K TA lO 6s E52 lg ge Garnell Gam School Library THE INSTITUTES oF JUSTINIAN. WITH NOTES. BY THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. PROFESSOR OF CHEMISTRY, AT CARLISLE COLLEGE, PENNSYLVANIA. THIRD EDITION, WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES AND REFERENCES, BY A MEMBER OF THE NEW-YORK BAR. NEW-YORK: JOHN S. VOORHIES, LAW BOOKSELLER & PUBLISHER. 1852. MdL4 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred and fifty-two, BY JOIN S. VOORHIES, in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New-York. CONTENTS. PREFACE, . . 6 82 Dr. Harris’s Brief History of the Roman Law, . Justinian’s Institutes with the Translation, The 118th Novel, with Dr. Harris’s Translation, Notes and References to the Institutes, Appendix First. The Law of the Twelve Tables, Appendix Second. Method of citation used in reference to the various parts of the Corpus Juris Civilis, and Abbreviations, Appendix Third. List of Authors on the Civil Law, : : Index to the Books, Titles and Sections of the Institutes, Index to the Notes and References. ¥ : ix 1 to 391 893 to 400 401 to 662 663 to 671 672 to 674 674 to 677 677 to 701 703 PREFACE. Wuen I first undertook to publish Justinian’s Institutes (that I might not entirely renounce my accustomed studies) I contemplated nothing more than a re-publication of Harris’s Edition, which has now become scarce ; together with some additional notes, and a brief history of Roman Jurisprudence, by way of preface. On reading with attention Harris’s Translation, I found the language so verbose, that I sat down to translate the first Book of the Institutes in my own way. It is true, my ear was better satisfied with my own performance ; but I found so many co-incidences of expyession, and so little room to improve the fidel- ity of Harris’s Version, that I determined to adopt it as the ground-work of the present publication; and alter it no further, than to condense the expressions, where they seemed to me needlessly diffuse. By so doing, I have abridged it to the amount of about one-fifth of the whole, without sacrificing anything necessary to the sense. Some few periphrases I have retained, and some I have added, when the original seemed to require elucidation ; but, upon the whole, my aim has been to render this a faithful translation, in.as few words as possible. Perhaps I may be blamed for taking this liberty with Dr. Harris’s work. Had it been a piece of poetry, I should have left it untouched ; but meaning to give to the public as good a translation as I could furnish, I saw no reason why I should needlessly occupy the time of the reader, or increase the bulk of the book, by religiously retaining all its redundancies and imperfections. I have inserted most of Harris’s notes, citing him where I have done so; but they are few and meagre. I have generally consulted the paraphrase of Theoph- ilus, the short comments to the Corpus Juris Civilis of Gothofred, the translations and notes of Ferriere, Wood’s Institutes, and Taylor’s Elements of the Civil Law. I would gladly have procured, if T could, more sources of information, and I have taken much pains for that purpose, but in vain. ‘The want of books has not been the only difficulty I have met with. All the notes and references I had collected were consumed by fire on my road from Northumberland hither, last November. An accident afterwards deprived me of my eye-sight for about a week, and render- ed exertion painful to me for a considerable time. I could ill spare these defalca- tions from the occasional leisure which my Chemical Lectures allowed me, but I have endeavored to make the best use of the opportunities that remained. vi PREFACE. Unable to procure the books I sent for, I have declined for the present any histo- ry of the Roman Law. Those who cannot resort to the more voluminous and labo- rious works enumerated in the appendix, may collect much useful knowledge from the shorter and more popular compilations of Ferriere, whose History of the Roman Law was translated by Dr. Beaver, and {published in 1724—from Gibbon’s eighth volume of his Roman History, and Butler’s ‘Hore Juridicee Subseevee : together with the Roman Antiquities of Kennet and Adams: all of them works of merit, and not scarce. A knowledge of the Civil Law, sufficient for the purposes of an American Lawyer, north of New Orleans, may be obtained from Domat and Wood, and the Treatises of Drs. Ayloffe, Schomberg, Halifax and Browne: but neither Domat nor Wood, are superseded by any or all the rest. Indeed, a condensed digest of the Civil Law is yet a desideratum ; which if the present publication be approved of, I may be tempted to undertake. “ The civilians of the darker ages,”’ (says Gibbon, 8 Rom. Hist. 2.) ‘have esta- blished an absurd and incomprehensible mode of quotation, which is supported by au- thority and custom. In their references to the Code, the Pandects, and the Insti- tutes, they mention the number, not of the book but only of the law, and content themselves with reciting the first words of the Title to which it belongs : and of these titles there are more than a thousand. Lwudewig, (Vit. Justiniani, p. 268,) wishes to shake off his pedantic yoke ; and I have dared to adopt the simple and rational method of numbering the book, title and law.” The English writers generally follow the mode of citation recommended by Gib- bon, and as I think it the most convenient, T have also adopted it. Thus, Inst. 4. 15. 2, means, Institutes, book 4, title 15, section 2. Dig. 41. 9. 1. 3, means Di- gest, book 41, title 9, law 1, section 3, which the foreign jurists would cite thus, 1. 1. § 8, or § 3, 1. 1. Dig. pro dote: or f pro dote: Dig. and ff being equiva- lent: that is, section 3 of law 1, of the book and title of the Digest or Pandects which is entitled pro dote. The two let:ers #f, designate nothing but a careless mode of writing the Greek letter 7, the first letter of 7u»deytov, Pandects, ‘‘ Gen- éral Receivers ;’ which was a common title of the Greek miscellanies. Plin. Praef. ad Hist. Natur. 8 Gibbon’s Rom. Hist. p. 37. 76. So, D. or Dig. 18. 4. 2. 7, is the same with § 7. 1. 2. Dig. (or ff) de heredit, vel act. Or, the 7th section of the 2d law of the book and title of the Digest or ‘Pandects, that begins De hereditate vel actione vendita. In like manner, Cod. 7. 68.2, means the 7th book, 68th title, and 2d law of the Justinian Code. The foreign writers would cite it, 1.2. Cod. s¢ unus ex pluribus appellaverit. In like manner Cod. 8. 32. 1. would he cited by the civilians on the continent of Europe, 1 1. Cod. s7 unus ex pluribus heredibus creditoris, Se., meaning the first law of the Codex that is entitled with those words. Again, 1. 1. tit. £2. Cod. de his qui ante. I should cite thus, Cod. 6. 52. 1, meaning the 6th book, 52d title, and Ist law of the Justinian Code. _ It may be noted, that the Code, the Digest, and the Institutes, form one system ; of which the Code was first compiled, and published in the third year of Justinian. Then the Digest was compiled, and published in the seventh year of that emperor’s PREFACE. vil reign ; the Institutes were compiled after the Digest, but published a month before, to wit, 21st November, A. D. 533. Wyndham v. Chetwind, 1 Burr. Rep, 126. The Edicta, the Novelle Constitutiones, or Authentice, the Basilica, &e. were subsequent additions or innovations. 8 Gibb. 45, 46. In citing the Authentics, there may appear some ambiguity. The Novels are entitled, Authenticze, seu Novellas Constitutiones. These are cited either by the collation, title and chapter, or by the number of the novel, or by the beginning words of the title of the collation. Thus, Novell. 8.1. Nov. tit. 8. ch. 1. Auth. Collat. 2.2. 1. ch. 1. tit. wt judices, Auth. Coll. 2, mean the same thing; viz. the first chapter of the 8th Novel Constitution, being the first chapter of the second title, (beginning wt judices) of the second collation. But a summary of the Authentics is inserted in the Justinian Code, usually in italic character, and these are referred to by the Code under which they are insert ed. Thus in the instance given by Ferriere, Authentica cum testator, Codice ud legem Falcidiam, means the summary of the Authentice beginning sed cum testa- tor, inserted in the 50th title of the Justinian Code, ad legem Falcidiam. These observations are necessary to an English student, in addition to Ferriere’s directions, which I have inserted as a second appendix. The double index to the generality of editions, will render these remarks intelligible. As tothe Adicts of Justinian, the Zeonine Constitutions, the Basilica, and other tracts sometimes published with the Corpus Juris, they are easily distin+ guished, by a mode of reference that involves no ambiguity. Generally speaking, I have actually consulted all the passages referred to in the Code and Digest by numeral figures, after the English mode of citation. The most part of the passages referred to by the foreign mode of reference, I have tak- en at second hand. Grenerally speaking also, the references to the English and American reporters, have been made after actually consulting the cases, for the point to which they are applied. as I shall insert as an appendix, Ferriere’s Chap. on the mode of citation, and the abbreviations in use, in order to render more intelligible to the English reader, the references of foreign jurists. I intended also to have inserted the Latin text of the Leges Regia, or Jus Pa- pirianum, and the laws of the Twelve Tables. But I greatly doubt about the au- thenticity of the Jus Papirianum ; and I incline to think with Gibbon, 8 Rom. Hist. 5, that the Caius (Sextus) Papirius, who is said to have revised the Laws of Numa, left nothing written; and that the Jus Papirianum of Granius Flaccus (Lacinianus) was compiled in the time of Ceesar. Gibbon speaks very slightingly of the attempt to restore these laws, (thirty-six altogether) by the Abbe Terasson. Nor do I give any credit to the Tables, from whence Franciscus Balduinus, and Paulus Manutius have given us eighteen of these laws, to which Pandulphus Pra- teius has added six. The twelve more collected from various sources by Terasson, I have had no opportunity of examining. Those I have mentioned, I find in = sint Antig. Rom. Corp. quto. 1685. Amstel. page 556, who has given us a . - lection of laws of Romulus and Numa, of no moment; and whether the collec- she Vil ‘ PREFACE. tion be as complete as the sources of information will furnish, I have no means of investigating. The laws of the Twelve Tables are collected from scattered passages in Cicero— Dionesius Halicarnasseus—Livy—Sextus Pompeius—Festus—Pliny—Macrobius— Agellius—Pomponius—and from the Justinian Digests. The Latin is obsolete and obscure, and stands in need of a good comment. T have before me in Rosinus, the collection and arrangement of Franciscus Ho- tomannus, and Joannes Crispinus; another of Justus Lipsius ; another of Ludo- vicus Charondas ; and another of Theodorus Marcilius ; as well as the edition and arrangement of the same laws by D. Gothofred at the end of his Corpus Juris Civilis. : That, the reader, (in the words of Gothofred) may not be entirely ignorant, ra- ther than that he may be accurately informed what the Laws of the Twelve Tables were, non tam ut ea Lector cognosceret, quam ne ignoraret, I shall insert Hooke’s translation from Catrou and Rouille. It is, as the subject requires, paraphrastic ; but after perusing the Latin text, and attending to the comments collected by Rosi- nus, and those of D. Gothofred, I am satisfied that the text is as accurately parar phrased as can reasonably be expected ; and therefore I have inserted the Transla- tion in the Appendix. Lastly, I have given a catalogue of the best writers on the Roman Law, collected from the Bibliotheque of Camus, the notes and observations of Gibbon in his Ro- man History, of Butler in his Hore Judice Subsecive, and my own reading. T have. said nothing abcut the utility of a knowledge of the Civil Law. Pro- fessional men who carefully peruse the reported cases, whether of the British or the American courts, will find from the frequency of reference to the Justinian Col- lections, that a ccmpetent knowledge of the general principles of the Civil Law, is expected as a matter of course among the Bar, as.well as upon the Beneb. In- deed the earliest authors on the Laws of England, Bracton, Fleta &c. korrew great- ly from: the Civil Law. Irefer for instance to the first twenty or thirty pages of Bracton, who borrows not only his arrangement, but the substance and frequently the expressions from the Civil law. Nor can I see how any man can be consid- ered as a well read lawyer, who is ignoramt of a system, matured by the experience of the: most polished and powerful nation of antiquity, and which still forms the: bady of modern Law, in almost every nation on the continent of Europe. THOMAS COOPER. A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW. (DR. HARRIS.) Tue Roman state was at first governed solely by the authority of Romulus ; but, when the people were increased, he divided them into thirty Curie, which he constantly assembled for the confirmation of his laws: and this practice of consulting the people was afterwards followed by the Roman kings, all whose laws were collected by Sextus Papirius, and called jus Papirianum, from the name of their compiler. But, after the expulsion of Tarquin and the establishment of the republic, the greatest part of those regal laws soon became obsolete ; and those, which still remained in force, related chiefly to the priesthood. It thus happen- ed, that the Romans for many years laboured under great incertainty in respect to law in general; for, from the commencement of the consular state to the time of establishing the xu tables, they were not governed by any regular system. But at length, the people growing uneasy at the arbitrary power of their magistrates, it was resolved, after much oppo- sition from the patricians, that some certain rule of government should Curieg.] Vid. Pomponium, ff. 1. t. 2. short extract of 8 or 10 lines, which may De origine juris. be read in the 3d book of Macrobius’s Sat- urnalia, cap. 11. Jus Papirianum.] ‘Is liber appellatur From the commencement of the consular “ jus civile Papirianum, non quia Papirivs state.) The consular state was established “de suo quicquam adjecit, sed quod leges in the year U. C. 245, and the laws of the “ sine ordine latas in unum composuit.”’ vid. xii tables were not perfected, till the year ff. 1.4.2. 1.2. This body of law isnot 304. Now extant, nor any part of it, except a B x RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW. be fixed upon: and, to effect this purpose, a decemvirate was first ap- pointed, composed solely of senators, who, partly from the laws of Greece and partly from their own laws still subsisting, framed ten tables, which, in the year of Rome 303, were submitted to the inspection of the people, and highly approved of. These however were still thought to be defi- cient; and therefore in the year following, when a new decemvirate was appointed, which consisted of seven patricians and three plebeians, they added two tables to the former ten: and now the whole was regarded but as one body of law, and intitled, by way of eminence, the ¢welve ta- bles. But, although these new collected laws were most deservedly in the highest esteem, yet their number was soon found insufficient to ex- tend to all matters of controversy, their conciseness was often the occa- sion of obscurity, and their extraordinary severity called aloud for miti- Were submitted to the inspection of the people.] ‘‘ Tum legibus condendis opera ‘¢ dabatur, ingentique hominum expectatio- ““ne propositis decem tabulis, populum ad ‘*concionem advocaverunt ; et quod bo- “num, faustum, felixque reipublice, ipsis, “ liberisque eorum esset, ire et legere leges ‘ propositas jussere: se, quantum decem ‘¢ hominum ingeniis provideri potuerit, om- *¢ nibus, summis, infimisque jura equasse ; ‘plus pollere multorum ingenia consilia- ‘‘que. Versarent in animis secum unam- “¢ quamque rem ; agitarent deinde sermoni- “bus; atque in medium, quid in quaque re ‘¢ plus, minusve esset, conferrent. as le- “ges habiturum populum Romanum, quas *€ consensus omnium non jussisse latas ma~ ‘¢ gis, quam tulisse, videri posset.”” Liv. 1. iil. cap. 33, 34. And their extraordinary severity.] One of the laws, here hinted at, is the following : AST, SI PLURES ERUNT REI, TERTIIS NUNDI- NIS PARTIS SECALTO; Si PLUS MINUSVE SE- CUERINT, SE FRAUDE ESTO: SI VOLENT ULS TipeRIM PEREGRE VENUNDANTO. Grav. op. p. 284. i.e. “Ifa debtor is insolvent to “+ several creditors, let his body be cut in ‘¢ pieces on the third market-day. Jt may '* be cut into more or fewer pieces with im- ‘“‘ punity; or, if his creditors consent to “it, let him be sold to foreigners beyond “the Tyber.”” Hook's Roman Hist. vol. 1. p. 316. Such is the sense in which this law has been generally understood by both ancients and moderns. But it has lately received quite a new construction, very much to the honor of ancient Rome, from two authors, not less distinguished for their abilities in literature than their knowledge in the civil law, who from many authorities interpret the word secanto, as implying simply a divi- sion, and the word partis, as denoting the parts of the debtor’s estate, and not the parts of his body ; so that they understand the expression partis secanto, not asa direc- tion, that the body of an insolvent debtor shall be cut into pieces, but as if it meant, that his estate and services should be divid- ed among his creditors in proportion to their respective claims. Vid. Bynkershoek’s work’s, vol. 1. obs. 1. and Dr. Taylor’s com- mentary, De znope debitore dissecando. But the reader is left to frame his own judgment of this interpretation, when he has read the apology for this law, which Au- lus Gellius has given us in the person of Cecilias ; and also the opinion of Tertulli- an, who was alawyer by profession. ‘ Ni- ‘hil profecto [says Cecilius] immitius, ni- ‘* hil immanius, nisi ut re ipsa apparet, eo ‘* consilio tanta immanitas peena denunciata ‘est, ne ad eam unquam perveniretur : ad- ‘* dict namque nunc et vincir? multos vide- ‘* mus; dassectum esse antiquitus neminem, ‘* equidem neque legi neque audivi.”” Axu- RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW. xi gation. It therefore became a consequence, that the twelve tables conti- nually received some explanation, addition, or alteration, by virtue of a new daw, a senatorial decree or a plebiscite. And here it will be proper to observe, how they differ : a plebiscite was an ordinance of the plebeians or commonalty, which had the force of a law, without the authority of the senate; and a senatus-consultwm, or senatorial decree, was an order made by the senators assembled for that purpose; but to constitute a law, properly so called, it was necessary, that it should first be proposed by some magistrate of the senate, and afterwards be confirmed by the people in general. Recourse was also had to the interpretation and de- cisions of the learned, which were so universally approved of, that, al- though ihey were unwritten, they became a new species of law, and were called auctoritas prudentum and jus civile. It must here be observ- ed, that, soon after the establishment of the twelve tables, the learned of that time composed certain solemn formis, called actions of law, by which the process of all courts and several other acts, as adoption, emancipation, &c. were regulated. These forms were for above a cen- tury kept secret from the public, being in the hands only of the priests © and magistrates; but about the year U. C. 448 they were collected and published by one Flavius, a scribe; and, from him, called the Flavian law ; for which acceptable present the people in general showed many instances of their gratitude. But, as this collection was soon found to be defective, another was afterwards published by Seztus Alius, who made a large addition of many new forms, which passed under the title of jus 4ilianum, from the name of the compiler. In process of time there also arose another species of law, called the The Flavian Law.] ‘* Postea, cum Ap- ‘* pius Claudius proposuisset, et ad formam “‘ rede gisset has actiones, Cneus Flavius lus Gell. lib. xx. cap. 1. Grav. lib. vii. cap. 72. And Tertullian writes as follows. ‘‘ Sed ‘et, judicatos in partes secari a creditori- “* bus, legeserant ; consensu tamen publico ‘* crudelitas postea erasa est.”” Apologet. cap. 4. Solemn forms.] ‘‘ Civile jus, repositam ‘in penetralibus pontificum, Cn. Flavius “ evulgavit, fastosque circa forum in albo ‘¢ proposuit, ut, quando lege agi posset, “ sciretur.’? Liv. lib. ix. cap. 46. ‘* Vete- ‘res qui huic scientia prafuerunt, obtinen- “de atque augende potentie sue causa, ‘ pervulgari artem suam noluerunt, &c.” Cic. de Orat. lib. 1. ¢. 46. ‘ Jus civile “ per multa secula inter sacra czremonias- “ que Deorum immortalium solisque ponti- “ ficibus notum.”’ Val. Maz. 1. ii. c. 5. “ scriba ejus, libertini filius, subreptum li- ‘* brum populo tradidit ; et adeo gratum fuit “¢ id munus populo, ut Tribunus plebis fieret, ‘¢ Senator, et Aldilis curulis, &c.”’ ff. 1. t. 2. De orig. juris. Liv, lib. ix. sub. fin. Val. Maz. lib. ii. cap. 5. Aul. Gell. lib. vi. c. 9. Tully, in his oration for Murana, is re- markably severe upon these forms, and treats both them and their abettors with that just contempt, which they most certainly de- serve. ‘ Primum dignitas in tam tenui scien- ‘* tia quae potest esse? res enim sunt parve ; ‘* prope in singulis literis atque interpunc- “ tionibus occupate, &c., &e. &e.”’ Pro Murena, cap. 6. Epist. ad Att. lib, vi. ep. 1. De oratore, lib. cap. 41. xii RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW. preetorian edicts ; which, although they ordinarily expired with the annual office of the praetor, who enacted them, and extended no further than his jurisdiction, were yet of great force and authority: and many of them were so truly valuable for their justice and equity, that they have been perpetuated as laws. These were the several principal parts of the Roman law, during the free state of the commonwealth; But, after the re-establishment of mo- narchy in the person of Augustus, the law received two additional parts ; the imperial constitutions and the answers of the lawyers. The constitutions soon became numerous, but were not framed into a body, till the reign of Constantine the great; when Grregorius and Her- mogenes, both lawyers of eminence, collected in two codes the constitu- tions of the pagan emperors, from the reign of Adrian to that of Diocle- sian inclusive: but these collections were not made by virtue of any public authority, and are not now extant. Another code was afterwards published by order of the emperor The- odosius the younger, which contained the constitutions of all the christian emperors, down to his own time; and this was generally received both in the eastern and western empires. But these three codes were still far from being perfect; for the consti- tutions, contained in them, were often found to be contradictory; and they wanted, but too plainly, that regulation, which they afterwards un- derwent through the care of Justinian ; who in the year of Christ 528 ordered the compilation of a new code, which was performed and pub- lished the year following by T'ridonian and others; the three former codes being suppressed by the express ordinance of the emperor. When this work was thus expeditiously finished, the emperor next extended his care to the Roman law in general, in order to render it both concise But, notwithstanding this, the use of par- ticular forms was very strictly adhered to, till the reign of Constantine the emperor, who, to his great honour, put an end to these subtilities. His rescript to Marcelli- nus is in these words. ‘‘ Juris formule, ‘© aucupatione syllabarum insidiantes, cunc- “torum actibus radicitus amputentur.’’ Cod. 2. t. 58. Gregorius and Homogenes.] Vid Gotho- fredi prolegom. ad cod. Theodosian, cap. 1. et Heineccit hist. jur. civ. lib. 1. cap. 5. sec. 368, &c. By the express ordinance.] ‘‘ Hune igi- “ tur codicem in wternum valiturum judicio ‘¢ tui culminis intimare perspeximus, ut sci- ‘¢ ant omnes tam litigatores quam disertissi- * mi advocati, nullatenus eis licere de cx- ‘¢ tero constitutiones ex veteribus tribus co- ‘¢ dicibus, vel ex iis, que novella constitu- ‘“ tiones ad prasens tempus vocabantur, in “ eognitionalibus recitare certaminibus, sed “solum, eidem nostro codici insertis, con- ‘ stitationibus necesse est uti; falsi crimini ‘* subdendis his, qui contra hoe facere ausi ‘* fuerint,’? &c. De Justinianeo codice con- Sirmando. RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW. Rill and perfect. "The answers and other writings of the ancient lawyers had long since acquired the full force of a Jaw, and were now so numerous as to consist of near two thousand volumes; from which, by command of Justinian, the best and most equitable opinions were chosen ; and being first corrected, where correction was necessary, were afterwards divided into fifty books, called digests or pandects : and, that they might be the more firmly established, the emperor not only prohibited the use of all other law-books, but also forbad, that any comment should be written upon these his new digested laws, or that any transcript should be made of them with abbreviations. But, during the time of compiling the di- gests, it was thought expedient by Justinian, for the benefit of students, that an abridgment should be made of the whole Roman law ; which work was soon performed in obedience to his order, and confirmed with the digests, under the title of institutions. Near two thousand volumes.] ‘* Postea “vero, maximum opus aggredientes, ipsa ‘* vetustatis studiosissima opera, jam pene ** confusa et dissoluta, eidem viro excelso ‘« (Triboniano) permisimus tam colligere “quam certo moderamine tradere. Sed, “* cum omnia percontabamur, a przfato viro “ excelso suggestum, duo pene millia Jibro- ‘“rnm esse conscripta, qua necesse esset ‘* omnia et legere et perscrutari ; quod ce- “esti fulgore, et summe trinitatis favore, ° “ confectum est, secundum nostra mandata, “ que ab initio ad memoratum virum excel- ‘*sum fecimus, et in quinquaginta libros ‘“omne, quod utilissimum erat, collectum “ est; et omnes ambiguitates decise, nullo ‘ seditioso relicto ; nomenque libris impo- “ suimus digestorum seu pandectarum.” Cod. 1.t.17.1.%. De vet jur. enucl. Prohibited the use of all other law-books.] ‘* Has itaque leges et adorate et observate, ‘‘ omnibus antiquioribus quiescentibus, ne- “ moque vestrum audeat vel comparare eas ‘© prioribus, vel, si quid dissunans in utro- ‘que est, requirere ; quia omne, quod hic * positum est, hoc unicum et solum obser- “+ vari censemus ; nec in judicio nec in alio “ certamine, ubi leges necessarie sunt, ex “* aliis libris, nisi ab institutionibus, nostris- “que digestis, et constitutionibus a nobis ** compositis, aliquid vel recitare vel osten- ‘¢ dere conetur ; nisi temerator velit falsita- “‘ tis crimini subjectus una cum judice, qui “ eorum audientiam patiatur, penis gravis- ‘« simis laborare.”? Cod. 1. t. 17. 1. 2 § 19. “Hoc autem tempestivum nobis videtur “ et in presenti sancire, ut nemo neque ‘* eorum, qui in presenti juris peritiam ha- ‘‘ bent, neque, qui postea fierent, audeat ‘* commentarios his Jegibus adnectere ; nisi “« velit eas in Gracam vocem transformare “* sub eodem ordine eademque consequen- “ tia, sub qua et voce Romana posite sunt ; « hoe quod Greci xaTa moda dicunt,’’ &c. Cod 1. t. 17. 1. 2. § 21. With abbreviations.] ‘‘ Eandem autem ‘* penam falsitatis constituimus et adversus ‘¢ eos, qui in posterum leges nostras, per ‘¢ siglorum obscuritates, ausi fuerint con- “¢ scribere ; omnia enim, id est, et nomina ‘* prudentum, et titulos, et librorum nume- “* ros, per consequentias literarum volumus, “ non per sigla, manifestari.”” Cod. 1. t.17. 1, 2. § 22. Confirmed with the Digests.] ‘* Leges “ autem nostras, que in his codicibus, id “ est, institutionem seu elementorum et di- ‘¢ gestorum, posuimus, suum obtinere robur “ ex tertio nostro felicissimo sancimus con- “ sulatu presentis duodecime indictionis, “ tertio calendas januarias, in omne evum “« yalituras, &.”” Cod. 1. t. 17.1, 2.§ 23. xiv RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW. The emperor afterwards, upon mature deliberation, suppressed the first edition of his code, and published a second, which he intitled Co- dex repetite prelectionis, having omitted several useless laws, and insert- ed others, which were judged serviceable to the state. The Justinian-law now consisted of three parts, the institutions, the digests, and the second code. But the emperor, after the publication of the second code, continued from time to time to enact diverse new con- stitutions or novels, and also several edicts ; all which were collected after his decease, and became a fourth part of the law. The 13 edicts of Justinian and most of the novels were originally con- ceived in the Greek tongue; and so great was the decline of the Roman language at Constantinople within forty years after the death of this em- peror, that his laws in general were not otherways intelligible to the major part of the people, than by the assistance of a Gireek version: but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, they still subsisted intire, till the pub- lication of the Basilica, by which the east was governed, till the disso- lution of the empire. Suppressed the first edition of his code.] ‘¢ Nemini in posterum concedimus, vel ex ‘¢ decisionibus nostris, vel ex aliis constitu- ‘* tionibus, quas antea fecimus, vel ex pri- ‘(ma Justinianei codicis editione, aliquid ‘* yecitare ; sed, quod in presenti purgaio et: ‘* yenovato codice nostro scriptum invenitur, ‘© hoc tantummodo in omnibus rebus et ju- “ diciis et obtineat et recitetur : cujus scrip- “© turam, ad similitudinem. nostrarum insti- “ tutionum et digestorum, sine ulla signo- ** yum dubietate conseribi jussimus.’”? De emendatione cod. § 5. Basilica.] ‘‘ Versionibus juris Justinianei ‘¢ Grecis, et novellis eadem lingua scriptis, ‘¢ in foris scholisque utebantur, donec, de ‘© eo in compendium mittendo, seculo nono “ cogitare inciperent imperatores Byzanti- ‘ni Ex his primum Basilius Macedo anno ‘* 838 ediderat 290yvergor THY YouwY, quod ¢ constabat titulis quadraginta. Deinde ** Leo cogos, patri Basilio succedens, col- ‘ Jectionem illam paternam perfecit, eam- que sub titulo diatakewy Bacidexwy pro ‘ mulgavit, anno Christi 886. Denique sub- ‘‘secutus Leonem Constantinus, cogno- ‘mento Porphyrogeneta, paternum opus ‘© sub incudem revocavit, et libros illos ** Boathktxwy publicavit sub initium secu- “li decimi. Et hi quidem sunt libri illi “ Bootluoy, ex Greca institutionum, pan- ‘‘ dectarum, codicis versione, Justiniani no- ‘* vellis et edictis tredecim, nec non ex ju- *‘ris-consultoram quorundam orientalium ‘* paratitlis, aliisque libris, quin et patribus ** et conciliis collecti ; ita tamen ut multa ‘* omissa videamus, que fortassis tum ab usu ‘“ recesserant, multas etiam leges in com- ‘* pendium contractas, multa denique ex ** posteriorum principum legibus et consti- “* tutionibus addita animadvertamus. Opus ‘stud in sexaginta libros divisum. preter “* pauca, que nondum integra reperiri po- ‘* tuerunt, cum glossis grace et latine edi- “tam est a Car. Annib Fabrotto, Paris. ** 1647. fol. vol. vii.” vid. Heineccii hist. jur. civ. }. 1. § 405. The dissolution of the empire.] Constan- “ tinople was taken by the Turks, and a pe- ‘* riod was put to the eastern empire in the ‘* year of Christ, 1453. RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW. XV The laws published by Justinian were still successful in the west ; where, even in the life-time of the emperor, they were not received uni- versally ; and, after the Lombard invasion, they became so totally neg- glected, that both the code and the pandects were lost, till the 12th cen- tury; when it is said that the pandects were accidentally recovered at Amalphi, and the code at Ravenna. But as if fortune would make an atonement for her former severity, they have since been the study of the wisest men, and revered, as law, by the politest nations. After the Lombard invasion.] The Lom- bards entered Italy under Alboinus about the year of Christ 568, in the reign of Jus- tin the second, successcr to Justinian. At Amalphi.] ‘‘ Eo tempore (Anno Dom. ‘* 1130) injustis perturbatisque comitiis, la- ‘* cerarat ecclesiam falsus pontifex Petrus * Leonis, Anacletus secundus nuncupatus ‘‘ ab sua factione ; cujus dux erat Rogerius ‘¢ Apulie ac Sicilie comes, Regis nomine ‘* a falso pontifice donatus. Adversus Ana- ‘¢ cletum creatus rite ac solenniter fuerat In- “* nocentius secundus, cuifavebat imperator “ Lotharius Saxo, summa virtute atque pru- ‘¢ dentia princeps ; quo bellum gerente ad- ‘‘ versus Rogerium, Amaiphi, urbe Salerno ‘¢ proxima, (quam perperam aliqui locant “in Apulia, Melphiam cum Amalphi con- ‘* fundentes,) inopinato reperti fuerunt di- “ gestorum libri; quos Pisani, qui classe, “ Lotharium contra Rogerrzum adjuverant, “© premio bene navate opere sibi exorarunt. “ Pisis vero post longam obsidionem a Ca- “ ponio militie duce strenuo expugnatis, ‘* translati fuere Florentiam ; ubi, pro Au- ‘* gusta Medicez domus magnificentia, in ‘* museo magni ducis conservantur. Hine “ promiscua Pisanarum et Florentinarum ‘*apud scriptores pandectarum appellatio. ‘« Tisdem temporibus repertum Ravenne fuit ‘*constitutionum imperialium volumen, ‘* quod codex appellatus ; indeque ceteros li- “ bros juris, imo et digestorum aliud exem- ‘ plar in lucem aliqui rediisse putant: nec ‘“‘ mirum, cum ea urbs longo tempore Roma- ‘* nis legibus vixerit,et orlentali Romanorum ‘* imperio diu obtemperavit. Novelle vero ‘* constitutiones etiam antea per. Italiam va- ‘¢ pabantur ; utque mea fert opinio, multi juris civilis libri, postquam incessit homi- “nes cupido recipiendi Romani juris, agni- ‘ ti potius fuere, quam reperti: nam, et ali- ** quot ante Lotharium annis, jus civile Jus- *¢ tiniani commemoravit Ivo Carnotensis, et ‘ libros pandectarum ; cum antea, si occur- ‘* rerent, forsan socordia et oblivione pre- “ termitterentur.’’ vid. Gravine orig. jur. civ. lib. 1. cap. 140. et Hein. hist. jur. civ. lib. 1, § 412. PROGMIUM DE CONFIRMATIONE INSTITUTIONUM. IN NOMINE DOMINI NOSTRI JESU CHRISTI. Imperator, Casarn FLAVIUS J USTINIANUS, Atemanicus, Gor THICUS, FRANcicus, GERMANICUS, ANTICUS, ALANICUS, VANDALI- ous, AFRicanus, Pius, Fenix, Inctytus, Victor ac TrrumpPH- ATOR, SEMPER AUGUSTUS—CUPIDE LEGUM JUVENTUTI S. De usu armorum et legum. IMPERATORIAM majesta- tem non solum armis decoratam, sed etiam legibus oportet esse arm- atam ; ut utrumque tempus et bel- lorum et pacis recté possit guber- nari: et princeps Romanus non so- lum in hostilibus preeliis victor exis- tat, sed etiam per legitimos tramites calumniantium iniquitates expellat : et fiat tam juris religiosissimus, quam, victis hostibus, triumphator magnificus. The imperial dignity should not only be supported by arms, but guarded by laws, that the people may be properly governed in time of peace as well as war; fora Roman emperor ought not only to be victo- rious in the hostile field, but should take every legal course to expel the iniquities of men regardless of law; and become equally renowned for a religious observance of justice, as for warlike triumphs. De bellis et legibus Justiniani. $ L Quorum utramque viam cum sumimis vigiliis, summaque provi- dentiad annuente Deo, perfecimus: et bellicos quidem sudores nostros barbaric gentes, sub juga nostra redacte, cognoscunt: et tam Afri- ca, quam alie innumere provincie, post tanta temporum spatia, nostris victoriis a celesti nemine prestitis, 1 §$ 1. By our incessant labors, and the assistance of divine providence, we have pursued this double path: the barbarian nations have acknow- ledged our prowess and submitted to our yoke; even Africa and many other provinces, after so long an in- terval are again added to the Roman empire: and yet this vast people are 2 PROGMIUM iterum ditioni Romane, nostroque addite imperio, protestantur. Om- nes vero populi legibus tam & nobis promulgatis, quam compositis, re- guntur. governed by laws, either originally enacted, or promulgated anew, un- der our authority. De compositione Codicis et Pandectarum. §$ IL Et cum sacratissimas con- stitutiones, antea confusas, in lucu- lentam ereximusconsonantiam, tunc nostram extendimus curam ad im- mensa veteris prudentie volumina ; et opus' desperatum, quasi per me- dium profundum euntes, ccelesti fa- vore jam adimplevimus. $ 2. When we had arranged and brought ‘into lucid harmony the hitherto confused mass of imperial constitutions, we then extended our care to the numerous volumes of an- cient law; and have now completed through the favour of heaven (wa- ding as it were through a vast ocean) a work that might have been despaired. of. De tempore, auctoritatibus, fine et utilitate compositionis Institutionum. § III. Cumque hoc, Deo propi- tio, peractum est, Triboniano, viro magnifico, magistro, et exqueestore sacri palatii nostri, et exconsule, nec non Theophilo et Dorotheo, vi- ris illustribus, antecessoribus, (quo- rum omnium solertiam, et legum scientiam, et circa nostras jussiones fidem, jam ex multis rerum argu- mentisaccepimus, ) convocatis, man- davimus specialiter, ut ipsi nostra auctoritate, nostrisque suasionibus, Institutiones componerent; ut liceat vobis prima legum cunabula non ab antiquis fabulis discere, sed ab im- periali splendore appetere: et tam -aures, quam animi vestri, nihil in- utile, nihilque perperam positum, sed quod in ipsis rerum obtinet ar- gumentis, accipiant: et quod priore tempore vix post quadriennium pri- oribus contingebat, ut tune consti- § 3. So soon as by the blessing of God this was accomplished, we sum- moned Tribonian, our former chan- cellor, with Theopilus and Dorothe- us, men of known learning and tried fidelity, whom we enjoined by our authority to compose the following Institutes, that the rudiments of law might be more effectually learned by the sole means of our imperial au- thority; and that your minds forthe future should not be burdened with obsolete and unprofitable doctrines, but instructed in those laws only which are allowed of and practised; and, whereas Students formerly could scarcely sit down to the impe- rial constitutions under four years previous study, they may now (hav- ing been thought worthy of our princely care, to which they are in- debted for the beginning and end of DE CONFIRMATIONE INSTITUTIONUM. 3 tutiones imperatorias legerent, hoc vos 4 primordio ingrediamini, digni tanto honore, tantaque reperti feli- citate, ut et initium vobis, et finis legum eruditionis, a voce principali procedat. their legal erudition) apply them- selves immediately to that course of reading. Diviso Institutionum. $ IV. Igitur post libros quinqua- ginta Digestorum, seu Pandectar- um, (in quibus omne jus antiquum collectum est, quod per eundem virum excelsum Tribonianum, nec non ceteros viros illustres et facun- dissimos, confecimus,) in quatuor libros easdem Institutiones partiri juessimus, ut sint tortius legitime scientiz prima elementa. $ 4, When therefore, by the as- sistance of Tribonian and other il- lustrious persons, we had compiled the fifty books, called Digests or Pandects, we directed that the In- stitutes should be divided into four books, which serve as elements of the science of law. Quid in Institutionibus contineatur. § V. In quibus breviter exposi- tum est, et quod antea obtinebat, et quod postea, desuetudine inumbra- tum, imperiali remedio illumina- tum est. § 5. Wherein are briefly set forth the laws formerly in use, and those also, which having been oversha- dowed by disuse, are now brought to light by our princely care. Ex quibus libris composite sunt Institutiones, atque earum recognitio, et confirmatio. § VI. Quas, ex omnibus antiquo- rum Institutionibus, et praecipue ex commentariis Caii nostri, tam in- stitutionum, quam rerum quotidi- anarum, aliisque multis commen- tariis compositas, cum tres viri pru- dentes preedicti nobis obtulerunt, et legimus, et recognovimus, et plenis- simum nostrarum constitutionum robur eis accommodavimus. $ 6. The four books of Institutes thus compiled by Tribonian, Theo- philus, and Dorotheus, from all the institutions of the ancient law, but chiefly from the commentaries, insti- tutions, and other writings of Caius, being presented to us, we read and diligently examined their contents; and, in testimony of our approba- tion, we have now given them our fullest constitutional authority. 4 ~ PROCEMIUM, &c. Adhortatio ad studium juris. § VII. Summa itaque ope, et ala- cri studio, has leges nostras acci- pite: et vosmetipsos sic eruditos ostendite, ut spes vos pulcherrima foveat, toto legitimo opere perfecto, posse etiam nostram rempublicam, in partibus ejus vobis credendis, gubernari. § 7. Receive therefore and study these our laws with diligence and alacrity; and show yourselves so competent therein, that when your studies shall be finished, you may entertain a cheering hope of having a part of the government commit- ted to your charge. D. CP. XT. Kalend. Decemb. D. Justiniano PP. A. HI. COS. Given at Constantinople on the eleventh day before the calends of December, in the third consulate of the Emperor Justinian, always august. (21st Nov. 533.) INSTITUTIONUM, SEU ELEMENTORUM, D. JUSTINIANI LIBER PRIMUS. TITULUS PRIMUS. DE JUSTITIA ET JURE. D. 1. T. dy Definitio Justitiz. JustitT1a est constans et perpetua Justice is the constant and peyr- voluntas jus suum cuique tribuen- petual disposition to render every di. man his due. Definitio jurisprudentie. § I. Jurisprudentia est divina- rum atque humanarum rerum no- titia, justi atque injusti scientia. . $1. Jurisprudence is the know- ledge of things divine and human; the science of what is just and un. just. De juris methodo. $ Il. His igitur generaliter cog- nitis, et incipientibus nobis expo- nere jura populi Romani, ita vi- dentur posse tradi commodissime, si primo levi ac simplici via, post deinde diligentissima atque ex- actissima interpretatione, singula tradantur ; alioqui, si statim ab ini- tio rudem adhuc et infirmum ani- mum studiosi multitudine ac varie- tate rerum oneravermus, duorum “ $2. these definitions being pre- mised, we shall commence our ex- position of the Roman Law most conveniently, if we take first the plainest and easiest path, and then proceed to treat each particular with the ultmost exactness: for, if at the beginning we overload the mind of the student with a multitude and variety of topics, we may cause him either wholly to abandon his 6 LIB. I. alterum,”aut desertorem studiorum efficiemus, aut cum magno labore, sepé etiam cum diffidentia, (que plerumque juvenes avertit,) serius ad id perducemus, ad quod, leviore via ductus, fine magno labore et fine ullé diffidentia, maturius pro- duci potuisset. TIT. [. studies, or bring him late to that knowledge through great labour and diffidence, which he might otherwise have acquired earlier with ease and confidence. Juris preecepta. § TIL. Juris precepta sunt: ho- nesté vivere, alterum non ledere, suum cuique tribuere. $ 3. The precepts of the law are, to live honestly, to hurt no one, to give to every one his due. De jure publico et privato. § IV. Hujus studii duz sunt positiones, publicum et. privatum. Publicum just est, quod ad statum rei Romane spectat. Privatum est, quod ad singulorum ultilitatem per- tinet. Dicendum est igitur de jure privato, quod tripertitum est: col- lectum enim est ex naturalibus preceptis, aut gentum, aut civili- bus. $ 4. The law is divided into pub- lic and private. Public law, regards the state of the commonwealth: but private law, of which we shall here treat, concerns the interest of in- dividuals; and is tripartite, being collected from natural precepts, from the law of nations, and from municipal Regulations. —_——_—_—_—__2ee TITULUS SECUNDUS. DE JURE NATURALI, GENTIUM, ET CIVILL De jure naturali. Just naturale est, quod natura omnia animalia docuit: nam jus istud non humani generis proprium est, sed omnium animalium, quee in celo, que in mari, nascuntur. Hine descendit maris atque fe- mine conjunctio, quam nos matri- monium appellamus. Hinc libe- rorum procreatio, hinc educatio. The law of nature is a law not only to man, but likewise to all other animals, whether produced on the earth, in the air, or in the waters. From hence proceeds that conjunc- tion of male and female, which we denominate matrimony; hence the procreation and education of chil- dren. We perceive also, that other LIB. I. TIT. IL. 7 Videmus enim, cetera quoque ani- malia istius juris peritia censeri. animals are considered as having some knowledge of this law. Distinctio juris gentium et civilis, a definitione et etymologia. $I. Jus autem civile 4 jure gen- tium distinguitur, quod omnes po- puli, qui legibus et moribus regun- tur, partim suo proprio, partim communi omnium hominum, jure utuntur: nam quod gquisque popu- lus sibi jus constituit, id ipsius pro- prium civitatis est, vocaturque jus civile, quasi jus proprium ipsius civitatis. Quod vero naturalis ratio inter omnes homines constituit, id apud omnes gentes pereeque custo- ditur, vocaturque jus gentium, quasi duo jure omnes gentes utantur: et populus itaque Romanus, partim suo proprio, partim communi omnium hominum, jure utitur. Que singula qualia sint, suis locis proponemus. $ 1. Civil law is distinguished from the law of nations, because every community governed by laws, uses partly its own and partly the laws which are common to all man- kind. That law, which a people en- acts for its own government is called the civil law of that people. But that law, which natural reason ap- points for all mankind, is called the law of nations, because all nations make use of it. The people of Rome are governed partly by their own laws, and partly by the laws, which are common to all men. Of these we shall treat separately in their proper places. Ab appeliatione et effectibus. $ II. Sed jus quidem civile ex undquaque civitate appellatur, veluti Atheniensium: nam, si quis velit Solonis vel Draconis leges appellare jus civile Atheniensium, non erra- verit. Sic enim et jus, quo Romanus populus utitur, jus civile Romano- rum appellamus, vel jus Quiritum quo Quirites utuntur: Romani enim a Romulo, Quirites a Quirino, ap- pellantur. Sed, quoties non addimus nomen cujus sit civitatis, nostrum jus significamus: sicuti cum poétam dicimus, nec addimus nomen, sub- auditus apud Gracos egregius Ho- merus, apud nos Virgilius. Jus autem gentium omni humano generi commune est: nam, usu exigente et $ 2. Civil laws take their denom- ination from that city, in which they are established: it would not therefore beerroneoustocall the laws of Solon or Draco the civil laws of Athens: and thus the law, which the Roman people make use of, is styled the civil law of the Romans, or of the Quirites; for the Romans are also called Quirites from Quiri- nus. Whenever we mention the words civil law, without addition, weemphatically denoteour own law; thus the G'reeks, when they say the poet, mean Homer, and the Romans Virgil. The law of nations is com- mon to all mankind and all nations have enacted some laws, asoccasion 8 LIB. I. TIT. IL. humanis necessitatibus, gentes hu- mane .jura qu dam sibi constitue- runt: bella etenim orta sunt, et cap- tivitates secute, et servitutes, que sunt naturali juri contrarize: jure enim naturali omnes homines abini- tio liberi nascebantur: et ex hoc jure gentium, omnes penécontractus introducti sunt, ut emptio et vendi- tio, locatio et conductio, societas, depositum, mutuum, et alii innu- merabiles. Divisio juris in scriptum et juris § II. Constat autem jus nos- trum, quo utimur, aut scripto, aut sine scripto: ut apud Grecos. tw vouwy ov mEv EYCQapoL, oF ds uyQuGoL Scriptum autem jus, est, lex, plebis- citum, senatus-consultum, princi- pum placita, magistratuum edicta, responsa prudentum. and necessity required: for wars a- rose and theconsequences were cap- tivity and servitude; both which are contrary to the law of nature; for by that law, all men are born free. But almost all contracts were at first introduced by the law of na- tions; as for instance, buying, sell- ing, letting, hireing, partnership, a deposit, a loan and others without number. non scriptum; et subdivisio scripti. § 3. The Roman law is divided, like the Grecian, into written and unwritten. The written, consists of the plebiscites, the decrees of the se- nate, ordinances of princes, the e- dicts of magistrates, andthe answers of the sages of the law. De lege et plebiscito. $ IV. Lex est, quod populus Ro- manus, senatorio magistratu inter- rogante, (veluti consule,) constitue- bat. Plebiscitum est, quod plebs, plebeio magistratu interrogante (ve- luti tribuno,) constituebat. Plebs autem a populo eo differt, quo spe- cies a genere; nam appellatione po- puli universi cives significantur, connumeratis etiam patriciis et se- natoribus. Plebis autem, appella- tione, sine patriciis et senatoribus, ceteri cives significantur. Sed et plebiscita, lege Hortensia lata, non minus valere, quam leges, ceeperunt $4. Alaw is what the Roman people enact at the request ofa sena- torial magistrate; as a consul. A plebiscite is what the commonalty enact, when requested by a plebeian magistrate, asa tribune. The word commonalty differs from people as a species from its genus; for all the citizens, including patricians and se- nators, are comprehended under the term people. The termcommonalty, includesall the citizens, except patri- cians and senators. The plebiscites, by the Hortensian law, began tohave the same force as the laws them- selves. LIB. L. TIT. I. De senatus-consulte. : § V. Senatus-consultum est, quod senatus jubet atque constituit: nam, cum auctus esset populus Romanus in eum modum, ut difficile esset, in unum eum convocari legis sancien- dz causd, equum visum est, sena- tum vice populi consuli. $ 5. A senatorial decree is what the senate commands and appoints: for, when the people of Rome be- came so increased that it was diffi- cult to assemble them for the enact- ing of laws, it seemed right, that the senate should be consulted instead of the people. De constitutione. § VI. Sed et, quod principi pla- cuit, legis habet vigorem: cum lege regia, quee de ejus imperio lata est, populus ei, et in eum, omne impe- rium suum et potestatem concedat. Quodcunque ergo imperator per epistolam constituit, vel cognoscens decrevit, vel edicto precepit, legem esse constat. Heec sunt, quee consti- tutiones appellantur. Plané ex his queedam sunt personales, que nec ad exemplum trahuntur, quoniam non hoc princeps vult: nam quod alicui ob meritum indulsit, vel si quam penam irrogavit, vel si cui sine exemplo subvenit, personam non transgreditur. Alize autem, cum generales sint, omnes procul- dubio tenent. § 6. The ordinance of the prince hath also the force of alaw; for the people by the lex regia, make a con- cession to him of their whole power. Therefore whatever the emperor or- dains by rescript, decree, or edict, is law. Such acts are called constitu- tions. Of these, some are personal, and are not to be drawn into prece- -dent; for, if the prince hath indulg- ed any man on account of his merit, or inflicted any extraordinary pun- ishment ona criminal, or granted some unprecedented assistance, these acts extend not beyond the individual. But other constitutions being general, undoubtedly bind all. De jure honorario. $ VII. Pretorum quoque edic- ta non modicam obtinent juris auctoritatem. Hoc etiam jus ho- norarium solemus appellare: quod, qui honores gerunt, (id est magis- tratus,) auctoritatem huic juri de- derunt. Proponebant et ediles curules edictum de quibusdam cau- sis; quod et ipsum juris honorarii portio est. 2 $7. The edicts of the preetors are also of great authority. These edicts are called the honorary law, because the magistrates who bear honors in the state, have given them their sanction. The curule ediles also, upon certain occasions, pub- lished their edicts, which became a part of the jus honorarium. 10 LIB. I. TIT. II. De responsis prudentum. § VIII. Responsa prudentum sunt sententie et opiniones eorum, quibus permissum erat de jure res- pondere: nam antiquitus constitu- tum erat, ut essent, qui jura publicé interpretarentur, quibus a Cesare jus respondendi datum est, qui ju- ris-consulti appellabantur: quorum omnium sententiz et opiniones eam auctoritatem tenebant, ut judici re- cedere a responsis eorum non li- ceret, ut est constitutum. § 8. The answers of the lawyers are the opinions of persons arthor- ised to give answers on matters of law. For antiently, public Inter- preters of the law were licenced by the emperors and were called juris- consulti; and their opinions ob- tained se_great an authority, that it was not in the power of a judge to recede from them. - De jure non scripto. § IX. Sine scripto jus venit, quod usus approbavit ; nam diutur- ni mores, consensu utentium com- probati, legem imitantur. $9. The unwritten law is that, which usage has approved : for dai- ly customs, established by the con- sent of those who use them, put on the character of law. Ratio superioris divisionis. § X. Et non ineleganter in duas species jus civile distributum esse videtur ; nam origo ejus ab institu- tis duarum civitatum, Athenarum scilicet et Lacedemoniorum, flux- isse videtur. In his enim civi- tatibus, ita agi solitum erat, ut Lacedemonii quidem ea, que pro legibus observabant,m emoriz man- darent: Athenienses verd ea, que in legibus scripta comprehendis- sent, custodirent. ! $ 10. Nor is it an inelegant divi- sion of the law, into written and unwritten: which seems to have taken rise from the peculiar customs of the Athenians and Lacedemon- dans. For the Lacodemonians trust- ed chiefly to memory, for the pres- ervation of their laws; but the laws of the Athenians were com- mitted to writing. Divisio juris in immutabile et mutabile. § XI. Sed naturalia quidem jura, que apud omnes gentes pereque observantur, divinad quadam provi- dentia constituta, semper firma at- que immutabilia permanent. Ea $ 11. The laws of nature, observed by all nations, inasmuch as they are the appointment of divine provi- dence, remain fixed and immutable. But the laws, which every city has LIB. I. vero, que ipsa sibi queeque civitas constituit, sepe mutari solent, vel tacito consensu populi, vel alia pos- tea lege lata. TIT. I. il enacted for itself, suffer frequent changes, either by tacit consent of the people, or by some subsequent law. De objectis juris. § XII Omne autem jus, quo utimur, vel ad personas pertinet, vel ad res, vel ad actiones. Et prius de personis videamus: nam parim est jus nosse, si persone, quarum causa constitutum est, ig- norentur. § 12. All laws, relate to persons, things, or actions. First then of per- sons; for it would be of little pur- pose to study the law, while ignor- ant of persons, for whose sake the law was constituted. TITULUS TERTIUS. DE JURE PERSONARUM.. D. 1, ‘T. 5. Prima divisio personarum. SUMMA itaque divisio de jure personarum hec est: quod omnes homines aut liberi sunt, aut servi. The first general division of per- sons, in respect to their rights, is into freemen and slaves. }: Definitio libertatis. $ I. Et libertas quidem (ex qua etiam liberi vocantur) est naturalis facultas ejus, quod cuique facere li- bet, nisi quid vi aut jure prohibe- tur. Definitio § IL Servitus autem est consti- tutio juris gentium, qua quis do- minio alieno contra naturam sub- jicitur. § 1. Freedom, from which we are denominated free, is the natu- ral power of acting as we please, unless prevented by force, or by the law. servitutis § 2. Slavery, is when one man is subjected to the dominion of anoth- er, according to the law of nations, though contrary to natural right. 12 LIB. I. TIT. WI. Servi et mancipii etymologia. $ III. Servi autem ex eo appel- lati sunt, quod imperatores capti- vos vendere, ac, per hoc servare, nec occidere solent; qui etiam mancipia dicti sunt; eo, quod ab hostibus manu capiantur. § 3. Slaves are denominated servi, from the practice of our generals to sell their captives, and thus pre- serve, (servare) and not slay them. Slaves are also called mancipia in that they are taken from the enemy by hand (manucapti.) Quibus modis servi constituuntur. § IV. Servi autem aut nascun- tur, aut fiunt. Nascuntur ex ancil- lis nostris: fiunt aut jure gentium, id est, ex captivitate; aut jure ci- vili, cum liber homo, major viginti annis, ad pretium participandum sese venundari passus est. § 4. Slaves are born such, or be- come so. They are born such of bond-women : they become so either by the law of nations, that is, by captivity; or by the civillaw; as when a free person, above the age of twenty, suffers himself to be sold, for the sake fof sharing, the price given for him. De liberorum et servorum divisione. § V. In servorum conditione nulla est differentia; in liberis au- tem multe : aut enim sunt ingenui, aut libertini. § 5. In the condition of slaves there is no diversity; but among free persons, there are many; thus, some are ingenui, or Freemen; others libertini or Freed Men. TITULUS QUARTUS. DE INGENUIS. C. vii. T. 14 De ingenui definitione. INGENUUS est is, qui statim, ut mnatus est, liber est; sive ex duobus ingenuis matrimonio editus est, sive ex libertinis duobus, sive ex altero libertino, et altero ingenuo. A Freeman is one who is born free, by being born in matrimony, of parents, who are both free, or both freed ; or of parents, one free, the other freed. But one born of a LIB. I. TIT. IV. Sed et, si quis ex matre nascitur li- bera patre verd servo, ingenuus nihilominus nascitus: quemadmo- dum, qui ex matre libera et incerto patre natusest: quoniam vulgo con- ceptusest. Sufficit autem, liberam fuisse matrem eo tempore, quo na- scitur, licet ancilla conseperit: et, é contrario, si libera conceperit, deinde ancilla facta pariat, placuit eum, qui nascitur, liberum nasci: quia non debet calamitas matris ei nocere, quiin ventre est. Ex his illud quesitum est, si ancilla praeg- nans manumissa sit, deinde ancilla postea facta pepererit, liberum an servum pariat? Et Martianus pro- bat, liberum nasci: sufficit enim ei, qui in utero est, liberam matrem vel medio tempore habuisse, ut li- ber nascatur ; quod et verum est. 13 free mother, altho’ the father be a slave, or unknown, is free: not- withstanding he was conceived dis- creditably. And if the mother is free at the time of the birth, al- though a bond-woman when she conceived, the infant will be free. Also if a woman, free at concep- tion, becomes a slave and is deliv- ered, her child, is nevertheless free born ; for the misfortune of the mother ought not to prejudice her unborn infant. It has been a ques- tion, whether the child of a woman, who is made free during pregnancy, but becomes bond before delivery, would be free born? Martianus proves the affirmative ; for he deems it sufficient to the unborn child if the mother hath been free at any time between conception and deliv- ery ; and this is true. De erronea ingenui manumissione. § IL Cum autem ingenuus ali- quis natus sit, non officit ei, in ser- vitute fuisse, et postea manumis sum esse: sepissimé enim consti- tutum est, natalibus non officere manumissionem. § 1. It will not injure a man born free to have been in servitude, and afterwards manumitted : for it hath been often settled that manu- mission shall not prejudice free birth. TITULUS QUINTUS. DE LIBERTINIS. Definitio et origo libertinorum et manumissionis. LIBERTINI sunt, qui ex justa servitute manumissi sunt. Manu- missio autem est de manu datio: Freed men are those, who have been manumitted from just servi- tude. Manumission, manu-datio, 14 LIB. L. TIT. V. quamdiu aliquis in servitute est, manui et potestati suppositus est : et manumissus liberatur 4 domini potestate: que res a jure gentium originem sumpsit ; utpote cum jure naturali omnes liberi nascerentur ; nec esset nota manumissio, cum servitus esset incognita. Sed, post- quam jure gentium servitus inge- nuitatem invasit, secutum est bene- ficium manumissionis: et, cum uno communi nomine omnes homines appellarentur, jure gentium tria hominum genera esse cceperunt : liberi; et his contrarium, servi; et tertium genus, libertini; qui desie- rant esse servi. Quibus modis $ L Multis autem modis manu- missio procedit : aut enim ex sacris constitutionibus in sacrosanctis ec- clesiis, aut vindicté, aut inter ami- cos, aut per epistolam, aut per tes- tamentum, aut per aliam quamlibet ultiman voluntatem. Sed et aliis multis modis libertas servo compe- tere potest, qui tam ex verteribus, quam ex nostris constitutionibus, introducti sunt. implies the giving of liberty ; for whoever is in servitude, is subject to the hand and power of another ; but whoever is manumitted, is free from both. Manumission took its rise from the law of nations; for all men by the law of nature are born free; nor was manumission heard of while servitude was unknown. But when servitude, under sanction of the law of nations, invaded lib- erty, the benefit of manumission be- came then a consequence. For all men at first were denominated by one common appellation, ’till, by the law of nations, they began to be divided into three classes, viz. into liberi, or freemen, servi, or slaves, and libertini, freed-men who have ceased to be slaves. ~ manumittatur. $ 1. Manumission is effected by various ways; either in the face of the church, according to the impe- rial constitutions, or by the vindic- ta, or in the presence of friends, or by letter, or by testament, or by any other last will. Liberty may also be conferred upon a slave by diverse other methods, some of which were introduced by former laws, and others by our own. Ubi et quando manumitti potest. § IL. Servi vero 4 dominis sem- permanumitti solent, adeo ut vel in transitu manumittantur; veluti cum praetor, aut preeses, aut prog consul, in balneum, vel in thea- trum cunt. § 2. Slaves may be manumitted by their masters at any time; even on the way, as while the preetor, the governor of a province, or the proconsul is going to the bath, or to the theatre. LIB. I. TIT. V. 15 De libertinorum divisione sublata. ‘ $ III. Libertinorum autem status tripertitus antea fuerat: nam, qui manumittebantur, modo majorem et justam libertatem consequeban- tur, et fiebant cives Romani; modo minorem, et Latini ex lege Junia Norbana fiebant; modo inferiorem, et fiebant ex lege Elia Sentia Dedi- titii: sed quoniam Dedititiorum quidem pessima conditio, jam ex multis temporibus in desuetudinem abierat ; Latinorum vero nomen non frequentabatur ; ideoque nostra pietas, omnia augere et in meliorem statum reducere desiderans, dua- bus constitutionibus hoc emendavit, et in pristinum statum reduxit: quia et a primis urbis Rome cuna- _bulis una atque simplex libertas competebat, id est, eadem, quam, habebat manumissor ; nisi quod, scilicet, libertinus sit, qui manumit- titur, licet manumissor ingenuus sit ; et Dedititios quidem per constituti- onem nostram expulimus, quam promulgavimus inter nostras decis- iones; per quas, suggerente nobis Triboniano viro excelso quzestore nostro, antiqui juris altercationes placavimus. Latinos autem Juni- anos, et omnem, que circa eos fuerat, observantiam, alia constitu- tione, per ejusdem queestores sug- gestionem, correximus, quz inter imperiales radiat sanctiones ; et omnes libertos, (nullo, nec etatis manumissi, nec domini manumit- tentis, nec in manumissionis modo, discrimine habito, sicuti antea ob- servabatur,) civitate Romana de- § 3. Freedmen were formerly distinguished by a threefold divis- ion. Those, who were manumitted, sometimes obtained the greater lib- erty, and became Roman citizens ; sometimes only the lesser, and be- came Latins, under the law Junia Norbana ; and sometimes only the inferior liberty, and became Ded- witii, by the law Alia Sentia. But, the condition of the Dedititii differ- ing but little from slavery, has been long disused ; neither has the name of Latins been frequent. Our piety therefore, leading us to reduce all things into a better state, we have amended our laws by two constitu- tions, and re-established the antient usage; for antiently liberty was simple and undivided; that is, it was conferred upon the slave, as his manumittor possessed it; ad- mitting this single difference, that the person manumitted became only a Freedman, although his manu- mittor was a Freeman. We have abolished the Deditatit by a constitution published among our decisions, by which, at the in- stance of Tribonian, our Questor, we have suppressed all disputes concerning the antient law. We have also, at his suggestion, altered the condition of the Latins and corrected the laws, which related to them, by another constitution, con- spicuous among the imperial sanc- tions; and we have made all the freed-mew in general citizens of Rome, regarding neither the age of 16 LIB. L TIT, YL coravimus, multis modis additis, per quos possit libertas’ servis cum civitate Romana, que sola est in presenti, preestari. the manumitted, nor of the man- umittor, nor the antient forms of manumission. We have also intro- duced many new methods, by which slaves may become Roman citizens; the only liberty that can now be conferred. TITULUS SEXTUS. QUI ET EX QUIBUS CAUSIS, MANUMITTERE NON POSSUNT. D. xi. T. 9. C. vii. T. 11. Prius caput legis Alize, de manumittente in fraudem credi- torum. NON tamen cuicunque volenti manumittere licet: nam is, qui in fraudem creditorum manumittit, ni- hil agit: quia lex Alia Sentia im- pedit libertatem. Every master may not manumit of will: for if done with intent to defraud his creditors, it is void. The law Alia Sentia restraining this liberty. De servo instituto cum libertate. $ I. Licet autem domino, qui sol- vendo non est, in testamento ser- vum suum cum libertate heredem instituere, ut liber fiat, heresque ei solus et necessarius, si modo ei ne- mo alius, ex eo testamento, heres extiterit : aut quia nemo heres scrip- tus sit, aut quia is, qui scriptus est, qualibet ex causa heeres ei non exti- terit. Idque eddem lege Aslia Sentia provisum est, et recté. Valdé enim prospiciendum erat, ut egentes ho- mines, quibus alius heres extiturus non esset, vel servum suum neces- sarium heredem haberent, qui sa- tisfacturus esset creditoribus: aut, § 1. A master, who is insolvent, may appoint a slave to be his heir with liberty, that thus the slave may obtain his freedom, and become the only and necessary heir of the testa- tor, provided no other person is also heir by the same testament ; and this may happen, either because no other person was instituted heir or because the person, so instituted, is unwilling toact. This privilege of masters was for wise reasons established by the law 4tha Sentia : forit became nec- essary to provide, that indigent men, towhom noman would be a volunta- ry heir, mighthaveaslave for aneces- LIB. I. TIT. VI. hoc eo non faciente, creditores res hereditarias servi nomine vendant ne injuria defunctus afficiatur. 17 sary heir to satisfy creditors ; or that the creditors should sell the he- reditary effects in the name of the slave, lest the deceased should suffer ignominy. De servo instituto sine libertate. § II. Idemque juris est, etsi sine libertate servus heeres institu- tus est; quod nostra constitutio non solum in domino, qui solvendo non est, sed generaliter constituit, nova humanitatis ratione ; ut ex ipsa scriptura institutionis etiam libertas ei competere videatur: cum non sit verisimile, eum, quem heredem sibi elegit, si preetermiserit liber- tatis dationem, servum remanere voluisse, et neminem sibi heeredem fore. $ 2. Aslave also becomes free by being instituted an heir, although his freedom be not mentioned : for our constitution respects not only the insolvent master, but, by anew act of humanity, it extends generally; so that the institution of an heir, im- plies the grant of liberty. For it is highly improbable, that a testator, although he has omitted to mention liberty in his will, could mean that the person instituted, should remain _aslave, and himself be destitute of an heir. Quid sit in fraudem creditorum manumittere. § III. In fraudem autem credi- torum manumittere videtur, qui vel jam eo tempore, quo manumittit, solvendo non est; vel qui, datis li- bertatibus, desiturus est solvendo esse. Prevaluisse tamen videtur, nisi animum .quoque fraudandi manumissor habuerit, non impediri libertatum, quamvis bona ejus cre- ditoribus non sufficiant : spe enim de facultatibus suis amplits, quam in his est, sperant homines. Itaque tunc intelligimus impediri liberta- tem, cum utroque modo fraudantur creditores ; id est, et consilio manu- mittentis, et ipsa re; eo quod bona ejus non sunt suffectura creditori- bus. 3 § 3. Manumission is in fraud of creditors, if the master is insolvent, when he manumits, or become so by manumitting. It is however the pre- vailing opinion, that liberty, when granted, is not impeached, unless the manumittor meant to defraud, al- though his goods are insufficient for the payment of his creditors; for men frequently hope better, than their circumstances really are. We therefore understand liberty to be then only impeded, when creditors are doubly defrauded: by the inten- tion of the manumittor, and in re- ality. 18 LIB. I. TIT. VL Alterum caput legis Allie Sentize de minore viginti annis. § IV. Eadem lege Alia Sentia, domino minori viginti annis non alitur manumittere premittitur, quam si vindicté apud consilium, justa causé manumissionis appro- bata, fuerint manumissi. §$ 4, By the same law Aslia Sen- tia, a master, under the age of twen- ty years, cannot manumit, unless for some good reason, to be approved by a council; and then by the vin- dicta. Que sunt juste cause manumissionis. § V. Juste autem cause manu- missionis sunt; veluti si quis pat- rem aut matrem, filium filiamve, aut fratres, sororesve naturales, aut pedagogum, aut nutricem, aut edu- catorem, aut alumnum alumnamve, aut collectaneum manumittat; aut servum, procuratoris -habendi gra- tia; aut ancillam, matrimonii ha- bendi causé; dum tamem infra sex menses in uxcrem ducatur, nisi justa causa impediat : et servus, qui manumittitur, procuratoris ha- bendi gratia, non minor decem et septem annis manumittatur. $5. Just reasons for manumis- sion, are that the person to be manu- mitted is father or mother to the ma- numittor, his son or daughter, his brother or sister, his preceptor, his nurse, his foster child, or his foster brother ; or to constitute him his proctor; or his bond-woman, with an intent to marry her, provided the marriage is performed within six months. Buta slave who is to be constituted proctor, cannot bemanu- mitted for that purpose, if under se- venteen. De causa semel probata. § VI. Semel autem causa ap- _probata, sive vera sit, sive falsa, non retractatur. § 6. A reason once admitted in favor of liberty, be it true or false, cannot be recalled. Abrogatio posterioris capitis legis A.lie Sentie. § VII. Cum ergo certus modus manumittendi minoribus viginti an- nis dominis per legem liam Sen- tiam constitutus esset, eveniebat, ut, qui quatuordecem annos expleverat, licet testamentum facere, et in eo sibi heredem instituere, legataque relinquere, posset, tamen, si adhuc minor esset viginti annis, liberta- tem servo dare non posset; quod non erat ferendum: nam, cui toto- §$ 7. When certain bounds were prescribed by the law Zilia Sentia to all minors under twenty, with regard tomanumission, it was observed that any person who hadcompleted four- teen years, might make atestament, institute an heir, and bequeath lega- cies, and yet that no person, under twenty, could confer liberty; which was not longer to be tolerated: for can any just cause be assigned, why LIB. I. rum suorum bonorum in testamen- to dispositio data erat, quare non similiter ei, quemadmodum alias res, ita et de servis suis in ultima voluntate disponere, quemadmo- dum voluerit, permittimus, ut et li- bertatem eis possit prestare? Sed cum libertas inestimabilis res sit, et propter hoc ante vigesimum eeta- tis annum antiquitas libertatem ser- vo dare prohibebat; ideo nos, me- diam quodammodo viam eligentes, non aliter minori viginti annis liber- tatem in testamento dare servo sto concedimus, nisi septemdecimum annum impleverit, et octodecimum attigerit, Cum enim antiquitas hujusmodi eetati et pro aliis postu- lare concesserit, cur non etiam sui judicii stabilitas ita eos adjuvare credatur, ut ad libertatem dandam servis suis possint pervenire ? TIT. VIL. 19 aman, permitted to dispose of all his effects, by testament, should be de- barred from enfranchising his slaves But liberty being of inestimable va- lue and our ancient laws prohibiting any person to make a grant of it, who is under twenty years of age, we therefore make choice of a mid- dle way, and permit all, who have attained their eighteenth year, to confer liberty by testament. For since, by former practice, persons at eighteen years of age were permit- ed to plead for their clients, there is no reason, why the same stability of judgment, which qualifies them to assist others, should not enable them to be of service to themselves also, by having the liberty of en- franchising their own slaves. TITULUS SEPTIMUS. DE LEGE FUSIA CANINIA TOLLENDA. C. vii. LEGE Fusia Caninia, certus modus constitutus erat in servis testamento manumittendis; quam, quasi libertates impedientem et quo- dammodo invidam, tollendam esse censuimus: cum satis fuerat inhu- manum, vivos quidem licentiam habere totam suam familiam liberta- tem donare, nisi alia causa impediat libertatem; morientibus autem hu- jusmodi licentiam adimere. T. 3. By the law Fusia Caninia, mas- ters were limited in manumitting by testament; we have thought pro- per to abrogate this law as odious and destructive of liberty; judging it inhuman, that persons in health should have power to manumit a whole family, if no just cause for- bid, and that the dying should be prohibited from doing the same. 20 LIB. I. TITULUS TIT. VII. OCTAVUS. DE HIS, QUI SUI VEL ALIENI JURIS SUNT. D. 1. T. 6. Altera divisio personarum. SEQUITUR de jure personarum alia diviso; nam quedam persone sui juris sunt, quedam alieno juri subject. Rursus earum, que a- lieno juri subjectee sunt, alie sunt in potestate parentum, alise in po- testate dominorum. Videamus ita- que de his, que alieno juri subjec- te sunt; nam, si cognoverimus, quenam iste persone sunt, simul intelligemus, que sui juris sunt; ac prius inspiciamus de his, que in potestate dominorum sunt. We now proceed to another divi- sion of persons; for some are inde- pendent, and some are subject to the power of others. Of those, who are subject to others, some are in the power of parents, others of their masters. Let us then inquire, who are in subjection to others; for, when we shall ascertain these, we shall at the same time discover, who are in- dependent. And first of those, who are in the power of masters.. De jure gentium in servos. $ L'In potestate itaque domino- rum sunt servi, que quidem potes- tas juris gentium est; nam apud omnes pereeque gentes animadver- tere possumus, dominis in servos vite necisque potestatem fuisse: et, quodcunque per servum acquiritur, id domino acquiti. $ J. All slaves are in the power of their masters, a power derived from the law of nations: for it is observable among all nations, that masters have always had the pow- er of life and death over their slaves, and that whatever the slave acquires, is acquired. for the master. De jure civium Romanorum in servos. $ IL. Sec hoc tempore nullis ho- minibus, qui sub imperio nostro sunt, licet, sine causa legibus cog- nité, in servos suos supra modum sevire. Nam, ex constitutione divi Antonini, qui sine causé servum suum occiderit, non minus puniri jubetur, quam si alienum servum occiderit. Sed et major asperitas § 2. All our subjects are now for- bidden to inflict any extraordinary punishment upon their slaves, with- out legal cause. For, by a constitu- tion of Antoninus, whoever cause- lessly kills his own slave, is to be punished equally asif he had killed the slave of another. The too great severity of masters is also restrained LIB. 1. TIT. VII. 21 dominorum, ejusdem principis con- stitutione, coercetur: nam Antoni- nus, consultus 4 quibusdam preesidi- bus provinciarum de his servis, qui ad xedem sacram vel statuam princi- pum confugiunt, preecepit, ut, si in- tolerabilis videatur szevitia domino- rum, cogantur servos suos bonis conditionibus vendere, ut pretium dominis daretur ; et recté: expedit enim reipublice, ne sua re quis male utatur. Cujus rescripti, ad lium Martianum missi, verba sunt hee. Dominorum quidem po- testatem in servos wlibatam esse opor- tet, nec cuiquam hominum jus suum detrahi. Sed et dominorum interest ne auxilium contra sevitiam, vel fa- mem, vel intolerabilem injuriam, denegetur tis, qui juste deprecantur. Ideoque cognosce de querelis eorum, quiex familia Julii Sabiniad sacram statuam confugerunt ; et, si vel du- rius habitos, quam equum est, vel infami injuria affectos esse, cogno- veris, venire jube; ita ut in potesta- tem domini non revertantur: quod si mee constitutioni fraudem fecerit sciat, me hoc admissum adversus se severius executurum. by anotherconstitution of Antoninus who being consulted by certain go- vernors of provinces concerning slaves, who take sanctuary either in temples, or at the statues of the em- perors, Ordained, that if the severi- ty of masters should appear exces- sive they might becompelled to make sale of their slaves upon equitable terms, so that the masters might re- ceive the value ; and properly; in- asmuch as it is for the public good that no one should be permitted to misuse even his own property. The words of this rescript, sent to Alius Martiansus, are these.— The power of masters over their slaves ought to be protected: nor ought any man to be deprived of his just right. But it is for the interest of all mas- ters, that relief against cruelties, the denial of sustenance, or any other insufferable injury, should be grant- ed to those who justly implore it. Therefore look into the complaints made by the family of Julius Sabi- nus, whose slaves took sanctuary at the sacred statue; and, if proof be made that they have been too hardly treated, or greatly injured, order them to be forthwith sold, so that they be no longer subject to their former master : and, if Julius Sabi- nus attempt to evade our constitu- tion, let him know, that I shall put it in force against him with more severity. 22 LIB. I. TIT. IX. TITULUS NONUS. DE PATRIA POTESTATE. C. viii. T. 47. Summa tituli. IN potestate nostra sunt liberi nostri, quos ex justis nuptiis pro- creavimus. s Our children, begotten in lawful wedlock, are under our power. Definitio nuptiarum, $1 Nuptiz autem, sive matri- monium, est, viri et mulieris con- junctio, individuam vits consuetu- dinem continens. § 1. Matrimony is a connection between a man and woman, imply- ing a mutual and exclusive cohab- itation during life. Qui habent in potestate. $ IL. Jus autem potestatis, quod in liberos habemus, proprium est civium Romanorum; nulli enim alii sunt homines, qui talem in liberos habeant potestatem, qualem nos ha- bemus. § 2. The power which we have over our children is peculiar to the citizens of Rome; for no other peo- ple have the same power over their children, which we have over ours. Qui sunt in potestate. $ III. Qui igitur ex te et ex uxore tua nascitur, in tua potestate est. Item qui ex filio tuo et uxore ejus nascitur, id est, nepos tuus et nep- tis, que in tud sunt potestate: pro- nepos, et proneptis, et deinceps ceteri. Qui autem ex filia tua nas- cuntur, in potestate tué non sunt; sed in patris eorum. $ 3. The child of you and your wife, is under your power. The is- sue of your son and son’s wife, that is, your grand-sons or grand-daugh- ters are equally so; so are your great grand-children, é&c. But chil- dren born of a daughter are not7in your power, but in the power of their father or grand-father. LIB. I. TIT. x. 23 TITULUS DECIMUS. DE NUPTIIS. D. xxiii. T.2. O.v.T. 4. Nov. 74, Qui possunt nuptias contrahere. JUSTAS autem nuptias inter se cives Romani contrahunt, qui se- cundum precepta legum coeunt, masculi quidem puberes, foemins autem viri potentes ; sive patres fa- miliarum sint; sive filii familiarum ; dum tamen, si filii familiarum sint, consensum habeant parentum, quorum in potestate sunt: nam, hoc fieri debere, et civilis et natu- ralis ratio suadet, in tantum, ut jussus parentis pzecedere debeat. Unde qesitum est, an furiosi filia nubere, aut furiosi filius uxorem du- cere, possit? Cumque super filio variabatur, nostra processit decisio, qua permissum est ad exemplum file furiosi, filium quoque furiosi posse, et sine patris interventu, matrimonium sibi copulare, escun- dum datum ex nostra constitutione modum. Que uxores duci possunt vel non. The citizens of Rome contract valid matrimony, when they fol- low the precepts of the law; males, when they arrive at puberty, and females, when they attain to a mar- riageable age. The males, whether patres familiarum, fathers of a fa- mily, or filii familiarum; sons of a family; but, if they are sons of a family, they must first obtain the consent of the parents, under whose power they are. For rea- son, both natural and civil, convin- ces us, that the consent of parents should precede marriage; hence arose the question, whether the son. of a madman could contract matri- mony? But opinions being various, we decided thatthe son as well asthe daughter of a madman, may marry without intervention of the father, provided the rules of our constitu- tion are observed. De cognatis, ac primum de parentibus et liberis. $ 1. Ergo non omnes nobis uxo- res ducere licet: nam 4 quarundam nuptiis abstinendum est inter eas enim personas, que parentum libe- rorumve locum inter se obtinent, contrahi nuptize non possunt; veluti interpatrem et: filiam, vel avum et neptem, vel matrem et filium, vel a- §$ 1. We may not marry any wo- man; for with some, marriage is forbidden. Matrimony must not be contracted between parents and their children, as between a father and daughter, a grandfather and his grand-daughter, a mother and her son, a grand-mother and her grand- 24 LIB. L. TIT. X. viam et nepotem, et usque in infini- tum: et, si tales persons inter se coierent, nefarias atque incestas nuptias contraxisse dicuntur: et heec aded vera sunt, ut, quamvis per adoptionem parentum libero- rumve loco sibi esse cceperint, non- possunt inter se matrimonio jungi; in tantum, ut etiam, dissoluta adop- tione, idem juris maneat. Itaque eam, que tibi per adoptionem filia vel neptis esse coeperit, non poteris uxorem ducere, quamvis eam eman- cipaveris. De fratribus §$ II. Inter eas quoque personas, queeex transverso gradu cognationis junguntur, est queedam similis ob- servatio, sed non tanta. Sané enim inter fratrem sdroremqme nuptiz prohibite sunt, sive ab eodem patre eidemque matre nati fuerint, sive ab altero eorum. Sed, si qua per adoptionem soror tibi esse ceeperit, quamdiu quidem constat adoptio, sane inter te et eam nuptize consis- tere non possunt; cum vero per emancipationem adoptio sit disso- luta, poteris eam uxorem ducere: sed et si tu emancipatus fueris, ni- hil est impedimento nuptiis. Et ideo constat, si quis generum adop- tare velit, debere eum antea filiam suam emancipare: et si quis, velit nurum adoptare, debere eum antea filium suum emancipare, son; and so on (in aright line ) iz infinitum. And, if such persons co- habit, they are truly said tohavecon- tracted a criminal and incestuous marriage; inasmuch as those, who only hold the place of parents and. children by adoption, cannot inter- marry; and the same law remains even after the adoption is dissolv- ed. You cannot therefore take to wife one who hath been either your adopted daughter or grand- daughter, although you may have emancipated her. et sororibus. § 2. Matrimony is also prohibited between collaterals, but not so ex- tensively. A brother and sister are forbidden to marry, whether they are the children of the same father and mother, or of either. And if a woman becomes your sister by adoption, so long as that subsists, no marriage may be contracted be- tween you. But, when the adoption is destroyed by emancipation, you may take her to wife. Also, if you should be emancipated, there will then remain no impediment, al- though your sister by adoption is not so. Hence if a man would adopt his son-in-law, he should first emancipate his daughter, and whoever would adopt his daugh- ter-in-law, should previously em- ancipate his son. De fratris et sororis filia vel nepte. $ III. Fratris verd vel sororis filiam uxorem ducere non licet : sed $ 3. It is unlawful to marry the daughter or grand-daughter of a LIB. I. nec neptem fratris vel sororis quis ducere potest, quamvis quarto gra- du sint: cujus enim filiam ducere non licet, neque ejus neptem per- mittitur. Ejus vero mulieris, quam pater tuus adoptavit, filiam non videris prohiberi uxorem ducere: quia neque naturali, neque civili, jure tibi conjungitur. TIT. X. 25 brother, orasister; although the last are in the fourth degree. For when we are prohibited to take the daughter of any person in marriage, we are also prohibited to take his grand-daughter. But it doesnot ap- pear that there is any impediment against the marriage of a son with the daughter of her, whom his fa- ther hath adopted; for they bear no relation to each other, natural or civil. De consobrinis. § IV. Duorum autem fratrum vel sororum liberi, vel fratris et so- roris, conjungi possunt. $ 4. The children of two brothers (Patrueles) or two sisters, (sobrini) or of a brother and sister, (Conso- brini) may be joined in matrimony. (Such are cousins.) De amita, matertera, amita magna, matertera magna. § V. Item amitam, licet adopti- vam, ducere uxorem non licet; item nec materteram: quia paren- tum loco habentur. Qua ratione verum est, magnam quoqueamitam, et materteram magnam, prohiberi uxorem ducere. $5. A man may not marry his aunt either on the father’s or the mother’sside, although she is only so by adoption; because they are re- garded as [representatives of pa- rents. For the same reason no per- son may marry his great-aunt either on his father’s or mother’s side. De affinibus, et primum de privigna et nuru. $ VL Affinitatis quoque venera- tione, 4 quarundam nuptis abstinere necesse est: ut ecce privignam aut nurum ducere non licet: quia utrae- que filize loco sunt: quod ita scili- cet accipi debet, si fuit nurus aut privigna tua. Nam, si adhuc nu- rus tua est, id est, si adhuc nupta est filio tuo, alia ratione uxorem eam ducere non poteris: quia ea- dem duobus nupta esse non potest. 4 $ 6. We must abstain from cer- tain marriages, through regard to affinity; as with a wife’s daughter, or a son’s wife, for they are both in the place of daughters: and thisrule must be so understood as to include those who have been, our daughters- in-law. For marriage with a son’s wife, while she continues so, is pro- hibited on another account, viz. be- cause she can not be the wife of two 26 LIB. I. Item si adhuc privigna tua est, id est, si mater ejus tibi nupta est, ideo eam uxorem ducere non pote- ris, duia quas uxores eodem tem- pore habere non licet. De socru § VII. Socrum quoque et nover- cam prohibitum est uxorem ducere : quia matris loco sunt: quod et ip- sum, dissoluté demum affinitate, procedit: alioquin, si adhuc nover- ca est, id est, si adhuc patri tuo nupta est, communi jure impeditur tibi nubere, quia eadem duobus nupta esse non potest. Item si ad- huc socus est, id est, si adhuc filia ejus tibi nupta est, ideo impediun- tur tibi nuptie, quia duas uxores habere non potes. TIT. X. at the same time. And the marri- age of man with his wife’s daugh- ter, while her mother continues to be his wife, is also prohibited, because it is unlawfui to have two wives at once. et noverca. $7. A man is forbiddentomarry his wife’s mother, and his father’s wife, because they both hold the place of mothers; and this, although the affinity is dissolved: besides a fa- ther’s wife, while she continues to be so, may not marry, because no woman can have two husbands at the same time. Nor can a man mar- ry his wife’s mother, her daughter continuing his wife, because it is against the law to have two wives. De comprivignis. § VIII. Mariti tamen filius ex alia uxore, et uxoris filia ex alio marito, vel contra, matrimonium recté contrahunt: licet habeant fratrem sororemve ex matrimonio postea contracto natos. § 8. The son of a husband by a former wife, and the daughter of a wife by aformer husband, and e con- tra,(the daughterzof an husband by a former wife and the son of a wife by a former husband) may lawful- ly contract matrimony, even though a brother or sister is born of such second marriage between their re- spective parents. De quasi privigna, quasi nuru, et quasi noverca. § IX. Si uxor tua post divorti- um ex alio filiam procreavit, hec non est quidem privigna tua: sed Julianus ab hujusmodi nuptiis absti- neri debere ait: nam constat, nec sponsam filii nurum esse, nec patris sponsam novercam esse : rectius ta- § 9. The daughter of a divorced wife by a second husband, is not daughter-in-law to the first hus- band. But Julian says we ought to abstain from such nuptials. It is also evident, that the espoused wife of a son, is not a daughter-in-law to LIB. I. TIT. X. men et jure facturos eos, qui ad hujusmodi nuptiis abstinuerint. 27 his father; and that the espoused wife of a father, is not a step-moth- er to his son: but it is right to ab- stain from such nuptials. De servili cognatione. § X. [lud certum est, serviles quoque cognationes impedimento nuptiis esse, si forte pater et filia, aut frater et soror, manumissi fue- rint. $ 10. It is clear that servile cog- nation is an impediment to matri- mony; as when a father and daugh- ter, or a brother and sister, are manumitted. De relinquis prohibitionibus. § XI. Sunt et alize persone, quae prompter diversas rationes nuptias contrahere prohibentur, quas in li- bris digestorum seu pandectarum, ex jure veteri collectarum, enume- rari permisimus. §$ 11. There are other persons also, who, for diverse reasons, may not intermarry: we have caused these to be enumerated in the di- gests collected from the old law. De penis injustarum nuptiarum. § XII. Si adversus ea, que dix- imus, aliqui coierint, nec vir, nec uxor, hec nuptiz, nec matrimoni- um, nec dos intelligitur. Itaque ii, qui ex eo coitu nascuntur in potes- tate patris non sunt: sed tales sunt (quantum ad patriam potestatem pertinent) quales sunt ii, quos ma- ter vulgo concepit. Nam nec hi patrem habere intelliguntur, cum et iis pater incertus sit; unde solent spurit appellari, tag» tyy cmogxy et anxtogpes ; quasi sine patre filii. Se- quitur ergo, ut, dissoluto tali coitu, nec dotis, nec donationis exactioni locus sit. Qui autem prohibitas nuptias contrahunt, et alias peenas patiuntur que sacris constitutioni- bus continentur. '§ 12. If persons cohabit in con- tempt of the rules thus laid down, they shall not be deemed husband and wife, nor shall their marriage, or any portion given on account thereof, be valid; and the children, born in such cohabitation, shall not be under the power of the father. For, in respect to paternal power, they resemble the children of a com- mon woman, who are looked upon as having no father, because it is uncertain who he is. They are therefore called in Latin spurii, and in Greek apatores ; 1. e. without a father: hence, after the dissolution of such a marriage, no ‘portion, or gift, propter nuptias, can legally be claimed. They who contract such prohibited matrimony, must under- go the farther punishments set forth in our constitutions. 28 LIB. I. TIT. XI. De legitimatione. § XIII. Aliquando autem evenit, ut liberi, qui statim, ut nati sunt, in potestate parentum non sunt, postea redigantur in potestatem pa- tris: qualis est is, qui dum natura- lis fuerat, postea curiz datus, potes- tati patris subjicitur: nec non is, qui 4 muliere libera procreatus, cu- jus matrimonium minimé legibus interdictum fuerat, sed ad quam pater consuetudinem habuerat pos- tea, ex nostra constitutione detali- bus instrumentis compositis, in po- testate patris efficitur. Quod et aliis liberis, qui ex eodem matri- monio fuerint procreati, similiter nostra constitutio preebuit. $ 13. It sometimes, happens, that children who at their birth were not under the power of their parents, are reduced under it after- wards. Thus a natural son, who is made a Decurion, becomes sub- ject to his father’s power: and he who is born of a free-woman, with whom marriage is not prohibited, will likewise become subject to the power of his father, as soon as the marriage instruments are drawn, as our constitution directs; which allows the same benefit to those, who are born before marriage, as to those, who are born subsequent » to it. TITULUS UNDECIMUS. ‘DE ADOPTIONIBUS. D1.T. 7 C. viii. T. 48. Continuatio. NON soltm autem naturales li- beri, secundum ea, que diximus, in potestate nostra sunt; verum etiam ii, quos adoptamus. It appears from what has been said, not only that all natural (le- gitimate) children are subject to paternal power, but those also, whom we adopt. Divisio adoptionis. § I. Adoptio autem duobus mo- dis fit, aut principali rescripto, aut imperio magistratis. Imperatoris auctoritate adoptare quis potest eos, casve, qui, queeve, sui juris sunt, quee species adoptionis dicitur arro- $ 1. Adoption is made two ways, either by imperial rescript or autho- rity of the magistrate. The imperial rescript impowers us to adopt per- sons of either sex, who are sui juris ; (i. e. independent) and this species LIB. 1. ol il a, 29 gatio. Imperio magistratis adop- tamus eos easve, qui queve in po- testate parentum sunt ; sive primum gradum liberorum obtineant, qua- lis est filius, filia; sive inferiorem, qualis est nepos, neptis, pronepos, proneptis. of adoption is called arrogation. But it is by the authority of the magis- trate, that we adopt persons actually under the power of their parents, whether they are in the first degree, as sons and daughters; or in an in- ferior degree, as grand-children or great grand-children. Qui possunt adoptare filium-familias, vel non. $ II. Sed hodié, ex nostr4 con- stitutione, cum filius-familias 4 pa- tre naturali exttanes persone in adoptionem datur, jura patris natu- ralis minimé dissolvuntur ; nec quic- quam ad patrem adoptivum transit, nec in potestate ejus est: licet ab intestato jura successionis ei 4 no- bis tributa sint. Si verd pater na- turalis non extraneo, sed avo filii sui materno; vel si ipse pater na- turalis fuerit emancipatus, etiam avo vel proavo simili modo paterno vel materno filium suum dederit in adoptionem; in hoc casu, quia con- currunt in unam personam et natu- ralia et adoptionis jura, manet sta- bile jus patris adoptivi, et naturali vinculo copulatum, et legitimo a- doptionis modo constitutum, ut et in familia et in potestate hujusmodi patris adoptivi sit. $ 2. But now, by our constitution, when the son of a family is given in adoption by his natural father to a stranger, the power of the natural father is not dissolved, neither does any thing pass to theadoptive father, nor is the adopted son in his power, although weallow such son, the right of succession to his adoptive father dying intestate. But if a natural father should give hisson in adoption, not to a stranger, but to the mater- nal grandfather of such son; or if a natural father, who has been e- mancipated, should give his son, be- gotten after emancipation to his pa- ternal or maternal grandfather or great-grandfather, in this case, the rights of nature and adoption con- curring, the power of the adoptive father is established both by natural ties and legal adoption, so that the adopted son would be not only in the family, but under the power of his adoptive father. De arrogatione impuberis. § III. Cum autem impubes per principale rescriptum arrogatur, causa cognita, arrogatio fieri permit- titur: et exquiritur causa arrogati- onis, an honesta sit, expediatque § 3. When any one, not arrived at puberty, is arrogated by the im- perial rescript, inquiry is first made, whether the arrogation be justly founded, and expedient for pupil 30 LIB. I. TIT. XL pupillo? et cum quibusdam condi- tionibus arrogatio fit; id est, ut caveat arrogator persone publicee, Si intra pubertatem pupillus deces- serit, restituturum se bona illis, qui, si adoptio facta non esset, ad suc- cessionem ejus venturi essent. Item non aliter emancipare eum potest arrogator, nisi, causdé cognita, dig- nus emancipatione fuerit; et tunc sua bona ei reddat. Sed et, si de- cedens pater eum exheredaverit, vel vivus sine justé causa emanci- paverit, jubetur quartam partem ei bonorum suorum relinquere; vide- licet, preeter bona, qua ad patrem adoptivum transtulit, et quorum commodum ei postea acquisivit. for such arrogation is always made on certain conditions; the arrogator is obliged to give caution before a public notary, thereby binding him- self, if the pupil should die within the age of puberty, to restore all the pro* perty of such pupil to those who would have succeeded him, if no adoption had been made. 'The arro- gator also may not emancipate, un- less on legal proof, that his arrogat- ed son deserves emancipation ; and even then he must restore the pro- perty belonging to such son. Also if a father, upon his death-bed, hath disinherited his arrogated son, or when in health hath emancipated him, without just cause, he is com- manded to leave the fourth part of all his goods to the son, besides what the son brought to him at the time of arrogation, and acquired for him afterwards. De etate adoptantis et adoptati. § IV. Minorem natu majorem non posse adoptare placet: adoptio enim naturam imitatur ; et pro mon- stro est, ut major sit filius, quam pater. Debet itaque is, qui sibi filium per adoptionem aut arroga- tionem facit, plend pubertate [id est, decem et octo annis] pracedere. § 4. A junior cannot adopt a se- nior; for adoption imitates nature ; and it seems unnatural, that a son should be older than his father. He therefore, who would either adopt or arrogate, should be senior by full puberty, that is, by eighteen years. De adoptione in locum nepotis vel neptis, vel deinceps. § V. Licet autem et in locum nepotis vel neptis, pronepotis vel proneptis, vel deinceps, adoptare, quamvis filium quis non habeat. Sees $ 5. It is lawful to adopt a per- son either as a grand-son or grand- daughter, great grand-son or great grand-daughter, or ina more distant edgree, although the adoptor hath * no son. (ian LIB. I. TIT. XI. 31 De adoptione filii alieni in locum nepotis, et contra. § VL Et tam filium alienum quis in locum nepotis adoptare potest, quam nepotem in locum filii. $ 6. A man may adopt the son of another as his grand-son, and the grand-son of another as his son. De adoptione in locum nepotis. $ VII. Sed si quis nepotis loco adoptet, vel quasi ex filio, quem habet jam adoptatum, vel quasi ex illo, quem naturalem in sua potes- tate habet, eo casu et filius consen- tire debet, ne ei invito suus heres agnascatur. Sed, ex contrario, si avus ex filio nepotem det in adop- tionem, non est necesse, filium con- Sentire. $ 7. Ifa man, having already ei- ther a natural or an adopted son, is desirous to adopt another, as his grand-son, the consent of his son, whether natural or adopted, ought in this case to be first obtained, lest a suus heres, or proper heir, should be intruded upon him. But, on the contrary, if a grandfather is will- ing to give his grand-son in adop- tion, the consent of the son is not necessary. Qui dari possunt in adoptionem. § VIII. In plurimis autem cau- sis assimulatur is, qui adoptatus vel arrogatus est, ei, qui ex legiti- mo matrimonio natus est; et ided, Si quis per imperatorem, vel apud preetorem, vel presidem provincie, non extraneum adoptaverit, potest eundem in adoptionem alii dari. § 8. He who is either adopted or arrogated, bears similitude in many things to a son born in lawful ma- trimony; and therefore, if a person not a stranger is adopted either by rescript, or before a pretor, or the governor of a province, he may be given in adoption to another. Si is, qui generare non potest, adoptet. § IX. Sed et illud utriusque a- doptionis commune est, quod et ii, qui generare non possunt, quales sunt spadones, adoptare possunt: castrati autem non possunt. $ 9. It is common to both kinds of adoption, that such as are im- potent [Spadones] may, but those who are castrated, cannot adopt. Si foemina adoptet. § X. Fomine quoque arrogare non possunt, quia nec naturales li- beros in sua potestate habent: sed, ex indulgentia principis, ad solatium § 10. Nor can women adopt; for the law does not place even their own children, under their power: but, when death hath deprived 32 liberorum amissorum adoptare pos- sunt. De liberis § XI. Illud proprium est adop- tionis illius, quee per sacrum oracu- lum fit, quod is, qui liberos in po- testate habet, si se arrogandum de- derit, non solum ipse potestati arro- gatoris subjicitur, sed etiam liberi ejus fiunt in ejusdem potestate, tan- quam nepotes. Sic etenim divus Augustus non ante Tiberium adop- tavit, quam is Germanicum adop- tasset; ut protinus arrogatione fac- ta inciperet Germanicus Augusti nepos esse. LIB. 1. TIT. XI. them of their children, they may, by the indulgence of the prince, adopt others, as a comfort for their loss. arrogatis. $ 11. It is peculiar to adoption by rescript, that, if a person, having children under his power, should give himself in arrogation, both he, as ason, and his children, as grand- children, would become subject to the power of the arrogator. It was for this reason, that Augustus did. not adopt Tiberius, ’till Tiberius had adopted Germanicus ; so that Tiberius became the son, and Grer- manicus the grandson of Augustus, at the same instant, by arrogation. De servo adoptato, vel filio nominato, a domino. § XII. Apud Catonem bené scrip- tum refert antiquitas, servos, sia domino adoptati sint, ex hoc ipso posse liberari. Unde et nos erudi- ti, in nostra constitutione, etiam eum servum, quem dominus, actis intervenientibus, filium suum nomi- naverit, liberum esse constituimus : licet hoc ad jus filii accipiendum non sufficiat. § 12. The following answer of Cato was approved of by the an- cient lawyers, viz. that slaves, a-- dopted by their masters, obtain free- dom by the adoption. Thus in- structed, we have ordained, that a slave whom any master nominates to be his son, in the presence of a magistrate, becomes free by such nomination, although it does not convey to him any filial right. LIB: I. TIT. XIl. 33 TITULUS DUODECIMUS. QUIBUS MODIS JUS PATRIA POTESTATIS SOLVITUR. D. 1. T. 7. Nov. 81. Scopus et nexus. De morte. VIDEAMUS nunc, quibus mo- dis ii, qui alieno juri sunt subjecti, eo jure liberentur. Et quidem, quemadmodum liberentur servi 4 potestate dominorum, ex iis intelli- gere possumus, que de servis ma- numittendis superius exposuimus : hi vero, qui in potestate parentis sunt, mortuo eo, sui juris fiunt. Sed hoc distinctionem recipit : nam, mortuo patre, sané omnimodo filii, filieve, sui juris efficiuntur : mortuo verd avo, non omnimodo nepotes, neptesve, sui juris fiunt : sed ita, si post mortem avi in potes- tatem patris sui recasuri non sunt. Itaque, si, moriente avo, pater eo- rum vivit, et in potestate patris sui est, tunc post obitum avi in potestate patris sui fiunt. Si vero is quo tem- pore avus moritur, aut jam mortuus est, aut per emancipationem exiit de potestate patris, tunc ii, qui in potes- tatem ejus cadere non possunt, sui juris fiunt. Let us now inquire how persons in subjection to others, can be freed. How slaves obtain their liberty, may be understood from what wehave al- ready said in treating of manumis- sion : these who are under the power of a parent, become independent at his death; yet this rule admits of a distinction. When a father dies, his sons and daughters are, without doubt, independent ; but, by the death of a grand-father, his grand- children do not become independent, unless there is an impossibility of their ever falling under the power of their father. Therefore, if their father is alive at the death of their grand-father, in whose power the father was, they then become sub- ject to the power of their father. But, if their father is either dead or emancipated before the death of their grand-father, they then cannot fall under the power of their father, but become independent. De deportatione. $I. Cum autem is, qui ob ali- quod maleficium in insulam depor- tatur, civitatemamittit, sequitur, ut, qui eo modo ex numero civium Ro- manorum tollitur, perindé quasi eo mortuo, desinant liberi in potestate 5 $ 1. If aman, upon conviction of some crime, is deported into an is- land, he loses the rights of a Roman citizen; and it follows, that the children of a person thus banished cease to be under his power, as if he 34 ejus esse. Pari ratione, et si is, qui in potestate parentis sit, in in- sulam deportatus fuerit, desinit es- se in potestate parentis. Sed, si ex indulgentia principis restituti fue- rint per omnia, pristinum statum recipiunt. LIB, I. TIT. VL was naturally dead. And, by parity of reasoning, if a son is deported, he ceases to be under the power of his father. But, if by the indulgence of the prince a ciminal is wholly re- stored, he regains his former condi- tion. De relegatione. $ IL. {Relegati autem patres in in- sulam in potestate liberos retinent, et liberi relegati in potestate paren- tumremanent. = ————~—™ § 2. A Father, who is merely ba- nished by relegation, retains his pa- ternal power: and ason, who is re- legated, still remains under the pow- er of his father. De servitute pene. ’ $ JIL. Peene servus effectus filios in potestate habere desinit. Servi autem poene efficiuntur, qui in me- tallum damnantur, et qui bestiis subjiciuntur. $ 3. When a man becomes the slave of punishment, he loses his pa- ternal jurisdiction. Slaves of punish- ment are those, who are condemned to the mines, or sentenced to be de- stroyed by wild beasts.. De dignitate. $ IV. Filius-familias, si mili- taverit, vel si senator, vel consul factus fuerit, remanet in potes- tate patris :, militia enim, vel con- sularis dignitas, de patris. potestate filium non liberat. Sed, ex consti- tutione nostra, summa patriciatus dignitas illicd, imperialibus codicil- lis preestitis, filium a patria potes- tate liberat. Quis enim patiatur, patrem quidem, posse, per emanci- pationis modum, potestatis suz nexibus filium liberare; imperato- riam. autem, celsitudinem non va- . Iere eum, quem, patrem sibi elegit, ab.aliené, exim, ere potestate ? § 4. Although the son of a family becomes asoldier, asenator or a con- sul, he remains under the power of his father, from which neither the army, the senate, or consular digni- ty canemancipate him. But by our constitution the patrician dignity, conferred by our special diploma, shall free every son from paternal subjection. For itis absurd, that a parent may emancipate his son, and that the power of an emperor should not. suffice to make any person inde- pendent, whom. hehath. chosen to be a father of the: commonwealth. LIB. I. TIT. XII. 35 De captivitate et postliminio. $ V. Si ab hostibus captus fuerit parens, quamvis servus hostium fiat, tamen pendet jus lberorum, propter jus postliminii: quia hi, qui ab hostibus capti sunt, si reversi fuerint, omnia pristina jura recipi- unt: idcircd reversus etiam liberos habebit in potestate : quia postlimi- nium fingit eum, qui captus est, in Civitate semper fuisse. Si vero ibi decesserit, exindé, ex quo,captus est pater, filius sui juris fuisse;vide- tur. Ipse quoque filius, neposve, si ab hostibus captus fuerit, simili- ter dicimus, propter jus postlimi- nii, Jus quoque potestatis parentis in suspenso esse. Dictum autem est postliminium 4 limine et post. Unde eum, qui ab hostibus captus est, et in fines nostros postea per- venit, postliminio reversum recté dicimus. Nam limina sicut in do- mo finem quendam faciunt, sic et imperii finem esse limen veteres voluerunt. Hinc et limen dictum est, quasi finis quidam et terminus. Ab eo postliminium dictum est, quia ad idem limen revertebatur, quod amiserat. Sed et, qui cap- tus victis hostibus recuperatur, postliminio rediisse existimatur. $ 5. If a parent is taken prisoner, although he become a slave, he loses not his paternal power, which re- mains in suspense by reason of a privilege granted to all prisoners, namely, the right of return: for captives, when they obtain their liberty, are repossessed of all their former rights, in which paternal power is of course included ; and, at their return, they are supposed, by a fiction of law, never to have been absent. If a prisoner dies captive, the son’s independence is reckoned from the commencement of his father’s captivity. Also, if a son, or grand-son, becomes a prisoner, the power of the parent is said, for the reason before assigned, to be only in suspense. The term postiminium is derived from post and limen. We thereforeaptly use the expression reversus postliminio, when a person, who was a captive, returns within our own confines. De emancipatione item de modis et effectibus ejusdem. § VI. Preterea, emancipatione quoque desinunt liberi in potestate parentum esse. Sed emancipatio antea quidem vel per antiquam legis observationem procedebat, que per imaginarias venditiones et interce- dentes manumissiones celebraba- $ 6. Children also cease to be un- der the power of their parents by e- mancipation. Emancipation was ef- fected according to our ancient law, either by imaginary sales and inter- vening manumissions, or by imperi- alrescript; but ithas been our care 36 tur, vel ex imperiali rescripto. Nostra autem providentiad etiam hoc in melits per constitutionem re- formavit; ut, fictione pristinad ex- plosd, recté vid ad competentes ju- dices, vel magistratus, parentes in- trent, et filios suos vel filias, vel ne- potes vel neptes, ac deinceps, a sud manu dimittant. Et tunc, ex edicto preetoris, in bonis ejusmodi filii vel filize, vel nepotis vel neptis qui queve a parente manumissus vel manumissa fuerit, eadem jura prestantur parenti, que tribuuntur patrono in bonis liberti. Et pre- terea, si impubes sit filius, vel filia, vel ceteri, ipse parens ex manumis- sione tutelam ejus nansciscitur. . LIB. I. TIT. XI. to reform these ceremonies by an ex- press constitution, so that parents may now have immediate recourse to the proper judge or magistrate, and emancipate their children, grand-children, &c. of both sexes. And also, by a preetorian edict, the parent is allowed to have the same right in the goods of those, whom he emancipates, asa patron has in the goods of his freed-man. And far- ther, if the children emancipated are within the age of puberty, the parent, by whom they were eman- cipated, obtains the right of ward- ship or tutelage, by the emancipa- tion. 1 Si alii emacipente alii retineantur in potestatu. § VII. Admonendi autem su- mus, liberum arbitrium'esse ei, qui filium, et ex eo nepotem, vel nep- tem, in potestate habet, filium qui- dem de potestate dimittere, nepo- tem vero vel neptem retinere: et, é converso, filium quidem in potes- tate retinere, nepotem vero vel nep- tem manumittere: vel omnes sui juris efficere. Eadem et de prone- pote et pronepte dicta esse intelli- guntur. § 7. A parent having a son un- der his power, and by that sona grand-son or grand-daughter, may emancipate his son, and retain his grand-son or grand-daughter in sub- jection. He may also emancipate his grand-son or grand-daughter, and retain his son; or, he may make them all independent. And the same may be said of a great- grand-son, or a great-grand-daugh- ter. De adoptione. § VII. Sed et, si pater filium, quem in potestate habet, avo, vel proavo naturali, secundum nostras constitutiones super his habitas, in adoptionem dederit, id est, si hoc ipsum actis intervenientibus apud competentem judicem manifestave- rit, presente eo, qui adoptatur, et $ 8. Ef a father gives his son in adoption to the natural grand-father or great-grand-father of such son, adhering toour constitutions for that purpose enacted, which enjoin the pa- rent to declare intention beforeacom- petent judge, in the presence of the person to be adopted, and also in the LIB. I. TIT. XII. non contradicente, nec non eo pre- sente, qui adoptat, solvitur quidem jus potestatis patris naturalis; tran- sit autem in hujusmodi parentem adoptivum; in cujus persona et a- doptionem esse plenissimam antea diximus. 37 presence of the adoptor, then does the right of paternal power pass wholly from the natural father to the adoptive, in whose person, as. we have before observed, adoption has its fullest extent. De nepote nato post filium emancipatum. § IX. Illud scire oportet, quod si nurus tua ex filio tuo conceperit, et filium tuum emancipaveris, vel in adoptionem dederis, preegnante nuru tua, nihilominus, quod et ea nascitur, in potestate tud nascitur. Quod si post emancipationem vel adoptionem conceptus fuerit, patris sui emancipati, vel avi adoptivi, potestati subjicitur. § 9. It is necessary to be known, that, if a son’s wife hath conceived, and you afterwards emancipate that son or give him in adoption, his wife being pregnant, the child will be born under your paternal authority. But if the conception be subsequent to the emancipation or adoption, the child becomes subject at his birth, either to his emancipated father, or his adoptive grand-father. An parentes cogi possunt liberos suos de potestate dimittere ? $ X. Et quidem neque naturales liberi, neque adoptivi, ullo pene mo- do possunt cogere parentes de po- testate sud eos dimittere. § 10. Children, either natural or adopted, can rarely compel their pa- rents by any method to dismiss them from subjection. TITULUS DECIMUS-TERTIUS. DE TUTELIS. D. xxvi. T. 1. Nov. 72. De personis sui juris. TRANSEAMUS nunc ad aliam divisionem personarum. Nam ex his personis, que in potestate non sunt, queedam vel in tutela sunt, vel in curatione, quedam neutro jure Let us now proceed to another di- vision of persons. Of those, who are not under parental power, some are under tutelage, some under cura- tion, and some under neither. Let 38 LIB. I. TIT. XII. tenentur. Videamus ergo de his, quze in tutela vel curatione sunt: ita enim intelligemus czteras personas, que neutro jure tenentur. Ac pri- us dispiciamus de his, qui in tutela sunt. us enquire then, what persons are under tutelage and curation; for thus we shall ascertain, who are not subject to either. And first of persons under tutelage. Tutele definitio. $ I. Est autem tutela (ut Servius definivit) vis ac potestas in capite libero, ad tuendum eum, qui per ztatem se defendere nequit, jure civili data ac permissa. § 1. Tutelage, as Servius has de- fined it, is an authority and power, given and permitted by the civil law, over such independent persons, as are unable, by reason of their youth, to protect themselves. Definitio et etymologia tutoris. § Il. Tutores autem sunt, qui eam vim ac potestatem habent; ex- que ipsa re nomen acceperunt. Ita- que appellantur tutores, quasi tui- tores atque defensores; sicut editui dicuntur, qui eedes tuentur. § 2. Tutors are those, who have this authority and power; and they take their name from the nature of their office. For they are called tutors, quasi tuitores defenders; as those, who have the care of the sa- cred buildings, are called editut, quod cedes tueantur. Quibus testamento tutor datur: et primum, de liberis in po- testate. § III. Permissum est itaque pa- rentibus liberis impuberibus, quos in potestate habent, testamento tu- tores dare: et hoc in filios filiasque procedit omnimodo : nepotibus vero neptibusque ita demum parentes possunt testamento tutores dare, si post mortem eorum in potestatem patris sui non sunt recasuri. Ita- que, si filius tuus, mortis tue tem- pore in potestate tua sit, nepotes ex eo non poterunt ex testamento tuo tutores habere, quamvis in potes- tate tua fuerint: scilicet, quia, mor- tuo te, in potestatem patris sui re- casuri sunt. $ 3. Parents may assign tutors by testament to such of their child- ren as are not arrived at puberty, and are under their power. And this privilege extends without ex- ception over sons and daughters. But grand-fathers can only give tu- tors to their grand-children, when these cannot fall under the power of their father, after the death of their grand-father. Hence, if your son is in your power at the time of your death, your grand-children by that son cannot receive tutors by your testament, although they were ac- tually in your power; because at your decease they will become sub- ject to their father. ‘ LIB. I. TIT. XIV. De posthumis. § IV. Cum autem in compluribus ‘aliis causis posthumi pro jam natis habeantur, et in hac causa placuit non minus posthumis, quam jam natis tutores dari posse ; si modo im e4 causa sint, ut, si vivis paren- tibus nascerentur, sui heredes et in potestate eorum fierent. § 4, As posthumous children are in many cases considered as already born before the death of their fa- thers: therefore tutors may be giv- en (by testament) as well to a post- humous child, as toa child already born, if such posthumous child, had he been born in the life-time of his father would have been his proper heir and under his power. De emancipatis. § V. Sed et, si emancipato filio tutor 4 patre datus fuerit testamen- to, confirmandus est ex sententiad presidis omnimodo, id est, sine in- quisitione.. —_——1« § 5. But, if a father gives a tu- tor by testament to his emancipated son, such tutor must be confirmed by the sentence of the governor of the province without inquisition. TITULUS DECIMUS-QUARTUS. QUI TESTAMENTO TUTORES DARI POSSUNT. D. xxvi. T. 2. C. v. 'T. 28. Qui tutores dari possunt. DARI autem tutor potest testa- mento non solum_pater-familias, sed etiam filius-familias. Not only the father of a family may be appointed tutor by testament but also the son of a family. De servo. §E. Sed et servus proprius, tes- tamento cum libertate recté tutor dari potest; sed sciendum est, et sine libertate tutorum datum tacité libertatem. directam accepisse vide- ri; et per hoe recté tutorem esse: plané,,si per errorem, quasi liber, tutor datus:sit, aliud. dicendum est. $1. Aman may by testament as- sign his own slave tobe a tutor with liberty. But note, thatifa slave be appointed tutor by testament without mentioning liberty, he seems tacitly to be enfranchised, and is thus le- gally constituted a tutor; yet, if a testator through error, imagining his 40 LIB. I. TIT. XIV. Servus autem alienus pure inutili- ter testamento datur tutor: sed ita, cum liber erit, utiliter datur. Pro- prius autem servus inutiliter eo modo tutor datur. slave to be free, by testament ap- points him, as such, to be atutor, the appointment wiil not avail. Also the absolute appointment of another man’s slavetobe a tutor is altogether ineffectual; but, if the appointment isuponcondition that the person ap- pointed obtains his freedom, then it is well made: but if a man by testa- ment appoints his own slave to bea tutor, when he shall obtain his liber- ty, the appointment will be void. De furioso et minore viginti-quinque annis. $ IL. Furiosus, vel minor viginti- quinque annis, tutor testamento da- tus, tutor tunc erit, cum compos mentis, aut major viginti-quinque annis, fuerit factus. Quibus modis $ IIT. Ad certum tempus, vel ex certo tempore, vel sub conditione, vel ante heredisinstitutionem posse pari tutorem non dubitatur. $ 2. Ifa madman or minor (un- der twenty-five) is by testament ap- pointed tutor, the one shall begin to act, when he becomes of sound mind, and the other, when he has completed his twenty-fifth year. tutores dantur. § 3. It is not doubted, but that a testamentary tutor may be appoint- either until a certain time, or from a certain time, or conditionally, or before the institution of an heir. Cui dantur. § IV. Certz autem rei, vel cause, tutor dari non potest: quia persone non cause, vel rei, tutor! datur. § 4. A tutor cannot beassigned to any particular thing, or upon any certain account, but can only be given to persons. De tutore dato filiabus, vel filiis, vel liberis, vel nepotibus. $ V. Si quis filiabus suis, vel fi- liis, tutores dederit, etiam posthu- me vel posthumo dedisse videtur : quia, filii vel filix appellatione, et posthumus et posthuma.continentur. Quod si nepotes sint, an appella- tione filiorum et ipsis tutores dati § 5. If a man nominates a tutor for his sons or daughters, the nom- ‘ination extends to his posthumous is- sue; because, under the appellation of son or daughter, a posthumous child is comprehended. But, are grand-children denoted by the word LIB. I. sint? Dicendum est, ut et ipsis quoque dati videantur, si modo lib- eros dixerit ; caterum, si filios, non continebuntur. Alitér enim filii, alitér nepotes appellantur. Plané, Si posteris dederit, tam filii post- humi, quam ceteri liberi, contine- buntur. TIT. XV. 41 sons? we answer, that under chil- dren, grand-children are included, but not under sons: for son and grand-son, differ in signification. But, if a testator assigns a tutor to his descendants, it is evident, that not only his posthumous sons are comprehended, but all his oth- er children. >oe TITULUS DECIMUS-QUINTUS. DE LEGITIMA AGNATORUM TUTELA. D. xxxvi. T. 4. C. v. T. 30. Summa. QUIBUS autem testamento tu- tor datus non est, his, ex lege duo- decim tabularum, agnati sunt tu- tores, qui vocantur legitimi. The Agnati by a law of the twelve tables, are appointed tutors to those, to whom no testamentary tutor was given; and these tutors are called legitimi, tutors by law. Qui sunt agnati. $ I. Sunt autem agnati cognati, per virils sexis cognationem con- juncti, quasi a patre cognati: veluti frater ex eodem patre natus, fratris filius, neposve ex'eo: item patruus et pratrui filius, neposve ex eo. At, qui per foeminini sexus personas cognatione junguntur, agnati non sunt, sed alias naturali jure cognati, Itaque amite tue filius non est tibi agnatus, sed cognatus: et invicem tu illi eodem jure conjungeris: quia. qui ex ed nascuntur, patris, non matris, familiam sequuntur. $1. Agnati are those, who are collaterally related to us by males, as a brother by the same father, or the son of a brother, or by him a grand-son ; also a father’s brother, or the son of such brother, or by him a grand-son. But those, who are related to us by a female are not agnate, but cognate, bearing only a natural relation to us. Thus the son of a father’s sister is related to you not by agnation, but cognation; and you are also related to him by cogna- tion; for the children of a father’s sister, follow the family of their fa- ther, and not that of their mother. LIB. L TIT. XVI. Quis dicatur intestatus. §$ I. Quod autem lex duodecim tabularum ab initéstato vocat ad tu- telam agnatos, non hanc habet sig- nificatienem, si omnind non fecerit testamontum is, qui poterat tutores dare; sed si, quantum ad tutelam pertinet, intestatus decesserit : quod tune quoque accidere imtelligitur, cum is qui datus est tutor, vivo tes- tatore decesserit. § 2. The law of the twelve tables, in calling the agnati to tutelage in case of intestacy, relates not solely to persons altogether intestate, who might have appointed a tutor, but also to those, who are intestate only in respect of tutelage; and this may happen, if atutor, nominated by tes- tament, should die in the lifetime of the testator. Quibus modis agnatio, vel cognatio, finitur. § If. Sed agnationis quidem jus omnibus modis capitis diminu- tione perimque perimitur: nam agnatio juris civilis nomen est ; cog- nationis vero jus non omnibus mo- dis commutatur: quia civilis ratio, civila quidem jura cerrumpere po- test, naturalia vero, non utique. § 3. The right of agnation is taken away by almost every diminution, or change of state; for agnation is. but a name given by the civil law; but the right of cognation is not thus altered; for although civil policy may extinguish civil rights yet over natural rights it has no such power. TITULUS DECIMUS-SEXTUS. DE CAPITIS DIMINUTIONE. D. iv. T. 5. Definitio et divisio. EST autem capitis diminutio pri- Diminution is the change of a oris status mutatio; eaque tribus man’s former condition; and this modis accidit: nam aut maxima est is threefold, the greater, the less, capitis diminutio, aut minor, (quam and the least. quidam mediam vocant,) aut mini- ma. De maxima capitis diminutione. $I. Maxima capitis diminutio est, cum aliquis simul et civitatem et libertatem amittit; quod accidit $1. The greater diminution is, when a man loses both the right of a citizen and his liberty ; as they do, LIB. 1. his, qui servi peene efficiuntur atro- citate sententize ; vel libertis, ut in- gratis erga patronos condemnatis ; vel his, quise ad pretium partici- pandum venundari passi sunt. TIT. XVI. 43 who by the rigour of their sentence become the slaves of punishment ; and freed-men, who are condemned to slavery for ingratitude to their patrons; and all such, who suffer themselves to be sold, to share the price. De media. $ II. Minor, sive media capitis diminution est, cum civitas quidem amittitur, libertas vero retinetur ; quod accidit ei, cui aqua et igni in- terdictum fuerit, vel ei, qui in in- _ Sulam deportatus est. $2. The less or mesne diminution is, when a man loses the rights of a citizen, but retains his liberty; which happens to him, who is for- bidden the use of fire and water, or to him who is transported into an island. De minima § Il]. Minima capitis diminu- tio est, cum civitas retinetur et li- bertas, sed status hominis commu- tatur: quod accidit his, qui, cum sui juris fuerint, ceeperunt alieno juri subjecti esse; vel contra, ve- luti si filius-familias 4 patre eman- cipatus fuerit, est capite diminutus. §$ 3. The least diminution is, when the condition of a man is charged without forfeiture either of civil rights or liberty ; as when he, who is independent, becomes sub- ject by adoption; or when the son of a family hath been emancipated by his father. De sero manumisso. § IV. Servus autem manumis- sus capitenon minuitur; quia nul- lum caput habuit. § 4. The manumission of a slave produces no change of state in him, because he had no state, or civil ca- pacity. De mutatione dignitatis. § V. Quibus autem dignitas magis quam status permutatur, ca- pite non minuuntur; et ideo a se- natu motos capite non minui, con- Stat. $ 5. Those, whose dignity is ra- ther changed than their state, do not suffer diminution; hence it is not diminution to be removed from the senatorial dignity. LIB. I. TIT. XVII. Interpretatio § ult. sup, tit. prox. § VI. Quod autem dictum est, manere cognationis jus etiam post capitis diminutionem, hoc ita est, si minima capitis diminutio inter- veniat: manet enim cognatio. Nam, si maxima capitis diminutio interveniat, jus quoque cognationis perit, ut puta servitute alicujus cog- nati; et ne quidem, si manumissus fuerit, recipit cognationem. Sed et si in insulam quis deportatus sit, cognatio solvitur. § 6. We have said, that the right of cognation remains after diminu- tion, but this relates only to the least diminution. For, by the greater di- minution, as by servitude, the right of cognation is wholly destroyed, even so as not to be recovered by manumission. The right of cogna- tion is also lost by the less or mesne diminution, as by deportation’into an island. Ad quos agnatos tutela pertinet. § VI. Cum autem ad agnatos tutela pertineat, non simul ad om- nes pertinet, sed ad eos tantum, qui proximiore gradu sunt; vel si plures ejusdem gradus sunt, ad om- nes pertinet; veluti si plures fra- tres sunt, qui unum gradum obti- nent, paritér ad tutelam vocantur. § 7. Although the right of tute- lage belongs to agnati, yet it belongs not to all, but to the nearest in de- gree only. But, if there be many in the same degree, the tutelage be- longs to all of them, however num- erous. For example, several broth- ers are all called equally to tutelage. TITULUS DECIMUS-SEPTIMUS. DE LEGITIMA PATRONORUM TUTELA. D. xxvi. T. 4. C.v. T. 30. Ratio ob quam patronorum tutela dicitur legitima. EX eddem lege duodecim tabu- larum, libertorum et libertarum tu- tela ad patronos liberosque eorum pertinet, que et ipsa legitima tutela vocatur; non quia nominatim in e4 lege de hac tutela caveatur ; sed quia perinde accepta est per inter- pretationem, ac si verbis legis in- By the same law of the twelve ta- bles, the tutelage of freed-men and freed-women, belongs to their pa- trons, and to the children of such pa- trons ; and this is tutelage by opera- tion of law, although it existsnot no- minally in the law; butit isas firmly established by interpretation, as if it LIB. I. troducta esset. Eo enim ipso, quod hereditates libertorum libertarum- que, si intestati decessissent, jusse- rat lex ad patronos liberosve eorum pertinere, crediderunt veteres, vo- luisse legem, etiam tutelas ad eos pertinere ; cum et agnatos, quos ad hereditatem lex vocat, eosdem et tutores esse jusserit ; quia ple- riumque, ubi successionis est emo- lumentum, ibi et tutele onus esse debet. Ideo autem diximus ple- rumque, quia, si foemina impubes manumittatur, ipsa ad hereditatem vocatur, cum alius sit tutor. TIT. XVII. 45 had been introduced by express words. For, inasmuch as the law commands, that patrons and their children shall succeed to the inheri- tance of their freed-men or freed-wo- men who die intestate, the ancient lawyers were of opinion thattutelage also by implication should belong to patrons and their children. And the law, which calls agnati to the inher- itance, commands them to be tutors, because the advantage of succession ought to be attended in most cases with the burden of tutelage. We have said in most cases, because, if a person, not arrived at puberty, is manumitted by a female, she is cal- led to the inheritance, but not to the turtelage. TITULUS DECIMUS-OCTAVUS. DE LEGITIMA PARENTUM TUTELA. EXEMPLO patronorum recep- ta est et alia tutela, que et ipsa le- gitima vocatur ; nam, si quis filium aut filiam, nepotem aut neptem ex filio, et deinceps, impuberes eman- cipaverit, legitimus eorum tutor erit. Another kind of tutelage termed legal, is received inimitation of pa- rental:ifor, if a parent emancipate a son, a daughter, agrand-son, or a grand-daughter, who is the issue of that son, or any others descended from him by males in a right line and not arrived at puberty, then shall such parent betheirlegal tutor. 46 LIB. I. TIT. XIX. TITULUS DECIMUS-NONUS. DE FIDUCIARIA TUTELA. Filii-familias a patre manumissi pater tutor est legitimus : eo vero defuncto, frater tutor fiduciarius existit. EST et alia tutela, que fiducia- ria appellatur: nam, si parens fili- um vel filiam, nepotem vel neptem, vel deinceps, impuberes manu- miserit, legitimam nanciscitur eo- rum tutelam : quo defuncto, si libe- ri ejus virilis sexus existant, fiduci- arii turores filiorum suorum, vel fra- tris, vel sororis, vel caterorum, _ efficiuntur. Atqui, patrono legiti- mo tutore mortuo, liberi quoque ejus legitimi sunt tutores; quoniam filius quidem defuncti, si non esset a Vivo patre emancipatus, post obi- tum ejus sui juris efficeretur, nec in fratrum potestatem recideret, idedque nec in tutelam. Libertus autem, si servus mansisset, utique eodem jure apud liberos domini post mortem ejus futurus esset. Ita tamen hiad tutelam vocantur, si perfectze sint statis; quod nostra constitutio in omnibus tutelis et cu- rationibus observari generalitér reecepit. There is another kind of tutelage called fiduciary ; for, if a parent emancipate a son or a daughter, a grand-son or a grand-daughter, or any other child, not arrived at puberty, he is then their legal tutor; but, at his death, his male children of age become the fiduciary tutors of their own sons, or of a bro- ther, a sister, or of a brother’s chil- dren emancipated by the deceased. But when a patron, who is a legal tutor, dies, his children also become legal tutors. The reason of which difference is this : a son, although ne- ver emancipated, becomes indepen- dent at the death of his father; and therefore as he falls not under power of his brothers, he cannot be under their legal tutelage. But the condi- tion of a slave is not altered at the death of his master; for he then “becomes a slave to the children of the deceased. None can be called to tutelage, unless of full age; and our constitution hath commanded this rule to be generally observed in all tutelages and curations. LIB. 1. TIT. Xx. 47 TITULUS VIGESIMUS. DE ATILIANO TUTORE, ET EO, QUI EX LEGE JULIA ET TITIA DABATUR. D. xxvi. T. 5. C. v. T. 34 et 36. Jus antiquum, si nullus sit tutor. SI cui nullus omnino tutor,fuerat, et dabatur, in urbe quidem a pre- tore urbano et majore parte tribu- norum plebis, tutor ex lege Atilia: im provinciis vero 4 presidibus pro- vinciarum ex lege Julia et Titia. Under the law Atilia, the praetor of the city, with a majority of the tribunes, might assign tutors to all who were not otherwise intitled. In the provinces, tutors were appointed by the respective governors under the law Julia and Titia. Si spes sit futuri tutoris testamentarii. § I. Sed et, si in testamento tutor sub conditione, aut ex die certo da- tus fuerat, quamdiu conditio aut dies pendebat, iisdem legibus tutor alius interim dari poterat. Item si purée datus fuerat, quamdiu ex tes- tamento nemo heres existebat, tam- diu ex iisdem legibus tutor peten- dus erat, qui desinebat esse tutor, si conditio extiterat, aut dies vene- rat, aut heres extiterat. § 1. If a testamentary tutor had been appointed conditionally, or from a certain day, another tutor might have been assigned by virtue of the above named laws, while the condition depended or until the day came. Also if a tutor had been given unconditionally, yet, as long as the testamentary heir deferred taking upon him the inheritance, another tutor might have been appointed during the interval. But his office ceased, when the condition happen- ed, the day came, or the inheritance was entered upon. Si tutor ab hostibus sit captus. $ IL Ab hostibus quoque tutore capto, ex his legibus tutor peteba- tur; qui desinebat esse tutor, si is, qui captus erat, in civitatem rever- sus fuerat: nam reversus recipiebat tutelam jure postliminii. $ 2. By the Atilian and Julio-ti- tian laws,if a tutor was taken by the enemy, another tutor wasapplied for whose office ceased, of course, when the first tutor returned from captivi- ty; for he then resumed the tutel- age by his right of return. LIB. I. TIT. XxX. Quando et cur desierint ex dictis legibus tutores dari. § III. Sed ex his legibus tutores pupillis desierunt dari, posteaquam primo consules pupillis utriusque sexus tutores ex inquisitione dare coeperunt, deinde preetores ex con- stitutionibus. Nam supradictis le- gibus neque de cautione 4 tutoribus exigenda, rem pupillis salvam fore, neque de compellendis tutoribus ad tutelee administrationem, quicquam cavebatur. $ 3. But these laws fell into dis- use, first when the consuls began to assign tutors to pupils of either sex, on inquisition; and next, when the preetors were invested with the same authority by imperial constitutions. For, by the above mentioned laws, no security was required from the tutors for the forthcoming of the property, neither were they compel- led to act. Jus novum. § IV. Sed hoc jure utimur, ut Rome quidem prefectus urbi, vel praetor secundum suam jurisdictio- nem, in provinciis autem presides ex inquisitione, tutores crearent; vel magistratus jussu preesidum, si non sint magne pupillis facultates. § 4. But latterly, at Rome, the preefect of the city, or the preetor according to his jurisdiction, and, in the provinces, the respective gover- nors may assign tutors upon in- quiry; so may an inferior magis- trate at the command of a governor, if the possessions of the pupil are not large. Jus novissimum. $ V. Nos autem, per constituti- onem nostram hujusmodi difficul- tates hominum resecantes, nec ex- pectata jussione presidum, dispo- suimus, si facultates pupilli vel adulti usque ad quingentos solidos valeant, defensores civitatum und cum ejusdem civitatis religiosissi- mo antistite, vel alias personas pub- licas, id est, magistratus, vel juri- dicum Alexandrine civitatis, tu- tores vel curatores creare; legitima cautelé secundim ejusdem consti- tutionis normam preestanda, videli- cet eorum periculo, qui eam acci- piunt. $ 5. But for the ease of our sub- jects we have ordained, that the judge of Alexandria and the magis- trates of every city, together with the chief ecclesiastic, may assign tutors or curators to pupils or a- dults, whose fortunes do not exceed. five hundred aurei, without waiting for the command of the governor, to whose province they belong. But all such magistrates must, at their peril, take from every tutor, so ap- pointed, the security required by our constitution. LIB. I. TIT. XXI. 49 Ratio tutele. § VI. Impuberes autem in tuteld esse, naturali juri conveniens est ; ut is, qui perfecte statis non sit, alterius tutela regatur. § 6. It is agreeable to the law of nature, that persons under puberty, should be under tutelage; that all who are not of ripe age may be un- der the government of proper per- sons. De tutele ratione reddenda. § VIL. Cum ergo pupillorum pu- pillarumque tutores negotia gerant, post pubertatem tutele judicio ra- tionem reddunt. $7. Hence as tutors administer the affairs of their pupils, they may be compelled to account, by an action of tutelage, when their pupils arrive at puberty. TITULUS VIGESIMUS-PRIMUS. DE AUCTORITATE TUTORUM. D. xxvi. T. 8. C.v. T. 59. In quibus causis auctoritas sit necessaria. AUCTORITAS autem tutoris in quibusdam causis necessaria pu- pillis est, in quibusdam non est ne- cessaria: ut, ecce, si quid dari sibi stipulentur, non est necessaria tu- toris auctoritas; quod si aliis pro- mittant pupilli, necessaria est tutoris auctoritas : namque placuit, me- liorem quidem conditionem licere iis facere etiam siné tutoris aucto- ritate; deteriorem vero non aliter, quam cum tutoris auctoritate. Un- de in his causis, ex quibus obliga- tiones mutuz nascuntur, ut in emp- 7 The authority or confimation of a tutor is in some cases necessary, and in others not. When a man stipulates tomake a gift to a pupil, the authority of the tutor is not re- quisite; but, if a pupil enters into a contract, it is so; for the rule is, that pupil may better their condi- tion, but not impair it, without the authority of their tutors. And there- fore in all cases of mutual obliga- tion, as in buying, selling, letting, hiring, mandates, deposites, &c. he, who contracts with a pupil, is bound 50 LIB. I. tionibus, venditionibus, locationi- bus, mandatis, depositis, si tutores auctoritas non interveniat, ipsi qui- dem, qui cum his contrahunt, obli- gantur ; at nvicem pupilli non obli- gantur. TIT. XXI. by the contract; but not the pupil, unless the tutor hath authorised it. Exceptio. § I. Neque tamen hereditatem adire, neque bonorum possessionem petere, neque hereditatem ex fidei- commisso suscipere, aliter possunt, hisi tutoris auctoritate, (quamvis illis lucrosa sit,) ne ullum damnum habeant. § 1. But no pupil, without the authority of his tutor, can enter up- on an inheritance, or take upon him the possession of goods, oran inheri- tance in trust; for, there is a possi- bility of damage, as well as gain, Quomodo auctoritas interponi debet, § II. Tutor autem statim in ipso negotio presens debet auctor fieri, si hoc pupillo prodesse existimave- rit. Post tempus vero, vel per epis- tolam, aut per nuntium, interposita auctoritas nihil agit. § 2. If a tutor would authorise any act, which he esteems advanta- geous to his pupil, he should be per- sonally present; for his authority hath no effect, when given by letter, by messenger, or after contract. Quo casu interponi non potest. § III. Si inter tutorem pupillum- que judicio agendum sit, quia ipse tutor in rem suam auctor esse non potest, non preetorius tutor (ut olim) constituir, sed curator in locum ejus datur; quo curatore interveniente, judicitum peragitur ; et, eo peracto, curator esse desinit. $3. When a suit is to be commen- ced between a tutor and his pupil, inasmuch as the tutor cannot exer- cise his authority, as such, against himself, a curator, and not a preeto- rian tutor, (as was formerly the cus- tom,) is appointed, by whoseinven- tion the suit is carried on; and, when it is determined, the curator- ship ceases. LIB. I. TIT. XX. 51 TITULUS VIGESIMUS-SECUNDUS. QUIBUS MODIS TUTELA FINITUR,. C.v. T. 60. De pubertate. PUPILLI, pupillzque, cum pu- beres esse coeperint, 4 tutela liberan- tur. Pubertatem autem veteres qui- dem non solim ex annis, sed etiam ex habitu corporis, in masculis ssti- mari volebant. Nostra autem ma- jestas, dignum esse castitate nostro- rum temporum existimans, bené putavit, quod in feeminis etiam an- tiquis impudicum esse visum est, id est, inspectionem habitudinis cor- poris, hoc etiam in masculos exten- dere: et idco, nostra sancta consti- tutione promulgata pubertatem in masculis post decimum quartum annum completum illicd initium ac- cipere disposuimus : antiquitatis norman in foeminis bené positam in suo ordine relinquentes, ut post du- odecim annos.completos, viri poten- tes esse credantur. Pupils, both male and female, are freed from tutelage, when they ar- rive at puberty. The ancients judg- ed of puberty in males, not by years only, but also by the habit of their bo- dies. But our imperial majesty, re- garding the purity of the present times, hath thought it proper, that the same decency, which was ever observed towards females, should be extended also to males: and there- fore, by our sacred constitution, we have enacted, that puberty in-males should be reputed to commence im- mediately after the completion of their fourteenth year. But, in rela- tien to females, weleave that whole- someand ancient rule of law unalter- ed by which they are esteemed mar- riageable after the twelfth year is completed. De capitis diminutione pupilli. $I. Item finitur tutela, si ar- gati sint adhuc impuberes, vel de portati: item si in servitum pu- pillus redigatur, vel si ab hostibus captus fuerit. $1. Tutelage is determined ‘be- ‘fore puberty, if the pupil is either arrogated, or suffers deportation, or is reduced to slavery, or becomes a captive. De conditionis eventu. $ II. Sed et, si usque ad certam conditionem datus sit tutor testa- mento, zeque evenit, ut desinat esse tutor existente conditione. $2. But, if a testamentary tutor is given upon a certain condition, when that condition is filled, the tu- telage ceases. : 52 LIB. I. TIT. XXII. De morte. $ IIL. Simili modo finitur tutela morte pupillorum vel tutorum. $3. Tutelage ends also by death of the tutor, or the pupil. De capitis diminutione. § IV. Sec et capitas diminutione tutoris, per quam libertas vel civi- tas amittitur, omnis tutela perit. Minima autem capitis diminutione tutoris, veluti si se arrogandum de- derit, legitima tantum perit ; cetera non pereunt. Sed pupilli et pupille capitis diminutio, licet minima sit, omnes tutelas tollit. $4. When a tutor under the great- er diminution of state, loses his liber- ty and his citizenship, his tutelage is extinguished. But, if the least diminution only is suffered, as when a tutor gives himself in arrogation, then no species of tutelage is extin- guished, but the legal. But every diminution of state in pupils, takes away all tutelage. De tempore. § V. Preeterea, qui ad certum tempus testamento dantur tutores, finito eo, deponunt tutelam. § 5. These, who are testamenta- ry tutors for a term only, are dis- charged at the expiration of such term. De remotione et excusatione. § VI. Desinunt etiam tutores esse, qui vel removentur 4 tutela ob id, quod suspecti visit sunt; vel qui ex justa causd se excusant, et onus administrande tutele depo- nunt, secundum ea, que inferius proponemus. $ 6. They also cease to be tutors, who are removed on suspicion; or excuse and exempt themselves from the burden of tutelage for just rea- sons; of which hereafter. LIB. I. TIT. XXiIil. TITULUS 53 VIGESIMUS-TERTIUS. DE CURATORIBUS. D. xxvii. T. 10. C. v. T. 70. De adultis. ‘“MASCULI quidem puberes, et foeming vira potentes, usque ad vi- gesimum quintum annum comple- tum curatores accipiunt; quia licet puberes sint, adhuc tamen ejus e- tatis sunt, ut sua negotia tueri non possint. Males arrived at puberty, and fe- males marriageable, do nevertheless receive curators, until they have completed their twenty-fifth year : for, they are not yet of an age to take proper care of their own affairs. A quibus dentur curatores. $1. Dantur autem curatores ab eisdem magistratibus, 4 quibus et tutores. Sed curator testamento non datur; datus tamen confirma- tur decreto pretoris vel preesidis. Quibus $ IL. Item inviti adolescentes curatores non accipiunt, preeter- quam in litem; curator enim et ad certam causam dari potest. $ 1. Curators are appointed by the same magistrates, who appoint tu- tors. A curator cannot be absolute- ly given by testament, but such nomination must be confirmed, by a preetor or governor of a province. dentur. § 2. No adults can be obliged to receive curators, unless ad litem ; for a curator may be appointed to any special purpose. De furiosis et prodigis. $ ILL. Furiosi quoque, et prodigi, licet majores viginti quinque annis sint, tamen in curatione sunt agna- torum, ex lege duodecim tabular- um. Sed solent Rome preefectus urbi vel preetores, et in provinciis presides, ex inquisitione eis cura- tores dare. § 3. By law of the twelve tables, madmen and prodigals, although of full age, must be under duration of their agnati. But, if there are no agnati, or such only as are un- qualified, then curators are appoint- ed; at Rome, by the prefect of the city, or the preetor ; in the provin- ces, by the governors, after re- quisite inquiry. 54 LIB. I. TIT. XXIII. De mente captis, surdis, &c. § IV. Sed et mente captis, et surdis, et mutis, et illis, que perpe- tuo morbo laborant, (quia rebus suis superesse non possunt,) curatores dandi sunt. § 4. Persons deprived of their in- tellects, deaf, mute, or subject to any continual disorder, since they are unable to manage their own affairs, must be placed under curators. De pupillis. $V. Interdum autem et pupilli curatores accipiunt; ut puta, si le- gitimus tutor non sit idoneus: quo- niam habenti tutorem tutor dari non potest. Item, si testamento datus tutor, vel a pretore aut preside, idoneus non sit ad admi- nistrationem, nec tamen fraudulen- ter nogotia administret, solet ei cu- rator adjungi. Item loco tutorum, qui non in perpetuum, sed ad tem- pus 4 tutela excusantur, solent cu- ratores dari. $5. Sometimes even pupils re- ceive curators; as when the legal tu- tor is unqualified : for a tutor must not be given to him, who already has a tutor. Also, if a tutor by testa- ‘ment, or appointed by a preetor, or the goverenor of a province, appears afterwards incapable of executing his trust, it is usual, although he is guilty of no fraud, to appoint a cu- rator to be joined with him. It is also usual to assign curators in the place of tutors excused for a time only. De constituendo actore. $ VI. Quod si tutor vel adversd valetudine, vel alia necessitate, im- pediatur, quo minus negotia pupilli administrare possit, et pupillus vel absit, vel infans sit, quem velit ac- torem, periculo ipsius tutoris, pre- tor, vel qui provinciz preerit, de- creto constituet. §$ 6. If a tutor, by illness or any other necessary impediment, should be disabled from the execution of his office, and his pupil should be ab- sent, or an infant, then the preetor, or governor of the provinceshall decree any person, whom the tutor ap- proves of to be the pupil’s agent, on the responsibility of the tutor. LIB. L. TIT. XXIV. 55 TITULUS VIGESIMUS-QUARTUS. DE SATISDATIONE TUTORUM, VEL CURATORUM. a D. xxvii. T. 7. C. v. T. 57. Qui satisdare cogantur. NE tamen pupillorum, pupilla- rumve, et eorum, qui queeve in cu- ratione sunt, negia a curatoribus tutoribusve consumantur vel dimi- nuantur, curet pretor, ut et tutores et. curatores eo nomine satisdent. Sed hoc non est perpetuum; nam tutores testamento dati, satisdare non coguntur: quia fides eorum et diligentia ab ipso testatore approba- taest. Item ex inquisitione tutores vel curatores dati, satisdatione non onerantur, quia idonei electi sunt. It is a branch of the preetor’s office to see, that tutors and curators give a sufficient security for the safety and indemnification of their pupils. But this is not always necessary; for a testamentary tutor is not com- pelled to give security, inasmuch as his fidelity and diligence seem suf- ficiently approved of by the testator. Also tutors, and curators appointed upon inquiry, are supposed to be qualified, and therefore not obliged to give security. Quatenus satisdatio in iis, qui satisdare non compelluntur, locum habere possit, $I. Sed, si ex testamento vel in- quisitione duo pluresve dati fuerint, potest unus offerre satisdationde in- demnitate pupilli vel adolescentis, et contutori suo vel concuratori preeferri, ut solus administret; vel ut contutor aut concurator satis of- ferens preponatur ei, ut et ipse solus administret. Itaque per se non po- test petere satisdationem a contu- tore vel concuratore; sed offerre de- bet, ut electionem det concuratorl vel contutori suo, utrum velit satis accipere, an satisdare. (Quod si nemo eorum satis offerat; siquidem adscriptum fuerit 4 testatore, quis gerat, ille gerere debet; quod si non fuerit adscriptum, quem major pars $ 1. If two, or more, are appoint- ed by testament, or by a magistrate, after inquiry, to be tutors or cura- tors, any one of them, by offering security, may be preferred to the sole administration, or cause his co- tutor, or co-curator, to give security, in order to be admitted himself to the administration. Thus a man cannot demand security from his co-tutor or co-curator; but by offer- ing it himself, he may compel his co-tutor, or co-curator, to give or receive security. When no securi- ty is offered, the person appointed by the testator must be preferred ; but, if no such person be appointed, then he must administer whom a 56 LIB. I. TIT. XXIV. elegerit, ipse gerere debet, ut edicto pretoris cavetur. Sin autem ipsi tutores dissenserint circa eligend- um eum vel eos, qui gerere debent, preetor partes suas inteponere de- bet. Idem et in pluribus ex inqui- sitione datis comprobandum est; id est, ut major pars eligere possit, per quem administratio fiat. majority of the tutors shall elect, according to the pretorian edict: if they disagree in their choice, the praetor may interpose. ‘The same rule is to be observed, when many, either tutors or curators, are nomi- nated on inquisition by the magis- trate, viz. that a majority determine who shall administer. Qui ex administratione tutele vel curationis tenentur. § IL Sciendum autem est, non solum tutores vel curatores pupillis vel adultis, ceterisque personis, ex administratione rerum teneri: sed etiam in eos, qui satisdationem ac- cipiunt, subsidiariam actionem es- se, que ultimum eis presidium possit afferre. Subsidiaria autem actio in eos datur, qui aut omnind & tutoribus vel curatoribus satisdari non curaverunt, aut non idonée pas- si sunt caveri: que quidem tam ex prudentum responsis, quam ex con- stitutionibus imperialibus, etiam in heredes eorum extenditur. $ 2. It is to be noted that tutors and curators are not alone subject to an action, on account of adminis- tering the affairs of pupils, minors, and others under their protection. For a subsidiary action, which is the last remedy to be used, will also lie against a magistrate either for entirely omitting to take, or for tak- ing insufficient sureties: and this action according to the answers of the lawyers, as well as by the im- perial constitutions, is extended even against the heir of such ma- gistrate. Si tutor vel curator cavere nolit. § IT. Quibus constitutionibus et illud exprimitur, ut, nisi caveant tutores et curatores, pignoribus cap- tis coerceantur. § 3. By the same constitutions it is expressly enacted, that tutors and curators, who refuse to give cau- tion, may be compelled to it. Qui dicta actione non tenentur. § IV. Neque autem prefectus urbi, neque preetor, neque preses provinciz, neque quisqaum alius, cui tutores dandi jus est, hac ac- tione tenebitur: sed hi tantummo- do, qui satisdationem exigere so- lent. § A. Neither the prefect of the city, nor the pretor, nor the governor of a province, nor any other, who has power to assign tutors, shall be subject to a subsidiary action: but those magistrates only are liable to it, who exact the security. LIB. I. TIT. XXVv. 57 TITULUS VIGESIMUS-QUINTUS. DE EXCUSATIONIBUS TUTORUM VEL CURATORUM. D. xxvii. aD, C.v. T. 62. De numero liberorum. EXCUSANTUR autem tutores et curatores variis ex causis; ple- rumque tamen propter liberos, sive in potestate sint, sive emancipati. Si enim tres liberos superstites Ro- mez quis habeat, vel in Italia qua- tuor, vel in provinciis quinque, 4 tutela vel cura potest excusari, ex- emplo caterorum munerum; nam et tutelam et curam placuit publi- cum munus esse. Sed adoptivi li- beri non prosunt; in adoptionem autem dati naturali parti, prosunt. Item nepotes ex filio prosunt, ut in locum patris sui succedant; ex filia non prosunt. Filii autem super- stites tantum ad tutele vel cure muneris excusationem prosunt: de- functi autem non prosunt. Sed, si in bello amissi sunt, quesitum est, an prosint? Et constat, eos solos prodesse, qui in acie amituntur. Hi enim, qui pro republica cecide- runt, in perpetuum per gloriam vi- vere intelliguntur. Persons, nominated. as tutors, or curators, may, upon diverse ac- counts, excuse themselves; general- ly as having children, whether sub- ject, or emancipated. For at Rome, if a man has three children living, in Italy four, or in the Provinces five, he may therefore be excused from tutelage and curation, as well as from other employments of a public nature; for both tutelage and curation are esteemed public offices. But adopted children will not avail the adoptor; they will nevertheless excuse their natural father, who gave them in adoption. Also grand- children by a son, when they suc- ceed in place of their father, will excuse their grand-father; but erand- children by a daughter will not. Those children only, who are liv- ing, can excuse from tutelage and curation; the deceased are of no avail: should it be asked if a parent can count upon sons, destroyed in war? We must answer, he can avail himself of those only, who perished in battle: for those who have fallen for the republic, are es- teemed to live in the immortality of their fame. 58 LIB. I. TIT. XXV. De administratione rei fiscalis. § I. Item divus Marcus in se- mestribus rescripsit, eum, qui res fisci administrat, 4 tutelaé et cura quamdiu administrat, excusari pos- se. De absentia reipublice causa. $ IL. Item, qui reipublicee causa absunt, 4 tutelaé vel cura excusan- tur. Sed et, si fuerint tutores vel curatores dati, deinde reipublicee causa abesse cceperint, a tutela vel cura excusantur, quatenus reipub- lice causé absunt: et interea cura- tor loco eorum datur; qui, si rever- si fuerint, recipiunt onus tutele: nam nec anni habent vacationem, ut Papinianus libro quinto respon- sorum scripsit: nam hoc spatium habent ad novas tutelas vocati. $ 1. The emperor Marcus declar- ed by rescript from his Semestriat council, that a person engaged in the Treasury Department 1s ex- cused from tutelage and curation, while so employed. ' § 2. Persons absent on public bu- siness, are exempted from tutelage and curation; and if such, who are already assigned to be either tutors or curators, should afterwards be thus absent, they are excused while they continue in public service; and curators must be appointed in their place; on their return, they must a- gain take upon them the burden of tutelage. But they are not intitled (as Papinian asserts in the fifth book of his answers) to the privi- lege of a year’s vacation: for that term is allowed to those only, who are called to a new tutelage. De potestate. § ID. Et, qui potestatem ali- quam habent, se excusare possunt, ut divus Marcus rescripsit: sed su- sceptam tutelam deserere non pos- sunt. .§ 3. By a rescript of the emperor Marcus, all superior magistrates may, as such, excuse themselves; but they cannot desert a tutelage once undertaken. De lite cum pupillo vel adulto. §$ IV. Item propter litem, quam cum pupillo vel adulto tutor vel cu- rator habet, excusari non potest: nisi forté de omnibus bonis vel hereditate controversia sit. § 4. No tutor or curator can ex- cuse himself by alleging a law-suit with the pupil or minor; unless the suit is for all the goods, or the whole inheritance of such pupil or minor. LIB. I. TIT. XXV. 59 De tribus tutele et cure non oneribus. § V. Item tria onera tutelz non affectatee, vel curse, preestant vaca- tionem, quanditi. administrantur : ut tamen, plurium pupillorumtutela vel cura eorundem bonorum, veluti fratrum, pro und computetur. $ 5. Three tutelages or curator- ships unsolicited, excuse during their continuance, from the burden of a fourth. But the tutelage or curation of many pupils, as of sev- eral brothers under one patrimony, is reckoned as one only. De paupertate. § VI. Sed et propter pauperta § 6. The divine brothers have tem excusationem tribui, tam divi declared by their rescript, and the fratres, quam per se divus Marcus emperor Marcus also, that poverty rescripsit, si quis imparem se oneri isa sufficient excuse, when it can injuncto possit docere. be proved such, as to render a man incapable of the burden imposed upon him. * De adversa valetudine. § VII. Item propter adversam valetudinem, propter quam ne suis quidem negotiis interesse potest, excusatio locum habet. § 7. Illness also, if it prevent a man from transacting his own busi- ness, is a sufficient excuse. De imperitia literarum. § VIII. Similiter eos qui literas nesciunt, esse excusandos, Divus Pius rescripsit; quamvis et impe- riti literarum possint ad administra- tionem negotiorem suflicere. $ 8. By the rescript of the em- peror Antoninus Pius, illiterate per- sons are to be excused; although in some cases they may suffice. De inimicita patris. $ IX. Item si propter inimiciti- as aliquem testamento tutorem pa- ter dederit, hoc ipsum prestat ei excusationem; sicut per contrari- um non excusantur, qui, se tutelam administraturos, patri pupillorum promiserant. § 9. If a father through enmity appoints any particular person, by testament, the motive will afford a sufficient excuse. Contrawise, he who by promise hath engaged him, self to a testator, can not be excus- ed from the office of tutelage. 60 LIB. I. TIT. XXvV. De ignorantia testatoris. § X. Non esse autem admitten- dam excusationem ejus, qui hoc solo utitur, quod ignotus patri pu- pillorum sit, Divi fratres rescripse- runt. $ 10. The divine brothers have enacted by their rescript, that the pretence of being unknown to the father of a pupil is not of itself a sufficient excuse. De inimicitiis cum patre pupilli vel adulti. § XI. Inimicitie, quas quis cum patre pupillorum vel adultorum exercuit, si capitales fuerunt, nec reconciliatio intervenit, 4 tutela vel cura solent excusare. § XI. A capital enmity, against the father of a pupil or adult, un- reconciled, is usually considered as an excuse from tutelage or curator- ship. De status controversia a patre pupilli illata. $ XIT. Item is, qui status con- troversiam a pupillorum patre pas- sus est, cxcusatur 4 tutela. * § 12. Also he, whose condition hath been controverted by the fa- ther of the pupil, is excused from the tutelage. De etate. § XIII. Item major septuaginta annis 4 tutelé et cura se potest ex- cusare. Minores autem viginti quinque’annis olim quidem excu- sabantur: nostra autem constitu- tione prohibentur ad tutelam vel curam adspirare; aded ut nec ex- cusaitone opus sit. Qua constitu- tione cavetur, ut nec pupillus ad legitimam tutelam vocetur, nec adultus: cum sit incivile, eos, qui alieno auxilio in rebus suis admin- istrandis egere noscuntur, et ab aliis reguntur, aliorum tutelam vel | curam subire. §$ 13. Persons above seventy years of age, may be excused from tutelage and curation. Also mi- nors were formerly excusable; but, by our constitution, they are now prohibited from aspiring to these trusts ; so that excuses are become unnecessary. By the same consti- tution, neither pupils, nor adults shall be called even to a legal tute- lage. For it is absurd that per- sons, who are themselves govern- ed, and need assistance in the ad- minisiration of their own affairs, should be admitted, either as tutors or curators, to manage the affairs of others. De militia. § XIV. Idem et in milite obser- vadum est, ut nec volens ad tutele onus admittatur. $ 14. Note also, that no military persons, although willing, can be admitted as tutor or curator. . LIB. L. TIT. XXV. 61 De grammaticis, rhetoribus, et medicis. § XV. Item Rome grammatici, rhetores, et medici, et qui in patria sua has artes exercent, et intra numerum sunt, 4 tutela et cura ha- bent vacationem. § 15. At Rome, grammarians, rhetoricians, and physicians, and they who exercise such professions in their own country, within the number authorised, are exempted from tutelage and curation. De tempore et modo proponendi excusationes. § XVI. Qui autem et vult excu- sare, si plures habeat excusationes, et de quibusdam non probaverit, aliis uti, intra tempora constituta, non prohibetur. Qui autem excu- sare se volunt, non appellant, sed intra quinquaginta dies continuos, eX quo cognoverint se tutores vel curatores datos, se excusare de- bent, cujuscunque generis sint; id est, qualitercunque dati fuerint tu- tores, si intra centesimum lapidem sint ab eo loco, ubi tutores dati sunt. Si vero ultra centesimum lapidem habitant, dinumeratione facta viginti millium diurnorum, et amplius triginta dierum; qui tamen, ut Sceevola dicebat, sic debent com- putari, ne minus sint, quam quin- quaginta dies. § 16. He who can allege many excuses, and hath failed in his proof of some, is not prohibited from as- signing others within the time pre- scribed. But tutors and curators of whatever kind; whether legal, testa- mentary, or dative, (if desirous to excuse themselves) ought not to prefer an appeal from their appoint- ment; but they should exhibit their excuses before the proper magis- trate, within fifty days after they are certified of their nomination, if they are within an hundred miles from the place of nomination. But, if they are distant more than an hundred miles, they are allowed a day for every twenty miles, and thirty days besides; which, taken together, ought never, according to Scevola, to make a less number of days than fifty. De excusatione pro parte patrimonil. $ XVII. Datus autem tutor ad universum patrimonium datus esse creditur. § 17. When a tutor is appointed, he is considered as having the care of the whole patrimony of his pupil. De tutele gestione. § XVIII. Qui tutelam alicujus gessit, invitus curator ejusdem fieri non compellitur; in tantum ut, li- cet pater-familias, qui testamento tutorem dedit, adjecerit se eundem $18. A tutor of a minor, cannot be compelled to become his curator: and, by the rescript of the emperors Severus and Antoninus,although the father of a family should, by testa- 62 LIB. I. TIT. XXVI. curatorem dare, tamen, invitum eum curam suscipere non cogen- dum, divi Severus et Antoninus rescripserunt. ment, appoint any person to be first the tutor of his children, and after- wards their curator, the person so appointed if unwilling, is not com- pellable to serve. De marito. § XIX. Idem _ rescripserunt, maritum uxori sue curatorem da- tum excusare se posse, licet se im- misceat. § 19. The same emperors have enacted, that a husband may ex- cuse himself from being curator to his wife, even after he hath begun to act. De falsis allegationibus. § XX. Si quis autem falsis alle- gationibus excusationem tutele me- ruerit, non est liberatus onere tute- le. § 20. If any man by false allega- tions, hath merited to be removed from tutelage, he is not therefore freed from the burden of this office. TITULUS VIGESIMUS-SEXTUS. DE SUSPECTIS TUTORIBUS VEL CURATORIBUS. D. xxvi. T. 10. C. v. T. 43. ‘Unde suspecti crimen descendat. SCIENDUM est, suspecti cri- men ex lege duodecim tabularum descendere. The accusation of a suspected tutor, or curator, is derived from the law of the twelve tables. Qui de hoc crimine cognoscunt, § I. Datum autem est jus remo- vendi tutores suspectos Rome pree- tori, et in provinciis presidibus ea- rum, et legato proconsulis. § 1. At Rome the power of re- moving suspected tutors belongs to the preetors; in the provinces to the governors, or to the legate of a proconsul. LIB. I. TIT. xxvi 63 Qui suspecti fieri possunt.- $ IL. Ostendimus, qui possunt de Suspecto cognoscere; nunc videa- mus, qui suspecti fieri possint: et possunt quidem omnes tutores fieri suspecti, sive sint. testamentarii, sive non sint, sed alterius generis tutores. Quare etsi legitimus fuerit tutor, accusari poterit. Quid si pa- tronus? Adhuc idem erit dicendum: dummodo meminerimus, fame pa- troni parcendum esse, licet ut sus- pectus remotus fuerit. $2. We have shewn what magis- trates may take cognisance of sus- pected persons: let us now inquire, what persons may become suspect- ed. And all tutors may become so, whether testamentary, or other. For even a legal tutor may be ac- cused ; so may al patron: but] we must remember, that, as such, his reputation must be spared, although he be removed from his trust, as a suspected person. Qui possunt suspectos postulare. $ III. Consequens est, ut videa- mus, qui possint suspectos postu- lare. Et sciendum est, quasi pub- licam esse hanc accusationem ; hoc est, omnibus patere. Quinimo mu- lieres admittuntur ex rescripto di- vorum Severi et Antonini; sed he sole, que, pietatis necessitudine ductze, ad hoe procedunt: ut puta mater, nutrix quoque et avia: po- test et soror. Sed et, si qua alia mulier fuerit, quam preetor propen- sa pietate intellexerit, sextis verec- undiam non egredientem, sed_pie- tate productam, non sustinere inju- riam pupillorum, admittet eam ad accusationem. $§ 3. Let us then inquire, by whom suspected persons may be accused. Now an accusation of this sort is of a public nature, and open to all. For, by a rescript of the emperors Severus and Antoninus, even wo- men are admitted to be accusers; yet such only, as are induced by their duty, or by their relation to the minor; thus a mother, a nurse, or a grand-mother, or a sister, may be- come accusers. But the preetor can at discretion admit any women, who acting with becoming modesty, but impatient of wrongs offered to pu- pils, appears to have no other mo- tive, than to relieve the injured. An pubes vel impubes. $ IV. Impuberes non possunt tu- tores suos suspectos postulare: pu- beres autem curatores suos ex con- silio necessariorum suspectos pos- Sunt arguere: et ita Divi Severus et Antoninus rescripserunt. $ 4. No pupil can bring an accu- sation of suspicion against his tu- tor; but adults, by the rescript of Severus and Antoninus, are permit- ed, when they act by advice of per- sons related to them, to accuse their curators. (Prochein Ami.) 64 LIB. I. TIT. XXVI. Qui dicatur suspectus. § V. Suspectus autem est, qui non ex fide tutelam gerit, licet sol- vendo sit, ut Julianus quoque scrip- sit. Sed, et anteaquam incipiat tutelam gerere tutor, posse eum quasi suspectum removeri, idem Julianus scripsit: et secundum eum constitutum est. De effectu §$ VI. Suspectus autem remotus, siquidem ob dolum, famosus est: si ob culpam, non eque. $ 5. Any tutor however responsi- ble who does not faithfully execute his trust, may, according to Julian, be pronounced suspected. And it is also his opinion adhered to in our constitutions, that a tutor may be removed from his office, as suspect- ed, even before he has begun to execute it. remotionis. $ 6. A suspected person removed, if on account of fraud, is infamous, if for neglect only, not equally so. De effectu accusationis. § VI. Si quis autem suspectus postulatur, quoad cognitio finiatur, interdicitur ei administratio, ut Pa- piniano visum est. Quibus modis $ VIII. Sed, si suspecti cognitio suscepta fuerit, posteaque tutor vel curator decesserit, extinguitur sus- pecti cognitio. § 7. If any tutor is accused upon suspicion, his administration, ac- cording to Papinian, is suspended, while the accusation is pending. cognitio finitur. § 8. If a suspected tutor or cura- tor should die, pending the accusa- tion, the cognisance of it is extin- guished. Si tutor copiam sui non faciat. § IX. Si quis tutor copiam sui non faciat, ut alimenta pupillo de- cernantur, cavetur epistolé divorum Severi et Antonini, ut in possessio- nem bonorum ejus pupillus mitta- tur; et, que moré deteriora futura sunt, dato curatore, distrahi juben- tur: ergo, ut suspectus, removeri poterit, qui non preestat alimenta. §$ 9. If a tutor fails to appear, to avoid a decree of maintenance for his pupil, it is provided by the con- stitution of Severus and Antoninus, that the pupil shall be put into the possession of his tutor’s effects ; and that, a, curator being appointed, those things, which are perishable, may be sold: and a tutor, not af- fording maintenance to his pupil, may be removed, as suspected. LIB. I. TIT. XXVL 65 Si neget alimenta decerni posse, vel tutelam redemerit. $ X. Sed, si quis preesens negat propter inopiam alimenta posse de- cerni, si hoc per mendacium dicat, remittendum eum esse ad prefec- tum urbi puniendum placuit, sicut ille remittitur, qui data pecunia, ministerium tutele acquisierit, vel redemerit. § 10. But if the tutor appearing, falsely avers, that the effects of his pupil are insufficient for an allow- ance, he shall be remitted to be the prefect of the city, and punished in the same manner, as one who hath acquired a tutelage by bribery. De liberto fraudulenter administrante. § XI. Libertus quoque, si frau- dulenter tutelam filiorum vel nepo- tum patroni gessisse probetur, ad prefectum urbi remittitur punien- dus. Si suspectus satis offerat ; § XII. Novissimé autum scien- dum est, eos, qui fraudulenter tute- lam administrant, etiamsi satis offe- rant, removendos esse 4 tutela; quia- satisdatio tutoris propositum male- volum non mutat, sed diutius gras- sandi in re familiari facultatem prestat. Suspectum etiam eum putamus, qui moribus talis est, ut suspectus sit. Enimvero tutor vel curator, quamvis pauper sit, fidelis tamen et diligens, removendus non est, quasi suspectus. § 11. Also a freed-man, who is proved to have fraudulently admin- istered the tutelage of the son, or grand-son of his patron, must be re- mitted to the preefect to be punished. et quis dicatur suspectus. $ 12. Lastly, they who unfaith- fully administer their trust, must be removed from it, although they ten- der sufficient security. For giving security alters not the malevolent purpose of the tutor, but procures him a longer opportunity of de- frauding the estate. We also deem every man suspected, whose im- moralities give cause for it: but a tutor or curator who is faithful and diligent, cannot be removed, as a suspected person, merely on ac- count of poverty. ~ FINIS LIBRI PRIMI. DIVI JUSTINIANI INSTITUTIONUM LIBER SECUNDUS. TITULUS PRIMUS. DE RERUM DIVISIONE, ET ACQUIRENDO EARUM DOMINIO. D.1.T. 8. C. xl. T. 1. Continuatio et duplex rerum divisio, SUPERIORE libro de jure per- sonarum exposuimus; modo videa- mus de rebus; que vel in nostro patrimonio, vel extra patrimoni- um nostrum, habentur. Quedam enim naturali jure communia sunt omnium, quedam publica, quedam universitatis, quedam nullius, ple- raque singulorum, que ex variis causis cuique acquiruntur, sicut ex subjectis apparebit. We have treated of persons in the foregoing book; let us now inquire concerning things, which may be divided into such as are, and such as are not within our patrimony, for some things are in common by the law of nature; some are public; some universal; and some there are, to which no man can have a right. But most things are the property of individuals, by whom they are va- riously acquired, as will appear hereafter. De aere, aqua profluente, mari, littore, &c. § I. Et quidem naturali jure communia sunt omnium hec, aer, aqua profluens, mare, et per hoc littora maris: nemo igitur ad littus maris accedere prohibetur; dum ta- men & villis et monumentis et zdi- ficiis abstineat: quia non sunt juris gentium, sicut est mare. § 1. Things common to mankind by the law of nature, are the air, running water, the sea, and conse- quently the shores of the sea; no man therefore is prohibited from approaching any part of the sea- shore, whilst he abstains from da- maging farms, monuments, edifices, &c. which are not in common as the sea is. 68 LIB. II. TIT. 1 De fluminibus et portubus. § II. Flumina autem omnia, et portus, publica sunt: idedque jus piscandi omnibus commune est.in portu fluminibusque. § 2. Rivers and ports are public; hence the right of fishing in a port, or in rivers are in common. Definitio littoris. § III. Est autem littus maris, quatenus hybernus fluctus maxi- mus excurrit. $3. All that tract of land, over which the greatest winter flood ex- tends itself, is the sea-shore. De usu et proprietate riparum. §$ IV. Riparum quoque usus pub- licus est jure gentium, sicut ipsius fluminis; itaque naves ad eas ap- pellere, funes arboribus ibi natis re- ligare, onus aliquod in his reponere, cuilibet liberum est, sicut per ip- sum flumen navigare: sed proprie- tas earum illorum est, quorum pre- diis herent: qua de causa arbores quoque in eisdem nate eorundem sunt. §$ 4. By the law of nations the use of the banks is as public as the rivers; therefore all persons are at equal liberty to land their vessels, unload them, and to fasten ropes to trees upon the banks, as to navigate upon the river itself; still, the banks of a river are the property of those who possess the land adjoining; and therefore the trees which grow upon them, are also the property of the same persons. 7 De usu et proprietate littorum. § V. Littorum quoque usus pub- licus est, et juris gentium, sicut et ipsius maris: et ob id cuilibet libe- rum est casam ibi ponere, in quam se recipiat, sicut retia siccare, et ex mari deducere; proprietas autem eorum potest intelligi nullius esse: sed ejusdem juris esse, cujus et mare, et, que subjacet mari, terra vel arena. $5. The use of the sea-shore, as well as of the sea, is also public by the law of nations; and therefore any person may erect a cottage up- on it, to which he may resort to dry his nets, and hawl them from the water ; for the shores are not un- derstood to be property in any man, but are compared to the sea itself, and to the sand or ground which is under the sea. De rebus universitatis.. § VI. Universitatis sunt, non sin- gulorum, que in civitatibus sunt, $6. Theatres, ground appropri- ated for a race, or public exercise, theatra, stadia, et his similia, et 81 qua alia sunt communia civita- cum. LIB. II. TIT. I. 69 and things of this nature, which belong to a whole city, are public, and not private property. De rebus nullius. § VII. Nullius autem sunt res sacre, et religiose, et sanctee: quod enim divini juris est, id nullius in bonis est. $ 7. Things sacred, religious and holy, belong to no individual: for that which is of divine right, is not private property. De rebus sacris. § VIIL. Sacra tes sunt, ques ritd per pontifices Deo consecrate sunt; veluti zdes sacre, et donaria, que rité ad ministeriurn Dei dedicata sunt; que etiam per nostram con- stitutionem alienari et obligari pro- hibuimus, excepta causa redemp- tionis captivorum. Si quis autem auctoritate sud quasi sacrum sibi constituerit, sacrum non est, sed profanum. Locus autem, in quo zedes sacree sunt edificate, etiam, diruto edificio, sacer adhuc manet, ut et Papinianus scripsit. $ 8. Things, which have been duly consecrated by the pontiffs, are sacred; as churches, chapels, and moveables, properly dedicated to the service of God: which we have forbidden by our constitution to be aliened or obligated, unless for the redemption of captives. But, if a man should consecrate a building by his own authority, it would not thus be rendered sacred; but the ground upon which a sacred. edifice hath once been erected, will, accord- ing to Papinian, continue to be sac- red,although the edifice is destroyed. De religiosis. § IX. Religiosum locum unus- quisque sud voluntate facit, dum mortuum infert in locum suum: in communem autem locum purum, invito socio, inferre non licet: in commune vero sepulchrum etiam, invitis ceteris, licet inferre. Item, si alienus ususfructus est, proprie- tarium placet, nisi consentiente usu- fructuario, locum religiosum non fa- cere. In alienum locum, consenti- ente domino, licét inferre; et, licet postea ratwnit non habuerit, quam § 9. Any man may at his will render his own place religious, by making it the repository of a dead body; yet, when two are joint pos- sessors of ground, not before used for such a purpose, the one cannot make it religious without consent of the other. But, when there is a sepul- chre in common, any joint possessor may use it, although the rest dissent. And, when there is a proprietor, and an usuftuctuary, of the same place, the proprietor, without the consent 70 LIB. II. TIT. 1. illatus est mortuus, tamen locus re- ligiosus fit. of the usufructuary, cannot render it religious. But a dead body may be laid in a place, with consent of the owner; who if he should after- wards dissent, yet the place be- comes religious. De rebus sanctis. § X. Sancte quoque res, veluti muri et porte: civitatis, quodammo- do divini juris sunt; et ideo nullius in bonis sunt. Ided autem muros sanctos dicimus, quia pcena capitis constituta est in eos, qui aliquid in muros deliquerint. Ideo et legum eas partes, quibus pcenas constitui- mus adversus eos, qui contra leges fecerint, sanctiones vocamus. § 10. Holy things also, as the walls and gates of a city, are in some sort of divine right, and there- fore the property of noman. The walls of a city are esteemed holy, inasmuch as any offence against them is punished capitally: and therefore, all those parts of the laws, by which punishments are inflicted upon transgressors, we term sanc- tions. De rebus singulorum. § XI. Singulorum autem homi- num multis modis res fiunt: quar- undum enim, rerum dominium nan- cisimur jure naturali, quod, sicut diximus, appellatur jus gentium; quarundum vero jure civili. Com- modits est itaque a vetustiore jure incipere. Palam est autem, vetus- tius esse jus naturale, quod cum ip- so genere humano rerum natura prodidit. Civilia autem jura tune esse coeperunt, cum et civitates con- di, et magistratus creari et leges scribi, ceeperunt. $ 11. There are various means, by which things become private pro- perty. Ofsome we obtain dominion by the law of nature, which (as we have already observed) is also call- ed the law of nations; of others by the civil law. But it will be most convenient to begin from the more ancient law; that law, which na- ture established at the birth of man- kind; for civil laws could then only begin to exist, when cities began to be built, magistracies to be created, and laws to be written. De occupatione ferarum. § XII. Feree igitur bestia, et vo- lucres, et pisces, et omnia animalia, que mari, ccelo, et terra nascuntur, simul atque ab aliquo capta fuerint, jure gentium statim illius esse in- $ 12. Wild beasts, birds, fish, and all animals, bred either in the sea, the air, or upon the earth, so soon as they are taken, become by the law of nations, the property of the LIB. IL. 4 cipiunt: quod enim ante nullius est, id naturali ratione occupanti conce- ditur: nec interest, feras bestias et volucres utrum in suo fundo quis capiat, an in alleno. Plané, qui alienum fundum ingreditur venandi ut aucupandi gratia, potest 4 domi- no, si is preeviderit, prohiberi, ne in- grediatur. Quicquid autem eorum ceperis, eousque tuum esse intelligi- tur, donec tua custodia coercetur; cum vero tuam evaserit custodiam, et in libertatem naturalem sese re- ceperit, tuum esse desimit, et rurs- us occupantis fit. Naturalem au- tem libertatem recipere intelligitur, cum vel oculos tuos effugerit, vel ita sit in conspectu tuo, ut difficilis sit ejus persecutio. TIT. 1. 71 captor: for natural reason gives to the first occupant, that which had no previous owner: and it is not material, whether a man take wild beasts or birds upon his own, or up- on the ground of another: although whoever hath entered into the ground of another for the sake of hunting or fowling, might have been prohibited by the proprietor, if he had foreseen the intent. Whatever of this kind you take, is regarded as your property while it remains under your coercion; but when it hath escaped your custody, and re- covered its natural liberty, it ceases to be yours and becomes the pro- perty of the first who seizes it. It is understood to have recovered. its natural liberty, if it hath escaped your sight; or although not out of sight, yet if it cannot be pursued and retaken without great difficulty. De vulneratione. $ XIII. Illud quesitum est, an si fera bestia ita vulnerata sit, ut capi possit, statim tua esse intel- ligatur. Et quibusdam placuit, statim esse tuam, et eousque tuam videri, donec eam persequaris: quod. si desieris persequi, desimere tuam esse; et rursus fieri occupantis: alii vero putaverunt, non aliter tuam esse, quam si eam ceperis. Sed posteriorem sententiam nos con- firmamus. quod multa accidere so- leant, ut eam non capias. § 13. It hath been questioned, whether a wild beast belongs to him, by whom it hath been so wounded, that it may been taken. And, in the opinion of some, it doth so, as long as he pursues it; but, if he quits the pursuit, it ceases to be his, and again becomes the right of the first occupant. Others have thought, that property in a wild beast must attach to the actual tak- ing it. We confirm this latter opi- nion; because many accidents hap- pen, which prevent the capture. 72 LIB. II. i bd & De apibus. § XIV. Apium quoque fera na- tura est: itaque apes, que in ar- bore tua consederint, antequam 4 te alveo includantur, non magis tuge intelliguntur esse, quam voluc- res, que in arbore tua nidum fece- rint: idedque, si alius eas incluserit, is earum dominus erit. Favos quo- que, si quos effecerint, eximere qui- libet potest. Plané integra re, si previderis ingredientem fundum tuum, poteris eum jure prohibere, ne ingrediatur. Examen quoque, quod ex alveo tuo evolaverit, eous- que intelligitur esse tuum, donec in conspectu. tuo est, nec difficilis persecutio ejus est; alioquin, oc- cupantis fit. $ 14. Bees also are wild by na- ture: therefore, although they swarm upon your tree, they are not reputed, until they are hived by you, to be more your property, than the birds, which have nests there: so, if any other person inclose them in a hive, he becomes their proprie- tor. Their honeycombs also, if any, become the property of him who takes them: but clearly, if you observe any person entering into your ground, the object untouched, you may justly hinder him. A swarm, which hath flown from your hive, is still reputed to continue yours, as long as it is in sight, and may easily be pursued; but, in any other case, it will become the pro- perty of the oecupant. De pavonibus et columbis, et czeteris animalibus mansuefactis. § XV. Pavonum quoque et co- lumbarum fera natura est; nec ad rem pertinet, quod ex consuetudine evolare et revolare solent; nam et apes idem faciunt, quarum constat feram esse naturam. Cervos quo- que quidem ita mansuetos habent, wt in silvam ire et redire soleant, quorum et ipsorum feram esse na- turam nemo negat, In iis autem animalibus, que ex consuetudine abire et redire solent, talis regula comprobata est; ut eousque tua esse intelligantur, donec animum rever- tendi haheant: nam, si revertendi animum habere desierint, etiam tua esse desinunt, et fiunt occupan- § 15. Peacocks and Pigeons are also naturally wild; nor is it any objection that after every flight, it is their custom to return: for bees that are naturally wild, do so too. Some have had deer so tame, that they would go to the woods, and re- turn at regular periods; yet no one denies, but that deer are wild by na- ture. But, with respect to animals, which go and return customarily, the rule is, that they are considered yours, as long as they retain an in- clination to return; but, if this ceases, they cease to be yours; and will again become the property of those who take them. These : LIB. II. tium. Revertendi autem animum videntur desinere habere tunc, cum revertendi consuetudinem deserue- Tint. De gallinis § XVI. Gallinarum autem et an- serum non est fera natura: idque eX e0, possumus intelligere, quod alize sunt gallinee, quas feras voca- mus; item alii sunt anseres, quos feros appellamus: idedque, si anse- res tui, aut galline tus, aliquo mo- do turbati turbateve evolaverint, licet conspectum tuum effugerint, quocumque tamen loco sint, tui tuzeve esse intelliguntur; et, qui luc- randi animo ea animalia detinet, furtum committere intelligitur. TIT. I. 73 animals seem to have lost the in- clination to return, when they dis- use the custom of returning. et anseribus. § 16. But geese, and fowls are not wild by nature; and this we may observe, because there isa kind of fowls and geese, which in contra- distinction we term wild; and there- fore if your geese or fowls, being dis- turbed and frightened, should take flight, they are still regarded as yours wherever found,although you may have lost sight of them; and whoever detains such animals, with a lucrative view, is understood to commit a theft. — De occupatione in bello. § XVII. Item ea, que ex hosti- bus capimus, jure gentium statim nostra fiunt; adéo quidem, ut et li- beri homines in servitutem nostram deducantur; qui tamen, si evase- rint nostram potestatem, et ad suos reversi fuerint, pristinum statum recipiunt. § 17. What we take from our enemies in war, becomes instantly our own by the law of nations; so that free-men may be brought into a state of servitude by capture; but, if they afterwards escape, and return to their own people, they obtain again their former state. De occupatione eorum, que in littore inveniuntur. § XVIII. Item lapilli, et gemme, et cetera, que in littore maris in- veniuntur, jure naturali statim in- ventoris fiunt. § 18. Precious stones, gems and other things, found upon the sea- shore, become instantly by the law of nations, the property of the finder. De feetu animalium. § XIX. Item ea, que ex animali- bus dominio tuo subjectis nata sunt, eodem jure tibi acquiruntur. 10 $19. The product of those ani- mals, which are reduced to our subjection, becomes by the same law, our own. 74 LIB. II. TIT. I. De alluvione. §$ XX. Preeteréa, quod per allu- vionem agro tuo flumen adjecit, jure gentium tibi acquiritur. Est autem alluvio incrementum latens. Per alluvionem autem id videtur adjici, quod ita paulatim adjicitur, ut intelligi non possit, quantum quo- vue temporis momento adjiciatur. $ 20. Moreover, that ground which a river hath added to your estate by alluvion, becomes your own by the law of nations. And that is said to be alluvion, which is added so gradually, that no one can judge how much is added at each moment of time. De vi fluminis. § XXI. Quod si vis fluminis de tuo preedio partem aliquam detrax- erit, et vicini preedio attulerit, pa- lam est, eam tuam permanere: plané si longiore tempore fundo. vicini tui heserit; arboresque, quas secum traxerit, in eum fundum radices egerint; ex eo tempore videntur vicini fundo acquisitz esse. $ 21. But, if the impetuosity of a river should sever a part of your estate, and adjoin it to that of your neighbour, it is certain, such part would still continue yours; but, if it should remain, for a long time, joined to the estate of your neigh- bour, and the trees, which accompa- nied it, take root in his ground, such trees seem, from the time of taking root, to be acquired to his estate. De insula. § XXIL. Insula, que in mari est (quod raro accidit) occupantis fit: nullius enim esse creditur. At in- sula in flumine nata (quod frequen- ter accidit) si quidem mediam par- tem fluminis tenet, communis est eorum,qui ab utraque parte fluminis prope ripam preedia possident, pro modo scilicet latitudinis cujusque preedii, quae prope ripam sit: quod si alteri proximior sit parti, eorum est tantum, qui ab ea parte prope ripam preedia possident. Quod si qua. parte divisum sit flumen, dein- de infra unitum agrum alicujus in formam insule redegerit, ejusdem § 22. When an island rises in the sea, (which rarely happens) the pro- perty of it is in the occupant; for before occupation, it isin no one. But if an island rises in a river, (which frequently happens) and is placed exactly in the middle of it, such island shall be in common to them, who possess the lands near the banks on each side of the river, in proportion to the extent of each man’s estate adjoining the banks. But, if the island is nearer to one side than the other, it belongs to them only, who possess lands next to the banks on that side, to which LIB. II. permanet is ager cujus et fuerat. TIT. I. Eh the island is nearest. But, if a river divides itself and afterwards unites again, having reduced a tract of land into the form of an island, the land still continues to be the pro- perty of the former owner. De alveo. $ XXIII. Quod si, naturali alveo -in universum derelicto, ad aliam partem fluere ceeperit, prior quidem alveus eorum est, qui prope ripam ejus praedia possident; pro modé scilicet latitudinis cujusque agri, quee prope ripam sit; novus autem alveus ejus juris esse incipit, cujus et ipsum flumen est,id est, publicus : quod si post aliquod tempus ad prio- rem alveum reversum fuerit flumen, rursus novus alveus eorum esse in- cipit, qui prope ripam ejus predia possident. $ 23. Ifa river, entirely forsak- ing its natural channel, hath began to flow elsewhere, the first channel appertains to those, who possess the lands close to the banks of it, in pro- portion to the extent of each man’s estate next to such banks: and the new channel partakes of the nature of the river, and becomes public. And, if after some time the river re- turns to its former channel, the new channel again becomes the property of those who possess the lands con- tiguous to its banks. De inundatione. § XXIV. Alia sané causa est, si cujus torus ager inundatus fuerit; neque enim inundatio fundi speciem commutat: et ob id, si recesserit aqua, palam est eum fundum ejus manere, cujus et fuit. § 24. It is otherwise as to lands, which are overflowed only: for an inundation alters not the face and nature of the earth; and therefore, when the waters have receded, it is clear that the property will still re- main in the same owner. De specificatione, § XXV. Cum ex aliena materia species aliqua facta sit ab aliquo, queri solet, quis eorum naturali ra- tione dominus sit: utrum is, qui fecerit, an potius ille, qui materize dominus fuerat: ut eccé, si quis ex alienis uvis, aut olivis, aut spicis, vinum, aut oleum, aut frumentum, fecerit; aut ex alieno auro, vel § 25. When a man hath made any species, or kind of work, with mate- rials belonging to another, it is of- ten asked, which ought, in natural reason, to be deemed the master of it; whether he who gave the form, or he, who owned the materials? as, if any person should make wine, oil or flour, from the grapes, olives, or 76 LIB. Ii. TIT. 1 argento, vel gre, vas aliquod fece- rit; vel ex alieno vino et melle mul- sum miscuerit; vel ex medicamen- tis alienis emplastrum aut colly- rium composuerit; vel ex aliena lana vestimentum fecerit; vel ex alienis abulis navem, vel armar- ium, vel subsellia, fabricaverit. Dt, post multam Sabinianiorum et Pro- culianorum ambiguitatem, placuit media sententia existimantium, si ea species ad priorem et rudem ma- teriam reduci possit, eum videri do- minium esse, qui materiz dominus fuerit; si non possit reduci, eum potius intelligi dominum, qui fece- rit; ut ecce, vas conflatum potest ad rudem materiam eeris, vel argenti, vel auri, reduci: vinum autem, vel oleum, aut frumentum, ad uvas, vel olivas, vel spicas, reverti non potest: ac ne mulsum quidem ad vinum et mel resolvi potest. Quod si partim ex sua materia, partim ex aliend, speciem aliquam fecerit quis; veluti ex suo vino et alieno melle mulsum miscuerat; aut ex suis et alienis medicamentis em- plastrum aut collyrium; aut ex sud lana vestimentum fecerit; dubitan- dum non est, hoc casu, eum esse dominum, qui fecerit: cum non so- lum operam suam dederit, set ét partem ejusdem materie prestite- rit. corn of another; cast a vessel out of gold, silver, or brass, belonging to another; make mead or mulse with the wine and honey of another; compose a plaster, or eye water with another man’s medicines; make a garment with another’s wool; or fabricate, with the timber of another, a bench, a ship, or a chest? After much controversy, be- tween the Sabinians and Procu- lians, we were best pleased with thé middle opinion of those who thought that, if the species or manu- factured article can be reduced to its former rude materials, then the owner of such materials is also to be reckoned the owner of the species: but, if the species can not be so re- duced, then he, who made it, is un- derstood to be the owner of it: for example; a vessel can easily be re- duced to the rude mass of brass, silver,or gold,of which it was made; but wine, oil, or flour, cannot be converted into grapes, olives,or corn; neither can mulse be separated into wine and honey. But, if a man makes any species, partly with his own, and partly with the materials of another: as, if he should make mulse with his own wine, and an- other’s honey; or a plaster or eye- water, partly with his own, and partly with another man’s medi- cines; or should make a garment with an intermixture of his own wool with that of another; it is not to be doubted in such cases, but that he, who made the species, is master of it; since he not only gave his labour, but furnished also a part of the materials. LIB. II. lb il 77 De accessione. § XXVI. Si tamen alienam pur- puram vestimento suo quis inter- texuerit, licet pretiosior sit purpura, tamen accessionis vice cedit vesti- mento: et, qui dominus fuit pur- pure, adverus eum, qui surripuit, habet furti actionem et condiction- em, sive ipse ‘sit, qui vestimentum fecit, sive alius: nam extincte res licet vindicari non possint, condici tamen 4 furibus et quibusque aliis possessoribus possunt. § 26. If any man shall have in- terwoven the purple of another into his own vestment, then the purple, although more valuable, appertains to the vestment by accession: and the owner of the purple, may have an action of theft, and a personal ac- tion, called a condiction, against the purloiner; whether the vestment was made by him, or by another: for although things, which become, as it were, extinct by the change of their form, cannot be recovered identically, yet a condiction lies for the value of them, either against the thief, or any other possessor. De confusione. §$ XXVIII. Si duorum materize voluntate dominorum confuse sint, totum id corpus, quod ex confusi- one fit, utriusque commune est: veluti si qui vina sua confuderint, aut massas argenti vel auri confla- verint. Sed, etsi,diversee materize sint, et ob id propria species facta sit, forté ex vino et melle mulsum, aut ex auro et argento electrum, idem juris est: nam et hoc casu, communem esse speciem, non dubi- tatur. Quod si fortuitd et non vol- untate dominorum confuse fuerint vel ejusdem generis materia, vel diversze, idem juris esse placuit. § 27. If materials belonging to two persons are mingled by mutual consent, the whole mass, is common to both proprietors: as if they shall have intermixed their wines, or, melted together their gold or silver. The same rule obtains, if diverse substances are so incorporated, as to become one species : as when mulse is made with wine and honey; or electrum by fusing together gold and silver: here no doubt, the spe- cies becomes common: and so it is, when similar or even different sub- stances, are incorporated fortuitous- ly, without the consent of their pro- prietors. De commixtione. § XXVIII. Quod si frumentum Titii frumento tuo mistum fuerit, siquidem voluntate vestra, commu- § 28. If the corn of Titius hath been mixed with yours by consent, the heap is in common; because the 78 ne est; quia singula corpora, id est, singula grana, que cujusque pro- pria fuerunt, consensu vestro com- municata sunt. Quod si casu id mistum fuerit, vel Titius id mis- cuerit sine tué voluntate, non vide- tur commune esse: quia singula corpora in sua substantia durant. Sed nec magis istis casibus com- mune fit frumentum, quam grex in- telligitur esse communis, si pecora, Titii, tuis pecoribus mista fuerint. Sed, si ab alterutro vestrum, totum id frumentum retineatur, in rem quidem actio pro modo frumenti cujusque competit: arbitrio autem judicis continetur, ut ipse estimet, quale cujusque frumentum fuerit. De his que solo cedunt. LIB. II. TIT. 1. single bodies or grains, which were the private property of each, are, with your consent, intermixed. But, if the intermixture were accidental, or if Titius made it without con- sent, it then seems that the corn is not in common; because the grains still remain distinct, and in their proper substance; for corn, in such a case, no more becomes in common, than a flock would be, if the sheep of Titius should intermix with yours. But, if the whole quantity of corn should be retained by either of you, then an action in rem lies for each man’s portion; and it is the duty of the judge to make an esti- mate of the quality, or value, of each portion. De edificatione in suo solo ex aliena materia. §$ XXIX. Cum in suo solo ali- quis ex aliend materia edificaverit, ipse intelligitur dominus eedificii: quia omme, quod solo inedificatur, solo cedit. Nec tamen ideo is, qui materie dorninus fuerat, desinit do- minus ejus esse: sed tantisper ne- que vindicare eam potest, neque ad exhibendum de ea re agere, propter legem duodecim tabularum, qué ca- vetur, ne quis tignum alienum edi- bus suis junctum eximere cogatur, sed duplum pro eo preestet, per ac- tionem, quee vocatur, de tigno junc- to. Appellatione autem tigni, omnis materia significatur, ex qua edificia fiunt. Quod ideo provisum est, ne eedificia rescindi necesse sit. Quod si aliqua ex causa dirutum sit edifi- cium, poterit materiz dominus, si non fuerit duplum jam consequutus, §$ 29. If a man hath raised a building upon his own ground with the materials of another, he is con- sidered the proprietor: for every building is an accession to the ground upon which it stands. But, the owner of the materials, does not lose his right of ownership; for though he cannot demand them specifically, or bring an action for the exhibition of them; since it is provided, by a law of the twelve tables, that a person who has used the materials of another, cannot be compelled to separate them from the building; yet by the action, de tigno juncto, he may be obliged to pay double value: (all materials for building are comprehended under the general term tignum.) The above cited provision, in the law of LIB. IL. tua eam vindicate, etad exhiben- dum de ed re agere. TTE. & 79 the twelve tables, was made to pre- vent the demolition of buildings. But, ifit happen, that in any case, a building should be dissevered, or pulled down, then the owner of the materials, if he hath not already obtained double the value of them, is not prohibited from claiming his identical materials, and to bring his action ad exhibendum. De eedificatione ex sua materia in solo alieno. § XXX. Ex diverso, si quis in alieno solo ex sua materia domum eedificaverit, illius fit domus, cujus et solum est. Sed hoc casu, materize dominus proprietatem ejus amittit, quia voluntate ejus intelligitur esse alienta; utique si non ignorabat, se in alieno solo edificare: et ided, licet diruta sit domus, materiam ta- men vindicare non potest. Certé illud constat, si, in possessione con- stituto eedificatore, soli dominus pe- tat domum_ suam esse, nec solvat pretium materiz ‘et mercedes fabro- rum, posse eum per exceptionem doli mali repelli; utiqué si bone fidei possessor fuerit, qui eedificavit. Nam scienti, solum alienum esse, potest objici culpa, quod edificave- rit temeré in eo solo, quod intelli- gebat alienum esse. § 30. On the contrary, if a man shall have built with his own mate- rials upon the ground of another, the edifice becomes the property of him to whom the ground belongs: in this case the owner of the mate- rials loses his property, because he is understood to have made a vol- untary alienation of it, if he knew he was building upon another’s land; therefore, if the edifice should fall, or be pulled down, such person cannot, even then, claim the mate- rials. But it is clear, that if the builder be in confirmed possession, and the proprietor of the ground should claim the edifice as his, and refuse to pay the price of the mate- rials and the wages of the workmen, he may be repelled by an exception of fraud: provided the builder was in possession bond fide. Otherwise it might be fairly objected, ‘that he had built rashly upon that ground, which he knew to be the property of another.” De plantatione. § XXXI. Si Titius alienam plan- tam in solo suo posuerit, ipsius erit; § 31. If Titius sets another man’s plant in his own ground, the plant 80 LIB, II. TIT. I. et ex diverso, si Titius suam plan- tam in Mevii solo posuerit, Mavii planta erit; si modo utroque casu radices egerit: ante enim quam ra- dices egerit, ejus permanet, cujus fuerat. Aded autem ex eo tempore, quo radices egerit planta, proprie- tas ejus commutatur, ut, si vicini - arbor ita terram Titii presserit, ut in ejus fundum radices egerit, Titii effici arborem dicamus: ratio enim non patitur, ut alterius arbor esse intelligatur, quam cujus in fundum radices egerit: et ideo, circa confin- ium arbor posita, si etiam in vicini fundum radices egerit, communis fit. will belong to Titius: on the con- trary, if Titius shall have set his own plant in Mevius’s ground, the plant will belong to Mevius ; pro- vided in either case, it hath taken root; for, until then, the property re- mains in him who planted it. But from the instant it hath taken root, the property is changed: so that, if the tree of a neighbour borders so closely upon the ground of Titius, as to take root in it, and be wholly nourished there, we may affirm, that such tree is become the property of Titius : for reason doth not permit, that a tree should be deemed the property of any other, than of him, in whose gronnd it hath rooted: therefore, if a tree, planted near the bounds of one person, shall also ex- tend its roots into the lands of ano- ther, it will become common to both. De satione. § XXXII. Qué ratione autem plante, que terre coalescunt, solo cedunt, eadem ratione frumenta quoque, que sata sunt, solo cedere intelliguntur. Ceterum sicut is, qui in alieno solo edificavit, si ab eo dominus petat eedificium, defendi potest per exceptionem doli mali, secundum ea, que diximus; ita e- jusdem exceptionis auxilio, tutus esse potest is, qui alienum fundum sud impensd bona fide consevit. § 32. As plants appertain to the soil, in which they have rooted, so grain also is understood to follow the property of that ground, in which it is sowed. Butashe, who hath built upon the ground of ano- ther, may (according to what we have said) be defended by an ex- ception of fraud, if the proprietor of the ground should demand the edifice; so he, who at his own ex- pense and bona fide hath sowed in another man’s land, may also be benefited by the help of this excep- tion. De scriptura. §$ XXXIII. Liter quoque, licet aures sint, perindé chartis mem- $ 33. As whatever is built upon, or sowed in the ground, belongs to LIB. II. branisve cedunt, ac solo cedere so- lent ea, que inedificantur, aut in- seruntur. Idedque, si in chartis membranisve tuis carmen vel his- toriam vel orationem Titius scrip- serit, hujus corporis non Titius, sed tu dominus esse videris. Sed, si a Titio petas tuos libros, tuasve membranas, nec impensas scripturee solvere paratus sis, poterit se 'Titius defendere per exceptionem doli ma- li, utique si earum chartarum mem- branarumve possessionem bena fide nactus est. TIT. 1. 81 that ground by accession; so letters also, although written with gold, appertain to the paper or parchment, upon which they are written. And therefore, if Titius shall have wvit- ten a poem, a history, or an oration, upon your paper or parchment, then you and not Titius will be deemed the owner of the written paper. But if you demand the books or parchments from Titius, and refuse to defray the expense of the writing, then Titius can defend himself by an exception of fraud: allowing that he obtained possession of such papers and parchments bona fide. De pictura. §$ XXXIV. Si quis in aliena ta- bula pinxerit, quidam putant tabu- lam picture cedere: aliis videtur, picturam (qualiscunque sit) tabule cedere: sed nobis videtur melius esse, tabulam picturee cedere: ridi- culum est enim, picturam Apellis vel Parrhasii in accessionem vilis- simz tabule cedere. Unde, si a domino tabule imaginem possidente is, qui pinxit, eam petat, nec solvat pretium tabulz, poterit per excep- tionem doli mali submoveri. At, si is, qui pinxit, eam possideat, con- sequens est, ut utilis actio domino tabule adversus eum detur: quo ca- su, si non solvat impensam picture, poterit per exceptionem doli mali repelli: utique si bone fidei pos- sessor fuerit ille, qui picturam im- posuit. Illud enim palam est, quod i $ 34. If any man shall have paint- ed upon the tablet of another, some think, that the tablet should yield to the picture; others, that the picture (whatever the quality of it may be) should accede to the tablet. ‘Tous it seems the better opinion, that the tablet should accede to the picture; for it is ridiculous, that the painting of an Apelles, or a Parrhasius, should yield as an accession, to a worthless tablet. But if the painter demand the tablet, from the owner and possessor, without offering the price of it, then such demandant — may be defeated by an exception of fraud: but, if the painter is in pos- session of the picture, the owner of the tablet is intitled to an action called utilis, i. e. beneficial ; in which case, if the owner of the tablet de- 82 LIB. II. TIT. I. sive is, qui pinxit, surripuit tabulas, sive alius, competit domino tabu- larum furti actio. mands it, and does not tender the value of the picture, he may also be repelled by an exception of fraud, provided the painter obtaimed pos- session fairly. But, if he, or any other, shall have taken away the tablet feloniously, it is evident, that the owner may prosecute by any action of theft. De fructibus bona fide perceptis. $ XXXYV. Si quis 4 non domino, quem dominum esse crediderit, bo- na fide fundum emerit, vel ex do- natione, aliave qualibet justa causa, eeque bond fide accepérit, naturali ratione placuit, fructus, quos per- cepit, ejus esse pro cultura et cura: et ided, si postea dominus superve- nerit, et fundum vindicet, de fruc- tibus ab eo consumptis agere non potest: ei verd, qui alienum fun- dum sciens possederit, non idem concessum est; itaque cum fundo etiam fructus, licet consumpti sint, cogitur restituere. § 35. If any man shall have pur- chased or by any other means hon- estly acquired lands from another, whom he believed to be the true owner, when in fact he was not, it is agreeable to natural reason, that the fruits, which he shall have gathered, shall become his own, on account of his care in the culture: and therefore, if the true owner shall afterwards appear and claim his lands, he can have no action a- gainst the bond fide possessor, for produce consumed. But this ex- emption is not granted to him, who knowingly keeps possession of ano- ther’s estate; and therefore, he is compellable to account for all the mesne profits together with the lands. De fructibus a fructuario et colono perceptis. § XXXVI. Is verd, ad quem usu- fructus fundi pertinet, non aliter fructuum dominus efficitur, quam si ipse eos perceperit; et ided, licet maturis fructibus, nondim tamen perceptis, decesserit, ad heredes ejus non pertinent, sed domino pro- prietatis acquiruntur. Eadem feré et de colono dicuntur. § 36. The usufructuary of lands can gain no property in the fruits, until he hath actually gathered them; and therefore, if he should die, while the fruits, although ripe, are yet ungathered, they could not be claimed by his heirs, but would fall to the proprietor: and so in ge- neral, as to farmers. LIB. I. TIT. 1 83 Que sunt in fructu. § XXXVII. In pecudum fructu etiam fetus est, sicuti lac, pilus, et lana: itaque agni, heedi, et vituli, et equuli, et su¢uli, statim naturali ju- re dominii fructuarii sunt. Partus vero ancille in fructu non est; ita- que ad dominum proprietatis perti- -net. Absurdum enim videbatur, hominem in fructu esse; cum om- nes fructus rerum natura gratia ho- minis comparaverit. $ 37. Among the produce of ani- mals, we not onlyreckon milk, skins and wool but also their young; and therefore lambs, kids, calves, colts, and pigs, appertain by natural right tothe usufructuary; but the offspring of a femaleslave cannot be thus con- sidered, but belongs to the proprietor of such slave: for it seemed absurd that man, should be enumerated a- mong the articles of produce, seeing that for his use nature hath furnish- ed all kinds of produce. De officio fructuarii. § XXXVIII. Sed, si gregis u- sumfructum quis habeat, in locum demortuorum capitum ex foetu fruc- tuarius submittere debit, (ut et Ju- liano visum est;) et in vinearum demortuarum vel arborum locum alias debet substituere. Recté enim colere, et quasi bonus paterfamilias uti debet. $ 38. He, who has the ustfruct of a flock ought (according to Juli- an) to preserve the original number entire, by supplying the deficiency out of the young; in like manner he ought to supply the place of dead vines, or trees; and cultivate and use the stock in all respects like a good and fair husbandman. De inventione thesauri. § XXXIX. Thesauros, quos quis in loco suo invenerit, divus A- drianus, naturalem sequitatem se- quutus, ei concessit, qui eos invene- rit; idemque statuit, si quis in sa- cro aut religioso loco fortuito casu invenerit. At, si quis, in alieno loco, non data ad hoc opera, sed for- tuito invenerit, dimidium domino soli concessit, et dimidium invento- ri: et convenienter, si quis in Ce- saris loco invenerit, dimidium in- ventoris, et dimidium esse Ceesaris, statuit. Cui conveniens est, ut, si $39. The emperor Adrian, in pursuance of natural equity, allow- ed any treasure, found in a man’s own lands, to belong to the finder : he ordained the same as to things casually found, in a sacred or relig- ious place. But, if a person, not making it his business to search, should fortuitously find treasure in the ground of another, he granted half to the proprietor of the soil, and half to the finder. And so, if any thing is found within the imperial demesnes, half shall appertain to the 84 quis in fiscali loco vel publico vel civitatis invenerit, dimidium ipsius. esse debeat, et dimidium fisci, vel civitatis. De traditione. § XL. Per traditionem quoque jure naturali res nobis acquiruntur nihil enim tam conveniens est natu- turali equitati, quam voluntatem domini, volentis rem suam in alium transferre, ratam haberi: et ideo, cujuscunque generis sit, corporalis res tradi potest, et 4 domino tradita, alienatur: itaque stipendiaria quo- que et tributaria predia eodem mo- do alienantur. Vocantur autem stipendiaria et tributaria predia, quz in provinciis sunt: inter que nec non et Italica preedia, ex nostra constitutione, nulla est differentia: sed, siquidem ex causa donationis, aut dotis, aut qualibit alia ex causa, traduntur, sine dubio transferuntur. LIB. 1. TIT. £ finder and half to the emperor; like- wise, if a man find any valuable thing in a place belonging to the treasury, the public, or thecity, half shall appertain to the finder, andhalf to the treasury, the public or the city. 1. Regula, ejusque ratio. § 40. Things are also acquired (according to the law of nature) by tradition or livery ; for nothing is more comformable to natural equity than to confirm the will of him, who is desirous to transfer his property- to another; therefore corporeal things of whatever kind, may be de- © livered; and, when delivered by the owner, are aliened. Stipendiary and tributary possessions, (snch as those situated in the provinces, ) may be aliened in the same manner; for between these and the Italian estates we have now taken away all distinc- tion, so that, on account of a dona- tion, a marriage-portion, or any other just cause, stipendiary and tri- butary possessions may undoubted- ly be transferred by livery. , 2. Limitatio. §$ XLI. Vendite vero res et tra- ditee, non alituremptori acquiruntur, quam si is venditori pretium solve- rit, vel alio modo ei satisfecerit; ve- luti ex promissore, aut pignore dato: quod, quamquam cavetur lege duo- decim tabularum, tamen recté dici- tur et jure gentium, id est, jure na- turali, id effici. Sed, si is, qui ven- didit, fidem emptoris sequutus fue- § 41. Things, although sold and delivered, are not acquired _by the buyer until he hath either paid or otherwise satisfied the seller for them; as by a bondsman or pledge. And, although this is so ordained by a law of the twelve tables, yet the same rule isrightly said toarise from the law of nations; that is from the law of nature. But if the seller LIB. I. rit, dicendum est, statim rem emp- toris fieri. TIT. 1. 85 have given credit to the buyer, we must affirm, that the things become instantly the property of the latter. 3. Ampliatio. § XLII. Nihil autem interest, u- trum ipse dominus tradat alicui rem suam, an volantate ejus alius, cui ejus ‘rei possessio permissa sit. Qua ratione, si cui libera univer- sorum negotiorum administratio permissa fuerit 4 domino, isque ex his negotiis rem vendiderit et tradi- derit faciet eam accipientis. § 42. It is the same whether the owner deliver the article himself, or another to whom the possession of it was entrusted, deliver it with the owner’sconsent. Hence, if the ma- nagement of all business be commit- ed by a proprietor to any person, who shall by virtue of his commis- sion, sell and deliver goods, they will become the property of the re- ceiver. De quasi traditione. Si traditio ex alia causa preecesserit. § XLIII. Interdim etiam, siné traditione nuda voluntas dominisuf- ficit ad rem transferendam; veluti sirem, quam tibi aliquis commo- daverit, aut locaverit, aut apud te deposuerit, postea aut vendiderit tibi, aut donaverit, aut dotis nomine dederit : quamvis enim éx ea causa tibi eam non tradiderit, eo tamen ipso, quod patitur tuam esse, statim tibi acquiritur proprietas, perinde ac sieo nomine tibi tradita fuisset. § 43. In some cases, the consent of the proprietor without delivery is sufficient to transfer property ; as when a person hath lent, hired, or deposited in your possession any thing, and hath afterwards sold it to you, made a donation of it, or giv- en it to you as a marriage portion : for although not originally delivered for any of these purposes, yet, as soon as it becomrs notoriously yours you have instantly acquired the property: and that as fully, asif it had actually ~been delivered as a thing sold, a donation, or a marriage portion. Detraditione clavium. § XLIV. Item, si quis merces in horreo depositas vendiderit, si- mul atque claves horrei tradiderit emptori, transfert proprietatem mer- cium ad emptorem. $ 44. Also if a person hath sold merchandise, deposited in a store- house, he is understood to have transferred the property, on deliver- ing the keys of the store-house to the buyer. LIB. II. TIT. L De missilibus. §$ XLV. Hoc amplits; interdum et in certam personam collata vo- luntas domini transfert rei proprie- tatem : ut eccé, preetores et consu~ les, missilia jactant in vulgus, igno- rant quid eorum quisque sit excep- turus: et tamen, quia volunt, quod quisque acceperit, ejus esse, statim eum dominorum efficiunt. § 45. It also sometimes happens © that the property of a thing is trans- ferred, by the master of it, to an in- certain person: as when the preetors and consuls cast their méssilia, or liberalities, among the people, they know not what any particular man will receive: yet, because it is their will, that what every man then re- ceives shall be his own, it instantly becomes his property. De habitis pro derelicto. § XLVI. Qua ratione verits esse videtur, sirem pro derelicto 4 do- mino habitam occupaverit quis, sta- tim eum dominum effici. Pro dere- licto autem habetur, quod dominus e4 mente abjecerit, ut id in humero rerum suarum esse nolit: ideoque statim dominus ejus esse desinit. 4 §$ 46. By parity of reason it ap- pears that whatever hath been made a derelict by the owner, will become the property of the first occupant. Whatever hath been thrown away or abandoned by the owner, with intent, that it might no longer be reckoned among his possessions, is accounted a derelicti : and. ceases to be his property. De jactis in mare levande navis causa Item de his, que de rheda currente cadunt, $ XLVII. Alia sané causa est carum rerum, que in tempestate le- vande navis causa ejiciuntur : he enim dominorum permanent: quia palem est, eas non eo animo ejici, quod quis eas habere nolit, sed quo magis cum ipsa navi maris pericu- lum effugiat. Qua de causa, si quis eas fluctibus expulsas, vel etiam in ipso mari nactus, lucrandi animo abstulerit, furtum committit. Nec longé videntur discedere ab his, que de rheda currente, non intelli- gentibus dominis, cadunt. § 47. But the law is not so in re- spect of things thrown overboard in a storm, to lighten a vessel; for they remain the property of the owners; seeing it is evident, that they were not thrown away, through dislike, but that persons in the ship might avoid the dangers of the sea. Hence whoever with a selfish intention, hath taken up such goods, although found upon the high sea, he is guil- ty of theft. And, goods which have dropped from a carriage in motion, withoutthe knowledge of the owner may be considered in the same light. LIB. II. TIT. I. 87 TITULUS SECUNDUS. DE REBUS CORPORALIBUS ET INCORPORALIBUS. Secunda rerum divisio. QUADAM preterea res corpo- rales sunt, quedam incorporales. Corporales hee sunt, qua sui natura tangi possunt; veluti fundus, ho- mo, vestis, aurum, argentum, et denique alize resinnumerabiles. In- corporales autem sunt, que iangi non possunt: qualia sunt ea, quee in jure consistunt; sicut hereditas, ususfructus, usus, et obligationes, quoque modo contract. Nec ad rem pertinet, quod in hereditate res corporales continentur: nam et fructus, qui ex fundo percipiuntur, corporales sunt: et id, quod ex ali- qua obligatione nobis debetur, ple- rumque corporale est; veluti fun- dus, homo, pecunia: nam ipsum jus hereditatis, et ipsum jus uten- di, fruendi, et ipsum jus obligati- onis, incorporale est. Eodem nu- mero sunt et jura prediorum urba- norum et rusticorum, que etiam servitutes vocantur. Morever some things are corpo- real others incorporeal. Things cor- poreal are tangible; as, lands,slaves, vestments, gold, silver, and others, innumerable. Things incorporeal are those, which are not tangible, but consist in rights and privileges ; as inheritances, usufructs, uses, and all obligations however contracted : nor is it an objection that things corporeal are contained in an in- heritance ; for fruits, gathered from the earth, are corporeal; and that also is generally corporeal, which is due to us upon an obligation; as a field, a slave, or money: for, the right to an inheritance, the right of using and enjoying any particular thing, and the right of an obliga- tion, are undoubtedly incorporeal. To these may be added the rights, (or qualities,) of rural and city es- tates, termed services. 88 TITULUS LIB. If. TIT. I. TERTIUS. DE SERVITUTIBUS RUSTICORUM ET URBANORUM PRAEDIORUM. D. viii. T. 1. et 2. C. iii. T. 34. De servitutibus rusticis. RUSTICORUM prediorum ju- ra sunt hee: iter, actus, via, aque- ductus. Iter est jus eundi, ambu- landi, hominis; non etiam jumen- tum agendi vel vehiculum. Actus est, jus agendi jumentum vel vehi- culum. Itaque, qui habet iter, ac- tum non habet: sed, qui actum ha- bet, et iter habet, eoque uti potest etiam siné jumento. Via est jus eundi, et agendi, et ambulandi: nam iter et actum, via in se conti- net. Aqueeductus est jus aque du- cende per fundum alienum. The rights or services of rural es- tates are these; a path, Iter; a road, actus ; an highway, vie ; and an agueduct or free passage for water. A path is the right of pas- sing and repassing on foot over an- other man’s ground, but not of driv- ing cattle or a carriage over it, A road implies the liberty of driving either cattle or carriages: hence he who hath a path, hath not a road: but he, who hath a road, hath in- clusively a path; for he may use such road, when he both not drive cattle. A highway imports the right of passing, driving cattle, &c. and includes in it doth a path and aroad: and an aqueduct imports the right of leading water, through the grounds of another. De servitutibus urbanis. §$ I. Prediorum urbanorum ser- vitutes sunt he, que sedificiis inhe- rent; ideo urbanorum prediorum dicts, quoniam eedificia omnia ur- bana preedia appellamus,etsi in villa edificata sunt. Item urbanorum preediorum servitutes sunt he; ut vicinus onera vicini sustineat : ut in parietem ejus liceat vicino tignum immittere: ut stillicidium, vel flu- men, recipiat quis in edes suas, vel $ 1. The services of city-estates are such as appertain to buildings: they are so called because we call all edifices, city-estates, although built upon farms or in villages. It is required by city-services, that neighbours should bear the burdens of neighbours; and by such servi- ces, one neighbour may be permit- ted to place a beam upon the wall of another; may be compelled to LIB. IL. in aream, vel in cloacam, vel non recipiat : et ne altius quis tollat edes suas, ne luminibus vicini officiat. TIT. IIL. 89 receive the droppings and currents from the gutter-pipes of another man’s house, upon his own house, area, or sewer; or may be exempt- ed from receiving them; or may be restrained from raising his house, so as to darken the habitation of his neighbour. De reliquis servitutibus rusticis. $ IL. Inter rustiorum prediorum servitutes quidam computari recté putant aque haustum, pecoris ad aquam appulsum, jus pascendi, calcis coquende, arene fodiende. §$ 2. Some rightly judge, that, among rural services, we ought to reckon the right of drawing water, watering and feeding cattle, burn- ing lime, digging sand, &c. in the ground of another. Qui servitutem debere vel acquirere possunt. § ITI. Ideo autem he servitutes prediorum appellantur, quoniam si- né preediis consistere non possunt. Nemo enim potest servitutem ac- quirere urbani vel rustici preedii, nisi qui habet preedium; nec quis- quam debere, nisi qui preedium habet. § 3. All these are called the ser- vices of estates; because they can- not be constituted without an estate to support them; for no man can either owe, or acquire, a rural or city service, if he possess neither house or lands. Quibus modis servitus constituitur. $ IV. Si quis velit vicino aliquod jus constituere, pactionibus atque stipulationibus id efficere debet. Potest etiam quis testamento heere- dem suum damnare, ne altius tollat zdes suas, ne luminibus vicini of- ficiat; vel ut patiatur eum tignum in parietem suum immittere, stilli- cidiumve adversus eum habere; vel ut patiatur eum per fundum ire, agere, aquamve ex eo ducere. 12 § 4. When it is wished to demise the right of a service to another, it should be done by contract and sti- pulation. A man may also, by tes- tament prohibit his heir from height- ening his house, lest he should ob- struct the view of his neighbour; or may oblige him to permit the rafter of another man’s house, to be laid upon his wall: or to receive upon his own house the droppings of an- other’s; or suffer any person to walk, drive cattle, or draw water in his grounds. 90 LIB, II. TIT. IV. TITULUS QUARTUS. DE USUFRUCTU. D. vii. T. 1. C, iii. T. 33. Definitio ususfructus. USUSFRUCTUS est jus alie- nis rebus utendi, fruendi, salva re- rum substantia. Est autem jus in corpore, quo sublato, et ipsum tolli necesse est. : Usufruct, is the right of using, and enjoying, without consuming or destroying, things which are the property of another. It is a right over a corporeal substance; if the substance perish, the wsufruct must cease. Quibus modis constituitur. § I. Ususfructus 4 proprietate separationem recipit, idque pluri- bus modis accidit: ut eccé, si quis usumfructum alicui legaverit: nam heres nudam habet proprietatem, legatarius vero usumfructum. Et contra, si fandum legaverit deducto usufructu, legatarius nudam habet proprietatem, hzeres vero usumfruc- tum. Item alii usumfructum, alii, deducto eo, fundum legare potest. Sine testamento verd si quis velit usumfructum alii constituere, pac- tionibus et stipulationibus id effi- cere debet. Ne tamen in univer- sum inutiles essent proprietates, semper abscedente usufructu, pla- cuit certis modis extingui usum- fructum, et ad proprietatem reverti. $1. The usaufruct may be in va- rious ways separated from the pro- perty, as when it is bequeathed: for naked property only is then vested in the heir, while the legatee possesses the wsufruct; it happens on the contrary, when a testator hath bequeathed his lands without the usufruct ; for then the legatee hath only the bare property, while the heir enjoys the profits: for the usufruct may be bequeathed to one, and the lands, without the wsufruct, to another. Yet, if any man would constitute an wsufruct otherwise than by testament, he must do it by pact, and stipulation. But, lest the property of lands should be ren- dered wholly unbeneficial by de- ducting the usufruct for ever, it was thought convenient, that the usufruct should by certain means become extinguished, and revert to the property. LIB. II. TIT. Iv. 91 Quibus in rebus constituitur. § Il. Constituitur autem usus- fructus non tantum in fundo et sedi- bus, verum etiam in servis, et ju- mentis, et ceteris rebus; exceptis iis, quee ipso usu consumuntur : nam he res neque naturali ratione neque civili, recipiunt usumfruc- tum : quo in numero sunt, vinum, oleum, frumentum, quibus proxima est, pecunia nume- rata ; namque ipso usu, assidua per- mutatione, quodammodo extingui- tur. Sed utilitatis causa Senatus censuit, posse etiam earum rerum usumfructum constitui, ut tamen eo nomine heredi utiliter caveatur: itaque, si pecunie ususfructus lega- ‘tus sit, ita datur legatario, ut ejus fiat; et legatarius satisdet heeredi de tanta pecunia restituenda si mo- rietur, aut capite minuetur. Cete- rae quoque res ita traduntur legata- rio, ut ejus fiant: sed eestimatis his satisdatur, ut, si moriatur aut ca- pite minuatur, tanta pecunia restitu- atur, quanti he fuerint estimate. Ergo Senatus non fecit quidem ea- rum rerum usumfructum, (nec en- im poterat,) sed per cautionem qua- si usumfructum constituit. vestimenta : - $ 2. The usufruct not only of lands and houses is grantable, but also of slaves, cattle, and other things ; except those which are con- sumed by use; for the wsufruct of such things is neither grantable by civil policy, or natural reason; a- mong these may be reckoned wine, oil, cloaths, &c., money is nearly of the same nature; for by constant use, and the frequent change of own- ers, it in a manner becomes extinct. But the senate, through a motive of public utility, hath ordained, that the usufruct of these things may be constituted, if sufficient security be given to the heir: and therefore, if the usufruct of money is bequeath- ed, the money is so given to the leg- atee as to make it instantly hisown: but then the legatee, lest he should die, or suffer diminution, is obliged to give security to the heir for the repayment of a like sum. Other things also, are so delivered to the legatee as to become his property ; but in this case, after valuation, se- curity must be given to the heir for the payment of that amount, either at the death of the legatee, or if he should suffer diminution. It is not therefore to be understood, that the senate hath created strict usufruct of these things, which is impossible : but a quasi-usufruct by means of a security. Quibus modis finitur. § ID. Finitur autem ususfruc- tus morte ususfructuarii, et duabus § 3. The usufruct determines by the death of the usufructuary; and 92 LIB. IL. capitis diminutionibus, maximé et media, and non utendo per modum et tempus; que omnia nostra sta- tuit constitutio. Item finitur usus- fructus, si domino proprietatis ab usufructario cedatur, (nam ceden- do extraneo nihil agitur,) vel ex contrario, si usufructarius proprie- tatem rei acquisiverit: que res consolidatio appellatur. Eo am- plius constat, si edes incendio com- sumpte fuerint, vel etiam terre mo- tu, vel vitio suo corruerint, extin- gui usumfructum; et ne aresqui- dem usumfructum deberi. TIT. IV. by two of the three namely, the greatest and the middle diminution, (or change of state; and also by not being used, according to the manner and during the time prescribed : all which is set forth in our constitu- tion. The wusufruct also determines if the usufructuary surrender it to the lord of the property ; for a ces- sion to a stranger is of no avail: or if the usufructuary hath acquired the property, which is called conso- lidation. And it is certain, if a house hath been consumed by fire, or thrown down by an earthquake, or fallen through decay, that the usufruct of such house is wholly de- stroyed; and that no usufruct of the area, or ground of it, enures to the usufructuary. Si finitus sit. $ IV. Cum autem finitus fuerit totus ususfructus, revertitur scili- cet ad proprietatem; et, ex eo tem- pore, nude proprietatis dominus in- cipit plenam in re habere potesta- tem. § 4. When the whole wsufruct of a thing is determined, it then reverts to the property ; and from that time, the owner of the nude property be- gins to have full power over it. LIB. II. TITULUS TIT. ¥: 93 QUINTUS. DE USU ET HABITATIONE. D. vii. T. 8. C. iii. T. 33. Communia de usufructu et usu. ISDEM iilis modis, quibus usus- fructus constituitur, etiam nudus usus constitui solet: iisdem illis modis finitur, quibus et ususfructus desinit. The usufruct, and the naked use of a thing, are constituted, and de- termined by the same means. Quid intersit inter usumhfructum et usum fundi. §. 1. Minus autem juris est in usu, quam in usufructu: nam is, qui fundi nudum habet usum, nihil ulterius habere intelligitur, quam ut oleribus, pomis, floribus, fceno, stramentis, et lignis, ad usum quo- tidianum utatur: inque eo fundo hactenus ei morari licet, ut neque domino fundi molestus sit, neque lis, per quos opera rustica fiunt, impedimento: nec ulli alii jus, quod habet, aut locare, aut vendere, aut gratis concedere, potest; cum is, qui usumfrnctum habet, possit hac omnia facere. § 1. Less right appertains to the use of a thing, than the wsufruct ; for he, who has but the use of lands, is understood to have nothing more than the liberty of using so much of the herbs, fruit, flowers, hay, straw, and wood, as may be sufficient for his daily supply : and he is permit- ted to be commorant upon the land, on condition that he neither becomes troublesome to the owner, nor im- pedes the labours of thehusbandmen. Neither can he let, sell, or give his right to another, which an usufruc- tuary may. Adium usus. § IL Item is, qui edium usum habet, hactenus jus habere intelli- gitur, ut ipse tantum inhabitet; nec hoc jus ad aliun transferre potest : et vix receptum esse videtur, ut hospitem ei recipere liceat; sed cum uxore liberisque suis, item libertis, nec non personis aliis liberis, qui- bus non minus, quam servis utitur, habitandi jus habeat. Et conveni- § 2. He, who hath but the use of an house, is understood to have no other right than that of personal ha- bitation : for he cannot transfer this right; and it is hardly thought al- lowable to receivea guest ora lodger. But he may inhabit the house with his, wife, children, freed-men, and such other free persons as are ser- vants, And agreably to this, if the 94 LIB. II. TIT. V. enter, si ad mulierem usus edium pertineat, cum marito ei; habitare liceat. use of a house appertains to a wo- man, she may,Jive in it with her husband,fand her dependants. De servi vel jumenti usu. § III. Item is, ad quem servi usus pertinet, ipse tantum opera at- que ministerio ejus uti potest: ad alium verd nullo modo jus suum transferre ei concessum est. Idem scilicet. juris est in jumento. § 3. He also, who hath the use of a slave, can‘benefit only by the la- bour and service of such slave: for it is not in the power of the usuary to transfer his right: The same law prevails in regard to beasts of bur- den. De pecorum usu. $ IV. Sed et, si pecorum vel ovi- um usus legatus sit, neque lacte ne- que agnis, neque lana, utetur usua- rius: quia ea in fructu sunt. Plané ad stercorandum agrum suum pe- coribus uti potest. $ 4. If the use of cattle be devis- ed, as of sheep: yet the usuary can neither use thé milk, the lambs, or the wool; for these belong to the usufruct. But he may undoubtedly employ the sheep in soilinghis lands. De _habitatione. § V. Sed, si cui habitatio legata, sive aliquo modo constituta sit, ne- que usus videtur, neque ususfruc- tus, sed quasi proprium aliquod jus: quamquam habitationem habenti- bus, propter rerum utilitatem, se- cundum Marcelli sententiam, nos- tra decisione promulgata, permisi- mus non solum in e& degere, sed etiam aliis locare. § 5. An habitation, whether giv- en by testament, or constituted by other means, seems neither an use nor an usufruct, but rather a parti- cular right. And, for public utility and in conformity to the opinion of Marcellus, we have decided, that he who hath an habitation, may not only live in it but let it to another. Transitio. § VI. Hee de servitutibus, et usufructu, et usu, et habitatione, dixisse sufficiat. De hereditatibus autem et obligationibus suis locis proponemus. Exposuimus summa- tim, quibus modis jure gentium res $ 6. What hath been said, may suffice concerning real services, usu- fructs, uses and habitations. We shall treat of inheritances and obli- gations, in their properplaces. Hav- ing already briefly explained how LIB. II. TIT. VI. 95 acquiruntur: modé videamus, qui- bus modis legitimo et civili jure acquiruntur. things are acquired by the law of nations; let us now examine, how they are acquired by the civil law. & TITULUS SEXTUS. DE USUCAPIONIBUS ET LONGI TEMPORIS PRESCRIP- TIONIBUS. D, xl. T. 3. C. vii. T. 31, et 33. Precipua usucapionis requisita. 1. Bona fides. 2. Possessio per tempus definitum continuata. JURE civili constitutum fuerat, ut, qui bona fide ab eo, qui domin- us non erat, cum crederet eum do- minum esse, rem emerit, vel ex do- natione, alidve quavis justé causa acceperit, is eam rem, si mobilis erat, anno ubique uno, si immobi- lis, biennio tantum in Italico solo, usucapert: ne rerum dominia in incerto essent. Et, cum hoc placi- tum erat putantibus antiquioribus, dominis ‘sufficere ad inquirendas res suas preefata tempora, nobis melior sententia resedit, ne domini matu- rius suis rebus defraudentur, neque certo loco beneficium hoc conclu- datur: et ided constitutionem su- per hoc promulgavimus, qua cau- tum est, ut res quidem mobiles per triemium ; immobiles vero per longi temporis possessionem (id est, in- ter preesentes decennio, inter absen- tes viginti annis) usucapiantur. Et his modis, non solum in Italia, sed etiam in omni terra, que nostro im- 3. Justus titulus. By the civil law, whoever had fairly obtained a thing from one, whom he supposed the trueowner, (although in reality he was not) and, if a moveable, had possessed it bona fide for one year, either in Italy or the provinces; or, if immoveable, for two years within the limits of ftaly, should prescribe to such thing by use: and this was held to be law, lest the dominion or property of things, should be uncertain. But although it was thought by ancient legislators, that these periods were sufficiently long to enable every owner to search after his property, yet a better opinion hath occurred to us, that the true owners be not defrauded, or too hastily excluded, by the circumscription of time and place, from recovering their just due: we have therefore provided, that things moveable may be pre- scribed to after the expiration of three years, and that a possession, 96 LIB. IL. TIT. VI. perio gubernatur, dominia rerum, just& causa possessionis praecedente, acquirantur. during a long tract of time, will also found a prescription to things immoveable: that is to say, ten years, if the parties are present, (i. e. in the province,) and twenty years if either of them be absent. Property may thus be acquired ; not only in Italy, but throughout our dominions, if the possession was honestly obtained at first. De his, que sunt extra commercium. $ I. Sed aliquando, etiamsi max- imé quis bona fide rem possederit, non tamen illi usucapio ullo tem- pore procedit: veluti si quis liberum hominem, vel rem sacram, vel reli- giosam, vel servum fugitivum, pos- sideat. § 1. But in some cases, although there hath been possession incontes- tably bond fide, yet no length of time will be sufficient to found a prescription; as when a man holds a free person, a thing sacred or reli- gious, or a fugitive slave. De rebus furtivis, et vi possessis. $ IL. Furtive quoque res, et quee vi possess sunt, nec, si predicto longo tempore bona fide possessz fuerint, ususcapi possunt: nam fur- tivarum rerum, lex duodecim tabu- larum, et lex Atilia, inhibent usu- capionem ; vi possessarum lex Julia et Plautia. Quod autem dictum est, furtivarum et vi possessarum rerum usucapionem per leges pro- hibitam esse, non eo pertinet, ut ne ipse fur, quive per vim possidet, usucapere possit, (nam his alié ra- tione usucapio non.competit; quia scilicet mala fide possident,) sed ne ullus alius, quamvis ab eis bona fide emerit, vel ex alia causa acceperit, usucapiendi jus habeat.. Unde in rebus mobilibus non facilé procedit, ut bone fidei possessoribus usuca- pio competat. Nam, quisciens ali- § 2. No prescription lies for things that have been stolen; or seized by violence; although-they have been possessed bond _fide,during the length of time required by our constitu- tion: for prescription to things stolen is prohibited by a law of the twelve tables, and by the law Atilia ; and the laws Julia and Plautia forbid a prescription to things seized by vio- lence. And it is not to be inferred from these laws, that a thief, or dis- seizor only, is prohibited from tak- ing by prescription: (for such are also prohibited because they are fraudulent possessors;) but all others likewise ; although they shall have purchased such things bona fide, or otherwise fairly received them: hence things moveable can- not easily be prescribed to, even by LIB. I. TIT. VI. O7 enam rem vendiderit, vel ex alia causa tradiderit, furtum ejus com- mittit. Sed tamen id aliquandé aliter se habet. Nam, siheres rem defuncto commodatam, aut locatam, vel apud eum depositam, existi- mans hereditariam esse, bond fide accipienti vendiderit, aut donave- rit, aut dotis nomine dederit, quin is, qui acceperit, usucapere possit, dubium nen est: quippé cum ea res in furti vitium non ceciderit; cum utique heres, qui bona fide tan- quam suam alienaverit, furtum non committat. Item, si is, ad quem ancillze ususfructus pertinet, partum suum esse credens vendiderit, aut si donaverit, furtum non committit. Furtum enim, sine effectu furandi, non committitur. Aliis quoque modis accidere potest, ut quis, sine vitio furti, rem alienam ad aliquem transferat, et efficiat, ut 4 possessore usucapiatur. Quod autem ad eas res, que solo continentur, expedit, jus ita procedit, ut, si quis loci va- cantis possessionem, propter absen- tiam aut negligentiam domini, aut quia sine successore decesserit, sine vi nanciscatur, quamvis ipse mala fide possideat, (quia intelligit, se alienum fundum occupasse) tamen, si alii bona fide accipienti tradide- rit, poterit ei longa possessione res acquiri; quia neque furtivum, ne- que vi possessum, acceperit. Abol- ita est enim quorundam veterum sententia existimantium, etiam fun- di locive furtum fieri. Et eorum utilitati, qui res soli possident, 13 honest possessors : for whoever hath knowingly sold or transferred the goods of another upon whatever consideration, is guilty of theft. But this rule admits of some cases wherein a moveable may be pre- scribed to: thus if an heir, suppos- ing a particular thing to be heredi- tary, which in reality had only been lent, let to, or deposited with the deceased, shall have sold, be- stowed, or given itas a portion, the bond fide receiver may no doubt prescribe; for this can never be re- puted séolen, inasmuch as the heir, who aliened it, believing it his own, committed no theft. So if he, who hath the usufruct of a female slave, sell or give away her child believ- ing it to be his property, he does not commit theft; for theft implies an intention to commit it. It may also happen, by various means, that one man may transfer the pro- perty of another without theft, and give a right of prescription to the possessor. As to things immoveable the law ordains, that, if any man should take possession of an estate without force, by reason either of the absence, or negligence of the owner, or because he died without heirs, and (although he hath thus possessed the land@ishonestly) shall have made livery of it to another, who took it bona fide, the land by long possession may be acquired by such taker, who took neither a thing stolen, or seized, by violence: for the opinion of those ancient law- 98 LIB. IL. TIT. VI. principalibus constitutionibus pro- spicitur, ne cui longa et indubitata possessio debeat auferri. yers, who held, that lands and things immoveable, might be stolen, is now abolished : and it is provided by the imperial constitutions, in favour of those who possess im- moveable property, that a long and undoubted possession ought not to be taken away. De vitio purgato. § III. Aliquando etiam furtiva, vel vi possessa, res usticapi potest; veluti si in domini potestatem re- versa fuerit: tunc enim, vicio rei purgato, procedit ejus usucapio. $ 3. A prescription may some- times be founded even to things sto- len, or possessed by violence; as, when they fall again into the pow- er of the true owner; for the taint of title being removed, prescription takes place. De re fiscali et bonis vacantibus. § IV. Res fisci nostri usucapi non potest: sed Papinianus scripsit, bonis vacantibus fisco nondum nuntiatis, bone fidei emptorem tra- ditam sibi rem ex his bonis usuca- pere posse; et ita Divus Pius, et Divi Severus et Antoninus rescrip- serunt. §$ 4. Things, which appertain to our treasury, cannot be acquired by prescription. But, itis held by Pa- pinian, that a bona fide purchaser of escheats not yet certified, may prescribe for them after delivery. The emperors Pius Severus and Antoninus have issued their res- cripts, conformable to this opinion. Regula generalis. § V. Novissimé sciendum est, rem talem esse debere, ut in se non habeat vitium, ut bonee fidei emp- tore usucapi possit, vel qui ex alia justa causa possidet. $ 5. It is lastly to be observed, that no taint of dishonesty must attach to the article, in order to enable a bond fide purchaser or pos- sessor to prescribe for it. De errore false cause. § VI. Error autem false caus usticapionem non parit; veluti si quis, cum non emerit, emisse se ex- istimans, possideat; vel, cum ei § 6. A mistake of the cause of possession shall not give rise to pre- scription: as when the possessor imagines, he hath purchased, when LIB. II. donatum non fuerit, quasi ex donato possi deat. TIT. VI. 99 he hath not purchased: or that the thing was a gift, when it was not given. De accessione possessionis. $ VIL Diutina possessio, quee prodesse cceperat defuncto, et heere- di et bonorum possessori continua- tur, licét ipse sciat, preedium alie- num esse. Quod si ille initium jus- tum non habuit, heredi et bonorum possessori, licét ignoranti, possessio non prodest. Quod nostra consti- tutio similitér et in usucapionibus observari constituit, ut tempora continuentur. $ 7. A long possession beneficial- ly commenced in the lifetime of the deceased is continued in favour of the heir or successor, although he may know that the estate is the pro- perty of another; but, if the posses- sion commenced unjustly, it will a-. vail neither the heir, nor the posses- sor, although ignorant of any fraud. It is in like manner enacted by our constitution, that the time of usu- caption shall be continued, (‘That is from the deceased to his successor in things moveable.) Quando conjunguntur tempora. § VUI. Inter venditorem quo- que et emptorem conjungi tempora. divi Severus et Antoninus rescrip- serunt. $8. The emperors Severus and Antoninus have enacted, that, the possession of the’seller shall enure to the buyer. De his, qui a fisco, aut Imp. Augusteve domo, aliquid accepe- runt. § IX. Edicto divi Marci cavetur, cum, qui a fisco rem alienam emit, si post venditionem quinquennium preeterierit, posse dominum rei ex- ceptione repellere. Constitutio au- tem dives memorize Zenonis bené prospexit iis, qui a fisco per venditi- onem, aut donationem, vel alium ti- tulum accipiunt aliquid ; ut ipsi qui- dem securi statim fiant, et victores existant, sive experiantur, sive con- veniantur : adversus autem sacra- tissimum erarium usque ad quadri- ennium liceat iis intendere, qui pro dominio vel hypotheca earum re- $ 9. It is provided by an edict of the emperor, Marcus, that, the pur- chaser of anything from the trea- sury, after five years possession sub- sequent to the sale, may repel the former owner by an exception of prescription. But the emperor Zeno of sacred memory, hath well provid- ed by his constitution, that all those, who by sale, donation, or any other title, have received things from the public treasury, may instantly bese- cured in their possession, and made certain of success, whether they be plaintiffs or defendants: and those, 100 LIB. I. TIT. VII. rum, que alienate sunt, putaverint, sibi quasdam competere actiones. Nostra autem divina constitutio, quam nupér promulgavimus, etiam de iis, qui a nostra vel venerabilis Auguste domo aliquid acceperint, hec statuit, quee in fiscalibus aliena- tionibus preefate Zenonianze con- stitutionis continentur. who claim either as proprietors or mortgagees of the things aliened, may bring suit against the treasury, at any time within four years. Our own sacred ordinance, lately pro- mulged in favour of those, who re- ceive any thing, from the private possessions either of our-self, or of the empress, adopts the regulations, contained in the above mentioned constitution of the emperor Zeno, concerning fiscal alienations. TITULUS SEPTIMUS. DE DONATIONIBUS. D. xxxix. T. 5. et 6. C. viii. T. 54. Nov. 162. De donatione. ’ EST et aliud genus acquisitionis, donatio. Donationum autem duo sunt genera; mortis causa, et non mortis causa. Donation or gift, is another mode of acquiring property ; it is of two kinds; on account of death: and not on account of death. De mortis causa donatione. $ L Mortis causé donatio est, que propter mortis fit suspicioném; cum quis ita donat, ut si quid hu- manitus ei contigisset, haberet”is, qui accipit: sin autem supervixis- set is, qui donavit, reciperet : vel sieum donationis penituisset, aut prior decesserit is, cui donatum sit. He mortis causé donationes, ad ex- emplum legatorum redacte sunt per omnia : nam, cum prudentibus ambiguum fuerat, utrum donationis, $1. A donation mortis causd, is made under apprehension of death; as when anything is given upon condition, that, if the donor dies the donee shall possess it absolutely ; or return it, if the donor should sur- vive; or should repent, of having made the gift; or if the donee should die before the donor. Donations mortis causa, are now reduced, as far as possible, to the similitude of legacies: for, when it was much LIB. IL an legati instar eam obtinere opor- teret, (et utriusque cause quedam habebat insignia,) et alii ad aliud genus eam retrahebant, 4 nobis con- stitutum est, ut per omnia feré le- gatis connumeretur, et sic procedat, quemadmodim nostra constitutio eam formavit. Et in summa mor- tis causa donatio est, cum magis se quis velit habere, quam eum, cui donat; magisque eum, cui donat, quam heredem suum. Sic et apud Homerum Telemachus donat Pi- T2x0. TIT. VIL. 101 doubted by our lawyers, whcther a donation mortis causa ought to be reputed as a gift, or asa legacy, in~ asmuch as, in some things, it par- takes of the nature of both, we then ordained, that it should be consider- ed in almost all respects as alegacy; and be made as our constitution di- rects. In short, a donation, mortis causd, is then said to be made, when a man so gives, as to demonstrate, that he would rather possess the thing given himself, than that. the donee should possess it; and yet that the donee should possess it, ra- ther than his own heir. The donation which Telemachus makes to Pircus in Homer is of this species. He (when Pireus ask’d for slaves, to bring The gifts and treasures of the Spartan king) Thus thoughtful answer’d :—those we shall not move, Dark and unconscious ofthe will of Jove. We know not yet the full event of all; Stabb’d in his palace, if your prince must fall, Us, and our house, if treason must o’erthrow, Better a friend possess them, than a foe. But on my foes should vengeance heaw’n decree, Riches are welcome then, not else, to me ; Till then, retain the gifts.— Port’s Odyss. lib. 17. De simplice inter vivos donatione. § If. Alize autem donationes sunt que sine ula mortis cogitatio- ne fiunt, quas inter vivos appella- mus, que non omnio comparantur legatis: qua, si fuerint perfect, temeré revocari non possunt. Per- ficiuntur autem, cum donator suam voluntatem scriptis aut sine scriptis manifestaverit. Et, ad exemplum § 2. Donations, made without ap- prehension of death, called dona- tions inter vivos, admit of no com- parison with legacies: for, when once perfected, they cannot be rash- ly revoked: they are esteemed per- fect, when the donor hath manifest- ed his will either in writing or oth- erwise. And it is appointed by our 102 LIB. IL venditionis, nostra constitutio eas etiam in se habere necessitatem traditionis voluit, ut, etiamsi non tradantur, habeant plenissimum et perfectum robur, et traditionis ne- cessitas incumbat donatori. Et, cum retro principum dispositiones insinuari eas actis intervenientibus volebant, si majores fuerant ducen- torum solidorum, constitutio nostra eam quantitatem usque ad quingen- tos solidos ampliavit, quam stare e- tiam sine insinuatione statuit: sed et quasdam donationis invenit, qua penitus insinuationem fieri minime desiderant, sed in se plenissimam habent firmitatem. Alia insuper multa ad uberiorem exitum donati- onum invenimus, que omnia ex nos- tris constitutionibus, quas super his exposuimus, colligenda sunt. Sci- endum est tamen, quod, etsi plenis- simee sint donationes, si tamen in- grati existant homines in quos be- neficium collatum est, donatoribus per nostram constitutionem licenti- am prestitimus certis ex causis eas revocare: ne illi, qui suas res in a- lios contulerint, ab his quandam pa- tiantur injuriam vel jacturam, se- cundum enumeratos in constitu- tione nostra modos. TIT. VII. constitution, that a donation inter vivos shall, like a sale necessarily inforce a delivery; for when things are given, they become fully vested in the donee, and it is incumbent upon the donor to deliver them : and, although it is enacted by our predecessors, that donations, to the value of two hundred solidi, shall be formally registered, our ordinance enlarges this sum to five hundred solidi, and permits donations of less value to be binding without insinu- ation or inrollment ; and it notices some donations, which are of full force without inrollment. We have also, for the enlargement of dona- tions, enacted many other rules, which may be collected from our constitutions, on thissubject. It nev- ertheless must be observed, that, a donation, validiy made may be re- voked on account of ingratitude in the donee in some particular cases : and this, lest a man should in any of the instances enumerated in our constitution, suffer injury or dam- age from those upon whom he hath bestowed his property. De donatione ante nuptias vel propter nuptias. § III. Est et aliud genus inter vivos donationis, quod veteribus quidem prudentibus penitus erat in- cognitum ; postea autem a juniori- bus Divis Principibus introductum est, quod ante nuptias vocabatur, et tacitam in se conditionem habe- bat, ut tunc ratum esset, cum ma- §$ 3. There is another kind of do- nations inter vivos, introduced by later emperors, and wholly unknown to the ancient lawyers, termed do- nation before marriage, containing the tacit condition, thatitshould take effect, when the marriage was per- formed ; these donations were pro- LIB. ff. trimonium esset insecutum; idéo- que ante nuptias vocabatur, quod ante matrimonium efficiebatur; et nunquam post nuptias celebratas talis donatio procedebat. Sed. pri- mus quidem Divus Justinus pater noster, cum augeri dotes et post nuptias fuerat permissum, si quid tale eveniret, et ante nuptias augeri donationem, et constante matrimo- nio, sua constitutione permisit: sed tamen nomen inconveniens remane- bat, cum ante nuptias quidem voca- batur, post nuptias autem tale acci- piebat incrementum. Sed nos ple- nissimo fini tradere sanctiones cu- pientes, et consequentia nomina re- bus esse studentes, constituimus, ut . tales donationes non augeantur tan- tum, sed etiam constante matrimo- nio initium accipiant: et non anté nuptias, sed proptér nuptias, vocen- tur: et dotibus in hoc exasquentur, ut quemadmodtm dotes constante matrimonio non solum augentur, sed etiam fiunt, ita et istee donati- ones, que propter nuptias introduc- tee sunt, non solum antecedant ma- trimonium, sed eo etiam contracto augeantur et constituantur. TIT. VIL 103 perly called ante nuptias, because they could never be constituted after the celebration of matrimony. But, _Inasmuch as it was permitted by the ancient law, that portions might be augmented after marriage, the em- peror Justin, our father, hath enact- ed by his constitution,that donations called ante nuptias might also be augmented at any time during ma- trimony: but, as it was improper, that a donation should be still term- ed ante nuptias, when it had te- ceived an augmentation post nup- tias, and we being desirous, that our sanctions might be as perfect as possible, and that names should be properly adapted to things, have or- dained that such donations may not only be augmented, but may com- mence also at any time during ma~- trimony; and that for the future, they shall not be called donations ante nuptias, but donations propier nuptias ; and thus they are made equal with portions; for as portions may be augmented, and even made, during matrimony, so donations, in- troduced on account of matrimony, may now not only precede marriage, but be augmented, or even consti- tuted, after the celebration of it. De jure accrescendi. § IV. Erat olim et alius modus civilis acquisitionis per jus accre- scendi, quod est tale; si, commu- nem servum habens aliquis cum Titio, solus libertatem ei imposue- rit, vel vindicta vel testamento, eo casu pars ejus amittebatur, et socio accrescebat. Sed, cum pessimum fuerat exemplo, et libertate servum § 4. There was formerly another manner of acquiring property by the civil law; namely by accretion; as, if Primus holding a slave in common with Titius had infran- chised him, either by the vindicta or by testament, then would the share of Primus in that slave be lost, and accrue to Titius. But, inasmuch as 104 LIB. IL. TIT. VIL. defraudari, et ex eo humanioribus quidem dominis damnum inferri, severioribus autem dominis lucrum accedere, hoc, quasi invidia ple- num, pio remedio per nostram con- stitutionem mederi necessarium duximus; et invenimus viam, per quam manumissor, et socius ejus, et qui libertatem accepit, nostro be- neficio fruantur, libertate cum ef- fectu procedente, (cujus favore an- tiquos legum latores multa etiam contra communes regulas statuisse manifestum est,) et eo, qui eam libertatem imposuit, suz liberalita- tis stabilitate gaudente, et socio in- demni conservato, pretiumque servi secundum partem dominii, quod : nos definivimus, accipiente. it affords a bad example, that a man should be defrauded of his liberty, and that the most humane masters, should suffer loss, while the most severe receive emolument, we have thought it necessary, to administer a humane remedy to this grievance ; and have devised means by which the manumittor, his co-partner, and . the freed person, may all partake of our beneficence: for we have de- creed, (and clearly our ancient leg- islators have often set aside the strict rules of law in favour of li- berty,) that freedom, although granted by one partner only, shall immediately take effect: so that the manumittor shall have reason to be pleased with the validity of his gift, if his co-partner be indemnified by receiving his share of the worth of the slave. +B Oo TITULUS OCTAVUS. QUIBUS ALIENARE LICET, VEL NON LICET. De marito, qui, licet fundi dotalis dominus sit, alienare nequit. ACCIDIT aliquands, ut, qui do- minus rei sit, alienare non possit: et contra qui dominus non sit, alie- nande rei potestatem habeat. Nam dotale predium maritus, invita muliere, per legem Juliam prohibe- tur alienare; quamvis ipsius sit, dotis causa ei datum: quod nos, le- gem Juliam corrigentes, in melio- rem statum deduximus. Cum enim lex in solis tantummodo rebus Sometimes the proprietor of a thing may not alien it, while one who is not proprietor, may: for ex- ample, by the law Julia, ahusband is forbidden to alienate lands, which came to him in right of his wife, without her consent; although given to him, as a marriage portion. But, in this respect, we have cor- rected and amended the law Julia ; for, as this law regards only posses- LIB. II. locum habebat, que Italicee friskant, et alienationes inhibebat, quee invi- ta muliere fiebant, hypothecas au- tem earum rerum eteam volente ed utrique remedium imposuimus, ut etiam in eas res, que in provinciali solo posite sunt, interdicta sit alie- natio vel abligatio, ut neutrum eo- rum neque consentientibus mulieri- bus procedat : ne sextis muliebris fragilitas, in perniciem substantia earum convertatur. TIT. VIII. 105 Sions situated in Italy, and although it inhibits the husband to mortgage such possessions, even with the con- sent of his wife, yet it permits him, with her consent to alienate, we have provided a remedy for both cases ; so that now, no husband can alien or mortgage, even with consent of his wife, any property provincial or Italian, obtained with hey, as a marriage portion; lest the frailty of women should occasion the ruin of their fortunes. De creditore, qui, licet non sit dominus, tamen elienare pig- nus potest. $ L Contra autem creditor pig- nus, ex pactione, quamvis ejus ea res non sit, alienare potest. Sed hoc forsitan ided videtur fier, quod voluntate debitoris intelligitur pignus alienari, qui ab initio con- tractis pactus est, ut liceret creditori pignus vendere, si pecunia non sol- vatur. Sed, ne creditores jus suum persequi impedirentur, neque debi- tores temeré suarum rerum do- minium amittere viderentur, nos- tra constitutione consultum est, et certus modus impositus est, per quem, pignorum distractio possit procedere: cujus tenore utrique parti, creditorum et debitorum sa- tis abundéque provisum est. $ 1. But a creditor, may by com- pact alien a pledge, although not his own property ; yet this seems no otherwise allowable, than because the pledge is understood to be alien- ed by consent of the debtor, who co- venanted at the commencement of the contract, that the creditor might sell the pledge, if the loan was not repaid. But, lest creditors should be impeded from prosecuting their just claims, and debtors too hastily de- prived of their property, it is pro- vided for in our ordinance, and a certain method appointed, by which the sale of pledges may be made : and, ample care hath been taken, in respect both of creditors and debtors, De pupillo, qui, licet dominus, non tamen sine tutoris auc- toritate alienare potest. § II. Nunc admonendi sumus, neque pupillum, neque pupillam, ul- lam rem siné tutoris auctoritate alienare posse; idedoque, si lg 1 $2. It must now be observed, that no pupil, male nor female, can alien anything without the author- ity of a tutor: and therefore, if a 106 LIB. II. am pecuniam siné tutoris auctori- tate alicui dederit, non contrahit obligationem : quia pecuniam non facit accipientis: idedque vindicari nummi possunt, sicubi extant. Sed, si nummi, quos mutuo minor dederit, ab eo, qui accepit, bond fide consumpti sunt, condici pos- sunt: si mala fide, ad exhibenduns de his agi potest. TIT... VIII. pupil, without such authority lend money to any man, the pupil ac- quires no obligation: for he cannot vest in the receiver the property of the money, which may be claimed by vindication, if it still exist. But if money, lent by a minor, be con- sumed by the borrower, bona fide, (i. e. believing the lender was of full age) it may be recovered from such borrower by condiction ; if mala fide, an action ad exhibendum will lie against him. Continuatio. § Ill. At ex contrario omnes res pupillo, et pupillee siné tutoris auctoritate recté dari possunt: ide- oque, si debitor pupillo solvat, ne- cessaria est debitori tutoris auctori- tas; alioqti non liberabitur. Sed hoc etiam evidentissim4 ratione statutum est in constitutione, quam ad Ceesarienses advocatos ex sug- gestione Triboniani, viri eminen- tissimi, questoris sacri palatii nos- tri, promulgavimus: qua disposi- tum est, ita licere tutori vel cura- tori debitorem pupillarem solvere, ut prius judicialis sententia siné omni damno celebrata, hoc permit- tat: quo subsecuto, si et judex pro- nunciaverit, et debitor solverit, se- quatur hujusmodi solutionem ple- nissima securitas. Sin autem ali- tér quam disposuimus, solutio fac- ta fuerit,; pecuniam autem salvam habeat pupillus, aut ex ea locuple- tior sit, et adhuc eandem pecunie summam petat, per exceptionem doli mali poterit submoveri. Quod § 3. On the contrary, property may be transferred to pupils, male or female, without the authority of their tutors: yet, if a debtor make payment to a pupil, he should be warranted by the authority of the tutor, otherwise he will not be ac- quitted of the debt: and this, for an evident reason, was ordained by a constitution, which we promulged to the advocates of Cesarea, at the suggestion of that most eminent man Tribonian, the questor of our sacred palace; whereby it.is enact- ed, that the debtor of a minor may pay over to the tutor or curator, un- der a judicial decree, permitting the payment previously obtained with- out expense to the minor: for when, ~ the debt is paid under the decree of a judge, it is attended with the full- est security. But, although money hath been paid to a pupil, other- wise than we have ordained, yet, if he be really enriched by the pay- ment, and hath preserved the mon- LIB. II. si malé consumpserit, aut furto aut vi amiserit, nihil proderit debitori doli mali exceptio, sed nihilomints condemnabitur: quid temeré siné tutoris auctoritate, et non secun- dim nostram dispositionem, solve- rit. Sed ex diverso, pupilli vel pupille solvere sine tutoris aucto- ritate non possunt: quid id, quod solvunt, non fit accipientis: cum scilicet nullius rei alienatio eis siné tutoris auctoritate concessa sit. TIT. IX. 107 ey, and should afterwards require, that it should be repaid he might be barred by an exception of fraud. But, if the pupil hath squandered the money, or lost it by theft or vi- olence, an exception of fraud will be of no benefit to the debtor, who will be compelled to make a second payment; because the first was made inconsiderately without the authority of the tutor, and not ac- cording to our ordinance. Pupils may not pay money without the authority of their tutors; it does not vest as the property of the re- ceiver: for without such authority a pupil can alien nothing. TITULUS NONUS. PER QUAS PERSONAS CUIQUE ACQUIRITUR. C. iv. T. 57. Summa. ACQUIRITUR vobis non s0- jum per vosmetipsos, sed etiam per eos, quos in potestate habetis: item per servos, in quibus usum- fructum habetis: item per homines liberos, et per servos alienos, quos bond fide possidetis: de quibus singulis diligentits dispiciamus. Things may be acquired not on- ly by ourselves, but also by those, who are under our power; also by slaves, of whom we have the usu- fruct ; by freemen; and by the slaves of others whom we possess bond fide. Let us diligently inves- tigate each of these cases. De liberis in potestate. $ 1. Igitur liberi vestri utriusque sexus, quos in potestate habetis, olim quidem quicquid ad eos per- $ 1. Anciently whatever came to children, male or female, under power of their parents, was acquir- 108 LIB. II. venerat, (exceptis videlicét castren- sibus peculiis,) hoc parentibus suis acquirebant sine ulla distinctione : et hoc ita parentum fiebat, ut etiam esset iis licentia quod per unum vel unam eorum acquisitum esset, alii filio, vel extraneo donare, vel ven- dere, vel quoctirnque modo volue- rant, applicare: quod nobis inhu- manum visum est: et generali con- stitutione emissé, et liberis peper- ¢imus, et parentibus honorem de- bitum reservavimus: sancitum ete- nim a nobis est, ut, si quid ex re patris ei obveniat, hoc secundum antiquam observationem totum pa- renti acquiratur : Que enim invi- dia est, quod ex patris occasione profectum est, hoc ad eum reverti? Quod autem ex alia caus sibi filius- familias acquisivit, hujus usum- fructum patri quidem acquirat, do- minium autem apud eum remaneat: ne, quod ei suis laboribus vel pros- pera fortuna accesserit, hoc, in ali- um perveniens, luctuosum ei proce- dat. TIT. IX. ed for the parents without any dis- tinction, if we except the peculium castrense: and this so absolutely» that what was acquired by one child, the parent might have given to another, or toa stranger; or sold it, or applied it in what manner he thought proper: this seemed to be inhuman; and we have therefore, by a general constitution, mitigated the law as it respects children, and at the same time, supported that honour, which is due to parents; having ordained, that, if any thing accrue to the son by means of the father’s fortune, the whole shall be acquired for the father, according to ancient practice: (for can it be un- just, that the wealth, which the son hath obtained, by means of the fa- ther, should revert to the father 7) but that the acquisitions of the son by any other means shall remain in the son ; and that the father shall be entitled only to the usufruct of such acquisition ; lest that which hath accrued from his labour or good fortune, being transferred to anoth- er should affect him as a hardship. De emancipatione lberorum. $ II. Hoc quoqte 4 nobis dispo- situm est et in ed specie, ubi pa- rens, emancipando liberos suos, ex rebus, que acquisitionem effugie- bant, sibi tertiam partem retinere (si voluerat) licentiam ex anteriori- bus constitutionibus habebat, quasi pro pretio quodammodo emancipa- tionis: et inhumanum ‘quiddam ac- -eidebat, ut filius rerum suarum ex hac emancipatione dominio pro ter- ‘§ 2. We have made some regila- tions also as to emancipation: fora parent, when he emancipated his ‘children, might, according to for- merconstitutions, have taken'tohim- self, if so inclined, the third part of those things, which were excepted from paternal acquisition, as the price of emancipation. But it ap- peared inhuman, that the son should be thus defrauded of the third part of LIB. IL. TIT. IX, 109 tid parte defraudaretur; et, quod honoris ei ex emancipatione addi- tum erat, quod sui juris effectus es- set, hoc per rerum diminutionem decresceret. Idedque statuimus, ut parens pro tertid parte dominii, quam -retinere patera, dimidiam non dominii rerum, sed ususfruc- tus, retineat. Ita etenim res intac- te apud filium remanebunt, et pater ampliore summa fruetur, pro tertid, dimidia potiturus. his property, and that the honour which he had obtained by becoming independent,should be decreased by the diminution of his estate: we have therefore decreed, that the pa- rent instead of the third part of the property, which he formerly might have retained, shall now be entitled to an half-share, not of the proper- ty, but of the usufruct; so that the property will remain intire to the son, and the father will enjoy a greater share; namely, half instead of a third part. De servis nostris. § III. Item vobis acquiritur, quod servi vestri ex traditione nanciscun- tur, sivé quid stipulentur, sive ex donatione, vel ex legato, vel ex qua- libet alid causa, acquirant. Hoc enim vobis et ignorantibus et invitis obvenit; ipse enim servus, qui in potestate alterius est, nihil suum habere potest. Sed, si heres institu- tus sit, non alias, nisi vestro jussu, heereditatem adire potest, et, si vo- bis jubentibus adierit, vobis heredi- tas acquiritur, perindé ac si vos ip- si heredes instituti essetis: et con- ‘venientér scilicet vobis legatum per eos acquiritur. Non solum autem proprietas per eos, quos in potestate habetis, vobis acquiritur, sed etiam possessio: cujuscunque enim rei possessionem adepti fuerint, id vos possidere videmini. Unde etiam per eos usucapio, vel longi temporis possessio, vobis accidit. § 3. Whatever your slaves have at any time acquired, whether by delivery, stipulation, donation, be- quest, or any other means, is acquir- ed by you; although you may be ignorant of or even averse to the ac- quisition; for he, who is a slave, can have no property. And,ifa slave be made heir, he cannot otherwise take upon himself the inheritance, than at the command of his master ; but, if commanded so to do, the in- heritance is as fully acquired by the master, as if he had been him- self made heir; and consequently a legacy, left to a slave, is acquired by his master. Moreover, masters acquire by their slaves not only the property of things, but also the pos- session; for whatever is possessed by a slave, is deemed to be posses- sed by his master; who may found a prescription to it, by means of his slave. 110 LIB. II. TIT. IX. De fructuariis et bona fide possessis. §$ IV. De iis autem servis, in quibus tantummodd usumfructum habetis ita placuit, ut, quicquid ex re vestra, vel ex operis suis, acqui- runt, id vobis adjiciatur ; quod vero extra eas causas consecuti sunt, id ad dominum proprietatis pertineat. Itaque, si is servus heeres institutus sit, legatumve quid ei, aut donatum fuerit, non usufructuario, sed domi- no proprietatis acquiritur. $ 4. As to slaves, of whom you have the usufruct only, it hath seemed right, that, whatever they earn by means of your goods, or by their own work and labour, apper- tains to you: but whatever they earn by other means, belongs to the proprietor: therefore, if a slave be made heir, ‘or legatee, or donee, the inheritance, legacy, or gift, will not be acquired for the usufructuary master, but for the proprietor. Continuatio. § V. Idem placet et de eo, qui 4 vobis bona fide possidetur, sive is liber sit, sive alienus servus: quod enim placuit de usufructuario, idem placet et de bonz fidei possessore. Itaque, quod extra istas duas cau- sas acquiritur, id vel ad ipsum per- tinet, si liber est, vel ad dominum, si servus est. Sed bone fidei pos- sessor,cum usuceperit servum, (quia eo modo dominus fit,) ex omnibus causis per eum sibi acquirere potest. Fructuarius vero usucapere non po- test: primum quia non possidet, sed habet jus utendi, fruendi: deindé, quia scit, servum alienum esse. Non solum autem proprietas per eos servos, in quibus usumfructum ha- betis, vel quos bona fide possidetis, aut per liberam personam, que bona fide vobis servit, vobis acquiritur, sed etiam possessio. Loquimur autem in utriusque persona secun- dum distinctionem, quam proximé exposuimus, id est, si quam posses- § 5. The same rule is observed as to the bond fide possessor of a slave, whether he be a free-man, or the slave of another: for the same law prevails respecting an usufructuary master, and a bond fide possessor ; therefore, whatever is acquired, otherwise than by the two causes above-mentioned, either belongs to the person possessed, if he be free; or to the proprietor, if he be a slave. But a bond fide possessor, who hath gained a slave by usucaption or pre- scription, (inasmuch he thus be- comes the absolute proprietor, ) can acquire by means of such slave, by all manner of ways. But an usu- fructuary master cannot prescribe; first, because he can not be strictly said to possess, having only the pow- er of using: and because he knows, the slave belongs to another. We nevertheless may acquire not only property, but also possession, by means of slaves, whom we possess ‘ LIB. II. sionem ex re vestra vel ex suis operis, adepti fuerint. TIT. IX. 111 bond fide, or by usufruct; and even by a free person, of whom we have bona fide possession. But, in say- ing this, we adhere to the distinc- tion, before explained, and speak of those things only, of which a slave may acquire the possession, either through the goods of his master, or by his own industry. De reliquis seu extraneis' personis. § VI. Ex his itaque apparet, per liberos homines quos neque vestro juri subjectos habetis, neque bond fide possidetis, item per alienos ser- vos, in quibus neque usumfructum habetis, neque possessionem justam, nulla ex causé vobis acquiri posse. Et hoc est, quod dicitur, per extra- neam personam nihil acquiri posse ; excepto eo, quod per liberam perso- nam (veluti per procuratorem) pla- cet non solim scientibus, sed et ig- norantibus, vobis acquiri possessio- nem, secundum Divi Severi consti- tutionem ; et per hanc possessionem etiam dominium, si dominus fuerit, qui tradidit; vel usucapionem aut longi temporis prescriptionem, si dominus non sit. § 6. Hence it appears that you cannot acquire by means of free persons, not under your subjection, or possessed by you bond fide ; nor by the slave of another, of whom you have neither the usufruct, nor the jnst possession. And this is meant, when it is said, that nothing can be acquired by means of a stranger; except indeed according to the constitution of the emperor Severus, that possession may be ac- quired for you by a free person, as by a proctor, not only with, but even without your knowledge; and, by this possession, the property may by gained, if the delivery were made by the proprietor; and an usucaption or prescription may be acquired,although the delivery were made by one, who was not the pro- prietor. Transitio. § VII. Hactents tantispér admo- nuisse sufficiat, quemadmodum sin- gule res vobis acquirantur: nam legatorum jus, quo et ipso singulz res vobis acquiruntur, item fidei commissorum, ubi singulee res vo- bis relinquuntur opportunius inferi- ore loco referemus. Videamus ita- § 7. The observations already made, concerning the acquisition of things, may suffice for the present; for we shall treat more opportunely hereafter concerning the rights of legacies andtrusts. We now proceed to shew, how things may be acquir- ed per universitatem, that is, wholly 112 LIB. II.- TIT. X. — que nunc, quibus modis per univer- sitatem- res vobis acquirantur. Si cui ergo heeredes facti sitis, sive cu- jus bonorum possessionem petieri- tis, vel si quem adrogaveritis, vel si cujus bona, libertatum conser- vandarum causa, vobis addicta fue- rint, ejus res omnes, ad vos transe- unt. Ac prits de hereditatibus dispiciamus, quarum duplex condi- tio est; nam vel ex testamento, vel ab intestato, ad vos pertinent. Et prius est, ut de his dispiciamus, que ex testamento vobis obveniunt; qua in re necessarium est, initium de tes- tamentis ordinandis exponere. and in gross by one single acquisi- tion: for example; if you are nomi- nated heir, or seek possession of the goods of another, or arrogate one as your son, or if goods are adjudged. to you for preserving the liberty of slaves; in all these cases, the entire inheritance passes to you. Let us therefore inquire into inheritances, which are twofold; for they pro- ceed either from a testacy, or'an in- testacy. And first of those, which come by testament; and herein it will be necessary to begin by ex- plaining the manner of making tes- taments. TITULUS DECIMUS. DE TESTAMENTIS ORDINANDIS. D. xviii. T. 1. C. vi. T. 23. Nov. 66. 119. Etymologia. TESTAMENTUM ex eo appel- latur, quod testatio mentis sit. A testament is so called from ¢es- tatio: because it testifies the deter- mination of the mind. De antiquis modis testandi civilibus. § IL Sed, ut nihil antiquitatis penitis ignoretur, sciendum est, olim quidem duo genera testamen- torum in usu fuisse; quorum alte- ro in pace et otio utebantur, quod catalis comitiis appellabant ; altero, cum in prelium exituri essent, quod procinctum dicebatur. Accessit de- $ 1. But, lest ancient usage should be forgotten, it is necessary to ob- serve, that formerly there were two kinds of testaments; one practiced in times of peace, and named calatis comitiis ; because made in a full as- sembly of the people; and the other, when the people were going forth LIB. II. indé tertium genus testamentorum, quod dicebatur per es et libram, scilicét quod per emancipationem, id est, imaginariam quandam ven- ditionem agebatur, quinque testibus et libripende, civibus Romanus pu- beribus, presentibus, et eo, qui familize emptor dicebatur. Sed illa quidem priora duo genera testamen- torum ex veteribus temporibus in desuetudinem abierunt : quod vero per zs et libram fiebat, licet diutius permanserit, attamen partim et hoc in usu esse desiit. TIT. X. 113 to battle, and this was the procine- tum testamentum. ani temporibus factum est, plenissi- mé de tristi successione matri, non etiam avis, deferenda cautum est; ut mater ingenua trium liberorum jus habens, libertina quatuor, ad bona filiorum filiarumve admittatur intestato mortuorum, licét in potes- tate parentis sit; ut scilicét, cum alieno juri subjecta est, jussu ejus adeat heereditatem, cujus juri sub- jecta est. Qui preferuntur matri, § IIL. Preferuntur autem ma- tri, liberi ‘defuncti, qui sui sunt, quive suorum loco sunt, sivé primi gradus, sivé ulterioris. Sed et fi- lize suze mortue filius vel filia pre- ponitur, ex constitutionibus, matri defunct, id est, aviee sue. Pater vero utriusque, non etiam avus et proavus, matri anteponitur ; scilicéet cum inter eos solos de hereditate agitur. Frater autem consangui- neus tam filii, quam filie, exclude- bat matrem; soror autem consan- guinea paritér cum matre admitte- patur. Sed, si fuerant frater et so- yor consanguinei, et mater liberis onerata, frater quidem matrem ex- cludebat; communis autem erat $§ 2. Afterwards by the Tertillian senatus-consultum,made in the reign of the emperor Adrian, the fullest care was taken, that the succession of children should pass to their mo- ther, though not to their grand-mo- ther: so that a mother, born of free parents, and having the right of three children,—also a freed-wo- man, having the right of four chil- dren,may be admitted, although un- der power of a parent, to the goods of their intestate children. But, a mother under power cannot enter upon the inheritance of her children, but at the command of him, to whom she is subject. vel cum ea admittuntur. § 3. The children of a deceased son who are proper heirs, or in the place of proper heirs, either in the first or an inferior degree, are pre- ferred to the mother. And the son, or daughter, of a deceased daughter is also by the constitutions preferred to the mother; i.e. to their grand- mother. Also the father of a son, or daughter, is preferred to the mo- ther; not so the grand-father or great-grand-father, when the inhe- ritance is contended for by these only without the father. Also the consanguine brother either of a son or a daughter excluded the mother; but a consanguine sister was ad- mitted equally with her mother. if 212 LIB. TI. ‘TIT. I. hereditas ex quis partibus fratri- there had be a brother and a sister bus et sororibus. of the same blood with the deceas- ed, the brother excluded his mother, although she had children: but the = inheritance, in this case, was equal- ly divided between brothers and sisters. Jus novum de jure liberorum sublato. § IV. Sed hos constitutione, $ 4. But by a constitution, insert- quam in codice, nostro nomine de- ed in the code, and honoured with corato, posuimus, matri subvenien- our name, we have thought fit, that dum esse existimavimus, respicien- mothers should be favoured in re- tes ad*naturam, et puerperium, et gard to the considering natural rea- periculum, et sepé mortem ex hoc son, the pains of child-birth, the casu matribus illatam. Idedque danger, and death itself, which they impium esse credidimus, casum often suffer; we therefore have es- fortuitum in ejus admitti detri- teemedit highly unjust, that the law mentum. Si enim ingenua ter, vel should make that detrimental, libertina quater, non pepererit, im- which is in its nature merely fortu- merito defraudabatur successione tous; for, if a married woman free- suorum liberorum. Quid enim born, does not bring forth three peccavit, si non plures, sed paucos, children, or if a free-woman does peperit? Et dedimus jus legiti- not become the mother of four, mum plenum matribus, sivé inge- ought they, for this reason only, to nuis sive libertinis, etsi non ter e- be deprived of succession to their nix fuerint vel quater, sed eum children? for how can it be imput- tantum vel eam, qui queeve morte ed to them, as a crime? We there- intercepti sunt, ut sic vocentur in fore, not regarding any fixed num- liberorum suorum legitimam suc- ber of children, have given a full cessionem. right to every mother, whether in- genuous or freed, of being called to the legitimate succession of her child or children deceased, whether male or female. Quibus mater preponitur, et quibuscum admittitur. §$ V. Sed, cum antea constituti- $ 5. In examining the constitu- ones, jura legitime successionis tions of former emperors, relating to perscrutantes, partim matrem adju- the right of succession, we observed vabant, partim eam pregravabant, that they were partly favourable to nec in solidum eam vocabant, sed, mothers and partly grievous; not LIB. III. TIT. Il. 213 in quibusdam casibus tertiam ei partem absirahentes, certis legiti- mis dabant personis, in aliis autem contrarium faciebant, nobis visum est, recté et simplici vid matrem omnibus personis legitimis antepo- ni, et siné ullA diminutione filiorum suorum successionem accipere ; ex- cepta fratris et sororispersona, (sivé consanguini sint, sivé sola cogna- tionis jura habentes) ut quemadmo- dium eam toti alii ordini legitimo preeposuimus, ita omnes fratres et sorores, (sivé legitimi sint, sive non,) ad capiendas hereditates si- mul vocemus: ita tamen ut, siqui- dem sole sorores, agnate vel cog- nate, et mater defuncti vel defunc- te supersint, dimidiam quidem ma- ter alteram vero dimidiam partem omnes sorores habeant. Si verd matre superstite, et fratre vel fra- tribus solis, vel etiam cum sorori- bus, sive legitima sivé sola cogna- tionis jura habentibus, intestatus quis vel intestata moriatur, in capi- ta ejus distribuatur hereditas. always calling them to the intire inheritance of their children, but in some cases depriving them ofa third which was given to certain legiti- mate persons: and in other cases, allowing a third. It hath therefore seemed right to us, that mothers should receive the succession of their children without any diminution, and that they should be exclusively preferred before all legitimate per- sons, except the brothers and sisters of the deceased, whether consan- guine, or cognate: but, as we have preferred the mother to all other le- gitimate persons, we are willing to call all brothers and sisters, legiti- mate or otherwise, to the inheritance together with the mother; yet in such manner, that if only the sisters agnate or cognate, and the mother of the deceased survive, the mother shall have one half of the effects, and the sisters the other. But, if a mother survive, and also a brother or brothers, or brothers and sisters, whether legitimate or cognate, then the inheritance of the intestate son or daughter must be distributed in capita ; i. e. into equal shares. De tutore liberis petendo. § VI. Sed, quemadmodim nos matribus prospeximus, ita eas opor- tet sus soboli consulere ; scituris eis quod, si tutores liberis non pe- tierint, vel in locum remoti vel ex- cusati intra annum petere neglexe- rint, ab corum impuberum morien- § 6. Having thus taken care of the interest of mothers, it behoves them in return to consult the welfare of their children. Be it known therefore, that if a mother shall ne- glect, during the space of a whole year, to demand a tutor for her chil- 214 LIB. Il. TIT. IV. tium successione meritd repellen- dren, or to require a new tutor in tur. the place of a former, who hath ei- ther been removed or excused, she will be deservedly repelled from the succession of such children, if they die within puberty. Do vulgo quesitis. $ VIL. Licet autem vulgo que- § 7. Although a son or daugh- situs sit filius filiave, potest tamen ter be of spurious birth, yet the mo- ad bona ejus mater ex Tertylliano ther, by the Tertyllian senatus-con- senatus-consulto admitti. sultum, may be admitted to succeed to the goods of either. TITULUS QUARTUS. DE SENATUS-CONSULTO ORFICIANO. D. xxxviii. T. 17. C. vi. T. 57. Origo et summa senatus-consulti. PER contrarium autem liberi ad bona matrum intestatarum admit- On the contrary children are ad- mitted to the goods of their intestate. tuntur ex senatus-consulto Orficia- no, quod, Orficio et Rufo consuli- bus, effectum est Divi Marci tem- poribus; et data est tam filio quam filie, legitima hereditas, etiamsi alieno juri subjecti sint ; et praefe- runtur consanguineis et agilatis de- functe matris. mothers, by the Orfician senatus- consultum, which was enacted in the consulateof Orficius and Rufus, in the reign of the emperor Marcus Antoninus ; and, by this decree, the legal inheritance is given both to sons and daughters, although under power ; and they are preferred to the consanguine brothers, and to the agnates of their deceased mother. De nepote et nepte. § I. Sed, cum ex hoc senatus- consulto nepotes et neptes ad avie successionem legitimo jure non vo- § 1. But, since grand-sons and grand-daughters were not called by the senatus-consultum to the legi- LIB. IU. carentur, postea hoc constitutioni- bus principalibus emendatum est, ut, ad similitudinem filiorum filiar- umque, et nepotes et neptes vocen- tur. TIT. Iv. 215 timate succession of their grand- mother, the omission was after- wards supplied, by the imperial constitutions; so that grand-sons and grand-daughters were called to inherit, as well as sons and daugh- ters. De capitis diminutione. § II. Sciendum autem est, hu- jusmodi successiones, que ex 'Ter- tylliano et Orficiano senatus-con- sultis deferuntur, capitis diminu- tione non perimi, propter illam re- gulam, qua nove hereditates legi- time capitis diminutione non pere- unt; sed illee sole, quae ex lege du- odecim tabularum deferuntur. § 2. But it must be observed, that those successions, which proceed from the Tertyllian and Orfician senatus-consulta, are not extinguish- ed by diminution. For it is estab- lished rule, that legitimate inheri- tances of late creation, are not des- troyed by diminution ; which affects those only that are founded on the law of the twelve tables. De vulgo quesitis. $ III. Novissime sciendum est, etiam illos liberos, qui vulo que- siti sunt, ad matris hereditatem ex senatus-consulto admitti. $ 3. It is lastly to be noted, that even spurious children are admitted by the Orfician senatus-consultum to the inheritance of their mother. De jure accrescendi inter legitimos heeredes. $ VI. Si ex pluribus legitimis he- redibus quidam omiserint heredita- tem, vel morte, vel alié causa, im- pediti fuerint, quominus adeant, reliquis, qui adierint, accrescit illo- rum portio; et, licét ante decesse- rint, ad heredes tamen eorum per- tinet. § 4. When there are many legiti- mate (legal) heirs, and some re- nounce the inheritance, or are pre- vented by death, or any other cause, then the portions of such persons fall by right of accretion to those, who accept the inheritance; and, although the acceptors happen to die even before the refusal or the failure of their coheirs, yet the por- tions of such coheirs, will appertain to the heirs of the acceptors. 216 LIB. I. TIT. V. TITULUS QUINTUS. DE SUCCESSIONE COGNATORUM. Tertius ordo succedentium ab intestato. POST suos heredes, eosque, quos inter suos heredes prteeor et constitutiones vocant, et post legi- timos, (quorum numero sunt agnati, et hi, quos in locum agnatorum tam supradicta senatus-consulta, quam nostra erexit constitutio,) proximos cognatos preetor vocat. Qui vocantur in hoc ordine. $ I. Qua parte naturalis cogna- tio spectatur. Nam agnati capite diminuti, quique ex his progeniti sunt, ex lege duodecim tabularum inter legitimos non habentur, sed a preetore tertio ordine vocantur, ex- ceptis solis tantummodo' fratre et sorore emancipatis non etiam libe- ris eorum; quos lex Anastasiana cum fratribus integri juris constitu- tis vocat quidem ad legitimam fratris heereditatem, sivé sororis; non equis tamen partibus sed cum aliqua diminutione, quam facilé est ex ipsius constitutionis verbis intel- ligere. Aliis vero agnatis inferio- ris gradus, licét capitis diminuti- onem passi non sunt, tamen antepo- nit eos, et procul dubio cognatis. After the proper heirs and those, whom the preetor and the constitu- tions call to inherit with the proper heirs, and after the legitimate heirs (among whom are the agnate, and those, whom the above mentioned senatus-consulia and our constitu- tion have numbered with the ag- nati) the preetor calls the nearest cognates. De agnatis capite minutis. § 1. By the law of the twelve ta- bles, neither the agnates, who have suffered diminution, nor their issue, are esteemed legitimate heirs; but they are called by the preetor in the third order of succession: but we must except a brother and sister, (although) emancipated, but not their children; for the constitution of Anastasius calls an emancipated brother or sister to the succession of a brother or sister, together with those, who having not been emanci- pated, are integri juris: but it does not call them to an equal share of the succession, as may easily be collected from the words of the con- stitution: which prefers an emanci- pated brother or sister to other ag- nates of inferior degree, although unemancipated; and consequently to all cognates. LIB. Ill. TIT. v. 217 De conjunctis per foeminas. $ IL. Eos etiam, qui per femini- ni sextis personas ex transverso cognatione junguntur, tertio gradu proximitatis nomine, praetor ad suc- cessionem vocat. § 2. Collateral relations by the female line, are called by the pre- tor in the third order of succession, according to their proximity. De liberis datis in adoptionem. §$ IIL. Liberi quoque, qui in adoptiva familia sunt, ad naturali- um parentum hereditatem hoc eo- dem gradu vocantur. De vulgo §$ IV. Vulgo quesitis nullos ha- bere agnatos, manifestum est; cum agnatio a patre sit, cognatio 4 ma- tre: hi autem nullum patrem ha- bere intelligantur. Eaédem ratione, ne inter se quidem possunt videri consanguinei esse; quia consangui- nitatis jus, species est agnationis. Tantim ergd cognati sunt sibi, si- cut et matri cognati sunt. Itaque omnibus istis ex ed parte competit bonorum possessio, qua proximata- tis nomine cognati vocantur. § 3. Children, who are in an adoptive family, are likewise called in the third order of succession to the inheritance of their natural pa- rents. queesitis. § 4. Itis manifest, that spurious children have no agnates ; inas- much as agnation proceeds from the father, cognation from the mother ; and such children are looked upon as having no father. And, for the same reason, consanguinity cannot be said to subsist between the bas- tard children of the same woman ; because consanguinity is a species of agnation. They can therefore only be allied to each other as they are related to their mother, that is, by cognation ; and it is for this reason that all such children are called to the possession of goods by that part of the pretorian edict, by which cognates are called by the right of their proximity.. Ex quoto gradu vel agnati vel cognati succedunt. $ V. Hoc loco et illud necessa- rio admonendi sumus agnationis quidem jure admitti aliquem ad hereditatem, etsi decimo gradu sit ; sive de lege duodecim tabularum 28 § 5. Here it will be proper to ob- serve, that any person by right of agnation may be admitted to inhe- rit, although he be in the tenth de- gree; this is allowed both by the 218 LIB. If. queremus, sive de edicto, quo pre- tor legitimis heredibus daturum se bonorum possessionem pollicetur. Proximitatis vérd nomine iis solis pretor promittit bonorum possessi- onem, qui usque ad sextum gradum cognationis sunt, et ex septimo a sobrino sobrinaque nato nateve. TIT. VI. law of the twelve tables, and the edict, by which the pretor promi- ses, that he will give the possession of goods to the legitimate heirs. But the pretor promises the posses- sion of goods to cognates, only as far as the sixth degree of eagnation according to their right of proximi- ty; and in the seventh degree, to those cognates only, who are the de- scendants of a cousin german. TITULUS SEXTUS. DE GRADIBUS COGNATIONUM. D. xxxviii. T. 10. Continuatio, et cognationis divisio. HOC loco necessarium est ex- ponere, quemadmddum gradus cog- nationis numerentur. Quare in primnis admonendi sumus, cognatio- nem aliam supra numerari, alam infra, aliam ex transverso, que e- tiam a lateredicitur. Superior cog- natio est parentum: inferior libero- rum: ex transverso fratrum soro- mmve, et eorum, qui queve ex his generantur ; et convenienter patrui, amite, avunculi, matertere. Et superior quidem et inferior cogna- tio 4 primo gradu incipit : atea, que ex transverso numeratur, 4 secun- do. It is here necessary to explain how degrees of cognation are to be computed; and first we must ob- serve, that there is one species of cognation which relates to ascen- dants, another to descendants, and a third to collaterals. The first and superior cognation is that relation, which a man bears to his parents ; the second, or inferior, is that, which he bears to his children; the third is that relation which he bears to his brothers and sisters, and their issue; and also to his uncles and aunts, whether paternal or maternal. The superior and inferior cognation commence at the first degree; but the transverse or collateral cogna- tion commences at the second. LIB. IIL TIT. VI. 219 De primo, secundo, et tertio gradu. $1. Primo gradu est supra pa- ter, mater: infra filius, filia. Se- cundo gradu supra avus, avia: in- fra nepos, neptis: ex transverso fra- ter, soror. 'Tertio gradu supra pro- avus, proavia: infra pronepos, pro- neptis: ex transverso fratris soro- risque filius, filia: et convenientér patruus, amita, avunculus, mater- tera. Patruus est patris frater, qui Gracis zoreadelpO appellatur. A- vunculus est frater natris, qui greece eetoaxdelgO dicitur: et uterque promiscué deO0 appellatur. Amita est patris soror, que grace mateea- delpy appellatur; matertera vero matris soror, que grace “7Teadelpy dicitur: et utraque promiscué dea appellatur. Quartus $ H. Quarto gradu supra abavus abavia : infra abnepos, abneptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque nepos neptisve: et convenienter patruus magnus, anita magna, id est, avi frater et soror: item avunculusmag- § 1. A father, or a mother, is in the first degree in the right line as- cending: and a son, or a daughter, is also in the first degree in the right line descending. A grand-father, or a grand-mother, is in the second de- gree in the right line ascending: and a grand-son or grand-daughter, is in the second degree in the right line descending : and a brother or a sister, is also in the second degree in the collateral line. A great-grand- father, or a great-grand-mother, is in the third degree in the right line ascending: and a great-grand-son, or great-grand-daughter, is in the third degree in the right line des- cending: and the son or daughter of a brother or sister is also in the third degree in the collateral line; and by a parity of reasoning an uncle, or an aunt, whether paternal or maternal, is also in the third de- gree. A paternal uncle, called pa- truus, is a father’s brother; a ma- ternal uncle, called avunculus, is 8 ‘mother’s brother; a paternal aunt, called amita, is a father’s sister; and a maternal aunt, called mater- tera, is a mother’ssister. And each of these persons is called in Greek ée0 or deve promiscuously. gradus. $2. A great-great-grand-father, or a great-great-grand-mother, is in the fourth degree in the right line ascending; and a great-great- grand-son, or 2 great-great-grand- daughter, is in the fourth degree in 220 LIB. IIL. nus et matertera magna, id est, avie frater et soror: consobrinus, consobrina, id est, qui quaeve ex sororibus aut fratribus procrean- tur. Sed quidam recté conso- brinos eos proprié dici putant, qui ex duabus sororibus pro- generantur, quasi consororinos : eos verd, qui ex duobus fratribus pro- generantur, proprié fratres patrue- les vocari: si autém ex duobus fra- tribus filie nascuntur, sorores pa- trueles appellari. At eos, qui ex fratre et sorore progenerantur, ami- tinos proprié dici putant. Amite tue filiis consobrinum te appellant, tu illos amitinos. Quintus § TII. Quinto gradu supra ata- vus, atavia: infra atnepos, atnep- tis: ex transverso, fratris sororisque pronepos, proneptis: et convenien- ter propatruus, proamita, id est, proavi frater et soror: et proavun- culus et promatertera, id est, proa- vie frater et soror: item fratris pa- truelis, vel sororis patruelis, con- sobrini et consobrine, amitini et amitine filius, filia: propior sobri- no, propior sobrina; hi sunt patrui magni, amite magne, avunculi magni, matertere magne filius, filia. TIT. VI. the right line descending. Also, in the transverse or collateral line, the grandson, or the grand-daughter, of a brother or a sister, is in the fourth degree; so is a great uncle, or great aunt, paternal or maternal and cousins german, (consobrini). But some have been rightly of opi- nion, that the children of sisters are properly consobrini, quasi consororini ; that the children of brothers are properly brothers pa- truel, if males; and sisters patruel, if females; and that, when there are children of a brother, and chil- dren of a sister, they are properly amitini ; but the sons of your aunt, by the father’s side call you conso- brinus and you call them amitini. gradus. $ 3. A great-grand-father’s grand- father, or a great-grand-father’s grand-mother, is in the fifth degree in the line ascending, and a great- grandson, or a great-grand-daugh- ter, of a grandson or a grand-daugh- ter is in the fifth degree in the line descending. In the transverse or collateral line, a great-grandson, or great-grand-daughter, of a brother or sister, is also in the fifth degree; and consequently so is a great- grand-father’s brother or sister, or a great-grand-mother’s brother or sister. The son or daughter also of a cousin german is in the fifth degree: and so is the son or daugh- ter of a great uncle or great aunt, paternal or maternal; and such son, or daughter is called propior sobri- no and propior sobrina. LIB. TI. TIT. VI. 221 Sextus gradus. § IX. Sexto gradu supra tritavus tritavia: infra trinepos, trineptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque abne- pos abneptis: et convenientér abpa- truus abamita, id est, abavi frater et soror: abavunculus, abmatertera,id est, abavie frater et soror: item propatrui, proamitee proavunculi, promatertere filius, filia: item pro- pius sobrino sobrinave filius, filia : item consobrini consobrine nepos, neptis : itm sobrini, sobrine ; id est, qui queeve ex fratribus vel so- roribus patruelibus, vel consobrinis vel amitinis, progenerantur. § 4. A great-grand-father’s great- grand-father, or a great-grand-fa- ther’s great-grand-mother, is in the sixth degree in the line ascending ; and the great-grandson, or great- grand-daughter of a great-grandson, or a great-grand-daughter, is like- wise in the sixth degree in the line descending. And, in the transverse or collateral line, a great-great-grand son, or a great-great-grand-daugh- ter, of a brother or sister, is also in the sixth degree : and consequently a great-great-grand-father’s brother or sister, and a great-great-grand- mother’s brother or sister, is in the sixth degree. And the son or daugh- ter of a great-great-uncle, or great- great-aunt, paternal or maternal, is also in the sixth degree ; and so al- so is the son or daughter of the son or daughter of a great-uncle or great- aunt, paternal or maternal. The grandson also, or the grand-daugh- ter of a cousin german is in the sixth degree; and, in the same de- grees between themselves, we reck- on the sobrini and the sobrine ; that is, the sons and daughters of cous- ins german in general, whether such cousins german are so related by two brothers, or by two sisters, or by a brother and a sister. De reliquis gradibus. $V. Hactenus ostendisse suffi- ciat quemadmodim gradus cogna- tionis numerentur : namque ex his palam est intelligere, quemadmo- dum ultiores quoque gradus nu- § 5. It suffices to have shewn thus far, how degrees of cognation are enumerated : and, from the ex- amples given, the more remote de- grees may be computed ; for every 2922 LIB. Ti. merare debeamus : quippé semper generata persona gradum adijicit ; ut longé facilius sit respondere, quoto quisque gradu sit, quam pro- pria cognationis appellatione quem- quam denotare. TIT. VI. person generated always adds one degree ; so that it is much easier to determine, in what degree any per- son is related to another, than to.de- note such person by a proper term of cognation. De gradibus agnationis. § VI. Agnationis quoque gradus eodem modo numerantur. De gradum $ VII. Sed, cum magis veritas oculata fide, quam per aures animis hominum infigatur, ided necessa- rium duximus, post narrationem graduum, eos etiam presenti libro inscribi, quatenus possint et auri- bus et oculorum inspectione adole- scentes perfectissimam graduum doctrinam adipisci. $ 6. The degrees of agnation are reckoned in the same manner. discriptione. $7. But as truth is fixed in the mind much better by the eye, than by the ear, we have thought it ne- cessary to subjoin, to the acconnt already given, a tablet with the de- grees of cognation inscribed upon it; that the student, both by hearing and seeing, may attain a perfect knowledge of them. A er ee TITULUS SEPTIMUS. DE SERVILI COGNATIONE. D. xxxviii. T. 2. Covi T. 4 ILLUD certum est, ad serviles cognationes illam partem edicti, qué proximitatis nomine bonorum possessio promittitur, non perti- nere: nam nec ullé antiqua lege ta- lis cognatio computabatur. Sed nostra constitutione, quam pro jure patronatis fecimus, (quod jus us- que ad nostra tempora satis obscu- rum atque nube plenum, et undique confusum fuerat,) et hoc humanitate It is certain, that the part of the edict, in which the possession of goods is promised, according to the right of proximity, does not relate to servile cognation ; which hathnot been regarded by any ancient law. But, by our own constitution, con- cerning the right of patronage, which right was heretofore obscure and every way confused, we have ordained (humanity so suggesting) LIB. IH. Suggerente concessimus, Ut, si quis, in servili constitutus consortio, li- beram vel liberos habuerit, sivé ex Hiberé sive ex servilis conditionis mulicre, vel contra, serva mulier ex libero vel servo habuerit liberos eujuscunque sexiis, et, ad liberta- tem his pervenientibus, ii, qui ex servili ventre nati sunt, libertatem meruerimt, vel, dum mulieres libere erant, ipsi in servitute eos habue- rint, et postea ad libertatem perve- nerint, ut hi omnes ad successionem patris vel matris veniant, patrona- tis. jure im hac parte sopito. Hos etenim liberos non solum in suorum parentum successionem, sed etiam alterum’ in alterius suecessionem mutuam, vocavimus; ex illa lege specialitér eos vocantes, sive soli inveniantur, qui in servitute nati et postea manumissi sunt; sivé una cum aliis, qui post libertatem pa- rentum concepti sunt; sivé ex eo- dem patre, sivé ex eadem matre, sivé ex aliis nuptiis; ad similitudi- flem ¢orum, qui ex justis nuptiis procreati sunt. # TIT. Vil. 223 that, if a slave shal: have a child, or children, either by a free-woman, or by a bond-woman, with whom he lives in contubernio, and, on the contrary, that, if a bond-woman shall have a child, or children, of either sex by a free-man, or by a slave, with whom she so lives, and such father and mother are after- wards enfranchised, the children shall succeed to their father or mo- ther, without regarding the right of patronage. We have not only cal- led these children to succeed to their parents, but also mutually to each other, whether they are sole in suc- cession, as having all been born in servitude and afterwards manumit- ted, or whether they succeed with others, who were conceived after the infranchisement of their parents; and whether they are all by the same father and mother, or by a different father, or mother; and, that children born in slavery, but man- umitted, should succeed in the same manner, as the issue of parents le- gally married. Collatio ordinum et graduum. § L. Repetitis itaque omnibus, que jam tradidimus, apparet non semper eos, qui parem gradum cog- nationis obtinent, pariter vocari: eoque amplius, ne eum quidem, qui proximiore sit cognatus, sem- per potiorem esse. Cum enim pri- ma causa sit storum heredum, et eorum, quas inter suos heredes enumeravimus, apparet, pronepo- tem vel abnepotem defuncti potio- $1. From what hath been said, it appears that those, who are in an equal degree of cognation, are not always called equally to the succes- sion; and farther, that even the nearest of kin, is not constantly to be preferred. For, inasmuch as the first place is given to proper heirs, and to those who are numbered with proper heirs, it is apparent, that the great-grand-son, or great-great- 224 LIB. II. TIT. VIL rem esse, quam fratrem, aut pa- trem, aut matrem defuncti: cum alioqui pater quidem et mater (ut supra quoque tradidimus) primum gradum cognationis obtineat, fra- ter verd secundum, pronepos au- tem tertio gradu sit cognationis, et abnepos quarto : nec interest, in po- testate morientis fuerit, an non, quod vel emancipatus, vel ex e- mancipato, aut fuemineo sexu, pro- pagatus est. Amotis quoque suis heredibus, et quos inter suos hex- redes vocari diximus, agnatus, qui integrum jus habet agnationis, eti- amsi longissimo gradu sit, plerum- que potior habetur, quam proximior cognatus: nam patrui nepos vel pronepos avunculo vel matertere prefertur. Toties igitur dicimus; aut potiorem haberi eum, qui prox- imiorem gradum cognationis obti- net, aut paritér vocari eos, qui cog- nati sunt; quoties neque suorum heeredum, quique inter suos heere- des sunt, neque agnationis jure ali- quis preeferri debeat, secundim ea, que tradidimus: exceptis fratre et sorore emancipatis, qui ad succes- sionem fratrum vel sororum vocan- tur; qui, etsi capite diminuti sunt, tamen preeferuntur ceteris ulteri- oris gradus agnatis. grand-son, is preferred to the bro- ther or even the father or mother of the deceased : although a father and mother, (as we have before observ- ed,) obtain the first degree of rela- tion, a brother the second, a great- grand-son the third, and a great- great-grand-son the fourth; neither does it make any difference, whether such grand-children were under the power of the deceased, at the time of his death, or out of his power; either by being themselves emanci- pated, or by being the children of those who were so ; neither can it be objected, that they are descend- ed by the female line. But, when there are no proper heirs, nor any of those who are permitted torank with them, then an agnate, who hath the full right of agnation in him, al- though he be in the most distant degree, is generally preferred to a cognate, who is in the nearest de- gree; thus the grand-son or great- grand-son of a paternal uncle is preferred to a maternal uncle or aunt. Hence, when theye are no proper heirs, nor any, who are num- bered with them, nor any, who ought to be preferred by the right of agnation, (as we have before not- ed,) then the nearest in degree of cognation, is called to the succes- sion; andif there be many in the same degree, they are all called e- qually. But a brother and sister, although emancipated, are yet call- ed to the succession of brothers and sisters ; for although they have suf- fered diminution, they are neverthe- less preferred to all agnates of a more remote degree. LIB. III. TIT. VI. 225 TITULUS OCTAVUS. DE SUCCESSIONE LIBERTORUM. D. xxxviii. Qui succedunt. NUNC de libertorum bonis vi- deamus. Olim itaque licebat li- berto patronum suum impuné testa- mento preeterire: nam ita demum lex duodecim tabularum ad here- ditatem liberti vocabat patronum, si intestatus mortuus esset libertus, herede suo nullo relicto. Itaque intestato mortuo liberto, si is suum heredem reliquisset, patrono nihil in bonis ejus juris erat. Et, si- quidem ex naturalibus liberis ali- quem suum heredem reliquisset, nulla videbatur querela; si verd adoptivus filius fuisset, aperté ini- quum erat, nihil juris patrono su- peresse. T. 2. De lege duodecim tabularum. Let us now treat of the succession of freed-men. A freed-man might formerly, with impunity, omit in his testament any mention of his pa- tron: for the law of the twelve tables called the patron to the inhe- ritance, only when the freed-man died intestate without proper heirs ; therefore, though he had died intes- tate, yet, if he had left a proper heir, the patron would have receiv- ed no benefit: and indeed, when the natural and legitimate children of the deceased became his heirs, there seemed no cause of complaint ; but, when the freed-man left only an adopted son, it was manifestly injurious thatthe patron shouldhave no claim. De jure pretorio. $I. Qua de causa, postea, pre- toris edicto hee juris iniquitas e- mendataest. Sivé enim faciebat, testamentum libertus, jubebatur ita testari, ut patrono partem dimidiam bonorum suorum relinqueret; et, si aut nihil aut minus parte dimidia reliquerat, debatur patrono contra tabulas testamenti, partis dimidiz bonorum possessio : sivé intestatus moriebatur, suo heerede relicto filio adoptivo, dabatur squé patrono 29 $1. The law was therefore af- terwards amended by the edict of the pretor: for every freed-man who made his testament, was com- manded so to dispose of his effects, as to leave a moiety to his patron : and, if the testator left nothing, or less than a moiety, then the posses- sion of half was given to the pa- tron contra tabulas, i. e. contrary to the disposition of the testament. And, if a freed- man died intes- 226 EIB. IIL TIT. VL contra hune suum hzredem partis dimidize bonorum possessio. Pro- desse autem liberto solebant, ad excludendum patronum, naturales liberi, non solim duos in potestate mortis tempore habeat, sed etiam emancipati, et in adoptionem dati, si modo ex aliqua parte scripti hee- redes erant, aut preteriti contra tabulas bonorum possessionem ex edicto pretorio petierant. Nam exheredati nullo modo repellebant patronum. tate, leaving an adopted son his heir, the possession of a moiety was given to thepatron notwithstanding yet, not only the natural and law- ful children of a freed-man, whom he had under his power at the time of his death, excluded the patron, but those children also, who were emancipated, and given in adoption, if they were written heirs for any part, or even although they were omitted, if they had requested the possession Contra Tabulas, by vir- tue of the preetorian edict. But dis- inherited children by no means re- pelled the patron. De lege Papia. §$ I. Postea vero lege Papia adaucta sunt jura patronorum, qui- locupletiores libertos habebant. Cautum enim est, ut ex bonis ejus, qui sestertium centum millium pa- trimonium reliquerat, et pauciores quam tres liberos habebat, sivé is testamento facto, sivé intestatus mortuus erat, virilis pars patrono deberetur. Itaque, cum unum qui- dem filium filiamve heredem reli- querat libertus, perindé pars dimi- dia debebatur patrono, ac si is siné ullo filio filidve intestatus decessis- set: cum. vero duos duasve heere- des reliquerat, tertia pars debebatur patrono: si tres reliquerat, repelle- batur patronus. §. 2. But afterwards the rights of patrons, who had wealthy freed- men were inlarged by the Papian law: which provides that he shall have a man’s share out of the effects of his freed-man, whether dying tes- tate or intestate, who hath left a pa- trimony of an hundred thousand sestertit and fewer than three chil- dren: so that, when a freed-man hath left only one son or daughter, a moiety is due to the patron, as if the deceased had died testate with- out either son or daughter. But, when there are two heirs, male or female, a third part only is due to the patron: and, when there are three, the patron is wholly exclud- ed. De constitutione Justiniani. § Ill. Sed nostra constitutio, § 3. But ourconstitution, publish- (quam pro omni natione greca lin- ed ina compendious form, in the gua compendioso tractatu habito Greek language, for the benefit of LIB. III. composuimus,) ita hujusmodi cau- sam definivit; ut, siquidém libertus vel liberta minores centenariis sint, id est, minus centum aureis habe- ant substantiam, (sic enim legis Pa- ‘pie summam interpretati sumus, ut pro mille sestertiis unus aureus computetur,) nullum locum habeat patronus in eorum successione, si tamen testamentum fecerint; sin autem intestati decesserint, nullo liberorum relicto, tune patronattis jus, quod erat ex lege duodecim tabularum, integrum = reservavit. Cum vero majores centenariis sint, si heredes vel bonorum possessores liberos habeant, sivé unum, sive plures, cujuscumque sexts vel gra- dis, ad eos successiones parentum deduximus, patronis omnibus mo- dis cum sua progenie semotis. Sin autem siné liberis decesserint, si- quidem intestati, ad omnem here- ditatem patronos patronasque voca- vimus. Si vero testamentum qui- dem fecerint, patronos autem aut patronas preterierint, cum nullos liberos haberent, vel habentes eos exheredaverint, vel mater sivé avus maternus eos preterierint, ita quod non possint argui inofficiosa eorum testamenta, tunc ex nostra constitu- tione per bonorum possessionem contra tabulas, non dimidiam, ut antea, sed tertiam partem bonorum liberti consequantur ; vel quod deest eis, ex constitutione nostra replea- tur, si quando minus tertia parte bonorum suorum libertus vel Jiberta eis reliquerit : ita siné onere, ut nec liberis liberti libertaeve ex ea parte # TTT. VOL. 227 all nations, ) ordained, that, if a free-man, or free-woman, die pos- sessed of less than an hundred aurei, (for thus have we interpreted the sum mentioned in the Papian law, counting one aureus for a thousand sestertit,) the patron shall not be in- titled to any share in a testate suc- cession. But, where a free-man, or woman, dies intestate, and with- out children, we have reserved the tight of patronage intire, as it for- merly was, according to the law of the twelve tables. But, if a freed person die worth more than an hun- dred aurei, and leave one child, or many, of either sex or any degree, as the heirs and possessors of his goods, we have permitted, that such child or children shall succeed their parent to the intire exclusion of the patron and his heirs: and if any free-persons die without children and intestate, we have called their patrons or patronesses to their whole inheritances. And if any freed-per- son, worth more than an hundred aurei, hath made a testament, omit- ted his patron, and left no children, or hath disinherited them; or if a mother, or maternal grand-father, being freed-persons, have omitted to mention their children in their wills, so that such wills cannot be proved to be inofficious, then, by virtue of our constitution, the patron shall succeed, not to a moiety as former- ly but to the third part of the estate of the deceased, by possession contra tabulas: and, when freed-persons, | leave less than the third part of their 228 legata vel fideicommissa preestentur, sed ad coheredes eorum hoc onus redundet: multis aliis casibus 4 no- bis in preefata constitutione congre- gatis, quos necessarios esse ad hu- jusmodi dispositionem juris per- speximus: ut tam patroni patrone- que quam liberi eorum, nec non qui ex transverso latere veniunt usque ad quintum gradum, ad successio- nem libertorum libertarumve vocen- tur, siclt ex e4 constitutione intel- ligendum est. Et, si ejusdem pa- troni vel patrons, vel duorum dua- rumque pluriumve, liberi sint, qui proximior est, ad liberti vel libertee vocetur successionem; et in capita, non in stirpes, dividatur successio; eodem modo et in iis, qui ex trans-, verso latere veniunt, servando. Pené enim consonantia jura inge- nuitatis et libertinitatis in successio- nibus fecimus. LIB. Il. TIT. VIIL effects to their patrons, our consti- tution ordains, that the deficiency shall be supplied; nor shall this third part, be subject to érusts, or legacies, even for the benefit of the children of the deceased ; for the co- heirs only of the patron shall bear this burden. In the before-men- tioned constitution, we have collect- ed many more cases, necessary in relation to the right. of patronage; that patrons and patronesses, their children and collateral relations, as far as the fifth degree, might be cal- Jed to the succession of their freed- men and freed-women ; as will ap- pear more fully from the ordinance itself. And, if there be many chil- dren of one, two or more patron or patroness, the nearest in degree, is called to the succession of his freed- man or freed-woman; and, when there are many in equal degree, the estate must be divided in capita and not in stirpes: the same order is de- creed to be observed among the col- laterals of patrons and patronesses : for we have rendered the laws of succession almost the same both as to ingenui and lbertini. Quibus libertinis succeditur. § IV. Sed hee de iis libertinis hodie dicenda sunt, qui in civitatem Romanam pervenerunt, cum nec sint alii liberti, simul et Dedititiis et Latinis sublatis, cum Latinorum successiones nulle penitus erant; quia, licét ut liberi vitam suam pe- ragebant, attamén ipso ultimo spi- ritu simul animam atque libertatem § 4. What we have said relates to modern freed-men who are all ci- tizens of Rome ; for there is now, no other, the Dedititii and Latini be- ing abolished: the latter of whom never enjoyed any right of succes- sion ; for although they led the lives of freed-men, yet, with their last breath, they lost both their lives and LIB. III. TIT. VIII. 229 ° amittebant: et, quasi servorum, ita bona eorum jure quodammodo pe- culii ex lege Junia Norbana manu- missores detinebant. Postea verd senatus-consulto Largiano cautum fuerat, ut liberi manumissoris, non nominatim exheredati facti, extra- neis heredibus eorum in bonis La- tinorum preponerentur. Quibus etiam supervenit Divi Trajani edic- tum, quod eundem hominem, si in- vito vel ignorante patrono, ad civi- tatem Romanam venire ex benefi- cio principis festinarat, faciebat qui- dem vivum civem, Latinum verd morientem. Sed nostra constitu- tione, propter hujusmodi conditio- num vices et alias difficultates, cum ipsis Latinis etiam legem Juniam, et senatus-consultum Largianum, et edictum Divi Trajani, in perpe- tuum deleri censuimus, et omnes liberi civitate Romana fruantur; et mirabili modo quibusdam adjectio- nibus ipsas vias, que in Latinita- tem ducebant ad civitatem Roma- nam capiendam transposuimus. liberties : for their possessions, like the goods of slaves, were detained by their manumittor, who possessed them, asa peculium, by virtue of the law Junia Norbana. It wasaf- terwards provided by the senatus- consultum Largianum, that the children of a manumittor, not disin- herited by name, should be preferred to any strangers, whom a manumit- tor might constitute his heirs: then followed the edict of Trajan, by which if a slave either against the will or without the knowledge of his patron should obtain the free- dom of Rome by favour of the em- peror, such slave should continue free, while living, but, at his death, should be regarded only as a Latin. But we, being averse to these chan- ges of condition, and dissatisfied with the difficulties attending them, have thought proper by our consti- tution, for ever to abolish, together with the Latins, the law Junia, the senatus-consultum Largianum, and the edict of Trajan ; so that all freed-men may become freed-men of Rome. And we have happily contrived by some additions, that the manner of conferring the free- dom of Latins should now become the manner of conferring the free- dom of Rome. 230 LIB. I. TIT. IX. TITULUS NONUS. DE ASSIGNATIONE LIBERTORUM. D. xxxviii. T. 4. An assignari possit, et quis assignationis effectus. IN summa, (quod ad bona liber- torum attinet,) admonendi sumus, censuisse senatum, ut quamvis ad omnes patroni liberos, qui ejusdem gradus sunt, equalitér bona liber- torum pertineant: tamen licere pa- renti, uni ex liberis assignare liber- tum, ut post mortem ejus solus is patronus habeatur, cui assignatus est : et czeteri liberi qui ipsi quoque adeadem bona, nullé assignatione interveniente, paritér admitterentur, nihil juris in his bonis habeant ; sed ita demum pristinum jus reci- piant, si is, cui assignatus est, de- cesserit, nullis liberis relictis. De sexu assignati, et de sexu $I. Nec tanttim libertum, sed etiam libertam, et non tantum filio nepotive, sed etiam filie neptive, assignare permittitur. Respecting the possession of freed- men, we must remember the decree of the senate ; whereby, although the goods of freed-men belong equal- ly to all the children of the patron, who are in the same degree, yet it is lawful for a parent to assign a freed- man to any one of his children, so that, after the death of the parent, the child, to whom the freed-man was assigned, is solely to be esteem- ed his patron: and the other chil- dren, who would have been equally admitted had not this been the case are wholly excluded; but, if the as- signee should die without issue, the excluded children regain their for- mer right. graduque ejus, cui assignatur. § 1. Freed-persons of either sex are assignable ; not only toa son or grand-son, but to a daughter or grand-daughter. De liberis in potestate vel emancipatis. § II. Datur autem hee assig- nandi facultas ei, qui duos pluresve liberos in potestate habebit, ut eis, quos in potestate habet, assignare libertum libertamve liceat. Unde querebatur, sieum, cui assignavit, postea emancipaverit, num evane- scat assignatio? Sed placuit eva- § 2. The power of assigning freed-persons is given to him, who hath two ormore children un-eman- cipated, so that a fathermay assign a freed-man or freed-womantochil- dren retained under his power: hence it became a question, if a father should assign a freed-man to his son LIB. IIE. TIT. X. 231 nescere: quod. et. Juliano: et. aliis: plerisque: visum est. and afterwardsemancipate that son, whether the assignment would not be null? which hath. been deter- mined in the affirmative; and so thought Julian and many others. Quibus modis aut verbis assignatio fit : et de senatus- consulto. $ HE. Nec interest, an testamen- to quis assignet, an siné testamen- to; sed etiam quibuscunque verbis patronis hoc permittitur facere, ex , ipso SC. quod Claudianis. tempori- bus. factum est, Sabellio Rufo et Asterio Scapula Consulibus. § 3. It is the same, whether the assignment of a freed-man be made by testament, or not; for patrons may assign verbally; under the se- natus-consultum, passed in the reign of Claudian in the consulate of Sa- bellius Rufus and Asterius Scapula. TITULUS DECIMUS. DE BONORUM POSSESSIONIBUS. D. xxxvii. T. t. Cur introductz bonorum possessiones 3 et quis sit earum effectus. JUS bonorum possessionis in- troductum est 4 preetore emendandi veteris juris gratia : nec solum in in- testatorum heereditatibus vetus jus eo modo pretor emendavit, sicut supra dictum est; sed in eorum quo- que, qui testamento facto decesse- rint. Nam, si alienus posthumus heres fuerit institutus, quamvis he- reditatem jure civili adire non po- poterat, cum institutio non valebat, honorario tamen jure, bonorum pos- sessor efficiebatur; videlicét cum a pretore adjuvabatur. Sed et is The right of succeeding by the possession of goods, was introduced. by the preetor in amendment of the ancient law; which he corrected as it regarded not only the inheritances of intestates, (as before observed, ) but of those also who die testate ; for, a posthumous stranger being in- stituted heir, although he could not enter upon the inheritance by the civil law, inasmuch as his institu- tion would not be valid, yet by the (pretorian or) honorary law, he might be made the possessor of the 232 LIB. IIL. TIT. X. 4 nostra constitutione hodie recté heeres instituitur, quasi et jure ci- vili non incognitus. Aliquands ta- men, neque emendandi neque im- pugnandi veteris juris, sed majis confirmandi gratia, pretor police- tur bonorum possessionem: nam illis quoque, qui, recté testamento facto, heredes instituti sunt, dat se- cundum tabulas bonorum possessi- onem. Item ab intestato suos he- redes, et agnatos, ad bonorum pos- sessionem vocat: sed et remota quoque bonorum possessione ad eos pertinet hereditas jure civili. Quos autem solus preetor vocat ad hereditatem, heredes quidem ispo jure non fiunt: nam pretor here- dem facere non potest: per legem enim tantim, vel similem juris con- stitutionem, heeredes fiunt, vel per senatus-consulta et constitutiones principales: sed, cum eis pretor dat bonorum possessionem, loco heredum constituuntur, et vocan- tur bonorum possessores. Adhuc autem et alios complures gradus preetor fecit in bonorum possessioni- bus dandis, dum id agebat, ne quis . siné successore moreretur. Nam, angustissimis finibus constitutum per legem duodecim tabularum, jus percipiendarum hereditatum pre- tor ex bono et equo dilatavit. goods when hehad received theassist- anceofthepretor. Suchstrangermay at this time, by our constitution, be legally instituted heir as a person not unknown to the civillaw. But the praetor sometimes bestows the possession of goods, intending nei- ther to amend nor impugn the old law, but to confirm it: for he gives possession secundam tabulas to those, who are appointed heirs by regular testament. He also calls proper heirs and agnates to the pos- session of the goods of intestates ; and yet the inheritance would be their own by the civil law, although the preetor did not interpose his au- thority. But those, whom the pre- tor calls to an inheritance merely by virtue of his office, do not be- come legal heirs ; inasmuch as the pretor cannot make an heir ; for heirs are made only by_law, or by what has the effect of a law, asa decree of the senate, or an imperial constitution. But, when the preetor gives any persons the possession of goods, they stand in the place of heirs, and are called the possessors of the goods. He hath also devised many other orders of persons, to whom the possession of goods can be granted, so that no man may die without a successor: and, by the _ Tules of justice and equity, he hath enlarged the right of taking inheri- tances, which was bounded within very narrow limits by the law. of the twelve tables. De speciebus ordinariis. S I. Suit autém bonorum posses- Slones ex testamento quidem he; prima, que preeteritis liberis datur vocaturque contra tabulas: secun- da, quam omnibus jure scriptis he- redibus preetor pollicetur; idedque vocatur secundum tabulas. Et,cum de testatis prius locutus est, ad in- testatos transitum fecit: et primo loco suis heredibus, et iis, qui ex edicto prztoris inter suos heredes connumerantur, dat bonorum pos- sessionem, que vocatur unde liberi. Secunda, legitimis heredibus. Ter- tio, decem personis, quas extraneo manumissori preeferebat. Sunt au- tem decem persone he; pater, ma- ter, avus, avia, tam paterni quam materni; itém filius, filia; nepos, neptis, tam ex filio, quam ex filia; frater sororve, consanguinei vel u- terini. Quarto, cognatis proximis. Quinto tanquam ex familia. Sexto, patrono patronzeque, liberisque eo- rum et parentibus. Septimo, viro et uxori. Octavo, cognatis manu- missoris. LIB. III. TIT. X, 233 Jus vetus. $ 1. The possessions of goods ot pretorian testamentary successions, are these. First, that which is given to children, not mentioned in the testament; this is called possession contrary to the testament. The se- cond, that which the pretor pro- mises to all written heirs, and is therefore called possession accord- ing to the testament. These being fixed he goes to intestacies; and first he gives the possession called unde liberi, to the proper héirs, or to those, who by the pretorian edict are numbered among the proper heirs: secondly, to the legitimate (legal) heirs: thirdly, to ten persons, in preference to a stranger, who was the manumittor, viz. to a father, a mother, or a grand-father or grand- mother, paternal or maternal; to a son, a daughter, or to a grand-son or grand-daughter, as well by a daugh- ter as by a son; to a brother or sis- ter, either consanguine or uterine: fourthly, to the nearest: éognates : fifthly, to those who are, as i were, of the family : sixthly, to the patron or patroness, and to their children, and their parents: séventhly, to an husband and wife: eighthly, to the cognates of a manumittor of pa- tron. Jus novum. $ IL. Sed eas quidem pretoria introduxit jurisdictio: & nobis ta- mén nihil incuriosum pretermiss- um est; sed, nostris constitutioni- bus omnia corrigentes, contra tabu- 30 § 2. The preetor’s authority hath introduced these successions; as to ourselves, having passed over no- thing negligently, we have admitted by our constitutions the possession 234 LIB. IIL. las quidem et secundum tabulas bo- norum possessiones admissimus, utpote necessarias constitutas: nec non ab intestato, unde liberi, et un- de legitimi, bonorum possessiones. Que autem in pretoris edicto quin- to loco posita fuerat, id est, unde decem persone, eam pio proposito et compendioso sermone superva- cuam ostendimus. Cum enim pre- fata bonorum possessio decem per- sonas preponebat extraneo manu- missori nostra constitutio, quam de emancipatione liberorum fecimus, omnibus parentibus eisdemque ma- numissoribus, contracta fiducia, ma- numissionem facere dedit; ut ipsa manumissio eorum hoc in se habeat privilegium, et supervacua fiat su- pradicta bonorum possessio. Sub- lata igitur preedicté quinta bonorum possessione in gradum ejus sextam antea bonorum possessionem in- duximus, et quintam fecimus, quam pretor proximis cognatis pollicetur. Cumque antea fuerat septimo loco bonorum possessio, ¢anquam ex fa- milia, et octavo, unde patroni patroneque, liberi et parentes eo- rum, utramque per constitutionem nostram, quam de jure patronatis fecimus, penitus evacuavimus. Cum enim, ad similitudinem successionis ingenuorum, libertinornm succes- siones posuerimus, quas usque ad quintum gradum tantummod6 co- arctavimus, ut sit aliqua inter in- genuos et libertinos differentia, sufficit eis tam contra tabulas bono- rum possessio, quam unde legitimi, et unde cognati, ex quibus possunt TIT. X. of goods contra tabulas and secun- dum tabulas, as necessary ; and also the possessions ab intestato, called unde liberi and unde legitimi; but we have briefly shewn, that the pos- session, called unde decem persone, which was ranked by the preetor’s edict in the fifth order, was unne- cessary: for, whereas that posses- sion preferred ten kinds of persons to a stranger, being the manumittor, our constitution on that subject,hath permitted all parents to manumit their children, under the presump- tion of a fiduciary contract; so that the possession unde decem persone is now useless. The afore-mention- ed fifth possession being thus abro- gated, we have now made that the fifth, which was formerly the sixth, by which the pretor gives the suc- cession to the nearest cognates. . And, whereas formerly the posses- sion canquam ex familia, was in the seventh place, and the possession unde patroni patroneque, liberi et parentes eorum, was in the eighth, we have now annulled them both by our ordinance concerning the right of patronage. And having brought the successions of the iber- tint to a similitude with those of the ingenut, (except, that we have li- mited the former to the fifth degree, so that there may still remain some difference between them) we think, that the possessions contra tabulas, unde legitimi, and unde cognati may suffice, by which all persons may vindicate their rights; the niceties and inextricable errors of LIB. Hf. sua jura vindicare, omni scrupulo- Sitate et inextricabili errore istarum duarum bonorum possessionum re- soluto. Aliam vero bonorum pos- sessionem, que unde vir et uxor appellatur, et nono loco inter vete- res bonorum possessiones posita fuerat, et in suo vigore servavimus, et altiore loco, id est, sexto, eam posuimus: decima quoque veteri bonorum possessione, que erat wn- de cognati manumissoris, propter causas enumeratas merito sublata, ut sex tantummodo bonorum pos- sessiones ordinarise permaneant, suo vigore pollentes. "TET Xx. 235 those two kinds of possessions, tan- quam ex familia and unde patroni, being removed. The other posses- sion of goods, called vir et uxor, which held the ninth place among the ancient possessions, we have preserved in full force and have placed in an higher, to wit, the sixth degree. The tenth of the an- cient possessions, called unde cog- nati manumissoris, being deserved- ly abolished for causes already en- umerated, there now remain in force only six ordinary possessions of goods. Species extraordinaria. § II. Septima eas secuta, quam optima ratione preetores introduxe- runt: novissimé enim promittitur edicto iis etiam bonorum possessio, quibus, ut detur, lege vel senatus- consulto vel constitutione compre- hensum est: quam neque bono- rum possessionibus, que ab intesta- to veniunt, neque iis, que ex testa- mento sunt, pretor stabili jure con- numeraverit; sed quasi ultimum et extraordinarium auxilium (prout Tes exigit) accommodavit, scilicét jis, qui ex legibus, senatus-consul- tis, constitutionibusve principum, ex novo jure, vel ex testamento, vel ab intestato veniunt. § 3. To these a seventh posses- sion hath been added, which the pretors have very properly intro- duced : for, by alate edict, this pos- session is promised to all those, to whom it is appointed by any law, senatus-consultum, or constitution : and the preetor hath not positively numbered this possession of goods either with the possessions of the goods of intestate or testate persons, but hath given it, according to the exigence of the case, as the last and extraordinary resource of those,who are called to the successions of tes- tates or intestates, by any particu- lar law, decree of the senate, or new constitution. De successorio edicto. § IV. Cum igitur plures species successionem pretor introduxisset, § 4. The pretor, having introdu- ced in their order many kinds of 286 LIB. II. TIT. X. easque per ordinem dispossuisset, et in unaquaque specie successionis sepé plures extent dispari gradu persona, ne actiones creditorum differentur, sed haberent, quos con- venirent, et ne facilé in possessio- nem bonorum defuncti mitterentur, et eo modo sibi consulerent, ideo petendz bonorum possessioni cer- tum tempus prefinivit. Liberis itaque et parentibus, tam naturali- bus quam adoptivis, in petenda bo- norum possessione amni spatium, ceteris autem (agnatis vel cog- natis) centum dierum, dedit. suceessions, and as persons of dif- ferent degrees are often found in one species of succession, he thought fit to limit a certain time for de- manding the possession of goods, that the actions of creditors may not be delayed for want of a proper person against whom to bring them, and that the creditors may not pos- sess themselves of the effects of the deceased too easily, and consult solely their own advantage: there- fore to parents and children, whe- ther natural or adopted, he hath al- lowed one year, within which, they may either accept or refuse the pos- session. ‘'T’o all other persons, ag- nates or cognates, he allows only an hundred days. De jure accrescendi et iterum de successorio edicto. $ V. Et si intra hoc tempus ali- quis bonorum possessionem non pe- tierit, ejusdem gradus personis ac- crescit; vel, si nullus sit, deinceps cxteris bonorum possessionem pe- rindé ex successorio edicto pollice- tur, ac si is, qui preecedebat, ex eo numero non esset. Si quis itaque delatam sibi bonorum possessionem repudiaverit, non, quousque tem- pus bonorum possessioni preefini- tum excesserit, expectatur; sed statim ceeteri ex eodem edicto ad- mittuntur. § 5. And, if a person intitled, do not claim possession within the time limited, his right of possession ac- crues first to those in the same de- gree with himself; and, in default of those, the pretor by successory ediet gives the possession to the next degree, as if he, who preceded, had no right. If a man refuse the pos- session of goods, when it is open to him, there is no necessity to wait, until the time limited is expired, but the next in succession, may be in- stantly admitted under that edict. Explicatio dicti temporis. § VI. In petendé autem bono- rum. possessione dies utiles singuli considerantur. $ 6. In applications for the pos- session of goods, we count all the days, which are wiles ; i. e. those days, on which the party, having knowledge that the inheritance is o- pen to him, might apply to the judge. LIB. YL. TIT. XI. 237 Quomodo peti debet. $ VII. Sed bené anteriores prin- cipes et huic cause providerunt, ne quis pro petendd bonorum posses- sione curet; sed, quocunque modo admittentis eam, indicium ostende- rit, intra statuta tamen tempora, plenum habeat earum beneficium. $ 7. Former emperors, have wise- ly provided, that no person need de- mand the possession of goods in so- lemn form : for, if a man has in any manner signified his consent to ac- cept the pretorian succession with- in the prescribed time, he shall en- joy the benefit of it. TITULUS UNDEUIMUS. DE ACQUISITIONE PER ARROGATIONEM. Continuatio. EST et alterius generis per uni- versitatem successio; que neque lege duodecim tabularum, neque preetoris edicto, sed eo jure, quod consensu receptum est, introducta est. Que hoc modo acquiruntur. $ IL. Ecce enim, cum pater-fami- lias sese in arrogationem dat, om- nes res ejus corporales et incorpo- rales, queeque ei debits sunt, arro- gatori antea quidem pleno jure ac- quirebantur, exceptis iis, que per capitis diminutionem pereunt; quales sunt operarum obligationes et jus agnationis: usus etenim et ususfructus, licét his antea connu- merabantur; attamén eapitis dimi- There is also an universal suc- cession of another kind, introduced neither by the laws of the twelve tables, nor by the edict of the pre- tor, but by the law founded on ge- neral consent and usage. Jus vetus. § I. For example, if the father of a family gave himself in arrogation, his property corporeal or incorpo- real, and the debts due to him, were formerly acquired in full right by the arrogator ; those things only excepted, which perished by dimi- nution or change of state; as the duties of freed-men to their patrons and the rights of agnation. But although use and usufruct, were 238 LIB. TL TIT. XI. nutione minima eos tollj prohibuit nostra constitutio. heretofore numbered among those rights which perished by diminu- tion, yet our constitution hath pro- hibited them from being taken a- way by the less diminution. Jus novum. §$ II Nunc autem nos eandem acquisitionem, que per arrogatio- nem fiebat, coarctavimus ad simili- tudinem naturalium parentum. Ni- hil enim aliud, nisi tantummod6 ususfructus, tam naturalibus paren- tibus quam adoptivis, per filios-fa- milias acquiritur in iis rebus, que extrinseciis filiis obveniunt, dominio eis integro servato. Mortuo autem filio arrogato in adoptiva familia, etiam dominium rerum ejus ad ar- rogatorem pertransit; nisi supersint alize persone, que ex constitutione nostra patrem in iis, que acquiri non possunt, antecedant. § 2. But we have now limited the acquisitions from arrogation, by those of natural parentage: for no- thing is now acquired either by natural or adoptive parents, but the bare usufruct of those things, which their children possess extrinsically in their own right: the property still remaining intire (in the adopted or natural child.) But, if an arrogated son die under power of his arroga- tor, then even the property of the effects of such son will pass to the arrogator in default of those. per- sons, whom we have by our con- stitution preferred to the father in the succession of those things, which could not be acquired for him. Effectus hujus acquisitionis. § III. Sed ex diverso, pro eo quod is debuit, qui se in adoptio- nem dedit, ipso quidem jure arro- gator non tenetur, sed nomine filii convenitur; et, si noluerit eum de- fendere, permittitur creditoribus, per competentes nostros magistra- tis, bona, que ejus cum usufructu futura fuissent, si se alieno juri non subjecisset, possidere, et legitimo modo ea disponere. § 3. On the other hand an arro- gator is not directly bound to satis- fy the debts of his adopted son; but he may be sued in his son’s name; and, if he refuse to defend his son, then the creditors, by order of the proper magistrates, may seize upon and legally sell all those goods, of which the usufruct, as well as the property, would have been in the debtor, if he had not made himself subject to the power of another. LIB. W. TIT. xi. 239 TITULUS DUODECIMUS, DE EO, CUI LIBERTATIS CAUSA BONA ADDI- CUNTUR. Continuatio. Accessit novus casus successionis ex constitutione Divi Marci. Nam, Si ii, qui libertatem acceperunt a domino in testamento, ex quo non aditur heereditas, velint bona sibi addici libertatum conservandarumn causa, audiuntur. Rescriptum $I. Et ita Divi Marci rescripto ad Pompilium Rufum continetur: verba rescripti ita se habent. Si Virginio Valenti, qui testamento suo libertatem quibusdam adscripsit, ne- mine successore ab intestato exis- tente, in ea causa bona ejus esse ca- perunt, ut venire debeant, is, cujus de ea re notio est, aditus rationem desiderti tui habebit, ut libertatum, tam earum, que directo, quam ear- um que per speciem fideicommissi relicte sunt, tuendarum gratia ad- dicantur tibi, si idonee creditoribus caveris de solido, quod cuique debe- tur, solvendo. Et ti quidem, quibus directa libertas data est, perinde li- beri erunt, ac si hereditas adita es- set: ti autem, quos heres manumit- tere rogatus est, a te libertatem con- sequentur ; ita autem ut si non alia conditione velis tibi bona addici, A new species of succession hath taken its rise from the constitution of Marcus Aurelius. For, if those slaves, to whom freedom hath been bequeathed, are desirous, for the sake of obtaining it, that the inheri- tance, which hath not been accept- ed by the written heir, should be adjudged for their benefit, they shall obtain their request. D. Marci. $ 1. And to the same effect is the rescript of the emperor Marcus to Pompilius Rufus; the words of which are “If theestate of Virginius “Valens, who by testament hath be- “queathed to certain persons their “freedom, must necessarily be sold, “‘and there is no successor ab intes- “tato, then the magistrate who has “the cognizance of these affairs, “shall upon application hear the “merits of your cause, that, for “the sake of preserving the liberty “of those, to whom it was given ei- “ther directly or in trust, the es- “tate of the deceased may be ad- “judged to you, on condition, that “you give good security to satisfy “the creditors. And all those, to “whom freedom was directly gi- “ven, shall then become free, as if “the inheritance had been entered 240 LIB. III. TIT. XII. quam ut ti etiam, qui directo liber- tatem acceperunt, tui liberti fiant: nam huic etiam voluntati tue, si ti, quorum de statu agitur, sonsentiant, auctoritatem nostram accommoda- mus. Et, ne hujus rescriptionis nostre emolumentum alia ratione irritum fiat, si fiscus bona agnoscere voluerit, et ti, qui bonis nostris at- tendunt, sciant, commodo pecuniario preferendam esse libertatis causam, et ita bona cogenda, ut libertas eis salva sit, qui eam adipisci potue- runt, ac si hereditas ex testamento adita esset. Utilitas § TI. Hoe rescripto subventum est et libertatibus et defunctis, ne bona eorum 4 creditoribus. posside- antur et veneant. Certé, si fuerint hac de causa bona addicta, cessat bonorum venditio; existit enim de- “aon by the written heir; but “those whom the heir was order- “ed to manumit, shall obtain their “freedom from you only. And, “if you are not willing, that the “goods of the deceased should be “adjudged to you on any other con- “dition, than that even they, who “received their liberty directly by “testament, shall also become your ‘ freed-men, we then order, that “your will shall be complied with, “Cif the persons agree to it, who are “to receive their freedom. And, “ Jest the use and emolument of this “our rescript should be frustrated “by any other means, be it known “to the officers of our revenue, “that, whenever our exchequer “Jays claim to the estate of a de- ‘ceased person, the cause of liber- “ty is to be preferred to any pe- “cuniary advantage; and the es- “tate shall be so seized, as to pre- “ serve the freedom of those, who “could otherwise have obtained it: “and this in as full a manner, as if “the inheritance had been entered “upon by the testamentary heir.” rescripti. § 2. This rescript is calculated in favour of liberty, and also for the benefit of deceased persons, lest their effects should be seized and sold by their creditors: for it is certain, that, when goods are adjudged to a s LIB. Tl. functi defensor, et quidem idoneus, qui de solido creditoribus cavet. TIT. XII. 241 particular man for the preservation of liberty, a sale by creditors can never take effect: for he to whom the goods are adjudged, is the pro- tector of the deceased, and must be a person, who can give security to the creditors. Ubi locum habeat. § II. In primis hoc rescriptum toties locum habet, quoties testa- mento libertates date sunt. Quid ergo, si quis intestatus decedens codicillis libertates dederit, neque adita sit ab intestato hereditas ? Favor constitutionis. debebit locum habere: certé, si testatus decesse- rit et codicillis dederit libertatem, competere eam, nemini dubium est. $ IV. Tunc enim constitutioni locum esse verba ostendunt, cum nemo successor ab intestato exis- tat: ergo, quamdiu incertum erit, utrum existat, an non, cessabit constitutio. Si verd certum esse ceeperit neminem existere; tunc erit constitutioni locus. -§ V. Si is, qui in integrum res- titui potest, abstinuerit hzereditate, an, quamvis potest in integrum restitui, potest admitti constitutio, et bonorum addictio fieri? Quid er- go, si post addictionem, libertatum, conservandarum causa factam, in integrum sit restitutus? Utique 31 $3. This rescript takes place, whenever freedom is conferred by testament. But what if a master die intestate, having bequeathed freedom to his slaves by codicil, and. his inheritance be not entered upon ? We answer, that the benefit of the rescript shall extend to this case; most certainly, if a master die tes- tate, and by codicil bequeath free- dom, the rescript shall be in force. § 4. The words of the rescript shew, that it is in force, when there is no successor ab intestato. 'There- fore while it remains doubtful, whether there be or be not a succes- sor, the constitution shall not take place; but when it is certain that no one will enter upon the succes- sion, it shall then have its effect. § 5. But, if one who has a right to be restored in integrum (as a minor) should delay to take upon him the inheritance, shall the constitution then take place, and an adjudication of the goods pass (to a stranger or one of the slaves 2) And again, after an adjudication 242 LIB. IIT. TIT. XII. non erit dicendum, revocari liber- tates ; quia semel competierunt. has been made for the sake of lib- erty, shall the heir be restored in integrum? We answer, that free- dom once obtained, shall not after- wards be revoked. Si libertates date non sunt. § VI. Hec constitutio liberta- um tuendarum causa introducta est; ergo, si libertates nulle sint datz, cessat constitutio. Quid ergo, Si vivus dederit libertates vel mor- tis causa, et, ne de hoc queratur, utrum in fraudem creditorum, an non, factum sit, idcircd velint sibi bona addici, an audiendi sunt? Et magis est, ut audiri debeant, etsi deficiant verba constitutionis. § 6. This constitution was made for the protection of liberty: and therefore, when freedom is not giv- en, the constitution has no effect. Suppose then, a master hath given freedom to his slaves either inter vivos, or mortis causa and to pre- vent the creditors from complaining of fraud, they should petition, that the estate of the deceased may be adjudged to them; are they to be heard? We think they ought, although the letter of the constitu- tion is deficient. De speciebus additis a Justiniano. § VII. Sed cum multas divi- siones ejusmodi constitutioni dees- se perspeximus, lata est 4 nobis plenissima constitutio, in qué mul- tee species collate sunt, quibus jus hujusmodi successionis plenissi- mum est effectum; quas ex ipsius lectione constitutionis potest quis cognoscere. § 7. But perceiving that the re- script was deficient in many re- spects, we enacted a very full con- stitution, containing many cases, which amply explam the rights of succession ; which any person who reads that constitution, may under- stand. LIB. IIL. TIT. XII. 243 TITULUS DECIMUS-TERTIUS. DE SUCESSIONIBUS SUBLATIS, QUE FIEBANT PER BONORUM VENDITIONES, ET EX SENA- TUS-CONSULTO CLAUDIANO. C. vii. ERANT ante predictam succes- sionem olim et aliz per universita- tem successiones; qualis fuerat bo- norum emptio, que de bonis debi- toris vendendis per multas ambages fuerat introducta; et tunc locum habebat, quando judicia ordinaria in usu fuerant; sed, cum extraordi- nariis judiciis posteritas usa est, ideo cum ipsis ordinariis judiciis etiam bonorum venditiones expiraverunt : et tantummodo creditoribus datur officio judicis bona possidere, et, prout utile eis visum est, ea dispo- nere: quod ex latioribus digestorum libris perfectius apparebit. rat et ex senatus-consulto Claudiano mi- serabilis per universitatem acqui- sitio, cum libera mulier, servili a- more bacchata, ipsam libertatem per senatus-consultum amittebat, et cum, libertate substantiam. (Quod indignum nostris temporibus esse existimantes, et 4 nostra civitate de- leri, et non inseri nostris digestis concessimus. T. 24. There were many other kinds of universal succession before that, which we treated of in the forego- ing title; as the bonorwm emptio ; which was introduced with many intricacies for the sale of debtor’s estates, and continued as long as the ordinary judgments were in prac- tice; but, when the extraordinary judgments were used, the emptio bo- norum and the ordinary judgments ceased together. Creditors can now possess themselves of the goods of their debtors and dispose of them as they think proper, by the decree of a judge. These points are treat- ed of more at large in the books of our digests. ‘There was also, by virtue of the Claudian decree, ano- ther universal acquisition called miserabilis: for example, if a free- woman had debased herself by co- habiting with a slave, she lost her freedom by the before named de- cree, and, together with her free- dom, her estate and substance. But, this was, in our opinion, un- worthy of our reign, and ought to be expunged; hence, we have not permitted it to be inserted in the di- gests. 244 LIB. SII. TIT. XIV. TITULUS DECIMUS-QUARTUS. DE OBLIGATIONIBUS. D. xliv. T. 7. Continuatio NUNC transeamus ad obliga- tiones. Obligatio est juris vincu- lum, quo necessitate astringimur alicujus rei solvendse secundim nostree civitatis jura. C. iv. T. 10. et definitio. _ Let us now pass to obligations. An obligation is the chain of the law, by which we are necessarily bound to make some payment, ac- cording to the laws of our country. Divisio prior. $I. Omnium autem obligationum summa divisio in duo genera de- ducitur; namque aut civiles sunt aut pretorie. Civiles sunt, que aut legibus constitute, aut certo jure civili comprobate sunt. Pree- toriz sunt, quas praetor ex sua juris- dictione constituit; que etiam ho- norarice vocantur. § 1. Obligations are primarily divided into two kinds, civil and pretorian. Civil obligations, are such as are constituted by the laws, or by any species of the civil law. Pretorian obligations are such as the pretor hath appointed by his authority ; and are also called hono- rary. Divisio posterior. § II. Sequens divisio in quantuor species dividitur. Aut enim ex contractu sunt, aut quasi ex con- tractu, aut ex maleficio, aut quasi ex maleficio. Prius est, ut de iis que ex contractu sunt, dispicia- mus. Harum eque quantor sunt species. Aut enim re contrahun- tur, aut verbis, aut literis, aut con- sensu: de quibus singulis dispicia- mus. § 2. The second or subsequent division of obligations is four fold; by contract, by quasi-contract ; by malefeasance, and by quasi-male- Jeasance. Let us first treat of those which arise from contract; which are also four fold: for obligations are contracted by the thing itself, by parol, by writing, or by consent of parties. Let us take a view of each of these. LIB. III. TIT. Xv. 245 TITULUS DECIMUS-QUINTUS. QUIBUS MODIS RE CONTRAHITUR OBLIGATIO. Dz xii. T. 1. D. xii, T. 6.7. G,iv. T. 1, 23. 24, oa De mutuo. RE contrahitur obligatio, veluti mutui datione. Mutui autem da- tio in iis rebus consistit, que pon- dere, numero, mensurdve, constant; veluti vino, oleo, frumento, pecu- nia numerata, ere, argento, auro, quas res, aut numerando, aut me- tiendo, aut appendendo, in hoc da- mus, ut accipientium fiant. Et, quoniam nobis non ezdem res sed aliz ejusdem nature et qualitatis redduntur, indé etiam mutuum ap- pellatum est; quia ita 4 me tibi da- tur, ut ex meo tuum fiat: et ex eo contractu nascitur actio, que vocatur certi condictio. An obligation may be founded on the thing itself; as by the delivery of a loan or mutuum : and this may be of any thing, having weight, number, or measure, as wine, oil, com, coin, brass, silver, or gold; which being thus delivered, become the property of the receiver: and since the identical things lent can- not, but others of the same nature must be returned in lieu of them, this loan is therefore called a mutu- um ; for in this case I so give, that what is mine may become yours : From this contract arises the ac- tion, certi condictio. De indebito soluto. § L Is quoque, qui non debitum, accepit ab eo, qui per errorem sol- vit, re obligatur; daturque agenti contra eum propter repetitionem condictitia actio: nam perinde ei condici potest, st apparet, eum dare oportere, ac si mutuum accepisset. Undé pupillus, si ei siné tutoris auctoritate indebitum per errorem datum est, non tenebitur indebiti eonditione, non magis quam mu- tui datione. Sed hec species obli- gationis non videtur ex contractu consistere; cum is, qui solvendi $1. He also to whom another hath paid by mistake what was not due, is bound by the thing received, so that an action of condiction lies for the recovery at the suit of him, who paid or delivered it erroneously. And this action may be brought sz apparet, eum dare opportere; as if the receiver had accepted it as a mutuum. Henze a pupil, to whom a payment hath been erroneously made without the authority of his tutor, is not subject to the condictio indebiti, any more than to the certi 246 LIB. III. animo dat, magis voluerit negotium distrahere, quam contrahere. TIT. XV. condictio. And yet this species of obligation does not seem founded in contract; since he, who pays in contemplation of debt, appears more willing to dissolve, than to make a contract. : De commodato. § II. Item is, cui res aliqua uten- da datur, id est, commodatur, re obligatur, et tenetur commodati actione. Sed is ab eo, qui mutuunm accepit, longé distat: namque non ita res datur, ut ejus fiat; et ob id de e& re ipsa restituenda tenetur. Et is quidem, qui mutuum accepit, si quolibet fortuito casu amiserit, quod accepit, veluti incendio, rui- na, naufragio, aut latronum hos- tiumve incursu, nihilominuts obliga- tus manet. At is, qui utendum ac- cepit, sané quidem exactam diligen- tiam custodiende rei prestare te- netur: nec sufficit ei, tantam dili- gentiam adhibuisse, quantam suis rebus adhibere solitus est, si modd alius diligentior poterat eam rem custodire. Sed propter majorem vim, majoresve casus, non tenetur, si modo non ipsius culpd is casus intervenerit: alioqui si id, quod ti- bi commodatum est domi, peregré tecum ferre malueris, et vel incur- su hostium predonumve, vel nau- fragio, amiseris, dubium non est, quin de restituenda ea re tenearis. Commodata autem res tunc pro- prie .intelligitur, si nulla mercede accepta vel constituta, res tibi uten- da data est: alioqui, mercede inter- veniente, locatus tibi usus rei vide- $ 2. He also, to whom the use of any particular thing is granted or commodated, is bound by the deli- very of the thing, and is subject to the action commodataria. But such person widely differs from him, who hath received a mutuum : for a com- modatum, or thing lent, is not deli- vered, to the intent that it should become the property of the receiver; and therefore he is bound to restore the identical thing received. There is also another difference; for he who hath accepted a mutuum, is not freed from his obligation, if by any accident, as the fall of an edi- fice, fire, shipwreck, thieves, or the incursions of an enemy, he hath lost what he received : but he, who hath received a commodatum, or a thing lent for his use only, is indeed com- manded to employ his utmost dili- gence in keeping and preserving it; and it will not suffice, that he hath taken the same care of it, which he was accustomed to take of his own property, if it appear, that a more diligent man might have preserved it; yet, if the loss was occasioned by superior force, or some extraor- dinary accident, and not by any fault, he is then not obliged to make it good; but if a man choose to LIB. III. tur; gratuitum enim debet esse commodatum. TIT. XV. 247 travel abroad with that which hath been lent him at home, and should lose it by shipwreck, or the incursion of enemies, or rob- bers, itis not doubted but he is bound to make restitution, or pay an equivalent. ; TITULUS OCTAVUS. DE NOXALIBUS ACTIONIBUS. D. ix. T. 4. C. iii. T. 4d. : De servis. EX maleficiis servorum, veluti si furtum fecerint, aut bona rapuerint, aut damnum dederint, aut injuriam commiserint, noxales actiones pro- ditze sunt; quibus domino damnato permittitur aut litis estimationem sufferre, aut ipsum hominem noxe dedere: Summa. Noxal actions are given on account of the offences of slaves; as when a slave commits a theft or robbery, or does any damage or injury. And, when the master or owner of a slave is condemned upon this ac- count, itis in his option either to pay the estimate of the damage done, or deliver up his slave asa recompence. Quid sit noxa et noxia. §$ I. Noxa autem est ipsum cor- pus, quod nocuit; id est, servus: noxia ipsum maleficium , veluti fur- - tum, rapina, damnum, injuria. §$ 1. Nova is the slave, the offend- er. Nowia is the offence, whether theft, damage, rapine or injury. LIB. IV. TIT. VIII. 355 Ratio harum actionum. $ Il. Summa autem ratione per- missum est noxe deditione fungi; namque erat iniquum, nequiliam eorum ultra ipsorum corporum do- minis damnosam esse. $ 2. It is reasonably permitted to the master to deliver up the offend- ing slave: for it would be unjust to make the master liable, beyond the body of the slave himself. Effectus noxe deditionis. § II. Dominus, noxali judicio Servi sui nomine conventus, ser- vum actori nox dedendo libera- tur; nec minus in perpetuum ejus servi dominium a domino transfer- tur: sin autem damnum ei, cui deditus est, servus resarcierit que- sita pecunia, auxilio pretoris, invito domino, manumittetur. De origine harum actionum. $ IV. Sunt autem constitute noxales actiones, aut legibus, aut edicto pretoris; legibus, veluti furti ex lege xii tabularum, damni injurie ex lege Aquilia; edicto pretoris, veluti injuriarum, et vi bonorum raptorum. § 3. In a noxal action brought against a master, he may clear him- self by giving up his slave to the plaintiff, in whom the property will become absolutely vested; but, if the slave can satisfy his new mas- ter in money for the damage, he may be manumitted on application to the pretor, though his new mas- ter should be unwilling. ' § 4. Noxal actions are appointed either by the laws, or by the edict of the pretor. By the laws, as for theft, by the law of the twelve tables; for injurious damage, by the law Aquilia ; for injuries and goods taken by force, by the praetor’s edict. Qui conveniuntur noxali actione. $ V. Omnis autem noxalis actio capit sequitur; nam, si servus tuus noxam commiserit, quamdiu in tua potestate sit, tecum actio est: si autem in alterius potestatem per- ‘venerit, cum illo incipit actio esse: at, si manumissus fuerit, directo ipse tenetur, et extinguitur noxe deditio. Ex diverso quoque di- recta actio noxalis esse incipit; nam, si liber homo noxiam commi- serit, et is servus tuus esse caepe- §$ 5. No real actions follow the person; thus, the master is liable while the slave belongs to him; if the slave become subject to a new master, then he becomes liable; but, if the slave be manumitted, he may be prosecuted by a direct action; and the noxe deditio, is extinguished. But an action, which was at first direct, may afterwards become nox- al; for if a free man, guilty of mal- feasance, become‘a slave, (and our 356 rit, (quod quibusdam casibus effici primo libro tradidimus,) incipit tecum esse noxalis actio, que ante directa fuisset. LIB. IV. TIT. VIII. first book shews in what cases this may happen, ) then the direct action against the slave, is changed into a noxal action against the master. Si servus Domino noxiam commiserit, vel contra. § VI. Si servus domino noxiam commiserit, actio nulla nascitur; namque inter dominum et eum, qui in potestate ejus est, nulla obliga- tio nasci potest. Idedque, si in alienam potestatem servus pervene- rit, aut manumissus fuerit, neque cum ipso, neque cum eo, cujus nunc in potestate sit, agi potest: unde, si alienus_ servus _ tibi noxiam commiserit, et is postea in potestate tud esse cceperit, in- terdicitur actio; quia in eum ca- sum deducta sit, in quo consistere non potuit. Idedque, licét exierit de tua potestate, agere non potes; quemadmodum si dominus in ser- vum suum aliquid commiserit, nec, si manumissus aut alienatus fuerit servus, ullam actionem contra do- minum habere potest. $6. Although a slave commit mal-feasance against his master, yet no action is given; for no obligation can arise between a master and his slave; and if the slave pass under the power of another master, or is manumitted, no action lies either against him or his new master; whence it follows, that, if the slave of another should commit mal-feas- ance against you, and become your slave, the action is forbidden: for the case has arisen in which it can- not be brought. Therefore, al- though a slave hath passed out of your power, you cannot sue him: neither can a slave, who hath been aliened or manumitted, bring any action against his late master. De filiis-familiarum. § VII. Sed veteres quidem hoc in filiis-familiarum masculis et foe- minis admisere; nova autem ho- minum conversatio hujusmodi as- peritatem recté respuendam esse existimavit, et ab usu communi hoc penitus recessit. Quis enim patia- tur, filium suum, et maxime filiam, in noxam alii dari? ut pene per fi- lii corpus pater magis quam filius periclitetur; cum in filiabus etiam pudicitiz favor hoc bené excludat. § 7. The ancients indeed admitted this law of the forfeiture of the per- son, even in cases of children, whe- ther male or female: but later times have rightly thought, that such ri- gorous proceeding, ought to be ex- ploded ; and it hath therefore passed wholly into disuse: for who could suffer a son, and more especially a daughter, to be delivered up as a for- feiture to a stranger? for, in the case of a son, the punishment of the LIB. IV. Et ideo placuit, in servos tantum- modo, noxales actiones esse propo- nendas; cum, apud veteres legum commentatores, invenerimus sepi- us dictum, ipsos filios-familiarum pro suis delictis posse conveniri. TIT. IX. 357 father would be greater, than that of the son; and, in the case of a daughter, the rules of modesty for- bid the practice. It hath therefore prevailed, that noxal actions should apply to slaves only: and, we find it often laid down in the old books, that sons of a family may be sued for their own misdeeds. TITULUS NONUS. SI QUADRUPES PAUPERIEM FECISSE DICATUR. D. ix. T. 1. De actione, si quadrupes ex |. xii. tab. ANIMALIUM nomine, que ra- tione carent, si qua lascivia, aut pavore, aut feritete, pauperiem fe- cerint, noxalis actio lege xii tab. prodita est: que animalia, si nox dedantur, proficiunt reo ad libera- tionem ; quia ita lex xii tabularum scripta est, ut puta, si equus calci- trosus calce percusserit, aut bos, cornu petere solitus, cornu petierit. Heec autem actio in lis, que contra naturam moventur, locum habet; cxterum, si genitalis sit feritas, ces- sat actio. Denique, si ursus fuge- rit 4 domino, et sic nocuerit, non potest quondam dominus conveniri, quia desiit dominus esse, ubi fera evasit. Pauperis autem est dam- num siné injuria facientis datum ; nec enim potest animal injuriam A noxal action is given by the law of the 12 tables when damage is done by brute animals, through wantonness, fright, or furiousness ; and when delivered up in atone- ment for the damage done, the de- fendant is cleared from the action : for it is thus written in the law of the 12 tables, if a horse, apt to kick, should strike with his foot; or uf an or, accustomed to gore, should wound any man with his horns, Sc. But a noxal action takes place only when animals act contrary to their nature; for, when the ferocity of a beast is innate, no action can be given ; so that, if a bear break loose from his master, and mischief be done, the master cannot be sued ; for he ceased to be the master as 358 LIB. IV TIT. X. fecisse dici, quod sensu caret. Heec quidem ad noxalem pertinent actionem. soon as the beast escaped. The word pauperies denotes a damage, by which no injury is intended; for an animal, void of reason, cannot be said to have committed an inju- ry. Thus much as to noxal actions De actione edilitia, concurrente cum actione de pauperie. § I Ceeterum sciendum est, edi- litio edicto prohiberi nos canem, verrem, aprum, ursum, leonem, ibi habere, qua vulgo iter fit; et, si adversus ea factum erit, et nocitum libero homini esse dicatur, quod bonum et exquum judici videtur, tanti dominus condemnetur ; czte- rarum vero rerum, quanti damnum datum sit, dupli. Prater has au- tem edilitias actiones, et de paupe- rie locum habebit; nunquam enim actiones, preesertim poenales, de ea- dem re concurrentes, alia aliam consumit. = § 1. It must be observed, that the edict of the Edile forbids any man to keep a dog, a boar, a bear, or a lion, where there is a public passage or highway: and if this prohibition be disobeyed, and any freeman receive hurt, the master of , the beast may be condemned at the - discretion of the judge; yet, in oth- er cases of damage, the condemna- tion must be in double the amount. Besides the Edilitian action, an ac- tion for damage, called pauperies, may also take place against the same person: for actions, especial- ly penal actions, may concur on account of the same thing, without the one destroying the other. TITULUS DECIMUS. DE IIS, PER QUOS AGERE POSSUMUS. Per quos agere liceat. NUNC admonendi sumus, agere, posse quemlibet hominem aut suo nomine aut alieno. Alieno, veluti procuratorio, tutorio, curatorio ; cum olim in usu fuisset, alterius We must now remark, that any man may commence a suit, in his own name, or in that of another, as of a proctor, a tutor, or a curator; but anciently, one person could nét LIB. IV. nomine agi non posse, nisi pro pop- ulo, pro libertate, pro tutela. Pre- terea lege Hostilié permissum erat furti agere eorum nomine, qui apud hostes essent, aut reipublice causa abessent, quivé in eorum cujus tute- 14 essent. Sed, quia hoc non mini- mam incommoditatem habebat, quod alieno nomine neque agere, heque excipere actionem licebat, cceeperunt homines per procuratores litigare. Nam et morbus et etas et necessaria peregrinatio, itemque al- le multe cause, sepe hominibus impedimento sunt, quo minus rem suam ipsi exequi possint. TIT. X. 359 sue in the name of another, unless in a public cause, in a cause to es- tablish. freedom, or in a cause of tutelage. It was afterwards per- mitted by the law Hostilia, that an action of theft might be brought in the names of captives: or of per- sons absent upon the affairs of the republic; or who were under the careof tutors. But, as it was found in later times to be highly inconve- nient, that any man should be pro- hibited, either from suing, or defend- ing in the name of another, it by degrees became a practice to sue by proctors ; for illhealth, old age, the necessity of travelling, and many other causes, continually prevent mankind from being able to prose- cute their own affairs in person. Quibus modis procurator constituatur. $ I. Procurator neque certis ver- bis, neque presente semper adver- sario, imo et plerumque eo ignoran- te, constituitur: cuicunque enim permiseris rem tuam agere, aut de- fendere, is tuus procurator intelli- gitur. § 1_A proctor may be appointed without any certain form of words, nor is the presence of the adverse party required ; indeed itis generally done without his knowledge. Who- ever is employed to sue or defend for another, is understood to be a proctor. Quibus modis tutores vel curatores constituuntur. $ II. Tutores et curatores que- madmodum constituantur, primo li- bro expositum est. $2. We have already explained in the first book, how tutors and curators may be appointed. LIB. IV. TIT. XI. TITULUS UNDECIMUS. DE SATISDATIONIBUS. Dz. ii. T. 8. C ii. T. 57. De judicio personali. SATISDATIONUM modus ali- us antiquitati placuit, alium novitas per usum amplexa est. Olim enim, siin rem agebatur, satisdare pos- sessor compellabatur, ut, si victus esset, nec rem ipsam restitueret, nec litis eestimationem, potestas esset petitori aut cum eo agendi, aut cum fide-jussoribus ejus ; que satisdatio appellatur judicatum solvi: undé autem sic appelletur, facile est in- telligere; namque stipulabatur quis, ut solveretur sibi, quod fuisset judi- catum; multo magis is, qui in rem actione conveniebatur, satis- dare cogebatur, si alieno nomine ju- dicium accipiebat. Ipse autem, qui in rem agebat, si suo nomine pete- bat, satisdare non cogebatur. Pro- curator vero, si in rem agebat, satis- dare jubebatur, remratam dominum habiturum: periculum enim erat, ne interum dominus de eddem re experiretur. Tutores vero et cura- tores eodem modo, quo procurato- res, satisdare debere verba edicti fa- ciebant. Sed aliquando his agenti- bus satisdatio remittebatur. Hee ita erant, si in rem agebatur. In taking security, the ancient practice differs from” the modem; for merely in a real action, the de- fendant, in possession, was compel- led to give security, so that, if he lost his cause, and could neither restore the thing itself, nor pay the value of it, the demandant might be enabled either to sue him, or his bail: and this species of bail is termed jndiciatum solvi: nor is it difficult to understand, why it is so called; for as every demandant stipulated, that the things adjudged to him should be paid, it was still more reasonable, that the person sued in a real action should be oblig- ed to give security, if he received judgment in the name of another. A plaintiff in a real action suing in his own name, was not called to give security : buta proctor was or- dered to give security, that his acts would be ratified by his principal, rem ratam dominum habiturum ; for the danger was, lest the client should bring a fresh suit for the same thing; and by the words of the edict even tutors and curators were compellable to give security, as well as proctors, though it was sometimes remitted when they were plaintiffs. Such was the practice in real actions. LIB. IV. TIT. XI. 361 De judicio personali. $1 Si vero in personam, ab ac- toris quidem parte, eadem obtine- bant, que diximus in actione, qua in rem agitur; ab ejus vero parte, cum quo agitur, siquidem alieno Nomine aliquis interveniret, omni- modo satisdaret; quia nemo de- fensor in aliena re siné satisdatione idoneus esse creditur. Quod si proprio nomine aliquis judicium accipiebat in personam, judicatum solvi satisdare non cogebatur. Jus novum. $ II. Sed hodie hec aliter obser- vantur. Sivé enim quis in rem ac- tione convenitur, sivé personali, stio nomine, nullam satisdationem pro litis eestimatione dare compellitur; sed pro sua tantum personé, quod in judicio permaneat usque ad termi- num litis; vel committitur suze pro- missioni cum jurejurando, quam juratoriam cautionem vocant; vel nudam promissionem, vel satisdati- onem, pro qualitate persone sue, dare compellitur. $1. The rules as to security, on part of the plaintiff, which were ob- served in real, obtained also in perso nal actions; and, if the defendant proceeded in another’s name, he was obliged to give caution; for no one was reputed a competent defendant in the cause of another, unless se- curity was given: but, whenever another man was convened in a per- sonal action if the defendant stood suit in his own name he was not compelled to give bail judi catum solvi i. e. fully to comply with the judgment of the court. De reo. § 2. But at present a different practice prevails; for, a defendant sued in his own name, either in a real or personal action, is not com- pellable to give security for the pay- ment of the estimation of the suit, but only for his own person; to wit, that he will remain in judgment until the cause is determined; and this security is sometimes given by sureties; sometimes by’ a promise upon oath, which is called a jurato- ry caution; and sometimes by a simple promise without oath, ac- ‘cording to the quality of the de- fendant. De procuratore actoris. § Il, Sin autem per procurato- rem lis vel infertur vel suscipitur, in actoris quidem person4, si non man- datum actis insinuatum est, vel pree- sens dominus litis in judicio procu- ratoris sui personam cy $ 3. But, where a suit is com- menced or defended by a proctor, if the proctor of the plaintiff, does not either enrol a mandate of appoint- ment in the acts of court, (that, is, file his power of attorney) or cause 362 LIB. IV. TIT. XL. ratam rem dominum habiturum, satisdationem procurator dare com- pellitur : eodem observando et si tu- tor vel curator, vel ali tales per- sone, que alienarum rerum guber- nationem receperunt, litem quibus- dam per alium inferunt. his client to nominate him publicly, he is obliged to give security, that his client will ratify his proceeding. Such is the rule also if a tutor, cura- tor, or agent, commences suit by a proctor. De procuratore rei presentis. § IV. Si vero aliquis convenitur, siquidem presens procuratorem dare paratus est, potest vel ipse in judicium venire, et sui procurato- ris personam per judicatum solvi satisdationem solemni stipulatione firmare; vel extra judicium satis- dationem exponere, ‘per quam ip- se sui procuratoris fidejussor exis- tat pro omnibus judicatum solvi sa- tisdationis clausulis: ubi et de hy-- potheca suarum rerum convenire compellitur, sivé in judicio promi- serit, sivé extra judicium caverit, ut tam ipse quam heredes ejus ob- ligentur. Alia insuper cautela, satisdatione propter personam ipsi- us. exponenda, quod tempore sen- tentize recitandee in judicium veni- et, vel, si non venerit, omnia dabit fidejussor quz in condemnatione continentur, nisi fuerit provocatum. § 4. When a party is sued, and is ready to nominate a proctor, he may appear in open court, and confirm the nomination by giving the cau- tion judicatum solvi, under the usual stipulation; or he may appear out . of court, and become himself the surety, that his proctor will perform all the covenants in the instrument of caution; and whether this be done in court, or out of court, he must make his estate chargeable, that his heirs, as well as himself, may be bound. And a farther cau- tion or security must be given, that he will either appear in person at the time of pronouncing sentence, or that his surety, in case of non- appearance, shall be bound to pay whatever the sentence exacts, if no appeal be interposed. De procuratore rei absentis. $ V. Si verd reus presto ex quacunque causa non fuerit, et ali- us velit defensionem ejus subire, nulla differentia inter actiones in rem vel personales introducenda, potest hoc facere; ita tamen ut sa- tisdationem judicatum solvi pro litis stimatione preestet. Nemo enim § 5. When a defendant does not put in an appearance, then any o- ther person, who is willing, may take upon himself the deferfce for him, and this may be done either in a real or personal action. without distinction, if the caution judicatum solvi be entered into for the payment LIB. IV. TIT. XI. 363 secundim veterem regulam (ut jam dictum est) aliens rei siné sa- tisdatione defensor idoneus intelli- gitur. of the estimation of the suit; for no man, according to the ancient rule already mentioned, can be said to defend the cause of another legally, unless security be given. Unde heec forma discenda. § VI. Que .omnia apertius et perfectius quotidiano judiciorum usu in ipsis rerum documentis ap- parent. § 6. But such formalities may be more perfectly learned, from the usage and practice of courts. Ubi heec forma observanda. § VII. Quam formam non so- him in hac regia urbe, sed etiam omnibus nostris provinciis, (etsi propter imperitiam forté aliter cele- bratur,) obtinere censemus: cum necesse sit, omnes provincias caput omnium nostrarum civitatum, id est, hanc regiam urbem, ejusque observantiam, sequi. § 7. We have judged it expedi- ent, that these forms shall prevail, not only in Constantinople, but also in all our other provinces, (al- though through ignorance they may have practiced differently;) for it is necessary, that all the provinces should be guided by the example of the capitol of our dominions, and fol- low the practice of our royal city. TITULUS DUODECIMUS. DE PERPETUIS ET TEMPORALIBUS ACTIONIBUS, ET QUE AD HEREDES ET IN HHREDES TRANSEUNT. C. iv. T. 11. De perpetuis et temporalibus actionibus. HOC loco admonendi sumus, eas quidem actiones, que ex lege, sen- atusve consulto, sivé ex sacris con- stitutionibus, proficiscuntur, perpe- All those actions, which took their rise from the law, the decrees of the senate or the constitutions were anciently considered as always in 364 LIB. IV. TIT. XII. tuo solere antiquitis competere, do- nec sacre constitutiones tam in rem, quam in personam, actionibus certos fines dederunt: eas vero, que ex propria preetoris jurisdic- tione pendent, plerumque intra an- num vivere; nam et ipsius preto- ris intra annum erat imperium. Aliquando tamen et in perpetuum extenduntur, id est, usque ad fi- nem constitutionibus introductum ; quales sunt ex, quas bonorum pos- sessori, ceterisque, qui heredis loco sunt, accommodat. Furti quoque manifesti actio, quamvis ex ipsius preetoris jurisdictione pro- fiscatur, tamen perpetud datur; absurdum enim esse existimavit, anno eam terminari. force; but the later emperors have by their ordinances fixed certain li- mits both to real and personal ac- tions. Actions, given by virtue of the pretor’s authority, are general- ly limited to one year; for such is the duration of his office; but some- times the pretorian actions are _made perpetual; that is they are extended to the limits introduced by the constitutions: such are those actions, which the preetor gives to the possessors of goods, and. to oth- ers, who hold the place of heirs. The action of manifest theft is.also perpetual, although it proceed from the mere authority of the pretor ; for it was thought absurd, to limit this action to a year. De actionibus, que in heredes transeunt vel non. § I. Non autem omnes actiones, quee in aliquem aut ipso jure compe- tunt, aut a pretore dantur, et in heredem zqué competunt, aut dari solent. Est enim certissima juris regula, ex maleficiis poenales acti- ones in heredem rei non compete- re; veluti furti, vi bonorum rapto- rum, injuriarum, damni injurie: sed heredibus hujusmodi actiones competunt, nec denegantur; excep- t injuriarum actione, et si qua alia similis inveniatur. Aliquando ta- men, etiam ex contractu actio con- tra heredem non competit; veluti cum testator dolosé versatus sit, et ad heredem ejus nihil ex eo dolo pervenit: peenales autem actiones, quas supra diximus, si ab ipsis principalibus personis fuerint con- § 1. Not all actions in general, which either the law, or the pretor, allows also against a man, will be also allowed against his heirs: for it is a sure rule of law, that penal actions, arising from mal-feasance, will not lie against the heir of an of- fender; such as theft, rapine, inju- ry, or damage injuriously done: but these actions will pass to heirs, and are never denied, but in an action of injury, and in other cases of a sim- ilar nature. Sometimes even an ac- tion of contract will not lie against an heir; as whena testator acts fraudulently, and nothing comes to the possession of the heir by reason of the fraud: but, if the penal ac- tions, of which we have already spo- ken, are once contested by the prin- LIB. IV. TIT. XIII. testatee, et heeredibus dantur et con- tra heredes transeunt. 365 cipal parties concerned, they will afterwards pass both to, and against, the heirs of such parties. Si, pendente judicio, reus actori satisfecerit. § II. Superest, ut admoneamus, quod, si ante rem judicatam is, cum quo actum est, satisfaciat actori, officio judicis convenit eum absol- vere; licet in e& causa fuisset judi- cii accipiendi tempore, ut damnari deberet ; et hoc est, quod antea vul- go dicebatur, omnia judicia absolu- toria esse. « § 2. Lastly it is the duty of the judge to dismiss the defendant, if before sentence he should fully sat- ‘isfy the plaintiff, although pending the suit, his cause seemed so bad, that he deserved to be condemned ; and upon this account it was an- ciently a common saying, that all actions were dismissible. 4 4 Da — TITULUS DECIMUS-TERTIUS. DE EXCEPTIONIBUS. D. xliv. T. 1. ’ Continuatio. SEQUITUR, ut de exceptioni- bus dispiciamus. Comparate au- tem sunt exceptiones defendendo- rum -eorum gratid, cum quibus agi- tur; sepé enim accidit, ut licet ipsa persecutio, qua actor experitur, jus- ta sit, tamen iniqua sit adversus eum, cum quo agitur. De exceptione quod metus § I. Verbi gratia, si metu coac- tus, aut dolo inductus, aut errore lapsus, stipulanti Titio promissisti, quod non debueras promittere, pa- lam est, jure civili te obligatum es- sé, et actio, quad intenditur, dare te oportere, efficax est; sed iniquum C. viii. T. 36. Ratio exceptionum. It follows, that we should treat of exceptions. Exceptions have been introduced into causes for the defence of the party cited ; for it of- ten happens, that a suit, which in itself is just, may yet become un- just, when commenced against a wrong person. causa, de dolo, in factum. § 1. If you for example compelled by fear, or induced by fraud or mis- take, make an imprudent promise to Titius, under stipulation; yet it is evident, you are bound by the civil law, and Titius may have an efficacious action: but it may be 366 est, te condemnari: idedque datur tibi exceptio, quod metus caus4, aut doli mali, aut in factum, composita ad impugnandam actionem. LIB. IV. TIT. XIII. unjust, that a condemnation should follow, and therefore you are per- mitted to plead exceptive matter calculated to defeat the action, by setting forth, that the promise was extorted by fear or fraud, or other- wise by alleging the peculiar cir- cumstances of the case; (and these are called exceptions in factum com- posite ; i. e. exceptions on the fact.) De non numerata pecunia. §$ IL Idem juris est, si quis qua- si credendi causé pecuniam 4 te sti- pulatus fuerit, neque numeraverit. Nam, eam pecuniam 4 te petere posse eum, certum est; dare enim te oportet, cum ex stipulatione te- nearis. Sed, quia iniquum est, eo nomine te condemnari, placet, ex- ceptione pecunie non numerate, te defendi debere; cujus tempora nos (secundum quod jam superioribus libris scriptum est) constitutione nostra coarctavimus. $ 2. So is the law in case any one should obtain your promise to repay money that you never received? It is certain, he may sue you for the money, for you are bound by the sti- pulation. But as it would be unjust, that you should be condemned upon that account, you are allowed to plead the exception pecunie non numerate, of money not paid. But by our express constitution we have shortened the time allowed for bring- ing this exception, as we have al- ready observed in the former book. De pacto. § III. Preeterea debitor, si pac- tus fuerit cum creditore, ne 4 se pe- cunia peteretur, nihilominus obliga- tus manet ; quia pacto convento ob- ligationes non omnino dissolvun- tur; qua de causa efficax est adver- sus eum actio, quam actor intendit, si paret, eum dare oportere: sed, quia iniquum est, contra pactionem eum condemnari, defenditur per ex- ceptionem pacti conventi. § 3. Moreover, although a eredi- tor agree not to sue his debtor, yet the debtor remains bound ; for obli- gations are not to be wholly dis- solved by a mere agreement: and therefore an action in this form, si paret, eum dare oportere, would be efficacious against the debtor; but, as it would be unjust, that the debt- or should be condemned to make payment, notwithstanding the a- greement, he is therefore permitted to defend himself by an exception of compact. LIB. IV. TIT. XIit. 367 De jurejurando. § IV. Aique, si debitor creditore deferente juraverit, nihil se dare op- ortere, adhuc obligatus permanet; sed, quia iniquum est, de perjurio queri, defenditur per exceptionem jurisjurandi. In iis quoque actioni- bus, quibus, in rem agitur, squé necessarie sunt exceptiones; velu- ti si petitore deferente possessor ju- raverit, eam rem suam esse, et ni- hilo minus petitor eandem rem vin- dicet; licét enim verum sit, quod intendit, id est, ejus esse; iniquum tamen est, possesorum condemnari. De re judicata. $V. Item, si judicio tecum ac- tum fuerit, sivé in rem, sivé in per- sonam, nihilominus obligatio durat; et ideo ipso jure de eddem re pos- tea adversus te agi potest: sed de- bes per exceptionem rei judicate adjuvari. : § 4. Ifan oath be administered toa debtor at the instance of his creditor, and he swears, that noth- ing is due, yet he still remains bound: but, as it would not be right, thatthe plaintiff should after- wards complain of perjury, the debtor may defend himself by al- ledging his own oath by way of ex- ception. Exceptions are equally ne- cessary in real actions; as when the party in possession at the request of the demandant swears, that the thing in dispute is his own, and the demandant will nevertheless en- deavour to recover it: for although the demandant’s allegation be true; viz. that the thing claimed apper- tains to him, yet it is unjust, that the possessor should be condemned. ’ $ 5. If you have been sued either upon a real or personal action, the obligation neverthelessremains; and therefore, in strict law, you may a- gain be sued upon thesame account ; but you may plead the former trial in bar, and be aided by the excep- tion Rei judicate. De ceteris exceptionibus. § VI. Hee, exempli causa, retu- lisse sufficiat; alioqui, quam ex multis variisque causis exceptiones necessariz sint, ex latioribus diges- torum seu pandectarum libris intel- ligi potest. § 6. It may suffice to have giv- en these instances of exceptions in general; but in how many and in what various cases they are neces- sary, may be learned from the lar- ger books of thedigests, or pandects. mn 368 LIB. IV. TIT. XIII. Divisio prima. §$ VIL. Quarum quedam ex le- gibus, vel iis, que legis vicem ob- ‘tinent, vel ex ipsius preetoris juris- dictione, substantiam capiunt. Divisio § VIII. Appellantur autem ex- ceptiones alize perpetuse et peremp- torie, alize temporales et dilitatorize. § 7. Some exceptions proceed from the laws themselves, or from regulations that hold the place of laws; others from the authority of the preetor. secunda. § 8. Some exceptions are called perpetual and peremptory: others are temporary and dilatory. De peremptoriis. $ IX. Perpetuz et peremptorie sunt, que semper agentibus ob- stant, et semper rem, de qua agitur, perimunt; qualis est exceptio doli mali, et quod metis causé factum est, et pacti conventi, cum ita con- venerit, ne omnino pecunia petere- tur. § 9. The perpetual and peremp- tory are those, which always ob- struct the plaintiff, and destroy the force of the action—of this sort is the exception of fraud, of fear, and of compact, when it is agreed that the money shall not be sued for. De dilatoriis. § X. Temporales atque dilato- riz sunt, que ad tempus nocent, et temporis dilationem tribuunt; qua- lis est pacti conventi, cum ita con- venerit, ne intra certum tempus a- geretur, veluti intra quinquennium ; nam, finito eo tempore, non impe- ditur actor rem exequi. Ergo ii, quibus intra certum tempus agere volentibus objicitur exceptio aut pacti-conventi, aut alia similis, dif- ferre debent actionem, et post tem- pus agere; ideo enim dilatorise istz exceptiones appellantur. Alioqui, si intra .tempus egerint objecta- que sit exceptio, neque eo judicio quicquam consequebantur propter $10. Temporary and dilatory exceptions are those, which operate for a time, and create delay; such isan agreement not to sue within a certain time, as five years; but at the expiration of that time the cred- itor may proceed: and therefore those, against whom this exception pacti conventi or any other similar can be objected, must delay ' their ac- tion, and sue when the time is ex- pired; hence, these exceptions are termed dilatory: and formerly, if the plaintiff had sued before the time, andexception was taken, it not only barred the claim for that time, but prevented the plaintiff from pro- rae IV. ee XH. exceptionem, neque pot fompuls olim agere poterant, cum temeré rem in judicium deducebant et con- sumebant; qua ratione rem amitte- bant. Hodie autem non ita stricté hoe procedere volumus; sed eum, qui ante tempus pactionis vel obli- gationis litem inferre ausus sit, Ze- noniangy constitutioni subjacere censemus, quam sacratissimus le- gislator de iis, qui tempore plus pe- tierint, protulit: et inducas, quas ipse actor sponte indulserit, vel quas natura actionis continet, si contemp- serit, in duplum habeant ii, qui ta- lem injuriam passi sunt; et, post eas finitas, non aliter litem suscipi- ant, nisi omnes expensas litis antea acceperint: ut actores, tali poena perterriti, tempora litium doceantur observare. De dilatoriis §$ XI. Preeterea etiam ex persona sunt dilatorie exeeptiones, quales sunt procuratorie; veluti si per militem, aut mulierem, agere quis velit: nam militibus nec pro patre, vel maitre, vel uxore, nec ex sacro rescripto, procuratorio nomine ex- periri conceditur; suis vero nego- tiis superesse siné offensé militaris disciplines possunt. Eas vero ex- ceptiones, quee olim procuratoribus propter infamiam vel dantis, vel ipsius procuratoris, opponebantur, cum in judiciis frequentari nullo modo perspeximus, conquiescere 47 369 weeding at the expiration of the time agreed on; for he was reputed to have lost his right, by having rashly commenced suit. But we have been willing to mitigate this rigor, so that whoever presumes to commence a suit before the time limited by a- greement, shall be subject to the constitution of Zeno concerning those, who demand more than their due ; and, ifa plaintiff breakin upon the time, which he has spontane- ously granted, or contemns the limits which the nature of some actions allow, the defendant thus injured, becomes intitled to twice the time before allowed, and, even when that is expired, cannot be obliged to enter an appearance, until he has been reimbursed the whole of his expenses ; and this we have ordain- ed in terrorem, that plaintiffs may be taught to observe the proper time of commencing their suits. ex persona. $11. Dilatory exceptions may also be personal, as those against proctors, where a suiter employs a soldier, ora woman to act for him; for soldiers are not permitted to aet as proctors even in behalf of a fath- er, a mother, or a wife, although they obtain the sanction of an im- perial rescript; but they may su- perintend their own affairs, without offending against military discipline. But we have put a stop to the ex- ceptions of infamy, which were for- merly made, both against proctors and their constituents, having ob- ’ 370 sancimus; ne, dum de his alterca- tur, ipsius negotii discreptio prote- letur. LIB. IV. TIT. XIV. served them to be little practised, and fearing, lest by such alterca- tions, an inquiry into the merits of causes should be retarded. —_ a TITULUS DECIMUS-QUARTUS. DE REPLICATIONIBUS. De replicatione. INTERDUM evenit, ut excep- tio, que prima facie justa videtur, tamen iniquée noceat : quod cum ac- cidit, alia allegatione opus est, adju- vandi actoris gratia; que replica- tio vocatur, quia per eam replicatur atque resolvitur jus exceptionis ; veluti cum pactus est aliquis cum debitore suo, ne ab eo pecuniam pe- tat, deinde postea in contrarium pacti sunt, idest, ut creditori petere liceat : si creditor agat, et excipiat debitor, ut ita demum condemnetur, * si non convenerit, ne eam pecuniam creditor petat, nocet ei exceptio; convenit enim ita: namque nihilo- minus hoc verum manet, licét pos- tea in contrarium pacti sint. Sed, quia iniquum est, creditorem exclu- di, replicatio ei dabitur ex posterio- re pacto convento. Sometimes an exception, which appears at first view to be valid, is not so; and when this happens, an additional allegation is necessary in aid of the plaintiff, called a replica- tion, because the force of the excep- tion is replicated, that is, unfolded, and destroyed by it; as ifa credi- tor should covenant with his debtor not to sue him, and the contrary should afterwardsbeagreed between them, in consequence of which the creditor brings an action, to which the debtor excepts, alleging the agreement of his creditor not to sue: in thiscase theexception would be of weight, as such an agreement was actually made, although another. was made afterwards to a contrary effect: but, as it would be unjust, that a creditor should be thus con- cluded, he is allowed to plead the subsequent compact, by way of re- plication. LIB. IV. TIT. XIV. 371 De duplicatione. $I. Rursus interdum evenit, ut replicatio, qua prima facie justa est, inique noceat; quod cum acci- dit, alia allegatione opus est, adju- vandi rei gratid; que duplicatio vocatur. $ 1. It also sometimes happens, that a replication at first appears conclusive, though it be not so; in this case another allegation, called a duplication, may be offered by the defendant. (Rejoinder.) De triplicatione. $ II. Et, si rursus ea prima facie justa videatur, sed propter aliquam causam actori iniqué noceat, rur- sus alia allegatione opus est, qua ac- tor adjuvetur; que dicitur tripli- catio. § 2. And when a duplication car- ries with it an appearance of jus- tice, but is wrongfully urged a- gainst the plaintiff, he may also, in his turn, put in another allegation, which is termed a triplication. (Surrejoinder. ) De ceteris exceptionibus. $ IIL, Quarum omnium excep- tionum usum interdim ulterius, quam diximus, varietas negotio- rum introducit; quas omnes aper- tius ex digestorum latiore volumine facile est cognoscere. t § 3. But in the great variety of business, the use of these exceptions is extended still farther, than we have mentioned; of which a fuller knowledge may be obtained from the larger volumes of the digests. (Rebutter, Surrebutter.) Que exceptiones fidejussoribus prosunt vel non. §-IV. Exceptiones autem, qui- bus debitor defenditur, plertmque accommodari solent etiam fidejus- soribus ejus; et recté: quia, quod ab iis petitur, id ab ipso debitore peti videtur; quia mandati judicio redditurus est eis, quod ei pro eo solverint. Qua ratione, et si de non petendd pecunia pactus quis cum eo fuerit, placuit, perinde suc- currendum esse per exceptionem pacti conventi illis quoque, qui pro eo obligati sunt, ac si etiam cum ipsis pactus esset, ne ab eis pecunia § 4. The exceptions, by which a debtor may defend himself, are ge- nerally and properly allowed to be used by his bondsmen; for a de- mand made upon them, is, as it were, a demand upon the debtor himself, who is compellable by an action of mandate to pay over to his sureties whatever they have been obliged to pay upon his ac- count: and therefore, if a creditor hath covenanted with his debtor not to sue him, the bondsmen may be aided by an exception of com- 372 peteretur. Sané quedam excepti- tiones non solent his accommodari. Eece enim debitor, si bonis suis cesserit, et cum eo creditor expe- riatur, defenditur per exceptionem, $i bonis cesserit: sed hee exceptio fidejussoribus non datur; ideo sci- licet, quia, qui alios pro debitore obligat, hoc maximé prospicit, ut, cum facultatibus lapsus fuerit debi- tor, possit ab iis, quos pro eo obli- gavit, suum consequi. LIB. IV. TIT. XV. pact, just as if the promise had been made to them. But some exceptions cannot be used in behalf of sureties ; for although, when a debtor hath made cession of his goods, he may defend himself by pleading a cessio bonorum, as an exception to a suit brought by a creditor; the same exception cannot aid the bondsmen ; for whoever demands sureties al- ways means to recover his debt from them, in case of failure in the prin- cipal debtor. TITULUS DECIMUS-QUINTUS. DE INTERDICTIS. D. xiii. T. 1. Continuatio SEQUITUR, ut dispiciamus de interdictis, seu actionibus, que pro his exercentur. Erant autem in- terdicta forma atque conceptiones verborum,quibus pretor aut jubebat aliquid aut fieri prohibeat; quod tunc maximé fiebat, cum de posses- sione aut quasi possessione inter aliquos contendebatur. Divisio $ I. Summa autem divisio inter- dictorum hee est, quod aut prohi- bitoria sunt, aut restitutoria, aut exhibitoria. Prohibitoria sunt, qui- bus prator vetat aliquid fieri; velu- ti; vim siné vitio possidenti, vel mortuum inferenti, quo ei jus erat C. viii. T. 1. et definitio. We are now led to treat of inter- dicts, or of those actions, which sup- ply their place. Interdicts, were cer- tain forms,of words, by which the preetor either commanded or prohi- bited something to be done; and were chiefly used, when any con- tention arose concerning possession, or quasi-possession. prima. §$ 1. The first division of them is into prohibitory, restoratory, and exhibitory interdicts. Prohibitory are those, by which the preetor for- bids something to be done, as when he forbids force to be used against a lawful possessor; or against a per- LIB. IV. TIT. XV. inferendi; vel in sacro loco edifi- cari, vel in flumine publico ripdve ejus aliquid fieri, quo pejus navige- tur. Restitutoria sunt, quibus re- stitui aliquid jubet; veluti bono- rum possessori possessionem eo0- rum, que quis pro herede, aut pro possessore, possidet ex e4 heredi- tate; aut cum jubet, ei, qui vi de possessione dejectus sit, restitui- possessionem. Exhibitoria sunt,per quee jubet exhiberi; veluti eum, cu- jus de libertate agitur ; aut libertum, cui patronus operas indicere velit; aut parenti liberos, qui in potestate ejus sunt. Sunt tamen, qui putent, interdicta ea proprié vocari, que prohibitoria sunt; quia. interdicere sit denuntiare et prohibere; resti- tutoria autem et exhibitoria proprieé decreta vocari: sed tamen obtinuit, omnia interdicta appellari; quia inter duos dicuntur. ) 373 son who is burying another, where he hath a right; or when he forbids an edifice to be raised in a sacred place, or hinders a work from being erected in a public river, or on the banks which may render it less na- vigable. The restoratory, direct something to be restored, as the pos- session of goods to the universal successor, who has been kept out of possession by one, who hath no right; or when the pretor com- mands possession to be restored to him, who hath been forcibly eject- ed. And the exhibitory interdicts are those, by which the preetor com- mands some exhibit to be made, as of a slave, for example concerning whose liberty a cause is depending; or of a free-man, from whom a patron would exact the service due to him; or of children to their parent, under whose power they are. Some nevertheless imagine, that interdicts can with propriety be only prohibi- tory, because the word interdicere signifies to denounce and prohibit ; —and that the restoratory and ex- hibitory interdicts might more pro- perly be called decrees: yet by us- age they are all termed interdicts, because they are pronounced be- tween two, [inter duos dicuntur,] the demandant and the possessor. Divisio secunda. $ II. Sequens divisio interdicto- rum hee est; quod queedam adipis- cendz possessionis causé compara- ta sunt, quedam retinende, que- dam recuperande. § 2. The second division of inter- dicts is into those, which are given for the acquisition, the retention, or the recovery of a possession. . 374 LIB. IV. TIT. XV. De interdictis adipiscende. § III. Adipiscende possession- is causa interdictum accommoda- tur bonorum possessori, quod ap- pellatur, Quorum bonorum ; ejus- que vis et potestas hac est, ut, quod ex iis bonis quisque, quorum pos- sessio alicui data est, pro herede aut pro possessore possideat, id ei, cui bonorum possessio data est, res- tituere debeat. Pro hrede autem possidere videtur, qui putat se heredem esse. Pro possessore is possidet, qui nullo jure rem heere- ditariam, vel etiam totam heeredi- tatem, sciens ad se non pertimere, possidet. Ided autem adipiscen- dz possessionis vocatur interdic- tum, quia ei tantum utile est, qui nunc primum conatur adipisci pos- sessionem; itaque, si quis adeptus possessionem amiserit eam, hoc in- terdictum ei inutile est. Interdic- tum quogue Salvianum adipiscen- dz possessionis causé comparatum est; eoque utitur dominus fundi de rebus coloni, quas is pro miercedi- bus fundi pignori futuras pepigis- set. § 3. An interdict for obtaining possession called Quorum Bonorum, is given to him, to whom the pretor commits possession of the goods of a deceased person; and it obliges all persons, who retain goods as heirs or possessors, to restore such goods to those, to whom the possession hath been committed by the magis- trate: and note, that he is reputed to possess as heir, who conceives himself so to be; and he is deemed the possessor, who without authori- ty retains a part or the whole, of an inheritance, knowing the possession does not belong to him. An inter- dict of acquisition is so called, be- cause, it is useful to him only, who Jirst endeavours to acquire the pos- session; and therefore it would be useless to one, who had acquired a possession, and afterwards lost it. The Salvian interdict, is also ap- pointed for the acquisition of posses- sion; and is used by proprietors of farms, against goods which their tenants have pledged, for the pay- ment of rent. De interdictis retinende. § IV. Retinende _possessionis causa comparata sunt interdicta, Uti possidetis, et utrubi; cum ab utr4- que parte de proprietate alicujus rei controversia sit, et ante quera- tur, uter ex litigatoribus possideat, et uter petere debeat: namque, ni- si ante exploratum fuerit utrius eorum possessio sit, non potest pe- titoria acto instituti; quia et civilis § 4. The interdicts Uti possidetis and Utrubi have been introduced for the purpose of retaining posses- sion ; for in a controversy, concern- ing property, it is necessary to in- quire, which of the parties is in pos- session, and who ought to be plain- tiff; for, until the possession be as- certained, an action of demand can- not be instituted ; and both civil and LIB. IV. et naturalis ratio facit, ut alius pos- sideat, ‘et alius a possidente petat. Et, quia longé commodius est, et potius possidere, quam petere, ided plerumque, et feré semper, ingens existit contentio de ipsa possessione. Commodum autem possidenti in eo est, quod, etiam si ejus res non sit, qui possidet, si modo actor non potuerit suam esse probare, remanet in suo loco possessio ; propter quam causam, cum obscura sunt utrius- que jura, contra petitorem judicari solet. Sed interdicto quidem Uti possidetis de fundi vel «dium pos- sessione contenditur: Utrubi verd interdicto de rerum mobilium pos- sessione, quorum vis ac potestas plurimam inter se differentiam apud veteres habebat : nam Uti possidetis interdicto is vincebat, qui interdicti tempore possidebat; si modo nec vi, nec clam, nec precarid, nactus fuerat ab adversario possessionem : etiamsi alium vi expulerat, aut clam arripuerat alienam possessio- nem, aut precarid rogaverat ali- quem, ut sibi possidere liceret. Utrubi vero interdicto is vincebat, qui majore parte anni nec vi, nec ‘clam, nec precarid, ab adversario possidebat. Hodie tamen aliter observatur; nam utriusque inter- dicti potestas (quantum ad posses- sionem pertinet) exequata est, ut ille vincat et in re soli, et in re mo- bili, qui possessionem, nec vi, nec TIT. XV. 378 natural law teach us that, when one party isin possession, the other must be claimant; but as it is more advantageous to be possessor, than demandant, there is generally great contention for the possession ; for although the possessor is not in re- ality the true proprietor, yet the possession will still remain in him, if the plaintiff does not prove the thing in litigation to be his own: and therefore, when the rights of parties are not clear, the sentence is always against the demandant. By the interdict Uti possidetis, the pos- session of a farm or house is con- tended for; and, by the interdict Utrubi, the possession of things moveable is disputed. These inter- dicts anciently differed much in their force ad effects; for, by Uti possidetis, the party in possession at the bringing of the interdict, pre- vailed, if he had not obtained the possession from his adversary, by force, clandestinely, or precariously : but it was not material in what man- ner the possessor had obtained the possession from any other person ; and, by the interdict Utrubi, that party prevailed who had been in possession for the greatest part of the year preceding the contest, if he had not acquired that possession clandestinely, precariously, or by force. But the present practice is otherwise ; for the force of either in- 376 LIB. IV. clam nec precarid, ab adversario, litis contestatze tempore, detinet. TIT. XV. terdict, as to possession is now made equal; so that in any cause, either concerning things moveable or im- moveable, that party prevails, who was in possession at the commence- ment of the suit, if it be not shown that he gained such possession by force, by clandestine means, or pre- cariously ; (that is under the adver- sary himself.) De retinenda et acquirenda possessione. § V. Possidere autem videtur quisque, non solum si ipse posside- at, sed et si ejus nomine aliquis in possessione sit, licet is ejus juri sub- jectus non sit; qualis est colonus et inquilinus. Per eos quoque, apud quos deposuerit quis, aut quibus commodaverit, ipse possidere vide- tur; et hoe est, quod dicitur, retine- re possessionem posse aliquem per quemlibet, quis ejus nomine sit in possessione. Quinetiam animo quo- que solo retineri possessionem pla- cet; id est, ut, quamvis neque ipse sit in posessione neque ejus nomine alius, tamen si non reliquende pos- sessionis animo, sed postea reversu- rusindé decesserit, retinere posses- sionem videatur. Adipisci vero pos- sessionem per quos aliquis potest, secundo libro exposuimus; nec illa dubitatio est, quin animo solo adi- pisci possessionem nemo possit. $ 5. A man is considered in pos- session, not only when he is himself so, but when any other person, al- though not under his power, holds possession in his name ; as a farmer, ora tenant. A man may also pos- sess, by means of those, to whom he hath committed the thing in litiga- tion, either as a deposit or a loan; and this ismeant when it is said that aman may retain possession by means of another, who possesses in his name. ‘It is moreover held, that a possession may be retained, by the mere intention only; for, although a man is neither in possession him- self, nor any other for him, but has quitted the possession of certain lands with an intent to return to them again, he shall nevertheless be deemed to continue in possession. We have already explained, in the second book, by what persons aman may acquire possession; and, al- though it may be retained by inten- tion only, yet this is not sufficient for the acquisition of possession. LIB. IV. TIT. XV. 377 De interdicto recuperande, et affinibus remediis. §$ VI. Recuperandz possessionis .causa solet interdici, si quis ex pos- sessione fundi vel edium vi dejec- tus fuerit; nam ei proponitur inter-. dictum Unde vi, per quod is, qui dejecet, cogitur ei restituere pos- sessionem, licét is ab eo, qui vi de- jecit, vi, clam, vel precarid, posside- at. Sed ex constitutionibus sacris, (ut supra diximus,) si quis rem per vim occupaverit, siquidem in bonus ejus est, dominio ejus privatur; si aliena, post ejus restitutionem, etiam zestimationem rei dare vim passo compellitur. Qui autem aliquem de possessione per vim dejecerit, tenetur lege Julia de vi privata, aut de vi publica. Sed de vi privata, si siné armis vim fecerit ; sin autem armis eum de possessione vi expu- lerit, de vi publica tenetur. Armo- rum autem appellatione non solim scuta et gladios et galeas, sed et fustes et lapides, significari intelli- gimus. $ 6. The interdict for recovery of possession is generally employed, when any one hath been forcibly ousted from the possession of his house or estate; who then becomes entitled to the interdict Unde vi, by which the intruder is compelled to restore him to possession, although he, who had been thus forcibly oust- ed, was himself in possession by clandestine means, by force, or pre- cariously. But, as we have said be- fore, the imperial constitutions pro- vide, that, whoever seizes a thing by force, if it be his own, he shall lose his property in it; and, if it be- long to another, he shall be compel- led not only to make restitution, but to pay the full value to the par- ty, who suffered the force. But whoever ousts another out of pos- session by force, is likewise subject to the law Julia de vi privata or de vi publica ; if the seizing or intrusion was effected without weapons, then the offender is only liable to the law de vi privata ; but, if by an armed force, he is then subject to the law de vi publici. We comprehend not only shields, swords, and helmets under the term arms, but also clubs and stones. Divisio tertia. § VII. Tertia divisio interdicto- rum est, quod aut simplicia sunt, aut duplicia. Simplicia sunt, velu- ti in quibus alter actor, alter reus est; qualia sunt omnia restitutoria, aut exhibitoria ; nam actoris est, qui 48 $7. The third division of inter- dicts is into simple and double : the simple are those, in which there is both a plaintiff and a defendant; and of this sort are all restoratory and exhibitory interdicts: for the 378 LIB. IV. TIT. XV. desiderit aut exhiberi aut restitui; reus autem is est, 4 quo desideratur, ut restituat, aut exhibeat. Prohib- itoriorum autem interdictorum alia simplicia sunt, alia duplicia. Sim- plicia sunt, veluti cum pretor pro- hibet in loco sacro, vel in flumine publico, ripave ejus, aliquid fieri: nam actor est, qui desiderat, ne quid fiat; reus est, qui aliquid fa- cereconatur. Duplicia sunt, velu- ti Uti- possidetis interdictum, et Utrubi. Ided autem duplicia vo- cantur, quia par utriusque litigato- ris in his conditio est; nec quis- quam preecipué reus vel actor intel- ligitur, sed unusquisque tam rei, quam actoris partes sustinet. 3 plaintiff, is he, who requires some-’ thing to be exhibited or restored; and the defendant is he, from whom the exhibition or restitution is re- quired. But of the prohibitory in- terdicts some are simple, some double; simple, when the praetor forbids sowething to be done ina sacred place, on a public river, or upon the banks of it; and the de- mandant, actor or plaintiff, is he, who desires, that some act should not be done, and thedefendant is he, who endeavors to doit. The in- terdicts Uti possidetis and Utrubi are instances of the double inter- dicts; double, because in these the condition of either litigant is equal, the one not being understood to be more particularly the plaintiff or the defendant, than the other : inas- much as each sustains the part of both. De ordine et vetere exitu. $ VIII. De ordine et vetere ex- itu interdictorum supervacuum est hodie dicere ; nam quoties extra or- dinem jus dicitur, (qualia sunt ho- die omnia judicia,) non est necesse reddi interdictum: sed perindé ju- dicatur siné interdictis, ac si utilis actio ex causa interdicti reddita fu- isset. § 8. It would be superfluous at this day to speak of the order, and ancienteffect of interdicts ; for when judgments are extraordinary, (as all judgments now are) an interdict becomes unnecessary. Judgments are therefore now delivered with- out interdicts, in like manner, as if a beneficial action were given in consequence of an interdict. LIB. IV. TIT. XVI. TITULUS 379 DECIMUS-SEXTUS. DE PENA TEMERE LITIGANTIUM. De penis NUNC admonendi sumus, mag- nam curam egisse eos, qui jura sus- tinebant, ne facile homines ad_liti- gandum procederent; quod et no- bis studio est. Idque eo maximé fieri potest, quod temeritas tam a- gentium, quam eorum, cum quibus agitur, modo pecuniaria pena, mo- do jurisjurandi religione, modo in- famice metu coerceatur. in genere. Our magistrates have ever been careful to hinder men from engag- ing inconsiderately in law suits: and it hath been our study also. The better to prevent such suits, the rashness of both plaintiffs and defendants hath been properly re- strained, by pecuniary punishments, the coercion of an oath, and the fear of infamy. De jurejurando et pena pecuniaria. $1. Ecce enim jusjurandum om- nibus, qui conveniuntur, ex consti- tutione nostra defertur; nam reus non aliter suis allegationibus utitur, nisi prius juraverit, quod, putans se bona instantié uti, ad contradicen- dum pervenit. At, adversus infici- antes, ex quibusdam causis dupli actio constituitur; veluti si damni injurie, aut legatorum locis vener- abilibus relictorum, nomine agatur. Statim autem ab initio pluris quam simpli est actio; veluti furti mani- festi, quadrupli; nec manifesti, du- pli: nam ex his, et aliis quibus- dam causis, sivé quis neget, sive fa- teatur, pluris quam simpli est actio. Item actoris quoque calumnia coer- cetur; nam etiam actor pro calum- nid jurare cogitur ex nostra con- stitutione, quod non calumniandi animo litem miovisset, sed existi- mando, se bonam causam habere. $ 1. By virtue of one of our con- stitutions, an oath must be admin- istered to every man against whom an action is brought; for a defend- antmay not plead, until hehath first -sworn, that he proceeds upon a firm belief that his cause is good. But actions lie, in particular cases, for doubleand triple value against those who deny the cause of action ; as when a suit is commenced on ac- count of injurious damage, or for a legacy left to a sacred place, as a church, hospital, &c. There are also actions, upon which more than the simple value is recoverable at the time of their commencement ; as upon an action of theft manifest, which is for fourfold the value; an action of theft not manifest, for double the value; because in these, and some other cases, the action: is at first given for more than the 380 LIB. IV. TIT. XVI. Utriusque etiam partis advocati jus- jurandum subeunt, quod alia nostra constitutione comprehensum est. Hee autem omnia pro veteri cal- umnie actione introducta sunt, que in desuetudinem abiit ; quia in par- tem decimam litis actores multabat, quod nusquam factum esse inveni- mus: sed pro his introductum est et prefatum jusjurandum, et ut im- probus litigator et damnum et im- pensas litis inferre adversario suo cogatur. simple value, whether the defend- ant denies or confesses the charge brought against him. The calum- ny of the plaintiff is also under re- straint; for he too is compelled by our constitution to swear, that he did not commence the suit with an intention to calumniate: but upon thorough confidence that he had a good cause: and, the advocates on both sides are likewise compellable to take a similar oath, the substance of which is set forth in another of our constitutions. This practice hath been introduced in the place of the ancient action of calumny, which compelled the plaintiff to pay the tenth part of his demand as a punishment, but is now disused ; and, instead of it, we have intro- duced the before-mentioned oath, and have ordained, that every rash litigant, who hath failed in his proof, shall be compelled to pay his adversary the damages and costs of suit. De infamia. § I. Ex quibusdam judiciis damnati ignominiosi fiunt; veluti furti, vi bonorum raptorum injuria- rum, de dolo; item tutele, manda- ti, depositi, directis, non contrariis actionibus : item pro socio, quse ab utraque parte directé est; et ob id quilibet ex sociis, eo judicio dam- natus, ignomihid notatur. Sed fur- ti quidem, aut vi benorum rapto- rum, aut injuriarum, aut de dolo, non solum damnati notantur igno- minid, sed et pacti; et recté: plu- rimum enim interest, utrim ex de- $2. In some cases the parties condemned become infamous, as in actions of theft, rapine, injury, or fraud. Also in an action of tu- ‘telage, mandate, or deposit, if it be a direct, and not a contrary action. An action of partnership has also the same effect; for it is direct in regard to all the partners; and therefore any one of them, who is condemned in such action, is brand- ed with infamy. Not only those, who have been condemned in an action of theft, rapine, injury, or . LIB. IV. TIT. XVI. licto aliquis, an ex contractu, debi- tor sit. 381 fraud, are rendered infamous; but those, also, who have bargained to prevent a criminal prosecution; and this is a right; for there isa wide difference between a debtor, on ac- count of a debtor upon contract. De in jus vocando. $ IT. Omnium autem actionnm instituendarum principium ab ea parte edicti proficiscitur, qua pre- tor edicit de in jus vocando. Uti- gue enim in primis adversarius in jus vocandus est; id est, ad eum vocandus, qui jus dicturus sit. Qua parte preetor parentibus et patronis item parentibus liberisque patrono- rum, et patronarum, hunc prestat honorem, ut non alitér liceat liberis liberisque eos in jus vocare, quam siid ab ipso preetore postulaverint et impeneiraverint. Et si quis ali- tér vocaverit, in eum penam suli- dorum quinquaginta constituit. § 3. All actions take their rise from that part of the preetor’s edict, in which he treats de in jus vocando of calling parties into court: for the first step in matters of controversy, is to cite the adverse party to ap- pear before the judge, whois to de- termine the cause. In the same part of the’ edict the pretor hath treated parents and patrons, and even the parents and children of pa- trons and patronesses, with so great respect, that he does not suffer them to be called into judgment by their children or their freedmen, until ap- plication hath been first made to him, and leave obtained; and, if any man presume to cite such per- son otherwise, he is subject toa penalty of fifty solidi. 382 LIB. IV. TIT. XVII. 2 TITULUS DECIMUS-SEPTIMUS. DE OFFICIO JUDICIS. De officio judicis in genere. SUPEREST, ut de officio judi- cis dispiciamus. Et quidem in pri- mis illud observare debet judex, ne aliter judicet, quam legibus, aut con- stitutionibus, aut moribus, proditum est. It remains, that we inquire into the office and duty of a judge; whose first care it ought to be not to de- termine otherwise, than the laws, theconstitutions, or the customs and ** usages direct. De judicio noxali. §$ I. Idedque, si noxali judicio aditus est, observare debet, ut; si condemnandus videtur dominus, ita debeat condemnare: Publium Mavium Lucio Titio in decem aure- os condemno ; aut noxam dedere. $ 1. And therefore, if a suit be commenced by a noxal action, the judge ought always to observe the following form of condemnation, if the defendant ought to be condem- ned: e. g. I condemn Publius Ma- vius to pay Lucius Titius ten aurei, or to deliver up the slave, who did the damage. De actionibus realibus. $ II. Et, si in rem actum sit eo- ram judice, sivé contra petitorem judicaverit, absolvere debet pos- sessorem ; sivé contra possessorem, jubere ei debet, ut rem ipsam restituat cum fructibus. Sed si possessor neget, in preesenti se res- tituere posse, et siné frustratione vi- debitur tempus restituendi causa petere, indulgendum est ei; ut ta- men de litis estimatione caveat cum fidejussore, si intra tempus, quod ei datum est, non restituerit. Et, si hereditas petita sit, eadem § 2. When a real action is brought before a judge, and he pro- nounces against the demandant, the possessor ought then to beacquitted; if against the possessor, he must be admonished to restore the very thing in dispute, together with all its pro- duce. But, if the possessor should allege, that he is unable to make im- mediate restitution, and petition for longer time, without any seeming intention to frustrate the sentence, he is to be indulged; provided he gives security for the full payment LIB. IV. TIT. XVI. circa fructus interveniunt, que dix- imus intervenire de singularum re- rum petitione. Illorum autem fruetuum quos culpa sud possessor hon perceperit, sivé illorum, quos perceperit, in utraque actione ea- dem ratio pené habetur, si prado fuerit. Si -verd bone fidei posses- sor fuerit, non habetur ratio neque consuptorum, neque non percepto- rum. Post inchoatam autem pe- titionéin etiam illorum fructuum ratio habetur, qui culpd possesso- ris percepti non sunt, vel percepti consumpti sunt. 383 of the condemnation and costs of suit, if he should fail to make resti- tution within the time appointed. And, if an inheritance be sued for, a judge ought to determine in the same manner as to the profits, as he would in a suit for some particular thing only ; for, if the defendant ap- pear to have been a possessor mala Jide, then almost the same reasoning prevails in both actions as to the profits, whether they were taken or neglected by the possessor: but, if the defendant be a possessor bond Jide, then no account is expected, either of produce consumed or not collected before the suit. But all produce must be accounted for from the date of the action, whether used or neglected. De actione ad exhibendum. § IIE. Si ad exhibendum ac- tum fuerit, non sufficit, si exhibeat rem is, cum quo actum est; sed opus est, ut etiam rei causam de- beat exhibere, id est, ut edm cau- sam habeat actor, quam habiturus esset, si, cum primum ad exhiben- dum egisset, exhibita res fuisset: idedque, si inter moras exhibendi, usucapta sit res 4 possessore, nihi- lominus condemnabitur. Preeterea fructuum medii temporis, id est, ejus, quod post acceptum ad exhi- bendum judicium, ante rem judica- tam, intercesserit, rationem ha- bere debet. judex. Quod si neget reus, cum quo ad exhibendum ac- tum est, in presenti se exhibere posse, et tempus exhibendi causa § 3. If a man proceed by an ac- tion ad exhibendum, it is not suffi- cient, that the defendant should ex- hibit the thing in question, but he must also be answerable for all pro- fits and emoluments accruing from it; that the plaintiff may be in the same state, as if his property had been restored to him when he first brought his action: and therefore, if the possessor, during his delay to surrender the thing in dispute, shall gain a prescriptive title to it, he shall nevertheless be condemned to restitution. Morever it is the duty of the judge to take an account of the mesne profits accruing between the suit and the sentence. But, when the defendant declares, that 384 LIB. IV. TIT. XVII. petat, idque siné frustratione pos- tulare videatur, dari ei debet, ut tamen caveat, se restituturum. Quod si neque statim jussu judi- cis rem exhibeat, neque postea se exhibiturum caveat, condemnan- dus sit in id, quod actoris intere- rat, si ab-initio res exhibita esset. he is not able instantly to produce the thing adjudged, and prays a farther time, without apparent af- fectation of delay, time should be allowed, on his giving security for restitution. But, if he neither obey the command of the magistrate by instantly producing the thing ad- judged, nor in giving sufficient se- curity for the production of it at a future day, he must be condemned in the full damages, which the plain- tiff hath sustained by not having the article delivered to him at the commencement of the suit. Familie erciscunde. $ IV. Si familize erciscunds ju- dicio actum sit, singulas res singu- lis heredibus adjudicare debet; et, si in alterius persona pregravare videatur adjudicatio, debet hunce in- vicem coheredi certaé pecunia (si- cuti jam dictum est) condemnare. Eo quoque nomine coheredi quis que suo condemnandus est, quod solus fructus hereditarii fundi per- ceperit, aut rem hereditariam cor- ruperit, aut consumperit. Que quidem similiter inter plures quo- que quam duos coheredes subse- quuntur. Communi § V. Eadem interveniunt, esti communi dividundo de pluribus yebus actum sit. Quod si de und re, veluti de fundo; siquidem ste fundus commodé regionibus divi- § 4. When a suit is commenced for the partition of an inheritance, .the judge must decree to each heir his respective portion; and, if the partition, when made, be more ad- vantageous to the one than to the other, the judge ought as we have before observed, to oblige him, who has the largest part, to make a full recompense in money to his co- heir : it therefore follows, that every co-heir, who hath taken the profits of an inheritance to his sole use, and consumed them, is liable to be com- pelled to make restitution. And this is the law whether there are two heirs, or many. dividundo. $ 5. The law is the same, when a suit is brought communi dividun- do, for one particular thing only, it being but a part or parcel of an inheritance, as a field, or any piece LIB. IV. TIT. XVIL sionem recipiat, partes ejus singulis adjudicare debet: et, si unius pars pregravare videtur, is invicém cer- ta pecunia alteri condemnandus est. Quod si commode dividi non possit, vel si homo forte aut mulus erit, de quo actum sit, tunc totus uni adjudicandus est, et is invicem alteri certé pecunia condemnandus est. 385 of ground, which, if it can be con- veniently divided, ought to be ad- judged to each claimant in equal portions ; and if the share of one be larger than the others, the party having the largest portion, must be condemned to make a recompense in money. But, if the thing sued for be of such a nature, that it can- not be divided, as a slave, or a horse, it must be given entirely to one of the co-partners, who must be ordered to make satisfaction in money to the other. + Finium regundorum. § VI. Si finium regundorum actum fuerit, dispicere debet judex, an necessaria sit adjudicatio; qua sané uno casu necessaria est, si evi- _dentioribus finibus distingui agros commodius sit, quam olim fuissent distincti: nam tunc necesse est, ex alterus agro partem aliquam alte- rius agri domino adjudicari; quo casu conveniens est, ut is alteri cer- ta pecunia debeat condemnari. Eo quoque nomine condemnandus est quisque hoc judicio, quod forté circa fines aliquid malitiosé com- misit; verbi gratia, quia lapides fi- nales furatus est, vel arbores fina- les excidit, Contumacie quoque nomine quisque eo judicio condem- 49 § 6. When the action finiwm re- gundorum is brought for the deter- mination of boundaries, the judge ought first to examine, whether it be absolutely requisite to proceed to an adjudication; in one case it is undoubtedly so; viz. when it be- comes expedient, that grounds should be divided by more conspic- uous boundaries than formerly; for necessity then requires, that a part of one man’s ground should be ad- judged. to another, in which case it is incumbent upon a judge to con- demn him, whose estate is enlarg- ed, to pay out an equivalent to the other, whose estate is diminished. By this action, that any one may 386 LIB. IV. TIT. XVIII. natur; veluti si quis jubente judice be prosecuted, who hath commit- meturi agros passus non fuerit. ted fraud in relation to boundaries, either by removing stones, or cut- ting down trees, which were land- marks. The same action will also subject any man to condemnation on account of contumacy, if he re- fuse to suffer his lands to be mea- sured at the command of a judge. De adjudicatione. $ VII. Quod autem istis judiciis § 7. Whatever is adjudged to alicui adjudicatum fuerit, id statim a party in any of these actions, in- ejus fit, cui adjudicatum est. stantly becomes the property of him, to whom it was adjudged. TITULUS DECIMUS-OCTAVUS. DE PUBLICIS JUDICIIS. De differentia a privatis. PUBLICA judicia neque per ac- Public judgments are not intro- -tiones ordinantur; neque omnind duced by actions; nor are they in quicquam simile habent cum cete- any thing similar to the judgments, ris judiciis, de quibus locuti su- of which we have been treating. mus: magnaque diversitas eorum They also differ greatly from one est et in instituendo et in exercen- another in the manner of being in- do. stituted and prosecuted. Etymologia. § I. Publica autem dicta sunt, § 1. They are called public, quod cuivis ex populo executio eo- because they may be sued to exe- rum plerumque datur. cution by any of the people. Divisio. § I. Publicorum judiciorum que- $§ 2. Of these judgments some are dam capitalia sunt, quedam non capital, others not. We term those capitalia. Capitalia dicimus, que capital, by which a criminal'is pro- LIB. IV. TIT. XVII. ultimo supplicio afficiunt homines, vel etiam aque et ignis interdic- tione, vel deportatione, vel metaillo. Cetera, si quam infamiam irrogant cum damno pecuniario, hac publi- ca quidem sunt, sed non capitalia. De $ IIL. Publica autem judicia hee sunt. Lex Julia majestatis, que in eos, qui contra imperatorem vel rempublicam aliquid moliti sunt, suum vigorem extendit. Cujus pena anime amissionem sustinet, et memoria rei etiam post mortem damnatur. Exempla. 387 hibited from fire and water, or con- demned to death, to banishment, or to the mines. Others, by which men fined and rendered infamous, are public indeed, but not capital. lesa majestate. § 3. The following are public judgments. The law Julia majes- tatis extends its force against those, who have undertaken any enter- prize against the emperor or the re- public. “The penalty is the loss of life, and the memory of the offender becomes infamous after his death. ‘De adulteriis. § IV. Item lex Julia de adulte- riis coercendis, que-*non solim temeratores alienarum nuptiarum gladio punit, sed et eos, qui cum masculis nefandam libidinem exer- cere audent. etiam stupri flagitium punitur, cum quis siné vi vel virginem vel vidu- am honesté viventum stupraverit. Penam autem eadem lex irrogat stupratoribus; si honesti sunt, pub- licationem partis dimidiz bonorum ; si humiles, corporis coercitionem cum relegatione. Sed eddem lege- $4. The law Julia, for the sup- pression of adulteries, not only pun- ishes with death those who vielate the marriage bed of others, but those also, who. commit acts of detest- able lewdness with persons of their own sex. It also inflicts punish- ment upon all who are guilty of the crime called stuprum: that is, the debauching a virgin, or a widow of honest fame, without force. The punishment of this crime in persons of condition is the confiscation of a moiety of their possessions; offend- ers of low degree, undergo corporal chastisement with relegatiop: we De sicariis. $ V. Item lex Cornelia de sicariis, que homicidas ultore ferro perse- quitur, vel eos, qui hominis occi- dendi,caus&é cum telo ambulant. §$ 5. The law Cornelia de sicariis punishes those, who commit mur- der, with death, and those also, who carry weapons, with intent to kill. 388 LIB. IV. TIT. XVII. Telum autem, ut Cajus noster ex interpretatione Jegum duodecim tabularum scriptum reliquit, vulgd quidem id appellatur, quod arcu mittitur; sed et nunc omne signifi- cat, quod manu cujusque jacitur. Sequitur ergo, ut lignum, et lapis, et ferrum, hoc nomine continean- tur; dictum ab eo, quod in longin- quum mittitur, a Greca voce tle figuratum. “Et hance significatio- nem invenire possumus et in Greeco nomine; nam, quod nos telum ap- pellamus, illi Bedcs appellant azo te Balleodor. Admonet nos Xeno- phon; nam ita scribit: Kae to Pedy Ous Epegeto, hoy ya,tokevuata ,operdovar, mwcor de xat dor, Sicarii autem ap- pellantur a sicd, quod significat fer- reum cultrum. Eadem lege et venefici capite damnantur, qui ar- tibus odiosis, tam venenis, quam susurris magicis, homines, occide- rint; vel mala medicamenta publicé vendiderint. - The term delum, according” to Caius’s interpretation, commonly signifies an arrow made to be shot from a bow, but it is now used to denote any missile weapon, or what- ever is thrown from the hand ; hence a club, a stone, or a piece of iron, may be comprehended under that appellation. The word ¢elum is evidently derived from the Greek adverb tye, procul, because thrown froma distance. And we may trace the same analogy in the Greek word Gelos for what we call zelum, the Greeks term Behos, from Bodheodas to throw; and of this we are in- formed by Xenophon, who writes thus: Darts also were carried, spears, arrows, slings and a multi- tude of stones. Assassins and mur- derers are called sicarii from sica, which signifies a short crooked sword or ponyard. The same law also inflicts a capital punishment upon those, who practice odious arts, or sell pernicious medicaments, occasioning the death of mankind, as well by poison, as by magical incantations. De parricidiis. § VI. Alia deinde lex asperri- mum crimen nova pcend persequi- tur, que Pompeia de parricidiis vo- catur; qua cavetur, ut, si quis pa- rentis aut Gli, aut omnind affec- tionis ejus, que nuncupatione pa- rentum continetur, fata praeparave- rit, (sive clam, sivé palam, id au- sus fuerit,) ne¢ non is, cujus dolo malo id factum est, vel conscius §$ 6. The law Pompeia inflicts a new punishment upon those who commit parricide, the most execra- ble of allcrimes. ‘This law ordains that whoever, either publicly or pri- vately, hastens the death of a parent or a child, or of any person com- prized under the tye, or denomina- tion of a parent, shall be punished as a parricide; and he also, who criminis existit, licét: extraneus sit. pena paricidii puniatur; et neque gladio, neque ignibus, neque ulli solemni pcens subjiciatur, sed in- sutus culeo cum cane, et gallo gal- linaceo, et vipera, et simid, et inter eas ferales angustias comprehensus, (secundum quod regionis qualitas tulerit,) velin vicinum mare, vel in amnem projiciatur ; ut omnium el- ementorum usu vivus carere incipi- at, et ei celum superstiti, et terra mortuo, auferatur. Si quis autem alias cognatione vel affinitate per- sonas conjunctas necaverit, penam legis Cormeliz de sicariis sustinebit. LIB. IV. TIT. XVUL 389 hath advised, or been privy to the transaction, although a stranger. A criminal, in this case, is not put to death by the sword, by fire, nor by any ordinary punishment; the law directs, that he shall be sewed up in a sack, with a dog, a cock, a viper, and an ape, and, being put up in this horrid enclosure, shall be ‘thrown either into the sea, or an adjacent river, according to the sit- uation of the place, where the pun- ishment is inflicted: thus he is de- prived of the very elements, while living; so that his living body is denied the benefits of the air, and his dead body the use of the earth. But, if a man be guilty of the mur- der of any other person, related to him, either by cognation or affinity, he is only subject to the punishment inflicted by the law Cornelia de sar- carits. De falsis. $ VII. Item lex Cornelia de fal- sis, que etiam testamentaria voca- tur, poenam irrogat ei, qui testamen- tum vel aliud instrumentum falsum scripserit, signaverit, recitaverit, subjecerit, vel signum adulterinum fecerit, sculpserit, expresserit, sciens, ‘dolo malo. Ejusque legis peena, in servos ultimum supplicium est; quod etiam in lege Cornelia de si- cariis et veneficis servatur: in lib- eros vero deportatio. De $ VU. Item lex Julia de vi pub- § 7. The law Cornelia de falsis, which is also called testamentaria, punishes those who fraudulently write, sign, recite, or clandestinely offer for signature a false will, or any other instrument; or make, en- grave or stamp, or in any manner counterfeited the. seal of another. The punishment by this law upon slaves is death; as it is by the law Cornelia concerning assassins and poisoners; upon freemen, deporta- tion. Vi. § 8. The law Julia, concerning 390 LIB. IV. TIT. XVIII. lica seu privata adversus eos exori- tur, qui vim vel armatam, vel siné armis, commiserint; sed, siquidem armata vis arguatur, deportatio ei ex lege Julia de vi publica irroga- tur; si verd sine armis, in tertiam partem bonorum suorum publicatio imponitur. Sin autem per vim rap- tus virginis, vel viduze, vel sancti- monialis, vel alterius, fuerit perpe- tratus, tunc et raptores, et ii, qui opem huic flagitio dederunt, capite puniuntur, secundim nostre con- stitutionis definitionem, ex qua hoc apertius possibile est scire. public and private force, take place against all, who use force, whether armed or unarmed; but, if proof be made of an armed force, the punishment is deportation by that law ; and, if the force be not accom- panied with arms, the penalty is confiscation of one third part of the offender’s goods: nevertheless, if a rape be committed upon a vir- gin, a widow, a nun, or upon any other person, both the ravishers and their accomplices are all equally subject to capital punishment, ac- cording to the decision of our con- stitution ; from which more may be known of this subject. De peculatus. $ 1X. Item lex Julia peculatis eos punit, qui publicam pecuniam, vel rem sacram,vel religiosam, fu- rati fuerint. Sed, siquidem ipsi ju- dices tempore administrationis pub- licas pecunias subtraxerint, capitali animadversione puniuntur; et non solim hi, sed etiam qui ministerium eis ad hoc exhibuerint, vel qui sub- tractas ab his susceperint. Alii ve- ro, qui in hance legem inciderint, pene deportationis subjugentur. $9. The law Julia de peculatu punishes those, who have been guilty of theft, in regard to public money, or anything, which is sa- cred; but if judges themselves, while in office commit a theft of this kind, their punishment is capi- tal; and so is the punishment of those, who assist in such a theft, or knowingly receive the money stolen. But all other persons, who offend against this law, are only subject to deportation. De plagiariis. §$ X. Est et inter publica judicia lex Fabia de plagiariis, que inter- dum capitis panam ex sacris con- stitutionibus irrogat, interdum le- viorem. § 10. The law Fabia against plagiaries, ranks also among pub- lic judgments; but by the imperial constitutions, offenders against this law, are sometimes punished with death, and sometimes by a milder punishment. ¢ LIB. IV. TIT. XVIII. 391 De ambitu, repetundis, annona, residuis. $ XI. Sunt preeterea publica ju- dicia: lex Julia de ambitu, lex Ju- lia repetundarum, et lex Julia de annona, et lex Julia de residuiis,- que de certis capitulis loquuntur, et anime quidem amissionem non irro- gant; aliis autem peenis eos subjici- unt, quipreceptaearum neglexerint. $11. There are also other pub- lic judgments; such are the Julian laws de ambitu, repetundarum, de annonda, de residuis ; which do not punish with death, but inflict other punishmentsupon those, who offend. Conclusio. § XII. Sed de publicis judiciis heec exposuimus, ut vobis possibile sit summo digito, et quasi per indi- cem, ea tetigisse; alioqui diligen- tior eorum scientia vobis, ex latiori- bus digestorum seu pandectarum libris, Deo propitio adventura est. $ 12. Thus much we have stated. on the subject of public judgments, as an index, to give a general idea of that knowledge, which, through the blessing of God, may be most fully and particularly obtained by perusing the digests with a diligent attention. ‘ FINIS LIBRI QUARTI ET ULTIMI INSTITUTIONUM. NOV. OXVIII. KE®. A. Hept d:adoxn§ trav Kxatiovrey. Ex ‘Tis TOWUY TwY KaTLovTeY Dretn To adia- dera TedeuvTncarrt, oiagdnmore hucews 7 Bab- pov, ere é& dppevoyonas, eire €x Onhuyomas karayopevos, kat eire adrefovatos cite bme£ou- clos ein, TavT@Y TaY ayLovT@Y Kat TOV ek m)a- yrou ovyyever mpotipaca. Kady yap 6 tedeu- tyoas érepov ime£ovatos Hv, Guws Tovs aitou maiSas, dtacdymore dv dot puoews 7 Badpou, Kat aiTav Tay yoveay mpotiwacbat Kedevoper, dv tre€ouctos nv 6 TeAevTyCas, én’ Exewvors dy- Aady Tos mpaypacw, driva, Kara Tous d\dous pay vopous, Tors maTpagw ov mpoomopierat * émt yap Tt] XpyoEe Tov mpaypaTay ToUTwY, dherhoven mpoomopiCecOatn pudarrec Oat, ros MEPL TOUT@Y UL@Y VOHOUS rots yovevot pudarro- " pev ovT@ pevrorye ooTe, ef Twa ToOUT@Y Top xartovrey maiOas KaTaXumrovra TehevTNO AL TUpe Bawy, Tous éxetvou vious 7 Ovyarepas 7) Tous dh- Rous Katiovras eis Tov Tov idiov yovews Tomov brewovevat, eire tre~ovoro. TH TeAevTNTAYTL, eire abreEovoror edpeerey * TorouToy ek THs KAN- povopias Tou TehevTycavTos AapPavovras pe- pos, door dyrore dv dow, doov 6 abreay yo- veus, et mepinv, éxopitero* qv tiva Siadoxny in stirpes € % dpyaorns ékadecev: emt Tav- ms yap ths Ta£ews Tov Babpov (nrevaOac ov Bovdopeba+ GAXa pera Tov viv Kat Tov Ovyarepwv Tous ék Tov mporeheuTnaavros viou 4 Ovyarpos eyyovous KaderoOar Oeomfoper - > ovdepias eloayoperns Staopas, cite dppeves >, 3 ‘ 2. z 2 ? ire Ondevat dot, kat eire €£ dppevoyouas eire éx Ondvyonas karayavrat, eire breLovarot, Esre 50 CAP. I. De descendentionum successione. SI quis igitur descendentium fue- rit ei, qui intestatus moritur, cujus- libet nature aut gradus, sive ex mas- culorum genere sive ex feminarum descendens, et sive sue potestatis, sive sub potestate sit, omnibus as- cendentibus et ex latere cognatis preponatur. Licet enim defunctus sub alterius potestate fuerit, tamen ejus liberos, cujuslibet sexus sint aut gradus, etiam ipsis parentibus pre- poni precipimus, quorum sub potes- tate fuerit, qui defunctus est, in illis videlicet rebus, quee, secundum nos- tras alias leges, patribus non acquir- untur; nam in usu harum rerum, qui debet acquiri aut servari, nostras de his omnibus leges parentibus custo- dimus: sic tamen, ut, si quem horum descendentium filios reliquentem mo- ri contigerit, illius filios aut filias, aut alios descendentes, in proprii paren- tis locum succedere, sive sub potes- tate defuncti, sive suze potestatis in- veniantur ; tantam de hereditate mori- entis accipentes partem, quanticun- que sint, quantam eorum parens, si viveret, habuisset ; quam successio- nem i stirpes vocavit antiquitas: in hoc enim ordine gradum queri nolu- mus; sed, cum filiis et filiabus, ex preemortuo filio aut filia nepotes vo- 394 cari sancimus; nulla introducenda differentia, sive masculi sive femi- nz sint, et seu ex masculorum seu foeminarum prole descendant, sive sue potestatis, sive sub potestate sint constituti. Et hec quidem de succssionibus descendentium dispos- uimus. nav abre€soroe éinoay, Kav tavie per WEQL TNS THY xaTLovTMY Ovadoyns éetUnW- oopsr, CHAPTER I. Of the succession of descendants. If a man dies intestate, leaving a descendant of either sex or any degree, such descendant, whether he derives his descent from the male or female line, or whether he is under power or not, is to be preferred to all ascend- ants and collaterals. And, although the deceased was himself under pater- nal power, yet we ordain, that his children of either sex or any degree shall be preferred in succession to the parents, under whose power the intestate died, in regard to those things, which children do not acquire for their pa- rents, according to our other laws: for we would maintain the laws in re- spect to’the usufruct, which is allowed to parents: so that, if any of the descendants of the deceased should die leaving sons or daughters or other descendants, they shall succeed in the place of their own father, whether they are under his power or swe juris and shall be entitled to the same share of the intestate’s estate, which their father would have had, if he had lived ; and this kind of succession has been termed by the ancient lawyers a succession 77 stirpes: for in the succession of descendants we allow no priority of degree, but admit the grandchildren of any person by a deceased son or daughter to be called to inherit that person together with his sons or daughters, without making any distinction between males and females, or the descendants of males and females, or between those, who are under power, and those, who are not. These are the rules, which we have estab- lished, concerning the succession of descendants. Eitic tocvvy. Si quis igitur.] The three first chapters of this novel constitution deserve the attentive consideration of the reader, not only because they contain the latest policy of the civil law in regard to the disposition of the estates of intestates ; but because they are the foundation of our statute Jaw in that respect. Vid. Holt’s cases, p. 259. Peere William’s rep. p. 27. Prec. in chan. p. 593. Sir Thom, Raymond’s rep. p. 496. And they are still almost of continual use, by being the general guide of the courts in England, which hold cognizance of distributions, in all those cases, concerning which our own laws have either been silent, or not sufficiently express. Els tov t# idee yovews. In proprii paren- tis locum succedant.] Nothing is more clear in the civil law, than that grandchildren, even when alone, (although they descend from va- rious stocks and are unequal in their numbers, ) would take the estate of their deceased grand- father per stirpes, and not per capita. Suppose therefore that Titius should die, leaving grand- children by three different song, already dead ; to wit, three by one son, six by another, and twelve by another; each of these classes of grandchildren would take a third of the estate without any regard to the inequality of the numbers in each class. But, as to this point in England, the law reports mention no judi- cial determination ; yet it seems probable that the courts, in which the distributions are cog- nizable, would order the division of an estate in such a case to be made per capita; and this, partly from a motive of equity, and partly froma consideration of the intent of the statute, relating to the estates of intes- tates ; for the statute directs an equal and just distribution : and, when the act mentions rep- resentation, it mnst be understood to refer to it, in those cases only, where representation is necessary to prevent exclusion, but not to refer to it, in those cases, where all the claimants are in equal degree, and therefore can take suo quisque jure, each in his own right. Vid. 23, 24, Gar, 2. cap. 10. Lib, 3. Inst. p. 4. 395 KE®, B. Tlept tov avovrav d:adoxns. Ex row 6 Te\evTHOas KaTiovras pey py Ka- TaXurot KAnpovopous, marnp de 7 pntnp 7] GA- Rot yovers atta émi(noovot, mavTav Tev €K mAaylov ovyyevay TovTous mporiwacOat Oec- miCopev, €Enpypevar povav adeApav é& éxate- pov yovews cvvaTrTopevay Tw TehevTNTAYTL, OS Oia tov éEns Syr@Onoera. Ei Se woAXor tov GvovTay meptetat, TouTOUS mpoTipacOat KeAEvO- per, of tives eyyutepot To Babu edpebecer, dppevas te kat Ondewas, cite mpos pytpos eire mpos mratpos elev. Ex b€ tay adtoy éxou- ot Babpov, 2& tons eis abrous 7 KAnNpovojua StarpeOnoerar, Sore To pev tptov apBavew mavras Tovs mpos matpos dyovras, dooe dy- mote av Oove To Se UmoNouToy HyLov Tous mpos pntpos avovras, 6gous Symore ay avrovus evpeOnvar ovpBan. Es de pera tov amovtwy evpebwow adehgor 7 adeAhar && Exatepwv yo- veov cuvaTTopevor TH TeMEUTNTAVTL, ETA TOY eyyvtepav to Babuq dvovray KAnOncovrat, et CAP. II. De ascendentium successione. Sl igitur defunctus descendentes quidem non relinquat heredes, pater autem aut mater aut ali} parentes ei supersint, omnibus ex latere cognatis hos preeponi sancimus, exceptis solis fratribus ex utroque parente conjunc- tis defuncto, sicut per subsequentia declarabitur. Si autem plurimi as- cendentium vivunt, hos preeponi ju- bemus, qui proximi gradu reperiun- tur, masculos et feminas, sive pater- ni, sive materni sint. Si autem eun- dem habeant gradum, ex equo inter eos hereditas dividatur, ut medieta- tem quidem accipiant omnes a patre ascendentes, quanticunque fuerint; - iedietatem vero reliquam a matre ascendentes, quantoscunque eos in- venire contigerit. Si vero cum as- cendentibus inveniantur fratres aut kat marnp } pyTnp einoav + Suaipouperys els dv- sorores eX utrisque parentibus con- rous 8ydady rns KAnpovowias Kara Tov roy juncti defuncto, cum proximis gradu mpocwray dpiOpuor, iva kat Tov dvovrey xa ascendentibus vocabantur, si et pa- tay ddeApav éxactos logy éxor poupay, odde- ter aut mater fuerint; dividenda in- puav xpyow éx ms Tav viev 4 Ovyarepay ter eos quippe hereditate secundum potpas ev route To Oepare Suvapevou Tou maTpos personarum numerum, uti et ascen- autre mavredas éxdixew, émetdn dvte ravTns dentium et fratram singuli equalem TS Xpyoeas pepos aire THs KApovowias Kat habeant portionem ; nullum usum ex kara Seomoreias Scxatoy bia Tou wapovros Se Filiorum aut filiarum portione in hoc Seoxaper vouov, ovdenias pudarroperns Siaho- casy valente patre sibi penitus vin- pas perafy Toy mpocwTay TovTaY, eive On- dicare, quoniam, pro hac usus por- Reva etre dppeves einoay of mpos Tv KA7nPO- tione, hereditatis jus et secundum voplay Reaneaees Oy kat elre i arene 7 Gq- proprietatem per preesentem dedimus Aews i Saco ee 8 Kat €lTE avreg- legem ; differentia nulla servanda ovotos etre UreLovatos nv, dv Siadexovrat. inter personas istas, sive fomine sive masculi fuerint, qui ad heredi- tatem vocantur; et sive per masculi sive per femine personam copulan- tur; et sive suze potestatis sive sub potestate fuerit is cui succedunt. 396 CHAPTER II. Of the succession of ascendants. But, when the deceased leaves no descendants, if a father or mother, or any other parents, grand-fathers, great-grand-fathers, &c. survive him, we decree, that they shall be preferred to all collateral relations, except broth- ers of the whole blood to the deceased, as shall hereafter be more particu- larly declared. But, if many ascendants are living, we prefer those, who are in the nearest degree, whether they are male or female, paternal or ma- ternal ; and, when several ascendants concur in the same degree, the in- heritance of the deceased must be so divided, that the ascendants on the part of the father may receive one-half, and the ascendants on the part of the mother the other half, without regard to the numberof persons on either side. But, if the deceased leaves brothers and sisters of the whole blood together with ascendants, these collaterals of the deceased shall be called with the nearest ascendants, although such ascendants are a father or moth- er; and the inheritance must be so divided according to the number of persons, that each of the ascendants, and each of the brothers, may have an equal portion ; nor shall the father in this case take to himself any usu- fruct of the portions belonging to his sons and daughters, because by this law we have given him the absolute property of one portion: and we suffer no distinction to be made ‘between those persons, who are called to an in- heritance, whether they are males or females, or related by males or fe- males, or whether he, to whom they succeed, was,'or was not, under pow- er, at the time of his decease. El xot watyg i Metyg ONOGY. Si et pater aut mater fuerint.] By the law of England, when a person dies intestate, leaving a father, the father is solely entitled to the whole per- sonal estate of the intestate, exclusive of all others ; and anciently, [i.e. in the reign of Henry the first, vid. Il. Hen. primi, Wilkins editore, p. 266 ] a surviving father, or mother, could have tuken even the real estate of their deceased child. But this law of succession was altered soon afterwards ; for we find by Glanville, that, in the time of Henry the second, a father or mother could not have taken the real estates of their deceased children, the in- heritance being then carried over to the collat- eral line. Vid. Glanville, lib 7, cap. 1, 2, &e. 1 Peere Williams 50. And it has ever since been held as an inviolable maxim, that an in- heritance cannot ascend. Co. Litt. 11. a. But this alteration in the law, made since the reign of Henry the first, did not extend to per- sonal estate, so that, before the statute of the first of James the second, if a child had died intestate without a wife, child, or father, the mother would have been entitled to the whole personal estate, exclusive of the brothers and sisters of the intestate ; but it is enacted by that statute, “that if, after the death of a “« father, any of his children shall die intestate, ‘« without wife or children, in the lifetime of ‘© the mother, every brother and sister, and “¢ their representatives, shall have an equal ‘share with her.” 1 Jac, 2. cap. 17. § 6. But, should it here be asked, whether the brother of an intestate would exclude the grand-father by the civil law? the novel ap- pears at first sight to answer it very fully in the negative by enacting, <‘ that, ifthe deceased “ Jeaves brothers and sisters together with as- ‘< cendants in the right line, these collaterals “ shall be called with the nearest ascendants,”” &c. And indeed the generality of writers, namely, Gudelin, Forster,- Ferriere, Domat, and others, all understand this passage, as ad- mitting ascendants and brothers to take jointly; yet a contrary interpretation hath been given by some civilians, of whom Voet is the prin- cipal, whose argument in support of it are therefore here copied at large. ‘«llud non satis expeditum est, an etiam * eum ovo aut proavo, ubi alius proximior as- ** cendens non est, fratres germani ejus, qui ‘« defunctus est, concurre debeant, an magis ** avo proavove preeferendisunt, eosque exclu- ‘“« dant? Concursum enim ascendentium natu- ‘‘ yaliter gradu remotiorum, quos nullus inter- ‘* medius existens excludit, cum fratribus ger- ‘‘manis defuncti turentur plerique, moti eo, ‘© quod cum proxime ascendentibus fratres ve- **niunt, Vid. novel. 118. Proximus autem *© sit,.quem nemo antecedit.” ‘Sed juris rationibus convenientus videtur, 397 ‘“avum proavumve defuncti a fratribus ejus ** sermanis in successione excludi ; quia impe- ‘* rator in dicta Novella 118. emphatice dixit, “fratres et sorores cum proximis gradu as- ** cendentibus vocari; qualis mentio proximo- *‘ rum gradu inutilis plane ac superflua essct, si non per gradu proximos denotarentor illi, ‘© qui in primo linew ascendentis gradu sunt 5 *© cum juris certi atque indubitati sit, nunquam ** in ascendente linea locum esse, juri reprae- ** sentationis, per quod remotior subintraret in locum proximioris defancti ; atque adeo suf- ‘© fecisset, si generaliter expressum esset, fra- ** tres cum ascendentibus voeari. Ne dicam ‘hoc ipso, quo in linea ascendente represen- ‘“tatio persone proximioris admissa non est, ** fieri non posse, ut avus vel proavus defuncti, *€ quia patre vel matre defucti certo certius ex- “ cluditur, concurreret cum fratribus, qui cum ‘* patre matreque defuncti concurrunt. Qui- *“ bus accedit, quod sententia, de avo defuncti “cum germanis ejus. fratribus concurrent, ad «* absurda ducit. Si enim verum est, quod in “casu quo fratres et sorores cum proximis “gradu ascendentibus ita concurrant, ut he- ‘© reditas inter eos secundum personarum nu- “merum dividenda sit, ac ascendentium et ‘ fratram singuli sequalem habeant portionem “secundum d. Nov. 118. eveniret necessario ‘“ ut remotiores ascendentes ob nefectum prox- “ imiorum cum fratribus defancti concurrentes ** plus fratribus nocturi essent, quarh proximi- ‘© ores ; dam, positis duobus fratribus germa- ‘© nis defuncti, pater et mater concurrens duas ‘* tantum partes equales auferrendo efficerent, ‘ul fratres singuli quartam hereditatis frater- “ nee partem capiant ; quatuor autem avi avi- ‘© eque existentes, viriles totidem partes oc- ‘© cupando, non nisi sextam singulis defuncti “ fratribus relicturi essent ; sicuti tantum par- ‘‘ tem decimam duo fratres singuli essent hab- ‘* ituri, si cum proavis atque proaviavus (qua- ‘* Jes octo esse pnssunt) deberent concurrere. “ Quam autem a ratione id alienum sit, ut ma- ‘‘ gis aliis concursu suo noceant remotiores, “quam qui ejusdem linee proximiores sunt, ‘nemo, ut opinor, non sponte satis agnoscit. ** Denique tantum concursum esse fratrum ‘* cum patre et matre, nen vero cum aliis as- ‘© cendentibus remotidribus, ubi pater mater- ‘© que deficit, aperte probant verba Novellz «© 118. dum illic diserte cautum), si cum ascen- ‘‘dentibus inveniuntur fratres aut sorores ex ‘© utrisque parentibus conjuncti defuncto, eos “cum proximis gradu ascendentibus vocari, ‘si aut paler aut mater fuerint; unde sequi- ‘* tur, eos non omni casu, nee promiscue cum ‘© omuibus ascendentibus, venire ; sed st paler “ aut mater fuerint : ideoque mox igitur sub- * jicitur, in hoc casu patrem nullam usum ex ‘‘filiorum aut filiarum portione, posse sili “ penilus vindicare, nulla avi facta mentione; “cum tamen id avo equa interdicendum fu- ‘« jsset, si et avus cum defuncti nepotis fra- “* tribus succedere potuisset, dum fratres suc-' “ cedentes eque potuissent in avi quam in pa- ‘* tris potestate esse. Ut proinde nihil in con- trarium efficiat, quod, in jure, proximus ‘¢ dicatur, quem nemo anteccdit ; cum id tum “demum admitti debeat quando nulla inde ‘* absurditas profluit ; prout in hoc casu futu- ‘© rum, supra monstratum est.’? Vid. Joannis Voet. com. ad Pandectas, tom. 2. lib. 38, t. 17 § 13. But this question seems now to be settled in England, in consequence of three determina- tions; the first of which was given in the Ex- chequer, in the case of Poole v. Wilshaw, on the 9th of July, 1708 :—the second in the case of Norbury v. Vicars, before Mr. Fortescue, master of the rolls, in November 1749 :—and the third was delivered on the 14th January, 1754, in the case of Evelin v. Evelin, by the lord chancellor, who decreed in favour of the brother in exclusion of the grand-father, hav- ing founded his opinion partly in deference to the former determinations : partly in cunsider- ation of the present common Jaw computation of degrees, relative to real estates ; and partly upon the benefit, which must accrue to the public by preferring a younger man to an older, the brother of a deceased person to the grand- father, propter spem accrescendi. And it was also declared to be the opinion of the court, that, ifthe point in question had been res integra, und solely determinable by the Roman law, the decree would still have been the same ;_ which declaration, from so high an authority, must have great weight in ascertaining of the Novel, and must incline civilians in general to think mere favourably for the future of Voet’s arguments, which were particularly quoted and much relied upon by the court. 398 KE®. Tr, Tlept diadoyns tov éx mayiov kaTiovray. Ex Towuy 6 Se dvovras tedeuTnoas pnde Katiovras pn- katadewyn, mpwrovs mpos THY kAnpovopuay kat tas adekas ™s avtns pntpos texOevras, ovs Kat peta kadovpey tovs ddeAdous tous ék Tov avrov matpos Kat Tov TarTepwy mpos tv KAnpovojiay éka- Aecapev. Tovrwy de py vrovrav, év Sevtepa taker éxewous Tous ddeAdous mpos THY KANpo- vopay Kadoupey, of twes e& évos yoveas ov- vanrovrat T@ TedevTHGavTt, cite Sia Tov Ta- tTpos povou, etre dia THs pytpos. Ex de ro Teheutnoavte adeAhor vretnoay, Kat Eérepov adedpov 7 ddeAdns mporedeutncavtwy mavdes, kAnOnoorrat mpos THY KAnpovopLay ovTOL peTa Ta@v mpos maTpos Kat mpos pytpos Oerwv dp- pevoy te kat Ondewwv: Kat, doou Symorn dy ot, rocoutoy ék THs KAnpovopuas AnYpovrat jie pos, dcov 6 altar yoveus nucdde AapBavew, ei eme(noev. Obey dxodovboy éorw, iva, ef Tu- xov 6 mporerevtnoas adehpos, ob of maides meptetot, Oi ExaTepov yovews TH vuy TedeUTY- Se mepiovres TUXOV, 7) TNS pNTpos, avr@ ovvnmrovtTo, mpotiynOwow of CavTe TPOT@T® TvvyimarTeEeTo, ol adekpor Sia Tov marpos povov > > toutov trades tav idiov Oerwv, ei Kar TpLTOU : 3. clot Badyov, elre mpos marpos cite mpos py- A > Tpos elnoav of Oevot, Kat etre appeves cite Onde, aomep 6 adrav yorcus mpoeTiparo, ei mepinv. Kau ek tw evartioy, et 6 pev mre- ; 1g ¢ ptoy adedAdos €& Exarepov yovews ouvanrerat ¢ rs T@ TedeuTncarTt, 6 Se mporehevTnaas Si Evos yoveas cuvymtero, Tous Tovrou matdas ék THS kAnpovopas drrokhevopev, omep Kat avTos, el mepinv, €exdeveTo. To de Tovovroy mpovopu- CAP. ITI. De successione ex latere venientum. SI igitur defunctus neque descen- dentes neque ascendentes reliquetit, primos ad hereditatem vocamus fra- tres et sorores ex eodem patre et ex eadem matre natos, quos etiam cum patribus ad hereditatem vocavimus. His autem non existentibus, in se- cundo ordine illos fratres ad he- tredi atem vocamus, qui ex uno parente conjuncti sunt defuncto, sive per patrem solum, sive per matrem. Si autem defuncto fra- tres fuerint, et alterius fratris aut sororis premortuorum filii, vocaban- tur ad hereditatem isti cum de patre et matre thiis, masculis et feminis : et, quantjcunque fuerint, tantam ex hereditate percipient portionem, quantam eorum parens futurus esset accipere, 8i superstes esset. Unde consequens est, ut, si forte preemor- tuus frater, cujus filii vivunt, per utrumque parentem nunc defuncte persone jungebatur, superstites au- tem fratres patrem solum forsan aut matrem ei jungebantur, preponantur istius filii propriis thiis, licet in tertio sint gradu, (sive a patre sive a ma- tre sint thii, et sive masculi sive fe- mine,) sicut eorum parens prepone- retur, si viveret. Et ex diverso, si- quidem superstes frater ex utroque parente conjungitur defuncto, pree- mortuus autem per unum parentem ov év ravty ty Taker THs ouyyevetas povos jungebatur, hujus filios ab hereditate id. Xr 2 2 6 mapexopev Tos tov adeApay, dppevov 7 Oy- Rear, viows 7 Ovyarpacw, iva eis ta Tov Biwv yoveav Sikaa trecedoow* ovdert de exclubimus, sicut ipse, si viveret, ab hereditate excludebatur. Hujusmo- di vero privilegum in hoc ordine 399 > Gro wartekos mpoowmw, €k TavTys THs ta£ews épxopevw, TouTo To Sikaoy ocvyxo- poupev. ov mace Tore TavTyY THY elepyectay mape- "ANAa Kat aiTois Tos Tov ddedA- xouev, dre peta Tov idiwy Kpwovrar Oevov, dppevov te kat Ondewwv, eire mpos marpos jus largimur. eire mpos pintpos elev. Ex Se peta tay dded- boy tov TedevTyGaYTOs Kat dmovres, ws 75H Mpoeurouev, mpos THY KAnpovoytay KaXovvTat, ovden. tpom@ mpos thy e& adiaberou Siadoxny Tous. rou ddeApov 7 THs adeAdys maidas Ka- AecoOar cvyxwpouper+ odde ef && Exatepou yo- yeas 6 adT@Y TaTNp i) LTH TUYATTETO TH TE- AevtngavTt. “Orore Towvy tos Tou ddeApou kat Tns AdeAQys waroe ToLovTo mpovoptoy Sedo- kapev, iva Tov Tay yovewy UmewctovtTes TOTO, povot tpitov dvres BaOpov, pera Tay ek Sev- tepov Baduou mpos tnv KAnpovoytay KadwrTat - ‘ékecvo mpodndov eat, éTt Twv Oewwy Tov Te- Aevryoartos dppevav Te kat Onevwy, etre mpos matpos eite mpos pntpos einoay, mpotipevrat, ei Kat ékewwou TpiToy dpows ovyyeveras Bab- ploy éxouev. Ei Se pyre adeAdous, pyre madas ddeA- ov, as cipneapev, 6 TeAevTnoas Karadewet, mavras Tous éheéns ek mAayov ovyyevets mpos TY KAnpovomiay Kaoupev, Kata THY évos Exa- arou Babpou mpotinow, iva of éyyurepon Te Babpe abror roy AouTov wporipwvra ei be moNXoat Tov altov BaOpov evpeOwou, kara Tov Tov mpocumayv apiOyov peragy avtwy 7 KAn- povoua StarpeOyoerar- Smep in capita of Hpetepot Aeyougs vopos. cognationis solis prebemus fratrum masculorum et feeminarum filiis aut filiabus, ut in suorum parentum jura succedant; nullii enim alii omnino persone, ex hoc ordine venienti, hoc Sed et ipsis fratruum filiis tunc hoc beneficium conferimus, quando cum propriis judicantur thiis, masculis et feeminis, sive paterni si- ve materni sint. Si autem cum fra- tribus defuncti etiam ascendentes, (sicut jam diximus) ad hereditatem vocantur, nullo modo ad successio- nem ab intestato fratris aut sororis filios vocari permittimus ; neque si ex utroque parente eorum pater aut ma- ter defuncto jungebatur. Quando- quidem igitur fratris et sororis filis tale privilegium dedimus, ut, in pro- priorum parentum succedentes lo- cum, soli in tertio constituti gradu, cum iis, qui in secundo gradu sunt, ad hereditatem vocentur; illud palam est, quia thiis defuncti masculis et feminis, sive a patre sive a matre, preeponuntur, si etiam ili tertium cog- nationis similiter obtineant gradum. Si vero neque fratres, neque filios fratrum, sicut diximus, defunctus re- liquerit, omnes de inceps a latere cognatos ad hereditatem vocamus, secundum uniuscujusque gradus pre rogativam, ut viciniores gradu ipse reliquis preponantur. Siautem pluri- miejusdem gradus inveniantur, se- cundum personarum numerum inter eos hereditas dividatur; quod in capita nostre leges appellant. CHAPTER III. Of the succession of collaterals. Ifa man leaves neither descendants nor ascendants at the time of his death, we first call his brothers and sisters of the whole blood, whom we have also called to inherit with the fathers of deceased persons. But, when there are no brothers of the whole blood with the deceased, we call those, who are either by the same father only, or by the same mother. 400 And, if the deceased leaves brothers and also nephews by a deceased ' brother or sister, these nephews shall be called to succeed with their un- cles and aunts of the whole blood to the deceased; but, however numerous these nephews are, they shall be entitled only to that share, which their pa- rent would have taken, if alive. From whence it follows, that, ifa man dies and is survived by the children of a deceased brother of the whole blood, and also by brothers of the half blood, then his nephews, (that is, children of his brother, by the whole blood,) are to be preferred to their un- cles and aunts; for, although such nephews are themselves in the third de- gree, yet they are preferred, as their parent.would have been, if living. And, on the contrary, ifa man dies, and is survived by a brother of the whole blood, and by children of a brother of the half blood deceased, these nephews are excluded, as their father would have been, if he had lived. But among collaterals we allow the privilege of representation to the sons and daughters of brothers and sisters, and no farther; and we grant it only to brothers and sisters’ children, when they concur with their uncles or aunts, paternal or maternal: for, when ascendants are called to inherit, we by no means permit the children of a deceased -brother or sister to share in the succession ; although the father or mother was of the whole blood with the deceased brother.. But we have so far allowed the right of represen- tation to brothers and sisters’ children, that, being only in the third degree, they are called to inherit with those, who are in the second; and this is ev- ident, because brothers and sisters’ children are preferred to the uncles and aunts of the deceased, paternal as well as maternal; although they are all in the third degree of cognation. But, if a deceased person leaves neither brothers nor brothers’ children, we then call all the other collaterals according to the prerogative of their respective degrees, preferring the nearer to the more remote; and, if many are found in the same degree, the inheritance must be divided according to the number of persons; and our laws distinguish this manner of dividing an inheritance, by calling it a division 7 capita. to an equal share of the intestate’s estate, with ITewten wgos yy uhngdvouay, Primos ad hereditatem vocamus.]-We must here ob- serve in relation to the distinction between the whole blood and half blood, that in England the rules of law are different, according ‘to the nature of the estate which is to be taken; for, in case of lands the whole blood is always preferred, and the half blood is no klood in- heritable by descent. 1 Co. inst. 14 a. But, in respect to personal estate, the law has not always been fixed and certain ; inasmuch as the statute of the 23d of Car. II. (for the bet- ter settlement of the estates of intestates,) takes no notice of this distinction between the whole blood and the half-blood, but di- rects, that distribution shall be made among all those, who are in equal degree of kindred to the intestate. But, it being certain, that brothers and sisters of the half blood are in the same ‘degree with brothers and sisters of the whole blood, it hath been the general opinion, that brothers and sisters of the half blood were entitled, by virtue of the statute, the brothers and sisters of the whole blood, al- though there are several precedents of judg- ments given, since the statute, allowing the half blood to have but an half share. But the law in this respect has been fully settled ever since the decree of the house of lords in the case of Watts and others versus Crooke, upow an appeal from a decree in chancery, which had been given in favor of the half blood, and was affirmed by the house. Vid. Shower’s cas- es in Par. 108, and Strahan’s Domat. 683. 2 Mod 204. Harris. Ovdeve tQ07H Nullo modo.] “ Sancimus, ‘ut, si quis moriens relinquat ascendentium “aliquem et fratres, qui possint, cum _parenti- ** bus vocari, et alterius preemortui fratris fili- *¢ os, cum ascendentibus et fratribus vocentur “etiam premortui fratris filii, et tantum ac- “cipiant portionem, quantum eorum futurus “ erat pater accipere, si vixisset.’? Vid. Noy. exxvii. cap 1. Harris. END OF THE INSTITUTES. 1 NOTES AND REFERENCES. PREMIUM, OR PREFACE. DE CONFIRMATIONE INSTITUTIONUM naanks Page 1. THIS amounts to an imperial constitution, giving a Sanction, to. this compilation by Tribonian and his associates. In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi. This is elsewhere used, as in the second and third confirmations of the digests, in the confirmation ef the code, and of several of the novels. In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi, ad omnia consilia omnesque actus semper progredimur. Cod. 1. 27. 2. pr. Hence the usual solemn form of beginning last wills and testaments, In THE NamE oF Gop, Amen. That the ancient Romans, sel- dom entered on a business of importance sine consilio deorum et ope in- vocata, J am aware; but I suspect this practice, was rather of Christian origin: 3 Coloss.17. ‘Whatever ye do in word or deed, do all in the name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God, and the father by him.” See Dr. Taylor’s observations on the proemium of the Institutes, Elem. Civ. Law. qto. 28. This form of testamentary introduction, cannot be necessary, unless under some precise and positive institution; of which I know none in the English or American law. I refer to Taylor, (loc. cit.) for a full dissertation on the titles assumed by the emperor, of which the following is a concise account. Emperor. Imperator. Originally conferred on victorious generals, but first assumed as an imperial title by Augustus Cesar. Cesar. A name that belonged to the family of Julius Cesar asa Cognomen; and adopted by the emperors from Augustus to Nero. . It was then given to the next in succession (destinati imperio) who were denominated nobilissimi Cesares : it was reasstmed by the emperors, on the removal of the government from Rome to Byzantium. Flavius. Borrowed from the Vespasian family, and retained by many 51 402 NOTES. of the emperors after Vespasian; it was then dropt for some time, and reassumed by the fourth predecessor of Justinian. Justinian. 'The proper name of the emperor. Allemanicus, G'eticus, §-c. From the nations he claimed to have sub- dued. Pius. A sir-name or agnomen, first imagined for Tiberius, the heir of Augustus, but not assumed. It was afterwards used by Antoninus and his successors. Feliz. A name which Sylla first took to himself after the death of the younger Marius: among the emperors, first assumed by Commodus. Triumphator. From having triumphed in consequence of victories over the Persians and Vandals. Victor and Triumphator, were titles commonly assumed from the time of Constantine the Great. Justinian was also often in camp, saluted Cattmicus by acclamation: a greek title of the same import as victorious. 'Triumphator, was never given for the recovery of territory, but only when there was accession by conquest. So Q. Fulvius and L. Opimius were denied a triumph, because they only recovered Capua, and Fragelle. 2 Val. Max. 8. 4. Augustus. A question arose in the senate, (anno urb. cond. 727) whether the title Romulus, or Augustus, should be conferred on Octavi- an. From 63 Dion. Cassius, it should seem, he would have preferred the former title, but on the motion of Munatius Plancus, the name Au- gustus was preferred; and adopted by his successors. Though it was also assumed by several of the imperial family (as by Germanicus) who were not emperors. After the time of Diocletian, it was changed into Semper Augustus. De usu Armorum et legum. Imperiam Majestatem. Maijestas, dur- ing the time of the republic, meant somewhat like the modern phrase, the majesty of the people: implying the ultimate source of political power. It was afterwards applied to delegated authority, as that of preetors, judges, &c. ‘Then to parental authority when it included the power of life and death: Majestas Patria. xxxiv. Livy. 2. has majestas matronarum: Pliny ix. 60 majestas pueritize. When the people by the lex regia conferred all power on the emperor, the word majestas was applied to the authority they delegated; as majestas Augusti, Tiberii, &c. Imperatoria majestas, was introduced by Galienus, and from his time continued. (Taylor.) § 1. De belhs et legibus, §c. Barbarice gentes. A name given by the Romans to all other nations but themselves and the Greeks. The five provinces of Africa here alluded to, have been possessed by the Van- dals ninety-five years. Cod. 1. 27. de off. Praef. Prat. Af. § 2. De Compositione Codicis et Pandectarum. In the second year of his reign, A. D. 528, Justinian began his reformation of the law. NOTES. : 403 The Justinian code was finished by Tribonian 529. A new edition (Codex repetite prelectionis) was published by Justinian in 534. In 530, the Digest was begun. On the 16th December 533 it was finished. The digest is also called the Panvects from ey and deyouar to include all. Hence the usual reference to the digest ( ff): being a careless writing of the Greek letter 7. On the 2ist Nov. 533, the Institutes appeared in their present form. Quasi per medium profundum euntes. The books then published on the Roman law, amounted to upwards of two thousand ax@os xoiuqhoy nollwy : many camel loads. $ 3. De tempore, auctoritatibus, §-c. magistro et exqueestore sacri pala- tii nostri. Magister Palatii or Officiorum, was an officer, somewhat, like the lord Chamberlain, or perhaps Master of the Household of Eng- land. The officers of the lower ages of the empire were generally call- ed magistri, as magistri libellorum, scriniorum, officiorum. Hence the master of the rolls, masters in chancery, master of the Crown office, &c. of the English system. The great officers of the republic, and of the early times of the empire, are described in several titles of the first book of the digest: the officers of the lower empire, in the first and last book of the code. Exquestore, is an undeclinable ablative: the other cases, exquestor, exquestoris, exconsulis, é&c. do not appear to be used. The questor of the Palace, was somewhat like the lord Chancellor, os wnperatoris, ar- marium legum, §c. That is under the emperors: for the office of quees- tor at first, was of the same kind with our secretary of the treasury. (Taylor 38. 228.) Constantine instituted the office of Questor Palatii. The Quesitores or Inquisitors, were magistrates long known, whose ju- risdiction embraced only criminal cases. (Zozimus and Procopius de bello Persico.) Antecessor, a teacher and professor of law: the Jurispe- riti, were practitioners. Post Quadriennium. Five years, seem formerly to have been the term usually (indeed universally) allowed for the study of the law. For the instructions, as to the division of time allotted for studying the various parts of the civil law, viz. the Dupondii, Edictales, Papinianistee, Lyte, and Prolyta, see the constitution (omnem republice nostre, &§c.) prefixed to the digests. § 6. Ex quibus libris Noster Caius. Caius lived under the emperor Marcus Aurelius, and his institutes were read in the schools. Beside the institutes of Caius, there were the institutes of Paulus, of Ulpian, of Cal- listratus, Florentinus, and Marcian. There were also prior codes, and digests: as the digests of Alfenus, Julianus, Celsus, Marcellus, Ulpian, the Pandects of Modestinus, &c. Constitutional authority. I have retained Harris’s expression, al- 404 NOTES. though there may be some ambiguity attached to it in this country, where the term implies something founded on our written constitutions, or fundamental laws, paramount to legislative acts: a distinction, that does not seem likely to last very long, in states where the power of the legislature like the power of the British parliament, is omnipotent. But in this passage, the word must be understood secundum subjectam mate- riem, as alluding to a particular species of Roman law. Inst. L. 1 Tit. 2. $ 6. page 9. of the present work. L. 1. (page 5.) Deriirio Justitie. Justice, is used, not only for the disposition to render every man his due, but sometimes also for the act by which this is done: as when we do a man justice. $ 1. Definitio Jurisprudentie. This definition is very convenient for the alliance between church and state: an alliance that I hope will nev- er take place in these states. I know of no things that ought to be kept thore distinct, because they are so, than the affairs of this world, and those of the world to come: nor do I know of any two things that des- potism has so sedulously laboured to intertwine. I would not so con- strue the old advice, Deorwm Injurie Diis cure, as to protect gross vio- lations of public decorum on religious subjects, or to pass over, irritating and offensive outrages against the religious opinions, or ceremonies of any persuasion. The defendant in The people against Ruggles, 8 John- son’s New York reports, 290, deserved to be punished; but the doctrine laid down in that case by the court, may be carried to a length, that would authorize any species of ecclesiastical tyranny, and prohibit any kind of religious discussion. Nor is it strengthened by citing cases from the jurisprudence of a country where there is a religion by law estab- lished; or by quoting the present passage from the civil law. It will have little weight with those who have perused the ecclesiastical history of. the times of Justinian, and the three or four centuries immediately preceding, and subsequent. Are we at this day, to regulate the rights of conscience, and modify our system of religious toleration, by the no- tions of a Roman emperor of the 6th century ? or adopt the church-and- State law of Great Britain? Tit. 2. De jure naturali. Jus, here, is taken for the general system of natural, national and civil law, in contra-distinction, to the positive laws of each species. I consider all law, of whatever kind, as deduced, either from extensive and long-adopted usage, furnishing presumptive evidence of general expedience—or from reasonings founded on the na- ture and circumstances of human society, and pointing out the conclu- sions best adapted to general expedience. Jus, Jussum, Jura, Jussa, mean a rule of action including an obliga- tion, or duty to conform to it: therein differing from advice. ‘Or, it thay mean an attribute or quality of actions or persons; what NOTES. 405 we use synonymously sometimes with right: as the rights of a conque- ror, the rights of war and peace; the right of using, enjoying, suing, defending, &c. the rights of persons, the rights of things, all of which are called Jura. Under this meaning, may be included the rights be- longing to particular situations in life, as the rights of magistrates and of citizens, master and servant, parent and child, husband and wife, &c. Or, among the Romans, it might mean the administration of justice. De in jus vocando. The other subordinate varieties of meaning of the word Jus, appear to me, all referable to those above enumerated. The law of nature, and of nations, is collected from, Ist the practice of civilized nations, 2dly the opinions of the best writers on the subject. The writers usually cited in the British and American courts, are Albe- ricus Gentilis, Puffendorf, Grotius with the annotations of Barbeyrac, Vattel, Burlamaqui, Heineccius, Bynkershoek and Rutherforth. $2. Ab appellatione et effectibus, page 7. Quirinus. From the Sabine word Quiris, a spear: or from Quiris, Mars, reputed father of Romu- lus: or from Cures, Quires a Sabine city, which furnished Rome with early settlers. Ovid Fasti II. 475. § 3. Divisio Juris. See Pandects or Digest 1. 6. 1. de Just. et Jure. Alterum enim expresse sancitur, et scripto promulgatur : alterum tacito populi consensu introducitur. See also ff de leg. as to written and com- mon law. ll this is conformable to the doctrine of the English and American writers. For even in this country, we adopt in every state, all our legal maxims and institutions not contained in constitutional or legislative acts, as the common law of the state. Nor can common law be entirely dispensed with even in the code of the United States, notwithstanding the very able opinions of Mr. Madison and Judge Chase. The Romans had six kinds of law; Lex, Presiscrrum, Senatus-Con- suLTUM, ConstiTuTIONES Princiris, Epicta Macistratuum, Responsa Prv- DENTUM. The Ler, was a Populiscitum; or decree of the people, on the mo- tion of a senator, in a meeting of the comitia curiata, or the comitia cen- turiata. The Plebiscituwm, was a decree of the Plebian order, as distinguished from the Patrician, on the motion of a tribune of the people, in the co- mitia tributa. Plebs was a part only of the people. Senatus Consultum : this was originally either an order, vote or reso- lution, on business appertaining to the senatorial body: or some act of the senate confirming some act of the people; or latterly under the emperors, when the comitia were transferred e campo (martis) ad Pa- tres, these senatorial acts, were the only remains of legislation left to the senate. A06 NOTES. Constitutiones Principes. Placita. Decreta. Imperial constitutions. Augustus Cxsar, having contrived to make not only all actual autho- rity, but almost all offices centre in his own person, became at length the sole lawgiver. Sezxto demum consulatu (a. u. c. 725.) potenti: secu- rus, dedit jura, queis pace et principe uteremur III. Tacit. Ann. 28. Sometimes the imperial constitutions were promulgated, mediante se- natu; this was the general course taken by Augustus, at the advice of Mecenas; in which he was followed by Tiberius. The mode was, to suggest the law, in an oration to the senate. Hence, for some years, the senatus consulta, under the emperors, were, Jura, orationibus Prin- cipum constituta. From the time of Augustus, the Leges, the Plebisci- ta, and the Senatus-Consulta, properly so called, as originating with the senate, were known no more. After Vitellius, the emperors were accus- tomed to appoint a Questor to make the suggestion in a speech to the senate. What the senate complaisantly decreed upon these suggestions, became a law. After a time, the emperor in lieu of calling upon the senate to decree, claimed the right of decreeing or enacting upon his own authority, the resolutions passed in the senate, on the suggestion contained in the imperial or questorial orations: and this was the last stage, the expiring embers of the senatus consulta; in whose place were substituted the edicts of the emperors. The emperors, enacted laws either by E’pistole or rescripts, by Decre- ta, by Edicta, or by Constitutions. The Epistole, were imperial opinions upon cases of difficulty submit- ted from the provinces or elsewhere. The Decreta, were judgments given by the emperor in person, in court. Augustus and Claudius, used to sit frequently and long for this purpose. Edicta, were laws voluntarily enacted by the emperors, sine Senatu, but they were generally such as had been sanctioned by usage, or de- creed also by the senate. Mandates, were directions to particular persons. Interpretations of laws, were also arrogated as within their jurisdic- tion by the emperors. The two last are of the nature of edicts. The Imperial Constitutions, derived their force at first from the powers conferred on Augustus in 735 A. U. C.: extended afterward to Vespa- sian and his successors ; and about the reign of the Antonines known as the Lex Regia ; by which the will of the sovereign duly promulgated, was declared to have the force and effect of law. 1 Inst. tit. 2 $6. The distinction there taken of constitutions, is into personal and gene- ral. The personal constitutions, were properly privileges, Lex priva. These were forbidden by the twelve tables; Privilegia ne irrogantor. The same maxim obtained during all the times of the republic, Vetant NOTES. 407 leges sacrate, vetant 12 tabule, leges privatis hominibus irrogari. Cic. pro Dom. $17. These privileges or personal constitutions, were some- times annexed to the person, and sometimes were real, as relating to some property or estate: so the right accorded to executors under the Roman law, of paying funeral expences in the first place, was consider- ed as a real, not a personal right, being allowed ex intuitu cause, non persone. Harris’s note on the Jer regia is as follows. (p. 9 of his translation.) “There has been much controversy concerning this law: vid. Grav. de Rom. imp. lib. sing. c. 24 and Hopp. in Inst. 1h. t. but the following seems at least to be a probable conjecture. The senate and people con- ferred various honours on Augustus at different times. In the year 724 (A. U. C.) they made him tribune for life. In 727 they exempted him from the coercion of the laws. In 731 he was created perpetual con- sul: and in 735 a power was given to him either of amending or mak- ing whatever laws he thought proper. These and other decrees in fa- vour of Augustus, were afterwards generally renewed at the commence- ment of the reign of every new emperor, as appears plainly from Taci- tus, tum senatus, omnia principibus solita, Vespasiano decrevit Tacit. Hist. 11.3. Thus in time, all the several decrees of the senate, by be- ing frequently renewed together, became as it were, one law, and were called Lex Imperii or Regia: and they probably gained this title in imi- tation of the ancient lex regia, by which the Romans conferred the su- preme power upon Romulus in the infancy of their state, Liv. lib. 34.c¢ 6. Elementa Juris per Rob. Eden. p. 17.” Edicta magistratuum ; seu Pretorum ; jus honorarium. Preetor was at first a word synonymous with chief or commander (Cor. Nepos in Miltiade.) The office of Pretor (partaking of the English offices of mayor and recorder) was first created A. U. C. 387. This was the Preetor urbanus, or city magistrate. In the year A. U. C. 511. A Preetor peregrinus, was appointed, after the model of the Athenian Moleuugyos to decide causes, wherein aliens were concerned : though sometimes one man, held both offices either by original election, or subsequent delega- tion, or by substitution in case of death. (Taylor 211.) The branches of law, were afterwards so divided and subdivided certainly not without reason and foresight, that the Pretors amounted to eighteen in number. They had for the most part equitable jurisdiction. Jus preetorium, ad- juvandi vel supplendi, vel corrigendi juris civilis gratia, propter utilita- tem publicam introductam, Dig. 1. 1. 7. 1. It was also their duty, at the annual commencement of their office, to publish the forms of proceeding, and the rules of court, (if I may so say) which should operate during their Pretorship. For I do not un- 408 NOTES. derstand this practice to extend to the legal maxims, by which their de- cision should be guided. Hence, the actionis civiles, were not the same with the actionis preto- ric. In the time of the emperor Hadrian, Ann. 884, a selection from Pretorian determinations was made, called the Perpetual edict, and enacted as part of the Roman law: not from its own authority as jus honorarium magistratuum, but under the sanction of the imperial con- stitution. The Preetorian annual edicts or forms of proceeding, were published, on a Tabula gypso dealbata, or Album; a board plaistered with gypsum yunow alnliuperos (the gypsum of the Greeks and Romans was the same with our plaister of Paris, that is a sulphat of lime.) These Leges annue, according as their expedience was discovered were continued ; and then became edicta translatitia. Occasionally also, the Curule Addiles published edicts, which as their expedience seemed to merit, were also incorporated in the jus honorarium. See dig. de Aldilito edicto. 31. 1. 1. 38. 40. 41. 42. Responsa prudenium. Many lawyers whose particular application and abilities, had rendered them eminent in the profession, undertook to give answers to such questions as were proposed to them. [ *409 ] But *these answers were of no weight in the time of the Re- public, nor even under Augustus, who empowered the law- yers to give their opinions, by a general commission; which yet did not procure them any great authority, Dig. 1. 2. 2. 46. But their opinions grew into considerable credit in the reign of Tiberius, who prohibited any person from presuming to give an opinion in matters of law, with- out a special licence. Still the answers of the lawyers had not the force of the laws, for Tiberius in his licences, laid no injunction upon his judges, to regard these answers. It is therefore highly probable that the answers of the lawyers were first considered as law, under Valentinian the third ; because he confirmed the writings of Gaius, Ulpian, Paul, Papinian, and others, nominally ; and forbad the judges to swerve from the opinions of these lawyers in points of law: and because many in- conveniences arose from the various opinions which even these lawyers gave on the same question, the emperor ordained that the judges should be governed by a majority, and that in case of an inequality they should follow the opinion of those to whom Papinian adhered, ubi diverse sen- tentie proferuntur, potius numerus vincat auctorum: vel si numerus equalis sit, ejus partis precedat auctoritas in qua excellentis ingenii vir Papintanus emineat. Cod. 1 Theod. t. 4. 1 un. de responsis prudentum. (Harris in loc.) The Patroni were for a long time Patricians; gratis advocates, and agents. Their clients were bound to relieve them from captivity if taken, NOTES. 409 and to portion their daughters. Hence at first, the fee of a lawyer, as the fee of a counsel anda physician yet is, in England, was quiddam honorarium : afterwards, it became a profession, and fees were taken, which were regulated by the Lex Cincia. From their vigilant watching over the cases of their clients, they were called cautores. Hence Dr. Taylor after Scaliger, fancifully ae Cavilling, Cavillari, Cavilatio, from Cavere. Such are the various kinds of the Roman or civil law; of which the present book is a summary, containing the general principles that per- vade it. Great indeed have been the obligations that Justinian’s posteri- ty owed to that emperor, for the laborious, and invaluable digest of law compiled under his auspices. A work that no succeeding age has hith- erto equalled. The Russian code drawn up under the directions of the empress Catharine, and the Tuscan code of Leopold, have merit indeed, but they are trifles compared to the great work now under consideration. Something approaching to it, has been attempted by the em- peror Napoleon ; and the code Napoleon as *well as the in- [ *410) } troductory orations in defence of the leading articles contain- ed in it, have great merit. The authors or redacteurs of the Code civil Napoleon, where Por-tron- chet, Bigot-Preameneu, and Maleville, as appears by the Discours Preli- minaire to the ‘“ Projet de Code civil,” presented by those gentlemen as a committee ‘appointed by government on the 24th Thermidor, year 8, and published the year after. Cambaceres indeed reported a project of a code civil to the convention some years before, which, although Portalis and the others praise sufficiently, they adopt sparingly. Cambaceres was consul in the year 9. The British, and of course the American code, is now becoming what the Roman code was, previous to the labours of 'Tribonian and his coad- jutors :-oxOog xouwyloy nollav, many cart loads. Cannot the same con- densed view be taken of our law, as was taken by Justinian of the Ro- man, and by Napoleon of the French code? I suspect the generality of the profession are of opinion this cannot be done: Iam not so. Half a dozen men of talents dividing the labour, under the superintending guid- ance of some one person to whom the pen should be ultimately commit- ted, might finish the work in four years, according to my view of the subject: and a consummation it would indeed be, devoutly to be wished. Tit. 3. De jure personarum. Aut liberi sunt aut Serui. It would require a volume to enter into the great question of slavery, which has been well discussed of late years. I would observe briefly, That throughout the whole of the Jewish History, from the days of Nimrod downwards, there was no controversy, but that captives taken in war could be made slaves, and that their posterity were considered as 410 NOTES. slaves also. All the patriarchs counted their slaves, among their goods and chattels, among their oxen, their horses, their camels, &c. Slavery among the Jews took place 1. When a man sold himself through poverty, 25 Lev. 39. 2. When a father sold his children, 21 Ex. 7. 3. When creditors seized and sold their insolvent ee or their children, 2 Kings ¢. 4. v. 1. 4. A thief was sold when he could not pay. his fine, 22 Ex. 3, 4. 5. Prisoners of war. 6. A Hebrew slave ransomed from a Gentile might be sold to another Hebrew by his master. But the Hebrews were slaves to the Hebrews for six years only, or until the sabbatical jubilee. 21 Ex. 2. If a slave married however, he could not take away with him his wife and children, which belonged to the master. 21 Ex. 4. If from attachment to the family, the slave re- fused to be freed at the end of six years, or at the sabbatical year, then his master might bore his ears with an awl before the magistrate, and the slave became bound for life. The Hebrew slaves were treated more as hired servants by the Jews: not so the bondmen procured from among the heathen. But even from the heathen, they were forbidden to ac- quire a slave by stealth. See 21 and 25 Levit. [ *411 ] *The Phenicians, Carthaginians, Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, all practised slavery without any doubt being en- tertained of its propriety. Vendere cum possis Captivum, occidere noli. Hor. The situation of slaves was very bad in early times. Hector tells Andromache that she will be condemned on the fall of Troy to draw water as a slave: so Euripides introduces Hecuba as chained to the gate of Agamemnon. The Phenicians seem to have been first in the prac- tice of kidnapping; see 14th Odyss. All nations, trading in slaves seem prone to mean and clandestine villanies; it is this spirit that has tempt- ed the British slave traders to practice and encourage the same base method of procuring cargoes. Slaves were very il treated among the Carthaginians. 'The abject state of the Helotes among the Lacedemoni- ans has become proverbial. Slaves were also in a bad state among the Romans. They were frequently chained to the gate of a great man’s house as porters. I copy the following summary of the circumstances of their condi- tion from Dr. Taylor (Elem. civ. Law 429); the authorities are accu- ' rately cited. s “Slaves were held pro nullis: pro mortuis: how this is to be under- « stood consult A. Faber (and Gothofred ad Dig. 50. 17. 32. 209.) pro Quadrupedibus : nay, were ina much worse state than any cattle NOTES. All ‘* whatsoever, as the same author (Faber) has shewn. They had no ‘head in the state, no name, title, or register: they were not capable of “being injured: nor could they take by purchase or descent: they had ‘no heirs, and therefore could make no will: exclusive of what was “called their peculium, whatever they acquired was their master’s: “they could not plead nor be pleaded for, but were excluded from all “civil concerns whatever: they could not claim the indulgence of ab- ““ sence reipublicee causa: they were not entitled to the rights and con- ‘ siderations of matrimony, and therefore had no relief in case of adul- “tery: nor were they proper objects of cognation or affinity, but of qua- “ si-cognation only: they could be sold, transferred or pawned, as goods “ or personal estate ; for goods they were, and as such they were esteem- “ed: they might be tortured for evidence: punished at the discretion of “‘ their lord, or even put to death by his authority: together with many “ other civil incapacities which I have not room to enumerate.” The first law in their favour was the lex Cornelia de sicariis, by which the killing even of a slave became punishable. Dig. 48. 8. The jus vite et necis claimed by the master, was restrained by Claudi- us the successor of Caligula. See also Dig. 48. 8. 2. *In 813 abu. cond. Nero by the lex Petronia, deprived [ *412 ] masters of the power of sending their slaves to fight wild beasts at the public shews. The Emperor Adrian, prohibited generally cruel treatment toward slaves; and he banished Umbricia a lady of quality, for five years, guod ex levissimis causis suas ancillas atrocissime tractasset. Antoninus Pius, applied the Lex Cornelia de sicariis, specifically to the masters of slaves: and the same law was strengthened by Severus and by Constantine. Cod. L. 1. de emendant. serv. Slaves might always induce an investigation by flying to the statues of the princes. Cod. L. 1 de his qui, &c. The prevalence of christianity, though neither Christ nor his apostles have condemned slavery, (4 Philem. 11.) contributed gradually but greatly to amend the condition of slaves. Athenzeus (L, c.) says there were several persons at Rome who had ten and twenty thousand slaves: and in VI. 20 he states that at a time when the citizens of Athens were only 21,000, the slaves amounted to 400,000, and that the small-Island of Aégina contained 470,000. In Af- rica, slavery has been established from time immemorial: the Arabs had African slaves, long before the settlements of the Portuguese: and though some additional aggravations have occurred from kidnapping, and incur- sions made for the express purpose of procuring cargoes, still the Afri- cans, like all the nations of antiquity, were from the earliest ages in the 412 NOTES. practice of making slaves of prisoners of war: I forbear any discussion of the right of slavery, as a question too metaphysical and abstruse, to be entered upon here. Nor will my view of it, coincide equally with the sentiments of the middle and northeastern, and those of the southern states. In England, the inexpedience of the practice is considered as settled, and there appears but one opinion in that nation on the general subject of the slave trade, which is, that it ought to be abolished. ‘The law respecting slavery is alsonow fixed. ‘The case of Somerset the ne- gro has determined that no man of whatever colour can be held as a slave in that country. But the abstract question—that which respects the right of reducing a human creature to slavery under any circumstan- ces, has not yet been investigated so profoundly as its importance de- serves. But this is not the place to investigate it, nor would it be easy shake off the bias of previous habits and prejudgments. After the travels of Park and Hornemann, no man can reasonably pretend that the Africans have a right to complain, who from one end to the other of that quarter of the world, have exercised from the begin- ning, and still do exercise the right of reducing each other to [ *413 ] slavery, *with concomitant practices full as bad as any that the West Indies can furnish. Knowing these things, I can- not be greatly interested in favour of the blacks. But I exceedingly regret the prevalence of slavery and the slave trade. All absolute power, has a direct tendency, not only to detract from the happiness of the persons who are subject to it, but to deprave the good qualities of those who possess it. I have no right to say that it makes men careless, unfeeling, and unjust, as to the sufferings of a fel- low creature, because these dispositions are very frequently indeed coun- teracted by the natural good qualities of the master, and by the general manners of civilized society, at a period when Idndners and humanity are fostered and respected by public opinion: but the whole history of human nature, in the present and every former age, will justify me in saying that such is the tendency of power on the one hand and slavery on the other. Nor can any country be so well cultivated by slave labour, as by the labour of freemen, fairly recompensed; nor can industry be the character of such a state of society ; nor can there be any permanent feeling, either of individual or of public security. Hence, I cannot but approve of the prohibition of the slave trade, as one of the steps toward a gradual abolition of the whole system of slavery ; a system that great- ly detracts from the industry, the improvement, the security, and the happiness of society, wherever it prevails. In England, the species of slavery termed Villenage, was abolished by 12 Ch. 2. The last case concerning villenage in the books, is that of Crouche, 10th Eliz. Dyer 266. C. pl. 11. So are the Serfs par naissance NOTES. 413 in France: but under the old regime, there were Serfs held by Mort- main, and Serfs who became so by loss, of their heritage: that is un- der one or other of the signoral customs, or droits feodaux. Such Serfs could not aliene their Serf-tenements, unless to a Serf of the same lord: they could not marry a free person, or the Serf of another lord: they could not put their sons into the clerical profession : they could not make a will to the prejudice of their lord, &c. See 1 Ferviere’s Justinian 76. Somewhat of the same kind obtained in Germany, and still more in Po- land. At present I apprehend this class of society no longer exists in Europe. There is no where in the scriptures that I recollect, any direct prohi- bition of slavery, except as to the bondage of the Jews among them- selves; but there can be no doubt, of its being contrary to the gene- ral spirit and precepts of christianity, which has contributed not.a lit- tle to the abolition of villenage, as well as of slavery. In the year 1514, Henry 8th manumitted two of his villains in the following form, ‘“‘*Whereas God created all men free, but afterwards [ *414 ] “the laws and customs of nations, subjected some under “ the yoke of servitude, we think it pious and meritorious with God to “ manumit Henry Knight, a Taylor, and John Hule a Husbandman, “ our natives, as being born within the manor of Stoke Clymmysland, “in our county of Cornwall, &c.” See Barrington’s observations on the statutes, 2nd edition, 249. ‘So, Fitzherbert, in his readings on 4 Edw. Ist, Extenta Manerii, after giving the-state of villenage in Henry 8th’s time, says that it then began to decrease in all parts of England ; and he thinks that no men should be bound but unto God, and that it is contrary to the principles of Christianity. Barrington 251. Robertson, in his hist. of Charles the 5th, v. 1 p. 324, gives a great number of in- stances and quotations, to prove the frequency of manumission, from a religious principle, together with the forms used on such occasions. In- deed Christianity, greatly contributed in the middle ages, to soften the barbarous manners of the times. Thus a law of Bavaria, for the pro- tection of foreigners in Lindebrouge’s collection says, Si autem aliquis tum presumptuosus fuerit ut peregrinis nocere voluerit, 14 solid. mulcte- tur. Deus nam dixit (Exod. 21,) peregrinum et pauperem non contrista- bis de rebus suis. Barrington, 22. See, also the interesting account of the Trevca vet. in 1. Robertson’s Ch. 5 p. 343—356. Hence, seems to be derived the clause in our indictment for assault, that the Prosecutor was in the peace of God, and the King. Sir Thomas Smith, who was secretary of state to Edward 6, and then to Elizabeth, observes that he never knew of any villains in gross, in his time, and that villains appendant to manors (villeins regardant: glebse adscriptitii) were but very few in number: that since England had Al4 NOTES. received the christian religion, men began to be affected in their con- sciences at holding their brethren in servitude; and that upon this scruple in process of time, the holy fathers, monks and friars, so bur- thened the minds of those whom they confessed, that temporal men were glad to manumit all their villains. But he adds, the holy fathers themselves did not manumit their own slaves, and the bishops behaved like the other ecclesiastics. But at last some bishops enfranchised their villains for money, and others on account of popular outcry: and at length the monasteries falling into lay hands, were the occasion that al- most all the villains in the kingdom were manumitted. ‘Smith’s repub. ch. 10. Harris. In England, although it was determined that trover would not lie for a negro, because the owner had not such an absolute property in his ne- gro that he might kill him; (Salk. 666. Ld. Ray. 1274, [ *415 ] Smith v. *Gould) yet trespass per quod servitium amisit would lie; and if property were proved in the negro, he would not have been able to maintain his liberty by baptism or residence in England (5 Mod. 182 Chamberline v. Harvey) until the great case of Somerset the negro, by which it was determined that there could be no ‘ slavery in England. See the argument of Mr. Hargrave in that case, in the last volume of his edition of the state trials. Of the supposed effi- cacy of baptism formerly, the reader may find a very curious case in 3 Mod. 120. Sir Thomas Grantham’s case. Villains (hinds) could acquire no property, for quicquid acquiritur ser- vo, acquisitur domino, says my Lord Coke. Co. Litt. 117. C. As to the distinctions relating to the right of the master to wages or earnings ac-. quired by servants or apprentices, see the notes on the above cited passa- ges in Harg. Co. Litt. and 1 Campb. Rep. Nis. Prius 527, Thompson v. Havelock. Lord Coke in his-note on villenage, deduces (after St. Am- brose) the origin of slavery from the introduction of wine: non esset ho- die servitus, si ebrietas non esset: Canaan being condemned to bondage for exposing the nakedness of his father Noah. $ 4. Quibus modis servi, §c. Venundari passus est. This was per- mitted also by a senatus consultum in the time of Claudian, though manifestly contrary to the general rule that no man can change his con- dition on his own authority. Dig. 40. 12. 37. In such cases the person selling himself was required, Ist to be of 20 years of age at least. Ib. L. 7. and Dig. 40. 13. 2dly with certain knowledge of his birth and con- dition Ib. tit. 14. and Dig. 40. 12 L. 14. et seq. 3dly The purchaser also must act bond fide Ib. L. 16. par. 2. and L. 7. par. 2. Athly. That the price paid was completely at his disposal, L. 1. and 5. Cod. de liber caus. Dig. 40. 13. Dig. 28. 3. L. 6. Cujus adds another condition, 5thly That he should neither be filius familias or manumitted, for he NOTES. ALS cannot injure the rights of the Paterfamilias or of the Patron. Dig. 40. 12 L. 1. Leo Philosophus abrogated this senatus consultum by his Novel 59. A freeman might also become a slave, by ingratitude towards his pat- ton, by condemnation to the mines or wild beasts, and so becoming ser- vus Pene. By asenatus consultum Claudianum, a free woman indulg- ing in servile amours might lose her freedom. Nascuntur ex ancillis nostris. Cujas gives a fanciful analogy. Ho- dem jure ex ancillis nati servi sunt, quo sata cedunt solo. Mater enim solo comparatur, vis patris sato. $ 5. De liberorum et Servorum Differentia. In England the people are divided into Ist The King and heir apparent. 2dly The nobility or *peerage (a) temporal, consisting of dukes, mar- [ *416 ] quisses, earls, viscounts and barons, (b) spiritual, consist- ing of archbishops and bishops. 3ldy The commonalty: consisting of baronets whose titles are hereditary; knights, whose titles are per- sonal only and not hereditary ; esquires or gentlemen, acquired by birth, by office, by profession, or by courtesy ; yeomanry, tradesmen, artificers, and. labourers. In this country, the title of ‘‘excellency” sometimes given to the Pre- sident of the United States, and to governors of states, as well as the title “honourable” bestowed on judges and members of Congress, and “esquire” applied to justices of peace and practioners at law, I regard. as founded on courtesy and custom only. The practice of addressing the president, a governor, or a judge, as an esquire, certainly arises from neglecting the old adage that omne majus continet in se minus. Tit. 4. De ingenui definitione p. 12. By the civil law, children born in wedlock (as in England) followed the condition of the fathers, Dig. 5. 19. If born out of wedlock (contubernio) they follow the condition of the mother. In England, a bastard being nullius filius is in all ca- ses free, the presumption being in favour of liberty: so if aman marry a Nef, she becomes free forever after: and a child born in such wed- lock is also free. See all the learning on this subject in Harg. Co. Litt. 123. b. Tit. 5. Definitio et origo Libertinorum, §c. p. 13. In the early times of the republic Libertus was a freed man, and Libertinus his descend- ant. Suet. Claud. 24. 8. Isid. 4. But this distinction fell into disuse. $ 1. Quibus modis manumittitur, p. 14. Liberty could anciently be conferred but three ways, viz. by testament: by the census : and by the vindicta, or lictor’s rod. This is evident from the following passages in Tully : si neque censu, neque vindicta, neque testamento, liber factus est, non est liber. In Top. 416 NOTES. A man was said to be liber censu, when his name was inserted in the censor’s roll, with the approbation of his. master at the public census. But the method of acquiring liberty by the vindicta, was more solemn and formal. For it, was necessary that the master placing his hand upon the head of the slave, should say in the presence of the pretor, hunc hominem liberum esse solo: to which the preetor always replied, dico eum liberum esse more Quiritum. Then the lictor or serjeant re- ceiving the vindicta or rod from the pretor, struck the new freed man several blows with it upon the head, face, and back, after which his name was registered in the roll of freedmen, and his head being close shaved, a cap was given to him as a token of liberty. Harris. [ *417 ] *This is not quite accurate. The lictor gave the slave, a gentle blow on the head with the vindicta, and a box on the ear, and made him tum round thrice. Afterward under the latter empe- rors, in lieu of the census, the master made a public declaration of his intention to free the slave, in church. Slaves were also manumitted by letter, signed by the master in presence of five witnesses: or before his friends, five witnesses being present at the declaration. The enfran- chisement by vindicta, might take place before a consul as well asa preetor; and in the provinces before a proconsul, his legate, or deputy. See dig. 1. 16. 2. cod. 7. tit. 6: de lat. lib. toll. Ib. 1. 1.$ 2. de his qui in eccles. and Sigonius |. 1. de antiq. Jur. Civ. Rom. The ancient form of manumitting villains, was thus. “If any person * be desirous to enfranchise his slave, let him with his right hand deliv- “ er the slave to the sheriff in a full county, proclaim him exempt from “ the bond of servitude by manumission, shew him open gates and “ ways, deliver him firearms, to wit, a lance and a sword, whereupon “he becomes a free man.’ Harris, from Wilkins’ leges anglo-saxo- nics. Afterwards, manumission of villains was conferred by grant and release, of which Harris has given a form from the complete Clerk, 1676. Alius multis modis. Enumerated cod. 7. tit. 6 de lat. lib. tollenda. Tit. 5. § 3. De libertinorum divisione sublata. The three classes of freed men, here mentioned, had different rights attached to their respec- tive conditions. ‘1st. Freed men ef the greater liberty, were Roman citizens with all privileges, but they were obliged to leave a part of their property by will to the patron. They were required to be thirty years of age, and their masters twenty, at the time of their manumission by the law Mlia Sentia ; and all the usual and prescribed forms were to be strictly ob- served. If any of these requisites were wanting, the slave became only, 2dly Latinus Junianus, under the law Junia Norbana, enacted 771 in the consulship of Junius Silanus, and Norbanus Balbus; which confined NOTES. A17 the right of being considered as freedmen of the greater liberty, to those who had been enfranchised, by will, by census, or by the vindicta. These Latini, were not Roman citizens, they died slaves, but during life they enjoyed the other privileges of freemen, see 3 Instit. 8. 3dly, The Dedititii, were persons who, while slaves, had suffered corporeal punish- ment for some crime, and were named after some tributaries to the Ro- man people, who had revolted and were compelled to lay down their arms. Dedititii, quia se suaque omnia dedicerunt. They could never become Roman citizens. All *these distinctions [ *418 ] were destroyed by the constitutions of Justinian. Cod. 7. tit. 5.1. 1 and tit. 6.1.1. Harris. Ferriere. : Tit. 6.$1. De servo instituto, §c. Injuria defunctus officiatur, p. 16. It was ignominious for the goods of the deceased to be sold at pub- lic auction for debts, see Cic. orat. pro. Quintio. Tb. $ 3. Quid sit in fraudem, §c. The fraudulent intent may lose its effect in this case: a man knowing himself insolvent, enfranchises his slave: by subsequent acquisition he becemes solvent: the slave in this case continues free. In the following case, the creditors may lose the slave, although there was no fraud accompanying his manumission. A master enfranchises during known and acknowledged solvency. His house and goods are afterwards consumed by fire. The manumission cannot be set aside, for it was fair and legal when made. Ferriere. In England, there are two statutes made to protect creditors against fraudulent conveyances and devises, 27 Eliz. ch. 4. and 3 W. and M. ch. 14, see Wilson v. Knubley, 7 East, 128. Ib. $ 5. Que sunt juste cause. See the 9th and six following laws of the digest, de manum vindic. and the 21st law of the digest qui et a quibus manum that is dig. 40. 3 and dig. 40. 9. A son might become master of his father, if he had been left heir by a testator, to whom the whole family belonged. Procurator. Cujas thinks this is only procurator ad lites, not adjnego- cia. L. 22 observ. c.16. A mere agent ad negocia, might be under the age of 17. see L. 3. $ ult. de minor. (dig. 4, 4) and dig. 14. 3. de Instit. actione. Tit. 7.$ 1. De lege Furia Caninia. This is a law passed in the time of Augustus to prevent the city being crowded with idle and disorderly persons. Suet. Aug. Tit. 8. § 2. De Jure civ. Rom. in servos. Ihave already treated of the condition of slaves among the Romans. Ad sacram statuam. It was anciently the policy of almost all king- doms to allow of sanctuaries or places of refuge, and they are said to have been permitted in ee as soon as Christianity was re- 418 NOTES, _ ceived. In the i cles year of Henry 8th; the following points (which will ¢ give the reader some idea of the power of sanctuaries) were affirm- ed and resolved in the cas¢ of Savage, to wit: That in England the pope without the king could not make a sanctuary: that sanctuaries must commence with a grant from the king, and then be confirmed by the pope: but that if they began by a bull from the pope, it would be itisufficient, although they were afterwards confirmed by [ *419 ] *the king : that the general words Ambitus, Precinctus, Clausura, in such grants, whether papal or regal, did only include the church, loiter dormitory and church yard, but did not ex- tend to the gardens, barns, stables and the like: that sanctuary de jure communi was only for forty days (which was a privilege belonging to all parochial churches and church yards) and that sanctuary for life, or as long as the person pleased (which was an usual privilege of religious houses) depended upon special grants, which were to be well proved, or otherwise were null and void. Keilway 188. Gibson’s Codex 1188. Sanctuary never extended farther in civil cases, than to save the body from execution. In criminal cases, it did not extend to treason; but it did to murder and other felonies. 2 Hawk. Pl. Cr. 32. Sanctuaries lost much of their privileges by 22 Hen. 8. ch. 19. 27 H. 8. ch. 19. 32 Hen. 8 ch. 12. and ch. 20. and they were entirely abo- lished by 21 James 1. ch. 28. See Middleton’s letter from Rome, 113. (Harris). Major asperitas dominorum. In England the lord might rob, beat and chastise his villain at will, but was not allowed.to maim him: for then, the villain might have had an appeal of mayhem against him. Le seigneur ‘poit rob, naufrer, et chastiser son villein @ son volunt. Salve qwil ne poit lui maim, car donques il avera appel de mayhem envers lui. Termes de la Ley. Tit. 9. De patria potestate, p. 22. Anciently fathers had the power of life and death over their children. This was restrained by Trajan who directed emancipation in cases of great severity. Z. 1 of the Dig. sia parenti: and by Adrian ‘ZL. 5 of the Dig. de Leg. Ponip. de parricid: and by Alexander Severus, L. 3. Cod. de patria potest: so Ulpian de Adulieris : Inauditum filium pater occidere non potest, sed accusare eum apud, preefectum, preesidemve provinciee debet. A man might acquire the rights of a father by marriage, legitimation and adoption. As to the right of a father to the acquisitions of his child, See post. Inst. 1. 2. tit. 9. Tit. 9. $1 Definitio nuptiurum. Marriage in this passage is term- ed indiscriminately. nuptice and matrimoniium. There ate other terms NOTES. 419 also applied to marriage, as Connubium, Conjugium, Consortium, Con- tubernium, Concubinatus. Matrimonium, originally meant the union of male and female for the purpose of procuring offspring. Maris et famine conjunctio, as the 2nd Tit. of the Institute has it. Nuptie strictly means, the marriage ceremony. Hence the expressions Justwm matrimonium, “* Juste nuptie, meaning that kind of marriage and marriage [ *420 J ceremony, which was conducted according to law: and this was matrimony at’ efoxny, matrimonium and nuptie soon became the popular expressions for lawful marriage. Connubium, conjugium, consortium, are metaphorical synonymies for lawful matrimony. Connubiwm, a mutual submission to the marriage ceremony, from nwbendo i. e. eden j it being the custom of the bride to cover her head with the flammeum or veil. Dr. Taylor deduces it without sufficient reason as I think, more distantly from a Hebrew root used 27. Is. 6. signifying procreation, production. Conjugiwm, a mutual yoke. Consortium, a mutual lot in life ; for better for worse, as the En- glish Church ceremony, properly states it The Contuberniwm was the matrimony of slaves, a permitted cohabi- tation; not partaking of lawful marriage, which they could not contract. It was ‘ applied also to other kinds of unlawful connection. Cod. 2. 21, 4. Cod. 5.5.3. Cod. 5.5.9. Cod. 6.59. 9. Hence there was no pro- cess of adultery in favour of a slave. Cod. 9.9.23. Dig. 48. 5.6. But although civil forms might be disregarded in Contuberniis, the laws of nature as to incestuous commerce, were held in full force, for the rea- son assigned in Inst. 1. 15. 3. See also dig. 23. 2. 14. 2. Concubinatus. Semi-matrimonium ; conjugium inequale. A full de- scription of this may be seen in the last title of dig. 25. The Greeks also allowed of this left-handed marriage, as I believe it is called in Eu- rope: yuyauos. Not. ad Demosth. C. Nearchi T. III. p. 624. Concubi- nage was entered into before witnesses, otherwise it became prostitution, dig. 25. 7.3. The parties might dlissotve the contract and cohabitation at pleasure, dig. 25.7.1. Itdid not admit of adultery. Dig. 25. 7. 3. As marriage was discouraged between officers of state in the provinces, and female inhabitants of the same province, they were permitted to take concubines ‘of the province. Ib. 1. 5. dig. 23, 2. 38 and 57. and ‘Cod. si quacumque predict potest. -Concubinage was regulated by Constantine. Cod. 5. 26. unie.7. 15 ult. and Justinian, Nov. 18. 74. and 89. Concubina est mulier libera in- upta.quam vir celebs domi concubinatus causa solam habet. That the man should be unmarried, was not required by the old or prior | laws _Te- lating to. concubinage, but the woman only. All that was formerly | re- quired of the man, was, that he should be at least twelve years ¢ of, age, 420 NOTES. dig. 25. 7. 1. and that he should not have more concubines than one. Concubinage was abolished by the emperor Leo. Nov. Leo. 91. [A concubine did not mean in the civil law a harlot; the concubine was a person taken to cohabit in the manner, and under the character, of a wife, but without being authorized thereto by a legal marriage. Concubinage was confined to a single person, was of perpetual obliga- tion as much as marriage itself; was a society recognized by the laws, and in general entered into between persons who, by laws of policy, were forbidden by the state to marry together for want of quality or for- tune ; the concubine might even be accused of adultery. ‘Those charac- ters show how widely mistaken we should be if we annexed the idea of immodesty and contempt to the name of concubine among the ancients, as we doin modern times. See 1 Brown’s Civil Law, 80. 81. 5 Gib- bon’s Hist. 399, 400, 8vo. 1828.] Concubinage, I understand, obtained not many years ago [ *421 ] in Germany, *if it does not at this day. Ido not enter at large into the marriage ceremonies of the Romans, they may be sought in modern compilers, Rosinus, Adams; but after Dr. Taylor, I shall notice the three kinds of lawful marriage among that people. Marriages were solennes, solemn; or minus solennes, less solemn. The solennes were either Usu, Farre, oR CoEMPTIONE. Marriage, Usu, by prescription, is briefly described by Servius, in his commentary on-1 Virg. Georg. 31. and 18 Aul. Gell.6. When a woman cohabited with aman for a whole year, with a view to matrimony, (matrimonii ergo,) she became his property by prescription, under a law of the 12 Tables. ‘Till the year was expired, she was uxor, matrona, but not materfamilias. An absence of three nights would break the prescription, or usucapion ; this interruption was usurpatio. This seems to have been the oldest form of Roman marriages. Marriage, Farre: Confarreatio. This was the most solemn form of marriage among the Romans: by it, a woman became copartner with her husband in all his sacred rites, and in all his substance, and was his sole heir at his death, if he died without children. Dion. Halic.1.c. If he left children, she succeeded to equal portions of his estate. The chil- dren were patrimi, and matrimi, and had peculiar privileges; certain priests, and the vestal virgins being chosen’from among them. 4 'Tacit. ann. 16. 1. Aul. Gell. 12. The ceremony could not be performed with- out the presence of the Pontifex maximus, or the Flamen Dialis: Ser- vius in 1 Georg. It was attended with the ceremony of the parties mu- tually breaking together a cake, Farra, Panis farreus. Ten witnesses were necessary. Ulpian, tit.9.$§1. It was dissolved by a similar cere- mony, Diffarrsatio. It fell into disuse, about the time of Tiberius, 4 Tac. ann. 16. NOTES. 421 Marriage, Coemptione: or by mutual purchase. The man and the woman delivered to each other a small piece of money. Servius ad 4. Virg. Mneid. 103. Cic. orat. 1.57. The man asked the woman, will you become to me the mother of the family? To which she replied, I will. In her turn, she asked, will you become to mea father of the family ? and he answered, I will. ‘The woman then delivered her piece of money and herself, into the hands of the man. Until this period, and preceding the Domi ductio, the woman was sponsa only: after the Domi ductio, the marriage was completed. Dig. 35. 1. 15. Coemptio, was also called conventio in manum. The wife stood in point of heirship to the husband, in place of a daughter. Among the Romans, the foundation of marriage was the consENT of *the parties. Consensus, non Concubitus, facit [ *422 ] nuptias. Dig. 50.17.30. Dig. 35. 1.15. Dig. 24. 1. 32. 13. But this consent, must have been between parties willing to contract, of proper age, (that is 14 for the male, 12 for the female,) free from disabi- lities of relationship, able to contract, free from precontract, from legal disability, and that consent must have been ratified also by the consent of the parent. Instit. 1.10. pr. which given afterward by Ratihabitio, would not answer the purpose of confirming the marriage. Dig. 1. 5, 11. Tb. 23. 2.65.1. Ib. 48. 5.13.6. But latterly a subsequent confir- mation seems to have been valid: Cod. 4. 28.7. Without this consent, the issue were illegitimate. Inst. 1. 11.7. In cases of insanity or cap- tivity, the consent of the parents was not necessary. L. 35. Cod de nupt. L. 28. Cod. de Episcop. aud. In England both by the canon law, (canons of 1603. Can. 62, 63. 100, 101.) and the statute law, the consent of parents is required: the want of it indeed, did not avoid the marriage, but the minister who married them was punished by 7 and 8 W. 3. ch. 35. But by the marriage act of 26 Geo. 2. ch. 33. beside punishing the minister, the marriage is de- clared void in many cases where the requisites of that act are not com- plied with. The general train of chancery decisions, is also much in fa- vour of devises on condition of marriage with consent of Guardians, &c. See 1 Fonb. 246. Ist n. edit. or L. 1. ch. 4. $ 10. n. The legal prohibitions were Parentace, (Parentela) Rearion- sup, Pustic Decorum, Rank, Power and Ace: of which in their order. Parentage : Cognation: Consanguinity. The connection of persons descended from a common parent or stock. Strictly, Cognati, are rela- tions by the mother’s side: Agnati relations by the father’s side. Adg- nati, or Agnati, include Cognati, but not vice versa. Dig. 38. 10. 10. Dig. 38.7.5. So Arrogati include the Adoptaii, but not vice versa. 422 NOTES. This cognation may be either natural, or civil, arising from adoption ; or mixed; of this, more in L. 3. tit. 6. post. Relationship or affinity. Is the connection between the husband and his wife’s parents, and the wife and her husband’s parents. Adjfineg sunt viri et uxoris cognati; dicto ab eo, quod duc cognationes que diver- se inter se sunt, per nuptias copulantur ; et altera ad alterius cognationss Jinem accedit: namque conjungende adfinitatis, causa fit ex nuptiis. Dig. 38. 10. 4, 3. There are no degrees, strictly speaking, in affinity, as there are in parentage or consanguinity ; but I am considered as related to the parents of my wife, in the same degree that she is. Although affinity takes place between me and my wife’s parentage, [ *423 ] and *between my wife and mine, yet this does not induce any kind of relationship or affinity, between our respective parents or consanguinei ; for their situations in society, ought not to be affected by our contracts. Hence comprivigni may intermarry. Dig. 23. 2. 34. 3. Affinity therefore can only affect the man and woman con- tracting. Affinis mei affinis non est mihi affinis as North said in Oxen- ham et ux. v. Gayre, C. B. cited Bac. Ab. tit. Marr. A, 529. Formerly the Roman law prohibited marriage between persons in direct affinity only, Dig. 38. 10 4. 6—7. L. 17. Cod. de nupt. but after- ward the imperial constitutions forbad it between a brother-in-law, and a sister-in-law in the collateral line. L. 5. and 8. Cod. de Incest. et Inut. Nupt. 1. The general rule is, Quocunque gradu, quis uni conjugum junctus est consanguinitate, eodem gradu junctus est alteri affinitate. 'Thus, I can- not marry my wife’s daughter or my wife’s mother, because they are to my former wife in the ascending and descending line of consanguinity ; and therefore to me in the ascending or descending line of affinity. Perhaps the prohibitions of the civil. and of the canon law, may-he explained in a short compass. Co ey} EH} I Og In this straight line, the letters respectively over and under each other, denote parent and child: within this line, all intermarriages are forbid- den (by the law of nature as is generally agreed) whether ascending or descending. D. cannot marry either A, Bor C, or E, F or G. Dig. 23. 2. ult. By this rule, all marriages are forbidden between those who are in pareniuim numero. *The next rule is, that all marriages are forbidden be- [ *424 ] tween those collaterals who are in parentum Loco. This is the respectum Parentela. A e— D— FI CO ROHR C and D, E and F, G and H, &c. are collaterals. Of these collaterals, those who are immediately under the common stock, cannot marry any person in the opposite collateral line. Thus D is immediately under, or next to the common stock B. Hence D cannot marry with C, EH, GorI. For like reason C cannot marry with D, F, H or K. The next rule is that with respect to other collaterals as E and F, G and H, I and K, they may marry after the third degree, counted by the civil law mode of computation: which begins not with, but from the party in question on the one side, and counts through the common stock, to the party in question, on the other side; or leaving out the common stock, and including the parties on both sides. Thus, in what degree of relation are E and F’, who are first cousins? In the fourth: and they may marry. For C counts one; B two; D three;-F four. In what degree of relationship are] and H? Answer, G one; E two, C three; B four; D five; F six; H seven. The prohibitions of intermarriage between collaterals, extend by the civil law to the fourth degree, ExcLu- sive, according to the above mode of counting. Hence first cousins by the civil law, being in the fourth degree may intermarry. The Canon law computes, not by counting upwards, then through the common stock, and then downwards to the propositus—but beginning at the common stock, counts ‘downward on either line, taking the longest when one is longer than the other. Thus E and F, or first cousins, are in the third degree: Bone; C two; E three; or, Bone; Dtwo; F three. Hence marriage between first cousins is forbidden by the Canon 424 NOTES. law, whose prohibition extends to the fourth degree of Canon law com- putation incLusive. Of course, not only first, but second cousins are forbidden to intermarry by that law. The more numerous the prohibi- tion, the more profitable were dispensations. Hence the [ *425 ] present mode of *computing canonical degrees was introduc- ed by pope Alexander 2nd. By the old canon law and the early decretals, marriages were forbidden as far as the seventh degree, answering to the 12th of the civil law: this was reduced to the fourth degree of canon law computation (inclusive) by the council of Lateran, 1215. But Dr. Taylor says it was so in England, as appears by some constitutions he examined of Oswald, archbishop of York, in the 10th century. The English, and we after them, adopt generally the civil law regulations on this head. Blackstone’s table of consanguinity, L. 2. ch. 14. P. 203. is well calculated to illustrate the comparison of the two modes of computation. The following table, is taken from Burn’s ecclesiastical law, tit. mar- riages. A man may not marry his Secundus gradus in linea recta ascendente, Cons. Avia. 1 Grandmother. Affin. Avi relicta. 2 Grandfather’s wife. Affin. Prosocrus, vel socrus magna. 3 Wive’s grandmother. Secundus gradus inequalis in li- nea transversali ascendente, Cons. Amita. 4 Father’s sister. Cons. Matertera. 5 Mother’s sister. Affin. Patrui relicta. 6 Father’s brother’s wife. Affin. Avunculi relicta 7 Mother’s brother’s wife. Affin. Amita uzxoris. 8 Wife’s father’s sister. Affin. Matertera uxoris. 9 Wife’s mother’s sister. Primus gradus in linea recta as- cendente, Cons. Mater. 10 Mother. Affin. Noverca. 11 Step mother. Affin. Socrus. 12 Wife’s mother. Primus gradus in linea recta de- scendente, Cons. Filia. 13 Daughter. Affin. Privigna. 14 Wife’s daughter. Affin. Nurus. 15 Son’s wife. NOTES. Primus gradus equalis in linea transversali, Cons. Soror. Affin. Soror uxoris. Affin. Fratris relicta. ‘ *Sécundus gradus in linea recta descendente, Cons. Neptis ex filio, Cons. Neptis ex filia. Affin. Pronurus, i. e. relicta nepotis ex filio. Affin. Pronurus, i. e. relicta nepotis ex filia. Affin. Privigni filia. Affin. Privigne filia. Secundus gradus ineequalis in linea transversali descendente, Cons. Neptis ex fratre. Cons. Neptis ex sorore. Affin. Nepotis ex fratre relicta. Affin. Nepotis ex sorore relicta. Affin. Neptis uxoris ex fratre. Affin. Neptis uxoris ex sorore. A woman may not marry with her 1 Grandfather. 2 Grandmother’s husband. 3 Husband’s grandfather. 4 Father’s brother. 5 Mother’s brother. 6 Father’s sister’s husband. 7 Mother’s sister’s husband. 8 Husband’s father’s brother. 9 Husband’s mother’s brother. 10 Father. 11 Step-father. 12 Husband’s father. 16 Sister. 17 Wife’s sister. 18 Brother’s wife. [ *126 ] 19 Son’s daughter. 20 Daughter’s daughter. 21 Son’s son’s wife. 22 Daughter’s son’s wife. 23 Wife’s son’s daughter. 24 Wife’s daughter’s daughter. 25 Brother’s daughter. 26 Sister’s daughter. 27 Brother’s son’s wife. 28 Sister’s son’s wife. 29 Wive’s brother’s daughter. 30 Wife’s sister’s daughter. Secundus gradus in linea recta ascendente, Cons. Avus. Affin. Avice relictus. Affin. Prosocer, vel socer magnus. Secundus gradus ineequalis in li- nea transversali ascendente, Cons. Patruus. Cons. Avunculus. ‘ Affin. Amite relictus. Affin. Matertere relictus. Affin. Patruus mariti. Affin. Avunculus mariti. Primus gradus in linea recta ascendente, Cons. Pater. Affin. Vitricus. Affin. Socer. 426 NOTES. 7 Primus gradus in linea recta descendente, 13. Son. Cons. Filius. 14 Husband’s son. Affin. Privignus. [ *427 ] *15 Daughter’s husband. Affin. Gener. — Primus gradus eequelis in lina transversali, ‘16 Brother. Cons. Frater. 17 Husband’s brother. Affin. Levir. 18 Sister’s husband. Affin. Sororis relictus. Secundus gradus in linea rec- ta descendente, 19 Son’s son. Nepos ex filio. 20 Daughter’s son. Cons. Nepos ex filia. 21 Son’s daughter’s husband. Affin. Progener, 1. e. relictus neptis ex filio. ‘ 22 Daughter’s daughter’s husband. Affn. Progener, t. e. relictus neptis ex filia. 23 Husband’s son’s son: Affin. Privigni filius. 24 Husband’s daughter’s son. Afin. Privigne filius. Secundus gradus ineequalis in linea transversali descen- dente, 25 Brother’ son. Cons. Nepos ex fratre. 26 Sister’s son. Cons. Nepos ex sorore. 27 Brother’s daughter’s husband. Affin. Neptis ex fratre relictus. 28 Sister’s daughter’s husband. Affin. Neptis ex sorore relictus. 29 Husband’s brother’s son. Affin. Leviri filius, i. e. nepo sma- riti ex fratre. 30 Husband’s sister’s son. Affin. Goris filius, i. e. nepos ma- ritt ex sorore. The Levitical degrees are to be found in the 18th and 20th chapters of Leviticus, and: they are these; see Haines v. Jescott, 5 Mod. 168. 1 Ld. Ray. 68. where the Levitical degrees are tabulated in a somewhat diffe- rent order, following lord Coke. A man may not marry His mother His sister His son’s daughter His daughter’s daughter His father’ wife’s daughter His father’s sister His mother’s sister NOTES. 427 His father’s brother’s wife His son’s wife *His brother’s wife [ *428 ] His wife’s daughter His wife’s sister. The preceding are the prohibitions of the 18th chapter. The following are from the 20th chapter, and may be intended to em- brace second marriages. His father’s wife His wife’s mother His father’s or mother’s daughter His father’s or mother’s sister His uncle’s wife His brother’s wife. The above-mentioned table of kindred and affinity, (from Burns) therefore, is made. up, not from the specific enumeration of prohibited de- grees in the book of Leviticus, but from the principle that seems to guide the Jewish prohibition, viz. to the third degree of the Jewish and civil law computation inclusive: for the Jews calculated degrees in the same way as the Romans did, viz. from the propositus exclusive, up to and through the common stock, and down to the other party in question, in- elusive. 1 Selden’s uxor Hebraica, ch. 4. The English law allows marriage at the fourth degree, as computed by the Jewish and the civil law. Harison et ux. v. Dr. Burwell, Vaug. 206. 2 Ventr. 9. Gibs. Cod. 412. The prohibited degrees are not specified in 32 Hen. 8. ch. 38. which declares that all persons may lawfully marry, except such as are prohibited by God’s law, but they are in the preceding statutes of 25 H. 8. c. 22. and 28 H. 8.c. 7. but Burns Eccles. Law II. 405. doubts whe- ther the two last statutes are in force since 32 H. 8. ch. 38. The spiri- tual courts are confinéd to the Levitical degrees, Vaugh. 206. Harison et ux. v. Burwell. [By a Statute of the State of New York, marriages between parents and children, including grand-parents and grand-children of every de- gree, ascending and descending, and between brothers and sisters of the half, as well as of the whole blood, are declared to be incestuous and ab- solutely void. The prohibition against such marriages, extends to ille- gitimate, as well as legitimate children and relatives. Such incestuous marriages, and also adultery and fornication, committed by such rela- tives with each other, are made indictable offences, and punishable by imprisonmeut in a State prison for a term not exceeding ten years. 2 R. 8. 3d ed. p. 199. 773. This is also the law in Massachusetts. Mass. Revised Statutes, 1835, part 4, tit. 1. ch. 130.] ° 428 NOTES. I have made a doubt whether a man may marry his wife’s sister, his wife being dead, from the expression in the passage in Levit. “ Thou shalt not take a wife to her sister to ver her, but in Hill v. Good, Vaugh. 302. and Carth. 271, 3 Keble, 166. Gibs. 412. it was determined that this case fell under the general prohibition of verse 6. including all that are near of kin: a decision indirectly confirmed by Collet’s case, 'T. Jones, 213. Nelson’s Ab. tit. Marr. 1158, 1159. 15 Vin. 256. and lately by the court of arches in England, (1811,) agreeably to former cases. Indeed the cases where marriage with a wife’s sister’s daughter has been deemed incestuous, are numerous. Most of them are collected in 4 Bac. Ab. 529. See Mr. Butler’s note, Co. Litt. 235.2. 2 Burns [ *429 ] *Eccles. law, 414. et seq. But it is not forbidden by the law of Pennsylvania, see act of 1705 as to Incest. Mr. Christian in his note 4. to 2 Blacks. 206. is right when he says ‘ this seems the latest and leading case, in which the authorities are fully discussed. The decisions proceed on the principle, that as wills are ambulatory till the death of the testator, Lord Beauclerk v. Dr. Mead, 2 At. 167. any intermediate act, or any change of circumstances, inconsistent with the will, amounts to an implied revocation. Gilbert on devises, 93. Christopher v. Christopher, 2 Dickens, Ch. Rep. 447. But an implied re- vocation may be rebutted by evidence of circumstances that imply oth- erwise: and where the subsequent change of situation of the testator is not inconsistent with the provisions of the will, there may be a revoca- tion in part only. Kennebel v. Scrafton, 2 Hast, 530. 5 Vez. 663, Expte Ilchester, 7 Vez. 348. Whether the birth of more children after the exe- cution of the will, and the testator’s second marriage after that, amount to a revocation, see Gibbons v. Gaunt, 4 Vez. 840. [The English law, as it stood prior to the statute of 7 William IV. and 1 Vict. ch. 26, (referred to below) was declared in Marston v. Roe, 8 Adolph. and Ellis, 14, the Exchequer Chamber, to be, that ifan unmar- ried man without any child by a former wife, devised his estate, and left no provision for any child by a future marriage, notwithstanding he might have made provision therein for a future wife, the law annexed a tacit condition to such a will, that if he afterwards married, and had a child, the will should be revoked, and evidence was not admissible to re- “but that presumption, or destroy that condition. And by the statute of 1 Victoria, ch. 26, it is declared, that all wills made by a man or-woman are revoked by marriage, except when made in exercise of a power, where the property appointed would not, in default of such appointment, pass to the heir, executor, or next of kin. No will is to be revoked by presumption of an intention from alteration of circumstances. No will 504 NOTES. is to be revoked otherwise than by another will or codicil, or by writing executed like a will, or by destruction with intention to revoke; and no alteration made after execution to have any effect unless executed as a will. No will in any manner revoked to be revived otherwise than by re-execution, or a codicil to revive it; and if a part has been revoked, and afterwards the whole, such part shall not be revived by a revival of the whole, unless an intention to revive that part be shown. No convey- ance made or act done subsequently to the execution of a will, except it amount to a revocation, shall prevent the operation of the will with respect to such estate as the testator has power to dispose of at the time of his death. And a will shall be construed to speak and take effect from the death of the testator. Thus, where a devise was of a remain- der to the sons of A., who had three sons when the will was made, and five at the testator’s death, it was held that the devise was to the five sons. See King v. Bennet, 4 Meeson and Welsby, 35.] The law of Pennsylvania has as I think been very judiciously altered by the acts of 23 March 1764 and 19 Ap. 1794; which [ *498 ] enact that a *testator having made his will, and afterwards married, and then dying and leaving a widow, ora child born subsequent to the will, it shall amount to a revocation as to them ; and they shall be in the same situation as if he had made no will. On these acts the following decision has taken place. In Coates v. Hughes, 3 Binney, 498, it was determined that a subse- quent marriage and birth of a posthumous: child do not amount by the law of Pennsylvania to a total revocation of a will even where the sub- sequent issue is the testator’s only child. They amount to a revocation pro tanto, namely, so far as regards the widow and the child, but not as to the appointment of executors, nor-as toa power to sell for the pay- ment of debts. The-reader will find most of the learning of the books collected briefly in this case; which turned upon the expressions of the acts of assembly on this subject. In 1 Washington’s Virg.Rrep. 140. Wilcox v. Rootes, et. ai. it is taken for granted by the court, that a subsequent marriage and birth of a child is an implied revocation of a former will. This was in 1792; but in 1802 came on the case of Yerby v. Yerby, 3 Call’s Virg. Rep. which was this: A man married and had six children: he made a will in 1785. His wife dying, he married again in 1790, and had two children, to wit, the present plaintiffs, by his second wife. It appeared in evidence, that previous to his second marriage he had promised that the children he might have by his last wife, should be as well provided for, as those he had by his first wife. It appeared fur- ther in evidence, that during his last iliness, it was proposed to him to NOTES. 505 alter his will and provide for the present plaintiffs: but he refused, say- ing he wished some alterations to be made, and when he got well he would have them made. He appeared much distressed, and wished to evade the conversation. This case was argued against an implied revocation on the following grounds, Istly, The Virginia act of assembly provides only for posthumous children pretermitted : the court cannot go farther : they cannot by ex- tention make a new law. 2dly, This is not the case of a testamentary disposition in favour of strangers, which is required to be revoked, but of children, who had at least as strong a claim as the plaintiffs. 3dly, Implied revocations may be rebutted, by expressions in the will, or by circumstances, 1 Lord Ray. 441. Doug. 31. and a reference to a will as a subsisting one, rebuts the presumption of revoca- tion. *Doug. 31. An expression of an intention to revoke a [ *499 J will hereafter, does not operate as a revocation. Pow. Dev. 534, much less an expression of a mere intention to alter it. The court unanimously confirmed the will; and I think the law was with them; but is it possible to read such a case as this, without regretting the want of the civil law principle de inofficioso testamenio? The unfeeling ex- clusions, imperiously demanded by the institution of primogeniture, are sufficiently odious, but they fall far short of such a case as this, under the republican laws of Virginia. : By an act of Massachusetts, 1700, and Feb. 6. 1784, a child not men- tioned in the will of his parent, shall be entitled to such distributive share as he would have had by law, had the parent died intestate: but in Terry v. Foster, Mass. Rep. 146, and in Church v. Crocker, 3 Mass. Rep. 17. the court held it sufficient to bar the claim of a child to a dis- tributive share, if noticed by name in the will, though a small legacy or even no legacy, were bequeathed to such child. ; The other points appertaining to the law of revocations, are not sufii- ciently connected with the subject of this section to be dwelt on. $2. De quasi posthumis, p. 126. If a grandfather passed over his grandson being his proper heir at the time of making the testament, it might be done designedly to exclude him from the possession, and the will might nevertheless be valid. But if the grandson was not the pro- per heir at the time, the father being alive, the grandfather was not pre- sumed to have passed him by, with intent of disinherison, but that the father would regularly succeed in the first place. In this case therefore the will might be broken. Dig. 28. 3.15. Cujus comment. ad Dig. 28. 2. Now by Nov. 115 and 1. 3. Cod. de post. hered. inst. the passing over any children of the testator is fatal to the will, except only that 64 506 NOTES. posthumous children not named must be born alive for that purpose. See on the subject of this section 1. 3 Cod. de. post. heered. inst. Dig. 37. 4.8.4. As to the law Velleia, see Dig. 28. 2. 29. $ 4. De adoptivis, p. 127. We have no adopted children in the Roman sense of the word. Que de naturalibus, §c. Natural children, in the phraseology of the English and American law, are children born out of wedlock, and are contra-distinguished from legitimate children: but in the language of the civil law, natural are contra-distinguished from adoptive children; that is, they are the children of, the parents spoken of by natural pro- creation. z $5. Jus novum, p. 128. Nostra vero constitutio. Cod. 6. 28. 4. [ *500 ] *In nostra constitutione. Cod. 8. 48. 10. ; Tit. XIV. De heredibus instituendis, p. 130. Formerly all legacies and provisions in a will that preceded the nomination of the heir were void, so necessary was such an appointment to the validity of the will itself. Ulp. tit.24. § 14 and tit. 25.$ 6. Juncto Paulo 1. 2. sentent. 6.$1. But by Ll 15 and 24. Cod. de test. this precision was rendered unnecessary, and if by apt and intelligible words, a heir was named in any part of the will, it sufficed. It was necessary that the will should comprehend the whole of the testator’s property, for he could not die in- “testate for one part, and testate as to another. If the heir was nomina- ted of the first degree, he was instituted, if one more remote, he was substituted. , Qui possunt heredes institui, p. 130. Ex nostra constitutione. Cod. 6. 27. 5. § 2. De servo hareditatio, p. 132. For this translation of the testa- menti factio, see Inst. Lib. 1. Tit. 19. $ 4. Hereditariis servis testamenti factio est: that is, not factio activa, the right of making a will, but factio passiva, the right of taking by will. § 4. De numero heredum, p. 132. Usque in infinitum, means as many as he pleases within reasonable bounds. For instance, all the in- habitants of China, would be plainly absurd. He may appoint a cor- poration or community if he pleases. 1. hereditas, Cod. h. tit. § 5. De divisione hereditatis, p. 132. Heres ex asse,a whole and sole heir. As, among the Romans was an unit. Ex parte testatus, et ex parte intestatus. In England; this is other- wise. If a testator disposes of only half his estate, he will be deemed intestate as to the rest, which will go according to the statute of dis- tributions. § 8. Si plures uncie quam duodecim, §c. p. 134. Suppose THREE heirs: to the first is left four ounces; to the second three ounces; to the NOTES. 507 third, two ounces. Then three ounces will remain undisposed of. These are to be divided into nine parts; of which the first heir will be entitled to four, the second to three, the third to two. Again suppose Turze heirs: to the first is left eighé ounces, to the se- cond six ounces, to the third fowr ounces, in all eighteen ounces. Each heir must suffer a deduction in proportion to his share. Thus: if 18— 12—8? Answer, 5} If 18—12—6? Answer, 4. If 18—12—4? An- swer, 22 That is, the first devisee will be entitled to 53 ounces, the se- cond, to 4 ounces, and the third to 23 ounces, or twelfth parts of the es- tate devised. If nine ounces be left specifically indifferent proportions among three *heirs, and ¢hree ounces are left generally to [ *501 ] three others, the last will share in equal portions. Suppose a testator to institute six heirs, bequeathing to three of them portions amounting to a whole as: siz ounces for instance to one, four to another, and do toa third, and the other three are named heirs sim- ply without any specific assignment of portion. In this case, the estate will be divided into two asses, of which the three specific devisees will take one in their respective proportions, and the three others another as in equal proportions. Butif the first three had specifically assigned to them eighdeen ounces, then the puronpium or double as would again take place; and the estate being divided into two asses or 24 ounces, the three heirs nominated sim- ply, without assignment of shares, would divide between them in equal portions siz asses. Ferriere in loco. § 9. De modis instituendi, p. 135. None but a military man could by the Roman law, be partly testate, and partly intestate. Dig. 50. 17. 7 and 29. 1. 41. But where the condition annexed is in itself incertain, the event must be waited for; and if the condition should not take place the will is void. If it do take place, then the heir is considered as in from the death of the testator, quia dies incertus retrotrahitur ad initium. Dig. 28. 6, 33. In England, an executor, who may be considered as quasi heres may be appointed from a certain time, or until a certam time, and the next of kin may be appointed administrator as to the vacant term. Swin- burne, 310. $ 10. De conditione impossibili, p. 135. Impossible conditions are regarded as not seriously meant by the parties Dig. 44. 7. 31. Possi- ble conditions may be casual, or potestative, or mixt. Thus, I appoint Titius my heir, if my ship arrives from Asia. This isa casual condi- tion. With this condition, a stranger may, but a proper oF domestic heir, cannot be appointed heir. Dig. 28.5.4 and 86. 1.4 Cod. inst, et subs. A mixt condition is partly casual, and partly potentative, as pro- 508 NOTES. vided he shall go to the capitol, as soon as Mevius becomes Consul. Mavius never may become Consul. In this case, a stranger may, but a proper heir cannot be instituted. If an heir be appointed, provided that immediately after my decease, he shall go up to the capitol, this is po- testative and valid, because the nominee may at his own pleasure putan end to the condition. Impossibilis conditio.] “ Although impossible conditians, whether | “« they are so by nature or by law, do not hinder the effect of the dispo- “ sition, being reputed asif they were not written or uttered ; { *502 ] “‘yet, *if a testator supposes a condition to be passible, “ which isin reality impossible or illegal, then such condition “Cis not void, but will render the disposition void, to which it is added: “as for instance ; if the testator makes Titius his executor, or gives him “ an hundred patinds if he marries his, the testator’s daughter; suppos- ‘* ing her to be living, when she is dead: in this case, the condition is ‘impossible; and yet T'idius cannot become executor, or obtain the le- “ acy ; because it isnot probable, that the testator would have made “ him executor, or given him an hundred pounds, if he had known, or ‘believed his daughter to have been dead.” Swinb. part 4. sect. 6. § 11. De pluribus conditionibus, p. 135. See Dig. 35. 1. 6. as to joint conditions. In alternativis, suficit alterum adimpleri. Tit. XV.$ 1. De numero heredum, p. 136. Thus: let Primus and Secundus be my heirs. If default should take place in case of Primus, let Tertius be my heir in his room. Or if Primus and Secundus refuse, let Tertius, or Tertius and Quartus, become my heirs. Plures in unius locum.| ‘This kind of substitution, which is called ordinary or vulgar, is of no small use in England, and we do therein, for the most part, follow the precepts and rules of the civil law: for it is nothing else but the adding a condition, which we commonly call ¢ai/ in the case of lands; namely, a limitation of heirs, to whom a testator in- tends, that his lands should descend. Strahan on Domat. vol. 2. p. 221. Cowel’s inst. tit 15. Harris. Substitutions are rejected by the code Napoleon. Art. 896. $ 2. Quam partem singuli, $c. p. 136. Suppose Primus, Secundus, and Tertius, are heirs and reciprocally substituted each for the other: Primus, having assigned to him one ounce, Secundus eight ounces, and Tertius three ounces. If Primus resigns, his ounce must be divided into eleven parts, of which Secundus takes eight, and Tertius three parts. Ferriere. fta Divus Pius. Cod. 6. 26.1. Dig. 28. 6. 24. §$ 3. Si coheredi substituto, p.137. If Primus and Secundus, are appointed heirs, and Secwndus substituted to Primus, and Tertius to NOTES. 509 Secundus, then if Primus, and Secundus, both die, Tertius is consider- ed as entitled to the heirship of Primus, as well as of Secundus, and the share of Prinius, does not escheat to the treasury. , If Secundus should die, and Tertius succeed to him, and then Pri- mus should die, a question arose whether the treasury or Tertius should succeed to the share of Primus. It should seem at first that the decis- ion was in favour of the treasury from Dig. 28. 6.27. But *it appears that Severus and Antoninus, leaned against the [ *503 ] claim of the treasury. Mysinger. h. 1. Whether the same doctrine takes place in pupillary substitution, see Cujas on Dig. 28. 6. 4}. and Ferriere in loco. $ 4. Si quis servo; qui liber existimabatur, &c. p. 137. In this case, the heirship was divided, from the total incertainty of what the testator might have willed had he not been mistaken. In dubiis enim causis, ad judicum rusticum esse recurrendum, ipsa ratio suadeét ; et in ambiguis, quod minimum est, sequimur. Neither is this opposed to Cod. de he- redib. instit. 1. 3, where it is said to be a question of inclination: for this question can only arise where there is room for rational conjec- ture. Cujus corrects Dig. 28. 5. 40. from ia ut alter semis, to ita ut As: and as Ferriere supposes, rightly ; scribes.frequently making mistakes by their abbreviated characters, Sigle. Tit. XIV. De pupillari substitutione p. 138. This could not be exer- cised by the parent over a son emancipated, whether at the execution of the will, or the death of the testator. Dig. 28. 6.2 and 41. Nor could the mother exercise this right over her son, being as yet impuber. Nor is this contrary to Dig. 28.6. 33. because this last is a mere case, not of pupillary, but of common substitution, for the hetitage does not attach till the son arrives at fourteen years of age. This is the tabula pupilla- ris, of the jurisconsults,-and an heir may be appointed for a future time. Sup. inst. heredib. inst. tit. 14.$ 9. But then such an appointment by that section of the institutes, is directed to take place immediately, not- withstanding the limitation. Or if it be considered as incertain whether the impyber will arrive at puberty, then the condition being incertain, the validity or nullity of the will depends upon that event. Dies vero incertus vim habet conditionis et perinde ad initium potest retrahi. Cod. de hered. inst. 1. 9..and this seems to be the true light. $ 1. De substitutione mente capti, p. 138: Infirmari sancimus, Cod. 6. 26.9. Dig. 28. 6. 43. § 2. Proprium pupillaris substitutionis, p. 139. Quodam modo duo testamenta. Duplices Tabule,as they are called, Dig. 35. 2. 70. Dig. 18. 4. 2. $illud. The father might make a substitution to his son being impuber, after having made his own will, and before other witnesses, 510 NOTES. Dig. 28. 6. 16, but a mother could not. Sup. Still, these being in fact the will of one person, viz. the father, they were regarded conjointly as one will, Ib. 1.2. $ 4 and 1. 20. and Dig. 42. 5. 28. | Where [ *504 ] a father *substitutes to a disinherited son, he must make his own will first, and so must be understood. Dig. 28. 6. 2. 2. Ferriere. If a child, not arrived at puberty, do not fall within some one of the causes of disinherison stated in Nov. 115, he may effectually prefer the allegation of invalidity from neglect of natural duty; (inofficiosi testa- menti) against the will. These causes are briefly as follows: all com- prehended under the general denomination of ingratitude; so that it seems a commentary upon the old adage, ingratum quem dixeris om- nia dicis. Istly, If the child hath assaulted the parents: or 2ndly, inflicted upon them a great and dishonorable injury: or 3dly, accused them of a crime, except where the emperor or state was concerned: or 4thly, practised sorcery: or 5thly, attempted the life of either of his parents by poison, or any other secret means: or 6thly, debauched his stepmother, or his father’s concubine: or 7thly, turned informer against his parents, and thus put them to expence: or 8thly, if he do not attempt to relieve his parent out of prison, by offering so far as he can, to become security : or 9thly, if he should unfairly prevent his parents from making a will: or 10thly, if he has joined a company of gladiators, (arenarii) or stage ’ players, (mimi,) or 11thly, if a daughter should refuse to marry a hus- band provided by the parent, who is also willing to bestow on her a rea- sonable portion, but chooses to live a libertine single life. However, if the parent hath not taken care to provide her a-proper husband before the age of 25, and she should then have a child, it is the fault of their neglect, and no cause of disinherison: or 12thly, if the child should neglect to succour and take care of a parent, who may become lunatic or insane: or 13thly, should neglect to exert himself honestly to redeem his parent from captivity: or 14thly, if being brought up by his pa- rents, in the orthodox doctrine of the church, he should swerve from the catholic faith. This last to be sure, might be converted into a fruit- ful source of complaint. § 5. Pupillare testamentum sequela paterni, p. 140. Pupillary sub- stitution is founded on the will of the father: so that if this be set aside, the pupillary substitution falls with it. Dig. 28.6. Dig. 50. 17. 129.1. and 1. 17. 6. ib. So the pupillary substitution holds good in the same manner as the will holds good. Dig. 29. 2. 4. 1. $ 6. Quot liberis substituitur, p. 140. In this case, the substitute cannot succeed till the death of the last child under age. Ferriere puts the case: A father making his will appoints Primus Se- NOTES. bil eundus and Tertius Patres familias, Quartus an impuber, and Quintusa slave, his heirs, with assignment of various portions. He disinherits *his son not of age, and appoints as substitutes [ *505 ] in case of his son’s death before puberty, such of the five persons as may become heirs to himself. Primus declines: Secundus and Tertius accept: so does Quartus at command of his father ; so does Quintus at command of his master. Secundus dies: Quartus becomes filius familias and is emancipated : Quintus is manumitted. Who shall be the substitute? shall Primus? shall the heir of Secundus? shall thé father of Quartus? or the master of Quintus? It is answered, that the substitution applied to the persons of ihe substitutes, not to the repre- sentatives: to those who had actually been the heirs of the father, as well as the instituted heirs: and therefore the substitution fell to 'Terti- us, Quartus, and Quintus in the respective proportions of their original shares under the will of the father. $ 7. De substitutione nominatim aut in genere, p. 141. See on this section the paraphrase of Theophilus, which is of great authority. ‘Moreover I may substitute to a minor within puberty, by name, and’ ‘‘say, if my son should be my heir and die within puberty, let Titius ‘be my heir. And I may substitute to him generally, as when I in- “stitute many persons as heirs together with my son, or by instituting “many heirs, I disinherit my son. I may so substitute generally, by “saying, whoever shall be heir to me the father, 1 substitute him to my “son if he should die before puberty. By which form of words those ‘who are the written heirs and remain so at the time, will by substitu- “tion become heirs also to the son dying within puberty. For if the ‘persons instituted reject the heirship as to the greater part, they will ‘take nothing by the pupillary substitution; for the pupillary heirship ‘will be divided between them, in the proportion of the original heir- “‘ship, that is according to the portion they were respectively entitled to ‘under the father’s institution of them as heirs to him.” __ T have already mentioned (Tit. 15, $ 1) that substitutions are abolish- ed in France by the Napoleon code. ‘So detrimental has an unqualified and unlimited power of settlement ‘‘been found, even in France, that it has been made a question there, ‘‘whether it would not be for the advantage of the nation at large, that ‘‘all settlements and trusts should be abrogated. This question so far “as it related to moveables, was by the order of Louis 15, proposed in “the year 1744 by the chancellor D‘Aguesseau to all the parliaments ‘“‘and superior councils of France, See Questions concernant les substitu- “¢ions, avec les Responses de touts les Parliamens, et cours souverains “du Royaume, et les abservations de M. L. Chancelier D'Aguesseau i 512 NOTES. “sur les dits responses. Toulouse, 1770. And see also i[ *506 ] “‘ Commentairs *de I‘Ordonance de Louis 15. sur les substi- “tutions per M.-Feugole. Paris, 1767. Butler’s elaborate note on the doctrine of uses, Co. Litt. 272. a. sub finem, 279, a. See Code civil Nap. ou Recueil. Tom. 2. p. 429. Tit. X VIL. $1. Quando testamentum dicatur rumpi, p. 142. Secun- dum nostram constitutionem, Cod. 8. 48. 10. Not only in the cases mentioned in the text, but by the birth of a child subsequent to the will. Formerly the adoption of a son set aside the will, Dig. 28. 3. 7. if he was not instituted heir therein. Dig. 28. 3. 18. Dig. 37. 4. 8. 7. but by this law of Justinian, an adopted son, does. not invalidate the will, unless he be a pater familias, or if being a filius familias he be adopted by some relation paternal or maternal in the as- cending line. Cod. de adopt. lex penult. As to the general doctrine of revocations, see Viner’s Ab. under this head, and the note 4 of Serjeant Williams to page 276 of Saunders’ Re- ports, and the cases there referred to, particularly Bridges v. The Dutch- ess of Chandos, 2 Vez. Jun. 417. and Goodtitle v. Otway, 7 Term Rep. 399. The following cases on the subject have occurred since that note. Cave v. Holford, 3 Vez. 650. Revocation by subsequent convey- ance. Lord Temple v. Dutchess of Chandos. Ib. 685. By a mortgage, or a conveyance in fee of a devised estate for the payment of debts, the will is revoked pro tanto only. Hinckley v. Simmons, 4 Vez. 160. Mutual wills by two uumarried sisters under twenty-one, the marriage of one does not revoke the will of the other. Crosbie v. Macdonald, 4 Vez. 610. All codicils are part of the will: therefore a codicil for a particular purpose only, does not revive a part of the will revoked by a former codicil. Ib. T'wo inconsistent wills: a codicil referring to the first by date as the last will, revokes the immediate will. Gibbons v. Caunt, 4 Vez. 840. Quere, whether by the birth of more children subsequent to the will, and the testator’s second marriage after the birth of those children, but no issue by that marriage, the will is re- voked ? Lord Carrington v. Payne, 5 Vez. 404. A codicil applying to a partic- ular part of the will only, was considered as a substitution for, and not a revocation of that particular part. Knollys v. Alcock, Ib. 634. A contract for sale revokes a devise of the land. But it is not revoked by’a mortgage in fee to the devisee. Bax- ter v. Dyer, Ib. 656. NOTES. 513 *Kennebel v. Scrafton, Ib. 663. Marriage and birth of a [ *507 ] child, (ut semble) does not revoke a will made in contempla- tion of such marriage and issue by it, Harmood v, Oglander, 6 Vez. 199. Devise revoked by a conveyance in trust, operating beyond the mere purpose of securing a mortgage. At law, the courts only consider the great question whether the inter- est remains the same in the devisor, as it did at the date of the will; if not, whether the charge be for a general ora partial purpose, itis a legal revocation of the devise ; but at equity, if the deed be only for a partial purpose, introducing only a particular charge or incumbrance, and not otherwise affecting the interest of the devisor; there, the use that would enure to the testator and his heirs, if alive, after that partial purpose was effected, will be held by equity to enure to the devisee if the testator be dead. Hence, a devise is not revoked by a mortgage in fee, or by a conveyance in fee for the payment of debts. Ib, A court of law, looks at the deed only, and compares the interest at the date of the will, with the alteration made in it by the deed: but equity looks also at articles, at covenants, and at the real intent of the transaction connected with the deed. Equity controuls the law in cases of revocation under the two follow- ing circumstances only. Ist. Where the beneficial interest is devised, distinct from the legal estate, and the testator afterwards takes the legal estate without any modification or alteration. 2ndly, Where having the legal as well as the beneficial estate at the date of the will, he divests himself of the former, but retains the latter: as in the case of a mort- gage, or conveyance for the payment of debts. Ib. Ellison v. Ellison, Ib. p. 656. Ellison in 1791 conveyed leasehold es- tate in trust to Wren: in 1786 he made his will, devising his personal estate, &c. In 1797 he took a conveyance to himself from Wren of the trust estate. Held this was no revocation; especially as no intent to re- voke appeared in the proceedings. Ex pte. Ilchester, 7 Vez. 370. Montague v. Jeffereys, Moore, 4. An act inconsistent with the will, though by accident not carried into effect, is a revocation: as a covenant with letter of attorney to make livery, though no livery made. Inchoate acts inconsistent with the will amount to revocation if accompanied with power to destroy the provisions of the will. See further in Lord Alvanly’s argument as to the effect of parol and inchoate revocations previous to and under the statute of frauds. Where the instrument inconsistent with the will is complete in itself to show the intention, it is a revocation, though something fur- ther remains *to be done-to give it legal effect in favour of [ *508 ] the person to whom it is made, as a bargain and sale with- 65 , 514 NOTES. out enrollment: a feoffment without livery, &c. but a second will unat- tested, 1s incomplete, and therefore cannot revoke. Agreeable to the rule of the civil-law, tunc prius testamentum rumpi- tur cum posterius perfectum est, which in Limbery v. Mason, Comyn. Rep. 451, is laid down as the English law. Dig. 28. 3. 2. Knollys v. Aleock, 7 Vez. 564, and Attorney General v. Vigor, 8 Vez. 281. Maundrel v. Maundrel, 10 Vez. 256. Mere partition, whether by compulsion or agreement is not a revocation: but the slightest addition, aS a power of appointment to the limitation of uses is sufficient. In what case an instrument abandoned ceases to be a revocation. A codicil reciting a specific and limited purpose will revoke the whole devise, declaring the trusts again with the proposed alterations, and will confirm the will in all particulars not revoked. 'The omission of a trust though against the intention of the testator,’cannot be supplied. Holder v. Holder, 8 Vez. 97. Harmood v. Oglander, 8 Vez. 126. There is no instance of a revoca- tion at law, not being a revocation in equity, where the partial particular purpose was not for charges, or incumbrances, or to pay debts. Rose v. Cuninghame, 11 Vez. 554. Where an agreement for the pur- chase of an estate has been executed, the purchaser may devise it, and the subsequent conveyance of the mere legal estate, will not be a revo- cation of the will, while the equitable estate remains. Doe ». Pott, Doug. 684. Watts v. Fullerton, Doug. 891. Pemberton v. Pemberton, 13 Vez. 297. Duplicates of a will. The presumption is, that cancelling one of the duplicates amounts to cancell- ing the other, though both are in the testator’s possession, and the can- celled instrument had heen altered. Charman v. Charman, 14 Vez. 580. Devise of real estate not revok- ed by bankruptcy. 5 Term Rep. 124. Shove v. Princk. An imperfect and inefficient deed, evidencing an intention to revoke, revokes a will. 1 Bos. and Pull. 576. Goodtitle v. Otway. No man has a right to devise an estate of which the title is not in him at the time of the de- vise: it must be his own: legally, according to the doctrines of the courts of law; equitably at least, if not legally, according to the doctrines of the courts of equity: no subsequent acquisition of the title, will make that will good which was bad when it was executed. This appears from Butler and Baker’s case, 3 Co. Rep. 30. b. Sparrow v. Hardcastle, 3 At. 803. per Lord Trevor in Fitzg. 240. [ *509 ] * Hence in Swift ex dem. Neale and Roberts, Burn 1497, Lord Mansfield denied that a joint tenant could devise his estate, either by law or by statute. For by the express words of the NOTES. 515 Statute of 34 and 35 Hen. 8, a devisor must have the estate he pretends to devise: and an after-purchased estate will not pass. A will under the Roman law, essentially consisted in the appointment of anheir : in Eng- land it is ambulatory, and revocable, and more in the nature of a dona~ tio mortis causa. . And this estate must continue in the devisor till the time of his death; for if, by any form of conveyance, he passes away the whole estate, al- though he takes it back again instantaneously by another conveyance, and whether this be done animo revocandi or not, the retaking is a new estate; it is not the same estate, and the former will without republica- tion, does not pass it; for a will cannot operate upon an estate which a man has wholly conveyed away. Lord Mansfield, in Roe ex dem. No- den v. Griffith, 4 Burr. 1960, laments this: but the law was so settled in Lord Lincoln v. Rolls, Show. Parl. Cases 154, and 1 Ab. Ca. in Eq. 411. to the same purpose, are, Sparrow v. Hardcastle, sup. and Parsons v. Freeman, 3 At. 740. and the other decisions cited by Buller, and by Eyre, in the present case of Goodtitle v. Otway, which is very instructive. Eyre however, like Lord Mansfield, seems to me to regret that this rule of positive law, was ever carried further, than that a disposition of the whole estate, amounted to evidence of an intention to revoke, which might of course be rebutted. But so the law is. This law is no other- wise modified by equity, (which doubtless cannot supercede the statute) than by protecting those equitable interests, which a man reserves by ar- ticles and covenants thata court of law cannot investigate; and by de- claring that when the legal conveyance is only a mere matter of form with a view of charging or incumbering the estate for the purpose of paying debts or otherwise, it cannot be considered as exhausting the fee —as amounting to a conveyance of the WHOLE estate. 3 Bos. and Pul. Larkins v. Larkins, a devise to two as joint tenants. Devisor afterwards strikes out the name of one. This is only a revoca- tion pro tanto. As to the decisions in Pennsylvania. A second will containing an express clause of revocation, revokes the first. 2 Dall. Rep. 268, Boudinot v. Bradford. - Where a second will is destroyed without more, the preceding will not having been cancelled, generally speaking is ipso facto reviv- ed. Ib. and *evidence will be admitted to show whether the [ *510 ] testator cancelled the second ,with an intent to revive the first will, or to die intestate. Ib. aan The mere act of making a second will, is a revocation of the former, as to the personal estate, the law throwing that on the executor as trus- tee. Ib. 516 NOTES. A will revoked by a subsequent will, but not cancelled, is re-estab- lished by cancelling the second will. 2 Dall. Rep. 289. Lawson v Mor- rison. A will in writing revoking a will in writing, must be attended with all the solemnities necessary to the first will, Presumptive and implied re- vocations from change of state, or acts inconsistent with the will, may be rebutted by counter evidence. Ib. A will in writing may be revoked by the parol republication of a for- mer will in writing. Andif the republished will cannot be found, its contents may be proved. 2 Binney, 406, Havard v. Davis. A subsequent marriage and birth of a child, under the acts of Penn- sylvania, operate as a revocation pro tanto only. 3 Binney; 498, Coates v. Hughes. I have found nothing as to the revocation of wills in the New York decisions, nor in the Southern cases, other than I have already referred to. § 2. De posteriore testamento, p. 142. By Dig. 28. 3. and Cod. de tes- tam. 27, itis said to be sufficient if the revocation be made before three witnesses, 10 years after the first will. Theodosius and Valentinian, declared a will revoked, at the end of ten years from its execution, although the testator should have shewn no change of disposition. Cod. Theod. de testam. 6. But Justinian re- quired a formal revocation as above, in presence of three witnesses. $ 3. De posteriore in quo heres certe rei, §c. p. 143. see Dig. 28. 3. 12. 1. see Havard v. Davis, 2 Binn. 406. In ea constitutione. Dig. 36. 1. 29. Ex lege Falcidia. vid. Title 22 of this book of the institutes. $ 4. De testamento irrito, p. 143. Even the lowest diminution as if a pater familias became adopted, his former will was annulled. For his rights are thus merged in his situation as adopted son, and belong to his adopted father. Dig. 28. 3. 6. cum ,seq. Dig. 29. 7. 9.3. But this would not be the case with a military will. Dig. 4.5. 1. ult. nor witha testamentary disposition of the peculium castrense of a son before eman- cipation. Dig. 28. 3. 1. ult. $6. Quibus modis convalescit, p. 144. Per omnia: that is, not through- out, but, not always, or not in all cases. ‘Thus a will made [ ¥*511 ] *ineffectual, (érritum) by captivity, may be restored on re- turn by the jus postliminit, or by the fiction of the lex cornelia, by which his death is considered as having happened at the moment pre- ceding captivity. So the diminution by deportation, may admit of com- plete reinstatement by the imperial decree. Dig. 28.3. 6. 12. So in the smaller diminution by adoption of a pater familias, his will made as pa- Lets ? NOTES. | 517 ter familias, might be re-established before the pretor, provided, 1st, It was in writing: for the pretor took no cognizance of nuncupative wills. 2ndly, ‘That the pater familias, becoming by adoption filius familias, re- gained his quality of pater familias, and died in that state. ordly, That he declared his desire that his former testament should stand good, by codicil to that purpose. Dig. 37. 10. 1.2 and 3. § 7. De nuda voluntate, p.145. Pertinacis Oratione. I have alrea- dy observed, that the emperors sometimes in person, and sometimes by their queestors, addressed orations to the senate, proposing the laws they wished to be adopted. Dig. 23.2. 16. Vinn. The law of England is the same with that here laid down, viz. that if a testamentary paper is begun, but left unfinished, and the party lives a sufficient time to have finished it if he chose, the law presumes either -that he did not choose to finish it, or had not made up his mind concern- ing it. Cranvell v. Sanders, Cro. Ja. 497. Burton et al. v. Gowell, Cro. El. 306. Powel on Dev. 534. Matthews v. Warner, 4 Vez. 197. Grif- fin v. Griffin, Ib. in not.. Thomas ex dem. Jones v. Evans, 2 East, 488. See also Cogbill v. Cogbill, 2 H. and Mun. 467. § 8. Si princips litis causa, vel in testamento imperfecto, ge. p. 145. Dig. 1.3. 31. Cod. de testam. 1. 3. Cod. de legib. 1.4. Digna vor est majestate regnantis, legibus alligatum se principem profiteri. Adeo de auctoritate juris nostra pendet auctoritas. Et revera majus imperio est submittere legibus principatun. Et oraculo presentis edicti, quod nobis li- cere non patimur, aliis indicamus. : Domitian declared, the emperor might accept the heirship of one of his subjects, if any one witness should prove that the deceased had made him his heir: but according to Suetonius, he was obliged to repeal this decree. Tit. XVIII. De inofficiiso testamento, p. 146. The allegation of in- validity as being contrary to the duties of his station in life, lay against the testament of a testator, who unnaturally disinherited his natural heir without sufficient cause. This allegation, was not, properly speaking an action, nor a suit to recover the heirship, for the will is set aside. The process was, by notice to the instituted heir by the legitimate heir, and the cause was usually carried from the magistrate or *court below to the Centumvirs. Dig. 5.2.13.17. The [ *512 ] suit turned upon proof of some one or other of the fourteen causes or reasons of disinherison included in the 115th Novel; the onus probandi, being thrown upon the instituted heir. Hence, it was in the nature of our motion for a rule toshow cause. I have already abridged the fourteen causes of disinherison in that novel, but they are also brief- ly comprized in the following verses. 518 NOTES. Bis septem ex causis exheeres filius esto: Si patrem ferit; vel maledicat ei: Carcere detrusum, si negligat, aut furiosum : Criminis accuset, vel paret insidias : Si dederit damnum grave; si nec ab hoste redemit : Testarive vetet; se societve malis. Si mimos sequitur; vitietve cubile paternum : Non orthodoxus ; filia si meretrix. The last cause however, was insufficient, if the parent did not provide her a husband before she arrived at the age of twenty-five. I have already mentioned the English law of revocations: and the rule that the heir shall not be disinherited by implication. To the same principles may be referred the rule that a wife shall not be deprived. of dower by implication. Webb v. Evans, 1 Binn. 565. Quia plerumque parentes.| The plaint, or action, in the.case of an ° undutiful testament, which civilians call testamentum inofficiosum, is not in use in England; where, by the common law, all persons intitled to make a will, have ever had a free power of bequeathing their goods and chattels, in whatever manner they thought best; and it was only by the particular custom of some places, that this power was restrained: so that the writ called breve de rationabili parte bonorum, which the wife or children of the deceased had against the executors for the recovery of part of the goods, was not general throughout the kingdom, but peculiar to certain countries, where the custom was, that, debts being paid, the remainder should be divided into three equal parts; viz. one to the wife, another to the children, and a third to attend the will of the testator. Cowel lib, 2. t. 18. , The custom of reserving a reasonable part of the goods for the widows and children of testators is still in force in the city of London, as to the widows and children of freemen; but in other parts of the kingdom, where this custom did formerly —— it has been abolished by act of parliament; see 4 and 5 Will. and Mary, cap. 6. The inhabitants of ‘the province of York, are also empowered to dispose of their person- al estates by their wills, notwithstanding the custom of that [ *513 ] *province, as to the reasonable part claimed by widows and children; but the act excepts the cities of York and Ches- ter; yet the same liberty was afterwards extended to the freemen of the city of York, by the statute of the 2nd and 3rd of Queen Anne. And by the 7th and 8th of William the 3rd, cap. 38. the same custom was abolished in the principality of Wales. See Dr. Strahan’s notes on Do- mat, vol. 2. p. 109.—But by the law of Scotland, a testator cannot by testament deprive his wife or children of their legitimate or reasonable part. Stair’s Inst. lib. 3. t. 8. Mackenzie’s Inst. lib. 3. t. 9. p. 251. NOTES. 519° Hoc colore.| This pretext was made use of to avoid the appearance of impugning the testament of a man in his senses, contrary to the au- thority of the 12 tables, which give all persons, capable of making a will, a free and uncontrolled power of bequeathing their effects just as they think proper. ‘ Verbis legis 12 tabulorum his, uti legassit suze rei, “ita jus esto. latissima sotestas tributa videtur, et heredis instituendi, et “ et legata et libertates dandi, tutelas quoque constituendi ; sed id interpre- “ tatione coangustatum est, gc. ff. 50. ¢. 16. 1. 120. de verb. sign.” Harris. § 1. Qui de in officioso agunt, p. 145. Conititutionibus, Cod. 3. 28. 21 and 27. Aut agentes vineere, Dig. 5. 2. 6. The eight causes for which a parent might be disinherited, are includ- ed in the following verses, and may be found in Nov. 115. ch. 4. Si capitis natum pater accusaverit; ejus Aut vite insidias, clamve palamve struat: Si vetuit cupidum secreta novissima mentis Prodere ; nec veritys sit temerare nurum : Si pater et genetrix sibi fata scelesta minentur : Fulcra non ad nati clausa furentis eant : Filius auxilio si non patris hostica linquit Limina : si genitor numen inane colit That is, parents are not to be pretermitted, or disinherited by name, unless for one or other of the following causes specifically alleged. 1st, If the parent hath by accusation put in jeopardy the son’s life, unless in case of treason: 2ndly, or attempted it by poison or by sorce- ry: or 3rdly, debauched the wife ‘or concubine of his son: or 4thly, prevented the lawful exercise of the son’s right of devising: or 5thly, been convicted of attempting by poison or otherwise the life of his wife ; or the life of her husband: or 6thly, refused to take care of any of their children who might be deprived of reason: or 7thly, neglect- ed *to redeem a child from captivity: or 8thly, abandoned [ *514 ] the orthodox faith. The allegation of inofficiousness was extended in favour of brothers and sisters; Cod. h. t. 21. 27. Cod. Theodos. eod. Dig. 5. 2. 14. 1. and Tb. 1. L. 24. 25. § 2. Qui alio jure veniunt et de inofficioso non agunt, p. 147. This al- legation did not lie, in favour of ; 1st, A son omitted in his father’s will; for this would suffice to nulli- fy it. . Saas Daughters or grand-children omitted: for they had a remedy under the constitution of Marcus Antoninus. 3rdly, Emancipated children omitted : for they might be called to the 2 520 NOTES. possession by the praetor, per possessionem bonorum contra tabulas. Dig. 5. 2.23. Yet the father of an emancipated son, seems to have both these remedies; Dig. 37. 12. 1. ult. Athly, An omitted posthumous child; for he can break the will. Dig. 5. 2. 6. 5thly, An adrogated minor under fourteen, disiherited by his adoptive father : for he is entitled to his fourth part, under the law of Antoninus Pius. Dig. 5. 2. 8. 15. 6thly, A child to whom his father has left his portion. Dig. 5. 2. 25. Cod. eod. 1. 30. The right to urge this complaint, (which must be brought in five years, Dig. 37. 4. 4 and 37. 4.8.1. Cod. eod. tit. 28. 1. 3. § 24.) passes by a decree of Justinian to the immediate legitimate heirs of the per- son, who might have urged it during life. Cod. eod. si quis, &c. and scimus, &c. § 3. De eo cut testator aliquid reliquerit, p 147. The action to recover the legal portion, or the difference between the bequest and the fourth part, was entitled condictio ex lege; and egured to the heirs of the per- son originally entitled to bring it. Nor was it renounced by implica- tion: it must have been expressly given up, if at all. Peregrinus fidei -comm. Art. 36. num. 93. Cod. de inoflicioso test. 1. 30. $ 6. De quarta legitime partis, p. 148. See Cod. 3. 28. 35. I have already mentioned, that, in my opinion, the right of bequeath- ing by will, is no natural right: it is the creature of society, and may fairly and prudently be limited. Plato considers a man’s property as belonging to his family, lib. xi. de leg. which was the Roman doctrine of switas. In Greece, Solon first in- troduced the right of devising. Plut. in Solon. Demosth. adv. Lept. The law of the 12 tables on this subject was imported from [ *515 ] *Athens. But the Romans made frequent attempts to re- strain the right. 'Thus the Lex Furia, a plebiscitum, A. U. C. 570. restricted the amount of legacies to other persons than the heir, at a thousand Asses’; and the legatee receiving it, was subject to a pen- alty. The Lex Voconia, A. U. C. 584, enacted that no legatee should receive more than the heir. The Lex Falcidia, under Augustus, secur- ed to the heir a fourth part of the estate, by restraining the testator from bequeathing in legacies ultra dodrantem or nine ounces. Justinian, by the 18th novell. assigned one third of all the goods of the testator to the children if they amounted to four or fewer, and one half if they were more than four. Thus éwo children would divide between them four ounces, five children six ounces ; agreeably to those verses. Quatuor aut infra dant natis jura 'Trientem : Semissem vero dant natis quinque vel ultra. NOTES. 521 See on this subject, Dig. 48. 20.7. Cod. de inoffic. testam. 36. Nov. 1. princip. et $1. Cod. de inoff. test. 31. Cod. ad leg. Jul. majest. 5. $ 8. Nov. 66. ch. 92. The children excluded from this legitima pars, or share of the pater- nal property thus secured to them by law, whether excluded by volun- tary or legal reasons, do not on this account augment the quarta pars or legal portion of the rest. As if one out of five children were disinherit- ed for just cause, or took the veil, the other four would not be entitled to six ounces, for the legal portion was founded on the right of heirship or succession. Grand children were reckoned per stirpes, by stock: thus all the chil- dren of a son counted as the son. In cases of dispute as to the mode of division or remuneration, it was usually referred to arbitration; arbitrio boni viri. Cod. 1. 3. tit. 28. § 36. The action for the recovery of the supplement, or difference between a legacy bequeathed and the legal portion, enured to the heirs of those who hada right to sue. It‘*was even assets to the creditors, although the heir should have renounced. Cod. de repud. bon. possess. l. 2. Dig. 38. 9. 1. 7. Previous to the 115th novel. whatever the heir had received whether as heir, as legatee, mortis causa, or by way of trust, was considered as advancement, and deducted from his portion or fourth part; except a donation inter vivos, or gift with actual transfer by the testator in his lifetime. After this novel. the heir entitled to his legal portion became entitled without these deductions as it should seem; see Cujas in Dig. 35. 2. 15. penult. and perhaps reasonably, for the legal por- tion is due *by the settled provisions of positive law; the [ *516 ] gifts and legacies arise from the casual inclination of the tes- tator; who therefore could neither transfer or burthen with debts, usu- fructs, or trusts, even for pious purposes, the portion cast by operation of , law. Cod. de inoffic. test. 1. 36. In the modern French code (art. 913. of Code civ. Nap.) the Quotite or portion of disposable property is limited in favour of the children. “ Les liberalites soit par actes entre vifs, soit par testament, ne pourront “ exceder la moite des biens du disposant s’il ne laisse a son deces qu'un “ enfant legitime ; le tiers s’il laisse deux enfants ; le quart s'il laisse “ trois ou un plus grand nombre.” In England the law permitted devises of personal property time out of mind: 2 Fonbl. B. 4 pt. 1 ch.1$1. n. (a): but devises of land were first allowed by Stat. 32, 34, 35 Hen. 8. See Hungerford v. Nosworthy, Show. P. ©. 147. As to the civil and canon law authority in the eccle- siastical courts on the subject of legacies, see 2 Fonbl. Ib. $ 4. note. 66 52% NOTES. By the law of England, and most part of the American states (New- Orleans I believe adopting the principle if not the regulations of the Code Napoleon) there is no restriction on the permitted right of bequeath- ing. Doubtless the parent ought to retain some check on the misbehav- ior of children, and so I think ought the laws on the caprice, the injus- tice or the dotage of parents. In Holland, Germany and Spain, and as I have understood in other parts of Europe, the principles of the Fal- cidian law more or less limited or extended, have been generally adopt- ed; and it is worthy of notice, that the experience of the Empire from the time of Augustus to that of Justinian, led to a gradual extension of those principles. » The civil law doctrine of advancement by gift to children, during the life-time of the testator, briefly laid down in this section, gave birth to the modern law of England respecting the satisfaction of portions by legacies, and the ademption of legacies by the advancement of portions: concerning which, the cases are numerous and complicated.* Ellison v. Cookson, 1 Vez. jun. 105. [ *517 ] *Where a parent is under covenant to provide portions for children, provision by will shall be held to go in satisfaction unless the contrary appear: and legacies shall be adeemed, by portions advanced during ‘the testator’s life-time, unless the terms or circumstan- ces of the legacy negative this implication. For it shall not be intended that a parent means to give any child a double portion. Jenkins v. Powel, 2 Vern. 115. Thomas v. Keymish, 2 Vern. 348. Brown v. Dawson, Ib. 498. Wilcox v. Wilcox, 2 Vern. 538. * The general doctrine of satisfaction, relates either to children: to hus- band and wife: or to strangers. The first class only, is immediately con- nected with the subject of the present section; but it may be useful to re- fer shortly to the leading cases of the two other classes. As to husband and wife. 1 Vez. sen 323. 2 Vez.sen. 409. 1 Eq. Ca. ab. 203. Finch’s Prec. Ch. 240. 2 Vern. 498. 555. 709. 724. 1 P. Wms. 824. 2P. Wms. 341.614. 3 P. Wms. 15. 228.353. 3 Atk. 419. 1 Br. ch. ca. 82.129. 2 Br. ch. ca. 95. 1 Vez. jun. 257. 2 Vez. jun. 463. 644. 4 Vez. 391. 5 Vez.382. 6 Vez. 385. 10 Vez. 1.17.18. 5 Br. Par. Ca. 567. 7 Br. P. Ca. 12. compared with 2 Vern. 504. Ambl. 466. 682. 730. As to relations and strangers. 1 Vez. sen. 126. 263. 519. 636. Finch’s Py. Ch. 236. 394. 2 Vern. 478.8.C. 1 Eq. Ab. 203.5. C. 2 Eq. Ab. 352. Salk. 155.508. 1P. Wms. 408. 2 P. Wms. 132. 343. 553. 3 P. Wuns. 226. 353. 1 Atk. 426. 2 Atk. 300. 493. 519.632. 3 Atk. 65. 96. Gilb. Ch. 324. Gilb. Eq. Rep. 89. 15B.ch.ca. 170. 3 Br. ch. ca. 192. 3 Vez. jun. 529. 561. 564. 4 Vez. jun. 483. 574. 5 Vez. 369, 382. (cases of double legacies. ) NOTES. 523 A Bt ea = Phinney v. Phinney, 2 Vern, 638. Atkinson v. Atkinson, 1 Vez. Sen. 262. Graham v. Graham, 1 Vez. Sen. 263. Barret v. Beckford, 1 Vez. Sen. 520. Blois v. Blois, Pyne’s Case, { 2 Ventr. 347. Ward v. Tank Finch’s Prec. Ch. 183. Hoskins v. Hoskins, Ib. 263. Hartop v. Whitmore, Tb. 541. (and 1 P. Wms. 681. but incorrect, see 1 Br. Ch. Ca. 306.) Bromley v. Jefferies, Ib. 138. Copeley v. Copeley, 1 P. Wms. 147. Lechmere v. Earl of Carlisle, 3 P. Wms. 211. Graves v. Boyle, 1 Atk. 509. Biggleston v. Grubb, 2 Atk. 48. Rosewell v. Bennet, 3 Atk. 77 e. con. 1 Eq. Ab. 204. Clark v. Sewell, 3 Atk. 98. Lee v. Cox, and D’Aranda, Ib. 419. Upton v. Price, Cas. Temp. Talb. 71. Watson v. Earl of Lincoln, Ambl. 325. Richman v. Morgan, 1 Br. Ch. Ca. 63. and 2 Br. Ch. Ca. 394. *Moulson v. Moulson, 1 Br. Ch. Ca. 82. [ *518 ] Warren v. Warren, 1 Br. Ch. Ca. 305. Ackworth v. Ackworth, Ib. 307. Finch v. Finch, 4 Br. Ch. Ca. 38. Hinchcliffe ». Hinchcliffe, 3 Vez. jun. 516. Sparks v. Cator, Ib. 530. Tolson v. Collins, 4 Vez. 491. Leake v. Leake, 10 Vez. 489. On these cases it may be observed 1st. That the intent and meaning of the testator is to be sought, and parol evidence may be admitted to discover it. Deacon v. Smith, 3 Atk. 326. Ellison v. Cookson, 3 Br. Ch. Ca. 61. Mascal v. Mascal, 1 Vez. sen. 323. Rosewell v. Bennet, 3 Atk. 77. 1g. Ca. Ab. 204. Chap- man v. Salt, 2 Vern. 646. Rosewell v. Bennet, 3 Atk. 77. All these cases go generally to the admissibility of evidence, whether to aid or rebut a presumption. But in Freemantle v. Banks, 5 Vez. 79. and Eden v. Smith, Ib. 341. and Trimmer v. Bayne, 7 Vez. 508, it is laid down that parol evidence ought only to be admitted to rebut an equity or presumption. In Pole v. Lord Somers, 6 Vez. 321, the doctrine is discussed. I incline to think that pa- 524 NOTES. = rol evidence ought not to be originally admitted to establish a presump- tion, but the question seems not perfectly at rest. ‘Qndly. There seems to bea distinction between ademption or satisfac- tion, and performance ; though this is rather discountenanced by Prime vy. Stebbing, 2 Vez. Sen. 411. But it seems to me that the more modern rule is reasonable; viz. that where the question is, whether a legacy shall be considered as the performance of a covenant, more strictness is re- quired, than where the question is, whether a portion shall adeem a le- gacy. The first has parties, and is more in the nature of a debt: the second moves from the parent alone, and the only difficulty arises from the appearance of a double bounty, and family partiality. See Clark v. Sewell, 3 Atk.98. Trimmer v. Bayne, 7 Vez. 515. 3rdly. Courts disincline to extend the doctrine of satisfaction, and therefore take hold of circumstances that will reasonably enable them to consider a legacy asa bounty. Clark v. Sewell, 3 Atk. 98. TTolson v. Collins, 4 Vez. 483. Rickets v. Livingston, 2 Johnson’s Cases, N. Y. 101. Hence it has been decided, That the devise of a residue is not a satisfaction, for it is uncertain. Alleyn v. Alleyn, 2 Vez. Sen. 37. [ *519 ] *That a legacy is no satisfaction of an open account. Chan- cey’s case, 1 P. Wms. 408. That a legacy is no satisfaction if it be less in amount; Eastwood ». Vincke, 2 P. Wms. 6.14. Phipps v. Annesley, 2 Atk. 57. Nichols v. Judson, 2 Atk. 300. But in some cases, a legacy has been decreed a satisfaction pro tanto, Jesson v. Jesson, 2 Vern. 255. Thomas v. Key- mish, Ib. 348. Bruen v. Bruen, Ib. 439. Warren v. Warren, 1 Br. ch. ca. 305. Sparkes v. Cator, 3 Vez. 530. Graham v. Graham, 1 Vez. sen. 263. That a legacy depending upon a contingency is no satisfaction. Jea- cock v. Falkner, 1 Br. ch. ca. 295. Bellasis v. Uthwaite, 1 Atk. 426. Spinks v. Robins, 2 Atk. 491. Clarke v. Sewel, 3 Atk. 98. That money and lands are not mutually satisfactions. Eastwood v. Vincke, 2P. Wms. 614. Chaplain v. Chaplain, 3 P. Wms. 245. Cran- mer’s case, 2 Salk. 508: and generally, that the presumed satisfaction should be of the same nature, extent, and certainty, as the covenant or obligation. Barret v. Beckford, 1 Vez. 519. Hanbury v. Hanbury, 2 Pr. ch. ca. 352. 549. Powell v. Cleaver, 2 Br. ch. ca. 499. Baugh ». Read, 3 Br. ch. ca. 192. 1 Vez. jun. 247. Smith v. Strong, 4 Br. ch. ca. 493. Grave v. Salisbury, 1 Br. ch. ca. 425. That where the legacy is disadvantageous as to its time of payment, it is no satisfaction in case of a debt: as a legacy made payable in a month; where the debt is due presently. Clarke v. Sewell, 3 At. 97. \ NOTES. 525 Though this is not held so strictly in cases of portions, Jesson v. Jesson, 2 Vern. 255. That a sum arising from distribution under an intestacy, is no satis- faction, Twisdey’v. Twisden, 9 Vez. 4. 25. That legacies or beneficial interests, bequeathed by, or proceeding from strangers, are no satisfaction of a covenant entered into by the tes- tator. Hanbury v. Hanbury, 2 Br. ch. ca. 352. 549. That a legacy is not prima facie a satisfaction of the testator’s cove- nants by settlement or otherwise to provide for his family, wherever the claims are protected by securities strictly legal, as bonds. Couch v. Stratton, 4 Vez. junr 491. Tolson v. Collins, Ib. 483. Kirkman v. Kirkman, 2 Br. ch. ca. 95. Jeacock v. Falkener, 1 Br. ch, ca. 295. Haynes v. Mico, 1 Br. ch. ca. 129, 133. That a legacy is not a satisfaction for monies received by the testator in trust for his children. Chidley v. Lee, Finch. 228. Meredyth »v. Wynn, ib. 3p. (Sed vid. Seed v. Bradford, 1 Vez. 591.) or generally, of claims arising aliunde. Baugh v. Reed, 3 Br. ch. ca. 192. That where an express fund is pointed out, or an ex- press direction *given for payment of debts and legacies, the: [ *520 ] court will infer that both are to be paid. Chancery’s case, 1P. Wms. 408. Richardson v. Greese, 3 Atk. 65. These are the leading principles, and distinctions that occur to me on this prolific subject. As to the release of debts by legacies, the intention of the testator must be clear, or the inference will not take place. See hereon, Brown »v. Sel- wyn, Cas. Temp. Talb. 240. Sibthorp v. Moxon, 1 Vez. 49. Wilmot v, Woodhouse, 4 Br. ch. ca. 227. Tit. XIX. § 2. De suis heredibus, p. 150. Sed his preetor permittit. But not after they have begun to act; immiscere se. Cod. de repud. vel. abst. heredit. land 2. Dig. 29.2. 20. 21. Immiscere se, means to act as heir. ? These are expressions appertain- Abstinere, to decline the heirship. ing to the heir. Adire, to approach : to act in succession. Are expressions appro- Pro herede res genere, to transact business priate to the heres as heir. ; extraneus, or stran- Repudiare, to renounce the succession. J ger. $ 4. De testamenti factione,p. 151. Testamenti factio activa; the right of devising. Testamenti factio passiva ; the right of taking by de- vise. Testamenti factio, also sometimes means the capacity of being a witness to the last will of another. Qui ut dizimus tua tempora inspici debent. See Dig. 28. 5. 49. 50. Dig. 28. 1.16. This relates to stranger heirs. The heredes sui, proper or domestic heirs, are only required to possess the right of taking (¢eséa- meni factio passiva) at the death of the testator. 526 NOTES. $5. De jure. deliberandi, p. 152. By the ancient law no time was limited for deliberation. Sometimes testators assigned a period of 100 days. When they did not, the preetor on application of a substitute or a creditor, would himself assign a time, usually 100 days at least. Dig. 28. 8.1. 2. cum seq. Cod de jure delib. 1.19. Dig. 29. 2.28. Justinian extended it to one year. Cod. eod.1. 19. afterwards he abridged this pe- riod to three months, Cod. eod. 1. ult. unless under peculiar circumstan- ces, wherein the praetor might extend it to a year, and an inferior magis- trate to nine months. Cod de jur. delib. 1. ult. But minors, from their inexperience in business, were allowed to re- nounce, Cod. si minor, ab hered. abst. 1.1. Dig. 4, 4. 7. 1. unless where it became insolvent by accident after he took it. Dig. 4. 4. 11. 24. -$ 2. Cod. de. integ. rest. minor. 1. ult. : Sed nostra benevolentia, §c. In Ferriere and others, this passage be- gins another section, relating to the privilege of inventory. [ *521 ] *The inventory by which the claims upon te heir were to be bound, required Ist. To be commenced within one, and finished within three months, from the death of the testator. Cod. de jur. delib. 1. ult. 2dly. It was to be made out in the presence of creditors and legatees duly notified, Novell. 1 ch. 2.$ 2. Ib. 119. ch. 6. 3dly. It was to contain a full and fair account of all the property of the deceased real and personal, Cod. de jur. delib. 1. ult. $ 10. 4thly. It was to be signed by the heir claiming under it. Beyond this inventory the heir was not liable, unless he had thought fit to ask time to delibe- rate, which was considered as a waiver of inventory. Cod. eod. 1. ult. $ 6. De acquirenda vel omittenda, Sc. p. 153. Strangers might accept three ways: Ist, By Adition: (adire magistratum) and formally declare their in- tention of accepting the heirship: this must be simply and uncondition- ally, without power of subsequent renunciation. Dig. 29. 2. 51. et ult. 1. 80. eod. $ 2. 1. 90. eod. $ 3. 2dly, By Cretion: declaration being made before the magistrate with- © in the time limited by the testator. From Crevi, a cernere, to decree. 3dly, Pro herede gestio: Acting as heir. Dig. 29. 2. 20. et seq. Ib. 1. 88. § 7. They might renounce, 1st, By repudiation before a magistrate. 2dly, By any expression or act implying renunciation. Dig. 29. 2. 95. 3dly, By omitting to take up the heirship within the limited period. After the time of Theodosius the younger, and Justinian, Adition, Cretion and Repudiation, were laid aside. Heirships were accepted in two ways only, pro herede gestione, and agnatione nuda. Cod. de jur. delib. 1. 6.12 and 17. Cod. Theod. de bon. mat. 1.1.4 and 8. Ib. de NOTES. 527 Cretion. Ib. et bonor. possess. sublat. Cod. qui admitt. ad bonor. pos- sess. Scrupulosam cretionum solemnitatem hac lege penitus amputari decernimus. Cod. 6. 30. 17. Liem extraneus heres.| The law of England takes no notice of pro- per or domestic heirs, and therefore can make no distinction between sui heredes and extranei ; but in England, if an executor, [who may be regarded as the heir of personal estate] once intermeddles with the es- tate of the testator,-he will not afterwards be permitted to renounce his executorship; and yet he is not liable de bonis propriis to pay more than he has received, unless in some particular cases, as when he hath wasted the estate of the deceased, or acted otherwise improperly *and dishonestly—and even an executor-de son tort will in [ *522 | general be charged only to the amount of the goods wrong- fully administered by him. 1 Mod. 213. Parten v. Baseden.—Swinb. 337. Harris. Tit. XX.$ 1. Legatum itaque est donatio, p. 154. In England under the word /egacy, land may be included. Doug. 40. Brady »v. Cubitt, and the cases cited in the note. Also Hardacre et al. v. Nash et al. 5 Term Rep. 716. It is truly said here that a legacy is a gift, a bounty. This is certain- ly the prima facie intention of the testator: hence it is, that the courts rather lean against the doctrine of ademption and satisfaction as to debts: for it is converting a gift into a payment. See in addition to the cases already cited lately, 1 Brown’s civil law, 304. 3 Woodeson, 538. 2 Fonb. 320. 2 Johnson’s New York cases, 101. § 2. De antiquis generibus legatorum sublatis, p. 154. Sed ex consti- tutionibus. Cod. 6. 37.21. Nostra autem constitutio. Cod. 6. 43. 1. The forms thus abrogated were, Ist, Per vindicationem. As, I give and bequeath, positively. 2dly, Per damnationem. I direct my heir to deliver over and pay. 3dly, Sinendi modo. My will is that Titius be permitted to take, &c. 4Athly, Per preceptionem. Let Titius take so much of such a thing, or such a thing, except, &c. The first and fourth amounted to a transfer in full right, and were recoverable under the ac- tion familie erciscunde. 'Vhe two others allowed only of a personal ac- tion ex testamento. Under the later ordinances, the legatee might have his action against the heir or any other possessor of the thing devised : and an hypothecary action for immoveable or real propery, so termed, under the fiction that all the goods of the testator were hypothecated or pledged for the delivery of each legacy from the time of his death. But co-heirs were not bound beyond their proportion. Cod. comm. de legat, L 1. It may be remarked, that the courts in England, after having been long tramelled by particular decisions, and technical constructions, have 528 NOTES. adopted the golden rule of this section for the expounding of last wills and testaments, viz. that whatever be the form of words made use of, the intention of the testator must govern if it can be gotten at, even in opposition to partial expressions; unless that intention militates against some known rule of positive law, as in creating a mortmain or a per- petuity. § 3. Collatio legatorum, Sc. p. 154. See Cod. Commun. de legat. 2. The passages to the same purpose, to wit, that legacies are in all respects likened to trusts in Dig. 30. 1. only as to the deduction under [ *523.] *the Falcidian law of the fourth or legal portion, according to Cujus, 1. 8. observat. ch. 4. * $ 4. De re legata, p.156. See Dig. 30.14.1. Dig. 30. 67. 1. and Dig. 30. 71. 3, as to paying over thevalue. If a specific legacy can be reasonably obtained by purchase, it is of no consequence, whether the testator knew it to be the property of another or not. Dig. 30. 49. 3. The onus probandi was thrown on the legatee. Dig. 22.3. 21. Cod. eod. 1. 23. $ 5. Dere aliena post testamentum a legatario acquisita, p. 157. Nam traditum est, duas lucrativas causas, §c. See Dig. 44. 7. 17. Dig. 30. 82. As to the latter part of this section see Dig. 30. 34. 8. and 30. 84. 2. juncto Cujacio, Dig. 50. 16. 88. Dig. 4. 4. 35. Nam traditum est.| When it is said, that two lucrative titles can never concur in the same person on account of the same thing, this must be understood in regard only to something certain and determinate, as a particular purse of money, an horse, a diamond, &c. for the maxim does not hold in general with respect to things, which consist in quantity, and may be numbered, weighed or measured.—Possunt enim duce cause lu- crative in eandem personam et candem. quantitatem concurrere, quia quan- titates per rerum naturam multiplicantur ; licet enim eadem res mea se- pius fieri non possit, eadem tamen quantitas possit quia res eadem non videtur. Cujacius; Ferriere. Harris. Agere potest : In England no suit lies for a legacy at common law. The mayor of Southampton v. Graves, 8 Term. Rep. 593. Unless upon the express promise of the executor in consideration of assets, At- kyns v. Hill, Cowp. 284. Hawkes v. Saunders, Ib. 289. But the case of Deeks v. Strutt, negatives an implied assumpsit by virtue of assets. Whenever the executor assents, the legacy vests from that moment. Doe v. Guy, 3 Hast, 120. In Pennsylvania, by act of 21 March, 1772, legatee may bring suit af- ‘ter reasonable demand, and offer of sufficient security in double amount, conditioned to refund if necessary. § 10. Dere legatarii, p. 159. Et licet alienaverit eam. 'That is ac- cording to the old Cantonian rule; and also guod ab initio vitiosum est, ‘NOTES. 529 fractu temporis non. potest convalescere, Dig. 50. 17. 29. but this rule does not apply to conditional legacies, Dig 34. 7. 1. ¢ ult. $ 12. De alienatione et oppignoratione, §c. p. 159. As in this case the heirs could object to paying the value of, or redeeming the thing be- queathed, on the ground that the testator, by his alienation, had in fact repealed the bequest, he will be bound to make out this plea. The con- trary, however, seems intimated in Dig. 34. 4. 15. but in this last case, the plea is put in by the legatee, that the desire of bequeath- ing *returned upon the testator. Sane si probet legatarius [ *524 ] novam voluniatem testatoris non submovebitur. It should seem that if the testator hath only mortgaged or pledged the thing bequeathed, this does not amount to an evidence of a change of intention. Precisely the rule adopted by the English court of chancery as to a devise of lands, or any other specific property. But it would be otherwise had he sold it or given itaway. Dig. 34.1.18. And so is the law of England. ~$ 14. De debito legato creditori, p. 160. This case involves the con- flictions of two rules apparently opposite. Qu semei-utiliter constituta stint, durant licet ille casus ertiterit a quo initium capere non potuerunt. Dig. 35. 2.5. And the rule negotium extinguitur, cum is casus postea incidit unde incipere non poterat. Dig. 30.1. 82. Concerning which see Dig. 50. 17. 85. 1. where this latter rule is repeated: and Dig. 50. 16. 98. with the note of Vinnius. I have already stated most of the cases, where a legacy will be con- sidered as an extinguishment of a debt. The general rule doubtless is that a legacy equal to the debt or exceeding it, shall be considered as a satisfaction ; see the cases before cited hereon; and Roper on legacies, 163, where also many of them are collected: and Gibson et ux. v. Scud- amore, Moseley’s Rep. 7. but if less than the debt, it shall not be satis- faction, Minuel v. Sarrazine, Mosely’s Rep. 295. 1 Vez. sen. 263. Finch 394. Nor unless the bequest be at least equally beneficial. Roper on leg. 165. Nor if the bequest be not ejusdem generis. Garret v. Evers, . Mosely’s Rep. 364. Nor if the debt be contracted subsequent to the date of the will. 2Salk. 508. Cranmei’s case. Thomas v. Bennet, 2 P. Wnus. 343. and Fowler v. Fowler, 3 P. Wms. 353. See also the obser- vations of Lord. Thurlow in Haynes v. Mico, 1 Br. ch. ca. 130, express- ing strong leaning against any extension of the doctrine of satisfaction. § 15. De dote uzori legata, p. 161. The dower or marriage portion was payable in three annual payments only, annua, bina, trina die. Hence, if it was bequeathed also, it became due from the day of the tes- tator’s death, and bore interest from that time. Cod. de rei uxor. act. I have already referred to the cases wherein question has arisen whether the interest of a wife by settlement or otherwise is satisfied by 67 4 530 “ NOTES. legacy. Neither in England, nor in Pennsylvania, can a husband ‘de- prive the wife of her election to take under the wills or to resort to, or forego her dower. $ 16. De interitu et mutatione rei legate, p. 161. If a testator be- queath generally a cask of wine, and all his wine by acci- [ *525 ] dent runs out, *the heir will be bound to pay the legacy : but if he should bequeath by description, some particular wine in the cellar, and it runs out, the loss falls on the legatee. Dig. de legat. 34. $3. Cod si certum petat. 1. 11. § 18. De grege legato. p. 162. Ten sheep make a flock. Dig. 47. 14. ult. Dig. 7.4. Grege autem legato, §c. Dig. de legat. 1.21. Jef- ferys v. Jefferys, 3 Atk. 121. §$ 19.‘ De edibus legatis. p. 163. As to what things ‘will pass by the words house, furniture, goods, &c.; see the cases collected by Roper on Leg. 136. et seq. add to these cases, as to plate: Phillips v. Phillips, 2Freeman 11. Flay v. Flay, Ib. 64. Kelly v. Pawlet, 1 Dick. ch. Rep. 359. As to books: Allen v. Allen, Moseley 112. Kelly v. Pawlet, Ambl. 605. As to apparel: L’Farrant v. Spencer, 1 Vez. Sen. 97. Hunt. v. Hort, 3 Br. ch. ca. 311. As to the general exposition of what passes by particular expres- sions, see the cases of Stuart v. Earl of Bute, 11 Vez. 657, and Kelly » Pawlet, Dickens ch. Rep. 359, and Ambl. 605. The general doctrine of fixtures is discussed in Hilwes v. Maw, 3 East, 38. If a testator having bequeathed ground, afterwards builds upon it, the building will fall to the legatee, as an accessary. Dig. de legat. 39. 44. § 21. De rebus corporalibus et incorporalibus. p. 165. This is agreea- ble to the English law, by which a possiblility may be bequeathed. Bank notes whether considered as cash, or securities for cash? 11 Vez. 662. Chapman v. Hart, 1 Vez. sen. 273. There is some difficulty in the English law, as to bequests over, and limitations of personal estate: the general rule is that no remainder over of personal estate can be devised: but there are many distinctions taken as to the operation of words of limitation, in bequests of personal estate: see Roper on Leg. 202. et seq. and Cambridge v. Rous, § Vez. 24, $ 22. De legato generali, p. 164. This abrogates the law, conse- quent upon the bequest per damnationem which gave the election to the heir, see tit. XX. ante. § 23. De optione legata, p. 164. Sed ex constitutione. Cod. 6. 43. ult. NOTES. 531 §$ 25. Jus antiquam de incertis personis, p. 165. Sacris consitutioni- bus. These are not extant. $ 29. De errore in nomine legatarii, p. 167. Nomen, was the family name. * Cognomen, the name of that branch of the family placed [ *526 ] after the nomen. Preenomen, the name of the individual prefixed to the nomen. Agnomen, a name assumed from some particular circumstance. Thus, Publius, Cornelius, Scipio, Africanus: Caius Julius Cesar: here Cornelius and Julius were the nomina, the family names. Scipio and Cesar were the cognomina, the one of the gens or family Cornelia; the other of the gens Julia. Publius and Caius designated the individuals. The individuals in respect of the original family or clan, were agnati; in respect of the particular branch of the family, they were gendiles. The rule here laid down as to the name, holds also under the civil law, as to the thing. Although it may be miscalled, yet if the descrip- tion or appellation be sufficient to designate the article or person intend- ed, it is sufficient. Dig. de legat.1. Dig. 33. 10.7.2. Dig. 34. 5. 3. As to mistakes and incertainty in a bequest under the English law, see Roper on leg. 157. et seq. and the following cases Thomas v. Thom- as, 6 Term Rep. 671. Doe ex dem. Hayter v. Joinville e¢ al. 3 East, 172. Earl of Scarborough v. Parker, 1 Vez. Jun. 267. Parsons v. Par- sons, Ib. 266, and the cases in the note, p. 267, which bear upon the present section. See also Ex parte Wallop, 4 Br. ch. ca. 90 and Kennel v. Abbot, 4 Vez. 802, where a legacy given to a person under a particu- lar character, which he has falsely assumed, and which moved the tes- tator to the bequest, the rule of the civil law is adopted, and the legacy fails. Dig. 35. 1.72.6. Cod. 6. 42. 27. cited. See Swinburne, 473, et seq. $ 30. De falsa demonstratione, p. 167. Dig. 35. 1. 19. 34. Dig. 12. 1.6. But this rule could not apply to a legacy of a thing that did not exist, for of this there could be no delivery. Dig. de legat. 73. 1 and 2. Lex eod. 103, $10. See 5 East, 51. Roe on the demise of Connolly v. Vernon and Vyse. $31. De falsa causa adjecta, p. 168. Dig. de legat. J. 17, $ 2. cum seq. First, because the legacy is fairly referrable to the good will and intention of the testator, which remain at all events. Secondly, the legacy itself, and not the reason of it, attaches to the legatee. $ 32. De servo heredis, p. 168. The legacy has relation to the time of the testament, and it was then clearly void : for a slave could acquire only for the use of his master; i. e. as a general rule. Hence the dic- 532 NOTES. tum of Cato applies, guod ab initio vitiosum est, tractu temporis non po- test convalescere. Dig. de diversis reg. jur. 29. [ *527 ] *Quearitur.] If a testator gives a legacy to the slave of his heir without annexing any condition, such a legacy is void; for a bequest, made to the slave, is in effect made to the heir; and it would be highly absurd in a testator to command his heir to pay a legacy to himself. And although the slave of the heir should after- wards cease to be under the power of his master in the life-time of the testator, either by passing to another master, or by obtaining his free- dom, yet this would give no force to the legacy; for it is laid down as a rule by Cato; quod, si testamenti facti-tempore decessit testator, inutile Soret ; id legatum, quandocunque decesserit, non valere. ff. 34. t.7. But when ipeacies are conditional, this rule is not observed; for in such be- quests nothing is regarded but the event of the condition. Harris. § 33. De domino haredis, p. 169. The legacy cannot belong to the slave as heir: for it is evident the master may prohibit him from becom- ing heir, or sell him to another master. §$ 34. ‘De Legato post mortem heredis, p. 169. ee as has been already remarked, the institution of an heir was so necessary to a testa- ment, that any bequest in a will previous to such institution was void. By degrees the prators excepted Trusts, (fidei-commissa.) Ulp. in frag. tit. 24, § 12; and tit. 25, $ 6, Juncto Paulo, 1. 3 sentent. tit. 6, $1. Jus- tinian abolished this strictness, and gave validity to hequests, whether placed before or after the clause by which the heir was appointed. Cod. de testament. 1. ambiguitas. § 36. Si pence nomino relinquatur, p.170. Antoninus Pius first raised an objection to these conditions nomine pence: thinking that a legacy ought to be founded simply on the kindness and good opinion of the tes- tator concerning the legatee; and that burthening a legacy with any thing like a penal condition, was contrary to the fair and reasonable in- tent of a gift. Ulpian in frag. tit. 24,25, $13. Justinian reinstated the old law. Cod. de his que pene caus. reling. The very fruitful subject of conditions, is no farther related to the present section, than as it embraces testamentary conditions. The doctrine of conditions, says Mr. Butler in his note to Co. Litt. 201. 6. is derived to us from the feudal law. Doubtless much of that doctrine so far as relates to tenures, services, and rents, is so. But as much of it, is derived to us from the civil law: see beside the present section concern- ing testamentary conditions, Inst. 2.14.11. Inst. 3. 16. 4, 5 and 6. Dig. 26. 7. 5.8. Dig. 28.7.1.1.3.14. Dig. 30.1.7.9. Dig. 35.1. 1.1. 7. 17. 22. 31. 41. 62. 64. es 79. Dig. 36.2.4. Dig. 44.7. 31. Dig. 50.17. 77.174. Cod. 6. 25.1. Cod. 6. 40. authent. cui relict. NOTES. 533 Cod. 6. 46 4. and the summary of the French *law of con- ditions in Pothier on obligations, ch. 3. articles 1 and 2. [ *528 ] (page 118—135. of the American translation. Newbern, N. C.) which is the same with the civil law on the same subject. By the civil law, all conditions imposing celibacy, or widowhood, unless till the puberty of the orphan children were void: but legacies might be well given on the condition of marrying or not marrying such aperson. Dig. 35. 1. 22. 62. 63. 64. 72. 100. But whether by ampli- ation this is to be contrued against any conditional reséraint of marrying a particular person? Swinb. 282, As to the (English) common law doctrine of conditions, generally, see Butler’s notes, Co. Litt. 201—207. and 213. 237. Comyn’ s Dig. tit. Conditions. As to conditions precedent and subsequent, and covenants dependant and independant in contracts, see the useful note of Serjeant Williams to Pordage v. Coke, 1 Saund. Rep. 319. which includes the cases to Trin- ity term, 1799; also 1 Fonbl. ch. 6, $ 1 and 2. p. 349. 388. 391. The ieadine case as tO DEPENDANCE OF INDEPENDANCE of covenants, is Kingston v. Preston, quoted in Jones v. Berkely, Doug. 689. As to the doctrine of compensation, Boone v. Eyre, 1 Hen. Bl. 273. Campbell ». Jones, 6 Term Rep. 573. Hall v. Cazanove, 4 East. 477. Add to the cases cited in Williams’s Saunders, Glazebrook v. Wood- row, 8 Term Rep. 366. Hall v. Cazanove, 4 East. 477. Martin v. Smith, 6 East. 555. Smith v. Wilson, 8 East. 437. Haveléck v. Ged- des, 10 East. 555. Smith v. Woodhouse, 2 Bos. and Pull. New. rep. 233. Bornmann v. Tooke, 1 Camb. N. P. Rep. 377. When equity will relieve the breach of a condition: see 1 Fonb. 209. 220. 387. 391. As to the subject immediately connected with the present section, viz. conditions in restraint of marriage; the cases are well collected and the general principles arranged by Fonb. vol. 1. p. 245. See also Rop. on leg. 59—66. I add the following references on the same subject. Randall v. Payne, 1 Br. ch. ca. 5. Scot. v. Tyler, 2 Br. ch. ca. 431. See Lord Thurlow’s opinion and decree in this case at full length in 2 Dicken’sCh. Rep. 712. The general law before this was, that conditions in restraint of marriage, were to be considered as in derrorem only, it not being to be presumed, that for a breach of duty of this pardonable na- ture, the parent would incurably deprive the child of an intended provi- sion. Harvey v. Aston, Forrester’s Rep. 212.1 At. 361. Comyn’s Rep. 726. Reynish v. Martin, 3 Atk. 330. Elton wv. Elton, 1 Wils. 159. Long v. Dennis, 4 Burr. 2052. In which Lord Mansfield *began by saying, ‘‘ Conditions in restraint of marriage are odious, [ *529 | 534 NOTES. and “are therefore held to the utmost rigour and strictness. They .are “contrary to sound policy. By the Roman law they are all void.” 'That is to be understood however, under the restrictions I have above laid down; to wit, the conditional injunction of celibacy—of wi- dowhood, unless till the children arrive at puberty—of not marrying without the consent of some other person—or by ampliation of not mar- rying some particular persou, was void: and the legacy was demandable free from the condition; Dig. 35. 1. 106: but the marrying of A. B. or C. might be made a condition precedent. Swinb. 281. | Besides this notion of conditional restraints against marriage heing in terrorem only, the courts had also laid it down, that unless there wasa devise over, so that some other person had an interest in the performance of the condition, the condition annexed to personal legacies, in any man- ner restraining marriage was void. Bellasis v. Ermine, 1 Ch. ca. 22. Semple v. Bayley, Finch. Prec. in Ch. 562. Pulling v. Reedy, 1 Wilson, 21. Wheeler v. Birgham, 3 Atk. 365, and the other cases collected in the instructive note of Mr. Williams to Hervey v. Aston, in his edition of Forrester’s Cases temp. Talbot, 216, and even in case of a devise over of residue, it had been held doubtful or even void. Garret v. Pretty, 2 Vern. 293. 2 Freem. 220. Wheeler v Birgham, 3 Atk. 365. Paget v. Haywood, cited 1 Atk. 378. Eastland v. Reynolds, 1 Dickens, Ch. Rep. 320. Lord Thurlow in Scot v. Tyler, combated the doctrine of legacies in terrorem, and decided that wherever the residue was devised over, it sup- ported the condition. The general law, (civil and canon) respecting legacies in restraint of marriage, is elaborately discussed by Swinburne in his chapter on that subject, p. 282. Having made these remarks on the law as settled in Scot v. Tyler, I proceed to add a reference to the few subsequent cases of conditions in restraint of marriage. Hutcheson v. Hammond, 3 Br. ch. ca. 128. Dashwood v. Lord Bulke- ly, 10 Vez. 230. Eastland v. Reynolds, 1 Dicken’s ch. Rep. 317. Knight v. Cameron, 14 Vez. 289. All conditions of whatever nature, are liable to be avoided, or con- trouled, if they be absurd, or impossible, or contrary to the precepts of religion, or positive law, or public safety, or public decorum, or grossly unjust. And it will be frequently regarded as sufficiently ful- [ *530 ] filled, if it be *substantially so, according to the intent and meaning of the contract or devise, though not formally so. And where circumstances unavoidably prevent its being perfectly and completely fulfilled, equity will support the partial fulfillment of it, if compensation can be made for the omission of the remainder: or if the NOTES. : 535 partial fulfillment of the verbal direction, be a reasonable fulfillment of © the intent, And further, where circumstances unavoidably prevent its being per- fectly and completely fulfilled, equity will consider it as fulfilled, if all be done that could reasonably be expected, under the doctrine of Cy- pres, concerning which see the following cases and references. 1 Pow. Contr. 448, Attorney General v. Guise, 2 Vern. 266. Attorney General v. Green, 2 Br. ch. ca, 492. Freke v. Lord Barrington, 3 Br. ch. ca. 281. Routledge v. Dorrill, 2 Vez. jun. 357. Attorney General v. Boultbee, Ib. 380. Bristow v, Ward, Ib. 336. Attorney General v. Whitchurch, 3 Vez. 141. Attorney General v. Boultbee, Ib. -220. on appeal from the former case before the master of the rolls: Attorney General v. Andrew, Ib. 633. 645. Attorney General v. Bowyer, Ib. 714. Attorney General v. Minshull, 4 Vez. 14. Corbyn v. French, Ib. 418. Brown v. Higgs, Ib. 713. The Bishop of Hereford v. Adams. Lady Twisden v. Adams, 7 Vez. 324. Andrew v. Trinity Hall, Cambridge, 9 Vez. 525. Attorney General v. Whiteley, 11 Vez. 251. The case of the Holland Company against the intruders on lands north and east of the Alleghany and Monewag0, was also a case of Cy- pres. 4 Dall. 170. Tit X XI. De ademptione legati, p. 172. A legacy might be revoked under the Roman law, by word, or by act. -Asin the latter case, if a Testator having bequeathed the debt to the Debtor, should afterward sue him: or if having bequeathed a specific article, he should afterwards sell or give itaway. ‘There was this difference between the express and tacit revocation of a legacy, that in the former case it became void, in the latter only voidable. Though the demand might be repelled by the circumstances of a tacit revocation. Ulp. in Frag. 24, $ 22: and arg. ad 1.17. Dig. de adimend. legat. Dig. eod. J. 3, $ ult. and J. 22. I have already spoken of the ademption of legacies; and of the satis- faction of legacies; in the note referring to those decisions that related to satisfaction in cases of mere relations, and of strangers. Where a devisee shall be put to his election, see Judge Wilson’s edi- tion of Bacon’s abridgment, Appendix, title ELEcTIon. *As to the general doctrine of Revocation whether express [ *531 ] or implied, it is a subject too copious to be treated of at the length it requires, in these notes. The reader may consult Swinburne 524—536 : Judge Wilson’s or Gwillim’s Bac. Ab. under the last section of the title Wills, and 2 Fonbl. 357. I shall refer generally to the later cases in East, Bosanquet and Puller, Vezey, jun. Dickens, and some American cases, thinking such a reference may assist the reader’s re- searches. Revocations may be express, or implied, or intended so to be. 536 NOTES. An express revocation may be complete (a): or incomplete (b): or partial, pro tanto. (c) . An implied revocation may be from change of state (d): so far as this relates to marriage and birth of a child by a man, or marriage by a woman, the casus have already been referred to in these notes; or it may be from acts on the part of the testator inconsistent with the be- quests of his will (e): or from the testator parting with the whole es- tate, or article bequeathed. (f) The following are decisions that bear upon the class of cases. (a) Ellis v. Smith, 1 Vez. jun. 11. Dickens, 225. Buckram v. Ingram, 2 Vez. jun. 652. (wherein also, a legacy charged on a real estate by a will duly attested, may be revoked by an unattested instrument.) Harrison v. Foreman, 5 Vez. 207. Humphrey v. Taylor, Dickens 257. Havard v. Davis, 2 Binney Rep. 406. (a case of parol revocation.) Bates v. Holman, 3 Hening and Munford, 502. Cogbill v. Cogbill, 2 Hening and Munford, 467. ’ Class (b). -'Thomas v. Jones et al. 2 East. 488. Short ex dem. Gas- rell v. Smith et al. 4 East. 419. Bowes v. Bowes, 2 Bosanq. and Pull. 500. (a case of after purchased lands.) Maggison v. Moore, 2 Vez. jun. 630. Cave v. Holford, 3 Vez.-640. Crosbie v. Macdonal, 4 Vez: 610. Lord Carrington v. Payne, 5 Vez. 633. Ellison v. Ellison, 6 Vez. 656. Holder v..Howel, 8 Vez. 97. Pemberton v. Pemberton, 12 Vez. 290. 310. Dufour v. Pereira, Dickens 419. Boudinot v. Bradford, 2 Dall. Rep. 266. Lawson v. Morrison, 2 Dall. Rep. 286. Cogbill v. Cogbill, 2 Hen- ing and Munford, 467. Bates v. Holman, 3 Hen. and Munf. 562. As to the cases. (c) Larkins v. Larkins, 3 Bos. and Pull. 16. 109. Earl Temple v. Dutchess of Chandos, 3 Vez. 685. Williams v. Owens, 2 Vez. jun. 595. Cave v. Holford, 3 Vez. 680. As to the cases. (d) Charman v. Charman, 14 Vez. 580. As to the cases. (e) Selwood v. Mildmay, 3 Vez. 310. Hinkley v. Simmons, 4 Vez. 160. Knollys v. Aleock, 5 Vez. 648. 7. Vez. [ *532 ] 558. *Baxter v. Dyer, 5 Vez. 656. (which contains also a case of marriage with birth of a child under peculiar circum- stances.) Ex parte Lord Ilchester, 7 Vez. 348—381. much at length. Ex parte Fearon, 5 Vez. 633. Attorney General v. Vigor, 8 Vez. 256. Maundrel v. Maundrel, 9 Vez. 256. Sparrow v. Hardcastle, Dickens 257. Digby v. Legard, Ib. 500. Peach v. Philips, Ib. 538. Arnold v. Arnold, Ib. 645. As to cases. (f) Goodtitle v. Otway, 1 Bos. and Pull. 576. the lead- ing cases. Doe ex dem. Dilnot v. Dilnot, 5 Bos. and Pull. 401. Perry v. Philips, 1 Vez. jun. 255. (a case of after purchased lands; a possibility deviseable.) Brydges v. Duke of Chandos, 2 Vez. jun. 417. (this is also a leading case; and includes after purchased lands, and the distinc- ~ NOTES. " 537 tion. thereon between the Civil and the English law.) William 2. Owens, 2 Vez. 595. Stewart v. Titchbone, 2 Vez. 602. Cave v. Hol- ford, 3 Vez. 650. Harmood v. Oglander, 6 Vez. 199. 8 Vez. 106. Ellison v. Ellison, 6 Vez. 656. Attorney General v. Vigor, 8 Vez. 256. Rose. », Cunningham, 11 Vez. 554. Darley v. Darley, Dickens, 397. Mayer v. Gowland Ib. 563. $ 1. De translatione, p. 172. A legacy is also said to be transferred when it is appointed to be paid by one heir and afterward by another. Dig: 34. 4.6. There was some nicety depending on the form of words used in transferring bequests. Thus, I give and bequeath to Meevius, the legacy I before gave to Titius. This is a legacy transferred. Dig. 34, 4.5. I give and bequeath to Sempronius the same share that I have already given to Seius: this is an additional legacy to the same amount, for there is no clear and positive exclusion, no undoubted speci- fication of intention. I institute Sempronius as heir to the same portion wherewith I have instituted Seius; This is an appointment of co-heir- ship Dig. 285.15. Dig. 50. 16. 142. Tit. XXII. De lege Falcidia, p.173. have already noted the Lex Furia, and the Ler Volconia, which were superceded by the Lex Falcidia, enacted on the motion of Falcidius, a tribune of the people, under the sanction of Augustus, 714, A. U.C. By this law a testator was obliged to leave one fourth of his property to his heir; he could not bequeath wltra dodrantem, beyond nine ounces out of the twelve which made up the As, or whole estate. This law was, in fact, equally bene- ficial to testators and to heirs, because it ensured the execution of the will, by ensuring a competent reward to the heir who had the trouble. The Lex Falcidia, at first regarded legacies only: it was afterwards very properly extended by ampliation and legal construction to trusts: or, aS some say, it was thus extended by the Senatus consultum Pegasi-_ anum. ‘Trusts were certainly included within the equity *of it. By a constitution of Antonine, it was then extended [ *533 ] to intestacies, and by Severus to donations mortis causa. Cod. de legat. 1. 5. and 12. $1. De pluribus heredibus, p. 173. Suppose Titius and Seius, two heirs; Titius’s moiety is charged with legacies nearly to the amount of the whole; and Seius’s moiety is uncharged; and the moiety of Titius should, by death, dereliction or otherwise, accrue to Seius; he would hold it under the right of deducting from the legacies, so as to leave one fourth clear. Dig. de legat.1. 78. 1.1.$ 13,14. But if the unburthened part of Seius should accrue to Titius, the legatees of 'Titius’s part would be benefitted, for the Falcidian retrenchment would not take place. The reason is, that Seius takes the share of Titius, of course, with all the rights of Titius attached to it; he stands in the place of Titius. Where- 68 638 NOTES. as if Titius succeeds to the share of Seius, the reason of the Lex Fal- cidia fails; for Titius‘in this case, will have his fourth clear, notwithstand- ingtheover charge of legacies onhis own share. Cujasl. 4. obs. ch. 35, 36. $ 2. Quo tempore spectetur, Sc. p. 174. The death of the testator is the period that fixes the relative situations of the legatees and heir. If in the intervening time between the making of the will and the decease of the devisor, the estate should be increased, the legatees are exonerated from deduction in proportion. If it hath decreased, the instituted heir may renounce. Dig. de leg, 30.73. Cod de caduc. tabl. 11. Dig de legat. 1. 1. $17. 1. 43. $35. 1. 22.$ 3. Dig. 36. 1. 14. 5, 6. § 3. Que detrahuntur ante Falcidiam, p.175. The retrenchment of legacies by the civil law was pro rata; except perhaps as in our law, as to the case of specific legacies: see Vinnius in loco, and Paulus l. 4. sen- tent. tit. de senat. consult. Pegasiano. The lex Falcidia, might be made inoperative, Ist. By the express declaration of the testator, that it shall be so. Authent. sed cum testat. Cod. h.t. from novel. 1. 2ndly, When the heir acted without an inven- tory, for then it is to be presumed that he knew the Falcidian defalcation would be unnecessary. 3dly, When the heir pays all the legacies with knowledge, that the Falcidian law might have been brought to bear upon them. Tit. XXIII. De fidei commissariis hereditatibus, p. 176. Trusts are universal or particular: universal, when the estate, or some portion of it is charged: particular, when the heir or some legatee is charged in favour of the person to be benefitted by the trust. The present title re- lates to universal, the next to particular trusts. [ *534 ] *§$ 1. Origo fider commissorum, p. 176. Cod. de delat. 1. 1. Dig de legat.1.1.103. Dig. 284 Ulp. in frag. tit. 25, § 1. Dig. 50. 16. 178. 2. juncto Quintiliano, lib. 3. Inst. orat. ch. 6. Justinian puts legacies and trusts on the same footing. Cod. commun. de legat. 1.1. And this he was induced to do from the complexity and difficulties of the practice under the senatus consulta Trebellianum, in the reign of Mero, and Pegasium, in the reign of Vespasian. By the first, the instituted heir being indemnified, gave up to the person to whom the trust was bequeathed, either a part or the whole of the heirship, ac- cording to the nature and extent of the trust created. So that the Pretor gave to the cestui que trust, all the actual rights and privileges of an heir, with a power to commence suits, and liability to actions in that ca- pacity: and the instituted heir was discharged either in whole, ‘or pro tanto according to his renunciation. He was thus released from loss, but was entitled to no recompence. Hence the senatusconsultum Pega- sianum was enacted, by which two points were established, 1st, the heir might act if he pleased and retain his fourth: and 2ndly, if he did not choose to act, he might, on request made by his universal fidei commis- NOTES. 539. sary, or cestui que trust, and at his risk, be compelled to take it and per- form the duties: the fidei commissary bearing all the expences. In this case the heir was not entitled to his fourth. This alteration again brought into play the stipulations empte et venditee hereditatis between the heir and the fidei commissary. Dig. 15. 1.37. Dig. 50.16. 59.1. And also the stipulation partis et pro-parte, where there was a partial trust of the heirship. See the Jurisconsult Paul. lib. 4. sentent. tit.3. Ul-+ pian in fragm. tit. 26. and the paraphrase of Theophilus on this title. The stipulation partis et pro parte took place between the fidei com- missary and the heir, when the latter acted under the senatus consultum Trebellianum, and took his remuneration of a fourth, or as it might hap- pen to be. The stipulation empte et vendite hereditatis took place when the proceedings were under the senatus consultum Trebellianum, and the whole duties and privileges fell on the fidei commissary. These stip- ulations indeed were in use before the senatus consultum Trebellianum, but were brought up again by the senatus consultum Pegasianum. Under these senatus consulta, the heir had his action of warranty against the fidei commissary er stipulatu. But this occasioned so much controversy, that it gave rise to the ordinance of Justinian hereafter to be noticed under section 7 of this title. § 2. De fidet commisso heredis scripti, p. 177. Vel pure, vel subconditione, Sc. *This might be done in case of a [ *535 ] trust, because the heir nominally instituted, was sufficient to - support the will. : Heres instituatur. In England, the appointment of an executor, is as essential to a will, as the appointment of anheir under the Roman law. A will without an executor, will render necessary an administra- tion cum testamento annexo. Swinburne, part 4. sect. 2. No particular form of words are required to create a trust in a will. I will, I desire, I request, &c. are imperative. Sce the note to Vandycke y. Vanbeuren, 1 Caine’s N. York Rep. 85. § 4. Desenatusconsulto Trebelliano, p. 177, Utiles actiones, Inst. 4.6.16. $5. De senatus consulto Pegasiano, p. 177. Post quod senatus consultum ipse heres. | The best way to explain this section, will be to transcribe a passage from the paraphrase of 'The- ophilus, asit is translated by Gul. Otto Reitz; to whom the literary world is much obliged, for his late most complete edition of Theophilus in Greek and Latin, to which is added a great variety of notes by the editor and others. This edition consists of two volumes in 4to. and was published at the Hague, in the year 1751. ‘“ Post hoc autem heres ‘ solus subjacebat oneribus heereditatis, non vero fidei-commissarius : “« sed denique placuit, fidei-commissarium vicem obtinere legatiaril par- “ tiarii, id est, partem dimidiam accipientis. Quondam enim quintum . 540 NOTES. “genus legati-erat, dicebaturque partitio, et relinquebatur hoc modo: “ Titius mihi heres esto, et cum Seio hereditatem dividito in dimidia *¢ nortione. Porro igitur hujusmodi inter eos stipulationes fiebant. Ha- “yes legatarium sic interrogabat ;—spondes, legatarie, si ego conventus “ viginti aureos solvero, eorum mihi semissem dare? et dicebat, spon- “ deo. Rursusque legatarius heredem sic interrogabat;—spondes, si ab “ hereditario debitore viginti aureos acceperis, semissem mihi dare, i. e. “ decem? et dicebat, spondeo: atque hec stipulatio vocabatur Partis er “ pro parte. Ad exemplum igitur legatarii partiarii stipulatio procede- “ bat hxredem inter et fidei-commissarium: et interrogabat heres fidei- * eommissarium sic ; spondes, fidei-commissarie, si yuadraginta au- * reos poscar a creditore hereditario, dare mihi triginta? et heeres inter- yogabatur a fidei-commissario; spondes, heres, si a debitore heredita- “ rio quadraginta aureos acceperis, triginta mihi dare? et dicebat, spon- deo. Atque hoc modo fidei-commissarius universalis vicem obtinebat legatarii: oportebatque commune esse pro rata, fidei-commissarium in- ‘* ter et heeredem, lucrum et damnum.” Theoph. h. t. Harris. [ *536 ] *$ 6. Quibus casibus locus est senatus consulto, §c. p. 179. See 2 Black. Comm. p. 328. $7. Pegasiani in Trebellianum, transfusio, p. 180. Justinian hav- ing thus blended the two senatus consulta, it followed, 1st, that although the heir was required to give up to the fidei commissary an heirship but- thened with trust legacies beyond the dodrans or three fourths, still the heir might retain his fourth, improperly called the Quartum Trebellia- num: for it was the Falcidian fourth extended to trusts, not by the Tre- bellian, but the Pegasian senatus consultum. 2ndly, All actions were divided in proportion to their shares: if the nominated or instituted heir retained his fourth, he bore one fourth of the expence: if he restored the whole heirship to the fidei commissary he bore no-part. 3rdly, If he re- fused to take upon himself the duties of the heirship, he might be com- pelled so to do, on being indemnified by the fidei commissary. Quam in fidei-commissarium.] 'The term cestui que trust, used at present in our own law, seems in general to convey the meaning of the word fidei-commissarius ; but yet not precisely : it was therefore thought most proper to anglicise it in the translation, as we have no single Eng- lish word, adequate to the sense of it: fora fidei-commissary, in the Roman law, denotes a person, who has a beneficial interest in an estate, which for a time is committed to the faith or trust of another. Harris. § 10. De fidei commissis ab intestato relictis, p. 183. Cum alioqui le- gata. That is, according to the former law: for by the law of Justini- an, Cod. 6. 43. which puts legacies and trusts on the same footing, a le- gacy bequeathed by codicil, or otherwise included in the present section is good asa trust if not as a legacy. NOTES. 5Al $12. De probatione fidei-commissi, p. 183. De calumnia juraverit. Cod. 6. 42. 32. Tit, XXIV. De singulis rebus per fidei-commissum, p. 185. The former title, as was observed, related to universal, the present relates to particular trusts. But since the ordinance of Justinian, the distinction is not of much import. Quomvis a legatario.| This was the ancient law; but by Justinian’s constitution [Cod. 6. t. 43.] legacies, and gifts in trust, are allowed to come in aid of each other reciprocally : so that, to use the words of the ordinance, omnia, que naturaliter insunt legatis, et fidet commissis inhe- ‘rere intelligantur ; et contra, quicquid fidei committitur, hoc intelligatur esse legatwin—from which it follows, that a legatary may now be charg- ed with the payment of a legacy. Harris. *§ 3. De verbis fidei commissorum, p. 186. See the above [ *537 ] cited note to 1 Caines’s N. York Rep. 85. and the note to Doe v. Aldridge, 4 Term Rep. 265. Tit. X XV. Codicillorum origo, p. 187. Formerly codicils made be- fore a will were void. After trusts began to be favoured, they were considered as sufficient to support a trust; if not actually repealed by a subsequent will. But when Justinian put legacies and trusts on the same footing, either the one or the other might be given by a codicil whether before or after a will, or by an intestate. But the institution of an heir can only be by will. Codicillorum jus.| The word codicillus, or codicil, js a diminutive from codex, a book; and denotes any unsolemn last will, in which no heir or executor is named. ‘Codicilli dicti sunt parvi codices; id est, tabel- “le ex codicibus aut lingo. Itaque, quemadmodum testamentum coder, “ appellatur, : “* Codice sevo “: Heeredes vetat esse suios, gc. Juv. Sat. 10. quia testamentum in “godicibus tantum scribebatur, sive tabulis grandioribus, ita voluntas ‘““suprema, minus solemnis aut plena, codicilli, et aliquando numero “ynitatis codicillus ; propterea quod scribi solita erat in codicillis, id est, “tabulis brevioribus et tenuioribus, ita factis, ut facile quo cuique com- ‘“modum esset, circumferri possent. Heineccio autem judice, codicil ‘“apud veteres sunt epistolae vel scripture ad alios misse: quia ergo “eodicilli plerumque perscribebantur in forma epistolarum, hinc et no- ‘men retinuerunt.” Vinn. $ 1. Codicilli fieri possunt, vel ante, vel post, Sc. p. 188. Non tantum testamentum.| ‘It is granted of all, [says Swinburne] “that a codicil may be made either by him, who died intestate, or by “him, who died with a testament. If the codicil is made by a person, ‘who dies intestate, the legacies therein must be paid by him, who shall © 542 NOTES. re “have the administration of the goods of the deceased, with the codicil “Cor testamentary schedule annexed. And, if a codicil is made by him, ‘who hath also made a regular testament, then, whether it was made ‘before or after the testament, it is to be reputed as part and parcel of “the testament, and it is to be performed as well as the testament; un- “less, being made before the testament, it appears to be revoked by the “testament, or to be contrary to that, which is contained in the testa- “ment.” Swtn. part. 1. sec. 5. “Codicilli et ab intestate confici possunt, et facto testameuto. Ab ‘“‘intestato facti suis ipsis viribus nituntur et vicem testamenti exhibent: “ proinde quicunque intestati successor erit, sive legitimus,sive [ *538 ] *“‘honorarius etiam postea natus, codicillis relicata prestabit. “Testamento autem condicto, codicilli, quocunque tempore “facti-fuerint, ad testamentum pertinent, viresque ex eo capiunt, etiamsi ‘in eo confirmati non sint; et infirmato testamento codicilli concidunt. “‘Tllud vero interest inter codicillos testamento nominatim confirmatos et “non confirmatos, quod illis relicta etiam directo jure valent, veluti lega- “ta et libertates directo date; perindeque omnia habeantur, ac si m tes- “tamento scripta essent, excepta causa hereditatis; at, que codicillis “non confirmatis relicta sunt, sive verbis‘directis sive precariis, debentur ‘jure fidei-commissi. Sed non est, quod de his amplius dicamus; cum ‘enim confusa nunc sit legatorum et fidei-commissorum natura, dubit- ‘‘andum non est, quin legata, codicillis etiam non confirmatis data di- “recto, nunc vajeant.” Vinn. § 2. Codicillis hwreditas directo dari non potest, p. 153. But it can be given indirectly: as if a testator by codicil, charges his testamentary heirs to renounce in favour of the fidei-commissary of his codicil: Dig. de hered. inst. 77. Dig. de condit. instit. 10. And in one case there may be a direct substitution by codicil, as in Dig. ad senat. consult. Trebell. 76, where a direct pupillary substitution is converted into a trust benignainterpretatione. Heirship then, as it cannot regular- ly be given, cannot be taken away by codicil, which does not suffice for disinherison direct or conditional. Codicillis autem hereditas. Groenewegen, in his book of abrogated laws, says, that the distinctions between testaments and codicils have now ceased to be observed almost every where. Handem enim or ordina- tionis solemnitatem requirunt, atque ita suprema Hollandie curia censuit ; et confusis eorum nominibus heredi institutionem ad substantiam testa- menti necessariam esse negant pragmatici ; hine quoque codicillis heredi- tatem directo dari et adimi, ideoque et exhwredationem scribi, moribus nostris nil vetat. Gyroenew. de ll. abr. in Inst. 2. t. 21. In England the appointment of an executor makes the only difference between a testament and a codicil; and this difference is little more than NOTES. 543 ~ nominal; for whatever may be done by the one, may be also done by the other; so that a condition may be imposed, an estate may be given, or an heir disinherited, as well by codicil as by testament; and even lands may be disposed of by a codicil, if it is signed by the deceased, and at- tested by three witnesses in his presence, though the deceased left no testament; (for a codicil, in its true sense, denotes any testamentary schedule, anid may stand singly, without relation to any other paper;) and, even where there is a testament, disposing of real estate, that testa~ ment may be altered or revoked by a codicil properly *exe- cuted. And, where personal estate only is bequeathed, the [ *539 ] same degree of proof, (and it has already been said what de- gree of proof is sufficient,) will establish either a testament or a codicil; and the one may revoke or confirm the other, either wholly or in part, according to its respective contents. Harris. $ 3. De numero et solemnitate, p. 189. A will, by the Roman law, is revoked by a subsequent will: a codicil is not revoked by a subsequent codicil. Hence there may be many va- lid codicils if they be not contradictory. A will is necessary to an heir, and an heir to a will, but it is not so with a codicil. The latter also re- _ quired fewer ceremonies than a will. But a woman could ot witness a codicil any more than a will. Nullam solemnitatem. When it is said, that no solemnity is required in making a codicil, the compilers of the institutions must be understood to mean no extraordinary solemnity, as that of bringing seven witnesses to subscribe it, as in case of a testament: for it is necessary by the civil law, that a codicil should be supported by five witnesses: Cod. 6. t. 36. 1. 8, which is the ordinary number required to attest several other trans- lations. Cod. 4. t. 20. 1.28. But, in England, there is in this respect no distinction between a testament and a codicil; for either may be sup- ported by an equal number of witnesses: two are regularly requir- ed to a testament, and the same number is also required to a codicil; but, if either a testament or a codicil, contains a devise of a real estate, three witnesses are indispensably necessary by act of parliament. Vid. 29 Car. 2. cap. 3. Harris. Lr. lik = itul. E De hereditatibus, que ab intestato deferantur, p. 191. The preceding book treats of Wills: the present of Intestacies ; and the order of Succession, in cases where a man dies leaving property, but no will. The 118th Novel, which still remains a part of the law of England on this subject, in cases not otherwise decided or provided for, has altered the doctrine laid down in this book of the Institutes; so that a brief his- tory of the changes which the Roman law has undergone on the subject y 544 NOTES. of successions ab intestato, will be more than expedient. Jam chiefly indebted for the present preliminary remarks, to those which Ferriere has prefixed to the third book of the Institutes. By the law of the 12 tables, there were but two classes of legitimate heirs: sui heeredes, or proper heirs, and agnati, or paternal heirs, last succeeding only in default of the others. [ *od0 | *A suus heres, was required to be a descendant in the first degree from the intestate in a direct line, and to have been in the power of the intestate, at the time of his decease; hence the children of a deceased son who shared with the uncle, were swi heredes to the uncle by representation only. $ de heredit. que ab intest. defer. The preetors and the emperors altered the law of the twelve tables. The preetors called to the succession emancipated children per bonorum possessionem unde liberi, on condition that they brought into hotchpot the property acquired during emancipation ; so that the whole might be sub- ject to an equal division among all the children of the deceased. $9 cod tit. The imperial constitutions placed the children of deceased daughters in the rank of proper heirs, on condition that when they shared with proper heirs, they should take one third part less, and when with agna- tes, a fourth part less. $ ult. ibid. In default of proper heirs, agnates or collaterals on the male side, were called: as consanguine brothers, (born of the same father) pater- nal uncles and grand uncles, and their children, and other descendants of the paternal line, who had not quitted the ‘amily by any change of state. Hence, in defect of proper heirs, the law of the twelve tables called the nearest agnate to the succession, without distinction of sex: herein observing, that there was no right of representation among agnates, but the nearest excluded all the rest; and also, that if the nearest agnate re- nounced, the succession did not go to the next in order, but escheated to the treasury. The jurisprudence of the middle age, retrenched from the disposition of the 12 tables, excluding all females from the succession, except sis- ters, and preferring more distant males. Vid. Vinn. $ 3. de legitima ag- nat. success, As the law of the 12 tables called up the nearest agnate only, if there were none such; or he renounced, the property escheated. But the pra- torian law, moderated this rigour, and in these last mentioned cases, ad- mitted the nearest cognates per bonorum possessionem, unde cognati: and still further, in defect of agnates and cognates, the husband or wife surviving, succeeded to the exclusion of the treasury, per bonorum pos- sessionem unde vir et uxor. NOTES. B45 According to the above account, the father was not considered as ag- nate to his emancipated son; but Justinian by the last law of Cod. de emancip. liber. disregarded the circumstance of emancipation. Also the mother could not rank with the agnates of the son, nor the *daughter with the agnates of the mother; but the praetor [ *541 ] admitted them reciprocally to succession ex ordine cognato- rum puta per bonorum possessionem unde cognati. But by the Senatus Consultum Trebellianum, a mother of several children was ranked in the first degree of assignation to herson, in default of Ist, proper heirs of the deceased : 2ndly, the father of a deceased son or daughter: 3rdly, the consanguine brother of the deceased, i. e. by the same father: the mother was admitted jointly with a consanguine sister, (a sister by the same father) ; but this underwent some changes, which will be noted. Finally, by the orphitian Senatus Consultum, under Marcus Aure- lius, the sons and daughters of a mother, were preferred to all the ag- nates of the mother, without excepting even brothers born of the same fathers. These Senatus Consulta, regarded also the claims of children born out of wedlock. These remarks relate to the five first titles of the present Book of the Institutes. We come next to succession in cases of Intestacy, under the 118th Novel, which establishes three degrees of legitimate succession, descend- ants, ascendants, and collaterals. And first of Descendants. ‘It calls to the succession all legitimate children without distinction ; so that sons and daughters, grand-sons and grand-daughters exclude uncles or others in the ascending line, except as to the property acquired by the deceased for the father by virtue of the paternal power: for the usu- fruct granted to the father of certain property acquired by and belong- ing to the son, was preserved to the father. Without considering also any difference of state or quality of such children, whether under power or not at the death of the deceased; without regard to difference of sex or age, and of course neglecting all consideration of primogeniture. Without regard also, whether the descendants claimed from the male or female side, and without consideration of degree; enquiring only, whe- there they were in the direct line descending. This Novel altered the former law in the following points. 1st. In making no difference, whether the deceased were under power as a filius familias, emancipated, or pater familias, at the time of his de- cease : under the previous law, the uncle succeeded to an intestate filius familias, in-exclusion of the children, except in military and quasi mili- tary property ; peculiam castrense et quasi castrense ; as the Institute re- marks in the title Quibus non est permissum facere testamentum: and 69 646 NOTES. all adventitious property belonged by right of peculium to [ *542 ] *the father of the deceased, though he left children. This Novel, cut off the claim of the uncle except as to the mere usufruct of adventitious property. Zndly. In admitting to equal participation, male and female children without distinction: though. this change, as to emancipated children, consisted in making this admission a part of the civil law instead of the pretorian law, which admitted them per bonorum possessionem unde li- beri cum onere collationis. 3rdly. In admitting equally descendants -from the intestate, whether in the male or female line; and taking away the diminution of share before required from the latter, when they were called in conjunction with proper heirs: and directing this succession to be, not per capita but per stirpes. As to-the fourth and last point, the admission of descendants without, regarding the prerogative of degree; this does not differ from the former practice respecting the legitimate succession of descendants. The right of children to represent or stand in the place of their deceased parent, having been allowed before that Novel was enacted. As to the right of representation, which was never limited in the di- rect line, it may be observed, Ist, That the children of one who has renounced the succession to his father, or been disinherited, could not succeed to the uncle, who left chil- dren of the first degree, or grand-children from a child deceased: for this right of representation is derived through the father, where it is cut off. But when the uncle leaves no children or grand-children, then the nephews and nieces do not succeed in the right of their father, but their own. 2ndly, ‘The children of a person civiliter mortuus succeed to an uncle, although they share with their uncles and aunts in the succes- sion. Dig. 1.6.7. 3rdly, Children in the first degree succeed to equal portions. -The next chapter of the 118th Novel, relates to the succession of As- cendants, and embraces two cases. Ist, whete fathers and mothers alone succeed to their children. 2ndly, Where the deceased hath left relations in the ascending line, with brothers and sisters of the whole blood, or connected by each side: ex utriusque parentibus conjuncti. As to the first case. ‘Pathers and mothers and all ascendants, exclude all collaterals, except brothers and sisters; although such oollesterals may be in a nearer degree: partly in Gonaidaravion that they gave existence to the deceased; partly from considerations of natural reverence ( pieta- tis intuitu ;) and partly as some consolation for the loss. The { *543 ] paternal ascendants were preferred by the Trebellian *senatus consult; but by this Novel, ascendants on the one side and NOTES. 547 the other were equally admitted. If there was a father only, or a mo- ther only, such would succeed in exclusion of an ascendant in a more distant degree. Also, if there were no fathers or mothers, but several ascendants in equal degree, the property wag not therefore always equal- ly divided between them: but one half was given to the ascendants be- ing representatives of the father, whatever their number, and the other half to the ascendants representing the mother. For had father and mother been living, they would have succeeded equally. Thus an un- cle on the father’s side, will take as much as an uncle and an aunt to- gether on the maternal side. ‘ Hence where succession is regulated by this chapter of the Novel, no distinction it made between property that came by the father’s side or by the mother’s: and the rule paierna paternis, materna maternis does not hold: but a maternal uncle will succeed to property descended from or bestowed by the father, equally with an uncle on the paternal side. Nor is difference of sex regarded under this rule of succession. As to the second case under this second chapter, where ascendant relations concur with brothers and sisters of the whole blood, they suc- ceed with them per capita: and it is only brothers and sisters thus doub- ly connected, on each side, that do partake with near ascendants, excep- tis inquit Justinianus solis fratribus ex utroque parente conjunctis. The father in this case acquiring his own proportion in full right, cannot claim the usufruct of his children’s portion. But when there is no father or mother, brothers and sisters do not exclude uncles or aunts or other as- cendants in default of uncles and aunts, but concur with, or partake in the succession with them, per capita. Suppose three brothers of the deceased; an uncle and aunt on the pa- ternal side; and an uncle on the maternal side; each brother will have a sixth; the paternal uncle and aunt a sixth and a half between them, and the ascendants the other half between them. Ascendants a second or third degree distant, exclude brothers and sis- ters connected on one side only, or the half blood. ‘This is a conclusion from the passage of the text s¢ vero eum ascendentibus taventuntur fratres et sorores ex utitusque parentibus conjunetis (of the whole blood) cum- proximis gradu ascendentibus vocabantur. Of course, if these only are called, the half blood are not called. , According to this second chapter of the 118th Novel, nephews of the whole blood, do not partake with ascendants, when the father of the de- ceased is dead, although there should be brothers of the whole *blood. This however was changed by the firstchap- [ *544 ] ter of the 127th Novel, which enacted that when there were brothers of the whole blood, the nephews of the whole blood might be 548 NOTES. admitted to concur with such brothers and with ascendants. But as they come in only as representing their father, they take not per capita but per stirpes; and succeed to that portion only which their father would have claimed, if he had been alive. As to the third chapter of the 118th Novel on the succession of Col- laterals. 1st, If the deceased leave neither descendants nor ascendants, the suc- cession falls to his brothers and sisters of the whole blood, in exclusion of the half blood. See Nov. 84. But in case of brothers and sisters of the half blood only, they are admitted to equal shares. > 2ndly, Nephews of the whole blood succeed with their own uncles and aunts of the whole blood (germani:) but by stock only per stirpes : for they succeed solely as representatives of their parent. 8rdly, Nephews of the whole blood, exclude those of the half blood, as a brother of the whole blood would exclude nephews and nieces of the half blood. Athly, Nephews exclude uncles and aunts of the deceased, though each are in the third degree. Filit fratrum in hoc casu representationis jure finguntur esse in gradu secundo, et sie patruos excludunt. On the principle also, that collateral descending, should be preferred to collate- ral ascending relations; quia hereditas naturaliter descendit potius quam ascendit. 5thly, If the deceased left neithér brothers oor sisters, nephews or nieces, the other collateral relations are admitted in the order and degree of their relationship, without regard to sex. The ancient difference be- tween agnation and cognation in this respect being abrogated by the 4th chap. of this Novel. The right of representation granted by this third chapter of the 118th Novel to nephews and nieces, and to no other collaterals, takes place in the three following cases only. Ist, When nephews and nieces concur or share with a brother ot sis- ter of their deceased uncle or aunt: in this case they succeed per stirpes. The former law admitted a right of representation among collaterals, in no case. See § 4 of Instit. de legitim. agnat. success. This being in ‘fact a new law, was construed strictly. Hence, when nephews of dif- ferent brothers and sisters succeeded to their uncle or aunt who had left neither brother or sister, the division was made per capita, and not per stirpes. [ *545 ] *And as itis usually held, representation does not take place in the collateral line, unless in favour of the children of brothers and sisters, when they share in the succession with their uncle or aunt, the brother and sister of the deceased. 2dly, Representation takes place when the nephews of the whole NOTES. 549 blood, are preferred to brothers and sisters of the half blood: which could not take place but by representation ; for a nephew is in the third degree, and brothers and sisters in the second. 3dly, When there is an uncle and a nephew of the deceased. Hence by the 3rd chap. of the 118th Novel, Justinian would have the nephew exclude the uncle, which could only be done under the privilege of representation, which brings the nephew a degree nearer than the great uncle, who is but uncle to the deceased. This also is an innovation on the former law. Tne preference of the whole blood, isa privilege accorded by this Novel, to certain collateral relations, and no doubt a reasonable one. Duplex enim vinculum quod est in fratre germano fortius est unico ilo quod intercedit inter fratres consanguineos aut uterinos. The fourth chapter takes away the distinction between agnates and cognates. When an unmarried person dies without relations ascending, descend- ing, or collateral, his property escheats to the public treasury. Buta legitimate unbroken marriage, protects the succession to the survivor. This privilege of the Exchequer or public treasury proceeds from the want of an heir, Cod. 10.10.1.4. Creditors in this case have a lien. on the property. Dig. 49. 14.11. If the deceased died a member of any lawful company or college, that shall succeed before the exchequer. Cod. 6. 62. t. Succession being not a natural but a civil right, varies in almost eve- ry country. The rule paterna paternis, materna maternis, was adopted in France, Loix civiles. Tom. 3 pref. § 4..and in England 1 Co. Litt 13. a. : So in England, the whole blood universally excludes the half blood, and succession ascending by right line takes place in no instance. It is of little consequence what regulations society adopts on this subject, provided they be clear, and of easy application. The variation in Eng- land dependant upon feudal principles whose reason has long ago ceas- ed to operate—and upon the right of primogeniture which, in this coun- try, we have discarded, still gives a perceptible tinge to much of the law of descent and succession on this continent. Though it must be allowed that the statute of distributions of this state, is founded as much on principles of natural equity, as can reasonably be expected. *For common cases, the state of Pennsylvania [ *546 ] has made as fair and judicious a will, as men usually make for themselves. The 118th Novel will be found at the end of the text, and I shall in- sert at the close of this note, a translation of those sections of it, that bear immediately on the present subject. In the mean time, however, I am strongly tempted to insert. the fol- 550 , NOTES. lowing entertaining and useful remarks of Dr. Taylor (Civ. Law, p 537.) on the subject of succession ab intestato : an author, who, thougl he may be desultory and immethodical, as Gibbon complains he is, pre- sents his reader notwithstanding, with notes of great learning, grea’ taste, and great instruction. “The succession into the estates of intestates is one of the most un- certain ‘points of law. Icall it uncertain, Ist, because there are nol found perhaps two nations. upon earth, that have fixed upon the same method of conveyance: and 2dly, because there is scarce one, but what has at some time or other differed even from itself. With the Romans particularly, the distribution, which prevailed for some time, took a dif- ferent turn, even while the ‘Emperoe was compiling his body of Law, and the system of the Novels (the CXVIHth particularly) entirely de- feats the doctrine laid down in several titles of the third Book of the Institutes, where that matter was considered, and meant to be establish- ed. With the Novels it was settled. To contemplate therefore this question, the stream of nature conducts us first to view succession in the order of : Descendants. 'This was the natural course, and the general direction of Providence. And be it observed, that Natural Law is said by some to be interested no farther, that in the succession of those, who claim from under us: and that Ascendants and collaterals are called in by Civ- ilLaw. Which yet by others is denied, and, I think, with sufficient reason. However the primary distribution of nature is very apparent. Cum Ratio Naturalis, quasi Lex quacdam tacita, liberis parentium he- reditatem addiceret velut ad debitam successionem eos vocando, propter quod et in Jure Civili suorum heredem nomen eis inductum est, ac ne judicio parentis, nist meritis de sausis summovert ab ea successione possunt. D. 48. 20. 7. The great rule of succession among the Romans, in the method which lies before us, viz. the succession of descendants, is comprised in these few reflections; Z%at (1) descendants, while they last, exclude all other relations whatsoever: That (2) there is no respect had to primoge- niture, and (3) no preference in regard to sex: That there [ *547 ] *is (4) no exclusion of any ever so remote degree: and last- ly (5) That the estate of the intestate makes so many gene- ral shares, as that there are distinct heads in his immediate descend- ants. I. For, as this downward direction was the primary and principal re- commendation of natural law, it followed, that inheritances could never revert, or be thrown upwards (inter Ascendentes), nor be turned aside (inter Collaterales), as long as any were to be found in the line below, or that of descendants, tn infinitum. For the principle, upon which this NOTES. 551 succession rested, was the Jus Repraesentationis, which cannot be fairly or reasonably imagined in any other line than in that, to which we give existence. There is something of successive in the idea of representa- tion, something which looks like keeping up an order or a series; and though to brothers it may be applied in some sense, to fathers and grandfathers it can be applied in little or none. Il. IL. The second and third particulars, viz. the disregard of sex and primogeniture, in which these people differed from most others, as well be- fore, as after them, are of that arbitrary consideration, that little remains to be observed upon that disposition. But natural equity has a great stroke in the two last, and calls for some regard: IV. V. That descendants of the second, third or fourth degree, should be raised to a kind of level with those of the first, and not stand ex- cluded, even while some of the first remain: That children of a remote descent should inherit along with the immediate one (I suppose the way cleared before them) is agreeable to truth and justice. The grandchild- ren etc. of Sempronius by a son that is gone, stand to Sempronius in the place of that son. They would have had their shares ¢hrowgh that fa- ther, if he had lived; and represent him therefore, or succeed to his rights, now he is removed. And hence, because many children may succeed into one father’s rights, it follows, that the Jus Repraesentationis, which transmits the estate of Sempronius to his immediate descendauts, shall undergo a con- siderable alteration in those descents or generations that follow after. Though Sempronius may be represented by any number of children in- differently and cut into so many shares accordingly, yet will each of those children be represented by their whole families; not by so many distinct heads of children, as Sempronius was, but by all their children collectively (let their number be what it will) laying, as it were, their heads together to form one common stock. For all those grandchildren gregatim, have that right in common, not separate to each *which their father had to himself. And this is called swcces- [ *548 | sio in stirpes: the other when all share alike, in Capita. Thus in the scheme, : A — SS B Cc —Se oe D. E The estate of Sempronius A will be divided into two equal parts, and B and C will each be heirs er semisse. But supposing that C is gone be- fore his father, then shall B still be heres ex semisse, and D and E ex quadrante, each. Or put the case / 552 NOTES. A. SS B C. Set D. E eo”. F. G. H that C and D should both be gone, and D be represented by F G and H then will B as before be heres ex semisse, E ex quadrante, and F O and H will succeed each of them ex uncia. Or put the case, that E is dead, without issue also, then will F, G, and H, be each of them heres ex sexz- zante. But, taking leave of descendants, supposing that)Sempronius dies in~ testate, without heirs of his body, we are then directed to the consider- ration of Ascendants, Though this may be against natural order, it is not against natural affection. And I think therefore that doctrine is not to be admitted, which maintains, that parents have no right to the goods of their children, dying childless and intestate, unless they had been re- lieved by the civil law. We have seen what title the indigent father has to a maintenance, and the same way of reasoning will serve in the one case as well as the other. See Gothofred. ad Nov. 1 Praef $ 2. And when St. Paul said, 2 Cor. XII. 14. The children ought not to lay up for the parents, but the parents for the children, it is spoken with a view to the ordinary course of providence. It is the rule, without regard to the exception. But I observed, that this is up the stream, and against the common order of succession. And the ancients always gave it that melancholy consideration. We find it a constant matter of complaint in their fu- neral sorrows, when such calamities befell them. Turbato [ *549 ] ordine mortalitatis—*parentes filio contra -ordinem—et quod miserrimum est mater fecit filiae—ordine retrogado defuncto —parentes male ivdicantibus fatis supertites—memoriam posuerunt con- tra votum—quod filius patri facere debuerat ipse fecit—aequivs enim fu- erat vos hoc mihi fecisse—quae prior debui mori DCLXXXVI. 9—are the common expressions upon the occasion. To give these considerations some little attention : This is the language of the Poet Ovid. 1. Heriod. 101. Di precor hoc jubeant, ut, euntibus ordine fatis, Lile meos oculos comprimat, ille tuos. And of the lawyer also: D. 5, 2. 15. pr. Nam etsi parentibus non debetur filiorum hereditas, propter vetum parentium, et naturalem erga filios caritatem, turbato tamen NOTES, 553 ordine mortalitatis, non minus parentibus, quam liberis pie re- lingui debet. Thus the inscriptions: ANTONINUS SEVERUS AQUILA HIC JACET SINE ANIMA MISERABILI FATO QUI VIXIT ANNOS BISSENOS ET SEX MENSES CUI VOTA ERANT UT PARENTIBUS ISTA PARARET SET MORS IMMATURA FECIT UT FACERENT PARENTES FILIO CONTRA ORDINEM. Gruter. DCOXLIX. 4. Another remarkable expression is contra votum, as we have just seen from Papinian, D. 5. 2. 15. pr. Add. 29. 4. 26. 1.—38. 6. 7. 1—38. 2. 50. 2. And so the inscriptions run. MOTARIAE P. F. PIISS. MASCELLIO F. FELIX ET TUTATIA CRISPINA FILIO DULCISSIMO MEMORIAM POSUERUNT CONTRA VOTUM. Gruter. DCXCVL 10. Thus we read in Plutarch in Vita Catonis Maj. Htste wytng KATAPAN, ex EYXHN yyeitae 16, tetov ume Ans amohiery, Hujus, Mater, exsecrationem, non votum, duxit, ipsum superstitem re- linquere. And it is not to be doubted, but that, from this strain of affection, and this parental superstition, that very word has gained its signification. Qui totos dies precabantur, et immolubant, ut sui sibi libert supersti- tes essent, superstitiosi sunt appellati, quod nomen postea latius pa- éuit Cic. II. de N. D. 28. *L. SPERATI DESIDERATI ADULESCEN [ *550 ] TIS SPEI ET PIETATIS INCOMPARABI LIS SPERATI HERMODORUS ET IVLIA NA PATRES MALE INDICANTIBUS FATIS SUPERSTITES POSUERUNT. Gruter. DCCVII. 5. Non est ignotum, qualem te in personum patris tui gesséris: quem non minus quam liberos dilexisti: excepto eo, quod non optabas super- stitem Senec. de Consolat. ad Marciam. init. Flautus begins his Asinaria with a memorable passage: Sicut tuum vis unicum gnatum tus Superesse vite, sospitem et saperstitem ! Ita te obtestor, per senectutem tuam. Perque illam, quam tu metuis, uxorem tuam, Siquid med erga tu hodie falsum dixeris, Ut tibi superstes uxor etaiem siet, Atque illa viva vivus ut ie oppetas. 554 NOTES. The superstition in this passage, between the case of the son, and of the wife, is considerably different. And lastly, this leads me to recommend a new word to the Lexicons, (I do not recommend the age of it): M.L. FLORUS M. FL. F. M. L. FL. PRONEPOS INFELI CISS. PARENS AFFLIGTUS PRAEPOSTERITAE NAT. HV. FILLIUM VN. H. COND. QUEM IMPORTUNA MORS ADEMIT PRAEREPSITQUE SENII BACULUM CUI JAM DEFESSA AETAS ADNITENS PERBREVES ANNOS SS. ALLEVABAT. HUNC, ANTE MORS ADSE- QUITUR QUAM TRISTES LACHRIMAE DESERVERINT | NOTA POST. Gruter DCLXXXIV. 6. Preposteritas is a very uncommon expression, and I believe a barbar- ous one. But the idea it represents, is very suitable to our subject. It is upon all these accounts, that the succession of the parent into the estate of the child is always attended with these unfavourable expres- sions, Luctuosa Hereditas, C. 6. 25.9. Luctuosa Portio, C. 3. 28. 28. Triste Lucrum, C. 6. 59. 11. Durae Fortune solatium, C. 6. 56. 4. Tristis Successio, Inst. 3. 3.2. And it was imagined by- lawyers to pass in Orbitaiis solatium 'There isa law often quoted upon this occasion: Non sie Parentibus Liberorwm, ut Liberis Parentium debetur Hereditas : Parentesad bona liberorum Ratio miserationis admittit, liberos naturaesimul et parentium commune votum. D. 38. 6. T. 1. To settle therefore the rule of successions in Linea Ascendente, there are two cases to be supposed possible. [* 551 ] *I, Either there are no collaterals besides, II. or there are. : I. If there are no collaterals, then the succession of the in- testate’s estate, dying, as we suppose, childless, reverts in that melan- choly order, we have been just observing, and-falls to his father and mother, or to either of them surviving, to the exclusion of everybody above. For it must be observed, that here is no Jus repraesentationis ; which Tobserved followed the order of nature and of blood, and is constantly imagined downwards. ‘Therefore, contrary to what was found to be the rule in descendants, here every nearer degree excludes the remoter, and even the mother shall exclude the grandfather. II. But if we suppose collaterals to be left along with ascendants, the succession shall be divided. And put the case, that there is left a father and mother, a brother and sister, all the four shall succeed in equal por- tions. However, some caution is necessary to be observed, and these tules are not to be forgotten: (1). Collaterals never can exclude ascendants, even in the remotest NOTES. 555 degree. For the preference is with the ascendants; and collaterals can only share, not exclude. ; (2) The collaterals that share with thedefendants must be brothers, or brothers’ children at farthest. No one can be admitted to a dividend beyond that degree. For, as before, the preference ig properly with the ascendants; brothers were not called in till iate in law, viz. by the CXVIIIth Novel, and brothers’ children still later, viz. by the CX X VIth. (3) The succession of aScendants alone, of ascendants joined ‘with brothers and sisters of the whole blood (for the half blood is excluded) is, as was observed, in Captta: but the succession of brothers and sisters children, in concurrence, is in Stirpes, because they represent their pa- renti, and many may represent one. The last consideration regards Collaterals. And here we suppose, that no one is left either in the ascend- ing or descending line whatever. I can imagine 1. Brothers and sisters alone. 2. Brothers and sisters together with brothers and sisters children. 3. Brothers and sisters children alone. 1. Brothers and sisters alone, of the whole blood, succeed in Capita, to the exclusion of, the half blood, 2. Brothers and sisters children, concurring with brothers and sisters, succeed in siirpes. 3. Nephews alone succeed in Capita, non in Stirpes: for they succeed (now) in their own right, and not by representation. *The half-blood succeeds for want of the whole blood, [ *552 ] regularly and uniformly, in the manner of the whole blood. And because the half-blood is called into the succession in failure of the whole, it will follow, that a nephew of the half-blood shall exclude an uncle of the whole. Because the uncle’s right only commences, when representation ceases. In a concurrence of half-blood, viz. when brothers, etc. by the father’s side succeed along with brothers by the mother’s side, the rule of law is, that they succeed separately into the goods of the separate sides: and into the common goods in common. If none of these are given, then the next relation indifferently, suc- ceeds in order of proximity. For the Jus Repraesentationis is specific, not general: it is extended to brother’s children, but goes no further. Thus the uncle of the intestate would be excluded by the nephew, be- cause the nephew by this right of representation is, as it were, in the entail: But the uncle of the intestate would not be excluded by a son of thatnephew. For the right of representation being now aie the uncle is nearer in degree, than the brother’s grandson. 556 NOTES. If there be two next kindred of equal degree, they are equally enti- tled to the succession, whether on the father’s side, or on the mother’s and succeed in capita. , These are the general principles of Justinian’s last regulation upon this head. But in many of these distributious which stand so far re- moved from natural right: where the stream of blood must run but cool and languid: where it is impossible to balance the affection towards one relation with the affection towards another, by principles of nature; there, human invention has insinuated its assistance, and that is one great reason of what I have observed above, viz. that no two nations can ever be found that agree in these delicate circumstances. In the English law again, a greatdeal depends upon the distinction into real and personal estates, which the Roman law knew nothing of. This was agreeable to the genius of our ancestors, who distributed their lands in fee, and expected some emolument in return. As the Saxons therefore were perpetually loading descents with services, and of conse- quence were led to direct those descents where those services were likely to be mvintained with rhe greatest vigor and advantage: This, I say, is the fairest reason, and looks likely to be the true one, why the father can- not succeed (in this kingdom) into the landed estate of his son. Be- cause he cannot be supposed to be in a condition to perform the service that is expected from it. It was one reason given in the feudal law, for the exclusion of daughters. Quia Filie@ servitia prestare non possunt. [ *553. ] *I have here exhibited what I professed, viz. an account how this distribution stood by civil law: I am sensible it de- serves a fuller consideration, and it might be useful, to bring it into com- parison with the distribution of other states, who have laid themselves out upon the equity of assigning the order’ of successions; In which some have been pretty successful. But of this hereafter; if that here- after should ever come, when I shall be called upon to improve these ele- ments into a system, and these institutes into a digest. Taylor. NOVEL 118th. Prerace: Declaring the provisions of former laws on this subject, con- solidated and re-enacted in the present Novel, under the heads of the succession of relations in the descending line; the succession of relations in the ascending line: and the succession of collateral relations. Cuap. 1. Of the succession of, descendants. . Every relation of a deceased person in the (tight) line descending, of whatever sex or degree, whether related by the father’s or by the moth- er’s side, whether under power or free, is preferred to every relation in the ascending line, or collateral. Although the deceased were himself under power, yet his children, of whatever sex or degree, shall be pre- NOTES. 55% t ferred to the parent under whose power the deceased was, in respect of that property which, by our laws, was not acquired for the parent. For the usufruct of such property we reserve to the parent; but with this proviso, that if any such descendant should die leaving children, such children or other descendant shall succeed in place of their proper parent, whether they be under power of the deceased at the time of his death, or not; taking in such case, that portion of the property of the deceased intestate, which their own parent would have been entitled to, had he been living; which succession our predecessors have denominated per stirpes, or by stock. ($6. Inst. de heredit. ab intestato. 2Gaius8. $7. Cod. de suis. 1.2.) In this order of succession we make no enquiry as to the degree, but call up grand-children generally to the succession con- currently with the sons and daughters of a son or a daughter previously deceased; and this without consideration of sex, or whether they sprang from the paternal or maternal side, whether they be free (sui juris,) or still under power. Thus we have enacted as to descendants, and we now proceed to ascendants. (N. B. By throwing aside all considera- tions whether the claimants in succession sprang from the male or female side, the old law was changed. Nov. 18. 4. ult.—Cod. de suis. 9. 13. which is thus repealed. Inst. de heredit. ab intest. $ 4.—Cod. Theod. de legit. hered. *Cuap. 2. Of the succession of ascendants. [ *554 ] If the deceased hath left no descendants, his father or mother, or any other surviving relatives, in the right line ascending, shall succeed in preference to all collaterals, except brothers of the whole blood, as shall be noticed presently. If there be many ascendants, let the near- est in degree be preferred, whether male or female, whether descended from the paternal or maternal line. If there be many in the same dc- gree, let the inheritance be equally divided between them, so as that the heirs on the paternal side, however numerous, shail receive the one half, and those on the maternal side the other half. Should there be brothers and sisters of the deceased living, connected with him by descent from both parents,* as well as ascendant relations, let them be concurrently called to the succession. If the ascendants should be father or mother, let the in- heritance be divided between them and brothers (and sisters) that each shall have an equal part. Nor shall the parent claim an usufruct of the portion assigned to the brothers and sisters,+ for in lieu thereof we have * aupOalers adekpot brothers of the whole blood: germant. ouonatgie by the. some father; consanguinet [and sometimes improperly germani.] ououyteroe by the same mother, wterinz. + This repeals Cod. de legitim. heredit. 1. 13. and Cad. com. success. |. ult. in fin, es 558 NOTES. by the present law assigned him his own share of the succession in full property. No distinction is to be made between persons thus called t the inheritance, whether they be male or female, or connected with the deceased by the father’s or mother’s side: or whether the deceased were sui juris or under power when he died. We proceed therefore to the con- sideration of collateral succession, which relates either to agnates or cog- nates. Cuar. 3. On the succession of collaterals. If therefore the deceased hath left neither descendant or ascendant relations, we first call to the inheritance brothers and sisters born of the same father and the same mother, (i. e. of the whole blood,) whom we before called in concur- rence with the parent. If brothers and sisters of the whole blood be wanting, we call in bro- thers (and sisters) of the half blood, whether on the father’s side or the mother’s side. But if the deceased left brothers, and also the children of a decéased brother or sister, these last will be called to the inheritance concurrently with their uncle or aunt of the whole blood, and will be en- [ *555 ] titled *to the same portion whatever it be, that their parent would have been entitled to if alive. Hence, if a brother be dead, leaving children, and he was of the whole blood, while the living brothers may be of the half blood only, those children are preferred to their uncles, although they are in the third degree ; and this whether the surviving uncles (or aunts) be connected in ‘relationship with the deceased, by the father’s side, or the mother’s side; in like manner as their parent, if living, would have been prefer- red. Contrariwise, if the living brother be of the whole blood to the de- ceased, and the dead brother be a half brother only, the children of the latter are excluded, as their parent also would have been if alive. For the privilege of representation thus given, is conceded only to this class of relations, and extended no farther, than that the children of the de- ceased brothers or sisters, may succeed to that which their parent, if liv- ing, would have been entitled to. We confer this benefit on the children of brothers, when brought into consideration with their own uncles and aunts, whether of the paternal or maternal side. If surviving relations in the ascending line should be called to the in- heritance conjointly with brothers and sisters of the deceased, in that case we do not permit the children of a deceased brother or sister to be called in, even although their parent was of the whole blood. Whenever, therefore, this privilege of representation is given to the children of a (deceased) brother or sister, that they should succeed in the place of their parent, and being in the third degree should be called concurrently with those who are in the second degree, it is manifestly NOTES. 559 for this reason, because they are preferred to uncles or aunts of the de- ceased, whether paternal or maternal, who also count no higher than the third degree. If the deceased hath left neither brothers, nor the children of a broth- er, collaterals are called to the inheritance according to the respective de- gtees they occupy, the nearest in degree being preferred to the more re- mote. If many persons be found related in the same degree, let the in- heritance be divided equally between them according to their number, which our laws denominate, a division‘ per capita. Cuap. 4, Takes away the distinction between agnates and cognates. Cuar. 5, Relates to the legitimate tutelage of children. Cuar. 6. On the authority of this law. C sent to Philadelphia the pages of Harris’ edition that contained the 118th Novel, to have the Greek printed there. Hence, not having it be- fore me, I inadvertently translated that novel anew.) _ Alterations made by the 127th Novel. We never regret any alteration in our laws, that may be of benefit to our subjects. | We remember to have enacted (by the 118th Novel) that if a deceased person left brothers alive, and also children of a brother *who died before him, those children should be [ *556 ] called to the inheritance equally with their uncles, filling the place of their father, and entitled to his portion. But that if the deceas- ed left any relations in the (right or direct) ascending line, together with brothers of the whole blood, and also children of a brother previously deceased, we directed the brothers of the deceased to be called to the in- heritance concurrently with the surviving relations in the (right) line as- cending, and excluded the dead brother’s children. Cuar. Ist. For the purpose of correcting this, we enact, that if a de- ceased person shall leavea living relation in the (right) ascending line, and brothers also who may be called concurrently with such relation, and children also of a brother previously deceased, the latter shall be called in, concurrently with the rest, and succeed to the portion that their own parent, if alive, would have been entitled to. This we decree in respect of the children of a previously deceased brother of the whole blood: directing that they shall occupy the same rank, whether called concurrently with their uncles only, or with their uncles concurrently with a parent of the deceased in the ascending line. The rest of the Novel does not relate to this subject. Lis. Ill. Titul. 1. Definitio intestati, p. 191. Heirship is the succes- son to the universal right of the deceased. Dig. 50. 62. A testamenta- ry heirship takes effect presently on the death of the testator: a legiti- mate or lawful heirship, (cast by operation of law) takes place so soon as it is ascertained that the deceased died intestate. 560 NOTES. An heir under the Roman law, is properly likened to an executor un- der our law, but executors separate from heirs were also known under the later periods of the civil law, and their history is slightly but well touched by Dr. Brown. 1 Civ. Law, 310: § 1. Primus ordo succedentium, Sc. p. 191. This law of the twelve tables is not extant. $ 2. Qui sunt sui heredes, p.191. Naturalis sint. Natural children, do not, in the expressions of the Roman law, mean bastards, but the ac- tual children by procreation of the person spoken of, in contradistinction to adopted children. Cod. de natur. lib. 1. 1.10.11. Natural or illegiti- mate children, in the English sense of the word, could not be proper heirs, quia pater eorwm incertus est, and pater est quem juste nuptie de- monstrant, Hlegitimate children, born of a concubine, not of promiscuous copula- tion, or of adulterous or incestuous commerce, might, under the twelve _ tables, be instituted heirs by the will of the father to whatever portion he thought fit: this was afterwards restrained to cases where { *557 ] *no lawful wife or legitimate children were left, and coifin- ed to a sixteenth of the whole estate, between the mother and the children. Arcadius and Honorius, directed that where a deceas- ed left a wife and legitimate children, he could not dispose by will of more than one ounce among his illegitimate children, or a twelfth of the As, or whole estate: but if the lawful wife and children were dead, he might bequeath one fourth of the whole among the concubine and her children by him. But this also, was altered by Justinian. Ferriere. $ 3. Quomodo sui heredes fiunt, p. 193. A morte parentum.| Persons are said to be sui heredes, or proper heirs, quod non alienarum sed suarum, sive propriarum, quodammodo re- rum heredes esse videantur; i. e. because they seem to be the heirs of their own property, and not the heirs of another’s: for a proper heir is, in the life time of his parent, the co-heir or partner with that parent in his possessions: so that a son, who is a proper heir, does not ‘acquire a new property at the death of his father, but only possesses in a fuller manner what was before vested in him. Vinny, h.¢. Harris. Hence, sui heredes are seized ipso jure on the decease of the parent, and if they die before they act, their rights are transmitted to their own heirs; whereas in other cases the rule is, that hereditas nondum adita non transmittitur. ‘They were also, not only proper sui, but necessary heirs, heredes necessarit; for they became so of course, without any previous consent of their own. See Instit. lib. 2. tit. 19. $ 2. together with Dig. 28. 5. and Dig. 29. 2. An heir who has once acted in that capacity, becomes always liable after that to the creditors of the estate. Dig. 28. 5. 88. NOTES. 561 $ 4. De filio post mortem patris, ab hostibus reverso, p. 193. As to the Jus Postliminii, see lib. 1. of the instit. tit. 12. parag. 5. Dig. 49. 15. De captivis et Postliminio at length. 2 Dall. Rep. 4. Miller, libellant v. Miller. Wade v. Barnewell, 2 Bays S. Car. Rep. 229. 1 Brown’s civil and admiralty law, 127. and 2 Ib. 266. under the title recapture and salvage, to which the modern cases of postliminy principally apply. See also the head of Jus postliminii in Grotius, book 3. ch. 9. and in Vattel. But particularly in Mr. Du Ponceau’s valuable translation of Bynker- shoek’s treatise on the law of war, with the notes 36—44. and 113—122. Postiminium fingit eum qui captus est, in civitate semper fuisse. Instit. ub. sup. Jus quo perinde omnia restituuntur jura, de si captus ab hosti- bus non esset. Dig. ub. sup. $ 6. De divisione hereditatis inter suos heredes, p. 194. ltem ex duobus filiis.| By the civil law, representation takes place in infinitum in the right line descending; and therefore it fol- lows, according *to that law, that, when any person dies, [ *558 ] leaving grand-children by sons or daughters, who died in his life-time, such grand-children, though equal in degree. and unequal in their number in regard to their respective stocks, will divide the estate of their grand-father per stirpes, 7. e. according to their stocks: for ex- ample, if A die worth nine hundred auwrei, and intestate, leaving only grand-children by three sons, already dead, to wit, three grand-children by one son, five by another, and six by another, then each of these classes of grand-children would be intitled to a third; that is, to three hundred aurei, no regard being paid to that class, in which there were most persons. Jn hoc casu, (says Vinnius,) maxime conspicua est vis re- preesentationis ; licet enim omnes hic pari gradu sint, ut proprio singult jure succedere posse videatur, tamen postquam semel ‘placuit, nepotes in locum patris sui demortui, aliave ratione exuti jure sui heredis, succedere, non debuit hoc jus ex accidenti aliquo variari, puta ut soli nepotes ex di- versis filiis et numero inegquales, ceu pauciores cum pluribus ex hac vel illa stirpe concurrentes, in capita hereditatem dividerent. Cod. 6. t. 55. 1.2. Quare sic in universum recte definiemus, descendentes ex masculis omnes, qui sunt diversarum stirpium, quantumvis ejusdem omnes grad- us, in stirpes, non in capita, succedere. But, in England, although Te- presentation may also be said to extend in infinitum in the right line descending, yet this I apprehend must be understood to be in those cases only, where representation is absolutely necessary to prevent the exclu- sion of grand-children, great-grand-children, gc. For example there- fore, if Titius dies leaving a son, and D, E, F, his grand-children by ‘another son, who died before Titius, then the surviving son would take one moiety, and the grand-children D, E, F, would take the other, as the representatives of their deceased father: for in this case representa- 71 562 NOTES. tion would be necessary ; because, if representation was not allowed, the grand-children of Titius, being in a more remote degree, than his son, would be totally excluded; which would be highly unjust. But, if T%- tius dies, and leaves only grand-children by two sons, already dead; e. g. three grand-children by one son, and six by the other, then repre- sentation would not only not be necessary, (as all the persons are in the same degree, so that none of them can be excluded;) but it would occa- sion a very unequal distribution of the effects; namely, of only half the estate to six of the grand-children, and of half to the other three, which does not seem agreeable either to the sense, or even the words of the statute. See 22, 23, Car. 2, cap. 10. Harris. j This section in some editions of the institutes is entitled Quomedo sus heredes succedunt. f *559 ] *§ 8. De nato post mertem avi, &c. p. 195. Plane si et conceptus etnatus.] ‘Sunt, qui velint hunc * nepotem, etsi ad heereditatem avi jure suo non veniat, posse nihilominus ‘jure paterno eam adipisei: etenim certum est, liberos parentum heredi- tatem, quantumvis non acquisitam, ad liberos suos transmittere.” Cod. 6. 7.51.24. sect.5. Cod. 6. ¢. 52. 1 1. “Filius porro in proposita ‘‘facti specie, si adhuc viveret, posset patris hereditatem-acquirere; sic “agitur ad filium suum posthumum, etsi post avi mortem’ conceptum, “hereditatem ejus transmittere posse putant. Pileus nepoti huie, per “ Novellam 118, succursum esse censet, ut suo jure avo suecedere possit ; “et hoc quidem suadet zquitas; sed non favent satis perspicue verba le- “eum.” Doujacius. Harris. Dig. 1. 5. 7 and 26. Dig. 38. 16. 7 and 8. § 9. De liberis emancipatis, p. 196. It may be remarked that the preetorian bonorum-possessio, is not synonymous with possessio bonorum. The latter consists of two words, and means the actual possession of goods, the former is one word, and means an order of court conveying the right of possession of the goods to the person in whose favour it is issued. Dig. 37. 1. 3. 1. $ 10. Si emancipatus se dederit in adoptionem, p. 196. Dig. 38. 8. 4. Ad liberos, an ad agnatos.| For the arrogator, by retaining under his power the emancipated son of the deceased, might make room for the agnati of the deceased; or, by emancipating his arrogated. son, who was the natural son of the deceased, the arrogator might exclude the agnati; so that thus the right of inheritance would depend upon the will and pleasure of a stranger, which the law would not permit. Harris. The pretorian fiction cannot extend to one person belonging at the same time to two families, Cod.. de adopt. 1. penult. $ 11. Collatio filiorum naturalium et adeptivorum, p. 197. In some NOTES. 563 editions this section is entitled Differentia filiorum naturalium et adop- tivorum, post quam fuerint emancipati. See Dig. 38. 6. 4. $ 12. De bonorum possessione contra tabulas, p. 198. See Dig. 37. 4. $ 14. De Emendatio juris antiqui. De adoptivis, p. 199. Constitutionem scripsimus, Cod. 8. 48.10. De adoptionibus. Ez Sabiniano, senatus consulte. By this law, a man who adopted one of the three sons of another person, was compelled to leave him a fourth part of his property. As by the constitution of Antoninus Pius, a fourth part also was to be left to a boy under puberty, taken into a family by arrogation. Vinn. *§ 15. Descendentibus ex faminis, p. 200. Neither the [ *560 ] law of the twelve tables nor the pretorian law, admitted descendants by the female line to the succession of a natural grand-fa- ther, or other maternal ascendant: for never having been under power of such ascendant they could never have been proper heirs. Nor could the pretors assist them as he did emancipated children bonorwm possessione unde liberi, which proceeded on the fiction that emancipated children re- mained under power of their natural father: this fiction could not be ex- tended to females, for the rule was, that children guoad nomen et famili- am, followed the condition of the father. Hence natural grand-children were only called to the succession of their grand-father as cognates, and after the agnates were exhausted ; this was the case, even after the Orphi- tian senatus-consult, had called sons and daughters to the legitimate succession of their mother. The emperors mentioned in the text, admitted grand-children of either sex to the succession, whether descended ex filio or ex filia. Cod. Theod. de legit. heredit. 1. 4. copied nearly by Justinian. Cod. de suis et legit. hered. 1.9. These emperors, however, so far leaned toward ancient usage, that they defalked the portion of natural grand-children, by making that portion one third less than their parent would have had, when they were called conjointly with sons and daughters. And as persons frequently died, without leaving either proper heirs by the law of the twelve tables, or by the preetorian fiction, or legitimate heirs un- der the Orphitian law, if the question was as to a succession to a de- ceased person of the maternal side, the agnates with whom the cognates concurred, were entitled to a fourth part of the property of the succes- sion. This was corrected by Justinian. Cod. de suis et legit. hered. who put agnates and cognates on the same footing. As to the defalcation of a third from the portion of cognates, when the grand-children descended from a daughter, succeeded concurrently with sons and daughters to a deceased in the maternal line, that was not corrected till the 118th Novel, ch. 1. by which children were called with- 564 NOTES. out distinction to the succession of their relations in the ascending line, and to the exclusion of all others. Sed ut amplius aliquid. Suppose a man deceased had left a son, and a grand-child by a daughter, who died before the deceased, that grand- child would have only four ounces, and the son eight; less by a third than the daughter, if living, would have been entitled to: suppose a wo- man deceased, Icft a son or a daughter, and a grand-son or grand-daugh- ter by a deceased son or daughter; the son ‘or daughter [ *561 ] *would be entitled to eight ounces, the grand-son or grand- daughter to four ounces. Portionem nepotum vel neptum. Descendants by a female, were after- wards exempted by Nov. 18, from defalcation, when they concurred with descendants from a male. Nov. 18, ch. 4. and Nov. 118. Ex cujusdam constitutionis auctoritate. Cod. Theod. de legit. hered. 1. 4. compared with Cod. 6. 55. 12. de suis et legit. heered. Nostra autem constitutione. Cod. 6. 45. 12. which forbids agnates to claim the fourth, granted to them by Cod. Theod. 1. 4. de legit. he- red. ; Sine ulla diminutione. Quarte silicet agnatorum ; tertice enim deduete- onem tributam tis, qui etiam juris veteris suffragatione nituntur, intactam reliquit: sed jure novissimo par est omnium liberorum conditio. Vinn. Nov. 118, ch. 1. Sed nos cum adhuc dubitatio maneret, p.201. In some editions a six- teenth section commences at these words, entitled, Al/era emendatio juris antiqui circa nepotes aut pronepotes ex filia. Titul. IT. De legitunma agnatorum successione, p. 203. The law of the twelve tables says, Ast si quis moritur intestatus, cui suus heres non est, proxzimus agnatus familiam habeto. Hence, if a suus heres renounced, the agnati could not succeed, but the estate es- cheated ; for the swws heres remained, and the agnates were excluded. This gave rise to the praetorian law, which let in agnates and cognates by the bonorum possessio unde legit. and unde cognati. Cujus in paritit. Cod. de usucap. pro herede. This was extended by the senatus consul- tum Tertyllianum. Dig. 38. 17. 2.8 and 10. and by the emperors Dio- clesian and Maximinian, Cod. de leg. hered. 1. 3. and lastly, Justinian admitted the agnates fully in default of sui hwredes, or their not acting in the succession. $1. De agnatis naturalibus, p. 203. Agnates are relations of the same family on the male side, and who have suffered no diminution of state (rank.) Cognates are relations on the female side, or who have lost the right of agnates by diminution. Vinn. h. t. Illegitimate children can have no agnates. Quia neque'gentem neque familiam habent. NOTES. 565 Consobrini. Strictly speaking, consobrini, (consororini) are sisters’ children. Quia post mortem patris nanciscuntur. Dig. 38. 7. ult. and 38. 16. 1. penult. § 2. De Adoptivis, or, as it is sometimes entitled, De agnatis per adop- tionem, p. 204. Adoption joins the adopted son to all the ag- nates *of the father: adopted children, like proper heirs, are [ *562 ] technical descriptions, and the creatures of the civil law. Dig. 38. 10. ult. 4. Dig. 38. 16. 2, 3. They are improperly called con- sanguine, inasmuch as this is strictly applied to natural relationship. Dig. 38. 16. penult. $ 3. De masculis et feminis, p. 204. This is otherwise entitled, Ag- nati, ad legitimam successionem abintestato admittuntur absque ullo sex- us discrimine. ' By the old law of the twelve tables, the female line was excluded. Cognates yielded to agnates. By the middle law, sisters of the same father were admitted ; consan- guine sisters: and the preetor called women to the succession when they ‘were related by the male line, but only in virtue of the right of proxim- ity; ex tertio nimirum ordine, per bonorum possessione unde cognati. Hence they succeeded after agnates. Justinian called all agnates, male and female, indiscriminately to the succession. Germane ; of the whole blood; consanguinee: by the same father ; uterine : of the same mother. Consanguinei, and consanguinee, are expressions relating to brothers and sisters only ; not beyond. Nostra constitutione sancimus : Cod. 6. 58. penult. §$ 4. De filiis sororum, p. 207. By the old law (i.e. the law of the twelve tables) if there were no agnates, the estate escheated. To avoid this, the pretor called in cognates per bonorum possessionem unde cogna- ti: afterwards the emperor Anastasius, directed that emancipation per rescriptum principis, should not take away the right of agnation between brothers and sisters, if inserted in the rescript. Cod. de legit. heered. 1. 11. Then maternal brothers and sisters, and their children, were ranked among the agnates, if the deceased left no brothers and sisters, or if they rejected the succession: and nephews, of different branches, were order- ed to succeed per capita, and not per stirpes, hic, et Cod. de legit. heered. 1.14.$1. Finally, all these differences were abolished by the 118th and 127th Novels. The last direction of the present section of the In- stitutes is not altered by the Novels. Non in stirpes sed in capita.] It appears from this section, that as yet brothers’ children were not allowed to represent their parents: for in- 566 NOTES. 7 stance; if Sempronius had died intestate, leaving a brother, and chil- dren by two other brothers deceased; then, if the surviving brother had accepted the succession, the children of the deceased brothers, (i. e. the nephews of Sempronius) would have been entirely ousted ; but, if the surviving brother of Sempronius had declined the inheri- [ *563 ] tance, *the children of the two deceased brothers would have been entitled to a distributive share of their uncle’s estate per capita, that is, by poll; because they would then take suo quisque jure each in his own right and not by representation. But by Nov. 118. cap. 3. and Nov. 127. cap. 1. brothers’ and sisters’ children are allowed to represent their parents; and yet this representation is only permitted by the civil law to prevent exclusion, when the party deceased leaves a bro- ther, and nephews by another brother; and then the uncle and nephews take per stirpes; for, when there are only nephews, there is no represen- tation; and the distribution of the estate is consequently made per capi- ta, each person taking in his own right. This is also the certain rule of distribution in England in the case of collaterals. Vid. 22. 23. Car. 2. Bacon’s Abr. verb. executors and administrators. Abridgment of cas. in eq. page 249. Walch v. Walch. Harris. See the ‘case of Carter -v. Crawley, in prohibition. B. R. 1681. Sir Thomas Raym. 496. in which the question was this: A man died, leaving no relations alive, save an aunt, and the children of another aunt deceased in his life time—shall the children succeed jure represen- tationis ? This was a case on the construction of the Stat. of Distribu- tions, 22. and 23. Ch. 2 ch. 20. and appears to have been decided in favour of the right of representation in the children. The opinion of civilians given at the end of this case is as follows: “In making distri- “butions of intcstate estates amongst collaterals, our civil law and the “ practice of the ecclesiastical courts have constantly observed these two “rules : o “The first is, Representatio in filius fratrum et sororum tantum locum “ habet, ad ulteriores vero collaterales non extenditur. “The second is that in case there be no brothers nor brothers’ child- “ren, vocantur ad suecessionem reliqui collaterales quicumque in gradu “ sint proximiores, remotioribus exclusig. Ita quod infallibiter semper “prior in gradu sit potior in successione, whereby representation must “needs be out of doors; the next of kin, whether one or more being ‘only admitted to the distribution.” ROBERT WISEMAN, THOMAS EXTON, RICHARD LLOYD, EDWARD MASTER, 10 May, 1681, WILLIAM TRUMBAI.. NOTES. 567 $ 5. De proximis vel remotis, p. 207. Otherwise entitled de agnatis diversi gradus. / *As the law of the 12 tables called in the nearest agnate [ *564 ] only, it left no room for representation. Ulp. in frag. tit. 26. $ 3. The 118th Novel, admits nephews to the succession of their uncles, or aunt’s estate, conjointly with the brothers and sisters of the “deceased. § 6. Quo tempore proximitas spectatur, p. 208. See Dig. 38. 16. 2. 4. 5, and 6. § 7. De successorio edicto, p. 208. Otherwise entitled successio in agnatorum hereditatibus, a Justiniano introducta. Suecessionem non esse.]. Veluti; decessit aliquis intestatus, extante Fratre, extante et patruo: frater vocabatur, nimirumut proximus ; si igitur contingat ut frater, aut, antequam adeat, decedat, aut hereditatem repudt- et, patruus aut agnatus venire non poterit propterea quod lex duodecim tabularum successionem nesciat ; hereditas igitur ad fiscum deferebatur. Theoph. h. J. = ; Nostra constitutione.| This constitution is not to be found; nor would it be of use, if it was still extant, since the 118th Novel. hath destroyed all distinction between agnutes and cognates, and put them upon an equality. Harris. The law of the 12 tables (proximus ag‘natus familiam habeto) called only the nearest agnate. If he died or renounced, the other agnates were excluded, and the estate escheated. Ulp. in frag. Tit. 26. $ 4. Dig. 38. 16.2. Paulus Lib. 4. sentent. Tit.$: The praetor corrected this in some degree by calling in the second agnate, when the first died without accepting or renounced; but he called them in the order of cog- ‘nates. Dig. 38. 9.1.6. The constitution mentioned in the text, as well as the law of the text, was rendered null by the provisions of the 118th Novel. § 8. De legitima parentum successione, p. 209. Formerly a father emancipating a child pacto contracte fiducie@, became legitimate heir to the child, under a supposed analogy of a master and an emancipated slave. Sce Inst. Lib. 1. Tit. de legitima parentum tutela. But Justini- an by his constitution, Cod. 8. 49. 6. de emancipationibus liberorum, re- duced all emancipations to that of contracte fiducie ; and the father succeeded to an emancipated son, asa patron did to his freed man. But all this was again altered by the 118th Novel. But the parents of a child dying without descendants, succeed per stirpes. Tit. HL. De senatus consulto Tertulliano, p. 210. Justinian says, this law was made by Adrian, but Zonaras, Lib. 2. says it was made in the time of Antoninus Pius, called also Adrian, as being the adopted son of 568 NOTES. Adrian. ‘Tiberius Claudius Cesar, began to reign A. C. 16, and Adrian - began A. C. 120. [ *565 ] $ 1. De constitutione Divi Claudii, p. 210. It is probable according to Vinnius and Heineccius, that this indulgence extended only to the mothers of children who fell in battle. Sueton. in Vita. ch. 19. Claudius jus quatuor liberorum feminis dedit. § 2nd. Senatus consultum Tertullianum, p. 211. This privilege granted to the mother to succeed to her children, was not conceded by positive law to uncles; but they were called in by Pretorian law per bo- norum possessionem unde cognati, so that a consanguine sister being re- garded as an agnate was preferred to them. $3. Qui preferuntur matri vel cum ea admittuntur, p. 211. Mater liberis onerata. Cujas in ulp. frag. Tit. ult. for onerata read honerata. ‘The Claudian law gave them as we have just seen the jus quatuor libe- rorum ; hence children were an honour and a credit, not a burthen. By this section, the mother was postponed to a suus heres, (a proper or domestic heir) to the father, and to the consanguine brother. As to the suus heres. Domestic heirs in power, or emancipated, or persons considered as sui heredes, excluded the mother ; but children giv- en in adoption, and in power of their adoptive father, at the decease of their natural father, did not. But by a constitution of Antoninus, they were admitted concurrently with the mother, per bona poss. unde cognati, which in this case excluded the bonorum possessionem unde legitimi, Dig. 38. 7. and Dig. 38. 8. Further by the Tertyllian senatus consultum, children were not admit- ted to the succession of their mother, in preference to their grandmother, the senatus consulium Orphitianum, made about twenty years afterward, called them in. Hence a conflict arose between claimants under these decrees, the mother of the deceased, claiming under the Tertyllian, and the children of the deceased under the Orphitian decrees. This was at length decided in favour of the children. Dig. 38. 16. 11. Secondly, the father was preferred to the mother, in military property, in adventitious property, and in respect of emancipated children how- ever emancipated. Thirdly, the consanguine brother was preferred to the mother. Cod. Theod. de inofficioso, testamento, 1. 2. The consanguing sister was called in concurrently with the mother. But Justinian introduced many alterations. At first, when the deceased left a mother, with consanguine or uterine brothers, or with sisters, the mother was admitted in equal proportion. Cod.h. Tit. 1. ult, when the mother was found with sisters only, she succeeded to half the property. Ib. Afterward by Nov. 22. A7. 2. when the mother was left with sisters of the deceased, they inher- NOTES. 569 ited in equal portions: finally by Novel. 118. ch. 2. fathers *and mothers, were preferred to all collaterals, save brothers [ *566 J and sisters of the whole blood. Suorun: loco sunt.] Emancipated children by the preetorian law, and by the constitutions grand-children and great-grand-children by a daugh- ter, are numbered in loco suorum, i. e. in the place of proper heirs. Vide t. 1. sect. 15. of this book. Harris. Ex constitutionibus.] St, matre superstite, filius vel filia, qui queve moritur, filios, dereliquerit, omnimodo patri suo, matrive sua, ipso jure suc- cedant ; quod sine dubio et de pronepotibus cbservandum esse censemus. Cod. 6.454. 1 11. Cod. 6. t. 57.1. 4. ad senatus-consultum Orficia- num. Harris. Frater autem consanguineus.] ‘Porro, cum fratres duntaxat et soro- “yes hoc loco matri objiciantur, existimandum est, cateris a latere veni- “ entibus, sive aynatis sive cognatis, matrem preferri. Sed et, quia con- “ sanguineorum tantum mentio fit, credibile est, fratres et sorores uteri~ “ nos senatus-consulto fuisse exclusos: caeterum Justinianus hos etiam “eum matre admisit, vid. sect. 5. Novella autem, 118 totum hoc jus mutatum est.”’ Vinn. Harris. $4. Jusnovum de jure liberorum sublato. p. 212. Constitutione. Cod. 8. 59. 1.1. and 1. 2. and Cod de infirm. pen. celib. et orbit. 1. 1. by which it will appear, that Constantine first abrogated the law inflicting penalty on celibacy : Honorius extended to every one, the privileges of those who had children; and Justinian accorded to all mothers, the jure triwm aut quatuor liberorum. §$ 5. Quibus mater proponitur et quibus admittitur, p. 212. This section is also entitled Abrogatio eorum in quibus constitutiones partim matrem adjuvebant, partim pregravebant. ’ : Cum antea constitutiones.] vid. ll. 1, 2. et penult. Cod. Theod. de legit. hered. Partim matrem.] Exempli gratia; “si contigisset, ut quis decederet ‘‘yelinquens matrem, jure liberorum cohonestatem, superesset autem et “ patruus, qui est legitimus, aut patrui filius, mater octo capiebat uncias, “ sive bessem hereditatis; patruus autem aut ejus filius trientem: hoc ‘est, quatuor uncias. Quod si ex contrario jus liberorum mater non ‘‘ habuisset, tune patruus aut filius ejus bessem hereditatis capiebat, at ‘mater trientem solum.” Theoph. h. t. Ita tamen, &c.] ‘“ Quee sequuntur pertinent ad modum succedendi, “¢ give rationem distribuendse heereditatis inter matrem defuncti, ejusque “ fratres et sorores. Constituit autem imperator, ut, si cum matre con- ‘‘eurrant sorores sole, sive consanguinex sive uterine, duo semisses “ fiant, quorum unum mater, alterum sorores capiant; sin “ fratres, *sive soli, sive etiam cum soribus, in capita hered- [ *567 ] 72 570 NOTES. “itas dividatur, totque partes fiant, quot sunt persons succedenti- “um. Cod. 6. t. 56. 1 7, Hee iterum mutata sunt Novel. 118. ‘‘ qua fratres et sorores omnes, ex uno tantum latere defuncto conjuncti, ‘‘ tam a matre, “ quam a fratribus utrinque conjunctis, excluduntur ; ma- “ter cum his ex equis partibus succedit. Vinn.h.1. But in England the civil law takes place almost in the same manner, as it prevailed be- fore the Novel constitution: for brothers and sisters by the half blood take equally with brothers and sisters by the whole blood: so that, if a man, whose father is dead, dies intestate, and is survived by a mother and by brothers and sisters, or by brothers only, or sisters only, then the mother, and the brothers and sisters, will all be entitled to take an equal share per capita, whether such brothers and sisters were related to the deceased by the whole blood, or by the half blood only. Smith’s case, 1 Mod. 209. 1 Jac.2. cap. 17. Harris. Tit. IV. De senatus consulio Orphitiano, page 214. This was enacted in 930 ab urb. cond. in the time of the emperor Aurelius; 20 years after the Tertyllian senatus consult. . §$ 1. De nepote et nepto, p. 214. Constitutionibus principalibus.] The Tertyllian decree conferred upon mothers the right of legitimate succession to their children; and the Or- fician decree gave children the same right in regard to their mothers: but neither of these decrees went farther out of reverence to the old law; so that hitherto grand-mothers were called to the succession of their grand- children ; and grand-children to the succession of their grand-mothers, by the indulgence of the pretor only; i.e. per bonorum possessionem un- de cognati, and in default of agnates. ff. 38. t. 8. But the emperors, Va- lentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius, called grand-sons and grand-daugh- ters to the succession of their grand-mothers; prohibiting them neverthe- less to take more than two thirds of that sum, to which their father or mother would have been entitled. 1. 4. Cod. Theod. de legit. hered. But the emperor Justinian, by his 118th Novel, cap. 1. makes the condition of all children equal, when they succeed their parents upon an intestacy. And, by the 2nd chapter of the same novel, the emperor calls also the grand-mother to the succession of her grand-children. Harris. $2. De capitis diminutione. page 215. Otherwise entitled, successio- nes que ex illis senatus consultis deferuntur, non perimuntur, minima cap- itis diminutione. See Dig. 38. 16. 11 and 28. 17.1. 8. [ *568 ] *§ 3. De vulgo quesitis, page 215. Otherwise naturales liberi mater succedunt. Qui vulgo quesiti sunt. The vulgo quesiti are those, whom the law emphatically calls spurious, their father being incertain and not known; but the mother, who is always certain, is allowed to succeed even her spurious issue; which is not permitted in England, where a bastard is NOTES. 57k rotary ood er mn Be Sanguine relations, except his aiien = = ray ee to civil purposes ; fie a to moral Be oe eo ] cendants and coll t Is is 1 sre ee ae a enn men 4 ne 8 is regarded by the law, which will not suffer person to marry his mother, or his base sister. The Queen v. Chafin, 3 Salk. 66. 67. Ad matris hereditatem.] The vulgo quesiti or spurious children, are allowed to succeed their mother, unless she is a person of illustrious birth, having lawful children ; for, if she has no lawful children, her illegiti- mate issue will succeed her. Cod. 6. t. 57.1.5. Andin general spuri- ous children will succeed their mother equally with those, who are legiti- mate: and, even if spurious children are pretermitted in the testament of their mother, they may by the civil law complain of that testament as inofficious and undutiful. De inofficioso testamento matris spurit quoque Sulit dicere possunt. ff. 5. t.2.1.29. Yet spurious children are not in like manner entitled to succeed to the possessions of their father, whom the law does not regard, but supposes to be unknown. * Children never- theless, who are born of a concubine, when their father is certain, and dies without a wife or lawful issue, are entitled, together with their moth- er, to the sixth part of their father’s inheritance, which is to. be divided among them per capita, or by poll. Nov. 18. t. 5.cap. 5. But bastards, begotten in adultery or incest, are wholly incapable of succeeding to their father’s or mother’s estate. Nov. 89. cap.15. But in England bastards are not distinguished into species, being all regarded in the same light, and esteemed equally incapable of succeeding to the personal es- tate of their intestate parents, being feigned to be nullius filit; so that no illegitimate child can take any part either of his father’s or mother’s es- tate upon an intestacy; neither can an ordinary or ecclesiastical judge grant the administration of an intestate’s estate to the base-born issue of that intestate. Swinb. 373. Yet any person, although he hath legiti- mate children may by the law of England, bequeath any part, or the whole of his estate without controul, and may consequently benefit his illegitimate children, or their mother, in what manner he pleases; for such persons are not incapable of taking by purchase, gift, or tes- tament: *and in this respect the law of England is more fa- [ *569 ] vourable to natural children, than the civil law; for, by that law, a man, who had lawful children, could not bequeath more than a 12th part of his possessions to his illegitimate issue. Nov. 89. cap. 12. It is also observable, that, though the law of England pays no regard immediately to bastards, yet it favours their issue under particular cir- cumstances, in respect to real estates; insomuch that the issue of a bas- tard eigne, who died seized, shall bar the right of a mulier puisne. For 572 NOTES. example; if a man dies seized of certain lands in fee, leaving two sons, by the same woman, and his eldest son is a bastard, being born before his father’s marriage, and the younger is a mulier, (that is, legitimate,) in this case, if the hastard enters upon the land, claiming as heir to his father, and occupieth it all his life without any interruption or entry made upon him by the mulier, and the bastard hath issue and dies seized of such estate in’ fee, and the land descends to that issue, then the mulier will be without remedy. For he may not enter, nor have any action to recover the land, because there is an ancient law[in this case used; namely, Justum non est aliquem post mortem facere bastardum, qui toto tempore vite sue pro legitimo habebatur. See Coke’s first inst. sect. 399, &c. Bridal’s lex spuriorum, pag. 100. Here note, that the term mulier is used, by the writers upon the common law, to denote either a son or a daughter lawfully begotten; but, how they came to apply the word mulier so very fancifully or rather perversely, it is hard to say, and im- material to inquire; the most probable conjecture seems to be, that mu- lier is a corruption of melior or the French word melieur. Vide Ferms de la ley, and Godolphin’s repertorium. Harris. § 4. De jure accrescendi inter legitimos heredes, p. 215. Survivorship under the Roman law takes place among legitimate, and among testamentary heirs; and the share of those who renounce, will even fall to the heirs of those who accept. Survivorship, is real, at- tached to the estate, not to the person like substitution. Dig. de usu- fructu. 1. 36. Dig. 38.16. 9. It was allowed, lest the testator should die partly testate and partly intestate, partly represented and partly un- represented. Under the English law survivorship takes place only when a legacy is given in joint tenantcy; and is allowed by the courts of equity, but not by the ecclesiastical courts. See on this subject Humphrey v. Tay- leur, Ambl. 137. Mosley v. Bird, 3 Vez. jun. 628. Russel v. Long, 4 Vez. 551. Bolger v Mackell, 5 Vez. 509. In which it is { *570 } laid down *that a legacy to two or more share and share alike, is a legacy in common, with no survivorship. The jus accrescendi has already been touched upon in another connec- tion ante ad Instit. Lib. 2. Tit. 7. $ 4. Tit. V. De successione cognatorum. p. 216. Post suos heredes.| ‘ Lex antiqua duodecim tabularum duos tantum ‘‘ heredum ab intestato ordines fecit, suorum et agnatorum. Nove le- “ ges et senatus-consulta non-addiderunt quidem ordinem novum, sed personas quasdam, que nec sui heredes, nec agnati, revera sunt, suo- “rum heredum et agnatorum numero esse voluerunt, atque in ordine ‘“ suorum vel agnatorum una cum veré suis heredibus aut agnatis, ad ‘“‘ hereditatem intestati admitti. Inter suos heredes nove leges nume- NOTES. 573 “ yant, suisque per omnia exeequant, liberos legitimatos; inter eosdem ** quoque, et simul cum lis, vocant nepotes et pronepotes ex sexu femi- ‘‘neo: in agnatorum ordinem senatus-consulta transtulerunt matrem ‘et liberos: Justinianus fratres et sorores uterinos, eorumque et soro- ‘rum consanguinearum filios et filias: Anastasius fratres et sorores ““emancipatos. Preetor vero tres succedentium ab intestato ordines fe- “eit; primum diberorum ; (non dixit suorum, quia ex liberis vocat eti- “am non suos;) alterum legitimorum, in quo vocantur agnati et jura ‘* agnationis habentes, ex posterioribus legibus aut ex senatus-consul- “ tis; tertium cognatorum, in quo admisit omnes, quos sola sanguinis “ratio vocat ad hereditatem, licet jure civili deficiant ; item eos, qui, “ quod prioribus ordinibus exclusi essent, ex nullo alio capite venire “ poterant. Tandem Justinianus cognatos omnes etiam heredes le- “ gitimos fecit, adempta agnatis omni prerogativa.” Nov. 118. Vinn. Harris. ‘ See as to the pretorian law calling in cognates in default of proper and legitimate heirs, Cod, de legit. hered. 1. 5. and Dig. 38. 8. 1 and seq. Cognates are maternal relations. Legitimate heirs are agnates, and oth- ers considered as agnates, and called to the succession by the Tertyllian and Orphitian senatus-consults, and the imperial constitutions, as a mo- ther in respect of her children, children in respect of a mother consan- guine brothers and sisters emancipated by rescript, uterine sisters, and the children of emancipated brothers and sisters. Cod. de legit. haered. 1. penult. $ 1 and 1. ult. § 2. $1. Qui vocantur in hoc ordine, &c. p. 216. Quos lex Anastasiana.] ‘This constitution is not now extant; it was nevertheless without doubt inserted in the first edition of the Code, be- cause it is here referred to; but it was probably omitted in the Codex repetitee preelectionis, on account of the last law in Cod. 6, t. 58. delegit. *hered. Qua plenius fratribus et sororibus [ *571 ] emancipatis consulitur, et eorum quoque filiis ac filiabus jus legitime successionis datur. Tarris. Non equis tamen partibus. Theophilus says that emancipated bro- thers and sisters received one half less than those under power: that a brother capite diminutus should receive but four ounces while a brother integri. juris should have eight: but by Cod. de leg. hered. 1. ult. § 1. emancipated brothers, and those under power were placed on a footing. Aliis vero agnatis. If the deceased left an emancipated brother, and an uncle, the former would succeed in exclusion of the latter. $2. De conjunctis per feeminas, p, 217. The 118th Novel. has super- ceded this section. $4. De vulgo quesitis, p. 217. The mother only is considered as re- lated to a spurious child; hence they were permitted to succeed to the 574 NOTES. mother, if they were not the issue of adultery or incest. Justinian how- ever admitted them to a share in the succession ab intestato to their fa- ther, if ‘there were no lawful progeny, and the bastards were the off- spring of a concubine. Dig. 38. 8. 4. compared with Dig. 1. 5. 19 and 23. Dig. 1.5.19 and 24. Cod. de natural. lib. By the 118th Novel. they were admitted to share in their mother’s estate with legitimate children, $ 5. Ex quoto gradu vel agnati vel cognati succedunt, p. 217. Usque ad sextum gradum cognationis.] It is not easy to determine what should induce the preetor to fix upon the sixth rather than the fifth or any other degree; and, concerning this, the writers have differed much in their opinions. But all, except Hoffman, agree, that the differ- ence in the limits of succession between agnates and cognates hath ceas- ed, since the distinction between agnation and cognation was abolished by Novel. 118. Taking it then for granted, that cognates can be called in as distant a degree as agnates, the next question will be whether ag- nates, can succeed in a more distant degree, than the tenth; which some deny; and urge, that Justinian would not have named the 10th degree, if agnates could have been admitted ina degree beyond it and that, unless some period had been put to the succession of agnates, the third and the fourth order of succession, in which are husband and wife, could never or very rarely be admitted; and from hence they conclude, that, though in consequence of the 118th Novel. both agnates and cog- nates must now be admitted without distinction, according to their prox- imity, yet this must be in the 10th degree, and not beyond it; and of this opinion are Mynsinger, Faber, Wesembecius, and others. But the words of Justinian, in the 3rd _ sect. of the 2nd title of this book, very strongly evince the contrary. v. g. Inter masculos quidem agna- [ *572 ] tionis *jure hereditas etiamsi, longissimo gradu sint, ultro ctt- roque capitar, &c. And again, in paragraph the Ist, tit. 7. of this book, the emperor writes thus—Amotis suis heredibus, agnatus, eti- amsi longissimo gradu, plerumque potior habetur, quam proximior cogna- tus. it. 7. de servili cognatione. This is also the doctrine of the law of the twelve tables, which declares generally, without specifying any limits, that upon a failure of proper heirs, the nearest agnate shall suc- ceed. And, as to the before-mentioned arguments, they may be answer- ed without much difficulty ; for we may safely pronounce, that the words decimo gradu are not here used determinately, but merely for the sake of giving anexample. Non enim (says Vinny) eodem modo de agnatis et cognatis imperator loquitur ; de agnatis non loquitur determinative, sed ait, eos succedere, etsi decimo gradu sint, utens rotundo et certo numero pro incerto. De cognatis contra loquitur determinative ; ait enim, eos succedere usque ad sextum gradum. And, to the second argument, it may NOTES. 575 be answered, that a deceased person may leave no agnates by means of emancipation, or that his agnates, as such, may be ousted of their suc- cession, by the death or refusal of the nearest agnate. See sect. 7. t. 7. lib. 3. So that there is no great reason to fear, that the third and fourth order of succession would have been always excluded by allowing agnates to succeed in the most distant degree. It therefore follows upon the whole, that cognates and agnates are now called to.suc- ceed equally, according to their proximity, and without any limitation. Harris. Tit. VI. De gradibus cognationum, p. 218. See on this subject the note to Justin. Inst. Lib. 1: tit. 9, § 1. Definitio nuptiaram, ante. $ 1. De primo secundo et tertio gradu, p. 218. see Blackborough v. Da- vies, 1 Lord Raym. 684. 12 Mod. 619. but best in 1 P. Wms. 41. where- in it was determined that the grandmother was nearer of kin than the aunt. Woodroff v. Wickworth, Prec. in ch. 527. 1 Eq. ca. ab. 249. In England all relationship respecting personal estate, is settled according to the civil law computation. ber, T'hit: the Greeks called their parents dses, divinities; and ap- plied the term divine, even to those who held the place of parents. Hence come the Italian words Zio, Zia, and the Spanish, Zio, Tva,. (Ferriere makes three sections, of this first section.) $2. Quartus gradus, p. 219. Consobrinus esnsobrina.] It will be necéssary to explain the follow- ing terms of relation before we proceed.— Consobrini and Consobrine denote cousins german in general; i. e. brother’s and sister’s children. —Fratres patrueles and sorores patrueles signify cousins ger- man, when *they are the sons or daughters of brothers.—Con- [ *573 ] sobrint and consobrine in a limited and strict sense denote cousins german, who are the children of two sisters, quasi consororini. ___—-Amitini and amitine are cousins german, who are the children of a brother on the one side and a sister on the other.——Sobrini and Sobri- nee denote the children of cousins german in general. Propior sobrino and propior sobrina denote the son ot daughter of a great-uncle or great- aunt, paternal or maternal. Harris. § 4. Sextus gradus, p. 221. This section seems to distinguish inter filium propriore sobrini, and nepotem sobrini; which however have the same meaning. Hence Vinnius thinks that the words item proprius sobrino sobrinave filius should be omitted. II est vrai (says Ferriere) que si mon cousin issu de germain m/’est parent au sixieme degre, son fils ne m’est parent qu’au septieme: c’est aussi ce qui est dit dans le. $ 5. du titre precedent. Mais Justinien ne le compare pas ici avec mol, qui suis le cousin issu de germain son pere, car nous serions au septie- me; mais il le compare avec mon pere, qui lui est parent d’un degre plus 576 NOTES. proche que moi, et qui est par consequent a son egard, parent au sixieme degre. ‘ Tit. VIL. De servili cognatione, p. 222. Nostra constiutione: this is not extant. Tit. VIL § 2. De lege Papia, 226. This law was passed A. U. C. 761, in the consulship of M. Papius Mutilus, and Q. Poppzeus Secundus. Hence it is sometimes called Ler Papia Poppea. $ 3. De constitutione Justiniani, p. 226. Nostra constitutio. Not ex- tant. Ex constitutione nostra repleatur. 1. omnimodo. Cod. 3. 28. de inoff. testam. . §$ 4. Quibus libertinis succeditur, p. 228. Nostra constitutione. Cod. 7, 6. de latina libertate tollenda. Tit. IX. De assignatione libertorum, p. 230. Censuisse senatum. Under Claudian, A. U. C. 798. Tit. X. De bonorum possessionibus, p. 231. This is a branch of the pretorian law, by which a right of succession was granted, to all the property, estate, goods, chattels, rights and credits of the deceased. Qua propter plurimum differt bonorum possessio a pos- Sessione seu corporali detentione rerum, que facti est.1. 2.1. Dig. hoc. tit. 1. 208. Dig. de verb. signif. Sed bonorum possessio tota juris est. The bonorum possessio, was of various kinds, according to the condi- tion and exigency of the claimants. Bonorum possessio, UNDE LIBERI: UNDE LEGITIMI: UNDE COGNATI: SECUNDUM TABULAS: CONTRA [ *574 ] *Tazutas: UNDE DECEM PERSONA: TANQUAM EX FAMILIA: unde vir ET uxor:; confirming, supplying, correcting, or controvert- ing the civil law. The bonorum possessio, did not constitute an heir. Inst. 3. 10. 2. The heir, is a creature of the civil, not of the pretorian law; though the person so called to the succession by the pretor, had many of the rights of an heir. But the heir under the civil law, held in absolute proprie- torship, Inst. 2. 19. 7: the praetorian successor had the possession, and the dominium utile, but not the dominium direction. 1. 1. cum. seg. Dig. hoc titulo. 1.117. Dig. de reg. juris. 1.138. Dig. de verb. signif. It was the right of claiming and recovering, and of retaiing the effects of the deceased. Dig. h. tit. 1.3.§2. It might be demanded by Proctor, which a heirship could not. Dig. 29. 2. 90. where for curatorem, read procuratorem. Succession per bonorum possessionem, must have been demanded of the prestor: this was not necessary in case of heirship, wherein it was only necessary to act. A heirship might be entered upon within 30 years. A preetorian succession must be claimed within one year by des- cendants and ascendants, and a hundred days by other persons: Inst. 3. 10. 5. Succession per bonorum possessionem, was part of the equitable : NOTES. B77 jurisdiction of the pretor. Thus by possession unde liberi, he aided the rights of emancipated children ; calling them to the succession (cum onere collationis) together with proper heirs, by unde cognati, he assisted the natural pretensions of cognates who were before excluded: by secundum tabulas, he supported a testament otherwise void by the civil law, by calling in a posthumous stranger: contra tabulas, when a child was call- ed to the succession, whose natural claims had been neglected and pass- ed over by his father the testator: wnde vir et wxor, by which the surviv- ing husband or wife succeeds in defect of kindred: unde legitimi when parents or children (agnates) were called in, who would otherwise have been excluded. Tanquam ex familia; to the patron, or his agnates. Unde -decem persone, the enumeration of ten persons preferred by the preetor to a stranger who had manumitted a filius familias under the an- cient forms of contract and sale. Unde patroni patroneque, when pa- trons were specifically called in to the succession of freed men: unde cognati manumissoris: when cognates of a patron manumittor were ad- mitted. Hence there are two pretorian successions in case of a testacy, and eight in case of an intestacy. Concerning all of which see post Inst. lib. IIL. tit. 10. $ 2 and 3. Justinian abolished, wnde decem persone, tanquam ec familia, unde patroni, and unde cog. manumitioris. In the case of possession granted contra tabulas, the claimant, to whom the succession was granted, was called upon to bring into hotch *pot or common stock, all the property he had at any [ *575 | time received of the testator by way of advancement; Cod. 6. 21. 12.16. This was the Corratio: bonorum possessio contra tabulas cum onere collationis. Dig. 37.6.1. This Collatio, might have been exacted also in cases of intestacy from descendants, whether of the male or female side, (Nov. 18. 6.) but not from ascendants, collaterals, or mere legatees. Cod. 6. 21.16. This was an exception to the general rule, inter diverso jure succedentes, non est locus collationis. “ Regularly those goods are brought into Collation or common fund, (Cod. 6. 21. 12 and 16.) which came from the ascendant, while alive, for the maintenance or provision of the descendant. But not gifts or rewards for services, Cod. 6. 21. 10. and 20. 1. Nor the price of ransom from captivity in war, Cod. 8. 51. 17. Though money paid for a fine, or to save one from punishment, ought to be brought into contribution, for the fault of one, ought not to be prejudicial to another. So the por- tion, the jewels, the precious garments, the gold chains given to a daugh- ter at marriage, Cod. 6. 21. 5. but not the expences of the marriage feast, for that seems to be given for the credit of the father and not as a por- tion; nor the charge of necessary education, for every child hath already 73 578 NOTES. had such a share, nor the charge which a father hath been at in books for his son, Dig. 10. 2. 50. Nor the charge that a father laid out for the son that he might take,a degree, or acquire any other honourable title, Dig. 37. 6. 16. for if the son dies, his successor can derive no advantage by it. On this account, therefore, the cost expended in equipage for a son to go to the wars, shall come to the common contribution, because he receives pay from the public. Cod. 6.21.20.” Wood’s Inst. civ. law, fol. 200. 201. ; As to ApvancemenT, I have already referred to all the principal Eng- lish cases on the subject. As to Horcn: pot, Collatio bonerum. In partem positio, see Co. Litt. 177. Phiney v. Phiney, 2 Vern. 638. Ed- wards v. Freeman, 1 Eq. Ca. ab. 249 —254. and 2 P Williams 445. Hedges v. Hedges, Finch Pre. ch. 269. Hume et ux. v. Edwards ex. &e. 3 Atk. 450. Finner v. Longland, 2 Eq. Ca. Ab. 253. Northey v. Stranger, 1 P. Williams 340. and the Stat. of Distributions, 22 and 23 Ch. 2. ch. 10. Jus bonorum possessionis.| ‘The bonerum possessio is not now in use even in those countries, where the civil law prevails: for succession by testament, or by law, comprehends every case. ‘Jus civile et pre- *torium hodie in unam consonantiam redactum est; ideoque hujus tituli “‘nullus amplius est usus: entenim, qui aliis ex testamento et ab intesta- “to succedunt, in universum heredes appellari solent.” [ *576 ] Groenewegen, *de legibus abrogatis h.t. In England, es- tates in general, may be divided into two sorts, real and per- sonal ; and successions to these two different kinds of estates are govern- ed by different rules of law. But it is necessary to premise, that by real estate is not commonly meant an estate in land in fee, i. e. descendi- ble from a man to his heirs for ever, and that by personal estate are meant estates in land, determinable upon years, money in the funds or upon mortgages, plate, jewels, &c. and that such personal estate is gene- rally comprehended, in technical and artificial language, under the terms goods and chattels. Now in real estates there is no room for the bono- rum possessio of the Roman law to take place in England ; for all such. estates vest in and descend instantly to the heir, at the death of his an- cestor; but in regard to goods and chattels the office of the ordinary or ecclesiastical judge seems to be similar to that of the Roman pretor in granting the possession of goods. For, when a man dies, who has dis- posed of his personal estate by testament, the heirs or executors, ap- pointed by that testament, must prove it before an ecclesiastical judge, who by granting probate gives the possession of goods to the executors secundum. tabulas, according to the will, or at least confirms them in the possession already taken. Cowell, h. 1. And, when any person dies in- NOTES. 579 testate, the ordinary (by virtue of 31 Edw. 3. chap. 11, and 21 Henry 8. chap. 5) grants the possession and administration of the intestate’s goods to the widow or next of kin to such intestate, or to both, at his direction. And by the 22d and 23d of Charles the second, cap. 10. it is enacted, ‘‘that all ordinaries and ecclesiastical judges may call adminis- “trators to an account and order pisTrtBuTion, after debts and funeral ‘expences are paid; to wit, one third to the widow of the intestate, and “the residue among his children and those who legally represent them, “if any of them are dead: that, if there are no children, or legal repre- “sentatives of them, one half the intestate’s estate shall be allotted to “the widow, and the residue to the next of kindred to the intestate in ‘equal degree, and those, who represent them: that no representation “shall be admitted among collaterals after brothers and sisters children ; “Cand that, if there is no wife, all shall be distributed among the child- “ren; and if no child, tothe next of kin to the intestate in equal degree ‘“‘and their representatives.” And by 1 Jac. 2 cap. 17. it is enacted, “that, if a brother or sister dies, each brother and sister, and their re- ‘‘ presentatives, shall have an equal share with the mother.” From all which the analogy, between the civil law and the law of England, is very observable. Harris. *The Proem, Cur introducte bonorum possessiones; con- [ *577 ] tains in Harris’s edition, the first section of Feérriere’s : which begins at Quos auiem solus Pretor, &c. p. 232. of the present edition, prope mediam paginam. : $1. De speciebus ordinariis. Jus vetus, p. 233. A nostra constitutione.| This constitution is not extant. Extraneo manumissori.] ‘‘ Extraneus manumissor erat, qui non con- tracta fiducia emancipasset.”. Mynsinger. h. 1. Tanquam ex familia.| ‘ Puto familiam signifieari patroni ; i. e. hac bonorem possessione vocari patroni agnatos.” Vinn. Harris. $ 2. Jus novum, p. 233. I have already dwelt sufficiently on the different kinds of bonorum possessiones in the note to the beginning of this title. Nostra constitutio.| Cod. 8. t. 49. 1. ult.‘ Haec constitutio, quam de « emancipationibus conscripsit, imperator, omnibus parentibus et ma- “ numissoribus presumptionem contracte fiducie admisit, ut ipsa “ emancipatio tacité id in se habeat; meritd igitur preefata bonorum *¢ possessio pro supervacua habenda est, cum extraneus posthac manu- “ missor nullus inveniatur.” Theoph. Per constitutionem nostram.] ‘ Hee est eadem greca constitutio, cu- ‘jus superius quoque aliquoties meminit imperator; et qua totam se ““eausam successionis libertorum plene definivisse testatur: non extat ~ 580 NOTES. “‘ hee constitutio, sed epitonem ejus nobis ex Basilicis representat Cuja- “cius.” Lib. 20. obs. 34. Harris. ~ 7 The Basilica, were the new ordinances and code in Greek, began by Leo Philosophus in 886, and finally published by Constantine Porphy- rogoneta, in 920. § 4. De successorio edicto, p. 235. Certum tempus. Dig. 38.9. De succ. edicto. § 5. De jure accrescendi et iterum, §c. p. 336. Ex successorio edicto. Dig. 38. 9. $ 5. Explicatio dicti temporis, p. 236. Dies utiles.] “ Dies in jure nostro alii sunt continui, alii utiles. Con- “tinui, qui siné interruptione, nullisque exceptis, currunt: utiles sunt ‘‘illi duntaxat, quibus experiundi sui juris potestas est; et hi neque ig- “ noranti, neque agere non valenti, currunt, ff. 44. t. 3.1. 1 Vinn. The- “oph. h. t.”’ Harris. Tit. XT. De acquisitione per adrogationem, p. 237. Formerly under the acquisition by adrogation, the adoptive father succeeded to all the property of the son who was adopted [ *578 ] by adrogation, *and died in that state. But latterly, the fa- ther succeeded to the usufruct only, unless when the son died impuber, and without children, and under power of his adoptive father. $ 1. et ult. Cod. commun. de success. $1. Quce hoc modo acquiruntur. Jus vetus, p. 237. ‘This is entitled in Ferriere, Quceenam olim acquirebantur per adregationem. Prohibuit nostra constitutio. Cod. 3. 33.16. De usufructu. Freed men, were generally bound in services of labour to their pat- rons, fabriles seu artificiales opere, which might be prolonged or com- muted; and the right passed to the heir of the patron. Dig. 31. 10. 6. Dig. 33. 2. 2. So duties of personal respect on account of the gift of lib- erty conferred: these were attached to the person of the patron only. Dig. 31. 10. 9. 1. juncto Cujacio, lib. 17.ch. 14. These did not cease on the smaller change of state. $ 2. Jus novium, p. 238. Ex constitutione nostra. Cod. 6. 59. ult. Comm. de success. This section is entitled Quenam jure novo per adro- gationem acquiruntur, in Ferriere. Justinian in this section has proper- ly limited the rights of adoptive by those of natural parents; except in the cases already mentioned of decease within puberty, without chil- dren, and under power of the adoptive father. Tit. XI. De eo cui libertatis causa bona addicuntur, p. 239. $1. Rescriptum Divi Marci, p. 239. This requires, Ist, That the application and adjudication shall be judicial. 2ndly, That there shall be no heirs or persons called to the succession, civil or pretorian. 1. 1. Cod. fideicom, libert. 3rdly, That the person petitioning, shall give se- NOTES. 581 curity, if the adjudication be in his favour. 4thly, Thisrelates to liber- ty given by testament. § 3. Ubi locum habeat, p. 241. This section is otherwise headed, Quibus casibus huic rescripto locus est. From the 4th circumstance just above mentioned, Cujas appears to be right in supposing that instead of certe si intestatus decesserit, we ought to read certe si testatus decesserit. $7. De speciebus additis a Justiniano, p. 242. Plenissima constitutio, Cod. 7. 2. 15. de test. manumiss. Tit. XII. De successionibus sublatis, &c. p. 243. This section is divided by Ferriere, at the words Erat et ex senatus consullo Claudi- ano, &c. Qualis fuerat bonorum emptio.| “ Bona debitoris, postquam aliquan- ““diu celeberrimis in locis proscripta pependissent, ex edicto prosideri ju- ‘“‘bebantur; de inde magister postulabatur et creabatur, per “quem *distrahebantur et emptori addicebantur, quiomnibus [ *579 ] “in solidum satisfaciebat: aut, antequam emeret, cum cre- “ ditoribus de certa parte decidebat.’} Vid Theophilum in hunc locum, “et Heineccii antiq. Rom. jur. lib. 2. tit. 17. This exact species of sale is not in use in England; but there is a sale not very unlike it in the case of bankrupts, whose estates and goods are sold and divided among their creditors by commissioners, appointed for that purpose. Vid. 13 Eliz. cap. 7. 1 Jac. 1.cap.15. 21 Jac. 1. cap.19. 10 Ann. cap. 15. 7 Geo. 1. cap. 31. 5 Geo. 2. cap. 20. Ex latioribus digestorum libris.| D. 42. t.5. Defrebus auctoritate judicis possiendis. D.45.t. 4. Quibus ex causis in possessionem eatur. Quod indignum nostris temporibus.] vid. Cod. 7. t. 24. De senatus- consulto Claudiano tollendo. Harris. Tit. XIV. De obligationibus, p. 244. Justinian begins first with obligation, and then proceeds to those con- tracts and agreements, from whence obligation arises. He confines it within the bounds of practice, namely to that motive of action which the sanction of the law presentsto us. The civil law indeed treats of duties of imperfect obligation, but so far only as they are aided by the sanction which the legislative or judicial authority may annex to them. Z Obligation may be divided into moral obligation, or that which receives its sanction foro conscientie alone: and civil obligation, or that which receives its sanction from the positive law of political communities. The true source and foundation of moral obligation, has long been a diu vexata questio. With me it is settled: it has but one rational source and foundation, self interest: our own happiness: our greatest and most permanent good upon the whole. 582 NOTES. I considered this subject at full length formerly, in an essay published among a collection of essays on ethical and metaphysical subjects (1787): and as I have had no reason hitherto to alter my opinion, I shall briefly abridge that essay, and adopt the same view of' the argument here. It is universally allowed, that in certain cases, I ought (morally speak- ing) to act in a certain manner. But why ought I todo so? What is the ultimate reason or motive which on an attentive consideration of the subject should induce me to act in this, rather than in that manner? Because, say some, : '£ *580 ] *I. It is agreeable to the will of God. a ; IL. To the eternal and necessary fitness and congruity of things. 6 III. It is the dictate of the moral sense. ¢ IV. It is the dictate of common sense: of the jower evrvoces Ad V. You are conscious of a sensation that impels you to do so. é VI. Your understanding represents such an action to you as right, and of course that you ought to do so. f VII. It is agreeable to right reason. ¢ VUI. It is agreeable to the truth of things. A IX. It is conducive to general utility. ¢ X. It is conducive to the bene esse, to your own greatest good upon the whole. & The above is the substance of the answers which the authors in the notes may be supposed to give to the question. a Acquinas, Occam, Scotus, Suarez, Hobbes, Leibnitz, Barbeyrac, Warburton. 6 Grotius, Rust, Clarke, Balguy. ce Hutcheson. d Lord Herbert, Reid, Beattie and Oswald. e Ellis. J Cudworth, Butler, Adams, Price. g Burlamagqui. A Wollaston. a Hume. k Gastrell, Cumberland, Puffendorf,* Noitis,t Gay,f Turnbull, Ruthet- forth,|| Soame Jenyns,{ Dr. Johnson.**, * Law of N and N. book I. ch. iv. § 5 and the note thereon of Barbeyrac. t Miscellanies, p. 214. + Preliminary Dissertation, and note to King’s Origin of Evil, p. 66. quarto edit. § Note to Heineccius, p. 16. \| Essay on Virtue, ch. vii. . 7 Origin of Evil, Letter IV. ** Review of Soamie Jenyn’s Origin of Evil, in the Miscellanies pub- lished by Davies, 3 vols. NOTES. 583 Each of these hypotheses, ‘except the last, admit of a further question. You tell me I ought to act agreeably to the will of God—to the eternal fitness of things—to the dictate of the moral sense, &c. &c? why ought I todo so? It is evident that this question may be put rea- sonably : *if so, the solution lies deeper than the hypothesis [ *681 ] that admits of the question. This question cannot reasonably, or consistent with common sense be put on the 10th or last hypothesis, It is manifestly, palpably absurd to ask, why ought I to pursue my own happiness? why ought I to follow that course of conduct which upon the whole of my existence will most effectually afford me the greatest sum of happiness? For in fact, are not all our motives of action, founded upon this consideration? Does it not arise from the very nature and constitution of man ? Why should I obey the commands of God? Because it is my inter- est so to do: I shall be happy if Ido, and miserable if Ido not. But put the case, that any clear and precise command of the creator, would upon the whole of my existence and all things considered, afford not a balance of happiness but of misery, can I be under any obligation to pursue it?—The controversy then, can only be settled, by an answer, that does not reasonably admit of any further question; and this is it. But in the course of education in civilized society, we are taught in- cessantly by our parents and tutors, we hear in their conversations, and in discourses from the pulpit, and we learn from our intercourse with society even from our childhood, that certain conduct ought to be pursu- ed, and certain actions ought to be shunned. That we should obey and reverence our parents, love our kindred, perform acts of kindness to our neighbours, speak truth, pay our debts, perform our promises, &c. &c. : these complex associations give rise at length to that feeling that we call conscience, and to the ideas of obligation and duty, which are associat- ed with many actions that positive law cannot expediently embrace. Actions that mankind generally agree, ought to be performed or abstain- ed from, when not sanctioned by the laws of society, give rise to ¢mper- fect obligations: actions that are enjoined or forbidden by those laws, are called actions or duties of perfect obligation. By the civil law, rights and duties of imperfect obligation, such as arose from the acknowledged precepts of natural law, or the dictates of conscience, or ex nudo pacto, (naked promises not binding for want of consideration, ) although they could not of themselves support an action, might be brought in aid of the law in certain cases. They gave rise to compensation, or set off; to detention of a pledge; to fide jusston or ac- tion against a guarantee to a constitutum, or promise founded on natur- al obligation ; to nowaeions and to retention of money paid under a mis- taken notion of its being legally due. 584 NOTES. To instance each of these. As to compensation: A. owes B.a hun- dred dollars, on a legal claim. B. owes A. fifty dollars, on a [ *582 ] eongidieration *founded in morality, but not furnishing srountl for suit: A, can set this off. Dig. 16, 2. 6. de compensatio- - nibus. Usury (interest for money) was not supported by the Roman law, un- less where the loan had furnished a profit; Cod. 4. 32.26. Cod. 4. 34. 4, or where it was judicially decreed nomine pene for improper deten- tion of the sum lent, or on account of fraud. Dig. 22. 1. 1. and 22. 1. 17. 3. Suppose, however, A. lends B. a hundred dollars upon interest, and B. pledges a diamond ring for repayment: the promise to pay inte- rest simply would be nude pact, but still as- promises ought to be per- formed. Dig. 2.14.1. A. may retain the diamond, till interest as well as principal be paid. Cod. de usuris. 1. 4. As to fide jussion. An infant almost of age makes a promise, unsanc- tioned by his tutor: this would support no action. A friend of. the in- fant becomes his security for the performance. Here, notwithstanding the maxim accessorium sequitur suum principale, the fide jussor or guar- antee, is liable, because it is the dictate of natural equity that a promise should be kept, although positive law will not enforce it. Dig. 46. 1. 2 and 6. Constitutum, is a promise before the pretor to pay what was previ- ously due, either by the promissor, or some other person for whom he becomes surety. ° Such-a promise so solemnly made, was supported by the pretorian action De pecunia constituta, Dig. 13. 5. 1. 7. quia grave est fidem fallere, maxime ubi geminata fides est. Novation. Dig. 46.2.1. [This is somewhat allied to the English doctrine of extinguishment.] Novation, is the transferring or conversion of one obligation into anoth- er obligation, or from one person to another person. Thus, A. owes B. a hundred dollars: this debt is transferred by consent to a pupil who promises without authority of the tutor: ishe bound? Yes: for the promise of the pupil though it will not support a suit, is founded upon a promise that would support one: and this natural obligation of the pupil to pay, is converted into a civil obligation, by being substituted for a civil one: notwithstanding, Dig. 46. 2.20. which though it seems to look the other way, does not furnish an objection. Pupillus quod sibi debe- tur, non potest sine tutoris auctoritate novare ne scilicet conditionem suam deteriorem faciat: but this is for his own sake,-and does not apply to a case when the legal right of a third person is involved in the pact. Repetition, or redemand of money paid without regular compulsion of law, is prohibited where an imperfect obligation intervenes. Dig. 44. 7. 10.