sloane 1619 (early thirteenth century) ; Arundel 292, (late thirteenth century); Arundel 123 (early four- teenth century); Cotton, Vespasian A, xiii (fifteenth century) ; Sloane 2233 (seventeenth century) ; Royal 20, C. ii (fifteenth cen- tury); Additional 4857 (A.D. 1669-1670); Add. 4864 (1770), Cotton, Titus, D. iii (early fourteenth century); Royal 14, C. xi (early fourteenth century). The editio princeps is Laurentianus Ixvi, of the ninth or tenth century, in Lombardy characters. It is fairly free from grave faults and misconstructions, and would have been followed by Mommsen had it been complete, but certain parts are missing (see Riese, 1893, p. iv). The Paris Codex which M. Ring edited is next in value to the Laurentian, which it resembles, though it is much more recent, belonging to the fourteenth century. These 20 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. two MSS. Riese now assigns to the first class, and by their aid he remodeled his earlier version. In the second class he places Oxoniensis collegii Magdalenei 50, which contains the entire story (pp. 80-108) in a handwriting of the eleventh century. Vaticanus 1869, was examined by W. Meyer and pronounced similar to Oxon. Magdal. (Sitzungs. d. Miin. Akad., 1872, p. 8). Vosstanus 113, of the ninth or tenth century (pp. 1~78), agrees with the above. The Zegernsee MS., now Munich 19148, although mutilated (it consists of only nine and one-half leaves), is of much value, and its readings were admitted into Riese’s first edition.’ It coincides more often with the Oxoz. than with the Laurentian or Parisian codex. I have examined the MS. and agree with Riese that Meyer has exaggerated the importance of its unique features (cf. Riese, vii). Even when Riese has adopted the Tegernsee readings with- out comment he does not wish his silence to be interpreted as evi- dence of the genuineness of the passages (‘‘cave autem ne ex si- lentio meo lectiones eorum pro certo constituas’’). The Vindobonensis (Vienna), twelfth century, Meyer says agrees with Zegernsee. Riese’s third class of MSS. contains a great number of versions, more boldly and more recently tampered with. To this class he relegates Sloantanus 1619 ;? Bodleianus 247 (Laud. H. 39) (twelfth or thirteenth century) ; Monacensis 215 (anno 1462),* and Bernen- sis 208 (saec xili).? As the MSS. have come to be better known, a change of opinion has taken place as to their relative value. Teuffel believed the third class which I have just cited to contain the best versions (see 1Cf. L. Traube, Meues Archiv. d. Gesellschaft fiir <ere deutsche Geschichts- hunde, 10, 1884, p. 382. Riese drew so liberally from the different MSS. in preparing his edition that Rohde described his method as ‘* eine wunderliche eklektische Vermischung der Texte” (Der griechische Roman, 418). Riese’s first edition is reviewed in Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 2, 1839-1840; Literarisches Centralblatt, No. 50, 1872, p. 1370; Philologischer Anzeiger, iii, 1871, 536-539; Yahrbiicher Siw Philologie und Pidagogik, 1871, Vol. 103, p. 854; Philologus, xxxi, 562. ? Riese believes S/oaz 1619 to belong to the eleventh century; Ward dates it in the thirteenth century ; it is impossible that it should be of the eleventh century. 8This MS. I have collated; it is 4 bold paraphrase, without linguistic or literary value. ‘The Berne MS. was collated by H. Hagen. Cf. Phzlo/, Anz., ed. Leutsch, 1871. THE ANTIQUITY OF THE STORY. 21 his account of Sloan 1619, in Rh. Mus. 1872, p. 103). Haupt also believed the Velser codex to be preferable to those out of which Riese composed his first edition. And Velser’s Augsburg MS. belonged very clearly to the same class as S/oan and Berne. For proof that Velser’s text was corrupted, cf. Riese, 1893, pp. xi, X11. The earliest reference to Apollonius that has been discovered is in the sacred lyrics of Venantius Fortunatus,' bishop of Poitiers, (inter annos 566 et 568) where he compares his own sad, exiled wanderings in Gaul with those of the shipwrecked Apollonius— « Tristius erro nimis, patriis vagus exsul ab oris, Quam sit Apolloniis naufragus hospes aquis,”’ Another reference is found in the Gesta Abbatum Fontanellen- sium, written about 750 A.D. In the thirteenth chapter, entitled “¢Gesta Wandonis abbatis cornobii Fontanellensis,’’ occurs the fol- lowing: ‘‘ Wando presbyter a patre Baldrico nomine progenitus ter- ritorio Tellau ortus, regimen assumpsit cornobii ab anno dominice incarnationis 742.’’ Among the books belonging to this abbot is cited, ‘Item historiam Apollonii regis Tyri in codice uno’”’ (see Monumenta Germania historica, edidit G. H. Pertz. Scriptorum. Tomus ii, Hannover, 1829, p. 287). A still earlier reference than the former is in ‘‘ Tractat de dubiis nominibus,’’ a grammatical index found in a Vienna MS. of the seventh century. The latest writer cited in it is the poet Dynamius, a Gaul of the sixth century.” It seems clearly made out that the ‘index ’’ was compiled in the Merovingian times, or, as Haupt says, “‘In einer Zeit wo im Uebergang des Lateins in die romanischen Sprachen durch Erhebung der Accusative zu Nominativen und durch andere Vermischungen und Entstellungen von denen besonders Ur- kunden vielfache Beispiele darbieten, das Geschlecht der Worter un- kenntlich wurde, spater als die romanische Sprachniedersetzung 1Venantius Fortunatus, Miscellanea Lib. vi, cap. 10, lines 5 and 6, The lines are cited as above in Migne’s Patrologia T. 88, and Migne reprints the best edition of Fortunatus, that of the Benedictine, Mich. Ang. Luschi. Luschi no- tices the variants “ Apollonius’? and « Apollonia,” but prefers « Apolloniis,” as above. Fortunatus is venerated in the diocese of Poitiers as a saint, his feast being celebrated December 14. 2 Dynamius, Governor of Marseilles, was born at Arles, and lived at the end of the sixth century. See Moreri, Dic¢. Hist., 1725, iii, 646, and Bzographie Uni- verselle, Vol. 12. 22 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. vollbracht war und das Latein in den Karolingischen Schulen ungetriibt durch romanische Formen gelehrt ward, war zu so ganz trivialen Bemerkungen wie sie jenes Verzeichniss enthalt ebensowe- nig ein Anlass als sich gleichartige Beispiele finden’’ (Haupt, Opuscula, p. 13). The reference in the ‘‘ De dubiis” reads ‘¢Gymnasium generis neutri sicut balneum in Apollonio ‘ gymna- sium patet.’’’ The quotation is from the scene in Pentapolis, when the boys cry aloud, ‘‘ Audite, cives, audite, peregrini, ingenui et servi, gymnasium patet’’ (see Rh. Museum fir Philologie, neue Folge xxvi, $. 638-9, xxvil, 103-114). In chapter 34, forty aurii are considered more than a half libra auri, yet not a whole one; that is, one pound of gold is coined into fifty pieces, which coincides with the practice of the time after Cara- calla. After Constantine it became customary to compute by solidi. The oldest Latin version therefore would appear to have been composed in the time between Caracalla and Constantine (see W. Christ, Sitzungsberichte d. Akad. d. Wissenchaft zu Miinchen Cl., 1872, p. 4, and Marquardt Rém. Altertum, iii, 2, 18, 24). As the translation was certainly made defore the verses of Venan- tius and the treatise ‘‘ De dubiis,’’ it was as certainly made after Symposius, whose riddles are inserted. The collection of riddles is contained in many MSS. The oldest is the Codex Salmasianus, belonging to the end of the seventh or the beginning of the eighth century. The riddles themselves are of earlier date. ‘Teuffel says: “¢ Etwa aus dem vierten bis fiinften Jahrhundert stammen wohl die hundert Rathselgedichte des Symphosius. Sie bestehen je aus drei Hexametern nebst einem ungeschickten Prolog. Sprache und Vers- bau sind in reinem Geschmacke und zeigen den Verfasser als einen Nachahmer des Ausonius,’’ (Teuffel, p. 1061, 3d ed.; see also Douce, /é/ustrations of Shakespeare, 1807, ii, 135 ; and Riese, Zeé#- schrift fir Oestreich. Gymn., xix, 1868, 483-500). From these arguments we may infer, as Velser, Fabricius? and Douce have done, that the original Latin text was compiled some time in the fifth century. Teuffel says, ‘‘in the course of the sixth century,’’ which agrees also with the general character of the Latin 1 Haec dicens protulit XL Aureos et dedit in Manu virginis et dicit, etc... . . cui juvenis ait “si salva sis, indica mihi, quantum dedit at te juvenis,” etc... . . Puella ait «« quater denos mihi Aureos dedit.” Juvenis ait « Malum illi sit! quid magnum illi fuisset, homini tam diviti, si dram aur? tibi daret integram? Ut ergo scias, me esse meliorem, tolle libram auri integram.” (Riese, 1893, p. 71). 2 Fabricius, Bibliothece Grece, Hamburg, 1721, 1.5, c¢. 6. THE PERSISTENCE OF THE STORY. 23 and especially with the peculiar use of dos in a sense opposite to the Latin meaning, but peculiar to the German period = pretium puelle, Muntschatz. (Teuffel, 481.) THE PERSISTENCE OF THE STORY. The Apollonius Saga is remarkable for its persistence and its sta- bifty, that is for its duration and vitality, and for its retention of its original character and form. We will consider first its perszst- ence. The remarkable number of MSS. attests the wide popularity of the story before the introduction of printing. William, Bishop of Tyre, in the twelfth century, in referring to his bishopric, testifies to the fame of the romance—‘‘ ex hac etiam et Hiram Salomonis co- operator ad aedificium templi domini rex fuit et Apollonius gesta cujus celebrem et late vulgatam habent historiam.’”? About 1186 Godfrey of Viterbo related the story as authentic history in his Pantheon, or Universal Chronicle (Pertz, Archiv v, 166; vii, 559), a sort of rhymed record of events from Adam to Godfrey. The author was chaplain to Conrad III, Frederick I and Henry VI. The principal MSS. of the work are Vienna 3406, and Paris 5003. It has been printed in Germanicorum Scriptorum Tomus alter, ex bibliotheca Joannis Pistorit Nidant D. editio tertia curante B. G. Struvio, Ratisbone, Sumptibus J. C. Peezit, 1726, pp. 175-181. Godfrey’s Pantheon is an important monument and deserves more particular attention. My study is based upon a copy in my own possession. It is a ponderous folio with the title: Pantheon stve Oniversitatis Libri qui Chronict appellantur, xx, omnes omnium seculorum et gentium, tam sacras quam prophanas Historias com- plectentes: per V. C. Basilia ex officina Jacobi Parct (1559). It is dedicated to Pope Urban III (1185-1187). After a description of Rome and Carthage, of Asdrubal and Hannibal, we arrive at the subject of our story, in column 282—~— ‘¢ His temporibus Apollonius rex Tyri et Sidonis ab Antiocho juniore Seleuco rege 4 regno Tyri et Sidonis fugatur: qui navigio fugiens, mira pericula patitur.’’ Gower explicitly says that he de- rived the story as narrated in Confessio Amantis from these chap- ters of the Pantheon. “Of a cronique in daiés gon The wich is cleped Panteon In lovés cause J redé thus,” 24 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. The titles of Godfrey’s chapters will be sufficient to indicate the course of his narrative and its close parallel to the oldest Latin MSS. : 1. De Apollonio rege Tyri et Sidonis, et de ejus infortunis atque fortunis. 2. De eodem Apollonio fugiente a facie Antiochi. 3- Item de eodem Apollonio naufragium passo. 4. Item de Apollonio, ubi suscepit eum rex Archistrates et dat ei filiam suam. 5. Item de Apol., ubi mortuo Antiocho ipse eligitur in imperium Antiochiz. 6. Apol. tendit Antiochiam, sed uxor ejus in partu mortua pro- jicitur in mare. 4. Apol. relicta filia in urbe Tharsia, pergit Antiochiam. 8. Tharsia, filia Apollonii capitur a piratis et venditur lenoni in civitate Militena. g. Tharsia venditur a piratis in urbe Militena ubi regnat Athena- goras, qui saluat eam a Stupro. 10. Apol. pergit ab Antiochia in Tharsiam urbem requirere Tharsiam filiam suam. 11. Apol. recognoscit et recipit filiam suam in urbe Militena, per regem Athenagoram. 12. Tharsia recognoscitur a patre suo Apollonio. 13. Apol. recipit filiam ignotam et fit letitia magna in urbe Militena. Apoolonius [szc] visitat socerum Archistratem. Godfrey’s stanza consists of two rhyming hexameters and a pen- tameter verse. For further editions of Godfrey, cf. Grasse, T7resor de livres rares et précieux, iii, too. It is said in the bibliographies of Apollonius that the story is contained in Vincentius Bellovac, Speculum hystoriale, printed at Augsburg in 1474, but after struggling patiently through the three immense folios in the British Museum I must confess that I have been unable to find the slightest trace of the romance. There are three main sources of the endless stories of Apollonius in the Middle Ages. They are either founded upon the Latin His- toria, or they proceed from Godfrey, or the Gesta Romanorum. 1 Editions by Oesterley, 1872, and Keller, 1842, The Colmar MS. (fourteenth century) is the only old MS. which contains the Apollonius, Cf. Wichert, Leitsch, f. deut. Geschichtsforschung, vi. GERMAN VERSIONS. 25 From Godfrey the story entered England (Gower and Shake- speare) and North and South Germany ; from the Gesta Romanorum arose the popular versions among the romance peoples, and in Hol- land, Hungary, Sweden and Russia. In my review of the various national versions of the story I shall indicate whenever possible the genesis and dependence of the texts. GERMAN VERSIONS. Alexanderlied of the early twelfth century closes its account of the plundering of Tyre with the lines «« Zerstoeret lac do Tyrus die stifte sint der Kiinec Apollonius von dem di buoch sagent noch den der Kiinec Antioch iiber mer jagete wande er ime sagete ein retische mit vorhten daz was mit bedahten [bedecketen] worten geshriben in einem é7zef daz er sin selbes tohter beslief.” Lamprecht who wrote these lines lived during the first half of the twelfth century, and his source of information was an old romantic poem of Alexander by Alberic de Besancon,’ of which the begin- ning only survives. Weismann, who edited Lamprecht in 1850, was led by the line ‘‘ Geshriben in einem brief,’’ to believe that L. knew the story inaccurately. Now in a Stuttgart MS. of the Latin Apollonius certain German verses in the form of a narrative are appended to the riddles, whence Massmann concluded, in connec- tion with Lamprecht’s own words, that there must have been a German version of the story before Lamprecht. But Weismann and Penon after him have regarded these verses as a first attempt and not as verses copied from a previously existing versification of the story (see Massmann, Denkmdler, 1828, Vorrede, p. 10, and Lamprecht’s Alexander,v,1054). The explanation ofthe “ brief”’ or ‘‘letter’’ as found in the Alexander poem is not difficult. In Shakespeare Antioch hands to Pericles a writing which contains the riddle, saying: 1Cf. Koberstein Grandriss der Geschichte der deutschen Nationalliteratur, i, 161; Bartsch, Chrestomathie de Pancien frangais, 2me edition, 17-20, 26 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. « Read the conclusion, then ; Which read and not expounded, ’tis decreed, As these before thee, thou thyself shalt bleed” (i, 14) In Godfrey of Viterbo, too, *¢ Antiochi regis scelerum problemata Zegit,’’ but there the riddles are read over the gate of the city where they are inscribed. The Lapaume edition has it that the riddle had been inscribed upon the gate of the city (quia questio condi- tionis in porta civitatis scripta erat), In the Cretan version the riddle is written upon the wall. Other versions, the Italian, Span- ish, Bohemian, Copland, etc., repeat the same method of convey- ing the riddle to Apollonius. Shakespeare is the only one who speaks of the riddle as written upon pager ; all the others have it written over the gate or on the wall. Lamprecht’s reference indi- cates that in some lost version the narrator had anticipated Shake- speare in this invention. Lamprecht’s lines quoted above may be translated ‘‘ King Apollonius of whom the books still tell, whom King Antioch pursued over seas because he told him a gruesome riddle, which was written with covered words, zz a Jetter.’’ They stand thus in the Strassburg MS. of the Alexander. The Vorau version omits the reference to the ‘‘ covered words’’ (bedecketen worten) and reads, ‘‘ he solved a riddle in a letter’’ (missive). The original meaning no doubt was, as in the lines above quoted, that the vidd/e was communicated in a letter, but was misinter- preted by Kinzel, who supposed the so/ution to be conveyed in a letter, 7. ¢. in a missive. The Basle edition also interprets after this fashion and states explicitly ‘‘dar umb, daz er im sagtte und im des sante brieff, daz er sin dochter beslieff’’ (because he told him, and sent him a letter to that effect, that he, etc.).? The first poet in Germany to work independently upon the Saga was Heinrich von Neustadt, who finished his Apo//onius von Tyr- land (a poem of 20,893 verses) at the beginning of the fourteenth century.* Heinrich was a physician in Vienna, and naturally was interested in the story of the resuscitation of Lucina, the wife of Apollonius. In his poem he shows an interest in natural history, and introduces 11In Gower and Twine the riddle is spofen, as in the Latin, zo/ read. 2Cf, Singer, p. 37+ 3 Heinrich von Neustadt, Apollonius, von Gotes Zuokunft, herausgegeben von Joseph Strobl, Wien, 1875. Pudmenzky, Shakespeare's Pericles und der Apol- lonius des Heinrich von Neustadt, Detmold, 1884. GERMAN VERSIONS. 27 lists of fishes, stones and spices. But the deviations from the 7s- torta we will consider elsewhere (verses 2913~15106 relate to inci- dents which are not found in the Latin story). At the close of the poem Henry introduces into his rhyme his name and address— *¢ Wie ditz puoch si erdaht unde in deutsche rime praht daz sage ich eu dast pillich ez geschach ze Wienne in Osterrich waz ich sage daz ist war ez sint me dau tousent jar daz ditz puoch zem ersten wart geschriben in Latin: sit ez ist pliben daz ez nie von keinem man solhe rime geschriben gewan,) wer ditz puoch gedihtet hat daz sage ich eu des ist niht rat, ein schoeneu frouwe in drumbe pat : Meister Heinrich von der Neuwenstat ein arzet von den puochen, wil in ieman suochen er ist gesezzen an dem Graben got muez in in siner huote haben ”’ 7 (Strobl. p. 124, lines 20,844-20,861). In Von Gotes Zuokunft (line 467), the poet again alludes to his Austrian nativity. The latin book of the Apollonius he says he ob- tained from Nicolas of Stadlaw : «der saelic pfarraere her Niclas von Stadlouwe.” Nicolas lived, as Ferdinand Wolf has demonstrated (Wiener JSahrbiicher der L. ii, 56, 257), in the first quarter of the fourteenth century. He appears in the records of the years 1297-1318, together with Bernhard von Krannest, of whom there are records from 1304 until 1332, and who also is referred to in the poem (line 13,696). In 1312 Heinrich and his wife Alheit were given the Freisinger- hofe, located upon the Grabenin Vienna. It was therefore after he was ‘‘ gesezzen an dem Graben,’’ or after 1312, that he wrote Apollonius, which from various other reasons is believed to have been preceded by the other composition of the same author ( Von Gotes 1This declaration that before Heinrich no translation had been made from the Latin into German rhyme, strengthens Weismann’s theory quoted above. 28 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. Zuokunft), in which there is no reference to the house upon the Graben. Two German prose translations of the Latin text of the Historia were published in 1873 by Carl Shréder.*. The first is from a man- uscript of the fifteenth century, now in Leipzig,” in the handwriting ofa Saxon monk who lived probably in the neighborhood of Meissen.* The other is in a MS. of the same century at Donaueschingen, written in the Suabian dialect and closely resembling the Volksbuch written by Heinrich Steinhéwel and published by Gintherus Zainer von Reutlingen at Antwerp, in 1471—Dze hystory des Kiiniges Ap- polloniyy vo latin zu teutsch gemachet, Gintherus Zainer von Reut- lingen. Augspurg, 1471, fol. (31 leaves; 35 lines to the full page ; without pagination, signature or catch words). The book is be- lieved by some to have been written in 1461, by others in 1464. An acrostic found in the poem gives the date of composition. Bartsch (Germanische Studien, ii, 305) fixes the date at 1461 ; Sin- gerat1464. Heinrich Steinhéwel, the author, was bornin 1412 at Weil. He visited Italy, studied medicine at Padua, and practiced his profession in Esslingen. He died at Ulm in 1483. He wasa translator, and published a rendering of Petrarch’s Latin version of Boccaccio’s Griseldis. He also translated Boccaccio’s De Claris Muleribus, which was printed by Johann Zainer von Reutlingen, 1473, and reprinted by Anton Sorg, 1479. It is also published by Karl Drescher in Bibliothek des Litt. Vereins in Stuttgart, Vol. 205. This Augsburg Apollonius was reprinted by Joh. Bemler in 1476; Anth. Sorg, 1479 and 1480; at Ulm, 1495; again at Ulm, by Hans Zeiner, 1499, and at Augsburg, by H. Froschauer, 1516. It is the same book that bears the title Von Kiinig Appolonio. Eyn schine und lustige Histori nit mynders nutzlich dann kurtewetlg 2u 1«¢ Griseldis. Apollonius von Tyrus. Aus Handschriften herausgegeben von Carl Schréder, Leipzig, T. O. Weigel, 1873.” This is Heft ii, Pt. 5, of Aft. theilungen der deutschen Gesellschaft zur LErforschung vaterlandischer Sprache und Altertimer in Leipzig, pp. 85-131. 2 Haupt speaks of another MS. in Breslau ( Opzscuda, iii, 28). 3 A conjecture of Schréder, adopted by Penon. ‘Paul, Grundriss, ii, i, 403 (article by F. Vogt), Wackernagel-Martin, Gesch. der deut. Lit.,S. 454, A. 234, gives 1420 as the year of birth. For the biography of Steinhéwel, see Keller Litteratur Verein, 51: 673, and Wunderlich, St. und das Decameron, 1889. GERMAN VERSIONS. 29 lesen... .. Vor Jarn durch D. Gotfrid von Viterb. im latein beschrieben. Nachmatn inns Teutsch verwendet. 1540, Augsburg, 1. Steyner. And again, Ein schine History Appolonius, wie er von seinem Landt vertrieben, schifforuch und mancherlet unglick erlitten, und doch endlich durch Glick wider in sein Landt kommen ist. Augsburg, 1556.1 Steinhéwel fixes the date of the reign of Apollonius with great care :— “Das ist ain Vorred in die hystorie des Kiiniges Appolonii das man wisse wen er geregnieret hab.’’ He arrives at the proper period by a gradual descent from Eden and the flood to the fall of Troy, the building of Rome, the divi- sion of the world after the death of Alexander, etc. There is a mild pathos and humor in the author’s personal re- miniscence and profession : “Ett ichs geton sumnus bass Ain rapp singt all zeit cras cras cras, In solichem gsang han ich gelebt Nun und viertzig iar in Hoffnung gewebt Ruwiger als vergangen Zeitt Ich gedacht allweg bis morn beitt Cumst du dannocht gelernen wol Usz dem bleib ich an kiinsten vol.” After settling the time of the reign, the translator enters upon a description of the incest, in which he closely resembles Wynkyn de Worde (1510). Apollonius guesses the king’s riddle, whereupon Antiochus lies angrily saying that his solution ‘‘in no way answers the question.’? When Apollonius reaches home he looks in his, books and finds that in all things he has answered the king aright. He departs from Tyre in the middle hour of the night, unknown to all the citizens. When his flight is discovered there is great sad- ness, no dancing, no marriages—‘‘ alle tabernen waren beschlossen.’’ Elemitus (Hellenicus) is the bearer of the warning to Apollonius. The prince relieves the distress of Tarsus with 100,000 measures of wheat, declines compensation, and the grateful burghers erect a statue of him with corn in his right hand and his left foot spurning gold. The king’s daughter in this version is called Cleopatra ;? 1Grasse, Zrésor de livres rares et précieux,i, 165; Grasse, Lehrouch einer allgemeinen Literdrgeschichte, ii, 3: 459, 460. 2 She is called « Camilla” in two Latin MSS., Vienna 362 and Vienna 510, (sec xiii), and the daughter of Antiochus is called in them Creusa, 30 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. she is instructed in music by Apollonius, to whom she says, ‘‘ You are called Apollonius; it were better to call you Apollo.’’ As they walk by the seashore a ship approaches land. ‘‘ Weare from Tyre,’’ says the captain. ‘‘ A land well known to me,’’ replies Apollonius. «Do you know Apollonius? ’’ queries the captain, and Apollonius replies, ‘‘ Ja, ich kenn im so wol als mich selber.’’ Whereupon the king says, ‘‘ Yesterday he was like me, to-day he is a lord of the earth; before this he has been my son, now I am less than he.’’ The rest of the story follows closely the outlines of the Astoria. Ain Hitbsche Hystori von dem Kiinig Appolonius [with woodcuts], Augspurg, 1552; Hans Zimmerman. This is a reprint with slight changes of the edition of 1471. The woodcuts are curious: on the title page is a picture of Alexander the Great, and the other illustra- tions represent the king issuing from his daughter’s chamber; the king stating the riddle to the princely suitors; Apollonius setting forth on his voyage homeward from Antioch; the return of Taliarchus from an unsuccessful journey, and reporting to the king the flight of Apollonius; the landing of Apollonius in Tarsus; his boats laden with bags of corn; relieving the famine; shipwreck ; fisher- man receiving Apollonius ; Apollonius in the bath at Pentapolis ; at table with Archistrates and his daughter; the king’s daughter playing on the harp; the love-sick daughter visited by her father ; the king joining the hands of the lovers; the burning of Antiochus and his daughter; the casting overboard of the chest; Cerimon finding the chest; Stranguillio and Dionysia with the infant Tharsia ; death of Ligorides ; Philomancia and Tharsia in school ; pirates escaping with Tharsia ; Tharsia sold to the Gemein Frawen- hausz; arrival of Apollonius; interview of Athenagoras and Thar- sia; Apollonius, Tharsia and her husband sail for Ephesus ; Apol- lonius recognizes ‘‘ Cleopatra,’’ his wife ; journey in state to An- tioch ; rewarding the fisherman. The whole eventful history ends with this rustic clapping of hands and sequent prayer : « Damit sag ich Lob, Danck und Eer Alpha und ort widerkeer Pillich wann er hat gegeben Appolonius strenges Leben Klar zu Teutschem ausz Latein Etlicher alten Hystoryen. Mit namen liesz ich nicht verderben Doctor Gotfrides von Viterben SCANDINAVIAN VERSIONS. 81 Obersters Cronickschreyben Mit dem die Kirch auch wil beleyben Jesus Christ Helff uns Gnad erwerben Nit lasz uns in den Sinden sterben Ewig das wir sind behalten Mit allen Rainen Jungen Alten.” Hie endet sich die Hystory des Kiinigs Appolonius. Getruckt und Vollendt in diser Kayserlichen uund Loblichen Stat Augspurg. Durch Hausen Zimmerman, Anno MDLII. SCANDINAVIAN VERSIONS. Line schine unde kortwylige Historia vam Kénige Appollonio wo he van Landt unde Liden vordreven unde vorjaget. . . . unde doch thom lesten wedder in syn Lundt gekamen ys. Hamborch, r6or, octavo. This version by Herman Moller, which follows the Augs- burg of 1552, corresponds to the Danish folkbook entitled, En dejik og skjon Historie om Kong Apollonio i hvilken Lykkens Hjul og Verdens Ustadighed beskrives ; lystig og forné jelig at lese og hore. Kjobenhavn, udi dette Aar, 1627. (The beautiful and charming history of King Apollonius, in which the wheel of fortune and the mutability of life are described ; jolly and novel to read and hear.) A copy of this scarce book is in the Karen Brahes Library in Odensee (Finland). Another edition is dated 1731 (see Grundtvig, Om Mordensgamle. Literatur, Copenhagen, 1867, p. 5. It is also quoted in Rasmus Nyerup, Admindelig Morshabslesning, Copenhagen, 1816, p. 168, 169. Cf. Haupt, Opuscula, iii, 29). The same version (corresponding to the Gesta Romanorum and containing two riddles—unda and navis) was printed at Copen- hagen, 1660, and a translation of it (Icelandic) is ‘“ Additional MS. 4857’ inthe British Museum. The title, identical in meaning with the Danish, is ‘‘ Ein Agizet og fogur Historia wmm Kong Apollonius i huorre luckunnar og veralldarin nar dstodugleike skrifast miog nitsamleg ad heira og lesa Prented i Kaupmannahafn, af Christen Jenssyne Wering Acad. og Békpryckiara, anno 1660, Sagann af Apollonius Konunge til Tyro,’’ January 7, 1670. ‘¢ Additional MS.”’ 4864 (British Museum) is a modified version of the former. The Apollonius is also to be found in Rafn’s translation of the Didrig saga, Wordiske Fortids Sager efter den udgivne tslandske 32 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. elser gamle nordiske Grundskrift, oversatte of C. G. Rafn, P. D. Tredie Bind, Kjobenhavn, 1830. The Apollonius is found on pages 3, 231-238, 242-247, 252-254, 257. The Swedish version bears the title ‘‘ 4pollonii Konungens af Tyro Historia uti hwilken Lyckornes Hjul, och thenna Werldenes Ostadighet beskrifwes : Med Lustiga Fragor och Gator beprydd och Nu efter Mangas astundan pa nytt forfardigat utgifwen af Andrea Johan Arosiandro Tryckt,’’ (The History of King Apollonius of Tyre, in which fortune’s wheel and the world’s unsteadiness are described, with merry questions and riddles, and now after many requests, revised and published anew). It was issued in 1732, and again in 1747. The last three pages of the 1747 edition of this little book are taken up with a tavern song, ‘‘ En wisa som lampas kan til Historien om en man som sin Hustru bortsalde til R6fware, och huru hon blifwit fralst ifran déden’’ (A song which may be applied to the history of a man who sold his wife to a robber, and how she was rescued from death). The edition 1747' is not recorded in Backstrém, whose Index records editions of 1642, 1732 and 1835. The Swedish version is derived from the Gesta Romanorum (see parallelisms in Singer, pp. 130-132). There are also points of resemblance with Steinhéwel which induced Haupt to believe that the Danish and Swedish books were both indebted to that text, particularly as the ‘‘ wheel of fortune’’ plays so important a part in Steinhéwel. DaNIsH BALLAD. In 1880, Rudolph Klein’s Kort Udsigt over det philologisk- historiske Samfunds Virksomhed, 1878-1880 (Copenhagen), con- tained a brief of a paper presented by Kr. Nyrop upon ‘ De Historia Apollonii regis Tyri,’’ in which a singular ballad of the thirteenth century relating to the shipwreck of Apollonius was described. The ballad had been referred to by Haupt (Opuscuda, iii, 29), a fact of which Nyrop appeared to be ignorant, and it was published in Svend Grundtvig, Danmarks gamle Folkeviser, ii, 88. The ballad is limited to a single episode, the shipwreck of Apol- lonius. Nyrop compared it with the Chanson of Jourdain de Blaivies. As the ship sinks, Apollonius, according to the ballad, is 1] am indebted for my examination of this book at the University of Lund to my friend, Prof. Hjelmérus. DANISH BALLADS. 33 thrown upon a rock, but retains his lyre upon which he plays. Some fishermen, attracted by the sound, draw near. They say: ‘‘We have fished here eighteen years, and lived in darkness and light ; now is come hither a sea-demon (a haffuetrold) who will spoil our fishing.’ Apollonius says: ‘*I am no sea-demon ; I am a poor shipwrecked man; may God bring me safe to land.’’ ‘‘ Are you a Christian ?”’ ask the fishers, ‘‘ and can you pray to Jesus, the Son of Mary, who died for us all ?’’ He raises his right hand, makes the sign of the cross and cries: ‘‘ Help me now, Jesus, the Son of Mary, who died to save me.”’ In the old French poem the shipwrecked Jourdain has no lyre whereon to play, but he wails so loud that the fishers hear him. The poem proceeds : Si com Jordains se gaimentoit ainsiz, Garde par mer, voit un home venir En un batel qui moult estoit petis, Et quiert poissons, c’est li ars, dont il vit ; Et li peschierres tout droit a lui s’en vint, Et li demande: “ Va, quel chose iez tu ci? Se iez fantosmes, de deu te contredi, Que de parler n’aiez vers moi loisir.”’ Et dist Jordains: «Se dex m’ait, nenil; Ainz sui uns anfes d’autre terre chaitis. Parmi la mer m’en venoie un juesdi A grant compaingne de chevaliers gentiz ; Mais Sarrazin nouz orent assaillis, Vos gens ocistrent et s’en remest des vis,” etc. (Jourdain de Blaivies, ed. Hofmann, p. 142, lines 1296-1309). The resemblance here is more than accidental. The circum- stance is found in neither the Latin Astoria nor any of the other versions. Riese reads, ‘‘ Et prosternens se illius ad pedes effusis lacrimis ait ‘miserere mei, quicumque es, succurre naufrago et egeno, non humilibus natalibus genito! Et ut scias, cui miserearis, ego sum Tyrius Apollonius,’’’ etc. Nyrop’s conclusion was that in Denmark as in France there had been two diverse redactions, and that the Danish folks-book, a translation, as has been said, of the Augsburg folks-book, had no connection whatever with Jourdain de Blaivies. 384 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. DuTCH VERSIONS. The story of Apollonius entered the Netherlands through the Gesta Romanorum, of the Dutch translation of which—Dze Gesten of gheschienissen van Romen—there are three editions—Gouda, 1481, Delft, 1483, and Zwolle, 1484 (cf. Campbell, Annales de la Typographie Neerlandaise au XVe Stécle, 226, 227). The first popular version of the story apart from the Ges¢a, but derived from it, appeared in Delft in 1493, entitled Die schoone ende die Suuerlicke historie van Appollonius van Thyro. The book is excessively rare ; only two copies, I believe, are known to exist—one is in the Bibliothéque National of Paris,’ the other is in the library of the Zeeland Society of Sciences at Middelburg (Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen).? The directors of the Society permitted Dr. Georg Penon to borrow the little book (boekje) and to copy it. Hisaccount of it is in his Bydragen tot de Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Letterkunde, Groningen, 1880, pp. 109-113, and the book itself is reprinted in the same work (123-182). Penon fol- lows the original almost literally and indicates in footnotes the pas- sages in which it differs from the Ges¢a,*® and occasionally appends the reading of the Latin Astoria, in Riese’s edition. The resemblance of the folks-book to the Ges¢a is so marked that Penon believes the former to have been a version made by a bookseller who was impressed with the story as he found it in the Gesta and who believed that it would make a popular book if printed independently. Penon comments indignantly upon Grasse’s ‘‘ guess’’ that the Netherland book was a translation from the German of Steinhéwel. ‘‘ Woher das hollandische Volksbuch ist, ob aus dem Deutschen, was am Wahrscheinlichsten ist, oder unmittelbar aus dem Lateinischen, ist noch nicht entschieden,’’ says Grasse (Lehrduch, ii, 3, 458), to which Penon replies, ‘Zs nog niet beslist / Hoe komt de man bij zoo’n praatje? Wie zou beslis- 1 The book was formerly in the library of the Hague, but was taken to Parisin 1811 (cf. Campbell, Anzales, p. 267). 2 The book is described by Campbell, Annales, No. 965, Hain Repertorium Bibliographicum, 1303, and by Grasse and Brunet, but it was never seen by the two latter. Even the learned librarian at the Hague (L. Ph. C. van den Bergh) says in his Wvederlandsche Volksromans, p. 158, that this book is known to him only by name—“ alleen bij naam kent.” 3 The copy of the Gesta used by Penon for comparison was the edition of Johannes de Westfalia, 1484. DUTCH VERSIONS. 85 sen? Gewis alleen hij, die het Nederlandsche Volksboek gelezen had. En Grasse heeft het boek gewis nooit gezien.’’? Following Grasse’s venturesome conjecture, the Dutch writer, A. Winkler Prins (Getllustreerde Encyclopedie, ii, 91), declares the folks-book to have been made after the German model: ‘‘de Nederlandsche overzetting vermoedelijk naar eene Duitsche.”’ The adventures of Apollonius were dramatized in Holland and published in 1634, under the title, ‘‘ Zwee Tragi-comedien in prosa, @ Eene van Appollonius, Prince van Tyro, Ende ad’ ander van den sel- ven, ende van Tharsia syn Dochter. Wesende niet alleen lustigh ende vermakelizck om lesen: maer oock vorderlijch om weten, hoe men hem in voorspoet ende teghenspoet behoort te draghen. Nu van nteus oversien ende verbetert door P. B. C. ins’ Graven-hage, Ghedruckt by Aert Meuris, Boeck-verkooper woonende inde Papestraet, in den Bibel, Anno 1634.'’ The first part has eighty-four pages, the second part eighty pages without separate title? and with continuous pagination. It is possible that the work was printed before 1634 and that the words ‘‘nu van nieus oversien ende verbetert’’ refer to the prior publication. An imprint of 1617 (The Hague) is men- tioned in the Bzographisch Woordenboek of Huberts, Elberts and van den Branden, p. 48, but I know nothing of the existence of the book. The Zwee Tragt-comedien was written by Pieter Bor Christiaensz. In the Preface, addressed to his nephew, ‘‘ the respectable, pious, and intelligent’’ [‘‘ den Eersamen, Vromen, ende verstandighen ’’] ‘. self Perilie, in answer to the query of the daughter of Archistrates. The appearance of Gower as chorus and prologue points imme- diately to Shakespeare’s source of information. He says: 1George MacDonald made independently a similar division of scenes (see Fleay’s Marina), 70 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. « This Antioch, then, Antiochus the Great Built up, this city, for his chiefest seat : The fairest in all Syria.” This is an expansion of the Astoria, which simply affirms, ‘‘ In civitate Antiochia rex fuit quidam nomine Antiochus, a quo ipsa , civitas nomen accepit Antiochia.’? Twine is the source of Shake- speare’s lines inthisinstance. ‘‘ The most famous and mightie king Antiochus, which builded the goodly citie of Antiochia in Syria, and called it after his own name, as the chiefest seat of all his dominions.’’ Twine’s version in this as in many places corresponds with the Swedish, both proceeding from a common source in the Gesta. When Pericles appears in the palace at Antioch (Act i, Sc. 1), Antiochus says to him : «Young prince of Tyre, you have at large received The danger of the task you undertake.” And Pericles answers, ‘‘ I have, Antiochus.’’ Here Shakespeare v follows the zstoria as translated by Twine: “ juvenis nosti nup- tiarum condicionem? At ille ait ‘novi’’’ (‘‘ Dost thou knowe the condition of this marriage? Yea, sir King, said Apollonius,’’ Twine). Singer, AZollonius von Tyrus, has carefully compared the readings of the play with the corresponding passages in the other , versions ; and to his book (pp. 32-67) the student is referred for more minute observation than is possible here. When Antiochus declares that Pericles has misinterpreted the riddle, he respites him forty days, which is the time allowed in the Italian version of Leone del Prete; the Greek has ¢wenty, Stein- héwel has ¢hree ; the French and Bohemian have one; all other versions have ¢hirty. Sometimes a reason is given for the respite, sometimes not. When a reason is given it is usually like that in Pericles. « This mercy shows we'll joy in such a son” (I, i, 118). (Cf. Heinrich von Neustadt, ‘‘ Waerstu nicht so ritterlich, schén, machtig und reich.’’) The names of the characters undergo considerable change, the ‘ murderer sent forth by Antiochus is called by Shakespeare Thaliard, in Gower he is called Taliart, in Latin Thaliarchus, in Twine Tha- liarch, and in the Vienna zucunabulum Taliardus. / The friend of Pericles, who is called by Shakespeare Helicanus, THE STABILITY OF THE STORY. 71 appears in the Latin MSS. as Hellenicus, Hellanicus, Ellanicus ; in Italian, Ellanicho; in Heinrich, Elanicus; in the swcunabulum and the Gesfa, Elamicus; in Steinhéwel, Elemitus; in Bohe- mian, Klavik; but in Polish and Russian, Elavik ; in Timoneda,” Heliato; in the Swedish, Elancius; in French, Heliquain; in Gower, Helican ; in Twine, Elinatus. Cleon is the name which Shakespeare gives Stranguilio, as he is called in Gower and Twine and the Ges¢a and most of the MSS., though he becomes Stragul in Bohemian ; Stragwilio in the Munich codex ; Estrangilo in Spanish; Tranquilio in Godfrey ; Tranquyle in Copland, and Transqualeon in French. His wife is named Dionyza ; in Latin, Dionysias ; Dionystades in Steinhéwel, Twine, Heinrich and Bohemian ; Deonise in French, and Diontse in Gower. In Shakespeare the servant of Cerimon is named PhiZemon, nearly / asin Heinrich, PA‘lominus, and in Bohemian Sz/emon. In Twine he is called A/achaon ; in Swiss Pandekta. Boult is called in some MSS. Amiantus ; in Heinrich, Turpian ; in Greek, Hwzxapdéza; in Italian, Pocaroba (Singer conjectures that Boult or Bolt is used euphemistically for penis). Leonine is Shakespeare’s name for the servant of Dionyza; he is called Theophilus in most versions, while Leonine is the name of the keeper of the brothel in Gower. Shakespeare departs widely from the /zstoria in the names of the dramatis persone. Inthe play Athenagoras becomes Lysima- chus ; Archistrates becomes Simonides ; Hellenicus becomes Heli- canus; Tharsia becomes Marina; Stranguillio becomes King Cleon; Apollonius becomes Pericles. Dionyza takes under Shakespeare’s hand almost the demoniac character of Lady Macbeth. Boult is not new to the story, but is remade. Shakespeare takes Gower’s form of a name wherever it differs from the name in Twine. Gower. Twine. | Hellicanus. Elinatus. Thaliard. Taliarchus.? Dionise. {Dionisiades, Lichorida. Ligozides. Philoten. Philomacia. Metilene (the city). Machilenta. 1 Thaliart in Wilkins, Se «. 72 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS, Twine calls the daughter of Apollonius Tarsia and the mother Lucina; Gower gives the mother no name and calls the daughter Thaisé (the Anglo-Saxon text calls the country Zaséa, which cor- responds to Shakespeare’s Zhaisa). In the Patterne of Painefull Pleasures it is Cerimon’s pupil, Machaon, who discovers the pres- ence of life in the body of Lucina. And this is the original plan of the Latin Astoria. In Heinrich v. Neustadt, Gower and Shakes- peare it is Cerimon himself who restores the princess to life. If we consider the incident of the erection by the grateful citizens of Tharsis of a statue to the hero who has timely succoured them against famine, we find it in the oldest MSS., in Heinrich von , Neustadt, the Gesta Romanorum, and it naturally flows thence into Twine, Shakespeare and Wilkins. Gower has copied his account from Godfrey, but adds a touch; the statue, he says, was ‘‘ over- gilt.’”. Twine has: ‘‘ they erected in the market-place a monument in the memoriall of him, his stature made of brasse, standing in a charret, holding corne in his right hand, and spurning it with his left foot.’’ Collier observes that ‘‘ Shakespeare wrote statute for statue, probably as a joke at the expense of the ignorant folks temp. Elizabeth ; but in the Gesta Romanorum, ed. Madden, p. 25, we have statute for statue, and it is to be suspected that the word in the text should properly be statute’’ (Collier, Shakespeare's Library, Vol. iv, p. 263 ; statue is the spelling of Q.1, s¢atude of Q.2, Q.3). «And to remember what he does Build his statue to make him glorious.” (Pericles, ii, Pro.) The vows of Apollonius have special interest. Shakespeare makes Pericles say of his daughter : « Till she be married, madam By bright Diana, whom we honour, all Unscissared shall this hair of mine remain, Though I show ill in’t.” III, iii, 27.. This is all that Shakespeare gives of the ancient vows common to both Latin and Teutonic peoples, Twine says, ‘hee sware a solemne othe, that he would not poule his head, clip his beard, nor pare his nailes untill hee had married his daughter at ripe yeares.’’ The episode of the striking of Tharsia by Apollonius varies in the different versions. It is an incident more repugnant than the THE STABILITY OF THE STORY. 73 brothel scenes. In Pericles the brutal act is not performed, but a reminiscence of it lingers in: “J said my lord, if you did know my parentage You would not do me violence.”’ (V, i, 100.) These lines are insusceptible of explanation without a knowledge of the earlier versions of the story. There is a hiatus here that must be supplied by reference to Shakespeare’s predecessors (see Appendix, p. 108). Twine has, ‘Then Apollonius fell in a rage, and forgetting all courtesie, his unbridled affection stirring him thereunto, rose up sodainly and stroke the maiden on the face with his foote, so that shee fell to the ground, and the bloud gushed plentifully out of her cheekes. And like it is that shee was ina swoone.’’ Godfrey writes, ‘‘ Pulsaque calce patris Tharsia lesa dolet,’’ while in Gower it stands: « And after hire with his honde He smote: and thus whan she hym fonde Diseasyd, courtesly she saide Avoy, my lorde, I am a mayde And if you wiste what I am And owte of what lynage I cam Ye wolde not be so salvage.’ The last element of the story that Pudmenzky employs for com- parative purposes is the riddle (cf. Pudmenzky, Shakespeare's Peri- cles und d. Apol. des Heinrich v. Neustadt, p.17). There is first the evil riddle that Antiochus proposes to Apollonius, and later occur the riddles that Tharsia puts to the King for his solution when she plays the harp before him to dispel his melancholy. In the old Latin Astoria her riddles are eight in number, and the answers are unda, pisces, navis, balneum, spongia, spheera, specu- lum, rote, scole. These very riddles are in the riddle bag of the mysterious Symphosius, to whom we have already referred (cf. Douce, ///ustrations of Shakespeare, ii, 137). The Gesta Romano- rum gives only three riddles. And none at all are found in God- frey, Gower or Shakespeare (save in Shakespeare the first riddle bor- rowed from Twine). The literary fashion of the time had changed, and this particular form of diversion was obsolete, yet the appear- ance of the one riddle in Shakespeare—wretched as it is—is an 1In the Greek romance of Chariton the hero kicks his wife so that she falls unconscious, and is believed to be dead. 74 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. interesting survival of a once popular and significant species of literary entertainment. Riddle-teaching was parable-preaching. It was a mnemonic device, and it became, no doubt, cottage wisdom. But certainly in its genesis, at least, it contained suggestions of something deeper, and the riddle was employed to conceal dangerous truth. The points of likeness between Gower and Shakespeare are brought out by P. Z. Round in his ‘‘ Introduction ’’ to Griggs’ Fac- simile Quartos. The source of the play is mainly the story as told in Confessio Amantis (Bk. vill), but the recrimination scene between ‘Cleon and his wife (iv, ili) is from Twine. Wilkins borrowed phrases from Sidney’s Arcadia, which are pointed out by the Variorum editors, v Twine follows the Latin A7storda rather narrowly, but adds occa- sionally to the narrative. The additions are the following (I quote from the reprint of Twine in Hazlitt’s Shakespeare Library ) : P. 264, lines 11-22 the storm at sea (cf. Zempest, in Griggs qu.). P. 265, ‘a rough fisherman, with an hoode upon his head, and a filthie leatherne pelt upon his backe.’’ P. 273, line 10, “ examining her urine.’’ P. 275, lines 14-21 and 22-25 (cf. Chap. vi). P. 276, lines 23 to bottom. P. 277, the king’s speech to Apollonius, and Apollonius’ answer. P. 278, 279, the description of the marriage. Twine depicts the dresses and jewelry. . 284, description of Lucina’s faultless beauty. . 296, explanation of the term Priapus. . 303, lines 9-13, 19-23, 25-28. . 312, lines 7-18. . 320, lines ro to bottom. . 321, lines 18 to bottom. . 323, lines 7-20. . 325, lines 7-16. Nearly all of Chap. xxii is original with Twine. P. 330, line 19 to end of Chap. xxiii. Generally speaking, Twine enlarges as much as possible, giving speeches in full even when the substance has been related previously. v Wilkins did not improve the parts he stole from Twine; witness the » account of the wedding festivities and the storm. Twine was far surpassed, however, as an amplifier by Heinrich tet rethY THE STABILITY OF THE STORY. 75 von Neustadt, who goes minutely into a description of Tharsus and the medical lore of his time. Philomin, the forward pupil, says to Orrimonius (Cerimonius), his master : “«latwerjen traget her die zer amehte sin guot und die daz geliberte pluot von dem herzen triben ez geschiht gern den wiben daz sie amehtig miiezen wesen so sie der Kinder genesen. Man truoc dyatameron und dyamargariton und cum miscopliris dytardion des si gewis. Man prahte ouch da pi dyarodon Julii. Cinciat und mitratacum. Antibacum emagogum die latwerjen sint so guot swem deu amaht we tuot. da gap man der siechen guoten win von Kriechen pinol von Ciper und Schavernac malvasiam und Bladac win von Chreidpinel turchies unde muscatel moraz unde lutertranc. Reinval douhte in ze kranc” (Ajol., 2714-2777). Notice also this Whitman-like catalogue of stones : «¢ Nu merket hie gemeine die ouzerwelten steine die in die Krone sint geslagen als sie der fiirste solde tragen. da ist abeston und absinth adamant, achat, und jacinth allabandin und allechorius ametist unde amandius perillus und calcedon carbunculus und calophagon centaureus und celonite calidonius und cegolite corniolus und corallen crisopassus und cristallen 76 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. djadochus und dionysya echites elydropia epistratis galaritide jaspis und gerachide panterus und obtallius prasius und saffyrus sardonix und sardius topasios und smaragdus, die steine war en drin gesazt alle in piischelin gevazzt’ (Ajo/., 18,416-18,439). Collier, in his introduction to Mommsen’s edition of Wilkins’ novel, attempts to prove two contentions: first, ‘‘that the novel before us very much adopts the language of the play; second, that it not infrequently supplies portions of the play as it was acted in 1607 or 1608, which have not come down to us in any of the printed copies of Pericles.”’ In illustration of the first point, Collier quotes from the novel, ‘“‘A Gentleman of Tyre—his name Pericles—his education been in arts and arms, who, looking for adventures in the world, was, by the rough and unconstant seas, most unfortunately bereft both of ships and men, and after shipwreck thrown upon that shore; ’’ and cites the parallel passage from the play: «A Gentleman of Zyre; my name Pericles; My education beene in Artes and Armes: Who looking for aduentures in the world, Was by the rough Seas reft of Ships and men, And after shipwracke, driuen upon this shore” (II, iii, 81). Collier has greater difficulty in discovering in the text of the novel the lost language of Shakespeare. Act iii, Scene i, of the play, as it is printed, relates mainly to the birth of Marina at sea during astorm. In the novel Pericles thus addresses the infant : “« Poor inch of nature! ... . thou art as rudely welcome to the world, as ever princess babe was, and hast as chiding a nativity as fire, air, earth and water can afford thee.’’ In the play as printed no corresponding commencement of the apostrophe, ‘‘ Poor inch of nature !’’ is to be found, and yet the words must have come from Shakespeare. No mere hackney scribe could have conceived them. Moreover, the words which follow are nearly identical in the play with the sentence from the novel: « Thou art the rudelyest welcome to this world, That euer was Princes Child: happy what followes, Thou hast as chiding a natiuitie, As Fire, Ayre, Water, Earth and Heauen can make ” (III, i, 30). CORRELATED STORIES. 77 Here, as Collier says, ‘‘‘ Poor inch of nature’ is all that is want- ing, but, that away, how much of the characteristic beauty of the passage is lost’’ (Intro., xxxiii). CORRELATED STORIES. When, in 1852, Konrad Hofmann edited the two old French Car- lovingian poems, Amis et Amiles and Jourdains de Blaivies, he did not observe the intimate relation which a part of the latter chanson bears to the celebrated and widely disseminated story of Apollonius of Tyre. As soon as the common origin of the two poems became clear to him, he published in the Siteungsberichte der philosophisch- Pphilologischen Klasse der k.-b. Akad. d. Wissensch. su Miinchen (S. 415-418), 1871, a paper on ‘‘ Jourdain de Blaivies, Apollonius von Tyrus, Salomon und Marcolf.’”?’ John Koch, in 1875, in an Inaugural Dissertation at Kénigsberg, again demonstrated the iden- tity of the two stories, and finally Hofmann completed the study in his Amis et Amiles und Jourdains de Blaivies (Erlangen, 1882). We have already noted in speaking of the persistence of the saga that in old French there was but one prose version of the Apollonius, and no new poetic rendering of the story; a circumstance a little surprising when we remember with what avidity the old French grasped new materials, and reduced them to acceptable and popular forms. It is therefore a satisfaction to recognize the old romance undergoing a metamorphosis in the epic of Fourdains de Blaivies. Berger next published an edition of OrendeZ (Bonn, 1888), a middle high German minstrel song which originated, Berger thinks, as early as 1160 (Paul and Braune 13, i). In the twelfth century, the court circles of Germany looked to France for literary inspiration. The most notable epics of the Rhineland that were uninfluenced by the courtly epic were Orendel and Salomon and Markolf. The Crusades form the background of these poems ; the scenes are in the Orient, and the incidents are wars between heathen and Christian. Through varying repetition of the original fable, and by the introduction of auxiliary motives, sufficient bulk for a romance was obtained, and the characters of the beggar, the pilgrim and the minstrel were introduced. Orendel is a king of Treves who wins the love of Bride, the heir- ess of Jerusalem ; wanders like Ulysses ; twice frees the Holy Sepul- chre, and brings the Holy Coat to Treves. His counterpart is in Snorre’s Edda, i, 276, which in Norway was connected with the 78 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. myth of Thor. Miillenhoff disentangled the primitive mythical Teutonic saga upon which the minstrel based his story (Deut. Alter- tumskunde, i, 32). L. Beer (Bettrdge, 13, i) opposed the conclu- sions of Miillenhoff, which, however, were reasserted by F. Vogt in Paul’s Grundriss, ii, 1, 63, 64. Svend Grundtvig pointed out similarities of incident and con- struction in Orende/ and the Danish ballad (see page 32), and finally Singer (Apollonius von Tyrus, pp. 3-33) has compared in detail the three pieces, Orendel, Jourdain and the Danish ballad. The relationship between Orendel and the Apollonius saga has been farther discussed by Tardel (Untersuchungen zur mittel hochdeut. Spielmannspoesie, Schwerin, 1894). It is necessary for us to deal connectedly with this singular group of widely separated yet curi- ously united fables." In the French poem Jourdain’s parents have been murdered by Fromont, and their lands taken from them. Jourdain is cared for and educated by the faithful Renier. Fromont sends out two trai- tors, to whom he promises five hundred pounds if they bring the child to him. Here the likeness is closest to the old French prose version in which Antyocus (Antioch) is a vassal of the father of Apolonie. When the father is dead, Apolonie is reared by Trans- qualeon, the provost (prevost) of Tarse. Antyocus oppresses his subjects and is warned by his wife that the people may invoke Apol- onie. Thereupon Antyocus sends out thirty men to lay hold upon Apolonie, but he escapes all dangers (si loing que il fust perille). The reward offered to him who shall bring Apollonius alive is in some of the Latin MSS. roo talents (Riese), and in others fifty. In the Bohemian and Swedish prose versions it is 500 talents. Jourdain escapes the danger that menaces him, through the de- vice and the devotion of Renier, who sacrifices his own child in his stead’ (Nyrop-Gorra, Storia della epopea francese, 196). After a time, when Jourdain is well grown, he serves Fromont, unrecognized by him, asa page, but Fromont hates him, for he re- sembles his slain father (Girard). One day Jourdain carries a 1 There is a very rare folks-book published in Paris in 1520 entitled, Les faite et prouesses du noble et vaillant cheualeir Fourdain de blaues filz de Girard de blaues lequel en son vinant conquesta plusieurs royaulmes sur les Sarra- zins. Paris, Michel le noir, 1520. 2In Timoneda’s Patraftuelo, No. 37, an only sonis sacrificed to save a friend’s son. CORRELATED STORIES. 19 golden vessel filled with wine to Fromont, who keeps him kneeling. Jourdain complains; Fromont threatens him with worse treatment, whereupon Jourdain retorts and Fromont strikes him with a stick across the head so that he bleeds. Jourdain escapes to Renier, who discloses to him the secret of his birth. Jourdain goes with armed men to Fromont, finds him at the table and with his sword strikes off his nose. In the battle that ensues, Lohier, the son of Charle- magne, takes part and is killed by Jourdain, who takes flight, pur- sued by the emperor. The old tale of incest is abandoned by the French author. Hofmann sees in Karl (Charlemagne) the image of Antiochus in the old story, but Singer with more reason fancies Fromont to replace Antiochus, and that Karl is only introduced in order to carry the story back to the well-known Carlovingian type.* The poet adds a ghastly humorous touch when he says that Fro- mont, in order not to suffer alone the shame of his mutilation, or- ders his knights to have their noses cut off. Singer compares the narrative in the Katserchronik and in Toledoth Jeschu (Zeitschrift a. Vereins f. Volkskunde, ii, 295). In the adventures that follow, there is an attack by Saracens, of which we shall speak later. Jourdain springs from the deck of the Saracen ship into the sea, and clinging to a tree bough bites his arm and is cast up by the sea upon a foreign shore. The biting of the arm is an allusion to the medieval belief that the sea would per- mit no bleeding or wounded thing in its dominion (see page 81). “Tl s’est navrez el bras de maintenant N’avoit autre arme, dont il se fust aidant, Por ce le fist, gel voz di et creant, Mers ne puet sane souffrir ne tant”? (J. de B., 1260). Apollonius after his shipwreck arrives at Pentapolis, on the north African coast, in the kingdom of Archistrates, who is depicted as a Greek. Jourdain finds himself in the realm of King Marcus, who isa Christian. In both stories the heroes stand upon the beach lamenting their unhappy fate, when they espy a poor fisherman. The fisher is a good fellow, of a gentle heart, who feeds and 1 As in Huon of Bordeaux. It is the familiar legend of Charlemagne pursuing a vassal who has killed his son. 2Cf. Modersohn, Die Realien in Amis und Amiles und Jourdain de Blat- vies, Lingen, 1886, p. 37. 80 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. clothes the unfortunate hero and directs him to enter the city (thus in Godfrey of Viterbo, Pericles and the Italian and elder Greek versions of the Apollonius). Jourdain spends the night with the fisher, apparently that the contest in which he is to engage may take place after matins, and perhaps also for the sake of the picture of the minster and the royal party issuing from it. Thus the evening meal of the Latin and all other versions becomes a morning meal. While in AZollonius the hero displays great skill in ball playing, in Jourdain the sport is fencing. The king exclaims: ‘‘ Who will fight with me?’’ (‘‘qui vueult iestre mes pers a’ l’esquermie’’). Jourdain undertakes to resist him, and astonishes the king with his skill. After the sport Jourdain is left alone, but the king sends a mes- senger to him, who finds him weeping and at first inclined to think the king’s invitation a mockery because of his squalid appearance. The king’s daughter, Oriabel, is attracted by the handsome youth, and believes him, because of his beauty and manly bearing, to be of gentle blood (see verses 1408-1414). She begs permission of her father to give clothes to the unknown. Hereplies, ‘‘ Ma belle fille gel voil et si l’otroi. ... Quant la pucelle entendit de V’anfant. Que li porroit donner le garnement.’’ She sends him a splendid robe and waits upon him at the ablutions before the meal ; and he, by reason of his modesty, becomes the favorite of the king and the beloved of Oriabel (‘‘et la pucelle l’en ama plus trois v tans’’). In Apollonius the princess is not present at the ball play, but appears at the meal which follows it, and the dejected Apollo- nius is drawn to the banquet by the king and consoled. The prin- cess asks her father who the stranger is, and goes herself to him and inquires his history. One day Jourdain gives way in the orchard to his grief. He is overheard by the princess, who discovers his secret. Apollonius is overheard by the king playing upon his harp and bemoaning his / fate (so in Copland and Wilkins). It has been remarked (Singer, p. 21), that there is here a trace of the influence of a group of marchen in which a hero enters the service of a king, and is sur- prised in his secret meditations in the garden by the king’s daughter. A number of parallel tales are to be found in J. G. von Hahn’s Griechische und albanesische Marchen. Similarly in Karlmeinet and Gran Conquista (Bartsch, p. 17)* Karl reveals his high lineage alone and lamenting. 1 Singer, p. 21. CORRELATED STORIES. 81 The romances differ in the union of the lovers. The pacific character at this point of the 4fo//onius narrative will be recalled— how Apollonius instructs the princess in music, and is chosen by her as her husband, though she is sought in marriage by lofty suitors. The French epic is more turbulent and clamorous. At an incursion of the Saracens, Jourdain is armed by the king’s daughter, is dubbed a knight and engages the chief of the enemy, Bruma- dant, whom he slays, and brings his head as a bridal gift to Oria- bel, whom he marries.? Apollonius resolves to return to Tyre, when he learns of the terrible fate of Antiochus and his daughter. Jourdain longs to see his foster-father, Renier, whom he hopes to find living upon the isle of Mekka or Mesques. Jourdain’s wife insists upon accompanying her lord in his sea voyage. Like the wife of Apollonius, she is pregnant, and during a storm is delivered of a child, whereupon—an interesting diver- gence from the ancient story—she is thrown alive and conscious into the sea. The priests advise this horrible act, which is again a consequence of the medieval belief that the sea would suffer no wounded body (the body of Oriabel is lacerated) to remain upon or within it. Jourdain fights with the sailors, but is overpowered by them, and the body of the queen, as in the elder story, is thrown into the sea.? In the Christian French story, the resuscitation of the appar- 1In the old French prose version the princely wooers from Cypress and Hun- gary are rejected. They declare war. The princess asks Apollonius ifhe can fight. In the battle he distinguishes himself and saves the old king. 2« Die Erklarung der Stelle, die R. Schréder (Glaube und Aberglaube in den Afr. Dichtungen, 8. 129) gibt, ist unrichtig und sein Verweis auf die Magdalen- enlegende hilft nicht weiter, da die Frau dort wirklich tot ist und nur durch ein Wunder erweckt wird. Immerhin ist die Parallele interessant: auch dort (s. Roman, Forsch., iv, 493, ff; Passional ed., Hahn, 379, 28 ff.) gebiert eine Frau auf einem Schiffe ein Kind und stirbt an der Geburt, die Winde wachsen zu Stiirmen an, die Marner verlangen von dem Ehemann dass er den Leichnam iiberbord werfe, denn so lange dieser auf dem Schiffe sei, wiirden sich die Winde nicht legen”? (Singer, p. 23). *¢ Cil chapelain ont lor livres tenus, Que por la damme, qui acouchie fu, Lor est cist maus de la mer avenus, Que mers ne sueffre arme gui navre fust Qui en cors soit ne navrez ne ferus” (%. de B., 2154). 82 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. ently dead is not accomplished by a physician skilled in the healing art, and by no commonplace application of cotton and heated oil. Oriabel is washed ashore at Palermo (Palerne, as the poem has it), and is discovered by the bishop of that city, who, as he observes the comatose body, remembers a precious ointment which had been sent to him from the Orient, whence come all rare and costly things. It is the same ointment with which Christ was anointed (dex en ot oingt les flaus et les costez). Oriabel revives at the touch of this sacred salve, relates her history, and becomes a recluse in a little house by the minster. The story has here made a long journey from its pagan Greek prototype. Bishops, nuns, priests and minsters have taken the place of the temple of Diana and the physician Cerimon. A like transformation we have seen to occur in the Spanish and modern Greek versions. The fate of Tharsia takes a somewhat different appearance in the French poem. Jourdain, after the storm in which his wife was thrown overboard, comes to King Cemaire, who reigned in Ori- monde (Tharsus) (and who corresponds to Stranguillio). Here his daughter is baptized and named Gaudisce. Jourdain commits her to the care of one Josselme (the counterpart of Theophilus), and departs to seek his queen. He sails by Tunis and the Nile, and at last reaches Palermo, where he finds his wife. He relates to her his adventures in a much briefer way than does Apollonius in the elder story. After he has found Oriabel and Renier, the story returns to Gaudisce. The king of Orimonde had a daughter who was far outshone in beauty and in grace by Jourdain’s daughter. The queen’s envy was violently aroused, and Josselme is ordered secretly to remove Gaudisce. Under the pretense of conducting her to her father he brings her to Constantinople, when, saying, “«T commend thee to God,’’ he abruptly leaves her : « Gentiz pucelle, a Jesu tae conmant, Qui d’encombrier gart ton cors avenant ”’) (3161). Gaudisce, left alone with her nurse, Floriant (Lycorides), realizes her desertion and becomes desperate. The treachery and brutality of the scene in the bordello are also made less revolting in the French poem. The son of the king of 1In the Latin version Tharsia is to be murdered on the shore; only in Pericles and the Greek marchen does she accompany the traitor, CORRELATED STORIES. 83 Constantinople becomes enamoured of the beauty of Gaudisce, but she rejects his suit, and will approach no man, nor listen to words of affection until she finds her father. The king, dismayed at the melancholy of his son, orders Gaudisce to be offered in a brothel. At this moment her parents fortunately arrive. They had first pro- ceeded to Orimonde, where Josselme, dismayed at the arrival of Jourdain, confesses that he had conveyed Gaudisce to Constantino- ple, whither Jourdain immediately holds his course. He learns upon his arrival that a woman is to be offered for sale, and his daughter comes at once into his mind. He finds no rest until he offers pro- tection to the unknown unfortunate and recognizes in her his daugh- ter. She marries Alis, the son of the king of Constantinople. They all return to France to be reconciled to Charlemagne. The usurper and murderer, Fromont, is conquered in field fighting by Jourdain, and condemned to be flayed alive and to be dragged to death by a horse. The faithful Renier is rewarded with the city of Blaivies, just as Hellenicus is remembered in the Apollonius. It will be seen that in Jourdain the finding of the wife does not conclude the story. Oriabel hears Jourdain lamenting before her cell in Palermo. She thinks she recognizes the voice, and calls him to her window. Mutual recognition follows, and the Bishop dismisses her from her cloistral life. The story of Jourdain de Blaivies is often found associated with the tale of Amis et Amiles and both were ultimately inserted in the Charlemagne cycle, Jourdain’s father becoming the son of Amis. See also Deux Redactions du Roman des Sept Sages de Rome, published by Gaston Paris, Paris, 1876, pp. 161-196, for a discussion of a variation of the Romance of the Seven Sages in which the two friends are named Loys and Alexander. This latter story seems to be the foundation of Theodoor Rodenburgh’s Adex- ander, a tragi-comedy in forty-four scenes, published at Amsterdam in 1618. Henslowe paid Martin Slaughter in May, 1598, £8 for five books, one of which was a play of Alexander and Lodwick. Mr. W. C. Hazlitt believes that this lost play was in some degree like the Dutch tragi-comedy. Orendel, the hero of the poem which Berger has edited, is the son of Eigel. The name is found in Franconian and Bavarian from the eighth to the eleventh centuries and appears in its earliest form in Lombardy as Auriwandalus, which corresponds linguisti- cally with Aurvandill or Horvandillus. The name, as Miillenhoff 84 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. points out, indicates a seafarer (Norse Aurr, A.-S. ear, moisture —Lat. Aqua). Orendel is the son of Ougel or Oiigel, who must have been the central figure of a sailor myth. Singer supposes the name to be derived from that of one of the rejected suitors of the daugh- ter of Archistrates, called Ardaleo or Ardaleon in the Latin As- toria A pollonit. Singer indulges in some bold speculation in his effort to account for ‘‘Orendel, son of Eigel.’?’ He remembers that in Vienna. Codex 3332 the unsuccessful suitor is called Ardonius, as in Velser and the Gesfa, and in the Spanish Lzbre de Apfolonio he is named Aguylon, and Singer supposes that the Spanish may be a mutilated form and may lead back to Artigzlon (of the middle German prose). He then imagines that Ardonius Agilon came to stand to- gether, so that the French version, leaning upon domestic names, and mistaking the second form to be a genitive, converted it into Arondeus fils Aiglon, and the German poem in turn transmuted it into ‘‘ Orendel, Kiinec Eigels sun.’’ Similarly Singer supposes Jourdain to be a corruption of Ardonius, perhaps by attraction to St. Jordan who in 1236 suffered shipwreck on his way to Palestine. The names of the characters in this world-traveled tale have suf- fered in their journeys strange transformations and bewilderments. Apollonius becomes Perillie in Bohemian and Pericles in Shake- speare. Timoneda names the murderer Estrangilo (Stranguillio) and gives the real murderer’s name to a senator, Teofilo (The- ophilus). Orendel in the poem is shipwrecked on his way to meet his bride, as Apollonius is in the Danish ballad. Notice the confusion between the daughter of Antiochus and the daughter of Archis- trates. Orendel consults with his father concerning his purpose. Apollonius consults with his mother (according to the Danish bal- lad), or with his councilor (according to the Bohemian folks-book). The mother and councillor dissuade Apollonius; the father en- courages Orendel. The description of the departure of the vessel abounds with lively touches, after the manner of Diimmler’s me- trical Latin version. Huge quantities of food are taken on board, enough for eight years, in which there may be a reminiscence of the heavy freighing of the ship on the occasion of the second em- barkation of Apollonius (to Tharsus) when he takes with him 100,- ooo bushels of corn. A storm drives Orendel into the Klebermer (literally, sticky sea ; CORRELATED STORIES. 85 a traditional sea, possibly the Sargasso), where he is detained three years, until redeemed by divine help. So in Heinrich von Neu- stadt the fleet of Apollonius is driven upon the Ledermer (same as Klebermer) and detained a year, until the heathen gods chance to pass by and free the hero. Orendel has a successful sea-fight with the fleet of the pagan king Pelian von Babilon, which corresponds in Jourdain with the surprise attack by the Saracens upon the sea. Doubtless both inci- dents grew out of the circumstance that in all the versions of the Apollonius story Antiochus equips a fleet that vainly pursues Apol- lonius after his solution of the king’s riddle and his subsequent flight. In the old French prose version Antiochus prepares snares for Apollonius even defore he comes to Antioch as a suitor, and sends out soldiers to destroy him. Curiously enough in Heinrich von Neustadt Thaliarchus, the major-domo of Antiochus, fights with Apollonius, but is conquered in the duel. It is easy to account, also, for the appearance in Orendel of the heathen king Pelian von Askalon, who craves possession of Orendel’s bride, and threatens to hang Orendel on a gallows in the castle moat. No doubt this is the same Antiochus who desires to live in shame with his daughter and threatens to kill her suitors and impale their heads upon his castle wall. Orendel is shipwrecked, lies three days in the sand, and then sees a fisherman approaching in a boat. In the Bohemian folks- book Apollonius swims three days and nights upon a log of wood, and on the fourth day he sees a fisherman ina boat. A similar situa- tion is in the French prose romance. In /ourdazn the fisher arrives in a boat, as also in the Danish ballad and the Cretan version. The fisher is old but robust—quendam robustum senem (Riese). The fisherman displays fear of Orendel, precisely as in the Danish bal- lad the fishers fear Apollonius (see p. 33). Orendel tells him that he is a shipwrecked fisherman. In some versions Apollonius refuses to tell his name. So in Godfrey, and Steinhéwel, and Shakespeare—‘‘ What I have been I have forgot to know.”’ In the French version he says he is a shipwrecked merchant; in Timoneda he is questioned by a bather, and he says he is a bafiador from Tyre. Orendel offers himself as a servant to the fisherman. In the Bohemian the fisher says, ‘‘ Do you not know that having come out of the sea you are my serf? But God forbid that I should do you 86 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. any harm!’’ The fisher takes Orendel into his boat (cf. Pericles, “¢Canst thou catch any fishes then?’’), who prays God to help him for he cannot fish. He casts out his net, just as in the Danish bal- lad Apollonius must fish, and even carry the fish-basket. Among the fish that are caught is one in whose stomach they find a gray coat. Blood stains are observed on it, which makes the fisher say that a slain prince wore it. The coat has the appearance of armour. Orendel entreats the fisher to give him the coat, but he refuses, and instead gives Orendel a pair of shoes and a mantle. The coat is sold to him later at a low price, and the fisher pretends that he has given it to him, and begs him if he shall have good fortune in the world not to forget the fisher who succoured him. He is also given a pair of stockings, but there is no word of a partition of the / fisher’s mantle.’ In Wilkins’ novel Apollonius even gets a blanket for his horse. Orendel remains six weeks with the fisher and then goes to the city, where he is imprisoned, and released by an angel. He comes to Jerusalem and, asking after the meaning of a noise that fills the air, is told that the Knights Templar are tourneying. In the Latin ‘text Apollonius learns from a herald. In Perzc/es the fishermen’ , have instructed him in advance of a tournament which the suitors ; have instituted. Orendel meets two pagans who are rivals for the possession of the queen. They are Merzian and Sudan. Merzian lends his horse to Orendel, who overthrows and kills Sudan, whereupon Merzian takes flight. In Jourdain the hero first tries his valor with King Marques, the father of the princess, and then conquers an enemy of the king (Sortin) in serious combat. Marques and Sortin, Mer- zian and Sudan, are evidently identical names, or names of common origin. Singer conjectures that Marques arose from regem Arches- tratem/ In the Latin Afollonius, it will be remembered, there “is ball play, and gifts by the king, and then the dismissal of three suitors. In Copland there are only two suitors (as in Stein- héwel, Bohemian and French). In the French story the suitors go to war, and are conquered by Apollonius. Only one of the suitors has a name—Ardalio*. Pericles buys a horse with a jewel, conquers ” ~’ 1 Jn the French and Spanish he declines smilingly the invitation to fish. 2 The Bohemian and the Danish know nothing of the division of the cloak which the Latin speaks of, The Italian calls it « vestimento di Grigio.” 8In Twine only have the other suitors names—Munditius and Camillus. CORRELATED STORIES. 87 five suitors, and in a later scene, Act ii, Sc. v, three more appear who are dismissed. In Wilkins, the king gives the hero, after his successful tourney, a horse and a pair of golden spurs. The queen sends a messenger to Orendel to summon him to her presence. The messenger at first hesitates to go, awed by the terrible appearance of Orendel. When at last he obeys the queen’s com- mand and delivers her message, Orendel, like Apollonius, believes that he is mocked and made sport of because of his shabby clothes. His path is beset with perils. The Knights Templar attempt to kill him ; at the court of the king he finds an envious old man who calumniates him. Battles with giants follow. He fights with Mentwin and Mer- zian. The queen asks him if he is not King Orendel. He replies that he is only a poor pilgrim. She calls him Mr. Graycoat, for she cannot learn his real name. In battle with the giant Pelian he utters his own name aloud (like Rustum), and the Knights Templar, realizing that he is indeed a king, worship him, and the queen exclaims, ‘‘ Now J am indeed happy that I have always been faith- ful.’’ After the scene in which the fisher is rewarded, which is com- mented upon elsewhere, the combat for Westphal follows, at which siege Orendel by means of a grappling hook is pulled over the wall and captured. A somewhat similar scene is in Jourdain, and in Heinrich von Neustadt there is a naval battle between Apollonius and Absalon, in which the latter is drawn by a grappling hook into the hostile vessel. Orendel is called home by an angel to protect his kingdom against the pagans. In the French the kingdom in question is the hereditary kingdom of Apollonius: Antiochus is merely a satrap who wrongfully kept it from him. In Timoneda and Pericles the kingdom is Tyre, which in Timoneda has been usurped by Taliarca, while in Pericles an insurrection is threatened. Orendel at first thinks to return alone, but Bride (his queen) is resolved to journey with him. She proposes to make the fisher a ruler in their absence, but the fisher refuses and all three depart to- gether. In Timoneda the fisher is master of the galleys to Apol- lonius, and is finally made Viceroy of Tyre. Upon the voyage the queen falls into a trance and is thrown into the sea in a chest. She is found by Daniel and Wolfhart and brought to the pagan King Minolt. With the help of the fisher Orendel rescues her. 88 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. Again Durian brings her to the pagan King Wolfhart, but Durian, himself, helps her to preserve her chastity. It is interesting to note the confusion here, and to see the queen playing the réle which the Latin Astoria assigns to the daughter. ‘The scenes here correspond to the scene in the brothel. In the second scene Wolf- hart (Singer suggests, p. 15) is a translation of Lupanar, and Du- rian takes the place of Villikus, who is to deprive the queen of vir- ginity, but he figures in the light of a protector, and in Heinrich is called Turpian (or Turian, as it is in a Spanish romance related to the Jourdain). The Danish ballad has already been described and its correspond- ence to Jourdain indicated. The home of King Apolonn in the ballad is Naples. The emperor, who at one time represents Anti- ochus and at another Archistrates, lives in Speier. He has a daughter whom he rates at the sea’s worth, and thinks no one worthy of her save Apolonn. She writes a secret letter, in which she confesses her love for him, as the daughter of Archistrates does in the Apollonius story. The emperor now bewitches the shore of his kingdom so that Apollonius is shipwrecked there. To this end he commands the aid of twelve ¢roldguinner, asin the Pridthiofsage Helgi makes use of two witches for the same purpose (Singer, p. 31). All the mariners are lost save Apolonn only, who retains his lyre. (The remainder of the story is as upon page 33.) The riddles form an extremely interesting and important part of the Apollonius story. They incline to the Salomon-Markolf type of romance. Kemble’s introduction to the Anglo-Saxon Salomon and Saturnus’ is still a classic chapter in the history of this curious and universal literary type. Schaumberg’s ‘‘ Salomo und ,Markolf’’ in Paul and Braune’s Bettrdge, ii, 1, and Vogt, Die deutschen Dich- tungen von Salomon und Markolf, illustrate the mythic dignity of character which originally belonged to the asputatio. This leg- endary stock, as Prof. Earle says, sent its branches into all the early vernacular literaturesof Europe. From a rabbinical root, the strange legend in which at first Solomon and Hiram, King of Tyre, exchanged hard questions, and in which at a later time Solomon and Mercury, and Solomon and a ‘‘ Chaldean Earl’’ dispute seri- ously, develops into a mocking form of literature in which religion is a burlesque and the poet a buffoon. 1 The Dialogue of Salomon and Saturnus, with an historical introduction by J. M. Kemble, London, 1848. CORRELATED STORIES. 89 King Hiram of Tyre helps in the building of Solomon’s temple (see 1 Kings v. 1). Solomon sends a messenger to Hiram, demand- ing, ‘‘Send me a learned man,’’ and Hiram replies, ‘‘ I have sent to thee a prudent and wise man (a cunning man indued with under- standing) of Hiram my father’s’’ (2 Chron. ii. 13) [misi ergo tibi virum prudentem et scientissimum Hiram patrem meum]. The Vulgate here merely translated the half name. Chiram Abi (Heb.) signifies literally ‘‘ my father noble born,’’ and so Churam abiv is equivalent to ‘‘ his father is noble born.’’ According to the Vulgate the passage (2 Chron. ii. 13) would seem to mean that the architect Hiram was the father of King Hiram, and then again the father of Solomon. In close connection with this passage is the famous description of the wisdom of Solomon (1 Kings iv. 29-34): ‘ Dedit quoque Deus sapientiam Solomoni, et prudentiam multam nimis et latitudinem cordis quasi arenam, que est in litore maris. Et preecedebat sapientia Salomonis sapientiam omnium orientalium et £Zgyptiorum, et erat sapientior cunctis hominibus, sapientior Ethan, Ezrahita et Heman, et Chalcol et Dorda, filiis Mahol, et erat nomi- natus in universis gentibus per circuitum. lLocutus est quoque Salomon tria millia parabolas, et fuerunt carmina ejus quinque et mille et disputavit super lignis a cedro, que est in Libano, usque ad hyssopum que egreditur de pariete et disseruit de jumentis et volu- cribus et reptilibus et piscibus, et veniebant de cunctis populis ad audiendam sapientiam Salomonis et ab universis regibus terre, qui audiebant sapientiam ejus.’’ In this Biblical Mahol Hofmann sees the later romantic Marcol, Marcolf, Morolf, who disputes with Solomon in riddles. And he adds, ‘‘Wenn man erwagt, wie gewaltig die Namen des alten Testamentes in der Septuaginta, Vulgata, bei Flavius Josephus und sonst verandert werden, so wird die Verwandlung von Mahol (Machol) in Marcol, vielleicht unter Einwirkung von Chalcol, nicht besonders auffallen.’’ The saga made an ambassador of this King of Tyre who com- peted with Solomon in riddles, and who on the one hand occupies the place of the architect, Hiram Abi, and on the other that of Marcol and his sons. This myth developed in the first century after Christ and is mentioned by Josephus (Bk. viii, Chap. v) after Menander who translated the Tyrian originals out of Phoenician into Greek. After the death of Abibal, says Josephus, his son Hiram succeeded. At this time the youngest son of Abdemon 90 PERICLES AND APOLLONIUS. lived, who always solved the riddles which Solomon proposed. Dion says Solomon sent riddles to Hiram and received some from him. Whoever could not find the answers was to pay money to him who was successful. Hiram failed and was obliged to pay a heavy fine. However, he learned the answer to the riddle from Abdemon, a Tyrian, who also gave other riddles to Solomon which he could not answer, and so was compelled to forfeit to Hiram. This Abdemon or his son is the Hiram Abi of the Bible, and in two MSS. he is called ’Aftvos. (It has been;suggested that we have here the original source of Biirger’s ballad of the king and the abbot of St. Gall, and of Schiller’s Zec/ung der Erde.) At the end of the fifth century this history first appeared in western literature. The decree of Damasus, or Gelasius, the first index librorum prohibitorum, mentions among other notable books the Contradictio Salomonis, which was withdrawn from the Canon because of its deviation from the Scriptural narrative. The Salomon-Markolf was in Germany in the tenth century, for it is quoted by Notker, of St. Gall. It is not improbable that the Proverbs in the St. Gall Rhetoric are taken from the St. Gall Salomon-Markolf. In the twelfth century, Bp. William of Tyre recognized the identity of the Salomon-Abdemon story with the Salomon-Markolf story. By a change of names and localities a second type of myths appeared, in which a princess is wooed by riddles with risk of life to the unfortunate suitors. Here we have the Antiochus type. A very early indication of this condition is to be found in Tatian, Orato ad Grecos, cap. 68, where Salomon and Hiram are shown to be brothers-in-law, and, according to the Pheenician histories of Theodotus, Hypsicrates and Mochus, it is reported that Chiram has given his daughter to Solomon in mar- riage. The change of the scene of the history from Jerusalem to Antioch points to the time when Jerusalem, conquered for the second time, had ceased to exist, and had even disappeared as a name, its site being occupied by a Roman colony, Aelia Capitolina, while Antioch had become the chief city of Syria. The middle link between Machal and Markolf is Marcol, the Hebraized name of Mercury, which could only have become known to the Jews after the Roman conquest of Palestine (see B. Stentz, Dre Hiram Sage, Handschrift fir Brider Meister, Berlin, 1871). The figures of Christian and pagan literature and mythology CORRELATED STORIES. 91 often proceed in medieval romance in strangely assorted com- panies. Solomon and Mercury seems an oddly chosen companion- ship. In the stories of Solomon we find him frequently engaging in conflicts with djinns or demons. He overpowers and holds in subjection all but Sachr (or Asmodeus), whom he finally conquers by artifice and from whom he learns how to obtain possession of the worm Schamir which cuts stones without noise—an obvious reminiscence of the building of the temple of Solomon, without the sound of a hammer (‘like a tall palm the silent temple grew’’). With the conception of Solomon as the wisest and most eloquent of men and the most powerful conqueror of spirits, there must have come a moment in the evolution of the story in which he would measure his prowess with the demons of the classic world. Mer- cury excelled in discourse. It was therefore but natural that with him Solomon should enter into argument. When Paul and Bar- nabas preached in Lystra, the people cried, ‘‘ The gods have come down to us in the likeness of men,’’ and they called Barnabas, Jupiter, because of his stature, and Paul, Mercury because of his eloquence. In the Vienna Apollonius, MS., 480, occurs the following note : “Nota quod de isto Apollonio tyro magister in scolastica ystoria in libro tercio regum in rubrica de opidis datis yram a Salomone. Testatur Josephus Menandrum fenicem ystoriographum scripsisse quod Salomon et yram mutuo sibi scripserunt enigmata et figuras quod qui non solueret tercam daret alteri pensionean cumque artar- etur yram in solucione conpelebat tyrum juvenem abdimum abde- monis filium qui omnino de facili explicabat.”’ A deeply interesting theory, set forth with much learning and in- genuity by A. Vesselovsky—Jz