> ce <— ce co — YID AS ISO} Cornell Mniversity THE GIFT OF SDR SE, AE rol 0 as Ser E LEE EE eI Bibrary (312, 1902. Cornell University Libra SEA ARSEEC Panamera EE tenes] Been, Mae ee / 7 XI / o7 TREASURY DEPARTMENT—BUREAD OF STATISTICS. COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, 1800-1900. METHODS OF GOVERNMENT AND DEVELOPMENT ADOPTED BY THE PRINCIPAL COLONIZING NATIONS IN THEIR CONTROL OF ‘TROPICAL AND OTHER COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES. WITH STATISTICAL STATEMENTS OF THE AREA, POPULATION, COMMERCE, REVENUE, ETC., OF EACH OF THE WORLD'S COLONIES. 7 INCLUDING BIBLIOGRAPHY OF COLONIES AND COLONIZATION PREPARED BY THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. [From THe SummMary,or COMMERCE AND Finance ror Ocrosgrr, 1901.] oO. P. AUSTIN, 6 Chief of Bureau. ' ——————_ et > oe WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1901. U.S. TREASURY DEPARTMENT—BUREAU OF 8TATISTICS. COLONTAL ADMINISTRATION, Pe 00-1900), METHODS OF GOVERNMENT AND DEVELOPMENT ADOPTED BY THE PRINCIPAL COLONIZING NATIONS IN THEIR CONTROL OF TROPICAL AND OTHER COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES. WITH STATISTICAL STATEMENTS OF THE AREA, POPULATION, COMMERCE, REVENUE, ETC., OF EACH OF THE WORLD’S COLONIES. INCLUDING BIBLIOGRAPHY OF COLONIES AND COLONIZATION PREPARED BY THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. [From THE SUMMARY oF CoMMERCE AND Finance ror OcTosBer, 1901.] oO. P. AUSTIN, Chief of Bureau. ——____ == ego ep WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1901. £ hss ee). ae 6 \ GS CONTENTS. - COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, Page COLONIAL, AED MINISTRATION, 180021900" ng eocenen OSes vee imabeeenae oa ose maeanmneetoana ee sae e Seeataueeee « teeelsece ease eG 1199 Six great questions regarding the methods of governing and developing tropical colonies and their people...-.-.------------ 1217 1. What share of the government of the successfully managed colony originates at the seat of the home Government? _ 9. 1218 2. What share of the administration within the colony is conducted by representatives of the home Government? ...-..- 1237 3. What steps are taken to improve the material, mental, and moral condition of the people of the colony?.....-..--.--- 1278 4. How are habits of industry and thrift inculcated among the natives? ......-..---.------- 22-2 eee eee eee ee eee ee 1340 5. How are the necessary funds for the conduct of the colonial government raised? .........2-.--------2--- 2 eee eee eee 1356 6. Commercial and tariff relation between the colonies and their governing countries -.....2...2.22-------- +22 - eee eee ee 1390 Areadand populationGl World s:COlOnieS e.. 2< 5 La seekdccacdaentt dad ooeieem Sebiereciadele ee onlaibinnetapieieceneaied Lesa aeeeaeeeeeSs 1199 Review of the colonizing experiences of the century... 22.22.0222. - 2 eee eee eee ee eee ee eee cere cen ee eeeeeeenes 1201 Share of governient conducted in the mother country .... 2.2... .2.. 202 eee eee eee cee eee eee ee eee een ee ee ee eneees 1218 Adininistration at the seat:of the home: government ices. caxceucene vnc ss see cceeceseeew ase pee stn: eet ceeeke ee cee ene eenece 1219 British Crown colony system described by Earl Grey.............- 20-220 eee eee eee ee cee eee eee ee cece erence ib owe wletsiaseeevs 1232 * Government in the colony and the share intrusted to the natives............---0. 2-2-2 e eee ee ee eee eee eee eee eee cee eee 1237 Defenses:of the Colonies seed. onesie he vee nec oeaadiducaicee worse kckedceatedieiccae oe eee sea deete eee eeséacetede 1262 Elective franchise in the colonies. ...22/.0.:2.2... 0.246 ccccesisckwisigige Oe Hes be ceiinae Seeeibeecce dee Peds ee wesc mess soete Eee 1264 The Civall Service An the Colonies: .oaciac ccssc can anennne nneeiesc eas aeanhaneerinsioce SAAR ed ance niga os elas eerie 1264 Development of the material, mental, and moral condition of the natives .........-..-----.200--- eee ee ee eee ee eee eee eee 1278 Constriction of roads and Tall Ways sscra secu wiwcies eerie aereceiatan Visis aie Sea Re ee yee ale enteeiwnipe me aie pemeiee wee omen 1278 Telégraphs and telephones:in the ColoniGsie se .anweerterscesescealsins Wein 3 5 geste eealctslsle ee Rea eaiels eS ek oopuroneaameceis eee saaaien 1283 Postal facilities:in: thescolonies .f2cccestvseen yes sets seein ladekean's's oe ee's e oeciidsisen Be eeiesb es Sele eciemame abcess s ciceeoss t. 1284 Methods of-intercomininicatiom: ccnm2sseucs sss doeeteeeteeecse ss ede Soke dcee, felek cad ons ses Bue hetmaeer deeeomeeee 1285 Irrigation in ‘the tropical colonies: 22... 2cceeec5 sess eee dacasecke dys ss Su asceseeeeeces 2s soe teste ebeee cece seeeeresse 1290 How the cost of development is borne ...----..... 222-00 e nee eee ce eee ee ee ee eee ee een enw ene e ne cee eee een neneeeens 1292 Systematic study or productwe powers: o.sc52 Sees s ccaccecetime ase ecole oced cock eiecbielieeccs cee eemesonseeeeecaceseceas 1297 Diversification..of industries in, tropical colonies: - 2-222 2sccc.ces codec cascsece wmenceoece oogeceods senehccoteeaeedceccesneees 1299 Money and banking in the colonies ......... ot ficktisinn.0 opal siatcoere wre asepeptetetele ne Soo) Aero sig ecetmjainctem eau Ee ees ouamEREt ooueaee a 1305 Currency and banking systems: of the:colonies déscnibed ..c.cccccosic ees eccinesnesceccee tue eevee ee eesmeceepeae ee eee gees 1308 Reégulations:of banking-system iin the Britishcolonies.). ...-csseces os os Heese wickeideitsas weed pelsewupealseehelisee s Soeeecweeee 1314 Emigration: of capital to the:coloniés..oe0i4 Jess ses coeeesanoseeeaee uk cesy saecersxseemoeereess neeeaceaeeaesoees ee veeees 1815 Use of chartered companies in modern colonial development......-.-..---------------- eee eee ee eee eee eee ee ee eee eee eeee 1316 Laweand Jaw-makinoan thecolomiesiie. sce cc ce ees al ose oe ee as OB ale canals etic im ba ain tee cinctedidieisinisio ae eats: 1319 faws GF the world’s Colonies: described ji. icis. oss. 2 vag os slarswavedhcnwis Sie esereiein oe 4 ie mibie c Sininilee aicia ma Rie: Simcorare eimimlaveramidlcia reine wie ei eeinia 1320 Education in the colonies...........-- piv Saad ra Fat SS no eeiag AE Aen So eee e ea GRAA See Reale est cielo aaa ee manna eeads 1324 Educational systems of the world’s colonies described ......2.-2 222-222-2222 eee ee eee ee ee ce eee eee cece eneee 1326 Religion:in: the world}s Colones 2.0. cc.cc ose ee o eraser cea te/wi see Sa eae ements ee See cee yee gengins 1329 Economics of colonization: How studied in the colonizing countries .....--.-222-.--- 0-22 eee eee ee ee eee eee eee eee 1830 Colonialindebtedness: How: created and show inety <2... cenacasmeueeei wes oboe eden eeseatinee ees os 2 egecasseckemeeee s aaee Se 1832: Land ownership inthe colonies .220.<:c:ceoue voces coeeesseneaeee ie sees sete cudne meee sue ses sasouenecee oe ye ce ccecee 1334 Languace-in the colonies; 32:2. cesmcertecre ses 2 vetmerrtencesescecasds een setes Mga ted gue son ee Vee wciants Geldemmes so eecuee 1337 Haw industhy7is encouraged... 2..ccjsieesinciiciee oo sa -becee a ameteeince sine se stedeuitnebocuidg cued Soe cher ciemloaemeees os anemnaess 1340 Contract laboréxperimentsin tropical Colonies: <2 22..2..2-0cccctiecie can cand Sen camcisbeecdewe cesses nnheecSedising ecmdeeeiesainiatan 1342 Labor im-Porto: Rivoand:the Phuippine: IANS, 2.0300. 2-0. b oe ccmscememeimcass sctmetncieayenneu be eban eeeuiee cate ues Seemiccie 1845 Revenue raising in the world’s colonies: Methods described. 2.2.0... 22.02. eee eee eee ee eee ec ee een ee nee ee ene neeeeee 1356 ‘Tariff relations:of the worldts: colonies to:theamether country 2.2.2. seee seas t cones eee es ecs ss neces meame tue seeceeucc 1390 Colonial supply of tropical products for the mother country......-. 2-22-2222 22-22 eee ee ee eee ee eee eee ee eens 1390 Tropical importations of the temperate zone .......-..-.-----2 22202222 seen ee ee Ie ate felons oe ARS eee ae aman eh 1390 Coloniesa Constant market for manniaetures. ..j.24. 200. ce aandeiiecieiel dic ee cems meee eile cielaie od Rees nerds aveinldgieweieneecieniecuts 1401 Tariffs adjusted to facilitate exchange between colonies and the mother country.........-.-2--.-.2-00--22 22 e eee eee ee eee ee 1402 Summarization of the results of the study of colonial methods...-....-.-.--.-------- 2-2 e eee eee ee eee eee eee eee eee eee 1407 Disetissions hy distinguished writers:and: students: .2222.5 52 eee cece teens ce ses ewee eee cee eens sseeeceeeeedeee eeaeteeese 1409 Dexcription of cach of the world’s colonies: Population, area, commerce, revenue, etc......-.-.-------2 222-2 eee eee eee ee ee 1464 StatixtiesoF the world’s COLONIES ).2.205,52./2..c20 ciated aimie,+ < xacw Bbaimsciadizcisie ae ~ KONG PP gLaoRone is cer) A owaner (w5.) pe HAWAIIAN IS. r "DEUS ) Do (united States C1 Great Britain | PMUSPPINE IS. § (Us) ie eeu a *: 0 é 2” eetese ele WS ail . carlo cPne VS , i ie < Posy Bo - (Ger) : EquaTon x ae = ‘a | “2 uranyl eee RD, i. Br cal oie sewkree * LN, Sg zs m, > : SAmon nf I\VNDIAN Ain eee aL the” mee , ese. ae teae oa aN é re feo 4 SU STAALN ATS an “I OlcC EAN 4 Sie a | ® THE GEOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS Xetonyy 3 ing ¢ THE WORLD a : IN 1901 ZEAL AND France Germany [1] Russia Spain ls 30 120 150 TSO 150 0 30 0 = 7 THE NORRIS PETEPS CO, PHOTO-LITHO WASHINGTON Dc U.S. TREASURY DEPARTMENT , BUREAU OF STATISTICS. CHIEF OF BUREAU. A REVIEW OF THE CENTURY. CHANGES IN THE COLONIAL MAP OF THE WORLD AND THE CAUSES ASSIGNED. Before presenting present conditions in the world’s colonies it may not be improper to state in concise form the colonial conditions of the world at the beginning and close of the present century, the important changes which have occurred meantime, and to present therewith the views of distinguished writers of the world’s principal nations as to the causes of those changes. A study of the map of the world’s colonies in 1800 and 1900, presented herewith, shows that Spain, which at the beginning of the century controlled all of South America except Brazil, all of Central America, a considerable share of the North American continent, and the most valuable of the West India islands, is scarcely represented upon the colonial map of the year 1900; that Portugal, which in the closing part of the eighteenth century controlled large areas in South America, Africa, and the Orient, and in 1800 was still in control of much of that territory, is now represented only by colonies upon the East and West coasts of Africa; that France, which at one time _ controlled large areas in the northern part of North America, the Mississippi Valley, and considerable areas in the Orient, had by 1800 already lost a considerable part of that territory, and by the close of the Napoleonic wars had almost disappeared from the colonial map of the world, but in 1834 began to acquire territory in the north of Africa, and in 1861 and 1862 gained a foothold in Indo-China, to which she added largely in 1884 and 1893, and since 1880 has also enormously increased her African possessions; that the Dutch, whose possessions at one time included territory in America, South Africa, India, Ccylon, Australia, and the East Indies, are now chiefly represented on the world’s colonial map by their possessions in Java, Sumatra, Borneo, and adjacent islands; and that England, whose colonial possessions at the beginning of the century were chiefly in North America, the extreme south of Africa, a comparatively small area in India, and a mere foothold in Australia and certain of the West India islands, now has extended her control to all of India, all of Australia, a large share of East Africa, and considerable areas on the West Coast, and an increased number of islands in the Atlantic, the Pacific, and the Indian oceans and the Mediterranean, until her colonial population is eight times as great and the colonial territory ninety times as great as that of the mother country. Meantime Germany has, in the closing quarter of the century, extended her possessions to Africa, the islands of the Pacific and the control of a certain area in China. Italy has recently attempted to enter the list of colonial powers, having a small area in northern Africa, and Belgium now successfully governs a large area in central Africa and the Kongo Free State. As to the causes of these successes and failures, it may not be improper to here quote certain distinguished writers, including representatives of the various nations in question, in the hope of thus obtaining a consensus of opinion based upon long and careful study. SPAIN. One of the most careful and successful students of colonial matters and methods throughout the world is Mr. Charles P. Lucas, C. B., formerly of Balliol College, Oxford, author of the Historical Geography of the British Colonies, issued in 1887, and of the highly prized introduction to the 1891 edition of Sir George Cornewall Lewis’s Government of Dependencies, and who for many years has occupied an important position in the British Colonial Office, thus giving him exceptional facilities for studies of this character. In the introduction to his Historical Geography of the British Colonies Mr. Lucas says of the successes and failures of Spain: “The history of Spain is the history of a power which rose quickly to a great height and then as quickly declined. The Spaniards were a fighting and conquering race, but they were not traders to any great extent, and they did not, in spite of redeeming points, succeed as governors. There was an absence among them of steady progress and development. There was no growth of liberty, no tendency to equality, no gradual expansion of view on the part of either the Government or the nation. They regarded the colonies as tributaries to the mother country; they did not train them to self-government. They lost them as suddenly as they gained them, and left them to be, as they are at the present day, a set of restless, unstable, and ill-organized communities. * * * The vast American dominions of Spain were the result of rapid conquest, not of gradually growing commercial settlement. In North America the English made slow way in a desolate land, among scattered savage tribes which could be exterminated, but not enslaved. The course of the Spaniards was widely different. In Mexico and Peru they conquered at a blow nations which were rich, powerful, and well organized, but which had long been broken in to despotism and when once subdued became the slaves of the conquerors. English colonization of North America was, from the first, colonization in its true sense. It consisted of settlements in which there was no native element to be found, and in spite of isolated instances of intermingling, the English and Indians lived entirely outside of each other. The Spanish-American colonies, on the other hand, were simply conquered dependencies, containing a large native population. The Spanish conquest was too rapid to produce sound and beneficial results. The conquerors lost their heads, plunged into cruelty and extravagance, glutted themselves with, gold and silver, instead of quietly developing commerce and agriculture, and yielding to the temptations of their position and the enervating influence of the climate, in no long time degenerated in mind and body. The home Government might have checked the pace at which the work was carrie! on, but, if well-meaning, it was unwise. It instantly sanctioned fresh conquests and encouraged the. colonization of the mainland before the colonies on the islands were well and healthily established. * * * When the first wave of 1201 1202 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocroper, Spanish conquest had spent itself, the interference of the home Government with the colonies became more and more pronounced. ihe Spanish rulers, like the Spanish adventurers, looked to America for direct returns of gold and silver more than for any revenue from indirect sources. They regarded their new possessions simply as producing so much tribute, and hence watched them very closely and kept them strictly pnder control. The clements of decay in the mother country were carefully imported into America—political depotism, the undue power of the Church, and social and commercial exclusiveness. The social distinctions between races and classes were carefully maintained, the official appointments were all held by natives of Spain, creoles being jealously excluded, the land was tied up by direct entails, and the system of commercial monopoly was carried to a greater extreme by Spain than by any other country of Europe, all foreigners being excluded from the Spanish Indies, and the trade with the colonies being, until the middle of the eighteenth century, confined to a certain number of ships each year and to the single Spanish port, first of Seville and subsequently Cadiz.” MORRIS, Mr. Henry C. Morris, of Chicago, in his History of Colonization, published in 1900, commenting upon the decline of Spanish colonization, says: ‘‘Two abiding characteristics of Spanish colonization, from the administrative point of view, are the attermpt to reproduce European methods in the New World and the persistent suspicion and mistrust shown toward the colonists. A fully developed form of rule was introduced among a simple, untutored people. Favoritism was fostered and every man became a detective set over his neighbor. Multitudes of Spaniards invading these possessions regarded the masses as their legitimate prey. Their object was to accumulate wealth for their support in their retirement when they again returned home, for few if any of the officeholders established their permanent residence in America. Another evil factor was the priesthood, for little by little the primitive uprightness and honesty of the clergy were lost. Among the chief obstacles to the development of the country was the large extent of the landed estates which the Church gathered in its hands in perpetuity or main mort. In gsome provinces at the time of the insurrections it owned 80 per cent of the real property, and in several States the monasteries covered 75 per cent of the total area, while the number of monks wasimmense. * * * A detailed discussion of the reasons for the misfortunes suffered by the Spaniards in colonization is not necessary. In every epoch and region the subjects were soon to reap the whirlwind. To repeat the causes would be a long and monotonous undertaking—too centralized ' administration, utter lack of self-government, corrupt officials, avaricious greed for quick returns at the sacrifice of future prospects, a restrictive commercial system, trade monopoly, erroneous economic doctrines, the admission of the Church to an exaggerated share in public affairs, a general wastefulness of resources accompanied by enormous taxation are the elemental facts to which disaster was due. The Crown always clung to the maxim that it was the right of the parent State to draw all possible benefit and advantage to itself from the colonies, irrespective of the interests of the latter.’’ BLACKMAR. Prof. Frank W. Blackmar, in the August, 1900, issue of the publication of the American Economic Association, discussing Spanish colonial policy, points out that the trade of Spain with the colonies was made a monopoly in the hands of an organization known as the Casa de Contratacién, which controlled absolutely the trade between Spain and the colonies; that commerce with the colonies was subjected to a duty of 33 per cent, which was afterwards advanced to 12 per cent; that the home Government forbade the colonists to raise any products that could be raised at home, and the universal principle adopted that whatever colonial occupation interfered with home industry was to be destroyed directly by law or taxed out of existence. ‘‘All the laws,’’ he says, ‘‘the control of trade, commerce, agriculture, finance, taxation, the foundation of municipalities, the management of the natives, and the regulation of religion were made in the mother country and sent to the colonies with the expectation that the latter would adapt themselves to the laws. Nor did the decrees of the Crown and its agencies stop here, but the home bureau organized the colonial government, local and central. The officers and rulers were natives of Spain sent out to rule these distant dependencies. During the Spanish domination in America nearly all the important offices of the state and church had been filled by Spaniards. The presidents and judges of the courts were from Spain. There were 18 Americans out of 672 viceroys, captains-general, and governors; and 105 native bishops out of 706 who ruled in the colonies. This system of officialism continued in all of the colonial possessions of Spain to the close of the present century. It was strongly marked in Cuba and Porto Rico at the time of the occupation of those islands by the United States. Thus the independent wealth of the colonies was destroyed and barriers against development were setup. It was really a strange attitude for a nation to assume—that of making the newly discovered territory a part of the royal domain, to extend over it the system of government practiced by the home Government, to supply its officers and courts, in fact, to make it a part and parcel of the nation and then turn against it to exploit and rob it as if it were an enemy of the nation. The establishment of central authority and the attempt to govern arbitrarily these Spanish colonies regardless of their interests proved a burden to the nation that improvised the system. The policy of promoting trade became a means of hindering and destroying it. It established commercial prices and controlled trade, but in doing so it prevented the development of wealth, and finally forced commerce into the hands of foreigners. * * * The failure to develop vital and vigorous colonies with an independent life and wealth-creating power, and the repression of wholesome trade brought poverty instead of wealth to both parties. * * * The whole system of pretended self-government was a farce, an imperialism extended to the remotest bounds of the colonial province. Viewed from one standpoint the colony was a part of the central Government controlled by hordes of royal officeholders. Viewed from another, it was a territory to be used, robbed, a matter of convenience, the rights and privileges of whose inhabitants the central Government was in no way bound to respect.” BRANDT, Arthur A. Brandt, of Java, in a discussion of the ‘Evolution of colonial policy,” published in ‘‘Bertrage zur Kolonial Politik und Wirtschaft,” Berlin, 1900-1901, says: ‘‘Spanish and Portuguese seafarers crossed and conquered the world; Dutch and English followed suit. All these conquests, however, had as their purpose in the acquisition of territory only the gathering of riches. Europe of those days was so thinly populated that there was no necessity for emigration. Wherever there was a chance to abstract metallic treasure found in the hands of the natives, the latter were simply called for; in those cases where neither gold, silver, nor precious stones were procurable, but instead products of native growth, such as coffee, sugar, tea, spices, or other tropical products, the native population was tolerated to exist as a necessary evil. Their lives were spared, though extreme exploitation by the conquerors was resorted to.” 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1203 MERIVALE. Prof. Herman Merivale, A. M., professor of political economy at Oxford University, in his lectures on colonization and colonics, in 1839, 1840, and 1841, says of the causes of failure of the Spanish colonial system: ‘‘The state of society in the American colonies early assumed the character of an oligarchy. The pure Spanish families were few in numbeg They were often possessed of considerable wealth, either from their agricultural possessions or from successful mining operations. * * * It was this oligarchical character of society, together with the system of restrictions under which they lived which produced the habit of the Spanish Creoles to congregate in cities, contrary to what has already been observed of the general spirit of modern colonists. The bulk of the population of these cities was made up of the mixed classes—those which grew up from the intermixture of Spaniards with Indians, and of both with the negroes, who, in the course of time were imported into the continent. The Indians, where sufficiently numerous, tilled the soil or wrought the mines. Each capital city stood in a rich and well-cultivated district, separated from the rest of the world by desertg of ice and snow. * * * Thus each community dwelt apart, divided at once by natural and artificial barriers. The commercial policy of the Spanish Government toward its continental colonies exhibits the most perfect monument of systematic tyranny of which any age has furnished an example. The traflic with the mother country was confined, at first, to the single port of Seville; afterwards to that of Cadiz, and was under the control of a board termed the ‘Casa de Contrataciin,’ which was subjected to the direct government of the Crown. Two squadrons were annually dispatched. * * * Jt was the great amount of business, relatively speaking, carried on by those few vessels, and the sudden activity communicated to commerce during the brief transactions which supplied the wants of a whole continent—all the trade of the Empire collected as it were on one focus—which dazzled the eyes of European observers, and occasioned the most fallacious ideas respecting the amount of annual exchanges actually made. * * * Thus, while the Americans had to buy the goods of the mother country, or those which the importers had purchased from abroad, at a price far exceeding their values, the benefit of this monopoly was reserved to a small and privileged class alone. * * * The political treatment of the Spanish colonies was quite in keeping with their commercial administration. The system of government by viceroys, captains-general, audiencias, and councils, with their various relations to each other, has been truly described as a complicated contrivance to render every part of the government a check on every other. The best governors found it impossible to carry into effect any scheme for the amelioration of society; the worst found it easy enough to enrich themselves and aggrandize their favorites. The state of the church was perhaps the worst feature of all in the condition of these colonies. * * * The clergy, both religious and secular, were notoriously lazy and corrupt to a degree unknown in the mother country. The Inquisition, with all its appurtenances, was transferred across the Atlantic; education was for the most part sedulously discouraged, and Viceroy Gil de Lemos said to a deputation from the collegians of Lima, who sought some extension of their privileges, ‘Learn to read, write, and say your prayers, for this is as much as any American ought to know.’”’ PORTUGAL. Commenting upon the decline of the Portuguese colonies, Lucas says: ‘‘The Portuguese, like the Spaniards, were a conquering and crusading race, but there was more of the trader in the Portuguese than in the Spanish character. * * * Being traders, they did not attempt to do so much as the Spaniards in so short a time, and were content for the most part to plant stations on the coast without extending their dominion far inland. They emigrated in large numbers and colonized the outskirts of the East to a greater extent than the European nations which came in after them. Their rise and decline, however, like those of the Spanish power, were very rapid. They rose on the tide of chivalry, religious fanaticism, and adventurous search for riches, and, like the Spaniards, treated the natives with cruelty and carried into their dependencies religious and commercial oppression. The monopoly of trade in the Portuguese, as well as in the Spanish Empire, was reserved to the Crown, and no charter companies helped to build up the dominion and extend the trade of Portugal in the East. Nor was the policy of the home Government in the administration of their dependencies such as to hold together and consolidate an empire. The viceroys were elected at intervals of three years, changes which were accompanied by a corresponding mutation in the subordinate offices. Their power was restricted] by making them dependent upon councils of advice and control, and the single viceroyalty of the East Indies was broken up into independent governments. The King and his ministers regarded the officers whom they sent out with jealousy and suspicion, and were served in turn hy a set of men who kept the authorities at home in the dark as to the true condition of their dependencies, who did not administer justice to the people, but only inquired what profit their predecessors derived from their administration, that they might obtain more. Lastly, in addition to the mistake which the Portuguese, in common with the older European nations, made of crippling their trade by a system of close monopolies, they further erred in not laying themsvlves out directly to supply the markets of Europe; they brought back the riches to Lisbon only, and left it to the Datch to distribute them throughout European ports.”’ MORRIS. Morris, commenting upon the decline of Portuguese colonization and its causes, says: ‘‘In their desire to scize and retain the whole traffic of the regions within their empire, the Portuguese fell into the error which had misled their predecesrors. They believed that force of arms was necessary to effect the ends of trade. Never was there a more fallacious proposition. * * * The Portuguese also proclaimed Lisbon the sole European port to which their ships might resort and at which they might discharge their cargoes. The transportation of the wealth of the Indies to other than the capital city was the only labor required of their mariners. * * * The administration of the Indies was intrusted to a viceroy, stationed at Goa, invested with supreme authority, both military and civil, but appointed for three years only, lest by a longer term he might become too powerful, and, consequently, insubordinate to the Crown. The result was that, almost universally, these governors, regardless of means and methods, improved their limited opportunity to amass wealth, and petty functionaries, no less than chief executives, devoted their period of service to their personal aggrandizement. Portuguese ships and traders paid as taxes, port dues, and customs collected in the Indies immense suis, which went directly into the coffers of the viceroys and their subalterns, the metropolis receiving a bare dribble of its revenues. The participation of officials in trade. waz the capstone of demoralization. From the highest to the lowest the representatives of the Government were unscrupulous, and the eastern colonial edifice of Portugal, when touched from within, collapsed, therefore, as if built on sand.’’ 1204 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. agen ITALY. Italy’s colonial experiences cover a comparatively short period and are not characterized by such success as to justify a detailed study, though they may warrant a brief examination of the history of her colonial work, if only with the purpose of avoiding errors. e KELLAR. My, Albert G. Kellar, in the August, 1900, number of the Yale Review, says: ‘‘Italy is a nation which by taking thought hoped to add unto her stature. Granted that England’s greatness is emphasized and augmented by her colonial possessions, it is but a logical non sequitur to conclude that Italy, by acquiring colonies and possessions, will thereby take her place among the powers. And yet the Italians seem to have believed it possible to substitute for the long and toilsome road from cause to effect a convenient shert-cut from effect to cause. Colonies were not only to increase Italy’s political importance; they were also to build up her trade, develop her merchant marine, and make her rich. Italy was not prepared to take her place among colonizing nations; she lacked the internal cohesion and organization necessary to the political unity that turns its arms to the outside world. She lacked capital and, in a certain sense, superfluous population for external colonization; what forces she had could better have been used for internal development, which in turn would have aided national organization and prosperity. She lacked the objective knowledge of lands and peoples which the great colonizing nations attained from the actual experience of their traders and navigators long before their colonial empires were even begun. She was unfit for colonization because she lacked those things which she hoped the possession of colonies would bring her. One more disqualification must be noted: The Italians, together with the other Latin nations, suffered from a race temperament unfortunate in colonizers. They are dominated too much by feeling and toolittle by judgment. They are attracted too much by abstract theory, military glory, and all that. They can not accept defeat with dignity, renounce a high-sounding ideal, and bide their time with patience. * * * With an eye ever upon England and Holland, the endeavor was made to construct a greater Italy. To these high anbitions, however, were joined the most absurd fears, an unsettled policy, a general weakness and indecision—qualities seldom exhibited in any degree by a people ripe for colonization. During the early days of the colonial agitation the Italian consul at Nice, one of those whose opinion concerning the new policy was officially asked, opposed such a movement, saying that for colonization capital, hands, anil heads were needful, but that Italy possessed only the last of these requirements. * * * Considering the ground she has had to work on, Italy has certainly made a creditable showing, but it must not be imagined that her liberal administration cost nothing; deficits appear annually in the colonial budget. There have been repeated struggles to reduce the yearly expenses of the colonies to 9,600,000 or 8,000,000 lire, but no such scheme seems to have succeeded. The deficit has averaged considerably more than this figure, and during the latter period of colonial expansion up to 1896 the losses are estimated by Brunialti as 10,000 men and 500,000 lire. For a country whose debt was in the thousand millions, who, out of every 100 lire, pays 33 for interest on debt and 33 for maintenance of army and navy, this colonial policy was certainly what one of its opponents called it, a ‘ politique de luxe.’ For a rich nation to expend great sums in the work of civilization or extermination may be wastefulness; for a poverty-stricken, debt-burdened nation full of internal strife and uproar it is almost suicide.’’ FRANCE. The French colonial system of the present day, which is largely the product of the last thirty years, can not be said to have as yet attained unquestioned success, at least as regarded from a financial standpoint. A large proportion of the colonial territory now held by France has been secured since the loss of a part of her own territory in the Franco-Prussian war, and necessarily the cost of creating and maintaining government in and developing this new territory draws heavily upon its revenues. In the older colonies, however, especially Algeria, which France has controlled since 1830, and which is treated as a province of France and not as a coluny in the ordinary acceptance of that term, conditions are prosperous and the control of the territory is looked upon as advantageous to France in many ways. The receipts are sufficient for the ordinary expenses, its fields supply many of the wants of France, and of its imports in 1899, which amounted to 310,000,000 francs, 260,000,000 francs were drawn from France; while of the exports in 1899, valued at 325,000,000 francs, 271,000,000 francs were sent to France. French Indo-China, which includes Cochin China, Tonking, Anam, and Cambodia, with an area of 263,000 square miles, or considerably more than that of France, and a population of over 22,000,000, hag also recently become self-supporting so far as the ordinary current expenses are concerned. The Annuaire Colonial, issued by the French Government in 1901, states that the budget general of 1899 showed an excess of receipts over expenditures of 8,000,000 francs, and that of 1900 an excess of receipts over expenditures of more than 7,000,000 francs, and adds: ‘‘The prosperity of the commerce is measured by the following facts. Before 1897 the commerce general of Indo-China was from 200,000,000 to 215,000,000 francs; in 1896, it was 215,000,000; in 1897, 257,000,000; in 1898, it was 298,000,000; in 1899, 357,000,000, and in 1900, 471,000,000. This is in four years an increase of 118 per cent.’’ Aside from these two colonies of Algeria and Cochin China, the French colonies have not as a rule reached the self-supporting condition, and the French budget for 1900 called for 106,000,000 francs for colonies and that of 1901 for 103,000,000 francs. No nation or people gives more careful study to the theory of colonization or to the methods of advancing colonial prosperity than the French. The public officials, the educational institutions, the economists, and the press follow with great care and discuss jn much detail the condition of their colonies and the lessons to be drawn from present conditions and the experiences of the past. M. DE LANESSAN. One of the most careful and experienced students of colonial affairs is M. J. L. de Lanessan, the present Minister of Marine of the French Government, who spent many years in the English and French colonies, especially the latter, serving subsejuently in the French Chamber of Deputies, where he gave special attention to colonial matters during the period of greatest colonial expansion of that Government in the nineteenth century, and subsequently serving as governor-general of French Indo-China during the most important period of its history. His views, therefore, upon colonial matters and methods are extremely valuable, and his discussion of the methods of his own Ciovernment in extending and developing its colonies especially important. ‘‘Generally speaking,” says M. de Lanessan in his work, Principes de Colonisation, ‘it may be said that in the French colonial possessions very little regard has been shown for the interests of the native people. Imbued with the spirit of the Roman jurisprudence, which lies at the basis of all institutions of the mother country, 2901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1205 we (the French) have shown no greater regard than that of transferring to our colonial possessions the whole administrative and judiciary machinery of the mother country, without asking ourselves whether the natives for whose benefit we profess to work would not find in this machinery siniply tools of oppression and exploitation. Not to mention the old colonies, where a new race formed by a mixture of black and white required political, administrative, and judicial institutions better adapted than ours to their special character, we have introduced in colonies such as Cochin China and Senégal, where the native population is altogether distinct from the European race by custom, religion, ete., an organization which seems to have been constructed in such a way as to crush and triturate the native so as to reduce him to a pasty mass fitting the taste of the Europeans. What elsc are the colonial councils of Senégal and Cochin China with the preponderance in them of European members and their considerable power as regards the assessment of fiscal charges and expenditures but an organization for the exploitation of the natives? What else are the introduction of our codes, our administration, our lawyers and our men of affairs but another means of turning over the natives to the exploitation of Europeans? I )elieve that to make these colonies prosperous and to acquire the sympathy and confidence of the people we ought to strive to protect them against the proclivities on the part of Europeans of exploiting then. Our laws and codes ought to be introduced ag little as possible and each colony ought to have the right to adopt for itself a system of legislation adapted to the particular nevessities of the country and the habits of the natives. If the people of the colonies are yet in a state of more or less distinct barbarism, the colonizing nation is obliged to take in its hands the direction of its administrative affairs, but in doing so should niake as much use as possible of the chiefs and the heads of the more important families, in order to show its intention of not breaking with the local customs. But it should treat the customs, habits, religion, and even prejudices of the natives in such manner as to earn sympathies which might be utilized in order to introduce gradually progress and civilization. * * * The direction of affairs in the colony should never be intrusted to the military authorities, as by its education, personal interests, and surroundings the army is irresistibly led to the abusive use of force. LUCAS, Commenting upon French colonial history and policy, Mr. Lucas says, in his introduction to the Historical Geography of Colonies: ‘‘The French have in many respects always been eminently suited for colonizing. They have never been found wanting in enterprise, in fighting qualities, or power of adapting themselves to new peoples and new countric2. Their leaders showed a definite policy in dealing with the native races; they treated them with humanity and consideration; they organized them and gave them cohesion; they formed alliances and counter alliances, and carried the spirit of European politics into Asia and Amcrica. Their first connection with the New World was that of traders pure and simple. They went out not to conquer or to look for gold, but to follow up the fisheries of Newfoundland and the fur trade of Canada. Starting with commercial objects they steadily settled in Canada, took their way up the St. Lawrence and down the Ohio to join the settlement which La Salle placed at the mouth of the Mississippi. And, when finally conquered, they left the present Province of Quebec to be at all times an evidence of solid French civilization. Again, inthe West Indian Islands the colonies were the result of individual enterprise, of the efforts of adventurers and buccaneers who played for their own hand, attacked the monopoly of the Spanish Main, and succeeded to such an extent that Santo Domingo, one of the points at which they established themselves, was prior to the French Revolution the most thriving of all the islands. What, then, were the failings of the government which in the end more than counterbalanced the aptitude of the people for colonization? * * * The errors which proved fatal were not commercial, but partly political and partly religious. Politically they made two mistakes—in the first place, they tried to do too mnvh; in the second place, they wanted a settled and continuous and a reliable policy. Professor Seeley thought France had too many irons in the fire; that ‘she lost the New World because she was always divided between a policy of colonial extension and a policy of European conquest.’ Professor Freeman shows also that while France conquered her neighbors on the Continent, she lost her dependencies abroad. It need hardly be added that the game fault of taking up too much at once has been conspicuous in French foreign policy in late vears. The French Government also perpetually interfered with its chartered companies, instead of giving them a steady, consistent support. There were no fewer than six distinct East India companies, the first incorporated in 1604, the sixth in 1719. * * * Court favorites were appointed to high commands, corruption and peculation were rife among the subordinate officers, and even where there were capable men at the head of affairs, ruinous dissensions and jealousies sprang up and were fostered. The attitude in the matter of religion was even more fatal to the strength and permanence of the French colonial empire. * * * The judgment of history is that France lost Canada through the policy of religious exclusiveness which her rulers pursued. * * * In spite, however, of the loss of her dependencies in the last century, the French at the present day fill a very different position among colonizing nations from that of the Spaniards or Portuguese. France is still a power, and a forward power in all parts of the globe, conquering rather than settling, and still, ag of old, interfering in too many places at once.”” MORRIS. Commenting upon the earlier failures and more recent successes of France as a colonizing power, Morris, in his History of Colonization, published in 1900, says: ‘‘Tbhe reasons why France was uot able to retain her colonial power are so self-evident as not to require exemplification. The love of territorial conquest is everywhere the destruction of French rule. The aims of the representatives of French sovereignty were the exclusive control of the best regions of North America and the expulsion of England and Holland utterly and entirely from India and the Indian Ocean. The hope to consummate the Herculean task was as preposterous as it was unessential. Had the nation been willing to hold a few places, seriously to colonize and strongly to fortify them, the nucleus would have been formed for future healthy and vigorous development; but such a modest policy did not satisfy the visions of glorious achievement dreamed by France and her governors. The attenuated distribution of navy and army in distant parts of the world, thus imposed, in connection with the necessity of constant vigilance at home, swiftly enfeebled national resources. * * * The one practical lesson to be drawn from the experience of France in this early period is that a colonial system can not be artificially created by the State. It must bea spontaneous manifestation of a popular desire. Mere territorial aggrandizcment does not imply strength. In peopling and cultivating remote lands the prime element is the participation of the masses; adventurous lives, glorious deeds, large capital, nominal control, and titular sovereignty over millions of savages or untutored aborigines are not the essential mainstays. Rapid conquests do not imply enduring power. Slower, more plodding, but more prudent and more assiduous methods are required to insure success.’’ No. 4——3 1206 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. Ouse Commenting upon the later French colonial history, Mr. Morris says: ‘‘The verdict on French (colonial) enterprises is not yet written. French rule over foreign lands may well be said to be for the most part in the transitory stage. * * * To have effected these results since 1830, in view of the few dilapidated fragments of the former colonial domain then recently recovered, is certainly a work of which the French people may be proud. While these achievements are not yet by any means final, the foundation is well laid for the subsequent erection of the superstructure. * * * Whatever be the opinion of the details of French rule, it must be conceded that the doctrines of to-day constitute a decided improvement over the theories of the old system. * * * It must be with deep regret. that French statesmen of this age reflect upon the disasters of the past. Liberty and exemption from paternalism are the crying needs of French colonization. Let France have the courage to remodel the administration of her colonies, to liberate them from red tape officialism, and to give them their local independence. With these essential reforms, drawing in their wake so many minor ameliorations, permanent prosperity will be assured.”’ DTIGELOW. Poultney Bigelow, in his ‘“‘Children of the Nations,’’ 1901, says: ‘Since the Franco-German war the French nation kas sought consolation in colonial expansion, and the French flag now flies over an immense area of northern and tropical Africa, Tonquin, and parts of Polynesia. France now, as in the days of Champlain, shows no lack of venturesome spirits, and the annals of modern exploration contain few names more glorious than that of Colonel Monteil. But, though France in her colonies shows to-day greater liberality than in the time of Louis XIV, she yet reflects the failings of the mother country to an extent which depresses her own most serious writers on the subject. * * * “Next door to French Guiana was British Guiana, flourishing under a healthy representative administration, while Cayenne pined away under the suffocating influence of too much officialism. The excellent roads which the French have built in northern Africa, and, above all, the vast sums expended on railway construction and military effectiveness, prove that France is thoroughly in earnest from an administrative point of view. The general commanding the division of Oran told me that he regarded the railway as the main civilizing instrument of France; that we must have patience and faith in the future; that savage tribes who now prowled on the flanks of caravan columns would ultimately give up nomadic life and till the soil, when the locomotive should have demonstrated that brigandage was no longer profitable or even possible. “The French nation has shown itself strangely susceptible to far-reaching projects and ideals far removed from mere gain. It develops vast military energy and popular enthusiasm in acquiring colonies which produce no revenue, but flatter the rising generation, who think that the size of a country is the measure of its importance. The French are proverbially reluctant to leave their country, even as tourists. Yet in no other country does the public mind occupy itself so much with the military and official side of colonization. The Frenchman, impatient of military routine at home, has but to plunge into the African wilderness and plant the flag of his country in some lonely place to be immediately recognized by the press as a notable person. Should it happen that the flag was inadvertently stuck into soil already occupied by England, and should his action be resented in London, he returns not merely a hero, but something of a martyr as well. On his way to Paris deputations from the various towns greet him with wreath and brass bands. The press finds in his glorious failure a text from which to preach upon the greed of ‘perfidious Albion,’ and thus new fuel is added to the popular fires of colonial zeal. “Northern Africa is dear to the Frenchman, for it represents the soil on which his armies have fought from the Pyramids to the Pillars of Hercules. He has done much for Egypt. Notably was it a Frenchman who built the Suez Canal in 1869; but it was English shipping which made it profitable, and it was ultimately England to whom Egypt owed the capture of Khartoum and the good admin- istration throughout the valleys of the Nile. “Algiers is but a few hours’ sail from the south of France, and Tunis not much farther. Here is the field in which we might look for a prosperous French peasantry under climatic conditions but slightly different from those prevailing in Provence or Gascony. Yet to-day it is not the Frenchman, but the Italian and the Spaniard, who furnish the language of the white man for this part of the world. There are French cafes in the towns, and the little round tables are occupied by French officials; French uniforms are on all sides, and the French flag waves over the Government buildings. That flag is a blessing to the country, so far as it means good roads, efficient police, courts of justice, harbor works, and other necessary expenditure. But from a colonial point of view, Spain and Italy are the countries directly benefited rather than France. * * * “France is doing a great work in the civilization of the world, notably among inferior races. Her missionaries are more successful than ours; and, whether in the backwoods of Canada, among the negroes of the West Indies, or in the Far East, the Frenchman has to a remarkable degree shown a capacity to live the life of the subject race and acquire personal ascendency over him. “The history of the French in India has been frequently noted by English historians as a notable instance of failure on the eve of a great triumph, for at one time France, with a handful of clever negotiators and enterprising soldiers, had apparently mastered the land of the Great Mogul. Yet the French administration in India crumbled to pieces under the quick strokes of a handful of Englishmen with the same startling completeness which characterized her loss of Canada at about the same time (1759). And the reasons were roughly analogous—persisting to this day. The Frenchnian is a brave soldier, and his fellow-citizens have a passion for detailed admin- istration. ‘They conquer and they govern, but they do not colonize. When they govern, they govern too much. They are suspicious of native initiative and distrustiul of colonial self-government. “Tt does, indeed, seem as though history rejoiced in paradoxes, which we have to note, that the Scandinavians, the Germans, and the Italian people, without colonies worth mentioning, send forth annually a powerful stream of humanity to enrich other countries, and that France, with her vast colonial possessions, should show herself capable of producing nearly everything but colonies.” IRELAND. Regarding the methods in the French colonies, Mr. Alleyne Ireland, an Englishman who resided many years in the British colonies, but who is at present a resident of the United States, says in his Tropical Colonization, 1899: ‘In regard to their forms of government, the French tropical colonies may be divided into two classes—those in which the government is carried out to some extent by the passage of laws, and those in which all matters are settled by the simple decree of the 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1207 governor. To the first class belong Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Réunion; to the second class all the other French tropical colonies. In the first class of colonies the principal subjects to which the passage of laws is applicable are the exercise of political rights, the regulation of contracts, matters relating to wills, legacies, and succession, the institution of juries, criminal procedure, recruiting for naval and military forces, the method of electing mayors, municipal deputies, and councilors, and the organization of the local councils- general. In regard to all other matters of importance all the French tropical colonies are on the same basis of legislation—that is, government by decrees issued by the governor or the minister of the colonies. ‘The governor of a French colony has very wide powers. He is commander of the local land forces and of such vessels of war as may be attached to his station, as well as of the local militia. He can, of his own authority, declare his colony in a state of siege, and has at all times the power to appoint courts-martial for the trial of military offenders. In his administrative capacity he has absolute authority to regulate nearly all the internal affairs of his colony; and he is above the law, for he can not be brought before the local courts for any cause whatever. : «The governor is to some extent guided by the advice of two bodies—the privy council, which is a nominated body consisting of official and unofficial members, and the general council, which is made up of councilors elected by the votes of all male persons over 25 years of age who have resided for more than one year in the colony. Generally speaking, these bodies merely advise, but in regard to a few matters, such as the fixing of the tariff, the regulation of transfers of property and mortgages, the governor is bound to follow the advice thes given him. Such, in brief, is the constitution of the French tropical colonies; but in addition to the privy council and the general council, some of the colonies have local councils and conseils d’arrondissements. The exact delimitation of the functions of these various bodies would involve an amount of detail which would be out of place in a volume intended merely as an introduction to the study of tropical colonization. ‘The principal officers under the governor in the French colonies with which I am dealing are the director of the interior, the military commandant, the chief of the health department, the permanent inspector of finances, the attorney-general, and the judges of the superior courts. It is to be noted that Martinique, Guadeloupe, and some of the other colonies which I have named send represen- tatives to the French assembly, usually one senator and two deputies; but it is difficult to see that the colonies derive any advantage from this arrangement. “The system which I have just described would seem to imply a very rigid government control over the French colonies; but my observation leads me to suppose that, although such control does undoubtedly exist in some of the French colonies, notably in Madagascar and Indo-China, in others, owing to the weakness of French officials and the fear inspired by the aggressive attitude of the natives, the ignorant masses are practically in control. In this view I am supported by no less authority than Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, the eminent French economist. In his work, ‘De la Colonisation chez les Peuples Modernes,’ he gays, ‘As regards politics, we have introduced French liberty into our colonies; we give them civil governors; we admit their representatives into our Parliament. * * * All these reforms are excellent in themselves. It is unfortunately to be feared that they will, in practice, result in abuses, and that unless the mother country is very watchful those free powers which she has granted to her colonies will become powers of oppression.’ ”? NETHERLANDS. The colonial history of Netherlands, like that of France, may be considered in two distinct periods: The earlier, characterized by the acquisition of large areas (in many cases with but doubtful success), followed by losses of a considerable portion of its scattered territories; and in the later period application to a development of its island possessions in the Orient, especially Java and Sumatra, in which, particularly the former, it has been remarkably successful from a financial standpoint, and in more recent years through the internal development of the island and improvement in the condition of the natives. LUCAS, “The rise of the Netherlands as a colonizing nation,’’ says Lucas in his introduction to the Historical Geography of the Colonies, ‘¢dates from the beginning of the seventeenth century. By 1661 they had practically driven their Portuguese rivals out of the Indian seas, taken Mauritius and St. Helena, planted a colony at the Cape, established factories on the shores of the Persian Gulf, in the Persian capital of Ispahan, along the Malabar and Coromandel coasts of India, in Bengal, Burmah, and Cochin-China; had expelled the Portuguese from Ceylon, Malacca, and Formosa, and killed their trade with China and Japan. They had become all-powerful in the East Indian Islands, the possession of which, with their rich trade, was the earliest, as it was always the main object of all Dutch efforts, and as far back as 1619 they had founded in Java the great city of Batavia. They had explored, too, while they traded and conquered, and made known to the world Australia, Tasmania, and New Zealand. * * * The keynote of Dutch colonization was trade. Their dealings with the peoples of the East were the dealings of merchants, not of warriors or conquerors; they guided their policy for good and ill by the interest of their commercial monopoly, and, while staunch supporters of the reformed religion, subordinated religion itself to trade. The monopolies of the Latin peoples were, as we have seen, almost entirely Crown monopolies; the Dutch, on the other hand, committed their trade wholly to chartered companies. In the dealings of these companies commercial exclusiveness was carried to the last extreme. The trade of the Spice Islands especially was most jealously and unscrupulously protected from foreign interference. The system was at once ungenerous, oppressive, and unsound, but it had the merit of concentrating ‘the private strength and wealth of the mercantile community ’—a species of concentration which was necessary while Holland was fighting her way upamong nations. * * * Enterprising as the Dutch were, they remained little more than traders from first to last. They never emigrated in great numbers. The two parts of the world where they settled and colonized, the Cape and North America, passed into English hands. Nor were they a governing race in the true sense; they governed almost solely with the view of making a direct profit for the mother country. * * * Among the causes of the success of the Dutch colonization in the past, writers have noticed their strict attention to business, a dogged maintenance of their commercial monopolies, the rigid supervision kept over their subordinate officers, and the combination in the case of the latter of regular payment and systematic promotion with absolute prohibition of private trading. * * * No people ever had so definite an aim in foreign and colonial policy as the Dutch, and none ever realized their aim more completely. From the first their one object was to secure the trade of the Spice Islands. They tried to avoid collison with other powers. They did not want to conquer; 1208 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. foasuua: they did not want to acquire territory. They wanted only to trade. And when in 1824, after the Napoleonic wars, Holland, having become a political cipher in Europe, and having lost Ceylon and the Cape, gained, by treaty with England, recognition of her possessions in the East Indian archipelago, the object with which she became a colonial power was finally attained,” viz, the permanent control of her present possessions in the East Indies, Java, and Sumatra. LECLERCQ. M. Jules Leelercq, in a valuable work issued in 1898, Un Séjour dans l’ile de Java, says: ‘The traveler returning from Java is likely to be asked by the Dutch by what he was most impressed in their splendid colony, and he is tempted to answer that the most striking feature is to see that they are there at all. This simple people, whose country is but a dot on the map of the world, has ruled for the last three centuries, with admirable tenacity, this vast colonial empire of the Indian archipelago, which contains 35,000,000 inhabitants, comprising islands as great as France, and which are the remnants of the former immense empire which the Dutch possessed in the East Indies, and which formerly extended to the Bengal and even to the Cape of Good Hope. * * * How have the Dutch maintained themselves in the archipelago? How have 30,000 Europeans peaceably governed 35,000,000 Maylay Javanese? This is the most wonderful fact in Java, and it is the most interesting to examine. Holland has no autonomous colonies as England has; such as have a responsible government and parliament. The Dutch colonies have no independent existence whatsoever. They are subject to the control of the mother country, and the King’s representative exercises there almost absolute power. Before the Dutch constitation of 1848 the King had the right of exelusive administration of the colonial possessions. At present the law requires a budget of the colonies of their most important affairs. The administration ef the colonial possessions is exercised in the King’s name by the minister of colonies, and a detailed annual report is presented to the States General on the situation in the colonies. The government in the Indies is vested in one man, the governor-general, a functionary of the King, and responsible to him for the proper discharge of his office. He is the commander of the land and sea forces of the Dutch Indies. He exercises supreme control over the different branches of the general administration. He issues ordinances on all matters not regulated by royal decree, declares war, makes peace, and concludes treaties with the native princes, and appoints civil and military employees. One of his most important duties is the protection of the natives. He watches that no cession of land violates their rights, and issues rules and regulations relating to the Government cultures; fixes the kind and extent of the forced labor, and sees to the proper execution of all ordinances pertaining to this matter. He has the power of disciplining all foreigners who disturb the public order. To be sure, by his side, or rather under him, there is an Indian council meeting under his chairmanship, and constituted of a vice-president and four members, but this is merely a consultative body whese opinion he takes, however, without being bound to followit. * * * At the head of the civil administration are five officials who hold the modest title of directors and are subject to the order and supreme control of the governor, who is, in the empire of the Indies, almost the King himself in the absolute sense of the term. The machinery of the local administration reveals the ingenious skill by which a very small number of functionaries rule the densest population of the world. The island is divided into 22 provinces, at the head of which are European officials who are as powerful in their provinces as the governor-general in the colony at large, * * * and who are aided by assistants, who in turn have their subordinates in the persons of the controllers, who see to the proper observation of the regulations relating to the natives, visiting periodically in the villages of their districts, listening to complaints, overseeing the plantations, and forming the link which connects the native administration to the European administration. * * * The mechanism of government consists partly in concealirg the true motors of the machine under the network of pure display by leaving to the native princes the illusion of power and veiling the action of the European rulers. Each ‘residency,’ or political division, governed by a resident or governor, comprises one or more residencies, and alongside of each resident, or European governor, there are one or more regents; and while the resident is always a European, the regent, on the other hand, is always a native functionary belonging to the highest families of the country and frequently of princely birth. The natives are subject to the regent, their natural chief, and the resident or European governor of the section, although the real holder of power, does nothing except through the medium of the regent.” The method by which production was controlled and developed in Java and made of great profit to the Government differed from that practised in the other colonies of the world. Through the machinery above described, by which absolute control of the natives was obtained through cooperation with the native chiefs, the Dutch Government in the island of Java was able to dictate what articles should be produced from the goil and in what proportion, and thus what has been known as the ‘‘culture system’’ of Java was established by which each eccupant of the land, all of which was held to be practically the property of the Government, was required to plant a certain proportion in coffee, sugar, or such other articles as the officials might direct, and to sell it at a fixed price to the Government, which in turn resold it in the markets of the world at a large profit. BOYS. “Under the culture system,” says Henry Scott Boys, formerly an officer of the British Government in India, who visited Java in 1899, ‘‘the Government of Java may be said to have become farmers on a gigantic scale. Recognizing the fact that the soil of Java was eminently suited to the growth of certain valuable products, such as sugar, tea, coffee, tobacco, cinnamon, pepper, indigo, and cochineal, and that the native, left to himself, would never exert himself to raise these crops, the Government determined, in its capacity as owner of the land, to declare that in the villages selected as suitable at least one-fifth of the area should be sown with the crop prepribed. If the crop was one such as sugar, requiring manufacture on the spot. a director was placed in the village or group of villages, ts whom the villagers were bound to deliver all the raw product as cut, receiving a fixed price for the same. The director, who had received large advances from the Government to enable him to set up the necessary machinery, on his part was bound to deliver a certain quantity of the manufactured article to the Government at a fixed price. The result has been enormous profit to the Government, very considerable gain to the director, and, the advocates of the system say, of great pecuniary advantages to the villagers. Under this scheme, initiated in 1832, the revenue was raised in twenty-five years from £2,000,000 to £9,500,000 annually. Imports jumped from £2,000,000 to £5,000,000, and exports from £2,000,000 to £8,500,000, and population rose during the same period from 6,000,000 to 12,000,000.” MONEY. The culture system, under the criticism in the closing part of the nineteenth century, has gradually disappeared. Probably the most elaborate discussion of the Dutch political system in Java which has been published is that of J. W. V. Money, a former British official in India, entitled, Java; or How to Manage a Colony, issued in 1861, in which he summarizes the results of the culture system 1901.} COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1209 as follows: ‘‘ The revenue raised from 24,000,000 florins to 115,000,000 florins; instead of the former yearly deficit, a yearly net -urplus of upwards of 45,000,000 florins; the unproductive expenditure for the administration of the country raised from £2,000,000 to £3,000,000; the reproductive expenditure on public works and in developing the resources of the country raised from a mere trifle to over £2,000,000 annually; the imports raised from a yearly average of about one and two-thirds millions to over £5,000,000; the exports raised from a yearly average of about £2,000,000 to over £8,000,000; crime and litigation so diminished that the judicial sittings of the local courts were reduced to an average of about thirty days in the year; the population raised from about 6,000,000 in poverty, paying a revenue of about £2,000,000, to 11,000,000 of the richest peasantry in the East, paying a revenue of £9,000,000, or 16d. and 6s. per head.” IRELAND. Ireland, in his work, Tropical Colonization, says of the Dutch methods in Java: ‘The general principles of the culture system were these: All land belonged to the Government and was given out for cultivation on the condition that of all produce four-fifteenths should be paid to the Government. A class of Europeans known as contractors were encouraged by the Government, by means of loans, to build factories and storehouses for the gathering and handling of the crops, chiefly sugar, coffee, and spices. Behind this system lay the corvee, or liability of the country to render a certain amount of free service to the Government in each year (for construction of roads, harbor works, etc.). The amount of such service varied between fifty and seventy-five days a year. By utilizing this forced labor the Dutch covered the island with public roads. The effects of the system were most striking, a remarkable increase taking place in the production, revenue, and imports of the island and a corresponding improvement in the material condition of the peasantry. From 1871 onward the rigor of the system was relaxed, and in recent years taxes have been substituted for the corvee and the land has been thrown open to private enterprise. During the past five years the island, which formerly yielded a handsome annual profit to Holland, has had to face a yearly deficit averaging about $5,000,900. (This is due in part, at least, to the Achinese war.) The condition of the agricultural classes of Java compares very favorably with that of the same classes in India, and this has been attributed by writers to the fact that under the Dutch system there exist no landlords and middlemen to send up the rental of land.” MORRIS. Morris, commenting upon the record of the Dutch in Java in his History of Colonization, recounts the early experiences under the Dutch East India Company and those of the nineteenth century, in which the island was developed through the revenues produced by the culture system and the later abandonment of that system, but continuation of the interval development of the island, and suys: ‘‘The situation of the Dutch during these two intervals immediately suggests the question, which is the true doctrine: To secure financial success at the sacrifice of colonial welfare and private interests, or to promote by every feasible means the progress of the colony and its inhabitants even at the expense of the metropolis? There is no doubt of the correct answer, for under the latter policy the indirect benefits readily compensate the losses sustained. The English have always found it the genuine system, and the recent experience of the Dutch, although costly by reason of their procrastination in its adoption, confirms the fact. After they shall have achieved the public works commenced by them and which should have been sooner undertaken, but must now, because of their postponement, be the more quickly accomplished, their dominions will undoubtedly become self-supporting. This condition forms the happy medium of prosperity for the dependency and satisfaction for the nation; it is the normal status. The history of Java in this century forcibly recalls that of Cuba, but affords this striking contrast—the Dutch began their reforms of their own free will and not too late to save their sovereignty. Under their present rule and future prospects Java and other posgessions of the East will probably long remain attached to Holland. * * * It is remarkable how Holland has not merely preserved but extended its dominions. Without them it would be an insignificant, feeble member in the family of Europe. With them its power is much more substantial and far-reaching than many of the larger empires. * * * The Dutch, by their exercise of pradence, judgment, and enlightenment during the past few years, have admirably molded their policy to meet conditions prevailing in the countries over which they rule. By their moderation they have been able to maintain their sovereignty, while by their sagacity they have in many respects improved their position. After two centuries of monopoly, as injurious to their real interests as it was contrary to justice, they have abandoned it; at least, the errors of their former methods are manifest. Private capital and personal energy are now allowed full play. Not a single company, but rather the entire nation has a part of its wealth. Even at the sacrifice of profits abuses in the colony have been corrected and reforms introduced. The natives are not any longer being simply taught to till the soil, but are gradually being more and more brought under the protection of genuine civilization. Education is being developed, and even religion is receiving some individual attention. A spirit of philanthropy is supplementing exclusively mercantile aims.” BAXTER. Mr. Sylvester Baxter, in the Yale Revicw, discussing the experience of the Dutch in Java, says: ‘‘This example of Dutch success in the management of colonies is not put forward with any idea that it is anything to be copied by ourselves. If we are to sueaeed, it must not be by imitating what some other nation has done, but by judiciously adapting our methods to the circumstances, just as the Dutch have done. Quite different systems will probably be demanded in the East and West Indies, respectively, and again in Hawaii. In Porto Rico and the Philippines we have to deal with peoples where European power has been in control for three or four centuries, while in Hawaii American influences have long been prominent. In the Philippine Islands we have to do chiefly with the Malay population, naturally docile, and in the West Indies the problem is made more difficult by the large negro element, notoriously turbulent, unruly, and ignorant. The Dutch themselves have failed with the West Indian negro where they have succeeded with the East Indian Malay.’’ AN OFFICIAL CRITICISM. The culture system, although very profitable to the Government, and although under it Javan population increased and the interior of the island was developed, was the subject of severe criticism upon the ground that it was an injustice to the native, both in dictating what he should produce and the methods by which he should dispose of his product, methods which were so adjusted as to become extremely profitable to the Government creating and enforcing the system. It was vigorously attacked in 1868 by a former officer of the Dutch Government, who had spent seventeen years in official life in Java. In a powerful novel, which has been referred to as the “Uncle Tom’s Cabin of Java,’’ he pointed out certain features of its injustice to the natives. In that discussion he says: 1210 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, ‘The native is by nature a husbandman. The cultivation of rice is in Java what the vintage is in the Rhine provinces and in the south of France. But there came foreigners from the West, who made themselves masters of the country. They wished to profit by the fertility of the soil, and ordered the native to devote a part of his time and labor to the cultivation of those things which should produce higher prices in the markets of Europe. To persuade the lower orders to do so, they had only to follow a very simple policy. The Javan obeys his chief; to win the chiefs it was only necessary to give them a part of the gains and success was complete. To be convinced of the success of that policy, we need only consider the immense quantity of J avanese products sold in Holland; and we shall also be convinced of its injustice, for if anybody should ask if the husbandman gets a reward in proportion to that quantity, then I must give a negative answer. The Government compels him to cultivate certain products upon his ground; it punishes him if he sells to any purchaser but itself and fixes the price actually paid. The expenses of transport to Europe through a privileged trading company are high, the moneys paid to the chiefs for their encouragement increases the prime cost, and because the entire trade must create profit, that profit can not be got in any other way than by paying the Javan just enough to keep him from starving.” UNITED KINGDOM. That the United Knigdom has been more successful in the management of noncontiguous territory than any other nation will prob- ably be conceded by all, and this fact may justify a more extended review of the discussions as to the causes of this success. LUCAS. ® Mr. C. P. Lucas, as already explained, has been for many years an officer of the British colonial office and is now an Assistant Under Secretary, and presumably presents in concrete form the view of those directly connected with the colonial work of Great Britain. In his work on the geography of the British colonies he says: “The great success of the English in planting colonies and retaining them must be mainly attributed to the character of the country and the race. Great Britain stands alone in Europe in being an island power. The insular position has made the English a race of sailors, has given the country a temperate climate, has kept the people from being perpetually entangled, like their French neighbors, in foreign troubles. In the early days of migration England was not left to herself, and many streams from many lands combined to give her a mixed population. The English-speaking breed is one composed of various elements—English, Saxons, Jutes, Danes, Northmen, Flem- ings, while the Welsh, Irish, Manx, and Northern Scotch are offshoots of the Celtic stock. Difference of race, too, has been accompanied by varieties of religion. These diversities of geography, of breed, and religious thought give some clew to the history of the English asa colonizing nation. The sea bade them colonize, and as colonization takes men into various parts of the earth, it seems to follow that the inhabitants of a country which is a miniature world in itself will be more successful colonizers than those whose land and breed and thought are all of one uniform type. * * * There have been nearly three centuries during which the English have been engaged in colonizing, and a study of the manner in avhich the possessions have been acquired will show that each century of colonization has a distinct character of itsown. * * * The leading characteristics of English colonial enterprise during the seventeenth century were that it took the form of settlement rather than conquest, that it was little interfered with or protected by the State, and found its sphere of action chiefly in the west. With the eighteenth century English colonization entered on a new and widely different phase. This second period, reaching down to 1814, comprises the years during which Great Britain became an imperial power. Its dependencies were then won chiefly at the point of the sword, and the men to whom they were due were statesmen and soldiers, not explorers or merchants. During the present century colonization has taken on the form of expansion of existing settlements or the absorption of coterminous land, an absorption which in Canada and Australia has been a more or less peaceful process, but which in India and South Africa has been accomplished by constant wars.” : Commenting further upon colonial development, especially in the last century, Mr. Lucas says, in his introduction to Lewis’s Government of Dependencies, when that valuable work was republished in 1891: “The dependencies of any country which has the good or bad fortune to own dependencies fall into two great classes: Dependencies which it rules, and dependencies which it also settles; lands where the climate forbids European settlement or which are sufficiently peopled already by colored races, * * * andnew homes for emigrants from an old country where population is wanted, where the soil and climate bid the incomers to be fruitful and multiply—colonies in the true sense of the word. Before 1841 the places where Europeans can live and thrive had been already annexed, and the chief acquisitions made by Great Britain during the past fifty years have been almost entirely dependencies in tropical lands of Asia, Africa, and the Pacific. What were the causes which have been so fruitful in enlarging the number and size of the British dependencies? In the first place, the same spirit of energetic restlessness which made the English: a colonizing race was certain sooner or later to find new openings. In the second place, wherever a civilized nation is side by side with uncivilized races—wherever an organized system borders on disorganization—there is sure to be-direct or indirect annexation, whether it be by Russians in Central Asia or by English in India, Burma, and the Malay Indies. But there are above these tendencies three special causes which have operated for expansion mainly in the last twenty years. * * * Looking at the late partition of Africa, or at the parallel case of New Guinea, it is obvious that Great Britain has moved on mainly because Germany has moyed on. Among nations, as among men, competition is the law of life, and as in Asia and America Great Britain competed with the Netherlands and France, so in Africa and the Pacific lately she has found a new competitor in Germany, and has literally extended herself in consequence. The second of the three special causes of the late enlargement of the British Empire is to be found in the fact that in the Empire, to an extent for which there is no parallel in history, an old country is linked to young countries—to self-governing colonies which wish to move faster than their mother, and which do not feel the ties and restraints imposed upon a leading European nation. The third and last special cause or feature of the new foreign policy is the regeneration of the system of chartered companies. It is at once cause and effect. It is an effect of a fresh outburst of colonial enterprise, and it is a cause of moving further along the path of annexation by giving to that enterprise cohesion, organization, and a definite plan. The age of great chartered companies seemed wholly gone. They had played a great part in history, and having played their part had become gradually absorbed by their respective governments. Yet in these last days, as if to emphasize the fact that a new era of annexation has dawned, the trade and administration of great territories is being once more taken in hand by companies of merchants. In Borneo the British North Borneo Company rules 31,000 square miles, and their governor administers, under the colonial office, the little colony of Labuan. In Africa the Niger Company, the South Africa and the Fast Africa companies have extensive power over extensive districts. Why has the day of these chartered 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. Pet companies come again? The answer will be found in actual or threatened competition in lands unoccupied by Europeans. In the general scramble for the remaining waste places in the world the English, true to their instincts and their traditions, have fallen back upon the semiprivate agencies which on the whole worked so well for them in the past, and it now seems as though the old story of the Kast India Company was, in a modified form and on a smaller scale, to be reenacted in more than one part of the world. By those who believe that Great Britain should keep, moving forward in the interests of the world in general as much as in her own, the revival of chartered companies will be taken asa healthy sign. It is one of the best features of the English that they like, if possible, to keep the Government in the background and not to have their work cut and dried beforehand. Let colony shade into protectorate and protectorate into sphere of influence, and, as skirmishers in front of the main body of organized British possessions, let trading companies go on and do their work, to be absorbed hereafter in the fullness of time.” MORRIS. Morris, in his History of Colonization, discussing the causes of England’s success, says: ‘Englishmen to-day, as throughout the greater part of the nineteenth century, represent the best type in the elaboration and application of methods of colonization. Most of the efforts heretofore made of sound enduring colonial empires have proved futile, and in the majority of instances, when misfortune overwhelmed others in their careers, England was the gainer. To this extent the history of her development beyond the seas is the complement of the annals of her rivals; the loses as sustained by other nations were frequently to her profit. On the ruins of others’ splendor England has builded. Taught by their errors and cautioned by their reverses, the present mistress of commerce has endeavored to avoid the mistakes and correct the wrongs of her predecessors in this line of labor. The watchword of her policy has been;_Construct, organize, never exhaust, but rather strengthen the dependency, let it cost the mother country what it may. How different from the doctrine of Spain, which has elsewhere been characterized as the profit of the parent State at all hazards, whatever be the cost to the colony. * * * It is not, however, merely a narrative of conquest which has been reviewed, since the struggle throughout the colonial fabrie for escape from oppression is everywhere evident. The colonists so widely dispersed in far-separated quarters of the globe, seconded by the efforts of sympathetic Englishmen, have by different means and at various times within the nineteenth century attained independence and self-government, exemption from penal settlements, the abolition of slavery, and the overthrow of corporate tyranny. These four great reforms, respectively inaugurated in Canada, Australia, the West Indies and East India, have thence diffused their beneficent influence to other localities, and their mention alone suffices to recall the rapid evolution, political and social, achieved during a hundred years.” SIR CHARLES DILKE. Sir Charles Dilke, in his Problems of Greater Britain, discusses English colonial methods of to-day as follows: ‘‘ Among the English-governed countries there are, then, twogreat groups. To theone belong Canada, Australia, except its northern coast, New Zealand, Cape Colony, and Bechuanaland; to the other India, a large part of the British African coast, the northern territory of Australia, as well as Ceylon, Mauritius, Labuan, and North Borneo, British Guiana, British Honduras, the West India and other islands, and the territories under the control of the Niger Company, and of the East Africa Company. The former group are the temperate colonies, where, even as near to the equator as Queensland, the English race can labor in the open air, and where the native races consisted mainly of peoples like the red Indian or the Australian aboriginal, of small numbers, who lived by the chase and made little or no use of the soil. In the other group, of which India is the great example, the English find themselves ruling nations and races that they can not hope to replace. We may indeed try to change them in the islands or the small peninsulas; to substitute one black or yellow people for another, as the negroes have been substituted for the Caribs in the West India Islands, and as Hindoos are being in turn substituted for negroes as laborers in some of these, or as the Chinese in parts of British Malaya have taken as workers the place of the Malays; but we can not do without the colored man, nor conyeniently till the soil. Most of these countries of dark- skinned labor which are under British rule are Crown colonies (except India, of which we have already treated, and which is indeed in a similar position), and most of the Crown colonies consist of countries of this description. There are a few military stations and a few trading posts, some of which lie outside the Tropics where Englishmen could work if the local resources were sufficient to attract them, but in the main the Crown colonies and the habitation colonies form two separate classes. In some parts of India, as, for example, in the tea districts of Assam and the coffee districts of Madras, we encourage English and Scotch planters, but in the old settled districts of Hindoostan the native landlords will continue to exist, and the social problems there presented ‘to us are different from those of our Crown colonies or of the tropical colonies of France, Holland, Spain, Portugal, and the German Empire. The advance made during the Queen’s reign by the self-governing colonies of the Empire has been so remarkable in regard alike to the growth of population, the development of resources, and intellectual and social progress that the Crown colonies, on which in former days was concentrated most of the interest that was felt in British enterprises beyond the seas, haye been thrown by comparison into the background. “The colonies and dependencies of which I haye now to treat do not at first sight seem to illustrate the expansive power of our race to the same extent as do Australasia, North America, or South Africa. The old tropical colonies, as, for example, thoze of the West Indies, appear to the eyes of some observers to have exhausted their vitality and entered upon a period of decline. There are, however, new fields open to British energy in tropical Africa which present us with an early view of the colonial problems of the twentieth century, for the development of Africa by railroad enterprise must be the work mainly of the next generation. As regards the older tropical colonies, it would be unfair to apply to them the same standard by which we measure the growth of the self-governing colonies. With the exception of those military or naval stations to which I have referred, the Crown colonies are either situate in low ground within the Tropics or, like Cyprus, Bermuda, and the extra tropical portion of Bahamas, possess a eimilar climate. They are unsuited to European labor and in some degree to permanent Muropean residence, inasmuch as upon their rich lowlands European children pine or die. Moreover, instead of having wide fields for settlement, our older tropical colonies are either small or densely inhabited by dark-skinned races. In most of them the British planters incurred in the last generation great losses in consequence of the cessation of slave labor and found much difficulty in obtaining an efficient substitute, while the consequent increase in cost of production was followed by so heavy a fall in the price of the chief among the articles which they produced as seemed to haye consummated the ruin of the colonies themselves. Observers at home naturally turned away from the contemplation of what they thought was a picture of decay to the consideration of the brighter prospects of the larger colonies, inhabited, except in the cases of South Africa and of Quebec, by a homogeneous population and having about them infinite power of development—life, hope, and promise. At the same time the Crown 1212 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozsr, colonies are important to us still, and their decay, if decay there was, is at an end. They include in or near Europe the stations of Gibraltar, Malta, and Cyprus, the chief of which will be dealt with under the head of imperial defense; in America, little besides British Guiana, British Hunduras, and the West India Islands; in Africa, the West Coast Settlements, Mauritius with its dependencies, and Natal and others which have been described under the head of South Africa; in Australasia, Fiji and British New Guinea, besides that Western Australia, to which responsible government is immediately to be given, and in Asia, Ceylon, the Straits Settlements, Labuan, and Hongkong. If even we exclude from view the British spheres of influence or as the Germans say, of ‘‘ interest’? upon the Niger, in Fast Africa, in North Borneo, and in northern Bechuanaland, as well as the protectorates, the population in Crown. colonies under direct British rule is almost equal to the population of all the rest of the colonies put together, and the volume of external trade of the Crown colonies greatly in excess of that of the other colonies if those of the Australian continent be omitted.” IRELAND, Mr. Alleyne Ireland, author of Tropical Colonization, a native of Engiand and who states in that volume that he bas spent twelve years in the British colonies and dependencies, discussing the success of the British colonial system, says in the introduction to the above-mentioned work: “In examining the growth of the British colonial conception, we find that it can he divided into three periods: Firstly, the period of the old colonial system, during which the prevailing idea in regard to colonies was that they were a national asset which should be made to yield as much profit as possible to the sovereign State; secondly, the period of laissez aller, marked by a strong senti- ment in favor of allowing the colonies to become independent, a sentiment which had its origin in the success of the American Revola- tionary war; third, the era of :reater Britain, which may be appropriately described in the words used by Mr. Joseph Chamberlain at the Royal Colonial Institute, on March 31, 1897: ‘We have now reached the tree conception of our Empire. What is that conception? As regards the celf-governing colonies, we no longer talk of them as dependencies. The sense of possession has given place to the senti- ment of kinship. We think and speak of them as part of ourselves, as part of the British Empire united to us, although they may be dispersed throughout the world, by ties of kindred, religion, history, and language, and joined to us by the seas that formerly seemed to divide us.’ Two powerful causes have contributed to the final develonment of the British colonial canception—abroad, the growth of colonial ambitions among the great continental powers; at home, a two-fold process of education, appealing on the one hand to the reagon, on the other to the emotions of the British people.” ADAM SMITH. Adam Smith, in his Wealth of Nations, commenting upon the difference between English and French methods, in the earlier days of colonization, says that the difference between the sugar plantations of England and those of France consists in the fact that in the English islands most of the funds were originally received from the parent State, while in the French possessions they were the product of the accumulated profits drawn froin the soil and due to the labor of the settlers. Hence the British possessions from the beginning made rapid strides (owing to the private capital from England invested in local industries), while the growth of French establishments was much slower. RAMBAUD. Rambaud gives the following reasons for the inferiority of the French to the English in colonization: (1) The prepcnderance of the religious factor in all French enterprises; (2) their introduction of the feudal institutions into the New World; (3) their transfer into the colonies of the same system of administration as that at home; (4) want of inducements to the peasants to emigrate. Contrasted with these it may be said in general terms that the British method has not favored interference with local religious customs, except in cases where human life or the morals of the community were affected; that it has not favored or practiced the introduction of feudal institutions in its colonies; that the adoption of the systems of administration utilized by the home Government kas only followed in cases where the community was composed chiefiy of natives of the mother country or their descendants; and that the disposition to emigrate has been much more strongly marked among the people of the United Kingdom than those of France. LORP SALISBURY. Lord Salisbury, contrasting the colonial policies of Great Britain and France, in a letter to the British ambassador at Paris, in 1892, said: “ The colonial policy of Great Britain and France in West Africa has been widely different. France, from her basis on the Senégal, has pursued steadily the aim of establishing herself on the Upper Niger and its affluents. This object she obtained by a large and constant expenditure and by a succession of military expeditions. * * * Great Britain, on the other hand, has adopted the policy of advance by commercial enterprise.”’ EARL GREY. Earl Grey, who was British secretary of state for the colontes during Lord John Russell’s administration, the period in which the present British colonial system was formulated, writing to Lord Russell in 1853, discusses the principles upon which the colonial system has been framed as follows: ‘‘ This country has no interest whatever in exercising any greater influence than is indispensable either for the purpose of preventing any one colony from adopting measures injurious to another or to the Empire at large, or else for the promotion of the internal good government of the colonies by assisting the inhabitants to govern themselves when sufficiently civilized to do so with advantage and by providing a just and impartial administration of those of which the population is too ignorant and unenlightened to manage its own affairs.’’ CALDECOTT. Caldecott, in his English Colonization, commenting on the causes of British suecess, says: “The several colonies at different periods of their history have passed through various stages of government, and in 1891 there are some thirty or forty different forms operative simultaneously within our Empire alone. We find one reflection rising in our minds, however, when we survey the history 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1213 of this complicated period, namely, that we are looking at the natural growth of an organism which, in its development, has taken differing forms in adaptation to differing needs. No cast-iron mechanism is before us, but a living society, exhibiting vital principles both in what it continues to retain and what it drops or adds by way of alteration. The Briton is supposed to be of rigid character, but -in government he has proved himself to be the most elastic of all Europeans.” Caldecott, commenting upon British methods as contrasted with those of other countries, says: ‘(Again, as conquerors, no right is claimed by us. We do not hold India by the title of conquerors in the sense that the Spaniards held Mexico. We subject it to no tribute, we impose upon it no restrictions in order that profits may be artificially diverted for our benefit. We are there as rulers; the rig upon which we rely as a reasonable justification for being there is the right of doing good by ruling.” BIGELOW. Poultney Bigelow, in his ‘Children of the Nations,” 1901, commenting upon the cause of English colonial success, says: “ Everf English historians now freely chronicle the manner in which official England in the days of George III spoke of Americans as cowards incapable of organization or resistance. * * * Great changes have taken place since then, never so signally emphasized as in the year 1900, when the colonies of Australia sent their delegates to the mother country to discuss ways and means of closer political intercourse. To-day, English colonies bare their arms for fight in the cause of old England. * * * When Franklin went to England as an Englishman demanding the rights of Englishmen, asking no strange favor, but appealing to the government of his King for justice according to the ancient charters and many generations of prescription, he and others of the same errand of peace were treated by the court, the aristocracy, members of the Government, and the majority of politicians as contemptible agitators unfit for association on terms of eyuality with the so-called society of the metropolis. England was drunk with the glory of her past wars; her power had made her blind. * * * It took ten years of good, hard knocks to teach England the lesson which to-day makes her the colonial mistress of the world. Canada was the firet to profit by the surrender of Yorktown, but each colony in turn felt the effects of this blow; and now wherever the British flag floats throughout the world it represents either a self-governing Anglo-Saxon community, or at least one in which the natives enjoy as much of self-government as it is safe to accord.” BOURNE, Mr. Henry E. Bourne, in the Yale Review, May, 1899, comparing British colonial methods with those of other governments, says: ‘There is something fascinating about building colonial empires, but the bad quarter of an hour comes when peoples annexed or purchased cease to be numbers and become men, when they reject the alien civilization thrust upon them and when punitive expeditions and petty warfare crowd into the expense account, leaving the empire builders each year some millions in debt. Empires that grow of themselves are less unprofitable, but they are of the English or Dutch sort and have trade as their motive, not the meve glory of governing. Perhaps it is unfair to hint in this way that the French colonies are to a degree artificial and costly attempts at empire. * * * Nevertheless, the French Empire has been an unnecessarily expensive affair, and none more bitterly criticise its management than Frenchmen.” BANTER. Sylvester Baxter, in the Yale Review, says: ‘‘The experiences of other powers in colonial management have great value to us, and we can not too closely study their teachings. Since the discovery of the New World there have been seven colonial powers in Europe—Spain, Portugal, France, England, Holland, Denmark, and Germany. Denmark has only a few small islands in the West Indies, together with Arctic Iceland and Greenland, and hardly counts as an example. Germany’s experience is too recent to be of much consequence to us. France pursued an exploitation policy and has achieved little, while the value of Spain and Portugal as examples is purely negative. This leaves only England and Holland, and these two furnish the great instances of successful colonial politics.” M, DE LANESSAN. M. de Lanessan, in his ‘‘Principes de Colonisation,’’ says: ‘‘Our business men and manufacturers represent the same value to the colonies as the British business men and manufacturers. But while the colonial policy of the British Government is inspired by the latter element (English business men and manufacturers), ours has been inspired, directed, and carried out for the last two centuries bya military spirit. It is for this reason, perhaps, that during all the epochs this spirit cropped out in the form of temporary but important crises which coincided with the periods of European peace. During all these periodic colonial crises we succeeded at times in conquering, but never in organizing, all of which cost the loss of the greater part of the territory conquered by our arms. The ironical remarks addressed to us, apropos of the question of Egypt by a London paper, would seem to be fully justified. It said: ‘In the old rivalry between a people which possessed the colonial genius and another which does not possess it at all, nothing has changed but the field of battle; it is Africa now in place of the Indies and Canada. France is jealous of our progress in Africa. It understands that we strive for nothing else in this part of the world than the consolidation of an immense empire which is to offer considerable advantages to British commerce.’ Historical truth is that the French people possess no less the colonial genius than the English people, but our administration has shown itseli during all periods utterly devoid of this genius.”’ M. LEROY-BEAULIEU. M. Leroy-Beaulieu in his De la Colonisation chez les Peuples Modernes, says: ‘‘The nation which holds first rank in colonization and which gives to others the example of vast empires founded beyond the seas is England. And this incontestable superiority applies to more recent times, especially. During the seventeenth century the splendor of Spanish-America eclipsed the modest but solid and sustained beginnings of British America; the unheard-of but superficial and ephemeral prosperity of the Dutch India Company drew away the attention from the patient efforts of the British to gain a foothold in Hindostan. In the eighteenth century the French adventurers in Louisiana and along the Great-Lakes or on the shores of the Mississippi or Ohio and in Asia on the shores of the Ganges, seemed for a moment through their audacity, full of expedients, to be on the point of founding their fortune in their own favor and reducing their British rivals to a secondary réle; at the same time the sudden ascendency of Santo Domingo, which overshadowed No. 4 4 1214 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. (enous Jamaica and Barbados, produced a change in the balance of the European powers and seemed to assure to France the supremacy in colonial matters. But time, that great teacher and impartial judge, which in the long run puts each nation in the place according to its qualities or faults, has given to England for everlasting hold the first rank among the colonizing nations. “It was during the ninteenth century that the high and powerful capacities of the Anglo-Saxon race for the founding, maintaining, and governing of colonies showed themselves in the most pronounced manner. The eighteenth century had left a somber shade on British colonization; it had fallen into discredit and the firmest minds, under the first impression of the great check which the separation of the thirteen American colonies had inflicted on it, directed the severest criticism against it, which, however, posterity did not ratify. For the lost empires, fruitful England (la féconde Angleterre) has substituted new empires. It was able to multiply, simultaneously and in a degree the like of which is unknown, the population, culture, and the wealth of its old possessions, and improvise in afew years on continents almost unknown and shunned by other nations social communities, endowed with an unprecedented vitality, capacity, growth, and productive activity. “It must not be thought that England arrived from the start at such a perfect political and eeonomic system, so well fitted for the development of new settlements; she has passed through her period of groping; reforms are seen to follow each other; numerous errors and mistakes were made, but loyally acknowledged and courageously corrected. That which constitutes in our eyes the greatness of the English people, the eminent faculty which has won for them the high place which they occupy in history, and especially in colonization, is that spirit of sincerity and that taste for gradual progress and successive reforms which cause them tostudy continuously their institutions and laws, to notice without minimizing or exaggerating their imperfections or faults, not allowing themselves to be blinded by national conceit from seeing the faults or errors committed; to modify continually the political and social machinery and economic methods which experience condemns. This spirit of sincerity, this taste for gradual reform, are the most judicious, practical, and resourceful faculties attainable. They preserve the people from the benumbing influence of routine on the one hand and the bursts of violence on the other. In the case of other nations, reforms come only with a crisis which they either produce, or of which they are the effects; in Great Britain reforms do not constitute an abnormal or accidental state, or what may be called a periodic illness; they are being enacted continuously, at almost every moment, they have taken their place in the political, economic, and social life as a permanent and regular factor.”’ M. CHAILLEY-BERT. M. Chailley-Bert, in his valuable work ‘‘ La Colonisation de l Indo-Chine,”’ Paris, 1892, says: “When inquiry is made into what are the indispensable elements of the prosperity of the colonies, three chief ones are found; good colonists, good laws, and good officials. By good colonists, we mean family people, or likely to become such, who are healthy and sensible, sufficiently energetic and possessing the power of initiative, faculty of patience, besides having some capital. By good laws we mean such as are modest in their claims, liberal in their spirit, supple in their formulation, which regulate but little, do not pretend to foresee everything, and equally refrain from fettering the free activities of the colonists, and restricting the responsibility of the officials. Lastly, good officials are those who entertain broad views and high intentions, possess a comprehensive intelligence and correct judgment, who are zealous of the interests of the colonists and the colony, interpreting the laws, and, if necessary, giving them such a wide construction as to make them an aid to and not a fetter upon the community. ‘“‘T doubt whether this ideal of good colonists, good laws, and good officials combined can be found anywhere; I am sure that it can not be found in any of the French colonies. Our colonists, being to a large extent unmarried, are in any regards below the average of the home country population. Our legislation being altogether too extensive and changeable, is, at the same time, either superan- nuated or excessively rigid. Our officials, whatever the attempts of the central administration, are too numerous, chosen by chance, often having neither competence nor responsibility. It is thus that all the elements which we stated to be indispensable for prosperity are wanting, although France has an abundance of them at home and even had them in olden times in its colonies. ‘Too little is known of the colonial policy of the ancient régime; its European policy having hurt its case. This colonial policy had one capital vice and that was the lack of spirit of consistency. But it must be said that in its beginnings, and for two centuries after, it showed such wisdom in the conception of its plans and such ingeniousness in the execution of them as will never be surpassed. ‘‘Owing to the colonial methods of the ancient régime France held so many splendid possessions that in the eighteenth century there was still some doubt whether she or Great Britain would prove to be the great colonizing nation. Unfortunately nothing is left to us of this wonderful domain, these invaluable colonists, and the wisdom which, in spite of every thing, perpetuated itself in the royal councils, of all these possessions which had been so dearly bought and so slowly conquered. This domain has crumbled and the traditions have vanished with the fall of royalty, everything was overturned in the great crash at the end of the century, and our past splendor is only proven by the glory of our rivals in possession of the spoils. “At present, notwithstanding many disasters, we have been able by twenty years of effort to reconstitute our colonial empire. But when we are desirous of making it economically valuable we search in vain for the methods to follow and the men to apply them. The broken chain of traditions can not be linked again. The example of our forerunners, interrupted in their evolution, can not guide us any longer amidst the present difficulties, and in order to acquire a new education we must perforce turn to our foreign rivals. “There are many people to whom the confession of our inferiority will appear sacrilegious, and our contention that to rid ourselves of our ignorance we must undertake to study, ridiculous. But we would be wrong to listen to them. As Pascal said, ‘I blame equally those who choose to praise man as those who choose to find fault with him as well as those who choose to distract him, and I can approve of only those who search while sighing.’ “But once decided to study, let us know how to direct our studies, and let us not exaggerate the advantages to be derived from such astudy. We are not going to find abroad the laws, regulations, and general line of conduct which we are to imitate at once without any change. The colonial policy of no nation is free from mistakes, and even the gravest ones. All mother countries have shown themselves shortsighted, ignorant, unjust; all governments careless, indifferent, clumsy. England herself has, during the long years of her history, committed monstrous errors. She possesses, however, two good features which we might do well to acquire: First, a three-hundred-year-old experience, uninterrupted and contemporaneous, from which, after some groping, there might be deducted certain rules of conduct which would nowadays be little subject to controversy; second, a proper distrust of improvisation and a well-confirmed sentiment that in the management of colonial affairs nothing can supersede experience or even study. This, perhaps, is about all the first colonial power of the world can teach us. However little this be, let us try to understand the teaching well at least, for this is by no means so easy a task. * * * 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1215 . “Tt is an axiom, or at least admitted to be an axiom, that the people of the Orient are eager after justice. Whoever brings to them this supreme good is sure of being made welcome. This consideration, it would seem, constituted the trump card of the British game. They have a sort of worship for justice. In their eyes the possibility of obtaining justice is one of the first guaranties; on the other hand, rendering justice is regarded the most sacred of duties and the highest of functions. Wherever they go they open a court-house as soon as they have arrived, and install a judge. After this they attend strictly to their business. It was thus that they proceeded in Burma. The mode of selecting their officials in India enables them to make of them, almost at will, executive or financial officials or judges. They have thus, even in the most rudimentary state of administration, men apt to render justice, who are careful in doing so. As a matter of fact, justice has been meted out on most occasions with the greatest impartiality. The judicial decisions, as a rule, have been in conformity with the spirit of the law and not with the whims of public opinion or the necessities of government.” PROFESSOR SEELEY, Prof. J. R. Seeley, of the University of Cambridge, in his series of lectures on ‘‘The Expansion of England,”’ says: “T will conclude this lecture with some remarks on the large causes which, in the struggle of five states, left the final victory in the hands of England. Among these five we have seen that Spain and Portugal had the start by a whole century, and that Holland was in the field before England. Afterwards for about a century France and England contended for the New World on tolerably equal terms. Yet, now of all these States, England alone remains in possession of a great and commanding colonial power. Why is this? “We may observe that Holland and Portugal labored under the disadvantage of too small a basis. The decline of Holland had obvious causes, which have been often pointed out. For her sufferings in a war of eighty years with Spain she found the compenga- tions I have just described. But when this was followed, first by nava! wars with England, and then by a struggle with France which lasted half a century, and she had now England fora rival on the seas, she succumbed. At the beginning of the eighteenth century she shows symptoms of decay, and at the treaty of Utrecht she lays down her arms, victorious indeed, but fatally disabled. “The Portuguese met with a different misfortune. From the outset they had recognized the insufficiency of their resources, regret- ting that they had not been content with a less ambitious course of acquisition on the northern coast or Africa. In 1580 they suffered a blow such as has not fallen on any other of the still-existing European States. Portugal with all her world-wide dependencies and commercial stations fell under the yoke of Spain, and underwent a sixty years’ captivity. In this period her colonial empire, which by becoming Spanish was laid open to the attacks of the Dutch, suffered greatly; Portuguese writers accuse Spain of having witnessed their losses with pleasure, and of having made a scapegoat of Portugal; certain it is that the discontent which led to the insurrection of 1640, and founded a new Portugal under the House of Braganza, was mainly caused by these colonial losses. Yet the insurrection itself cost her something more in foreign possessions; she paid the island of Bombay for the help of England. Nor could the second Portugal ever rival the first, that nurse of Prince Henry, Bartholomew Diaz, Vasco da Gama, Magelhaens and Camoens, which has quite a peculiar glory in the history of Europe. “Be it remarked in passing that this passage also of the history of the seventeenth century shows us the New World reacting on the Old. As the rise of Holland, the great occurrence of its first years, so the revolution of Portugal, which occupies the middle of it, ig caused by the infuence of the colonies. ‘ ‘As to the ill-success of Spain and France, it would no doubt be idle to suppose that any one cause will fully explain it. But per- haps one large cause may be named which in both cases contributed most to produce the result. “Spain lost her colonial empire only, as it were, the other day. Having founded it a century earlier, she retained it nearly half a century later than England retained her first empire. Compared to England, she has been inferior only in not having continued to found new colonies. And this was the effect of that strange decay of vitality which overtook Spain in the latter half of the sixteenth century. The decline of population and the ruin of finance dried up in her every power, that of colonization included. ‘No similar decline is observable in France. France lost her colonies in a series of unsuccessful wars, and perhaps you may think that it is not necessary to inquire further, and that the fortune of war explains everything. But I think I discern that both States were guilty of the same error of policy, which in the end mainly contributed to their failure. It may be said of both that they ‘had toomany irons in the fire.’ “There was this fundamental difference between Spain and France on the one side and England on the other, that Spain and France were deeply involved in the struggles of Europe, from which England has always been able to hold herself aloof. In fact, as an island, England is distinctly nearer for practical purposes to the New World, and almost belongs to it, or at least has the choice of belonging at her pleasure to the New World or to the Old. Spain might perhaps have had the same choice, but for her conquests in Italy and for the fatal marriage which, as it were, wedded her to Germany. In that same sixteenth century in which she was colonizing the New World, Spain was merged at home in the complex Spanish Empire, which was doomed beforehand to decline, because it could never raise a revenue proportioned to its responsibilities. It was almost bankrupt when Charles V abdicated, though it could then draw upon the splendid prosperity of the Netherlands; when, soon after, it alienated this province, lost the poorer half of it and ruined the richer, when it engaged in chronic war with France, when after eighty years of war with the Dutch it entered upon a quarter of a century of war with Portugal, it could not but sink, as it did, into bankruptcy and political decrepitude. These overwhelming burdens, coupled with a want of industrial aptitude in the Spanish people, whose temperament had been formed in a permanent war of religion, produced the result that the nation to which a new world had been given could never rightly use or profit by the gift. ‘As to France, it is still more manifest that she lost the New World because she was always divided between a policy of colonial extension and a policy of European conquest. If we compare together those seven great wars between 1688 and 1815, we shall be struck with the fact that most of them are double wars; that they have one aspect as between England and France and another as between France and Germany. It is the double policy of France that causes this, and it is France that suffers by it. England has for the most part a single object and wages a single war, but France wages two wars at once for two distinct objects. When Chatham said he would conquer America in Germany he indicated that he saw the mistake which France committed by dividing her forces and that he saw how, by subsidizing Frederick, to make France exhaust herself in Germany, while her possessions in America passed defenseless into our hands. Napoleon, in like manner, is distracted between the New World and the Old. He would humble England; he would repair the colonial and Indian losses of his country, but he finds himself conquering Germany and at last invading Russia. His comfort is that through Germany he can strike at English trade and through Russia perhaps make his way to India. 1216 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. COerReR A004 ‘England has not been thus distracted between two objects. Connected but slightly with the European system since she evacu- ° ated France in the fifteenth century, she has not since then lived in chronic war with her neighbors. She has not hankered after the imperial Crown or guaranteed the treaty of Westphalia. When Napoleon, by his continental system, shut her out from Europe, she showed that she could do without Europe. Hence her hands have always been free, while trade of itself inevitably drew her thoughts in the direction of the New World. In the long run this advantage has been decisive. She has not had to maintain a European ascend- ency, as Spain and Frante have had; on the other hand, she has not had to withstand such an ascendency by mortal conflict within her own territory, as Holland and Portugal and Spain also have been forced todo. Hence nothing has interrupted her or interfered with her to draw her off from the quiet progress of her colonial settlements. In a word, out of the five States which competed for the New World success has fallen to that one not which showed at the outset the strongest vocation for colonization, not which surpassed the others in daring or invention or energy, but to that one which was least hampered by the Old World.” GEORGE GOTTFRIED GERVINUS. The following discussion of the causts of colonial success and failure is from the celebrated essay of George Gottfried Gervinus, written as an introduction to his projected history of the nineteenth century in 1853: ‘«The prosperity of the colonies of the New World at the beginning of the eighteenth century caused a change in the condition of those Stites from which they had proceeded. Shipping was carried on far more extensively and underwent great improvements. Maritime commerce seemed to promise to become more lucrative than that by land. The connection of the two hemispheres multiplied human wants as well as the means of satisfying them; it increased the materials for industry and spread its happy results. Vast commercial relations were established to equalize demand and supply, superfluity and want. Industry and trade became sources of wealth to the middle class, and therefore a stimulus to individual exertion which had never before existed. They also became the sources of the nation’s wealth, and therefore the first object to be considered in politics and government. This was all the more the case since by the altered condition of the world, the growth of the States, and the complicated relations of all the affairs of life the resources which formerly had provided for the exigencies of the government, such as Crown lands and land taxes, sufficed ax little now for the expenses of the State as the feudal military service for its defense. In this new aspect of affairs it became a que-tion which nation would apply its skill and industry to the greatest advantage. Trance discovered this later than her neighbors, and roused herself, finally, under Richelieu and Louis XIV. Then she endeavored to make amends for her delay by improvements in her navy, by new commercial industry, and by her attempts at colonization. Two radically different examples served to entice and to warn. ‘‘The policy of the Spanish kings had always turned to an aggrandizement of power and dominion, and for this purpose they required the most unlimited authority and the disposal of all the resources of the State. This system of government, both at home and abroad, repressed the ancient love of freedom in the people. Those means from which other nations in the altered condition of the world derived their abiding strength checked all intellectual and commercial activity. The Spanish settlements were made in the spirit of this despotic policy. They were conducted and regulated by the Government. To add to her splendor Spain took possession of enormous tracts of land, which the emigration of a thousand years could scarcely people. Grants of land were made only to native Spaniards, and the mother country exhausted her population, which was already weakened by the expulsion of the Moors and Jews. The settlers looked for gold, for rapid gain, for indulgence, not for labor. Incitement to all active energy was stifled. Spanish commerce declined, as agriculture had long ago declined under the thraldom and privilege of class. With the failure of home profits trade ceased or passed into the hands of strangers. With the poverty of private individuals came the weakness of the State, which was required to grant the convoy of great fleets to private galleons laden with gold, when it had not a ship for the defense of its coasts. The situation of the colonies, the luxuriant world of the Tropics, which needed little human aid for its productions, favored the indolent inclinations of the southern settler. Religious bigotry impeded the growth of home rule and active independence of mind. Even where it a-sumed an appearance of humanity it promoted only the material advantage of the foreigner without avoiding the decline of morals at home. Thus because the inhuman monopoly of the importation of black slaves into the Spanish colonies was a scandal to the Catholie Church, the trade was given over into the hands of foreigners, and finally by the assiento of 1711, resigned wholly to the English, who reaped from it an immense profit both for their own commerce and for that of their colonies. “With the Teutonic and democratic colonies all this was reversed. Spain discovered the New World, but the Teutoni¢ race tilled its soil. Under them everything conduced rather to the energy and culture of each member of the State than to the acquisition of territorial power. The State as such did little for the colonization of America. The colonists took possession of only a few tracts of land for their settlements. They were not like the lower gentry which emigrated from Spain, but were the middie class from the country and towns, a class which was unknown in the Romanic States. Immigrants from all the world were at liberty to svithe Cown beside the Englishman. The greatest profit fell to the most industrious. Enjoyment was sought in labor. The climate and soil, wich resembled that of the home they had abandoned, sharpened rather than blunted their exertions. The habits of the north, the vigurous spirit of Protestantism, the assiduity of the Teutonic races, everything contributed to favor great commercial activity at home and in the colonies. From it arose a degree of prosperity and political importance in the middle class of which history affords no previous example.”” COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. SIX GREAT QUESTIONS WHICH SUGGEST THEMSELVES REGARDING THE METHODS OF GOVERNING AND DEVELOPING COLONIES AND THEIR PEOPLE. The chief questions which naturally present themselves in considering the best methods of governing a nonecontigucus people may perhaps be stated as follows: (1) What share of the government of the successfully managed colony originates at the seat of the home Govern- ment and what share in the colony, and by whom and in what manner are the laws and regulations created? (2) What share of the administration within the colony is conducted by representatives of the home Government, and what share is intrusted to the natives in conjunction with the representatives of the home Government? (8) What steps are taken and methods applied to improve the material, mental, and moral condition of the people of the colony? (4) How are habits of industry and thrift inculcated among the natives and the necessary labor supply obtained for the development of industries which shall render the colony self-supporting and its people prosperous? (5) How are the necessary funds for the conduct of the colonial government raised, and is any part of such funds supplied ty the home Government? (6) The commercial relation between the colony and the mother country; its ability te supply the articles required in the home country and to absorb those produced for export by the mother country, and the extent to which the tariff and other regulations between the colony and the mother country are adjusted to encourage this mutual interchange. The most practical answer to these practical questions must be obtained by a study of the methods at present applied in the world’s colonies by the experienced nations, and by combining with these facts the expressed views of nen who have spent tiany years in this work or in studies of the world’s work along these lines. By this plan itis hoped that this study may prove a convenience to those desiring to reach conclusions for themselves. In attempting to discuss each subject separately it has been found necessary to repeat parts of certain statements as bearing upon more than one phase of the general subject, but this has been done only where neressary to a clear presentation of the subject under discussion. . Tn discussing the six great questions which suggest themselves with reference to the management of colonies, and which have been already outlined, it seems again proper to cite the experiences and conclusions of the great nations which have been for centuries studying these questions, and of the students who have collated facts of history and drawn conclusions therefrom. (For summarization of conclusions on the above subjects, see pp. 1407-1408.) 1217 QUESTION I. WHAT SHARE OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE SUCCESSFULLY MANAGED COLONY ORIGINATES AT THE SEAT OF THE HOME GOVERNMENT AND WHAT SHARE IN THE COLONY, AND BY WHOM AND IN WHAT MANNER ARE THE LAWS AND REGULATIONS CREATED? In attempting to answer this question by showing what methods the colonizing nations of the world are now applying as a result of their long experience, it may first be said that little is attempted in the way of detailed legislation by the legislative body of the governing country. The British Parliament, the French Assembly, and the Netherlands®arliament or States-General, the lawmaking bodies of the three countries having extended colonial experience, do not attempt to legislate frequently and continuously regarding details of affairs in the colonies. The impossibility of members of the legislative body having sufficient knowledge of local conditions in the colonies to intelligently and properly prepare and enact laws suited to those conditions, coupled with the physical impossibility of giving to the special needs of each colony sufficient time for the proper understanding and framing of local laws and regulations, has caused these legislative bodies to leave to responsible officers of the Government, who are charged with that duty, all details of colonial affairs, retaining to themselves only the shaping of the general policy with reference to the form of government and the relations, fiscal and otherwise, of the colony with the home Government. SPECIAL CABINET OFFICERS FOR COLONIES. In the United Kingdom, France, and Netherlands, the general management of colonial affairs is intrusted to a cabinet officer, whose entire attention, together with that of his department, is given to the colonies; while in Germany and Belgium, which have more recently entered the colonial field, the supervision and direction of the affairs of the colonies are intrusted to and made a part of the duty of a specified cabinet officer or minister. These officials, termed secretaries, are assisted by a staff of assistant. secretaries, legal secretaries, and clerks, and they are given large discretionary powers in consulting with, supervising and directing the officials located in the colonies. : The necessary legislation for the detailed government of colonies usually originates in the colony, first in the form of recommendations by trusted officials, which, after submission to experienced persons in the colonies whose judgment is relied upon, are forwarded to the colonial office for consideration, discussion, and approval; and in cases where action by the legislative body in the colony is necessary such action usually follows the submission to the home office or colonial department. In most cases, all these things are done without referring the matter to Parliament, which expects the colonial department to handle these details, holding it responsible for that work, just as the secretaries of other departments are held responsible for the details of theirs. THE NETHERLANDS SYSTEM. The Netherlands colonies, prior to 1848, were governed under the immediate direction of the King; but the constitution of that year divided the responsibility between the King and Chambers, and required annual reports to the States-General, or legislative body, on the state of the colonies. Since that time the general management of the colonies has been in charge of a member of the council of ministers. This official is designated as the minister of the colonies, the present occupant of that position, Hon. J. T. Cremer, having had long personal experience as a high official in the colonies and being assisted by a staff, many of whom have also had experience in the colonies. THE FRENCH SYSTEM. The French colonies were, prior to 1894, in charge of the department of marine, and later under the minister of commerce and industry; but in 1894 a minister of colonies was created, and since that time the colonial service of the home Government has been in charge of this official, the present minister of colonies, M. Albert Decrais, being assisted by a cabinet, of which his secretary is the chief, and which is composed of the chiefs of bureau of the colonial department. The work of the department is divided among a large staff of subordinate officers and employees, the secretary-general being chief of the cabinet and in charge of correspondence with the colonies and foreign countries and other departments. The African colonies are in charge of a special branch of the department, Madagascar in a separate bureau, while the colonies in America, Asia, and the Orient are in charge of one general division, each subdivision being assigned toa geparate bureau. In addition to this, there is an inspector-general of health in the colonies, the inspector-general of public works, the committee of public works, a commission on expenditures and receipts, a committee on the verification of accounts in Indo-China, a commission in charge of colonial banks, a commission in charge of demands for territorial concessions, and another for the verification of accounts. A recently organized branch of the colonial service, designated the ‘‘oflice colonial,” is especially charged with the gathering of information regarding the agricultural, commercial, and industrial development of the colonies, and its distribution both-to the people of France and to thecolonies. Information regarding transportation, freights, insurance, duties, statistics of production, imports, exports, demand for the various articles in the colonies, production in the colonies of various articles for export, introduction of immigration, concessions, and all matters likely to be of value to the people of France or to the people of the colonies are gathered and distributed by this bureau, and to it are forwarded all inquiries relating to matters of this character which reach the French Government. A large 1218 Ocroser, 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1219 proportion of the decrees and regulations which become laws in the colonies are submitted to, examined, and approved or rejected by the department of colonies, though the fact that the colonies themselves are represented by members in the French legislative body results in more discussion of colonial affairs in that body, in proportion to the interests involved, than in those of the other countries in question. THE ENGLISH SYSTEM. All of England’s colonies, aside from the great self-governing colonies and India, are in charge of the colonial department, the affairs of India being of such extent and importance and dealing with a population so large and varied in conditions that they are intrusted to a Secretary of State for India, whose department is entirely separate from that of colonies. The first separate organization in England for a central administration of colonial affairs was a committee created in 1660. From 1768 colonial affairs have been dealt with by a member of the cabinet. For a time the colonies were in charge of the secretary of state for war, but since 1854 they have been ip charge of a cabinet officer or secretary of state, whose duties were exclusively those relating to colonies, the exact title being ‘Secretary of State for the Colonies.” The present occupant of that position, the Right Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, M. P., is assisted by two under secretaries, four assistant under secretaries, a legal assistant, a private secretary and four assistant private secretaries, and a corps of clerks, some of whom have had experience in the colonies and many having had long experience in the colonial office. In cases where practicable these clerks and assistants are interchanged with the officials in the colonies, and thus practical observation and experience brought to the assistance of the home office and the service of the colonies given the advantage of the training obtained in the home office. DETAILS OF COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION BY THE HOME GOVERNMENTS. THE BRITISH SYSTEM. The scope of the business transacted by the colonial office is shown by the following statement of the distribution of business in the colonial office, as published in the British Colonial Office List for 1901: ‘‘In charge of the permanent under secretary are political, constitutional, and military questions, general supervision of papers on all subjects before submission to the secretary of state. Assistant Under Secretary Graham has charge of business of general departmental and office arrangements, banking, currency, postal, and telegraph business, business connected with South Africa and St. Helena. Assistant Under Secretary Lucas has charge of emigration and immigration, prisons, hospitals, and asylums, business connected with the West Indian colonies and Eastern colonics. Assistant Under Secretary Cox has charge of general legal business, the settlement of legal instruments, colonial laws, business connected with North America, Australia, Fiji, and the West Pacific, Mauritius, Seychelles, Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Bermuda, and the Falkland Islands. Assistant Under Secretary Antrobus has charge of business connected with the West African colonies and protectorates. To Legal Assistant Risley is assigned matters pertaining to colonial laws and general legal business. The office is divided into departments, one of which is in charge of all North American and Australian colonies; another the West Indian; another the Eastern; another South African; another the West African colonies and protec‘oratcs; and another the general and miscellaneous correspondence, including questicns affecting the establishment of the colonial office, the Crown agents, office, postal, copyright, telegraph, and commercial treaties, conveyances, university examinations, replies to circulars, governors’ pensions and postage allowances, naval cadetships, and general correspondence respecting colonial defense.”’ The more important colonies, including Canada, Cape Colony, Natal, and the Australian colonies, are represented in England by agents- general, who represent before the colonial office, and where necessary before Parliamentary committees, the interests of their colonies, and act as representatives of the colony in the transaction of its business with the home office. For the smaller colonies, Crown azents are appointed, who act as commercial and financial agents in ngland for such of the colonial governments as do not possess agents- general. They are remunerated by fixed salaries and are appointed by the secretary of state for the colonies, who exercises a general supervision and control over their compliance with the directions of the colonial governments. Prior to 1833 each colony appointed its own agent in London, but in that year all agencies were consolidated into one office, with the exception of six agents who continued for a time to represent some of the West Indian governments. The colonies which have received responsible governments—Canada, Cape Colony, Natal, and those of British Australia—can not avail themselves of the services of the Crown agents, but have, as above indicated, agencies of their own, which are located near the office of the colonial department. An emizrants’ information office is maintained in London in charge of a committee, of which the secretary of state for the colonies isthe president. Its duties are chiefly to supply information with reference to the colonies and the opportunities for emigration, and to issu ° warnings in cases where it is desired to discourage emigration to certain places. This office issues quarterly circulars on Canada and the Australasian and South African colonies, which are sent free of charge to persons desiring them, a circular on the emigration of women, and handbooks on Canada, C'ape Colony, Natal, and the Australian colonies. The work of the office is largely devoted to answering the inquiries of persons desiring to emigrate, the number of letters dispatched for this purpose averaging about 1,000 per week. The Royal Botanic Gardens, located near London, are maintained for the study of the products of the colonies and the training of individuals for the maintenance of botanic stations in the colonies, especially those located in the Tropics. The latter are small gardens intended to develop the agricultural resources of the various colonies, especially those in tropical countries, and each is in charge «f a curator trained at the Kew Gardens, London. The executive council of the Imperial Institute has recently issued a memorancum directing attention to the character of the work now carried on, especially by the scientific and technical department of the Botan‘c Gardens, established to obtain information by special inquiries and experimental research regarding the natural or manufactured products of the colonies and local products of manufactures which it is desired to export. This includes the investigation of the chemical constituents and properties of new dyestuffs, tanning materials, seeds, food stuffs, oils, gums, and resins, fibrous timber, medicinal pl: nts and products, animal products, minerals and ores, soils, cements, and various other products, with a view to their commercial utilization. The commercial intelligence office of the board of trade also obtains and distributes information respecting commerce with the colonies. The importance of the maintenance of a colonial department was discussed by Sir George Cornwall Lewis, whose essay ‘‘On the Government of Dependencies,”’ issued in 1841, is still looked upon in England as astandard on matters of this character. In it he said: “Before we conclude this outline of the political relations of the English dependencies it is necessary to remark that their government is materially influenced by the existence of separate departments in the dominant country charged with the exclusive care of their political affairs. The early English colonies were in practice nearly independent of the mother country, except as to their external 1220 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. rouenee commercial relations, and there was scarcely any interference on the part of England with the ordinary management of their internal affairs. Accordingly, there was at that time no separate department of the English Government charged exclusively with the superintendence of the government of the dependencies, and the business connected with them, being chiefly commercial, was assigned first to a board, and after, for a short interval, to a permanent committee of the privy council, which had the management of the affairs of trade and the plantations. * * * If it be assumed that colonial and other dependencies are to remain ina state of dependence, it can not be doubted that they on the whole derive advantage from the existence of a public department in the dominant country specially charged with the superintendence of their political concerns. The existence of such a public department tends to diminish the main obstacles to the good government of a colony, viz, the ignorance and indifference of the dominant country respecting its affairs, and to supply the qualities requisite for its good government, viz, knowledge of its affairs and care for them. If the existence of such a departmsnt tends to involve the affairs of the dependency in the party contests of the dominant country, it is to be remembered that this very evil has its good side, inasmuch as the public attention is thereby directed to the dependency and the interest of some portion of the dominant people is awakened to the promotion of its welfare.”’ APPOINTMENTS OF COLONIAL OFFICERS. Another manner in which the government of colonies originates at the seat of the home Government is through the appointment by the home Government of governors, and in many cases a part or all of the lawmaking bodies. This is true to a greater or less extent of every colony in the world, though, of course, less strongly marked in those British colonies which have what is designated as ‘‘representative institutions and responsible governments.”” By this term is meant the colonies of Canada, Australasia, and South Africa. The Australasian colonies, under the new confederation, elect both branches of their lawmaking bodies, senators and representatives; ~ but the governor-general is appointed by the home Government and has a veto power over all legislation, and also has authority to appoint ministers of state or heads of departments. In Cape of Good Hope the members of both branches of the legislative body are elected, but a governor is appointed by the home Government. In Natal all members of the legislative assembly are elected, but those of the legislative council are appointed or ‘‘summoned’”’ by the governor, who is appointed by the home Government. In Canada the lower branch of the legislative body is elected and members of the upper branch are appointed for life by the governor, who is appointed by the home Government. Thus even in the three great groups which have what is designated as ‘‘representative institutions and responsible government,’’ viz, Australasia, South Africa, and Canada, the power of the home Government to influence legislation through a governor appointed by that Government and through, in some degree, his appointees, is at least a factor worthy of consideration in determining the question as to what share of the government of the colony originates at the seat of the home Government. CROWN COLONY GOVERNMENT. In the other colonies of Great Britain the power to originate or control legislation and details of administration in the colonies remains in the hands of the home Government to a much greater extent through the relatively greater appointing power retained. In India legislation and administration are conducted by the governor-general and his council and the legislative council. The guvernor is appointed by the home Government, as are also the members of his council. For legislative purposes the governor-general’s council is expanded into a legislative council by the addition of sixteen members who are named by the governor-general, or viceroy, as he is termed. This council has power, subject to certain restrictions, to make laws for all persons within British India and for all native Indian subjects in any part of the world. Thus the entire lawmaking body of India is, in fact, named by the home (British) Government. The remaining British colonies, other than those already named, are divided into three classes: (1) Those which have a legislative council, partly appointed and partly elected; (2) those which have a legislative council wholly appointed; (3) those which have no legislative council, but in which ‘‘ legislative power” is delegated to the officer administering the government. In the first-named class, in which the legislative council is partly appointed and partly elected, there are nine colonies—Bahamas, Barbados, Bermuda, British Guiana, Cyprus, Jamaica, Leeward Islands, Malta, and Mauritius, with a total population of about 2,000,000. In the second class mentioned, in which the legislative council is wholly appointed by the Crown, there are the colonies of British Honduras, British New Guinea, Ceylon, Falkland Islands, Fiji, Gambia, Gold Coast, Grenada, Hongkong, Lagos, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Seyvhelles, Sierra Leone, Straits S-ttlements, Trinidad and Tokago, and Turks Island, with a population of alout 7,000,000. The third-mentioned class, those which have no legislative council and in which legislative power is delegated by the home Government to the officer adniinistering the government, includes Basutoland, Gibraltar, Labuan, St. Helena, Northern and Southern Nigeria. The total population of Australasia, Canada, Cape Colony, and Natal is but about 15,000,000, while the total population of the British colonies, including India, is about 350,000,000. Thus it will be seen that of the 350,000,000 inhabitants of the British colonies, 335,000,000 are governed by law-making and administering bodies wholly appointed by the home Government and the laws administered in all cases by governors and lieutenant-governors named by the home Government. By way of illustration of the power of the home Government in the colonies having legislative bodies, it may be remarked that in several instances legislative bodies in the British colonies have actually legislated themselves out of existence and requested the home Government to create a new governing body in their stead. An example of this is cited in the Colonial Office List of 1901, which says of Jamaica: ‘‘The original constitution, which, after existing for nearly two hundred years, was surrendered in 1866, was a representative one, consisting of a governor, a legislative council, and an assembly of forty-seven elected members. After the suppression of the rebellion in 1865, Governor Eyre, at the meeting of the legislature, urged the unsuitability of the then existing form of government to meet the circumstances of the community and the necessity of making some sweeping change by which a strong government might be created. The legislature willingly responded, abrogated all the existing machinery of legislation, and left it to Her Majesty’s Government to substitute another form of government which might be better suited to the altered circumstances of the colony. A legislative council was then by orders in council established, consisting of such numbers of official and unofficial members as Her Majesty might see fit. The numbers of each were six until 1878, when they were enlarged to eight, and a ninth was added in 1881. By Order in Council in 1895 the constitution was fixed in the following manner: A council to consist of the governor and five ex officio members and such other persons, not exceeding ten in number, as Her Majesty may from time to time appoint or the Government may provisionally appoint, and fourteen to be elected.” In this case it will be seen that an elective body deliberately legislated itself out of existence at the suggestion of a representative of the home Government, the governor, and was superseded by a body in which a majority of the members were appointed by the home Government. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1221 VIEWS OF EARL GREY. Earl Grey, who was secretary of state for the British colonial department during Lord John Russell’s administration, in the introduction to his series of letters to Lord Russell in defense of the colonial system adopted during that administration and since retained, discusses the colonial office and its functions as follows: ‘‘I would observe, with reference to the vague declamation on the absurdity of the attempt to govern the colonies from Downing street, of which we have heard so much, that it would undoubtedly be in the highest degree absurd to attempt to govern from Downing strcet if this is to be understood in the sense of directing from thence all the measures of the local authorities; but I am not aware that such an attempt has at any period of our history been thought of. It is obvious that if the colonies are not to become independent States, some kind of authority must be exercised by the Government at home. It will conduce to a clearer understanding of the subject to consider by what means any control over its dependencies is now practically maintained by the mother country and to what extent that control ought to be carried cn, The authority of the home Government over the colonies is exercised mainly in two ways: First, by the appointment of governors, and, second, by sanctioning or disallowing the measures of the local governments of which these officers are at the head. It is also exercised sometimes, but much more rarely, by prescribing measures for their adoption. With regard to the selection of governors, though I am aware that the contrary opinion has sometimes been expressed, it appears to me clear that if we are to have colonies at all the appointment of their governors must necessarily be retained by the Crown, since I do not perceive by what means any real authority or control could be exercised over the executive government of the colonies by the advisers of the Crown. But though the governors of the colonies ought, in my opinion, always to be named by the Crown, the nature and extent of the powers intrusted to them must differ widely in different cases. In the settlements on the west coast of Africa the governors substantially exercise both executive and legislative authority, limited only by an appeal to the home Government. In Canada the legislative assembly has not only the chief power of legislation, but also virtually a large share of executive authority. Between these two extremes there are many intermediate degrees of more or less power being exercised by the governors of different colonies. * * * In proportion as governors become more independent of any local control it becomes necessary that some should be exercised over them from home, and in those colonies where they are unchecked by any kind of representative institutions it is the duty of the secretary of state to maintain a vigilant superintendence over their proceedings. Although he ought, ax I perceive, to abstain from any meddling interference in the details of their administration and to support their authority as long as they appear to deserve his confidence, and rather to advise their recall when they cease to do so than to fetter their discretion by detailed instructions, he is yet bound to attend to complaints which may be made against their measures and prescribe for their guidance the general line of policy to be pursued. These rules as to the degree of interference to be exercised by the secretary of state re equally applicable to the legislative and executive measures of the local authorities in the colonies. But while Iam of opinion that the authority of the Crown, of which the secretary of state is the depositary, should be used in all eases with great caution, I can not concur with those who would prohibit all interference on the part of the home Government in the internal affairs of the colonics. It seems to have been overlooked by those who insist that such interference must always be improper that this would in some cases imply leaving a dominant population, perhaps even a dominant minority, to govern the rest of the community without check or control. “To permit the government of a distant colony to ke carried on notwithstanding the operation of corruption which might be known to exist, would not be consistent with any but very low views of the duties belonging to the responsible advisers of the Sovereign. * * * But even where the interference of the home Government is not necessary for the protection of a part of the population too ignorant and weak to protect itself, there is another consideration which may require the exercise of some control over the proceedings of the local governments with regard to the internal affairs of the colonies. very act of these governments is done in the name and by the authority’ of the Sovereign; hence the honor of the Crown must be compromised by any injustice or violation of good faith which it has the power to prevent being committed by the local authorities. * * * Any interference on the part of the minister with measures of purely internal administration in the colonies is to be deprecated, except in very special circumstances; but I am convinced that it may sometimes be called for, and it is therefore expedient to trust averting the evils and dangers which must arixe rather to the discretion with which the powers now vested in the Crown are exercised than to a limitation of those powers by new legal restrictions. * * * 1 consider it to be the obvious duty and interest of this country to extend representative institutions to every one of its dependencies where this can be done with safety; but I believe that in some cases representative governments could not be safely created and that soine form of representative institutions is by no means applicable to colonies in different stages of social progress, The principal bar to the establishment of representative governments in colonies is their being inhabited by a population of which a large proportion is not of European race and hay not made such progress in civilization as to be capable of exercising with advantage the privilege of self-government. * * * Hence it appears to me that a surrender of the large portion of the powers now exercised by the servants of the Crown would not be calculated to insure the administration of the government on principles of justice and an enlightened regard for the welfare of all classes in those communities. This end may, I believe, be far better attained by maintaining for the present in those colonies the existing system of government. It would be a great mistake to suppose that because the inhabitants are not entitled to elect any of the members of the legislature it provides no sccurities against abuscv. In the first place, the press is perfectly free and the newspapers comment upon all the measures of the government not only with entire liberty, but with the most unbounded license, and the force both of public opinion and also, to a considerable degree, opinion in this country is thus brought to bear upon all measures of the administration. Every inhabitant of the colonies is also entitled to freely address to the secretary of state any complaints or remarks he may think proper on the measures of the local authorities, subject only to the rule that such letters shall be transmitted through the hands of the governor, who is bound to forward them in order that he may at the same time send such explanations on the subject as appear to him to be called for. This privilege was largely exercised and is the means of supplying much information. * * * The publicity given to the estimates of the accounts in colonial expenditure and the rule that the drafts of all proposed ordinances shall be published before being passed have enabled the colonists to bring under the consideration of the governors and legislative councils, and ultimately of the secretary of state, any objections they have entertained to proposed ordinances or financial arrangements. Lyery encouragement has been given them to make known their opinions freely both to the local and home governments, and the most careful consideration has been given to their views, especially when these have been stated ly the chambers of commerce or municipal bodies, the advice and assistance of which in the administration of colonial affairs are in my judgment of the highest value.” No. 4——5 1222 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocroner, : LAWMAKING FOR THE COLONIES. Having provided for the creation of a colonial department to give personal supervision to the affairs of the colonies, the appointment of governors to administer laws, and the appointment of part or all of the legislative bodies, the French Government intrusts the remainder of the work to the colonies. The French Government, after a series of experiments, decided to determine through national legislation all matters pertaining to the tariffs of its colonies, but in most other matters the details are left to the local or colonial government. Before the Revolution the French colonies were entirely subordinate to the mother country, and the details of their affairs regulated chiefly by it. In 1825 the experiment of giving a large measure of self-government to the colonies was made, but this power was greatly reduced in 1841; but another change took place in 1854, which gave a greater autonomy to the colonies in matters of lawmaking and administration, and in 1892 the French Government again assumed charge of the tariff laws of the colonies. Tariff. regulations are in most cases based upon the French tariff, with concessions and changes suited to local interests. In some cases high rates of duties, or absolute prohibition, are applied to protect or encourage colonial industries, and in the less advanced colonies special tariffs are made through the action of the French Government, modified from time to time upon the recommendations of the government or legislative body of the colony. In more than half of the French colonies the tariff of France now applies in the colony, and there is freedom of interchange between the colony and the mother country. A distinguished officer of the French department of colonies, writing on this subject recently, said that the French Government now considers practically all of its colonies, except those of West Africa, as mere extensions of the mother country, and applies the tariff of France in them (with some slight modifications), giving complete freedom of exchange between the colonies and the home country except in a few articles, notably sugar coming into France from the colonies, on which a duty is placed as a protection to the sugar industry of France. Prof. Edwin R. A. Seligman, in Essays on Colonial Finance, published by the American Economic Association in August, 1900, says of the French colonies: ‘(Although the home Government is invested with the duty of fixing the tariff for all the colonies, the colonial councils have the right of pointing out to the home office the modifications which are desirable for each special colony. A few such changes have been made, chiefly in the direction of lower duties or complete exemption, but the deviations from the general French tariff are insignificant. There are only two colonies without tariff duties, namely, Obock and the towns of French India. In addition to the general tariff duties, tonnage, navigation, and harbor dues are to be found in almost every colony.”’ “‘The purely local and municipal expenses of the colonies,’’ continues Professor Seligman, ‘‘are defrayed to a large extent by the octroi de._mer. This is a tax upon all kinds of commodities, especially articles of food coming in by water. It takes the place of the local octroi in the mother country, but can not be fixed independently by the colonies. They have the right of formulating the tentative scheme, but their decision must obtain the approval of the council in state in Paris not only as to the tax itself, but also in respect to the methods of administration.”’ The revenues of the French colonies are chiefly derived from tariff, local taxation, income from colonial property, and subventions from the home-Government. The method of creating the tariff laws has been already explained. Local taxation in the colonies is modeled largely upon the French system, but controlled by local legislation. The lawmaking bodies which frame the laws for raising revenue and other local regulations are elected in a few of the old colonies and in others are in part appointed from the home Government and in part elective. A land tax exists in most of the colonies, but in some applies only to land upon which houses are built. In the French Antilles sugar lands are exempt from taxation, but a special export duty is placed on sugar, and a similar rule is followed in regard to salt lands in Cochin China, India, and Caledonia. Poll taxes, business taxes, and taxes upon spirituous liquors and tobacco are common to most of the French colonies, and in cases where the local taxation proves insufficient appeal is made to the home Government, and this is recognized by subventions or annual appropriations, which bring the colonial appropriation of the French budget up to about 100,000,000 francs annually. In the matter of laws and regulations for maintaining order, municipal regulations, etc., the details of lawmaking are intrusted to the local legislative bodies, of which the officers appointed by the home Government always form an important part. The more important of these are submitted to the home Government for approval. In the Dutch colonies the general reguiations have been many years in force and are an adaptation in part of the local customs which existed among the natives, and in part laws framed by the governor and his assistants, who have absolute power in the creation of laws and regulations, the more important of which are submitted to the home office and Government for approval. In the newer colonies of the German and Belgian Governments regulations are framed largely by the governors and their local aids, assisted in some cases by the military, and are subject to the approval of the home Government. : In the British colonies the details of lawmaking and enforcement are left more largely to the local authorities. In the colonies having “‘representative institutions and responsible government,’’ that is, Australasia, Cape Colony, Natal, and Canada, all laws are enacted by legislative bodies similar in general character to the Congress of the United States, each having an upper and lower body, though in Natal the members of the upper body are named by the governor, while in Canada the members of the upper house, or senate, are appointed by the governor for life. All laws so passed are subject to the approval or rejection of the governor-general, who is appointed by the home Government. The more important are submitted to the home Government for approval. In India, according to the Statesman’s Year-Book, “‘ the legislative body consists of the governor-general’s council, expanded into a legislative council by the addition of sixteen additional members, who are nominated by the viceroy.”’? The council of the governor- general which is thus ‘‘expanded into a legislative council by the addition of sixteen members” consists of five ordinary members appointed by the Crown and the commander in chief of the Government forces in India. The lieutenant-governor is also a member of the legislative council. This council has power, subject to certain restrictions, to make laws for all persons within India, for all British subjects within the native States, and for all native (Indian) subjects of the King in any part of the world. The proceedings in the legislative council are public. The governors of Madras and Bombay are appointed by the Crown, and each of them has an executive council, consisting of two members of the Indian civil service, appointed by the Crown. The lieutenant-governors are appointed by the governor-general, with the approval of the Crown. The governors of Madras and Bombay and the four lieutenant-governors each have legislative councils of their own. Although all the provinces are under the control of the Government of India, they enjoy much administrative independence, varying with their importance. Each province is usually broken up into divisions under commissioners, and then subdivided into districts, which form the units of administration. At the head of each district is an executive officer (collector magistrate or deputy commissioner) who has entire control of the district, and is responsible to the governor of the province. Subordinate to the magistrate there are a joint magistrate and assistant magistrate, and one or more deputy collectors and other officials. In some 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1225 cases the magistrate collector is also a judge. There are about 247 such districts in British India. In addition to these, the governor exercises control over the native States in various degrees, but they are all governed by native princes, ministers, or councils, with the help and under the advice of a British resident or agent in political charge either of a single State or group of States. The chiefs have no right to make war or peace, or send ambassadors to each other or to external States, and the supreme (British) Government can exercise the right of dethronement in case of misgovernment. By the local self-government acts of 1882 and 1884 the elective principle has been extended in a large or small measure all over India. In the larger towns, and many of the smaller ones, the majority of members of committees are elected by the taxpayers, and everywhere the majority of town committees consists of natives, and in many committees all the members are natives. There are 754 municipal towns i in, which the municipal bodies have the care of roads, water supply, drains, markets, sanitation, the imposition of taxes, and the making ‘of improvements and general expenditures, but the sanction of the provincial government is necessary before new taxes can be levied. The general laws are subject to approval by the home Government, but are seldom subjected to adverse action, the views of the home Government on the more important measures being determined by correspondence before action is taken. THE LAWMAKING BODIES IN THE BRITISH CROWN COLONIES. The share .of the lawmaking and the methods by which legislation is accomplished in the colonies other than those already referred to(namely, those having ‘representative institutions and responsible governments”’ and British India) may be best described by the following statements from the British Colonial Office List of 1901, the colonies being arranged in the groups already indicated, viz: (1) Those having a legislative council partly elected; (2) those having a legislative council nominated entirely by the Crown; and (3) those having no legislative council, the legislative power being delegated to the officer administering the government. The descriptions of the methods of local legislation are inserted in this chapter with the purpose of showing the share which the home Government has in the lawmaking of the colonies through governors appointed by the home office and legislative bodies named in part or full by the home Government. Under the first-mentioned class, colonies having a legislative council partly elected, are the following: Bahamas.—The executive government is conducted by the governor, who is appointed by the Crown, aided by an executive council of nine members. The legislative authority resides in the governor, the legislative council of nine members nominated by the Crown, and a representative assembly of twenty-nine members elected for fourteen districts by persons owning land to the value of £5 or occupying houses of the rental of £2 8s. in New Providence or half that amount in outlying islands. The qualifications of -electors are a village residence of twelve months. The executive council is composed partly of official and partly of unofficial members, who haveaseatin one of the branches of the legislature. Barbados.—The colony possesses free representative institutions, but not a responsible government. The Crown has only a veto on legislation, but the home Government retains the appointment and control of public officers. The local government consists of a governor and legislative council, composed of nine members appointed by the Crown, and a house of assembly having twenty-four members, elected annually on the basis of a moderate franchise. Bermuda.—The laws of the colony are enacted by a local legislature consisting of the governor, a legislative council, and a house of assembly. The legislative council consists of nine appointed members, three of whom are official and six unofficial. The house of assembly consists of thirty-six members, four of whom are elected by each of the nine parishes. British Guiana.—The laws and general methods of legislation are based upon those introduced by the Dutch during their control. The law making and enforcing power consists of a governor, a court of policy, and the combined court. The governor is appointed by the home Government, as in all British colonies. The court of policy consists of the governor, seven official and eight elected members. Its duties are purely legislative, the administrative functions being performed by an executive council. It passes all laws and ordinances except the annual tax ordinance, which is passed by the combined court, which also has the power of auditing public accounts and discussing the annual estimates prepared by the Government in executive council. Cyprus.—The duties of colonial governor are performed by an officer styled ‘‘high commissioner,” and the laws are enacted by a legislative body consisting of the high commissioner, six appointed and twelve elective members, three of whom are chosen by the Mohammedan and nine by the non-Mohammedan inhabitants of the island. Jamaica.—The lawmaking body is a council consisting of the governor and five ex officio members, and such other persons, not exceeding ten in number, as the Crown may from time to time appoint, or as the governor may provisionally appoint, and fourteen persons to be elected by the people of the island. There are elected periodically boards in Kingston and certain parishes with jurisdiction over roads, markets, sanitation, poor relief, waterworks, and pounds. The parish is the unit of local government, and each parish has its own parochial institutions, poorhouses, etc., managed by the parochial board of the parish, the members of which are elective. There is a high court of justice and petty sessions of magistrates throughout the island. Leeward Islands.—Legislation is euacted by a legislative couricil consisting of eight official and eight elective members. The elected members are chosen by the elective members of the local councils of the more important islands of the group, and must be, and continue to be, members of their respective local councils. The official members of the legislative.council are the governor, colonial secretary, attorney-general, auditor-general, and administrators of the more important islands of the group. Malta.—The government is administered by a governor, advised and assisted by an executive council of ten members. Legislation is carried on by means of a partly elected council of government, which consists of six official and thirteen elected members, three of whom are returned by special electors and chosen from the classes of nobles, university graduates, and members of the chambers of commerce, respectively. Mauritius.—The government consists of a governor and an executive council of five official and two elected members, and a legislative council of twenty-seven members, eight being ex officio, nine nominated by the governor, and ten elected on a modern franchise. The second class, colonies having a legislative council nominated by the Crown, which reserves the power of legislating by orders in council, includes the following: British Honduras.—The executive council consists of the governor atid five members, three of whom are ex officio and the other two appointed members. The legislative council consists of three official and five unofficial ie DeTe: all appointed. The English common law extends to the colony as far as local circumstances permit, subject to modifications by colonial ordinances. 1224 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. rOsenes British New Guinea.—Legislation s effected by means of a local legislature named by the Crown, which consists, with one exception, of the officers of the government. The drafts of laws are submitted to the governor of Queensland before they are passed, and any law may be disallowed by the Crown. All government measures are subject to the final direction of the secretary of state for the colonies. Ceylon.—The government is administered by a governor, aided by an executive council of five members, namely, the lieutenant- governor and colonial secretary, the officer commanding the troops, the attorney-general, the auditor-general, and the treasurer. The legislative council consists of seventeen members, including the members of the executive council, four other officeholders, and eight nominated unofficial members. The island is divided into nine provinces, presided over by government agents, who, with their assistants and subordinate headmen, are the channels of communication between the Government and the people. Fallland Islands.—The government is administered by % governor aided by an executive and a legislative council. The legislative council is composed of the governor, the chief justice, the colonial secretary, the treasurer, the colonial surgeon, and two unofficial members appointed by the home Government. Fiji Islands.—The executive council consists of the governor and four official members. The legislative council consists of the governor, six official and six unofficial nominated members. A share of self-government has been given to the natives, their system of . village and district councils recognized and improved and supplemented by an annual meeting of the chiefs and representatives from each province presided over by the governor. The regulations recommended by these bodies are submitted to the legislative council, and, if approved, become law. The colony is divided into seventeen provinces, each under the control of a European commissioner, while each province is subdivided into districts with a native officer in charge. The provincial council, consisting of the natives in charge of the districts, distributes taxes among the different districts, and these are subdivided among the different villages by the district councils. Gambiu.—The executive council consists of an officer appointed by the Crown, designated as administrator, a treasurer, chief magistrate, and collector of revenues. The legislative council consists of the administrator, treasurer, chief magistrate, collector of customs, and two unofficial members. The traveling commissioners travel throughout the protectorate during the eight months of dry weather to enforce order and keep the commissioner and government advised regarding conditions among the natives. Gold Coast.—The government is conducted by an executive council and a legislative council. The former consists of the governor, colonial secretary, attorney-general, treasurer, and inspector-general of constabulary. The legislative council is composed of the members of the executive council with the addition of the chief justice and three unofficial appointive members. Hongkong.—The government,is administered by a governor, aided by an executive council composed of six official and two unofficial members. The legi+lative council is presided over by the governor and composed of seven official and six unofficial members, three of whom are nominated by the Crown on the recommendation of the governor (two being usually Chinese), one is nominated by the justices of the peace, and one by the chamber of commerce. Lagos.—The government is conducted by a governor, assisted by an executive and a legislative council. The latter includes four nominated unofficial members. The law consists entirely of local ordinances, orders in council, and such English acts as are of general application. Seychelles.—The governing and lawmaking bodies are: The executive council, consisting of an officer appointed by the home Government, entitled administrator, the Crown prosecutor, the treasurer, the collector, and the deputy collector; the legislative council, inluding the administrator, the legal adviser, treasurer, collector, and the auditor. Sierru Leone.—The government is conducted by a governor and an executive and a legislative council. The executive council consists of the governor, the officer commanding the troops, colonial secretary, colonial treasurer, and collector of customs. The legislative council consists of the governor, the chief justice, the officer commanding the troops, the colonial secretary, the attorney- general, and colonial treasurer, in addition to three nominated unofficial members. Straits Settlements._-The government of the Straits Settlements proper consists of the governor, aided by an executive and a legislative council, the latter body consisting of nine official and seven unofficial members, of whom two are nominated by the chambers of commerce of Singapore and Penang. The law in force is contained in local ordinances and such English and Indian acts and orders in council as have been made applicable to the colony. The Indian penal code has been adopted with slight modifications and there is a civil procedure code based on the English judicature act. The supreme court holds assizes at Singapore and Penang every two months, and quarterly at Malacca, and also holds civil sittings monthly at Singapore and Penang, and once a quarter at Malacca. The government of the Straits Settlements has in recent years been extended to several states on the Malayan Peninsula which are now termed the Federated States of the Malayan Peninsula. The necessity for a permanent form of government came to be recognized both by the officials of those states and by those of adjacent territory, by reason of the constant unsettled conditions, and through agreement with their chiefs the British Government extended its protection over them, appointing British resident officials to reside at their capitals, consult with their chief officers, and aid in framing and carrying out laws and regulations. The supreme authority in each state is vested in a state council, consisting of the highest native chiefs, presided over by the Sultan, or ruler of the state, who is assisted by the British resident. These British residents are appointed by the home Government and are subordinate to a resident- general and to the high commissioner for the Federated Malay States, who is also the governor of the Straits Settlements. The administration of each state is carried on, as far as possible, on the model of the Crown colonies. The third class, colonies in which no legfslative council exists, the legislative power being delegated to the officer administering the government, includes: Basutoland.—The territory is governed by a resident commissioner under the direction of the high commissioner for South Africa, the latter possessing legislative authority for Basutoland, which is exercised by proclamations. For fiscal and other purposes the country is divided into seven districts, each of which is presided over by an assistant commissioner. Each of these districts ig subdivided into wards, presided over by hereditary chiefs. Gibraltar.—There is no executive or any legislative body. The governor, who is also the governor commanding the garrison, exercises all the functions of government and legislation. St. Ielent.—The government is administered by a governor, aided by an executive council. The other members of the counc!l are the lieutenant-colonel commanding the British troops and two appointed members. The governor alone makes ordinances, there being no legislative council. Niger Territorics.—The Niger Territories were secured to Great Britain by nearly five hundred treaties made by the Royal Niger Company with native chiefs and recognized by the Anglo-German agreement of 1885 and the Anglo-I'rench agreement of 1890. The 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1225 company retained control of the territory until the year 1900, when it was transferred to the British Government and divided into Northern Nigeria and Southern Nigeria. The government of the Royal Niger Company had been conducted chiefly from England by the governor and council who initiated all legislation and from whom emanated all orders regarding the employment of the troops on punitive expeditions. The same body revised the sentences of the supreme court, which was established at the capital of the Niger territory, and which consisted of two judges who alternately served in Africa. Three senior officers had the general adininistration of the divisions of the country, and subdivisions of districts were under control of district officers who held small cause courts. In the administration adopted since the transfer of the territory to the British Government in 1900 a high commissioner has been appointed as the chief officer representing the Government, and two residents provided for two provinces of Northern Nigeria, with seven assistant residents. A supreme court serves as a court of appeal for both southern and northern Nigeria, the residents, who are intrusted with large powers, holding provincial courts. The attorney-general acts as legal adviser to the government. There is no legislative cr executive council, and the high commissioner has the power to make laws under the name of proclamations. A high commissioner is also appointed for Southern Nigeria, and the general method of government is similar to that described for Northern Nigeria. Rhoidesit.—Rhodesia, in South Africa, is governed by the British South Africa Company, subject, however, to the general supervision of the high commissioner for South Africa, who is appointed by the Crown. The Rhodesia country was granted to the British South Africa Company in 1889, with large powers of administration, to extend railway and telegraph systems, emcesuy.ce immigration, promote trade and commerce, and work mineral and other concessions, the grant to continue twenty-five years. constitution has been adopted which creates a legislative council composed of the senior administrator, the resident commissioner, the administrator of Matabeleland, and five nominated and four elected members. The senior administrator is advised by an executive council consisting of seven members. The laws of Cape Colony are in force in Rhodesia as far as circumstances will permit, but these are subject to specific provisions, which give certain powers to resident commissioners and magistrates, and under certain circumstances to native chiefs. The judicial establishment consists of a high court, with two judges, the attorney-general, the solicitor-general, local magistrates, and assistant magistrates at various towns and settlements throughout the territory. The high commissioner has goneral control over legislation, important appointments, and native affairs, and the authority to appoint an imperial resident commissioner and an imperial commandant of the armed forces. LAWS FRAMED IN THE COLONIES SELDOM REJECTED BY THE HOME GOVERNMENT. It is proper to add that the laws framed by the local legislative bodies of the various colonies above described are seldom disapproved or rejected by the home Government. Important measures are usually submitted to the colonial office through correspondence before final action is taken upon them, and in the most important cases before they are considered in detail by the local legislature. By this process the joint opinion of the governor, the executive council, and the legislative council is combined in the law finally enacted; and since the colonial office and home Government have confidence in these oflicials in the colonies, most of whom are named by the home office and Government, their judgment in regard to the laws framed and enacted is generally accepted. The fact that the administration of the laws is in many cases carried on through cooperation with the native headmen and officials of the colonies, which are divided into districts for that purpose, gives to the executive officers and lawmakers of such colony the benefit of the views of the native headmen, as well as an enlarged view for the officials themselves, who operate through them, and to this extent local autonomy in the making and administration of laws. A MODERN FRENCIL VIEW OF ENGLISH METHODS. On the question of the lawmaking power granted to the British colonies, M. Maurice Ordinaire, a writer in the French colonial periodical, ‘‘Questions Diplomatiques et Coloniales,’’ of June 15, 1900, says: ‘The principal feature of the British colonial régime is the autonomy of the colonies. This autonomy, pushed to the utmost limits in the case of the self-governing colonies, exists, however, in a large degree, notwithstanding appearances to the contrary, in the Crown colonies as well. In theory, the latter are regarded as possessions of the mother country and directly governed by it. In practice the régime is more liberal, the colonies enjoying quite a large amount of autonomy, thanks to the discreet use the Government makes of its large prerogatives, reserved to the Crown, as well as the initiative which it leaves to the functionaries, who are carefully selected and vested with considerahle powers. By acting in such a manner the central Government not only follows the precepts of: common sense— which condemns the administration of colonies from a distance by means of more or less well-informed bureaus (as a matter of fact, the British colonial administration commits most of its blunders whenever it interferes directly with the affairs of ‘colonies)—but it also follows in this national tradition. ‘‘The Englishman, indeed, unless he be blinded by the mania of conquest, which makes him lose all sense of justice, respects the freedom of collective bodies and communities, as well as the freedom of the individual, to a degree unknown on the Continent. He does not show the solicitude, full of generous intentions but as a matter of fact tyrannical, which causes other nations to tighten beyond any reasonable measure the bonds which attach them to the colonies, to impose on them laws which are unfit for them and merely impede each of their movements—and this for the reason that the laws are those of the mother country and as such regarded the very best in the world. “The Briton admits that individuals of another race, living under other climes, may have different wants and ideas from those held by himself. He does not pretend to ‘assimilate’ brethren of all colors, whose brains, for the present at least, are not quite as well developed ashisown. Neither does he think that he has fulfilled his whole duty toward them and assured their happiness forever when he grants them political rights which they do not know how to make use of. He thinks, quite the contrary, that for primitive societies such as colonies are there are more urgent liberties than a mere formal and ostentatious franchise (franchise d’apparat), and that the primary benefit (le premier des biens) to be conferred upon them isa régime which develops their initiative, teaches them responsibility, and favors their economic ascendancy. “To be sure it is not alone the interests of the colonies which is his motive of action. If he desires to make of them as soon as possible strong and prosperous colonies, fitted with a complete governmental system and provided with all the means necessary for independent existence, his chief motive is to relieve the mother country as speedily as possible from its responsibilities and financial burdens. ‘His dream, it seems, is an England placed amidst an immense confederation of colonies. the latter grouped in such a manner as to be independent financially and administratively, as well as in other ways, so that the mother country, instead of care, worry, expense, and danger, should enjoy only the magnificent advantages of prestige, security, and a good commercial clientéle.”’ 1226 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [OcropeR, THE FRENCH SYSTEM OF LAW MAKING AND ADMINISTRATION, In the French colonies the law-making bodies are in a few cases elected by the people of the colony, and in others—especially the less advanced communities—partially or entirely appointed; but the power of the elected bodies, even in the more advanced colonies is, however, restricted by the fact that the tariff and fiscal laws of the colonies are made by the legislative body of the governing country; while the presence in that law-making body of delegates from the colonies results in a much larger proportion of the lecal legislation being performed by it in the mother country than in the case of the British colonies, where practically all legislation, including tariff making, is performed by the local law-making body, whether elective or appointive. . The French colonies which have legislative councils (conseils général), wholly or partially elected, are Martinique, Guadeloupe, Reunion, St. Pierre, Miquelon, French Guiana, Sehegal, New Caledonia, Tahiti, Mayotte, Comoro, with a total population of about 4,000,000 out of a total population of 56,000,000 in the French colonies. The second group, which possesses a more rudimentary administrative organization, includes French Congo, French Guinea, Ivory Coast, Dahomey, Somali Coast, and Madagascar, with a total population of about 15,000,000. Algeria is considered asa part of France and sends its representatives to the French Parliament in the same manner as the provinces of France. In the Dutch colonies the power of control through appointment is even more absolute, and this is also the case in the German colonies and in the Kongo Free State, which is under the control of the Belgian Government. In all of these the government in the colony is created in part by a series of regulations framed at the seat of the home Government and in part by regulations framed in the colonies by appointees of the home Government. : VIEWS OF M. LEROY-BEAULIEU. On this general subject of the location of legislative power for the colonies, M. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, in his excellent work, De la Colonisation chez les Peuples Modernes, originally published in 1874, and reissued in 1882, 1885, and 1891, says: ‘‘During the period of their infancy, colonies may be ruled directly by the mother country, and it is not then expedient to have recourse to colonial assemblies ; as Merivale justly remarks, during this first period of colonization the colony stands in need of simple and practical institutions ; it is not yet ripe for representative government. If, then, the government has the right during this stage to direct, without control, the colonial affairs, it should, however, try to substitute for the representative guaranties, which are lacking in the colony, all sorts of subsidiary guranties which can be accorded to them. Therefore the claim can not stand which the executive power made and realized in certain countries, of ruling colonies by decrees and orders without the interference of the national legislature, or even of granting to a nonelective chamber, as, for instance, the Senate of the Second Empire, the power to modify the administrative régime of the colonies. This system is unreasonable from a good many points of view. Its object is to take away from the natural representatives of the nation the power of scrutinizing matters which seriously affect the present and future interests of the nation. It is an encroachment of the executive power upon the essential attributes of popular representation ; moreover, it causes artificial silence about colonial questions, often leads to the shelving of important matters without giving them publicity, or to decisions with the least possible discussion and information, and, therefore, quite justly excites the defiance and discontent of the colonies. The colonial régime should never, therefore, be decided upon by administrative decrees, orders, or senatus consulta, but only by law. On the other hand, every nation which intends to do serious work in colonization must have a special ministry for the colonies; to subordinate colonial affairs to the ministry of the navy or war means first of aJl to put them in the second place, and, secondly, to turn them over to functionaries who, possessing ordinarily only military habits and ideas, lack the special knowledge and insight and the : necessary qualities for the satisfactory transaction of matters essentially civil. England and Holland have had a ministry of colonies for a long while; Spain, a few years ago, adopted the useful plan of creating, or rather resuscitating, one; France, in 1858, made an effort in the same direction, but this experience lasted but two and a half years, giving, however, excellent results during that time. Personal and fiscal considerations put an end to this scheme. The possible objection that the colonies have not sufficient importance for France to warrant the establishment of a special ministry is not valid, for slight observation will show that there are ministries with us whose functions are much less extended and whose business has much less common interest. To create a special ministry for Algeria and our other colonies is, furthermore, the means of putting a little life into our colonial establishments, to direct to them the public attention, to attract toward them immigration, and thus to hasten the progress and development of our dependencies. If, for reasons which 1 can not divine, there is hesitancy about the creation of a special ministry, the colonies should be subordinated at least to a civil ministry rather than a military one; thus, for instance, they should be attached to the ministry of commerce rather than to the ministry of the navy; the subordination of colonial questions to the navy or the war departments has, as a matter of fact, been one of the chief causes of the stagnation of our colonial establishments. ? “Tt ig not enough to turn over the colonial matters to a civil ministry which has the special competency for a full understanding and the proper administration of affairs; the administration of colonies should be given a unity of plan and thought, such as chang¢s of cabinets would be unable to affect. Porter, in his work (Vol. III, p. 120), remarks that a great number of colonial secretaries, succeeding each other after the victories or defeats of parties, is an obstacle to colonization, and insists that the statesmen who have seen service in the colonies, irrespective of their views on general public matters, should form a permanent council, of which the cabinet minister should have but the presidency. This would be an imitation of the celebrated India council of the Spanish monarchy. Portugal has created an analogous institution under the name of the ‘‘council beyond the seas,’’? which guarantees the perpetuity of colonial traditions and studies. In England, Porter’s plan has found the beginning of realization in the founding of the “ colonial land and emigration commission,’’ the work of Lord John Russell. “The choice of colonial functionaries and the system of advancement and promotion of the service are also of the utmost importance. Every nation which wishes to colonize effectively and not ostentatiously alone must have a special personnel of colonial functionaries; the work of these officials being of a singularly delicate nature, requires a special education at an early stage. It is highly imprudent to intrust the colonial administration to functionaries taken from the administrative staff of the mother country, for as a matter of fact there are essential, sometimes enormous, differences between the proper mode of ruling an old country like France and 1In 1881, during the short existence of the Gambetta ministry, the colonies were attached to the ministry of commerce. 2Since this was written a ministry of colonies has been established by the French Government. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 122% a new country like Algeria. It is no less imprudent to call to the government of the older colonies military functionaries, such as military sad naval officers, though by chance one might be met who is endowed with excellent qualities for colonization, but this is an exceptional case, and ordinarily the ideas gained during a military career are out of all sympathy with the spontaneous and free ideas of the colonists. But the most obnoxious factor is the continuous changes in the colonial personnel. In the French system the governor is generally a man of very little stability, who sees but short service and leaves the colony the moment he begins to know and understand it a little. Careful calculation show that our dependencies change governors every three years and sometimes even more often.” TWO DISTINCT METHODS CF GOVERNMENT FOR THE FRENCH COLONIES. The forms of government in the French tropical colonies are of two distinct classes: (1) Those in which certain laws and regula- tions are enacted by a local body, in a few cases wholly elected, in others partly elected, and in others appointed, the laws being admin, istered by officials appointed by the home Government. In this class the system is somewhat similar to the Crown colony system of England already described, though a much larger share of the general laws and regulations originates with the home Government. This is especially true with reference to tariff regulations, which in all British colonies are established by the local government, while in all French colonies they are framed by the home Government either through legislative action or by decree. Ireland, in his Tropical Colonizatior, discussing methods of government in the French colonies, divides them into two classes, those in which the government is carried out to some extent by the passage of laws, and those in which all matters are settled by the simple decree of the governor. ‘‘To the first class,’’ says Mr. Ireland, ‘‘belong Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Réunion; to the second, most of the other French tropical colonies. In the first class the principal subjects to which the passage of laws is applicable are the exercise of political rights, the regulation of contracts; matters relating to wills, legacies, and succession; the institution of juries; criminal procedure; - recruiting for naval and military forces; the methods of electing mayors and municipal deputies and councilors, and the organization of the local councils generally. In regard to all other matters of importance all the French tropical colonies are on the same basis of legislation, that is, government by decrees issued by the governor or the minister of colonies. The governor of a French colony has very wide powers. He is commander of the local land forces and of such vessels of war as may touch at his station, as well as of the local militia. He can of his own authority declare his colony in a state of siege, and has at all times the power to open courts-martial for the trial of military offenders. In his administrative capacity he has absolute authority to regulate nearly all the internal affairs of his colony, and he is above the local law, for he can not be brought before the local courts for any cause whatever. The governor is to some extent guided by the advice of two bodies—the privy council, which is a nominated body consisting of official and unofficial members; and the general council, which is made up of councilors elected by the votes of all male persons over 25 years of age who have resided for more than one. year in the colony. Generally speaking, these bodies merely advise, but in a few matters the governor is bound to follow the advice thus given him. In addition to the privy council and general council, some of the colonies have local councils and conseils d’arrondissements. The principal officers under the governor are the director of the interior, the military eommandant, the chief of the health department, the permanent inspector of finance, the attorney-general, and the judges of the supreme courts. Martinique, Guadeloupe, and some of the other colonies send representatives to the French Assembly, usually one senator and two deputies, but it is difficult to see that the colonies derive any advantage from this arrangement.’’ In support of this view that the presence in the French Assembly of members from the colonies does not prove advantageous, Mr. Ireland quotes M. Paul Leroy Beaulieu, as follows: ‘‘We have introduced French liberty into our colonies, and we give them civil governors; we admit their. representatives into our parliament. All these reforms are excellent in themselves, but it is to be feared that they will in practice result in abuses; that unless the mother country is very watchful these very powers which she has granted to her colonies will become powers of oppression. * * * The deputies whom Martinique and Guadeloupe send to our parliament serve only to represent the malign prejudices and-ignorance of the blacks. The weak executive power in France allows itself to be intimidated by these deputies, and sends out to the colonies cow- ardly and incapable governors whose indecision of,character feeds the more or less barbarous hopes of the negro majority. The hatred of the negro for the white man is complicated in these islands by the hatred of the poor for the rich. Great caution is necessary, for as things are going, the history of Santo Domingo may easily be repeated.”’ THE NETHERLANDS COLONIAL SYSTEM. In the Netherlands colonies, where a handful of Dutch officials govern 35,000,000 of people, the governor-general, who is appointed by the home government, has very large discretionary powers, and is responsible for his actions directly to the Sovereign of the Nether- lands. The framing of laws and regulations in Java is by a council composed of the governor-general and a nominated advisory board of five members, whose advice, however, the governor-general is not bound to follow if his views of policy do not coincide with theirs. These officials are in constant communication with the head of the department of colonies at The Hague, and the important laws and regulations are submitted to that department for consultation, advice, and final approval. The European officials, both in the home office and in the island, are carefully chosen and required to pass severe examinations in the history, geography, law, ethnology, and customs of the natives, and those who serve in the island must learn Malay and Javanese in order to be able to communicate with the natives with whom they come in contact. No effort is made to instruct the natives in the Dutch language. ‘‘All appointments,’’ says Ireland, “to the higher administrative posts in Java follow a rigid examination in the history, geography, and ethnology of the Dutch East Indies, the political and social institutions of the natives, and in the Malay and Javanese languages. The officials who are to be charged with the administration of justice must hold the degree of doctor of laws from one of the Dutch universities, and in addition pass exami- nations in Musselman Jaw and local common law.’’ The same writer, describing the form of government of the Netherlands colonies, gays: ‘‘The colonial system of Holland, or more correctly the system adopted by Holland in the government of Java, is undoubtedly, if measured by its general results, the most efficient type which exists. In its general outline it resembles the English Crown colonial system, but in most of its details it is superior to that system. The head of administration in Java is the governor-general, whose powers are almost as extensive as those of an absolute monarch. The extreme legislative and executive power rests in his person; he can declare war and conclude peace and negotiate treaties with the native princes of the Dutch East India posts. All offices are within his gift, and he can expel from his dominions any person who, in his opinion, is an enemy of public order. He is president of the Indian council, which consists of a vice-president and four nominated members. This body is an advisory one, except in regard to a few matters speci- 1228 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. poaken: fied in the laws relating to the colony; but the governor-general has the power of acting contrary to the advice of the council even on these specified subjects if he declares that the public interest demands it. The governor-general of Java is in facta viceroy. He is responsible to the Sovereign only for his actions, and the Sovereign can only proceed against him by impeachment before the Second Chamber of the States-General. The central government in Java is conducted, under the orders of the governor-general, by five officials called directors. They control, respectively, the departments of the interior, of finance, of education and trade, justice, and of public works. For administrative purposes the island is divided into twenty-two residencies, each under the control of a Dutch resident. Mach residency is divided into several regencies, administered by regents who are usually natives of high birth.” THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA. The method by which the British Government administers law and preserves order among 300,000,000 people of an entirely different nationality, climate, and condition, 6,000 miles from the home Government, maintaining a permanent and orderly government, promoting producc sm, commerce and manufactures, and developing roads, railways, irrigation systems, municipal organizations, and educational facilitics, is worthy a special and detailed study. Of the advance which has occurred under British administration, Morris, in his History of Colonization, 1900, says: “The progress of India has been expecially remarkable from a material point of view. Reforms in domestic conditions have aided agriculture and industry so that in spite of famine and pestilence the advance in both these pursuits has been enormous. The greater portion of these domains has long been free from war, the avowed struggle for conquest long ago ceased. * * * In public improycment, roads, telegraph and telephone service, as well as harbor facilities and interior waterways, India lately has been making phenomenal strides. The main obstacles to steady and unrestricted prosperity are the scourges of plague and famine. The task of the future is the introduction of proper sanitation, to accomplish which the deeply rooted prejudices of the native races must be overcome; but when that happy period shall arrive, the highest blessing conferred by European occupation will have been achieved. The problem of freedom from periodical starvation is of equally difficult solution, but the palliatives already well known are being provided in the extension of works of irrigation and the construction of railways.”’ The population of India, according to the census of 1901, is 294,266,701, including the so-called native States, practically all of which are now under the general supervision and control of the British Government. The total number of educational institutions in India is 149,948, including 169 colleges, the total attendance being 4,358,000. Of the boys of school age, 22 per cent now attend school. The laws are administered by 72 judges of high or chief courts, 1,818 judges of districts,courts, and 7,565 judges of subordinate courts. The total revenue raised is over 1,000,000,000 rupees, or upward of $300,000,000, and, to quote a distinguished officer of the Government in India, ‘‘ the whole cost of Indian administration and of public works and improvements is borne exclusively by the Indian taxpayer: Every rupee spent in British India, including the cost of the British army in India and His Majesty’s vessels in Indian waters, and every shilling spent in England on account of India, including military and civil charges there, and the cost of the Indian office is raised from the revenues of India.’’ The railways, according to an official report of April 30, 1901, aggregated 25,125 miles, of which 1,237 miles were added in 1900. The number of passengers carried by Indian railways in 1899 was 163,000,000. The telegraphs are 51,769 miles in length with 160,650 miles of wire; they handled in 1899, 5,500,000 paid messages. The postal system included in 1899, 29,122 post-offices and boxes, against 753 in 1856, and carried in 1899, 489,000,000 pieces of mail. The roads maintained by public authority aggregated 152,000 miles. The imports of 1899 were $297,000,000 and the exports $379,000,000, making India sixth in the list of great exporting countries of the world. The method by which the British administration of India is conducted at the seat of the home Government and in India is described by Sir W. W. Hunter, who served for many years in India, and has prepared an elaborate series of volumes discussing every detail of administrative, commercial, and physical conditions in that country, as follows: BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF INDIA. “The act of 1858, which transferred India from the company to the Crown, also laid down the scheme of its government. Under the company the governor-general was an autocrat, responsible only to the distant court of directors. The court of directors had been answerable to the shareholders or court of proprietors on one hand, and through the board of control to the Sovereign and Parliament on the other. The act of 1858 did away with these intermediary bodies between the governor-general and the British ministry. For the court of directors, the court of proprietors, and the board vf control it substituted a secretary of state, aided by a council appointed by the Crown. ‘The secretary of state for India is a cabinet minister, who comes into and goes out of office with the other members of the ministry. His council was originally appointed for life and consisted of fifteen persons. Its members are now appointed for ten years only, but may be reappointed for another five years for special reasons. Their number may also be diminished by the secretary of state by his abstaining from filling vacancies so long as the total shall not be reduced to fewer than ten members. The secretary of state rules in all ordinary matters through the majority of his council. But in affairs of urgency and in questions which belong to the secret department, including political correspondence, he is not required to consult his council. The viceroy or governor-general is appointed by the Crown and resides in India. His ordinary term of office is five years. ‘‘The supreme authority in India is vested by a series of acts of Parliament in the viceroy or governor-general-in-council, subject to the control of the secretary of state in England. Every executive order and every legislative statute runs in the name of the ‘governor- general-in-council,’ but in certain cases a power is reserved to the viceroy to act independently. The governor-general’s council is of a twofold character. ‘First, the ordinary or executive council, ordinarily composed of five official members besides the viceroy, and the commander in chief in India, which may be compared with the cabinet of a constitutional country. It meets regularly at short intervals, usually once a week, discusses and decides upon questions of foreign policy and domestic administration, and prepares measures for the legislative council. Its members divide among themselves the chief departments of state, such as those of foreign affairs, finance, war, public works, etc. The viceroy combines in his own person the duties of constitutional sovereign with those of prime minister, and usually has charge of the foreign department. As a rule, the viceroy is himself the initiating member of council for foreign and feudatory affairs. “Second, the legislative council, which is made up of the same members as the preceding, with the addition of the governor of the 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1229 province in which it may be held; certain officials selected by the governor-general from Bengal, Madras, Bombay, or other provinces, and nominated members, representative of the nonofticial native and European communities. The official additional members thus appointed to the legislative council must not exceed in number the nonofficials, and the number of the nominated additional members must now not exceed sixteen or be less than ten. The meetings of the legislative council are beld when and as required, usually once a week. They are open to the public, and a further guaranty for publicity is insured by the proviso that draft bills must be published a certain number of times in the Gazette. Asa matter of practice, these draft bills have usually been first subjected to the criticism of the several provincial governments. Provincial legislative councils have also been appointed for the presidencies of Madras and Bombay, and for the lieutenant-governorships of Bengal, and of the Northwestern provinces with Oudh. The members of these local legislative councils are appointed, in the case of Madras and Bombay, by the governors of those provinces; and in Bengal, and the Northwestern provinces with Oudh, by the lieutenant-governors, subject to the approval of the governor-general. The acts of these provincial legislative councils, which can deal only with provincial matters, are subject to sanction by the governor-general. / ‘‘An important act dealing with the legislative councils has recently been passed. By it the number of the nominated additional : members has been raised to not less than ten or more than sixteen for the governor-gencral’s legislative council; to not less than eight or more than twenty for the Madras and Bombay legislative councils, and to not more than twenty for the Bengal, or more than fifteen for the Northwestern provinces with Oudh, legislative councils. Further, by section 2 of this act power is given to the governor-general’s and to the local legislative councils to discuss the annual financial statements of the supreme and local governments, and to ask questions about them, but it is distinctly laid down that ‘no member * * * shall have power to submit or propose any resolution, or to divide the council in respect of any such financial discussion, on the answer to any question asked.’ The most important feature of the act is paragraph 4 of section 1: ‘The governor-general in council may, from time to time, with the approval of the secretary of state in council, make regulations as to the condititions under which such nominations, or any of them, shall be made by the governor-general, govern- ors, and lieutenant-governors, respectively, and prescribe the manner in which such regulations shall be carried into effect.’ Under this paragraph it becomes lawful for the viceroy to permit all or a certain proportion of the legislative councils to be elected by their fellow-citizens. ‘The presidencies of Madras and Bombay, and the lieutenant-governorships of Bengal and the Northwestern provinces, have each a high court, supreme both in civil and criminal business, but with an ultimate appeal to the judicial committee of the privy council in England. The chief justices of these high courts are appointed in England from among the distinguished leaders of the English bar, and the puisne judges are selected in certain proportions from the Indian civil service and from the English or the local bars. The legal capacity of the natives of India has long been recognized, and native judges sit upon the bench in all the high courts, and have proved thoroughly competent for their important duties. * * * “The law administered in the Indian courts consists mainly of—(1) the enactments of the Indian legislative councils (imperial and provincial) and of the corresponding legislative bodies which preceded them; (2) statutes of the British Parliament which apply to India; (3) the Hindoo and Mohammedan laws of inheritance, and their domestic law, in causes affecting Hindoos and Mohammedans; (4) the customary law affecting particular castes and races. Much has been done toward consolidating special sections of the Indian law, and in the Indian penal code, together with the codes of civil and criminal procedure, we have memorable examples of such efforts. “But although the governor-general in council is theoretically supreme over every part of India alike, his actual authority is not everywhere exercised in the same direct manner. For ordinary purposes of administration, British India is partitioned into provinces, each with a government of its own, and certain of the native States are attached to those provinces with which they are most nearly connected geographically. These provinces, again, enjoy various degrees of independence. The two presidencies of Madras and of Bom- bay, including Sind, retain many marks of their original equality with Bengal. They each have an army of their own. They are each administered by a governor appointed direct from England. They have each an executive and legislative council, whose functions are analogous to those of the councils of the governor-general, although subject to his control. They thus possess a domestic legislature; and in administrative matters, also, the interference of the governor-general in council is sparingly exercised. ‘Of the other provinces, Bengal, or rather Lower Bengal, occupies a peculiar position. Like the Northwestern provinces and the Punjab, it is administered by a «ingle official, with the style of lieutenant-governor, who is controlled by no executive council; but Bengal has possessed a legislative council, a sign of its early preeminence, since 1861, whereas the Northwestern provinces only obtained a legislative council in 1887.” A FRENCH VIEW OF THE SUBJECT. “One of the most difficult problems of colonization,” cays M. Leroy-Beaulieu, ‘‘is the mode of administering and governing the colonial establishments. Of all nations which have pursued a successful colonial policy there is perhaps not a single one which should have followed, on this point, a just aud constant policy and been able to escape the troubles which the majority of colonies so very often cause to the mother countries. But the teachings of history have brought about considerable modifications in the official doctrines, on the normal and permanent relations between full-grown colonies and their mother countries, and it is to be hoped that a juster and wiser policy will prevent, in the future, those catastrophes which colonial history presents for the past. “During the first period of colonization the thoughts of the colonists are turned exclusively toward the acquisition of wealth. The desire of saving and accumulating, which is everywhere one of the principal springs of national activity, is in the colonies almost the only motive of action. The pursuit of wealth is the almost only interest in the laborious existence of the settlers. Everybody is engaged in ceaseless work to obtain wealth; and since all are engaged in similar occupation and pursue the same object, the one that succeeds in becoming rich has the double honor of being, at the same time, the most powerful individual and of being regarded the most clever in the community. In the life of the colonist, filled as it is by the desire and hope of lucrative gain, no place is left for speculative thought; private life is to such an extent full of schemes, events, and efforts that nothing is left for public life; all the functions and dignities which constitute an object of envy in our old European societies are scorned and disdained by the first colonists as inconvenient burdens which might rob them of valuable time and form an obstacle for the acquisition of wealth—the only object of their thoughts and only goal of their efforts. During the early stage of colonization there prevails generally a striking equality between the people. Primary education being almost universal, whereas higher instruction is quite exceptional, the result is an identity of education which suppresses all class distinction. There is no place for the class of people so numerous in the old societies who, having a competence of old standing, holding aloof from all professions which have gain as their principal object, and versed in speculative disciplines, strive after the No. 4 6 ‘ 1230 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, administration of public affairs as the natural field reserved for their activity and intellect. During this first period of the colony the mother country is thus able to govern and administer without obstacle and control its new domain, secure of not exciting any complaint if it applies some moderation in its orders and skill in its decisions, for all that is wanted from it is that it establish security every where and not interfere in a vexatious manner with private interests. On these two conditions the administration of affairs of general interest is turned over to it without regret. “But even during this first period of colonization there is a limit to the action of the home government. This limit is put by the community which springs up, beginning with the first days of the colony, by dint of the simple juxtaposition of a number of farms, or eyen huts, and which, from the very first days, again clamors for the fullness of its functions and insists upon its independence being respected. The commune, just like the family, is an institution of the natural no less than the political order; it is the fundamental element of all civilization, and the more this element is being developed the stronger and more active will civilization be. This independence of the local community, whose usefulness has been proclaimed at all times by the most advanced and progreszive nations, is, in our opinion, even more indispensable for colonies than for other societies, and we dare cay that the degree of respect shown by the people for the attributions of municipal bodies is the best measure of their colonizing abilities. In the colonies, moreover, the local community has an importance not to be found anywhere else, because, in the state of growth and rapid progress peculiarly characteristic of a colony, municipal interests are more often at stake than in old societies which have attained a degree of stability which requires only a certain routine. An administrative tutelage will, therefore, prove infinitely more vexatious in the colonies than anywhere else, since its action will necessarily be more frequent, more apparent, and perceptible. Such a tutelage will at the same time be more difficult in practice, because of the wide extent of the territory, the diversity of conditions, and the variety and mobility of interests; it will, furthermore, be much more subject to error, owing to the lack of pregedents, the insufficiency and inexperience of the officials, almost all taken from outside the colonial ranks and lacking the knowledge of local circumstances and conditions. The colonists are, much more than the inhabitants of old countries, likely to resent the constant interference of an inexperienced administration. The interests of all at this stage of civilization being much more entangled and less distinct than during successive epochs, the authorities to ' which appeal from the errors and mistakes of subordinate officials might be taken being much farther away, communication being so much more difficult, and the time which is lost through formalities provided for hy a minute administration having much more value in young societies, all these circumstances would make administrative tutelage particularly obnoxious in the colonies. Of all institutions of the Old World this is the one whose importation is likely to prove most pernicious. Any nation which applies itself seriously to the task of colonization and which has the praiseworthy ambition of establishing in a new country a vigorous and progressive society, should permit municipal life to develop without fetters. * * * THE GOVERNMENT OF TROPICAL TERRITORY UNDER TWENTIETH CENTURY CONDITIONS. Mr. Benjamin Kidd, an English writer and student, expresses the opinion that in the government of tropical territory, in which the people of the governing country can not make permanent homes, the government should be largely conducted from the home country through the agency of a small but carefully selected and highly trained corps of officials in the governed territory, and that these in turn should carry out the details of government through the best element of the natives. In his work, The Control of the Tropics, 1898, he calls attention to the growing demand of all of the well-developed Temperate Zone countries for the products of the less developed ‘Tropics and the importance of a development of the producing powers of the Tropics, which will be followed ‘by a mutual interchange of their natural products for the manufactures of the Temperate Zone, and thus both sections and their people benefited. This development of the Tropics, he suggests, is likely to be accomplished by the people of the Temperate Zone nations, which have within the past quarter of a century obtained control of such vast tropical areas. Commenting upon the methods of government which may best be applied in view of the impracticability of distributing the population of a Temperate Zone country over large areas within the Tropics, he says: “During the last two decades of the nineteenth century nearly 5,000,000 square miles of the tropical regions of the world, or an area considerably greater than that of the whole of Europe, has been brought under the control of continental powers of Europe under the conception of colonial expansion. These regions continue to wait for the white colonists who will never come. But in the meantime the ruling instinct of the occupying power seems everywhere to be simply to fall back on the old idea of the factory or ‘the plantation—the estate to be worked for the profit of those who have taken possession. It is one of the gloomiest spectacles at the end of the nineteenth century, this railing off of immense regions in the Tropics under the policy which has suggested their acquirement, regions tending, in the absence of white colonists, to simply revert to the type of States worked for gain. * * * “If we inquire what the colonies are with which the British colonial office is concerned, we shall have presented to view a curious list. At the head of it comes the great self-governing ‘States like Canada, Victoria, New South Wales, South Australia, the Cape, Natal, New Zealand, and others, all colonies in the true sense of the word, offshoots of England in temperate regions of the world. * * * If we look farther down the list we have a strange medley—vast territories in tropical lands, acquired at various dates in the history of war and trade; countries inhabited by different races and governed under a variety of constitutions; regions representing every type of administrative problem—questions of war, of defense, of finance—which raise the whole modern policy of the Empire; questions of responsibility to weaker races; of the relations of the governing power to great systems of native jurisprudence and religion, which take us back to the very childhood of the world, and in which the first principle of successful policy is that we are dealing, as it were, with children. * * * TROPICAL LIFE NOT SUITED TO THE WHITE RACE. “The attempt to acclimatize the white man in the Tropics must be recognized to be a blunder of the first magnitude. All experiments based upon the idea are mere idle and empty enterprises foredoomed to failure. Excepting only the deportation of the African races under the institution of slavery, probably no other idea which has held the mind of our civilization during the past three hundred years has led to so much physical and moral suffering and degradation, or has strewn the world with the wrecks of so many gigantic enterprises. * * * HOW SHALL THE TROPICS BE GOVERNED? “The Trupies in such circumstances can only be governed ag atrust for civilization, and with a full sense of the responsibility which such a trust involves. The first principle of success in undertaking such a duty seems to the writer to be a clear recognition of the cardinal fact that in the Tropics the white man lives and works only as a diver lives and works under water. Alike in a moral, in an 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1231 ethical, and in a political senzc, the atmosphere he breathes must be that of another region, that which produced him, and to which he belongs. Neither morally, physically, nor politically can he be acclimatized in the Tropics. The people among whom he lives and works are often separated from him by thousands of years of development. He cannot, therefore, be allowed to administer government from any local or lower standard he may develop. If he has any right there at all, he is there in the name of civilization. If our civilization has any right there at all, it is because it represents higher ideals of humanity, a higher type of social order. This is the lesson which, slowly and painfully, and with many a temporary reversion to older ideas, the British people have been learning in India for the past fifty years, and which has recently been applied in other circumstances to the government of Egypt. Under a multitude of outward aspects, the one principle which separates the new era from the old in India, the influence of which has come to extend even to the habits and dress of the governing class, is the recognition of the fact that the standards according to which India must be governed have been developed and are nourished elsewhere. The one consistent idea, which, through all outward forms, has in late years been behind the institution of the higher Indian civil service on existing lines, is that, even where it is equally open to natives with Europeans through competitive examination, entrance to it shall be made through an English university. In other words, it is the best and moste distinct product which England can give, the higher ideals and standards of her universities, which is made to feed the inner life from which the British administration of India proceeds. It is but the application of the same principle which we have in the recognition of the fact that no violent hands must be laid on native institutions, or native rights, or native systems of religion, or even on native independence, so far as respect for existing forms is compatible with the efficient administration of the government. It is but another form of the recognition of the fact that we are in the midst of habits and institutions from which our civilization is separated by a long interval of development, where progress upward must be a long, slow process, must proceed on native lines, and must be the effect of the example and prestige and higher standards rather than the result of ruder methods. * * * BRING THE HOME GOVERNMENT INTO CLOSE TOUCH WITH THE COLONY. “In the case of regions whose inhabitants have made little progress toward the development of any social organization of their own, the government for the time being must be prepared for duties and responsibilities of a different kind from those undert@ken among ourselves, for not even under the protection of a civilized government can it be expected that in such cases the natives will develop the resources they have in charge under the principles of our Western individualism. But in this, as in all other matters, the one underlying principle of success in any future relationship to the Tropics is to keep thoce who administer the government which represents our civilization in direct and intimate contact with the standards of that civilization at its best and to keep the acts of the government itself within the closest range of that influence, often irksome, sometimes even misleading, but always absolutely vital—the continual scrutiny of the public mind at home. * * * TIE TROPICS MUST BE ADMINISTERED FROM THE TEMPERATE REGIONS. “The quastion that will therefore present itself for solution will be, How is the development and efficient administration of these regions to be secured? The ethical development that has taken place in our civilization has rendered the experiment once made to develop their resources by forced native labor no longer possible or permissible, if even possible. We have already abandoned, under pressure of experience, the idea which at one time prevailed that the tropical regions might be occupied and permanently colonized by European races, as vast regions in the temperate climes have been. Within a measurable period in the future and under pressure of experience we shall probably also have to abandon the idea, which has in like manner prevailed for a time, that the colored races, left to themselves, possess the qualities necessary to the development of the rich resources of the lands they have inherited, for a clearer insight into the laws which have shaped the course of huinan evolution must bring us to see that the process which has gradually developed the energy, enterprise, and social efficiency of the race northward, and which has left less richly endowed in this respect the peoples inhabiting the regions where the conditions of life are easiest, ix no passing accident or the result of circumstances changeable at will, but part of the cosmic order of things which we have no power; to alter. . “Tt would seemthat the solution which must develop itself under pressure of circumstances in the future is that the European races will gradually come to realize that the Tropics must be administered from the temperate regions. There is no insurmountable difficulty in the task. Even now all that is required to insure its success is a clearly defined conception of moral necessity. This, it would seem, must come under the conditions referred to, when the energetic races of the world, having completed the colonization of the temperate regions, are met with the spectacle of the resources of the richest regions of the earth still running largely to waste under inefficient management. * * * THE TROPICS MUST BE UTILIZED BY THE CIVILIZED WORLD. “It isto bz expected that as time goes on such object lessons as those of Indiaand keypt will not be without their effect on the minds of the European races. It will probably con.c to be recognized that experiments in developing the resources of regions unsuitable for European colonization, such as that now in progress in India, differ essentially both in character and spirit from all past attempts. It will probably be made clear, and that at no distant date, that the last thing our civilization is likely to permanently tolerate is the wasting of the resources of the richest regions of the earth through the lack of the elementary qualities of social efficiency in the races possessing them. The right of those races to remain in possession will be recognized, but it will be no part of the future conditions of such recognition that they shall be allowed to prevent the utilization of the immense natural resources which they have in charge. * * * ONLY ONE TEST OF SUPERIORITY OF RACES OR MEN. ‘Neither in respect alone of color, nor of descent, nor even of the possession of high intellectual capacity, can science give us any warrant for speaking of one race as superior to another. The evolution which man is undergoing is, over and above everything else, a social evolution. There is therefore but one absolute test of superiority. It is only the race possessing in the highest degree the qualities contributing to social efficiency that can be recognized as having any claim to superiority. : “But these qualities arc not, as a rule, of the brilliant order, nor such as strike the imagination. Ocsupying a high place among them are such characteri-tics as strength and energy of character, humanity, probity and integrity, and simple-minded devotion to conceptions of duty in such circumstances as may arixe. Those whe incline to attribute the very wide influence which the English-speaking peoples have come to exercise in the world to the Machiavelian schemes of their rulers are often very wide of the truth. This influen:ecis to a 1232 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, large extent due to qualities not at all of ashowy character. It is, for instance, a fact of more than superficial significance, and one worth remembering, that in the South American Republics, where the British peoples move among a mixed crowd of many nationalities, the quality which has come to be accepted as distinctive of them is simply ‘the word of an Englishman.”’ In like manner it is qualities such as humanity, strength, and uprightness of character and devotion to the immediate calls of duty without thought of brilliant ends and ideal results which have largely contributed to render British rule in India successful when similar experiments elsewhere have been disastrous. It is to the exercise of qualities of this class that we must also chiefly attribute the success which has so far attended the political experiment of extraordinary difficulty which England has undertaken in Egypt. And it is upon just the same qualities, and not upon any ideal schemes for solving the social problem, that we must depend to carry us safely through the social revolution which will be upon us in the twentieth century, and which will put to the most severe test which it has had yet to endure the social efficiency of the various sections of the Western peoples.” THE CROWN COLONY SYSTEM. DISCUSSION OF ITS PRINCIPLES BY A PROMINENT PARTICIPANT IN ITS CREATION—EARL GREY’S FAMOUS LETTER TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL IN DEFENSE OF THE CROWN COLONY SYSTEM. The ‘‘Crown colony’ system, by which the home government or ‘“‘Crown’’ names the administrative officers and at least a part of the law-making body in the colony, is applied in a more or less modified form to the government of 485,000,000 out of the total 500,090,000 people governed under the general title of colonies, dependencies, or protectorates. In the latter the governing and law- making powers are entirely named by or within the direction of the home government; but in general terms it may safely be said that the English crown colony system is approved and accepted in its general principles and methods by nearly all colonizing governments other than"the English, and is thus the general basis of the government of a very large proportion of the 500,000,000 people living under a colonial form of government. It seems not improper, therefore, in closing this discussion of the general plans by which government of colonies is administered by the home government and in the colony, to present in detail the reasons which led to the final adoption of this system by the British Government. These are presented with great care and detail by Earl Grey, who was secretary of state for the colonial department during Lord John Russell’s administration, under which the system was largely formulated. This discussion, although written in 1853, is still considered by English authorities on colonial matters as a standard presentation of the principles upon which the present colonial system of England is founded. The following is from the opening chapter of that remarkable work, which consists of a series of letters by Earl Grey, addressed to Lord John Russell: EARL GREY TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL. I consider that the British Colonial Empire ought to be maintained, principally because I do not consider that the nation would be justified in throwing off the responsibility it has incurred by the acquisition of this dominion, and because I believe that much o? the power and influence of this country depends upon its having large colonial possessions in different parts of the world. COLONIES AS ALLIES OF THE NATION, The possession of a number of steady and faithful allies in various quarters of the globe will surely be admitted to add greatly to the strength of any nation, while no alliance between independent States can be so close and intimate as the connection which unites the colonies to the United Kingdom as parts of the great British Empire. Nor ought it to be forgotton that the power of a nation does not depend merely on the amount of physical force it can command, but rests, in no small degree, upon opinion and moral influence. In this respect British power would be diminished by the loss of our colonies to a degree which it would be difficult to estimate. Hence, if it is an advantage, not for the sake of domineering over other countries but with a view to our own security, to form part of a powerful nation rather than of a weak one (and, considering the many examples we have seen of the injustice to which weak ones are compelled to submit, this can hardly admit of a question), it seems to follow that the tie which binds together all the different and distant portions of the British Empire, so that their united strength may be wielded for their common protection, must be regarded as an object of extreme importance to the interests of the mother country and her dependencies. To the latter it is no doubt of far greater importance than to the former, because, while still forming comparatively small and weak communities, they enjoy, in return for their allegiance to the British Crown, all the security and consideration which belong to them as members of one of the most powerful States in the world. No foreign power ventures to attack or interfere with the smallest of them, while every colonist carries with him to the remotest quarters of the globe which he may visit in trading or other pursuits that protection which the character of a British subject everywhere confers, and can depend, in any difficulties or under any oppression to which he may be exposed, on the assistance of Her Majesty’s diplomatic and consular servants, supported, if necessary, by the whole power of the Empire. NATIONAL RESPONSIBILITY FORBIDS THEIR ABANDONMENT. But I should regard it as a very unworthy mode of considering this subject if it were to be looked at with a view only to the interests of this country, as that word is usually understood. I conceive that by the acquisition of its colonial dominions the nation has incurred a responsibility of the highest kind, which it is not at liberty to throw off. The authority of the British Crown is at this moment the most powerful instrument, under Providence, of maintaining peace and order in many extensive regions of the earth, and thereby assists in diffusing amongst millions of the human race the blessings of Christianity and civilization. Supposing it were clear (which I am far from admitting) that a reduction of our national expenditure (otherwise impracticable) to the extent of a few hundred thousand a year could be effected by withdrawing our authority and protection from our numerous colonies, should we be justified, for the sake of such a saving, in taking this step, and thus abandoning the duty which seems to have been cast upon us? It is to be remembered that if we adopted this policy we must be prepared for very serious consequences which would undoubtedly result from it. Some few only of these I will mention. No one acquainted with the actual state of society in the West India Islands, and the feelings prevalent among the different classes of their inhabitants, can doubt that, if they were left unaided by us to settle amongst themselves in whose hands power should be placed, a fearful war of color would probably soon break out, by which the germs of improvement now existing there would be destroyed, and civilization would be thrown back for centuries. In Ceylon a similar result would follow. Its native races are utterly incapable of pores eee apd yet they certainly would not submit to be ruled by the mere handful of Europeans who have settled among them, if this small body were unsupported by British power. The great wealth which within the last few years has been created in this island would be destroyed, and the most hopeless anarchy would take place of 1901.) COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1233 that security which now exists, and under the shelter of which such promising signs of improvement are beginning to appear. Even in New Zealand, although I have little doubt that the colonists of European descent would be found capable of establishing a government under which they might eventually rise to prosperity, yet we could scarcely hope to see this effected without a series of contests with the native inhabitants, in which the latter would in the end be destroyed, but not until they had inflicted and suffered an almost equal amount of misery. On the west coast of Africa there is at this moment a far more encouraging prospect than at any previous time. The efforts which have been so long made to improve the negro race seem to be at length beginning to produce important results, and a great change for the better may be looked for. Butif we take up a new policy, and abandon our positions on the African coast, the slave trade will again revive in the extensive territory within reach of our settlements, where it has now been extirpated and has given place toa legitimate commerge which is daily becoming more important. THE FINANCIAL AND COMMERCIAL VIEW. To say nothing of the higher motives, and of the duty which I conceive to be no less obligatory upon nations than upon individuals, _ of using the power and the advantages intrusted to them by Providence to advance the welfare of mankind, I would ask whether, even* in mere money, there would not be something to set off against the saving of expense from the abandonment of our colonies? On the other side of the account we have to put the destruction of British property which would thus be occasioned, and the annihilation of lucrative branches of cur commerce, by allowing anarchy and bloodshed to arrest the peaceful industry which now creates the means of paying for the British goods consumed daily in larger quantities by the numerous and yarious populations now emerging from barbarism under our protection. It is true there are several of our colonies to which the last observations do not directly apply, but the policy of abandoning a part of our colonial empire could scarcely be adopted without giving so great a shock to the feeling of confidence and security in the remainder as greatly to increase the difficulty of maintaining it; and I must add that it appears to me very doubtful whether even the colonies most capable of governing themselves, and which have no uncivilized tribes to deal with from whom any danger could be apprehended, would not for some time have much difficulty in maintaining their present state of tranquillity and security, both externally and internally, if their connection with the mother country were suddenly dissolved. MINIMUM CONTROL BY THE HOME GOVERNMENT RECOMMENDED. If the reasons which I have just stated for maintaining the connection between this country and the British colonies are admitted to be sound, it will follow as a necessary inference that two very plain rules as to the terms on which that connection should be continued may be laid down. in the first place, I think it will clearly follow that this country has no interest whatever in exercising any greater influence in the internal affairs of the colonies than is indispensable either for the purpose of preventing any one colony from adopting measures injurious to another or to the Empire at large, or else for the promotion of the internal good government of the colonies by assisting the inhabitants to govern themselves when sufiiciently civilized to do so with advantage, and by providing a just and impartial administration for those of which the population is too ignorant and unenlightened to manage its own affairs. While it was our policy to maintain a monopoly of the trade of the colonies, it was necessary for the home Government to exercise a considerable control over their internal administration, because otherwise this monopoly would certainly have been evaded, and accordingly it will be found on looking back at the earlier history of our colonies (especially those which now constitute the United States), that the interference of the servants of the Crown in their internal affairs and the differences which that interference occasioned arose almost entirely from the endeavor to uphold the commercial system then in force. The abandonment of that system has removed the necessity for this interference. Secondly, I think it will follow that when this country no longer attempts either to levy a commercial tribute from the colonies by a system of restriction, nor to interfere needlessly in their internal affairs, it has a right to expect that they should take upon themselves a larger proportion than heretofore of the expenses incurred for their advantage. ‘GOVERNMENT FROM DOWNING STREET.”’ I would observe with regard to the vague declamation on the absurdity of attempting to govern the colonies from Downing street, of which we have heard so much, that it would undoubtedly be m the highest degree absurd to attempt to govern from Downing street, if this is to be understood in the sense of directing from thence all the measures of the local authorities; but Iam not aware that such an attempt has at any period of our history been thought of. On the other hand, it is obvious that if the colonies are not to become independent states, some kind of authority must be exercised by the Government at home. It will conduce to a clearer understanding of the subject to consider by what means any control over its dependencies is now practically maintained by the mother country, and to what extent that control ought to be carried. HOW AUTHORITY OF THE HOME GOVERNMENT IS EXERCISED. The authority of the home Government over the colonies is exercised mainly in two ways; first, by the appointment of governors, and, secondly, by sanctioning or disallowing the measures of the local governments, of which these officers are at the head. It is also exercised sometimes, but much more rarely, by prescribing measures for their adoption. With regard to the selection of governors, though I am aware that a contrary opinion has sometimes been expressed, it appears to me clear that if we are to haye colonies at all, the appointment of their governors must necessarily be retained by the Crown, since I do not perceive by what other means any real authority or control could be exercised over the executive government of the colonies by the advisers of the Crown. But though the governors of colonies ought, in my opinion, always to be named by the Crown (and, looking to the consequences of Presidential elections in the United States, I believe that the advantage to the colonies of having persons entirely unconnected with local parties thus appointed to these situations can not easily be overrated), the nature and extent of the powers intrusted to the governors, and consequently the character of the colonial governments, must differ widely in different cases. In the settlements on the west coast of Africa the governors substantially exercise both executive and legislative authority, limited only by an appeal to the home Government. In Canada a representative assembly has not only the chief power of legislation, but also virtually a large share of executive authority, since the members of the executive council are required to possess its confidence. Between these two extremes there are many inter- mediate degrees of more or less power being exercised by the governors of different colonies. DEGREE OF CONTROL. The degree of control to be exercised over the local authorities by the secretary of state, as the organ of the home Government, ought obviously to depend very much on the greater or less amount of power with which the governors of different colonies are invested. In a colony like Canada, where representative institutions have attained their full development, and the governor is aided in his administrative duties by ministers who are required to possess the confidence of the legislature, exceedingly little interference on the part of the Government at home seems to be required. In colonies where this system of government is in successful operation, the home Government should, in my opinion, attempt little (except in those rare cases where imperial interests or the honor of the Crown are affected by local measures or proceedings), beyond advising the colonial authorities and checking, so as to give an opportunity for further reflection any ill-considered and hasty measures they may be inclined to adopt. Practically I believe that the influence which can thus be exercised through a judicious governor is very considerable, and may be of great service to the colonies. In the strife of parties which prevail in all free governments, the existence of an impartial authority serves to check the too great violence with which political con- 1234 COLOXIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrosrr, tests are sometimes carried on, and the experience and position of a minister of the Crown in this country enable him frequently to offer usefui advice to the colonial legislatures. There are other colonies in which representative institutions exist, but in a form suited to a less advanced stage of society, and where the governor consequently is called upon to exercise considerably more power than under the system to which 1 have just adverted; and there are other colonies, again, in which no such institutions yet exist. GOVERNING THE GOVERNORS. In proportion as governors are more independent of any local control, it becomes necessary that some. should be exercised over them from home; and in those ersonies where they are unchecked by any kind of representative institutions, it is the duty of the secre- tary of state to maintain a vigilant superintendence over their proceedings. Although he ought, as I conceive, to abstain from any meddling interference in the details of their administration, and to support their authority so long as they appear to deserve his con- fidence, and rather to advise their recall when they cease to do so than to fetter their discretion by detailed instructions, he is yet bound to attend to complaints which may be made against their measures, and to prescribe for their guidance the general line of policy to be pursued. LEGISLATIVE CONTROL. These rules, as to the degree of interference to be exercised by the secretary of state, are equally applicable to the legislative and executive measures of the local authorities in the colonies; but while I am of opinion that the authority of the Crown, of which the sec- retary of state is the depositary, should be used in all cases with great caution, and in colonies possessing representative institutions with extreme forbearance, I can not concur with those who would prohibit all interference on the part of the home Government in the internal affairs of the colonies. It seems to-haye been overlooked, by those who insist that such interference must always be improper and who would adopt without any qualification the rule that the colonies should be left to govern themselves, that this would in some cases imply leaving a dominant party, perhaps even a dominant minority, to govern the rest of the éommunity without check or control. DUTY TO THE COLONY. To permit the government of a distant colony to be so carried on, notwithstanding the oppression or corruption which might be known to exist, would in general be for the eage and advantage of the ministers of the day, but would not be consistent with any but a very low view of the duties belonging to the responsible advisers of the Sovereign of this great Empire. In point of fact, it has not unfre- quently happened that the absence of difficulty in some parts of-our colonial administration has arisen, not from its merits, but from its faults. For instance, so long-as the home Government took no thought of the condition of the Negro population of the West Indies, it met with no opposition from the assemblies of Jamaica and the other West Indian colonies; but when, urged on by public opinion in this country and by the House of Commons, the Government undertook to give effect first to the resolutions of 1823 for the amelioration of the condition of the slaves and ultimately to the act of emancipation, it found itself placed in a position of antagonism to the dominant class in these-colonies, the difficulties arising from which are not yet by any means at an-end. Yet it was clearly the duty of the Imperial Government not to leave the population of these colonies to the unrestricted disposal of the local governments, and in this respect at least the discontent engendered by the interference of the home Government was the discontent of the dominant few (who can alone make themselves heard in this country) at interference exercised for the protection of the helpless and ignorant many. Even now, in the former slave colonies which possess representative institutions, {he body of the population does not practically exercise such an influence in the assemblies as to exempt the advisers of the Crown from the duty of keeping a watchful eye upon the proceedings of the legislatures for the purpose of checking any attempts which might be made to pass laws bearing unfairly on the laboring classes. DUTY TO THE HOME GOVERNMENT. But even where the interference of the home Government is not necessary for the protection of a part of the population too ignorant or too weak to protect itseH, there is another consideration which may require the exercise of some control over the proceedings of the local governments with regard to the interna] affairs of the colonies.. Every act of these governments, whether legislative or executive, is done in the name and ‘by the authority of the Sovereign; hence the honor of the Crown, which it is of the highest importance to the whole Empire to maintain unimpaired, must be compromised by any injustice or violation of good faith which it has the power to prevent being committed by the local authorities. It is therefore the duty of those by whom the Imperial Government is conducted and to whom, as the responsible servants of the Crown, its honor is intrusted to take care that this honor docs not suffer by the Sovereign’s being made a party to proceedings involving a departure from the most scrupulous justice and good faith toward individuals or toward particular classes of the inhabitants of any of our colonies. NONINTERFERENCE IN LOCAL AFFAIRS. In the colonies which are the most advanced in civilization and in the exercise of the powers of self-government it is not superfluous to insist on this consideration. On the contrary, it is in colonies having popular forms of government that there is perhaps most danger that in the excitement of party contests, to which such governments are peculiarly liable, measures not consistent with strict justice may sometimes be attempted and may require to be checked by the authority of the Crown intrusted to the secretary of state. Any inter- ference on the part of that minister with measures of purely internal administration in the colonies to which I am now adverting is to be deprecated, except in very special circumstances, the occurrence of which must be exceedingly rare; but I am convinced that it may sometimes be called for, and that it is therefore expedient to trust, for averting the evils and the dangers which must arise from an improper interference by the home Government with the local administration, rather to the discretion with which the powers now vested in the Crown are exercised than to a limitation of these powers by new legal restrictions. In particular I should regard it as in the highest degree unadvisable to adopt the proposal that has been made to take away, so far as regards certain classes of laws, the general power which the Crown now possesses of disallowing all acts or ordinances passed by the colonial legislatures. : I haye little doufbt that the propriety of regulating the amount of control to be exercised by the secretary of state over the measures of the local authorities by the greater or less infusion of popular power in the constitutions of the several colonies will be generally recog- nized. It remains to be considered what steps ought to Le taken for the establishment of representative institutions where they do not now exist, or for improving them where they exist only in an imperfect form. On this head, also, I think there can be little difficulty in determining the principles which ought to be acted upon, although there will be a good deal more in their practical application. REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS WITEREVER PRACTICABLE. Keeping steadily in view that the welfare and civilization of the inhabitants of the colonies and the advantage which the Empire at large may derive from their prosperity are the only objects for which the retention of these dependencies is desirable, and believing also that there can be no doubt as to the superiority of free a to those of an opposite character, as instruments for promoting the advancement of communities in which they can be made to work with success, I consider it to be the obvious duty and interest of this country to extend representative institutions to every one of its dependencies where they have not vet been established, and where this can be done with safety; and also to take every opportunity of giving increased development to such institutions where they already 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, 12355 exist, but in an imperfect form. But I believe that in some cascs representative governments could not safely be created, and also that the same form of representative institutions is by no means applicable to colonies in different stages of social progre:+. The principal bar to the establishment of representative governments in colonies is their being inhabited by a population of which a large proportion ig a of European race, and has not made such progress in civilization as to be capable of exercising with advantage the privileges of self-government. Of such colonies Ceylon affords the best example. The great majority of its inhabitants are Asiatics, very low in the scale of civilization, and having the character and habits of mind which have from the earliest times prevented popular governments from taking root and flourishing among the nations of the East. Amidst a large population of this description there are settled, for the most part as temporary residents engayed in commerce or agriculture, .a mere handful of Europeans and a larger number (but still very few in comparison with the whole population) of inhabitants of a mixed race. In such a colony the establishment of representative institutions would be in the highest degree inexpedient. Ji they were established in such a form as to confer power upon the great body of the people, it must be obvious that the experiment would be attended with great danger, or rather with the certainty of failure. 1, on the other hand, the system of representation were so contrived as to exclude the bulk of the native population from real power, in order to vest it inthe hands of the European minority, an exceedingly narrow oligarchy would be created, a form of government which experience certainly does not show to be favorable to the welfare of the governed. Were a representative assembly constituted in Ceylon, which * should posxess the powers usually intrusted to such a body, and in which the European merchants and planters and their agents had the ascendancy, it can hardly be supposed that narrow views of class interests would not exercise greater influence in the Icgislation of the colony than a comprchensive consideration of the general good. To anticipate that this would be the effect of placing a large measure of power In the hands of a small minority implies no unfavorable opinion of the character and intelligence of the European inhalitants of Ceylon, but only a belief that they would act as men placed in such a situation have generally been found to do. In Mauritius, Trinidad, Santa Lucia, and Natal a somewhat similar state of things exist; for although the preponderance of the uncivilized races in these colonies is far less overwhelming than in Ceylon, still, taking into account the immigrants from India and Africa (whose welfare is entitled to especial consideration), the inhabitants of European origin are but a fraction of the whole population. Hence it appears to me that the surrender of a large portion of the powers now exercised by the servants of the Crown, and the establishment of representative legislatures, would not be calculated to insure the administration of the government upon principles of justice and of an enlightened regard for the welfare of all classes in these communities. This end may, I believe, be far better attained by maintaining for the present in these colonies the existing system of government, of which it would be a great mistake to suppose that, because the inhabitants are not entitled to elect any of the nembers of the legislatures, it provides no securities against abuse. THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENS IN THE COLONIES HAVE MANY SAFEGUARDS. Other influences are brought to bear upon the government of these colonies, which answer many of the objects of a legislature of a Tepresentative character. In the first place, in all of them, the press is perfectly free. The newspapers comment upon all the measures of the Government, not only with entire liberty, but with the most unbounded license and the force both of local opiuion, and also, to aconsiderable degree, of opinion in this country, is thus brought to bear upon all the measures of theadministration. very inhabitant of the colonies is alsu entitled freely to address to the secretary of state any complaints or remarks he may think proper on the measures of the local authorities, subject only to the rule that such letters shall be transinitted through the hands of the governor (who is bound to forward them}, in order that he may at the same time send such explanations on the subject as appear to him to be called for. This privilege is largely exercised, and is the means of supplying much useful information. It is hence impossible that the secretary of state ean be kept in ignorance of any errors or abuses committed by ihe local authorities, while if he fails to interfere when he ought, he can not himself escape the censure of Parliament. The greatly increased facilities of intercourse with the colonies have of late years effected a great practical alteration in the position of colonial governors; and, whatever may have been the case formerly it undoubtedly can not be alleged that Parliament is now indifferent to what goes on in the colonies, or that faults, real of imaginary, which may be committed in the administration of their affairs can hcpe to escape the ever-ready criticism of an opposition eager to find matter for objection to the government of the day. Perhaps some persons may think that this disposition has been carried too far for the real interest of the colonies. In thee colonies there exist also legislative councils consisting partly of persons filling the chief offices of the government, partly of some of the principal inhabitants, who, though named to their seats in the legislature by the authority of the Crown, and not by popular election, are yct in the habit of acting with great freedom, and practically express to a considerable extent the opinion of the class to which they belong. It was my object, while I held the seals of the colonial department, without relinquishing the power possessed by the Crown, gradually to bring these legislative bodies more under the influence of the opinion of the intelligent and educated inhabitants of these colonies. With this view, in one or two cases, the proportion of unofficial to official members was augmented, and the practice was everywhere introduced of requiring the whole expenditure to be provided for by ordinances discussed and passed by the legislative council; these ordinances being founded on estimates prepared and submitted to the ijegislature by the governor, and published for general information. In general th fixed establishment of the colonial governments is provided for by permanent laws, and that part of the expenditure which is of a more fluctuating character by ordinances passed annually, every charge on the colonial revenue being required to have, in one form or the other, the sanction of the legislature. This regulation was adopted, under my instructions, in all the colonies to which I am now referring, in place of the very lax and irregular practice previously prevailing in some of them, by which the only authority for a large proportion of their expenditure consisted of instructions given by the secretary of state, with the concurrence of the treasury. The publicity given to the estimates and accounts of the colonial expenditure, and the rule that, except in cases of great emergency, the drafts of all proposed ordinances should be published efore being passed, have enabled the colonists to bring under the consideration of the governors and the legislative councils, and ultimately to the secretary of state, any objections they have entertained to proposed ordinances or financial arrangements. Every encouragement has been given to them to make known their opinions freely, both to the local and home governments; and the most careful consideration has been given to their views, especially when these have been stated by chambers of commerce or municipal bodies, the advice and assistance of which int he administration of colonial affairs are, in my judgment, of the highest value. These are as effective securities as in the present state of these colonics I believe to be attainable for insuring their good governre- nt; put I conceive that gradually to prepare them fora more popular system of government ought to be one of the principal objects of the policy adopted toward them, and it is one of which I never lost sight. It was more particularly with this view that I endeavored, whenever practicable, to create a system of municipal organization, entertaining a strong conviction that the exercise of the powers usually intrusted to municipal bodies is the best training that a population can have for the right use of a larger measure of political power. APPOINTMENTS IN THE COLONIES. These obrervations on the general principles which ought to govern our colonial administration would be incomplete without adding some remarks upon the important subject of patronage. It is commonly believed that one of the principal objects for which the colonies are retained is the patronage which they are supposed to afford. It is impossible to conceive a greater delusion. It is now many years since the colonies have afforded to the home Governinent any patronage which can be of value to it as a means of influence in domestic politics. Since Parliament has ceased to provide, except in a very few special cases, for any part of the expense of the civil government of the colonies the colonists have naturally expected that offices paid for by themselves should be filled up by the selection of persons trom their own body when this can be done without inconvenience. Accordingly offices in the colonies haye for a consider- able time been for the most part practically disposed of by the governors. It is true that these offices, when their value exceeds £200 a year, are in general nominally at the disposal of the secretary of state, and when vacancies oecur can only he filled up by the 1226 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocroner, 1901.] governors, subject to the confirmation of the Crown signified by that minister. But in the great majority of cases the recommendation of the governors is accepted as a matter of course; the patronage, therefore, is in effect exercised by them, and offices are filled up by the appointment of colonists. ‘This practice prevails more or less completely in different colonies, according to circumstances. In the North American colonies appointments may be said to have been for a long time given exclusively to residents, and in the other colonies having temperate climates and a European population they have been chiefly so, perhaps with fewer exceptions, than would have been for the real advantage of the colonies themselves. 1 say with fewer exceptions than would have been for the real advantage of the colonies themselves, because until they reach an advanced stage in their progress I believe that the appointment to some of the principal offices in the colonies of persons not selected from the narrow circle of their own inhabitants and imbued with the peculiar feelings and opinions which are apt to prevail in such communities, but chosen from among the well-educated gentlemen of the mother country, is calculated greatly to improve the tone of colonial society and to prevent it from gradually degenerating from the standard of manners and acquirements to which we are accustomed at home. It is also an advantage in small societies, as tending to mitigate the bitterness of that party spirit which is so often their bane, that some of the offices of most importance should be filled up by persons from a distance, not connected with any of the small knots and cliques into which such societies usually become divided; while the interchange of appointments between different colonies not only answers this object, but tends also to keep up among them a feeling of connection with each other and with the Empire of which all form a part. These remarks apply more especially to judicial appointments, which I believe it would be wise, as a general rule. to fill up from the bar of the mother country, or of other colonies, until the colonies have inade a considerable advance in wealth and population. For these reasons it seems to me in the highest degree inexpedient that a transfer of patronage from the Crown to any colonial authorities should be formally made. ‘The existing arrangement enables the secretary of state occasionally to depart from the restricted field of selection for important offices afforded by the society of the particular colony, though practically this can be done very rarely; while the necessity imposed upon the governor of reporting the reasons for his recommendations to vacant offices, and obtaining the confirmation of the secretary of state for the provisional appointment he may make, affords no unimportant check on any abuse of the patronage thus exercised, especially as those candidates for employment whose claims have not been admitted by the governor have the right of bringing their case, by letters sent through his hands, under the consideration of the secretary of state. in the tropical climates, where the number of residents of European race is comparatively small and the colonial society affords a still narrower field of selection, appointments are rather more frequently made from home, but even in these colonies the more important and lucrative situations are usually filled by the promotion of those who have held inferior appointments; and it is desirable for the encouragement of the civil servants of the Government that this course should in general be followed, though no positive or invariable rule can be laid down, and it is sometimes of great advantage to depart from the usual practice. The above observations apply to all appointments under the rank of lieutenant-governor, or president, administering the government of a colony, and the effect of the practice I have described, which has been followed for some years by successive secretaries of state, has been to reduce the number of appointments really at the disposal of this minister within limits so narrow as to render the patronage an object of no importance as a means of obtaining political support for an administration. Governors and lieutenant-governors, it is true, are invariably appointed by the Crown, on the advice of the secretary of state, but this patronage can only be looked upon as a source of difficulty and anxiety. The welfare of every colony and the alternative of success or failure in administering its affairs are so mainly dependent upon the choice of a governor that I can hardly believe that any secretary of state, even if he were insensible to all higher motives than a regard for his own interest and reputation, would willingly be guided in his selection by any consideration except that of the qualifications of the individual preferred. At the same time the advantages of these appointments are not such as to lead to their being often accepted by persons who have much distinguished themselves by the ability they have shown; so that the seivices of men who have filled other important offices, and who would therefore be preferred for such situations, can not be commanded. Hence the choice generally lies among persons of less tried fitness, QUESTION Il. WHAT SHARE OF THE ADMINISTRATION WITHIN THE COLONY IS CONDUCTED BY REPRESENTATIVES OF THE HOME * GOVERNMENT, AND WHAT SHARE IS INTRUSTED TO THE NATIVES IN CONJUNCTION WITH REPRESENTATIVES OF THE HOME GOVERNMENT? The fact that the native population in the tropical colonies of the world is many hundred times as great as that representing the home government either by birth or direct descent illustrates the importance of this question. To answer it there must be taken into account not merely the number of each class now actually employed in the various successful or unsuccessful colonies of the world, but the duties assigned to each, or at least to each class. This question of the division of labor and official duty between the natives and representatives of the home government becomes more important year by year as the control of the great nations of the temperate zone is extended more and more over tropical territory, where methods of government have not made the advance which characterizes thore of the temperate zone. The indisposition of the native of the temperate-zone countries to locate permanently in or colonize, in the proper sense of the term, the tropical territory brought under control of his government adds to the necessity of relying to a great extent upon native cooperation in the details of administration and enforcement of law. At the same time the ever-increasing facilities for communication by wire and by mail, and for transportation of military forces in case of necessity, renders it practicable to administer government in territory of this character thrcugh a smaller number of representatives of the home government as these facilities for quick communication multiply. This question, like all other questions pertaining to the management of colonies, can probably be best answered by a study of the methods adopted by the countries which have had long experience in colonization, and which may properly be supposed to have adopted their present methods as those best suited, not alone to their convenience as a nation, but to the welfare of the people whom they are thus governing. 3 SMALL EUROPEAN POPULATION IN TROPICAL COLONIES. In the self-governing colonies it goes without saying that practically all officers are either natives of or descended from natives of the governing country. In all newly acquired territory it is also apparent that government must be temporarily conducted through the military or through oflicers with semimilitary power, who receive their instructions from the home Government and are supplied with a sufficient force to execute these laws and regulations. It is especially with reference to the tropical territory which has been a suflicient length of time under the temperate-zone governments to enable them to settle upon and adopt a permanent form of administration and determine the share of the administration which shall be allotted to the natives that this inquiry is made. Here again the experiences of England, Netherlands, and France in the East and West Indies, respectively, afford the most important and valuable lessons. IN THE BRITISH COLONIES. In India, according to Sir George Chesney, ‘‘there are now altogether only about 750 British officials (excluding English officers in the police), including military men in civil employment and a few others engaged in civil administration, or about one to every quarter of a million people. Besides these the higher judicial and executive service comprises about 2,600 officials, of whom, according to the latest returns, only 35 are Englishmen not domiciled in India. Four-fifths of these are Hindoos; the remainder are Mohammedans. Under this class comes the subordinate civil service of India, including about 110,000 persons, with salaries of about 100 rupees and upward, of whom 97 per cent are natives of India.” The International Geography, edited by H. R. Mill, New York, 1900, has the following: ‘‘Taking into account the 75,000 British troops and all the professional and mercantile population of that race, the proportion is 1 Briton to 3,000 Indians. In the service of the state, irrespective of the 800 British officials occupying the more responsible posts, and the whole of the subordinate staff, which is Indian, no less than 97 per cent are natives of thecountry.’’ The Statesman’s Year-Book of 1901 says that ‘‘nearly all the civil judgesand a great majority of the magistrates of original jurisdiction are natives of India, while in Bengal, Madras, and Bombay the proportion of natives sitting in the appellate courts is considerable;’’ and adds that ‘‘the Indian army now consists of 74,000 European and 140,000 native soldiers.” In Ceylon the total number of English is but about 6,000 and the population 3,000,000. In the Malayan Peninsula the proportion of English to natives is about the same. In the Dutch East Indies, where 35,000,000 natives are governed, the total number of male ‘‘ Europeans and persons assimilated to them”? was in 1896, according to the Statesman’s Year-Book, }ut 35,600, and asa large share of these are engaged in mercantile and financial pursuits or the management of plantations, it is apparent that the number of officials who are natives of the governing country must be relatively small, and that a very large share of the details of government of these 25,000,000 people must necessarily be in the hands of natives. In the West Indian colonies, also, a comparatively small proportion of the officials are natives of the governing country. In Jamaica, for instance, according to the Colonial Office List, only 2 per cent of the inhabitants are white; the remainder are chiefly of African descent, four-fifths being pure Negroes. In British Guiana, out of a total population of 180,000, less than 5,000 were Europeans other than Portuguese, including all occupations and representatives of the various European countries. In British Honduras, out of a total population of over 31,000, about 500 are of European descent. No. 4 q i to 3 oe 1238 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocroznr, IN THE FRENCH COLONIES, The French distribute their own officials more liberally in the colonies in proportion to the population than do the English or Dutch, and this is commented upon by some students of ang writers upon colonial subjects as disadvantageous rather than otherwise. Mr. Poultney Bigelow, in his Children of the Nations, 1901, calls attention to the fact that in French Guiana the official head was changed on an average more frequently than once in-two years during the forty-six years from 1817 to 1863, and that in a population numbering only 20,000 altogether there were 1,000 government officials, and this not counting soldiers or sailors. ‘‘The Frenchman,” he says, ‘fis a brave soldier and his fellow-citizens have a penchant for detailed administration. They conquer and they govern, but they do not colonize. When they govern they govern toomuch. They are suspicious of native initiative and distrustful of colonial self-government.”’ Prof. Henry E. Bourne, writing in the Yale Review of May, 1899, on French methods in Indo-China and Freneh colonial methods in general, says that the administration of justice is too often intrusted to Frenchmen unacquainted with the language, customs, and local traditions of the colony or community in which they are located, and that appointments are too frequently made through favoritism. Added to these defects, he says, ‘was the equally great evil of the multiplication of places. Ten years ago the officeholders formed a large part of the whole French population of Cochin China. The under-secretary in charge of the colonies declared in 1891 that the total appropriation for public works, 80,000 francs, was in that year spent in salaries. As the colonial council for Cochin China wa: elected by officeholders and contractors—that is, practically all the Frenchmen in the colony—it voted high salaries and fat contracts. The Annamites in Cochin China are regarded as subjects, not as citizens. Their function is to pay taxes and to obey French officers, They enjoy no political rights, unless the management of their communities may be so regarded. The deputy who sits in the Chamber for Cochin China does not represent them. He represents merely the 4,000 Frenchmen in a total population of over 2,000,000. * * * As in the last days of the Roman Empire the Germans brought into southern Europe their law as a personal possession and privilege, and still allowed the Romans to be judged according to their own laws, so the Frenchman has carried into Indo-China his codes and liberties, his right to local self-government and to representation in the French Chamber of Deputies without thereby disturbing the social organization, customs, and laws of the Annamites. Probably the little French communities and the larger native communities will long exist side by side almost distinct social entities.’’ . 5 . M. de Lanessan, the present French minister of marine, and formerly governor-general of French Indo-China, in his work, Principes de Colonisation, says on this subject: ‘‘Generally speaking, it may be said that in the French colonial possessions very little regard has been shown for the interests of the native people. Imbued with the spirit of the Roman jurisprudence, which lies at the base of all the institutions of the mother country, we have shown no greater regard than that of transferring to our colonial possessions the whole administrative and judiciary machinery of the mother country, without asking ourselves whether the natives for whose benefit we professed to work would not find in this machinery simple tools of oppression and exploitation. Not to mention the old colonies, such as Guadeloupe, Martinique, and Reunion, where a new race formed by a mixture of the black and white required political administration and judicial institutions better adapted than ours to their special conditions, we have introduced in colonies such as Cochin China and Senegal, where the native population is more numerous and altogether distinct from the European races by customs, religion, etc., an organism which seems to have been constructed in such a way as to crush the native. What else are the colonial councils of Senegal and Cochin China, with the preponderance in them of European members and their considerable power as regards the assessment of fiscal charges and expenditures, but organs of exploitation of the natives?” OBJECT LESSONS IN THE EAST INDIES. Five colonies in the East Indian group and three in the West Indics seem especially valuable ‘‘object lessons’’ in the details of colonial management in the Tropics. These are India, Ceylon, Malayan Peninsula, Java, and French Indo-China in the East Indies, and Jamaica, Barbados, and Trinidad in the West Indies. It seems not improper, therefore, to present detailed statements of the methods of administering the government in each of these and the share intrusted to the natives. For this purpose statements made by distinguished writers and students, chiefly men of practical experience in these colonies, have been selected. Sir W. W. Hunter, a gentleman of lifetime experience in regard to the government of India as an officer of the British Government, and the compiler of an extremely valuable series of yolumes on India, is an author aecepted the world over; while Gen. Sir George Chesney’s long experience in India and the high qualities of his work, Indian Polity, give him equally high rank as an author on methods of government in India. Sir John Strachey has also had long experience in India, and his volume, India, is highly commended by students of this subject. The works of these three distinguished students of India have been relied upon for a definite and detailed statement of the government of India and the share of the natives therein. 5 Regarding the government of Java, and the respective share of Europeans and natives therein, the supply of literature is abundant “! and excellent in quality. The spectacte of a handful of Europeans governing 35,000,000 people in a small and densely populated island ' with such remarkable success, financial and otherwise, has attracted students of this subject from all parts of the world. English, French, German, Dutch, and American writers have in turn visited, studied, and written upon the methods of government in Java. In some cases additional yalue has been given to these studies by the fact that the men who engaged in them had previously had long experience in India as officers of the British Government, and were thus enabled not only to study with great care the Dutch methods in Java, but to contrast them with those of the English Government in India. This is expecially true of the work of Mr. Henry Scott Boys, formerly of the British Government in India, from whose Notes on Java liberal quotations are made. To these are added extracts from the excellent studies of conditions in Java by Mr. Basil W. Worsfold, an Englishman of long experience and observation in the Orient; M. Jules LeClereq and M. Chailley-Bert, whose works on Java are the result of personal visits to and studies of the institutions and methods of that island, and Prof. Clive Day, of the American Economic Association, whose excellent studies on the labor problems, published in the Yale Review, and on Dutch colonial finance, published in the proceedings of the American Economic Association, have attracted great attention, and received the commendation of officers of the Dutch Government as valuable aids to studies of conditions in that island. From the excellent writings of Sylvester Baxter, also in the Yale Review, and those of Mr. L. B. Clarence on Ceylon, in the British Empire Series, additional information has been obtained regarding the Orient. For French Indo-China the works of M. de Lanessan, already referred to, and the article by Prof. Henry E. Bourne, published in the Yale Review, have been chiefly relied upon. 1901]. COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1239 For the Malayan Peninsula, which is looked upon as an especially important field of study by reason of the similarity of its population, climate, and conditions to those of the Philippines, a statement by Lieut. Gen. Sir Andrew Clarke, who extended the British Government over the native states in that peninsula, furnishes much detailed and valuable information, as does also a carefully prepared review published in the New York Tribune. For details regarding the governments of the West Indian Islands, especially those which may be considered the most important examples, statements from the British Colonial Office List, the writings of Sir Charles Dilke, the excellent work of Prof. Robert Chalmer, of Oriel College, Oxford, on colonial currency, and the report of the British commission which in 1897 investigated conditions in the British West Indies have been relied upon. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA AND SHARE OF THE BRITISH AND NATIVES, RESPECTIVELY, IN ITS ADMINISTRATION. The system of government of British India and the share of the natives therein may be described as follows: The general direction of the government is in charge of the secretary of state for India, assisted by a council of ten members, nine of whom must have resided at least ten years in India and not left India more than ten years prior to the date of their appointment. These officials are located in London and all of their work with reference to India is performed from that stand point. This council hes no initiative authority, but conducts the business relative to India subject to the direction of the secretary of state for India, an important part of this duty being to act upon all grants and appropriations of the revenues of India, both in India and elsewhere, no grant being valid without their favorable action. Meetings are heldsat least once each week. The supreme executive authority in India is the governor-general, or viceroy, aided by his council, which consists of five appointed members, and the commander in chief of the Indian army. The work of government is divided into seven departments—home, foreign, finance, military, public works, revenue, and agriculture—and one of these departments is assigned to each member of the council, the foreign department being under the personal direction of the governor-general. All these are Englishmen appointed by the home Government. For legislative work the governor-general’s council is enlarged by the addition of sixteen additional members, Englishmen, nominated by the governor-general. This council has power, subject to certain restrictions, to make laws for all persons within British India, and all British subjects in the native states of India. For administrative work, India is divided into eight great provinecs, with a governor, lieutenant-governor, or chief commissioner at the head of each; these officials being Englishmen of long experience in India, subject to the approval of the home Government. The governors are appointed by the home Government, the lieutenant-governors and commissioners by the governor-general of India. Only two of these officials are designated as governor—those at the head of the great provinces of Madras and Bombay. Four others are styled lieutenant-governor—those of Bengal, Punjab, Burma, and the Northwest Province. The other two, styled commissioners, are respectively at the head of the Central Province and Assam. A new proviuce has just been created on the northwest frontier and will be under charge of an agent of the governor-general. These officers become members of the governor-general’s council when it sits in the province over which they preside. Each of the governors and lieutenant-governors has a legislative council, which assists him in framing laws and regulations for the province. These councils are in part nominated by the lieutenant-governor and in part named by the municipal corporations, rural boards, and commercial bodies of the province. Each of these eight great provinces is divided into districts, at the head of whichis placed by appointment a ‘‘ collector magistrate,”’ or ‘‘deputy commissioner,”’ aa Englishman, who is the executive officer of the district and is responsible to the governor of the province for the administration of the district. He carries on the government through assistant magistrates, and a superintendent and assistant superintendent of police, also Englishmen. In some districts there is also a judge, while in others the magistrate collector also acts as judge. There are about 250 of these districts in all of British India, and they thus have an average population of about 1,000,000 people each, though no fixed unit of population is applied in determining their boundaries. d The district is thus the administrative unit of British India. The governor-general of India, the governors and lieutenant-governors ef the provinces, the ‘collector magistrate,” or ‘deputy commissioner,” at the head of the districts, their assistants, and the superintendents of police and their assistants are Englishmen; the additional thousands who carry out their orders and attend to the details of the administration of law and the preservation of order are natives, Next below the collector magistrate, or deputy commissioner, the head of the district, are the deputy collectors, all natives of India; the ‘‘ tehsilders’’ who have charge of the ‘‘ tehsils,’”’ or wards, into which the district is divided,*and have in most cases magisterial powers, and they too are all natives. The police, except the district superintendent and his assistant, are also natives. The system of Indian law provides a judge’s court for each district, with “ munsiff,’”’ or lower courts, from which appeals may be made to the judge’s court of the district, and from that to the high court of India, and in certain cases to the judicial committee of the privy council in London. A large number of the judges of the courts in the districts are also natives of India. Still below the district organizations, are the municipal governments in the cities and towns, and the local boards in the rural districts. There are 750 towns which have municipal organizations, in charge of the water supply, sanitation, roads, drains, and markets. They impose and collect taxes, expend®*money for local purposes, make improvements, and enact by-laws. In all rural tracts, the local boards are in charge of roads, schools, and hospitals. The members of these municipal organizations and the rural boards are natives of India, and are elected by vote of the taxpayers. The police of India, which, exclusive of the village watch, number about 150,000, are all natives, aside from the district superintendent and assistant superintendent above referred to. Aside from this machinery of British India is that of the ‘native states,’ which contain 70,000,000, or about 24 per cent of the population of all India, and have an area of 655,000 syuare miles, or 42 per cent of the totalarea. The control of the British Government over these varies in degree and is administered through a ‘“‘resident,’’ or agent, an Englishman, who resides at the seat of government of the native state and aids or advises the native prince at the head of the government and his ministers and councils in the framing and administration of law. These princes or rulers of the native states are not permitted to maintain a military foree beyond a fixed limit; to make war or peace with other states, or send ambassadors, and no European is permitted to reside at their courts without special permission of the British Government. In case of inisgovernment of the state by the prince, the British Government in its treaties with them reserves the power of dethronement. 1240 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocvonen, No accurate statement has been made of the total number of officials in India, or of the proportion who are natives of England and India, respectively, but some idea of the immense total of officers of all kinds and the small percentage which the English must form of that total may be obtained by an examination of the following statement from the 1891 census of India, which shows the nuinber of persons dependent for support upon official position. The census does not attempt to state the actual number of officeholders or of persons engaged in specified occupations, but instead gives the ‘total population supported by”’ each occupation. This statement shows the total number of persons supported by the various occupations under the term “Administration” to be 5,600,153, and with the very liberal estimate of 5.6 persons for each family would give a total of 1,000,000 officials in the various groups and classes enumerated. When it is considered that the same census showed in India only 100,551 persons of all ages who were born in England, the small proportion of English officials will be apparent. OCCUPATION OR MEANS OF LIVELIHOCD, India. Order i... Administration: 26240ub oe ooaacdanceoulcdeekicontataideatacccdhid ct idetiemadade ce eceseceemeesaeeseteeioes 5, 600. 143 Suborder-1.. Civil'service: of the State nc.6.ccc.csc sees cece eee nice a cee aveee mun eels cece cee eee eenen ents 2,395, 162 1. The viceroy, governors, and other heads of administration of provinces and their families........-.------------- 30 2. Chiefs-of nativerstates and: their fainilegia scence ions chic eivcies oe camaaatec wie hades eae aaa ee ease eb beee ceased 111, 742 8: Officers of governmentiantl their families sn. scecdecas saccens oxeereticecsbesesre rs aeacesecsaeceeessessees=se< eee 42,272 4. @lerks; inspectors;, ete and their families: oonccccessuxcecaws teawecsedweeecuses ce seca adencsecuiestemeeseceuen’s 573, 253 5:. Constables, messengers, wardersete.. co. ssce Saco dos oe stes setae eee dhccc.cuue tenses eesee seeeeeetesbees 1, 447, 478 6. State service (unspecified) .. 22.0... 2 ee eee eee eee een cece ee cee eee e eee Scart ahs ts tdi tenet a estat ee 220, 387 Saborder:2:. Service: ok local bOd16S 2.5. oc) csiaicjecicwieeccmcccaeaaic odes cece caemseeiddceccesecteceececessee sed morcéeem sews 118, 135 7. Local and municipal inspectors, tC soc. ce cocsc ccmaeanecads cece onsale sceedes ceeeaameencecea ss secceseeee doses 5,178 8. Local and municipal clerical establishments..-.....-.-.----------- 2-2-2 eee eee eee eee eee ence ee wiswieisiwwiereeicicie 32, 689 9. Local. and municipal menials: 6t@sc2ccccsee soe vesccseccee eck se ceeedeececee ess eee weeew eee seteeeemc cece 80, 268 Suborderss “Willage service its eh cede scarce eiteinbselelons ve sainsceeameke cies see cmueat eee ene eee eomeanmsced 3, 086, 856 10; Village headimen: (not. returned:as:agriculturists), .cvccsacsas os cazecteucceceded ceedeiasnebencessescesessese sss 349, 559 11. Village accountants (not returned as agriculturists) ........----2-- 0-2 eee eee c ee ene e eee w eee nee cee secre ssacces 452, 986 12 Village watchmen and other menials (not returned as agriculturists) -....------------ eee eee eee ee ee ee eee eee ee 2, 284, 311 Commenting upon the share of the native in the administration of law in British India, Gen. Sir George Chesney, K. C. B., M.P., in his work, Indian Polity, 1894, says: “The civil administration of India is in fact carried on by native agency, supervised by a small body of Englishmen. During the last twenty-five years, notwithstanding the additions of territory made, the covenanted civil service has been reduced by 22 per cent, and, excluding Burma, the condition of which is for the ttme exceptional, there are now altogether (omitting English officers in the police) only about 750 British officials, including military men in civil employ and a few others, engaged in the civil administration, or about one to every quarter of a million people. Besides these the higher judicial and executive service comprises about 2,600 officials, of whom, according to the latest returns, only 35 were Englishmen domiciled in India. Four-fifths of these are Hindus, one-half of them being Brahmans; the remainder, save a few Sikhs, Parsis, and unspecified classes, are Mohammedans. Under this class comes the subordinate civil service, including about 110,000 persons of salaries of 100 rupees and upward, of whom 97 per cent are natives of India.’’ SIR GEORGE CHESNEY ON THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA. Sir George Chesney, in his ‘‘Indian Polity,” describes the government of India as follows: THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL. In Bengal thirteen of the twenty members of the legislative council are to be nominated by the lieutenant-governor, of whom not more than ten are to be officials of the government. The nomination of the remaining seven is delegated as follows: The municipal corporations of the cities and towns in the province will recommend two members; the district (rural) boards of the province will nominate two; one nomination each has been given to the Corporation of Calcutta, the Association of Merchants, and the University of Calcutta. For the purposes of the election, the municipalities and district boards are grouped in eight divisions, corresponding with the geographical charges of the official commissioners of divisions into which the province is divided, and two groups of each class, or four groups in all, will elect one member each. A seat in the council being held for two years, each group will thus get its turn once in eight years. The votes of each municipality are valued in an ascending scale according to its income, a municipality with an income of 5,060 rupees having a single vote, one with an income of 250,000 rupees and upward eight votes. The various district boards have all equally a single yote. Each municipality or district board, as the case may be, which takes part in the election of the year, sends a delegate to the appointed place of meeting within the division, where the election is carried out by ballot, repeated if necessary until some one of the nominated candidates obtains a majority of the whole number of votes. The candidates nominated must be residents in that part of the province for which the election is being held. The procedure adopted in Madras is somewhat more simple. Here also the governor makes thirteen nominations, of which not more than nine may be of official persons; the nominations (or rather recommendations for the nomination) of the remaining seven councilors have been made over to the Corporations of Madras, Chamber of Comnferce, and University of Madras, one each, while the municipal and district boards throughout the province are divided for the purpose of the election into two groups respectively, each nominating one candidate. Each municipality and district board has only a single vote, without regard to size or income. : For the council of the governor-general the nominations to four seats have been made on the recommendation of the nonofficial members of the four provincial councils; a fifth nomination has been given to the Calcutta Chamber of Commerce. Before describing the system of district administration carried on throughout the country, in the efficiency of which the interests of the people are mainly concerned and on which the security and efficacy of the British government in India is mainly dependent, some account of the centralized departments may first be given. ; DEPARTMENTS UNDER THE SUPREME GOVERNMENT. It has already been explained that the government of India retains the direct control of various branches of the civil administration the business of which is distributed among the following departments: : I. Finance and commerce: Under the administration of the financial member of council, whose functions correspond with that ot the English chancellor of the exchequer, the secretary of the department holding a position analogous to that of the secretary of the 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, 1241 treasury. The head of the executive department of finance and account is the comptroller and auditor-general, in whose office all the accounts of the country are brought together and compiled, who is responsible for the proper working of all the account departments throughout India, and is also the final authority for the disposal of all departmental or interprovincial differences of account. The comptroller-general is also the currency commissioner, and in this capacity exercises the functions which are performed for the British Government by the Bank of England. The civil accounts ef each province are dealt with by an accountant-general, with one or more deputies and assistants, who also conducts the detailed audit of all the civil expenditure. The proceedings of the accountant-generals are supervised by traveling inspectors, who report to the comptroller-general. THE POSTAL SYSTEM. The post-office, an imperial service under the finance department, is administered by a director-general. Under him come the postmaster-generals of provinces, either civil servants or departmental officers advanced for good service, who form one body for the purposes of promotion and are available for transfer from one province to another. The Indian postal rates are the cheapest in the world. A letter can be sent from one end of the country to the other—from Peshawur to Mandalay (3,000 miles)—for half an anna, vaiue a halfpenny. DEPARTMENTAL SERVICE, 5 If. The department of revenue and agriculture, which deals with the business denoted by its title, administers also the following epartments: Survey of India department. This carries on three great branches of survey: (1) The great trigonometrical survey, or general measurement of the country. This has been practically completed within India, but is now being carried on to the extensive regions on the northwest frontier and in Burma which have recently come under British rule. (2) Various topographical surveys. (3) The revenue survey, for recording superficial areas and tracts as the basis of land-revenue settlements. HOME DEPARTMENT. Ill. This department, which, with that of revenue and agriculture, is administered by the available civilian member of the governor-general’s council, deals with all the business coming up to the government of India other than the special affairs already detailed and public works, and is the general medium of communication with the provincial governments and secretary of state, as well as the department in which all business relating to the government collectively is dealt with, as, for example, rules for the conduct of business between the departments. PUBLIC WORKS. IV. Public works, the administration of which forms another department of the Supreme Government, includes construction of roads and canals, supervision of railways, etc. This department also administers the telegraph department (with a director-general at the head). This is a more appropriate arrangement than to place it, like the post-office, under the home department. The telegraph lines being carried in many parts through uninhabited forests and over wild mountain ranges, their construction and maintenance present greater difficulties than the transmission of messages. SIR W. W. HUNTER ON THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA. Sir W. W. Hunter, in his 1892 edition of The Indian Empire, says of the details of administration in India: Alike in regulation and nonregulation territory, the unit of administration is the district—a word of very definite meaning in official phraseology. The district officer, whether known as collector-magistrate or as deputy commissioner, is the responsible head of his jurisdiction. Upon his energy and personal character depend ultimately the efficiency of our Indian government. His own special duties are so numerous and so various as to bewilderthe outsider, and the work of his subordinates, native and European, largely depends upon the stimulus of his personal example. His position has been compared to that of a French préfet, but such a comparison is unjust in many ways to the Indian district officer. Heis not a mere subordinate of a central bureau, who takes his color from his chief and represents the political parties or the permanent officialism of the capital. The Indian collector is a strongly individualized worker in every department of rural well-being, with a large measure of local independence and of personal initiative. As the name of collector-magistrate signifies, his main functions are twofold. He is a fiscal officer, charged with the collection of the revenue from the land and other sources; he is also a revenue and criminal judge, both o/ first instance and in appeal. But his title does by no means exhaust his multifarious duties. He does in his smaller local sphere all that the home secretary superintends in England and a great deal more, for he is the representative of a paternal and not of a constitutional government. Police, jails, education, municipalities, roads, sanitation, dispensaries, the local taxation, and the imperial revenues of his district are to him matters of daily concern. He is expected to make himself acquainted with every phase of the social life of the natives and with each natural aspect of the country. He should be a lawyer, an accountant, a surveyor, and a ready writer of state papers. He ought also to possess no mean knowledge of agriculture, political economy, and engineering. * * * The municipalities at present existing in India are a creation of the legislature; indeed, a recent branch of our system of administration. Their origin may be traced, not directiy to the native panchdyat, but to the necessity for relieving the district officer from certain details of his work. The panchdyat, or elective council of five, is one of the institutions most deeply rooted in the Hindu mind. By it the village community was ruled; the headman being only its executive officer, not the legislator or judge. By it caste disputes were settled; by it traders and merchants were organized into powerful guilds, to the rules of which even European outsiders formerly had to subinit. By a development of the panchdyat the Sikh army of the khalsi was despotically governed when the centralized system of Ranjit Singh fell to pieces at his death. The village organization was impaired or broken up under Muzhal rule. Municipal institutions have developed under the British rule in place of the old Hindu mechanism or rural government, which bad thus worn out. Police, roads, and sanitation are the three main objects for which a modern Indian municipality is constituted. In rural tracts these departments are managed (in different prov- inces) by the collector, or by one of his subordinate staff, or by a local fund board. | Within municipal limits they are delegated to a committee who, at first, derived their practical authority from the collector’s sanction, implied or expressed. Except in the larger towns the municipalities can scarcely be said as yet to exhibit the attributes of popular represeutation or of vigorous corporate life. But the local government acts, which received a new impulse during Lord Ripon’s viceroyalty, have strengthened the rural and municipal poards. As education advances, they will be further developed. In 1882-83 the municipalities in British India, exclusive of the three presidency cities, numbered 783, with 12,923,494 inhabitants. In that year the municipalities of Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras governed a population of 13 millions; the members of the three municipal bodies numbered 171, of whom 93 were elected. Increased life and vigor has been given to municipal institutions in India by the extension of the elective principle under the local seli-government acts (1882-1884). In important places the majority of the municipal bodies are elected by the local taxpayers, but in certain small towns all, and in every town some, of the administrators are nominated by the Government or have seats ex officio. In Upper Burma alone there are no elected members in the 16 municipalities, which, despite the recent date of the annexation, have already been constituted. The 758 municipalities, excluding the presidency towns, of which British India consisted in 1890-91 of 10,585 members, of whom 5,848 were x 1242 COLONLAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, elected and 4,737 nominated ex officio. But this does not fairly exhibit the advance made by the elective principle, for the nominated municipal commissioners of small towns or in backward provinces are included. It is more instructive to point out that in the 107 municipalities of the Northwestern provinces there were 1,218 elected to 317 nominated members, and that in the 145 municipalities of Bengal the proportion was 1,154 to 944. Out of the aggregate number of municipal commissioners, concerning whom information is available, (,790 were natives and 839 Europeans. The population within municipal limits was, according to the census of 1891, no lese than 15,024,308, of whom 1,580,715 resided in the three presidency towns. The larger the town and the more vigorous the municipality, the greater is the power of local administration conceded to it, and the larger the proportion of elected members. The cxtablishment of rural ~-lf-government has been undertaken later than that of urban self-government, and presents peculiar difficulties, owing to the nature of the population and the distances to be traversed to attend meetings. Nevertheless district and rural boards have been formed in every province except Burma to administer and allot local taxation. The principle of election has been admitted as far as possible, and in the Northwestern provinces and Oudh 1,284 out of 1,564 members of the district boards were elected, and in Bengal 32 members out of 793. The greater part of the expenditure of these rural boards is devoted to local roads, but as the idea of local seli-vovernment develops they receive charge of primary education and sanitation. It is more difficult to get members to attend these boards than in municipalities, but with increased responsibility and powers it is hoped that this difficulty will lessen. * * * Excluding the village watch, still maintained as a subsidiary police in many parts of the country, the regular police of all kinds in British India in 1890 consisted of a total strength of 150,591 officers and men, being an average of 1 policeman to about 6} square miles of area and to about 1,468 of the population. The total cost of maintenance was Rx. 2,583,983,! of which Rx. 2,418,973 was payable from the imperial or provincial revenues. The former figure gives an average cost of Rs. 26, 13, 8, or (at the old rate of exchange of 2s. to the rupee) of about £2 13s. 83d. per square mile of area, and of 1 ana 9 pies, or (at the old rate of exchange) about 23d. ‘per head of population, The average pay of each constable was Rx. 7a month, or £8 8s. a year. In 1890 the total number of places of confinement in British India, including central and district jails and lockups, was 744; the total number of prisoners admitted during the year or remaining over from the previous year was 495,820; the daily average was.88,353. The places of transportation for all British India are the Andaman and Nicobar islands, where tl-vre are two penal establishments, containing in 1890-91 a daily average of 11,804 convicts. THE GOVERNMENT OF JAVA AND THE SHARE OF THE NATIVES AND EUROPEANS, RESPECTIVELY, IN ITS ADMINISTRATION. The government in Jaya is administered by a small body of carefully trained officials sent from Netherlands for this duty, who, by a skillfully devised and elaborate system, obtain the cooperation of the native chiefs in carrying into execution the laws and regulations, which are made by the Dutch Government in Netherlands and Java in combination, In Netherlands the colonial department is under the direction of a member of the council of ministers, corresponding with our term cabinet, and through him are submitted to the Sovereign the more important of the laws and regulations framed by the Governor-General and his council in Java. The Governor-General, appointed by the home Government, who is located in the island, exercises supreme control over the different branches of the general administration, issues ordinances and regulations, declares war, makes peace, and concludes treaties with the native princes; appoints civil and military employees, and watches over and protects the interests of the natives. He is aided by a council composed of five members, whose advice, however, he is not bound to follow, these officials being known as directors and subject to the control of the governor. These directors are in charge, respectively, of finance, public instruction, industries and worship, ‘justice and public works, and the department of the interior. The commanders of the army and navy are the heads of their respective departments. Meetings of these department chiefs are called by order of the governor-general, and they form what is known as the “council of directors.”’ The island is divided into twenty-two provinces, at the head of which are European officers, who are as powerful in their provinces as the governor-general in the colony. These officials, or ‘‘residents,’’ are appointed by the governor-general. Each resident, who isa European, is aided by an assistant resident and comptrollers, whose duty it is to see that the laws and regulations are carried out throughout the province. All of these European officials must have received a careful training, either in the institutions maintained for that purpose in Netherlands, or in the island, or both. The agency through which the resident and his aids carry out the details of the government in the provinee, or residency, as each district is called, is the regent, or ‘‘ younger brother,’’ as he is called, who is always a native functionary belonging to one of the highest families of the country, and frequently of princely birth, and who receives a high compensation for his services in the administration of government among the natives. The families from which these ‘‘younger brothers”’ are selected, having been. for preceding generations the rulers of the natives, their directions of the details- of the government are the more readily accepted by the natives; and this is especially true by reason of the fact that the real ruler, the European resident, masks his authority under the title of ‘‘elder brother.” The regent, or younger brother, is paid-a larger salary than the resident himself; has the right of precedence over all European functionaries except the resident; is surrounded by princely pomp, holds court where, according to Leclercq, ‘‘all the natives, even of his own family, approach him on. their knees only;’’ has a numerous retinue, and exercises his control over all the native chiefs of the regency and through them over the people as a whole. THE SYSTEM DESCRIBED BY AN ENGLISH OFFICIAL OF INDIA. ‘The system of administration in Java,”’ says Henry Scott Boys, whose long service in British India renders his view of government in Java especially vaiuable, ‘‘ was, under the native sovereigns, almost identical with that of Akbar in India. The headmen of the villages were, as in India, chosen hy the villagers themselves. The rulers of the subdistricts and provinces were appointed, and all held office at the pleasure of those who nominated them. With their duties as revenue collectors they combined the offices of criminal and civil judges, being assisted by the Musselman law officer and legal counselor, who was the expounder of local customs, which regulated much the dispensing of justice. The parallel between the Javan and Indian systems is curiously exact. When the Dutch made good their footing in the island they made no attempt to undertake its government. So far as the natives were concerned, they left them and their management entirely to their native rulers. They insisted on certain articles of commerce being kept close monopolies for themselves. They demanded from each district a foreed contingent of rice, leaving the regents to levy it from the villages in whatever manner they pleased; compelled the regents to supply whatever labor they required, and after they had started the coffee plantations, required the regents to see that every cultivatur planted, nurtured, and plucked a certain number of coffee trees. * * * Java and Madura are now divided into twenty-five residencies, which comprise seventy-eight regencies, each of which latter divisions is 1Rx.=10 rupees: present exchange value of the rupee, about 33 cents, 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1243 ruled by a native regent, assisted by an ‘assistant resident,’ who has as his lieutenant in the work a ‘ comptroller.’ At the headquarters of each residency is a resident, with powers of supervision over the officers in charge of the regency. The work of administration is supposed to be done by the native regent, and all orders to the people are issued through him. The actual rulers are, of course, the Dutch, but it is their settled policy to cavry, if possible, the native upper classes with them in their administration, and they endeavor to secure this object, even at the risk of much inconvenience and ineffectual government, which but too often results from this dual rule. The regency is again divided into small districts, each under immediate orders of a ‘ wadena,’ who, like the regent, is a native of high family, with *mantrics’ under him. These mantries, who are officials corresponding to the petly officers of police in India, are the relations, generally, of the regent and wadenas. In each village there is a headman, who is clected by the villagers. This man collects the land tax, allots the rive fieldy, keeps the roster of men at work on the plantations or roads, sces to the supply of gratuitous provisions for the mantrics and others, and tells off the villagers as watchmen in their turn, Ile settles sinall disputes, and, being chosen by the people, is trusted by them, and is really a protection to them. The principle upon which the courts are based is the conferment of very limited, powers upon both European and native officers sitting alone, even the regent being unable to inflict a severer punizhment than ten days’ imprisonment, while the joint court, ‘landraad,’ in which the resident and regent, with one other native of high rank, sit together, can inflict the penalty of death, subject to the confirmation of the supreme court at Batavia. The landraa/l is the principal civiland criminal court for natives. The resident, regent, and wadena excercise petty civil jurisdiction when sitting alone. No Europeans, however, are subject to any other than purely Dutch courts. FURTHER TESTIMONY OF ENGLISH EXPERTS. Mr. W. Basil Worsfold, in his A Visit to Java, published in 1893, describes the system of administration as follows: ‘‘The Netherlands India, as the Dutch po-sezsions in the East are officiaily styled, includes the whole of the Malay archipelago, with the exception of the Philippine Islands belonging to Spain, part of Borneo in the possession of the North Borneo Company, and the eastern half of New Guinca, which is shared by Germany and England. The total area is officially statel to be 719,674 square milex, and the total population 29,765,031. It is administered by a governor-general, a government secretary, and a council of state consisting of five members, who are appointed from among the chief Dutch residents in the island of Java. As all matters of general policy are controlled by the -ecretary for the colonies, who is a member of the home Government, the functions of the colonial government are iainly executive and consultative. So close is the connection that the colonial estimates for revenue and expenditure have to receive the approval of the home Government before they can be carried out. Moreover, the various government officials scattered through the archipelago are responsible to the seeretary for the colonies. There are colleges established both in Holland and Batavia in which the young men intended for the colonial service can receive a suitable training. : “The physical sanction upon which the Dutch authority rests is an army of 30,000 men, composed of Dutch, German, Swiss, Italians, and native, but officered exclusively by Dutchmen, and a navy of 50 ships. Of these troops, a large proportion (amounting in 1891 to 16,537) are native. The headquarters of the army is fixed at Batavia. There are barracks at Weltevreden, and at Meester Cornelis in the capital, and additional accommodation has been recently provided at Buitenzorg. The fleet is stationed at Soerabaya, a town which possesses the best harbor in Java, and which is conveniently situated at the other end of the island. There are, however, a few ships always stationed at Batavia. The greater portion of the fleet is composed of the ships of the Netherlands Indian navy, which is permanently stationed in the archipelago; but there are among them some ships belonging to the Dutch navy, which are relieved every three years. ““At the present time (1892) the chief occupation of the colonial forces is the establishment of the Dutch authority in Sumatra. Since 1874 the natives of Achin have successfully resisted the Dutch, and the Achin war has proved so costly and so disastrous that the home Government haye ordered the operations of the troops to be confined to such as are purely defensive. Acting under these instruc- tions, the colonial forces have retired behind a chain of forts, and all attempts to advance into the interior have been abandoned. Last year (1891) Baron Makay, the secretary for the colonies, was able to assure the States-(veneral that ‘excellent results were expected from the blockade system’ now adopted, and that the Achinese were already beginning to feel the inconvenience of being cut off from their supplies of necessaries, such as opium and tobacco. ‘“‘Java is by far the most important of the islands of the Malay archipelago. Its population is four times that of the remaining Dutch possessions in the East. This population is divided as follows (1890): Europeans, 44,783; Chinese, 237,577; Arabs, 13,943; other Orientals, 1,806; natives, 22,765,977; total, 25,068,086. “With the exception of the Chinese, the great retail traders of the Malay countries, almost the entire population of the island is ‘native.’ This term includes various branches of the Malay race, of which the chiefs are the Javanese and Sudanese, occupying, respec- tively, the east and west of the island. Separate dialects are also spoken by the people of Bantam and Madura. There is little to distinguish the two chief races, except that the Javanese are more warlike and spirited than the Sudanese, who are samewhat more dull and almost entirely agricultural. Speaking generally, the native population of Java ix but little inferior in intelligence to the native population of India, while in some respects—in particular in the readiness shown by the native princes to assimilate European learning and customs, and in a certain artistic sensibility manifested by the whole people—they resemble the inhabitants of Japan. “The majority of the Javanese natives are employed in the cultivation of rice; in work on plantations, sugar, coffee, cinchona, and tea, and in various lesser industries, such as the making of mats and weaving of sarongs. They are also by no means unskillful as workers in clay, wood, and metals, and as artisans generally, and are successfully employed by the Government in working the railways and post- telegrapk services. For purposes of administration the i-land is divided into twenty-four residencies. Each residency is further divided into districts, and finally into campongs or townships. It will be remembered that when, at the end of the eighteenth century, the Dutch Government took over the island from the East india Company they received possession of the soil, subject only to such limitations as the company had already imposed upon their ownership. Since that time the colonial government has pursued a policy in Jaya similar to that pursued by the British in India, hy which the native princes have been gradually induced to part with their territorial rights and privileges and to accept in return proportionate monetary compensations. At the same time the services of these ‘princes’ have been utilized in the work of government. As a result of this latter, the sums paid originally as incomes equivalent to the reyenues derived from the rights surrendered have now come to be of the nature of official salaries. Most of these regents, as the native princes are called, receive from 2,000 to 3,000 florins a year; but some one or two, such as the sultan of Djokja and the regent of Bandong, 1244 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocroner, receive as much as 70,000 or 80,000 florins. The Dutch have wisely employed, as much as possible, the social organization which they found in existence, and native authorities and institutions have been supplemented by European officials. In each residency there is, therefore, a double set of officials, European and native. First of all there is the resident, who resides at the chief town, and is the head of all officials, European and native. Under him there are assistant residents, controleurs, and assistant controleurs. The controleur is an official more especially connected with the Government plantations, and the regulation of the industrial relations between the planters and the peasants or coolies is an important duty which he fulfills. The regent is the head of the native officials, but, of course, inferior in authority to the resident, whom he calls his ‘elder brother.’ Under him is an officer called a patih, and then wadenas, assistant wadenas, and ultimately the village chiefs or loerahs. In addition to these there is a further official called a jaksa, who ranks above the wadeyas, and receives information of any offenses committed. In the villages the loerahs act as policemen, but in the towns there are regular native policemen called oppas, who also attend on the wadenas. In each residency there is a court of justice consisting of a president, who is a paid legal official, a clerk of the court, and a pangoeloe or priest for administering oaths. In this court the jaksa sits as native assessor to the European judge-president. There are superior courts at the three great towns, Batavia, Samarang, and Soerahaya, and a supreme court at Batavia. Murder and crimes of violence are generally rere, but small thieving is common throughout the island.” A FRENCH VIEW OF GOVERNMENTAL METHODS IN JAVA. M. Jules Le Clereq, in his excellent work, Un Séjour dans Vile de Java, published in 1898, describes the Dutch system 01 government in Java as follows: e The administration of the colonial possessions is exercised in the King’s name by the minister of colonies, and each year a detailed report is presented to the States-General on the situation in the colonies. The government of the Dutch Indies rests no more, as in the time of the famous Dutch India Company, in the hands of a commission, but is vested now in one man, a iunctionary of the King and responsible to him for the proper discharge of his office. This responsibility finds its sanction in the power granted to the King and the second chamber of the States-General to impeach him. ‘THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL. This royal officer has the title of governor-general. He is the commander of the land and sea forces of the Dutch Indies; he exercises supreme control over the different branches of the general administration; he issues ordinances on all matters not regulated by law or royal decree; he declares war, makes peace, and concludes treaties with the native princes; he appoints civil and military employees; he has the right of amnesty, clemency, and no capital punishment can be executed without his sanction. One of his most important duties is the protection of the natives; he watches that no cession of land violate their rights, and issues rules and regulations relating to the ‘‘government cultures;’’ he fixes the kind and extent of the forced labor and sees to the proper execution of all ordinances pertaining to this matter; he has the power of expelling all foreigners who disturb the public order. In a word, the representative of the King is vested with all the powers; he is, in the Empire of the Indies, almost the King in the absolute sense of the term. THE COUNCIL. To be sure, by his side, or rather under him, there is an India council meeting under his chairmanship and constituted of a vice- president and four members, but this is a mere consultative body whose opinion he takes without, however, being bound to follow it. True, in certain cases specified by law he is bound by the decision of a majority of the council, but as the council is not responsible for the conduct of the Government, the governor-general, even in such cases, has the right of appeal to the King, and, pending this appeal, he has the right, even against the advice of the council, to take such measures as he regards opportune when he thinks that the general interest of the colony would suffer from the delay which an appeal to the King involves. As a matter of fact, the governor- general possesses all executive and legislative powers. NO SECRETARIES OR MINISTERS. There are no secretaries or ministers at the head of the civil administration but officials, five in number, who hold the modest title of directors. These officials are subject to the order and supreme control of the governor, who in reality is the prime minister. There is a director of the interior, one of finance, another of public instruction, religious worship and industries, a director of justice, and one of public works. The commanders of the army and navy are the heads ot their respective departments. The meetings of these different department chiefs, called by order of the governor-general, form the council of directors. To what extent the affairs of this council are almost family affairs may be best seen from the fact that sometimes the directors are chosen from among the brothers of the governor. THE SHARE OF THE NATIVES IN ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNMENT. The machinery of the local administration, even better than that of the central administration, reveals the ingenious scheme by means of which a Very small number of functionaries rules the densest population of the world. The island of Java is divided into twenty-two provinces, at the hea: of which are European officials who are as powerful in their provinces as the governor-general in the colony at large; but just as the chiefs of the departments have but the title of director, these provincial governors or prefects call them- selves modestly ‘‘ residents,” and their provinces, very often containing over a million souls, are called ‘‘residencies.”” The “resident” appointed by the governor-general is in his province the representative of the government, and as such the chief of the civil administra- tion, the finances, justice, police, and he has the right to wear the payong, or gold parasol, which, in the eyes of the Javanese, is a mark of the highest rank. He is assisted by the assistant residents, who in turn have subordinates in the persons of the comptroilers, who see to the proper observation of the regulations reas to the natives, visit periodically the villages of their districts, listen to com- plaints, oversee the plantations of the government, an form, so to say, the link which connects the native administration to the European administration. HOW THE NATIVES AID IN THE DETAILS OF ADMINISTRATION, The following features of the Dutch colonial service in Java show best its skillful organization. The mechanism consists partly in concealing the true motors of the machine under the network of pure display, by leaving to the native princes the illusion of power and veiling the actions of the European rulers. Each residency comprises one or more regencics, and alongside of each resident there are one or more regents. Now, while the resident is always a European official, the regent, on the other hand, is always a native functionary belonging to the highest families of the countries and frequently of princely birth, who bears, according to the importance of his rank, the title of ‘‘Raden Adipati,”’ or ‘‘ Mas Toemenggoeng,”” or even that of ‘‘ Pangeran i prace. The natives are subject to the regent, their natural chief; the resident, althouzh the ral holder of power, does nothing except through the medium of the regent. In order to conceal his authority, he allows himself to he regarded in the eves of the natives as the elder brother of the regent, and gives his orders to his brother in tbe form of recuminendations. This soriatld, Welied seheahl. He 1901. ] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1245 regarded meaningless with us, has quite an importance with the Javanese, since in their eyes the elder brother, in the absence of tha father, is the chief of the family, respected by the younger brothers, but still regarded always as brother, and not as official chief. Being a brother mercly, the regent enlightens him with his counsel. The European official is even held to take the advice of tha native functionary, whenever the interests of the native population are at stake. The younger brother is the intimate counselor of the elder brother in all cases where the latter has to be enlightened on the condition of the people; but once a resident has made his decision, after having heard the opinion of the regent, the latter, as a good younger brother, Las to submit whatever the decision be. _. In order to leave to the natives the illusion of autonomy, the Dutch not only permitted them to keep their rulers, ‘‘ wedonos’”’ (village chiefs), but even theiremperor. The territory of the Vorstenlanden, the central province which occupies the fifteenth part of the area of Java, constitutes actually a small empire, the last fraement of the Kingdom of Mataram. The Vorstenlanden are divided between two princes, the soesoehoenan and the sultan, the first residing at Solo or Soerakarta and the latter at Djokjakarta. These two capitals are even now the centers of Javanese life, and it is here that one can best form an idea of what Java has been in the past. Formerly the Vorsteulenden formed but a single province under a sincle soesoehoenan, but during last century the Emperor Hamangkoe, despairin ci quelling a Chinese insurrection, called to his aid the Dutch and ceded to them some land in return for their services. Hardly freec froin the Chincse, he met with ihe claims of his brother, who insisted upon his right to share the thronc. Hamangkoe, in order to escape new struggles, applied for arbitration to the Dutch, who put an end to the dispute by a decision quite in conformity with the policy inspired by the principle, ‘divide ut imperes’’ (divide and rule), They divided the kingdom into two provinces, which was the best raeans to weaken a powerful State. The greater part of the two divisions formed the province of Soerakarta and fell to the shure of soeroehvenan; the other division was turned over to the brother of the Emperor, who became sultan of Djokjakarta. The present Emperor and sultan are descendants of these two princes. The former bears the title of ‘‘soesoehoenan,’”? which means ‘‘his highness.” He also has the titles of ‘‘The Nail of the World,” “‘The Commander of the Armies,” ‘‘The Servant of the Charitable,” ‘The Master of Worship,” ‘‘The Regulator of Religion.” THE GOVERNMENT OF FRENCH INDO-CHINA AND THE SHARE OF THE EUROPEANS AND NATIVES, RESPECTIVELY, IN ITS ADMINISTRATION. The French colonies are, for the details of governmental methods, divided into two classes: (1) Those in which limited powers ot legislation are granted to a local legislature, in a few cases wholly elected, in others partly nominated by the home government and partly elected; (2) those in which the government is conducted by decrees. These provisions do not include, however, tariff laws and other important measures, which are regulated by general legislation of the home government. In French Indo-China a large share of the government is conducted by decrees, though a local body partly appointed and partly elected chiefly by French citizens has very limited legislative powers. Under this general term of French Indo-China are included Cochin China, Tonkin, Anam, and Cambodia, whose united area is 263,000 square miles, with a population of 22,000,000. Cochin China, Anam, and Tonkin are inhabited chiefly by Anamites, who had a well-defined system of government when the French took, possession. Under that system the country was divided into districts known as ‘‘communes,’’ in which the representatives of the ruling element formed a communal council and elected one of their number as the head of the commune, and this officer, as representing the commune, carried on the government, raised taxes, and under his general management order was maintained within his province or commune. The French have, in a limited way at least, adapted the details of the native form of government in much of this great section. Under existing French law with reference to colonies, the French executive not only administers colonial affairs, but issues general decrees for their government. This system is the result of the failure to complete legislation begun in 1854, by which a system of government for the French colonies in America was framed and the Emperor empowered to legislate for the others by decrees until a plan of government for the remainder should be framed. This plan has never been completed, however, and consequently the President and head of the colonial department direct the management of French Indo-China and other French colonies of this class by decrees. The chief official of French Indo-Chinais a governor-general, appointed by the Government of France usually upon the recommendation of the department of colonies. The military and naval forces are subject to his orders, and all civil officers in the colonies are his subordinates, most of them appointed either by him or upon his recommendation. In Cochin China there is a lieutenant-governor, and in Tonkin, Anam, and Cambodia each a resident superior, each of whom is subject to the general direction of the governor-general. These in turn are assisted by residents and vice-residents, who carry out the details of the work through the existing communal machinery above described, on a plan somewhat similar to that of the Dutch in Java, relying for those details largely upon the native officials. These leading officials are paid sufficient salaries to assure the Government that they will cooperate faithfully, and, through their influence and knowledge of the people, administer the government in a manner which will be accepted by the natives. The tariff laws, however, are made by the French Government, and more of the details managed at the seat of the home government than is the case in the British or Dutch colonics, already discussed. The colony is represented in the French Chambers by a deputy elected chiefly by the Frenchmen residing in the colony, though natives may become French citizens if they desire and participate in such election. A colonial council also exists, which corsists of two members named by the privy council, two by the Saigon Chamber of Commerce, six elected by Frenchmen residing in Cochin China, and six elected by a college of delegates chosen for this purpose by the nobles of each municipality. This council sits twenty days in each year, but is prohibited from debating political matters, its only duties being to issue decrees regulating private property, discuss finance and taxation, express its opinion upon tariffs and taxes already established, and send protests to the ministry in France. DESCRIPTION BY PROF. HENRY E. BOURNE. The French system in French Indo-China is described by Prof. Henry E. Bourne, in a copyrighted article in the Yale Review, May, 1899, reproduced by permission, as follows: * * * Jndo-China is not mere territory containing a negligible quantity of inhabitants. The people, Anamites or Cambodians, have a developed civilization, with fixed customs and laws; but, unlike the Philippine situation, outside of Sulu there has been, both in Anam and Cambodia, a monarchy, through which the French leaders could organize a subjection of the people by treaties, usually negotiated at the point of the bayonet. It has not been necessary to deal with the vague multitude and to rule chaos. Still, on the whole, there is hardly a phase of the Philippine problem not already illustrated in the history of Indo-China. Although in the sum of French possessions, Indo-China is almost an empire, like British India, it is ruled by a governor-general. It is not a unity, either in race or in institutions or in the development of the French administration. Tonkin and Cochin China, the deltas of the Red River and of the Mekong, are connected by the long and narrow Anam, of which the inhabited portion is crowded between the mountains and the sea, so that the group resembles, as the Anamites themselves say, a long pole with a bag of rice on each No. 4 8 1246 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocroser, end. These three territories were united in the first years of the century under the rule of the Emperor Gia Long, and are inhabited chiefly by the Anamites. Their social order is the same, and it has been little disturbed by the partition of the empire since the coming of the French. It is essentially democratic, with self-governing communes as its basis. This Anamite commune is important, because it is the unit of administration and the responsible agent of the government for the collection of taxes, the raising of troops, and the execution of the law. It offers the unvarying framework of society for each advance of the population into unoccupied districts. Its honors and duties belong to the notables, who are inscribed on the tax rolls. The higher notables form the communal council, and elect one of their number mayor. As soon as their choice is accepted by the government the mayor represents the commune in all questions raised by the central administration. He carries out the laws, is chief of police, and guardian of the tax rolls. ; . _ Cambodia also belongs to Indo-China, and lies on the Mekong above Cochin China. It is the feeble remainder of an ancient kingdom, and yet its people affect to despise the encroaching Anamites, claiming their own origin in an earlier, perhaps an Aryan, emigration. Their social organization also differs from that of Anam. When the French protectorate began, they did not have the commune. Instead of a lettered aristocracy reaching the higher official positions nominally through severe competitive examinations, they had a semifeudal nobility, and administrative affairs were centralized instead of being left to local authorities. * * * For many years after the treaty of 1863 the protectorate had remained merely nominal. If the terms of the treaty were closely adhered to, the French resident could not legally interfere in the internal administration of the country, and the men who successively occupied the position failed to gain ascendency enough in the court of King Norodom to compensate for the legal weakness of their situation. Lanessan rather savagely regards such a failure as characteristic of French colonial officers everywhere. They do not make the least effort, he says, ‘‘to work for the increase of the native authority, and at the same time to penetrate it by our influence.”’ When the resident, to strengthen his position, tried to take a seat in the council of ministers, the King resisted stubbornly, but all the while he was covertly using the guaranty his throne received from the protectorate to render himself absolute. His court became more luxurious, and since his revenue did not increase, his officers, the mandarins, were not paid, and were forced to pillage the people. Roads and bridges, no longer repaired, soon almost disappeared. From this desperate situation M. Thomson, the governor of Cochin-China, attempted to rescue the country by the treaty of June 17, 1884, negotiated under the guns of French ships. The remedy was too drastic; it attempted to revolutionize Cambodian society from top to bottom. Furthermore, it was justly believed to be an ill-conceived device for annexing Cambodia to Cochin-China, dictated by officials eager to extend their jurisdiction. It is not astonishing that Cambodia, from king to peasant, was profoundly stirred by such an attack upon traditional privileges and national susceptibilities. Insurgent bands appeared everywhere. The peaceful inhabitants, impartially afraid of the insurgents and of the French, fled to the forests. In less than two years the country looked like a desert. Finally the resident was authorized to inform King Norodom that the treaty might be considered a dead letter, though it was not to be abrogated. Possibly the resistance of the Cambodians would not have been so obstinate had not the French Government by its hesitancy showed that it was not sure of its policy. Though the treaty was made in the spring of 1884, the law approving it was not passed until July 17, 1885, and the decree providing for its promulgation was not issued until January 9, 1886. Furthermore, it was only in 1891, when Lanessan came out as governor-general, that the treaty was thoroughly put in force. So much, at least, of the history of Indo-China must be told in order intelligently to explain the measures by which France has sought to administer this group of possessions. But the period of conquest saw the very machinery in Paris devised to control such portions of the national domain radically reconstructed. ‘ POWERS OF THE FRENCH EXECUTIVE. Americans are naturally surprised to discover that the French executive is intrusted not only with the administration of colonial affairs, but also with the legislation which devises the mechanism of government in the colonies and which regulates all the details of the colonial régime. So extensive a grant of power is rather anomalous even in a country accustomed to government by decrees. It came about in this way: The constitution of 1852 delegated to the senate the organization of the colonies. Accordingly in 1854 Marti- nique, Guadeloupe, and Réunion were provided for by senatus consultum. The other colonies were left for a subsequent act, and mean- while the Emperor was empowered to legislate for them by decrees. As the expected senatus consultum never came, the prerogative remained in his hands until his overthrow. It was then held to pass provisionally to the new executive, where it still remains, because the constitutional laws of 1875 did not touch this field of legislation. In certain cases the president can issue his decrees merely upon the report of the minister charged with the management of the colonies, and at most he is obliged to consult the council of state. But if the chambers legislate upon any matters concerning the colonies the president can not traverse this legislation by subsequent decrees. Such a system has much to commend it for the effective control of distant possessions. Many a fine enterprise has been ruined in a crisis by the sort of hesitancy and dilatoriness which may be looked for in a deliberative assembly. But while promptness is made ossible there is little danger of irresponsible action, for the minister must countersign each act of the president, and he does this Eaawing that if he blunders intolerably he will bring defeat upon his colleagues in the cabinet. There is also less likelihood that olicies will be constantly changed, since the minister, though a party leader in the chambers, is surrounded in his administrative areas by a permanent corps of officials, familiar with what has been previously attempted. Such a system may be as effective as military rule and yet be free from the characteristic evils of barrack-room government. * * * LOCAL MACHINERY OF CONTROL UTILIZED. As French rule in Indo-China was extended and its character changed, the local machinery of control was necessarily reconstructed ona more elaborate scale. In 1879 Cochin-China passed from the hands of the admirals to a civil régime. Le Myre de Villers was the first overnor. His jurisdiction covered also the protectorate of Cambodia. And upon the renewal of the trouble in Tonkin, in 1882, it was e who sent Commander Riviére to protect French interests. But, as soon as the war was ended, the new protectorate was administered seperately, as has already been explained, by a resident pereral, living in Hue, and responsible to the minister of foreign affairs. After three years’ experience with the plan of divided responsibility, all Indo-China was united by decree, October 17, 1887, and all residential officers subordinated to a governor-general. This union revealed the tendency gradually to subject the whole territory to a single administrative system. The decree of October 17, which created the union, was supplemented by another three days later, which hindered its effectiveness by making the appointment of the governor-general and the higher officers of the protectorates dependent upon the joint recommendation of two ministers—the minister of foreign affairs and the minister of marine. Furthermore, no military operation could be begun without, the consent of the minister of foreign affairs, and to him were to be addressed copies of the regular reports required from Indo-China, To what extent this system of dual control was practically injurious it is not possible to say. At all events, the disorders that afflicted Tonkin and the unsettled condition of Cambodia were not remedied. ADDITIONAL POWER TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL. After four years more it was decided to try the radical expedient of placing in the hands of the governor-general the most ample owers. In the language of the decree itself, issued April 21, 1891, he was made ‘‘the depositary of the powers of the Republic in rench Indo-China.”” He xow stood forth the rival of the governor-general of British India and of the governor-general of the Dutch East Indies. To define his powers more in detail, the military and naval forces were subject to his orders, all civil officers were his subordinates; their appointment was dependent upon his recommendation, or, in case of minor positions, was his sole prerogative, and the higher 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1247 officers—residents, directors, magistrates, etc. —could also be suspended by him. Moreover, he was to be the sole medium of communication with the home Government. Evidently, it was the intention of the decree to prevent conflicts of authority and to give petty jealousies no route back to Paris. But at least one bypath was soon discovered, and the first governor-general felt that his credit at home was being industriously mined. Every year the commander of the troops was ordered to send a report of the inspections directly to the minister of the marine. This document, not passing through the hands of the governor-general, offered the protection of its seal to all sorts of statements, in one case, at least, directed definitely against the governor-general. But the new plan has worked well on the whole, and Indo-China’s history has been less checkered since 1891. The natives were no longer obliged to serve two jealous masters— the civil and military authorities. ; It is unnecessary to describe the elaborate administrative machinery put under the control of the governor-general. Mere mechanism is not arya unless a particular device in governmental machinery is chosen as the best instrument for carrying into effect some pla: t is sufficient to note that the hierarchy consisted of a lieutenant-governor in Cochin-China, resident superieurs placed at the ead of affairs in Cambodia, Tonkin, and Anam, with residents and vice-residents subordinate to them. The duties of these officials varied according to the character of French rule in each part of Indo-China. For example, in Tonkin many of the mandarins, who served the Anamite government, intrigued persistently against French influence, and were removed. Their successors were thoroughly under French control. _ _ Although the powers of the governor-general have been diminished since 1891, seriously, according to Lanessan, the system of single control still remains. But its effectiveness has been impaired by a misuse of the appointing power reserved to the ministry. THE SPOILS SYSTEM. To give Indo-China administrative autonomy was one of the aims of the decree of 1891. In this way alone could the dependency be guarded against the worse effects of the spoils system. When Lanessan reached Indo-China he found complaints that inexperienced men had been put into important places over the heads of others who had served the government faithfully, and had acquired a just claim to promotion. Certain officers boasted ‘‘that they had gained all their grades in Paris, and rallied their colleagues, who were without influence.”” Lanessan even says, ‘‘It was not rare that an officer, dismissed for disobediance, wrong-doing, or incapacity, returned with his rank raised.” : This was not the only chronic evil that afflicted the administration. The French have carried the principle of organization into many branches of the colonial service, and have given to each its hierarchy of positions, which the ambitious young man may aspire to reach grade by grade. This may be correct in theory, but it would imply an empire homogeneous in race, customs, and language. And yet just such differences were often ignored up to 1891 and even later. Hee The decree of 1891 protected Indo-China against most of these disorders. Administrators and residents were largely recruited in the dependency itself, and were not in danger of seeing their well-earned promotions snatched from them by political deals in Paris. A certain number of the candidates were to be furnished by the Ecole Coloniale at Paris. These men had been trained for the work they were to do, but they were without practical experience. While Lanessan was governor-general, and doubtless since that time, these men upon their arrival in the colony were expected to serve an apprenticeship of at least eighteen months, with some résident-superieur or some provincial administrator, and at a place where they would find facilities for technical instruction in the elements of their craft. : But the condition of the magistracy was not bettered by the decree. It was still possible to bring them from the ends of the earth and set them down in Cochin-China, regardless of the injury done to the administration of justice by intrusting it to men who, though wéil-meaning, were unacquainted with the language, customs, and legal traditions in the local courts. Such a magistrate was at the mercy of an interpreter. About him might gather a body of attorneys, rabatteurs, who found it to their own interest to multiply legal controversies, even among a people inclined to carry everything to the courts. Under the old system of free administration of justice this fashion was harmless, but with the new French courts it was a means of ruining the natives who resorted to them. There was another danger. The magistrates who had been long in the country, seeing that the higher positions were to be gained by favor, and not earned by fidelity in the service, became discouraged and left the country. Occasionally a judge who had served well in Cochin-China was promoted to a position elsewhere at the time when his labors were becoming most valuable. Added to these defects in the system of appointment was the equally great evil cf the multiplication of places. Ten years ago the officeholders formed a large part of the whole French population of Cochin-China. The under secretary of state in charge of the colonies declared in 1891 that the total appropriation for public works—80,000 francs—was for that year spent in salaries. As the colonial council of Cochin-China was elected by officeholders and contractors—that is, practically all the Frenchmen in the colony—it voted high salaries and fat contracts, until the home government put an end to such looting of the treasury for the benefit of a few hundred individuals by applying the surplus to the needs of the other Indo-Chinese possessions. ADOPTING LOCAL MACHINERY OF CONTROL. One of the most interesting phases of any colonial experiment is the attempt to adjust the machinery of control to the existin institutions. In very few instances would it be safe or wise to substitute a new administrative system for one which is maireushed behind the custom of years or perhaps of generations. The French have had too much experience in the art of colonization to make such a blunder in its baldest form, but certain efforts of theirs have shown a tendency in this direction. According to the treaty of 1884 with Anam, the residents and their subordinates were not to interfere with the details of provincial administration in Tonkin, although upon their demand the native officials could be dismissed. And within the limits of Anam itself the officers of the Anamite government were to carry on their administration undisturbed. The customs service was reserved for French management, with the truly omnibus addition of ‘‘en général, les services qui exigent une direction unique ou l’emploi d’ingénieurs ou d’agents européens.’”? The resident-general was to reside within the citadel at Hue, and was to control the foreign relations of the empire as his principal duty. ; : . This was the aim of the treaty, but it was carried out in a spirit suggested by the continued disturbances, both in Tonkin and in Anam. In Tonkin the French feared the influence of the mandarins. Moreover, these men exposed themselves to attack because of their extortions before the beginning of the French régime. Consequently the residents worked to diminish their power. This, in a measure, disorganized the administration and rendered the work of control more burdensome. Such a policy was really unnecessary, for the mandarins were intelligent enough to discover that France had come to stay, and that if they had been handled carefully, so that they might ‘‘save their face”’ before the multitude, little trouble need have been feared from them. In Anam the treaty was not respected even to thisdegree. Everywhere the Anamite officers found themselves under the orders of either the residents or of the soldiers, often of both. The mandarins grew desperate and a formal protest was sent to the President of France. This document declared that the least infraction of orders was to be severely punished. Furthermore, if the mandarins consulted the residents, the army officers were angry; if, on the other hand, they took their orders from the officers, they were rebuked by the residents. A still more serious blunder was embodied in the Cambodian treaty of 1884. This shattered the social and administrative fabric of the Kingdom at a stroke. An attempt had been made to abolish slavery in 1877, but it had failed. The treaty renewed this attempt, destroying an important part of native property without compensation. It also provided that individual property in land should be substituted for the old system, by which the title of the whole vested in the King. And with a shrewd look into the future it compre- hensively forced upon the King ‘‘toutes les réformes administratives, judiciares, financiéres, et commerciales aux quelles le gouvernement de la Republique francaise jugera a l’avenir utile pour faciliter l’accomplissement de son protectorat.”’ 1248 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Octoner, it is not surprising that such a treaty could not be carried out until after resistance had been overcome by force, or until an object lesson had been given the King and the aristocracy to show them what advantages they might oo from the arrangement. L _ The opportunity came in connection with the sorest spot of all—the finances. When Le Myre de Villers was governor of Cochin- China, he had taken from the King’s control the revenue coming from the tariff, the taxes on alcohol, opium, etc., and had used them to pay the expenses of the protectorate. They were barely suflicient for this, because a staff had to be maintained for the collection, 80 that 30 per cent of the income was consumed in collecting it. Moreover, these collectors, taken from the customs service of Cochin- China, and independent of the resident at Pnom-Penh, often played the petty tyrant and compromised the reputation of the protectorate. These evils were incidental. But the main trouble was that the King found that out of a total revenue of $1,100,000 (Mexican), $650,000 were taken from him. To make up the loss, he resorted to the desperate expedient of farming certain of the taxes left him, negotiating with Chinese traders for a lump sum. These Chinamen grew rich by extortion, in spite of the fact that they were obliged to concede douceurs, after the manner of the old régime in France, to the women and favorites about the court. oe It was not until Lanessan came out as governor-general that this desperate state of affairs was remedied and the other provisions of the treaty were enforced. He had been in Cambodia on a tour of inspection in 1887, and had suggested to the King the wisdom of consolidating the two budgets of the protectorate, and of organizing a common treasury. But, in the face of opposition from Cochin- China, the scheme could not be carried through. When he resumed the negotiations the King readily consented, without formal treaty, to put into effect, January 1, 1892, the reforms which had been suggested. Lanessan then assigned on the budget a civil list larger than the King’s previous income. He also won the mandarins by paying them adequate salaries for the duties they were accus- tomed to perform. This was done without raising the tax rate, on the supposition that with better management the taxes would be more productive. In several instances the rate was actually lowered. Although the French were henceforth to control the collection of the direct taxes, as well as the customs duties, ete., the old collectors were not dismissed; they were simply reorganized so that the danger of oppression and peculation would be lessened. The results of this reform were noteworthy. Complaints of extortion were almost unheard. The taxes produced more at the low rate than at the higher rate previously fixed. The estimated receipts were $1,238,190,*while the actual receipts were $1,578,130. This gave the Government the opportunity to complete certain needed public improvements in the capital. The King could become reconciled to a protectorate of this sort, and since 1892 Cambodia has given little trouble. nes ; The French have showed no disposition within the limits of the old Anamite Empire to interfere with local administration, as Len see centered in the commune. They have even made some attempts to set its machinery in motion in Cambodia, where it did not exist. FRENCH LAWS INTRODUCED. As in the last days of the Roman Empire the Germans brought into southern Europe their law as a personal possession and privilege, and sti!l allowed the Romans to be judged according to their own laws, so the Frenchman has carried into Indo-China his codes and liberties, his right to local self-Government and to representation in the chamber of deputies, without thereby disturbing the social organization, customs, and laws of the Anamites. . There has been one tentative step toward assimilation particularly interesting, and this is the colonial council of Cochin-China. In 1880, when it was created, the minister of the marine declared that the measure was dictated ‘‘by his constant purpose to prepare, by successive acts, the advent of the institutions of the metropolis among our peoples beyond theseas.’? Besides four members, two chosen by the Saigon Chamber of Commerce and two by the privy council, there are twelve elected members, six elected by the Frenchmen residing in Cochin-China, and six by a college of delegates, who are in turn elected by the notables of each municipality. Every precaution is taken lest this assembly become an embarrassment to the administration. The annual sessions can last only twenty days, unless prorogued fora further period of ten days by the governor-general, who may also suspend the sittings at any time. He, moreover, appoints the president. There can be no debate upon political matters, nor even a political wish expressed. The council can do but four carefully defined things—it can issue decrees regulating private property; it can deliberate, subject to the governor-general’s approval, upon finances and taxation; it can express its opinion upon tariffs, octrois de mer, etc.; and it can send protests to the ministry in France. It is simply a school for training in the forms of representative government. * * * A FRENCH VIEW OF THE SHARE WHICH EUROPEANS AND NATIVES SHOULD HAVE IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONY. M. de Lanessan, the present French minister of marine, formerly governor-general of Indo-China, and who had prior to that service had long experience in the French colonies and abundant opportunity to observe the methods in the English colonies, in his work, ‘‘Principes de Colonisation,”’ discusses the question of the relations of the Europeans and natives in official life and the duties of European officials in the colonies, the methods of their selection, etc., as follows: COLONIES SHOULD NOT BE EXPLOITED BY EUROPEANS. I believe that in order to make the colonies prosperous, and furthermore, to acquire the sympathy and confidence of the people, we ought to strive, first of all and chiefly, to protect the former against the proclivities on the part of the Europeans of exploiting them. Our laws and our codes ought to be introduced there as little as possible, and each colony ought to have the right to adopt for itself a system of legislation adapted to the particular necessities of the country and the habits of the natives. As regards our administration and political organization, they ought to be shaped with the view of protecting the natives, of attracting him without violence toward our civilization, of reducing his charges in the largest possible degree; and, moreover, of putting him in a position to appreciate by himself the advantages of our intervention with the affairs of his country. From all the facts stated above, a certain number of principles and rules may be reduced, which I think worth the while to sum up as follows: - GOVERNMENTAL CONTROL OF COLONIES IN A PRIMITIVE STATE IS NECESSARY. If the people of the colonies are yet in a state of more or less distinct barbarism, such as certain people of Africa, those of New Caledonia, Guiana, many tribes of Laos and Madagascar, etc., the colonizing nation is obliged to take into its hands the direction of the administrative affairs; but while doing it, it should make use as much as possible of the tribal chiefs and the heads of the more important families, so as to show its intention of not breaking with the local customs. Moreover, it would do well to treat the customs, habits, ideas, the religion, and even the prejudices of the natives in such a manner as to earn sympathies which might be utilized in order to introduce gradually progress and civilization. RESPECT THE LOCAL ORGANIZATION WHERE POSSIBLE. If the people in the colony, as for instance the people of Anam, Cambodia, the Hovas, etc., possess a more or less complete political and administrative organization, the latter ought to be not only respected, but even lo ally utilized. A protectorate would, in such cases, seem to be the only proper régime. The latter, while sincere, ought, however, at the same time to be effective; that is, the protecting nation ought to find the means of gaining the ccnfidence of the Beers and the protected government to such a degree that nothing going on in the country should remain unknown to it, and that its ruling influence may extend without violence and with the 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, 1249 consent of all to the smallest details of administration, and make itself felt in all conditions and parts of the country. In this mattcr the texts of treaties have but a secondary importance. The moral, political, and administrative worth of the governors and their subordinates, however, have an importance much superior to that of diplomatic documents, acts, or decrees. The best of these acts in the hands of unskillful people produce nothing but disorder, insurrection, and misery. The very worst, in the hands of experienced and well-informed men, may be sufficient to create peace and harmony between the protector and the protectorate, and assure the prosperity of the protected country, while serving at the same time the interests of the protecting country. REDUCE THE MILITARY CONTROL TO A MINIMUM. _As regards military action it is best to reduce it even in the most barbarous countries, and during periods of rebellions to the lowest possible degree; never should the direction of affairs in a colony be intrusted to the military authorities. By dint of its education, personal interests, and exciting surroundings the army is irresistibly pushed toward the abusive use of force. It tends less toward prevention of disorder than its suppression, and the losses which it suffers serve but to push it on to bloody expeditions, for the death of some results in the advancement of others. RULING BY FORCE THE MOST DIFFICULT METHOD. Moreover, the further we go the harder it becomes to rule even the most savage people by mere force. The European nations are mere and more furnishing to the people beyond the seas whom we want to colonize, the rapid-firing weapons which are made use of by them, to attack or resist our rule. The material interests of Europe then, as well as humanitarian considerations, condemn violence and force as a means of colonization. OBSERVE THE GREATEST LOYALTY IN DEALING WITH THE NATIVES, Before all, however, we must observe the greatest possible loyalty in our relations with the natives, whatever the stage of civilization they may have arrived at. We are in the habit of speakingof ‘Oriental duplicity.”” We should be careful, however, not to give occasion to the people who are less civilized than ourselves, and with whom we come in contact, to speak of ‘‘Occidental duplicity.”’ THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MALAY FEDERATED STATES AND THE SHARE OF THE EUROPEANS AND NATIVES, RESPECTIVELY, IN THEIR ADMINISTRATION. The government and methods of administration in the communities of the Malayan Peninsula, which were a few years ago brought under British direction and order and good government brought out of confusion and misrule, are looked upon by many as an especially interesting object lesson, in view of the similarity of conditions there to those in the Philippines, both as to race, climate, and general location. The present system of government consists of a high commissioner, who is the governor-general of the adjoining Straits Settlements. In each Malayan State there is a British resident-general, who is responsible to the high commissioner and who consults with and aids the sultan or native ruler of the State in making and administering laws. In addition to this there isin each State an elective council, which enacts laws and regulations, except those relating to finance; but these are subject to the approval of the high commissioner, who also establishes the financial system. These legislative councils of the various States also meet annually in a joint council for the discussion of topics of finance and general administration and make recommendations to the State councils and to the high commissioner. Uniform courts of justice and procedure have been established in various States, in some of the more important of these British magistrates presiding, while less important cases are tried before the native headman. The police system includes about 2,000 persons, of which number about 30 are Europeans. Under this general system the States have prospered greatly. Their total revenue, which in 1895 amounted to $8,481,007, was in 1899 $14,733,001. The commercial development has been equally rapid and gratifying. The exports have increased from $31,622,805 in 1895 to $54,895,139 in 1899, and the imports from $23,653,271 in 1895 to $33,765,073 in 1899. Railway construction is making rapid progress, roads being opened, telegraph lines built, and the productive capacity of the country greatly increased. The area is in round terms 25,000 square miles and the population 500,000. DESCRIPTION OF THE ORGANIZATION AND ADMINISTRATION OF THE GOVERNMENT. The following account of the organization and administration of the Federated Malay States is from the New York Tribune of January 20, 1899: Twenty-five years ago to-day the engagement of Pangkor was made. The anniversary may pass unmarked by ceremonial, but it suggests an ancient saw: ‘‘What man hath done,” said the old copybooks, ‘‘man may do again.’’ The saying is as true as it is trite. Especially true is it when the men who strived are akin to those who achieved, and when the attempt is made in circumstances like those in which the former task was done. It will be of interest, and perhaps instructive and inspiring, then to recall what has recently been done in the way of governing East Indian tribes, since the men who have done it are of our own blood, speech, and temperament, and the tribes governed bear a close resemblance in character and condition to those which the fortunes of war have committed to our charge in the Philippine Archipelago. Here is a plain tale, not from the hills, but from the straits; the story of a quarter of a century of Anglo-Saxon administration in the Golden Chersonese: THE CAUSES OF BRITISH INTERVENTION. First, the causes that led to British intervention in the Malay States. It is the same old story. Time was when the Malay States of the peninsula between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea enjoyed a fairly settled government, of a primitive type. That was about the time when Portuguese adventurers began to explore and to exploit that quarter of the globe. During the sixteenth century the Portuguese traders found security and encouragement in those States. But it was their fatuous policy to take all they could get from the natives in the way of profit, and to give them nothing in the way of instruction and civilization. Such was the policy of the Dutch, also, who followed them at Malacca in 1641; and that was, indeed, the general policy of all European nations in those days toward those whom they deemed inferior races. ; The result was natural. The limited contact with Europeans did the natives no good, and much harm. They absorbed the vices but not the virtues of the visitors. Their native Governments declined in authority and power. Population decreased. Trade suffered. Wars on land and piracy at sea became chronic and widely prevalent. There was no order nor security outside the walls of the foreign ‘‘factories.”” Early in the present century the British East India Company acquired its Straits Settlements and introduced a new foreign factor into the problera. lt was a new, but not a different, factor. The British pursued practically the same policy as the Portuguese and Dutch. They held aloof from the native States, and left the latter to ‘‘stew in their own juice.’ And when in time the British Crown succeeded the East India Company, and the Indian Empire was established, the same policy was maintained. The condition of the 1250 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocroser, native states went steadily from bad to worse. The Malay chiefs and sultans could not keep order, or would not, and the secret societies in the large Chinese population constantly fomented trouble. On land there was a wretched mixture of tyranny and anarchy, and on the seas piracy prevailed as nowhere else in the world. BARBARISM OR GOVERNMENT BY EXPERIENCED HANDS. Such a state of affairs could not last forever. Unable to stand alone, the States were doomed either to fall into utter barbarism or to be made objects of ruthless and selfish conquest, unless some benevolent power should come to their aid. In their extremity some of the native chiefs of Perak, Selangor, and Nogri Sembilan turned to the British governor of the Straits Settlements for salvation. They asked him to intervene in their domestic affairs and rescue the land from anarchy. Nor was the choice of a savior ill-made. Great Britain had, as we have seen, held aloof from the native States, just as Portugal and Holland had done. Perhaps she had actually come less into contact with them than had either of the others. She was of an entirely different race and creed and manner from those nations and from the native States. She was as foreign and as strange, that is to say, to the Malays as we are to the Filipinos. ‘That in itself was ay advantage. She had, moreover, this other inestimable advantage, that she was a country of the most complete civil and religious liberty and therefore was exceptionally well fitted to deal with States populated partly by Mohammedans, partly by Chinese Buddhists, and partly by utter pagans. It will not escape observation that the Philippines, too, are largely thus populated, about one- third of the people and some of the most important native chieftains being Mohammedans, while a large Chinese population exists, permeated by secret societies; nor is it to be assumed that Americans are less inclined to tolerance of creeds and to civil liberty than is the other branch of the English-speaking race. APPEAL FOR BRITISH AID. That the Malay chiefs took these facts into account in appealing to the British governor does not appear. They knew him simply as a just man and an able and successful administrator. Nor does it appear that he engaged the consideration of the British Government in the matter. On the contrary, he seems to have acted upon his personal responsibility and to have taken counsel only with himself. He responded favorably to the Malay appeal. He went to Perak and investigated the state of the case. He talked it over with the Sultan of Perak, who was with difficulty holding his place against a rival claimant of the throne, and with the chief men of that and other States. And finally, without seeking special authority from the home Government and without any preliminary flourish of proclamatory trumpets, he made with the native rulers of the three States named the engagement of Pangkor. ‘That memorable instru- peut a framed and signed on January 20, 1874—just twenty-five years ago—and it marked the dawn of the new era in the Malay eninsula. Under this engagement the native rulers were confirmed in their places. The title of the Sultan of Perak was confirmed against the pretender. The general administration of affairs, including the collection of taxes, the appointment of officials, etc., was to be conducted in the name of the native sultans and chiefs. In form everything was to go on just as before; but there was to be thenceforth a British resident in the country, whose advice was to be asked by the native rulers and was to be acted upon in all matters not per- taining to the religion and customs of the natives; and under him there were to be a few other British officers. Otherwise the government was to be conducted by the natives. 7 In putting this system into effect Sir Andrew Clarke had regard for the primitive, almost childlike, nature of the natives, and aimed at controlling them chiefly by personal influence. He had personal interviews with the native chiefs and persuaded them that good government would be to their personal advantage. They would have the same pomp and power as before, and perhaps an even arger revenue. To such presentments of the case he found them willing to listen, and by them to be swayed. The allegiance of the Malays was thus readily gained for his administration. With the Chinese he dealt with similar tact. He did not make the blunder of trying to repress or to suppress the secret societies. On the contrary, he encouraged them to maintain their organizations, and to meet openly. But he gave the headmen of them to understand that they would be held personally responsible for the conduct of the societies. The result was that the leaders became his lieutenants, and transformed the societies into agencies for supporting the administration. The financial affairs of the States needed and received especial attention. Tax-gathering had been farmed out, and had been con- ducted by the familiar oriental method of ‘‘squeezing.” Sir Andrew proposed to stop all that. The revenue was to be put upona business basis. Taxes were to be honestly levied and collected under British supervision, and the sultans and chiefs were to receive stated civil lists. Thus the actual revenue to the governments of the States would be increased, while the burden upon the people would be decreased. Finally, he aimed at making commerce and industry secure and abolishing slavery. To such extent would he impose alien practices on the natives. For the execution of this scheme he made only five appointments of British officers, namely, a resident for each of the three States, and an assistant resident for each of two of them. These he chose after careful examination and trial in other official places, with sole regard to their fitness for the duties they were to perform. They were men who had experience in dealing with the natives, who were familiar with the native languages and customs, and who possessed both energy and tact. These officers held courts of justice, which they conducted in some such informal manner as that of the courts of frontier settlements—a system that strongly appealed to the Malays. They organized a native police service, closely supervised the collection of taxes, and in general endeavored to ‘‘run the country”’ for the greatest good of the governed. HOW THE OBSTACLES WERE MET. Obstacles arose. That was to be expected. They were partly native and partly British. It was not until he had made the engagement of Pangkor and organized the administration under it that Sir Andrew Clarke sought the sanction of his governmental superiors. He first reported what he had done to the Straits Government_at Singapore, and asked its sanction for his ‘‘imperialistic”’ policy, which was conditionally granted. The approval of the London Government was not so readily and fully secured. Finicky critics there were afraid he was trampling upon the rights of the natives; that he would not make his residents sufficiently abase them- selves and exalt the sultans and chiefs. Nevertheless, though with fear and trembling, they let him go. Other troubles arose from the native chiefs. They presently began to show backsliding tendencies. They wanted to squeeze the taxpayers, as of old, and to play fast and loose with the rights of property and life. In brief, they wanted to get all the good they could out of the engagement, but not to be themselves bound by it. Perhaps the most obstreperous of them all was that very Sultan of Perak, who owed his throne to British intervention. Happily, Sir Andrew Clarke was both prompt and resolute in action, as a man must be to deal with such matters. He kindly but firmly read the riot act. He told the Sultan of Perak and the rest of the disaffected chiefs flatly what they must do and must not do. “Must” isa word whose meaning is understood by such folk far better than ‘‘ought.’”? He did not, however, neglect to enforce the moral obligation, as well as the physical necessity of obedience. He quoted the Koran to the Sultan, with good effect, and succeeded in convincing him that his interests in both this world and the next required him to observe faithfully the terms of the engagement. The Sultan yielded, though reluctantly, and to console himself took not to drink, but to opium, and soon became a wreck. Then his old rival cropped up again with a formidable backing, and there was danger of civil war or anarchy. At this juncture Sir Andrew Clarke was succeeded by Sir William Jervois, also a man of firm and decisive character. He unhesi- tatingly told the chiefs that if they would not listen to British advice, as they had agreed to in the engagement, they would have to yield to British control. If they would not or could not keep the engagement, the British Government would take the administration of affairs into its own hands, in both name and fact. They hesitated and quibbled. Then some Mohammedan fanatics murdered the British residents in Perak. Instantly Sir William ordered in a body of Indian troops. The action of the latter was brief, but emphatic and decisive. The insurgents were crushed and cowed with a single blow. The people and the chiefs alike were made to realize that British power was as irresistible as British rule was just and benevolent. The Perak murderers were taken, tried, convicted, and pun- ished. The faithless or worthless Sultan was sent out of the country, and a regent put into his place. And ina twinkling order was restored and the authority of the British residents established. There has been no outbreak since. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1251 LEGISLATIVE BODIES ORGANIZED. The principle of control was now fully established, and its details were wrought out and applied. A legislative council was provided for each State, composed partly of British and partly of native members. The policy was to make as much use of native material as possible, and to train the Malays to work together with the British harmoniously foracommon end. The native chiefs were retained in office, to act conjointly with the councils and to be educated and trained by the councils in what was practically constitutional government. In local affairs the native headmen were retained as the chief authorities in the villages, under strict accountability to the residents. The native police, which Sir Andrew Clarke had founded, was confirmed and increased in effectiveness under native officers, but, of course, under general British direction. It was, however, arranged that the members of the police force were not to serve in the States of which they were natives. In addition, each resident had a small guard of Sikhs and Pathans. For the districts in which Chinese settlers were numerous—that is to say, in the mining region—Chinese headmen were chosen. TOE SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. _In addition to the residents, there was appointed in each State a British treasurer, who should receive all taxes levied by the State, and in each district a native collector, who should collect the taxes and turn them in to the treasurer. A British auditor was also appointed, who should go about among the collectors, examining their accounts and supervising their general conduct. By such means the object aimed at by Sir Andrew Clarke was attained, namely, the lightening of the burden of taxation to the people, and at the same time the increase in effective value of the revenue of the State. It may be recalled that in 1877, the first year in which this system was in complete operation, the revenue of the three States was $640,000, and the expenditures.$622,000. The sultans and chiefs received civil lists of $80,000, the residents and other officers received $250,000, and the police force of 800 men cost $112,000. : LOCAL DEVELOPMENT. Under this system all the interests of the States were promoted. The residents cared not only for the tin mines, the chief industry of the peninsula, but for agriculture as well. Good roads were built, the system now including thousands of miles. Irrigation was introduced and extended. A scientific forestry service was organized. Railroads were built—there are now about 200 miles of them. Soe were opened. And, in brief, the States were endowed with all the appurtenances of civilization and started fairly on the road to enlightenment. All this, as we have seen, was done with a staff of British officials that seemed absurdly small in contrast with the scope and amount of work performed. Never, perhaps, unless in the case of the illustrious Gordon in China and in the Soudan, has so much been achieved by so small a staff. The secret of it, or the secrets, rather, may readily be discerned. They had been, as we have said, selected solely for merit and ability, and they were accordingly capable of doing the largest amount of work in the best possible manner. They were not novices nor raw recruits; they were experts and veterans. And, in the second place, they succeeded in educating and disciplining the natives, Malays and Chinese, into efficient and trustworthy aids. : THE SLAVERY PROBLEM. One of the most difficult problems to deal with was slavery. That abominable institution existed, in one form or another, in all the States. It must be abolished, for it was altogether repugnant to the genius of British civilization. Yet it was so closely connected with the customs, if not the religion, of the natives that any abrupt attack upon it would seem like infringing upon them, and that the British were pledged not todo. Buta little tact and patience solved the problem. Time, education, and moral influence, said the governor, will do all. In Selangor and Negri Sembilan slavery was not officially sanctioned by the native rulers, but was tacitly countenanced as a method of collecting debts. Insolvent debtors were seized by their creditors and set to ‘‘ working out” their indebtedness; and it usually took one a lifetime to do it. In those States the residents simply discussed the matter with the sultans, and persuaded them to have all such cases adjudicated by the courts, so that it might be determined just how long each man must work in order to free himself; and also to forbid the continuation of thesystem by extension to new cases. Thus, in a short time, slavery was abolished, without any formal proclamation on the subject. In Perak the case was worse. Slavery and slave trading existed there in their most detestable forms. Not only wasa debtor enslaved, but so were his wife and children and his children’s children forever. There was also, especially among the Chinese, much enslave- ment of women for immoral purposes. The first step taken by the resident there was to refuse to assist, or to let his subordinates assist, in capturing runaway slaves. That is, he repudiated the fugitive slave law. Next, he insisted that creditors must accept payment of debts, and thereupon grant full release to the enslaved debtors and their families. In the third place, he forbade the enslavement of any more freemen. In the fourth place, cruelty to slaves was prohibited. And finally he prevailed upon the native government to redeem all remaining slaves by itself paying their debts. This last step was taken in the fall of 1882, the act of manumission to be completed in one year from that time. The result of it was that masters everywhere, in an enthusiastic impulse, set their slaves free ‘for the glory of God!’ and refused to accept any ransom for them from the State, while the slaves refused to leave their masters, but remained with them as voluntary servants at any rate of wages the masters might give. Thus slavery vanished from all the States, A FEDERATION OF THE STATES EFFECTED. These administrative reforms naturally brought to the States increased prosperity, wealth, and population, and these latter, in turn, exerted a reflex influence upon the administration, requiring it to become more complex. There was more to be done, and more administrative departments and offices were required. Then the adjoining State of Pahang asked to have the same beneficent system extended to it. The solution of the problems thus raised was found in federation. This was effected only a short time ago. In July, 1895, the four States of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang were, by treaty, united under a common administrative head, the union becoming effective a year later, in July, 1896. All the four federated States were formally placed under British protection. A British resident-general was appointed, to have supervision and control over them all, and a federal army of Indian troops was brought in: for general service. Under this general administration each State was to remain autonomous, with its own resident, council, and native sultan, chiefs, etc. The-Mahometan and other native religions were to be scrupulously respected. The States were to furnish troops for the Imperial army, if needed, and uniformity of laws and administration was to be established with respect to State railroads, banks, immigration, survey and titles of land, forestry, sanitation, harbor regulations, fisheries, etc. The organization of the federated system was effected on the following plan: The governor of the Straits Settlements was the high commissioner and the direct representative of the British Crown. Next came the resident-general, who was responsible to the high commissioner, and who reported to him, and to whom the sultans and chiefs might make appeal or with whom they might consult. There was also a federal council, composed of the mixed legislative councils of the States, all meeting together, under the presidency of the high commissioner, or, in his absence, of the resident-general, or, in his absence, of the sultan of the State in which it met. It was to meet yearly in each of the States in turn. Its functions were not to be legislative, but merely advisory to the State councils. The first meeting of it was held in Perak in July, 1897, lasting four days, and marked with the pomp and circumstance which are so degr to the Oriental fancy and so impressive to the Oriental mind. It considered numerous topics of finance and general administration and made to the State councils various recommendations, which were acted upon with profit. , Each State retained its resident as before, he being responsible to the resident-general, and its own legislative council. All financial control was, however, withheld from the councils and vested in the residents, and all legislation enacted by the councils was required to be submitted to and approved by the high commissioner. 1252 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrosgr, A permanent civil service was established, federal in scope, all members of it being eligible to transfer or promotion from one State to another. All appointments were to be for merit only, after competitive examination; the appointments to be made by the residents, and, in the highest grades, with the approval of the resident-general; and removals to be for cause only, and none over the $300 salary grade to be remaved without the assent of the resident-general, and none over the £600 grade without the assent of the high commissioner. Uniform courts of justice and code of procedure were established, with a federal judicial commissioner atsh) to go on circuit to hear appeals and try capital cases, and a federal legal adviser (British) to draft laws for the State councils. In each State some British magistrates were appointed, but the native headmen were left in authority as petty justices. : ; Each State bad its own police force, but the system was uniform in all. The total force in the federation comprised only 29 Europeans, officers and inspectors; 518 Sikhs and Pathans, officers, noncommissioned, orderlies, and constables; and 1,480 Malays, noncommissioned, detectives, privates, charge takers, etc. The prison systems of all the States were made uniform. The police and prisons of exch State were put under the direct and sole control of the resident, subject to instructions from the resident-general or high comunlgsioner. A federal commissioner of lands and mines was appointed, who framed uniform codes of land tenure and mining regulations, which were adiopted by all the States. . : A federal commissioner for Chinese affairs was charged with the supervision of that clement of the population which formed a sort of ‘imperium in imperio.’’ : The scheme also provided for a federal chief engineer of public works, chief railway engineer, chief surveyor, chief accountant, rie surgeon, inspector of schools, and inspector of ports and telegraphs. All these ofiicers were, of course, to be Europeans, at least for the present. The cost of all this administration was to be divided among the States in proportion not to their population, but to their revenue. Thus the rich and prosperous States were made to help the poorer, and all were moved, through mutual beneticence and singleness of aim, toward higher prosperity. : That system, adopted at the time of federation, is the one now in force in the federated Malay States. At the present time the total yearly revenue of all four States is about $8,500,000, and the expenditures about the same. Tifty per cent of the money is spent for roads, railroads, bridges, and other public works. The value of foreign trade in 1896 was above $28,400,000 exports and $21,000,000 imports, a total of about $50,000,000—a very good amount for a population of only about 500,000. PEACE, PROSPERITY, CIVILIZATION. Such is the story of British administration in the protected and federated States of the Malay Peninsula. The net result of itis peace, prosperity, and civilization. Broilson land and piracy on sca arenow no more. Slavery is abolished. ‘‘Squeezing’’ is known no more. ‘Taxes are lighter, yet the effective revenue is vistly increased, and public works of incalculable beneficence are being executed on a scale not dreamed of a generation ago. The country has been opened up to industry of all kinds. Justice has been made uniform and impartial, and all men equal before the law. And all this has been accomplished without a war, with scarcely any action by the Imperial Government, and chiefly through the agency of the natives themselves. The native chiefs have been made to feel that they are still chiefs, and the native people that they are still under native rule. Warring tribes have been developed and consolidated into a nation, and that nation has been put well on the high road to advanced civilization and a place in the community of enlightened States. There has been no fighting. No additional burden has been laid upon the ‘‘weary Titan.’’? Nota shilling has been taken from the pocket of the British taxpayer. No self-seeking “chartered company ’’ has been enriched at the expense of justice and liberty. No ‘‘tyranny over subject races’? has been exercised. There has been nothing but firm, yet kind, leadership of a people not yet able to maintain their freedom without such tutelage. Indeed, we might not inappropriately apply to the Malay States the words of our own constitution, and say that through the protection and control and guidance of British administrators justice has been established, domestic tranquillity has been secured, the common defense has been provided for, the general welfare has been promoted, and the blessings of liberty have been secured to the people and to their posterity. A MESSAGE OF ENCOURAGEMENT AND INSTRUCTION. Such is the story of a quarter century, rounded and complete to-day, and bearing from the Far East its rich message of admonition and of encouragement, of instruction and of epee toa nation kindred to that which wrote it, and which wrought the deeds it tells, now moving into that same Far East to deal with like problems among like peoples. It is a story of what men have done. There remains for this nation to prove the old saying true and to show that other men, of the same blood and race and speech and thought and aim, can do the same again. DESCRIPTION OF THE MALAY FEDERATION, BY SIR ANDREW CLARKE, UNDER WHOM THE FEDERATION WAS FORMED. The following account of the organization of the Malay federation is by Sir Andrew Clarke, by whom that organization was formed during his service as governor of the Straits Settlements. The statement was published in the British Empire Series in 1899: I welcome the opportunity which has been afforded to me of saying something upon the subject of the Malay States, not only because I believe that there are certain lessons of imperial importance to be learned from the brief page of history I am about to recount, but because I consider that these States offer an opening to commercial enterprise as yet insufficiently realized. I have thought a slight sketch of the manner in which these States were opened to British commerce might not be without interest and, perhaps, instruction. A glance at the map suffices to show the importance of the control of the eastern seaboard of the Malay Peninsula to the Empire. A rich and increasing stream of British trade skirts it for 350 miles. Singapore, thanks to the genius of Sir Stamford Rates, first occupied in 1819, has become at once a great distributing center and the most important strategic position in the western seas. Earlier history knew little of Singapore, however, and Malacca was the commercial emporium in the sixteenth century, when conditions differed widely. Malacca was taken by the Portuguese in 1511 and held till 1641, when the Dutch stepped in, to be in turn dispossessed by England in 1795. Opinions as to the relative values of distant possessions were somewhat vague at this period, and Malacca was given back to Holland in 1818, to be resumed by treaty in 1824 in exchange for a port in Sumatra. The effect of this treaty was to render the Dutch supreme in Sumatra, and practically to transier to Eugland all such rights as had previously been claimed by Holland in respect to the Malay Peninsula. As early as 1786 the East India Company obtained the cession of the island of Penang from the Rajah of Keday, and a strip of mainland—the province of Wellesley--was similarly acquired two years later. The four settlements—Singapore, Malacca, Penang, and the province of Wellesley—remained under the jurisdiction of the Kast India Company from 1827 to 1867, when they were constituted into a Crown Colony. The foothold thus established on the peninsula brought Great Britain into contact with native States in various stages of anarchy, whose perpetual quarrels became more and more intolerable. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1253 INTERNAL STRIFE REQUIRED ACTION, _ The internal troubles of the peninsula reached a crisis in 1872, when, in addition to the squabbles of the Malay chieftains, the Chinese miners in Larut divided themselves into two camps and carried on organized warfare, involving much bloodshed. The defeated party betook itself to piracy, and the coast was virtually in a state of blockade. This was the situation on my arrival at Singapore in November, 1873. The coasting trade was everywhere stopped, and even the fishermen were afraid to put to sea. The senior naval officer informed me that the vessels at his disposal were quite inadequate to deal effectively with the widespread piracy existing. As the chief justice of the Straits Settlements (Sir T. Sidgreaves) stated in the legislative council on September 13, 1874, ‘‘These outrages and piracies have been a scandal to the British name, happening, as they have, at so smalla distance from our shores.”’ My instructions were simple. The colonial office was thoroughly dissatisfied with the state of affairs in the peninsula. I was to make it the subject of careful inquiry and report my views as soon as possible. I fear that in some quarters there lurks a belief in the efficacy of reports to cure ills. 1 am not quite sure how many distinguished persons have been severally called upon to report—on Egypt, for example. My own experience of the uses of reports does not tend toa high appreciation of their practical value, and the war office is at this moment crammed with such documents, the majority of which have never been even studied, still less acted upon. pe alone scarcely seemed to meet the grave urgency of the situation. It wag necessary to act in the first place, and to report auiterwards. TNE FIRST CONSULTATION WITH THE NATIVE CHIEFS, Arrangements were accordingly made for a meeting of the Perak chiefs, with a view to settle definitely the disputed succession to the Sultanate, and a series of articles were laid before them which, after full explanation, were unanimously accepted. Thege articles stipulated for the appointment of British residents at Perak and Larut, under whose advice the general administration and the collection of revenue was to be carried on. After some difficulty I succeeded in obtaining an_interview with the Sultan of Salangore and concluding a similar arrangement with him, while a small naval force proceeded up the Lingie and destroyed without opposition some stockades, with the result that similar measures of pacification became practicable in Sungei Ujong. The principles on which I acted were very simple. Personal influence has always great effect upon natives of the type of the Perak chiefs, and this influence I endeavored to apply. Where it was possible I sought interviews with them and pointed out the effect of the evils from which the country was suffering. Their real interests were peace, trade, and the opening up of their country. In place of anarchy and irregular revenues I held out the prospects of peace and plenty. I found them in cotton; I told them that if they would trust me I would clothe them in silk. Their rule had resulted in failure; I offered them advisers who would restore order from chaos without curtailing their sovereignty. They were willing to listen to reason, as the vast majority of persons, whether wearing silk hats or turbans, usually are; and since I have often wondered how many of our useless, expensive, and demoralizing small wars might have been avoided by similar modes of procedure. The temptations to make war are far stronger than is generally known. A butcher's bill appeals to the dullest imagination and speedily brings down rewards and honors which the mere negotiator, however successful, can not hope to obtain. Perhaps some future analyst of causation will be able to tell us for how much slaughter and wasted treasure decorations are responsible. THE CHINESE, It was not with the Malay chieftains alone that [ was called upon to deal. The troubles of the peninsula were largely due to the fighting proclivities of the Chinese, supported by secret societies, which were directed by influential Chinamen even in Singapore itself. Tne Chinese secret society is a bugbear to some minds, and I may be pardoned for a brief reference to it. Secret societies are the natural and inevitable outcome of an arbitrary and oppressive government, such as exists in China, and the Chinaman, having acquired the hereditary habit of creating such organizations, carries it with him to the country of his adoption. In China the secret society is doubtless almost entirely political, constituting a danger to the State. Transplanted to another country, it entails no necessary political dangers and hecomes practically a species of guild fur mutual protection of the nature of a benefit or burial club. Such combinations do, however, frequently lend themselves to lawlessness and crime, or even, as in Larut, to the civil war of rival factions. The main evil is the secrecy observed in the deliberations and proceedings of these societies. Try to suppress them altogether and you will drive them deeper below the surface and render them really dangerous. On the other hand, recognize them as long as they keep within the confines of law, insist as far as possible upon open meetings and publicity of accounts, and you will find them a powerful lever ready to your hand. You will be able to hold the leaders responsible for illegality; you may even manipulate the secret society to your own ends. This was the course pursued with success in the case of the Malay States, and I am indebted to the chiefs of the Chinese secret societies for support readily accorded as soon as they understood the principles upon which my action was based. ¥inally, I considered it was desirable to take the opportunity to settle some outstanding territorial questions. The farther boundary of the province of Wellesley had never been defined, and undefined boundaries are as fruitful a source of war as of civil litigation. The Sultan of Perak was willing to settle the question in a way which was completely satisfactory. At the same time our long-settled claims upon the Dindings were satisfactorily adjusted, and this position, important as controlling one of the great waterways of the peninsula, became an undisputed possession of Great Britain. In all these proceedings I received the warm support of the legislature of Singapore and the community at large, while to Lord Carnarvon and the permanent officials of the colonial office I owe a debt of gratitude for their encouragement and appreciation during a period of much anxiety. On the 18th of March, 1874, the chamber of commerce of the Straits Settlements adopted the following resolution: “The chamber of commerce, having taken into consideration the engagements lately entered into between the chiefs of Perak in the presence of his exccllency the governor, desires respectfully to express its entire approval of the measures adopted to put a stop to the piracy and misrule which have so long prevailed in that province, and sincerely trusts that his excellency will continue to perform the just, firm, and conciliatory policy thus inaugurated until the whole of the so-called independent States shall be brought under similar control.”’ : On the 11th of March there appeared a letter in the Times which referred to the new steps, then just taken, and to myself, as follows: “Tf it should prove successful, ag there is every reason to expect, he will be entitled to the merit of beginning the conversion of what has been since the memory of man a wilderness into a flourishing and wealthy territory.” A FRENCH VIEW OF THE RESULT. This prophecy has received a remarkable fulfillment, and before setting forth some of the statistics, which prove a development of trade almost unprecedented under the circumstances, I should like to quote the words of a French witness, whose own writings sufficiently preclude any suspicion of partiality. M. de la Croix, in a paper published under the authority of the Government of France on the political geography and the commercial situation of the Malay Peninsula, states: ‘The old state of things, exclusively feudal and tyrannical, has given place to a régime of justice and liberty, in conformity with our social ideas. Piracy has been suppressed; slavery has been abolished. * * * Schools have been everywhere establixhed, spreading instruction among the native classes. Several museums have been started, and science thus receivesitsdue. * * * We shall see that the civilized world has only to be proud of the initiative taken by England in the Malay Peninsula. She has opened new No. 4-—_9 1254 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. ecu and rich regions, established a solid government, which assures complete security, which gives the heartiest welcome to all well-meaning workers, whatever their nationality, and gives them the support and encouragement which one meets with in all English colonies.”’ These words contain a remarkable tribute to the success which has attended British administration in the Malay Peninsula; and when it is remembered that the results pointed out by M. de la Croix—with the single exception of the little expedition of 1875-76— have been won without the expenditure of blood or money, I think our achievements may be ce with legitimate pride. The new departure was stigmatized at the time by its detractors as ‘‘a policy of adventure.’’ History will perhaps record another verdict, and I imagine that the secret of imperial as of commercial success lies in knowing when to adventure. HOW PRODUCTION AND COMMERCE HAVE GROWN. Judged by any test whatever, the results of the British protectorate of the peninsula are remarkable. The following table, taken from the latest official report, shows the growth of trade in Perak: YEARS. Imports. Exports. Dollars. Dollars. 831,375 739, 971 965, 894 1, 075, 423 7, 998, 365 11, 799, 653 10, 188, 448 14, 499, 475 8, 713, 940 14, 289, 680 10, 075, 969 14, 442, 428 10, 759, 096 16, 702, 278 11, 615, 260 25, 707, 051 Nothing could more effectively prove the rapid and steady development of the producing power of this State. In the little State of Selangor, with an estimated area of only 3,000 square miles, which in 1873 had practically no trade at all, the growth in the last fourteen years has been even more striking, as shown below: YEARS. Imports. Exports. Dollars. Dollars. 1,188, 417 1, 707, 331 1, 526, 614 2, 253, 636 11,407,017 | 12) 246; 639 13,045,127 | 13,779; 941 18,008,485 | 20,894,185 The revenue algo has literally advanced by ‘‘leaps and bounds,’’ as the following statement proves: REVENUE OF THE ProtectEeD Matay STATES AND STRAITS SETTLEMENTS FOR THE YEARS 1876-1899. y Sungei Straits YEAR. Perak. Selangor. Ujong. Total. Settlements. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. 193, 476 94, 478 560, 997 1, 659, 034 226, 853 97,707 637, 432 1, 723, 466 189, 897 75, 898 594, 403 1,724, 466 184, 387 76, 632 649, 391 1, 822, 651 215, 614 83, 800 881,910 2,361, 300 230, 227 97, 665 1, C25, 753 2, 433, 821 300, 423 109, 413 1,315, 222 2,465, 153 450, G44 117,145 2,042,119 049, 220 1, 153, 897 141,502 | 3,122)876 | 3;847'653 1,416,795 | 155,951 | 3,588,986 | 3)858,108 This plainly shows also how the resources of the Straits Settlements have expanded in sympathy with that of the satellite protected States. POPULATION HAS RAPIDLY INCREASED. Equally remarkable has been the effect of the protectorate in regard to the increase of population. Perak, with 25,000 souls in 1874, had 55,880 in 1879; in 1888, 194,801; in 1896, 280,093. Clearly British rule has attractions in this part of the world. Real crime in these lately wild and semibarbarous States is wonderfully small. ‘It is certainly remarkable,”’ writes Mr. Swetten- 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1255 ham, ‘‘that with such a community, living under such conditions as those which obtain in Selangor, twelve months should elapse with the commission of one murder and one gang robbery, where four of the members were arrested and convicted, while part of the stolen property was recovered.”’ RAILWAYS OPENED. woe 20 tiles of railway opened in 1887 in Selangor pay a dividend of 25 per cent, and the 8 miles completed in Perak in 1888 pay 83 per cent. : _ I might indefinitely multiply figures to prove the extraordinary advance in material prosperity which has taken place in the Malay Peninsula, but the above are sufficiently significant for my purpose. There is probably no instance where native States have been handled with such success, and I ask the reader to mark the methods adopted. ‘It is very simple,” says M. de St. Croix; ‘‘the majority of the old native sovereigns have not only been preserved, but have received higher titles and a more complete confirmation of their hereditary rights. By their side are placed residents, charged with advising them, to follow the official term, but who, in reality, administer the country.”” In a word, in our conserving old titles and old feudal institutions as far as possible, dealing gently with local prejudice and wielding powers through the medium of the native rulers, whom our residents advise. Had this ‘‘simple’’ method been tried in upper Burma, I venture to think that much trouble and loss of life might have been spared, and that our position there to-day would be far more satisfactory than it is. Possibly the explanation may be sought in the presence of Burma of a large military force— a condition almost invariably hostile to the peaceful settlement of uncivilized countries. The simple methods pursued in the Malay Peninsula would have sufficed ere this to reopen commerce with the eastern Soudan and throw Manchester goods into Suakim. The very opposite policy has been hitherto adopted, and I conceive that few people are satisfied with the result. THE LABOR QUESTION, The Malay States need population, the opening up of communications, and capital. Hithertothelabor market has been supplied almost solely by Chinese, and the experiment of colonization from India remains to be tried. There is no objection whatever to the experiment. Portions of India are becoming overpopulated by people who are ready and willing workers, such as the Malay States need for their full development. Under proper supervision, the excess labor of the one country could be made to supply the wants of the other. _ I confess, however, that I am not sanguine of seeing this system of natural compensation going on within the limits of the empire, and for many years, at least, it is from China that the States must obtain their labor. The result of our ‘‘policy of adventure” is one of which England may well be proud. A country of which, in 1873, there was no map whatever-has been thrown open to the enterprise of the world. Ages of perpetual fighting and bloodshed has ended in complete pena and contentment. Life is as safeasin many partsof Europe. All this has been accomplished almost without the application of force. The contact between the civilization of the European races and effete semibarbarous States has occurred all over the world. Its immediate results have differed widely. Some races have succeeded; others have signally failed. This contact has, in some cases, been marked by mutual savagery, in others by mutual deterioration. I do pretend that in our dealings with the native States of the Malay Peninsula we have been actuated by a spirit of pure disinterestedness. [ do not claim that our action will bear a close scrutiny, and that it has resulted in almost unmixed good to the States themselves, while a new and rich field has been opened out to the commerce of all nations. THE GOVERNMENT OF CEYLON AND THE SHARE OF EUROPEANS AND NATIVES, RESPECTIVELY, IN ITS ADMINISTRATION. The method by which over 3,000,000 people in Ceylon are governed and the island developed through the agency of a total English population of about 6,000 may be briefly outlined as follows: The government is administered by a governor-general, aided by an executive council, composed of the lieutenant-governor, colonial secretary, commander of the troops, attorney-general, auditor-general, and treasurer. For legislative purposes this executive council is enlarged by the addition of four other officeholders and eight nominated members. The island is divided into nine provinces, each of which is presided over by a Government agent, who, with his assistants, administers law through the native headmen and their subordinates in the native communities. The basis of the legal administration js the Roman-Dutch law, modified by certain features of the English law and colonial ordinances, together with a criminal law modeled upon the Indian penal code. There is a supreme court and superior courts, courts of request, and, below these, village councils organized with power to deal with petty offenses and trivial claims, and presided over by native officials. The production of tea since its successful introduction a few years ago has added greatly to the prosperity and commerce of the island, the exports having increased from 51,127,338 rupees in 1890 to 101,576,906 rupees in 1899; and the imports from 63,091,928 rupees in 1890 to 111,992,349 rupees in 1899. The following account of conditions in Ceylon is by L. B. Clarence, published in the British Empire Series, 1899: Ceylon is called England’s principal Crown colony. It is not a “‘colony’’ in the strict sense of the word, for ‘‘colony’’ properly means a body of immigrants settled in a foreign country, and the English colonists are but a very small fraction of the inhabitants of Ceylon. The island is not a dependency of our country in which Englishmen can settle permanently, as in Australia, for instance, or Canada. The tropical climate forbids that. In Ceylon, as in India, the European immigrants must always be greatly outnumbered by the sons of the soil. The dependency is called a ‘“‘colony,’’ because it is governed through the colonial office, and a ‘‘Crown”’ colony, because it is administered directly under the Crown, and has no responsible representative government of itsown. * * * EUROPEAN POPULATION SMALL. In Ceylon, as in India, the European inhabitants, by reason of the climate, can never be more than a drop in the bucket compared with the natives. The Europeans (not counting the military) number scarcely 6,000, as against something like 3,000,000 natives. And so we are responsible for the welfare of a large native population living under our rule, and entirely dependent on us for good government and administration. : oie ; Ceylon is often coupled with India. A man returned from Ceylon to England is asked about his life ‘in India,”’ as though Ceylon and India must be all the same. This is not unnatural. Ceylon has much in common, at any rate, with southern India. Its inhabitants are of Indian origin. Their ancestors came from India long ago. And yet, from one cause and another, the atmosphere of life and government and administration differs perceptibly in the two countries. * * * DEVELOPMENT OF INDUSTRIES. Almost from the very outset our Ceylon possessions were separated from the administration of India, and placed under the colonial department. The difference has been further accentuated during the last fifty years by the remarkable rise and development of a great European planting enterprise—first in coffee, and since in tea. This brought in its train an unofficial European element in the population, 1256 COLONIAL ADMENISTRATION, [Ocrosae, very small in comparison with the native inhabitants, but relatively far larger and more influential than any unofficial European class in India. There are, indeed, in certaim parts of India, European planters of indigo, coffee, tea; but the planting community scattered in a few districts has never influenced the administration or tinged the current of government asin Ceylon. * * * A great deal of the mountain country has been transformed into tea plantations, and the forest replaced by miles on miles of trim grown tea bushes, running in lines up and down the steep slopes, amid dashing torrents and huge blocks of rock tossed about in wild confusion. All waste land is prima facie the property of the Crown, and for many years the Government has discontinued selling land above 5,000 feet elevation. About five-sixths of the whole island is uncultivated, and much of this would naturally be heavy timber forest. But about sixteen years ago the Government resolved on having a thorough overhaul of the forests and the forest. management in general. So they borrowed avery able forest officer from India, and he discovered that much of the valuable timber, and in fact a great deal of the forest itself, was no longer in existence. This was mainly owing to a native habit of what the Sinhalese call chena cultivation. A villager goes into the forest, chooses a block of land, and fells all. but the largest trees. He lets the cut wood and branches dry for a month or so, and then sets fire to it as it lies. The result is a bare clearing, with here and there the blackened stumps of the larger trees. He gets one or two crops off the land, and then abandons it and chooses another plot. In this way vast tracts of forest. have been destroyed, and in some places repeated operations of this kind have so exhausted the soil that only ferns will grow. A good deal of this mischief went on aiter the old native government had fallen to pieces, and more during the earlier years of our possession. After this mmweleome discovery the Ceylon government followed the example of the government of India and set up a regular forest department. * * * THE NATIVES. ; There are two native races, the Sinhalese and the Tamil. The Sinhalese number about two-thirds of the native population, and inhabit the southern and south-central parts. The Tamils dwell up in the north. These Ceylon Tamils must not be confused with the Tamil coolies employed on the tea estates, who hail from certain districts in the Madras presidency, and come and go between their homes in Ceylon. The national religion of the Sinhalese is Buddhism. The Tamils Worship Hindu divinities after Hindu fashion. / There are also spread throughout the island about 250,000 Mohammedans, a race of mixed Arab and Indian blood, whom we call ‘Moormen,’” because the Portuguese gave them that name. They are indefatigable traders—the Jews, one may say, of the island. The Moorman’s shop is in every village, and in his smart. jacket and high cap of gaudy colors marvelously adhering to his shayen skull, with his assortment of gems and curiosities, he is the first to greet the visitor on arrival. * * * EUROPEAN IMPORTS. Many European. importations now reach the people which their forefathers never dreamt of. You find European crockery in the villages, and boxes of matches and many other imported things. In this way the people have come to possess various useful commodities; but even this has two sides, and unfortunately many of the ancient native arts and crafts seem doomed to die out. Time was when the blacksmith used to smelt his own iron, and very good iron it was; now he finds it easier to work up old scraps of English hoop iron, or the like. Once the people wore cotton cloths woven and dyed by the weaver caste, cloths which abeolutely would not wear out; now the old native webs are being superseded by English fabrics which are not so serviceable. In spite of the usefulness of some of the importations, this decay of old native crafts is much to be regretted. And we may wonder how the people reconcile missionary teaching with some of the products which reach them from Christian England—knives made to sell, not to cut; bottles and ports that hold about half their apparent contents; and flimsy cotton fabrics disguised with artificial thickening. * * * TIOW COMMERCE WAS DEVELOPED. It is probable that the development of commerce and of the great European planting enterprise has been more fostered and encouraged under the colonial office than they would have been under the Indian government. On the other hand, in matters of general administration and legislation and the framing of institutions for the country and its people, Ceylon might have fared better as part of our Indian Empire. There are few tasks more difficult than that of contriving all these matters for an Eastern population very unlike ourselves, strongly attached to their own traditions, and, withal, reserved, timid, and exclusive. In India the task was approached with all the skill and talents which can be commanded by a government on a great scale. In Ceylon it was otherwise. But what is more, in India the principal advisers of the government in these matters. have been men armed with all the local. knowledge and experience to be gained in working lives spent in the country and among the people. The government of India is not mixed up with that of other and disximilar parts of the world. Ceylon has been less fortunate, through sharing the cares and traditions of the colonial office with a host of colonies, for the most part extremely unlike herself, in all quarters of the globe. Thus the legislation and administration generally were the less adjusted to the needs of the country. The government was less in touch with the people, and less informed of their peculiarities. It is significant that in Ceylon the native languages are far less used than in India for the transaction of public business, and in the law courts the preceedings are conducted in English. - Thus the people are placed at the mercy of lawyers and other intermediaries, native or Eurasian, and the government knows too little about them. & THE GOVERNMENT. Until 1833 the interior and the coast settlements were separately administered, but them the whole island was placed on one footing. The form of government is in theory much the same as that of the Indian presidencies. The legislature, which is subject to the veto of the Crown, consists of a number of official members and a smaller number of unofficials, supposed to represent the various classes of the community, not elected, but nominated by the governor. This is a suitable form of government. To introduce anything in the shape of responsible government is, for the present at amy rate, out of the question, and would be disastrously opposed to the welfare of the native community. * * * DEVELOPMENT OF NEW INDUSTRIES. And now I must describe the great European planting enterprise which has developed under our rule, beginning with coffee and continued with tea. A little coffee was grown during the Dutch times, and then the trade was allowed to drop, because Java, another Dutch possession, produced as much as they cared to place on the European market. Some of the coffee cultivation lingered on to our times, and at last attracted the attention of Englishmen with capital to invest. In 1824 the first coffee estate under European manage- ment was opened. The enterprise advanced, and after 1840: went on with rapid strides. The government, as owners of the forests, sold large tracts to English planters, and the clearings climbed higher and higher up the hills. * * * About 1873. coffee planting reached its zenith. The yield’ was generous, and prices ruled high. Very large sums were: hid for forest. land, and in addition to the bona fide enterprise of hard-working planters a gambling, speculative disposition set in. Then disease attacked the bushes, and the artificial inflation rendered the downfall more headlong. The coffee was dying out, and: planters and their creditors were at their wit’s end. Estates were sold for a mere song. Mortgagees and owners alike Tost their money, superintendents tost their pay, and even coolies lost long arrears of wages at eight pence or nine pence a day. Yet the mass of the planters never lost heart. Cinchona was tried, and at first prospered, saving many from sinking. Then that product was attacked simultaneously by a disease and a fall in the price of quinine. Even then the planters were not to be beat, and they turned their attention to tea. They had to cut out dead or dying coffee, plant the land anew, amd wait for erop. They had to provide an entirely new description of expensive machinery, and they had to learn, and to teach their work people, an entirely new industry. All this was successfully accomplished, and new for many years the tea has heen thriving and paying handsomely, not only in the old coffee districts, but in new ones, some of them down in the low country. (The Ceylon tea crop for 1898 has been estimated at 126,000,000 pounds.) * * * 1901.} COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1257 THE GOVERNMENT OF THE WEST INDIES AND THE SHARE OF EUROPEANS AND NATIVES, RESPECTIVELY, IN THEIR ADMINISTRATION. The government of the West India Islands, while of course varying as to details, may be properly termed as of the Crown colony class; the term ‘Crown colony’’ indicating a government in which the laws are administered by persons designated by the home government, and in which at least one of the local legislative bodies is also named, in whole or in part, by the home government. TOW LAWS ARE MADE AND ENFORCED IN TITE BRITISH COLONIES. According to the British Colonial Office List of 1901 all of the British West India islands belong to the class in which the legislative council is partly elected and partly appointed, except Trinidad, Tobago, and Turks Island, in which the legislative council is entirely nominated by the Crown; and this is also the case in British Honduras. In British Guiana there is a legislative council partly elected, but the Crown has reserved the power of legislating by orders in council. In Trinidad and Tabago, one of the most prosperous colonies of the West Indian group, the government is administered by a governor aided by an executive council of seven members. The legislative body is a council, including the governor, who is president, nine official and eleven unofficial members, all of whom are nominated by the Crown, The present council consists of the governor, who is its president, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, the commandant of the local forces, the solicitor-general, auditor-general, director of public works, surgeon-general, the protector of immigrants, the receiver- general, and the collector of customs, with eleven unofficial members, presumably residents of the island. Tobago, which is a part of the united colony of Trinidad and Tobago, is considered as a ward of Trinidad, and its revenue, expenditure, and debt merge with those of the united colony, the laws of Trinidad operating in Tobago, and all ordinances of the legislature extending to that island, except local ordinances which are especially made for it by the joint legislature of the colony. The laws are administered by a warden and magistrate. Jamaica, which has a population of about 650,000, is governed by a council consisting of the governor, five official members, and ten other persons appointed by the Crown at the suggestion of the governor, and fourteen elective members. The ex officio members are the captain-general and governor, the senior officer commanding the troops, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, the director of public works, and the collector-general. The elected members are residents of the island. In the sessions of the legislative council the governor has only a casting vote, and there are in addition, it will be observed, five ex officio and ten appointive members, making fifteen, while the total elective members number fourteen’ These fourteen elected members are chosen from the fourteen parishes of the island. The parish is the unit of local government, and each has its own parochial institutions managed by a board, the members of which are elected. The Cayman Islands, with a population of some 5,000 persons, are under the control of the Jamaican government and are considered a dependency of Jamaica. Turks and Caicos islands, with a population of about 5,000, are in part under the control of the Jamaican council, which passes special laws for their government, the less important legislation being conducted by a legislative board comprising the judge and commissioner, and not less than two nor more than four other persons appointed by the governor of Jamaica, the latter being usually natives of the islands. The Barbados government consists of a governor and legislative council of nine members appointed by the King, and a house of assembly with twenty-four members elected annually on the basis of a moderate franchise. The population of the islands is about 192,000, and the number of voters under the limited franchise, based upon property and educational qualifications, is a little over 2,000. The legislative council, it will be observed, is entirely appointed by the home Government. The executive part of the government consists of the governor, the officer commanding the troops, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, a member of the legislative council, and four members of the house of assembly nominated by the governor. This body, which is called the executive committee, introduces all manifestoes in the legislative body, prepares the estimates, and initiates all government measures. The Windward Islands, which include Grenada, St. Vincent, the Grenadines, and St. Lucia, and form the eastern barrier of the Caribbean Sea, between Martinique and Trinidad, are under the direction of a governor and commander in chief, appointed by the Crown. Each island, however, has its own institutions, there being no common legislature, laws, revenues, or tariff, but a common court of appeal, while the colonies unite for common purposes. In Grenada there is a legislative council consisting of the governor and six official members nominated by him, and seven unofficial members nominated by the Crown. Each town has its own board for local affairs, semi-elective for the chief town and wholly elective fcr the others, and each parish has a nominated board for roads and ganitation. In St. Vincent there is an administrator and colonial secretary, and a legislative council consisting of four official and four nominated members. In St. Lucia there is an administrator and colonial secretary, with a nominated executive and legislative council. In considering the share of the home Government and the native population, respectively, in the government of these islands, it is interesting to observe that in Grenada, the most important of the group, there was in 1875 a legislative assembly which consisted of seventeen members, of which number eight were elected by the people and nine nominated by the Crown, each receiving a salary of £100 per annum, and that this legislative council, at its first meeting held in February, 1876, addressed a communication to the Queen, informing her that it had passed a bill providing for its own extinction, and leaving it ‘‘entirely to Your Majesty’s wisdom and discretion to erect such form of government as Your Majesty may deem most desirable for the welfare of the colony,”’ the result being the creation by the Queen of a new legislative council consisting entirely of appointed members, six of the number being official and seven unofficial. The English possessions in the Leeward Islands, which form the most northerly group of the lesser Antilles, and comprize a dozen or more islands, are governed by one executive and one legislative council and one governor. The legislative council consists of eight official and eight elective members, of which latter number three are chosen by the elective members of the island council of Antigua, two by those of the legislative council of Dominica, and three by the nonofticial members of the legislative council of St. Kitts and Nevis. These members must be and continue members of the councils of their respective islands. The official members of the legislative council are the governor, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, the auditor-general, and the administrators of the various islands. This legislative council has concurrent legislative powers with the local legislatures of the islands on certain subjects specified, including property, mercantile and commercial law, quarantine, post and telegraph affairs, currency, education, etc., and any island enactment on these subjects is void if repugnant to any enactment of the general legislature, or may at any time be repealed or altered by an act of the general legislature. The legislative council of Antigua consists of eight official and cight unofficial members, the latter being nominated by the governor. The legislative council of St. Christopher (St. Kitts) and Nevis consists of ten official and ten nominated 1258 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. fosrone unofficial members, of which seven are chosen from St. Christopher and three from Nevis, the governor having a casting vote. In Dominica the local government is conducted by an administrator, aided by an executive council of ten members, all nominated by the governor. In Montserrat the legislative body is entirely appointed, as is also the case in the Virgin Islands. In Antigua the legislative council, which was partly elected and partly nominated, in 1898 passed an act abrogating itself and substituting the Crown colony system. In 1866 legislative assembly in St. Christopher, which was partly nominated and partly elected, also passed an act abrogating itself and substituting a legislative council to be appointed by the home Government. METHODS OF GOVERNMENT IN THE FRENCH, DUTCH, AND DANISH WEST INDIES. The methods of government in the French, Dutch, and Danish West Indies are based largely upon the same general system as that outlined in the above descriptions of the government of the British West Indies, the law-making body being partly, if not entirely, named by the home Government, except in the French, where they are wholly elective. : As to the share of the natives or permanent residents of the islands in the government, it may be said that in cases where legislative bodies exist, the local and native population is represented in the selection of other than official members, and in some cases the official members are permanent residents of the islands. In the local boards and organizations which frame and administer parish and other local laws and regulations, the membership is entirely from the resident class, and in nearly all cases elective. In the French West Indian colonies having legislative bodies, the membership is largely of natives or permanent residents of the island. In the British West Indies this is true of the nonofhcial members of the legislative bodies. SHARE OF NATIVES IN THE GOVERNMENT OF BRITISH COLONIES. Mr. Alleyne Ireland, who has had long experience in the British West Indies, in his ‘‘Tropical Colonization’’ says: ‘‘In the matter of appointments the colored natives of the various colonies are very fairly treated. I know of no instance of the governor of a colony being a colored man, but short of that colored men are to be found occupying good positions in all branches of the colonial service, as magistrates, medical officers, custom-house officials, land surveyors, etc. A notable instance of a colored man rising toa high position in the colonial service is that of Sir Conrad Reeves, the chief justice of Barbados (which island contains a white population of about 17,000), who is universally respected and who was knighted by Her Majesty in recognition of his distinguished services to the colony. * * * The governor of a Crown colony is largely guided by the views of his executive council, which generally contains, in addition to the official members, several civilians, representing different classes of the community, as the planters and merchants, the white and colored inhab- itants. * * * In British Guiana most of the voters are colored men, and of the eight elected members of the court of policy, as it was constituted in 1898, five were prominent colored citizens. The court of policy has the power to legislate on all matters relating to the internal affairs of the colony, with the exception of financial affairs, which are dealt with by the combined court. The voters of British - Guiana must be the owners of not less than 3 acres of land under cultivation, or of a house and land of the annual rental or value of not less than $96; or occupation and tenancy of not less than 6 acres of land under cultivation; or occupation and tenancy of a house and land of the annual rental or value of not less than $192; or the possession of an annual income or salary of not less than $480, or have paid during the twelve months previous to registration direct taxes to the colonial revenue to the amount of $20 or upward. HIGH-GRADE OFFICIALS OBTAINED BY GOOD SALARIES. ‘As a matter of fact, instances of dishonesty among the members of the colonial service are extremely rare, among the higher officials during the past twenty years almost unknown. During the ten years which I spent in the British colonies only two cases of official dishonesty fell under my notice, the delinquents being junior collectors in the West India service. One can not but be struck in traveling in the British colonies by the absolute confidence placed by all classes in the honesty of the public servants. * * * It is useless for me to attempt to convey an adequate impression of the excellence of the British colonial service; only those who have lived in contact with these administrative systems can appreciate the sterling qualities of the men who are devoting their lives to the cause of good government. * * * The advantages of a system of representation, even when unaccompanied by responsible government, may be said to consist chiefly in the opportunity afforded to the people to express to the governor and his officials their views on the legislation necessary for the welfare of the colony and in the control which the elected body exercises over the methods of taxation. In regard to the first of these advantages it is in practice a very real one, for although the governor and his officials constitute a majority in the legislative body, the wishes of the elected section are, as a rule, allowed to prevail. The cases in which the elected section consists almost entirely of one class of men, such as lawyers, planters, or merchants, are the exception, and class legislation is infrequent. And though in regard to the vote of estimates the elected section may occasionally find itself unable to give effect to all its intentions, such cases are very rare, and in the matter of raising revenue the methods advocated by the elected members are almost invariably adopted. * * * The governors are almost always trained administrators, who are only appointed in the vast majority of cases after they have had large experience in one capacity or another in the government of colonies. * * * The governors of Crown colonies are guided to a considerable extent by the advice of the local councils; and as it is the custom to appoint to that body men representing the various sections of the community, the governor can make himself thoroughly informed even on those matters which do not fall within his own observation. The great advantage of Crown-colony government is that the administration is entirely in the hands of trained officials, free from local prejudice, absolutely forbidden to engage in trade or to be in any way connected with any commercial undertaking, and unhampered by the constant antagonism of local elected assemblies. It is to the manifest interest of the officials to govern well, for the better they govern the more likely they are to obtain promotion. Iam inclined to agree,” says Mr. Ireland in closing his discussion of the British West Indies, ‘‘with the opinion of Mr. C. P. Lucas, that ‘experience has shown that for a dependency inhabited by a colored race, where there is at the same time an influential, if smal], body of European merchants or planters belonging to the ruling race, the form of government which unites strong home control with considerable freedom of and adherence to local public opinion is on the whole just, wise, and successful.’ ”” SHARE OF NATIVES IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT. Sir George Cornewall Lewis, whose essay “‘On the Government of Dependencies,” originally published in 1841, is still highly prized by students of colonial subjects, discussing the question of the share which the resident population has in the government of the colony, 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1259 says: ‘‘There is a constant tendency from inevitable causes to a misconception of the character and powers of asubordinate government. The relation of a subordinate to a supreme government is a complicated relation which the people, both of the dominant country and the dependency, are likely to misunderstand, and the incorrect notions entertained by either party are likely to give rise to unfounded expectations. It is the duty of the government of the dominant country to do everything in its power to advance correct opinions and to dispel errors respecting its political relations with the dependency, and still more important to avoid creating an error on this subject, since in case of any collision between the dominant country and the dependency the weaker party—that is, the dependency—can scarcely fail to be the chief sufferer. It should not be overlooked that the popular form of the supreme government counteracts to a considerable (or at least to some), extent the evils arising from absence of popular institutions in the dependency. Although the popular form of the supreme government does not afford to the inhabitants of a dependency any of the characteristic securities of popular institutions (the power of electing their own representatives) yet the publicity of the system of government and the probability that some of the members of the supreme legislative body will take up their cause and obtain a hearing for them affords them a considerable protection. The safeguards of a dependency without popular institutions are (1) the control by a home government free from local prejudices; (2) a local civil service whose interest it is to govern well; (3) the press both in the dominant country and in the colony; (4) a local assembly where native members can at least ventilate their grievances; (5) the legislative body of the home government, members-of which are only too ready to find something to talk about as a means of advertisement; (6) philanthropic societies. Note above all that the telegraph brings home to the mother country the grievances of a dependency before they have become ancient history.” SIR CHARLES DILKE ADVISES GIVING THE WEST INDIAN NATIVES A LARGE SHARE IN THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT. : Sir Charles Dilke, in his ‘‘ Problems of Greater Britain,’’ says of the recent experiences in British colonies: “As the government of the British West India Islands becomes with the lapse of time more democratic and more in the hands of the inhabitants, it is probable that the Indian immigration, which seems necessary to the cultivation of large estates in the hands of white owners, will cease, and that the estates will be day by day more and more cut up into smaller properties in the hands of blacks or ‘colored’ people. There can, indeed, be little doubt that if the mass of the people of our West India Islands had a direct voice in the management of their own affairs, as have the inhabitants of the French islands, they would soon remove those of their grievances which are connected with the taxation upon the necessaries of life and the artificial supply of cheap labor. NATIVE OFFICIALS SUCCESSFUL, *¢Some who think the Negro unfitted for self-government point to Hayti; they might, however, reflect that Liberia presents a different picture, and that in the French islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe power is in the hands of the ‘colored’ population, while the islands prosper. The experience, indeed, of those islands in which the Negroes and ‘colored’ people have been intrusted with a large share in government, and the use which they make of representative institutions, seem to show that their detractors are in the wrong. The friends of the Negro are now able to point to the progress effected by West Indian peasant proprietors, to the spread of education, to the undoubted rise in the standard of comfort, and to the prominent place already taken by individuals of the African race. The chief jutsice of Barbados and the wealthiest inhabitant of Jamaica are both what some would call ‘black men,’ and in the West African settlements Negroes are being increasingly employed in government with excellent results. It stands to reason that between the interests of the large landowners, whether resident or absentee, and the interests of the peasant cultivators of the soil, points of divergence exist, and that, owing to the almost complete nonrepresentation of the latter outside of Barbados, their wants and wishes have hitherto not received the attention they deserve. The example of Martiniqueand Guadeloupe goes to show that it is time that we should make trial of a more liberal system. THE FRENCH METHOD APPROVED. “Tt is contended that where representatives of the people are elected by manhood suffrage, as is the case in the French islands of Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Réunion, the result has been (as it has in the Southern States of the American Union) a recrudescence of race hatreds, and in the French colonies the political subjection of the whites to the men of color. The organization of many of the English tropical colonies is, indeed, of a more oligarchic type than that which now prevails in the island colonies of France, of which the prosperity is remarkable. While we havea certain contempt for the French, considered as a colonizing people, every English writer on the West Indies admits that the French have been more successful in Martinique and Guadeloupe than we have been in sim- ilar and closely adjoining islands. M. de Lanessan has told us that excellent results have been attained by the French of late through frankly accepting the principle that the ‘colored’ race is better suited to the West Indies than is the white, and that France hag encouraged and helped the ‘colored’ people to become dominant in the French islands. In the meantime the trade of two French islands is, roughly speaking, one-third that of all our own, vastly greater in size and in population, and our ‘Dominica stands between the two French colonies, showing,’ says Mr. Eves, ‘a lamentable contrast to their prosperity.’ The suffrage was conferred on the negroes of Martinique, Guadeloupe, Réunion, and French Guiana in 1848, at the time of the abolition of slavery. At the same moment the suffrage was given to a large proportion of the natives of French India. The electoral right was in the latter case shortly afterwards taken away, but was restored under the third republic. The Negro electors of the French Antilles and of Réunion speak French, are Roman Catholics, and live under French laws, but the natives of French India, as a rule, do not speak French, and are not Christians, yet nevertheless possess the franchise. In Tonquin and in Algeria the suffrage has, as I have said, not been given to the natives, and in the protectorates, such as Tunis and Annam, the French inhabitants themselves, like the English in India, have no votes. In Cochin China representative government is a farce, inasmuch as the great majority of the electors are in the employment of the French Government, but in the French Antilles it is a reality. In all, it may be said that 4 senators and 7 deputies are elected to the French Chambers by constituencies in which power is in the hands of the colored or black people. Such is the prosperity of the French West Indies that it would seem that we are wrong in not trusting the West Indian Negroes and colored people with a larger voice in their own future, though it may be admitted that if the choice lies only between Crown government and planter parliaments they are better off under autocratic than they would be under oligarchic institutions.” 1260 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, [Ocroser, VIEWS OF GENERAL DAVIS, OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY. Brig. Gen. George W. Davis, whose service in Porto Rico familiarized him with conditions in that island, in an official report to the United States Government, discussing the future civil government of Porto Rico (which discussion he says he undertakes “with 1aisgivings and much hesitation, preferring to be excused from any presentation of this question, but the orders of the Secretary of War require it’’), says: “Phe problems confronting the United States, respecting its newly acquired islands and their future government, can only be solved by an application of those wise rales and principles that are the product of human experience. To find modern examples of the application of those rules to tropical states, colonies, dependencies, or possessions we must {urn to the experience of other nations. * TIISTORICAL PRECEDENTS. “It will not be profitable to study historical precedents unless there be points of resemblance to Porto Rico in natural conditions, population, and history. Some of the States which have been formed from what we are accustomed to call ‘Spanish-America,’ and some of the islands discovered, settled, and populated under Spanish, English, and French domination, have many points of resemblance to Porto Rico, although it is probable there is none of these save Chile, at date of revolt from Spanish rule, which had so large a propor- tion of its inhabitants of the Caucasian race as Porto Rico now has. “The only American tropical regions where the conditions are at all analogous are Venezuela, Colombia, Guiana, Central America, and the Greater and Lesser Antilles. But the Spanish States of South and Central America were very sparsely settled and all of them had a large Indian population, while Porto Rico is densely populated and has no Indian blood. In Haiti the negro very largely predominated, and the same was true of Barbados, Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Jamaica, and indeed nearly all the others save Cuba. The countries which most nearly resembled Porto Rico as respects the nationality of the inhabitants, climate, soil, and government at the time they were lost by Spain are that portion of Santo Domingo now known as the Dominican Republic and the island of Trinidad. The former became an independent State and the latter was ceded to the English Crown—one a few years before and the other about the beginning of the nineteenth century. Both had Spanish laws and institutions. In each there were a considerable number of negro slaves. In neither were there Indians. The Roman Catholic religion was establizhed in both, and other denominations were not allowed. The natural productions of both islands were similar, sugar being the most important, as it was until recentiy in Porto Rico. “Tn 1797 Trinidad was captured by the English and entered upon a new career under local Spanish laws, which were preserved and properly administered by Great Britain. Not so, however, with the island of Santo Domingo, which at the beginning of the century achieved its independence under Toussaint L’ Ouverture. ‘France endeavored to recover her part of the island, but was unsuccessful. In 1844 the eastern or Spanish part became inde- pendent, but later Spain tried to recover it, failed, and since then the Republic of Dominica has been unmolested in its career save by civil wars and some strife with Haiti and Spain, but for more than thirty years the inhabitants of Santo Domingo have been demon- strating their incapacity for self-government. There have been a half dozen civil wars and overturnings, the last but a tew days ago. GOOD GOVERNMENT A NECESSITY. ‘Statistics show that the negro blood is not very much more in evidence in Dominica than in Porto Rico, and the persons of white blood are of the same race and haye been controlled by the same codes and institutions that have prevailed here. Had Dominica been a dependency of some strong and well-administered government, it is probable that much of this civil strife would have been prevented. But had it had home rule, such as is accorded to Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the Territories of the United States, there would still have been struggles for preponderance of one party or faction over the other, which could only have been prevented from becoming sanguinary by the military intervention of the supreme Government. It does not seem to me possible that the Dominicans would have furnished an example of autonomic government well administered. They seem to know of but one use to make of political privileges, and that is to erect and maintain a despotism or a government of a class for the benefit of its adherents. ‘This so-called republic has an area more than five times as great as Porto Rico, a soil of exceptionable richness, adapted to all tropical productions, a salubrious climate, a population containing many highly educated and intelligent men of Spanish origin, and yet we see what misuse has been made of their opportunities, which were of the fairest in the world. “Under a good government, well administered, this little State could as well support a population of 5,000,000 as Porto Rico can 1,000,000, but so great has been the turbulence, and even chaos, that immigration and industrial development have been prevented, and Dominica has been cited all over the world as a typical example of the incapacity of Spanish-Americans to govern themselves. The contrast to Dominica furnished by Trinidad is so noteworthy that a further mention may be justified respecting the latter. ‘‘The inhabitants of Trinidad when the island was conquered by General Abercromby in 1797 were largely of Spanish birth and parentage, although there were many French who had emigrated thither from Santo Domingo following the outbreak in 1793. There were also many thousand negro slaves. Its area is about 1,750 square miles (the largest of the British West India Islands, except Jamaica), or a little less than one-third the size of Porto Rico. At the date of the conquest it was inhabited somewhat less densely than Porto Rico, which then had about 36 inhabitants to the square mile. ‘The population of Trinidad has increased to upward of 300,000, giving it 170 per square mile. Its revenues exceed $3,000,000, its exports exceed by one-third the same from Porto Rico, its government is one of order and stability, and crime does not go unpunished. The number of children attending school is more than three times as large, in proportion to population, as here. They have a royal college and several schools for higher education. All religious denominations are free. Good rvads abound, industries are diversified and are being constantly extended. “Tf left uncontrolled and free, Trinidad would probably have supplied another example of a chaotic government. It had the most favorable elements for such a result—Spanish, French, negro slaves, ‘maroons’ from the neighboring Spanish and French possessions. Besides, its waters were infested with privateers, who were no better than pirates. Home rule was fortunately not accorded to this island, but instead it was governed at first by military officers directly. It is now a Crown colony, having an executive council of five official and three native appointed members, the governor presiding. It has also a legislative council of 21 members, 10 of whom are appointed by the governor and 11 are elected. The governor presides over this council. Only those who possess a stated property or income qualification, or who are members of the liberal professions, can vote at elections for councilinen. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1261 “There is not anywhere in the world a tropical island having a happier and more contented population, nor one where life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness of the humble native, the freed slayes and the East Indian ‘coolie,’ as well as the rich and powerful, are more firmly secured in the enjoyment of all their natural and acquired rights. While the wage rate of the laborer is small, gauged by United States standards, taxation is so adjusted and revenues are so expended that the poorer laboring classes have many advantages lacking in many other islands, Porto Rico not excepted. , “The conditions in Jamaica and many other British islands not differing materially from Trinidad in regard to orderly government are not closely analogous to Porto Rico in other respects. The inhabitants of many df these islands are principally negroes. In Jamaica, out of a population of about 700,000, only 24 per cent are white. In Barbados about 9 per cent are white. Trinidad is the largest of all the lesser Antilles, and, as above stated, was chosen for comparison with Porto Rico and Santo Domingo because most of the natural and social conditions are, or were, more nearly the same as in Porto Rico. : SELF-SUSTAINING GOVERNMENT. “Tn regard to taxation, all the British islands are similarly administered. ach is self-sustaining and has its own export, import, and internal taxes, the same as though it were an independent government. In some of these places, where sugar was the principal reliance, the industrial and economic conditions are unsatisfactory. The United Kingdom—adhering to free trade—can supply herself with the bounty-fed sugar of continental Europe at a cheaper price than from her own colonies. As there is practically no market save the United States for sugar grcwn in the West Indies, that industry has greatly declined save in islands where exceptionally favorable conditions exist, and therefore business conditions are very unfavorable and unsatisfactory. “The government of Barbados differs somewhat from the usual Crown colony type. The governor and colonial secretary are appointed by the Crown. The executive council consists of the governor, the commander of the troops, the attorney-general, and the president of the legislative council, and this last consists of 9 individuals, 4 of whom are nominated by the governor from the house of assembly. “This house consists of 24 members, all elected. There is an executive committee connected with the assembly, a sort of committee of ‘ways and means.’ It introduces all money votes, prepares all estimates, and initiates all government measures. It consists of the governor, the commander of the troops, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, the president of the executive council, and five members of the assembly appointed by the governor. “The number of qualified electors was 2,208 in 1897, out of a population of about 190,000. “The assembly, under the direction of the legislative committee, levies taxation, votes supplies, and enacts general laws. Buxiness proceeds by bills read three times and by resolutions. Private members can move an address to the governor in legislative committee, requesting that certain acts may be done involving expenditure, or requesting that certain bills or resolutions may be presented to the assembly which involve expenditure. They may also introduce bills demanding the granting of powers to local bodies to raise lcans. ‘There are 11 parishes or townships, each having a council of from 9 to 11 members. One member of its council is nominated by the governor and from 8 to 10are elected members. These councils or vestries have power to levy taxes which are subject to confirmation by the governor in council. They have charge of expenditures for the poor and the church and of taxes within the parishes. “Tt is almost universally admitted that Great Britain has been more successful as a colonizing power than any other, and it has seemed to be profitable to study her examples of successful colonial management of people of almost all races. In only one marked instance has that policy been recognized asa failure. It grew out of the effort to make English colonies a direct source of profit to the Crown. Since the American Revolution this policy has been abandoned, and all English possessions, save a few military stations, are now maintained and governed on a basis of self-support. ‘English possessions, as respects the character of their government, may be arranged into three classes: ‘First. Those that, like Canada, have a governor-general appointed by the Crown, but have a responsible parliament. “Second. Those that, like Barbados, have a governor and an executive council to determine the general policy, but also have an elected representative legislature which ratifies and confirms the policy of the governor and his council, and enacts into laws or amends the measures proposed by him, and some that are initiated in the assembly. “Third. Those that, like Mauritius and Jamaica, have a governor and an executive council by whom the governmental policy is fixed and determined, without reference to an elective assembly. In this case the people have practically no voice in their own governmental affairs. WHAT ENGLAND WOULD DO IN PORTO RICO. “Were England now holding toward Porto Rico the position and relations borne by the United States, there is little doubt, judging from her past, that she would for the present govern Porto Rico as strictly as she governs her Crown colonies. Nothing would be taken for granted respecting claims of capacity for establishing and maintaining home rule. The people would have to demonstrate by active, practical experience their abilities for conducting a representative government—i. e., for autonomy, such as Canada enjoys— before it would be accorded.”’ METHODS OF GOVERNMENT IN THE FRENCH WEST INDIES. In the French West Indies a broader power of self-government has been given to the people by the French Government than in any other of her colonies. A legislative body is authorized, composed of natives, which has the power to pass laws applicable to the exercise of political rights, the regulation of contracts, matters relating to wills, legacies, and successions, the institution of juries, criminal procedure, recruiting for naval and military forces, the method of electing mayors, municipal deputies, and councilors, and the organization of the local councils-general. In addition to this, each of the West Indies colonies is permitted to send representatives to the French Assembly, while the French Government itself makes the tariff laws. These colonies have a much larger power of self- government than has been granted to any other of the French colonies. CRITICISM BY A DISTINGUISHED FRENCH ECONOMIST. The results of the experiment, however, have been the subject of severe criticism by French students of colonial matters, among them Paul Leroy Beaulieu, who, in his work, Colonisation Chez les Peuples Modernes, says: ‘‘As regards politics, we have introduced French liberty into our colonies, we give them civil governors, we admit their representatives into our parliament. * * * All these No. 4——-10 1262 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocronrr, reforms are excellent in themselves. It is unfortunately to be feared that they will, in practice, result in abuses, and that unless the mother country is very watchful those free powers which she has granted to her colonies will become powers of oppression. The deputies whom Martinique and Guadeloupe send to our Parliament serve only to represent the malice, prejudice, and ignorance of the blacks. The weak executive power in France allows itself to be intimidated by these deputie=, and sends out to the colonies cowardly and incapable governors, whose indecision of character feeds the more or less barbarous hopes of the Negro majority. It is contemplated to pass a jury law in the Antilles, which would place the lives of the whites in the hands of their enemies. It is also suggested that French troops be replaced by a local militia, which in a short time would, by force of circumstances, be composed chiefly of Negroes. The hatred of the Negro for the white man is complicated in these islands by the hatred of the poor for the rich. Great caution is necessary for, as things are going, the history of Santo Domingo may easily be repeated, and when the white man is driven from these islands which he has colonized, and the blacks are left alone, Martinique and Guadeloupe will relapse into barbarism.’’ DEFENSES OF COLONIES. The defenses of the small colonies are in most cases supplied by the mother country, while those of the stronger ones are borne by the colonies themselves. The Indian army is entirely supported by the Indian Government, and in the case of the Netherlands Fast Indies the expenses of the army are also horne by the colony. In Canada the British Government maintains a force of 2,000 men, forming the garrison at the fortress of Halifax, which is considered the ‘‘imperial station.’”’ In addition to this, however, Canada has a large militia force which may be called out at any time; the active militia, including persons who voluntarily enlist for a three years’ term, and are drilled a certain number of days in each year, the total number of this force being 45,000. It isentirely equipped from colonial funds. In Cape Colony the British Government maintains a small military force commanding a series of forts and batteries at St. Simons Bay. The colony maintains a force of mounted riflemen of 1,000 officers and men, and a militia force numbering about 7,000. In addition to this all able-bodied men in the colony between 18 and 50 years are subject to military service beyond, as well as within, the limits of the colony. The Australian colonies, which are now united under the Commonwealth of Australia, formerly maintained each a separate militia force and jointly maintained a small naval squadron and a torpedo service for the protection of the coast. In most cases the naval defense of the colonies is maintained by the home Government and with its own vessels, but in the case of the Australian colonies ‘a separate naval force for local protection is maintained, and in certain other cases the British colonies have contributed certain sums to aid in defraying the expenses of naval protection of the colony. During the war in South Africa the Canadian and Australian colonies sent large numbers of troops to serve as a part of the British army in South Airica. In Ceylon the fortifications have been built by the home Government, and a battalion of British infantry, two companies of British artillery, and two companies of native artillery are maintained by the home Government, but the colony pays 1,845,000 rupees to the Imperial Government as the cost of the garrison. At Singapore the actual cost of the force for defense is defrayed out of the revenues of the colony, the Imperial Government supplying only the guns and ammunition, while the force which garrisons these works of defense is supported by the colony. IN THE TROPICS. In colonies whose chief population is composed of natives of the territory thus governed and not natives of the governing country or their descendants, the military force is composed in part of natives and in part of citizens of the governing country, and is officered chiefly by those of the governing country, usually men who haye received their training in the military establishments of that country. In British India, for instance, about one-third of the army is European and two-thirds native, and is wholly supported by the colonial government. In the Dutch East Indies the army is wholly supported from colonial funds, while the naval defense is partly colonial and partly belonging to the home Government. In the French colonies a large share of the army is supplied by the home Government, and it is officered chiefly from those trained in the military institutions and army of the home Government. THE ARMY Of INDIA. In India the army consists of 214,928 officers and men, of which number 74,288 are Europeans and 140,640 natives. Of the European section 53,688 are infantry, 13,407 artillery, and 5,670 cavalry; of the native section 111,925 are infantry, 22,932 cavalry, 3,695 . sappers and miners, and 2,088 artillery. The native troops are officered in part by Europeans and in part by natives; the total number of European officers in command of the native troops being 5,178 of all ranks. With the construction of roads and railways throughout India the facilities for concentration or mobilization of troops have been greatly increased. A regular transport service now exists, and a method for the supply of animal carriage, hospital service, and other field establishments sufficient to place a large army promptly in the field. The entire cost of the Indian army, both native and European officers and men, is borne by the Indian Government. In the Native States, in which the Indian princes still rule, but with the advice of a British officer stationed at their courts, there are so-called armies numbering 350,000 men, but they are badly equipped and poorly disciplined. In view, however, of the fact that native chiefs haye offered large sums of money toward the cost of imperial defenses, the Indian Government has elaborated a scheme for the training of a picked contingent of troops in certain of the Native States, and with a view to enabling the chiefs to bear a direct share in the defense of the Empire a special contingent known as ‘‘Imperial service troops,’ numbering 18,000 men, haye been organized and are now under instruction of British officers. A naval and coast defense is also maintained by the Indian Government, including torpedo boats and a submarine mine flotilla, troop vessels, surveying ships, inland steamers, etc. The expense of these is borne by the Indian Government, as is also the expense of the British Government’s naval vessels permanently stationed in Indian waters. The Indian army is described by Sir W. W. Hunter in his Indian Empire, 1892, as follows: “The constitution of the Indian army is based upon the historical division of British India into the three presidencies of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay. There are still three Indian armies, each composed of both European and native troops, and each with its own commander in chief and separate staff, although the commander in chief in Bengal exercises supreme authority over the other two. There may also be said to be a fourth army, the Punjab frontier force, which until 1885 was under the order of the lieutenant-governor of the province. “The Bengal army garrisons Bengal proper and Assam, the Northwestern Provinces and Oudh, a portion of Central India and Rajputana, and the Punjab. In 1877-78 its total strength was 104,216 officers and men, of whom 63,933 were native troops. In 1890-91 1991.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, - L2Gs ane the Bengal army numbered 130,575 officers and men, of whom 84,053 were native troops. In the Bengal native army the distinguishing feature is the presence of 12 batteries of artillery, and an exceptionally large proportion of cavalry, both of which arms are massed in the Panjab. “The Madras army extends beyond the limits of that presidency into Mysore, the Nizam’s domains, the central provinces, also to Burma across the Bay of Bengal, and to the Andaman conyict settlements. In 1877-78 its total strength was 47,026 oflicers and men, of whom 34,293 were native troops. In 1890-91 the Madras army numbered 46,072 of all ranks, of whom 32,123 were natives. In the Madris native army the distinguishing features are the large proportion of saypers and miners, the small proportion of cavalry, and the entire absence of artillery. : “The Bombay army occupied Bombay proper and Sind, the native states of central India, and the outlying station of Aden in the Red Sca. In 1877-78 its total strength was 38,355 officers and men, of whom 26,645 were natiye troops. In 1890-91 the Borabay army numbered 41,771 officers and men, of whom 28,672 were natives. “The total established strength of the European and native army in British India in 1877-78 (exclusive of native artificers and followers) consisted of 189,597 officers and men, of whom 64,276 were Europeans and 124,871 were native troops. The four chief arms of the service were thus composed: (1) Artillery, 12,239 Europeans and 901 natives; (2) cavalry, 4,347 Europeans and 18,346 natives; (3) engincers, 357 Europeans (all officers) and 3,239 natives; (4) infantry, 45,962 Europeans and 102,183 natives. In 1890-91 the total European and native army in British India consistel of 218,218 officers and men, of whom 73,370 were Europeans and 144,848 were native troops. The artillery consisted of 12,723 Europeans and 3,757 natives; the cavalry of 5,679 Europeans and 23,348 natives, besides a bodyguard of 199 troopers; engineers, 254 Europeans (all officers) and 4,015 natives; infantry, 53,701 Europeans and 113,529 natives. British staff officers, invalid and veterane stablishment, etc., 1,013. Total Europeans, 73,370.’’ The Statesman’s Year-Book for 1901 gives the Indian army as 74,288 Europeans, including 3,616 officers of all grades, and 140,614 natives, including 1,578 officers. THE ARMY OF THE DUTCH EAST INDIES. The army of the Dutch East Indies is purely colonial. It consists of about 45,000 officers and inen, of which number 16,000 are Europeans, 22,000 natives, and 5,000 Amboinese—natives of the island of Amboyna, one of the Dutch East Indian group of islands. No portion of the regular army of the Netherlands is allowed to be sent to the colonies, but native soldiers are permitted to enlist in the colonial service, and they form the nucleus of the army of Dutch India. The natives and European soldiers are not divided into separate corps, but generally mixed together, though in separate companies in the same battalions. The artillery is composed of European gun- ners, with native riders, while the cavalry are Europeans and natives. The commissioned officers are all European, with the exception of a few natives of high rank, but in each of the companies composed of natives about one-half of the noncommissioned officers are natives and one-half Europeans. OUR to bo REGULATIONS FOR THE GRAND EXAMINATION FOR OFFICIALS FOR SERVICE IN THE INDIEs. Arricte 1. The commission for holding the grand examination for officials shall pay careful attention to the provisions made in the rules concerning the said examination, annexed to the Royal Ordinance of July 20, 1893, No. 29. ArticLte 2, In a preliminary session the commission shall inquire whether the candidates have furnished the evidence that, havin, satisfied the requirements of articles 2 and 3 of the rules annexed to the Royal Ordinance of July 20, 1893, No. 29, they can be admitte to the part of the examination for which they have offered themselves. For this purpose the commission shall receive in due season the documents which have been sent by the candidates to the depart- ment of the colonies or to the secretary-general. In doubtful cases they shall request the decision of the minister of the colonies or of the governor-general. The commission shall give notice to those who can not be admitted to the part of the grand examination for officials for which they have offered themselves. ArrictE 3. In the preliminary session there shall be formed for each part of the examination, from among the members of the commission, as many subcommittees, of at least two members, as there are subjects to be examined; and to each subcommittee shall be assigned a subject in which it shall examine. The president and secretary may be excused from taking part in these subcommittees. Articie 4. The president, in consultation with the secretary, shall determine the order of business of the whole commission and of the subcommittees, and, as far as possible, in such a way that the examination of each candidate shall be finished in two days in the case of the first part and in three days in the case of the second part of the examination. AnricLe 5. The candidates shall be informed by the secretary in due time of the time and place of their examinations. Arrticie 6. The first part of the examination shall be oral in every subject, with the exception of the elements of the Malay lan- guage and the elements of the Javanese language, in which written examinations shall be given. The oral examination in every subject lasts at most three-quarters of an hour, the written examination two hours. The second part of the examination shall be oral and written in every subject. The oral examination in every subject lasts at the most half an hour, the written examination two hours. a In each of the subjects, ‘‘History of the Dutch Indies,” ‘‘ Geography and ethnology of the Dutch Indies,” ‘ Religious laws, insti- tutions, and customs of the Dutch Indies,”’ and ‘‘ Political institutions ot the Dutch Indies,”’ the candidates shall be given in the written ’ examination a choice between two questions. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1275 ArticLe 7. Written work handed in to a subcommittee shall be examined by each of its members. As far as possible all the members of a subcommittee shall be present at the oral examination. In case of temporary hindrance the president shall appoint another member of the commission to take the place of the absent member of the subcommittee. _ Agticte 8. To each candidate shall be given in every subject in which he is examined a mark from 0 to 10. The mark 0 means entire ignorance; the marks 1 and 2, betoken bad; 3 and 4, unsatisfactory; 5 and 6, satisfactory; 7 and 8, good; 9 and 10, excellent; always with the understanding that the higher mark indicates a higher degree of knowledge than the lower. _ Arricte 9. The members of each subcommittee shall try to agree about the marks to be given to the person examined by them. Objections to the mark given can, however, be offered by other members of the commission who have been present at the examination -or have looked over the written work. Ii the members of a subcommittee can not agree upon a mark to be given, or if a difference of opinion about it exists between them and another member of the commission, the president, after hearing the opinion of the members of the commission who may be supposed to have the best knowledge of the subject, shall endeavor to bring about an agreement of opinion, and if he does not succeed in this he shall decide upon the mark to be given on his own judgment formed upon the opinions given him. Anticre 10. A candidate who has received at the first part of the examination in every subject, or at the second part of the examination in each of the required subjects, the mark 5, or a higher mark, shall be declared, without further discussion, to have passed the examination. A candidate who has not received at the first part of the examination more than 22 points for all the subjects added together, or a candidate who has not received at the second part more than 27 points for all the required subjects added together, shall be declared not to have passed the examination.” A candidate shall also be rejected who has received in one or more subjects (at the second half required subjects) one of the marks 0, 1, or 2, or in two or more subjects (at the second half required subjects) one of the marks 3 or 4. (By the original resolution of July 20, 1893, the requirements were for the first part a total of 20 points, for the second a total of ae aB7 absence of any marks of 0. The existing requirements were made by a resolution of the minister of the colonies on December 27, : An all cases not provided for by the first three paragraphs of this article the commission shall discuss the question whether the candidate can be considered to have passed a satisfactory examination, taking account therein, in the second half of the examination, only of the required subjects. The question shall be decided by vote. In case of a tie the examination shall be considered satisfactory. Articte 11. The rank list of those who have passed the second half of the examination shall be made up from the result of the examination in the six required subjects, with the understanding that a candidate who has received in one or more voluntary subjects a higher mark than he obtained in the Javanese language shall be credited with the highest of these marks, provided the mark in the voluntary subject is not less than 5. - 2 case of an equality of marks the commission shall determine the order in which the candidates affected shall stand upon the rank. list. a The article was given this form above by a resolution of December 27, 1897. In the orginal regulations of July 20, 1893, it read as ollows: ' “For the purpose of making up the rank list of those who have passed the second half of the examination the marks which are not lower than 5, received in the voluntary subjects, shall be added to the candidates’ marks in the six required subjects. “In case of an equality of marks the order of the rank list shall be regulated by the total of the marks obtained in the required eile ; If these total marks are also the same, the commission shall determine the order in which these candidates shall stand upon the rank list. ARTICLE 12. To the report which it makes to the minister of the colonies or to the governor-general the commission shall append— 1. For each of the parts of the examination a list whereon shall be stated the names of all the persons examined, the marks given to them in the several subjects, and the total of these marks for each candidate. 2. A rank list of those who have passed the second part of the examination, made up in accordance with the foregoing article. ARTICLE 13. The commission shall present to the minister of the colonies or to the governor-general the certificates of those who have passed the examination, in order that they may be inspected and delivered by him. All persons examined, even those who have not passed, shall receive from the secretary of the commission as speedily as possible information of the result of their examination in each subject. PROGRAMME FOR THE EXAMINATION. First section. 1. The geography of the Dutch Indies.—Knowledge of the situation, the natural features, and the climate of the chief islands and groups of islands «f the Indian Archipelago, of the situation of the chief mountains and streams, and of the general lines of the administration subdivisions. 2. The knowledge of the codes of the Dutch Iadics.—Knowledge of the chief contents of the general principles of legislation and of the civil code; a grasp of the most important institutions governed by the commercial code, and of the forms of European civil and criminal procedure; knowledge of the chiet contents of the internal regulations and of the two penal codes of the Indies. 3. The introduction to the religious laws, institutions, and customs of the Dutch Indies.—A brief survey of the origin and extension of Islam, especially with regard to the Dutch Indies; a knowledge of the chief sects of Islam; a little knowledge of the dogmas of the present orthodox Mohammedans; a little knowlege of the character and historical growth of the Mohammedan law; a little knowledge of the religious and other laws of the Mohammedans in the Dutch Indies. 4. The elements of the Malay language.—The written translation, with the help of a dictionary, of a selection, not difficult, printed in Malay characters. : : ‘ iat 5. The elements of the Javanese language.—The written translation, with the help of a dictionary, of an easy selection printed in Javanese characters.’ Second section. 1. The history of the Dutch Indies.—Knowledge in broad traits of the fortunes of the chief races that dwell in the Indian Archipelago, and the chief facts which relate to the establishment and extension of the Dutch power in the Archipelago, and more especially of the fortunes of the Dutch Indies since the administration of Marshall Daendels. — 2. ° The geography and ethnology of the Dutch Indies.—Knowledge of the chief products of the Dutch Indies; knowledge of the principal traits, customs, the social and economic condition, and the degree of civilization of the chief peoples of the Dutch Indies; some knowledge of the religion and institutions of the non-Mohammedan peoples of the Dutch Indies. 3. The religious laws, institutions, and customs of the Duich Indies.—Knowledge of the chief institutions of the followers of Islam in the Dutch Indies, studied in connection with the Mohammedan law. 4. The political institutions of the Dutch Indies.—Acquaintance with the chief provisions of the regulations of government and of the other organic laws and general ordinances derived from the constitution and the regulations of the Government; knowledge of the chief provisions relating to administration, justice, accounts, taxes, and the various other branches of the administration; all these, as far as possible, in their origin and development. 5. The Malay language.—Readiness in the written translation of a composition from Dutch into Malay, and in oral translation of a piece of prose from Malay into Dutch; knowledge of the fundamental principles of the language, coupled with a good pronunciation and 1276 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. reesdben facility at reading, without special preparation, selections of Malay or letters in different hands; some readiness at expressing one’s self also in the common Turned: ani 6. The Javanese language.—Readiness in the translation of a piece of prose, not difficult, from Javanese into Dutch; some facility in expressing one’s self in the Javanese language, shown by the written translation of some easy phrases from Dutch into Javanese; knowledge of the fundamental principles of the language, coupled with a good pronunciation; readiness in reading, without special preparation, written Javanese selections or letters in different hands. 7. Other native languages of the Dutch Indies.—The same requircraents as those prescribed for Javanese under No. 6. THE FRENCH COLONIAL CIVIL SERVICE. Under the French civil-service system the requirements are less rigid than those of the Dutch or British Governments, and especially than those of British India. The line of studies prescribed in the Ecole Coloniale in Paris, in which men are trained for the colonial civil service, is of a high order and the requirements for entrance to the school are also high. But the method of final selection, of assignment to duty, and of retention in a given line of duty has been criticised as less satisfactory than that of England or Netherlands and more affected by political or personal favoritism. M. de Lanessan, in his Principes de Colonisation, discussing the question of appointments to and promotions in the civil service of the French colonies, says: ‘“ All civil servants should be appointed either directly by the governors, in the case of minor positions, or else on his recommendation in the case ‘of the higher positions; this I should regard as an absolute principle. In this respect the decrees of April 21, 1891, for Indo-China, and that of December 11, 1895, for Madagascar, deserve but praise. When I arrived in Indo-China the ofticials complained unanimously of unfair treatment of which they were made victims. The central administration made wholesale appointments of chancellors, vice-residents or residents, appointing people who had never before seen the colony, did not belong to any branch of service, and had not the slightest idea of what they were to do in their new places. These appointments were unfair toward officials who for many years had rendered useful service and waited for promotion to places which were liberally given to outsiders who had no other title than their connections. Certain officials were boasting, not without reason, of having passed through the lower grades of service in Paris and were making fun of their colleagues not so well connected, who, while working, waited on the spot for promotion which was retarded daily by intrigue. It was not of rare occurrence to see an official previously sent back to France for lack of discipline, poor service, or incompetency come back with a higher grade. The explanation was simply that he had found in the Chamber, the Senate, or in the press a sufficiently influential person in order to have his bad certificates changed to ratings for promotion. “ By leaving to the governors the power of appointing the administrative personnel, the minister of the colonies would give them such authority as is absolutely necessary for them, particularly in view of the large distance which separates them from France; more- over, he would escape all solicitation, annoyances, and bother which fall to his lot, because he has the power of appointment. How could he, indeed, cause the just promotion of a person whom he doesn’t know, who lives at a great distance beyond the seas, whom he has never seen at work, and who is performing duties of which the former has not the slightest idea? By arrogating to himself the power of appointment and the initiative in the matter of promating this personnel he assumes a responsibility which he has not the means of satisfactorily discharging, and he frees the governors of part of the responsibility which logically devolves on them. ‘“‘All the above considerations apply with equal force to the European subaltern officers of the military police. In order to render useful service these officers ought to know well the country in which they operate, besides acquiring as fully as possible its language. It is therefore necessary that they should be kept in the same colony during the entire term f their service and that they should be subject as little as possible even to transfer from one region to another. “To sum up, since the administrators, residents, magistrates, and subaltern officers of the military police represent the princiyal part of every colonial official organism, it is of the utmost importance that they be completely adapted to the respective colony and altogether in the hands of the governor. Their adaptation could not be complete except when they continue their service in the same colony and when the conditions of promotion are regulated in such a manner as to favor those who have given proof of the most perfect knowledge of the country, its customs, legislation, and language. ‘The proper selection of colonial servants is one of the most important subjects requiring the attention both of the home and colonial governments. ‘For the preparation of administrators or ‘residents’ and magistrates, there has been instituted at Paris a ‘colonial school’ (cole Coloniale), the students of which are made up from among the graduates of the law school, school of medicine, and those of the Ecole Centrale, etc. This school has given very good results. All of its former students whom I had occasion to appoint as members of the administration or judiciary of Indo-China have proven very good officials. I believe that the same holds true in the case of those who were sent to the other colonies. However, the instruction given by the colonial school can be neither sufficiently practical nor extensive in order that the students, when leaving the school, should be able to discharge at once successfully the duties which they are called upon to perform. “These young men, when arriving in the colony, should at first be considered as administrative aids, doing preparatory service (‘stagiaires’), who, having received a sufficient general education, do not, however, yet possess the special knowledge required for the country in which they are going to serve. If they are given an important position from the start, the chances are very great that they will commit all sorts of blunders which could hardly be avoided, and that all the benefits of their education, good in itself, would be lost. I know that similar mistakes have often been committed in a number of colonies, particularly on the western coast of Africa.”? THE FRENCH COLONIAL SCHOOL. : Mr. A. Lawrence Lowell, in his Colonial Civil Service, thus summarizes the courses of study in the four administrative sections of the French colonial school: The decree of July 21, 1898 (article 7), provides as follows: The students must, at the end of the first year of study, undergo an examination upon the subjects taught at the faculty of law in the second year for the baccalaureate, with the exception of Roman law. If they fail at this examination, they can present themselves 1901. ] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. Itt again in the month of November. In case of a second failure, they are not allowed to enter upon the second year. Students who present the diploma of bachelor of law are excused from this examination. At the end of the second year of study an examination is held under the same conditions upon the subjects required for the licentiate in law. Students who fail in the supplementary examination in the month of November can not obtain a degree from the colonial school. The courses in law referred to above are not given in the colonial school. Those given in the school itself are described by the Arrété of July 25, 1898 (amending the Arrété of March 24, 1897), as follows: Article 1, The general studies taught at the colonial school are divided between the two years of study in the following manner: FIRST YEAR. Lessons. Comparative study of the systems of colonization (Africa, Oceania, French colonies in America), economic system of the French colonies (tariffs, banks, mortgages, money, control of sugar)...-.-------- 22-20 see e ee eee eee ee ce ene teen nee eeeeee 55 Colonial hygiene and principals of practical medicine... 2.2.2.2... 22.22 eee ee ene cee eee ee eee ee eee eee nee enenees Sanat 12 Colonial prod Wcts cc atx ostcacemckcminre's'y oeeeenianwece sessed PA cs ise haath cadet tare tht A Ree RASS wie dinilarGacmmapeoenee tiny ee 30 SECOND YEAR. Comparative study of the systems of colonization (Indo-China, British Indies, Dutch Indies, Philippines) ..... See tea Smee eases 45 General organization of colonies...... 0.0.0 020 cee cee eee cee cece eee cece nee c econ ceeeeenceeeeeneee pe ciaceicess wedelees Seess 30 Colonial administrative law............-.-------- peta janatncs ec Aioatontol ners ae oeracearie) amen ease Seca faa sisz sosecea 10 Course in administrative accounting .............-.-.--+- he Ricerche 6 eae Ri eee sein cue caeecmaeeees Sonacteeneears sens 10 The students receive each week a lesson in living languages. Only one foreign language (English, German, or Spanish, at the option of the student) is required. The students are given practice in writing administrative documents. A certain number of conferences are held with them for this purpose. The optional knowledge of another living language, besides the one required, gives the student the advantage of additional marks at his graduation from the school. The languages which can give this advantage are English, German, Spanish, Italian, and Dutch. The summary or translation which the students must present each year is given out to them in December. A period of five months is allowed them to do the work. ! Conferences are given at the school by explorers, colonial officials, etc. After each conference the students are called upon to write abstracts, which are examined by the council of administration, and are the subject of a mark given by the council at graduation from the school. ? ArticLe 3. The special courses for each section are divided in the following manner: SECTION OF TITE COMMISSARIAT.® Course of theoretical and practical preparation for the colonial commissariat. Both years. INDO-CHINESE SECTION,* Geography in detail, history and institutions of Indo-China. Both years. Legislation and administration of Indo-China. Both years. Anamite language. Both years. Reading and explanation of ordinary pieces of Chinese and Anamite. Second year. Voluntary course, giving a chance for a credit of additional marks, Cambodian language. (Course given every other year.) AFRICAN skvTION.® Detailed geography of Africa (including Madagascar). First year. Organization, legislation, and administration of our African possessions (including Madagascar). Algeria. First year. Tunis. First year. West coast of Africa. First year. Madagascar. First year. Mussulman law, comparison with Hindoo law. Second year. Arabic language. Both years. Malagasy language. Second year. PENITENTIARY SECTION.® Penal legislature. First year. Penal systems in use in France and foreign countries. Second year. The Arrété then proceeds to give elaborate tables for computing the marks in the different required subjects and, finally, directions for computing those in the voluntary ones.* : 1 By the decree of July 21, 1898, article 7, ‘ the students are required each year to present a summary or translation of a work on colonies, publisked in a foreign language and not yet translated into French.” 2 Physical training is also required, and the mark, of which the maximum is 40, is credited to the student like his mark in any other required subject. Military drill is only compulsory for those who are liable to military service, and it appears to give them no credit in marks, For the others it is optional and gives a credit in marks. (Arrétés, March 24, 1897, article 2; July 25, 1898, articles 6, 7.) 3Thc maximum marks for the special courses in this section are 360, against a maximum of 709 for the required general work. 4The maximum marks for the special courses in this section are 900, against the 700 for the required general work. 5The maximum marks for the special courses in this section are 960, of which Arabic counts for 360, against the 700 for the required work. 6The maximum marks for the specia] course in this section are 480, against the 700 for the required general work. 7A yoluntary European language gives a maximum of 20 marks, « native colonial one a maximum of 60 marks, No. 4 12 QUESTION Il. WHAT STEPS ARE TAKEN AND METHODS APPLIED TO IMPROVE THE MATERIAL, MENTAL, AND MORAL CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE OF THE COLONY? To answer this question in a single sentence would be: The introduction and extension of modern civilization and enlightenment. To answer it in detail would be to show what the great colonizing countries of the world have done for the advancement of their colonies during the nineteenth century—the introduction of roads, railways, irrigation works, river and harbor improvements, and through them the development of production and thus of material prosperity; the encouragement of commerce and the adoption of improved conditions of life; the establishment of reliable and permanent forms of currency, with proper banking facilities for the encouragement of thrift among the natives; the establishment of postal and telegraph service for the encouragement of intercommunication among the people of the colony and betwecn them and the outside world; the establishment of steamship lines to connect the colony with the home country and the civilized world; the encouragement of education through schools, colleges, newspapers, libraries, and churches; the establishment and proper administration of laws and regulations by which public safety and order are assured. When it is considered that in India alone, where roads were unknown when the British Government assumed control, there are now 150,000 miles of road, of which over 30,000 are ‘‘metalled;”’ that the railways in the British colonies now aggregate 63,549 miles, against 33,000 in 1885, a growth in fifteen years exceeding the entire distance around the earth; that the irrigating canals and other works of India are 36,000 miles in extent, and the area irrigated by all methods exceeds 30 million acres,’ and that although they have cost about 400 million rupees, the value of a single year’s crop in the irrigated district above that which it could produce in years of drought without irrigation is more than the entire cost of the canals, the importance of these public works for the development of agriculture and commerce will be apparent. When it is further considered that the commerce of the British colonies alone has grown from over 300 million dollars in 1850 to 2,400 million dollars in 1900, their development under the fostering care of an intelligent method of government and the consequent benefit to the natives as well as the consuming world will be appreciated. The fact that the British colonies were able to import 1,150 million dollars’ worth of food, clothing, and the comforts of civilized life from other parts of the world in 1899, against 140 million dollars’ worth in 1850; the French colonies 160 million dollars’ worth in 1899, against 91 million dollars’ worth in 1887, an increase of 72.5 per cent in twelve years, still further emphasizes the increased earning capacity of those colonies and affords some measure of their improved material condition. When it is further realized that the amount standing to the credit of depositors in savings banks in the British colonies alone, which amounted to 133 million dollars in 1885, had increased to 288 millions in 1899, an additional evidence of the growth of prosperity and thrift among the people of the colonies will be apparent. When it is seen from official reports that in India alone the number of post-offices has grown from 753 in 1856 to 29,122 in 1899, and that the number of pieces received by the post-offices increased from 75,000,000 in 1869 to 489,000,000 in 1899, the development of intercommunication and of mental as well as business activity among the people may be to some extent measured. Still another evidence of the same is seen in the fact that the telegraph lines in the British colonies alone have grown from 115,000 miles in 1889 to over 150,000 miles in 1899, thus increasing their length in a single decade by more than the distance around the earth; and that the telephone lines in those colonies nowaggregate more than 50,000 milesin length. When itis further considered that the total number of pupils in the schools of India alone is now nearly 4} millions, against about 3} millions in in 1888, and that the expenditure for public instruction was, in 1899, 36,215,000 rupees, against 394,000 rupees in 1858, the growth of education and educational facilities will be to some extent realized, while additional evidence of the general intelligence will be found in the fact that the number of vernacular newspapers published in India in 1897 was 758, and the number of books and magazines published in 1898, 7,437, of which 6,236 were in the native language. The methods by which these and similar improvements in the material, mental, and moral condition of the people of the world’s colonies have been effected can perhaps be best shown by separately considering each subject. In many cases, at least, the importance of these subjects in their relation to the question under discussion seems to warrant a detailed study. Such study must necessarily include, as far as practicable, both past and existing conditions of the world’s colonies, together with a discussion of the methods by which present conditions have been attained, and necessarily involves the repetition of certain statements made in the general consideration of the subject by great divisions. ROADS AND RAILWAYS. Roads and railways may properly be considered among the first essentials to the development of a colony. Naturally the products of the forest, the mine, and the soil are those most readily available to be offered in the world’s markets, and as these are always in demand in those markets their value is assured when adequate methods of transporting them are provided. The experience in practically all new colonies is that roads upon which articles of this class can be successfully transported are few, if indeed they are found to exist at all, and such as exist are only available in the area fronting upon or comparatively near to the 1§trachey’s India, p. 176. 2 British Statistical Abstract for India, p. 149. 1278 [OcTosxr, 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1279 ocean or navigable streams. It is only by the aid of railroads, in conjunction with wagon roads leading to them, that satisfactory transportation for these products is afforded to the water’s edge, whence they may be in turn conveyed by the less expensive water transportation to markets in all parts of the world. Hence, one of the most important agencies in the development of the colony is the construction of roads, railways, and harbors and the improvement of navigable streams. By this process the products of the forest, the mine, and the field, which are of comparatively small value when considered from the standpoint of local consumption, are multiplied in value when they can be offered in the markets of the world. By thus giving to the residents and natives of the colony an opportunity to convert these products into money with which they can in turn purchase the necessities and comforts of daily life, their facilities for adopting methods of civilization are enlarged, their manner of living improved, and their taste for such improved conditions cultivated; while the area of production is widened, their earnings increased through this enlarged commerce, towns established, and with these better methods of government more schools, newspapers, churches, and a general betterment of the material, mental, and moral conditions. The road, the railway, and the telegraph may be considered among the pioneers of civilization and of general improvements in the condition of the people. The absence of these factors of internal development was among the first important facts noted by officers and other representatives of the United States in taking possession of the islands which it acquired as a result of the war with Spain. RAILWAY CONSTRUCTION IN THE COLONIES, That colonizing nations have recognized the importance of these factors in the development of colonies since railways became available for this important work, is evidenced by a study.of present conditions in the leading colonies of the world and a comparison, where practicable, with conditions in earlier years. In order to facilitate this study such facts as are available regarding railway and other transportation facilities in the leading colonies of the world are herewith presented. It will be observed that in the statements which follow a large proportion of the railway and telegraph lines, as wellas of the wagon roads, have been constructed by and are maintained at government expense. It does not follow, however, that this has been at the expense of the home Government. On the contrary, nearly all of the roads and railways thus constructed have been built by funds raised through taxation in the colonies or by loans based upon future colonial revenues, while it will be seen that a large proportion of the railways thus created in the colonies are constructed from public (colonial) funds and, therefore, owned and controlled by the colonial government. It may be assumed that this fact of government construction of the railways grows largely out of the custom, which now so generally prevails in Europe, of government ownership of railways rather than through any impracticability of obtaining their construction by private enterprise, as is the custom in the United States. A table on another page shows the railways of the world’s colonies in 1875 and 1900, respectively. It will be seen that the total length of railways in the colonies has increased from 13,996 miles in 1875 to 69,388 in 1900. Of this total of 69,388 miles of railway in the world’s colonies in 1900, 63,549 miles were in the British colonies, 3,512 in the French, and 1,272 in the Netherlands colony of Java, while there were 785 miles in the Portuguese colonies, chiefly those of East Africa, and 270 miles in the Kongo Free State, which is under the control of the Belgian Government. Of the 63,549 miles in British colonial territory, all but 17,389 are the property of the respective colonies where the railways exist. Of the 17,389 miles in British colonies owned by railway companies, 15,876 were in Canada, about 1,000 miles in Australia, and 401 miles in Cape Colony. In the French, Netherlands, Portuguese, and Belgian colonies the railroads have been constructed in part through encouragement received from the home Government and in part from colonial aid. In addition to the 69,388 miles actually constructed in the various colonies and in operation, a large number of lines are also under construction or projected. The growth of the Indian railways is at the rate of about 1,000 miles per annum; the total having been, in 1897, 20,290 mijes, and in 1901, 25,035 miles. THE INDIAN RAILWAYS. _ At the end of the fiscal year 1900-1901 the total length of all railway lines open in India was 25,035 miles, and there were 2,019 miles under construction, distributed as follows: Open for | Under con- traffic. | struction. Miles. Miles. Stat@scus scoverme sa wwes clus mesieee as se mcansiena tececews ieee 19,197 1, 458 Guaranteed and: assisted -...ceii0seeaes vieide-s ae niv niseelae sivisiniew oa.c'e's 2,821 196 NAUIVO BAC ce don csne de cnuaeeeeeeiereeeny LcePeeeNiaE Meee Ky 2,944 365 Foreign state (French and Portuguese India).....-......++--- TS: Newpoiecisteasite The rate of progress in railway construction will be apparent from the following figures of the average number of miles opened annually in each of the last five quinquennial periods: Miles. 187610: 1880 oc ciaicievateta interes o wiersiaeieie ejcie Sines e/a crereesinineaiSieieidi pin s.o Sree dia eseeimipenicie we eieidlcusinm meblineicenecce 582 L881 toy 1889-86 ae eco apne ere reisire ciniesya Be See leis eiaie err teicie amie eaiedn sisi cleiseiwiee isla oie Waleieieietepieeaeb Laces 622 1886-87 to 1890-91 cir cce vn etocceckewe ss emeres selsisiss che eeee bees eos meeetiniceioes ss eocsessetehecntenore 896 1891-02 to, 1890-96 ::.\; ssweicie sans twacciescees satieecctaeeesecscen ooeeees cede t ss saseeeweeeckoes sce x 526 T896=9:7't6. LO0OAT9ON,. a.c:cscias ce Siti 3 ereiejaio cele nisrsraceiesereiGie, djeiajajaters.ceGini SASL AA Se esortis oidisjojayareave Sec: autisimietaciare 1, 157 The capital expenditure at the end of 1900 amounted to Rs. 3,327,510,837, representing, at the exchange of 16d. per rupee, £222,621,000, but a great proportion of the capital was raised and expended when the rupee was worth much more than 16d. The gross earnings in 1900 were Rs. 315,967,317 and the total expenses Rs. 150,995,867, which made about 48 per cent of the receipts, the excess of receipts being Rs. 164,971,450.!_ Very nearly two-thirds (62 per cent) of the receipts were contributed by five 1Present exchange value of the rupee, about 33 cents, 1280 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocroser, lines, with an aggregate length of 8,360 miles, being one-third of the whole open mileage, namely, the East Indian, the Great Indian Peninsula, the Northwestern, the Bombay-Baroda, the Rajputana-Malwa. Of the total earnings of the railways, 65 per cent are derived from freights, the receipts from passenger traffic giving the small proportion of 35 per cent. The number of passengers carried on the railways in 1900 was about 175,000,000; the railways carried in the same year over 33,000,000 tons of goods and minerals. During the last ten years—that is, since 1891—while the number of miles open has increased from 17,576 to 25,035, the increase being at the rate of 42 per cent, the gross earnings have increased from Rs. 240.4 millions to Rs. 315.9 millions, being at the rate of 31 per cent. The following description of the railway system of India is from the Statesman’s Year-Book, 1886: ‘“‘In the year 1845 two great private associations were formed for the purpose of constructing lines of railroad in India, but the projectors found it impossible to raise the necessary funds for their schemes without the assistance of the State. It was therefore determined by the Indian government to guarantee to the railway companies for a term of ninety-nine years a rate of interest of 5 per cent upon the capital subscribed for their undertakings; and in order to guard against the consequences of failure on the part of the companies power was reserved by the government to supervise and control their proceedings by means of an official director. The government has the power, at the expiration of a period of twenty-five or fifty years from the date of the contracts, of purchasing the railways at the mean value of the shares for the three previous years, or of paying a proportionate annuity until the end of the ninety-nine years, when the whole of the lands and works will revert from the companies to the government. In 1869 the government of India decided on carrying out new railway extensions by means of direct State agency—that is, without the intervention of guaranteed companies—and in 1879 the East Indian Railway was transferred to the government, though it is still worked by the company. In the same year several minor railways were begun as private enterprises assisted by the government. The guaranteed lines constitute, as a rule, the main arteries of communication, while the State lines serve as feeders to open up the country. The guaranteed lines are (1) the Great Indian Peninsula; (2) the Madras; (3) the Oudh and Rohilkund; (4) the Bombay, Baroda and Central India; (5) the Sind, Punjab and Delhi; (6) the South Indian; (7) the Eastern Bengal. In 1853 the length of line open was 203 miles; in 1863, 2,519 miles; in 1873, 5,695 miles; in 1875, 6,519 miles. Since then the progress of the various classes of railways has been as follows, stated in miles: TSG: cics versace ccteieete 6,839, || ASSO: sc seiccietei sce eceece 9508) | ISSA. oo aedia as eise s'siate 10,832) T8904 csc ccdicccncies cece, 18, 500 NOT sicisynisiemiacisaccsiccceis oes | TOBE nce cetiede esceecimcce 9,892) | 1880 o2 2c iencicinccee cate 12,005 | 1900..........-------. 23, 763 TBUS sc cicie ieee caeicemeaee Si 202 ASB 2 io oc Sone usaneeee LOS 144s V888 i cotcsec ca heccemame 14, 383 | 1901..........-..-.... 29, 035 TB 09 cisinsch spe: sasencyeuinereta sisteiara 8492 |) W888 22ers bawcientecens 10, 317 ‘ THE SOUTH AFRICAN RAILWAY. In Cape Colony a number of extensions of existing railway lines have been contracted for and others are under survey. In the British East African Protectorate the Uganda Railway is under construction and, according to the Statesman’s Year-Book for 1901, more than 400 miles are now completed and, when entirely completed, will connect Lake Nyanza with the Indian Ocean. In Rhodesia a line from Vryburg to Bulawayo, worked by the Cape railway department, has been open for traffic since November, 1897, and the line from Bulawayo will be continued northward from the Victoria Falls, on the Zambesi, and thence still farther north, across northwestern and northeastern Rhodesia to Lake Tanganyika, whose waters will be utilized as a means of transportation 400 miles northward from that point, while the railway line stretching southward along the Nile Valley is expected, in due time, to reach the northern end of Lake Tanganyika, thus furnishing, through combined water and rail, transportation from Cape to Cairo. A number of branch lines are also under construction or projected in Rhodesia—one from Bulawayo to Gwanda, about 80 miles, while the Beira narrow gauge has been widened to the standard width of the South African lines. In the Transvaal colony 250 additional miles of railway are projected for early construction. In Sierra Leone, where a Government railway has already been opened, extending about 60 miles from Freetown, a farther extension of 80 miles has been begun. CANADIAN RAILWAYS, The Canadian system is being steadily extended, the growth in the fiscal year 1899 being nearly 500 miles. The total length of the Canadian railways is 17,358 miles, that of the Canadian Pacific alone haying 2,906 miles. This line, in conjunction with the Pacific steamers, subsidized by the British and Canadian governments, brings Montreal and Yokohama within fourteeen days of each other. The number of electric railways in Canada, according to the latest reports, is 34, with a mileage of 632. In the French colonies, also, much attention is being given to the extension of railways, THE FRENCH COLONIAL RAILWAYS, The railways of the French colonies have an aggregate length of 3,512 miles. A contract was given in 1900 for the construction of a railway from Turane to Hué, in Anam, and in Cochin China contracts were made in the same year for the construction of railways from Saigon to Tamlinh, and from the latter city to Dji Ring. In Tonkin contracts were made in 1900 for the construction of railways from Hanoi to Viétry, also from Hanoi to Haiphong; from Hanoi to Ninhbinh; from Hanoi to Vinh; and from Viétry to Laokay. In the French Kongo a railway to connect Liberville and the Kongo is in project. In Madagascar a short railway hag been constructed from Tamatave to Ivondro and is to be extended so as to connect Tamatave with the capital through the use of already existing canals. In French Guinea the construction of a railway from Konakry to the Niger has been begun. In German southwest Africa a railway and telegraph line is under construction from Windhoek inland and has already reached about 80 miles in length; in German East Africa a railway from Tango to Pongive is open for traffic and is being extended to Karagwe and Nomba, while surveys are being made for another line from Daressalaam to Norogo. In Germany’s new possession in Ching, Kiauchau, railway construction is in progress to connect that city with the coal fields of the Chinese province of Shantung, in which it is located. In Java the railway system, which is now 1,272 miles in length, is gradually being extended. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1281 Raitway Lines IN THE CoLONIES OF THE Wor.p In 1875 anp 1900. COLONIES. 1875 1800 COLONIES. 1875 1900 BRITISH, FRENCH, ; ; Miles. | Mites. Biiies 4 Miles Australian Federation! ...........2.... 1,781 13,120 BAPbAd 08's... 22cccersssemteeseelage Sate tao cael 24 Bechuanaland ................05-5 cial eisinisiaistoinisis 586 British East Africa . ol Mcniaaemes 400 British Guiana 21 94 Canada.... 4,443 17,358 Cape Colon 147 2, 394 Ceylon ... 91 2 GOld COaSb cnn asssieevessnexeviesane sees) seveseeeen 100 AD ccacenetaekece id eee e 6,519 28, 763 JAM BACH icicles acdc cw es ences, oa 25 185 PORTUGUESE. PADUA D aici eiciiecieisrsiss saicieicis Sasiswis ial fseislaa seer 10 rane iar tpiotestystbiand ime Bisarartrots:sieie alamesieersiell serrtcantea 100 ANGOlS (CAWTCH) wiiccecaa ci cemmnaacawee 244 Mallaty States) a s.2.ajoted citmarianiaaiadne een aewoaesiiis 225 GOAN A rencanumnise sacar’ ks 51 REBT sk ceniewiennainsdinionsonwnwennane ents eawmmmcwen 8 Portuguese East Africa sr 490 Mauritius. 66 105 el Ca 5 “591 785 New Zealand........... 2,271 NETHERLANDS. Orange River Colony. 392 TPA Vaisnsere se wesicenencs eee eee eels Sista we 1,272 Sierra Leone ......-- 32 ——— LT OMSV AM ess oi us. te ass earraleehe eae Risin mn W74 BELGIUM, Trinidad and Tobago 82 Congo Free State 270 18,656 | 263,549 AR RTO RACE. cca sible hascaiemcreiniessarnne 13, 996 69, 388 1Includes New South Wales, 2,896 miles; Victoria, 3,143 miles; Queensland, 2,800 miles; Western Australia, 1,850 miles; South Australia, 1,882 miles; and Tasmania, 594 miles. New Zealand, which is not included in the Australian Federation, is stated elsewhere. 2Of this total the lines owned by private companies were: In Cape Colony, 401 miles; in Canada, 15,876 miles; in West Australia, 495 miles; in New Zealand, 167 miles; in Tasmania, 108 miles; in New South Wales, 84 miles; in South Australia, 13 miles; in Jamaica, 185 miles; in Barbados, 24 miles; and in British Guiana, 36 miles. INVASION OF THE TROPICS BY RAILWAYS. The invasion of the Tropics by railways is a marked characteristic of the closing decade of the nineteenth century and an additional evidence of the disposition of the temperate zones to extend their influence into the Tropics. Until within the last few years the tend- ency of all railway lines and systems was from east to west, following climatic lines. Most of the great railway lines in the United States stretched westward from the Atlantic until six distinct transcontinental lines had been formed. In South America the chief railway system has for its ambition the connection of the Atlantic with the Pacific. In Europe the intricate network of railways connects all of its various sections, but the crowning work of the century has been the construction in a single decade of the great east and west line connecting the European system with the Pacific across Siberia. With these great east and west railway lines completed, connecting the various sections of the temperate zone and binding them more surely together, has come as a natural sequence the extension of the railway system toward the Equator, penetrating the tropical regions upon which the temperate zone is becoming constantly more dependent for the raw materials required for manufacturing and food stuffs required for the daily life of its people. Sugar, coffee, cacao, tea, tropical fruits, nuts, and spices for food, tropical woods, hemp, jute, rubber, hides and skins, and certain classes of wool for manufacturing, tobacco, medical plants, and many other articles which enter into the daily life of man are chiefly obtained from the Tropics, and their use is increasing year by year, and in exchange the Tropics are taking more and more of the products of the field and factory in the temperate zone. As a consequence the railroad systems of the temperate zone are now feeling their way toward the Tropics. Within the last few years the great system of the United States has extended lines to Mexico and to the Tropics, and other lines have slowly moved northward from the temperate zone of South America toward the Tropics and will in time meet, and at last realize that long-delayed ambition of Hinton Rowan Helper—a Pan-American railway. In Africa the railway system of the northern section of the continent is moving steadily southward up the Nile, and that of the southern section is moving as persistently northward, and these two sections from the temperate zones promise at an early date to meet at the Equator and realize the ambition of Mr. Rhodes. The great Siberian railway is being constructed southward toward Pekin, from which another line is now under construction still farther south toward Hankow, from which other lines are projected to finally connect with that great system already in existence in tropical Asia—the Indian railway system— aggregating 25,000 miles, and which in time will doubtless be connected with the systems of southern Europe and perhaps cross Arabia to the system of northern Africa. Railway construction developed chiefly in the temperate zones—the seat of man’s greatest activity— during the first half century of its existence, but in the second half century will connect those two temperate zone systems by numerous lines crossing the Tropics, and by lateral extensions from those lines will carry the raw materials and foodstuffs of the Tropics to the temperate zone and in their turn redistribute the products of those temperate zones among the people of the Tropics, and in so doing increase wealth, distribute comforts of life, and advance civilization and enlightenment. REPORT TO INTERNATIONAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE ON RAILWAYS IN COLONIES. The following are extracts from Les Chemins de fer aux Colonies et dans les pays neufs, areport of a special committee made to the International Colonial Institute in 1899: ‘“‘The question of railways is of fundamental interest with regard to the introduction of civilization in primitive countries and their exploitation from the point of view of general interests. * * * ‘‘In all times the occupation, opening, and rational exploitation of a country have had as their chief characteristic feature the development of its means of communication. What holds true of the time of the Roman highways applies still more to the age of the railway, and just as during the heroic age the conquering nations assured their domination in distant countries by the creation of roads, just in the same manner the ultimate occupation of new countries at present is marked by the creation of railways. 1282 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. poses ‘‘ Beside the systems of navigable rivers, which constitute a natural means of communication and invaluable facilities of access, all highways of communication which permit transportation by means other than the back of man, animals of burden, or vehicles on ordinary wheels, constitute the first mechanism for the extension of civilization, the opening and clearing of virgin soil by the activity of the superior races for the local benefit of the native population. “The railways, which of all means of transportation are the most simple to construct, the most powerful, quickest, and, in the long run, the most economical, are therefore likely to play the most important part during the near future. ‘‘They bring into close contact the most distant territories with the colonizing country, create the means of easy and rapid access, assure through the fact of great mobility an effective policing of the different regions, permit commerce to spring up everywhere, to receive from Europe the commodities which the native may wish to have, and to send in return to the markets of the civilized world the natural products of the colony which constitute the equivalent of the goods received. ‘“‘These are the factors which abolish the former isolation of barbarous regions, and it is through them that our civilization, the product of the activity and labor of the higher races during centuries, modified to meet the special conditions, is able to penetrate, and that even the most primitive peoples are enabled to pass from the period of infancy to that of the mature and manly age, and that almost without transition. “The facts have universally confirmed the principle that civilization follows the locomotive. This statement, moreover, seems to be so well established and universally recognized that it would be tiresorfe to dwell on it any longer. ; ‘‘From the hour of the first occupation of the colony care should be taken to furnish it with railways which might give access successively and in proper order to all its regions or at least principal centers. i ‘A study of the railway question, therefore, is of ever-increasing interest to all those who devote themselves to the study of colonial matters at large. * * * GUARANTEES TO PRIVATE CAPITAL IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF RAILWAYS IN THE NEW COUNTRIES. “The answers received to inquiries sent out by the committee with regard to the question of interest guarantee do not show any agreement of opinion on this point. “Tn the case of certain railways—for example, that of the Usambara and the independent State of Congo—the State has refrained from offering a guarantee to private capital engaged in this matter. This is accounted for by the unsatisfactory financial condition of the young colonies, whose entire resources were hardly sufficient to meet the expenditures of the administration and occupation of the territories in question. “In these cases, when the interference of the State directly interested can not have a pecuniary character, it should at least by way of compensation accord all the advantages within its power—higher railway tariffs, freedom from taxation during a certain period, facility in the hiring of the necessary labor force, the utilization of the forests, quarries, and waterfalls encountered, etc.; furthermore, the grant in fee simple of lands, mines, quarries, etc., in proportion with the risks incurred by the companies. All these things have been perfectly understood by the German Government and that of the Congo with regard to railways constructed under their jurisdiction. Other railways have been able to obtain an official guarantee on their capital, ranging between 3} and 4 per cent. The same holds true with respect to most of the railways in India, Algeria, and other countries. “Tn the case of these railways no land grants were given, the guarantee of the home Government being deemed sufficient to cover the comparatively lesser risks in these countries with a relatively more advanced economic culture, in which, moreover, vacant lands owned by the State are, as a general rule, wanting. ‘Finally, certain railway companies have been able to obtain very high interest guarantees. Among them the more important are the railways in the southwestern part of Brazil, which have a minimum interest guarantee of 6 per cent, and the railway from St. Paul of Loanda to Ambaca, in the Portuguese province of Angola. . “Such guarantees seem to be excessively high, but it should be remembered that they are agreed to only by such governments which are in financial difficulties such as might interfere with the discharge of the obligations assumed by them. The high interest exacted by the companies from them constitutes thus a sort of insurance premium. In such cases the railway companies, as a rule, are not satisfied even with this guarantee, which, moreover, is rarely effective; they obtain, besides, concessions of vacant lands. This has been the case of the railways just mentioned. ‘‘Certain other anomalous examples might be quoted—such, for example, as the railway between Dakar and St. Louis, in the Senegal, to which the French Government guaranteed 6 per cent of interest and advanced in cash about two-thirds of the capital, which was to be repaid out of the net proceeds of the railway. * * * FREE, FORCED, AND MILITARY LABOR AND BOUNTIES. “The replies received by the committee on the question of the labor force state that by reason of the abundant supply of labor found in the respective places, and the habits of manual work prevailing among the native populations, no particular difficulties were encountered with regard to this matter. ‘The only characteristic exception constitutes the railway in the Congo, the administration of which gives an account of the difficulties encountered and formulates its opinion about this matter, based on the experience gained. ‘Without dwelling on normal conditions, which are generally of little interest, we shall consider, first of all, the case of the most primitive peoples, for it is the latter who require special attention, owing to the fact that the conditions under which they might be utilized present difficulties particularly peculiar of the new colonies. “Tn principle, and aside from any philanthropic preoccupation, which, however, in the present state of civilization can by no means be disregarded, there is perfect unanimity that in the interest of the railways to be constructed the employment of labor should be on a free and voluntary basis, and that the force so employed should be used under conditions similar to those prevailing in the countries of old civilization. ‘Exception should be made in the matter of utilizing convict labor—as, for instance, in the case of the construction of the Trans- Siberian Railway, those in Java, and certain others in Algeria. These altogether exceptional conditions, however, do not modify the principle just stated. 1901.) COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1283 “The same principle applies to the employment of military labor, which, as a matter of fact, should be regarded as voluntary labor, merely grouped in military bodies. * * * “ As far, then, as the question of labor is concerned, all replies agree that this labor should be the result of agreements freely made. ‘It is, however, indispensable, more than anywhere else (compare the cases of Jayvaand Congo), that the chiefs watch most carefully, and that the workmen be well treated, and paid in an equitable manner. The chiefs should, furthermore, pay attention to the modes of nourishment and even recreation of the workmen. * * * “There is no doubt whatever that the system of small contracts, as practiced in Java, as well as measures which by a system of bounties enable the workmen to share in the economies which might be effected, are highly commendable. “We might add, in closing, that whenever works are to be executed in an unhealthy climate the labor force should be recruited as much as possible on the spot or from regions subject to the same climatic conditions. The administration of the French railways in the Soudan expresses this principle quite well, as follows: ‘Experience has condemned as an ineffectual and even barbarous means the employment in the terrible Soudanese climate of laborers forcign to the country, such as the Chinese, the Moroccans, or Italians.’ ‘“‘The same experience was had by the Congo Railway, which had tried to make use of Italians and Chinese, and even uegroes from the West Indies, whose forefathers, indeed, had originally come from the very Congo region.”’ WORK OF RAILROADS IN THE LOCAL DEVELOPMENT OF COLONIES. “The attitude of the central Government toward our colonies,”” says M. de Lanessan, ‘‘has been extremely unfavorable in this field as well as in the one just discussed. The narrow tutelage in which our home Government holds the colonies, the obligation which it puts on them to submit to it all projects of more important works, and the impossibility on the part of the colony of procuring for itself the financial resources required by such works seem to have banished from the minds of the colonial governments even the idea of undertaking them, and instead to have pushed them on the narrow path on which they find themselves. Their only preoccupation seems to be to improve the condition of the administrative personnel, to increase their salaries, to improve their dwellings, and to increase their number within the limits permitted by the budgetary resources. ‘The chambers of commerce and the municipal councils might be expected to show some influence, but they are composed chiefly of small traders, grocers, clothing merchants, and dress goods dealers, wine dealers, ete.; that is, people who haye to make their living from the officials, and are therefore interested to see the number and salaries of their clients increased. ‘Notwithstanding this vicious organization, the colonial government, as well as the colonists themselves, would probably very willingly undertake the work of public improvements if only the colonies enjoyed any sort of independence. The Government would be prompted to undertake such works, for these vast undertakings would increase its financial resources, and the colonists themselves would work in unison with the Government in order to improve the conditions of their existence through greater facility of transportation, traveling, communication, and transportation of things useful and agreeable to life. The budget would soon come to be regarded not as a simple means of maintenance for the class. of officials, but as a source of future enjoyment and benefit to be derived from the construction of means of communication, highroads, railways, canals, harbors, etc. Notwithstanding the sort of stupor into which the inhabitants of Cochin-China seem to have fallen, I doubt whether they would not take pleasure in visiting the splendid sites of Anam and Tonkin and enjoying the cool winters of the latter if they were transported to these places rapidly and conveniently in good railway cars. If no desires are expressed on their part for the construction of railroads, the reason is simply that they know too well that between their request and its realization so many difficulties will arise and so much time will elapse that no one of those who made the request will be in the colony at the time when his request would be heeded. Life in the tropical climates is very hard; the number of those who stand it for a number of years is raré; many disappear at the end of five, ten, or fifteen years, either because death carries them off or because sickness compels them to leave the colony or because the attainment of wealth brings them back to the mother country. These people plant but few fruit trees, but consume whatever falls to their lot; they do not think of railways because they do-not believe in the possibility of ever making use of them. This would not be so if the extreme centralization to which the colonies are subject were not to make the execution of all public works an unsolvable problem. ‘Under existing legislation no public work of any importance can be undertaken in the colony unless previously approved by the committee of public works, having its seat at Paris. The decree of November 22, 1895, which reorganized this committee provides that it is to ‘give its opinion on matters concerning the public works in the colonies, and particularly the projects of construction and concessions of railways, improvements of the seashore and river banks, navigation and naval constructions, mines and civil engineering.’ In order that no work of this kind might escape these formalities, the decree provides that ‘sukcommittees instituted by ministerial orders may be empowered to pass, in place of the committee, opinions on matters of minor importance.’ ‘As regards the financial means, they are subject to the approval of the minister of the colony if they are part of the ordinary annual budget. Ifa loan becomes necessary, a special act must be passed. TELEGRAPHS AND TELEPHONES, The importance of interecommunication as a contributing factor to the development of colonies has led all successful colonial managers to encourage, and in many cases directly aid, in the construction of telegraph and telephone lines, as well as railways. Asa result the colonies of the world have to-day 180,000 miles of telegraph and about 50,000 miles of telephone, against but 20,000 miles of telegraph in 1875. While of course a large share of these telegraph and telephone lines are in the self-governing and English-speaking colonies of Canada, Australia, and South Africa, an examination of the table which follows will show that in India alone there are over 50,000 miles of telegraph, that French Algeria has more than 7,000 miles, Tunis over 2,000 miles, French Cochin-China nearly 3,000 miles, and the Dutch colony of Java nearly 7,000 miles of telegraph alone, while the telephone is rapidly coming into use in all the colonies, since it forms a much more convenient method of communication in communities in which skilled operators for telegraph lines are more difficult to obtain. The table which follows shows the telegraph lines in existence in the world’s colonies in 1875, 1886, and 1899, thus affording an opportunity to study the growth of these factors of development, while another table shows the telephone lines in operation in the British colonies, except India, for which no accurate data are at present available. 1284 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocronar, ‘0 TeLecrara Lines IN THE COLONIES OF THE WORLD IN 1875, 1886, axD 1899. COLONIES. 1876 1886 1899 COLONIES. 1875 1886 1899 ‘ BRITISH. at ERESCH: Miles. Miles. Miles. tiles. | 17, 260 Australian ¥ederation. 61,154 ee Gre molainieitavarois aistaveteleietoaieraiere 5, 850 6, 500 ae ahamas..... . 180 Bermuda 44 a pase Sieteysleussigteverer ad British Gu Bla). || < Rea Be Ceeeentre ees sees 2, 328 Canada veangrggnessonesccteereeve 83,075 as asa Na INI ON aes tn GAH ES ape of Good Hope ...........-..-.-- TP s80O PE rene cent l arar tatie ne 18, 118 oan Salasess @ eleeHN eiNiancine! 8b. aeey eae See Siete 1,167 8 IO ORS cn asiccnnaceapniendieonan anne 1 ial ce Ae nee ements 51, 769 PORTUGUESE, PAMMUCB a o.ss Soyer nat cs sueeoue 643 ANGOTA ssccessa sen satsdescienrertdclontestore 635 Tapes OW a Bee wes ah 6 Portuguese East Africa 950 ELE OB a esas ta oie sieh a aaa A areas, said ovale 230 MEU tala esate sign cilcias tan taisinieisibin ae Gay sf ices ccrte ecere ae et rama Sie 1,583 IMVUIT A CVS psp: nn shoe aie sie Sais arsed oalgncisin. 135 Nate Rasa dara oeie reser ecnprsieet 1,337 NETHERLANDS. ewfoundland .............-2....... 1,314 is NGG Zealand ee 6910. | TAU iy seers smecserctatele acum areca eraparsre ee eel siayeielararel arorarce sre terarceetiater. 6, 833 Pe a Tete, ae aaa H 13,656 | 102,082 | 157,836 - 11898. TELEPHONE Lines IN THE British Cononiges 1N 1899. COLONIES. 1899 | COLONIES. 1899 Miles. |) Miles. ANAS Ub sc poco os cieexeinebes anaieae c. cise eselse Meese aeees 100 TGR OS: 52 ces aazastcsninre, Sr oss >ssavejorss sala rhcaieroyesaietseeueraca Drorcicearice via ois rcha stints 17 Australian Federation. . ‘ 8, 689 Malta: -s 26, cacmemawencinns 393 Bahamas............ 4 Mauritiusiecaccnias scene 65 Barbados. . 59 Natal oi ecicisisircsesiraicictartere 53 Bermuda... 4 Newfoundland............ 250 British Guiana .. 4 New Zealand.........-.. 487 Canada ....... 24, 933 St. Christopher .......... 52 eoee oe 1, 588 SE DUC ta cose cannatecscrs 120 Ceylon. cccsieec 36 St. VINCeNt 2. cescce cence 77 Falkland Islands 7 Straits Settlements 756 Grenada ...... LOG: ||, DrnId a Bes nce crareteeered otnectawa deebintscicioe s Aaie serosa peio(gjaicineislbscie 460 HONGKONG s2.2scec one ecuneeanesaceceees 360 JOM OIlGS wes jose wiemnet ae eeewseeasseeee es a 152 DOC 5 5 cies cciaicteinstos idee repoveraresSisiessed dai esetsleisib Saslqbaeieacaeees 38, S84 MA DUAD -ceieciacsie wets a aciseqcis Sia Rsisaisl seaisb anes Maes GeieeGemne 2 Still another method of intercommunication to which colonial managers give great attention is the postal system. POSTAL FACILITIES. In Java—the great island colony of Netherlands, for instance—the number of pieces of mail carried by the postal system of the island was, in 1898, over 17,000,000. In the French colony of Tunis, the number of letters sent through the post-offices in 1898 was over 15,000,000. In India, where the authorities assert with pride that a letter can be sent for a less sum than in any other part of the world, the total number of pieces of mail passing through the post-offices in 1899 was 489,000,000. In addition to the establishment of postal facilities wherever practicable, careful attention is given, especially in the English and French colonies, to the establishment of frequent mail and steamship communications between the colony and the home country, and the establishment and maintenance of transportation lines between the home country and the colonies is encouraged by liberal subsidies. The table which follows shows the number of pieces of mail handled in a few of the more important British colonies in 1899, and illustrates the importance attached to, and carefy] encouragement of, intercommunication, both among the people within the colony and between the people of the colony and those of the mother country. PostaL Service in Principat British CoLonies. Letters and Newspapers, . COLONIES. post cards | parcels, ete., tote eae handled. bandied. anes 140, 683, cy 107, 003, 013 ae: 640 292) 94 118, 018 340, 961 177, 825, 000 113, 264, 000 291, 089) 000 Cape of Good Hope. 23) 339, 379 18, 441, 708 36, 781, 087 Falkland Islands. 38) 000 O00 ae Island ..... 421,446 785, 017 fai foaseiante(wietintovloiev chase nits ajanaporn ats shares | ataiala aetawerseerayseas 489, 076, 000 Jamaica 6,073, 350 5,073, 350 Malta..... 6, 050, 871 2,610, 505 8, 661, 376 Mauritius .... 1, 416, 676 1, 458, 584 2,875, 260 New Zealand. 39, 127, 422 33, 600, 596 72,728, 018 Rhodesia ......... 834, 357 237, 822 1,072,179 Straits Ser eMente ccc sun wewss ences ebuatinewnccenaal vane woaiieiscieeieris 8, 845, 788 1 Does not include Victoria, for which no data are available. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, 1285 METHODS OF INTERCOMMUNICATION ESTABLISHED IN THE PRINCIPAL COLONIES OF THE WORLD. Intercommunication among the people of the colony and between them and the mother country is, it will be seen from the above, looked upon by all successful colonizing powers as an extremely important factor in the material, mental, and moral development of the colonies and their inhabitants. By way of detailed illustration of the attention given to the devclopment of methods of communication, the following statement of the condition of facilities for communication in each of the colonies of the world is presented. The statements are from_official or semiofficial publications wherever possible, and contain the latest and most reliable data on roads, railways, telegraph, telephone, and postal service, steamship communication, etc., for each of the more important colonies of the world. South .lustralia.—There are 7,569 miles of roads defined in settled districts, the greater portion of the cost of which has been defrayed from the general revenue, no special toll or rate having been levied. The aggregate number of miles macadamized is 3,678. In addition to the main lines, perhaps as many more miles of district or by roads have een constructed and kept in repair by local municipalities out of rates and grants in aid. The railways, exclusive of a private line between Adelaide and Glenelg, are all constructed and worked by the Government. The mileage open for traffic in the colony is 1,736, and 146 miles in the Northern Territory. Up to June 30, 1900, the total cost of the railways reached £13,070,087. The receipts in 1899 were £1,166,987 and the expenditures £657,841. Working expenses, 56.37 per cent. Net revenue on cost 3.91 per cent. There is daily railway communication between Adelaide, Melbourne, Sydney, and Brisbane. At the close of the year 1899 there were 269 stations and 5,738 miles of telegraph lines open throughout the colony. There are 361 miles of telephone line open, 9 light exchanges, 1,314 connections, and 3,296 miles of telephone wire. The number of messages sent in 1898 was 1,237,005, of which 147,249 were international. Tasmania.—All the principal towns are united by telegraph. There are 2,000 miles of telegraph (with 3,252 miles of wire) open in the colony. This excludes 428 miles of cable belonging to the Tasmanian Cable Company. The total cost of telegraph construction up to December 31, 1899, was £287,000, the receipts in 1899 being £31,244. There are algo 815 miles of telephone, which yield an annual rental of £4,285. There is a duplicate electiic cable between Tasmania and Victoria, whence land lines extend to Port Darwin, and thence to England via Java. The number of messages sent was 380,687, of which 129,729 were cable. Steamers run between Mclbourne and Launceston twice and sometimes three times a week. Direct mail steamer from Hobart to Sydney every week. Direct mail steamer between Hobart and Melbourne and Hobart and New Zealand twice a month. There are also steamers trading between Launceston and the northwest ports of Tasmania and Melbourne every week; the mail steamer from Melbourne to Colombo and London every week—time thirty-two days via Brindisi; the mail steamer from Sydney to San Francisco and thence to London via New York every four weeks—time about forty days; the mail steamer via Vancouver once a month; the mail steamer via Brisbane, Batavia, Aden, and Brindisi cvery four weeks—passage from Tasmania about fifty-five days. Direct communication is also afforded by the means of the Shaw, Saville Company and New Zealand Shipping Company, one vessel of each company calling at Hobart every month. The main road from the port of Hobart to Launceston is 123 miles long, passes through the center of the colony, and is maintained in fair order by the government. All the other main roads are under the control of main road boards and are constructed and maintained by the government. The cross and )y roads are under the care of local trustees, and are maintained partly by rates and partly by contribution from the treasury. In 1899 the maintenance of main roads cost £5,028, of cross and by roads £23,025, in all £28,053. There are now 547} miles of railway in the colony constructed mainly on the 3-foot 6-inch gauge. Of these 547} miles, 489} belong to government, and cost £3,604,222, and 109 miles to private companies, and cost £683,149. The total cost of railway construction up to December 31, 1899, was £4,287,371, the gross receipts in 1899 being £258,548, and the working expenses £187,530, showing a return of 1.65 per cent on the capital. Vietoria.—Melbourne, the metropolis of Victoria, is distant from Sydney by sea 650 English miles and by land 577 miles; from Adelaide by sea 56Q miles and by land 483 miles. It is now connected with Sydney, Brisbane, and Adelaide by railway. Steam postal communication with England via Ceylon and Suez is maintained weekly by the steamers of the Peninsular and Oriental, alternating with those of the Orient Company. Mails are also carried by the lines of steamers belonging to the Pacific, British India, and Messageries Maritimes (French) companies. The post-offices in Victoria number about 1,593. The postal and telegraph revenue is not accurately known, but was estimated to haye been £555,650 in 1898-99, and the expenditure was £499,686. There are 3,143 miles of railway completed in Victoria and in full operation. The total cost of construction of lines opened up to June 30, 1899, was £38,974,410. Revenue for 1898-99 was £2,873,729, and the expenditure £1,797,726. There are 6,747 miles of telegraph lines open (including railway telegraphs), and about 15,125 miles of wire; also about 13,794 miles of telephone wire. The number of telegrams transmitted during 1899 was 1,889,488, of which about 75,500 on Government business were transmitted free. Western Australia.—The colony possesses at present four lines of Government railways in all—1,355 miles of railway open for traffic. Another railway, the Midland (277 miles), constructed on the land-grant system, affords communication between Midland Junction and Walkaway and connects the two Government systems of railways. There are also several lines constructed by private timber companies in the south of the colony, in extent about 217 miles. The receipts of the Government railways for the year ended June, 1900, were £1,259,512, and the working expenses £861,470. The total cost of construction was £6,427,370. Of electric telegraph in 1899 there were 8,749 miles of wire. The number of telegrams forwarded and received during 1899 was 1,136,153, and the revenue received £78,937. (Worked by post-office department.) There is telegraphic communication with Europe via South Australia, and also a direct cable from Java to Roebuck Bay. The Bahamas.—There are no railways or telegraphs in the colony, and but few good roads, except in New Providence. There is regular fortnightly mail communication with New York and Cuba, and frequent vessels to and from Cuba and Key West. Barbados.—A railway from Bridgetown to the parish of St. Andrew (24 miles as surveyed) was commenced in 1880 and completed September 10, 1882. The total cost of construction was £195,284. The receipts for the year 1897 were £5,503, exclusive of Government No. 4 13 1286 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, - subsidy of £6,000, and the expenses £5,952. Of the stubsidy of £6,000 per annum granted by the legislature, only a sum of £82 17s. 6d. was paid in 1897, in consequence of the failure of the company to comply with the provisions of act 51 of 1886. It belonged to the Barbados Railway Company, Limited, but was, on June 15, 1898, purchased by the Foreign American and General Trust Company, Limited, for the sum of £50,000. No subsidy was paid during the year 1898. The whole line has been reconstructed. There is telephonic comnuminicatinn between the police stations by 35 miles of line, which cost £1,465 and is open to public use. The Barbados Telephone Company, Limited, a private company, has a total of 470 services, with a total length of line in use of about 600 miles. The Royal Mail steamers arrive in and leave Barbados every alternate week from and to England. There i: also fortnightly communication with all the West Indies by these steamers. The usual length of the voyage from England to Barbados is eleven days. Berimuda.—There are no railways in the colony. There are 94 miles of colonial and 15 miles of military roads. The telegraphs are worked by the military authorities and comprise 15 miles of cable and 36 miles of land line. The total cost of construction was £4,388. The receipts in 1899 were £22, and the. expenditures £291. There is also a private telephone company, which has about 240 subscribers and upward of 700 miles of wire in line. British Guiana.—The three rivers, Demerara, Exsequibo, and Berbice, are navigable for 90, 35, and 150 miles, respectively. Beyond these (listances, owing to the nature of the country, they abound in cataracts and waterfalls. There is a good network of roads, and there are small canals in connection with the Demerara River. There is a railway from Georgetown to Rossignol, Berbice, 603 miles in length, owned by the Demerara Railway Company, Limited. Its receipts for the year ended March 31, 1900, were £33,463, its expenses £22,108. The line was constructed at a total cost of £591,149. A railway 183 miles in length, connecting the Upper Demerara and Upper Essequibo rivers, leading to the interior and affording access to the gold diggings, has been open since the beginning of 1897, whilst the Demerara Railway Company have constructed a line on the west coast, connecting Vreedenhoop with Greenwich Park, about 15 miles in length. The postal-telegraph system comprises about 476 miles of line, with 17 cables, covering a distance of 89} miles. It is connected with a cable to Trinidad, and thus with Europe and the United States. British Honduras.--There are no railways or telegrapbs in the colony, and the easiest communication is by water along the coast. There is regular communication every seven days by mail steamers with New Orleans and Puerto Cortez, every three weeks with New York and Jamaica, and about every six weeks with Liverpool and Colon. Doninion of Canada.—The length of railways actually constructed in the Dominion aggregated on June 30, 1899, 17,558 miles. There are 33,074 miles of telegraph line and $1,266 miles of wire in operation in Canada, of which 2,960, including cables, are owned and operated by the Dominion Government; 4,830,501 messagez were sent in 1899. There are six important systems of Government canals, affording, with the St. Lawrence River connections, magnificent inland communications. The total length of canals in operation is 262} miles, but the aggregate length of inland navigation rendered available by them is 3,000 miles, the St. Lawrence alone having a length of 2,384 miles. The receipts in 1899 were $369,044, and the working expenses, including repairs, $482,941. Seventy-six and a half million dollars have been expended on the construction of these canals, including the amount expended on the Sault Ste. Marie Canal to connect Lakes Superior and Huron, which was opened in the season of 1895. Cape of Good Hope.—The railways of the colony consisted originally of three separate systems, the Western, Midland, and Eastern, having their starting points on the seaboard at Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, and East London, respectively. The Western and Midland systems are connected by a junction at De Aar (500 miles from Cape Town and 330 from Port Elizabeth), and are carried forward thence as one trunk line to Kimberley, the center of the diamond fields (647 miles from Cape Town and 486 miles from Port Elizabeth). This line was opened in 1885. From Kimberley the line is now extended northward to Vryburg (127 miles north of Kimberley), where the Cape Government line ends, and is carried on by the Rhodesia Railway Company to Bulawayo, 1,361 miles from Cape Town and 1,199 miles from Port Elizabeth. A further northward extension toward the Zambesia is in progress. From Naauwpoort, 270 miles from Port Elizabeth, on the Port Elizaheth-De Aar line, the Midland system runs via Colesburg to the borders of the Orange River colony (329 miles from Port Elizabeth), at Norvals Point, whence the line is continued through the Orange River colony to Bloemfontein (opened in December, 1890), and on to Johannesburg (714 miles from Port Elizabeth), and Pretoria (741 miles from Port Elizabeth), both in the Transvaal. The Eastern system extends from East London, through Queen’s Town, to Aliwal North, adjacent to the Basutoland and Orange River colony frontiers. It was opened in 1885, and in May, 1892, it was extended to join the railway within the Free State at Spring- fontein, so forming a direct line to Bloemfontein and Johannesburg. There is now through railway communication from the railways of the Cape Colony to Durban, Natal, and Lorenzo Marquez (Delagoa Bay), as well as to various important centers in the Transvaal. The line, 334 miles long, through the Free State to the Vaal River, was taken over by the Free State on January 30, 1897, in terms of the convention under which the construction was arranged. Total railways open June 30, 1900: (a) Belonging to and worked by Government, 1,990 miles; (6) Owned by private companies, but worked by Government, 653 miles; (¢) Lines owned and worked by private companies, 224 miles; total, 2,867 miles. There were about 289 miles under construction in the colony for private companies June 30, 1900, including the Somerset East-King William’s Town line, which will probably become a Government line. Ceylon.—Great efforts have been made to keep pace with the growing requirements of the colony. The telephone has been introduced in Colombo, and the principal towns are connected by the telegraph, which is connected with the Indian telegraph system; 1,161 miles are open in Cvylon. There are 297 miles of railway, all owned and worked by the government. The lines of railway are distributed thus: Colombo to Kandy, 743 miles; Kandy and Matale, 173 miles; Peradeniya Junction to Banderawela, 914 miles; Mahara Quarry and Mahara Point, 1} miles; Fort Junction and Wharf, 1} miles; Maradana Junction to Galle, 712 miles; Galle and Matara, 263 milys; Polgahawelle and Kurunegala, 13 miles. The total cost of construction up to December 31, 1899, charged in accounts was Rs. 57,935,857. The receipts during 1899 were Rs. 7,658,887, and expenditures, Rs. 4,104,354. Of metaled roads there are 2,509 miles; graveled and natural road, 625 and 460 miles, respectively; of canals, 152.27 wiles. The maintenance of 3,594 miles of road cost, in 1899, Rs. 1,410,805, or an average of Rs. 393 per mile. This is exclusive of roads within municipal limits, and of minor roads which are not in the charge of the departmeat of public works. Every male between the ages of 18 and 55 is bound 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1287 to perform six days’ labor in the year on the roads, or to contribute a rupee and a half (2 rupees in the town of Colombo) by way of commutation. The road committees collect the cammutation, but the amount derived from this source is inconsiderable as compared with the outlay. Substantial progress has been made in recent years in the restoration of the ancient irrigation tanks and the construction of new waterworks. The amount expended on irrigation in 1898 was Rs. 306,653. Cyprus.—There is no railway or navigable waterway in the island, but roads between all important places are now maintained. Proposals for a railway connecting certain important centers are now, however, under consideration. There are no Government telegraphs, but the Eastern Telegraph Company and the Imperial Ottaman Telegraph Administration work about 240 miles of land line in connection with their cable. Hongkong.—There is telegraphic communication with nearly the whole world by a cable to Shanghai (and thence to Japan and Russia) and two cables to. Singapore via Saigon and Hu, respectively; and there is very extensive sieam communication with Europe, America, and Australia. In addition to the regular mail lines of the Peninsular and Orient Steam Navigation Company and the Messagerics Maritimes, which convey the European mails weekly, the Pacific Mail Steam Navigation Company have a fortnightly service via Yokokoma, Japan, to San Francisco, and the Eastern and Australian Mail Steam Company and the China Navigation Company have a frequent service to the Australian colonies. The Norddeutsche Lloyd and the Austrian Lloyd steamers go to and from Europe monthly, and the Canadian Pacific Mail Company have a three-weekly service to Europe via Vancouver and the (‘anadian Pacifie Railway; also the Portland line of steamers have a monthly service to Portland, Ureg., touching at Japanese ports and Victoria, British Columbia. Letters from England reach Hongkong in about thirty-one days. There is daily steam communication between Hongkong, Macao, and Canton, and almost daily with Swatow, Amoy, Foo Chow, Shanghai, and other ports on the coast of China. There are no railways but a cable tramway from the city to the higher levels, opened in 1888, and no internal telegraph: communication except for police and military purposes. Natal_—There are 1,337} miles of government telegraphs, constructed at a cost of about £121,754, and the earnings for the year 1899 were £26,623 (exclusive of the value of governnient messages, £16,366), and the expenses, £30,971. There are 591} miles of railway open, all constructed and worked by the government, with the exception of the North Coast Extension beyond Verulam (50 miles), which was constructed by the Natal-Zululand Railway Company, and is worked by the government on behalf of that company in accordance with a working agreement. Neufoundland.—There is a railway from St. Johns to Harbour Grace, 84 miles in length, the property of the government. The total approximate cost of construction was $2,500,000. A branch line has been constructed by the government connecting with Placentia. Its length is 27 miles, and it was built at a cost of $525,000. The railway to the Exploits River, a distance of 200 miles, is now complete, ata cost of $3,120,000. The line from Exploits, via Bay of Islands and Bay St. George to Port aux Basques (a distance of 285 uiiles, approximately) is also complete, the cost being $4,446,000. Branch lines to Brigus, Tilton, Carbonear, aud Burnt Bay are now completed. The total length of these lines is about 33 miles. The transinsular railway now being completed, regular connection is made with the Continent three times a week, the intervening strait being crossed in the first-class passenger steamer Bruce, which makes the passage in six hours. About 750 miles of postal and 1,700 miles of district roads are maintained. There are 1,314 miles of telegraph open, and cables start for Europe (at Hearts Content) and America (at Placentia). There is a fortuightly mail service (except in February, March, and April) with Liverpool by the Allan Line, and at irregular intervals by other steamers. New Zealand.—.As in most of the colonies, all the more important public works of New Zealand are in the hands of the government and other public bedies, comparatively few having been undertaken hy companies. The initiation of public works in New Zealand is coeval with the founding of the colony. In the early days they simply kept pace with ‘the spread of settlement, but in 1870 a great impetus was given to the progress of the country by the inauguration of the ‘Public works policy,’”’ which provided for carrying out works in advance of settlement, and for immigration. The first public works initiated were roads, many thousands of miles having been constructed in all directions. Some of the main roads through sparsely settled districts were made and are still maintained by the government, but the ordinary main roads are under the control of the counties, and the district roads under local boards. Nearly all the larger rivers on the main roads in both islands are bridged. A few, however, have ferries worked by the current. At the end of the last financial year, March 21, 1900, there were 2,104 miles of government and 167 miles of private railways in operation in New Zealand, and 111 miles of government under construction; but 79 miles of private lines have since been taken over by the government. The expenditure on the 2,104 miles of Government railways has been £16,703,887, or an average of £7,839 a mile. This includes all eharges connected with construction and equipment of the lines. The revenue from the government railways for the years 1899-1900 was £1,623,891, and the working expenses, £1,052,358. The balance of £571,533 is equal to a return of £5 8s. 5d. per cent on the capital invested. The gauge throughout is 3 feet 6 inches. Of telegraphs there are now 6,910 miles of land lines, and 19,228 miles of wire, constructed at a cost of £856,057. The cable tramways are practically on the same system as those in San Francisco. Northern Nigeria.-There are stations at Drass and Bonny, and cable communications with Lagos, and thus with Europe. A telegraph line was constructed in 1807-98 from Lagos to Jebba, and has been extended to Lokoja, from which point it has been carried up the Benue to Ahwaneja. Regular steamers arrive and depart from Liverpool and the west ccast of Africa every three weeks. Communication in the Niger Basin is mainly by the steamers of the Niger Company. Basutoland.—There are no navigable waterways, the rivers being low in winter and flooded generally in summer. The usual mode of conveyance is by ox wagon or light cart. The roads in the country are now in good condition for any kind of transport, but the periodical rains, draining down from the high watersheds, seriously damage them. There are no railways in the country. Rhodesir.—Public roads in Rhodesia have been made to the extent of 2,734 miles, and there were under construction 360 miles of main roads and 500 miles of cross roads in mining districts. Telegraph lines, including police telephone lincs, and the African Trans- continental Telegraph line, to the extent of 3,451 miles of line and 5,005 miles of wire, have been erected. 1288 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. coe The African Transcontinental Telegraph Company has constructed a telegraph line from Umtali to Mashonaland, to Kituta, at the south end of Lake Tanganyika, the length of the line being 1,225 miles. A branch line, 123 miles long, from Domira Bay, Lake Nyasa, to Fort Jameson, in M’Peseni’s country, the headquarters of fhe administrator of northeastern Rhodesia. The Bechuanaland Railway reached Bulawayo on October 19, 1897, and was formally opened on November 4. An extension of the Beira Railway from Umtali reached Salisbury on May 1, 1899, and was formally opened on May 22. This places Salisbury in direct communication with the sea, over a line 382 miles in length. On July 8, 1900, the widening of the gauge of the Beira railway to 3 feet 6 inches, the standard gauge of South Africa, was completed. A line is now being built to connect Salisbury with Bulawayo. The first 100 miles from Salisbury will probably be completed by the end of 1900, and the whole of the line in the course of 1901. Its length will be about 290 miles. Telegraphic communication continues to be rapidly established. On March 31, 1900, 71 telegraph offices were opened. Straits Settlements.—Over 50 lines of seagoing steamers touch at Singapore. There is telegraphic communication by submarine cables (3) from Penang to Madras, Malacca, and Singapore; and from Singapore (2) to Saigon and Hué, and thence to Hongkong, Japan, and Russia. There is also a government telegraph line from Penang to Province Wellesley, and thence to Perak, Selangor, Sungei Ujong, and Malacca. There are 20 miles of telegraph line in connection with the cables, and there are 722 miles of telephone line. A railway 23 miles long to connect Prai, in Province Wellesley, with the Perak railway system is now in course of construction, of which 7 miles are already open for traffic. This railway is being constructed and worked by the government of the Federated Malay States. A railway 15} miles long from the town of Singapore to Rianji on the Straits of Johore is being constructed by the colonial government. In Penang there are 9 miles of tramway open, constructed and worked by a private firm; the motive power is steam. In the Federated Malay States railway construction has made, and is making, rapid progress. The following lines are open for traffic: In Perak, from Port Weld, via Taiping, the capital, to Ulu, Sa’Petang, 17 miles, and from Teluk, Anson, to Enggor, 50 miles; an extension to Taiping and Prai, and from Tapah to Tanjong, Malim, are under construction. In Selangor, from Kwala Klang, the chief port, to Kwala Lumpor, the capital, 27 miles; and from thence to Kwala Kubu, 38} miles, with a small branch line from Kwala, Lumpor to Kajang, 9 miles. In Sungai Unjong, from Port Dickson to Seremban, the capital, 21 miles. The following lines are under construction by Selangor: From Kwala Kubu to Tanjong, Malim, 15 miles; and from Kajang to Seremban. An important line has been surveyed to connect the east and west States of the peninsula. If constructed it will probably run from Kwala Kubu, via Raub, to Kwala Lipis, in Pahang, a distance of 80 miles. There is, however, no prospect of this work being undertaken in the immediate future. It is estimated that the railway extensions now projected and under course of construction, which will connect Port Dickson, in Negri Sembilan, with Kwala Prai, on the mainland opposite Penang, will be completed by the year 1902. A short section from Buckit Martajan to Penang is already open for traffic, and connected with Penang by steam ferry. Trinidad and Tobago.—Communication between Port of Spain and San Fernando is maintained by means of the Gulf steamers, which ply three times a week, and by the railway. The Gulf steamers proceed as far as Cedros, in the southwestern part of the island, a total distance of 60 miles from Port of Spain. The railway from Port of Spain to Arima (16 miles) was opened in 1876. The total length of line opened is about 80$ miles, all constructed and worked by the government. The total receipts from the railways, tramways, and telegraphs during 1899 were £78,335, and the expenditure was £55,422. This last amount does not include the annual appropriation for interest and sinking fund, which in 1898 amounted to £106,380. Turks and Caicos islands.—There is steamship connection between England and Turks Island once a month, and between New York and Turks Island every two or three weeks. The length of the voyage between England and Turks Island is about fourteen days via New York, and eighteen days via Halifax and Jamaica. There are no railways or telegraph lines in the colony. Cable communication with Bermuda and Jamaica was established by the Direct West India Cable Company in January, 1898, the station being fixed at Grand Turk. Cochin China.—There are in the colony 51 miles of railway (Saigon to Mytho). In 1900 contracts were made for the construction of railways from Saigon to Tam-Linh and from Tam-Linh to Dji-Ring. There are 2,276 wiles of telegraph line, with 3,840 miles of wire and 85 telegraph offices. Telegrams (1896), 321,536. There are 95 post-offices. Tonkin.—In 1896 there entered 1,407 vessels of 461,454 tons. The Phulang-Thuong-Langson Railway is 64 miles long. In 1900 contracts were made for the construction of railways from Hanoi to Viétry; from Hanoi to Haiphong; from Hanoi to Ninh-Binh; from Hanoi to Vinh; and from Viétry to Lao-Kay. In Anam and Tonkin in 1896 there were 79 post-offices. For commercial purposes the country is almost inaccessible. It can be entered only by the Mekong, which is barred at Khone by rapids. A railway 4 miles in length has been constructed across that island, and by means ‘of it several steam launches have been transported to the upper waters, where they now ply. steam- cluding , steumbout ber 31, 1899. ee gers carried. Tied. boat service.| * eee service, and suspense. Miles. £ Number. 8. £ £ £ State lines worked by companies. . 11,124 85, 515, 813 70, 981, 363 20, 609, 920 9, 422, 584 4,075, 754 5, 346, 880 State lines worked by the state...... 5,707 65, 318, 033 38, 192, 493 9, 342, 411 4, 453, 255 2,335, 703 2,117, 552 Lines worked by guaranteed compan 2,592 34, 652, 616 37, 769, 551 5, 748, 501 4, 218, 158 2, 206, 333 2,011, 825 Assisted companies 5 1,349 6, 383, 260 6, 764, 079 1,079, 663 , 088 239, 223 875 Lines owned by native states and worked by companies acheter 1, 203 5, 863, 935 3 919, 390 1, 583, 826 435, 493 188, 243 247,160 Lines owned by native states and worked by State Railway Agency. 157 581,518 1, 094, 856 172, 376 47,623 25, 651 156, 647 Lines owned and worked by native states 1,092 2; 469, 467 3 235, 525 74, 769 322} 896 154, 982 167, 914 TOGA 5 e3inssic toi eisicicianstoyehainiaie,ajeimosele.aleisirie.iele 23,225 190, 684,647 | 161,957,197 89, 251, 456 19, 364, 012 9, 225, 879 10, 138, 183 Total HOT TB OB fia oiaiciniajucicscin srs tiele ciarainpasd cintesbicleiernisiay (aimiereeleibsieivaisiania 21,815 178, 898, 605 | 152, 285, 760 36, 297, 939 18, 293, 449 8, 686, 708 9, 606, 741 THE NECESSITY FOR PUBLIC WORKS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF COLONIES. * Among the works which young colonies must undertake and complete quickly the most important,’’ says M. de Lanessan, ‘‘are the construction of highways and railways. The ways of communication are the most effective means for pacifying and maintaining order in the country; without these convenient means the economic transportation of raw materials, fertilizers, products of agriculture and industry would be impossible and colonization could not go on. “Tf at the beginning of our protectorate over Madagascar, we had taken the trouble to construct roads, the utility of which was recognized by all the world, and later on we had built railways over these roads, the military expedition of 1895 might have been avoided; we should have economized more than a hundred millions and the lives of five or six thousand men, and it is probable that we should never have had any need of keeping in the country the six or seven thousand soldiers whose number is no more regarded suffi- cient and who cost us more than fifteen millions per year. INDISPENSABLE FOR DEVELOPMENT. “Tt goes without saying that ways of communication are no less indispensable for the development of colonization itself. How could a colonist start an agricultural or industrial undertaking in a country where there are no means of transporting the materials necessary for his buildings, his outfit, the raw material to be worked, or the products of his field or factory? This, however, is the exact state in which all our establishments of Indo-China, the western coast of Africa, of Madagascar, etc., find themselves. Aside from the railway between Dakar and St. Louis (150 kilometers) and that between Kayes and Bafoulabé (100 kilometers) we have not constructed a single railway in our immense domain on the eastern coast of Africa. As regards roads, they are almost unknown anywhere. In all Indo-China there are 50 kilometers of narrow-gauge railway between Saigon and Mytho, in Cochin China, and 105 kilometers of 60-centimeters gauge between Phu-Lang-Thuong and Langson, in Tonkin, and this in a country which extends along the China Sea, or over 2,000 kilometers in length, measuring from 200 to 400 kilometers in width. In Guiana no roads or railways are to be found, and it is as hard to traverse the country now as it was one hundred years ago. Our old West Indian colonies possess not @ single kilometer of railway. In Réunion, about ten years ago, a railway about 60 kilometers in length was constructed, but we ceased building, as if worn-out by this effort. Tunesia had to wait more than ten years for the building of its first railway. At present it has but a few trunk lines. Even Algeria, notwithstanding its twenty-five millions of guaranteed interests which the mother country pays annually for its railways, is far from having all the railways which would be useful in giving value to its different parts. THE BRITISH COVER THEIR COLONIES WITH RAILWAYS. ‘While we thus show the most extreme negligence in creating the most indispensable economic instruments of colonization, the English meanwhile cover their colonies with railways. In the extreme Orient they connect by rail India and Afghanistan on the one hand and Burma with China on the other hand. In Australia they push the railways from all parts right into the desert. In Africa they have already constructed in the south more than 2,000 kilometers of railroads which, parting from the Cape, move toward the center of the Dark Continent to meet the Egyptian railways, which, coming down from the north in a southerly direction, measure already about 3,000 kilometers in length. Simultaneously they have begun the construction of a railway which is to connect in Ouganda the western coast of Africa with the region of the great lakes of Victoria and Albert Nyanza, and they announce the building of another road, which, parting from Sierra Leone (Freetown) toward the western coast, would precede the former, etc. “All these railways are to center at the coast of the great lakes and will place the greater part of the commerce of Africa in the hands of Great Britain even before we shall have traced those lines which we ought to have by this time in the basins of the Senegal, Nigez, Gabon, Kongo, etc. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1297 FRENCH CAPITAL AND THE COLONIES, “The British Government, by such immense work as outlined above and through the revenues which the capital employed in the undertaking of these works assures to its citizens, interests the English people in the colonies, whereas the French Government shows utter lack of interest in its transoceanic colonies which have become the vantage ground for the officialsand the military establishment only. DEVELOPMENT AND DIVERSIFICATION OF AGRICULTURE. The development of agriculture follows immediately and imperatively the development of intercommunication. This is especially important in the development of colonial territory within the Tropics, where soil and climate are very productive, and labor, intelligently applied, produces greater proportionate results than elsewhere. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE TROPICS REQUIRED IN THE TEMPERATE ZONE, The fact that each year makes the great manufacturing regions of the temperate zone more and more dependent upon tropical territory for raw materials for manufacture, and for certain lines of foodstuffs, adds to the importance of intelligent agricultural develop- ment of the territory which is now attracting most attention from colonizing countries—the Tropics. The importation of tropical and subtropical products into the United States alone, including in the list raw silk, dyestuffs, and many classes of chemicals, now amounts to about $350,000,000 annually, and similar conditions exist in the other manufacturing and consuming countries of the world. The importance, therefore, of developing and encouraging the production of these agricultural and other natural products is apparent. On the other hand, certain important articles formerly exclusively of tropical origin are now being produced in great quantities in the temperate zone, notably sugar, and thus the former profits of agriculture in the Tropics greatly reduced. This fact increases the importance of a diversification of natural products and intelligent attention to agricultural development in tropical colonial territory. DIVERSIFICATION OF PRODUCTS IN THE TROPICS, In this, as in other matters of this character, it is interesting and instructive to note what has been accomplished in these lines by the various colonizing countries. Of these, England and the Netherlands have been the most active, though in recent years France, Germany, and Belgium have taken steps looking to the development of agricultural industries in the territories governed by them. In the English colonies, the decadence of profitable sugar production in the West Indies, consequent upon the abolition of slavery and the development of beet sugar production in the temperate zone, has led to a very thorough examination of the question of the steps necessary for the protection and improvement of agriculture in those colonies. A commission was appointed by the British Government in 1896 which visited the West India islands and thoroughly studied the subject, taking testimony, listening to the suggestions of all classes of the population, and publishing the results in a large volume of nearly one thousand pages. The commission which authorized this study recited that ‘‘ Whereas representations have been made by the governors and legislative bodies, and by inhabitants of those of our West India colonies in which the cultivation and production of sugar forms the chief industry, that the sugar industry in those colonies is in a state of extreme depression and can no longer be carried on except at a loss; and whereas it is expedient that full and authentic jnformation should be obtained as to the facts and causes of the alleged depression, we do hereby constitute and appoint you to be our commissioners to make full and diligent inquiry into the condition and prospects of certain of our colonies in the West Indies in which sugar is produced.”” The result of that inquiry was a recommendation for the diversification of products and for definite and intelligent action by the home Government for the purpose of encouraging such diversification. These recommendations included the encouragement of individual ownership of land in small holdings by the natives, the establishment of central sugar factories, and of botanical stations by which the soil, climate, and conditions in each island could be studied and the intelligent introduction of plants best suited to those conditions encouraged. In several of the West India islands botanical stations have been established, which, in connection with the great Kew Botanical Gardens at London, and under the general direction of the superintendent of those gardens, now make a constant and intelligent study of conditions in those islands, and through cooperation with the natives have already greatly diversified production and laid the foundation for future prosperity. Some of these botanical stations, however, were in existence prior to the visit of the commission to these islands, and it was largely by reason of the benefits which their work had already proven to the agriculture of that jsland that the recommendations of the commission in favor of the enlargement of this work were made. BENEFIT OF SYSTEMATIC STUDY OF PRODUCTIVE POWERS OF THE COLONY. Examples of the benefits to the colony and to the world at large of this systematic study by the home Government of agricultural possibilities in the colonies and the encouragement of new industries are found in other colonies, especially the history of tea cultivation and production in India and Ceylon and of quinine in India and Java, TEA CULTURE IN THE COLONIES AND ITS EFFECT ON SUPPLY AND PRICES. The cultivation of tea in Java was encouraged by the British Government about the middle of the nineteenth century, and India and Ceylon now rank among the most important tea-producing countries of the world. The development of this industry is illustrated by the fact that India and Ceylon in 1865 supplied but 3.2 per cent of the tea consumed in the United Kingdom, as against 92.2 per cent in 1900. The tea exports of India and Ceylon aggregated in 1899 about $50,000,000 in value. An indication of the growth in tea production in those countries is also shown in the fact that from India the tea exports have increased from 13,232,232 pounds in 1871 to 175,038,127 pounds in 1900; and from Ceylon they have advanced from 1,802 pounds in 1871 to 129,661,000 pounds in 1899. The tea exportation of the world has increased from 367,000,000 pounds in 1884 to about 555,000,000 pounds in 1899, and that of India and Ceylon from 63,000,000 to 290,000,000 pounds in the same time. Thus the percentage of the world’s tea exportation supplied by India and Ceylon has increased from 17 per cent in 1884 to 52 per cent in 1899. Meantime great reductions in prices of tea have occurred, doubtless due not only to the great increase in production in India and Ceylon, but also to the introduction of machinery in curing and handling, by which the cost of production is greatly reduced. 1298 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Octozzr, QUININE CULTURE AND ITS EFFECT ON SUPPLY AND PRICES, The great reduction in the price of quinine, which has occurred in the knowledge of the present generation despite the enormous increase in its use, is chiefly due to the intelligent development of its production in the colonies under the direction of their respective home Governments. Formerly the cinchona bark from which quinine is produced was obtained only from the dense forests of New Granada (now Colombia), Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia, and could only be obtained by great toil and hardship, as the trees grew isolated or in small clumps, which had to be searched out by the Indian cascarilleros, and the bark after being thus obtained was transported by the most primitive methods. The enormous demand for the product of the cinchona bark led, about the middle of the last century, to experiments in the cultivation of the tree in Java and India. In 1854 the Dutch Government seriously undertook the task of introducing cinchona trees into the island of Java,and the experiment proved so successful that cinchona culture has become a very important and prosperous industry in that colony. A few years later the Indian government sent Mr. Clements R. Markham to South America to obtain young trees and convey them to India for experimental purposes. The enterprise proved immediately successful, and, according to Sir W. W. Hunter, in his Indian Empire, 1892, ‘‘has proved remunerative from a pecuniary point of view. A cheap febrifuge has been provided for the fever-stricken population of the Indian sufferers, while the surplus bark sold in Europe repays the interest on the capital expended. The headquarters of cinchona cultivation in southern India are on the Nilgiri hills, where the government owns four plantations from which seeds and plants are annually distributed to the public in large quantities, and there are already several private plantations rivaling the government’s estates in area, and are understood to be very valuable properties. A “‘quinologist’’ department is maintained, and quinine is being manufactured under its superintendence. The total area under cinchona in government and private plantations in India in 1891 was 13,407 acres in the Madras Presidency, while the success of the government plantation in Bengal rivals that of the original plantation on the Nilgiri. In 1891 four‘plantations on the Nilgiri hills contained 1,762,000 cinchona trees, and the total output of bark was 133,351 pounds. The government plantations in Darjiling contain 4,155,861 cinchona trees, which yield 913,972 pounds of bark, and the revenue derived from the sale of quinine, cinchona, febrifuge, and bark showed a large profit over the expense of the year’s working of 17,000,000 rupees. The object of starting the cinchona plantations was not to aim at a profit, but to secure for the people a cheap remedy for fever, the most common of all tropical diseases. The quinine manufactured at the government factory can now be sold at 1 rupee per ounce, while quinine cost a good many rupees per ounce twenty-nine years ago, when the cinchona enterprise was initiated by the governor of Bengal. Hardly any greater blessing to a fever-stricken community can be imagined than cheap quinine. During the years in which cinchona febrifuge was issued the saving by its use in the place of imported quinine has been immense, and quinine and cinchona bark are now becoming an important staple of export trade.”” The cultivation of cinchona has also been introduced in Ceylon,and proved equally successful. A recent report on Java published by the British Government says that the success in cinchona culture in Java has been very strongly marked, so much so that the Indian government recently sent its director of cinchona plantations to Java to study the cinchona cultivation for the benefit of that industry in India. The growth of this industry in Java is illustrated by the fact that the exportation of cinchona bark from Java to Amsterdam hag increased from 7,342,000 pounds in 1893 to 11,221,000 pounds in 1899. OTHER SUCCESSFUL EXPERIMENTS IN TROPICAL COLONIAL PRODUCTS. Other experiments in the diversification of industries and the introduction for cultivation in the tropical colonies of valuable trees and plants, upon the natural productions of which the world has formerly relied, are being steadily and intelligently pursued. The French have introduced jute and manila hemp into Indo-China, the Dutch and English Governments have encouraged the introduction of rubber trees of the best varieties in their various East Indian possessions, the Germans have established botanical and agricultural stations in their several African colonies, the Belgians have established coffee and rubber plantations in the Kongo Free State, and the great botanical gardens of the British and Dutch—the one at London, with numerous branches in the colonies, and the other in Java— attest the intelligent interest which those experienced Governments are manifesting in the diversification and increase of the natural products of their colonies. By way of illustration it may be said that rubber trees of the best quality known in South America, from which the highest grade rubber is now obtained, are being introduced for systematic cultivation in Java, Borneo, the Malayan Peninsula, and other parts of the East Indies, and that experiments in this line are also being encouraged by the Germans and Belgians in Africa. The Belgian Government, in its direction of the Kongo Free State, now requires that a certain number of rubber trees be planted for each tree destroyed, with the purpose of thus assuring the maintenance of the supply in that region. The Kew Gardens, at London, serve as an advanced horticultural school, at which men are trained for intelligent work in the colonies. ‘‘Some sixty men, trained at Kew,” says the British Colonial Office List of 1901, ‘‘ are now in official employ in different parts of the Empire. Relations with the botanical institutions are maintained by semiofficial correspondence. With those of colonies more directly under control of the colonial office the communication is closer.”’ ; TRAINING SCHOOLS FOR COLONIAL AGRICULTURE, British colonial botanical institutions fall roughly into three classes: Those of the first class are usually administered by a scientific director; those of the second class by a skilled superintendent, while the third class consists of botanical stations. These last are small and inexpensive gardens, devised in 1855, in order to afford practical instruction in the cultivation of tropical crops, and were intended to develop the agricultural resources, first of the smaller West Indian Islands, and subsequently of British possessions in tropical Africa. Each is in charge of a secretary, who is a gardener trained at Kew. In 1898, in accordance with the recommendation of the West Indian Royal Commission above referred to, a special department of agriculture, supported by imperial funds, was created for the West Indies, and placed in charge of a commissioner, Dr. D. Morris, C. M. G., with headquarters at Barbados. He is consulting officer to the governors at Jamaica, British Guiana, and Trinidad, and in charge of the botanical gardens or stations for sugar-cane experiments, agricultural schools, and local experiment plots at Tobago, Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, Barbados, Dominica, Montserrat, Antigua, St. Kitts, and the Virgin Islands. The total appropriation by the British Government in support of the department in 1901-2 is £17,420. The work of these agricultural and experiment stations in the West Indies is illustrated by some statements made before the royal commission which visited the West Indies in 1898, as above indicated. Mr. W. Fawcett, director of the Jamaica public gardens and plantations, in his testimony before that commission, said: “The object of maintaining a garden in a colony like Jamaica is for the introduction of new plants, to give information about plants generally to the planters and people of all sorts, and to do what we can in the way of training men and boys in agricultural 1901.) COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1299 pursuits. We have in our work men who have been trained at Kew, practical gardeners, and after some time, with the experience they get in the Tropics, they can instruct the people all over the country. We have just sent the superintendent who was in charge of a part of our gardens to take charge of the botanical station in British Honduras. A short time before we sent the headman, a black man who had been at work in the gardens for a period of twenty-four years, to work in the west coast of Africa, to take charge of the labor in the gardens there under a Kewman. We have also trained two apprentices who were sent by the Government to Lagos for two or three years. A former superintendent here is now in charge of the botanical gardens in Ceylon, and his successor is now in charge of the gardens at Trinidad, while still another is superintendent in Demerara. We have an industrial school to which the waifs and strays and orphans committed by the resident magistrates receive instruction in agriculture in the gardens. All the boys under 12 years of age get a half-hour lecture in the garden daily, have three hours’ work in the school and work about the grounds adjoining the school, while those above 12 get two hours in the school and the rest of the time in the gardens. They take a great deal of interest in the lectures, and it is their ambition to go to the higher grades. Part of the work of the gardens is the distribution of plants and trees of various kinds. There were formerly scarcely any nutmeg trecs in Jamaica, but we have distributed between 50,000 and 100,000 plants. We started the orange gardens about a year and a half ago, and in one year’s time distributed 16,000 plants. We have received and distributed Liberian coffee plants, and have recently received from Kew a still better coffee, which is to be distributed in the form of plants. We are distributing cocoa plants, and greatly improving the grade of production by sending an instructor through the various parishes where there are cocoa lands, and showing the people bow to plant and cultivate them. We are also importing tobacco seeds from Habana, and although the tobacco soon degenerates here, if we get fresh seeds every year from Habana it will probably keep up the reputation of the Jamaica tobacco, which is-already very good.” SMALL HOLDINGS OF LAND AND DIVERSIFIED INDUSTRIES RECOMMENDED FOR THE WEST INDIES ESPECIALLY. Sir Charles Dilke, in his Problems of Greater Britain, 1890, in which discussing conditions in the colonies following several visits to them, takes a decidedly hopeful view of the conditions and prospects in the West Indies, and expresses the belief that the subdivision of the land into small individual holdings for the colored citizens, and coupled with this an enlargement of the powers of self-government, would prove advantageous. He especially calls attention to the diversification of industries which has already begun, and which he gays is due in part to the fall in price of sugar and in part to the subdivision of the formerly large estates and their lease or sale to the negro inhabitants. ‘Although sugar production still constitutes the staple product of several of the British West Indian colonies,”’ he says, ‘‘it no longer occupies the position of universal: predominance. Cacao competes with sugar in Trinidad, while in Grenada it takes a foremost place; Jamaica and Dominica possezs vast resources as yet almost wholly undeveloped, and while coffee cultivation may be extended, there is a possible future in many of the islands for tobacco and tea. As tea has partly replaced coffee in Ceylon, and fiber is making the prosperity of the Bahamas, so in the West Indies a transformation of estates as regards their produce is now in progress. Oranges, bananas, and other fruits, mostly sent to the United States, form the chief articles of export from Jamaica. The rapid increase in the growth of fruit production has becn partly caused by the depression of the sugar industry, and in part also the result of the division of property among negro peasant owners, to whom fruit growing presents no difficulties. The fruit trade of Jamaica has given an immense impetus to the prosperity of the small landowners of that colony. The very natural land hunger of the sons of the emancipated slaves has led to the rise of a class of small proprietors whose existence seems likely to become in the British islands, as it is already in the French, the dominant factor of the West Indian problem. The white population of the island, both British and French, is on the decline; the black and colored population is increasing. Sir George Baden-Powell and Sir William Crossman, in the report of the royal conumission, estimate that thirty days’ labor on an acre of good land in Jamaica will, in addition to providing a family with food for the year, yield a surplus saleable in the market for from £10 to £30. It isno wonder that under such conditions the small holders who own their land and till it by their exertions should thrive, where great proprietors, who have to make use of hired labor, too often fail. It is chiefly to the success of the small holders that must be attributed the remarkable increase in revenues of the West Indian colonies during the last half century, in spite of the losses which the planters have incurred. It has been computed that while the revenue of the slave colenies at the time of emancipation amounted to less than £450,000, it hadin 1887 risen to £2,000,000, ‘or more than four times as much as in the days of slavery. The revenue is raised mainly by means of import duties, the burden of which falls upon the masses of the negro people, and were it not for an immense improvement in their condition, consequent upon the firm hold which they have acquired of the land, no such increase would haye been possible.” Mr. Hugh Edward Egerton, in his History of British Colonial Policy, 1897, commenting upon conditions in the West Indies, says: ‘‘Toa great extent the burden of the West Indies is not want of development, but overdevelopment in a particular direction. Never, certainly, has the situation of the West Indian sugar grower appeared so serious, since it is now doubtful whether under the most favored conditions of economic production the West Indian grower can hold his own, confronted as he is by hostile European bounties and a public taste which prefers a more attractive looking though less good article. It would seem as though, if the West Indies are ever to prosper, new products and industries will haye to supersede over large areas the sugar cultivation which was largely the outcome of negro slavery.” EXPERT TESTIMONY FROM THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. A paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute, London, April 14, 1891, by Dr. D. Morris, director of experimental stations in the British West Indies, has the following: The production of sugar can by no means occupy all the available lands suitable for cultivation in the West Indies. It is well that itisso. What is wanted is a diversified system of cultural industries, so that there may be no collapse of progperity as at present on account of fluctuation in the price of any single article. The physical configuration of the West India Islands, where there are all gradations from plains to slopes and mountain sides, point to this conclusion. We can not do better, therefore, than take these as they are, and endeavor to cultivate them in such a skillful and suitable manner .as to render them a source of wealth and prosperity to the community. MANY SOURCES OF WEALTI OPEN TO THE NATIVE, On lands not already occupied with sugar, and where sugar growing does not prove remunerative, there are numerous industries that might be successfully established. What has been accomplished in this respect at Jamaica and other West Indian Islands is a suflicient proof that a system of diversified industries is in the long run the best and most lasting. Besides sugar, then, we should endeavor to 1300 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozr, select a number of industries well suited to the soil and climate. Of these none are perhaps more promising at present than coffee, There are two sorts of coffee—the Liberian coffee, for warm, humid valleys, and the Arabian coffee, for hilly slopes up to 2,000 or 3,000 feet. The mountains of Dominica could grow as fine a coffee as any in the world. While people are investigating remote parts of the world for suitable coffee lands, here within easy reach of us are some of the finest coffee lands to be found in any part of the Tropics. At least from 5,000 to 10,060 acres could be established with coffee in this one island. There are, besides, the highlands of Montserrat, of St. Kitts-Nevis, and the hills of Tortola and Virgin Gorda. Cacao is easy of culture, and thrives in the rich soil of humid valleys. These are to be had in Dominica in abundance, and they are not wanting also in Montserrat and St. Kitts. Spices, such as nutmeg and mace, vanilla, black pepper, cubeb pepper, long pepper, cloves, ginger, cinnamon, cardamoms, are already introduced to this part of the world. The demand for spices is increasing, and these islands could grow every one of those mentioned if only the people would give their attention to them and treat them according to their special requirements. "A great factor in the future development of these islands is the growing of fruit. They are geographically the Channel Islands of the northern continent, and their manifest destiny is to grow such special products and such fruits and vegetables as the more temperate countries are unable to produce for themselves. Bananas are in great demand in the United States and Canada. The production of these is already large, but evidently the trade is only in its infancy, Jamaica alone exports nearly a quarter of a million sterling worth of bananas every year, but the northern people want more and more. Bananas yield a crop inayearorso. The bunches sell for about £7 to £10 per hundred, for which ready money is paid. The planter can thus clear £15 to £20 per acre for his fruit, while under the shade of the banana plants he is establishing his land with cacao, coffee, spices, or other permanent subjects. Besides bananas there are many fruits in great demand, such as oranges, pineapples, shaddocks, forbidden fruit, sapodilla, mango, avocado pear, granadilla, watermelon, tamarind, guava, cocoanut, star apple, papaw, sweet sop, sour sop, sugar apple, mammee apple, Barbados cherry, lime, lemon, grapes, figs, cashew nut, ground nut, loquat, Malay apple, rose apple, pomegranate, almond, genip, damson plum, balata, breadfruit, date, mangosteen, and durian. All these and many more are found in these islands—are found, indeed, in the small island of Dominica, but some are at present practically unknown to northern people. Then besides fruits there are abundant supplies of vegetables, which could be shipped to reach northern markets in the depth of winter and realize good prices. The finest green peas, the best new potatoes, the most Juscious,tomatoes are obtainable here a fortnight before Christmas, a the supply is limited only by the means at hand for disposing of them and getting them quickly and freshly into the proper market. The cultivation of the West Indian lime has already been discussed. This is essentially an industry of these islands, and it deserves to be fostered as one of the many elements conducive to their future prosperity. Of fibers suited for cordage and weaving purposes there are at least a score or two that could be easily grown. I need only givea brief enumeration of them. Sisal hemp (Agave) is now being largely taken up in the neighboring Bahamas. If more land is required to grow this fiber there are thousands of acres in Anguilla and ihe Viegin Islands exactly suited to its requirements. This might be had at possibly one-third or one-half the present price of the Bahamas’ lands. Mauritius hemp (Furcrae) could be grown at Anguilla and elsewhere, and there are cheap machines manufactured in Mauritius that will clean it. Bowstring hemp plants of a special kind are found growing wild in parts of Antigua. The fiber is excellent, and as it is suitable for weaving purposes the demand for it is not likely to be influenced in any way by the production, however large, of sisal or Mauritius hemps. There is Egyptian cotton and ordinary cotton to be tried at Antigua, St. Kitts, and Anguilla; tobacco at St. Kitts, where long ago it was a staple industry; cocoanuts for fresh nuts, for oil, for fiber, and for cocoanut butter in all islands possessing sandy beaches. And besides these there are industries in arrowroot, in cola nut, in fruit syrups, in preserved and dried fruits, in silk raising, in resins, gums, india rubber, scent plants, and numerous medicinal plants. A promising new industry for the West Indies is that of gambier. This, as already mentioned, is an extract from the leaves of a plant ( Uncaria gambier), and since the people of the United States have taken to using it for tanning purposes the price has gone up considerably. Plants of gambier were forwarded from Kew to the West Indies last November. They arrived there safely, and are now in course of being propagated for general distribution. THE DUTY OF THE COLONIAL GOVERNMENT IS TO AID DIVERSIFIED INDUSTRIES. This is a sketch only of what may be done in these islands. What is necessary is to select some half a dozen of the most promising industries and prosecute them with energy and enterprise. A few vears ago there were only two botanical establishments in the West Indies; now there are eleven. The new additions consist of a series of botanical stations, which may be described as botanical institutions of a simple and unassuming character, whose functions are useful rather than ornamental. They are specially charged with the work of growing and distributing economic plants and giving practical information respecting their growth and treatment. This information is put forth in the form of bulletins, which are widely and regularly disseminated among the people. The curators also, by precept and example, diffuse a thorough knowledge of horticultural methods as applied to tropical plants. This scheme of botanical stations has been assiduously fostered at Kew for many years, and it was in connection with the final organization of it I was invited to visit the West Indies during the winter. There are botanical stations in the Leeward Islands at Dominica,. Montserrat, Antigua, and St. Kitts? Nevis. Already there are thousands of valuable economic plants ready for distribution at these stations, and the men in charge (mostly trained at Kew) are capable of giving information and assistance respecting the special industries suited to each island. NATIVE LABOR IS SUFFICIENT IF PROPERLY ENCOURAGED. As regards labor, I am satisfied that there is enough already in the islands to start many new industries. It can, I believe, be shown that the labor is in excess of the demand, or at least in excess of the capital, when, as in Dominica, the value of the yearly exports falls so low as £1.46 per head of population. In Montserrat it is only £2.5 per head, while in Antigua and St. Kitts-Nevis, where more systematic industries are pursued, it rises, respectively, to £7.6 and £7.8 per head. In both these cases, however, it is far below what it is at Trinidad. There the value of the annuai exports reach the high rate of £11.7 per head of population. These figures are more clearly set forth in the following table, compiled from the Colonial Office List for the current year: Area A Population Value of 2 Estimated Value of ex-| exports per PRESIDENCY. pee population. ee ports, 1889. | head of - population. : £ £ Antigua?... 108 35, 000 324 266, 521 7.6 Montserrat . 32 11, 000 338 28, 2.5 St. Kitts-Ne 153 44,100 288 345, 172 7.8 Dominica....-. 291 29, 500 101 47,3 1.6 Virgin Islands... aes ae 58 5, 000 86 4,341 8 MEVIDAOAU.. So,ciooisin aleisioed woinaeincins eee « 1, 754 196,172 1122 2,308, 832 pul, 1 Excluding Barbuda and Redonda. It 1s the opinion of some that a system of negro peasant proprietors is best suited to the requirements of the West Indies. Iam strongly of opinion that such a system universally applied would be very injurious to the negroes themselves and most detrimental to the future of the islands. It will be noticed that in the islands above mentioned, such as the Virgin Islands, Dominica, and Montserrat, where there are most peasant proprietors or freeholders, there the value of exports is lowest. ‘ 1901. ] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. L301 Peasant proprietors, consisting entirely of negroes, when removed from the influence and example of Europeans, quickly lose heart. They gradually exhaust their land and grow little beyond what will supply them with the bare necessaries of life. If peasant proprietors become the rule, the European must perforce retire. He can only exist where the land is laid out in Jarge and systematic plantations and where labor is available for their maintenance and support. The people mostly wanted in the West Indies are Europeans with capital who will work hard themselves and supervise the labor of the people. Ido not recommend white settlers with little or no capital to go out to these islands. The experiment has been tried more than once, and it has signally failed. The European should bring his capital and be the employer and controller of the labor and not be a laborer himself, even on his own allotment. The climate and circumstances of tropical life are all against him. _-\s regards the negroes, much could be done to teach and train them in cultural pursuits. At present the education they receive tends, I fear, to take them away from the land and to crowd them into towns to become needy clerks and shopmen instead of prosperous and contented cultivators. _ Efforts are being made to start industrial schools and to train negro boys as gardeners at the botanical stations. Such efforts in time must produce a change, but meantime the present labor supply must be judiciously utilized and the land so cultivated as to be retained in a continual state of fertility. More labor will probably be required in time, and there are means for obtaining this labor for the Leeward Islands as it is obtained for Trinidad, British Guiana, or any other West Indian colony. Dr. Morris, in a paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute at London in 1887, said on this subject: From the eastern tropics I would ask you to go with me to the western tropics, and especially to those beautiful islands dotted over the Caribbean Sea. While the west has given to the east the pineapple, the banana, and the guava, it has received in return the orange, lime, shaddock, and mango, and its fertile soils and sunny climates have greatly improved them. The Bahamas were the first ot the West Iudia Islands to give attention to the cultivation and export of fruit. The first cargo of pineapples was shipped to England in 1842. In 1855 the shipments consisted of 16,469 dozens, of the value of £3,415; in 1864, of 61,500 dozens, and of the value of £8,516. To keep the fruit for a voyage of almost twenty-eight days by sailing vessels the whole plant was taken up and shipped. This was rather an expensive system, as the planters lost the suckers or shoots for replenishing their fields, and the quantity taken at one shipment was necessariiy small. Of Jate years the bulk of the Bahamas fruit is shipped to the United States, and in 1885 the statistics as regards pineapples stood as follows: To Great Britain, 31,900 dozen. valued at £4,785; to the United States, 424,065 dozen, valued at £46,062. The total value of the fruit exports of the Bahamas averages about £54,000 annually. ‘These consist of oranges, shaddocks, avocado pears, bananas, cocoanuts, and sapodillas. Canned or preserved pineapples are also exported, but it would appear that much more might be done in this direction. From a letter received recently from a correspondent at the Bahamas I learn that ‘‘ Eleuthera and Long Island haye done very well this year, selling their pines at 2 shillings per dozen. But Cat Island, with a population of 5,000, nearly all engaged in pine growing, has done very badly. The people had plenty of pines, but could not sell them. When I was there in the beginning of August there were several thousand dozens still in the fields, and the people would gladly have sold them at 43 or 6 pence per dozen, a price which would barely cover their carriage to the beach. But no sale could be made even at that price. The prospects of the orange crop are gcod, but so long as the fruit is sent to market in bulk in the holds of schooners good prices can not be obtained, and many cargoes are damaged and lost.’’ From another source I learn ‘‘that fully one-third of the fruit crop of the Bahamas is lost through want of care in properly picking and shipping the fruit.’’ The other West Indian islands, with the exception of Jamaica, of which I shall speak presently, have not been able to establish an appreciable fruit industry. The difficulty is not in growing fruit, but in securing regular and suitable means of transit. The inter- colonial steamers of the Royal Mail Company can not be utilized, as they have a purely local itinerary. What are wanted are rapid steamers connecting directly with the United States or Europe, and provided with suitable accommodation for carrying fruit. The fruit trade of the severai islands at present is as follows: Trinidad, chiefly cocoanuts, £43,000; Tobago, chiefly cocoanuts, £2,600; Grenada, £390; St. Lucia, £404; Barbados, chiefly tamarinds, £1,305; Dominica, $3,444; Montserrat, limes and lime juice, £11,000; St. Kitts and Nevis, £1,078; Antigua, chiefly pineapples, £156. . Although Jamaica embarked in the fruit industry much later than most of the others it now occupies the first place as a fruit-exporting country. The value of its shipments are not far short of £250,000 annually, which go principally to the United States. The chief fruit exported is the banana, which in 1885 reached a value of £130,000. Next comes the orange, to the value of £34,000. Other fruits exported are pineapples, limes, mangoes, cocoanuts, shaddocks, and tamarinds. The Jamaica bananas are cultivated by both Europeans and negroes, and, according to the season, sell locally for £7 10s. to £10 per hundred bunches. Smal! bunches, less than ‘‘seven hands,’’ are not saleable. The bulk of the orange crop is yielded by self-sown trees, growing in pastures or native gardens. When the fruit is carefully picked by hand, graded according to size and degree of ripeness, and well packed, it finds a ready market. The demand for Jamaica fruit is necessarily affected by the Florida crop, but latterly the trade is somewhat brisk, and good prices are realized. Even with the trees at present existing, if attention were seriously given to the subject, the exports of oranges from Jamaica might be increased fourfold. It reflects somewhat unfavorably on the West Indian Islands, which can grow this fruit so successfully and readily, that oranges from Sicily are still being imported into New York and New Orleans, and that after crossing the Atlantic they are placed in the market in a better and more acceptable condition for buyers than West Indian fruit. This is a matter which, with a little more experience and knowledge on the part of growers, might be greatly changed. With suitable storage in cool chambers, Jamaica could supply the English market with pineapples, oranges, cherimoyers, watermelons, sweet cups, tree tomatoes, rose apples, limes, mangoes, and many others. As regards mangoes, thousands of tons are produced annually, and I have elsewhere suggested that, after exporting the best in a green state, using other for chutneys, pickles, and preserves, the rest might be utilized in the production of a useful spirit or in the manufacture of glucose. a a : : The rapid rise of the fruit trade in Jamaica is due to the enterprising counsels of the late governor, Sir Anthony Muserave, who secured regular and rapid communication with the States by subsidized steamers, and connected the fruit ports by telegraph and extended the railways. Much is still needed in the way of roads for opening up fruit districts, and for bringing them into closer communication with the coast. By such means the fruit would be cheaply and expeditiously brought to the port of shipment, and the small settlers encouraged to embark in fruit culture. ; a What Sir Anthony Musgrave did for Jamaica, Sir Frederick Barlee appears to have done for British Honduras. The establishment of a regular mail service between Belize and New Orleans was the first step in making British Honduras a fruit exporting colony. In 1880 it exported no fruit except cocoanuts. Last year it exported fruits, consisting of bananas, limes, mangoes, oranges, avocado pears, pineapples, and tamarinds, to the value of £14,464. . : a : A very interesting attempt was made last year to inyport fresh tropical fruit from British Guiana by Messrs. Scrutton & Sons, who had one of their steamers fitted with a cool chamber specially for the purpose. Bananas and many delicate fruits were received from the West Indies during the course of the exhibition in excellent condition. It is to be hoped that all connected with] this intere-ting experiment will resolve to make it a permanent feature in West Indian trade, and induce the English to become as large consumers of bananas and other tropical fruit as the people in the States. . : Before closing my remarks upon the West Indian fruit trade, I would mention that the growing of fruit for export has initiated quite a new departure in the methods of local trade. It is true that fruit growing in itself is somewhat uncertain, and apt to suffer sudden reverses, but the fact remains that it enables some thousands of small growers to place land under cultivation and to utilize what otherwise would be simply wasted. : Again, a trade in fruit has introduced a system of cash payments on the spot, with the result that the cultivator is placed at once in possession of means for continuing planting operations and extending them to the fullest extent. Asa case in point I might mention that the fruit trade in Jamaica is the means of circulating nearly £250,000 annually among all classes of the community, and this large stim is in:mediately available, without the vexatious delays formerly experienced in establishing other and more permanent industries, No. 4 15 L302 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, Bananas, for instance, come into bearing in about fifteen or eighteen months from the time of planting, and as the return is usually from £10 to £20 per acre, the planter is able, with a comparatively small capital, to establish his land in cocoa, coffee, nutmegs, limes, oranges, and cocoanuts, which, when the bananas are exhausted, will remain a permanent source of revenue. It is on this account that I look upon the fruit trade of the West India Islands, as indeed of many other small industries, as calculated in the aggregate to build up, little by little, an improved condition for the people of these islands—a condition which ultimately will enable them to meet much more successiully than they otherwive would the depression under which they are now suffering. A WEST INDIAN GOVERNOR ON DIVERSIFICATION OF INDUSTRIES IN THE TROPICS. Diversification of industries in the West Indies and distribution of lands among the natives was earnestly commended by Sir Aubert Jerningham, formerly governor-general of Mauritius and later governor-general of Trinidad, in an address before the Royal Colonial Institute, London, April 16, 1901, in which he said: The instructions to the royal commissioners in 1896 were primarily to inquire into the condition and prospects of certain West Indian colonies ‘in which sugar is produced,” and, if necessary, ‘‘to make suggestions best calculated to restore and maintain the pros- perity of those colonies and of their inhabitants.”’ : é These instructions were supplemented on January 5, 1897, by a letter containing three direct and pertinent questions: Is it a fact that the sugar industry in the West Indian colonies is in danger of extinction? td é ‘ Do the eouees of the present depression of that industry include matters independent of the competition of sugar produced under ounty system? = i: Ne kee te Ti the production of sugar in these colonies be discontinued, could other industries replace it, and, if so, be established in time to meet any existing crisis? SUGAR INDUSTRY IN DANGER. The reply was prompt, direct, and exhaustive. ; : It said in substance: It is a fact that the sugar industry is in danger of extinction; the causes of the present depression do not include matters independent of the competition of sugar produced under the bounty system; and, lastly, ‘‘no industry or series of industries can be introduced into the West Indies which will ever completely take the place of sugar, and certainly no such result will be attained within the space of a few years,’”’ and they conclude that ‘‘it is of the utmost importance that no time should be lost in making a begin- ning of substituting other industries for the cultivation of the sugar cane.”’ ; 7 You will observe that this reply states a fact which, however hideous, must be faced, and, further, makes suggestions which should be adopted without delay if the fact is not itself grappled with. Up to the present Parliament has ignored the fact, and apparently does not wish, or does not dare, to face it as it should be faced, seeing that it spells want to the laborer, bankruptcy to the colonies which depend on cane, an erid of education, and a return to that barbarism from which we pride ourselves in having secured the colored population of those islands. This is no comment; it is what the commissioners point out. To use their own words, ‘‘There is every reason to believe that a serious condition of things is rapidly approaching your Majesty’s West Indian possessions; that the crisis will be reached in a very few years; that the exports of sugar in twelve colonies amount to no less than 55 per cent of the total exports, and are 85 per cent of that total in five colonies; that even if alternative industries succeed in the course of time, it is difficult to believe that they will completely replace cane; that those exports are the only means by which the population can purchase manufactured goods, including clothes, or the local administrations raise a revenue to meet the cost of a civilized government, and that it is an obligation on the part of His Majesty not to abandon the natives.”? That this solemn warning is rapidly approaching a fulfillment can be read in the statement addressed to the shareholders of the Colonial Bank by their chairman, Mr. Dobree, so recently as the 4th of this month. It isa statement which bears repetition, and I will quote it, because, in measured lan- guage, the Houses of Parliament are told what to expect if they do not do their duty, as called fort by the responsibility they undertook when half a century ago they prematurely gave absolute freedom to the black population instead of liberty gradually, conditional on their powers of labor and willingness to work. Mr. Dobree said: ‘‘Their hope that the Imperial Government would deal with this question in a fair and statesmanlike manner had been so far grievously disappointed. The West Indian community commanded no sufficient number of votes to act as an incentive to political wire-pullers, and the whole trend of legislation, so far as sugar was concerned, would seem to be to play into the hands of foreigners, without consideration for British or colonial interests. In spite of the inherent loyalty of the West Indians he found that a strong feeling was growing up among the most thoughtful members of the community that they would be far better under American than under British rule, and he was of opinion that, when it was seen how greatly prosperity was being brought about in Cuba and Porto Rico under Ameriean rule, the feeling would grow stronger. He trusted that something might be done by the present Government, but they had been hoping so long that he should not be disappointed if nothing were done. * * * “‘T may be oversanguine, but I believe the efforts of the Trinidad planters and those of the local government will succeed in maintaining the sugar industry for yet many years, thanks principally to the impetus given to peasant proprietorship and to the thrift and industrious habits of the imported Indian coolies. In regard to the first the ‘Port of Spain Gazette’ says: “*Tt is a fact which is yearly becoming more and more generally recognized by the sugar planters that the advent of the cane farmer, more especially the large cane farmer, into the sugar industry of the colony is an event which must be regarded as a means of the restoration of sugar to its former and rightful place as the premier industry of Trinidad.’ * * * AGRICULTURAL EDUCATION NEEDED. ‘Not only is it imperative to teach the Creole population the usefulness of the soil, the bountiful returns which it gives to all labor bestowed on its culture, and the nobility of the work itself, but it is indispensable to instruct those who are willing to devote themselves to agriculture how to discriminate between remunerative and nonremunerative produce. oe ‘How can these truths be impressed upon the natives of the West Indiesunless it be done in the manner now attempted—by educating the more cultivated colored people to a knowledge of agriculture, which they can impart to those below them, and by bringing up the present generation of children to consider gardening and the use of the spade as part of. a polite education?” DIVERSIFICATION OF INDUSTRIES NECESSARY: AND FEASIBLE. In Trinidad, thanks to the strenuous and able efforts of Professor Carmody and Mr. Hart, of the Botanical Gardens, great progress is being made in this direction, and public interest is, I think, at the present moment as alive to the necessity of a change in the old modes of education as can be desired. Trinidadians have every reason to take time by the forelock, for they possess a soil which can grow anything and everything. The cacao trade, which comes next in importance to the sugar trade, is one which, however remunerative, does not give work to many hands, though fortunately it is one in which the native Creoles take an interest, and the coolies are beginning to invest their savings. 1901.) COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1303 It a trade which flourished in Trinidad up to 1827, when, owing to the fall in prices, it gradually dwindled to nothing, until in 1856 there were no more than 7,000 acres under cultivation. As the average yield per acre is 600 pounds, or 2 pounds per tree, some idea of the development it has now reached can be gathered from the fact that there are at the present time nominally 498 cacao estates, yielding 173,000 bags, or 29,000,000 pounis of cacao, hence representing some 48,000 acres under cultivation. It is estimated that the cost of production of a bag of cacao containing 165 pounds is 34 shillings, while the sale price averaged for the last two years has been 75 shillings a bag, representing a total of more than £600,000, of which half was clear profit and half was expended in the colony. The demand is so much on the increase that prices maintain themselves in spite of accumulations and of old methods of growth, and the providential dispensation which places Trinidad outside the hurricane zone is also the guaranty of her future proeperity from this one article, if she had no other to rely on; but a great impulse has been given within the last three years to the cultivation otf rubber, and this important article of commerce is expected to rank eventually as one of the most remunerative of the colony’s resources. : Thanks to a Swedish professor of botany and natural history, Professor Bovallius, of the University of Upsala, who was introduced to me by letter from the secretary of slute, I modestly hope that I have had a slight share in the impetus given to this new industry, from which so much is expected. _Proiessor Boyallius assured me that he had not seen along the Orinoco River any land better suited to the growth of hevea or castilloa than that which Trinidad affords, and he has since proved his confidence in the soil by the purchase of some 4,000 acres of Geveraniane land and the launching of the Narva Estates Company, Limited, for the cultivation of rubber, cacao, and indigenous products. I wish I had the time to explain to you how these estates, situated in, I think, the loveliest parts of the island, and selected with the greatest care and knowledge, are expected to give returns in the eighth year, when the rubber trees yield their milk, which are simply astounding to one who, like myself, has no money to invest. But as the company is formed on what, I think, is the safest basis of investment in land, when the investor does not reside on the spot, viz, on a syndicate system, in which dividends are paid pro rata of the shares held after a lapse of lalf the time necessary for the produce plants to bear, it may be useful to point out that in the case of a rubber plantation, which takes eight years, the cocoanut trees, the bearing cacao trees, the hardwood, and the corn are made to pay full interest on the capital for four years and a dividend aiter. On the Narva estate, for instance, I see by the prospectus that at the start there are 60 acres of bearing cacao, equivalent to £1,200 a vear, and cocoanut trees yielding nuts worth £750; while hardwood is expected to realize £400, and 50 acres of corn a further £200, in all £2,550, which is more than necessary to pay 8 per cent on the gross capital of the company in question, viz, £25,000; that this revenue increases to £3,000 the second year, £3,450 the third year, £4,800 the fourth year, and to £7,300 the fifth year, owing to enlarged areas of both bearing cacao and cocoanut trees. In the fifth year it exceeds by £2,500 the cost of working the estate in that year, that cost, inclusive of interest, being estimated at £3,475 the first year, £3,930 the second year, £4,360 the third year, £4,915 the fourth year, and about the came in the fifth. However correct these figures may be, they are so far reliable that, provided the cacao trees are bearing as well as the cocoanut trees, S per cent interest on capital is secure, though a deficit on working expenses, averaging £700 a year for four years, is expected. But in the fifth year the balance of revenue covers that deficit and a dividend of 9 per cent becomes possible. The prospectus after that becomes aggressively alluring. Before the rubber adds its 100 per cent, the sixth year gives a dividend of 33 per cent, and the seventh vear 44 per cent, and although I am not quite capable of understanding such high profits, there is no reason, with the prices which cacao and rubber command, that this should not be realized, seeing especially that cacao is daily becoming more popular throughout the world ax a nutritive beverage and the demand for pure rubber is far in excess of the supply; and it will be interesting to note when the time comes how wise they haye been who have asked of the soil and vegetation of Trinidad for returns equivalent to those of the best minerals elsewhere. I have mentioned cocoanuts, and most people do not realize their value in the economy of nature. In Trinidad these trees thrive particularly well, and especially so in the district of Mayuro, where the finest cocal, or cocoanut walk, has curiously planted itself from nuts originally cast ashore trom a wrecked vessel. These trees bring forth a bunch of nuts every month, and the bunches average nine nuts each. Sixty good nuts go to a gallon of oil, and this gallon averages $1, or 4s. 2d. The yearly value of a cocoannt tree is therefore roughly set down at $1, from which it will be seen that 9,600 cocoanut trees are sufficient of themselves to pay £2,000 interest, at 8 per cent, on £25,000. Tn 1699 some 13,000,000 nuts were exported, representing 118,000 trees at least, and £45,000. As there are 60 nominal coaoanut estates in Trinidad, each estate exported on an average produce of the value of £740, and this sum, at 8 per cent, is interest on £9,250, a fact not to be despised when a cocoanut walk is advertised for sale. I will not weary you with indian corn, or maize, which gives two crops a year, and is only inferior to wheat as a nutritive aliment; or with rice, which is imported to the extent of £150,060 a year, and could be raised in the island for more tian twice that value were there proper appliances to thrash and clean the grain; or with coffee, every grain of which finds a sale in the local market, as Verdant Vale can testify; or with tobacco, which has been pronounced as good as the Habana leaf—alas! the secret of the curing rests with the Cubans and no one else; nor of the fruit, which is a drug in the markets of the colony, and awaiting the success of Messrs. Elder, Dempster & Co.’s plucky venture in Jamaica; nor, indeed, of the spices, vegetables, and other riches which the maryelous soil offers eagerly to all who seek them. * * * NEW METHODS GEING ADOPTED. Applying these remarks to the special recommendations of the royal commission in regard to Trinidad and Tobago, which, as they also recommended, is now a ward or district of the colony, it will interest you to recall what they were: 1. The substitution of other agricultural industries for the cane cultivation. That is in full swing, and has been fully acted on. 2. The settlement of the surplus population on land as peasant proprietors. Not only have 10-acre plots been reluced to 5, as advised by the commissioners, and have eagerly been bought within the last three years in a manner unknown up to then, but squatting, which was deprecated by them, has become a well-nigh impossible thing since the institution of a central board working in conjunction with the district road boards for the opening out of the whole country, with due regard to prior claims of districts where land is taken up in greater degree. Up to 1898 the average sale of Crown lands had been 7,000 acres a year for eighteen years. I believe I am stating a fact, though speaking in this instance from memory only, that the average in 1898, 1899, and 1900 was over 12,000 acres; but it is also fair to say that this is greatly due to the high prices realized for cacao in these years, which have directed local attention to the great commercial value of that plant, and hence to land suited to its cultivation. 3. Facilitating access to foreign markets. . . In the newspapers which arrived by last mail I find that the needed service round the island and Tobago once a week, also recommended by the royal commission, was actually commenced on the 8th of March, and this will bring the produce of all the coast line of both islands to Port of Spain. ; The effort of Trinidad by generous offer to increase the subsidy to the Royal Mail Steamship Company, so as to insure twice a month the presence of its ocean-going steamers in the Gulf of Paria, has not yet succeeded, but negotiations are not over, and when it comes to pass the hope of the commissioners of developing a storage of foreign goods in bond, to be afterward exported to Venezuela, will be more fully realized than it is now, though even that of late years has increased steadily. 1304 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, DIVERSIFICATION OF PRODUCTS IN ORIENTAL COLONIES. The work of the Dutch Government in developing and diversifying the productions of Ceylon is indicated by Mr. Basil W. Worsfold in his ‘‘A Visit to Java,” 1893, in which he describes the great horticultural garden there established by the Dutch Government: ‘‘Among the twenty or thirty tropical gardens established in the colonial possessions of the various European powers,” he says, ‘‘three stand preeminent, those of Calcutta, Ceylon, and the Dutch gardens in Java. It (the latter) contains three separate branches—the botanical gardens, a horticultural garden, and a mountain garden. Of these, the last is situated at some distance from the town and occupies 75 acres of land, with a staff of ten natives working under a European gardener. The horticultural garden adjoins the botanical garden and has for many years enabled the Government to distribute gratuitously the seeds and plants required for various colonial enterprises, including tea and coffee plants, sugar canes, india rubber and gutta percha trees, and trees producing tannin and oils, while various medicinal plants are also found here and others which afford useful nourishment for cattle. Altogether there are 9,000 species of plants contained in the gardens. There is, in addition, a museum containing an expensive herbarium and an extensive library of over 5,000 volumes, numerous laboratories, draftsmen who are competent to employ the methods of photography and lithography in reproducing the forms of plants, and under the direction of this staff are employed a number of natives, including three Malays with special botanical knowledge, a head gardener, nine undergardeners, and about one hundred coolies.”’ THE FRUIT INDUSTRY IN THE TROPICS AN IMPORTANT ONE. = . In a paper on ‘‘ Fruit as a Factor in Colonial Commerce,’”’ read before the Royal Colonial Institute, London, February 8, 1887, Dr. Morris, the Director of the Experiment Stations, said: : One important result arising from the recent Colonial and Indian Exhibition is the great interest awakened in the possibilities of our colonial empire as a source of a large supply of fruit. In the colonial market attached to the exhibition there was shawn a succession of rich and rare fruit from all parts of Her Majesty’s possessions. The Dominion of Canada and the West India Islands, Cape of Good Hope and Natal, the Australian colonies and New Zealand, Fiji, Straits Settlements, Mauritius, Cyprus, and Malta, all were represented by pueduce in fruit, which for diversity of form and of representative character probably surpassed anything previously seen in these islands. The shipments of fresh fruits from the Southern Hemisphere were in many cases purely of an experimental character, but the results achieved were certainly striking and suggestive, and will doubtless lead to a trade in fruit between the colonies and mother country of benefit alike to both producer and consumer. At the present time we import into this country raw and preserved fruit toa large amount annually. Most of this fruit is supplied to us by foreign countries; but within the area of the British dominions is included a fruit climate as extensive as the world itself. We have all the fruit climates of the north temperate and tropical regions, and we have also the fruit climates of the Southern Hemisphere, which latter can turn winter into summer and supply fruit in abundance just at the time we want it most. * * * IN AUSTRALIA. With the exception of one or two, most of our colonies are separated from the mother country by such ‘‘countless miles of ocean’’ that it was thought impossible to draw from them any appreciable quantity of fresh fruit; but the rapid progress made in the construction of large and swift ocean steamers has brought even our Australian colonies within the compass of a four weeks’ voyage; and if we can draw supplies of oranges, apples, and pears from the far-off orchards of Australia and New Zealand what can not be done with the productions of colonies at less than one-half the distance? * * * IN THE ORIENT. «a The Straits Settlements yield perhaps the richest stores of tropical fruits of any of our dependencies. The mangosteen, durianmango, pineapple, papaw, duku, attap, langsat, plessan, rambustin, pumelo, bananas, blimbing, guava, cherimelia were all shown at the Indian and Colonial Exhibition in a preserved state, and with other better-known tropical fruit, they formed one of the most interesting collections of East Indian fruits seen in this country. Singapore pineapples are largely exported preserved whole in sirup, and the enterprise shown by several firms in popularizing this article will no doubt lead to a considerable trade being established in this country. DEVELOPMENT OF COMMERCE IN THE COLONIES. The development of the earning power of the native and the application of his earnings to the purchase of the necessities, conveniences, and comforts of civilized life is a subject which belongs so clearly to the list of requirements for the material, mental, and moral improvement of the inhabitants of the colony that some consideration of commercial conditions and methods in the colonies is obviously necessary. The mere opportunity to communicate with his neighbor, or with men in other parts of the world, by telephone, telegraph, -or by mail, or to come in personal contact with them does not supply all of the requirements for advancement along the lines mentioned. The native of the colony needs the articles which commerce alone can furnish him—the clothing, the manufactures, the books, the writing material, the thousand and one comforts and necessities of civilized life which tend to the improvement, material, mental, and moral, of his condition. These he must obtain through commerce, in exchange for his products, for which a market is furnished him by the roads, railways, and other methods of intercommunication which the colonial government supplies in its development of the territory thus governed. INCREASED PURCHASING POWER OF THE COLONIES. That these improvements in the purchasing power of the people of the colonies have followed such developments is evident from an examination of the imports of the British colonies at intervals during the past half century. In 1850 the total importation of the British colonies amounted to 140 million dollars; by 1860 it had increased to 400 millions; by 1875, to 750 millions; and in 1900 was 1,150 million dollars, or eight times as much as a half century ago. During that same period the total imports of the world increased from 2 billions in 1850 to over 11 billions in 1900, while even in the rapidly developing United States the imports during that period only increased from 1734 millions in 1850 to 850 millions, thus being in 1900 less than five times as much as a half century ago. . The table which follows shows the imports and exports of the British colonies, including India, at decennial periods from 1850 to 1900. In regard to India it should be remembered that the statements of recent years are somewhat misleading when compared with those of the earlier part of the half century by reason of the decline in the exchange value of the rupee. Prior to 1890 the British 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 13805 statements of the commerce of India were calculated upon the basis of 10 rupees to the pound sterling, while now they are calculated upon the basis of 15 rupees to the pound sterling. The fall of the rupee in India and the decrease in sugar production and consequent earnings in the West Indies account for the fact that the figures of commerce of the British colonies do not show so rapid a growth proportionately in the closing part of the century as in the earlier period. Imports iro Bririsa Cotontts, 1850-1899. (Exclusive of bullion and specie.] YEARS. Value. YEARS. Value. Pounds sterling. Pounds sterling. TENG i xcntmbearncemnvlaawiieunwannantusleneies 29, 750, 000 152, 300, 000 5 80, 000, 000 214, 800, 000 106, 100, 000 282, 100, 000 HOW THE COMMERCE OF THE COLONIES IS DEVELOPED. As to what has been done by the great colonizing nations to encourage commerce as a necessary factor in the development of the people of the colony, the question is answered by the facts above shown. They bave constructed roads, railways, and canals, thus enabling the native to market his products; and the latter has in turn increased his purchases unti] they are to-day seven times as much as they were a half century ago. The question of the relation of this commerce of the colony to that of the mother country is discussed elsewhere. MONEY AND BANKING IN THE COLONIES. Currency is naturally the next subject to be considered after commerce. As has already been indicated, the first work which successful governments undertake in their management of colonies is the development of methods of communication—roads, railways, canals, river and harbor improvements, postal and telegraph service—in order, first, to enable the natives to transport their products to market; second, to increase their productive area; and, third, to facilitate communication both among the natives themselves and between them and the outside world. Following this comes the development and diversification of agricultural productions, and this is naturally followed by commerce with the outside world and between the various sections of the colony itself. This requires currency, money of standard and accepted value, which, with the increase of commerce and the establishment of closer relations with the outside world, takes the place of cowry shells and other primitive mediums of exchange. In this establishment of a recognized and acceptable currency the methods which have been and are employed by the various successful colonizing nations of the world are the object lessons to which students of colonial matters naturally turn. COLONIAL CURRENCY FOLLOWS THE FORM OF THAT OF ADJACENT COUNTRIES. In general terms, it may be said that colonial currency usually takes a form similar to that of the strong countries in the immediate vicinity with which commercial relations of greater or less extent exists, and with whose people and financial methods -the people of the colony come in contact. The currency of the British colony of Canada, for example, is identical with that of the United States, although Canada is closely connected with the mother country in all commercial and financial affairs. The currency of the Hawaiian Islands, whose chief business intercourse is with this country, has been for many years identical with that of the United States. The currency of the smaller British colonies in the Orient, Singapore and the Federated Malay States, is the Mexican and old Spanish pillar dollar. In-Hongkong the Mexican dollar is used, and that coin, or the British East Indian dollar, similar in weight and appearance, is an accepted medium of exchange throughout the Orient. The introduction of the Mexican dollar in the Orient, where it is still the favorite currency, was from the Philippines which were in early years attached to Mexico by the Spanish Government and all their commerce required to pass through Mexico on its way to Spain. This established the Mexican dollar in the Philippines, whence its use extended to China and other adjacent countries. India, with its enormous population and well-established currency, which existed when the British took possession, has retained its original form of currency, the rupee, though the fluctuations in its value have been the cause of great inconvenience in commercial matters, and its steady fall a great loss to its people. In Ceylon, although its population is of a race differing from that of India, the general rule by which the currency of a small community is determined by that of the larger adjacent countries obtains, the rupee being the accepted currency. In the British West Indies, owing to a determined effort made for the introduction of British currency in 1825, whereby the shilling was ‘‘to circulate wherever the British drum was heard,” British coins are the standard, but American gold and paper and Spanish gold coins circulate alongside the British silver and gold. Cyprus, which has been administered by the British Government for more than twenty years under a convention with the Sultan of Turkey, has as its currency English, Turkish, and French gold pieces and Cyprus piasters, of which nine equal one English shilling. In Algeria, a French colony, French coins are the standard, its proximity to France and the large proportion of business which is transacted with that country encouraging the use of that currency. In Madagascar, Itulian, Belgian, Greek, and other coins circulate alongside the French silver and the fractional parts of coins which were used for smaller transactions in earlier years, but which-are being gradually withdrawn by the French Government. In Tunis the legal coins are similar to those of the French, but specially coined for that colony by the French Government. In the French colony of Dahomey, on the west coast of Africa, English and American, as well as French coins are in circulation, as are also cowry shells in the intcrior. In the French colonies of Indo-China the accounts of revenue and expenditure are stated in piasters. In the Kongo Free State the legal money is that of Belgium, with which most of the commerce ig conducted. In the German colonies of Africa German coins are the standard, the chief money in circulation, the colonies not being sufficiently contiguous to any other great country to be affected by its currency, and this is true of the British colonies in Africa, where British currency is the established medium of exchange. Java appears to be an exception to the general rule by which the currency of a colony is determined by that of adjacent territory, and this is doubtless due to the fact that practically all of the commercial relations 1306 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, of Java during the last century have been with the Netherlands. Since the entire control of production and the commerce growing therefrom were in the hands of the Dutch Government, which sent all products of the island to the Netherlands to be sold and naturally transmitted in exchange therefor the currency of the mother country, the currency of Java is therefore identical with that of the mother country—the Netherlands. . TOE DOCTRINE OF ‘‘CURRENCY AREAS’? RECOGNIZED. The tendency to accept and adopt for the colony the form of currency prevailing in contiguous countries with which large commercial relations are maintained is pointed out by Prof. Robert Chalmers, of Oriel College, Oxford, also connected with the British treasury, in his ‘Colonial Currency,”’ 1893, in which he says that “from 1825 onward no doubt had been entertained by the British authorities that sterling (gold) was the best system of currency for all British colonies, irrespective of their geographical positions and trade evlations, and the Imperial Government has shown itself anxious to perfect the introduction of sterling currency by-imposing in 1852 a limit of 40 shillings on the tender of British silver, not only in Australia, but in such silver-using countries as Ceylon, Mauritius, and Hongkong. This doctrine of the universal applicability of sterling was abandoned, though with reluctance, when it was demonstrated by Sir Hercules Robinson that a gold standard was impracticable and mischievous in colonies such as Hongkong, the Straits Settlements, and Ceylon, where trade relations made the silver standard imperatively necessary. ‘‘It was thus the East which taught the lesson of ‘currency areas’ in colonial currency. Once recognized the new doctrine was warmly espoused, a mint being established at Hongkong in 1864 to coin instead of gold sovereigns silver dollars of the Mexican type. Mauritius was recognized in 1876 as falling, like Ceylon, within the currency area of India, and the rupee was aggordingly established as the standard currency for the island. In 1887 the currency of British Honduras was changed by adopting as the standard the silver dollar of Guatemala, on the ground that:it was by-the neighboring republics that the currency of this British colony was necessarily dominated,’ and while ‘the doctrine of ‘‘currency areas’? was recognized by the Imperial Government and applied in the case of these lesser colonies the self-governing Dominion of Canada had in 1871 recognized the same doctrine i>r itself by assimilating its currency to that of the neighboring United States, a step which has been taken in part, though not in who)’, by the Bahamas.”’ THE EXPERIENCES THROUGH WHICH THE CURRENCY SYSTEM OF THE BRITISH COLONIES WAS ESTABLISHED. Prof. Robert Chalmers, in his History of Currency in the British Colonies, published in 1893, describes the processes of evolution of the currency systems of the British colonies as follows: In theory currency followed the flag; in practice it was only the denomination, and not the sterling coin, which followed the English settlers of the seventeenth century to the ‘‘plantations’”’ of the New World. The only coins they saw were of foreign silver, chiefly ‘Spanish; and these foreign coins they rated in terms of sterling, thus originating the complexities of denominational curreney which still survive in the quotation of Halifax exchanges. It was not that the colonists had any quarrel with the monetary system of the mother country; they were only too anxious to see sterling circulating among them. * * * The chief reason was that the early colonists were poor men, with new countries to develop by the slow processes of agriculture. As a consequence, they required, and received, commodities—not coin—from England in return fur such part of their exported produce as was not already hypothecated to duties and other home liabilities. Hence coined money was rare among them; and the flow of such specie as they had was not from but'to Europe. Staple commodities formed the normal medium of exchange. Even where coined money was plentiful, it was frequently used for external rather than for domestic payments. * * * But with growing commerce with the Spanish main, and the rise of the Buccaneers in the West Indies, the plantations naturally and necessarily began to form part of-a currency area dominated by the silver ‘‘ piece of eight”? from Spanish America. Spanish coins now ‘began to circulate to a greater or less extent in all the plantations, and _fhe colonists through whose hands they passed proceeded to rate them concurrently with the sterling of which they retained only the denomination. The sterling value generally accepted im the seventeenth century for the piece of eight was 4s. 6d., the rating subsequently stereotyped -by'Queen Anne’s proclamation-of 1704 and by Sir Isaac Newton’s tables of 1717. But side by side with this silver parity there wasa popular rating ef the piece of eight by tale at 5s., partly due to the general resemblance of that coin to an English crown. * * * Imitating the practices familiar to them in London, dishonest persons traded on the desire of the young communities for a metallic currency, by circulating clipped money at the full rate; and this malpractice was condoned by the colonies when it was found that the ‘Tight money was more apt to stay with them than the “broad” pieces. Moreover, with silver as the colonial standard of value, while in England the real standard was gold, payment by tale at the English-silver parity for the piece of eight entailed a lczs on the remittance of these coins to England, a loss which was readily avoided by reducing the weight of pieces.of eight to correspond with the dominant sEuropean ratio of gold to silver. Further, ‘‘the raising of the moneys’? was an expedient well known and widely practiced in contemporary Europe, as was the dimunition of fine content, and clipping by the subject was the counterpart of the debasement of coins by the sovereign. Hence it came about that by the middle of the seventeenth century clipping was rempant‘in the West Indies, and light Spanish silver coins became'the general standard of value in the British possessions in the New World. * * * briefly, therefore, the currency history of the period :prior to 1704 is marked (a) by the rise of the ‘‘denominational currency” systems as the result of competitive overvaluation of Spanish silver in terms of sterling, and (b) by the final predominance of the clipped piece of eight. “But it was not until the close of this period that coin superseded commodities even in prosperous colonies. In the more backward settlenients barter continued to dominate the currency. Gold coins were of rare occurreuce and were regarded as counters rather than real ‘‘money.””? * * * ATTEMPTS TO INTRODUCE BRITISH CURRENCY IN THE COLONIES. Tn 1825 the home Government made its great attempt to introduce British silver into circulation ‘throughout the British colonies. “The shilling was to circulate wherever the British drum was heard. The causes of this revolutionary change were twofold, arising from circumstances affééted—(1) the Spanish and (2) :the British currency. In the first place, the successful revolution of the Spanish colonies in America had cut off by 1820 the supply of the universal Spanish dollar, while for some half a century there had been a dearth of the fractions of the dollar for subsidiary circulation in the colonies. The home Government was also alive to the prevalence of dishonest paper and of ‘‘cut”’ and ‘‘plugged’’ money, which was the curse of colonial currency in the West Indies. : ; ; In'the second place, the act of 1816, establishing gold as:the sole standard of value inthe United Kingdom, had placed the home metallic currency. on a sound basis, establishing a token silver coinage, which for the first time in centuries remained in circulation. And, further, the new mint was now in full working order and able to:satisfy even greater demands than those made upon its resources for purpose of internal circulation. 1Since this was written, British Honduras‘has adopted ‘the United States gold dollar as -her standard of currency, 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1307 Consequently the disease seemed almost to suggest its own remedy. The new shilling was a success at home. Why should it not prove as great a success in the colonies, and form a (silver) link between them and the mother country? And, apart from the interests of .the colonies, the home Government had interests of its own to consult. The large payments to troops and officials in the colonies, amounting to several millions sterling a year, were made the heavier by the continual shipments of specie, necessitated by the conflicting and unsound systems of colonial currency. If British silver could be substituted once for all as the circulatory medium of the colonice, it would not only save the expense of shipping specie, but also swell the imperial gain by seizniorage on subsidary silver. On grounds, therefore, of pony and expediency, it seemed desirable to introduce British silver coins ito circulation in the colonies. The real ustification of the measures of 1825 was one which was only vaguely felt at the time, and which required the subsequent experience of alfa century to demonstrate and define. That justification isto bé found in the fact that the Spanish dollar, the universal coin of three centuries, had lost its supremacy, and that its universal dominion was in process of disintegration into rival ‘currency areas,’’ chief among which was destined to be the area dominated by the British sterling. A beginning was made through the commissariat—the department through which the troops, etc., were paid abroad. As the pay of the troops was fixed in sterling, it was decided to pay thein in sterling silver and copper coijy, and so to introduce these coins into colonies. In order to keep the money in circulation, an ingenious arrangement was devised. THe bills which the commicsaries were in the habit of drawing upon the treasury at thirty days sight for raising funds, were to be issued (at £103 per £100 bill) to any person tendering British silver. In this way it was hoped to insure the general use of British tokens as a circulatory medium in the colonies. These proposals, which so far had primary reference, not to the colonial public, but to the imperial troops, etc., were embodied in the treasury minute of February 11, 1825, the substance of which was communicated to the several commisvaries by circular letter of February 12. In order to give legal currency to the British coins in the colonies generally, an order in council was passed on March 23, 1825, which proved as mischievous as it was intended to be beneficial. Its fundamental errors, derived from the treasury minute, were (1) its rating of the Spanish dollar for concurrent circulation with British silver, and (2) its omission to rate forcign gold coins. (1) The treasury minute stated that ‘‘as the substitution of British silver and copper currency for the Spanish dollar, even in the paymenis from the military chests to the troops, can only be gradually effected, and as it may, in many cases, still be expedient to employ that coin as a medium of payment at a fixed rate as compared with British currency, my lords are of the opinion that it should (when necessary) be issued at the rate of 4s. 4d. the dollar, being a fraction of a farthing only above its intrinsic value at the rate of 5s. 2d. per ounce of standard silver.”’ But as this ‘‘mint price,” which dated back to 1601, and had reference to a bimetallic standard, was 2d. higher per ounce than the gold price of silver in the open market, the effect of its application to the Spanish dollar was to overrate that coin, as measured by the gold sovereign, to which the shilling was now subsidiary. Had this blunder been confined to the mere rate of issue of the Spanish dollar to the troops in lieu of sterling coins, the evil would not have amounted to more than an unintentional fraud on the troops, etc., but, when the obsolete mint price was made the basis for rating British silver for concurrent circulation with the dollar, the overvaluation of the later coin by 3} per cent was fatal to the imperial scheme. By a familiar law, the overrating of the dollar sufficed to drive out the shilling. (2) As has been shown above, the indirect effect of the proclamation and act of 1705 had been to establish a gold standard in the West Indies. Here, as in Spain itself, the gold doubloon (with the Portuguese johannes) had practically supplanted the silver dollar. Consequently, if British silver was undervalued 34 per cent, as compared with the dollar, it was still further underrated (by an additional 43 to 5 per cent), as compared with the colonial gold standard. In colonies where the doubloon (worth 64s. sterling) passed, asin Spain, for 16 silver dollars, the undervaluation of the shilling by about 8 per cent rendered its circulation hopeless. In Gibraltar, for example, where the doubloon was supreme, the newly arrive! boxes of British silver were bought up at the price of 1 doubloon for 69s. 4d., and immediately shipped back tu England ‘‘unopened and with seals intact.’’ Accordingly, by order in council of September 7, 188, the order in council of March 23, 1825, was revoked, so far as respected the colonies in America and the West Indies, and it was ordained that throughout the West India colonies, including British Guiana, the doubloon and dollar should circulate and be received in payment equally with sterling, as being, respectively, of the full value of 64s. and 4s. 2d. Instructions were sent at the same date to the governors of the several colonies in the West Indies directing them to declare by local proclamation the ‘“‘currency’’ values of the doubloon, the dollar, and the shilling, according to the relative values assigned to these coins in the royal proclamation. Thé doubloon being the real standard in the West Indies, was to be taken as the basis of the currency ratings, with a consequent leveling up of the values of the dollar and shilling. The new currency ratings were in most cases inconvenient for zie purposes of ordinary life. The Bahamas and Jamaica at once proceeded to dispense with ‘‘currency”’ and adopted sterling denominations. And in this connection it is to be observed that the reign of the Spanish dollar being over, most of the West Indian colonies had come to form part of the rapidly widening ‘‘currency area’”’ of (ireat Britain. Hence, even though in many cases the formal adoption of sterling denominations was postponed (by Montserrat until 1864), sterling coins steadily worked their way into general circulation in the West Indies. The success of the legislation of 1838 in the West Indies led, in 1843-44, to its application to colonies elxewhere—to Mauritius, the west coast of Africa, St. Helena, Malta, Gibraltar, and Hongkong. In the first two cases French and East Indian coins were also admitted to tender; in Malta the doubloon was not allowed to compete with sterling; and in Gibraltar (where only the Spanish doubloon passed current and where the silver dollar was in practice mere bullion), the rating of the dellar, as a denomination, at 4s. 2d. was allowed to be established side by side with the rating of the Spanish doubloon at $16, or 66s. 8d., instead of 64s. EFFECT OF THE GOLD DISCOVERIES. The great discoveries of gold in Australia in 1851, following as they did on those of California, profoundly affected the currency of the British colonies in common with the rest of the civilized world. A primary effect was to drive out the now appreciated silver dollar from circulation in places like the West Indies, where nothing but the hitherto steady gold price of silver had retained these coins in circulation side by side with the gold sovereign and its token representatives. Thus the second half of the century saw the banishment of the old siiver dollar to the East. But the most notable effect of the Australian gold discoveries was the local demand for the establishment in Australia of branches of the royal mint, the first of which was opened at Sydney on May 14, 1855, whilst the second, at Melbourne, dates only from June 12, 1872. * * * - A MEXICAN VIEW OF THE CAUSES OF THE POPULARITY OF THE MEXICAN DOLLAR IN THE ORIENT. Sefior Joaquin D. Casasus, in a series of articles published in FE] Economista Mexicano, in 1901, says: ‘“‘It is very hard to say at what precise date money coined in Mexico was introduced in the markets of the extreme Orient, though it is quite well known that about the end of the seventeenth century New Spain and the Philippine Islands were maintaining very important commercial relations, since the royal ordinance of April 14, 1579, had authorized the exports of merchandise—the product of the Philippines—to New Spain and Peru.” The government Of the Philippine Islands, moreover, maintained friendly relations with China and Japan, and during the seventeenth century the custom became quite general to send to the rulers of Japan, Cambodia, the Tidoro or Molucca Islands, and of China, gifts and presents to continue these friendly relations. There is no doubt that the Mexican pesos penetrated into these vast empires by way, primarily, of the Philippine Islands, because the government of New Spain had to send there each year from 270,000 to 280,000 pesos, the revenue of the insular treasury not being sufficient to meet all the expenditures. The government, then, at an earlier stage than commerce, was instrumental in introducing the Mexican pesos in the markets of the extreme Orient. Chalmers, 1308 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [OctosEs, in his valuable study entitled, A History of thé Currency in the British Colony, says the following on this question: ‘‘The silver dollar, in the earliest Spanish form, had been familiar at such Chinese ports as Canton, Ningpo, and Amoy since 1571, in connection with Spanish commerce from the Philippines,’ and in 1596 Linschoten, in his Itineraire Voyage, stated that at Goa ‘‘there are likewise rialles of eight which are brought from Portuigall, and are ‘paradawes de reales,’ worth, at their first coming out, 436 rvyes of Portuigall, and after are raised by exchange as they are sought for where men travelt for China” (p. 371). There is good reaxon to say that, beginning with the seventeenth century, the Mexican peso was a very important civilizing agency and the chief exchange instrument in the international commerce of the peoples in the Orient. When European civilization came to knock at the doors of these great and populated empires, the peso became the tie of union between the Eastern and Western nations, and the only possible basis on which commercial peace might be reestablished. . The product of the Mexican silver mines, after being turned into coin, was distributed all over the world, taking two routes—that of the Orient, and that of the Occidwnt. The commerce which New Spain maintained through the port of Acapulco, in southern Mexico, with the Philippine Islands never attained any real significance—although the merchandise of China passed through Mexico on its way to Europe—by reason of the prohibitory legislation of the kings of Spain in order to keep the commerce already established between the Philippine Islands, Guatemala, and Peru. Nor did the movement of precious metals ever attain any extraordinary importance. The commerce with Spain was more important for the American colony, and the precious metals extracted from the mines were, asarule, sent to Spain. Europe, however, did not keep all this gold and silver in circulation. International commerce transmitted part of it to Asia. The European precious metals flowed to the Asiatic continent by threeprincipal routes—first, the commerce with the Levant, Egypt, and the Red Sea; second, the maritime commerce with the East Indies and China; third, the commerce of Russia with China and Tartary. The two trade currents of New Spain, by way of the East and the West, brought the silver and the coined peso pieces of Mexico to the great nations of the Orient. The East Indies and China are the countries which have absorbed the larger part of the silver extracted from the American mines. They are the bottomless pit into which the precious metals have been thrown ijorever, and the great receptacle of the production of the mines in the New World. China particularly has proved to be the chief consumer of Mexican silver. This country never had a monetary system in the proper sense of the term. As Savary says, in his Universal Dictionary of Commerce: ‘‘Gold and silver are not turned into coin in China, but are being used according to their weight for business and other purposes.’’ Almost the same expressions are used by Voltaire in his Essay on the Customs: ‘‘For many years gold has not been a common medium of exchange in China, nor has it been a commodity as in Holland; nor is silver money in the strict sense of the term, its weight and fineness determining its price.”’ The peso thus found its way into China, not as money, but as simple commodity. Pesos were bought and sold in the market like any other product—for instance, tea and opium. The Diccionario de Commercio y de Navegacion, therefore, is quite right in saying: “The peoples of Asia and Africa take the coins, not according to the value affixed to them by the Government which puts them in circulation, but according to the amount of fine silver contained in them. These people regard them merely as pieces of a fixed and constant weight and fineness, and do not cease to test constantly the weight and fineness. CURRENCY AND BANKING SYSTEMS IN THE WORLD’S COLONIES. The statements which follow show the currency and banking conditions in each of the colonies of the world wherever it is found practicable to state that information in concise terms. The banking system is so closely associated with the currency system that it has seemed proper to combine the two wherever possible in the statements presented. The statements are from the Colonial Office List, the Statesman’s Year-Book, and other standard publications. Queensland.—Thereé were on December 31, 1889, 11 banks with 167 branches. The value of the coin and bullion is given as £1,886,258; the deposits, £12,754,708. The government savings bank returns the number of depositors as 78,009, the amount of deposits as £3,171,047. South Australia.—The legal tender and usual currency is exclusively British sterling. Eight banking institutions carry on business within the Province, all of which have establishments in the principal seaports and inland townships, numbering altogether 133 branches and agencies. The total average liabilities of the 8 banks amount to (December 18, 1899) £6,283,735; average note circulation, £397,616, and the total average assets to £6,752,772. The savings bank is managed by a board of trustees appointed by the governor, and has 134 agencies. The number of depositors on December 31, 1899, was 106,122, and the total deposits amounted to £3,489,082; averaged credit of depositor £32 17s. 6d.; rate interest paid to depositor, 3 per cent. One in 3.09 of the population is a depositor in savings banks. Tusmania.—The legal tender and usual currency is British sterling. There are 4 banks established in the colony, viz: The Com- mercial Bank of Tasmania, the National Bank of Tasmania, the Union Bank of Australia, the Bank of Australasia, with, together, 39 branches. The total assets on December 31, 1898, amounted to £3,341,030; deposits, £3,105,562. The note circulation on same date amounted to £148,319. In addition to the above there are three savings-bank systems, one being located at Hobart, one at Launceston, and one having many branches throughout the colony, established by government in connection with the post-office department, total deposits at the time of last balancing, December 31, 1899, being £915,062. Vcloria.—The following banks had branches, numbering about 452 in all, throughout the colony during the last quarter of 1899: The Bank of Australasia, of New South Wales, of New Zealand, of Victoria, Colonial of Australasia, Commercial of Australia, English, Scottish, and Australia, London of Australia, National of Australasia, Royal of Australia, and the Union of Australia. The deposits at that period amounted to £3,050,429, and the value of the notes in circulation to £951,795. There are also more than 329 branches of the savings banks throughout the colony. The number of accounts open on June 30, 1900, was 375,070, and the amount in deposit was £9,110,S18. The legal tender and usual currency is exclusively British sterling. A branch of the Imperial mint is established at Melbourne, where gold to the value of over £5,000,000 is coined annually. ° Western tustralia.—The legal tender and usual ctrrency is exclusively British sterling. The following banks have establishments in the colony: The Western Australian Bank, National Bank of Australasia, Union Bank of Australia, Limited, Bank of New South Wales, Commercial Bank, and the Bank of Australasia. The deposits in the banks during the year ended December 31, 1899, averaged £3,808, 629. A government post-office savings bank at Perth, with branch offices, was established in 1863. The deposits during the year 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1309 ended June 30, 1896, amounted to £520,016; during the year ended June 30, 1897, to £1,068,322; during the year ended June 30, 1898, to £1,231,638; during the year ended June 30, 1899, to £1,057,023, and during the year ending June 30, 1900, to £1,112,250. «A branch of the royal mint has been erected at Perth. Bahamas.—The legal tender currency is British sterling, United States current coin, silver of the Latin Union, and gold doubloons. Accounts are kept in sterling. There is no colonial currency. A local bank, called the Bank of Nassau, was established on June 1, 1889. It had on December 31, 1899, a note issue of £6,500, and deposits amounting to £52,000. A post-office savings bank was estallished in January, 18386, and had on December 31, 1899, £13,060 deposited. Barbados.—Accounts are kept in sterling, and British coin is legal tender and the chief medium of circulation, There is no limit to the legal tender of British silver, and there is but little gold in circulation. The only bank doing business in Barbados is the Colonial Bank, capital paid up £600,000. Total number of branches throughout West Indies 13, with deposits of £1,530,000, and a note circulation (#5 notes) of £350,000. In Barbados the estimated circulation is £30,000. There isa Government savings bank which had on September 30, 1899, 13,313 depositors, and deposits amounting to £226,117. - Bermuda.—The coins in circulation are British currency, which are legal tender. There is no limit to the legal tender of British silver. The Bermuda Banking Company has recently established a bank at Hamilton. Messrs. N. T. Butterfield & Son have also a banking establishment at Hamilton, and several of the leading merchants do a considerable amount of business as private bankers and agents. A Government savings bank was established in 1871, and there are branches at Hamilton, St. Georges, and Sandys Parish. The number of depositors at the end of 1899 was 1,333; total amount of deposits, £31,686. British Guiana.—Accounts are kept in dollars and cents. British sterling and United States gold coin are current and legal tender as well as Spanish and Mexican gold. Spanish, Mexican, or Colombian dollars are no longer legal tender under Ordinance No. 1 of 1876. There are also remaining some old silver tokens from one-eighth to 3 guilders (1 guilder being equal to 1s. 4d.). The Colonial and British Guiana banks have establishments at Georgetown, with branches at New Amsterdam. The British Guiana Bank on March 31, 1900, had a note circulation of £57,532, and the Colonial Bank £62,152. The total note circulation in the colony is about £129,684. The first government savings banks were established at Georgetown and New Amsterdam in the year 1836. A branch bank was opened at Suddie, Essequebo, in 1879, at Belfield, on the East Coast, Demerara, in 1884, and another at Fellowship, West Coast, Demerara, in 1887.1 The total deposits amounted on December 31, 1899, to £248,352 among 12,452 depositors. There are 27 post-office sayings banks. At the end of that year these banks had 7,853 depositors, with £43,615 to their credit. British Honduras.—Up to October 14, 1894, the coins in circulation were principally South and Central American silver dollars. There was no paper currency. The standard of value was the Guatemalan dollar, and Chilean and Peruvian silver coins were also current and legal tender as well as the colonial currency of 1-cent pieces at fixed ratings with the Guatemalan dollar. By Ordinance No. 31, of 1894, the currency has been established on a gold basis, the United States gold dollar being adopted as the standard coin. Gold coins of the United States mint are legal tender for the amounts of their respective denominations in silver dollars; also the British sovereign and half sovereign for the amounts of $4.867 and $2.433, respectively. There is a local subsidiary currency of 50-cent, 25-cent, 10-cent, and 5-cent silver pieces, and a Government note issue of the following denominations: $1, $2, $5, $10, $50, and $100; a bronze cent piece is also current. The limit of the legal tender in silver is $10, and in bronze at 50 cents. There are no private banks in the colony. The Government Savings Bank, established in 1846 at Belize (with branches at Corosal, Orange Walk, Stann Creek, Punta Gorda, and the Cayo), had on December 31, 1899, 531,320 deposited. Dominion of Canada.—There is a uniforra currency throughout the Dominion, consisting of dollars, cents, and mills, the same as that of the United States, 54.863 being equal to £1. In addition to this Canadian coinage the gold coins of the United States are also legal tender. There are Government savings banks in the maritime provinces and in Manitoba and British Columbia, having 49,320 depositors, with 815,470,110 on deposit. There are also post-office savings banks in Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Manitoba, and Northwest Territories, and British Columbia, having 142,141 depositors, with $34,771,605. The total amount of savings-bank deposits, including two operating under special charters, was $66,155,282, on June 30, 1899. The following banks are established in Canada: Ontario (headquarters).—Bank of Toronto, Dominion Bank, Standard Bank, Imperial Bank, Bank of Ottawa, Ontario Bank, Canadian Bank of Commerce, Bank of Hamilton, Western Bank, Traders’ Bank. Quebec (headquarters).—Bank of Montreal, Molsons Bank, Banque National, Banque de St. Jean, Banque de Ste. Hyacinthe, Bank of British North America, Banque Jacques Carticr, Banque d’Hochelaga, Merchants’ Bank of Canada, Quebec Bank, Union Bank of Canada, Eastern Townships Bank. Nova Scotia (headquarters).—Bank of Nova Scotia, People’s Bank, Halifax Banking Co., Merchants’ Bank, Union Bank, Bank of Yarmouth, Commercial Bank of Windsor, Exchange Bank of Yarmouth. Other provinces (headquarters).—Bank of New Brunswick; People’s Bank, New Brunswick; St. Stephen’s Bank, New Brunswick; Bank of British Columbia; Summerside Bank of Prince Edward Island; Merchants’ Bank of Prince Edward Island. These banks have in all 641 branches, distributed as follows: Ontario, 306; Quebec, 117; Nova Scotia, 69; New Brunswick, 30; British Columbia, 47; Prince Edward Island, 6; Manitoba, 46; Northwest Territories, 20. Paid-up banking capital has nearly doubled since 1870. In June of that year it was $52,050,597, and in June, 1900, it was $64,735,145. The bank-note circulation on June 30, 1900, was $45,577,387. In 1887 they held $69,763,668 of deposits, and in June, 1900, they held $279,579,150. In addition to the notes issued by the charter banks the government issues notes of various denominations, and the average monthly circulation in 1890 amounted to $15,501,360, and in 1899, $25,041,650. The maximum government issue is fixed at $25,000,000, and the minimum reserve in specie and British Government securities is fixed at 25 per cent, but for all amounts over $20,000,000, gold must be held dollar for dollar. No notes are issued below $5 except by the government. Cupe of Good Hope.—The legal-tender currency is British sterling, and this is also the money of account. Since the beginning of 1892 the banks having their head offices outside the colony are only allowed to issue notes supplied to them by the government, which holds securities deposited by the institutions for the total supply of such notes given to the banks. The notes are legal tender and guaranteed by the government, the banks having to redeem the notes in gold on demand at their chief places of business. Banks having their head offices in the colony and having been registered on January 1], 1891, can continue to issue their own notes, 1The branch banks at Belficld and Fellowship were closed on March 31, 1895, No.4——16 1310 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Octoser, which are neither guaranteed nor legal tender. There are 6 banks, with 102 branches. The total amount of*notes in circulation on June 30, 1900, was £1,313,905; legal tender, £1,306,820; other, £7,085. Ceylon.—The weights and measures in common use are British. Accounts are kept in rupees, and the money in circulation is exclusively Indian and Ceylon rupee currency, which is alone legal tender. Ceylon cents take the place of the Indian annas and pice. The notes of the Chartered Mercantile Bank remained in circulation to some extent until 1888, when its charter expired, but since the failure of the Oriental Banking Corporation, in 1884, the government has instituted a note issue, of which the amount in circulation on December 31, 1897, was Rs. 10,008,700. These notes are legal tender, except at the Colombo issue office. The exchange rates follow those of India, and have of late years somewhat improved. The exchange for remittances to England by a six months’ bill was 1s. 43. during 1899, while the average rate for demand drafts was 1s. 4d. The Ceylon government calculates the rupee at 1s. 103d. for the purpose of the payment in the United Kingdom of half galary or pension in the case of officers appointed before February 19, 1897, and at 1s. 6d. in the case of officers appointed after that date. The following banks have establishments in the colony: Mercantile Bank of India, Limited; Chartered Bank of India, Australia, and China; Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation; Bank of Madras; National Bank of India, Limited. None of these now issue notes in Ceylon. The Chartered Mercantile Bank had Rs. 4,355,600; the Madras Bank, Rs. 6,882,828; and the National Bank, Rs. 1,187,916 deposits in the island on December 31, 1890. The Hongkong and Shanghai Bank had Rs. 1,329,186 in deposit on December 31, 1898. The Ceylon Savings Bank was established in 1832, and post-office savings banks were opened in 1885, and the two together had on December 31, 1598, Rs. 4,473,382 deposited. ° Cyprus.—Under an order in council which came into operation on January 1, 1901, the following coins are legal-tender currency: Gold, the sovereign; silver, 18, 9, 43, 3, piaster pieces. Limit of tender, 540 piasters (9 equal to 1s). Bronze, 1 piaster, half piaster, quarter piaster; limit of tender, 27 piasters. (40 paras equal 1 piaster.) The Imperial Ottoman Bank has a branch established at Larnaca, and an agency at Nicosia. There is as yet no government savings bank. The Turkish weights and measures are in use. The oke equals 2.8 pounds avoirdupois, and the donum equals about one-fourth acre. A law relating to weights and measures was passed in 1890. Valkland Islands.—The legal-tender currency is British sterling and local £5, £1, and 5s. notes. There are no private banks in the colony. On April 1, 1888, a government savings bank of the usual type was established, in which, on September 30, 1899, the deposits were £44,000, belonging to 360 depositors. Fiji.—The legal-tender currency and the only coin in circulation is British sterling. The bank of New Zealand has two branches in Fiji—at Suva and Levuka. Provision is made by ordinance for the establishment of a government saving bank. There is no government note issue. The Gambia.—The legal-tender and usual currency is that of Latin Union; there is no colonial coinage and no note issue. A government savings bank was established in 1886, and had on December 31, 1897, £2,562, deposited by 169 depositors; in 1898, £3,882, deposited by 192 depositors; and in 1899, £5,083, deposited by 203 depositors; but there are no private banks. Gold Coast Colony.—The currency and legal tender is British sterling, with Spanish, American, and French gold coins, as fixed by Ordinance No. 2 of 1880. Gold dust was demonetized by Ordinance No. 9 of 1889, but still remains a medium of exchange in the districts of the interior. A number of United States silver half dollars are in circulation, but are not legal tender. German gold and silver coin circulates in the trans-Volta districts since the Customs Union. Copper coins are little used, owing to the dislike to them entertained by the natives in most places. Cowries are still in use, but only for the purchase of articles of little value. Accounts are kept in sterling. The bank of British Africa has establishments at Accra and Cape Coast. Iongkong.—The currency of Hongkong consists of the following coins (vide order in council February 2, 1895): (1) The silver dollar of Mexico; (2) British dollar; (3) the Hongkong dollar, half dollar, and 20-cent, 10-cent, and 5-cent pieces, issued from the Hongkong mint (1866-1868); (4) half dollars, 20, 10, and 5 cent pieces imported from England and coined at the Royal mint and Birmingham mint; (5) copper coins representing one-hundredth part of the dollar (called 1 cent), and one-thousandth part of the dollar (mil or cash), imported from England. There were issued from the Hongkong mint 2,108,054 dollars and 58,587 half dollars; and 20, 10, and 5 cent pieces to the nominal value of $402,671. There have been obtained from England and put into circulation up to December 31, 1898, subsidiary coins (which now include half dollars) to the nominal value of $21,778,125. The coins issued from the Hongkong mint are never met with in the colony now, and of the coins imported from England it is estimated that not more than 10 per cent remain in the colony. There are six principal banks (Chartered Bank of India, Australia, and China; Mercantile Bank of India, Limited; China, Hongkong, and Shanghai Bank; National Bank of China; the Bank of China, Japan, and the Straits; and the Yokohama Specie Bank), haying a note circulation of $10,121,597 on December 31, 1898. There is no savings bank under government control, but one conducted by the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank. Jamaica.—British currency, United States gold, and gold doubloons are legal tender. Accounts are kept in sterling, and the coin in circulation is almost exclusively British silver and Jamaica nickel pence. Total estimated coin, £300,000. The Colonial Bank and the Bank of Nova Scotia are the only private banking establishments in the colony. The Colonial Bank has one branch and four agencies; it has a note circulation estimated at £150,000. British silver coins above 6d. are legal tender to any extent; coins of 6d. and less amount to the extent of 40s. in any one payment. Government savings banks were instituted in all the principal towns in 1871, the rate of interest allowed being at first 4 per cent, but this was reduced in 1881 to 3 per cent, and in 1897 to 24 per cent. The total deposits on March 81, 1900, were £468,616 7s. 4d. Lagos.—By Ordinance No. 2 of 1880 the legal-tender currency and that generally in use is British sterling, with gold dust and nuggets, and some Spanish, American, and French gold coin; but by Ordinance No. 7 of 1894 gold dust and nuggets were demonetized. Cowries (1,000 equal 3d.) are still occasionally employed for small transactions. Accounts are usually kept in sterling, but occasionally still in gallons of palm oil, or in cowries, by the smaller native traders. A government savings bank was established on January 1, 1887, under the management of the colonial treasurer, and on December 31, 1897, held deposits amounting to £16,553 13s. 14d. Leeward Islands.—The usual currency is British silver, a few British and United States gold coins being occasionaliy met with. In addition to these the gold doubloons are legal tender. The Colonial Bank hasa branch in Antigua, one in St. Kitts, and onein Dominica. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 131i In the Virgin Islands, Montserrat, and Nevis there are no banks. The notes of the Colonial Bank circulate in Antigua (£3,500) and St. Kitts (£14,000), and those of the Danish Bank of St. Thomas in the Virgin Islands. There is no limit to silver as the legal tender. Government savings banks have been established in all the presidencies except the Virgin Islands. Malta.—The legal-tender currency is, under order in council of September 24, 1886, exclusively British. There are two local banks (Banco di Maltaand Anglo-Maltese Bank) anda branch of the Anglo-Egyptian Bank. The first two banks have a small note circulation, reported to amount to about £20,000, and the deposits in the three banks are estimated at about £200,000. The Government Savings Bank, established in 1833, had on December 31, 1899, £522,148 deposits. Mauritius.—The Mauritius Commercial Bank has establishments in the colony. The total amount of deposits was Rs. 3,895,578.46. The Bank of Mauritius (limited) was established in October, 1894, with paid-up capital of £125,500, and opened in Mauritius in December, 1894. Total deposits up to the end of 1899, Rs. 1,673,794. A government savings bank was established in 1865. The total deposits on December 31, 1899, amounted to Rs. 2,885,942. All accounts are now kept in rupees and cents of a rupee, which is the currency of the island. There are about Rs. 9,000,000 (in coin) in circulation. A government note issue was reestablished in 1876, the notes being legal tender, except at the office of issue. The circulation on December 31, 1899, was Rs. 3,606,000. Natal.—The currency is exclusively British sterling. The Natal Bank, the standard bank of South Africa, the Bank of Africa, the African Banking Corporation, and the National Bank of the South African Republic have together 15 establishments, with £3,511,091 deposits. A government savings bank was established in 1868, and had in 1899 (December 31) £301,348 deposits. Newfoundland.—Branch banks of the Bank of Montreal, Bank of Nova Scotia, and Merchants’ Bank of Halifax have been opened in St. Johns, and a branch of the Bank of Nova Scotia in Harbor Grace. The legal tender currency is British sterling, United States gold, and colonial coins. Much of the trade is carried on by barter. Accounts are kept in dollars and cents. Exchange, $4.86% to the pound sterling. New Zealand.—The following banks have branches in the colony: Bank of New Zealand, National Bank of New Zealand (limited), Union Bank of Australia (limited), Bank of New South Wales, and Bank of Australasia. The total amount of their deposits in New Zealand on December 31, 1899, was £14,433,638, and of their note circulation £1,195,562. There is also a post-office savings bank established in the colony, haying now 427 branches; the amount deposited therein on December 31, 1899, was £5,320,370. The private savings banks number 6, and the total amount to credit of depositors at the end of 1899 was £807,927. The currency and legal tender is exclusively British sterling. Sierra Leone.—Besides British currency, gold doubloons, eagles, and the coins of the Latin Union are current and legal tender. There is no colonial coinage and no note circulation. The British Bank of West Africa has a branch in the colony. A government savings bank was established in 1882 and had, in 1899, £39,529 deposited by 3,324 depositors. Basutoland.—There are no banks in the territory, but a government post-office savings bank has been established. The currency is exclusively British, but exchange, and even the payment of taxes, is still largely conducted by barter. Straits Settlements.—The standard coin of the colony, by an order of the Queen in Council, dated February 2, 1895, is the silver Mexican dollar, but the British dolar and the old Hongkong dollar are also legal tender. Local silver and copper coins, representing fractional parts of a dollar, are legal tender up to $1 and $2, respectively. The amount of coin in circulation is estimated at $12,000,000. The following banks have establishments in the colony: The Chartered Bank of India, Australia, and China; the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, the Mercantile Bank of India (limited), the Bank of China and Japan, and the Netherland Trading Society. The average bank-note issue during 1599 amounted to $8,082,209. Government currency notes were issued for the first time in 1899, the amount in circulation on December 31 being $2,175,604. There is a government savings bank at each settlement. On December 31, 1899, the deposits amounted to $431,263. Trinidad und Tobago.—The coins in general circulation are British gold, silver, and bronze, United States gold currency, and gold doubloons. These are all legal tender, as is also British gold, which is not often met with. Accounts are kept in sterling by the government, but in dollars by the people. The notes of the Colonial Bank circulate to the extent of £100,000, estimated. There is no colonial coinage or note issue. There is no limit to silver as legal tender. Turks and Caicos islands.—The coins in circulation, all of them being legal tender under Bahama acts 2 Vict. cap. 4, and 8 Vict. cap. 49, also Jamaica law 10 of 1880, consist of British sterling, United States gold and silver, Spanish, Mexican,’ and Colombian gold doubloons, and Jamaican nickel tokens. There is no limit to the legal tender of silver. There is no paper currency. Commercial accounts are usually kept in dollars and government accounts in sterling. A government savings bank was established on J anuary 1, 1890, and had on December 31, 1899, 186 depositors with £994 deposited. Windward Islands, Grenada.—The legal-tender currency is British sterling, doubloons, and the gold coin of the United States. There is no government note issue, but the Colonial Bank, which has branches in the larger islands, issues $5 notes. Public accounts are kept in sterling, but banking and private accounts generally in dollars. There is no limit to the legal tender of silver. North Bornco.—The company which controls the territory and administers government under a charter has a copper coinage of one half and 1 cent pieces, and it issues notes expressed in dollars to the extent of $180,000. American, Mexican, Straits Settlements, Hongkong, and British dollars are treated as currency. There are agencies of the Chartered Bank of India, Australia, and China, and the company itself does banking business when required. Money orders on North Borneo are issued in England, India, the Straits Settlements, Ceylon, Hongkong, and elsewhere, and vice versa. Algeria.—The Bank of Algeria, whose privilege has been extended to the end of 1912 or of 1920, at the will of the government, is a bank of issue, but its note circulation must not in any case exceed 150,000,000 francs. It has undertaken to pay annually to the government, from 1900 to 1905, the sum of 200,000 francs; from 1906 to 1912, 250,000 francs; from 1912 to 1920 (if then in existence), 800,000 francs. Madagascar.—The Comptoir National d’Escompte de Paris has agencies at Antananarivo and Tamatave. The only legal coin is the silver 5-franc piece, with its silyer subdivisions, as well ag copper coins of 5 and 10 centimes, but the Italian 5-lire piece and Belgian, Greek, and other coins of equal value are also in circulation. For smaller sums the coin used to be cut up into 1312 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozrr, fractional parts, and weighed as required; but this is now an illegal practice in the central provinces, and will probably soon be obsolete in other parts of the country. The government is withdrawing this cut money at the rate of 30 grammes of silvcr for 5 francs, and is to replace it by fractional silver and copper coin. French West Africa and the Sukara.—French, English, and American coins are in circulation, as well as cowrie shells. Tunis.—The legal coinage consists of pieces similar to the French, the pieces being coined in France. ; Guadeloupe and dependencies.—Silver coin has disappeared from circulation; treasury notes for 2 francs, 1 franc, and 50 centimes are authorized up to a total emission of 800,000 francs. Dutch West Indies.—The Java Bank, established in 1828, has acapital of 6,000,000 guilders and a reserve of about 1,200,000 guilders. The government has a control over the administration. Two-fifths of the amount of the notes, assignats, and credits must be covered by specie or bullion. In March, 1900, the value of the notes in circulation was 60,591,000 guilders, and of the bank operations 32,623,000. There are two other Dutch banks, besides branches of British banks. In the savings banks, including the postal sayings bank, there were 20,632 depositors, with a deposited amount of 10,411,167 guilders, CURRENCY OF THE STRAITS SETTLEMENTS. The currency of the Straits Settlements is an especially interesting object lesson in considering the requirements of communities of mixed population in the Orient. It is described as follows by Professor Chaimers in his History of Colonial Currency: “With the beginning of the sixteenth century Malacca, in the hands of the Portuguege, rose to be the great entrepOt for European trade in the Far East, a position which half a century later was partly shared by the Philippines. And it is of interest to note that, speaking of ‘Melaqua’ in 1498, the ‘Roteiro da Viagem da Vasco da Gama’ records that the native money was composed of the staple commodity of the Straits, namely, tin. With the arrival of the Portuguese, however, and with the discovery of the Philippines by the Spaniards, silver coin—and more particularly the dominant Spanish dollar—established a supremacy in the Straits, which, as the trade moved eastward, has been retained and strengthened by the Mexican dollar, the lineal descendant of the old Spanish dollar. ‘The first British possession was not Malacca, but Pulau-Pinang, which was rechristened Prince of Wales Island by the East India Company on its cession in 1786. For this settlement, which soon tendered further to oust Malacca as a commercial entrepdt, the company in 1787 and 1788 struck a silver coinage consisting of rupees, with half and quarter rupees, and copper cents, half-cenix, and quarter cents, further issue of which was fruitlessly recommended by Lieutenant-Covernor Farquhar in 1805. There were also ‘pice,’ usually of tin. “Though the company had established the rupee as the standard coin in Penang, the trade relations of the settlement constrained the mercantile community to adopt as their standard, not the Indian coin, but the universal Spanish dollar, the coin familiar to the conservative races with whom they had commerce. Therefore, from the earliest days of Penang, the dollar, not the rupee, was the recognized standard of value. Writing of this island, Kelly says, in his ‘Universal Cambist,’ of 1825: ‘Accounts are kept in Spanish dollars, copangs, and pice, 10 pice making a copang, and 10 copangs one Spanish dollar. The current pice are coined in the island; they are pieces of tin, 16 of which weigh the catty, or £13. On the exchange of dollars into pice there is a loss of 2 per cent; on dollars without the King’s head, 10 per cent; and from 5 to 10 per cent on all dollars defaced (i.e., chopped).’ “Tn 1835 the company revised its currency legislation for the whole of its territories, which included the Straits Settlements, and made no exception in favor of the dollar-using colony when enforcing the establishment of the rupee as the standard coin, with pice in subsidiary circulation. The first concession which the company made to the requirements of Straits currency was in 1847, when by act No. VI of that year it was provided that the Indian Regulations ‘shall not be deemed to apply to copper currency of the settlements of Penang, Singapore, and Malacca. From and after January 1, 1848, the following copper coins only shall be received at or issued from any government treasury within the said settlements: (1) A cent, weighing 144 grains troy; (2) a half cent, weighing 72 grains; and (3) a quarter cent, weighing 36 grains.’ These copper coins were to be legal tender only for fractions of a dollar, and ‘the circulation in the said settlements alter the said day of all copper coins or tokens, not being the authorized legal coinage of any British or foreign Government, is prohibited,’ under penalty of not more than Rs. 10. “But this concession was withdrawn in 1855. The preamble of act No. XVII of that year reads as follows: ‘Whereas the company’s rupee is by Act XVII of 1835 a legal tender in the settlements of Prince of Wales Island, Singapore, and Malacca, but no copper coin, except the half pice issued under Act XI of 1854, is now by law legal tender for fractions of a rupee in that settlement; and it is expedient to remedy this defect in the law; and whereas besides the rupee the dollar is by custom current in the said settlement, and it is expedient to provide that the copper currency which shall be legal tender in the said settlement for fractions of a rupee shall also be legal tender in the said settlement for fractions of a dollar,’ it was enacted that from July 1, 1855, that a pice should be legal tender in the Straits for 735 of a dollar, a half pice for z}y of a dollar, a pice for 74; of a dollar, a double pice for +5 of a dollar. “‘Commenting on this act in 1863, Sir Hercules Robinson reported to the Imperial Government as follows: ‘In 1854, 1 believe, the government of India adopted measures for forcing the rupee into general circulation in the Straits Settlements, and for making it the only legal tender in all transactions. With this view the copper currency, consisting of cents of a dollar, half cents, and quarter cents, previously supplied under the provisions of the act of 1847, was withheld, and the Indian copper money, which can not be conveniently adapted to a copper currency, was substituted in its place. But great inconvenience having been experienced, and public demonstrations against the change having taken place, the authorities at home were appealed to, and the project was countermanded.’ After pointing out that the new Indian currency act, No. 18 of 1862, made the Indian coins legal tender in the Straits, as in all other Indian territories, whereas no measure had ever been passed giving legal currency to the real and sole measure of value in the colony, Sir Hercules Robinson exposed the absurdities of the existing regulations in the following words: “All accounts throughout the Straits Settlements, except those of the government, are kept in dollars and cents, but the public accounts are kept in the denomination of rupees, annas, and pice, causing thereby much needless labor and confusion in the financial departments. With the exception of the receipts from stamps, which it is optional for the public to pay either in dollars or rupees, the whole of the public revenve is required to be paid in dollars, but it is brought to account in rupeesata par of Rs. 224 8a. 6if5p. for every $100 received at Singapore and Malacca, and at a par of 220 rupees at Penang. All payments from the local treasuries are made in dollars, but disbursements to the public are charged ‘in the public accounts in rupees at a par of Rs. 22 8a. 6,49 p. in Singapore and Malacca, at a par of 220 rupees at Penang, while the salary of all public servants, civil as well as military, which are fixed in rupees, are paid at all the settlements in dollars at a par of 220 rupees. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, Lo le **Tn short, the whole system under which coins not in circulation are declared by law a legal tender, and the public accounts are required to be kept in the denomination of one currency, while the real mouctary transactions of both the government and the public are conducted in another,‘is unsound and productive of nothing but needless labor and confusion.’ ‘For some years the merchants of Singapore had advocated the coinage of a British dollar. The opening of the new mint at Hongkong in 1866 met this demand, and all that was now needed was to make dollars the legal, as they had always been the actual, standard of value in the Straits. This salutary change was effected as part of the transfer of the colony from the Indian to the Imperial Government under the act 29 and 30 Vict., cap. 115, which was brought into operation as from the Ist of April, 1867, by order in council of December 28, 1866. No time was lost by the new local legislature in reforming the currency system. Under date of April 1, 1867, the legal-tender act of 1867 was passed, repealing all laws for making Indian coins legal tender and declaring that from April 1 ‘the dollar issued from Her Majesty’s mint at Hongkong, the silver dollar of Spain, Mexico, Peru, and Bolivia, and any other silver dollar to be specified from time to time by the governor in council, shall be the only legal tender in payment or on account of any engagement whatever, except as is hereinafter mentioned (i. e., as to subsidiary silver coins), within this colony and its dependencies, provided, that no dollar shall be a legal tender unless it be of the same fineness and intrinsic value as the Hongkong dollar, and be not less than 415 grains troy weight, and be not injured or defaced.’ The act goes on to place limits of tender of $2 and $1, respectively, on ‘such copper or bronze coins as may now be current in the colony and its dependencies under act No. 6 of 1847 of the Indian legislature, as well as such copper or bronze coins as may be issued from Her Majesty’s mint, or any branch thereof, representing the cent or one-hundredth part, the half cent or two-hundredth part, and the quarter cent or four-hundredth part of the dollar. “So long as the Hongkong mint was working no question could arise as to the supply of suitable subsidiary coins in silver and copper, provision for the currency of which had been made in the act of 1887. But, as the Hongkong mint was closed in 1868, only two years after its opening, and as the tokens struck at that mint were speedily absorbed, it became necesxary for the Straits to provide their own subsidiary coinage. This the colony procecded to do in 1871, under the provisions of the local act of 1867, this highest denomination for the first fifteen years being the 20-cent piece. On the model of Hongkong, the silver tokens of the Straits were of 800 milleximal fineness. In 1886 a token hali dollar was added of the same standard. The details of the coins struck for the Straits from 1871 to 1891 will be found in the twenty-second annual report of the deputy master of the mint, the total being given as $2,684,850. Ii the population of the Straits Settlements on December 31, 1891, be taken in round numbers at 513,000, the above total coinage of silver and copper tokens for the colony is equivalent to $3.23 per head; but this figure represents a maximum rather than an actual circulation, for a considerable number of Straits tokens are carried off (though not to the extent prevailing in Hongkong) for circulation in neighboring countries. “To revert to the standard coin, it is to be noted that by order of the governor, in council of January 10, 1874 (under the ordinance of 1867), the \merican trade dollar and the Japanese yen (which was coined on the model of the Hongkong dollar and with the Hongkong machinery) were admitted to unlimited legal tender, equally with the Mexican dollar. “‘For some years before 1890 the colony was flooded with the copper coins of the North Borneo Company. As the law on the subject was not deemed sufficiently stringent to deal with the evil, it was decided in 1890 to consolidate and amend the currency legislation of the colony. This was done by the order in council of October 21, 1890, which came into force on January 1, 1891. It leit the local system of currency unaltered. By act of 1895 the Mexican silver dollar was made the standard coin for the colony, but the British and Hongkong dollar were also made legal tender. THE CURRENCY OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. The British vice-consul at Manila, in a recent report on the currency of the Philippines, makes the following statements: GoLtp.—The currency of the Philippine Islands was originally gold, Spanish ‘‘onzas’’ of Charles ITI and Ferdinand VII predomi- nating. Small gold coins, with ‘‘Filipinas’”’ inscribed on them, of $1, $2, and $4 were locally minted at Manila and were not current in Spain. The Manila mint was open to the public until 1868 for the coining of the above three pieces at a small charge. Coined gold (principally \merican double eagles) was recoined. Very few ingots, if any, were used for this purpose, the operation leaying a clear profit of 18 to 20 per cent. This practice ceased when exchange declined heavily and left no profit. : Sirver.—Mexican and old Spanish dollars, with fractions of the latter, constituted the silver currency. These Spanish coins, which comprise the now rare ‘‘Dos Mundos’’ set and specimens of Ysabel IJ, together with the imported Mexicans, were frequently at a premium oyer the gold dollar; similar conditions also existing in the island of Cuba. When, however, silver began to depreciate the gold coin was rapilly exported and replaced by Mexican dollars. In 1877 the gold currency was considered a failure, owing to the above reasons. About this time a law was passed by the Spanish Government prohibiting the importation of Mexican dollars, but permitting the circulation of those that were already in the island. Smuggling from China of Mexican dollars (dated previous to 1878) was carried out during the Spanish régime, in many instances with the aid and knowledge of the Spanish customs and other officials. Gold consequently left the island completely. The dollars fluctuated according to the price of silver, and the fluctuation reached some- times 10 to 15 per cent. The smuggled importation continued until it would drop to par. For instance, during the export season, when money was scarce, Manila rates would rule as high as 10 or 15 per cent over those in Hongkong and China, whence the dollars were smuggled, which attracted contraband, while in the autumn the exchange would fall to par in those places, there being frequently an export of Mexicans at this season, to be again replaced by smuggled coins when required. The Government at Madrid, it is said, endeavored to alleviate this state of affairs, especially as there was a big depreciation of Philippine as compared with Spanish silver, but could net act for the want of funds. Several millions of Mexican dollars were recoined in Manila and converted into pieces of 10, 20, and 50 cents—S835 fineness and 25 grams. The treasury gained 10 per cent on this operation, but was unable to materially decrease the large stock of Mexicans. These locally minted pieces differed from the Spanish, since their value was stated in fractions of a peso; thus the 20-cent piece was inscribed 20 cent. de peso,’’ while of those in Spain the inscripton read ‘‘una peseta.”’ In 1897 the money question became serious, and at the commencement of the Philippine insurrection some 6,000,000 of coins of $1 each, 900 fine, 45 grams, were minted in Spain and sent to the Philippines. They were similar to the Spanish current dollars, but were marked ‘‘Islas Filipinas,’’ and bore the head of Alfonso XIII. These dollars were 8 per cent under the value of the Mexicans. Some 7,000,000 or 8,000,000 may be considered as a fair estimate of the number of Mexicans circulating in the Philippines at this period, Besides this, a large number of half dollars was exported for use in Morocco, presumably to pay part of that country’s indemnity to Spain, until legislation put an end to the business. On the arrival of the Americans a large amount of United States gold was brought 1314 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, by the military. Some difficulty was experienced at the beginning, as the natives and Chinamen did not know the values. The exchange of United States gold or silver to the Philippine or Mexican silver is commonly accepted at $1 United States for $2 Mexican or Philippine, but the exchange varies at the banks and large commercial houses according to the value of the Mexican dollar in London and San Francisco. Mexican dollars, irrespective of dates, have been recently imported through the banks in large quantities. There is a shortage of subsidiary coinage, no fraction of the Mexican silver dollar having ever been in circulation. Nores.—Notes of $5, $10, $25, $50, and $100, and it is believed some few of $200, were issued by the Banco Espajiol Filipino, and are still current. The notes of $200 are now being recalled. This question of notes is problematical. The American authorities may recog- nize the privileges granted by the Spanish Government to this bank, twenty-one years of which are still unexpired. RULES AND REGULATIONS UNDER WHICH BANKS AND BANKING IN THE BRITISH COLONIES ARE CONDUCTED. Banks and banking methods are necessarily an extremely important feature of the business life and business success of the colony. Naturally supplies of currency are small, especially in the early history of the colony, and supplies of available capital for business enter- prises are much more limited than in older countries. Business relations in the colonies, especially those relating to commerce, must necessarily be largely with distant countries, and the importance of banks and exchange facilities is in this case very great. These facta led to careful study by the British financiers and lawmakers of the question of banking in the colonies, and a general banking policy was evolved prior to 1840 which was intended to (1) require notes to be cashed on demand in specie at the place of issue, as well as at the principal establishment of the issuing bank; (2) prohibiting the issue of notes below £1 value; (3) requiring periodical returns of liabili- ties and assets and their publication; (4) making stockholders liable for twice the amount of their stock. These regulations were in 1846 modified with reference to the colonies so as to provide that (1) notes redeemable in specie on demand must not be of less denomi- nation than £1, and must not exceed the total paid-up capital of the bank; (2) their formal security to consist of the specie reserve, amounting to one-third of the circulation, and the general liability of the stockholders for double the amount of their stock. These provisions relate exclusively to bank paper. The issue of notes by colonial governments has been discouraged by the British Government, though in a few cases, such issues have been made. The following regulations for banking companies in the colonies are from the British Colonial Office List, 1901: REGULATIONS RESPECTING THE INCORPORATION OF BANKING COMPANIES IN THE COLONIES. In charters or legislative enactments relating to the incorporation of banking companies in the colonies, provision should be made for the observance of the following regulations and conditions: The amount of the capital of the company and number of shares to be determined, and the whole of such determined amount to be subscribed for within a limited period, not exceeding eighteen months from the date of the charter or act of incorporation. Shareholders to be declared a body corporate, with common seal and perpetual succession, and other usual corporate powers, and with any requisite proviso that judgment against the corporation shall attach to all additional liability of the shareholders, as well as to paid-up capita and other property of the company. : Provision to be made, either by recital and confirmation of any deed of settlement in these respects or otherwise, for the due management of the company’s affairs by appointment of directors, etc., so far as shall seem necessary for the security of the public. No by-law of the company to be repugnant to the conditions of the charter or act of incorporation, or to the laws of any colony in which the company’s establishments may be placed. The corporate body thus constituted may be specially empowered, subject to the conditions hereafter mentioned, to carry on for a limited term of years (not to exceed twenty-one years unless under particular circumstances), and within the colony or colonies specified in’ the charter or act of incorporation, but not elsewhere, the business of banker, and for the like term to issue and circulate within the said colony or colonies, but in such manner only as shall not be at variance with any general law of the colony, promissory notes payable in specie on demand. Such banking business or issue of notes not to commence or take place until the whole of the fixed capital of the company has been subscribed for, and a moiety at least of the subscription paid up. The remaining moiety of the capital to be paid up within a given period from the date of the charter or act of incorporation, such period not in general to exceed two years. Tn all cases in which shares in the company’s stock are transferred between the period of the grant of the charter or act of incor- poration and the actual commencing of business by the bank, the responsibility of the original. holder of the transferred shares to continue for six months at least after the date of the transfer. The company not to advance money on security of lands, or houses, or ships, or on pledge of merchandise, nor to hold land or houses, except for the transaction of its business, nor own ships, or be engaged in trade, except as dealers in bullion or bills of exchange, but to confine its transactions to discounting commercial paper and negotiable securities, and other legitimate banking business. The company may, however, accept lands, or houses, or ships, or shares in its capital stock, or other real or personal property in liquidation of, or as a security for any debt bona fide previously due to the company, or as a security for payment of any sum for which any person may have rendered himself liable to the company, and hold them for such reasonable time as may be necessary to dispose of and convert the same into money. The company not to hold shares in its own stock, nor to make advances on the security of those shares. The discounts or advances hy the company on securities bearing the name of any director or officer thereof, as drawer, acceptor, or endorser, not to exceed at any time one-third of the total advances and discounts of he bank. The dividends to shareholders to be made out of profits only, and not out of the subscribed capital of the company. The total amount of the debts and liabilities of the company, whether upon bonds, bills, promissory notes, or otherwise contracted, over and above the amount of deposits on banking accounts with the company’s establishments, not to exceed at any time three times the amount of the capital stock subscribed and actually paid up. No promissory or other notes to be issued for sums under £1 (or in the North American colonies £1 Halifax currency), or the equivalent thereof in-any other local currency, and not for fractional portions of such pound or other equivalent amount. 1901.] : COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1315 All promissory notes of the company, whether issued from the principal establishment or from branch banks, to bear date at the place of issue, and to be payable on demand in specie at the place of date. The total amount of the promissory notes payable on demand, issue, and in circulation not at any time to exceed the amount of the capital stock of the company actually paid up. A reserve of specie always to be maintained equal to one-third of the amount of notes at any time in circulation. In the event of the assets of the company being insufficient to meet its engagements, the shareholders to be responsible to the extent of twice the amount of their subscribed shares (that is, for the amount subscribed, and for a further and additional amount equal thereto). Suspension of specie payments on demand at any of the company’s banking establishments, for a given number of days (not in any case exceeding sixty) within any one year, either consecutively or at intervals, or other breach of the special conditions upon which the company is empowered to open banking establishments or to issue and circulate promissory notes, to forfeit those privileges, which shall cease and determine upon such forfeiture as if the period for which they had been granted had expired. The company to make up and publish periodical statements of its assets and liabilities monthly, showing under the heads specified in the form which is inserted in the Appendix No. 12, the average of the amount of its notes in circulation, and other liabilities, at the termination of each week or month, during the period to which the statement refers, and the average amount of specie or other assets that were available to meet the same. Copies of these statements to be submitted to the government of the colony within which the company may be established; and the company to be prepared, if called upon, to verify such statements by the production, as confidential documents, of the weekly or monthly balance sheets from which the same are compiled. And also to be prepared, upon requisition from the lords of the treasury, to furnish, in like manner, such further information respecting the state or proceedings of its banking establishments as their lordships may see fit to call for. The governor to be also empowered to verify the statements of the company of the amount of specie held by them. The charter or act of incorporation may provide for an addition to the capital of the company within specified limits, with the sanction of the lords of the treasury; such additional capital and the shares and subscriptions which may constitute the same, to be subject in every respect, from and after the date of the signification of such sanction, to conditions and regulations similar to those applying to the original capital. Applications for charters of incorporation of joint stock companies engaged exclusively or chiefly in colonial undertakings, whether made in this country or in the colonies, can not be granted until the heads of the project shall have been submitted for the consideration of the governor and his executive council. The governor will furnish the secretary of state with a report stating whether the undertaking is one which, in his opinion, it would be desirable to encourage, with a view to colonial interests, especially as regards the colony under his government. The governor’s report will be taken into consideration by the secretary of state and by the board of trade, or, in cases in which the application relates exclusively to banking companies, by the board of treasury. His Majesty’s Government reserves to itself the power of deciding whether privileges, to be exercised under charters granted for this country, should be extended to companies, approved hy the colonial government, for colonial undertakings. The imperial act 18 and 19 Vict., chap. 183, provides for the limitation of liability of members of certain joint stock companies. See also circular of March 16, 1874, as to establishment of agencies, and circular of August 18, 1875, by which it is directed that laws relating to banking undertakings and the circulation of notes should contain a suspending clause. EMIGRATION OF CAPITAL TO THE COLONIES. Movements of capital from the governing country to the colony are always a characteristic of the relationship between the mother country and the colony. In the class of colonies in which people of the governing country make permanent homes and form what Sir Charles Dilke very properly terms a ‘‘ habitation colony,’’ an emigration of capital is in part coincident with the emigration of population and in part the result of the necessity for funds for use ia developing the new territory. In the class of colonies in which the governing nation is represented by a small population the emigration of capital to the colonies is more frequently for the purpose of establishing large enterpri-vs, developing great tracts for the production of important staples, or the collection of products of native labor and their transportation to the mother country or the markets of the world. In either care, in all prosperous colonies there is a large emigration of capital from the mother country, whether the emigration of individuals is large or small. FOUR BILLIONS OF BRITISH CAPITAL IN THE BRITISIL COLONIES. Sir Charles Dilke, in his Problems of Greater Britain, estimates that about four billions of dollars of British money are invested in the British colonies, largely in the form of loans, and adds that “‘this vast sum is loaned at a comparatively low rate of interest, largely on account of the political connection that exists, inasmuch as it is lent more freely and in an increasing rate to portions of the Empire as compared with the amounts lent to countries under a different flag. Not only is it the case that the fecling of security produced by the peaceful relations which are involved in the present tie leads the British investor to his present field, but the connection is also to be powerfully supported by other less material arguments. The connection, even though it be little more than nominal, which exists between the United Kingdom and countries like Canada, Australia, New Zcaland, and South Africa stimulates the energy of the English people, but it also prevents the growth of a hopeless provincialism in the colonies themselves.”” CAPITAL REQUIRED IN DEVELOPING COLONIAL INDUSTRIES, The benefit to the industries of the home country consequent upon the introduction of the capital of the colonizing country into the colony, even when unaccompanied by a large element of population from the home country, is too obvious to require detailed discussion. With the development of the colony through the investment of this capital come increased production and sales of raw materials, and with these come increased desires for and importations of manufactures, which are naturally drawn largely from the mother country, especially if the capital has been supplied by that country. This is commented upon by Ricardo, in his Principles of Political Economy, in which he says: ‘‘ Demand is only limited by production. No man produces but with a view to sell, and he never sells but with an intention to purchase some other commodity which may be immediately useful to him or which may contribute to future production. By producing, then, he necessarily becomes either the consumer of his own goods or the purchaser and consumer of the goods of some other person.” Merivale, in his sixth lecture on colonization, holds that not only is the investment of capital in commercial enterprises 1316 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, [Ocrozzn, advantageous to the commerce of the home country, but also that the sums expended by the home government in the establishment and advancement of those colonies is advantageously invested from this standpoint. ‘The capital spent on colonization by a country exporting manufactures,” he says, ‘‘is not wasted in productivity or lost to the resources of the parent state. It is spent in founding a fresh market for our goods and in stimulating a new and more intense demand for them. Let the whole of the capital which was expended by England in the foundation of the North American colonies be estimated at its fullest amount, is it credible that the total annual increase of that capital from their first settlement to the era of American independence would amount to the income which England has derived in the last twenty years from the American cotton trade?’’? In his seventh lecture he also calls attention to the reciprocal advantages of the commerce with the colony growing out of its increased production and increased purchasing power as a result of the investment of capital furnished by the home government. ‘‘That the poor man possesses additional articles of food and clothing, and many little comforts or enjoyments which were unknown to his forefathers,’’ he says, and ‘‘that members of the richer and middle classes, in return for the outlay of a similar proportion of their income, can indulge in many luxuries which were heretofore denied them, are, after all, the great primary benefits which the discovery of America and the spread of colonization have secured to us. And it is to a similar increase in our physical well being that we ought to look as the chief economical advantage to be derived to us from its further extension. The increase of the demand for our products of national industry is good, not because it enables us to part more readily with these products, but because it increases our means of acquiring articles of necessity, comfort, and luxury in exchange. It is not the export of 20 many millions worth of cotton goods which benefits England; it is the acquisition of the sugar and coffee, the wines, tea, silk, and other numberless articles of value which we receive in return. Our best customers are, not those who take most of our produce, but those who give the greatest amount of value in exchange for it.’”’ ° VALUABLE RETURNS ON CAPITAL INVESTED IN COLONIES. While it is not, of course, practicable to cite exact figures as to the amount of capital which has emigrated from the home countries to the colonies, or the net results of such investments, it may be said, in connection with Sir Charles Dilke’s estimate that four billions of dollars of British capital have been invested or loaned in the colonies, that these colonies, through their increased producing power, are now annually supplying over five hundred and fifty million dollars worth of the articles which England imports, and taking in return over five hundred million dollars worth of the products of her industry, as against about one-sixth of that sum a half century ago, when their exports to Great Britain aggregated eighty-five million dollars and their purchases from that country were about eighty- seven million dollars in value. M. Leroy-Beaulieu, commenting upon the movements of capital toward the colonies, first in the possession of emigrants, and second as forwarded to the colonies by capitalists or by individuals making small investments or loans, says, that while many persons themselves find it difficult to emigrate to the colonies, especially to those in which the climate is unsuited for the habitation of Europeans, their capital can, on the contrary, without distinction of locality, seek for the best and most productive fields of investments. Investors, of whatever class, whether banker, the modest employee, the workman, or the widow, may make investments or loans of their capital in the colonies, and while developing those colonies obtain earnings far in excess of that which the capital would produce in the home country. These prove beneficial, not only because of the higher rental which the capitalist investor obtains for his funds, but also by reason of the larger profit which those handling the funds in the newer countries obtain for themselves and the development of the presperity of the new country, and with that development the increase of commerce between the mother country and the colony. USE OF CHARTERED COMPANIES IN COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT. The revival of chartered companies by which the first stage of development in absolutely new territory is accomplished is so marked a characteristic of modern colonial enterprise as to justify a description of their methods. The unpopularity of chartered companies of a century ago—the East Indian companies of England, and Netherlands and France, the Hudson’s Bay Company, and others—led to their abandonment and to the supposition that they had forever disappeared from the field of colonial development. When, however, the English Government concluded to extend its dominion in Africa in competition largely with other European governments which were parccling out that great continent, the use of chartered companies for obtaining control of territory over which dominion had been merely proclaimed, but not established, was deemed advantageous. RECCNT USE OF CHARTERED COMPANIES IN BRITISH AFRICA, In 1877 Mr. Goldie-Taubman conceived the idea that by uniting the interests of the few British traders located in the great territory of western Africa on the Niger River and vicinity and obtaining concessions from native chiefs a great territory and population might be brought under a distinct form of government, the resources of the country developed, and profitable industries established, and at the same time the condition of the people bettered. He therefore applied in 1879 for a charter for a company for this work, and in 1881 a charter was granted to the National African Company with a capital of £1,000,000, the object being to open up direct relations with the great potentates of the interior of the country mentioned. A river flotilla was constructed and pushed up the Niger and its branches, stations established, and treaties made with over 300 native potentates. Commerce was established, roads and methcds of communication created, and a form of government established. Meantime the territory was declared a British protectorate (1884-1887) and in 1900, in pursuance of the terms of the original charter, the government and posxesxion of the territory, having an arca of 500,000 square miles and a population numbering probably 30,000,000, were transferred to the British Crown. In 1888 a charter was issued to the Imperial British East Africa Company, giving it ‘‘the entire management of those parts of the islands and mainland of the Zanzibar dominions on the east coast of Africa, between Wanga and Kipani,” with full powers of acquiring territory westward as far as the zone of British influence extended, from the eastern coast of Africa to the boundaries of the Kongo Free State. This gave an area estimated at 750,000 square miles. The company organized its government and police force, ¢xtablished lines of communication, and at once entered upon harbor works and other improvements at Mombasa, the principal port; surveyed lines for railways, began the construction of a railroad to the interior, intended to extend finally to Lake Nyanza; established stations in the interior, explored the rivers, established a steamer line running between ports on the coast, established a postal system, became a member of the Postal Union, and, in 1895, transferred its territory to the British Government. In 1£89 a charter was granted to the 1901,] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1317 British South Africa Company, conferring upon it large powers of administration, to develop the country lying north of Cape Colony and to extend northward the railway and telegraph systems of Cape Colony and Bechuanaland, and to encourage immigration and colonization, promote trade and commerce, and to develop and work mineral and other concessions. The term for which the charter was granted was twenty-five years, with provisions for renewal after twenty-five years, if found desirable. The territory administered by this company, whose area has been from time to time extended, is now about 450,000 square miles. About 3,000 miles of roads, post routes, etc., have been established, and are maintained by the company; about 4,000 miles of telegraph line constructed, the railroad extended north from the Cape Colony lines to Bulawayo and now being extended toward Lake Tanganyiki. About 10,000,000 acres of land have been surveyed, mining claims and farms sold, towns established, the country policed, agriculture encour- aged, agricultural experiment stations established, immigration invited, and commerce greatly stimulated. CHARTERED COMPANIES IN THE ORIENT. In 1882 an association known as the British North Borneo Company was chartered to assume the government of the northern part of the island of Borneo in the East Indies, which territory had been transferred by the sultans of Brunei and Sulu to a syndicate, which became a part of the company. In 1888 the British Government assumed a formal protectorate over the territory, but the territory continues to be administered by the company, which is developing the country, has established internal communication, chiefly by water, made itself a member of the Postal Union, constructed telegraph and railway lines, organized a police force under European officers, issued a currency, established a tariff, and encouraged but not engaged in commerce. CHARTERED COMPANIES IN THE GERMAN, PORTUGUESE, AND BELGIAN COLONIES. This return by Great Britain to the use of chartered companies in developing new territory was followed by similar action on the part of the German Government, which organized a series of chartered companies for the development of its African territory; also by Portugal for the development of its territory in Africa; by Belgium for similar purposesin the Kongo, while some steps in this line have also been taken by the French Government. CAUSES OF THE RETURN TO USE OF CHARTERED COMPANIES. The return at the end of the nineteenth century to the use of chartered companies, so strongly condemned at the beginning of that century, is doubtless accounted for in a large degree by the changed conditions of communication and by better opportunities for a close observation of the operations of such companies. In the earlier history of chartered companies they operated at long distances from the seat of goverment and in the absence of telegraphs communication with them occupied many weeks, and with the interior of the territory many months. Now the principal points where such companies operate are in constant communication with the seat of the home government, and many of the stations which the companies establish in the interior of their territory are connected by telegraph with the principal office, while the great improvements in steamship and mail facilities render detailed communication a matter of but a few days. Under these new charters the British Government reserves to itself the power of appointing an officer or officers to be present in the territory thus governed to constantly supervise the workings of the company, and to keep the British Government advised of all such operations. The budget of the company showing its receipts and expenses are to be submitted to the under secretary of state for the colonies for examination and approval or otherwise. The tariffs imposed must also be subjected to scrutiny by the home (:overnment and all cf the operations of the company are thus kept constantly under the eye of the Government; while the terms of the charter give to the Government the power of preventing abuses. The powers granted to these companies, subject to such supervision, are very broad. They are permitted to establish a State, to make a form of government, establish laws and regulations, create a police force and a military force, if necessary, establish tariffs and other means of taxation, encourage immigration and agriculture, and to sell or lease land for agricultural or mining purposes. While great power over territory, property, persons, and even life is thus given to the company, the presence of official representatives of the home Government, the supervision by the home Government itself, and the fact that the principal office of the company isalso at the seat of the home Government, coupled with the facility for the quick transmission of information and complaints of mismanagement, are looked upon as sufficient safeguards against the abuse or misuse of the great power thus granted. Hon. C, P. Lucas, whose thorough familiarity with colonial matters and high standing as a student of this subject have already been referred to, says on this subject: ‘‘One of the special causes or features of the new forward policy in British colonial matters is the regeneration of the system of chartered companies. It is at once cause and effect. It is an effect of a fresh outburst of colonial enterprise; and it is a cause of moving further along the path of annexation, by giving to that enterprise cohesion, organization, and a definite plan. The East India Company had but lately passed out of existence; the Hudson’s Bay Company had ceded its territorial rights; the age of great chartered companies seemed wholly gone; yet in these last days, as if to emphasize the fact that a new era of colonial annexation had dawned, the trade and administration of great territories is being once more taken in hand by companies of merchants. Why has the day of these chartered companics come again? The answer will be found in threatened or actual competition in lands unoccupied by Europeans. In the general ecramble for the remaining waste places of the world the English, true to their instincts and their traditions, have fallen back on the semiprivate agencies which on the whole worked so well for them in the past. By those who believe that Great Britain should keep moving forward in the interests of the world in general as much as in her own, the revival of chartered companies will be taken asa healthy sign. It is one of the best features of the English that they like, if possible, to keep the (government in the background, and not to have its work cut and dried beforehand. Adam Smith expressed an opinion that ‘the governiient of an exclusive company of merchants is perhaps the worst of all governments for any country whatever,’ but he wrote in an age widely different from the present. The essence of the old charters was monopoly of trade, the new charters, on the contrary, contain provisions specially prohibiting such monoply. With steamers, telegraphs, and newspapers, everything is now known and public opinion is quickly aroused and strongly felt. The chances of abuse are minimized, the chances of doing good work are at least as good as they ever were. On the whole, it may be said that the second birth of chartered companies is one of the hopeful as it is one of the most unexpected signs of the times * * *, Let colony shade into protectorate, and protectorate into sphere of influence, and as skirmishers in front of the main body of organized British possessions, let trading companies go on and do their work to be absorbed hereafter in the fullness of time.”’ No. 4-—17 1318 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. cOoronzs, POWERS GRANTED TO COMPANIES AND THEIR GENERAL CONTROL BY THE GOVERNMENT. The extent of the power granted to these chartered companies and the manner in which it is exercised is illustrated by the following statements regarding their work in their respective territories, from the Imperial Institute Year-Book, the Statesman’s Year-Book, and the Colonial Office List, all recognized as standard British authorities. The National African Company, which created and developed to its present form the British protectorate now known as Nigeria, a territory covering about 500,000 square miles, with a population estimated at 30,000,000, was organized in 1882, but the charter was not granted until 1886. Meantime, however, political treaties were made by the company with about 300 native chiefs and heads of tribes or states. Stations were established in the interior, a flotilla of boats placed on the Niger River, and the work of making treaties with the local chiefs pushed with great speed and at heavy expense to prevent the territory being taken possession of by the French. After the completion of the charter and the cession of the lands by the French, an elaborate organization was built up, intertribal war checked, and pagan sacrifices and slave raiding terminated. Expeditions by the French were checkmated, and an agreement arrived at with France for a boundary line. An effort by the head of one of the large native tribes to drive the white man out of the country resulted in the organization of an army of 600 well-drilled soldiers, led by about 30 British officers, and although this small army had to contend with a force estimated at 20,000, it was successful, and hostilities were quickly terminated. The complete control of the territory having been obtained, the basis of an organization of government framed, and communication with the interior established, the territory was, in the year 1900, after thirteen and one-half years of control by the company, transferred to the Crown, and the country was subsequently organized as a trading company, under the name of the Niger Company, Limited. The South African territory known as Rhodesia is now governed by the British South Africa Company, to which a charter was granted in 1889, the purpose being to extend northward the railway and telegraph system of Cape Colony and Bechuanaland, to encourage immigration and colonization, promote trade and commerce, and develop and work mineral and other concessions. In the year following a police force was organized, raised and equipped by the company, and an expedition organized to cut a road through a section of the country to Mount Hampden, where gold-bearing quartz was known to exist. This undertaking was successful, and the pioneers were then disbanded and, in accordance with the agreement made with them, allowed to peg off ore-bearing claims. The hostility of the natives at various subsequent dates required the raising of a military force by the company, and numerous engagements between this force and the natives occurred, and in 1896 Imperial troops were sent to the assistance of the company’s police and volunteers in their struggles with the natives. Meantime towns had been established, Bulawayo, the principal town, having a white population of 7,500. Banks had also been established at Salisbury, Bulawayo, Umatilla, and other places. Hospitals had been erected, equipped, and maintained at a high state of efficiency. Two thousand seven hundred and thirty-four miles of public roads had been constructed, with 860 miles more under construction, and telegraph lines to the extent of about 4,000 miles had been built. Railroad lines had been extended to all of the principal centers thus governed, and work is now progressing to carry these lines northward to Lake Tanganyika, at the northern terminus of the company’s territory. A mail service has been cstablished throughout Rhodesia, the inland mails being carried by native runners. ‘The number of post-offices in operation on March 31, 1900, was 54. The number of letters and post cards dispatched during the year was 834,000, of which 610,000 were to places in South Africa. The postal revenue was £18,167 and the expenditure £26,122. The number of telegrams sent and received was 296,000, and the revenue from telegraphs £25,300 and the expenditure on telegraph service £24,725. There is, in addition, an extensive telephone system in operation. About 10,000,000 acres of land have been surveyed and the sales of towns and suburban stands in six principal places in 1897 amounted to about £100,000. The capital of the company, which originally was £1,000,000, has been increased to £5,000,000. The estimated revenues for the year ending March 31, 1901, were £426,800, and the expenditures £781,317. Whittaker’s Almanac for 1901 thus describes the method of government of Rhodesia: ‘‘Southern Rhodesia is administered by the company under a charter of 1889, as amended by the orders in council of 1894 and 1898. The senior administrator is now advised by an administrative council of seven and a legislative council of eleven members, the latter comprising two elected representatives from each province. The proceedings and enactments of both councils are subject to the sanction of the high commissioner, as representing the Crown, and his deputy, the resident commissioner, is present, without a vote, at their sittings. The laws in force in Cape Colony up to June 10, 1891, have continued in force in southern Rhodesia, as far as they are applicable, while from 1891 to 1899, when the legislative council was first convened, laws were amended or enacted by the ordinances of the directors and regulations of the administrator in couneil, and the proclamations of the high commissioner. Municipal self-government has been established for Bulawayo and Salisbury, under mayors and town councils. Justice is administered by the resident magistrates and judges, the sanction of the Crown, as represented by the high commissioner, being required for all judicial appointments of every rank. Trial by jury was established in 1899. There is an appeal to the high court at Cape Town, and thence to the privy council.” A FRENCH VIEW OF CHARTERED COMPANIES. No such company has yet been chartered by the French Government, says Lanessan. ‘‘The Parliament to be sure had under discussion a bill of this nature in 1891, but, judging by the preliminary discussion which has taken place, it is not likely that the bill will be passed in the near future, for, if any, this measure lends itself least to parliamentary discussion. The Government had requested the simple right to charter such colonization companies by executive decrees under the form of regulations regarding public administration. It was found that the demands went too far, and the Senate committee, to which the matter was referred first of all, began by trying to limit its powers; this attempt, however, was not successful, as the whole subject proved to be too delicate. On the other hand, among the superior council of the colonies the prevailing opinion was in favor of a severe and minute control by the State over the companies; so much so that the existence of the latter became impossible. No company could be expected to invest considerable capital in a risky enterprise and to be subject at the same time to daily interference by the State, for this would have meant certain ruin to it; on the other hand, no government could be found which would have accepted the responsibilities resulting from the obligation of such a strict control which the Senate expected it to exercise. Given the atmosphere of suspicion and distrust prevailing in French Parliament, I doubt whether a minister could be found of sufficient courage to accept all the responsibilities resulting from daily interference with the affairs of a financial company such as the chartered company of South Africa, the German company of East Afriea, the Niger company, ete. For all these reasons I doubt very much whether we will succeed in organizing in France colonization companies similar to these which are now conquering Africa in the interests of our rivals. “In an official report, dated June 10, 1895, Mr. André Lavertujon submitted to his colleagues ef the Senate the following considerations regarding affairs in Africa and the subject of colonization companies: ‘The only title which a civilized nation may claim 1901.]. : COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1319 to occupy uncivilized territory can be derived from the obligation common to all mankind to bring under cultivation the remaining part of the earth, our common habitat. If this- provision of the natural law is obeyed by us not better than by the Negroes, then we have no pretext to take their place. Having coveted and grabbed so much, how are we to continue without putting to use what we have? We have, therefore, to restrain and suppress in a stoic manner the desire which pushes us every day to fill our hands with more and more. On the contrary, we must empty them as quickly.as possible by turning over our holdings to other hands either less weak or less full. It is thus only that we shall escape moral bankruptcy.’ EGERTON ON MODERN CHARTERED COMPANIES. IJ. E. Egerton, discussing chartered companies, in his History of English Colonial’ Policy; 1897, says: ‘The period of Greater Britain has also to find an answer to the question how to recognize the necessity of development and expansion without laying a heavy burden on the present generation of taxpayers. The answer has been found in the revival of the system of chartered companies, a system which played so great a part in past colonization. The recent unpleasant experiences in connection with the British South Africa Company have surrounded the subject with an atmosphere of suspicion and controversy, from which it is most desirable to escape. At the-outset we may note the happy coincidence which produced at the right moment the right men to retrieve the mistakes of govern- ments. So far as Uganda and Nigeria are concerned, it seems clear that but for Sir W. Mackinnon and Sir George Goldie (the heads of the respective countries) they would have been lost to Great Britain. The question with regard to Rhodesia is less clear, though its development would as yet hardly have begun but for the action of the British South Africa Company. In discussing the general ques- tion of development by means of chartered companies, a broad distinction must be drawn between companies administering lands where Europeans can only go and trade, as on the Niger, and companies administering lands where the climate permits European immigra- tion, as in Rhodesia. The main business of the former company is trade, and, like the East India companies, they became rulers only in consequence of trade. In their case there seems no question as to the usefulness of chartered companies. Their true work is, in the words of Sir George Goldie, ‘the establishing of a state of things which would offer fresh security for the creation of a vast commerce with, and the much needed means of communication in, the rich regions of the central Soadan. When that’ work was completed, the time would have arrived for the absorption of the company by the Imperial Government.’ In such cases we may accept Mr. Lucas’s language: ‘.\s skirmishers in front of the main body of organized British possessions, let trading companies go on and do their work, to be absorbed hereafter in the fullness of time.’ As I understand the matter, the British South Africa Company undertook more than it was able to perform. But when the other kind of company is in question the answer is more difficult. It is easy to draw false con- clusions from, the-conspieuous case of the British South Africa Company. It will not happen once in a thousand years that a chartered company has behind it, concentrated in one person, the wealth and capacity of Mv. Rhodes. * * * Of course, in the abstract there is very much to be said for the direct administration of the Crown. We may well believe that, just as the State is especially ill fitted to carry on the business of trade, so trading companies are wise in leaving to the State its own peculiar province of administration. It is hardly possible that a private company should be able to secure the same general level of excellence in its officers as can the State. There is one argument in favor of continuing the present administration which seems conclusive. It has been already pointed out that the British South Africa Company is by no means an ordinary example of a chartered. company, and that, but for an extraordinary. combination of circumstances, it would have been by this time a thing of the past. But, given this extraordinary combination of circum- stances, there ean be no question but that the work of development is being far more rapidly carried on than would be possible under Imperial administration. The British treasury would never have sanctioned the expenditure of an annual sum sufficient to develop the country, and in the absence of a system under which the lands might be opened out, British control must have spelt stagnation, at least for some years. The alternative was not between an ideally administered British Crown colony and the rule of the chartered company, but between things as they are and the continuance of a savage despotism.” LAWS AND LAWMAKING IN THE COLONIES. The creation and administration of laws and the maintenance of order is, of course, an important feature in the improvement of the material, mental, and moral condition of the people of the colony. Without the maintenance of law and order, the development of industry, thrift, education, religious institutions, and all the things which tend to such improvement, could not exist, nor could the satisfactory development of the colony, in any form, be assured without the establishment of a civil government with laws and regula- tions properly framed and administered. A temporary government may be administered by the military, but in all cases of successful colenization such control in a comparatively short time gives way to civil administration. In general terms, it may be said that the method adopted by successful colonial managers has been to adopt and adapt the system of laws existing in the territory in question, provided a definite system exists; and if it does not, to borrow that which does exist.in contiguous territory. Ireland, in his Tropical Colonization, says on this subject: ‘‘Generally speaking, in all cases where a law has not been passed by a local legislature relative to any particular subject, the law of the sovereign state governing the same subject is held to apply in those colonies which were settled by Englishmen, while in those colonies obtained by conquest or cession from a European power the law of the state which formerly legislated for the colony is applicable.”’ In India a penal code has been, after many years of study, created, based largely upon English laws and regulations, while the civil laws are largely based upon native customs, and the laws themselves are administered in the lower courts, and in many cases in those of higher grade, by natives of India. With this, of course, is incorporated much that is new, reflecting the views of the best students of this subject.in England and in India.. In the Netherlands colonies the Dutch have adapted the laws and customs which were in force among the natives, strengthening them with some general principles from the laws of their own country. Europeans and persons assimilated with them are subject to laws nearly similar to those of the mother country, but the natives are subject to their own customs and institutions. In Cape Colony, Ceylon, British Guiana, and other places where the British have succeeded the Dutch, they have adopted and. adapted the Roman Dutch law which. prevailed under the Dutch administration. In Rhodesia, Bechuanaland, und other colonies and protectorates which are adjacent to Cape Colony the laws of that colony have been extended over the new territory, 1320 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. : [Ocrozsr, with certain modifications. The French have, to a greater degree, transferred to their colonies the laws and regulations of the mother country, and this has been commented upon by writers, even among the French people, as less likely to give satisfactory results than the methods employed by England and Netherlands, in which existing laws and regulations are adopted and adapted and enforced through cooperation of the natives with a few trained representatives of the home government. Lucas, in his introduction to the 1891 edition of Lewis’s Government of Dependencies, says: ‘‘ Nowadays it can hardly be said that Great Britain introduces, or is likely to introduce, into her colonial possessions, her laws, language, and religion, without due regard to the interests of the dependency. The French laws and language and the Roman Catholic religion are in no way tabooed in lower Canada, for instance, or in Mauritius. The Roman-Dutch law is still the basis of the legal system in the old Dutch colonies— the Cape, Ceylon, and British Guiana. At the same time, as Mr. Froude has warned us, it is still the tendency of Englishmen to imagine that English institutions are suited to all races and circumstances, to forget that the native is not a European, and to allow, if not invite, their dependencies to adopt forms of government too advanced for half-civilized people.” Caldecott, in his English Colonization and Empire, 1897, says of the laws of the colonies: ‘‘The British Empire exhibits forms and methods of government in almost exuberant variety. The several colonies at different periods of their history have passed through various stages of government, and in 1891 there are some thirty or forty forms operative simultaneously within our Empire alone. We find one reflection arising in our minds, however, when we survey the history of this complicated variety, namely: That we are looking at ‘the natural growth of an organism which in its development has taken different forms in adaptation to different needs. No cast-iron mechanism is before us, but a living society exhibiting vital principles, both in what it continues to retain and what it drops or adds by way of alteration. The Briton is supposed to be of a rigid character, but in government he has proved himself to be the most elastic of all Europeans.” Morris, in his History of Colonization, says: ‘‘If indeed England does not any longer make statutes for them (the colonies) with the same universality of application as in former centuries, it is not the less true that each is caring for itself and its own needs. The meagures voted are as diversified in their scope as the characteristics of the regions and races in which and over which they have force. Although be it ever remembered that the old common law is the accepted standard of imperial legislation, constituting for this reason one of the fundamental bonds in the strength of the edifice. The Magna Charta of rights so varied as to suit the requirements of 344,000,000 individuals is in its forms so manifold as to be marvelous.’’ SYSTEMS OF LAWS IN THE PRINCIPAL COLONIES OF THE WORLD. The following statement, condensed from the British Imperial Institute Year-Book, the British Colonial Office List, the Statesman’s Year-Book, and Lalor’s Cyclopedia of Political Economy, presents a view of the methods of government in British, Dutch, and French colonies, and especially those territories which were populated and had an established form of government and regulations when their control was assumed by the present governing country. In Canada and Australia the laws are for obvious reasons based upon English law, the population being of English extraction and experience, and living under conditions such as to justify and suggest the adoption and adaptation of English law for their government. The details of the laws created for and now in force in Canada and the Australian colonies, will therefore be unnecessary. Algeria.—The administration of justice in the case of Europeans is the same as in France, the governing country. The natives remain, so far as the civil law is concerned, under the law of Islam, but crimes and misdemeanors committed by Musselmen are punished according to French law. Civil cases are judged in most instances by the cadis. Councils, called medjeles, may revise the judgment of the cadis, but an appeal, properly speaking, is only made to the court of appeals at Algiers, and tribunals at Oran and Constantine, to which are attached Musselman officials for this purpose. There is an appeal court at Algiers and in the arrondissements are sixteen courts of first instance, and there are also commercial courts, and justices of the peace with extensive powers. Criminal justice is organized asin France, and Musselman justice administered to the natives by the cadis is appealable to the French courts, Musselman magistrates receive premiums for a knowledge of French. British Guiana.—The Roman-Dutch law is in force in civil cases, modified by orders in council and local ordinances. The criminal law is based upon that of Great Britain and administered in the same manner, except that there is no grand jury. The existing municipal authorities are a mayor and town council in the cities of Georgetown and New Amsterdam, and village incorporations in nineteen smaller places. Cyprus.—The courts which were in existence at the time of the occupation by the British have been superseded since 1882 by a new system of courts which consists of a supreme court of criminal and civil appeal, six assize courts, six district courts, six magistrate courts, and a series of village courts. Actions are divided into ‘‘Ottoman”’ and ‘‘ foreign,” according to the nationality of the defendant or defendants, and in foreign actions the president of the court alone generally exercises jurisdiction, as also in criminal cases against non-Ottomans. The Musselman courts are presided over by cadis, but their duty is strictly confined to jurisdiction in religious cases affecting the Mohammedan population. Fiji.—The executive council consists of a governor and four official members. The legislative council of a governor and six official and six unofiicial nominated members. To the natives a large share of self-government has been conceded. Their system of village and district councils has been recognized and improved and supplemented by an annual meeting of the chiefs and representatives from each province presided over by the governor. The regulations recommended by these bodies have to receive the sanction of the legislative council before becoming law. The colony is divided into seventeen provinces, each under the control of a European commissioner, or roko tui, a chief native officer. Each province is subdivided into districts, and the laws are administered through the head officers, who are termed “‘bulis.”? Taxes are paid in the form of produce. Gold Coast.—The law of the Gold Coast Colony, on the western coast of Africa, is the common-law doctrines of equity and statutes of general application enforced in England in 1874, modified by a large number of local ordinances passed at various periods since that date, The criminal law was modified in 1892, and criminal and civil procedure are regulated by a supreme court ordinance. Justice is administered by the supreme court, provisional courts, and inferior courts. Native law is administered in all the courts in so far as it ig not incompatible with any statute or ordinance and not repugnant to natural justice. Hongkong.—The FVinglish common law forms the basis of the legal system, modified by colonial ordinances. The admiralty act of 1890 recognized the jurisdiction of the supreme court in admiralty cases. Jamaica.—The laws are based on English law with many modifications by the local councils, There is a high court of justice and 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 2) petty magistrates’ courts throughout the island. The resident magistrates, besides holding courts of their own, preside in the courts of petty sessions. There are elected periodically boards in the parishes with jurisdiction over roads, markets, sanitation, poor relief, etc. Therz are several direct taxes on land, houses, horse carriages, etc., which are devoted entircly to improvements and administration in the parish in which they are collected. Mauritius.—The law is based on the Code Napoleon and other French laws introduced when Mauritius was controlled by the French Government, but these have since been substantially modified by colonial ordinances. -Nutal.—The legal system is based upon the Roman-Dutch law which is in force in Cape Colony, modified by local legislation in reference to the English and their descendants. In 1875 steps were taken to supersede the tribal organization in the native population. A law was enacted establishing a native high court to administer justice to the natives and place them under the ordinary criminal law of the colony, except as regards political crimes, crimes arising out of native customs, and crimes declared triable under any local native law, all of which are reserved for the native high court. Straits Settlements.—The law in force is adapted by local ordinances from English and Indian law; the Indian penal code, with slight modifications, having been adopted, while the civil procedure is based on the English judicature acts. There is a supreme court with sessions at Singapore and Penang every two months, and quarterly at Malacca, and it holds civil sittings monthly at Singapore and Penang, and once a quarter at Malacca. In the Malay Federated States, which are administered by the governor of the Straits Settlements, local laws and regulations are in force, but have in many cases been amended through the influence of the British resident in each of the States. India.—Sir James Stephen says of the penal code of India that it ‘‘may be described as the criminal law of England freed from all technicalities and superfluities and modified in some few particulars to suit the circumstances of British India.’”’? The following description of the laws in torce in British India is condensed from Sir John Strachey’s work, India, which M. Chailley-Bert, who has made a careful study of conditions in India in his La Colonisation de l’ Indo-Chine, commends in the highest terms. “In 1793 the issue of formal and definite legislative enactments in India began in the series of laws known as the Bengal, Madras, and Bombay regulations. These, and such acts of Parliament as applied to India, constituted, apart from Hindu and Mohammedan law, of which I must speak separately, the civil and criminal law of British India. Before the transfer of the government to the Crown the administration of criminal justice was in an unsatisfactory condition. * * * In 1853, when the East India Company’s charter was renewed, and again in 1861, commissions were appointed to prepare a body of substantive law for India, and to the work of these commissions and to the eminent men who have held the office of legal member of council we owe the succession of excellent laws which have been passed by the Indian legislature and which form chapters in a system of codified law. * * * In 1861 the supreme and sudder courts were abolished by act of Parliament, and in substitution for them high courts with both criminal and civil jurisdiction established. The judges of the high courts are in part English barristers and part members of the Indian civil service, and there are usually in each court one or more native judges chosen from the native judicial service or from the pleaders. These high courts are the courts of appeal from the district courts, criminal and civil, and their decisions are final, except in certain cases in which an appeal lies to the judicial committee of the privy council in England. * * * The code of criminal procedure is in force throughout British India, and among all the laws of India there is no one more important than this, which regulates the machinery by which peace and order are maintained and crime prevented and punished. It describes the constitution of all the criminal courts, deiines the powers which each court can exercise, classifies the offenses under the penal code, regulates the manner in which police investigations are to be carried on, the power of the police to make arrests, the proceedings to be taken for keeping the peace, for the removal of public nuisances, and to make all inquiries and trials, and the admission of bills for the revision of sentences. In every province there is a certain number of divisions, in each of which a court of sessions is established, and in every sessions division are a certain number of districts, to each of which the magistrate, called the district magistrate, is attached. To enable the magistrate or judge to exercise jurisdiction over European British subjects he must be appointed a justice of the peace, and the justice of the peace himself must be a European British subject. There are three classes of magistrates: (1) Courts of presidency magistrates and magistrates of the first class, who can pass sentences of imprisonment not exceeding two years and fine not exceeding 1,000 rupees; (2) courts or magistrates of the second class, who can impose sentences not exceeding six months and fine not exceeding 200 rupees; (3) courts or magistrates of the third class, who can pass sentences of imprisonment not exceeding one month or fine not exceeding 50 rupees. In certain cases, and under certain restrictions, magistrates of the first class can pass sentences of whipping. Until 1872 British subjects could only be tried by one of the high courts except in trivial cases. Since that time it has been provided that European British subjects should be tried by magistrates of the highest class, who are also justices of the peace, but it was necessary that the magistrate or judge should himself be a European or British subject. The law has since been so modified that if a native judge be appointed to the post of district magistrate or sessions judge his powers in regard to jurisdiction over European British subjects will be the same as those of an Englishman holding a similar office. This provision, however, is subject to the condition that every European British subject brought to trial may claim the right of trial by a jury of which not less than one-half shall be Europeans or Americans. In case a sufficient number of Europeans and Americans can not be found to constitute a jury the case must be transferred to another district. Until the year 1836 European British subjects were under the jurisdiction of the supreme courts alone. It was then decided that they should be made amenable to the civil courts of the country, and tbat in this respect no distinction should be maintained between them and natives. Since that time no distinctions of race have been recognized in the civil courts throughout England. At the present time native judges preside over the great majority of the courts. Excepting the higher appellate tribunals almost the whole administration of civil justice is in their (the natives’) hands. They exercise jurisdicition in all classes of civil cases over natives and Europeans alike, and no word of objection of the latter is ever heard. A lord chancellor did not give the native judges too high a character when he said, in the House of Lords in 1883, as the result of his experience in Indian cases appealed to the privy council, that ‘in respect of integrity, of learning, of knowledge, of soundness, and satisfactory character of the judgments arrived at the judgments of the native judges are quite as good as those of the English.’ I think that the highest authorities in India would even go further and say that, excepting the high courts, the native judgments are the better of the two. In disposing of business of this sort superior knowledge of the language and habits of the people gives to the natives many advantages over the Englishmen. “While the codification of the criminal law of British India is complete, the codification of the civil law is a far more difficult task. Both Hindus and Mohammedans are in possession of great bodies of law, parts of which are believed by them to be of more or less divine origin, containing elaborate instructions on every sort of subject affecting property, inheritance, and the relations of life. Unless native customs and feelings and prejudices are repugnant to humanity and justice we are bound to respect them, and the mere suspicion 1322 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION.. [Ocroszr, that we desire to interfere with them might be politically dangerous. No one is likely to attempt to codify the Mohammedan law, and there ig no single body of Hindu law that is generally recognized. It differs in different provinces and is constantly modified by local and personal customs. A large part of the substantive civil law, therefore, must remain untouched by our legislation. Codes relating to contracts, negotiable instruments, transfer of property, etc., and a complete code of civil procedure have already been enacted, and these, with certain exceptions, saving local usages and common rights, are generally applicable throughout British India. Another important chapter of the act of 1865 contains a law of intestate and testamentary succession, but the greater part of it applies only tc Europeans and has no application to Hindus or Mohammedans.”’ 7 AN INDIAN AUTHORITY ON INDIAN LAWS. The following statement on the administration of justice in India is prepared by Romesh Dutt, C. I. E., lecturer in Indian history at the University College, London, late of the Bengal civil service, and published in the British Empire Series, 1900: HIGH COURTS. “The high courts of Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, and Allahabad, and the chief court of Lahore, exercise appellate and revisional jurisdictions over the judicial work of the judges and magistrates in the different provinces. If there is one institution in India more than another for which the population of India entertain the greatest respect and veneration it is the high courts of India. The Indian mind naturally holds justice as the noblest attribute of sovereignty, and regards a court of justice as higher than the court of a ruler. The executive government of India, too, is based on old and despotic principles, and the people of India naturally regard with respect, and almost with affection, the courts of justice which temper that despotism and control its judicial functions. “Under the supervision of a high court, which extends over an entire province, there is, generally speaking, a judge in each district in the more advanced parts of India. JUDGES AND CIVIL COURTS. “A district judge is the head of all the civil courts in his district, but tries very few original cases himself. He has well-trained and able officers under him called subordinate judges and munsifs, who take up and dispose of all civil cases that arise in the district. The ability and integrity with which these officers perform their work have received recognition from the highest authorities from time to time, and prove the wisdom of the policy inaugurated by men like Munro, Elphinstone, and Bentinck, of virtually intrusting the entire civil judicial work to the natives of India. The district judge has a controlling power over these civil courts, and sometimes hears appeals. He also tries those important criminal cases which the magistrate of the district commits to the sescions for trial. In jury districts the judge is assisted by a jury in the disposal of these sessions cases, but in other districts he is assisted by assessors, who sit with him, but whose verdict is not binding on him. Not hampered with executive or revenue work, district and session judges soon acquire a fair degree of judicial training, and the people generally regard their impartial and unbiased decisions with greater respect than the decisions of magistrates who are executive officers and the heads of the local police. It is only very heinous offenses, however, which come up to the sessions judge for decision; most of the criminal work is done by magistrates. MAGISTRATES AND DISTRICT ADMINISTRATION. “There is a district magistrate in each district in India; his duties are various, and he is the real executive ruler and administrator of his district. It would be difficult within our limits to fully describe the various functions which he has to discharge, or the numerous responsibilities which rest upon him. Briefly speaking, he collects revenues and taxes; he looks after roads and bridges; he controls primary schools and hospitals; he is the head of the district board and local boards; he inspects municipalities; he is the head of the police, and directs inquiries in important cases; he is the general prosecutor in all cases; he is the head magistrate and has the cases tried by his subordinates, and he is the appellate court in reference to all cases tried by his subordinates exercising second and third class powers. It is obvious that this arrangement is not suited to the present time, or to the present state of progressin India. The arrangement was considered necessary in the early years of British rule in India; its continuance, after the lapse of a century, makes British administration more despotic and more generally unpopular than it need be. As a rule, district magistrates are men of ability, judgment, and a great deal of moderation and good sense, but it is not possible for any class of men to be invested with the powers of a policeman and judge, of a prosecutor and appellate court, without giving offense to an intelligent and progressive people, educated in English schools, and keenly alive to the requirements of justice. The question of separating judicial and executive functions in India has been discussed in this country on more than one occasion. Tivo secretaries of state for India, Lord Cross and Lord Kimberley, recognized that the separation was needed in the interests of justice and of equity, but the reform has been postponed, ostensibly on the ground of want of funds. It is almost inconceivable that the want of funds should be pleaded as an excuse for the continuance of a system of administration which is un-English and unjust, and which makes British rule despotic and unpopular in India. “Under the district magistrate, there are various classes of magistrates known as ‘joint magistrates,’ ‘assistant magistrates,’ ‘deputy magistrates,’ ‘subdeputy magistrates,’ ‘subdivisional magistrates,’ and ‘honorary magistrates.’ Intoa description of these various classes of magistrates it is not necessary for us to enter. It may generally be stated that the remoter portions of a district are parceled off into subdivisions, and all criminal cases in these subdivisions are tried by ‘subdivisional magistrates,’ or their subordinates, Cases occurring in the central portion of a district come up before the district magistrate himself, and he distributes them among his subordinates at the headquarters of the district. ‘‘The various classes of magistrates enumerated above are generally men of education and experience, and perform their duties in a manner which is creditable to them. Great care is taken to see that cases are not needlessly postponed from day to day, and that the parties and their witnesses are not harassed by being required to attend too often. DUTCH VIEWS REGARDING BRITISH LAW METHODS IN INDIA AND JAVA. W. J. V. Money, a former British official in India, in his Java, or How to Manage a Colony, says: ‘‘I am sorry to say many of the Dutch laughed irreverently when I told them that, on account of the natives’ dislike to our regulation law, our dislike to the non- | regulation no law, and our wish to administer the same law to Europeans and to the thirty-two or more different nations and races of 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1323 India, all in different stages of cultivation, we proposed enacting a series of codes for the whole country, which had been elaborated by the cleverest men and best lawyers in England and in India. I urged that these codes contained the latest and most refined theories ard decisions on all questions of criminal and civil jurisprudence, and even made preparations in some respects for a more refined law than the English had yet attained to. The Dutch answered that a simple procedure code to facilitate the action of the provincial courts, and to keep the nonprofessional judges within certain limits and up to a certain standard might be very advisable, but that codes of laws, if drawn by wisdom itself, could not but be even newer and stranger to native ideas than the old hated regulations. They added that the more highly civilized such codes were, the more incomprehensible and the more unlike the only native standards of law, the Hindoo and Mussulmau precepts, would such codes be. The Dutch asked if in our native schools, as in theirs, the children did not spend their lives in learning the Kuran or the Shasters, according to their creed, and in forming their ideas from the laws propounded therein; and they begged to know how we could expect that after every native in the country had learned one combined set of religion and law forsixteen or twenty years he should either understand, should appreciate, or should like laws as different from those inculcated with his faith as light is to darkness. They said they understood the application of European law to natives, when, as the Spaniards had done in the Philippine Islands, the old religions, with the laws thereof, were utterly destroyed and swept away, and the whole population was reared and educated in the Christian faith, with the ideas of Christians, but they asked what we could expect but discontent and dissatisfaction, while teaching Hindu and Mussulman laws and practicing English ones? THE INDIAN CODE OF PROCEDURE. “Since my return from Java, the code of procedure has been passed and has become the law of India. One of its clauses has had a curious and unexpected result in stopping litigation. It requires the plaintiff to affirm the truth of his complaint, which respectable natives will not do. This arises partly from unwillingness to affirm to the numerous false and speculative cases which yet the native was ready to support by purchased and suborned perjury and forgery, but still more from the stricter native’s idea of the indignity of affirming personally even to the truth, and of the impiety of swearing to what, in the smallest particular, may tern out not to be strictly accurate. This will aggravate the existing evil of redress being so constantly sought by illegal means, for the native who will not affirm, even to a true statement, will not scruple to hire armed bravos to make a murderous attack upon his enemy or otherwise to support his pretensions by purchased violence or suborned fraud. So far as litigation is not prevented by the affirming clause, the code of procedure will hardly remedy the evils I have mentioned as the real sore of the Indian provincial jurisprudence, and probably will not affect them at all. It gives no means of reetoring oral testimony to its natural prominence in the search after truth, nor does it point out what documentary evidence ought or ought not to be received and looked at by the judge. It assumes that evidence is tendered and objected to, is received or rejected on discussion, and is based altogether on a state of things existing only in the Queen’s courts at the Indian capitals, and utterly unknown to cither provincial judge or native practitioners. The different native and European judicial officers in the interior of India have had several meetings to try and make out the new requirements and injunctions of the procedure code, which they feel to be totally unsuited to the existing state of things in their courts. It expressly directs the evidence, in civil as well as in criminal cases, to be taken before the judge in fact; but, as it does not alter the former tedious and irrelevant mode of giving evidence, or the slow process of recording question and answer at length, in the uneducated native clerk’s complex version of the vernacular, a strict compliance with its provisions on the present system will overwhelm the judge and will cause the arrears of business to be even larger than they now are. As the procedure code neither reduces expenses nor the mass of papers and makes both native lawyers and court clerks more indispensalle than before, and as it may alxo possibly open up new fields of undetected dodges to the native legal practitioner, its reception by those classes is likely to be as flattering as its authors could desire. Should the natives of India, however, fail to receive it as a panacea for their legal woes, the fault, of course, must lie in their stupidity and ignorance. If the object had been to satisfy and content ignorance and stupidity, instead of perforce enlightening them, the procedure code would have been made more like the native’s only idea of procedure,—viz, ready access to the judge or court to tell his own story, with either summary justice thereupon, or a short day fixed for the production of witnesses in open court, followed by speedy and final judgment, in accordance with native laws and customs. POSSIBLE RESULT OF EXTENDING THE JAVA SYSTEM TO INDIA. “The Dutch, by adopting a different course, by simplifying the procedure of the courts, by leaving to the native his old custom or law, and by giving him security for the undisputed enjoyment of his rights, have at least made their judicial system acceptable to the country; while, by gradually abolishing only those provisions of Mussulman law which are abhorrent to humanity, they have succeeded so far in humanizing their subjects without exciting any lasting or serious discontent. This limits the selfish objects of their rule, which does not profess to seek more than the material peace and prosperity of the country. But the question yet remains to be decided, whether a gradual extension of the same system in India might not produce yet larger and more valuable moral results. ‘“‘The application of a similar primitive system of jurisprudence might possibly, sooner and more successfully, raise the natives of India to the standard of European cultivation, than enlightened codes which attempt to bridge, at one span, centuries of gradual progression. and improvement. Local custom, varying with the varying conditions of society over the wide expanse of our Indian empire, may be more theoretically objectionable, but can hardly he so practically hurtful as the application of the most refined legal speculations of the nineteenth century to different stages of civilization, ranging from the extreme barbarism of some of the jungle tribes to the feudal relations of the thirteenth century, or, at the best, to the low moral and material culture of the Bengalee, with the prejudices and vices of European society in the seventeenth century.”’ SIR G. C. LEWIS ON LAWS IN COLONIES. . Sir G. C. Lewis, in his work on Government of Dependencies, which holds high rank among all European students: of colonial methods, says: “If a territory belonging to an independent state, or being itself independent, is acquired by cession or conquest, the system of law which obtains in it at the time of the. acquisition can hardly fail to be considerably different from that of the dominant country which acquires it. In general a country thus acquiring a dependency is satisfied with reorganizing its local government and modifying its public law, and is contented to leave its civil law (or jus privatum) unchanged. By this mode of proceeding the dominant country 1324 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozzr, secures its own dominion and avoids the production of the confusion which must inevitably ensue in any community upon a sudden change of its law of property and contracts. Thus, as we have already seen, the Roman municipia and provinces retained for a time much of their peculiar laws and institutions under the dominion of Rome. In like manner every country conquered by or ceded to the Crown of England retains such laws and rules of law (not inconsistent with the general law of England affecting dependencies) as were in force in it at the time of the conquest or cession until they are repealed by a competent authority. Now, inasmuch as many independent states and many dependent colonies of other states have become English dependencies, many of the English dependencies have retained wholly or in part foreign systems of jurisprudence. Thus Trinidad retains much of the Spanish law; Demarara, the Cape of Good Hope, and Ceylon retain much of the Dutch law; Lower Canada retains the French civil law according to the coutume de Paris; St. Lucie retains the old French law as it existed when the island last belonged to France; Mauritius retains such of the French codes ag were extended to it; Malta, which was a municipality of the Kingdom of Sicily, retains the old Sicilian law as modified by the subsequent legislation of the grand masters; the Ionian Islands retain much of their old Venitian law, and the dominions of the East India Company retain much of the Hindoo, Mahometan, and other native systems of law and legal usages. Blackstone properly remarks that the common law of England does not obtain as such in an English dependency acquired by conquest or treaty. “It has been remarked above that the rule of English law respecting the communication of the statute and common law of the mother country to an English colony produces two singular consequences: First, that different portions of the statute and common law of the mother country are in force in different colonies; and secondly, that most of the alterations in the statute and common law of the mother country which have been made since the foundation of the colony are not received in the colony. An analogous effect is produced by the rule of the English law respecting the retention of the native law of a dependency acquired by England, in cases in which the dependency has been the dependent colony of another State. In these cases the laws of the mother country, as they existed at the time of the transfer of the colony, are in force in such colony without any of the alterations which may have been made subsequently to the transfer. Thus the province of Lower Canada has for its civil law the French law, according to the coutume de Paris, although that law has long since been superseded in France by the laws of the revolution and the codes of Napoleon. In like manner the Dutch colonies ceded to England are subject to the Dutch law as it existed at the time of the cession. ‘The ancient law of Holland,’ says Mr. Henry in his preface to his translation of Vanderlinden’s Institutes of the Laws of Holland, ‘as it existed before the subjugation of that country to France and the introduction of the code Napoleon, still prevails in the Dutch ceded colonies, which never admitted the new code, from the circumstance of their being, during the war which preceded the short peace of Amiens and the treaty of Paris, under the dominion, by conquest, of Great Britain.’ So, again, the French codes, which are in force in the island of Mauritius, are received in the form in which they were introduced into the island, and without the modifications which have subsequently been made in them by the French legislature. ENCOURAGEMENT AND AID TO EDUCATION IN THE COLONIES. Education naturally follows the physical and commercial development of a new country, and this is especially true in the class of colonies in which the population of the governing country has but a small representation. In the self-governing, or ‘‘ habitation,” colonies, made up chiefly of Europeans or their descendants, educational facilities are more nearly coincident with other stages of development, but in the tropical colonies, in which the European population consists of little more than the government officials and the merchants and planters, educational development has been slow and extremely irregular. IN THE ENGLISH COLONIES. In the English colonies, aside from the great self-governing communities of Canada, Australia, and South Africa, the educational facilities and methods are fitted solely to local conditions. In the Netherlands colonies the educational system has until recently been chiefly in the interest of the resident Europeans and those assimilated with them, and this is to a great extent true in the French colonies, except in the older communities such as Algeria and the French West Indies, where educational facilities have been developed among the natives as well as for the families of Europeans there residing. ‘‘The English Crown colonies,” says Sir Charles Dilke, “yield examples of every kind of educational system, from those of Hongkong and Barbados, which provide almost as freely for the education of the black or yellow population as do the self-governing colonies for that of their white inhabitants, down to those which resemble that of India in the paucity of the number of pupils attending schools in proportion to the total-population. It is impossible, and if it were possible it would be useless, to describe in detail the various plans adopted for education in Crown colonies. In St. Helena there is a compulsory system, while the schools consist partly of government schools and partly of schools (more numerous) merely assisted by the State. In Malta there is a government system of foreign schools; but the schools are denominational, and, in fact, strictiy Roman Catholic. In Hongkong there is a government secular system, but the colony also aids denominational schools. In the majority of the Crown colonies, but a majority which does not contain the most important, the system is one of denominational schools aided by the State, as, for instance, in British Honduras, British Guiana, the Gambia, Lagos, and Sierra Leone. In Ceylon there are government unsectarian schools which are free for vernacular education, while fees are taken for English teaching; but there are also a larger number of State-aided schools, mostly denominational. In the Straits Settlements there is a similar system, as well as in Mauritius. Of the West Indies, Trinidad has the most interesting educational history. The majority of the population are Roman Catholic, and in addition to a large Roman Catholic black population there is a considerable element of Spanish anil French whites, yet a secular system was introduced by a rash governor, with the natural result that the Roman Catholic clergy, assisted, I believe, by the clergy of the Church of England, took away a large proportion of the children from the schools. The system had to be withdrawn, and one of State aid to schools of all descriptions substituted. In Jamaica and the Leeward Islands education is increasing among the negroes with remarkable rapidity. Turks Island has a free and unsectarian system, while in Antigua, St. Kitts, and Nevis the system is denominational with State aid; but the fees which are exacted in nearly all the islands are a hindrance to education among the negroes. In Grenada there is a double system of government and of aided schools; in Bermuda a compulsory system, but without free schools; in Bahamas a free unsectarian system, partly compulsory, as well as aid to other schools; while Barbados heads the list among West Indian colonies in the proportion of school attendance to population, and maintains government scholarships to be held at Oxford or Cambridge, as well as makes grants to the winners of scholarships at London University.” 1901. ] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1325 IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES. The following statement with reference to the educational system of the Netherlands is from the Statesman’s Year-Book, 1901: “For the education of the Europeans and persons assimilated with them there were in 1878 seven public middle-class schools, with 1,016 pupils and 102 teachers. The cost of these schools to the government was 583,592 guilders, and the revenue out of the school fees 86,887 guilders. There were in the same year, for Europeans 133 mixed elementary schools and 31 for girls only, with 20 private schools, the total attendance being 15,077 and the cost 2,471,912 guilders, and the income 283,056 guilders. For natives there were in Java and Madura in 1898 223 government schools with 43,094 pupils and 216 private schools with 23,795 pupils. In the Dutch East Indian territory, outside of Java and Madura, there were in 1897 296 government schools with 42,250 pupils and 529 private schools with 25,807 pupils. There were also in Java and Madura in 1887 18,608 Mohammedan schools with 291,721 pupils, and in 1898 there were 519 schools for foreign orientals with 8,688 pupils. There are also in Dutch East India 5 normal schools, with 27 teachers and 169 pupils, and 4 schools for sons of native chiefs with 211 pupils.”’ “In the matter of education the Dutch adopted, and still to this day adopt,’ says Boys, in his Notes on Java, “a very decided policy. They deliberately keep the Javans ignorant of all Western literature. There are schools in the villages, generally presided over by one of the priests, but instruction in Dutch or in any language except the Javan vernacular is rigorously excluded. Primary education alone is attended to, and no higher education of any kind permitted. Neither is the use of Dutch in conversation with natives encouraged, and should a Javan acquainted with the Dutch colloquial address an official in that language he finds himeelf at once checked and rebuked by being answered in the vernacular. The Hollanders at any rate are determined that they will create for themselves no difficulties of the sort that they see surrounding the English in India. They argue that the Javans would generally make no good use of their education, and the spectacle of the ‘Congress’ certainly leads them to think that this opinion is well justified. This is only one of the points in which the Dutch system is diametrically opposite to the liberal and self-sacrificing policy of the British, and it is this contrast in the administration which makes the study of the government by Holland of its great oriental dependency and a consideration of the results so intensely interesting and instructive to the Anglo-Indian.”’ IN THE FRENCH COLONIES. The following description of the educational facilities furnished by the French Government in Algeria is also from the Statesman’s Year-Book, 1901: ‘‘Primary schools are either French, French-Arab, or Arab. In 1897 the total number was 1,161, with 104,207 pupils (62,873 boys and 41,334 girls). The nationality of the pupils in 1896 was 52,108 French, 14,791 Jews, 19,362 Mussulman, and 37,839 foreign. There are higher Mussulman schools at Algiers, Constantine, and Tlemcen, where pupils are prepared for native employments. There is also at Algiers an institution for higher instruction in law and the sciences and a higher school of letters. At Algiers (city) and Oran are lycées with altogether 2,000 pupils. The native population is entirely Mussulman, the Jews being now regarded as French citizens. The grants for religious purposes in the budget for 1900 were: To Catholics, 829,700 francs; to Mussulman, 307,430 francs; Protestants, 97,600 francs, and Jews, 28,970 francs.”’ IN INDIA. In India a systematic effort has been made by the government both for the encouragement of, and aid to, primary schools among the masses, and for higher grade and collegiate education for those whose circumstances permit such an undertaking. Warren Hastings founded the first college in Bengal in 1782, and maintained it for some years at his own expense to encourage the study of Arabic and Persian literature and Mohammedan theology; to qualify the Mohammedans of Bengal for the public service, and enable them to compete with the Hindus for employment under the government. Lord Macaulay in 1835 urged the introduction of English methods of education and the English language in the higher education in India, especially for those who were to aid in the administration of the government, and the principles which he laid down at that time have been in the main adhered toeversince. In 1854 a department of public instruction was constituted, universities were to be founded, institutions for training teachers established, the number of government colleges and high schools increased, new middle-class schools created, the English language to be the medium of instruction in the higher branches of education, and the vernacular language in the lower, though English was to be taught whenever there was a demand for it. A system of grants in aid to private institutions was to be based on entire abstinence from religious instruction given in the schools. Aid was to be given within certain limits to all schools which imparted a good secular education and were under competent management. This system has been put into operation throughout British India. Every province has its separate educational depart- ment, with a large staff of officers, colleges, schools, and grants in aid. In some parts of India there have been from time immemorial considerable numbers of village and local schools with instruction of a very elementary kind. In the Hindu schools the instruction is chiefly or wholly secular. The Mohammedan schools have a religious character. In Bengal and Madras the existing system of primary instruction is in a great measure based on the indigenous schools which receive grants in aid from the State. In Bombay, Punjab, and the northwestern provinces the primary schools are mostly provided by the State at the cost of local funds raised by land tax. In Burma primary education is almost entirely in the hands of Buddhist monks. Reading, writing, arithmetic, and sometimes a little mensuration are taught in the primary schools. With the above statement of the basis of the school system of India the following statement from the Statesman’s Year-Book of 1901 may be presented as the latest concrete information on present educational conditions in India: ‘‘Since the appointment of a commission in 1883 to investigate the whole system of education in India the results have been to place public instruction on a broader and more popular basis, to encourage private enterprise in teaching, to give a more adequate recognition to indigenous schools, and to provide that the education of the people shall advance at a more equal pace along with the instruction of the higher classes. Female education and the instruction of certain backward classes of the community, such as Mohammedans, received special attention. Notwithstanding the progress of education the proportion of the total population able to read and write is still very small. It is estimated that in British India only 22.2 per cent of the boys of a school-going age attend school; the percentage in the case of girls being 2.3. The statistics compiled up to March 31, 1899, show the number of pupils in the schools of India, including colleges, private institutions, training schools, and primary and secondary schools for the masses, 4,357,821; of which number 3,955,668 were males and 402,153 females. This, however, is an increase of over 25 per cent in ten years, the figures for 1888 for all classes of pupils being 3,473,895. The total number of educational institutions in India is 149,948; of which 22,804 are public, 61,494 arc aided, and 65,650 are private and unaided. At the head of the national system of education in India there are the five universities of Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, Allahabad, and the No. +-—18 1326 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozzr, Punjab, which, though merely examining bodies, have numerous affiliated colleges in which a prescribed higher education is given than at the schools. Normal schools have been established in every province for training teachers, and a staff of inspecting officers visit all schools on the departmental lists. Medical colleges furnish a limited number of graduates and a larger number of certified practitioners who do duty at hospitals and dispensaries or serve in the military and medical department. The number of pupils who matriculated at the five universities in 1898 was in round numbers 7,000, against less than 3,000 in 1881. The total expenditure on public instruction in India in 1899 was 36,215,000 rupees, against 394,000 rupees in 1858, and 671,000 rupees in 1865. Of the 36,215,000 rupees expended on education in 1899, 5,716,000 rupees came from local taxation; 1,468,000 from municipal funds; 8,591,000 rupees from subscriptions, endowments, etc.; 9,354,000 rupees from provincial revenues, and 11,084,000 rupees from fees.’’ EDUCATIONAL CONDITIONS IN THE WORLD'S COLONIES. The following statement regarding educational conditions in the various colonies of the world at the present time is compiled from the British Colonial Office List, the Statesman’s Year-Book, and other standard publications: SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION IN THE PRINCIPAL COLONIES OF THE WORLD. Queensland.—A government system of elementary education was established by act 39 Vic., No. 11. The central administration is vested in the secretary for public instruction, and is carried out through the medium of traveling inspectors. Local school committees assist the department with advice and supervision. In 1899 there were in operation 888 schools, with an enrollment of 103,544 pupils. The schools are free and unsectarian. ‘ Bahamas.—There is a government system of elementary education, established in 1847 and modified by laws of 1864, 1875, 1885, 1886, 1888, and 1889. The central control is in a board of education nominated by the governor. Local committees, partly elected, exercise local supervision only. There are 44 unsectarian government schools, with 5,772 scholars; 11 aided schools, with 952 scholars; 31 Church of England and 27 private schools, with 2,103 scholars. The government schools were made free in 1885. The compulsory clauses of the law are enforced only in Nassau and the larger villages. Higher education is provided at the Nassau Grammar School, the Queen’s’ College, and St. Hilda’s School, all in Nassau. Barbados.—A government system of elementary education was established by act No. 41 of December 9, 1878, which authorized an expenditure not exceeding £15,000 annually. This section of the act of 1878 has been repealed, and section 9 (d) of the education act amendment act, 1897, authorizes an annual expenditure of a sum not exceeding £11,000 on elementary education. Grants to higher education made the sum total of expenditure in 1899 £16,692. The central administration is vested in a board appointed by the governor, and the local control conducted by the clergyman of the district assisted by the school committee. There are 171 schools, with 14,978 scholars (average attendance) and 25,334 on the rolls. Barbados possesses a college founded by General Codrington, a native of the island, who died in 1710, and whose name it bears. Bermuda.—In 1839 the colonial legislature first granted a sun of money to aid elementary schools. The central control is vested in a board of education, consisting of the governor and eight other members appointed by the executive under the provisions of the schools act, 1895. The local management is nominally in the hands of each parish vestry, which constitutes, under the last-named act, a local board of education. All the schools are private schools, charging fees. Attendance is compulsory, and there were in 1899 25 aided schools, with 1,328 scholars. There are in addition about 36 schools which receive no State aid. British Guiana.—A State-aided system of elementary education was established by law No. 3 of 1876. The schools are denominational, except the Estates schools. The central administration is vested in the inspector of schools, and the local control conducted by managers who are usually ministers of religion. The number of schools receiving aid in 1899-1900 was 213, with 28,845 scholars, and the aid granted amounted to £23,706. Provision is made for higher education by a government college in Georgetown, in which the course of instruction is similar to that of a public school or first-grade grammar school in England. British Honduras.—The schools are denominational, inspected and aided by the colonial government. Forty-two received aid in 1899 to the extent of $11,637.26, with 3,547 scholars on the roll and 2,491 average attendance. Cape of Gund Hope.—Under the education act, No. 13, of 1865, and the higher education act, No. 24, of 1874, the department administers parhamentary grants to colleges and to the following classes of schools, viz: Undenominational public, district boarding, evening, private farm, poor, mission aborigines’ institutions, art schools, training schools for teachers, and industrial schools for poor whites for the following purposes, viz, part payment of salaries, purchase of buildings, furniture, apparatus, and books, training of teachers, support of indigent boarders. Schools are managed and teachers appointed, subject to the control of the department, by local committees or managers nominated by the voluntary promoters and supporters of the schools, or by divisional or municipal councils acting as such managers. The Government grants are, generally speaking, given to supplement local contributions of at least equal amount. Ceylon.—Satisfactory progress is being made in education. The number of scholars in government schools at the end of 1899 was 47,482; in schools aided by government, 111,145; and in unaided schools, 34,841. The total expenditure on account of the educational department was Rs. 778,133.85. In 1868 the number of scholars was only 6,897' and the expenditure 161,660 rupees. The improvement is due to the institution of a department of public instruction and the adoption of the system of payments for results. The government schools are all unsectarian, and no fee is charged for vernacular education. Small fees are charged for English teaching. The higher education of the colony has, since January 1, 1885, been mainly left to local effort, as, owing to retrenchment, the department has been compelled to devote its funds mainly to the extension and development of primary education. The only high school entirely supported by government is now the Royal College, but there are numerous and excellent grant-in-aid high schools. Cyprus.—A general system of grants in aid of elementary schools was established in 1882. In accordance with a law passed in 1895 boards of education have recently been established, one to regulate the Moslem schools and another to regulate the Christian schools. There is also in each district a district committee for Moslem schools and a district committee for Greek-Christian schools, presided over in each case by the commissioner of the district. There are 225 elementary schools in connection with the Greek Orthodox Church, with an enrollment of 13,500, which receive aid amounting to £2,840, and there are 109 elementary Moslem schools, with an enrollment of 3,600, which receive aid amounting to £656. Fiji.—The public education ordinance, 1890, provides for the election of separate school boards within the constituted districts (at 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, 1327 present only Suva and Lovuka are so constituted). The expenses of the boards are to be paid out of the ‘‘schvol fund”’ of each district, consisting (1) of an annual grant on the average attendance on a scale fixed by the governor in council, and (2) of a contribution from the rating authorities of the amount required for school purposes beyond the government grant. Education is free to children within the school districts between 6 and 14 years of age. A fee is charged to children not residing within the school district or who are under or above the school age. The ordinary subjects of an English education are taught and fees are charged for tuition in special subjects. There are two common schools under these school boards, one in Suva, with 91 scholars, and one in Levuka, with 71 scholars on the roll. * * * The Wesleyan and Roman Catholic missions provide entirely for the education of the natives throughout the group. The former have 1,499 schools, with 2,634 native teachers and 26,464 scholars. The latter have 146 schools, with 1,832 scholars. The Gambia.—The schools, which are wholly in the hands of the several denominations, receive grants in aid. There is 1 Anglican school, 8 Mohammedan, 3 Wesleyan, and 2 Roman Catholic, with about 1,400 scholars in all. Education is not compulsory and fecs are charged. Gold Coast Colony.—Elementary education in the culony is chiefly in the hands of the Wesleyan, Basel, and Roman Catholic missionary societies. These receive annual grants from the government. The government has established schools at Accra, Cape Coast, and Insuaim, in western Akim. There are also government schools at Accra in connection with the Hausa constabulary and civil police force. The various missions have schools situated in outlying districts, reaching far into the interior. Schools have been established at Kumasi and the neighborhood by the Wesleyan Society, and these are now under the inspection of the Education Department. A scheme of technical education, under a European master, has been introduced into the government school at Accra, and many of the mission schools in the interior have small plantations attached, where the scholars receive instruction in the cultivation of coffee and other native products. The Basel Mission has also established a training school for their teachers at Akropong, and at their head stations instruction is given in carpentry, masonry, bookbinding, and various other crafts. Hongkong.—There is the Queen’s College (a secondary government boys’ school with no fees), a police school and a reformatory, and ten free government schools (eight teaching English). A government girls’ school was opened in 1890. Besides these there are 93 grant-in-aid schools, 90 of which are free, belonging to ten different missionary societies. These are denominational, the government schools being strictly secular. There were 11,341 scholars on the rolls in 1898. The only central administrative organization is the education department, in charge of the inspector of schools. The languages taught are English, Portuguese, and two separate dialects of Chinese. Some scholarships have been founded, by government and private individuals, for higher education. There is one school for industrial education and a college of medicine for Chinese. Jamaica.—Elementary education is left to private enterprise, aided, since 1867, by a system of grants in aid from the colonial revenue. The number of schools is 746, with 61,219 scholars in average’ attendance, and the grant in aid for 1899-1900 was £47,330. No fees charged. The government maintains a system of inspection, and provides a training college for female teachers which is wholly supported from public funds, besides largely assisting the mico undenominational college for male teachers and a denominational college for female teachers. More than 1£0 students are now under training. By laws passed in 1892 a board of education has been constituted, and provision made for opening government secondary schools where required. No provision is made from public funds for technical education, but there are some endowed schools, and scholarships tenable at the English universities. Lagos,—A system of government inspection and examination has been introduced, under the supervision of an educational board and a local inspector of schools, under which grants were made during the past year to the schools of the various Christian denominations, amounting in all to £1,533. About 4,000 school children are on the school rolls. Tees are charged, and education is not compulsory. The Mohammedans, who are much on the increase, maintain their own schools, where Arabic is taught, and three government schools in which elementary English instruction is given have been established for this section of the population. Leeward Islands.—The system of elementary education is denominational, the various denominations being Anglicans, Moravians, Wesleyans, and Roman Catholics. The schools established by these denominations receive grants in aid from the local revenues of each presidency. School fees are charged, and the schools are required to receive all children applying for admission. Grants in aid are refused to superfluous or inefficient schools. There are about 125 aided schools, attended by 24,879 children. Malia.—Elementary education is carried on almost exclusively in government schools, which are Roman Catholic and free. There are two secondary schools, with 130 scholars, and 113 elementary and infants’ schools, with 15,669 pupils. There is a public lyceum, with 393 scholars, and a university (founded in 1769), with 81 students. At these two latter institutions the fees are extremely low, being, respectively, 4s.and 10s. per family per quarter. There are numerous private secondary schools. The total number of these schools is 116, with 3,700 scholars. Education is not compulsory. The Roman Catholic religion is universal amongst the Maltese. Natal.—In 1899 there were 545 schools under government inspection—322 European, 188 native, and 35 Indian—with an aggregate attendance of 23,705. There are 29 government schools, 82 aided denominational and other schools, and 211 farm-house schools. The aggregate number of European pupils in regular attendance at the government and inspected schools was 9,419 (1899). The management. is vested in the minister of education, with the superintendent of education as permanent head of the department, and the local control occasionally in committees. Education is not compulsory. Newfoundland.—The government system of primary education rests upon the act of 1895 and the amendments in 1896 and 1899. The central administration is vested in 3 superintendents, bélonging, respectively, to the Roman Catholic, the Anglican, and the Methodist denominations. The local management is in the hands of appointed boards. There were in 1898, 622 schools, with 28,397 scholars. The schools are denominational and fees are charged. Grants are also made in aid of secondary schools, but there is no provision for technical education. Sierra Leone.—A system of government grants and inspection was established in 1882. There are 65 elementary schools in the colony, with 7,789 scholars. They are all denominational and charge fees. Education is not compulsory. There are 3 secondary boys’ schools in Freetown—the grammar school (C. M. 8.), the high school (Wesleyan), and the educational institute. The Church Missionary Society has a training college at Fourah Bay, affiliated with Durham University. There are also in Freetown 3 high schools devoted to female education. Basutoland.—Excellent work is being carried on in the country by missionaries, in whose hands the labor of education is almost exclusively vested. There are 177 schools, with 11,134 scholars, nine-tenths being in the schools of the French Protestant Mission. There are 4 small government schools, and grants in aid of education to the extent of £4,358 were made for the year 1899-1900. f 1328 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozsn, Straits Settlements.—There is no law affecting education. The expenditure on education is voted each year by the legislative council of the colony. The control of all the government schools is vested in the inspector of schools. Vernacular instruction is provided for Malays free of charge. Instruction in English for all nationalities is provided by government, and fees are charged. All the schools established by government are unsectarian and there is no compulsory education. Turks and Caicos islands.—There are 8 elementary schools supported by government, with an attendance, in 1899, of 718 children. The schools are entirely unsectarian and are at present free. A compulsory education ordinance, providing also for the payment of fees, was passed in 1883, but the compulsory causes have never been proclaimed. Grenada.—There are 9 government elementary schools and 32 aided schools. The latter are under the local managemient of the ministers of the different religious sects. Building grants have been made by the government to assist in establishing schools in districts requiring them, and annual grants in aid are made on the result of inspections. The central administration is intrusted to a board of education, nominated by the governor, half the members being Roman Catholic. In 1888 an ordinance was passed imposing upon parents, as a legal obligation, the duty of providing elementary education for their children. In 1899 the average attendance was 4,817, the number on the rolls being 9,240. Fees are charged in all schools. St. Lucia.—On June 30, 1891, the trustees of the Lady Mico Charity closed the 11 schools which they had till then maintained and withdrew their connection with the colony. Three of these schools became government schools, and the others assisted schools under the new education ordinance. In 1898 all the government schools were handed over to the Roman Catholic body and became assisted schools. There were, on December 31, 1899, 42 assisted schools. The number of children on the rolls was 5,735, and the amount spent by the colony on primary education was £3,079. The government grants £200 a year to a Roman Catholic second-grade school, which had 70 pupils on the roll; the Sisters of St. Joseph conduct a similar school for girls. The number of pupils on the rolls is 100, and a government grant of £50 was made to the school in 1900. Anam.—The area of the protectorate is about 88,780 square miles, with a population estimated at 2,000,000 by some and at 6,000,000 by others, the latter being considered the more probable. It is Annamite in the towns and along the coast, and consists of various tribes of Mois in the hilly tracts. There are 420,000 Roman Catholics. There are 5 secondary schools, with 23 teachers and 596 pupils. Tonkin.—In 1899, 38 schools had 1,800 pupils. Algeria.—The native population is entirely Mussulman, the Jews being now regarded as French citizens. The grants for religious purposes provided for in the budget of 1900 were: To Catholics, 829,700 francs; Protestants, 97,600 francs; Jews, 28,970 francs; Mussulmans, 307,430 francs; total, 1,263,700 francs. At Algiers (city) there is an institution for higher instruction, consisting of faculties of law and sciences and a higher school of letters. The total number of students in 1899 was 522, of whom 264 were in the faculty of law. At Algiers (city), Constantine, and Oran are lycées with, altogether, 2,000 pupils. In the whole of Algiers are 9 communal colleges, with 3,863 pupils; at Oran, a college for girls has 194 pupils. There are higher Mussulman schools at Algiers, Tlemcen, and Constantine, where pupils are prepared for native employments. Primary schools are either French, French-Arab, or Arab. In 1897 the total number was 1,161, with 104,207 pupils (62,873 boys and 41,334 girls). The nationality of the pupils in 1896 was 52,108 French, 14,791 Jews, 19,362 Mussulman, 37,839 foreign. In 1896 the attendance at infant schools was 26,075. In 1897 the expenditure on primary instruction in Algeria was 5,224,620 francs, of which 3,696,860 francs was from the State. Madagascar.—Up to 1895 a large portion of the Hova and of the other tribes in the central districts had been Christianized. The vast majority of professing Christians were connected with churches formed by the London Missionary Society, but Anglican, Friends’, Norwegian and American Lutheran, and Roman Catholic missions were also at work. The Christian population was estimated at 450,000 Protestants and 50,000 Roman Catholics. Hospitals, colleges, orphanages, and about 1,800 schools, with 170,000 children, were connected with the various missions. Since the establishment of French rule much has been done to break down the influence of Protestant missions in the island. Though decrees have been issued proclaiming religious liberty, the Catholic propaganda has nevertheless been pushed in such a manner that many native Protestants have been constrained to call themselves Catholic. The form of tenure of the real property of the missions required the adherence of Malagasy Christians of the same profession as the holders of the property, and many British mission churches were lost in 1897 through the failure of this condition and in consequence of the terrorism of the Catholics. Many of these have, however, since been restored to the Protestant congregations. The outlying tribes are still mostly heathen. A school system comprising three grades of instruction has been organized. There are rural primary schools where elementary instruction is given in the Malagasy and French languages; there are industrial and agricultural schools in various districts and provinces; and superior schools, the chief of which are a normal school for training teachers and government officials, a professional school, an agricultural school, and a school of medicine. There are many Protestant and Catholic mission schools carrying on successful work. Réunion.—In 1897 there were 148 schools, with 356 teachers and 14,034 pupils Guadeloupe and dependencies.—Instruction is given in 1 lycée, with 255 pupils, and 117 elementary schools, with 321 teachers and 10,979 pupils. : French Guiana.—In the colony there are 27 primary schools, with 2,100 pupils, and there is a college at Cayenne. Martinique.—There is a law school (at Fort de France), with 76 studentx; 3 secondary schools, with 487 pupils; a normal school; 152 primary schools, with 13,371 pupils; also 13 clerical and private schools. Togoland.—At Sebbi-vi there is a government school, with 50 pupils, and the 4 missionary societies at work in the colony have schools largely attended by native children at the chief centers of population. Kamerun.—The military force consists of 32 Germans and 554 natives. There are 2 government schools, with 200 pupils. Four missionary societies, with schools attended by about 5,000 pupils, are at work in the colony. German Southwest Africa.—The European population is 1,840 (January 1, 1899), of whom 1,557 are German. The military force consists of 761 officers and men, all European, but natives also are employed. Instruction is given in government schools and in those of several Protestant and Catholic missions. German East Africa.—The European population in June, 1899, numbered 1,090 (881 German), 38 British, 34 Greek. The military force consists of 176 Germans and 1,572 colored men, while the police numbers 15 Germans and 482 colored men (Askaris). There are 7 Protestant and 3 Catholic missionary societies at work. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1329 Dutch East Indies.—The whole population of Java is legally divided into Europeans and persons assimilated with them, and natives and persons assimilated with these. The former are generally living under the same laws as the inhabitants of the mother country, while in the jurisdiction of the latter the Indian customs and institutions are considered. The division of the whole population into these two classes ie a fundamental principle in the policy of the administration and enacted in the code specifying the limits and conditions for legislation in Dutch East India. The governor-general, however, is, in agreement with the council, authorized to make individual exceptions to this rule. According to the terms of the regulations for the government of Netherlands India, entire liberty is granted to the members of all religious confessions. The Reformed Church counts 35 ministers and 28 assistants, the Roman Catholic 30 curates and 16 priests, not salaried out of the public funds. The number of Christians among the natives and foreign Orientals was: In Java and Madura in 1873, 5,673, and in 1896 (January 1), 19,193; in the outposts in 1873, 148,672, and in 1896 (January 1), 290,065. In 1898, 127 missionaries of various societies were working to propagate Christianity in the Dutch East Indies. In the same year 9,900 natives went to Mekka on pilgrimage, whereof 7,991 returned. For the education of Europeans and persons assimilated with them, there were in 1898, 7 public middle-class schools, with 1,016 pupils and 102 teachers. The cost of these schools to the government in the same year was 583,592 guilders, and the revenue out of the school fees 86,887 guilders. In 1898 there were, for Europeans, 133 mixed public elementary schools, and 31 for girls only, with 20 private schools, or a total of 184 elementary schools. The 164 public schools had a teaching staff of 541 and an attendance of 14,955 pupils, whereof 1,590 were natives, and the 20 private schoolsa teaching staff of 160 and an attendance of 3,122 pupils. The cost of the public elementary schools was, in 1898, 2,471,912, and the income 283,056 guilders. The following statement relates to schools for natives: In 1898 Dutch India had 5 normal schools, with 27 teachers and 169 pupils; besides there were 4 schools for sons of native chiefs, with 211 pupils. The elementary schools for natives were, for Java and Madura, in 1875, 104 government schools, with 14,906 pupils, and 132 private schools, with 6,978 pupils, and, in 1898, 223 government schools, with 43,094 pupils, and 216 private schools, with 23,795 pupils. In the outposts, in 1881, 281 government schools, with 21,388 pupils, and 205 private schools, with 10,696 pupils; and, in 1897, 296 government schools, with 42,250 pupils, and 529 private schools, with 25,807 pupils. In 1875 the government spent 803,906 guilders for the education of natives, and in 1898 1,353,760 guilders. For foreign Orientals there were in 1898 about 519 schools, with 8,688 pupils. Surinam or Dutch Guiana.—Dutch Guiana is divided into 16 districts and numerous communes. The area of Dutch Guiana is 46,060 English square miles. At the end of 1898 the population was about 66,490, exclusive of the negroes living in the forests. The capital is Paramaribo, with about 31,200 inhabitants. According to the terms of the regulation for the government of Dutch Guiana, entire liberty is granted to the members of all religious confessions. At the end of 1896 there were: Reformed and Lutheran, 8,974; Moravian Brethren, 25,421; Roman Catholic, 11,773; Jews, 1,250; Mohammedans, 2,681; Hindus, 9,698, etc. There were, in 1898, 19 public schools, with 2,335 pupils, and 35 private schools, with 4,854 pupils. Besides these elementary schools there are a normal school and a central school of the Moravian Brethren for training teachers, and of the Roman Catholics. RELIGION IN THE COLONIES. In the matter of religion within the colonies, it may be said in general terms that while the disposition of the countries now administering colonial governments is to encourage the establishment of the Christian religion through missionary work, churches, and education, there is no interference with existing forms of religion whose customs are not in contravention with the accepted ideas of civilization and morals. In the self-governing or ‘‘habitation’’ colonies of the English system the various church organizations are well represented and as a rule maintained entirely by private contributions. In the Crown colonies the disestablishment or withdrawal of State aid from the churches has developed largely in the last thirty years, and in but a comparatively few cases are the churches maintained or aided by governmental appropriations. Dilke, in his ‘‘Problems of Great Britain,” written in 1890, says: ‘It can not be doubted that the policy of the disestablishment of the Church of England in the few colonies where it remains established, and of the cessation of State aid in those few where concurrent endowment continues, will prevail, and that an end will soon be put to that mixture of systems which in matters of religion, as in matters of education, exists in countries under Colonial Office control. Since 1868 the opinion of the Colonial Office, in the direction of the withdrawal of State assistance, has been clearly shown, and in no case has any step been taken that leads the other way, while in all the colonies where State aid has ceased religion prospers. Of the self-governing colonies some have grown up without an established church, others possessed one at an early period of their history, but have abolished the system of State aid, while in Lower Canada there has existed since the French possession a parochial establishment of the Roman Catholic Church, and in the Cape from its earliest days a predominance of the Dutch Reformed Church. In most of the Crown colonies the disestablishment of the Church of England, or withdrawal of State aid in the case of those in which concurrent endowment prevailed, has been brought about since 1868. Generally speaking, the Christian churches in them are all in a flourishing condition. No bad consequences can be shown to have followed on the disestablishment that has taken place in some colonies, or, in others, upon the absence of religious establishment from the first; and the results of the withdrawal of State aid are not to be discerned in any marked departure in the colonies from the English standard. The number of religious edifices and the number of clergy of various denominations, in proportion to the white population, is greater throughout the colonies than in England, the influence of Sunday schools is far more widely spread, and we have noticed a stricter observance of the Lord’s Day and the greater power of the Sunday schools.” Merivale, in his Nineteenth lecture on colonization, says: ‘‘The first step to be taken by a colonial government anxious for the improvement of its barbarian subjects is the encouragement of missionaries. Wherever land is rescued for their use, there, in fit proportion to the numbers to be instructed, missionaries ought to be invited, and, if possible, established; but although the missionary is not merely useful, but indispensable, as the pioneer of civilization, it does not appear that he is sufficiently adapted to complete the 1330 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Octoser, work, * * * Where the offices of the religious instructor partially fail, those of government, through its agent, the protector, ought to begin. Education should not be wholly left to the missionary; it should, at least in thé higher grades, be under the superintendence of some central authority.” Sir W. W. Hunter in his Indian Empire says that the census of 1891 showed that the Christians in British and Feudatory India had increased by 22 per cent, or more than one-fifth, from 1881 to 1891, and that this increase, while partly the result of more perfect enumeration, represents to a large extent a real growth. The total number of Christians in all India, including Burma, was in 1891, 2,601,355. Sir John Strachey in his work India, 1894, says: ‘‘It would be difficult to give too much honor to the work of secular education which has been undertaken by private agencies, and especially by Protestant and Roman Catholic missionaries. In 1890 there were in British India nearly 300,000 scholars in the colleges and schools of Protestant missionaries.” Sir George Cornewall Lewis in his essay On the Government of Dependencies says: ‘‘It can rarely happen that any reason should exist why the supreme government should attempt to change the religion of a dependency whose people have a religion different from that of the dominant country. The religion of a people is in general less easily changed by a government than their language. The history of Europe abounds with examples of the misery produced by the ineffectual attempts of governments to convert their subjects to another creed by force or civil disabilities. Even Mr. Gladstone admits that the dominant country is not bound to deprive a church in a dependency of its endowments, although the doctrines of that church may be different from that of its own established church or churches.”’ Mr. C. P. Lucas, in his introduction to the recent edition of the work from which the above is quoted, apparently agrees with the author on this subject, for in that introduction he says: ‘‘ Nowadays it can hardly be said that Great Britain introduces or is likely to introduce into her colonial possessions her laws, language, and religion without due regard to the position and interests of the dependency.” : Worsfold, in his work, A Visit to Java, 1893, discussing the question of religion in that island, says: ‘“‘The religion of the Javanese is Mohammedanism;-although Brahmanism still survives in some of the islands of the archipelago, it has entirely disappeared from Java. Until recent years the colonial government have discouraged any efforts directed toward the conversion of the natives to Christianity. The quietism of the Mohammedan creed was regarded as better adapted to supply their religious needs than the doctrines of the missionaries. - ‘“Of late years, however, a more generous policy has prevailed. As the mass of the Javanese regard the native princes as traitors and apostates, the Arab priests and hadjis have come to be recognized as the popular leaders. It is they, and not the princes, who now form the dangerous element. The priests are jealous of European influence, and are ready to incite the natives to revolt if occasion offers, but in any outbreak the native princes are the first to be attacked. “The question of the moral and mental development of the Javanese natives is one which has lately been much discussed, both in Java and in Holland, and the result has been that the colonial government is now fairly pledged to a humanitarian policy. The large sum annually appropriated in the colonial budget to the purposes of public instruction is a sufficient evidence of the reality of the desire now manifested by the Dutch to give the natives of Java full opportunities for the education and training necessary for technical and industrial progress. There can be no doubt as to the capacity of the natives to benefit by such advantages.”’ “The contact of civilized nations with savages and barbarians,” says M. Leroy-Beaulieu, ‘‘is full of difficulties, dangers, and temptations. Centuries were required for a savage people to pass to the barbarous state and for a barbarous people to pass to the civilized stae. It is to be desired that by means of benevolent and skillful methods the duration of these stages for the savages and barbarians of the Pacific islands, the interior of Africa, and America be shortened. “The moral and material improvement, the benevolent tutelage, the steady and persevering education of these peoples or, rather, tribes—all of these things can not be achieved solely by our commercial people, our administrators, and schoolmasters; it would be folly to expect it. What is wanted is that these people should in a few generations pass through the stages which it has taken so long to pass the countless generations of our ancestors. It is religion, and the Christian religion particularly, through its gentleness, its elevated spirit, its love of the humble, and the concern shown by certain religious orders—the Jesuits, for example—for material progress, which is the only educating medium likely to facilitate the contact with the Europeans on the one hand andthe savages and barbarians on the other, and which, by devices of its own will, if not suddenly, at least within a few generations, enable the savages and barbarians to understand our civilization and to take part in its development. “The colonial governors owe to the missions and the natives a certain number of duties which they can not neglect,’’ says M. de Lanessan, ‘‘ without gravely compromising the work of colonization. They are bound to protect the religious missions, and encourage their efforts, with the view that every native converted to any of our religions becomes a sort of Frenchman, but they are bound to watch that the representatives of French authority, the European missionaries, and their native assistants should observe in all their acts, and words, very great moderation. “Tf it is difficult to exact from the missions a spirit of toleration which rarely goes in hand with an ardent religious faith, this spirit has to be imposed on all European and native officials. The first rule of conduct should be never, either by words of mouth or by administrative acts, to take account of the religion of the natives with whom they may be brought into official relations, or who may in some way or other come under their jurisdiction. The slightest favor, the smallest privilege, the least indulgence accorded toa Catholic in preference to a Pagan, or vice versa, suffices to cause indignation among a part of the population, and to provoke among the followers of the different religions quarrels and fracases, which sometimes require forcible repression, and excite the passions. The administrator, if he wishes to be represented equally by all, must forget to which religion the native belongs, with whom duty of the service has brought him in contact. SYSTEMATIC STUDIES OF THE ECONOMICS OF COLONIZATION. The methods by which colonies are and should be governed and developed are followed and studied with great interest not only by those charged with the government of colonies, but by the people of the countries having colonies. Throughout England, France, Netherlands, Germany, and Belgium, and especially in their capital cities, the greatest interest is manifested not only in the colonies themselves, but in the details of their management and development. The result of this is both stimulating and enlightening to the officers whom the Government intrusts with the duty of developing and caring for the colonies. Colonial associations, colonial institutes, colonial periodicals, colonial books, and colonial libraries, and discussions of colonial matters, both in the deliberative and legislative 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1331 bodies and in the public press, present the various phases of colonial policy and conditions in the world’s colonies in kaleidoscopic but ever instructive form. The literature of colonization is elaborate, and the students of this subject, in the countries having colonies, numerous, active, and thoughtful. ENGLAND. In London, a colonial institute, composed chiefly of men who have been or are employed in the colonial service of the Government, has about 5,000 members, with headquarters in the busy part of the city, containing a library of about 50,000 volumes, periodicals from all the colonies, and all the periodicals of the world which are devoted to colonial discussions, and its members hold monthly meetings to discuss matters pertaining to colonial affairs and methods. At these meetings papers pertaining to various colonies or colonial methods and matters are read, and these are followed by discussions by the members. These meetings are largely attended both by menibers of the association and their families, the wives, sons, and daughters evincing an equal interest in studies of this character. An annual unofficial publication, The Colonial Office List, and another, The India Office List, published by a corps of men whose association with the colonial office and colonial service gives them especial facilities, furnish much detailed and valuable information regarding the condition in every British colony of the world, and present those facts in the latest form each year, while the Year Book of the Imperial Institute, a volume of nearly 1,000 pages, also gives elaborate details regarding conditions—agricultural, financial, and otherwise—in all of the British colonies. An annual official publication, The’Statistical Abstract of Colonial and Other Possessions of the United Kingdom, gives elaborate statistical statements regarding the conditions in the colonies, and a similar volume gives like information relative to British India. The great tropical gardens at Kew, just outside London, filled with the botanical products of the tropical colonies, and devoted to studies of and experimental work upon their products, are open to the public and prove a constant and valuable object lesson in awakening and maintaining their interest in matters of this character. Reports from the officers oi varicus colonies, and special studies upon the colonies themselves, prepared by the colonial office, are printed and distributed widely throughout the Empire. -\t the colonial office, where a staff of officials, under the direction of the secretary of state for the colonies, administers that part of the government of colonies which is conducted in England, there is a library of nearly 50,000 volumes devoted to colonial matters, which may be consulted by those desiring information upon this subject. A colonial information office is also maintained by the Government for the purpose of supplying intended immigrants and others with information regarding the colonies. It is conducted by a committee named by the secretary of state for the colonies, who is himself the president of that body. The work of this office is extended to all of the colonies, to the publication and distribution of information, cspecially to those desiring either to emigrate to the colonies or to conduct business in them, and for its work a liberal appropriation is made by Parliament. The office is in constant touch with the labor department of the board of trade, and supplies to the publication of that department a column especially devoted to labor in the colonies. Its publications are supplied to hundreds of libraries and institutions in various parts of the Kingdom, and it has depots or branches at the public libraries in several of the larger cities of the Kingdom. The scope of its work is shown by the fact that the number of letters and dispatches sent out, largely in answer to inquiries, in 1900, was over 47,000, and the number of circulars distributed about 250,000, several thousand of these being supplied to teachers in the evening and public schools of the Empire. Quarterly posters, giving the names of all post-offices in the colonies, and quarterly circulars on the principal colonies are supplied free of charge to any persons desiring them, and handbooks on the principal colonies are also furnished at the nominal price of 1 penny to those who may apply for them. FRANCE. In France the active interest in the subject of colonization is equally apparent. A colonial institute, with M. Chailley-Bert, the distinguished student of colonial matters, as its secretary-general, has a membership of several thousand persons, and is devoted to studies of colonial matters and especially to supplying commercial and business information to those desiring to undertake commercial or financial enterprises for their development. The department of colonies also maintains a special department—the ‘‘Office Coloniale,’’ located in the Palais Roya!, Galerie d’Orléans—which has for its duty the procuring and distribution to the public of all information regarding colonial agriculture, commeree, and industries, and the importation and exportation of the colonies, and of France in her commerce with the colonies. This is administered under the direction of a conséil d’administration, composed of the president and the commission of colonies in the Chamber of Deputies and certain officers of the department of colonies. M. Noufflard, as chief of the commercial section and secretary 0° the board of administration, gathers information from all the colonies through constant correspondence with their officials, and distributes this information in frequent publications and through a large correspondence both in France and in the colonies. A permanent exhibit of the products of the colonies is also maintained, and these, with the publications, serve not only to distribute much information, but stimulate public interest in the products, commerce, and possibilities of the colonies. In addition to this, the publications, both by the French Government and by private individuals, in the form of periodicals, weekly and monthly, annual volumes issued by the colonial department, and a large number of volumes issued from the press on the French colonies and those of other countries, serves to not only maintain a public interest in matters of this character, but to distribute much detailed information upon the subject. A college for the training of young men for the colonial service is also maintained, as described on another page of this work. THE NETHERLANDS. In the Netherlands, Germany, and Belgium similar interest is manifested. In the Netherlands a school for the training of men’ for the colonial service is maintained at Delft, and the educational institutions of the country are also encouraged to provide special lines of studies suited to matters of this character,and especially the class of colonies maintained by the Netherlands Government; while a large library connected with the department of colonies at The Hague supplies information to those desiring to make special studies along this line. A large and instructive exhibit of the products of the colony, with statistical statements showing the development of agricultural and other industries in the colonies, and especially in Java, is maintained at Amsterdam, and furnishes extremely valuable object lessons regarding the conditions in and value of the colonies of the country, GERMANY. In Germany acolonial association, composed of more than 20,000 members scattered throughout the German Empire and the German colonies, gathers, and in turn disseminates, information regarding both the German colonies and the colonial systems of the world, while in Gerlin libraries and associations for study of colonial subjects, and discussions in the press, and publications issued by the Government aid in awakening and maintaining public interest, as does also an exhibit of colonial products which is permanently maintained at Berlin, 1332 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ovrozsr, BELGIUM. In Belgium, the youngest of the colonizing nations of Europe, a colonial institute has been established for the discussion of subjects pertaining to the world’s colonies, and distribution of the information thus obtained among the people of that country. This organization, ‘“‘The Institut Colonial International,’ is composed not alone of Belgians, but of distinguished students of colonial affairs from all the leading nations of the world, and its meetings, which are held annually or biennially, are attended by the most distinguished and thoughtful of the world’s students of colonial matters, the papers read and discussions which follow being printed and distributed among the people of Belgium and to students of colonial matters in other countries. The meetings of this institute are held at the capitals of the various countries interested in colonial matters, the meeting of 1900 being held at Paris, that of 1901 at The Hague, while the next meeting is set for 1903 at London. The headquarters of the association is maintained at Brussels, where the secretary of the association, M. Camille Janssen, who was the first governor-general of the Congo Free State, devotes his time to gathering and distributing information regarding colonial affairs, and to the publications and literature of the institute. From the above it will be seen that the study of colonial affairs and colonial economics is considered of very great importance, and a subject of permanent interest, by the nations having possessions of this character, and that their people, as well as their officers, are profoundly impressed, not only with the importance of the subject from the commercial, sociologic, and economic standpoint, but with the grave duties and responsibilities which rest upon those who have assumed the government of 500,000,000 of people—one-third of the earth’s population—located at a great distance from, and under climatic and other conditions widely different from, that of the governing country. « COLONIAL INDEBTEDNESS. The debts of the world’s colonies aggregate an enormous sum, and this fact has been much commented upon in discussions relative to the control of colonies and the responsibility assumed by their governing countries. The entire outstanding colonial indebtedness of the world at the present time aggregates probably $4,000,000,000, or, in round terms, one-eighth of the national indebtedness of the world, while the population of the colonies is about one-third that of the entire world and their area two-fifths that of the land surface of the globe. This indebtedness has rapidly increased in the past few years. The total indebtedness of the British colonies alone at the present time is about $2,745,000,000, of which $1,183,000,000 belongs to the Australian colonies alone, $1,031,000,000 to India, $265,000,000 to Canada, and $265,000,000 to the other British colonies for which definite figures are available. If to this is added the $500,000,000 of Egypt and estimated existing debts and obligations of other colonies of the world, the total reaches the enormous figures mentioned above, $4,000,000,000, or one-eighth of the world’s entire indebtedness. OBJECTS FOR WHICH THE DEBTS HAVE BEEN CREATED. Of the $32,000,000,000 of national debts now existing, however, probably no considerable part was created for such absolutely legitimate purposes as those of the colonies, and probably no considerable share has, as an offset, such valuable and tangible assets as a result of the indebtedness. As has been already indicated, the prime necessity in the development of a colony is the construction of roads, railways, telegraphs, harbor and river improvements, postal facilities, irrigating systems in certain cases, public buildings, and educational systems. The railways of the world’s colonies to-day, as has been already shown, aggregate about 70,000 miles, and they are increasing at the rate of about 2,000 miles per annum. The telegraphs are of vastly greater extent, and the roads which have been constructed aggregate hundreds of thousands of miles, while the irrigating system of India alone includes over 36,000 miles of canals, distributaries, and other irrigating works. In India alone there has been expended for roads, canals, and railways up to the present time about 3,000,000,000 of rupees, equivalent, even at the present depreciated value of the rupee, to fully $1,000,000,000. In the Australian colonies the indebtedness of $1, 183,000,000 has been incurred almost entirely for the construction of roads, railways, telegraphs, river and harbor improvements, irrigating works, public buildings, educational institutions, and other public works of this character. In Canada a part of the railway system has been constructed with the aid of public funds aggregating more than $50,000,000, and in addition to this the colony possesses a magnificent system of canals 262 miles in length, which, in connection with the St. Lawrence and Great Lake system, gives to the colony an inland navigation of 3,000 miles, and upon this canal system, including the canal at Sault Ste. Marie, has been expended more than $75,000,000. In Cape Colony 2,000 miles of railway have been constructed and are now owned and operated by the colonial government, while other lines have been financially aided to a greater or less extent. TANGIBLE AND VALUABLE ASSETS TO OFFSET THE INDEBTEDNESS. It will thus be seen that while the indebtedness of the colonies aggregates a large sum they have tangible and valuable assets to show for their indebtedness. A large share of the great and valuable railway systems of India and the other British colonies belongs to the colonial government, as does also the great canal system of India, and in nearly all these the systems are not only an equivalent of the _ Money expended upon them, but are actually paying to these governments a fair rate of interest upon the investment, the net income of the canals of India being, according to Sir John Strachey, over 5 per cent per annum on the cost, and of the railways, according to the Statesman’s Year-Book for 1901, also over 5 per cent per annum. In the Australian colonies the railway systems not only prove profitable as an investment, but of great advantage to the population by reason of the extremely low rates of transportation which are furnished the people. In some cases transportation of workmen to and from their homes being at a nominal figure, and of school children to and from school absolutely free. A COMPARISON OF COLONIAL AND NATIONAL INDEBTEDNESS. A large share of the world’s national indebtedness, other than the world’s colonial debt, has been created for purposes other than actual improvements, chiefly wars and the maintenance of standing armies and navies, coast defenses, and works of an offensive and defensive character. With colonies this class of expenditures is small. India maintains her army and naval defense; the Dutch colonies in the East maintain their army and pay a part of the expenses of naval protection; the Australian colonies have a trifling expenditure for army and navy maintenance, and this is also true of Canada and the other self-governing colonies; but with the smaller colonies of all nations the sums which have been expended for military operations, offensive and defensive, are trifling when compared 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1333 with that of the average nation. Asa result their indebtedness has, proportionately, greater net assets as an equivalent than is the case with the older and self-governing countries, while those assets have a greater earning capacity than those possessed by the governments which have such assets as an equivalent of any part of their indebtedness. TIOME GOVERNMENTS ASSUME NO RESPONSIBILITY. As to the responsibility of the governing country for the indebtedness of the colonies, it may be said in general terms that the mother country assumes no responsibility for the debts of the colonies. While there have been some exceptions to this general rule, they are extremely few, and it can scarcely be said that any nation to-day assumes responsibility for any debt of its colonies unless the debt is created under extremely exceptional and pressing circumstances. For the large indebtedness of the British colonies the British Govern- ment assumes no responsibility, the entire debt of India, whether contracted in India or England, being chargeable to and paid entirely from Indian revenue and responsibility for its final payment only assumed by the Indian government, and this is the case with refer- ence to the debts of the Australian, Canadian, and other British colonial governments. In spite of the fact, however, that the colonies themselves stand solely responsible for their indebtedness, the securities of the Brilixh colonies sell to-day in the great money markets of the world at higher rates than those of almost any other of the great nations. South Australian bonds sold in the open markets of Lon- don in December, 1900, at from 105 to 108; those of Victoria from 102 to 108; those of West Australia from 92 to 101; those of Canada from 100 to 106; Cape of Good Hope from 100 to 111; Natal from 100 to 115; those of India from 101 to 108, while in the same market scarcely a case is found in which the securities of the great European nations were at the same date selling as high as 100. While this higher market rate of the securities of the colonies is doubtless due in a very large degree to the higher rates of interest paid by these colonies upon their loans, the fact that the assets which they hold as an equivalent enable them to easily pay these rates of interest and that these high prices are paid for the securities with the full knowledge that they are secured only upon the faith of the colonial govern- ment and not that of the mother country, suggests that the colonial debts of the world, though large in the aggregate, do not compare unfavorably with those of the older communities and political systems. The table which follows shows the debt of the British colonies in 1891 and 1900, detailed figures for those of the other colonies of the world not being available. Deets or Brivisn Cotontes, 1891 axp 1900. COLONIES. 1891 1900 COLONIES. 1891 1900 Es £ £ £ TAGIaY. canieaasacwnaseddisanatnecednacan 15s, 722, 082 164, 490, 780 Ba WaT AS). 4c aces oe cccccamtn ne aceade te 81, 426 112, 830 GMAT CATES os asanes chartincininiassvera sacs rater siete einvareil otto tensa eased oeeoiele 15, 000 Jamaica and Turks Island ........... 1, 543, 120 2,149, 410 Malta and Gozo......... 79,168 DATO! aN), SABALD AD OR ss osecsisieedsretorisisinleractaieele Nisisiereo RS 30, 100 414, 000 COV ONE 2:0. cinieraieiciaisiotnin wid 2,518, 374 38, 662, 750 Leeward Islands ... : 92,161 294,120 Hongkong.......- ee 200, 000 341, 800 Windward Islands . 195, 445 330, 560 Straits Settlemen aia D800) | listsctstctenersecrerscoe Trinidad and Tobag 532,320 923, 410 Cape Colony...... ae 23, 74%. 921 31, 409, 760 New South Wales .. 48, 425, 333 63, 762, 070 Mauritius .......- hrs 781,149 1,192, 180 ViCCOMY occisiss snctrere tic! s 41,377, 693 48, 879, 280 Natal cxscioscttag atnieraeesea soeecera: 5, 060, 344 9,019, 140 Quecnslan d iz sve. by yer 28, 103, 684 35, 227, 660 St. Helengicc ssc sscsanenueaskew ates 15250) sccocaes chair South Australi. oc seescqcuetet gu nesee 20, 401, 500 24 916, 310 Sierra Leone ae S8;454" lisccecas coer sce Western Australia. . 1, 367, 440 10, 488, 360 Bermudas..... re 7,620 44, 800 Tasmania ... 6, 432, 800 3 395, 640 Cam adaisdeecccin 48, sox’ 194 70, 923, 470 New Zealand 87, 399, 157 48, 574,450 British Guiana 3 770, 346 928, 780 Fiji a 248, 990 205, 680 British Honduras..............--...+- Ad 599 34, 710 Newfoundland and Labrador........ 862, 214 8, 407, 560 Mota cs ,c10/3 2 a.aystiseess ab eases oes 427, 834, 690 530, 223, 080 THE DEBT OF INDIA DESCRIBED BY SIR JOHN STRACHEY. The following statement regarding the debt of India is from Sir John Strachey’s India, published in 1894: “The public debt of India amounted in 1892 to Rx. 103,000,000 in India and £107,000,000 in England. The debt is divided for purposes of account into two parts, the ordinary delt, similar in character to the public debt of other countries, and the public works debt, consisting, as I have explained, of money invested in productive works, that is, in railways and works of irrigation. The Indian and English figures can not properly be added together, but if we take the rupee at the old conventional value of 2s., the total debt of India in 1892 was £210,000,000, of which £134,000,000 had been incurred for public works and £76,000,000 for other purposes. “Tn 1857, just before the outbreak of the mutinies, the public debt of India was about £51,000,000. The task of suppressing the mutinies and the reorganization of the administration added more than £42,000,000 to the debt, and in 1862 the total amount of the debt was £97,000,000. Thus, in the twenty-nine years that elapsed after the suppression of the mutinies and the cessation of the extraordinary expenditure immediately due to them, the debt was increased by £113,000,000. This increase resulted entirely from the policy of borrowing for investment in railways and irrigation works. Apart from such investments, the public debt in the period I have mentioned not only received no increase, but was reduced by about £21,000,000. This will appear the more remarkable when it is remembered that India during this time suffered from a succession of serious famines, involving an expenditure of nearly £15,000,000 for their relief, that a net sum of £12,250,000 was spent on wars in Afghanixtan and Egypt, and that a large increase of charge has been caused by the fall in the gold value of silver. “The existing State railways have in many, but not in all cases een constructed directly by the government. Under the terms of the original contracts it has exercised, in most of the cases in which this has been possible, its powers of purchasing the railways constructed by companies. These railways then became state lines. The most important of the undertakings thus purchased was the East Indian Railway, the great line connecting Calcutta with Delhi and the northern provinces. The transaction has proved very advantageous to the state. In the tén years ending with 1893 it brought to the public revenues, after meeting all charges, including interest on borrowed capital, a clear profit of nearly Rx. 6,000,000, and, in addition, a further sum of more than Rx. 900,000, representing capital debt paid off through the operation of the terminable annuity, by means of which the purchase of the line was made. At the end of seventy-four years from 1880, when the annuity expires, the government will come into receipt of a clear yearly income which may be estimated at not less than Rx. 3,000,000, equivalent, after making allowances for all outgoings, to the creation of a capital of No. 4——19 13834 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozrr, upward of 50,000,000 sterling. In this and some other cases the working of the line has not been managed directly by the government, but through a company on a working lease. ‘The rate of interest guaranteed on the capital of the railways first constructed by the companies was 5 per cent, and the government felt itself bound to make good any sum by which the net traffic receipts, after paying all working expenses, fell short of the amount necessary to provide interest at that rate. The later contracts have been more favorable to the government. “The true measure of the burden of public debt is the annual charge thrown upon the revenues by the payment of interest. The financial results of the policy of borrowing for investment in public works, judged by this test, have been highly satisfactory. “In 1862-63 the total net charge to the state on account of debt of every description, including that invested in public works, and also including the sums paid for guaranteed interest to railway companies, was Rx. 6,585,000. In 1891-92 this charge had fallen to Rx. 4,425,000, a reduction of Rx. 2,160,000. ‘*Enough has been said to show that in spite of all drawbacks the policy of borrowing for investment in productive public works has been highly successful, and that it has conferred most important benefits on the country. ‘I have hitherto spoken only of those public works which gave a direct return in cash on the money spent on them. Since the transfer of the government to the Crown there has been a very large expenditure from revenue on the works which, although some of them do not come into that class, are of high utility. Within this period nearly Rx. 200,000,000 has been devoted to roads and bridges, telegraphs, hospitals, barracks and military works, colleges, schools, and other public buildings, and minor works of irrigation and navigation. Nearly 40,000 miles of telegraph lines have been constructed, and I can not tell how many thousand miles of roads.”’ LAND OWNERSHIP IN THE COLONY. Four distinct systems of land ownership or control are in practice in the colonial territories of the world: First, the retention of the ownership of the land by the governing country; second, control of the land by chartered companies, to which new territory is in some cases temporarily granted for development; third, ownership of large estates for cultivation and development of agricultural, mineral, and forest resources; fourth, small individnal holdings by the people. These four methods of land control are entirely distinct and strongly marked in their characteristics, and while they sometimes merge into each other under certain conditions, the extent to which they are adapted in the administration of the colony bears an important relation not only to its finances and development, but to the condition, prosperity, and contentment of the people. These distinct systems have developed in localities, climates, and among people differing so widely in characteristics that they may be said to be in part at least the result of local and long-existing conditions. RETENTION OF THE OWNERSHIP OF LAND BY THE GOVERNMENT. This system is chiefly in operation in the densely populated countries of the Orient, where the European governments when they took control found the system already in existence and recognized in it a convenient means of raising revenue. In India and Java, from time immemorial, the lands have been considered the sole property of the government, and their occupancy a privilege for which an annual compensation must be rendered. The Indian government for many generations before the British assumed control of India had obtained a large share of its revenue from the produce or money received as annual rental of theland. In Java when the Netherlands Government took possession they found a similar condition. In India the British have in some parts maintained the system of permanent ownership of the land by the government but have tested various plans of assessing the revenue. In some cases the land has been permanently leased in large tracts at a fixed annual rental with the privilege of sublease, the party so leasing becoming responsible to the government for the annual payment for the use of the land. In other cases contracts have been made with the occupants of the land by which they may occupy it at a fixed rate for a term of thirty years, after which the rates are revised; but they still have the privilege of renewal of their lease at new rates, thus giving them an absolute permanency of holding, though with uncertainty as to the annual rate they must pay at the termination of the thirty-year period for which the original contract was made. In other contracts the rates are assessed from year to year. In some cases, however, the actual title of the land has passed from the government to the holder, while the fact that the long-term leases, with privilege of perpetual renewal, are accompanied with the privilege of transfer and similar retention by the person to whom they are transferred in case of his continuation of the annual payments, gives to the system, in some degree, the characteristics of permanent ownership. In Java the Dutch, when they took possession, found that the ownership of the soil by the sovereign was generally acknowledged, and they therefore continued the system, taking an annual rental for certain tracts controlled by the village or community. The rental paid for these lands was for many years, and in some cases still continues to be, a share of the product of the land. No permanent ownership of land by the occupant was permitted, and thus, as in India, a large share of the revenue necessary for the conduct of the government was obtained from the annual rental of the land. Under the culture system a more direct control was retained over a part of the land, but in that which was allotted to natives for their personal use and for the raising of rice a share of the crop was exacted each year as payment for use of the land owned by the government. In recent years the government of Java has encouraged the clearing and development of certain sections where much labor was required to put the land in cultivable condition, by giving permanent ownership to those undertaking its development, and with that ownership the right of transfer. LAND RENTS AN IMPORTANT PART OF THE REVENUES IN INDIA AND JAVA. In both India and Java the receipts from the rental of lands furnishes the largest item of the revenues. The Indian budget for 1901 estimated the tutal receipts at 1,053,337,500 rupees, and of this large total 271,180,000, or more than one-fourth, was from land revenue. The Statesman’s Year-Book for 1901, discussing the public revenue of India, says: ‘‘The most important source of public income is the land. In the greater part of Bengal, about one-fourth of Madras, and some districts of the Northwest Provinces the assessment was fixed permanently one hundred years ago, while it is fixed periodically at intervals of from twelve to thirty years over the rest of India. In the permanently settled tracts the land revenue averages about two-thirds of a rupee per acre of cultivated land (present value of the rupee about 33 cents) and represents on an average about one fifth of the rental, or about one-twenty-fourth of the gross value of the 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, laa produce. In the temporarily settled tracts the land revenue averages about 14 rupees per acre of cultivated land, and represents something lees than one-half of the actual or estimated rental, and is probably about one-tenth or one-twelfth the gross yalue of the produce.’”’ In the Dutch East Indies the budget of 1899 put the total revenue at 132,743,000 florins, and of this sum 18,254,000 was from the land revenue received frum the natives and 2,138,000 from land tax on nonnatiyes. THE LAND SYSTEM IN INDIA. The following description of the land system of India is condensed from a statement from Sir W. W. Hunter, whose long experience in India has already been referred to. That the state should appropriate to itscli a direct share in the produce of the soil is a fundamental axiom of Indian finances that has been recognized throughout the East from time immemorial. For generations prior to British occupancy the Hindu village retained its customs, and one of these was that the growing harvests of the village ficld should be thrown into a common fund and the share of the state set aside before the remainder should be distributed, and this was done by the village headinen. Under the Mughal administration, which came later, the collection of the land tax was in the hands of an officer known as the zamindar, and he was accepted in the early part of the British administration as a suitable man through whom to collect the revenues from the villages and sections of territory. Under that system the zamindars paid a lump sum per annum for the area over which they exercised their contrcé and were permitted to sublet it, with the rights of transfer and inheritance, subject always to the payment in perpetuity of arent charge. In default of due payments the lands were liable to be sold to the highest bidder. As no restraint was retained regarding the rates of rental the system by which the zamindars were able to fix their own rents became oppressive, while in other cases the transfers and retransfers of the permanent leases which they made have created a permanent control over the land which has many of the characteristics of ownership, one of which is the power to borrow money upon these permanent leases. This -permanent settlement through the zamindars, however, was confined to three provinces, and only applies to portions of these. In other sections the ‘‘ Rayotwari”’ system prevailed, by which the government leases direct to the cultivator or peasant proprietor, the rate being fixed for a term of thirty years, with the right of perpetual rental on acceptance of the new rate fixed by the government at the end of that term. In this, also, the lease is a transferable and hereditable property, continuous without question at the expiration of the thirty-year lease by consent to the revised rate. In still other parts the land is divided into comparatively small sections, placed under direction of a native official, who, every year, ascertains the area actually under cultivation and assesses the fields according to their character at a prescribed rate. EFFECT OF LAND OWNERSHIP BY NATIVES IN INDIA. In certain parts of India the lands have passed into the complete ownership of the natives or the right of permanent retention and transfer upon the payment of fixed annual rentals. This is in many cases accompanied by the right of mortgaging the land as security for loans. This system has been much criticised by British officials of long experience in India, who say that the effect of giving the native the power of mortgaging his land too frequently results in his burdening himself with debt and finally losing theland. This view was pointedly expressed by a distinguished British official at the recent (1901) meeting of the International Colonial Institute at The Hague, who stated in a discussion of this question that the experience with this system in India was that in too many cases it resulted in the final and permanent transfer of the land to the money lenders and its loss by the native. THE LAND SYSTEM OF JAVA DESCRIBED. The following description of the land system of Java is by Mr. H. 8. Boys, formerly a British officer in India, whose work, Some Notes on Java, is commended by the Dutch colonial officers as accurate and fair in its statements. Its discussion of the relative merits of the Dutch methods in Java and those of the English in India, found in the closing paragraphs, are especially interesting. The land system obtaining in Java when the Dutch first landed was almost identical with that prevailing in Hindustan, and it is quite certain that it was carried from the latter country to their new settlements by the emigrant Hindus. We find the sovereign acknowledged without question as the owner of the soil, the cultivator occupying it under unvarying conditions, the governors receiving assignments of the revenue of large areas in payment for their services in administration. Proprietary right, ay we English understand it, never existed. The land was national property, the nation being represented by the sovereign. Sir Stamford Rattles, after a very full investigation into the land tenures, writes: ‘‘ Generally speaking, no property right in the soil is vested in anyone between the cultivator and the sovereign, the intcrmediate classes, who may at any time have enjoyed the revenues of villages or districts, being deemed the executive officers of government, who received these revenues as a gift from their lord, and who depended on his will alone for their tenure.’ Again, Herr Knops, one of the Dutch commissioners for the investigation of land tenures, writes: ‘There is not a single Javan who supposes that the soil is the property of the regent, but they are all sensible that it belongs to the government, nominally called the sovereign among them. The Javan’s idea of property is modified by the three kinds of subjects to which it is applied—rice fields, gagas, or fruit trees. A Javan has no rice field he can call his own. Those of which he had the use of last year will be exchanged next year for others. They circulate from one cultivator to another, and if any villager were excluded he would infallibly emigrate. It is different with the gagas, or lands where dry rice is cultivated. The cultivator who clears such land from trees or brushwood and reclaims them from a wilderness considers himeelf to be a proprietor of the same. With regard to fruit trees, the Javan cultivator claims those he has planted as his legal property without any impost. If a chief were to transgres+ against this right the village would be deserted.” LANDS GRANTED IN FEE TO ENCOURAGE DEVELOPMENT, The only exceptions to the general rule, which excluded the idea of individual right in landed property, are to be found in the mountainous and wooded tracts occupied by the Sundas in the west of the island, where private property is established and the holder’s interest is transferable. This right has doubtless arisen in these tracts from the necessity of offering superior inducements to the reclaimers of such lands to settle in those parts, and it may be compared to the rights acquired by ryots in India, who, under clearing grants, felled the dense forests of the Tera tracts. THE LAND SYSTEM UNDER NATIVE RULERS, The system of administration in Java under the native sovereigns was almost identical with that of Akbar in India. We have, under different titles, the same very complete division of the country into provinces, districts, subdistricts, and villages. The headmen of the villages were, as in India, chosen by the villagers themselves. he rulers of the subdistricts, districts, and provinces were appointed, and all held office at the pleasure of those who nominated them. With their duties as revenue collectors they combined the offices of criminal and civil judges, being assisted by the Mussulman Jaw officer and a legal counselor, who was the expounder of local customs which regulated much the dispensing of justice. The parallel between the Javan and Indian system is curiously exact. 1336 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Octoser, THE DUTCH FOLLOWED NATIVE CUSTOMS. When the Dutch had made good their footing in the island they made no attempt to undertake its government. So far as the natives were concerned they left them and their management entirely to their native rulers. Their policy was entirely commercial and avowedly selfish. They insisted on certain articles of commerce being kept close monopolies for themselves; they demanded from each district a forced contingent of rice, leaving the tumangungs (oF regents) to levy it from the villages in what manner they pleased; they compelled the regents to supply whatever labor they required for their public works, and after they had started the coffee plantations they required the regents to see that every cultivator planted, nurtured, and plucked a certain number of coffee trees; they required that the services of 32,000 families should be placed at their disposal for the felling of timber in the government forests, and in other ways they endeavored to bleed the country for their own benefit without attempting to give it anything in return. During this period, therefore, the unhappy country had not only to endure the ills which were indigenous, but it had in addition to suffer the oppression consequent on the presence of a foreign power, which insisted on the native rulers extorting produce and forced services from the people for their white masters as well as for themselves. 5 Sir Stamford Raffles, who commanded in Java during British occupation, had not been long in Java before he determined on a complete change of system. The Dutch monopolies were abandoned; freedom of cultivation was established; the forced: deliveries of rice was stopped; all tolls on inland trade were abolished, and taxes on coasting trade remoyed; the port dues were equalized and their collection taken out of the hands of the Chinese. : . Raffles then proceeded to reform the land tenures by excluding, as much as possible, the higher class of natives from any connection with the soil, by leasing the lands direct to the cultivator. During the Dutch rule the native regents would farm out the land revenues to demangs, and the demangs would sublet to bukals. Raftles forbade such leases, and reduced the regents and their subordinates to mere collectors of revenue. Village rent rolls were prepared, and the native collectors had to collect and account in accordance with these. The cultivators were given leases for three years, and it was clearly the intention of Raffles to introduce the ryotwari system of India, and tu make the cultivators practically proprietors of their lands. To compensate native officials for their loss of income under these changes, Raffles provided them with handsome salaries and maintained their rank. . : It was Raffles’s intention, as soon as his temporary settlement had expired, to confer on the cultivators the full proprietary right in their holdings, involving the terribly doubtful privilege of alienating their fields and the disastrous liability to be sold up, either by their civil creditors or by the revenue authorities for default. By the return of the island to Dutch rule the Javans have escaped that fatal gift of absolute proprietary right which has been the ruin of so many tens of thousands of our peasantry in India, and with which, while striving to bless, we have so effectually cursed the soil of India. DUTCH METHODS IN JAVA COMPARED WITH ENGLISH METHODS IN INDIA. It is not too much to say that the loss of all the many benefits which undoubtedly would have been conferred on Java by thesubstitution of English for Dutch rule is not too high a price to have paid for escape from the many evils of unrestrained power to alienate landed property. Under their present government the Javans, according to our English ideas, ought to be the most miserable people. That they are not so, but that, on the contrary, they are the most prosperous of Oriental peasantry, is mainly due to one cause, the inability of the Javan to raise one single florin on the security of his fields, and the protection thus enjoyed by him against the money lender and against himself. Nature is bountiful in Java, and undoubtedly the abundant fertility of the soil enables the Javan to stand up under many ills to which he is subject. But were her fecundity doubled, were she to pour her gifts as from a cornucopia into his lap, nothing would ultimately save him from the money lender and from consequent eviction from his fields and his home if he were able to pledge the onc or the other as security for an advance. * * * From the slight sketch of Java and its institutions which has been given it will have been seen how different are the methods of government adopted by Holland and England in their administration of their Oriental possessions. We strive our very best to rule India in the interest of the native population. The Dutch do not profess to study the well-being of their Javan subjects, save as an object secondary to their own advantage. England expends the whole of her enormous revenue in India, and sends not a rupee westward, save for goods purchased, while Holland receives ordinarily from Java as pure tribute more than one-third of her colony’s income. We lay ourselves out to give every Indian who cares to come forward for it what is practically a free education right up to the universities which we have established, and still continue to establish, all over India. Holland of set purpose keeps its Eastern subjects as stupid and ignorant as is possible. We are scrupulously exact in all our dealings with the natives, insisting on a full wage being paid for all work done and checking by all the means in our power the tendency on the part of all natives in authority to compel labor, while the Dutch have no hesitation in utilizing to the full this tendency, and practically draw from this source a large portion of their revenue. The English protect all rights in land, however shadowy they may be, and confer others. The Dutch admit no such rights, and studiously avoid the introduction of the proprietary principle. We persist in impressing on the native mind that the Western and the Oriental, the heir of Europe’s civilization and successor to Eastern conservatism, are all equal and equally fitted for and capable of understanding and of profiting by those social institutions and forms of government to which we ourselves are so attached. The Dutch frankly deny the equality, and ridicule the notion that all the world should be ruled on the same principle. To the Anglo-Indian visiting Java and viewing these great differences it is somewhat humiliating to feel that the Dutch have most unquestionably, in one point at any rate, succeeded where we have partially failed. Conscious of the absolutely upright intentions of his own Government, and convinced that it is the first wish of every English official connected with the administration that all classes should share in the blessings which should flow from its benevolent measures, he is startled to find the great mass of agriculturists in Java manifestly in a far better material condition than our own ryots. This is unquestionably the case, and the fact undoubtedly proves that our treatment of the great questions relating to land tenures, which a hundred years ago were partly similar to those which have from time to time arisen in Java, have not been dealt with in the manner best calcdlated to secure the happiness of the people. The denationalization of the land, which from the time of Lord Cornwallis till the present day has been more and more completely effected, has resulted in the aggrandizement of a class of wealthy landlords and middlemen at the expense of the cultivator of the soil, and we have surrendered that splendid position as owners of the land which enables the Dutch to appropriate for State purposes the whole rental of the country and to insure that that rental shall always be so moderate in amount as to enable the peasant to pass his days in comfort and without care. Doubtless Holland would do well to treat her rich dependency in a more generous, more unselfish spirit, and in many points she could undoubtedly take lessons from England; but the impartial student of the economics of the Eastern possessions of the two countries will certainly come also to the conclusion that India has much to learn from Java. Regarding the system of the permanent retention of land ownership by the Government, it may be said that its retention in com- munities where the system has always prevailed is commended by many students of colonial methods, for two reasons: First, that it furnishes a simple and readily accepted method of raising revenue; second, that the experience of the British in those parts of India where the soil has been transferred to the native, with power of mortgage and transfer, is that the land, in a large proportion of cases, soon passes into the possession of the money lenders. CONTROL OF THE LAND BY CHARTERED COMPANIES, This system, as is shown elsewhere, is a revival in recent years of methods adopted, tested, and abandoned in the early part of last century. Under it great companies are given control of large undeveloped territories, the control extending to the right of development of lands, forests, mines, highways, the construction of roads and railways and canals, the sale or lease of lands, the establishment and 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1337 — administration of forms of government, the maintenance of a police force and even, if necessary, of an army (which, however, is in some degree under control of the home Government). These charters, and the governments established under them are, under modern methods, administered under the constant supervision of officials appointed by the home Government and located in the governed territory, and their assent to all the important acts of the gov erning company is necessary, including sales or leases of lands, the raising of revenue, taxation levied upon the occupants of the soil, etc. The details of this method of governing a country, and incidentally of the control or disposition of the land, are discussed under the head of ‘‘Chartered companies’ and need not be repeated here. OWNERSHIP OR LEASE OF LARGE ESTATES. The system of control of large estates by individuals or ‘corporations is in part a relic of slavery days, when large plantations, worked by groups of slaves, were possible; while in other cases they are still considered a necessity by reason of the fact that certain agricultural products can only be turned into marketable condition by the use of costly machinery, and that when such machinery and the accompanying plant are installed the control of a sufficient area of land tosupply the natural product to be thus manufactured is a business necessity. Under these two systems, the one following the other, great estates have been established in many of the colonies, especially those in which sugar production forms the chief agricultural industry. In the West Indies and adjacent territory, where sugar cane was originally the most profitable crop, large estates were created, the cane being grown by slave labor, and considerable sums invested in the machinery of manufacture. After slavery ceased to exist, the owners of the estates found it difficult to obtain negro labor for continuing the production of the sugar cane, and in a number of cases, as has been described under the head of ‘‘Indentured labor,” coolies from India, and in a few cases labor from other sources, were brought in under contract and put upon these plantations or estates and the production of cane for the manufacture of sugar continued. With the development of the present methods of sugar production, the use of extensive machinery and large plants requires a certainty of cane production, prompt handling, and a large producing area in the immediate vicinity of the plant to insure success, and for this work it is held that the control of large estates by lease or ownership and the employment, under such terms as will insure continuous labor, of a large force to operate the estates, especially during the criti- cal period of cane ripening and grinding, is an absolute necessity. This view has led in the Dutch East Indies, since the abolition of the forced labor system, to large leases of land by the Government to great sugar manufacturing companies, and under the agrarian law of 1870 large tracts which were formerly waste lands have been leased to these companies on hereditary holdings for a seventy-five year term. In 1898 nearly 1,000,006 acres were thus ceded to 752 individuals and companies. INDIVIDUAL OWNERSHIP. The system which is being now generally commended, aside from that operative in the two great territories where govermental control of the land has continued for generations, India and Netherlands, is that of the subdivision of the land into comparatively small holdings, while in the densely populated tropical colonies the tendency is in favor of decidedly small holdings. This has been already discussed under the head of ‘‘ Diversification of industries,’’ where it is shown that especially in the densely populated colonies of the British West Indies careful inquiry has. established, and experiments substantiated, the theory of small individual ownership of land, coupled with a diversification of industries. The application of this plan in a somewhat modified form to less densely populated sections, coupling it with the central factory system (under a plan by which the individual owners will grow cane or other agricultural products for the factory), is also recommended and in some degree being developed in certain colonial and tropical sections. In general terms it may be said that individual ownership prevails in a large proportion of the colonies where population and development are in an advanced state, and that the disposition is to apply it in conjunction with the central factories necessary for the successful production of the great staples. ‘‘The most prosperous of the colonial workingmen,”’ says Sir Charles Dilke in his Problems of Greater Britain, ‘‘ are landholders in towns or suburbs, shareholders in companies owning factories and mines, and in fact capitalists and proprietors with the same feeling against the nationalization of the land as is found among landowners in the United States. Although the most extreme land reformers of Europe either care nothing for free transfer of land, or dislike it, the whole of the (British) colonies have adopted and maintained, with every sign of popular assent, an easy system of the transfer of real estate, and support it as steadily as they do universal education, manhood suffrage, and the other planks of the old colonial liberal programme now mostly carriedinto law. * * * The land systems of British North America are modeled upon the American freehold homestead plan. In Cape Colony there is a curious land system of Dutch origin, the greater portion of the land being held of the Crown on a quitrent tenure, and a good deal more held as leasehold, while a few of the large estates are upon a freehold tenure. Under an act of 1887 land is disposed of at public auction with payment by the purchaser of one-fifth of the price within a year, and mortgage of four-fifths at 4 per cent in favor of the government. The State is in Cape Colony, a large landowner and quitrents form a considerable item in the public revenue. In Natal the old Dutch farmers were allowed farms of from 2,000 to 6,000 acres, at an annual rental of a little over half a farthing an acre, redeemable at fifteen years’ purchase. But from 1848 a homestead system was adopted, and since 1880 lands have been sold in freehold in lots of not over 2,000 acres, payable in twenty annual installments without interest. In the Australian colonies, when lands were let out to pastoral tenants at low rents it was only as a temporary arrangement, and within the colonies the agricultural land has passed gradually to free selectors of the working class. All the colonies except the Cape, and for a time New Zealand, have shown alacrity in getting rid of the freehold of their land for cash, though all of them haye tried their hand at legislation intended to secure a preference to the poor man. In each of the colonies a small body of men, with distinguished leaders, have advocated the nationalization of the land; in none of them have their views found general favor, probably for the reason that too large a proportion of the population are interested as landowners in leaving matters as they are.”’ LANGUAGE IN THE COLONIES. Little effort is made by the experienced colonizing countries to introduce their own language or customs among the natives of the colonized country, except in the few colonies which proved suitable for permanent habitation of the people of the mother country. In the English colonies, classed as ‘‘ habitation colonies,”’ in which a large part of the population is composed of the natives of the nother Th 1338 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. TOcrourr, country or their descendants, the language is of course English, except in a certain sectiun of Canada occupied by French, who have persistently maintained their own language and customs, and in some parts of South Africa, formerly controlled and settled by the Dutch, where the Dutch language is retained. In the British West Indies the use of the English language became general through the intercourse of the governing class with the negro population during slave days, and thus Euglish became the generally accepted language in those islands, while a similar condition prevails in the French West Indian colonies, where the language of the governing country is generally spoken. NATIVE LANGUAGE RETAINED IN THE TROPICS. In the great tropical communities, however, where large masses of people with a native language are governed by European nations, no effort is made to introduce the language of the governing country, except among the few with whom the officers from the home country necessarily come in contact, and through whom they distribute their instruction and government to the natives. Thus in India all natives desiring to enter the service of the Government and to serve in such capacity as will bring them in constant touch with the English officials there located, are required to learn the English language, and this they do with facility and great success; but, aside from this, the adoption of the English language is not urged upon the natives, though it is taught in the schools of the higher grades, and even in certain schools of the lower grades,‘to those who desire such instruction. In the Netherlands the adoption of the language of the mother country by the natives is distinctly discouraged. Officials sent from the Netherlands to the colonies are required to perfect themselves in the language of the natives, in part in the training schools and the college maintained in the Netherlands for their instrue- tion, and afterwards in actual intercourse with the natives, and writers upon conditions in Java state that the disposition to discourage the introduction of the language of the governing country in the colony is carried to such an extent that officials, even if addressed by a native in the Dutch language, reply in the native tongue. THE FRENCH, SPANISH, AND PORTUGUESE METHODS. In the colonies governed by France the method followed is somewhat different, the use of the French language among the natives being encouraged wherever practicable, and the effect of this is seen in the fact that French continues to be the general language of the people in their older colonies and even in certain islands and communities which were formerly colonies of France, but are now otherwise governed. This is also true of the methods adopted by the Spanish and Portuguese colonizers—their language having outlived their control in the vast sections of South, Central, and North America, and the East and West Indies, formerly controlled by them. This fact, that the French Government is more inclined to give its language to the colonies than is the case with the other colonizing countries, and that the Spanish and Portuguese not only give their language to the countries which they govern, but in such indelible form that it has been maintained long after their control of the territory has disappeared, is apparently due, in part, at least, to two circumstances: First, that the French and Spanish made greater efforts in their official and personal relations to assimilate the natives to their own customs and methods ; and second, the active work of the missionaries and machinery of the Church of Rome, which, in conjunction with and aided by the home Governments, permeated the native communities, introducing and establishing the language and more or less of the customs of the governing people. VIEWS OF DISTINGUISHED STUDENTS AND ECONOMISTS. On this subject of the introduction of the language of tthe governing country into the colonies or noncontiguous communities governed, Sir George Cornewall Lewis says: ‘‘If it be inexpedient for a government to change suddenly the laws of a dependency, it is still more inexpedient for the government to attempt to make a sudden change in its language. The acquisition of a new language is a slow and laborious process; and it implies an amount of diligence, leisure, and intelligence which can not be expected of an entire community of adults. The great mass of mankind never acquire a language by study; they only know the language which they imperceptibly imbibe during infancy and childhood. It is no more possible for a government, by the expression of its will and by offering rewards or threatening punishments, to change suddenly the language of its subjects than to add a cubit to their stature or to give them a sixth sense. A government may publish ity laws and other acts in a foreign language, but it can not cause the people to understand them; it may prohibit advocates from pleading in their native tongue, but it can not enable them, however much they may desire it, to plead in an acquired language; it may declare that contracts and testaments made in the language of the country are invalid, but it can not enable parties to contracts or testators to comprehend the meaning of instruments drawn in a foreign tongue. Many examples might be given of the mischievous effects which have been produced by an attempt to force the language of a government upon the people. Thus, when Joseph II attempted to treat Hungary as a dependency, to incorporate it with Austria, and to reform its laws by his own authority, the people for a time submitted, unwillingly, to his useful though too hastily introduced reforms; but when he ordered St. Stephen’s crown to be carried to Vienna and issued an edict making German the language of government throughout Hungary the people arose in insurrection against him. In like manner, the measures of the King of Holland for introducing the use of the Dutch language into Belgium in the place of the French language, which was spoken by the educated classes, ercated » general discontent throughout Belgium, and contributed materially to produce a Belgian revulution and the consequent separation of Belgium from Holland. Even if a dominant country should succeed in diffusing its own language among the people of a dependency, it might fail in creating the attachment to its government which was the end sought by the introduction of its language. And if by a forcible or overhasty introduction of its language it engendered discontent in the dependency, it would produce an effect the very opposite of that intended; since, instead of attaching the people of the dependency to itself, it would strengthen their aversion to its supremacy. It is obvious that the best mode of incorporating a body of people with the rest of the empire is to render them contented and happy, and that any measures which renders them discontented is likely to prevent that incorporation. * * * The self-partiality which leads the dominant country to introduce its own language into a dependency, without due regard to the circumstances of the latter, sometimes brings evils upon the dependency itself by causing theappointment of people of the dominant country to offices in the depenlency to the exclusion of natives from them, without sufficient reason for the preference. Inasmuch as the natives of a dependency do not uspire to offices in the dominant country, they reasonably expect to be appointed to those in their own little community. Not 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, 1339 only, therefore, are their feelings wounded by their exclusion from these offices, but this injury to thcir feelings is aggravated ly the incompetency of the natives of the dominant country who are appointed to them.”’ A later view of this question is that of Mr. C. P. Lucas, who, in his introduction to the reprint of Mr. Lewis’s work from which the above quotation is made, says: ‘‘ Nowadays, it can hardly be said that Great Britain introduces or is likely to introduce into her colonial possessions her laws, language, and religion without due regard to the position and interests of the dependency. The French laws and language and the Roman Catholic religion are in no way tabooed in Lower Canada, for instance, or in Mauritius. The Roman Dutch law is still the basis of the legal system in the old Dutch colonies, the Cape Colony, and British Guiana.’’ To this statement may be added that the Dutch language introduced in South Africa by the settlers from the Netherlands, when the Cape of Good Hope was a Netherlands colony, is still retained among the people of Dutch descent with such tenacity that the British Government has found it advisable to permit its use in the schools and in the legislative body in which discussions are maintained in both the English and Dutch languages, and records of these discussions are kept in both languages, . QUESTION IV. HOW ARE HABITS OF INDUSTRY AND THRIFT INCULCATED AMONG THE NATIVES AND THE NECESSARY LABOR SUPPLY OBTAINED FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF INDUSTRIES WHICH SHALL RENDER THE COLONY SELF- SUPPORTING AND ITS PEOPLE PROSPEROUS? The question of the labor supply, especially in undeveloped territories, has been widely discussed by those interested in the management of colonies. This is especiaiiy true with reference to tropical territory, to which the immigration of citizens of the home country is usually small, and in which continuous and heavy labor can not be successfully performed by natives of the temperate zone. The opening of roads, the construction of railways and canais, the development of mines, the creation of great establishments for the handling and utilization of the products of agriculture, especially sugar and tobacco, have required large supplies of labor in the tropical territories controlled by governments of the temperate zone. In some of these territories great difficulty has been experienced in obtaining a satisfactory supply of such labor from the native population of the territory. The fact that conditions of soil and climate and ease of production in the Tropics enable the natives to produce sufficient for their daily requirements with very little labor adds to the difficulty of cultivating among them habits of industry and persistent labor necessary for the successful conduct of great enterprises similar to those which have brought success, prosperity, and great development to the countries of the temperate zone. While it is not assumed in this discussion that these conditions prevail in the territory over which the United States now exercises control to such an extent that they can not be remedied by the application of conditions which produce industry among the native people of other communities, the difficulties which have arisen in this line in other communities similarly located seem to render it proper that the experience of other nations and peoples in this, as in all matters pertaining to colonization, be here presented. Prior to the middle of the nineteenth century this problem was met with forced labor, slavery. Great industries were developed in the Tropics, especially in the West Indies, where sugar production flourished. Great plantations were established, largely owned by nonresidents and directed by their representatives in the islands, and the labor performed by slaves imported from Africa or their descendants. In the East Indies the use of absolute slave labor was not so extensive, the density of population in India and its readiness to accept employment furnishing a ready supply of labor. In Java a system of forced labor adopted by the Dutch, by which the entire population was required to give a certain number of days in each year to public works, while the land was cultivated under a rigid system established by that Government, furnished a temporary solution of the labor question in that island. With the abolition of slavery, which public opinion demanded in the middle of the century, and the abolition of forced labor in Jaya, which public sentiment also demanded a few years later, and the development of other tropical territories, new complications arose, and various experiments have been made and various solutions of the labor problem proposed and discussed. SIX METHODS OF OBTAINING A LABOR SUPPLY IN COLONIES. Six distinct propositions for the development of the necessary labor supply in the Tropics have been offered: (a) Forced labor by the native population or imported slaves; (b) the importation of labor under contract; (c) convict labor from the mother country; (d) the sale of lands at a comparatively high price and the application of the proceeds to the payment of sufficiently high wages to induce immigration of labor; (e) the development of communication and transportation routes, by which industry in the colony may become profitable and therefore acceptable to the natives; and (f) the diversification of industries by which individual enterprises will be encouraged. FORCED LABOR. Under this head would naturally be included, first, slavery, which now happily has disappeared and which need not be discussed except as to the conditions which immediately followed its termination in the tropical colonies where it had furnished the chief labor supply; second, the uxe of convict labor in the colonies; and, third, the method under which the Dutch created a great system of roads an internal communications in Java, and, coincident with this development, a great agricultural prosperity, much of which has continued since the abolition of the forced-labor system. SLAVERY. The emancipation act, which became a law in England on August 28, 1833, provided that on August 1, 1834, all slaves in the British colonies should become apprenticed laborers, and that they should be absolutely free in 1840. Subsequently the date of complete emancipa- tion was fixed for August 1, 1838. England paid £20,000,000 as compensation to the slave owners. ‘The number of slaves who received their freedom on August 1, 1838, was 639,000. ‘‘ Despite the confident predictions of the antislavery party,’’ says Ireland, ‘‘emancipation had a most disastrous effect on the West Indian colonies. Numbers of estates fell out of cultivation; plantations became a drug on the market; the cotton and coffee industries were, for the time being, destroyed. Looking back on the situation, it is readily perceived that no other result could have been looked for. It was slavery that had made the existence of the plantations possible; it was the yearly supply of slaves that kept them going. * * * After being condemned for years to hard daily toil, it was surely unreasonable to expect that negroes would not take advantage of their freedom to lead that life of leisure of which each of them had dreamed—and only dreamed. 1340 {Ocropmr, 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1341 * ® * So desperate did the condition of the West Indian colonies become that the House of Commons appointed a select committee to inquire into the state of the West Indian colonies in reference to the existing relations between employers and laborers. The report of this committee makes an analysis of the causes of the West Indian distress, and also foreshadows the policy by means of which alone extreme disaster could be averted, and which was, in fact, adopted by several of the colonies.”’ The report of the British West Indian commission above referred to, presented in 1842, may be summarized as follows: First, that the emancipation act was productive of the most favorable and gratifying results regarding the character and condition of the negro population; second, that the negro had shown an increased desire for instruction and a growing disposition to assume the obligations of marriage and the responsibilities of domestic life, improved morals, a rapid advance in civilization, and an increased sense of the value of property and independent station; third, that simultaneous with this had come a great diminution in the staple productions of the West Indies, injurious and in some cases ruinous to the proprietors of estates; fourth, that this had resulted, in some of the larger coloniez, in the abandonment of estates; fifth, that the principal cause of this diminished prcduction was the difficulty of obtaining steady and continuous labor, and the high rates of remuneration required for broken and indifferent labor; sixth, that this diminution of the labor supply was due to the fact that the laborers had betaken themselves to other and more profitable occupations, and were able to live in comfort by only laboring for the planters three or four days in the week and from five to seven hours a day; seventh, that this was largely due to the fact that the negroes had been able to obtain land upon easy terms for their own occupation; eighth, that a very small area of land provides sufficient to yield ample food supply, and in many cases a considerable revenue independent of wages received from plantations; ninth, that this cheapness of land was due to the excess of fertile lands beyond the requirements of the existing population. The report closed by recommending the promotion of immigration of a fresh laboring population, subject to such regulations as would insure the full rights and comforts of the immigrants as freemen, and be conducted under the authority, inspection, and control of responsible public officers. The experiment of the importation of indentured labor, recommended in the above report, will be discussed in another section of this study, but the above summarization of the report itself, which resulted from a study of the conditions which followed the abolition of forced labor, is here presented in its proper sequence, especially with the purpose of calling attention to this statement made more than half a century ago regarding the disposition of native negro labor to divide itself into individual industries and establish homes upon small holdings, and by doing so contribute to the diversification of industries which has been already referred to as a possible solution of the labor question in the Tropics, especially the West Indies, with their proximity to _ great markets for products of a diversified character. CONVICT LABOR. Ancther form of forced labor which has been adopted in a few cases, especially in the earlier history of colonization, was that supplied by transportation of convicts. Australia, as is well known, was originally a convict colony. The Russian Government for a time utilized portions of Siberia in this manner, and the French island of New Caledonia in the Pacific and French Guiana in South America are still the destination of certain classes of convicts from France. New Calelonia, in 1898, consisted of 7,477 convicts undergoing sentence, 2,515 liberated convicts, 1,714 soldiers, 1,762 officials, and 585 colonists. It is needless to say that convict labor or penal service in the colony for other than crimes there committed is no longer considered advisable or advantageous, and has been practically abandoned, except in small islands which can virtually be given up to this purpose and not considered in the life of the ordinary colony. ‘In 1845, and again in 1849,”’ says Dilke, ‘“‘the inhabitants of Melbourne prevented by force the landing of British convicts, and much more violent language was used of that resistance by the English press than has recently been applied to the equally illegal prevention of the landing of Chinese. In the second of the two years named the legislature of New South Wales passed a law which imposed on all persons who might have been transported to or convicted in any British colony in the Southern Hemisphere, and who might arrive in New South Wales, the necessity of notifying the magistrates of all changes of residence on their part, and, if summoned by a justice of the peace, of accounting for their means of support in each cage under a penalty of two years’ imprisonment with hard labor. This act was disallowed by the home Government. The Australian League, which was started at Melbourne in 1881, was intended, among other objects, to support with money those who might suffer from being prominent in the cause of ‘antitransportation’ (of convicts). Victoria, in 1852, passed a ‘Convicts’ prevention act,’ which prevented ex-convicts who had received the Queen’s pardon, or who were absolutely free, having completed their sentences, or who held tickets of leave, which gave them a legal right to go where they chose in Australia, from landing in Victoria.” Merivale, in his course of lectures on colonization before the University of Oxford in 1839, 1840, and 1841, commenting upon the conyict-labor experiment in Australia, said: ‘‘The penal colonies under the British Government are now four in number—New South Wales, Tasmania, Bermuda, and Norfolk Island. In Bermuda there are about 900 convicts only, working in gangs in the Government dockyards. Norfolk Island is used as a place of temporary punishment. The two Australian colonies (New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land) contain at this time (1840) more than 40,000 convicts, and of these it appears that about 26,000 are assigned or made over to settlers as servants to perform compulsory labor; the remainder are worked in the service of the Government in road gangs, chain gangs, or in the penal settlements. From 1787 to 1836, 75,250 convicts had been transported to New South Wales, and 27,757 to Van Diemen’s Land. ‘The average of late years has been about 3,500 to the former colony and 2,000 to the latter. It becomes important to trace the effect produced on these colonies by the continued influx of convict labor, and the probable results of its discontinuance. In the first place, the effect of the extensive introduction of convicts on the progress of the population must be considered. The great disproportion between the sexes, which is unavoidable under such circumstances, necessarily prevents it from making a rapid advance, Accordingly the increase of number in Australia has been very slow. But a population which grows in this manner—by adult immigration—must for some time be favorably constituted with respect to the productiveness of labor; there must be a smaller number of unpraductive persons. But convicts in a healthy country like Australia soon grow old, and it may be doubted, therefore, whether, after a certain period, such a population is really more effective than one which grows by natural movement. The labor of conviets is probably the dearest of all labor; that is, it costs more to some portion or other of society. The master himself obtains it cheaper than the services of the free laborer, but this is only because the State has already expended a much greater sum then the difference on the maintenance and restraint of the convict; and, when obtained, it is not in the long run equally efficient or valuable. In our colonies the convicts are divided into two classes—those employed on public works and those assigned as servants to individuals. From the first of these classes it is probable that as much labor is obtained, for an equal expense, as would be procured from hired laborers at that high rate of wages which prevails in young communities. But with reference to the other class, that of assigned servants, the case is very No. 4 20 1342 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozrr, different. The difficulty of employing them profitably, and at the same time rendering their condition one of punishment, is extreme. ' The ordinary laborer may be compelled, by dread of severe coercion, to perform a certain quantity of work—about two-thirds of what would be done by a free laborer. But severity will never compel the skilled mechanic to exert his powers. Their development can only be won by good treatment and indulgence, perh&ps in his most pernicious habits; and thus with respect to those very criminals who are in general the most depraved there is a constant temptation to the master to treat them with the greatest lenity and favor, by which the object of punishment is entirely frustrated. * * * The state of public morals in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land is but too plainly evinced by the criminal returns from those countries. Britain £ £ £ £ TNA ose ceca tinemeciiiewenace 52,577,000 37, 811, 000 71.9 68, 250, 000 22, 656, 000 33.2 25, 699, 000 18, 248, 000 71.0 33, 288, 000 22, 831, 000 68.7 6, 836, 000 4,381, 64,1 . 9, 125, 000 7, 402,000 81.1 epee Siac 23, 327, 000 7,697, 000 33.0 24, 029, 000 18, 200, 000 54.9 1, 383, 000 444, 32.1 1, 295, 000 318, 000 24,6 14, 118, 000 11, 075, 000 78.5 14, 610, 000 14, 088, 000 96.4 2, 214, 000 2, 293, 000 71.3 1, 231, 000 875, 000 71.1 ; 6, 587, 000 2, 903, 000 44,1 5, 948, 000 1, 613, 000 27.1 West Africa «1. 2, 881, 000 2,107,000 73.1 3,060, 000 1, 621, 000 53.0 Straits Settlements 21, 021, 060 2, 703, 000 12.9 18, 562, 000 344, 01 18.0 Ceylon. a 4,629, 000 1, 153, 000 24.9 4, 237,000 2,999, 000 70.8 Mauritius 1,981, 000 443, 000 22.4 1, 681, 000 122, 000 7.3 British Gu. 1, 631, 000 890, 000 64.6 2,100, 000 1,142,000 54.4 Other?....... 1, 105, 000 244, 000 22.1 1,038,000 | 146, 000 14.1 Total, 232. cc on seeds ce nctede 166, 984, 000 92, 387, 000 55.38 188, 404, 000 92, 357, 000 49.0 i Average of 1893-1896. “Namely, Labuan, British New Guinea, Fiji, Falkland Islands, St. Helena, Bermuda, and Honduras. In preparing this table the Indian trade figures, which represent only the sea-borne trade, have been converted into sterling for each year at the average rate of council bills, and the same for Mauritius. In dealing with Australia the intercolonial trade between the six Australian colonies, amounting to some £22,500,000 each way, has been omitted in compiling the total, so as to obtain a repre- sentation corresponding to a federated Australia.. There are a few of the minor possessions of Great Britain whose trade is not included in the above table, and there are necessarily excluded, for want of sufficient information, the trade of Gibraltar, Malta, and Hongkong. The exports to these three together averaged £3,410,000 in the period in question, and the imports from them averaged £910,000. HIGH PERCENTAGE OF COLONIAL TRADE WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY. In looking down the table the high percentage of trade with Britain is noteworthy. The first exception to the general high percentage is Canada, whose import. trade is larger with the United States than with the mother country. The next is Newfoundland, importing more largely from Canada than trom Britain, and nearly as extensively from the United States as from the mother country. On the export side the trade of Newfoundland is more widely spread. Great Britain comes first, but Brazil and Portugal, as well as Canada and the United States, share largely in this trade, for obvious reasons when the nature of the chief export is considered. Next comes the West Indies, for sume of the principal productions of which the neighboring United States market is more favorably situated than the comparatively distant British niarket. More striking by far, perhaps the most striking case in the list at first glance, is the position of the Straits Settlements. We have only to remember how large a part in this case is played by the entrepét trade to havea full explanation of the situation. Ceylon and Mauritius do their chief trade with India and Australia (and the Cape of Good Hope in the case of Mauritius), and thus the small proportion done with Britain indicates no large current of extraimperial trade. The came kind of explanation applies to the miscellaneous group. Fiji, for example, does the bulk of its trade with Australia, and taken altogether, here again trade with other colonies is greater in amount than with the mother country. In fact, taking the whole list in the table, besides the inter-Australian trade already referred to, there is recorded fully £22,750,000 per annum on the import side and £24,350,000 on the export side of the trade from or to other portions of the Empire than Britain itself. These amounts bring up the percentage of imports from other parts of the Empire to 69 and of exports to other parts of the Empire to 62, or, on the whole trade, over 65 per cent. A rearrangement, or rather a partial grouping, of the figures in the last table corresponding to the grouping of the preceding table may be of service. We obtain the following: Imports | Percentage Exports | Percentage} fants from of British || Total to. of exports : Britain. | imports. POETS: Britain. | to Britain. £ £ £ & WD OND vcedecticncnicenieictn ieee eere os Seine 52,577, 000 37,811, 000 71.9 68, 250, 000 22, 656, 000 33.2 Self-governing colonies 74, 572, 000 44, 133, 000 69.2 , 528, 000 58, 714, 000 70.3 Other colonies.......... 39, 835, 000 10, 443, 000 26.2 36, 626, 000 10, 987,000 29.3 Of which Straits Set --| 21,021,000 2,703, 000 12.9 18, 562, 000 38, 344, 000 18.0 The TEMAIN CE? wccsscseceneexcgessccas's 18, 814, 000 7,740, 000 41.1 18, 064, 000 7,643, 000 42.3 In comparing the figures of this table with the previously given summary of the British record of trade with colonies, it must be remembered that the present table is not so exhaustive as the British record in the section which includes the miscellaneous lesser colonial markets. A striking discrepancy in the two sets of figures is the recorded export from self-governing colonies to Britain of £58,714,000 per annum on the five year average, while the recorded receipt of imports from self-governing colonies amounts to but £50,477,000. The latter figure, however, does not include gold, which is included in the former.? 1The recorded imports into Britain of gold and silver bullion and specie from Australsaia, British South Africa, and British North America, averaged £11,327,000 in Te If to this the value of diamonds imported from South Africa, nearly £4,000,000 per annum, be added, the agreement between the two accounts is satisfactory. 1901.] ‘COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1429 The changes in a quarter of a century may be seen by comparing the tables just given with similar statements for a quarter of a century previous, which now follow: TRADE oF THE EMPIRE with Briain. ANNUAL AVERAGE, 1867-1871. a Imports /|Percentage Percentage Se Ee Ee OF Total imports. from of British || Total exports. | PXPertS to | of exports i Britain. imports. * | to Britain. zi £ £ £ £ TAGLG oct edesdecihiadoatusenneoseiones 45,818,000 | 31,707,000 69.2 56,532,000 | 29,738, 000 52.6 Australia... 2.2.2. ..cccsccsacesereeeees 17,639,000 | 11,353, 000 64.4 20,104,000 | 14,156, 000 70.4 New Zealand............ssscssesssseee 4) 805; 000 2} 406, 000 50.0 4,681, 000 2} 280, 000 48,7 CANA GA vv wed sain necnacome cement 16, 237, 000 8,102, 000 49.9 13, 414, 000 4,214, 000 31.4 Newfoundland: cic cssacuscres ness 1, 159, 000 444, 000 38.3 1, 165, 000 386, 000 33.1 Cape of Good Hope.........-..--.....- 2,398, 000 1, 889, 000 78.8 2, 661, 000 2, 200, 000 82. 7 Atal . 2... ee eee eee eee eee , 000 308, 000 82.4 361,000 240, 000 66. 6 West Indian Islands..........-......+- 4, 486, 000 2, 003, 000 44.7 4, 954, 000 3, 626, 000 73.2 MCSE ALi new mex muecoiamawmeninisu ae 1, 004, 000 696, 000 69.3 1, 324, 000 599, 000 45.2 Straits: Settlement Sic cciiescectecizavaniisn 8,712, 0U0 2,324, 000 26.7 7,780, 000 1,514, 000 19.5 COylON, scicrcmernecicumacapmmecsacsenerces 4,595, 000 1, 357, 000 29.6 38, 777, 000 2,709, OVO 71. 7 Mauritius... 2/001, 000 468, 000 23.4 2/440, 000 737, 000 30.2 British Guiana ‘ahaa: 1, 697, 000 870. 000 61.3 2,379, 000 1, 390, 000 58.4 Others cseece 4 ences aeons 666, 000 237, 000 35. 6 97, 000 1238, 000 31.0 Ota eats otucc tic secaceoaeee eet 111,591,000 | 64,164, 000 57.5 121, 969,000 | 63,912,000 52.4 Comparing this table with that for 1892-1896, the broadest contrasts are to be found in the larger proportion of the exports of the West Indies and of Mauritius, which formerly sought the British market, the smaller exports to this country from India, and the approximate reversal of the proportions of import and export trade done by Canada with Britain. Summarizing in the same manner as before, and using the term self-governing colonies to indicate those which now fall under that description, whether they did so at the time referred to or not, we get as the result: TRADE OF 1867-1871. . Percentage Percentage | Totalim- [Imports from ies Total ex- Exports to iz eee of British Sa of exports | ports. Britain. imports. ports. Britain. to Britain. 1 | £ £ £ £ ANG TB nies. cicjaje ssesbsepsstncisieys | 45,818, 000 31, 707, 000 69.2 56, 532, 000 29, 738, 000 52.6 Self-governing colonies 24, 502, 000 57.5 42, 386, 000 23, 476, 000 65.4 Other colonies..........-- 7,955, 000 34.3 23, 051, 000 10, 698, 600 46.4 Of which Straits Settl 2 iet, 2,324, 000 26.7 7, 780, 000 1, 514, 000 19.5 The remainder.............2-20000200+ 14, 449, 000 5, 631, 000 39.0 15, 271, 000 9,184, 000 60.1 THE SELF-ttOVERNING COLONIES. The great source of the growth of Britain’s colonial trade is very clearly shown to be the growth of trade with the colonies to which self-government has heen granted. Their foreign trade has nearly doubled, and the proportion of it which is carried on with the mother country has increased from about 564 per cent to 65 per cent. In spite of the fact that the growth of India’s trade has been mainly with other countries so far as the exports are concerned, the value sent to Britain haying even considerably decreased, and that the sugar-growing colonies have also decreased their exports to Britain, the growth of the trade of the seli-governing colonies has maintained, almost at its old figure, the proportion of trade done }by the colonies asa whole with Britain. It has only fallen from 55 to 52 per cent, while the value of the trade has increased ly one-half. As to the trade between the colonies, the Australian intereolonial trade, which we have stated at £22,500,000 for 1892-1886, was only between £7,000,000 and £8,000,000 at the earlier date here cuusidered. Other intervolonial trade has hardly grown in value. It was recorded at about £20,000,000 on the import side and £25,000,000 on the export side during the years 1867-1871. Thus, nearly 76 per cent of colonial imports were then derived from the Empire, and about 73 per cent of the exports went to the Empire, or about 74 per cent of the total trade was carried on with other parts of the Empire as compared with the 65 per cent at the more rccent date as recorded above. THE STRAITS SETTLEMENTS, The peculiar nature of the trade of the Straits Settlements, which has been remarked upon, and the exceptional change in the export trade of India suggests a comparison of figures omitting these two from the summary. The summaries already given readily afford the following: TRADE oF Britiso PossEssioNs OTMER THAN INDIA AND THE Straits SETTLEMENTS. : ‘ Percentage oe : Totalim- |Imports from) ee Exports to | Percentage ANNUAL AVERAGE. ports. Britain. a Total exports.| “Britain. | to Britain, | £ £ £ £ TSC TAS oss iascinis s oszetereere sSeciniaps ai sistiewersiane's 57,061, 000 30, 133, 000 52.8 57, 657, 000 32, 660, 000 56.7 189271896 sicaeieiseeewareinrsceoates soeeaccess 93, 386, 000 51, 873, 000 55.5 101, 592, 000 66, 357, 000 65.3 1 The portion of the Empire here separately considered shows a more progressive trade, and a trade with the nother country both larger in proportion and increasing more rapidly than isshown by the Empire at large. In the twenty-five years’ interval the percentage of trade done with Britain has increased from about 55 to over 60. Let us see how other colonial empires compare with our own in this. No. 4——21 1430 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocronzr, FRENCH COLONIES AND THEIR TRADE WITH FRANCE. In presenting a comprehensive view of the trade of French eclonies and j rotectorates, i am, unfortunately, unable to offer a table as unijorm in date and representing the saiae years as that covered l)y the table relating to British colonies and possessions. I give first a table showing the figures for the year 1495 in most cases, but, as the “Annuaire Stutistique de la France’’ does not supply the figures quite rezularly, the figures of 1893 are used for French India and French Guiana, those of 1894 for Anam and St. Pierre and Miquelon, those uf 18¥7 for the /rench Congo and Tahiti and its dependencies. Tanto or Frexca Possessions 1x 1896. | Percentai e | 5 Percentage COLONY OR PROTECTORATE. | Total imports. | ports from ! oF Fronch |: Total exports. Exporis % lof exports : | imports. , . to France. 1 Cochin China and Cambodia, | Francs. France. \ Francs. Francs. Anamand Topkitl:c...05 20 <.cc%5 85, 564, 000 30, 423, 000 35.6 | 92, 718, 000 9,510, 000 10.3 Bren Ch En Gta cc ccieceiceese can waste ; 3, 277, 000 532, 000 16.2 | 20, 129, 000 12, 709, 000 63.1 REUNION 22s oeses cose scenes aoees | 21, 888, 000 13, 160, 000 60.1 : 16, 918, 000 16, 055, 000 94,3 IMAGREASCAT: seanwaneccutce Roose ues 13, 988, C00 5, 798, 000 41.4 5) 3, 606, 000 37, 000 20.4 PSH C0C ee nme ae cases | 3, 743, 000 390, 000 10.4 7 3,151, 000 311, 000 9:9) New Caledonia. ci scsscecexes wesc 9, 193, 000 4, 737, 000 fs) m 749, 000 2, 411,000 41.9 Sénégal | 29/180, 000 16, 853, 000 57.8! , 137, 000 13, 414; 000 63.5 Congo, Guli of Guinea, Dahomey, | and Soudan .... 23, 798, 000 6, 531, 000 27.4 | 23, 950, 000 7,568, 000 31.6 French Guiana. 10, 921, 000 7, 400, 000 67.8 | 4,734, 000 4, 000 92.7 Martinique... 22,885, 000 9, 376, 000 42.0 | 21, 431, 000 19, 725, 000 92.0 Guadéloupe .. 21,762, 000 10, 755, 000 49.4 |: 18,793, 000 7,107,000 37.8 St. Pierre and Miquelon 6, 750, 000 3, 034, 000 45.2 | 400, 7,091, 75.4 TOta oc canecaninedace Vessos ' 252,951,000 | 109,009,000 | 41.1 241,716,000 | 101,025,000 41.8 TM euch teeta cla tats aa hele ete 46, 445, 000 25, 563, 000 55.0 34, 50%, 000 20, 223, 000 | 50.9 AIBC rcwesniesicceesacatne senmreres "275, 799, 000 217, 802, 000 79.0 | 240, 471,000 196, 842, 000 i 81.9 Pinaltotal wesciccesces ces 575, 195, 000 | 352, 374, 000 | 61.2 | 516,695, 000 | 218, 693.000 | 61.6 { : In the compilation of the above table there is more than one feature which is unsatisfactory. In some cases the imports into the colonies are given, not as from France, but as French goods. In at lexst one case (Sénégal) the details further given show that the re=ulting totals are not quite the same if the figures of ‘* French”’ goods be substituted for the figures of imports ‘‘ from France.” While it may be desirable to have the former rather than the latter, the admixture of figures of one class with thu.c ai sistance tee cades de eee aacn ae cca monminaciaedossemheceawise atacaeeesacees do.... 1, 283, 132 POCA SX POMS crore ceycpece Pee wwe Roemmasoseeek Se eceuninamees ooo a emcee etna ncaces sen edOlane 420; 270 Imports fromthe. United Kangdont.c2csc cose: 2 ee seicgecae swine se eeeieeeubeeecemeen do.... 397,607 Exports to: United Kingd ims. 22oscisigcncaies's vie'cisies'steevisie ss techie wena aw yewinisig ene ames anes do.... 296, 561 Total tonnage of vessels entered and cleared ....-.- 2.02.2... cee cece ee eee ne cee eee nee ees tons.. 1, 241,490 Total tonnage of Britis vessels entered and cleared .......--------------------- eee ee schactey ac do... 1, 045, 572 Dotalurailways Open: eoccects ses eels's sss cesta ieee 2b Se eieleicisectee enh leds eostiec ddactesbes easy miles... 638 Pelésraph lines opelivs.sun2 sone ee eescceos eases sereesentenabeess’s eetoveddsewet oes us eos do... 1,314 JAMAICA. {Area, 4,424 square miles; population, 745,104.] An island situated in the Caribbean Sea, 90 miles south of Cuba, the largest of the British West Indian islands. Its area, including Turks and Caicos islands, is 4,424 square miles; population, 745,104. The government consists of a governor appointed .by the Crown, assisted by a privy council and a legislative council, consisting, in addition to the governor, of the senior military officer, the colonial secretary, the attorney-general, director of public works and collector-general, and of such other persons, not exceeding 10, as the Queen or governor provisionally may appoint, called nominated members, and 14 members elected by the people, one for each parish of the island. Laws are administered by a high court of justice, circuit court, and a resident magistrate in each parish. Revenues are raised from customs, excise, and local taxation, about one-half being from customs. 1899. Public reveoueswes es oxide pe ceiee Sake cesecet esis bee decide seeackeies sane’ pounds sterling... 773, 610 Expenditure co's sowssceineeisaseess Stsisjstwarerin siete si do.... 346, 415, 000 Iniports from, France;1899% .cen snsacnesseconsesteces seetceececionzeseces scoeeedeeeeeee do.... 260, 422, 000 Exports to France; 1899: -.c.cs5 seuswueecnicetectoss saeemeseecberesce sce et eceeceeeenes do.... 279, 675, 000 Vesseleiéntered 2: oc-5 cca vcisinsnGiacies Jct e ea ccece peal eats tees eeeeereteeuess eSezeacces tons.. 1, 604, 906 Numiberof post-omi cede. sc occ saya Seieescetcie.s.c sed ecineiondis dite ore sinless Soil nee Se cwecceen eerie 573 Telegraph: lines:452.5 onrteaer aesinta tain dia Sed 33 id ioe ta trueis elsiesasassiote 0 1ace. eb iefemraransisietaearmia'e Siave-cieaicis miles... 7, 260 Lensth of railway lines; [899.2 .ss.cccqacateccuminocedsas 256s c tos eesecad cet eeaeseaed GOssce 2,190 FRENCH KONGO AND GABUN. [Area, 491,000 square miles; population, 15,000,000 (includes Bagirmi).] A protectorate on the right bank of the Kongo and along the north bank of the Mobangi, having a total area of 491,000 square miles, and a population estimated at 15,000,000 natives and 300 Europeans. The territories are under a commis-ioner-general, who, assisted by two lieutenant-governors, has charge both of the civil and military administration. There are 56 schools, 31 post-offices, and 27 military stations. ‘Vessels entered in 1898 « ..).sncccscoecacee = b26 Sesssedebarce ces eeeeenowsewes ese te eeccemwecs tons.. 250, 009 French vessele:enteréed! in 1898 nes ae cee eeeee cece ses estwestunde cbs ese siceeeeceun es do.... 127, 667 Local budget, L900 ss eaincissdicisinein s Seratdwssry srasersiclessia Sx wiacScainsniaseidiateciejaye.a o aictelameininsianasarnae as franes.. 3, 834, 060 Ti DOR(S) TOOO 2,5, /ersce ccs asc aimacete ei aiaysinit = Sid micah Bim ceyenm sotanynre oie cces yea baie vote einseiSid ace Gare uapegninss elaearaiete do.... 6,690, 263 Txports) 1900: c2ccceceunecsescitecredee weettoes due ceet stad wesc eeinecceesseomneseabenion do.... 6,625, 041 Imports trom: Wraice; 1000. osccccscses cet ceases tet cs oeseneaceteweneeeeewaweaced do.... 2, 436, 855 Exports:t0: France, 1900 ccc cece oe ssi ewiesieecies cows sotwiennintiewiegniee seeeeneeaeeer do.... 1,608, 173 ixpenditure-of Mrance: (budget of 1901). sc 22 ccc cnmtenwe nas ceeisecesedinichin see Seaesekeek do.... 2,078, 000 LetterstransivitteG ns ccatoeeoss ses cece desea sce ss ae aessedemcks so oceneeewereeee ess zee telecs 346, 000 FRENCIL WEST AFRICA AND THE SAHARA. This territory includes the larger part of northwest and central Africa, adjacent to the Senegal and upper part of the Niger rivers, besides the part of the Sahara Desert south of Algeria to the Lake Chad and east to the Nile basin. After the convention with the United Kingdom of June 14, 1898, providing for the delimitation of the possessions and spheres of influences claimed by both countries the administration of the French territory was reorganized, the middle Niger region, including the greater part of the area within the bend of the river, being put under a separate military administration, while the western portion of the old Sudan province was united with Senegal, under the administration of a civilgovernor. French Guinea, the Ivory Coast, and Dahomey were also largely extended by the addition of Sudan territory. 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1481 SENEGAL. The colony of Senegal occupies the coast region between the Sahara and the river Gambia, extending about 900 miles inland to the boundary of the military territories, within the bend of the Niger. Its area is now about 200,000 square miles, with a population of about 3,200,000. The colony is administered by a civil governor and represented in the French Parliament by one deputy. Imports of Senegal, 1899 ....2.. 20000 ce ceeuceseescccccc veces voces cecewcvceaceueceeees frances.. 50, 059, 834 POX PONts, 1 BOO soa ere hae recente fac Arer hs rattan AEN h eS NS Bid hea he he aaah do.... 23, 546, 425 Jmiports from: Prance, 1890. swasicnieio tose ea ncctts okteaccce oa udiaee cldcueasees beeen sees do.... 80, 702, 516 Exports‘to Hrance;. 1899) 2: 3.i.cccarcecms cee acd cuas es wedaceacctumesececkenwacascccucecees do.... 17,927, 210 Tocal udeets 1900s. 20 ent < cotnctecmmeascmmencee ines bestaciseisacameecacesiodeneausices do.... 4,454, 611 Expenditure of France (1901 budget) ...... 2.000020 coe c eee ee cee ence eee enon cence do.... 1,154, 960 Debts; 1899 ccc corcsei deers Saati bblanic eeadans wou meceanie Seana a sememiincis aecmieeone do.... 4,315, 613 Mésselsven tered. cxistecdice'afe'e Sateyeconitasia bomtdet ate ved Stelter kta Cha a aa psetalleieiauiatee ha ah tons. . 71, 706 Railways: 1 898i cet cee Cte tS EN cen TR I i tea ease oa te be cael miles... 246 Telegraph diness W982i eho ve a eS oe ae rn a es Siaaings cis bw wiceciersiae eee do...- 574 MILITARY TERRITORIES. These territories comprise an area of about 700,000 square miles, extending east of Senegal into the Sahara as far south as the Lake Chad and east to the border of the Egyptian Sudan. ‘The estimated population is 4,000,000. The annual expenditure of France, according to the budget estimate of 1901, was 13,650,446 frances. FRENCH GUINEA. This colony lies on the coast south of Senegal and Portuguese Ciuinea. Its area is about 95,000 square miles, and the population is estimated at about 2,200,000. The country is administered by a governor and divided into administrative circles and one protectorate. Francs. Tinports;: 1900 stcie)<\teiemrwowtonis ss aocecees die yore sees neces aan nun os cad avatinine alate ls inatsletaictde 15, 441, 710 Exports; 190022. Pe ce er eee Somali coas 1864 45, 000 200, 000 Total of Oceania ......-..-- 9, 220 | 82, 000 REUNION es vacaiecnins temrasedass snacewelctes 1649 970 173, 200 SS Comoro: Isl €8scsscacwoiceycieweetcnes 18386 620 53, 000 Grand total o.c.s0.cciscrscreiniicieiiees ce 4, 367, 746 | 59, 779, 860 NETHERLANDS COLONIES, PROTECTORATES, AND DEPENDENCIES. Smowrne Divisions, Arnej, PopuLATION, AND GENERAL LocatTION. {From Statesman’s Yearbook.] DIVISION AND GENERAL LOCATION. Aceon, || POPU Mone DIVISION AND GENERAL LOCATION Aves, | SOEWaten in. DUTCH EAST INDIES. DUICH EAST INDIES—continuced, ; ; Square miles, Square miles. Javaiand. Madura.cccce cence coo etes seen ees neces 50, 554 26,125,053 || Molucea Tslands 5s: cceececwde ncecediejinsameeevces , 8 2 399, 208 Island of Sumatra: EPIBVOR- ATCHISON S Olas cisco id raiaieressidssleiatvrsicinreraicts isverae | 17, 698 2119, 239 Bumatrn, West Constrsc.cc caipvineincex pioininsiane teens 31, 649 15 Bb): balan GOMOD O Re sas ecowssarcea.xrayscea'ses ie siwtarenstoieraiwiecerwiore i 4,065 31,044, 757 Sumatra, East Coast... 35, 212 2 335, 432 New Guinea to 141 rE. TONE) © ssc idercareememnakeurecase | 151, 789 3 200, 000 Benikwle tvsecccwteaccices 9,399 2158, 767 —— ——————— Lampongs 11, 284 1 137,501 Total in: BastIM desig cave wesciscateeceds order ! 736, 400 5 34,090, 000 Palembang... 53, 497 1692, 317 INDI ON es skeen creerete vesastarsieteie 20,471 2531, 705 POSSESSIONS IN AMERICA. Riau- Uinsee Archipelago... 16, 301 2 107,861 BAN CS scancscriamons’s oreseterts 4,446 1 93, 600 Ditch Guiana ae ssete eels notes eee ete eee 46, 060 26 66, 490 Bil ito Newjoisu iss waeauie 1, 868 141,558 || Curagao | 403 6 61, 524 Borneo, West Coast ..........-.- 5A, S25 2 370,775 — Borneo, South and East districts.................4. 156, 912 8 809, 803 TOGA NM AM CICA <9 owas cSracins ae tetas eateie | 46,463 | 118, 014 Island of Celebes: ; SS CeOlebes: so... vasnamanaisramsc magia Onaresioae geieasiores 49, 390 31, 448, 722 Total colonial, etc., possessions ....-.......-- ' 782, 863 5 34, 208, 014 DE eu nyeaaereneteueamnsaiaid Wuenecuees 22,680 $549, 138 | 1 Tolerably accurate, 4 New Guinea belongs to the residency of Ternate, Molucea Islands. 2 Approximately. 5 Approximate total, The population of several unexplored countries is not included. % Mere conjecture. 6 At the end of 1898. GERMAN COLONIES, PROTECTORATES, AND DEPENDENCIES. Area, Poputation, Location, Dare or AcquisiTioy, AND Form or GovERNMENT. [From Statesman’s Yearbook.] GERMAN COLONIES, ETC., IN— ean Method of government. Estimated | Estimated m “ co § . area. population. AFRICA! . Square miles, TOSOTG as ciate Somat alates ver imen Satine eared act og aie alaie ateidia Sins ceamsnicateadiae Imperial commissioner ; 2, 500, 000 FAMOTUN wccaindesncawewoawe Imperial governor...-... 191, 180 3 500, 000 German Southwest Africa .. Imperial commissioner 322, 450 200, 000 German East Africa........-....secee eee eee Imperial: governors cacensiswencaiece siewe 384, 180 8, 000, 000 Total AtTiGany POSSESSIONS 25 sicia:5) GOS , 237 262, 500 £. 13, 787 15, 857 21; 486 14, 42 "187 veo Tet Lead and lead ore ...... e250. ene eee GS Sf ta tons 4 a ib 656 9, 029 10, 151 3 6 or 979 ee father and imanutactures OF Including books and Micés). oe _ 47 425 68, 581 83, 964 107) 70 2 : Fo et aoe manta tares OF intlnding poms atd aiars).,-->- 207,343 352; 197 282; 875, 414) 674 20, é 385 138 a8" 493 Horned cattle......... edissewacteceas warpiniiabnect abet number. . 107, 225 86, 063 93, 806 104,735 as poeeees« as 591, $60 | 1,835,558 | 1,463,250 | 4, 456,196 | 1,471150] 1,708,804 | 1,760,288 saseaewesanescess eomseeenuees ‘ - 1 38 ; , 332 22, 887 19, 20 ; Pesta $26, 303 249’ 990 318, 055 501, 401, ito 278 985 oo as BAU casero eseoonocate number 960, 458 24, 109 291, 862 393, 339 313, 410 351, 789 <0 384 Meats, canned and preserved.....seceeeeceeeceecececseseees EL. 6 67. eee iat 209, 893 26 er elf s sere Es 212, 065 161, 678 80, 280, 180, 201 137, 933 5301 5019 fOkel Riese ai creed ck ieechcee secede awcte dbase ssenteucd {eee wee fs oe 3, 498 764 7, 480 7,214 anaes 2 99 ; Pease, whole and split...... sc ouetatieedecmoutasnuasesseaen | aaa -| 3,414, 348 3, 378, 746 2, 259, 1, TeH3 4, 121089 3 278 265 2 $20,068 : Ses 529) 857 91, 4 355, 615 69, 427 495, 396 "376,794 402, Pork kaise Lela piece dactuds ach, it acta tehcseeied sce cwt.. 14, 024 14, 514 10, 870 22, 817 13,919 : mS aes foal: | abet) cE] 88] he] RE) ae] BS oie eset alee ghitatieesewer eae a caceen wesiewtoubeeede , eh Ones 2019, y 770, 396 1, 450, 078 651, 335 Seeds—clover, grass, and flax ..............2-005 seb 45° 305 aa ee pe pO ou 130, 259 So eee § set eeeee cee eee 3. 305 122, 186, 137 5, 110, 515 108, 102 323,597 Silver ore, oF SilVEr.......seseseusereeeees shstlel Seema toe Pr 629,655 | 1,116, 217 508, 4,097,212 | 6,784,035 | 4, 417,422 Wood anaetimber: 5 sreteee , 87,063 133, 919 327, 852 536, 953 723, 244 540, 469 mber, squared— Blige ocsecisesoncs aA Wantdaaa raha acdsee dere i be 10, 692 12, 572 16, 291 12,107 ae 42,7 29) 550 33, 671 43, 029 35, 073 OD Riecccccemenroennciewentss oe cw alvieciawealee eee: a eie eteierw six’ St 19 ae aon 18, 719 29, 043 31, 313 Si ierpieacsveusousevaun cen eat hes tons. 105, 789 109, 517 75, B32 18 990 7 508 iGiison Aaieie= Bas 301,347 322, 958 231, 336 322,737 277, 946 Pin Gieasecvvessesaeeoseess bansqaesenaeeevessee es 1 feet. Es 2 ee 157, 449 218, 100 USER saaaretanctenasvarndncnineoranscconde er 71,580 60, 853 71 dt re re Heaisianataeal Sida oe scecs NTRS TR {standard has... 277, 657 302) 187 288 aie 393) 86D 350; 729 peerage 1,741,660 | 1,812,391 | 1,665,449 | _—-1, 882,588 2, 269; 528 Laths, palings, and pickets .......2.2:.0csceeecesseeeeeeees fM.. 367, 427 1134 362, 654 427, 053 33 a 125, 001 ; 101, 889 108, 574 105, 879 Placed boat vicratscenanmrerceeeea: ee) ee 900 | | 670,972 | 818, 1, 074, 537 Geena eee Seal 1,636,638 | 1,529,025) 1,749,392 | 2,995, 791 os 126,383} «331,807 |= «131,152 | 144,043 | 143" 79° ; ; 143, 719 SURES ci te sins colicin dwnrewawnwawn aceweunn 417,116 683, 680 Wood, block, and other, for pulp uy a 246, 896 Wood pulp fsioe 146, 127 Che By 152) 457 adnate macise samme encnace Scan elaalawinrmeamuceniclshoid 16 913 7, 857, 657 sO OG specie: x 296, ullion (see also gold, etc.,and silver ore o BpOCles. aac scenes ciasececaoeameeecee ae : ers 7 _ euheccn ats S : ao He elias ae a oe oe ee ; , 394 7735, 085 598, 928 ‘otal value of principal and oth i 24 Pp ip other articles ............... £.| 24, 362, 538 24, 148, 962 23, 350, 439 24, 865, 860 28, 345, 942 33, 730, 093 32, 650, 049 1Tons, 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1o5l3 Imports Into NEWFOUNDLAND, BY Principat ARTICLES, FRoM 1893 ro 1899. YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 31— YEAR ENDED JUNE 30— PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. 1892 1898 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 6, 185 7,634 7, 580 7,328 6, 874 5,108 6,487 21; 905 25; 113 23) 363 227 586 21,187 15, 645 22 418 38, 163 42; 887 33,697 ; ‘ 643 1) 664 f can not’ be \ 1, 020 ‘3 : : ene L 551 347 given. Wishing td Rie ccsmcennconewiu cei verveeceserccoee Pi 20, 800 20, 464 8,628 11, 933 11, 496 Wl OUP: arcs se chsh adaiesecuesawennce 2 ae oe peat er aoe ae ah BATA WA RO Noe odtacre tated er rerdatateret net 3 53, 837 “50; 302 “24 667 30, 691 33, 764 Cottons, woolens, silks, linens,and apparel . a 262, 218 207,451 1145, 956 191, 253 208, 684 Leather cS 30, 158 27, 345 4, 463 32 403 30 lus eather wares £ a 21,860 22, 400 42, 353 14, Fi i n 0 . 5 number. . J 8,457 2,986 Not stated. 2,163 2,124 Liye stock, oxen and cows (except calv es) Bocce a ° 93° 365 1B 74 17, 213 1h, 987 Ww 613 Aélasses a =| le 849, 020 1,078, 093 1, 164, 209 i, 338, 463 1,281, 294 tte cree erect ence enw e mesa eee anes Bie re BG 2 5D, 876 67, 38 68, 75’ 3 ang gallons..| | 3 ” 062 552,531 | Not stated. 590, 682 576, 420 Oil, KeLOSeMe «-.. sees seeeeeee ee eeeeeeeeeee av 2 10) 584 9, 208 8, 943 9,710 9) 475 . barrels..|_ | 2 15, 116 20; 891 25,893 31, 230 27, 921 Pork, salted .....--.1.+-2seeeeeeeeeeeeee eens ft Paes 8 59, 834 82) 604 74, 487 89, 840 G8, 846 Salt ftons 3 37, 487 45, 100 31, 206 43,097 39, 857 Soi acme fe) ||| #3) Bae| Bt) Be) e a ewt.. 21, 738 8 i Sugar, PAW. .------..-e sees ee eeeseeeee tees eee e es oa 13, 12) 568 12, 428 11,735 12) 397 pounds. 903; 950 970, 850 837,993 945, 005 969, 565 Tea oe ee eee : 30, 712 24, 805 28, 184 29,177 i0n and specie: BUNIOD caiscscictecuvecsucdeexeumnectegeecencl | i | seesostecsaviswallacseeeeebecennd a [set ictenrcerbind loeeuieedieci ators SPR CIS Matceeea te Se arbate ee eeertemnnem ect IE) |i]kc ieee 13, 818 \ 144, 960 15,572 1,760 |) 1) 401 10,917 Total value of principal and other articles .£.. 1,577,619 1, 492, 654 1, 233, 233 1, 230,177 1, 220, 206 1, 066, 205 1, 296, 831 Exports From NEWFOUNDLAND, BY PrINciIPAL ARTICLES, FROM 1893 To 1899. YEAR ENDED DECEMBER 31— YEAR ENDED JUNE 30— PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 tories Aes, «tall sushi e oe Gees die oGesanes casese | seae st lateboode 45 20 135 331 COd la snccecuaw ciedeswiadcujeiesiegieseeetciesuseviess : teeta) | PMR Mish cce Ste: hae tyes ee kes ot ieee cel gh cosnteny aed a mses 28 16 11 129 ecfiiein ee fquintals || 1,160; 335 1,107, 696 1,026,636 | 1,436,083 | 1,135,817] 1,145,540 1,226, 336 4 , ? rreraeeeaseneeceescrenaseseces \Ledeeg i 901, 771 771, 829 661, 485 883, 089 580, 324 663, 889 913; 363 OPPeT ANA. COPPEL OLE... 0scinvececsaciviennanensicc Kee f 5, 82,515 60, 051 cota arrels..| | 3 60, 332 78, 376 45,735 40,113 19, 731 28) 251 66, 946 Herrings (pickled) .......--+-s0sesesessees £ a 37,728 41/156 22) 764 20, 274 10, 266 14’ 002 34’ 183 ewe rece , , ES e + a a: ee cases..| | & 35, 403 48; 056 51,016 45, 662 |- 58, 883 61,951 56, 166 oe (preserved in tins)........ dleieeiseinsi 5 Bane S 55, 317 65, 076 86) 182 77, 406 108, 893 127, 297 116, 170 2 : oO tuns. B 3,000 3, 783 4,915 4, 456 3,706 2,799 3,472 Unrelined tec criseresnoattentnrindts sant gta BY 45, 000 55, 169 70, 695 64, 093 50, 421 38, 158 53, 880 Refined feations:-| | 3 a sore ae 87,601 31,478 16,167 Pee ee eee ee Phere ; z : ised ve 3 2, 932 4,063 4) 249 2,305 3,284 2 614 D7 SCA]. oe eee eee teen eee s reese eee te eee eeeeeeees fe & 42,758 57,559 62,627 47,274 50, 602 44° 852 51, 788 ‘ ; {pnt 8 175, 478 284° 303, 276 297; 969 195, 340 109, 262 276, 879 Skins, sea eee ee aaa g 34, 730 47, 410 77, 896 76, 633 24; 083 26, 679 28, 061 Bullion and specie: BulON esos wevscatecen ewes e wesceewetuereeeeeed Fos Scewacseewwlcleslaasaincieccecsie|l = sg gon) |fiansesnecmesiee] sett scpiewentellisaiscciesuental coocevcacceuce BpeciOvs cas. coseasseeederes we esecaess 833 1,367 } 2,981 { 109 1,645 478 21, 089 Total value of principal and other articles .£.. 1, 308, 523 1,210, 660 1,278,080 | 1,364,011 1,012,148 | _1, 074,027 1, 425, 270 1‘1uns, COLONIAL A __ DMINISTRATION. Into CAPE 0 F Goop Hops, By P.: —_ — F RINCIPAL ARTICLES. | — — , FRomM 1892 to 1899. A Beenie | implements — ~ i tural machinery........scc.0- = - a trl ange ee 58, 721 76,943 ? 1897 1898 ste) ud BODE ecatcrertnesseree ae le a 920 59, 922 a ae 70,161 102, 05 1899 eer and ale, i ee “as 3 | i : =~ oe eae ee OB 6,476,018 | 4, it eer | iene ae eee 7406 ee 121,471 Salis Sand Selovoles, innluting pee 38 bla 661,947 fords | 105, 722) 8,821,960) 8 ee gat ne 725 iter in dling maiearinesdtecacsis ue T7618 ie 3 ae : 5 a 2 g margarine, et couecgecaseeee 77 67 Be BOs 38 i ne ie a | Biter oo ce ae 86, 592 23, 627 3° 1 107551 866, 880 845" 721’ 139 — 8 é : 95° 357 647 10 iu 115, 527 , 849 8 , a zs ee aa 103, 470 6, 856 a3? 194 107, 252 17, 138 3, 660, 494 84, 89: , 912, 992 2,315, 886 ron ger 1, ne ; 5, 072, 89 94,2. , 315, 3, 703, 88 100 oe 19,8 68, , 072, 896 4, 887 00, 363 ae a ai, 0 e 92, 1765 7, 356, re "186708 oi ee 83 600 2 196, 7 eet a0 oe 234, 665 ; pees | ae eis 4atz,3@ | 3 i 5 a 8 234, 271, 737 e s ‘2 Confection : ss 2 : | ' : wn ‘ i ses ; 184) 038 Ree 449, 611 ee gai a er = sli me ost 117, 542 103, 164 ) 323,177 vag 353, 086 oe we oli | 46, 788 359, 668 a 046 175, 617 7, 481 8) 274 ee F pons. 10,516,837 | 9,457,278} 10,003,173} 11,090,449] 10, 001, 028 6 10, 876, 014 19, 777, 306 * Hair’ ANG OFtls sousstoasesiestesiewisaten deelussieee P wesesee 373, 810 507, 619 ’ 421, 248 710, 867 , B72, 230 ‘orb, vl “oar, O48 ‘79. el ’ Cabos 239) 671 267, 605 287, 803 275, 305 : 4,17 8 GA, 07 EEE ED: BR SDS CO Weraraiectewensettasesiees RE cong 73, 978 79, 283 78, 264 111, 990 76, 808 217, Th 199, 543 31,012 Ivory... pounds. . 6,788 2,979 5,729 4,991 187 2 566 3, 695 1,133 he GOaE Py accaacccenstnS \ carats... 3, 039° on 2, 758, oH 2, 507" in 3, 608" ad 8, 558, i9t 3, 485 333 3, 497, 802 2,736 on ; : carats. f 6 , 1400, de fa fen oe ee SEOs sOUatBON sass Seestongintses te ees 3,906,992 | 3,821,443 | 8,013,578 | 4,775,016 | 4, 646,487 | 4,454,376 | 4, 566, 897 4,135,455 1NS: Goat mumber..| 1,726,528 | 1,693,031 | 1,619,358 | 1,417,749 1,364,191} 1,111,464 | — 1, 292,802 1, 190, 874 LESSEE ERE ean Ra eae £.. 132,717 131, 843 111) $25 116, 422 89,782 87,423 304,524 102, 824 Shee 3,459,415 | 3,695,776 | 3,378,589 | 3,611,017] 3,375,320 | 2,854,055 | 8, 137, 050 2, 543, 269 Dee Reee bee esedenraedatce se ceees 271, 689 285, 983 229° 122 248, 986 228, 626 208, 990 244, 7 1 7 i es ‘ : % 81, 365, 85, 081 85, 132 89, 56% i 75,4 Wine of all kinds (colonial) 18’ 645 18) 964 18; 908 20, 289 21) 412 17,715 15,043 19,224 Wool, sheep’s pounds. 70,335,193 | 66,660,246 | 64,540,787 | 65,632,613 | 73,442,698 | 60,255,417 | 73, 732, 926 69, 289, 606 aah : e PUSS RE Moise n te SERS sales aia 2,029,093 | 15855,103} 1,599,632 | 1,695,920] 1,874,555 { 1,496,779 | ‘1, 766, 740 2) 183, 904 ullion and specie: i Bullion— a Gold founces 1,164,988 | 1,490,740} 2,066,141} 2,319,080] 2,408,717 | 3,139,912 | —_ 4,384,809 3, 849, 976 ee, Veeco 4,085,588 | 6,259,251 | 7,147,908 | 7,980,627 | 8, 252,543 | 10,991,926 | 15,394,442 | 13, 815, 688 EWE Ts tee avai tela state Gin iels (ae aie bie eee waa lele’s Se nicid Suclisseeoseeces|.. SBAeeeemareceeel) 0 QIND | neeesincreesers bee scrare creteis: suans [etatore t ateaw erect |leie ateiseiae el) ete ee 6 Kind NOt Stated sca ceciscinstnets coctesicces Es BU ete rea wa 900! |saesenwceviecccoseseeeweaeeee 196) | .Acctisamexada||etmesicewawss pecie— Gold getanetthcast wecvaseasneceensebaces eee’ £.. 157, 216 121, 830 52, 994 65, 525, 476 | 2,191, 908 859, 543 388, 730 £.. 71, 210 78, 205 62, 630 41; 094 17, 854 983 35, 720 26, 540 Total value of principal and other articles..£..| 12,206,493 | 13,156,589 | 13,812,062 | 16,904,756 | 16,970,168 | 21,660,210 | 25,318,701 | 23, 662, 538 Imports into Nata, BY PrincipaL ARTICLES, FROM 1892 To 1899. YEARS ENDED JUNE 30— YEARS ENDED DECEMBER 31— PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. 1892 | 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 Aaetd gallons.. 116, 677 71,454 80, 593 100, 267 170,210 219, O44 182, 646 140, 863 Ale, beer, and cider, in bottles..........-.42 age i 4, 308, 16, 198 18, 869 2 696 Re 82 28, 385 20, 497 eee gallons.. 899 115, 21 116,72 : : 172, Ale, beer, and cider, IN WOO"... --2seeseee ee 1 os 5 15,392 10,389 10,133 12795 15,174 6,325 12571 Apothecarics’ wares, drugs, and chemicals ......-. 112? 783 94, 261 78, 465 59, 116 96, 630 121, 507 117,521 119, 456 ‘Apparel And SlOpsiecn ca. sacacensccruseecsaee 329) 888 236, 000 182) 112 171, 240 353, 514 414, 269 368, 072 336, 587 sr ple er] ae) ot) a] S| | a ; Fs : 473 5, 2: 46, 04 Butter, including substitutes.............- £ 117 952 7172 20, 713 ? 50, 514 e 87) 2 70, 625 Cabinet and upholstery ware 43, 105 35, 863 105, 556 152, 333 105; 387 91, 688 Gaal Oh | chase ashi "352 WB Et| gen eee 14,009 a pe i bis cinieictoiie sae 1; Bee oe Gaomtadeaeacen 29, 932 7 5 5 822 672 Coke and patent fuel ..........cccecceecccees £ 154 354 380 791 1,337 773 eisen j 15, 569 16, 980 21, 627 29, 146 30, 649 27, 298 HTSEaNI ANCA De Ra a ard 4,522'063 | 3,708°457| 3,780,830 | 3,882,749 | 4,908'925 | 2,908"474 | 5,198 4,002, 964 yards... 3, ; : ‘ 3, 292 002, 964 ee ee testes] oieasa| omnes | «aS | SMES | gioat| agree | SPREE |S Bt pairs .. 205; E , 97% 5 7, 026 570, 881 ee ee Mee ae) gee | ome! ae) |) ee) ee cwt.. 2 5, 198 12; 40, 805 515, 281 Hloursmealiand bran, wheal sns-s:¢ UE ses 111, 586 122) 252 93, 359 81, 887 213, 581 174, 329 939, 244 177, 662 aaa and millinery: .....<-sceseecee ces ee 269, 701 215, 304 189) 863 178, 282 413,716 480, 208 492, 818 421,183 Ton: Fencing wire and material for same ....-.... Seisis 40, 421 24, 846 81, 557 72,271 66, 522 27, 244 45, 808 Galvanized and corrugated...........---.2+-- x. (1) 49, 263 63, 895 50, 646 117, 395 99, 284 88, 314 84, 473 Piping acescecdonercaptionet af scondseeoceeuens fo 9, 176 18, 497 10, 408 8,351 7, 704 16, 329 1) Jronmongery, hardware, and cutlery ...........-- fo 191, 968 151, 944 126, 979 134) 133 342,676 408, 718 303, 603 238, 004 Leather, manufactured (see also saddlery, etc.)..£. 133, 261 116, 628 105, 561 111, 963 224,762 265,173 249, 018 246, 900 Lien manna pe] ee) Mg) ee) ee) |e) Bee ScidaesaihacaindAamieaGees Bakes cel 5 ; ; 9,593 10,723 Machinery and railway and tramway plant...... £.. 231) 411 109, 103 102) 953 953, 325 607,779 869, 246 606, 259 404° 440 Oilmen’s stores . afc £ 73, 895, 65, 939 71,917 144,870 193, 220 168, 992 136, 277 Oil, paraffin 593, 973 498, 560 933,584} 1,097,064} 1,146,286] 1, 392) 405 1,424, 417 ) DATAADD os skenue wee seen ae neeeteawaae et 16, 585 12) 512 23) 376 34, 927 41,299 36, 216 40,943 Rica 145, 551 126, 905 182, 889 314, 039 135, 811 299) 645 292, 859 sepa SSS VUERHCC eatin keene Aue sae yi 1, 378 45, 014 58, 712 8, 364 2,146 102) 389 98; 304 Saddlery and harness..............2.0eeeeeeee-e= 17,110 14, 74 15, 24 47,280 8%, 908 86, 651 36, 675 5 : 3, 687 51, 325, pe eae ete eae vice sabier| sara] oT] ata] aan Spirits: i : : 274,944 189,570 Spirits: Brandy, gin, rum, and whisky ... 50, 406 45,878 68, 874 77,846 96, 687 92/170 62,774 Stationery 33, 124 33, 823, 34,849 63, 68, 41 59, 102 47, 489 WOH. coos. selec cbet acs. 283, 055 277, 220 179,025 | 1,148,543 386, 352 434) 719 484, 486 ee 6, 881 6,473 5,569 21; 004 13, 288 18, 451 18, 644 Toys, turnery, and fancy ware 24) 472 19, 169 17,762 29,477 30, 392 93, 461 36, 561 Vinee sco ah La 45, 523 33) 567 45, 015, 90, 775 75, 268 75, 367 77, 898 serene 17, 653 14, 401 20, 124 38, 958 38, 911 30,991 27, 697 Wood and timber............... 1,670,073 | 1,621,418 | 1,763,918 | 7,281,562 | 5,580,775 | 2,839, 874 2,295, 484 88, 81, 560 88, 12, 249, 356 159, 975 116,720 1 Not stated. 1516 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozzr, Imports into NATAL, BY PrincirAL ARTICLES, From 1892 To 1899—Continued. YEARS ENDED JUNE 30— YEARS ENDED DECEMBER 31— PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 7 yards.. 429, 089 341, 293 246, 311 221,107 165, 157 120, 147 188, 187 131,255 Se ee eee] gAGe| OR) A] Oe Ae] atey| «tia pairs .. 7 75, Woolen blankets and rugs ......... veteeeeee fo 81/575 61,154 63,729 59,558 74, 442 64; 209 78; O34 61, 894 Bullion and specie: Bullion: jae 9,383 | 6,888 73088 8 8a 47,010 25, 666 67, 843 96, 393 : 201, 000 228 1, 225 1, 320, 837 26, 455 11,100 41,558 29, 65: Total value of principal and other articles. .£.. 8, 212, 239 2, 482, 228 2,239, 165 2,466,415 5, 667, 730 6, 091, 969 5,369, 672 7 6, 718, 463 Exports rrom Nata, By Principat ARTICLES, FRom 1892 To 1899. < x YEARS ENDED JUNE 30— YEARS ENDED DECEMBER 31— PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. : 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1829 Pe i ee i a ee ee Ni AaSaceaecehay ictaig. 2 Sea yaar aa he eet bes 7 : 37 5 3788 Coal tons... 59, 979 52) 697 67,229 63; 571 92) 188 90; 725 125, 664 163) 610 ieliespe saeitienniitinentsinattyg nce Sate rita tetas eee 59, 899 52) 299 67,217 62,954 89,592 90; 240 124, 528 155, 043 Gain htsioe ewt.. 1,809 12) 798 12) 263 4) 050 66, 281 81, 350 9, 836 16,537 POUNCE Seiten usesienls sea Sella eiinsiaetat es 588 2) 046 1) 805 1,070 10,139 14, 464 1,957 4,310 oe oe pounds. 480, 64 646, 605 616, 054 427, 908 B15, 585 679, 670 729; 035 713, 160 AN BOr ewe Aion Ae aed ees [RONDE oF . ; Hardware and cutlery ......ceseesseeeeeee- eee £. "414 16, 715 18, 019 22) 318 38, 780 ae a number... 168, 997 173, 610 204 092 268) 539 292) 111 SPUR ERIN sSide sien eRa see eaistcanee cece Braces 34) 371 31, 767 31, 864 32, 496 : IVOTY «ose sees eceseesseenenseeneenee: meee Le 20 168 noe Ce Ores-and minerals: Silver so-ccesccnviswecsoniecce esc Said 5,991 36,181 49, 388 29,378 194 Ostrich feathers............. iE ae a 352 if 3 Ee 289 20 06 805 785 e . number.. 199 3, 006 391 426, 682 268, 019 168, 192 568, 124 383, 691 Skins, of all kinds ... u ee a 17; 497 18,573 18, 308 13) 833 9,755 3,870 24) 674 25, 906 iain eae jewt.: 194) 497 152; 126 135, 883 121; 721 36, 123 10,278 28; 433 1821 932 ; sceinciibibheline ea dnincioneamintinn tae es alae f 6 99, 093 65, 562 22) 696 7,444 18,153 147, 472 Spats Bheepleccn: potinds..) 20,887,888 | 24,067,019 | 17,794,942 | 19,450,975 | 25,537,963 | 21,743,155 | 24,292,777 | 20, 435, 499 Cita ticeagacaleicncalei fon cue 583, 385 582) 219 444) 155 408) 983 590, 605 474, 681 565; 479 608, 711 Bullion; Gold (dust and bars) -.+++.+++-++-sesseees £.. 333, 117 266, 383 221,108 225,732 102, 624 18, 223 40, 635 402, 693 ULV ER rasa vstaroravosstelete ase) ata ais, ae ateti ae Bo ; 11, 108 18, 81 27,627 40, 975 38, 547 ; : 7 351, 134 1,595, 763 1, 068, 649 1, 424, 838 1, 449, 239 OU RCTOSENG en icesestestesacncnteehtesshabaurecedooos ee "25, 002 "26, 17 "35, 058 "46, 43 "28, 383 "33, 696 7°45, 209, Paper, printing....... eaetuan 38, 635 30, 963 33, 307 39, 085 36, 618 34,714 31, 424 56, 826 37, 42 24, 685, 25, 401 17,191 AOD ce catinccscas 2,011, 241 1, 350, 086 858, 661 875, 929 597, 962 1245937 *[oicicosssieaucons 146, 672 107, 664 132, 755 230, 608 97, 234 409, 312 472, 543 864, 228 502) 232 397, 990 828, 703 1, 044; 239 1,271) 329 1, 666, 299 32, 365 43, 132 25, 297 24, 553 25, 964 26, 925 23,012 SEGSRESE SSC seTe aA enes ese 16, 826 25, 019 14,764 17, 416 17, 715 7, 325 14,715 120, 247 120, 885 98, 220 128, 658 112, 239 132, 985 134, 353, 37, 735, 4,06 36, 615 51, 752 42, 940 52, 861 1, 268 33, 694 31, 744 34,184 49, 846 41, 683 41, 224 41, 280 403, 666 342, 594 373, 374 352, 756 682, 035 411, 549 , 40 £. 295, 548 256, 917 270,727 242, 949 440, 243 288, 698 139, 345 ie pounds..| 2, 804, 787 2, 844, 843 2, 680, 563 8, 059, 980 2,704, 305 2, 992, 582 3, 622; 366 saseee ate geen sees olin ges irinQaats ealets ctr Nee ee VE ae ao 85, 453 81, 297 82, 834 90, 77, 907 82, 162 105, 315 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. Imports into Sourn AUvsTRALIA, BY PrincrpaL ARTICLES, FROM 1898 To 1899—Continued. 1523 PRINCIPAL ARTICLES, 1898 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 ea 312,177 290, 188 pounds.. 339, 458 324, 915 289, 697 376, 276 320,779 : , Manufactured (excluding cigars and snuff)......... £... “acs 25, 701 26, eh 2, a4 30, 5 26, A 28, 027 ee a pounds. . i ‘ sae Cigars........... steht aide a walelbid sBaldiguiend debawe R 13. 401 10, 648 15,394 2 421 it 501 78 862 oe a ; 612, 98 433, 181 509, 521 01: 2 Unmanufactured 18° 695 12) 787 14.774 15/940 10; 888 23, 367 14,5387 cecal us| eet) Be) ee] PR] eae] aa E 11, 242 8,571 ; ; WE oat ees 5, 835, 6, 304 7, 967 14,554 12, 248 9, 982 1 Haclconsele aie ee | ee eee Se) aes) eve) ae pounds. . 277, 045 18, 602; 03 7 Oe ia eae ese a arene sekdeneseeeses {B See 545, 207 531, 280 "278, 1 597, 778 352, 572 958, 479 393, 443 oolen and worsted manufacture: Blankets, rugs, and carpeting ..............0...2e scence eee Lin 19, 827 22, 979 24,879 83, 297 30, 284 27, 502 26, 271 Dress:plece PO00S asccccwes acsssccvaneodesseastinmese oecionsen ee 63,757 76, 878 71, 781 76, 371 64, 503 63, 706 68, 703 Woolen and flannel picce goods ....-....... 2.22 .e cee eeee eee Bos 28, 921 35, 462 31,177 35, 681 35, 628 36, 592 57, 433 = eweeds a ANGACLOUD ori, verse lensinceaennn Heaeemencans Bee oueetees £.. 48, 120 43, 758 44; 370 48) 966" 41,810 37,170 42, 656 ullion an specie: Bullion— founces 8, 399 1 11, 848 1,004 3, 198 vB} 220 GOId .... 2... eee eee eee eee e eee eeeeeee reece dg 32) 665 se gs it 109 3 092 12, 401 300 a i ounces .. ‘ 22 io ; Silver sitet sete ee rete eee ee eens eens nents ee eeeeeed ge 19 61,506 8; 569 4 "377 37 31 pecie— AOLG. Gencncodunde sencsamanlgunenn wancensuerbusemneecnans £.. 725, 003 24 92, 009 350, 209 2,500 é 800 150, 109 (1000)! | visciencnid ciara , ; Total value of principal and other articles.................2...-£.- 7, 934, 200 6, 226, 690 5, 585, 601 7,160,770 7, 126, 385 6, 184, 805 6, 884, 358 Exports From South AUSTRALIA, BY Principal ARTICLES, FROM 1892 To 1899. PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. 1892 1898 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 ' Apparel and: slops vscssevcrevieswussee eee ecaseaes hiss 59, 016 49, 685 42, 886 49,213 65,630 53, 302 48, 33: 44, 682 Bags and sacks 49. 702 20, 182 15, 380 16, 214 34, 189 27, 012 13, 563 20, 475 3,039 3, 152 5, 132 7, 157 7,331 , 704 8; 206 8,953 34, 244 28,718 40, 632 48,781 51, 682 39, 665 62, 132 69, 985 5, 154 9, 321 17,012 ; 028 6, 671 10, 152 16, 671 29, 629 37, 304 68, 365 77,500 44,592 36, 753 48, 744 81, 083 21, 674 25, 786 41, 488 31, 605 36, 834 38, 851 38,779 46, 819 17, 066 16,731 26,145 21; 040 22, 096 24) 249 24, 936 , 888 46, 882 67, 780 66, 462 45, 503 43,151 35, 857 5, 240 292 78, 990 86, 714 68, 652 45, 638 43, 443 34, 806 5, 264 372 53, 752 86, 658 99, 429 103, 491 92, 292 94,180 95, 626 110, 162 133, 503 209, 536 209, 555 226, 747 219, 464 238, 567 245, 414 406, 85 10, 506 1, 263 309 212 348 546 537 2; 892 43, 485 5, 840 1, 963 1,607 3, 150 4, 640 3,992 24) 682 46, 796 40, 868 51, 017 50, 465 62, 284 51, 860 45, 431 42,196 ta) aan | a] grap) Se] Bias) Bh) gat 708 "812 5 21 17,512 22, 766 50, 084 | weet ge | ee GR) une ae 380,351 i : ; , 773, 2 2,18: 12, 134 389, 351 SEU RIPE G span sennaeisadnanieeent 330, 824 737,254 | "741,920 445, 462 89,989 4,325 15,911 492, 411 , 4 ; ; ; , 916 10, 695 si Sa soriniacess ses cuales pouaerauerae josie os cscoyersiepe 3/25, ierapers siete arose wine ietslasstaacr cieimiecaate £.. 172, 982 186, O1E Bags and sacks (including wool packs).. 6, te ae 14,1: 130, ig 1 Beer, cider, and perry a a , Bicycles, ete. (including parts) Books; printed cccccscsccvesccaes 163, 940 Boots snd SoCs o-m sarseniesinee ae vise veclseieeh ciate 35, 473 COMENE sce rcwkuentedawics pe tieclaicainscetetenle eecateeetnnlecdsenin a oo Chinawarc, earthenware, hbrownware, and porcelain -.......... £ 50,477 Conl (excluding ground coal) 2onsne cane seeeacscinsse seceene { ee 2 Ae oe Come: (IMCTUGIN GE @ESCN COR). cas .iciscaciescineasriiclnemi ecu | aaa ei ae oe eu Coke and charcoal (excluding ground charcoal) re OH Cotton piece goods 8*b, 592 Drugs and chemicals (except acids, nlkalies, and opium). £.. Ue 83, 540 2 Dake ern Gd CIN CS eae se aces meas ause nce pe teeaueced: Risen aaa eee 46, S02 38, 902 a BB ¢ Fish ysaltedsand: preserved ec. cetacitetcucncrers smencyaicienicisweanis pounds. 2, ac o 3) ce oe oR ie Flour (excluding corn flour) ae ie ate eS Fruit (fresh and dried), excluding canned and bottled .- 103, 502 *1,140 PULMICUTE ANA UPRONStOLY-:0.0:0)<.6cs-ciers'nainseidiome wereld cise : +073 11,811 Lu Glass and glassware (excluding bottles)........2....-..-0.. 200 Lod 30, 854 39, 914 Ol, & 39 Grain: eas ear aaa eS {eentals. 4,660] 11,594} 339,022 2.967 : re entals. - 137, 747 134, 798 138) 549 Rice (excluding paddy).........22.0--ceeceeeeeeeeee een fone 6 636 ty 004 53018 2 238. 63 Wheat Mga | isis Bod Haberdashery.......---... 237, 034 ais, O91 212,008 sl Hardware and ironmongery .. £0,787 85, 744 151,879 168, 716 Flats; Caps, and DONMECtSisseeseacns cute se se teweeaes oncerecemees Ag, 809 57, 247 Ps aoe : 53, ra ¢ é i gsr iE SEM 7 TAS*, 054 Hides, skins; and peltsicc.ccssnccunisSensueecamenmetes aa 5, ae we 3, Sie a {kal ” 395" 899 202; ous 192, 869 228, 679 254, 722 5, 808 5,793 10, 21-4 40, 760 36,119 42, 905 4,035 16, 449 16) 75 11, 380 39,112 1, 993 Deen a) a 5,785 5, 998 64, 059 5, 882 Sheet, galvanized fons ioe ae feces Wire (excluding netting) ete a oe Leather and leather ware (exclusive of saddlery and iuineee £ 108, 126 1, 253 91, 250 Hee O05 Wash te goods 26, 614 23, 309 22,081 ot, 396 37, 391 ive stoc LOGOS cessed Mina aietrn ieee a arieel ie ick teaeiaeicdts 1£ 101 083 a 550 3 669 1 Sei ae Horned cat | ani) ane 1 Sh 581,426 761, 965 697, 870 685, G82 RED esas aes ne tinemee st seS Petes Aeeee a Paes: SeaGiae: “ 213912 232) 067 184) 664 237; 898 Machinery (including steam, portable, and traction engines, ane steam boilers) eee bias 125, 200 94, 466 105, 133 174,533 Musical instruments 31, 000 23, 256 40, 013 50, 822 3, 639, 439 4,847, 409 4, 730, 483 4,291,171 lol, oft 159, 153 155, 030 189,577 i 33, 773 39, 028 we 683 nti ewt.. 143, 269 138, 970 lee Paper, printing (umeut) “i Bie? 145, 627 127; 944 124° 561 Paper, writing (cut and uncut) - 36,061 45, 081 3S, 602 BUA Leds W 0G seoie es rans ieee 24, 582 20, 065 23, 525 Silks, and manufactures of. 181, 142 168, 951 214, 452 iri i 448, 620 609, 780 615, 965 Bpinis of at knias. oe ; 146, 593 185, 286 186, 672 Stationery (exclusive of writing paper and ink) 44, 626 43,471 41,507 a i i 939, 459 1, 140, 042 1, 183, 326 Sugar of all kinds, including glucose and molasses 619, 830 a 44° 946 fees Tea 14, 202, 685 13, 035, 379 12, 302, 391 SEE Ae a 412, 274 318, 738 11,312 Timber/ANG WOO ss. aevesiatctes socinncicininerewelesisiee a eeiss seveggousaces £.. 154, 066 150, 536 174, 146 5 Tobacco, cigars, cigarcttes,and snuff ..........2...22000- p --| 2, Pe ot 2, oS a 2, na ee oe 070 Tools (except machine tools) and utensils a 28,746 31,036 30,813 51,811 i i A 39, 470 46, 983 45, 385 ! 58, 324 Wine of all kinds .........--.- 2-202 - eee ee eee 30,127 32) 784 1 440007 50,990 ‘87 Wool E *i7582, 088 | atatrasr | 27368" 087 “Haghaat | “sos'dee | °S°351 058 prepa tia tyis ete eid hahensioneredel ois eienelo glean ie esate eerste 9° 933 17, : 901.73 2351, Woolens and woolen piece g0008 .-.+.-+-s+seeeeeereeeeeseeeeees fu 469, 064 "486, 918 "528, 323 ” 667, 695 "G05, 689 ” 660, 614 674, 015 uluon an specie: Bullion— Gold ... 233, 338 326, 946 361,725 375, 816 531, 029 664, 551 661, 756 893, 805 1, 270, 544 1, 419, 053 1,474,121 2,081, 961 2, 617,434 2, 625, 525 Silver... ' 60 550! | swescesescwen: 575 4,011 10, 029 16, 559 ie ea tet reiretven ted. 8 GUAR 10 79} | <.s'euitsewineteiseis 83 492 1,347 2, 232 pecie— Gold 1, 155, 200 17,400 2, 500 3, 230 11,093 7,559 180, 350 Silver . : 5, 405 4,310 19, 634 18, 553 68, 848, 60, 849 Total value of principal and other articles ............... £..| 18, 283, 814 12, 470, 599 12,472, 344 14, 554, 837 15, 454, 482 16, 768, 904 17, 952, 894 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. Exrorts rrom Vicrorta, By Principan ARTICLES, FROM 1892 To 1899. 1525 PRINCIPAL ARTICLES, 1892 1898 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 Apparel and slops ........ ahi leielereteibiara rerelnieyesepeleis Risa Wie eter enetaen dy aie 109, 733 ae 835 85, 622 105, 592 161, 127 164, 285 136, 776 149, 800 BAK issn yoscess sadbiaes sgueleasdc sweater ecbdaaunwenaieiees (tons... aan oe ee iar , 808 135) iu 2 ven sions Oe ice ny eee kee Comet pep ee ee ap Le aes 23, 059 17, 046 ; Z Bierce ete. {including Parte) casaneeacrvescs iduauegocecaseees 2) 54 240 15,103 | 23,049 65, 360 114; 283 123; 580 92, 245 Boots ae aishoce 67, 971 61, 745 > 72,790 80, 385 74,950 73, 905 89, 023 SHOES 26, 339 19, 295 18, 706 23, 560 44, 664 53, 633 47, 646 51, 929 Butlerscevscetwesccee 63, 37’ 125, 048 211, 466 229,114 197,953 198, 165 166, 773 323, 699 355, 941 578, 932 898, 379 978, 687 874, 710 886, 012 736, 325 1, 404, 830 Gogoedd nee eee 517 445 488 159 81 279 405 438 seh UR cnteeeed ed geakoleesl haan os se@ounsaminwe 517 423 a 120 i : 396 8 39 bs . 449 2 2 5a! e Coke and charcoal (sii fesse eae eha eye wey £ 1,524 1,458 297 412 610 3,138 1,407 1, 662 Drugs and chemicals (except acids and alkalies).............. Bese a ee 20, 723 a ae ae oh * iy ah fe soe oe ae scanite ; 6, 376 3, 6 3475 if 5. PIOUP ANG: DISCUITS ass ccernndeeng een sere seamen eesiee £ 510,198 350, 496 300, 314 226, 180 78, 401 51, 518 178, 474 280) 527 erate oLall kinds: including pulp), scsi eis-eaysesecceciwieje seis eres hive 37, 308 43, 559 39, 838 55, 823 73, 842 97,448 90, 184 100, 037 rain: Oats 1,670 6, 002 4,095 7,296 1, 439 5, 044 10, 789 8,312 oe Ge ET eee eT EE Fen Cer eR 10,771 35, 386 19, 857 31, 678 10,141 27,429 57, 860 38, 230 when fees) pice) wales) ees) yeas) ata) | Bee sta aoa ataechendce al daisies sand aiaiuliie we eadeans ou uennneneecal ee ie i 087 660, 03, o1 995, 95; : 252) i 40, 748 44, 958 33, 731 32, 122 24,771 46, 949 44, 4 07, 647 RAV SCrA WING CHAM: crstera'cts ctcvecacetevarsiereyn cate eretererayers tem actanateleats 49, 22 123, 432 98, 885 96, 289 107, 6 193, 833 124, 719 267, 526 % 2 , -0, , > ) Hidesissiab sesez4 bea Sat nesta Seoe eee 17,260 11/518 147596 91; 295 13,613 20; 414 29° 176 13) 135 Leather (unmanufactured) 257, 684 215, 240 219, 013 280, 103 318, 185 355, 209 299, 741 314, 283 Live stock 180, 687 5 0 156, 278 200, 062 192, 990 234, 132 163, 262 277,118 acer pert oes Tee PEAT Ae aT Poe ijk TP aL aL £ 443, 534 271, 421 281, 481 293, 638 337, 180 329, 584 259, 950 352, 137 Mac hiner Wi: os wo/s vmews eee st vases tote csiitecaue gaa aniusnenaeies 106, 330 92, 279 97,325 127, 416 240, 179 250, 630 218, 559 327,183 Malt PrBHele: 137, 899 118,510 67, 708 130, 440 81, 323 73,103 64, 321 17, 734 xiese ‘i Ge SN kaa ae Ta REISS (CPE IOC) 34, 429 32, 637 20, 581 37, 166 23 913, 21,556 18, 867 4,765 ALleats, Irozen: ; S pounds..| 1,179,360 | 5,403,104 | 11,192,200 | 17,799,900 | 19,200,300 | 14, 404, 400 18, 403,900 | 25, 487, 800 Beef, mutton, and pork ......---++--+eeeeeeeee reese {f Eo cuaa 12) 403 74, 126.945 | 193,981 | 1793040} 130,193 | 721,117 |’ 252, 021 i Si 215, oo 680, 180 Ls re oy 1, as pee 2: or ee 10, 86 34, 009 , 080 ; 116, 7: 2, 145, ; 3 24, 524 5, 060 Preserved (except salted and potted) ..........---- ae a 3, ee 5 eae 6 Sus 3 eae os ey ue Potxtacs 11) 246 14,631 12, 582 21, 624 4,921 11, 056 OLA TICS 56.5 5c rsie ais Seed wise Sebo ane rereidia si SiS eee ee ee eee eee Si! 33, 525 24, 991 40, 107 63, 650 34, 554 31,174 Ric 14, 727 13, 659 18, 431 19, 031 25, 461 24, 842 RG Esestotiib fel Cacinirinseeyeltieinis sere) einioielaariaioiniele eS ie 11, 258 8, 10, 98 11, 153 17, 845 14, 679 ski 9, 619, 473 12, 332, 586 | 10, 468, 202 12, 472? 817 | 11,339,948 | 15,181, 987 AS -p oceans SS snleinaeiele Res ieitizieieilnig git stil 289, 792 284, 71 94) 96 332) 813 343, 878 492) 032 gaa 769, 422 544,101 730, 504 665, 628 967, 794 633, 709 Be enege oor ois! 931 210.403 | 10T'173 | 2ae'523| 202040 | 180,286 ck m 2 2, 040 186, 286 Spitits Of KINGS ccncscisienciescecemet cecmenioamesaadiesedeeasl £ 85.581 77° 890 75.283 84.974 1 ’ , 81, 167 76, 948 Sugar of all kinds, including glucose and molasses 129, aa 88, 894 144, 108 167, 986 184, 359 167, 628 2 : : 121,335 82, 455 134, 000 159, 366 149, 147 153, 722 Tallow 8, 183 12, 528 10, 127 9, 086 4, 926 7, 362 PSE IIS IEE Re SEIS TAP SHG HF SIRE RAT SSS ete e : 165.8 ; 249, » 904 : 180, 855 ‘ 162, 585 94,508 141, 334 , 627, 570, 61 59, 162,096 3, 994, 425 4, 067, 923 TOA... . 0s serene eee e ee ee eee eeecec ester etetec sete eerste 364; 774 298) 676 | 179,712 155, 896 "160, 873 160; 929 Tobacco of all kinds (including snuff).........---.....--..2--- 105, 592 73,521 103, 093 84, 692 86, 723 84, 649 Wine go one ee ao ee oS “ee 738 ete Be 362, 906 Sahay oboe lwanlae Monte REP ORea memes ERTS 5 : mi 5 1) ; 45° 569 57.4 Wool 165, 590, 377 |150, 892, 425 154, 286, 170 |163, 779, 290 |146, 516, 567 | 123,572,693 | 181,850,560 | 121, 877, 604 UNE PRES eae eho seae near BeB AIS PARSEEE NGI ales De RGRE) Wes i an OREN PR ETO ,141 | 5,103, 907 re 742,522 | 5, Ds 153 4, 959, 404 3, 999, 813 4 036; 968 5, 701, 410 Woolen piece 20 be ee i. 928 29, 683 26) 925, 45, 540 39) 303 47, 34 30,912 , 627 Bullion wnd specic: Bullion— Gold ounces. . 1, 200 23, 074 8, 813 30, 753 15, 546 48,767 67, 801 47, 873 RES a alo Se Saxopaceiaiete 4,560 95, 992 35, 798 122,501 64, 605 193, 811 271, 048 197, 642 aw ounces..| 25, 232 39, 667 10, 515 37, 684 2,102 957 296 1,924 SIU Chase spupa tis sash ineuenietiindendaeeen saan nsec Beene. 4, 330 5, 983 1,311 4, 853 342 118 41 270 Specie— ‘ m EOI sehen recaps esrmareien a bai.0i0 oS OS SSS EE Se See ease Ty £..| 1,844,388 | 2,755,187 | 3,682,877 | 3,628,236 | 3, 234, 307 6, 278, 507 5, 650, 727 4,164, 222 SUV eIscrssis jexacemies seca snciele tien caaeeewelseediee seks fo. 11, 242 11, 381 15, 218 , 872 3 2,321 24, 460 | 28, 900 Total value of principal and other articles ...........--- £..| 14,214, 546 | 18,308,551 | 14, 026, 546 | 14,547,732 | 14,198,518 | 16,739,670 | 15,872,246 | 18, 567,780 No. 4-—48 1526 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, [Octoser, Imports 1nTO New Soutn WaALEss, BY PrincipAL ARTICLES, FROM 1892 to 1899. PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 Agricultural implements........-.---.-.-0-20--++ Lis 66, 740 ‘75, 162 40, 098 35,124 70, 975 96, 574 124, 863 Apparel and slops (including hats and caps)..... free 1, 330, 371 898, 354 905,789 1, 004, 699 1,071, 242 1,185, 774 1,077,198 Bags and sacks (including weolpacks)........--- foe, 189,911 148, 515 186, 496 ts, 913 174, 860 178, 451 221, 463 Becwanacal fgalions..) 2,254,815 2,010, 445 1,781, 866 : 1, 781, $46 1, 965, 417 1, 687, 901 ce: Operant ss Ha ceeget HEE CRORES Eiscocsene 348, 626 283,730 260,126 269, 664 291, 042 249, 876 Bicycles and tricycles (including parts).......... £.. 11, 737 18, 724 17, 169 208, 199 236, 003 126, 188 Blankets......... asians £ 63, 868 42,780 31, 458 47, 223 55, 465 49, 564 Books and periodical: 165, 584 125, 560 129,750 138, 904 145, 838 151, 823 Boots: AN dshOCSs oceec cat rieseeoasermmed se edios 455, 767 356, 280 286, 984 381, 233 803,579 316, 650 EGAN GIES oe sec knee hoe (pois: 8, 692, at 2, re Ce 2, a He 8, peers ao 1S 3, 102, ee Pestle SIIB SISO Ga oral ate ti 7A, , 07. t , Carpeting and druggeting............--2.2-.2.55- Gch 54, 281 23) 192 23, 620 38, 957 40, 458 39, 43: Cement Harel, 202, 432 127, 691 145, 662 2) 126, 242 184, 831 188, 651 icin Leiicinte ste SPAM Rhett se sinicel icine RSE RS a ec 113, 434 66, 695 72, 223 66, 152 47, 805 80, 642 83, 716 Coal A 711 468 374 373 795 1,727 656 Laie eh istardiaialeec tea Sena fe eketseslataoate etait 515 373 245 374 ord 1/213 597 Coke { 61, 852 61, 874 47,586 42,526 43,134 $2,451 4,000 SuSE SE ARS CRNG HERE ARDA TETRA 2 171, 401 G4, 595 36, 684 26, 832 135, 167 102, 396 12,847 Copper ore { 10, 041 1, 822 668 37d 310 1,379 997 DE ty OES okie Sisal eaeip calc giannis Re RASS s 101, 971 15, 064 6, 507 4,124 2 aa 18, 488 8,049 2 - 2, « . Copper, ingots Seueegasoe eee SERRE RESET te een ait 3 aa td, 208 10, oor 217 ae pan Drapery and millinery (including furs).......... Bis 2, 086, 141 £655,487 1, 569, 166 1, 880, 283 _| 2, 009, 289 1, 655, 644 1, 796, 861 Drags and apothecaries’ Ware... s.ceccu.ceaws coe Sica 171,273 123, 058 128, 054 138, 572 166, 696 200, 336 176, 250 Earthenware and China css2.25ccs22 ceed casassioes le 3 a ae Tt, 385 wee . 57,499 eS 111,140 98, 678 . pounds 3,711, 2, 614, 13! 008, 312 4,757, 989 6, 134, 420 6, 660, 143 Fish, dried and preserved -.......---------yg 0 82, 598 5 43, 303 "63, 198 "68, 621 126, 407 132) 45 Sti saute eter ieee nace che tons.. 48, 807 33, 138 19, 278 56,292 55, 994 20, 537 oe: ; Riser ee reece 509, 785 214, 258 144, 666 536, 460 624, 208 214, 464 Fruit, dried and green (including dates)......... Bec 321,140 213, 773 280, 683 343, 315 359, 164 299, 493 UD URUG iososecseicip scien cid segssisietslntoss jsjaieieuniots io eislelstisiiore Sista 101, 806 30, 245 34, 603 61, 208 2g Ll9 $2, 436 aoe ari departs Dielsfetaletnjeguiafacietaeenasieraemamins leacasintceree oa 102) 413 : 71, 393 81, 062 90, 592 80, 638 84, 654 Oats aieacabeg 1, 369, 779 1, 322, 254 714, 856 816, 045 988, 880 829, 303 915, 456 48, 566 158, 900 71,012 73, 987 105, 956 93,740 101, 800 , 486 6,148 6, 303 6,090 6,526 7,941 7,338 80, 051 72, 761 67,745 64, 254 67, 972 73, 846 94, 467 931, 402 471, 788 256, 550 359, 152 2, 502, 478 909, 935 523, 762 : 189, 513 7A, 823 28, 351 58, 357 559, 205 190, 483 87, 556 Hardware, hollow ware, and ironmongery -...... es 634, 689 349, 746 178, 407 201, 404 261, 190 302) 495 282, 560 Hay and chaff... 57, 336, 47,761 37, 976 57,773 52, 523 46, 160 61, 956 Hides and skins 246, oe ee aoe ie ee 186, 546 238, 849 218, 466 205,794 5 2 25 21,7 Iron and steel, galvanized and other (excluding : ; si apron rant pana? 537,808 673,207 oe UTM) x, 3 Sosicjnsnias a Sin wisiaustsolaleiciase sisisimeariadeers 1, 078, 822 597, 201 575, 458 576, 478 779, 441 879, 197 835, 180. 1, 136, 576 Cattle cdovees ciated doko Mets bene number... 146, 368 209, 248 148, 974 91, 296 268, 128 155,114 196, 101 172,016 ee 4 dulcis 531,126 538, 117 329, 696 278, 436 564, S88 454,671 637; 605 586, 183 HOLses ....ccececccccccccccceeccccencce aaa 7,195 5, 603 5,171 4,202 6,918 7,885 5, 138 5, 052 Es ccrcicerasstst 165, 695 114, 077 90,437 $3,937 $2,950 114, 264 108; 509 ; ¢ : 7 , 102, 049 GCC pe mendevand nanan obs teat number. . 520, 660 1, 017, 253 530, 664 420; 374 1,010,176 1,171, 794 700, 718 498, 111 , : : Bo oeaemen, 932, 294 307, 159 206, 077 146, 609 317, 909 327, 360 227, 329 236, 281 Machinery (including parts) ................-.-.-£-- 308, 911 209) S41. 190, 905 227, 84 477, 154 517, 948 598, 708 650,975 Mallee tee yeede nk eee aaee s Bt aeeec wt ena bushls. : oe. a ; ed ee 306, 730 341,799 354, 330 393, 409 448,172 448, 930 Milk, condensed ee 70, 629 57, 468 48, 294 sora 599" 997 753,429 T1038 780.504 Musical instruments (including parts) ... . 94,595 51, 534 44 724 47,172 ; 110; 680 90; : Oil ferosene a tas.2l< cmc noncunueriecenecue Hi ae Sees] Paes oy 2, 362, ae sie W272, oe 2,913,419 | 8, 625, 882 4, 580, 201 My 7 , 79,225 Yb) 9 Paper, printing, brown, wrapping, and writing ...£. 217, G54 210, 871 186, 515 189; 5153 183, 099 229) 602 23331 287 163 Obst OCR i Sack case Pek Vos a eew a acaes ftons.. 58, 316 36, 181 38, 346 50, 175 52,779 59, 075 32) 3.44 68, 936 : NE eects 172, 675 150, 043 96,421 114, 9x9 190, 304 191) 968 216, 333 213, 444 Railway rails, Bechet nese wine naca cease stan Ball treet eames Saat 60, 195 21,729 63,704 63,451 53,377 96, = ik manu ACLULES Sic. sooda noua di acutaeseneecameeenes £.. 88, 486 70, 887 63, 493 91, 243 95, 123 97; 871 100, 420 136, 354 Bian CY soon eer eaeee tires See ebcae gallons. . 224, 498 164, 194 163, 983 148, 920 157, 629 173, 901 2 5 7 ‘ oe 114, 418 86, 637 76, 741 68, 910 84,218 88, 396 108 a9 ie 390 Rum .....--- Pieced auth catenete wee gallons. . 207, 755 216, 476 215, 316 161, 418 198, 548 216, 602 161, 368 150,519 £ 38, 429 33, 427 29, 867 22,125 26, 695 29, 204 21, 091 21, 400 Gin and Geneva 205, 533 215, 911 172, 364 183, 973 199, 883 181, 520 187, 425 223, 339 53, 716 56, 588 34, 872 48, 620 50,474 49, 025 51, 285 Whisky aus dee sia oe oe ae 2 494, 351 514, 355 612. 931 616, 016 Stationery (excluding writing paper) ............ Bs: 136, 972 113; 051 101, 308 33, 798 i 47 1s" 396 re te a ee Sugar, unrefined 33, 595 35, 596 46, 253 36, 284 88, 352 39, 806 61, 094 ‘ £ 515, 756 534,471 657, 445 482, 238 528, 920 542, 377 765, 268 743,170 ST alwateee pueenedecstinanee we acen ait wae 12,687,819 | 11,224,783} 12,097,127 | 12,591,422 | 10,074,903 | 12,192,603 | 12, 085.965 13, 606, 616 Rincineotsand ore 430, 444 345, 081 367, 162 361, 699 288) 184 345, 609 344) 693 ” 430; 894 Tin, ingots and ore.....-----.-.-+ssesereeeeeeseees £.. 237, 245, 210, 840 178, 648 108, 736 87,078 61, 929 50, 782 131, 710 Manufactured (excluding snuff)...... pounds: 1, 427, 852 1, 300, 090 1, 420, 597 1, 243, 220 1, 530, 224 1, 618, 325 ( B SOUR) eee anced 98,214 "$4; 502 "76, 441 *'s2) 988 ”102) 448 108, 680 105,018 x ean Unmanutactured ............--0-.0-0- pounds 858, 948 390, 323 484, 090 597, 184 1, 034, 250 942,141 1, 315, 498 1, 754, 328 cgebni 25, 996 14,097 16, 535 21/130 30, 501 28, 436 "41,021 "54, 862 GHATS is co nededecetineedeeaeweeed pounds. 369, 387 239, 982 207, 444 259, 598 306, 270 353, 912 298, 763 268, 293 is icine iaonn 97, 807 63, 788 46, 443 59, 522 69, 958 92, 289 77,47 77,779 Wines cara eects ita tott att pallens. 149, O14 98, 159 91,613 84,458 94, 466 97, 416 96, 601 103, 587 Woodandtimber: = =. 80/100: 58, 395 47, 370 48, 400 61,171 62, 523 59, 668 67, 235 Timber, dressed and undressed Sup.feet..) 07,662,793 | 61,608,017 | 56,445,471 | 54,690,878 | 59,278,430 | 75,989,299 | 73,397,335 | 82, 956,235 waeeee eee 2 ’ ae ree hae 2 a (ach cie(iuel nana mnuntutactiensn: See Se 412,748 323, 183 284,790 275, 527 316, 323 394, 320 367, 704 429, 858 TUL sofas ssceiineecitaceersearseg mex eae eAKeee Sis 26, 447 15, 212 25, 059 38, 853 37,839 52, 023 54. 7 1 , , . , 52, {297 51, 796 Ne Ob lieauict ont tA UR en es es oa PONE: 15, a a 26,215,259 | 22,406,329] 32,547,101} 34, 500, 851 27,289,203 | 31,891,164 34, 685, 700 Woolen manufactures. See also blankets and nf ses sabes eee ta Haz rO8) 1, O88; 88 1, 589, O44 ae CC oe ee eee eee eee ee eet eee reece eee Est ccitmatatinesicedl bers atdee acisen, 22, 266 37, O44 86, 733 471,013 459, 539 503, 279 Gold (dust and bar) ..........2220..--- ounces.. 661, 287 677, 188 709, 996 541, 569 528, 381 571, 186 528,17 ( ) Ricca 2,467,018 | 2,506,773 | 2,626,696 | 2,010,239 | 1,988,614] 2, 041 646 cre on7 2 $58 OOF Bil porate ras tee ee gunces.. 4,604 325 13, 354 19, 184 132, 973 71, 237 8, 600 "43, 206 Se ee ee 800 60 1, 670 2,411 16, 629 8,112 996 4,938 Gold ra feiniveiehe 118,151 1,501, 711 298, 758 55, 845 481, 420 1,149, 819 7 7 Silver E 37, 340 "85, 629 10, 000 21; 894 9; 800 "26, 326 a 100887 Total value of principal and other articles ....| | 20,776,526 18, 107, 035 15, 801, 941 15, 992, 415 20, 561, 510 21, 744, 350 24, 453, 560 25, 594, 315 11. ] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1527 Exrorts rrom New Sovrm Waxes, sy Principat ArricLes, rrom 1893 To 1899. e PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. 1893 1894 1895. 1896 1897 1898 1899 Books and pericdicals bs 87, 262 33, 915 eae and shoes.... ae ; 4s, on atter ..... heh i pcs NR to tan end rn forte 2, 707, 088 987, 66 108) 435 "347, COOl fo vcecte Macaijeyeweitirohe'saiahasa aie ara see af oo2S,oate jas aielcageie tors tataleiela ale wine’) ie 1, S 6, +090 2,474, 907 2y198 0s ie an shy on 2 900, 204 J 1, 005, 794 OMSL aden seheatecaweannd cb entwc cadens 3.38 ded “dhs aes cisinnirieincinintierninns VWBecos BiS73 10, Gb 4,523 2 Coppersrefine discs coan eco oanwoncaocntents seeheenieiet jew 38, 860 B13 7.27 ey 2, ON 74, G3 ‘ Na Drapery and apparel.......2..2..0.e.ee00e esate ee Ee 191, ae bs uD a My B52 5 Flour (not including corn flour) ............0ceeeeeeeeeeeee aioe 1,784 1, 052 1, 903 22, 802 34, 14h Tei ea ae 16, 987 12,894 16, 250 243,187 412,79 O78 N19 Fruit, BrOCD.-sssssuracensnsseurareasevensnarnancnonecenearsesers £.. 119, 631 120, 126 81,227 129, 691 110, 509 149, 210 114) 061 RE ieee dlcenptmieiatete fbushels 11,733 42, 296 62, 388 107, 224 215, 977 247, 051 Wren Iii He) ER] isl] ght] BEE] aie PAU chu drllesh dca lah Cie oes eed haha mae ibneaciolalaepassaentseiaere : ies ' DR 1879, 93: et 45), 01% Beare Hoy ware, and ironmongery.. ae ete 35, 668 31 ox THe TA seen 331" 5 Hae Hides and shine oo jcertercccseseresneeerscereenenesenern ce x08, 565, 831 924) 4605, 638) 398 772, 584 840, 433 Leather, wnmannfactured.........-..2sssereersesensneeesreeners £.. 206,011 241, 848 294, 708 33%, 961 304, 179 340, 400 FEL iets ean ane ee ee number 3, 362 4, 606 A, 219 8,212 8, 819 7, 880 ae asecnaree 107, 500 16, 660 97, 460, 127, 083 169, 069 173, 183 CRG reece pe en bat ate Na thom ee al snumber 60, 567 43,277 41,555 45,7 720 59, 603 56, 610 \e Sincicnict 247, 118 143, 746 131, 969 209) 697 255, 711 297, 429 Sebi tee Bi bad ERI AL SNS fa number. 933, 012 905, 743 999, 773 744,578 1, 022, 295 1, 311, 880 . elec ie 288, 254 305, GUS 299, Lit 258, 952 411, 354 509, 005 88, 971 75, 657 95, 383 110, 308 142, 469 211, 391 ee od ee 220, 54 ; els 42) 37 540, 114 141, 610 193, 760 380; G51 343, 680 278 647 331, 046 Shale (kerosene) 27,745 18, 859 34, 549 14,220 21,930 13, 845 ; his 79, 219 49, 187 77, 984 32, 816 44,511 27,197 19, 355, TeeGate ee onto cadet onan fewt 1, 169, 803 850, 262 598, 747 391, 664 362, 107 202,178 405, 150 Sera \.. 2.019, 997 1,548,213 959, 7:36 794, 867 645,477 321, 136 404, 728 Osei(Give: Mud Hlver lead) ossscseleeetose a coe jowt 3, 148, 204 2, 818, 906 3, 822,009 5, 600, 865 5, 429, 280 7,796, 404 8,514,179 Bagi \£.. 958, 991 688, 264 613, 797 1, 089, 585 1, 041, 105 1, 836, 991 1, 680, 236 Rend 25 ss sceccec zig wsvavesseweuwdsadubascckeeere esas { : 12 ah ao Se 152 7 ab 3 2 USO RC aie xe wed eas echoes Sets sees eg e Pecndeains u 145, 949 103, B57 91, 723 106, 601 400, i 138,839) . 78,497 T2624 80, 027 239, 732 EMV ha use Se Dok SS ee ee Ts a 1,102, 398 1,127, 245 583, 704 615, 952 455, 317 1, 146, 528 1, 102, 145 509, 666 504, 227 510, 861 MGad nado s ons aac eon ccucatceaee dd Suc euas eee seme ts 1, 497, 868 2,123, 886 2,296, 202 2, 598, 405 2, 663, 756 54, 179 77,737 75, 833 83, 405 0 96, 529 Piri bers TOUGU a6 cewiends noewtednseweoessendaece 7,188,858 | 11,315,703 | 11,542,825 | 13,036,521 | 15,800, 941 18, 657, 105 32, 419 A, 810 56, 8 66, 095 87, 111 101,777 Tin, ingots ...02.20.c02ceee cece eceeecceeeececeseeseseesceanees 73, 805 62,611 52, OM 36, 163 27, 238 36, 995 Tin ore eee 1 8s 182, 719 111, 269 96, 885 221, 747 rscdislaldiatarefey arajeteisbalerasrstaycteecsare omremmteleelvels See iee ceewatiasanins > 1,3 9 282 24 Bt Tobaceo of all kinds (i i Bond = 591 2, 905 560 35 445 ‘obaceo of all kinds (including snuff) oe el oe 7a ae et 803, 936 867, 752 ; 3 7 , 312 85, 54 92, 223 Wool... oe i6 354,165, 446 | 829, 992, 675 306,824,358 | 285,797,725 | 280, gas 408 240, 019) 494 Bulliong sO a ee : 9,628,123 | 9,976,044 | 9,897,332 | 8,920,285 | 9,457,535 | 11, 738, 607 Gold (Aust ana er #2) eee | el) ae) bee 25, #8. 2, 69 434, 5 le 404, 585 922, 93 SATION MeN edna can a) Dae a By 921, 931 739, 647 333, 207 210, 063 549, 143 692) sol Shee 3, 103, 055 91, 662 42,767 23, 350 61,178 76, 963 2, 969, 892 1, 975, 573 2,710, 560 3, 602, 986 4, 346, 647 6, 529, ) 1975, ; j 060 9; 166 12, 7, 666 "13, 290 "19, 909 29, 872 " “52495 Total value of principal and other articles............... ie 75 princip: er articles sse-[ 22,921,223 | 20,577,673 | 21,934,785 | 23,010,349 | 23,751,072 | 27, 648,117 28, 445, 466 1528 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. {Ocroszr, 7 Imports into CEYLON, BY PrincipaAL ARTICLES, rrom 1892 To 1899. PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. 1892 1898 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 Casks, shooks, and staveS........ececeeeeeeceecees £.. 49, 501 43, 026 19, 556 41,616 20,099 43, B76 38, 890 31, 899 Coal and coke tons.. 312, 757 291, 901 325, 497 326, 298 373, 460 414, 913 419, 975 511, 693 wenear nt ee 343, 992 332, 422 361, 215 324) 026 : 538, 374 605, 082 759, 655 Cotton manufactures.............. i 339, ag 287, 835 275, 489 315, 336 344, 934 416, 846 5 453, 578 packagess<| QI occ ceca sacarileeceetic came men aduscboeecasen |e wbAiisiowiorniemie Sa assibialsiatela siaieial] sielsis egiaie sislefersiellle seeinjeisaphcmecite Cotton twist ...........ccceeeeeeeee singe owts ...... 976 1,618 2,107 1, 827 1,771 1,753 1, 805 1,579 Suueeocies 8, 829 6, 946 8, 690 8,135 8, 435 9, 501 9, 706 8, 643 Cutlery and Dard wares cicccccessscedenesevesc sean Cee 28, 503 26, 209 24, 576 293 41,417 82,925 87,345 89, 682 Sag raha you eae an ae me ees ts cdls shai 64. 002 } : i ; oh Fish, salted and dried owt... 190, 407 173, 699 208, 602 191,141 1, 529 189, 082 207, 438 206, 491 7 DARLENE ANGIICO sere Gee ee eerie Eves 122) 972 106, 752 115, 166 105, 526 120,707 95, 592 109, 767 110, 128 Government stores ic ameaiamanine ance case aera £.. 121, 275 185, 830 69, 654 95,211 102, 783 91, 995 112, 648 241, 575 Grain and pulse: uisheds..} 1,178, 192 1,604, 170 1,591, 400 1, 667, 389 1,328, 172 1,017,119 1, 562, 544 157 £ 114, 137 172, 532 158, 752 161, 094 , 692 88, 058 141, 597 120, 833 b 7, 364, 347 7, 456, 366 7, 556, 506 8, 722, 823 7,594, 413 8, 723, 750 9, 023, 598 13, 928 £ 1, 545, 746 1, 608, 896 1, 460, 137 1; 685, 504 1)592; 058 1, 929, 524 2, 089, 057 2, 358, 335 Other and flour... 146, 336 113, 71 100, 561 107, 818 109, 217 113, 456 123, 356 152, 5% Haberdasheryssascesevaccsriseeieusnerastewsaeget £.. 52, 922 50, 137 43, mm 68, 678 74, 436 134. 733 126, 034 169, 70 as tons... 98 714 1 , , 1042 Tron, galvanized, Cte ........ eee ee eee eee ee “£0. 18, 486 17,242 20, 552 23, 878 29/973 47, 386 40,750 37,011 Live stock: number. 28, 524 21,072 20, 851 18, 381 16,023 21, 445 23,136 20, 888 Horned cattle ....--....--+--0reeeeee f os 47, 429 33,170 22/703 59” 688 21,170 28, 988 29, 582 25; 491 number. 58, 161 63, 156 72, 598 68, 940 79,520 61, 154 79, 11 79, 628 Sheep and lambs .........----+++--++- BAe sa 19, 135 18, 427 17; 895 18,361 24) 429 19° 470 25, 709 29) 457 Machinery and millwork, including sewing ma- Chin eS caord ons vuvasninoacusnraweonse herseeeeesed £.. 61, 608 43, 022 43, 767 45,538 51,221 106, 882 100, 286 98, 136 Malt 1i gallons... 254, 451 206, 966 186, 631 213, 975 269, 113 253, 150 297, 080 311, 826 AND AQUOTR «ois ast cininieitnitivn eicieieatsin’i Sista Se rE 32, 800 27, 662 22, 225 25, 189 27,476 25, 524 30, 832 3, 027 Manures 17,519 20, 081 25, 058 34, 832 38, 861 41,593 56, 186 72, 836 Oil, Keroseh Gs sesuennccucus cannes weswauenaaseecesa £.. 44,789 6, 163 53,010 43, 293 70, 848 73, 478 82, 846 77,977 : : 95, 832 95,475 96, 107 122, 960 131, 008 108, 861 131, 237 148, 282 ONIONS sie sierercinsctsrerararaisinin sintercainisiara Wii ed eawnbae th 18, 567 83, 205 Bs ; 835 oid z of 79 os 638 33 ot ee 656 % 202, 362 21 46 75, 32, 569 Poonac (cocoanut cake) .....--.-.--.+++ eeeeee £ 52, 277 ; "Odd 53,717 61,179 69, 622 78, 210 685 Potat: 52,431 37,913 36, 084 43, 102 51, 696 52,148 56, 693 72, 375 OUMLOES: Pa GsARe RS SeRSRs soe ee veils satis ee 25, 396 17,476 14, 941 17, 847 23, 223 26, 364 , 000 600 Railway materials. 25,615 27, 380 81, 855 65, 885 47,117 61,076 46, 742 7, 986 Silk manufactures. 26,583 27,922 20,517 20,757 26, 460 27,173 544 68, 263 a Hide 80, 933, 41,247 48,528 61, 684 66, 163 67, 311 61, 416 72, 006 pede eens} aasis | © wasdc | —suoaisez| gator | nirass | azo ral 51038 : : ‘ 685 3, 81 6 : 26, 781 157, 058 Sugar (excluding palm and jaggery) : 82, 316 83, 872 81,907 154; 839 145; 876 194; 750 209! 169 277, 302 packages. . 1 cla afnchatiaveierssaiaifro/ee a Siena ilejaia(orayut| arevehacehise: ajays\ovessll ormiesoieteloitraid dtmin|lavochhe/oleyalepnmiriaint ‘Toa lead. andewdewewsesseeerees epexteaenete tons....... 1,730 2, 385 2,477 2, 841 5, 272 3,167 3, 681 3,420 oe es ee ed “ pounds.. ‘ 7 Tobacco—cigars....-.--+. qeteneeGenntestss i eatocect 19, 106 18, 768 20, 472 23, 636 26, 390 27 264 84,690 Wood and timber—teak...... sbunivdeveuwebects 24,561 23,610 21, 913 954 30, 432 21, 997 38, 604 Woolen manufactures of all kinds ........ vested 20, 762 19, 907 23, 247 81, 961 28, 489 25, 560 27, 087 Bullion=Ail Ver od. easicc.ccecssecwcsawscsereweseceesere|eereeemeccne|i 6 BB eecee dees peevhacctneesceculins eSSieibis ereicierel (sinietuteters Sarreeerett ore mises Soci | Welsieteicielslsterencia Specie: Goldi.t2scocekeencsscse eee iwhine Uoee oes £.. 511,958 | 4, 663 1, 055 1, 465 4,854 6,139 15, 586 20, 989 Bilver dosesictanse es Seueceeed £.. 7898 |) 386,419 510, 618 440, 898 636, 801 770, 983 670, 216 675, 686 Total value of principal and other articles..£..| 4,665, 284 4, 418, 795 4, 288, 627 4, 644, 135 5, 227, 644 6, 158, 607 6, 475, 218 7, 466, 157 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1529 Exports rrom Cryton, sy Principat ARTIcLEs, FROM 1892 ro 1899. . PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. 1892 1898 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 ewt ....... 100, 235 107, 389 122, 269 99, 187 126, 104 137, 323 104,776 99, 837 AV CORAM US hii icisenres can aeaseesmenueuen packages... 189! | eesiscaevswmenal emer germans a llacteaeins daueieeree 139 20: 45 _ 134 £ 57, 268 68, 213 69, 100 60, 178 66, B83 83,214 76, 785 85, 937 Cardamomiss cc ccoe sss oeaiegaieeelseneen 18, 153 28, 305 21, 190 32,112 45, 345 64,077 64, 612 49, 209 Cinchona bark. ...... 53, 062 16, 917 11,171 4,063 4,124 2,055 6, 467 3,188 2, 642, 449 2, 741, 082 2, 784, 754 3, 052, 000 8, 182, B24 3, 850, 005 4, 281, 166 6, 501, 096 85, 329 1385 61, 497 67, 398 76,255 138, 680 161,413 184, 046 Peeumemsceecend 50 AD): davcsnaissecninedeen 25 8. Ss usaialal nercioevaa inte 62 332 296 38 . : ewt.. 19,177 29,776 22,792 27, 523 383, 891 35, 121 38, 099 42, 52S ee 86, 695 130, 385 62,915 62, 299 63,972 82,120 110, 84 125, 008 Coconuts sises sce crndantecnntineuahantvicacuwsensd £ 27, 593 31, 944 23,457 31, BAG 37, 428 37, 255 34,113 27, 815 é re CWE coseuy 16, 008 27, 269 42, 692 73, 194 94,026 103, 987 tale 129, mm ocoanuts, CSIC CHLOE Qe seiicacmacseg sions PACKER RECS a2) noses. ersere er ncremhed ois le enaiors ay see Ses ie sllltesreal ae ety ede ak ae au pees omeiens beter bone retac 3. : 129853 135, 994 154, 229 152, ose . 19,593 17,341 11, 8, 92 Coffee; plantation: sonceiscsscaneewosmeeueesa 92" 710 88, 765 56, 025 89.457 Rie . S ; Coffee, mative ....... 2... ccc cece cece eeeeeeeeeee pre 3, aa ie Ae Coir,and manufactures thereof .................. cia 108, 545 125,189 95, 539 140, 416 517, 124 316, 981 Coppe rane. acacia sec ohdieemevemenge DBS) ecncicesietvateicess 2,797 104, 953 76, 974 83, 953 332, 300 213, 054 Oil: ; 12,825,240 | 12, 470,192 18, 853,637 | 24,050, 986 23, 922, 898 Oltronellascavncccodpicnemnicneeeee 2e é a 264 ae 802 & 270 8, 393 167, 423 30, 570 COCOONUG ose ciosdeceariemsemeinegatoewtonay £ 403, 388 » 404,161 379, 416 635, 224 PlUMDAGO...-- 2+. ee eee eee eee eee eee reese eee £ 231,977 1, 483, 093 198, 124 174, 856 VOOM AG sane srea7a-tieieies cagtaien nokia vetemiee sea Vee c 50, 322 5a, O74 as i allons. 88, 874 94, 672 : 109, 599 70, 716 Spirits—arrack ...--+.....ee eee eee essere Hs Sis 6.474 7° 699 Tia 8/989 521 7.585 T pounds..| 72,282,524 | 82,269, 343 98.591 iT | 110,095,194 | 114, 460, 318 129, 661. 908 COL ae we AS io in BESANT SESE 2,100,711 2, 502, 788 2, 721, 245 3, 074, 896 2,965, 790 3, 457, 651 ee ee gos] 38) WS) ag) ae) a i pests cwt.. 51, 389 94: 4, 904 53, 61, ; , 883 Tobacco, unmanufactured ......-+--2++seeee s Ease 68; 191 53, 344 69, 417 66,085 86, 253 66, 513 57,101 Specie: Teed ete ct de a es eae dss £.. 75, 952 1, 983 8, 367 D270 isenpaes seMines DS. ASB lol acttamasn (Norn.—“ Rx ’’= tens of rupees; ten rupees at the present exchange value, about $3.33.] PRINCIPAL ARTICLES. 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 1¢00 Coal ftons 52, 203 80, 946 187, 256 212,273 826, 773 304, 586 SAE Ta ASP SIS SiR Hal PN Eas eo REN Rx 50, 443 a o 213, a2 334, ne COMO pielo cess dessa cri trandea eee eaeoneene [tons 123 one 308 725 Coffee 82,817 283, wh Scloiauntieoa sad emecainneanieinaysdl acai ene 034 1, 500, f 27 BOS, PSR Coir, and manufactures Of --......+....-...+- 35) GL SHR 408 815,575 s 4,794, 152 5, 246, 719 COUCH TRY: aga eartnag cxntaserecmmitinsaeessie 13) 310, 769 14,090, $65 9, vo ns Cotton, twist and yarn ..........cccceeeeee eee ee 5, 054, 099 6, 801, 54 68, 7, 007, 813 Cotton manufactures .......... 2,914, 340 3,415, 688 2,160, 869 2,610, 798 Dyeing and tanning materials 5, 042, 627 6, 249, 416 3,600, 511 3, asd, 5ST Grain: Wheat 12, 156, 851 10, 004, 171 19, 420, 496 9, 704, O87 rain: RS asad sea hate Maca Glace Sobsencaind se os 5, 193, 985 8,914, 377 9,719. 688 3, 909, 496 tile and akin a a es raga hike SE Sepang gy ee aes ae Ks 8,801, 75 7,640, 863 50, 1463, 915 Jewelry, precious stcnes, and plate.....-.-.---- Roe. 26, 926 93, 842 "132,227 1u0,IV0 Tutenray (ewes. 3 8, 690, 133 12, 206, oe a 02 aa oe of 7 Wee PMT nO ag ee UPA age ECS Tt Pere ee a na POR au &, 524, 130 9, 992, 86 0, DB, p25 , 64 Jute manufactures (including twist and yarn)..Rx.. 3, 441, 958 4,747,797 5, 950, 964 5, 798, 922 6, 264, 350 Lac; Ancluding Ave scoscc.sacivosecisctcoeneaicocas RE2 960, 797 1,833, 772 1, ah ue a a aa tons... 50, 77, 004 7 V2 5 RESIDES SES OWS 23 senbrenaeaseaeuces Bx... 274; 042 448) 451 391) 125 403, 53 607, 618 Metals, and manufactures of metals ............ Res. 306, 247 381, 314 349, 622 326, 082 451, 348 Oils (except paraffin-wax).......... saa Res 526,211 710, 467 627,134 743, 035 786, 402 Opium cwts.. 97, 910 83, 944 7A, 280 92, 827 93, 378 PLANS sso Rx... 8,019, 428 8, 459, 336 6, 097, 563 7, 126, 009 8,203, 715 PROVISIONS on. Wears a cai csaad AdamemeieGamonamceas ene Rx.. 998, 409 1, 020, 209 1; ont, 776 1, 229, 192 1, 134, 464 24, baz, 907. 35, 161, 968 96) SPL) 532 37, 946, 886 82, 271, 393 10, 384,739 18, 542, 766 15, 815, 208 13, 096, 170 = 983 421, 769 365, 256 397, 385 338, 102 535, 945 349, 344 384, 298 24, 2 13, 674, 881 19, 284, 039 15, 876, 237 16,761,7 t 9, 721, 660 11, 852, 012 10, 127, 716 1 Sd, 154 1, 853, 109 1, 636, 983 2, 030, 513 735, OSC 661, 738 476, 807 715, 802 313, 005 272,169 174, 902 178, 381 24,347, 989 31, 968, 520 32, 804, 163 27, 795, 003 LR: 485, 692 538, 416 639, 339 79, 925 1, 532, 250 1, 240, 596 498, 567 693, 965 { 1, 230, 902 791, 317 383, 257 451, 894 { 129, eee ay toe te 1 ee Gos ae 386, 820 6, 28, , 025, 97. 191,115 176, 979 Timber, wood, and manufactures of............ Rxu: 595, 804 808, 435 é 1,090; 048 1,086, 912 Molen? fpounds 36, 821, 38 47,042,674 | 41, 444,139 38,613,146 | 41, 704, 162 TOW 20202 e scene eee reece tee eee ee tx soe 1,714, 296 1, 689, O82 2,115, 927 ; 1,724, 842 1,801,970 pe ee Soe Sonate Ue Eee aeeeees Re... 178, 629 218, 722 240, 672 250, 909 254, 495 293, 759 allion and specie: Private— Gold .. ig AR 4,594,472 2,505, 284 G6, 730, 874 2, 503, 317 2, 200, 141 2, 336, 646 2,008, 196 Silver % RX. 2,354, 622 dl, 519, 453 3427, G45 d's 728, 984 2, 725, 740 5, 071, 535 5, 941, 844 Government—s 24, 930 75, 455 68, 055 27,510 11, 605 14; 478 3, 6,347 Total value of principal and otherarticles.Rx..| 113,554,399 | 110,603,562 | 117,189,850 | 118,594,549 | 108,921,592 | 104,781,428 120, 21), 146 117, 070, 032 1Does not include land traffic. 1532 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocroser, Imports AND Exports or French CoLONIES FOR THE YEARS 1889 To 1899, INCLUSIVE. [From official publications of the French Government, Value of franc, 19.3 cents.] evs : : St. Pierre and ; New IMPORTS FROM— Martinique. |Guadeloupe.| Reunion. Senegal. Guiana. Miquelon. India. Caledonia. Francs. Francs. Francs. Francs. Francs. Francs. Francs. Francs, France .......+0+ wiaisialelewmae cisiaemaciocsniscn Seer 7, 959, 420 10, 918, 782 9,178,610 8, 927, 360 5, 877, 648 8, 707, 189 735, 854 4, 024, 622 French colonies.... Be 663, 927 1,191, 957 859, 690 212, 700 79,795 , 613 LUsOB0s lee ticsiocwacinece 1889; Foreign COUNtTICS ........ece cece cece eee e ee eeee 14, 298, 102 12, 580, 881 11, 224, 067 18, 781, 920 2, 993, 042 10, 578, 173 6, 009, 710 5, 452, 206 —_——} DOA sire nesie sais ciaisre larg statue ow siaiemeteaess: 22, 916, 449 24, 691, 620 21, 262, 367 22, 921, 980 8, 950, 485 14, 354, 975 6, 763, 099 9, 476, 828 YANG Civscccsrsrereicisieterards\sisisi balelereinisic Welaleismaeaeereenn 10, 657, 674 9, 656, 540 9, 921, 232 5, 823, 085 4,071,127 3,835, 339 771, 991 4,776, 622 French colonies .. 1, 357, 013 1, 135, 678 227, 225 96, 104 112, 200 69, 164 20; 688: |ncisteseans sas. 1890; Foreign countries 18, 246, 662 12, 456, 772 20,165, 999 9, 271, 536 3, 706, 105 10, 195, 982 8,845,427 | 6, 312, 896 Total esses ascwveu secdwees eeceeieeeeaeeet 30, 261, 349 23, 248, 990 30, 314, 456 15, 190, 725 7, 889, 532 14, 100, 485 4, 637, 956 11, 089, 516 PRP ONN CO: cis 5. cic nie aint citeaieureieas oid tomate sy nein ee Ae 10, 741, 246 7, 829, 926 9, 234, 884 9, 046, 023 7,409, 909 3, 897, 083 609, 822 4,912,773 French colonies .... 22,616 908, 315 462, 829 70, 067 86, 178 107,721 18, 253 69, 348 1891; Foreign COUNtTICS ....2.... cee eee eee eee ence ee 21, 996, 013 11, 717, 639 12, 542, 206 9,092, 074 3,521, 300 9, 522, 844 38, 854, 866 6, 435, 609 Ota a syosd.ciaccheseia earn sieves diensiswisss siaipladoaemieal 33, 659, 875 20, 455, 880 22, 239, 919 18, 208, 164 11, 017, 387 13, 527, 648 4, 482, 941 11, 417, 780 FAT CO? xine cevateincietajanereiaiescimiciciaieisicvecclarcieitieleibieremndioraione! 10, 057, 694 7, 928, 693 11, 958, 011 12, 287, 612 6, 545, 032 4,110, 871 414, 500 5, 634, 992 French colonics . . 1, 338, 956 794, 452 199, 016 85, 934 71,279 153, 407 27,945 119, 043 1892; Foreign Countries ........2. 022 e sence cece ences 21, 713, 378 12, 342, 738 12, 912, 450 11, 886, 582 3, 637, 054 6, 272, 536 2, 835, 486 8, 512, 619 Total ose baworcicencesniiedaisccisehn veces 33,110, 028 21, 066, 283 25, 069, 477 24, 260, 128 10, 253, 365 10, 536, 814 3, 277, 931 14, 266, 654 PION CO ccicetccticde tees eepA nn gavaneeeas 9, 780, 234 8, 933, 517 8, 585, 791 8, 908, 443 5, 488, 760 2, 448, 849 513, 939 5, 253, 830 French: COMICS a2 «sae dasidemiisisneee nese rseeee es 1, 715, 218 853, 032 172, 468 113, 875 150, 675 136, 967 17,186 38, 544 1898, Foreign countries .....-....0...0cseee cence ences 14, 160, 258 10, 194, 097 10, 912, 526 4, 843, 965 2, 554, 170 3, 593, 269 2,745, 451 4,010, 807 TOU Ms. 55: 15 2s ce ci achnina lei lavevalareisiomtapeyaiaieiein inne 25, 655, 710 19, 980, 646 19, 670, 785 13, 866, 283 8, 193, 605 6,179, 125 3, 276, 576 9, 302, 681 France ....- 12, 452, 547 11, 081, 722 11,714, 729 14, 412, 808 9, 197, 619 2,917, 849 625, 730 5, 272, 924 French colo ost 1, 304, 485 812,949 380, 391 2, 265, 824 286,661 136,105 17,271 2,500 1894, Foreign countries 15, 360, 178 10, 741, 277 11, 200, 588 10, 307, 901 2, 658, 040 3, 695, 560 2,531, 615 3, 385, 869 TOtAl ciciciiiaaciacroin miiuisisiwinip(ersleisre-p:sisreverieaaitiae 29,117, 210 22, 635, 948 23, 295, 708 26, 986, 533 12, 142, 320 6, 749, 514 3, 174, 616 8, 661, 293 EVA ING Ciirs'c scaiwrs isis ere wis wiarewiorets nies siete recente Ss: 7, 951, 864 7, 342, 853 9, 448, 948 15, 199, 869 7,524, 584 3, 392, 449 815, 012 3, 611, 318 French: COlnieS z seccarrciseecscicciateeewecwecae 878, 801 715, 780 858, 115 3, 238, 040 278, 663 516, 356 36, 352 199, 000 1895; Foreign COUNTIES .......02. cece ence nee eeeeeene 12, 328, 271 8, 344, 839 13, 734, 080 9, 830, 145 3,180, 989 4, 256, 987 2,176,115 3, 564, 205 TOtal wcsccr ce ciecucesteewintessentiutestagsinetes 21, 158, 936 16, 403, 472 24, 041, 143 28, 268, 054 10, 979, 236 8, 165, 792 _ 2, 526, 478 7, 374, 523 BTAN CE 2oo0 suerieseedsssyaws peteeeeveeeceiee sets 9, 320, 684 10, 631, 312 11, 814,121 11, 723, 871 5, 662, 466 3, 784, 830 362, 155 4,536, 537 French colonies .. 1,319, 925 827, 591 1, 346, 158 2,505, 545 369, 853 797, 333 23, 166 404, 673 1896; Foreign countries 12, 244, 896 10, 258, 159 8,727, 621 11, 946, 310 2, 625, 026 4,084,127 2,627,477 4, 026, 396 TOUAE scission sccecsincresisisiwinieoisdieinlewiste siseisistale 22, 885,505 }° 21,717, 062 21, 887, 900 26,175, 726 8, 657, 345 8, 666, 290 3, 012, 798 8, 967, 606 TANCE? c:cisiciesdsaiescintcwce avec ree ereserencenecrcens 9, 501, 957 8, 207, 037 10, 694, 836 14, 531, 176 5, 978, 401 4,009, 378 763, 5387 4, 396, 640 French colonies .. e 1, 461, 110 846, 831 4,369, 800 2,321, 390 423, 984 482,490 33, 793 310, 020 1897; Foreign countries .....-..ce-e- ee neee nenecneese 10, 525,171 9,390, 906 6, 597, 047 12, 327,371 3, 024, 894 4, 837, 400 2, 920, 803 38, 972, 576 TOtAd sisi sielvasiecciese Selneinsbisinieeeiclalssiers 21, 488, 238 18, 444, 774 21, 661, 683 29,179, 937 9, 427,279 9, 329, 268 3, 708, 133 8, 679, 236 France ....-.. peseenenee abcess eeesives: ie Swieisiula ee 11, 574, 310 7,652, 574 9, 168, 573 16,178, 038 7,178,977 7, 213, 358 759, 465 5, 026, 930 French colonies .... 1, 568, 488 1, 221, 871 2,720, 468 2, 307, 785 282, 256 355, 146 61, 107 337,013 1898; Foreign countries 11, 225, 592 9, 725, 772. 7, 876, 227 14, 669, 727 3, 076, 688 5, 364, 676 2, 313, 825 4, 388, 865 Totals. c 2,138 11,170 2,237 27,530 10,161 19, 041 36, 740 97, 206 1,029 4,971 | 34, 629 26, 675 32,651 | 151,147 147,180 | 238,127 | 59,482 | 130, 482 5538, 976 181,467 | 161,747 720,174 | 1,389,996 9,909 | 142,988 i 479,720 518, 458 183, 698 385, 307 189, 964 343, 214 2, 060, 170 152, 897 { 998,178 s VALUE or Exports oF FRENCH COLONIES DURING THE YEAR 1896, DIVIDED ACCORDING TO CLASSES oF PropuctTs. - e MADAGAS- ST. PIERRE AND COCHIN CHINA AND IVORY COAST. DAHOMEY. KONGO. Cams MIQUELON. GAMBODEA. ANAM, TONKIN. France | Foreign || France | Foreign || France | Foreign Total ex- France | Foreign France Foreign France | Foreign France | Foreign and coun- and coun- and coun- rts and coun- and coun- and coun- and coun- colonies.| tries. colonies.| tries. colonies, | tries, POLS: colonies.} tries. colonies. tries. colonies.| tries. colonies, tries. £ £ £ z£ 16,419 TOFS 94: II oa sivieceeisreie 1,276 92, 940 1, 054 27, 703 816,100: | erciecinseserarn 7, 966 5, 469 283 2, 152) 343 11, 066 Laaceaneeaas 10, 00 , 5, 061 2,978 88,594 | 85,218 |] 155,321 | 205,053 23,107 | 157,869 142, 809 || 306,192 | 67,909 328,877 | 2,706,253 91,160 53,975 | 245,328 178, 812 360, 374 180, 976 374, 101 3, 035, 130 94; 993 299, 303 436 4,952 6, 42, 631 73,810! 9) Ne as babe was, Gee dosuen 13, 713 174, 248 365, 326 187, 953 416, 632 3,109, 000 94, 993 313, 016 1538 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, COMMERCE OF ALGERIA WITH FRANCE AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES IN 1889-1898. The British vice-consul, Mr. Drummond-Hay, in a recent report to the British Government, states that the general commerce of Algeria with France and foreign countries for the decade 1889 to 1898 (imports and exports included) has had an average volume esti- mated at 524,794,988 francs a year. This sum is an increase of 111,098,372 francs on the average for the preceding decade. age of trade with the mother country has increased in the same period from 67.7 to 78.4 per cent of the whole. With respect to imports, the increase in the average value has been 32,091,352 francs in the last ten years, while the export average has gone up from 178,190,809 francs to 257,645,570 francs, a difference of 79,454,761 francs. The total excess of imports over exports from 1879 to 1888 was 573,149,967 francs, while from 1889 to 1898 it was only 95,038,480 francs. The percent- During the year 1898 the general commerce of Algeria with the mother country, foreign countries, French colonies and protectorates attained a total (imports and exports included) of 587,991,745 francs. details are as follows: This is an increase of 15,362,255 francs on the previous year. The IMPORTS. Francs. EXPORTS. Frances. French! Products o..:.)c,o0 tesa vee ceowsceee 225, 535, 389 From Algeria to France during 1898 ......-. 232, 136, 851 Foreign productsimported through France To fOrelgM- COUN CS: sicccceswessiecsesseetess 56, 631, 836 or directly from foreign countries........ ‘76, 687, 669 Se, __———_——_ TOCAL wiriciirassicis clap raat statalstaacain aia wee eierceinis 288, 768, 687 otal, 189855 ca wieicntcusw sais ce criew! 302, 223, 058 Equivalent in pounds Sterling sx. sestiats 11, 550, 747 Equivalent in pounds sterling........ 12, 088, 922 IMporRTATIONS INTO ALGERIA, 1897 anp 1898. [From official publications of the French Government.] 1898 1897 DIFFERENCES IN QUAN- TITIES AS COMPARED : WITII THE RESULTS OF 1897, ARTICLES. French by ‘Bonded ware, French by |ponded wate: E origin or by |"houses and Total. origin or bY | houses and Total. lnportation | fom foreign importation | rom foreign to France. connie to France. countries: - Increase. | Decrease. aa kilos .. 581, 161 1,310 582, 571 544, 430 1,081 545, 511 Arms, powder, and ammunition. ........+-.---- franes.| 1, 943,787 23509 | 1, 967, 266 1, 874, 626 18,654 | 1, 893, 280 : e tons}... 6,: i winlsintarsisretescser 57 4,575 BSeagoing vessels...---.----+-+eeeeeeeeeeeereeee {tran 1, 289, 210 Lb Ea a Rai ote ae 1, oe, os oe ti ilos .. 2, 865 » 792, 5 836, 6 526, 7b 2, 863, 397 Butter and cheese....-..--+--+-++e2eeeeeeee eee francs. 938,345] 4,936, 2:0 4) 057, 740 861,939 | 4, 919° 679 B kilos... 7, 302, 000 3, 466, 537 3,329, 728 4, 063 3, 333, 711 COE, Gasee te tsar tAUSa ate RE eee ee eee ESE ‘\iranes. 3, 601 1, 560, 302 1, 498, 378 2,032 1,50), 410 JOwWel ry ANG ClOCK WOLK oeiceicecciniseiswisin eve swereais's Hees c ee L, au as tates ae 64, Be i; a 296 é 8202796) le sscckecies : kilog...| 1)407;253 46,721 | 1,453,974 960, 2 5 7 it Meal, semolina ........+--.1+--0eeeeeeeee scene tranes.. "464, 393 3s 3 i si 297) 675 ¢ fh va "379,346 |i¢ 280,27 Quintals...| sccenasacecccs 63,185 BAGS LS |S Sis sere cis wsleveiers! 1389, Coal for bunkers ....-...--..-seeeeeeeere eee enc. a 6,649,315 | 6,649,315 |!.... 1... s see 5, 890, 074 ; \ ein dance nad coc tecah asia aba teaser: os ie i ean at kilos...| . 44,617 5, 166 49, 783 40, 673 206 Escential oils or essences -......+.--.se02--e ++ franes..| " 1,561,595 180,810} 1,742/405 || 1,423,555 112, 210 5 | aisel kilos... 5, 128, 666 31,789 | 5,160, 455 6,815,917 203, 045 2 OOM septate iinafenietane eee Seine na minnie lane 8,000, 718 49,591 | 8,050, 309 9,814, 920 292) 385 if Vor ihe | fare] BB) cee] Fee) Bet] bel it francs. OO : ad ae : Vegetables, dry, and their flours............... teas. sas oor a 57,820) 1, ae a ior oe ae ne oe ee ee pomasie kilos... 92 3,966 "06; 506 89, 076 1536 132 612 GCOn AWOL Cdapenessanpun ie toSte eats { aces rat POC ? 482. 350 4a : ar, 030 : cts, Baa i crsaaeees 36, 106 3 4,831,678 648; 020 5 , 506, 610 toh Bic) gage | Sahaae | Sassy | Sag Pf 8,068 favre E28 Sle. || seisisisinswreaversnd Aol s 421, 7 7,099 388,612 :|! caqunces ones. 249/172 3421172 | 74099 |---seeeeanee 9 35, 944, 195 1549, 218 24979 | 1,574) 297 369, 898 2) 323, 959 247; 87; 1,423,803 | 1,671, 678 |\¢24: 369, 898 |.----------- re ee kilos...| 2,367,077 ; 3,170,525 1,849, 322 ” 692) 925 2) 542) 247 i eie-oe ringietinate Ariatiipsicinses thine \francs.-| 7,337/115 | 2,609,675 | _-9, 946,790 5,739,371 | 1,792,562 | 7,531,938 it pede oraaernchess Skins and furs, prepared, articles of leather or fkilos... 60, 9: 45, 84, 580 58, 952 17, 442 76, 394 |, 8 136 SEEING: cians teenie evs es otaletie mitayeie tes CAS Steerer oe ee tae pe an . a a ‘ oi ae pe oe ‘ as oe 419, 22 ' LOG |. -e eee eee ee uintals.. 5, 7 794, 07: , 500, 77% f 3, 7 4 Phosphates pwjin- chaos tice enetonanntesasese {8 826, 7,176,286 | 10,003,086 || 2,625,629] 6,102,828 | 8,728,457 Ik 319,656 |. ..--..--0+. Fish, fresh, dry, smoked, or otherwise prepared ae ee 3 ot i eee tia Ga 347,659 | 6,417,293 4,186) 725 374, 491 PUR pe enoy Sey ORT RntSwcer 20,800 |" 3H5, 088 | 288,388 bai Bran from all SvAING iosiessscsins scigsioctateietisiaecsy * =) F410, 7 463, 27 : 7,027 332) 491 70, 44,691 Alfa or spnttancessisseeesssseeetesseetesee “eSeaes | Spare |S praes | SS cra a i 7 , OUARGD TENE <2 ncoyeencttaronemreacanues "302680 | 1,497,880 |, 3,421,505 | “02,825 , y Oc, «a4, o 1822 682,630 | 1; 235, 899 508, 677 671,572 Tobacco, manufactured ........--.--0---2- eee francs. 5; 4 a1 302 6, 129, 023 1’ 570, 915 5,327, 360 6, 324) 886 Tartrates of potash ...........2..0.2eeeeeeeeeee nage T5508 , 1,371, 270 1, 25, 279 594, 321 Bs 312,058} 1,096, 017 905, 112 250, 205 : kilos... 13,751 39, 368 "53,119 22; 075 43, 417 Clothes and linen, ready made ..........--.-.- francs... 208, 928 701, 804 910, 732 284) 315 786, 438 Sie hectols..| 3, 591,672 27,880 | 3,419,552 3,784, 876 95, 529 aia ip ata uaa ec cas france... 116} 159, 26 908, 834 117/068; 110 || 135, 485,292 899; 256 fkilos... 2} 879 3 4,098 ParcelsypOst cans sersacsinne tad seviveeras ss \franes.. 276, 915 63,270 40, 185 47,070 61470 Other articles. ..........cceececeeeeeeeeeeeeeeees francs..| 3,684,939 | 6,350,231 | 10,035,170 4,177,130 | 5, 095, 548 aR Otel Sas oweterncneet se eed sasedecbn francs..| 232,136,851 | 63,631,836 | 285,768, 687 || 245,978,961 | 49, 749,102 | 295, 728, 063 ||_...........|e...-22----- Decrease in Value; 1808 ..2.0c.cvonewsesnseenewees ADDIEOR sea hoc cow anton nigmeel Moana dene OE Wh one eS Raa al Gi wealdenaels OO W aa Retail Ua Ninebin nie ac cll ema nce 9, 959, 376 Imports INTO THE FRENCH CoLoNy or MARTINIQUE DURING THE YEAR 1899. . VALUE OF MERCHANDISE. Number FROM— of Tonnage. Vessels. French. Foreign. Total. Francs. Francs. Frances. Bran accu secesccwcmese stot west serena ere 12, 693, 838 536, 888 13, 230, 726 French colonies 1, 487, 789 76, 852 1, 564, 641 United Statesis: sc: soc cnc ce aeiesasemcsmslencehencsel SO |) 29057D9- Ihosecieeenecesd 7, 560, 298 7,560, 298 Other COUN IMCS: 5.24 sce du deicniecaneneneccaurncesaiicsese| 24d. DIG S960>- Pex eeenscuncrs 4, 648, 861 , 648, 861 Total 12, 822, 899 27,004, 526 France .. 14 TST O2T) Wicscrccmnientercsciveis Total imports, 1899 QT OOS G26! lec-ccsinieisiaens sins Total imports, 1898 24) 368, 198: letaarewanrstenen TMCTEdSe; 1899s iwissviensz saccisuayeas esas ates ceeosiend 2,630) 728: bewesesneaawsss 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. Exports FROM THE Frexcu CoLony or MARTINIQUE DURING THE YEAR 1899. 1541 VALUE OF PRODUCE, ETC. Number FROM— of Tonnage. Pied vessels. French, Foreign. healane: Total. Francs. Francs. Francs. Frances. BYON CE: i cisnnidsiisins bxtonmntinndsaasanaoevencinnseaeveamteues 122 87, 4/4 953, 743, 623,283 | 22,635,244 | 24,212,270 French colonies. 187 15, 976 404, 167 99, 103 218, 414 721, 984 United States.... 22 14, 972 411 54 494 659 OMER-COUMUTI ES: os eaecietint cor oSisjcieiajaic wise 'seieiaietirsiersinetelsincls 303 195, 438 364, 466 1, 286, 160 17, 608 1, 668, 334 813, 840 1, 722, 487 2,008, 900 22, 871, 760 26, 603, 147 bowers ator 2.008900 | Vesercsecora rciniecciascie! ‘i Vi l22 4B © |e vince ceiacaceiecinis Grand total, 109%. scrissownevcente sare scetaeneenensees 20560814, © Heawisienininisicrerernteie Grand total, 1893 22344860" eaawsrinenonesis PRCTEASE;ISI0 caso; orivawewietatern tie tiocs 4.258)268. ° cues ciaisieoatiax FRENCH INDO-CHINA. ComPARATIVE VALUE oF Frexcn AND Foreign Goods WHICH ENTERED InDO-CHINA IN THE YEARS 1884-1898. {In Mexican dollars.] FRENCH ORIGIN. FOREIGN ORIGIN. Reus YEARS. General total. jrate of ex- eee eee Piece goods. | Other goods. Total. Piece goods. | Other goods. Total, change. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. Francs. 2,164, 410. 00 2,277,176. 00 5, 2, 996. 00 6,098, 801.00 | 11,495, 797. 00 18, 772, 973. 00 4.58 63, 080, 216. 34 3, 014, 288. 00 3, 103; 875. 00 2 6, 216, 389, 00 9 363, 418.00 12, 467, 293. 00 4.40 54, 856, 029. 39 2, 140, 999. GO 2,891, 570. 00 8, 403, 704. 00 12, 691, 246. 00 15, 082, 816. 00 4.06 61, 236, 232. 96 1,794, 261. 00 2, 070, 508. 00 6, 416, 516. 00 9, 618, 568. 00 11, 689, 076. 00 3.95 46, 171, 849. 20 273447 838.50 | 23667 541.50 4, 414,022.62 | 7,3441011.37 || 9, 710,552.87 3,82] 37,094"311.96 1, 281, 812. 50 2, 221, 787.00 4, 623, 016. 47 6, 668, 812.47 8, 890, 599. 47 3.82 33, 962, 029. 00 1, 486, 711.60 2, 828, 184, 25 4,094, 490. 30 7, 048, 389, 55 9, 371, 873. 80 4.42 39, 336, 870. 00 2, 396, 336. 75 3, 596, 270. 50 2 410, 062. 00 4, 066, 628. 63 6,476, 690. 63 10, 072, 961.13 4.04 40, 803, 054. 00 2, 190, 120. 00 3, 107, 014. 00 2 472, 252.00 6, 183, 272.16 7,655, 524.16 10, 762, 538.16 3.50 38, 637, 512.00 2, 209, 507. 11 3, 252, 074. 06 3 239° 135. 56 6, 062, 968. 84 9, 302, 104. 40 12, 554,178. 46 2.25 40, 801, 080. 00 3, 192, 810.05 4, 112, 451. 23 3,004, 102.57 6, 612, 449. 50 9, 616, 552. 07 13, 729, 003. 35 2. 67 36, 656, 438. 94 8, 741, 337. 00 6, 523, 125. 00 4, 503, 320. 00 10, 821, 272.00 | 15, 324, 592. 21, 847, 717.00 2.67 33, 405. 00 4, 274, 880. 60 6, 667, 731. 00 3, 365, 527.00 10, 036, 900. 00 13, 402, 427.00 20, 070, 158. 00 2313 54, 791, 531. 00 7,490, 083.00 | 11,153, 805. 50 2, 368, 336. 25, is, 140, 709. 57 16, 509, 045. 82 27, 662, 851. 32 2.48 68, 591, 089, 00 6, 817, 155.11 9, 743, 456. 11 2,991, 690.13 | 11, 383, 600.31 14) 375, 290, 34 24,118, 746. 45 2.44 58, 126,178. 94 NETHERLANDS COLONIES. Scucar PropvucTion in Java FRomM 1875 to 1900. YEARS. Quantity. YEARS. Quantity. Tons. Tons. 193, 634 355, 237, 870 332, 99’ 245, 814 399, 999 224, ) 233,362 , 218,179 479, 660 279,707 484, 260 292, 005 537, 690 824, 764 490, 061 94, 247 548, 611 380, 046 683, 032 356, 022 30, 84 375, 784 710, 150 Exvorts or SuGar Crop ror YEAR ENDING DeEcemBeER 31, 1900, comMPARED WITH THE YEARS 1898 anp 1899, Quantity. COUNTRIES. 1898 1899 1900 Tons. Tons. Tons. EVUTOPe 2 seneiai sacisein se tis ewies Cesc eeeecccss sees, 200, 905 279,013 6, 585 America... 233, 388 213, 802 419, 808 Australia . 2,491 10, 325 72,990 China .... 118, 782 96, 015 118, 474 Japan ...... 12) 318 7,057 81,559 Other countries 24, 083 380, 074 34, 690 Total 586, 967 636, 286 679, 106 BAYA A AR 1542 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. {Ocroukr, Customs Receipts In JavA AND Mapura Durina THE YEARS 1899-1900. [Value of florin, 40.2 cents.] AMOUNT. DESCRIPTION. 1899 1900 Florins. Florins. IMPOLt QULY ois cccceecsnsenvsisiewisioeesinnee eateeee 7, 392, 862. 64 7, 645, 441. 82 EX POP GUtY sc seciewseidccccccuacenseesal veewoesioeee 960, 343.18 933, 484. 59 Excise on— Spiritus LIQUOTS .cecsawowssnaseaasorsacesensss 183, 853. 38 176, 014. 57 TODRCCO vice scicicivia ware wae sosiemeeieeaitie dese sae 8, 226. 06 505, Petroleum 8, 500, 080. 83 8, 642, 722. 55 Matches . 1, 274, 122.10 1, 684, 717, 98 Store rent... 87, 687. 84 43, 870. 28 Remuneration for s 4, 923. 00 4,282.00 Fines and forfeitures. 18, 976.58 2, 906. 38 Other receipts ............. 80, 125. 81 29, 214.79 Sales of unclaimed property, 2, 984. 64 8, 802, 22 TO tal) ossanstaisicivig sede dare eiaaratace Siaisinieis ce sleie aworsystetalatate 18, 414, 186. 06 14,179, 962. 62 Equivalent in pounds sterling ..........-.-- 17, 849 1, 181, 663 NoTe.—In 1898 the amount was 12,611,531.54 florins; in 1897, 13,073,682.58 florins, and in 1896, 12,239,406.95 florins. Rerurn oF PrincrPaAL ARTICLES oF Export FRoM JAVA AND Mapura Durine THE YEARS 1897-1900. [From British Consular Report.] QUANTITY, ARTICLES. - 1897 1898 1899 1900 506, 237 672, 680 796, 324 712,210 26, 400 19, 471 35, 968 33,165 i 10, 356 8, 938 20. 18, 236 36, 211 43, 26: 36, 476 499, 016 404, 477 430, 274 553, 152 : 941 496 7 , --pieces.. 435, 290 504, 058 499, 703 522, 038 pounds. . 81, 600 182, 784 241, 400 231, 472 80, 228, 416 49, 853, 656 53, 417, 672 63, 241, 224 2,107, 921 2,555, 183 1, 784, 553 1,537,149 28, 327 31, 379 36,137 30, 284 34, 251 51, 919 51, 682 68, 903 59, 840 67,728 78, 880 213, 112 11,218,659 | 12,110,724 | 12,841,702 | 15,406,984 5, 486 5,194 5, 248 6, 045 GOVETRMENE - bcs oe scecacessis tetas cesiecncmestococacceel do.... 8,137 8,934 11, 359 14, 440 Cinchona bark: Private.... 7,901, 502 11, 278, 877 11, 698, 871 11, 349,577 Government .... 597, 224 849, 433 716, 531 719, 141 Sulphate of quinine. misawewec ehontia 468, 800 301, 600 766, 400 Gutta-percha .... 146, 744 646, 544 87,176 33, 048 44, 064 8, 686, 864 18, 840, 272 9, 830, 352° 2, 467 45,331 34, 637 2,073, 592 2,116, 976 4, 464, 200 3, 78; 5, 438 ? » 1902] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. Principat ARTICLES or Import into Java (INcLUDING Mapura) purInG THE YEARS 1899-1900. ARTICLES. 1899 . 1900 Quantity. Value. Quantity. Value. Cotton goods: Unbleached— FIOM ang sccm scissete wae eesteniecaacine sacatss eee United Kingdom . Other countries ...... Bleached— United Kingdom. Other countries .... Printed and colored— HOW an Gs once se cces fonedenseeasceteeeneeeceeze United Kingdom. Other countries. Woolen goods: Holland .... United King Other countries. oiccsccs.sininceecincweccactoae Haberdashery and mercery ...--.........----- PrOVASIONS jest. csiseiswcw a soa ceeenimeiaieclesentratre Copper sheathing and plates ..........-...-.-. Barthen Ware « oc: scenseeas aaeurcemccnsee sess Glass and. plassWare).oc.cs2escceeereeencesace Gunny bags...... TION/ANG Steel o. ccdidecscasctiessesncwpesiseeicelc ING UIB 20si2c aa siniciegcceenanaeeceeeanaasaenledes Paintrand Paint OUSs ccc cic cccmciascercancietsaesine Soap Fish: Dried and salted .........020.0.0eeeeeceeeeseceeeceeecees pounds. . Unenumerated .. Butler s.c.c0 wesssierisin pounds. . TIOUP soseccee seewauoresenteeaties pees ben te eee see teceeeee sees do... RICE: soc wctrscimen a onasteemancaics Guise subse meee es ete meta tons.. Coals: United: Kin Gaon 5s6 sic srcisinisi wre vate seeeoneaeaasensenesies dO. 2s AUISET RG aro os2 2s ei dia eesnaibinrsicie ioe aieicie Sane REL EAM aeeO Eee Os sxe Other. COUNTIES 0:0. z,scccec ceciainsessieteedine Sane WestnseeEee oes dO\...% PCtPOlCUID: wisic.c.neisienieiaiswisseeinw eivieiseisideisa beisiclema os ectesiomeise! gallons. . 2 aisieiaigescaeoaead GO. .s:, 2 Siainisteietnieiessis pisivie's do.. iostossiaieiassialararorsiorsiass do... ee dOe2 Liquors, spirits . ere Ose: <5 Champagne ...... -bottles.. Mineral waters! ciciccciscsccciaie ees soresasesmececesan secesesinad a Matches-socccscssiesssces soeesseterehiocnsccarecieesis 75,773, 839 "9"998, 1387 20, 137, 017 52) 4 56. 346 52, 834 3, 866 13, 258, 419 48,771 £ 254, 691 238) 848 12, 651 616, 124 399, 729 26, 381 364, 321 414) 310 117, 583 91, 854 17; 651 2,177, 694 24) 447, 822 115; 305 42,149 29, 623 33, 693 15, 127; 581 54,251 243) 491 222779 213) 667 885, 653 2,523, 645 £ 253, 080 242, 900 7, 688 568, 827 350, 675 15, 680 395, 160 446, 761 43, 806 78, 025 18, 100 19) 937 189) 371 389, 827 93, 692 135, 623 1543 1544 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocropzr, Imports AND Exports or DutcH GUIANA, BY COUNTRIES, IN THE CALENDAR YEAR 1900. [From British Consular Report.] The imports to the colony for the year 1900 amounted to £513,882, and the exports to £461,738, as shown in the following table: VALUE. COUNTRIES, Imports. | Exports. £ £ Lie tuctcheis be dibisreiacierataids eisteilalclats a Sievale weiectaretchig’scisiay 249, 375 162, 358 ‘ 1,735 8, 755 United Kingdom 56, 315 29, 838 British colonies . S 45, 689 12, 494 United States 118, 270 252, 073 France....... 2, 668 550 French colonies. . 133,124 116 Other: Countries soja... aijoceaditeakeie ci nidina ees euacaieideicenmaniecine's 6, 706 554 DOU cis iaseraierstersyaiard aicin cle ciate elsielula wtaraiciafalsits ..... Gaieisy POMPEI: COM IS: cases of aiewicicislaciainne dra, cesiabiaselalelaterseisigions-oeiesoels Machine belting, free; other, 15 per cent....... 15 per ct. Tiles, 8s. per 1,000; water pipes, free; other, 10 | 10 per cent... 2.2 eee ee eee een eee eee eee 10 PETCCD Ga 3556. csseskenilsise eed vecedsecew@esu 10 per ct. per cent. Bottles, free; other, 15 per cent .... Machine belting, free; other, 15-per cent.....-. 15 per ct. 72 percent : 7; percent... Zz per ct. Bottles, tiles, and water pipes, Machine belti 10 per ct. per cent.17 : Tiles, 4s. 2d. per 1,000; other, 10 per cent!7....... 10 per cent 10 per cent 10 per ct. Tiles, 43. 2d. per 1,000; other, 10 per cent!7....... ' 10 per cent 17 10 per cent 10 per ct, Tiles, 4s. 2d. per 1,009; other, 10 per cent17....... | 10 per cent!” 10 per cent 10 per ct. 123 per ct. Tiles, 4s. 2d. per 1,000; water pipes, free; other, 5 percent......... 2.60... eee eee e eee eee eee ween ee DPClC CM tiariaaenieisis sistetnrmier se ss waseeueenes ieee 5 per ct. 5 per cent. Water and drain pipes and telegraph materials, | 15 per cent.......--.---0-sseee cece ence en enee ence cess 15 Per CONE ots ssasceseatnss ee Seer ecetag seu 45 per ct. 12 Tools, implements, and materials for making cans and packing fruit and other produce, water pipes and fittings for farm irrigation purpozes, materials for furnishing hotels, agricultural implements and tools, ete., free. ; : ; | By ; 13 Materials for railways and tramways; apparatus and appliances of all kinds for generating, storing, conducting, converting into power or light and measur- ing electricity or for generating, measuring, conducting, and storing gas; agricultural tools and implements; telegraph materials for the Direct West India and the West Indies and Panama Telegraph Companies; and tools and materials for the Kingston Gencral Commissioners, the Spanish Town Waterworks Commis- sioners, and for any parochial board on the certificate of the revenue commissioner, free. 14 With an additional charge of 15 per cent on the duty leviable at the rates given. | ‘ ; 15 Articles imported exclusively for the building or repair of schoolhouses; telegraphic, ctc., apparatus and appliances; railway and tramway plant, etc., free. 16 With an additional charge of 10 per cent on the duty leviable at the rates given. 1Tclegraphic, telephonic, and electrical apparatus and appliances, free. ate : isVire-extinguishing apparatus; machinery and implements for waterworks; printing presses; machinery for the development of local manufactures or products; and machinery for the development or improvement of any business or manufacture or curing process carried on by or belonging to the importer, free, 19 Produce or manufactures of any other of the Leeward Islands, free. 7 20 With an additional charge of 33} per cent on the duty leviable at the rates given. 21 See note 6, p. 1549. : ; : : 2 Tron bridges; grating bars; water tanks; angles and other materials for the construction of steamboats and barges; materials for railways and telegraphic and electrical plant, free, 1554 ‘COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, [Ocroser, Rates or Import Dury Levrep By THE TARIFFS OF THE SEVERAL COLONIAL AND OTHER Possessions OF THE UNiTED Kinapom, ACCORDING TO THE Latest Returxs, Etc.—Continued. OILS, MINERALS, ETC, POSSESSIONS. Oils. Candles. Coals. Soap. Salt. 3 Per gallon. Per cut. Per ton, Per cut, Per cwt. ING. cccccavesiewesee Mineral,1 anna;! other,5 per cent ad | 5 per cent ad val.?........ CO isdaiirnccseictoiais 5 per cent ad val......----- In Burmah, R. 148; in val.2 other parts, Rs, 323.3 Straits Settlements .::}) Frees. cc oeenuaceecee ee eseeeeseet eects Free ....0---0e2+ceecereceee ree, COSION w.ecsees ee cee Kerosene (including all mineral), 25 Perfumed and toilet, 5} | Rs, 2.13 cents. cents;4 castor, R. 1.20 cents per cwt.; per cent ad val.; other, cocoanut and fish, free; other, 53 per 55 cents. cent ad val. Australasia: Rew South Wales) POW c. cin icnoeaaseramerwesmaarcemaneiae Wie. yeu husneaeesoneeee WEES cir cnsneneieies PrGe wevevuyuet oresiemmawen en Free, VICtOMA<..c'cie cscs Fish, mineral (refined), kerosene, res- | 99. 4d.....-...2..eeereecee- Free. (Ground | Perfumed and toilet, 37s. | Brown roek, free; in, cocoanut, Seca lubricating,® free coal, 20 per cent 4d.; other, 18s. 8d. other, 1s, (in bulk); other (in bulk), 6d. per ad val. 2 gallon; in bottles, 6d. (+ pint and ee to 12s, (over 1 quart and not exceeding 1 gallon) per dozen, ac- cording to size. 7 . South Australia ...| Cocoanut, palm, cod (in bulk), seal, | 183. 8d ....-...-... eee noes BLOC cssrtessusedes Fancy, 37s. 4d.; soap and | Rock, free; other, 1s, whale, black shale, rhodium, free; washing powders, 18s. 3d. salad (in bottles), 4s. per dozen 8d.; other, 9s. 4d. quarts; in bulk, 2s. per gallon; kero- sene, 3d. per gallon; other, 6d. Tasmania .......-. Perfumed, 20 per cent ad val.; lubri- | 18s. 8d .............-.006-- Small, 2s.; round, | Common, 9s.4d.;faneyand | Rock, free; other, 1s. cating (in bulk), chiefly composed y perfumed, 28s. 6d.8 of mineral oil, and kerosene, 6d.; other, 1s. 34.7 New Zealand..... Benzine (in bulk), kerosene shale | 9s. 4d...........-----e--ee BLOG cecccucteasene Common, 5s.; fancy and | Conserved, 15 per cent FE (once run for gas Dae eens scented, 25 per cent ad ad val.; other, free. essential, fish, whale, seal, penguin, val.; powder, dry, and candlenut,and palm, free; eucalyp- . soft soap, 20 per cent ad tus, 20 per cent; perfumed, 25 per val,; honey and brown cent ad val.; vegetable or other (in windsor composition, bottles), 15 per cent ad val.; other, free. 6d. per gallon. Queensland .....-. Cod liver, salad, and castor (in bot- | 18s. 8d...............000-- OS terse id cnue nema Perfumed and toilet, 28s.; | Free. tles), 23. per dozen pints; linseed other, 10s.; soap pow- and other vegetable oils (except cas- ders, 18s. 8d. tor), Chinese, cod liver, and neat’s foot (in bulk), 1s. per gallon; min- eral and other, 6d. per en per- fumed, 25 per cent ad val.? British New Guinea... Pee. a per cent ad val.; other, | 95. 4d..............-.44 aisiniall MUL CRisrarwravateicwleerererste AS: BO seidsiciencwisiels shersisestoay 6d. . per gallon. Natal _and Cape of | Essentialand perfumed, 20 per cent ad | 189. 8d...........ceeeee eens Per ton of 2,000 | Toilet and soap powders | Pertonof2,000 pounds, Good Hope. 18 North America: Dominion of Can- ada, 2 18 Newfoundland 12 18 Bermuda ............. val.; fish oil,1s. per gallon; other (if in vessels of not less than 1 quart), a Bee gallon; otherwise, 7} per cent ad val. Crude palm and _ cocoanut, carbolic, resin, cotton seed (when imported by liquid annatto manufacturers for their use), and olive (for manufac- turing uses), free; crude petroleum, 13d.;14 kerosene aes etc.) and lubricating oils of petroleum (costing less than 1s. }d. per gallon), 24d.; es- sential, 10 per cent ad val.; other, 20 per cent or 25 per cent ad val. Kerosene and other illuminating oils, 3d.;19 linseed and flaxseed,10 per cent ad val.; olive (in bottles) and cod- liver oil, 30 percentad val.; essential, lubricating, neat’s foot, lard,sesame 2 and olive, 20 per cent ad val.; other, 35 per cent ad val. 5 per cent ad val Paraffin wax, 30 per cent ad val.; other, 25 per cent ad val. Paraffin wax, 30 per cent ad val.; other, 35 per cent ad val. 5 per cent ad val.......... pounds, 3s. Anthracite, free; bituminous, 2s. 24d. per ton of 2,000 bi slack coal, percentad val. 15 At pounds; tuminous 20 St. Johns, 21 Harbor, Grace, and Carbonear, 2s, 2d.; at Pla- centia, 1s. 23d. ;2 other ports, free. and extracts, 20 per cent ad val.; other, 4s, 2d. per 100 Per p pounds. 1 ound, common, 3d. 16; castile and white, 1d.; soap powders, 30 per cent ad val.; harness soap, 25 per cent ad val.; other, 35 per cent ad val. a Hanes soap, 20 per cent val.; Pearline and other soap powders, 30 per cent ad val.; other, 35 per cent ad val. 5 per Centiad Val ouccusscice. rock, 2s.; common, 5s.; refined or table, 7: per cent ad val, Per 100 pounds in bulk, 23d.:17 other- wise, 3§d,17 When imported in bulk for sea fisher- ies, 9$d. per ton; dairy and table, 10 per cent ad val.; other, 35 per cent ad val. 5 per cent ad val. 1Petroleum, with flashing point at or above 200° Fahr., if used for the batching of jute or other fiber, for lubricating purposes or for fuel, 5 per cent ad val. 2 For value on which percentage is to be reckoned, see table on p. 1563. *Salt imported into Calcutta and issued with the sanction of the Government of Bengal to manufacturers of glazed stoneware, free. 4Liquid fuel, the product of petroleum, with a flashing point not under 200° Fahr., free. A rebate of the duty is allowed on kerosene oil when used as the source of motive power in oil engines. 5 Except refined mineral with point of ignition at or above 80° Fahr. 6Of which the chief component part is mineral 011. 7Crude shale or petroleum, imported solely for fuel purposes or for the manufacture of gas, also russoline, 3d. manufactures, refuse shale (to be used in bric king), cod, sod, whale, seal, and penguin oil for tanning, whale oil 10See note 18, p. 1546. 11A rebate of the 12 For rates of conversion into sterling, see note 15, p. 1547. 13 See note 16, p. 1547. 14If for use as fuel in factories; otherwise, 2}d. per gallon. 45 The duty on bituminous slack coal, such as will pass through a half-inch screen, is not to exceed 63d. per ton of 2,000 pounds. 1 By the commercial treaty between France and Canada the import duties on common and castile soaps of French origin are jd. and 3d. per pound, respectively. The advantages granted to France also extend to Great Britain, the British Possessions, and any foreign country which is entitled by treaty like advantages. 17 But if imported from United Kingdom or any British possession, or for the use of the sea or Gulf fisheries, free. 38 With an additional charge of 10 per cent on the duty leviable at the rates given, except in the case of coal. 19The duty on kerosene oil may, in some cases, be increased by 23d. per gallon. 3 = *0 Sesame, olein, beef oil, neutral lard stock, cotton-seed, and other oils to be used in manufacturing and butter coloring, 15 per cent ad val. Olive oil and cotton- seed oil for preserving fish, and oil the product of fish (except cod-liver oil) of British catch, free. 21 4 rebate of the duty is allowed upon all coal supplied in St. Johns to ships of war. F 2 Provided that duties shall not be levied on more than 400 tons imported annually by any person or corporation for the purpose of railway operations. di er poton. Frawe iinet oil bared a in ae 8 rect from the eries, oil for the preparation of leather, cotton-seed oil (when rendered unfit for other than manufacturing purposes), and cocoanut and palm (unrefined), free. : orn 8If unfit for human consumption, free. 9Oil of rhodium, cotton-seed, and fish, and castor oil (in bulk), free. duty is allowed on soap imported for and used exclusively in connection with the industry of wool washing. with Great Britain to 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1555 Rares or Import Duty LEVIED BY THE TARIFFS OF THE SEVERAL CoLONIAL AND OTHER Possessions oF THE Unitep Krnepow, AccoRDING To THE Latest Rerurns, ETc.—Continued. OILS, MINERALS, ETC, POSSESSIONS. Oils. Candles, Coals. Soap. Salt. 7 Per gation. Tallow, Other kinds. Per ton. Per cut. Per cut. Honduras?! ............ Mineral of and above 130° test, 14d., be- EG. aan ar s.25d ......] Free ...... aaamenee Per 100 pounds, ls. }d...... 12} per cent ad val. low 130° test, 3d. Other, in_ bottles, 124 percentad val.; other, in bulk, 3d. per gallon. e West India Islands: Bahamas .........- Kerosene, 3d.;2 crude petroleum, co- | 6s. per 100 | Sperm, lis. | Free ..........+--- Common,4s.per 100 pounds; | Free. coanut, cotton seed, lubricating, and pounds. per 100 other, 20 per cent ad val. palm, free; essential, 25 per cent ad pounds. val.; other, 9d. 1s. Turks Islands ..... Mineral, 1d.; other, 6d ..........-....-- Free ........ Bre@ss.:0.s:25.0i6 TCO cision cies goatee 8s. per 100 pounds.......... Free. JAMAICA:..5.0.0'tarcieceis< Essential and perfumed, 162 per cent | 7s..........- 188.80) ......-.22 BICC siaciwiccieseicaaies Common, 5s. 6d. per 100 | Rock, 163 per cent ad ad val.; petroleum, naphtha, and pounds; other, 163 per val.; other, 1s. per gasolene, 7id.; other, 9d. cent ad val. 100 pounds. SOM Cidisecccecee Perfumed, 20 per cent ad val.; medi- | 98,4d.3...... 18s. 8d.8..... GOLF iccerctateisieieiarnaned’ Fancy, 20 per cent ad val.; | Table salt, 1s. per 100 cinal and sewing machine, 15 per other, 23, 6d, per 100 pounds; other, 9d. ae ad val.; petroleum, 2id.; other, pounds. 3 per barrel. St. Vincent5....... Chemical, essential, and perfumed, 10 | 5s. per 100 | 10s. per 100 | 10 per cent ad val.| Common, 4s.8d.; other, 10 | Table salt,10 per cent povcentad val.) Rerysene, 25d. cothen: pounds. pounds. per cent ad val. ad a other, 6d. 6d. er bag. Barbados ....-....- Kerosene, 6d.; other, 15 percent ad val.| 4s.2d.per100 | 12s. 6d. per 8s. per 100 pounds.......... 744. pounds. 100 pounds. GYCNAGE ss.ccees cess Kerosene and pene 2id.; olive, | 5s. per 100 | 16s. 8d. per 2s. per 100 pounds.......... Coarse, 2d. per barrel; sperm, and lard,1s.; other kinds, 9d. pounds. 100 pounds. oer 7; per cent ad yal. Virgin Islands® ...] Olive,1s.; castor and cod liver, free; | 4s.2d-per100 | 16s. 8d. per | 2s.6d.........-...- Fancy,10 per cent ad val.; | Free. petroleum, per case of 8 gallons, 1s. pounds. 100 pounds. other, 4s. 2d. per 100 6d.; other, 9d pounds. St. Christopher | Castor,cod liver,and olive, 1s.; petro- | 8s.4d.per100 | 16s. 8d. per | 23.1d.............- Fancy, 20 per cent ad val.; | Free. and Nevis. 6 leum, per case of 8 gallons, 2s.;7 pounds. 100 pounds. other, 2d. per 100 other, 8d. pounds. Antigua$8_........ Castor, cod liver,and olive, 1s.; petro- | 8s.4d-per100 | 16s. 8d. per | 28 .......csseeenee- Fancy, 20 per cent ad val.; | Free. leum, per case of 8 gallons, Is. 6d.; pounds. 100 pounds. other, 4s. 2d. per 100 other, 8d. pounds. Montserrat®8...... Castor, cod liver,and olive, 1s.; petro- | 8s.4d.per100 | 16s. 8d. per | 2s .......----+-+---- Fancy, 20 per cent ad val.; | Free. leum, per case of 8 gallons, Is. 6d.; pounds. 100 pounds, other, 4s. 2d. per 100 other, $d. pounds. Dominica ® ........ Castor and cod liver, 1s.6d.; olive and | 4s.2d.per100 | 8s.4d.per100 | 5s ....-.....-- .----| Fancy, 20 per cent ad val.; | Free. cotton seed (refined), 1s.; kerosene pounds. pounds. other, 4s. 2d. per 100 and rock oil, per case of 8 gallons, 2s. pounds. 6d., in other packages, 4d. per gal- lon; essential, 12} per cent ad val.; ek other, 8d. Trinidad and To- | Creosote,5 per centad val.; petroleum, | 5 per cent | 5 per cent | Free .............. 2s.1d. per 100 pounds......-. 5 per cent ad val. _,, bago. 9d.; other, 1s. 3d. ad val. ad val. British Guiana59...... Perfumed, medicinal, and essential, 15 WOW csinicieiers 28940 aicisiss Per hhd. 1s, 4d.1..) Common, 2s.4d.; fancy, £1 | Coarse, in bulk, 3s.14d. per cent ad val.; crude petroleum, 8s. per 200 pounds; fine, 3d.; other, 1s. $d. per gallon. 6s. 8d. per 200 pounds. 1¥For rates of conversion into sterling, see note 15, p. 1547. 2 A drawback of 90 per cent is allowed upon kerosene oil when used as fuel in the working of a steam, oil, or gas engine. 3 With an additional charge of 15 per cent on the duty leviable at the rates given. 4If used in the manufacture of sugar or other products: free. 5 6 With an additional charge of 10 per cent on t 6 Produce or manufactures of any other of the Leeward Islands free. 7 The additional duty of 10 per cent is not imposed on petroleum and its products. 8 With an additional charge of 33} per cent on the duty leviable at the rates given. 9See note 6, p. 1549. e duty leviable at the rates given. 10 But, if giving off inflammable vapor at temperatures less than 85° F., 12s. 6d. per gallon. 11 Loose, 2s, 1d. per ton. 1556 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, [Ocroner, Rares or Import Duty Leviep BY THE TARIFFS OF THE SEVERAL CoLONIAL AND OTHER Possessions OF THE Unitep Kinepom, AccorDing To THE Latest Returns, Etc.—Continued. ARTICLES OF FOOD AND DRINK. POSSESSIONS, Bacon and hams. Beef and pork, salted. Butter. Coffee. Corn, wheat. : Per cut, Per cwt. Per cwt. Per cut. Per bushel. TN cases sannicwbsdaumawaiade 5 per cent ad val.1..... 5 per cent ad val.}........ 5 per cent ad val.?........ 5 per cent ad val.?.......... FTC Cicrspsisaviencsceanhes Straits Settlements .......... Free ‘ree Free sscce wu RECO i ace eee ve ere Free ia = syadeiecrine ga autere A CeylOM naib seewccceeerscie Rs. R. 1.25 cents RSi3sce Free... Per ewt., 50 cents....... Australasia: f New South Wales ....--. fain MRC O hee ce aiciasitied Se Losanet map MOOR saneuinals dg taioil PEECs sp PERO OE cee ts dit aisle WiCh@r ics oc cy seyeeomney -| Per 100 pounds, beef, 7s.; | 18s. 8d. (but , ete., | Raw, f Per 100 pounds, 2s. 1id.. ork, 10s. 112s.). y South Australia Beet, 183. 8d.; pork, 28s....| 18s. 8d. (butterine, 37s.4d.) fa wee 8s.; roasted, £1 17s. By seca, per a pounds, i 2s.; overland, free. TASMANIA: <. socisee Beef, 9s. 4d.; pork, 18s. 8d .| 188.80 ..........-....00565 a ges 8d.; roasted, £1 | Per 100 pounds, Is. 6a... 7s. 4d. New Zealand .. 20 per cent ad val ........ 20 per cent ad val ..... eo Raw, free; roasted, £1 8s....! Per 100 pounds, 9d...._. Queensland ......... Beef and mess pork, 9s. | 28s. (butterine, 37s.4d.)"..| Raw, £1 17s. 4d.; roasted, | 4d ....2.....00.002...... 4d.; other pork, 18s. 8d. £2 16s. aw, sae: per 100 ones IN CANS oo soe asics ccsinbie atgaayate roaste: ground, an ; Ce ores } 18980) Seid sie eacdee co QBS... eeeeeeeeeeeeeceseeees Tinea J6e Ba hee ies Per WOpounde, Bac: pounds. North America: . Dominion of Canadas °..| 1d. per pound .......... 1d. per pound............. 2d, per pound _.......... Green, from country of pro- | 5fd.1?................... duction," free; other- wise, 10 per cent ad val. Roasted or ground, from a country of production, 1d. per pound; otherwise, 1d. per pound and 10 per cent ad val. Newfoundland §18_....._ Smoke cured, 13s, 95d., | Beef 4s., 13d. per barrel; | 138.994.3121... 2.22.2... Green, 238.03d.; roasted or | Free.............22226.. West India Islands: Bahamas Turks Islands Jamaica # GPONAAA i rcrrstcteieis Virgin Islands... St. Christopher 13 20 Nevis 18 20 Antigua 20 21, Montserrat * Dominica “° Trinidad Tobago. British Guia: and 10 per cent ad val.; dry salted or pickled, 9s. 23d. 5 per cent ad val....... 123 per cent ad val..... 4s. 2d. per 100 pounds. .. 5s. per 100 pounds 8s. 4d. per 100 pound ... 8s. 4d. per 100 pounds... 8s. 4d. per 100 pounds 8s. 4d. per 100 pounds .| 4s. 2d. per 100 pounds .| 48, 2d. per 100 pounds .| 8s.4d. per 100 pounds... ork, belly, baek, or amily mess and loin, ks. 23d. per barrel; other, ts. 2d. per barre].15 5 per cent ad val ds. 132d. per barrel of 200 pounds. 6s. per 100 pounds......... 4s, 2d. per 100 pounds 15s. per barrel of 200 pounds. per barrel of 200 pounds. 4s, 2d. per 100 pounds 5s. per 100 pounds 4s, 2d. per 100 pounds 4s, 2d. per 100 pounds 4s. 2d. per 100 pounds 8s.4d. per barrel of 200 pounds. 5 per cent ad val. ........ 12} per cent ad val 20 per cent ad val (oleomargarine, 8s. 4d. per 100 pounds (ole- omargarine, 4s. 2d. per 100 pounds). Qs. 4d. (butterine, etc., 4s, 8d. 5s. per 100 pounds 8s, 4d. per 100 pounds (ole- omargarine, 5s.). 8s. 4d. per 100 pounds 8s. 4d. per 100 pounds 10s. per 100 pounds 9s, 4d. (oleomargarine, 4s. 8d 8s. 4d. per 100 pounds Nas, 4d. per 100 pounds ground, 32s. 22d. Raw, 8s. per 100 pounds: roasted or prepared, I2s. per 100 pounds, British colonial: Raw, 20s. per 100 pounds; roasted, 40s. per 100 pounds; other, 163 per cent ad yal Ss. 4s. 2d. per 100 pounds &s. 4d. per 100 pounds 8s. 4d. per 100 pounds - 10s. 5d. per 100 pounds 5 per cent ad yal 12} per cent ad val 1 For value on which percentage is to be reckoned, see table on p, 1563. 2 Undressed, to be dressed in bond, 4s. per 100 pounds; to be manufactured into starch in bond, free. 8 Coffee and substitutes therefos mixed with chicory or coffee, 56s. per cwt* 4If to be manufactured into starch in bond, free. 5 See note 18, p. 1546. 6If manufactured from South African wheat and im 73f of South African catching, free. 8 For rates of conversion into sterling, sce note 15, p. 1547, 9See note 16, p. 1547. 10 The importation of oes butterine, and ail such substitutes for butter is prohibited. 11 Or if purchased in bond in t. ported from countries within the 8. A, Customs Union, free. e United Kingdom, and the coffee so purchased is such as might be entered for home consumption, 1901.] COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1557 Rates or Import Dury Leviep By THE TAnirrs OF THE SEVERAL CoLONIAL AND OTHER Possessions OF THE UniteD Kixcpom, Accorpixe To THE Latest Returns, Etc.—Continued. ARTICLES OF FOOD AND DRINK. Per 100 pounds, Is......... Per 100 pounds, 28a cavesccs Per 100 pounds, 1s. 6d..... Per 100 Pounds; Qs oiscccec Per 100 pounds, 9d........ Per 100 POUNAg 19 a aie:crccracn divi disresdhareis agi dreraiesaioianseing Vcr 2,000 pounds, $1........ If forconsumption in Natal, Per 100 pounds, 2s......... iree; otherwise, 4s, 6d. per 100 pounds.” For: distillation; ‘S3d.38;) | :29) S10 8iecces cos eeaeeses < otherwise, free. ET GO hs sid sidss slee ardsaibi eae ecaiees 1s. $4.17 -| 5 pereent ad yal j Os. 2d Se Hl piseiSeie ee ew eeieMras o ' 2a, per 100 pounds. .........- other, 63.2 4 38. ee per cent ad val Per 100 pounds, uncleaned, or paddy, 2s. 2d.; cleaned, 5s. dae starch mak- ing, 3s. 1 pounds, Cleaned, 1s, 1;4;18 refuse and uncleaned, free. rel; other, 35 per cent ad val.'8 5 per cent ad val. OH PER. CON CA VON oa cisjccieteisiiecicecsieten 12} per cent ad va. 3 i 12} per cent ad yal.. 4s. per 100 pounds.....-..-..........-- ; | 1s. per 100 pounds..........- Undressed, 1s. per bushel; Smoked, 2s. 1d. to 16s. 8d. per 100 other, 3s. per 160 pounds. pounds; other, 3s. 6d. per 100 pounds.’ | s. per 100 pounds. . s. 2d . per 100 pounds... GCE cris arcane rota aici aerate: eeieinney 2s: per l00 Pounddewccccee ss. Tse perd00 PoUNndsans.cc0ccesemeecese 2 . per 100 pounds .. 2s, 1d. per 100 pounds. . 4d. per 100 pounds!7..... ! 23, 1d. per 100 pounds 2s. 1d. per 100 pounds. 3. 6d. per 100 pounds....... i 2s, 2d. per 100 pounds....... \ . oid, per 100 pounds...... ; FN OG acnyciwsrsisiaisiaiarennwisiorcaiceiecs vice ee | F Corn, Fish. Rice. Indian. Flour (wheaten). Dricd, Pickled. Per bushel. Per barrel. Per ewt. Per cw. Per barrel, ECC) cicetst nianowccmsa cies 5 per cent ad val............ PRO) Fs eicie aic-ctamissiaezectiieicicie Salted, 8 annas; other, 5 percent ad | Perewt., 8} annas, val. Presiccs.. cettitessseseeres DPE s scodcwenelestune IC Okan coast Solahee aes Biel cc ciescPecooaheceeadseneremakes Free, Per ewt., 50 cents... Perewt,; Ridscsac 50 cents; paddy, 33 cents..../ 50 COMES... 0... eee ence eee ee eee eee eee ee Per cwt., 50 cents, Free niall PTOCE ac -| Free. Ver 100 pounds—paday, 2s,; | 5s Per cwt., 5s. 10 per cent ad val, 20 per cent ad val. Per cwt., 10s. Per ewt., 9s. 1d. Per cwt., 93. 44.7 Herrings, pickled or salted, !d. per pound. Mackerel and pickled salmon, and all other dried or pickled fish imported in barrels, 7d. per pound. Foreign-caught fish, imported otherwise than in barrels, 2 1. per 160 If British caught and cured, free; otherwise, cod, ling, and haddock, 6s. 24, percwt. Herring, salmon, turbot, halibut, and mackerel, 4s. 17d. per bar- 5 per cent ad val. 12} per cent ad val, 25 per cent ad yal, ree, Salmon, 10s. 6d.; other, 4s. : ealnton, 5s. per ewt.; other, 2s. 6d. 8. Trout or s2Imon, 6s.3d.; other, 3s. 13d. nel 1d. per pound.; othe7, 2s. per arrel. Salmon, 8s.; mackerel, 3s.; other, 2s.6d, Salmon, 8s.;7 other, 2s. Gd. salmon, &s,; other, 2s. ¢4. tndnaon, &s.; other, 2s, Salmon, Ss, 4d.; ma other, vs. Te LeOy valmon, 83. 4d.; mackerel, 4s, 2d.: other, 2s, 1d. 121f damaged by watcr in transit, 10 per cent ad val. 131f damaged by water in transif, 20 per cent ad val. 14With an additional charge v1 10 per cent on the duty leviable at the rates given. 16 The duty on pork may, in some exsu:, be increased by 3s. 1d. per barrel, and on butter by 3s. 1d. per 100 pounds. 16 41] packages containing substitutes for butter are to be st tinguc-ling mark. The duty on flour may in some cases 13 With an additional! With an additiou:l ¢ 20 Produce or raanny.wi ange of 19 per cent on the dur i rye of 15 per cont on the duty leviable at the rates given. es of any Other of tie Leeward Islands, free. be inereased by 38. 1d. per barrel. y leviable at the rates given, 2 With an additional ciurge of 33) per cent on the duty lcviable at the rates given, 2 See note 6, p. 1519. No. 4——47 amped or market on iinportation by a customs officer with the name of the article or with some dis- 1558 COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION. [Ocrozer, Rates or Import Duty Leviep By THE TARIFFs oF THE SEVERAL CoLoNIAL AND OTHER Possessions oF THE Unitep Kinapom, AccoRDING To THE Latest RETuRNS, ETC.—Continued. ARTICLES OF FOOD AND DRINK—continued, POSSESSIONS, Sugar. Pickles and sauces. Tea, Beer and ale,in wood. Raw. Refined. Per cwt. Per cut. Ad val, Per pound. Per gallon, GIA siais sistsitosicint cin cieteeeids 5 per cent ad val.1,2........ 5 per cent ad val.}, 2........ 5 per Cent. czewaseesczcsees! 5 per cent ad val.?....) lanna.........0.0.... Straits Settlements PCC ios oe science ne cinicecinise F 4 Ceylon ..........-....-.-....| Palmand jaggery, 75cents; other, Rs. 13. Australasia: New South Wales ....... DS saceistiohnla tin ereiciniieSiaieasiccio’ BE a cicsaiesrs snicteistcingn Sabai Sehiaaa ainisloiwis Bre C iss ssisciciewiiseridcnisewsaesl WICTOTIA jsicisiiesicis tebe yore Cane sugar, refined, in | Cane sugar, 6s; beet and | In bottles, etc., not above 1 bond, 5s. 9d.; otherwise, other sugar, 12s.8 allon, 6d. to 12s. per 6s.; beet and other sugar, ozen. Above 1 gallon: 128.8 Pickles, 20 per cent; sauces. 10 per cent. South Australia .........] 89 ...cceeeeeeerecees mene mies! OS seeterrisiscetes meses cae a In bottles, not above 1} 3d.......ccc..ee scene TBS 20 isieis coc ce scaieaan uart, 1s. 6d. to 4s. per ozen. * TASMAN I yas soe sce eee | 168 Seuewnes ooeeteas wuseciexs Crushed, ground, cube, loaf,| In bottles, not above 1 | 3d ................ eases] MS eran sien eldencceacest tablet, icing, and castor, quart: Pickles, 1s, 4d. to 9s.4d.; other, 63. 8s. per dozen; sauces, 1s. 6d. to 4s. per dozen. New Zealand Pickles, 3s. per gallon; | 20 .........-.....-.... DS aii oepanesies si. sauces, 4s. per gallon. Queensland ....-.......- DS ceasscorarh sraiatatats wieiatato ers eaie en G8 SOc. siteasaiinasesaiideiriocee In bottles, eic., not abovel | 6d" ._._.. ee... eee. IS.80) sceeceomcskcccucs allon, 6d., to 12s. per ozen. Natal!? and Cape of Good | Cane,3s.6d. per 100 pounds; | 5s. per 100 pounds........... 2d. per pound............-.- GO a iicicswteceseseseercen WOO) ceess.ccesed ceakoe Hope.!2 other, 5s. per 100 pounds. North America: Dominion of Canada ,16} Not above No. 16 Dutch | Sugar above No. 16 Dutch | 35 percent ...... Weteieesincee From country Of pro- | 7§d ....cecccecnenevess standard in color, testing standard in color, and all duction,!’ free; oth- not more than 75° by the refined sugar testing not erwise, 10 per cent polariscope, 1s. 73d. per more than 88° by the po- ad yal, 100 pounds (with 3d. per lariscope, 4s. 54d. per 100 100 pounds for each addi- pounds (with 3d. per 100 tional degree. pounds for each addi- tional degree); glucose, 4d. per pound; maple, 20 per cent ad yal. Newfoundland 16,19...... 96522 Os lasreiciaciecmies Sarees teint Loaf, cut loaf, cube, castor, | 30 per cent ......... aati 30 per cent ad val ....| 18.530 -........es0eeee and icing sugar, 18s. 4,3,d.; glucose, 30 per cent ad val.; maple, 35 per cent ad val. Bermuda ............ aiicnicisien 5 per cent ad val..........-. 5 per cent ad val ........... O PCL-CONE \..2siisiossiacieda ----| 5 per cent ad val..... GSA ie ecncetensecotenes HOnAUrAS 16 cine ceiclsceee es OSL aweviwsaysitoececectets OSS QE ccretaeatie ccsideicrseaiacic TQEMET CONE x cicecemeccemeecs DEO ccsencnsisnie: aefelcii TB GE cxsawnicanewsice oo West India islands BahaMasiscvuscecscesses 3s. per 100 pounds.......... 8s. per 100 pounds .......... QO POT CONG a iaaicresscraniaierere visiars 6d... ee veReewess eeee 1S sisosversiestseeeinees ees Turks Islands ........... 4s, 2d. per 100 pounds....... 8s. 4d. per 100 pounds ....... Jamaica...-.... 8s. 4d. per 100 pounds... 8s. 4d, per 100 pounds ....... St. Lucia 4. .......... 8) ASS BG in dieseince einioisi yas sie QSAAD ovrsie aininisinciaseraiare ciaceeaicte St. Vincent? ......... 1s. 6d. per 100 pounds Crystrallized, 383. per 100 pounds; other, 4s. per 100 5s pounds. Barbados 9 ,..)..