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Garnell Gam School Library
THE
INSTITUTES
oF
JUSTINIAN.
WITH NOTES.
BY THOMAS COOPER, ESQ.
PROFESSOR OF CHEMISTRY, AT CARLISLE COLLEGE, PENNSYLVANIA.
THIRD EDITION,
WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES AND REFERENCES,
BY A MEMBER OF THE NEW-YORK BAR.
NEW-YORK:
JOHN S. VOORHIES, LAW BOOKSELLER & PUBLISHER.
1852.
MdL4
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred and fifty-two,
BY JOIN S. VOORHIES,
in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New-York.
CONTENTS.
PREFACE, . . 6 82
Dr. Harris’s Brief History of the Roman Law, .
Justinian’s Institutes with the Translation,
The 118th Novel, with Dr. Harris’s Translation,
Notes and References to the Institutes,
Appendix First.
The Law of the Twelve Tables,
Appendix Second.
Method of citation used in reference to the various parts of the
Corpus Juris Civilis, and Abbreviations,
Appendix Third.
List of Authors on the Civil Law, : :
Index to the Books, Titles and Sections of the Institutes,
Index to the Notes and References.
¥
: ix
1 to 391
893 to 400
401 to 662
663 to 671
672 to 674
674 to 677
677 to 701
703
PREFACE.
Wuen I first undertook to publish Justinian’s Institutes (that I might not
entirely renounce my accustomed studies) I contemplated nothing more than a
re-publication of Harris’s Edition, which has now become scarce ; together with
some additional notes, and a brief history of Roman Jurisprudence, by way of
preface. On reading with attention Harris’s Translation, I found the language so
verbose, that I sat down to translate the first Book of the Institutes in my own
way. It is true, my ear was better satisfied with my own performance ; but I
found so many co-incidences of expyession, and so little room to improve the fidel-
ity of Harris’s Version, that I determined to adopt it as the ground-work of the
present publication; and alter it no further, than to condense the expressions,
where they seemed to me needlessly diffuse. By so doing, I have abridged it to
the amount of about one-fifth of the whole, without sacrificing anything necessary
to the sense. Some few periphrases I have retained, and some I have added, when
the original seemed to require elucidation ; but, upon the whole, my aim has been
to render this a faithful translation, in.as few words as possible. Perhaps I may
be blamed for taking this liberty with Dr. Harris’s work. Had it been a piece of
poetry, I should have left it untouched ; but meaning to give to the public as good
a translation as I could furnish, I saw no reason why I should needlessly occupy
the time of the reader, or increase the bulk of the book, by religiously retaining
all its redundancies and imperfections.
I have inserted most of Harris’s notes, citing him where I have done so; but
they are few and meagre. I have generally consulted the paraphrase of Theoph-
ilus, the short comments to the Corpus Juris Civilis of Gothofred, the translations
and notes of Ferriere, Wood’s Institutes, and Taylor’s Elements of the Civil Law.
I would gladly have procured, if T could, more sources of information, and I have
taken much pains for that purpose, but in vain. ‘The want of books has not been
the only difficulty I have met with. All the notes and references I had collected
were consumed by fire on my road from Northumberland hither, last November.
An accident afterwards deprived me of my eye-sight for about a week, and render-
ed exertion painful to me for a considerable time. I could ill spare these defalca-
tions from the occasional leisure which my Chemical Lectures allowed me, but I
have endeavored to make the best use of the opportunities that remained.
vi PREFACE.
Unable to procure the books I sent for, I have declined for the present any histo-
ry of the Roman Law. Those who cannot resort to the more voluminous and labo-
rious works enumerated in the appendix, may collect much useful knowledge from
the shorter and more popular compilations of Ferriere, whose History of the Roman
Law was translated by Dr. Beaver, and {published in 1724—from Gibbon’s eighth
volume of his Roman History, and Butler’s ‘Hore Juridicee Subseevee : together
with the Roman Antiquities of Kennet and Adams: all of them works of merit, and
not scarce.
A knowledge of the Civil Law, sufficient for the purposes of an American Lawyer,
north of New Orleans, may be obtained from Domat and Wood, and the Treatises of
Drs. Ayloffe, Schomberg, Halifax and Browne: but neither Domat nor Wood, are
superseded by any or all the rest. Indeed, a condensed digest of the Civil Law is yet
a desideratum ; which if the present publication be approved of, I may be tempted to
undertake.
“ The civilians of the darker ages,”’ (says Gibbon, 8 Rom. Hist. 2.) ‘have esta-
blished an absurd and incomprehensible mode of quotation, which is supported by au-
thority and custom. In their references to the Code, the Pandects, and the Insti-
tutes, they mention the number, not of the book but only of the law, and content
themselves with reciting the first words of the Title to which it belongs : and of these
titles there are more than a thousand. Lwudewig, (Vit. Justiniani, p. 268,) wishes
to shake off his pedantic yoke ; and I have dared to adopt the simple and rational
method of numbering the book, title and law.”
The English writers generally follow the mode of citation recommended by Gib-
bon, and as I think it the most convenient, T have also adopted it. Thus, Inst. 4.
15. 2, means, Institutes, book 4, title 15, section 2. Dig. 41. 9. 1. 3, means Di-
gest, book 41, title 9, law 1, section 3, which the foreign jurists would cite thus,
1. 1. § 8, or § 3, 1. 1. Dig. pro dote: or f pro dote: Dig. and ff being equiva-
lent: that is, section 3 of law 1, of the book and title of the Digest or Pandects
which is entitled pro dote. The two let:ers #f, designate nothing but a careless
mode of writing the Greek letter 7, the first letter of 7u»deytov, Pandects, ‘‘ Gen-
éral Receivers ;’ which was a common title of the Greek miscellanies. Plin.
Praef. ad Hist. Natur. 8 Gibbon’s Rom. Hist. p. 37. 76.
So, D. or Dig. 18. 4. 2. 7, is the same with § 7. 1. 2. Dig. (or ff) de heredit,
vel act. Or, the 7th section of the 2d law of the book and title of the Digest or
‘Pandects, that begins De hereditate vel actione vendita.
In like manner, Cod. 7. 68.2, means the 7th book, 68th title, and 2d law of the
Justinian Code. The foreign writers would cite it, 1.2. Cod. s¢ unus ex pluribus
appellaverit. In like manner Cod. 8. 32. 1. would he cited by the civilians on the
continent of Europe, 1 1. Cod. s7 unus ex pluribus heredibus creditoris, Se.,
meaning the first law of the Codex that is entitled with those words.
Again, 1. 1. tit. £2. Cod. de his qui ante. I should cite thus, Cod. 6. 52. 1,
meaning the 6th book, 52d title, and Ist law of the Justinian Code. _
It may be noted, that the Code, the Digest, and the Institutes, form one system ;
of which the Code was first compiled, and published in the third year of Justinian.
Then the Digest was compiled, and published in the seventh year of that emperor’s
PREFACE. vil
reign ; the Institutes were compiled after the Digest, but published a month before,
to wit, 21st November, A. D. 533. Wyndham v. Chetwind, 1 Burr. Rep, 126.
The Edicta, the Novelle Constitutiones, or Authentice, the Basilica, &e. were
subsequent additions or innovations. 8 Gibb. 45, 46.
In citing the Authentics, there may appear some ambiguity. The Novels are
entitled, Authenticze, seu Novellas Constitutiones. These are cited either by the
collation, title and chapter, or by the number of the novel, or by the beginning
words of the title of the collation. Thus, Novell. 8.1. Nov. tit. 8. ch. 1. Auth.
Collat. 2.2. 1. ch. 1. tit. wt judices, Auth. Coll. 2, mean the same thing; viz.
the first chapter of the 8th Novel Constitution, being the first chapter of the second
title, (beginning wt judices) of the second collation.
But a summary of the Authentics is inserted in the Justinian Code, usually in
italic character, and these are referred to by the Code under which they are insert
ed. Thus in the instance given by Ferriere, Authentica cum testator, Codice ud
legem Falcidiam, means the summary of the Authentice beginning sed cum testa-
tor, inserted in the 50th title of the Justinian Code, ad legem Falcidiam. These
observations are necessary to an English student, in addition to Ferriere’s directions,
which I have inserted as a second appendix. The double index to the generality of
editions, will render these remarks intelligible.
As tothe Adicts of Justinian, the Zeonine Constitutions, the Basilica, and
other tracts sometimes published with the Corpus Juris, they are easily distin+
guished, by a mode of reference that involves no ambiguity.
Generally speaking, I have actually consulted all the passages referred to in the
Code and Digest by numeral figures, after the English mode of citation. The
most part of the passages referred to by the foreign mode of reference, I have tak-
en at second hand. Grenerally speaking also, the references to the English and
American reporters, have been made after actually consulting the cases, for the
point to which they are applied. as
I shall insert as an appendix, Ferriere’s Chap. on the mode of citation, and the
abbreviations in use, in order to render more intelligible to the English reader, the
references of foreign jurists.
I intended also to have inserted the Latin text of the Leges Regia, or Jus Pa-
pirianum, and the laws of the Twelve Tables. But I greatly doubt about the au-
thenticity of the Jus Papirianum ; and I incline to think with Gibbon, 8 Rom.
Hist. 5, that the Caius (Sextus) Papirius, who is said to have revised the Laws of
Numa, left nothing written; and that the Jus Papirianum of Granius Flaccus
(Lacinianus) was compiled in the time of Ceesar. Gibbon speaks very slightingly
of the attempt to restore these laws, (thirty-six altogether) by the Abbe Terasson.
Nor do I give any credit to the Tables, from whence Franciscus Balduinus, and
Paulus Manutius have given us eighteen of these laws, to which Pandulphus Pra-
teius has added six. The twelve more collected from various sources by Terasson,
I have had no opportunity of examining. Those I have mentioned, I find in =
sint Antig. Rom. Corp. quto. 1685. Amstel. page 556, who has given us a . -
lection of laws of Romulus and Numa, of no moment; and whether the collec-
she
Vil ‘ PREFACE.
tion be as complete as the sources of information will furnish, I have no means of
investigating.
The laws of the Twelve Tables are collected from scattered passages in Cicero—
Dionesius Halicarnasseus—Livy—Sextus Pompeius—Festus—Pliny—Macrobius—
Agellius—Pomponius—and from the Justinian Digests. The Latin is obsolete and
obscure, and stands in need of a good comment.
T have before me in Rosinus, the collection and arrangement of Franciscus Ho-
tomannus, and Joannes Crispinus; another of Justus Lipsius ; another of Ludo-
vicus Charondas ; and another of Theodorus Marcilius ; as well as the edition and
arrangement of the same laws by D. Gothofred at the end of his Corpus Juris
Civilis. :
That, the reader, (in the words of Gothofred) may not be entirely ignorant, ra-
ther than that he may be accurately informed what the Laws of the Twelve Tables
were, non tam ut ea Lector cognosceret, quam ne ignoraret, I shall insert Hooke’s
translation from Catrou and Rouille. It is, as the subject requires, paraphrastic ;
but after perusing the Latin text, and attending to the comments collected by Rosi-
nus, and those of D. Gothofred, I am satisfied that the text is as accurately parar
phrased as can reasonably be expected ; and therefore I have inserted the Transla-
tion in the Appendix.
Lastly, I have given a catalogue of the best writers on the Roman Law, collected
from the Bibliotheque of Camus, the notes and observations of Gibbon in his Ro-
man History, of Butler in his Hore Judice Subsecive, and my own reading.
T have. said nothing abcut the utility of a knowledge of the Civil Law. Pro-
fessional men who carefully peruse the reported cases, whether of the British or
the American courts, will find from the frequency of reference to the Justinian Col-
lections, that a ccmpetent knowledge of the general principles of the Civil Law, is
expected as a matter of course among the Bar, as.well as upon the Beneb. In-
deed the earliest authors on the Laws of England, Bracton, Fleta &c. korrew great-
ly from: the Civil Law. Irefer for instance to the first twenty or thirty pages of
Bracton, who borrows not only his arrangement, but the substance and frequently
the expressions from the Civil law. Nor can I see how any man can be consid-
ered as a well read lawyer, who is ignoramt of a system, matured by the experience of
the: most polished and powerful nation of antiquity, and which still forms the: bady of
modern Law, in almost every nation on the continent of Europe.
THOMAS COOPER.
A BRIEF ACCOUNT
OF THE
RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW.
(DR. HARRIS.)
Tue Roman state was at first governed solely by the authority of
Romulus ; but, when the people were increased, he divided them into
thirty Curie, which he constantly assembled for the confirmation of his
laws: and this practice of consulting the people was afterwards followed
by the Roman kings, all whose laws were collected by Sextus Papirius,
and called jus Papirianum, from the name of their compiler. But, after
the expulsion of Tarquin and the establishment of the republic, the
greatest part of those regal laws soon became obsolete ; and those, which
still remained in force, related chiefly to the priesthood. It thus happen-
ed, that the Romans for many years laboured under great incertainty in
respect to law in general; for, from the commencement of the consular
state to the time of establishing the xu tables, they were not governed
by any regular system. But at length, the people growing uneasy at the
arbitrary power of their magistrates, it was resolved, after much oppo-
sition from the patricians, that some certain rule of government should
Curieg.] Vid. Pomponium, ff. 1. t. 2. short extract of 8 or 10 lines, which may
De origine juris. be read in the 3d book of Macrobius’s Sat-
urnalia, cap. 11.
Jus Papirianum.] ‘Is liber appellatur From the commencement of the consular
“ jus civile Papirianum, non quia Papirivs state.) The consular state was established
“de suo quicquam adjecit, sed quod leges in the year U. C. 245, and the laws of the
“ sine ordine latas in unum composuit.”’ vid. xii tables were not perfected, till the year
ff. 1.4.2. 1.2. This body of law isnot 304.
Now extant, nor any part of it, except a
B
x RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW.
be fixed upon: and, to effect this purpose, a decemvirate was first ap-
pointed, composed solely of senators, who, partly from the laws of Greece
and partly from their own laws still subsisting, framed ten tables, which,
in the year of Rome 303, were submitted to the inspection of the people,
and highly approved of. These however were still thought to be defi-
cient; and therefore in the year following, when a new decemvirate was
appointed, which consisted of seven patricians and three plebeians, they
added two tables to the former ten: and now the whole was regarded
but as one body of law, and intitled, by way of eminence, the ¢welve ta-
bles. But, although these new collected laws were most deservedly in
the highest esteem, yet their number was soon found insufficient to ex-
tend to all matters of controversy, their conciseness was often the occa-
sion of obscurity, and their extraordinary severity called aloud for miti-
Were submitted to the inspection of the
people.] ‘‘ Tum legibus condendis opera
‘¢ dabatur, ingentique hominum expectatio-
““ne propositis decem tabulis, populum ad
‘*concionem advocaverunt ; et quod bo-
“num, faustum, felixque reipublice, ipsis,
“ liberisque eorum esset, ire et legere leges
‘ propositas jussere: se, quantum decem
‘¢ hominum ingeniis provideri potuerit, om-
*¢ nibus, summis, infimisque jura equasse ;
‘plus pollere multorum ingenia consilia-
‘‘que. Versarent in animis secum unam-
“¢ quamque rem ; agitarent deinde sermoni-
“bus; atque in medium, quid in quaque re
‘¢ plus, minusve esset, conferrent. as le-
“ges habiturum populum Romanum, quas
*€ consensus omnium non jussisse latas ma~
‘¢ gis, quam tulisse, videri posset.”” Liv. 1.
iil. cap. 33, 34.
And their extraordinary severity.] One
of the laws, here hinted at, is the following :
AST, SI PLURES ERUNT REI, TERTIIS NUNDI-
NIS PARTIS SECALTO; Si PLUS MINUSVE SE-
CUERINT, SE FRAUDE ESTO: SI VOLENT ULS
TipeRIM PEREGRE VENUNDANTO. Grav. op.
p. 284. i.e. “Ifa debtor is insolvent to
“+ several creditors, let his body be cut in
‘¢ pieces on the third market-day. Jt may
'* be cut into more or fewer pieces with im-
‘“‘ punity; or, if his creditors consent to
“it, let him be sold to foreigners beyond
“the Tyber.”” Hook's Roman Hist. vol. 1.
p. 316.
Such is the sense in which this law has
been generally understood by both ancients
and moderns. But it has lately received
quite a new construction, very much to the
honor of ancient Rome, from two authors,
not less distinguished for their abilities in
literature than their knowledge in the civil
law, who from many authorities interpret
the word secanto, as implying simply a divi-
sion, and the word partis, as denoting the
parts of the debtor’s estate, and not the
parts of his body ; so that they understand
the expression partis secanto, not asa direc-
tion, that the body of an insolvent debtor
shall be cut into pieces, but as if it meant,
that his estate and services should be divid-
ed among his creditors in proportion to their
respective claims. Vid. Bynkershoek’s
work’s, vol. 1. obs. 1. and Dr. Taylor’s com-
mentary, De znope debitore dissecando.
But the reader is left to frame his own
judgment of this interpretation, when he
has read the apology for this law, which Au-
lus Gellius has given us in the person of
Cecilias ; and also the opinion of Tertulli-
an, who was alawyer by profession. ‘ Ni-
‘hil profecto [says Cecilius] immitius, ni-
‘* hil immanius, nisi ut re ipsa apparet, eo
‘* consilio tanta immanitas peena denunciata
‘est, ne ad eam unquam perveniretur : ad-
‘* dict namque nunc et vincir? multos vide-
‘* mus; dassectum esse antiquitus neminem,
‘* equidem neque legi neque audivi.”” Axu-
RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW. xi
gation. It therefore became a consequence, that the twelve tables conti-
nually received some explanation, addition, or alteration, by virtue of a
new daw, a senatorial decree or a plebiscite. And here it will be proper
to observe, how they differ : a plebiscite was an ordinance of the plebeians
or commonalty, which had the force of a law, without the authority of
the senate; and a senatus-consultwm, or senatorial decree, was an order
made by the senators assembled for that purpose; but to constitute a
law, properly so called, it was necessary, that it should first be proposed
by some magistrate of the senate, and afterwards be confirmed by the
people in general. Recourse was also had to the interpretation and de-
cisions of the learned, which were so universally approved of, that, al-
though ihey were unwritten, they became a new species of law, and
were called auctoritas prudentum and jus civile. It must here be observ-
ed, that, soon after the establishment of the twelve tables, the learned
of that time composed certain solemn formis, called actions of law, by
which the process of all courts and several other acts, as adoption,
emancipation, &c. were regulated. These forms were for above a cen-
tury kept secret from the public, being in the hands only of the priests ©
and magistrates; but about the year U. C. 448 they were collected and
published by one Flavius, a scribe; and, from him, called the Flavian
law ; for which acceptable present the people in general showed many
instances of their gratitude. But, as this collection was soon found to be
defective, another was afterwards published by Seztus Alius, who made
a large addition of many new forms, which passed under the title of jus
4ilianum, from the name of the compiler.
In process of time there also arose another species of law, called the
The Flavian Law.] ‘* Postea, cum Ap-
‘* pius Claudius proposuisset, et ad formam
“‘ rede gisset has actiones, Cneus Flavius
lus Gell. lib. xx. cap. 1. Grav. lib. vii.
cap. 72.
And Tertullian writes as follows. ‘‘ Sed
‘et, judicatos in partes secari a creditori-
“* bus, legeserant ; consensu tamen publico
‘* crudelitas postea erasa est.”” Apologet.
cap. 4.
Solemn forms.] ‘‘ Civile jus, repositam
‘in penetralibus pontificum, Cn. Flavius
“ evulgavit, fastosque circa forum in albo
‘¢ proposuit, ut, quando lege agi posset,
“ sciretur.’? Liv. lib. ix. cap. 46. ‘* Vete-
‘res qui huic scientia prafuerunt, obtinen-
“de atque augende potentie sue causa,
‘ pervulgari artem suam noluerunt, &c.”
Cic. de Orat. lib. 1. ¢. 46. ‘ Jus civile
“ per multa secula inter sacra czremonias-
“ que Deorum immortalium solisque ponti-
“ ficibus notum.”’ Val. Maz. 1. ii. c. 5.
“ scriba ejus, libertini filius, subreptum li-
‘* brum populo tradidit ; et adeo gratum fuit
“¢ id munus populo, ut Tribunus plebis fieret,
‘¢ Senator, et Aldilis curulis, &c.”’ ff. 1. t.
2. De orig. juris. Liv, lib. ix. sub. fin. Val.
Maz. lib. ii. cap. 5. Aul. Gell. lib. vi. c. 9.
Tully, in his oration for Murana, is re-
markably severe upon these forms, and treats
both them and their abettors with that just
contempt, which they most certainly de-
serve. ‘ Primum dignitas in tam tenui scien-
‘* tia quae potest esse? res enim sunt parve ;
‘* prope in singulis literis atque interpunc-
“ tionibus occupate, &c., &e. &e.”’ Pro
Murena, cap. 6. Epist. ad Att. lib, vi. ep. 1.
De oratore, lib. cap. 41.
xii RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW.
preetorian edicts ; which, although they ordinarily expired with the annual
office of the praetor, who enacted them, and extended no further than
his jurisdiction, were yet of great force and authority: and many of
them were so truly valuable for their justice and equity, that they have
been perpetuated as laws.
These were the several principal parts of the Roman law, during the
free state of the commonwealth; But, after the re-establishment of mo-
narchy in the person of Augustus, the law received two additional parts ;
the imperial constitutions and the answers of the lawyers.
The constitutions soon became numerous, but were not framed into a
body, till the reign of Constantine the great; when Grregorius and Her-
mogenes, both lawyers of eminence, collected in two codes the constitu-
tions of the pagan emperors, from the reign of Adrian to that of Diocle-
sian inclusive: but these collections were not made by virtue of any
public authority, and are not now extant.
Another code was afterwards published by order of the emperor The-
odosius the younger, which contained the constitutions of all the christian
emperors, down to his own time; and this was generally received both
in the eastern and western empires.
But these three codes were still far from being perfect; for the consti-
tutions, contained in them, were often found to be contradictory; and
they wanted, but too plainly, that regulation, which they afterwards un-
derwent through the care of Justinian ; who in the year of Christ 528
ordered the compilation of a new code, which was performed and pub-
lished the year following by T'ridonian and others; the three former
codes being suppressed by the express ordinance of the emperor. When
this work was thus expeditiously finished, the emperor next extended
his care to the Roman law in general, in order to render it both concise
But, notwithstanding this, the use of par-
ticular forms was very strictly adhered to,
till the reign of Constantine the emperor,
who, to his great honour, put an end to
these subtilities. His rescript to Marcelli-
nus is in these words. ‘‘ Juris formule,
‘© aucupatione syllabarum insidiantes, cunc-
“torum actibus radicitus amputentur.’’
Cod. 2. t. 58.
Gregorius and Homogenes.] Vid Gotho-
fredi prolegom. ad cod. Theodosian, cap. 1.
et Heineccit hist. jur. civ. lib. 1. cap. 5. sec.
368, &c.
By the express ordinance.] ‘‘ Hune igi-
“ tur codicem in wternum valiturum judicio
‘¢ tui culminis intimare perspeximus, ut sci-
‘¢ ant omnes tam litigatores quam disertissi-
* mi advocati, nullatenus eis licere de cx-
‘¢ tero constitutiones ex veteribus tribus co-
‘¢ dicibus, vel ex iis, que novella constitu-
‘“ tiones ad prasens tempus vocabantur, in
“ eognitionalibus recitare certaminibus, sed
“solum, eidem nostro codici insertis, con-
‘ stitationibus necesse est uti; falsi crimini
‘* subdendis his, qui contra hoe facere ausi
‘* fuerint,’? &c. De Justinianeo codice con-
Sirmando.
RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW. Rill
and perfect. "The answers and other writings of the ancient lawyers had
long since acquired the full force of a Jaw, and were now so numerous
as to consist of near two thousand volumes; from which, by command
of Justinian, the best and most equitable opinions were chosen ; and
being first corrected, where correction was necessary, were afterwards
divided into fifty books, called digests or pandects : and, that they might
be the more firmly established, the emperor not only prohibited the use of
all other law-books, but also forbad, that any comment should be written
upon these his new digested laws, or that any transcript should be made
of them with abbreviations. But, during the time of compiling the di-
gests, it was thought expedient by Justinian, for the benefit of students,
that an abridgment should be made of the whole Roman law ; which work
was soon performed in obedience to his order, and confirmed with the
digests, under the title of institutions.
Near two thousand volumes.] ‘* Postea
“vero, maximum opus aggredientes, ipsa
‘* vetustatis studiosissima opera, jam pene
** confusa et dissoluta, eidem viro excelso
‘« (Triboniano) permisimus tam colligere
“quam certo moderamine tradere. Sed,
“* cum omnia percontabamur, a przfato viro
“ excelso suggestum, duo pene millia Jibro-
‘“rnm esse conscripta, qua necesse esset
‘* omnia et legere et perscrutari ; quod ce-
“esti fulgore, et summe trinitatis favore, °
“ confectum est, secundum nostra mandata,
“ que ab initio ad memoratum virum excel-
‘*sum fecimus, et in quinquaginta libros
‘“omne, quod utilissimum erat, collectum
“ est; et omnes ambiguitates decise, nullo
‘ seditioso relicto ; nomenque libris impo-
“ suimus digestorum seu pandectarum.”
Cod. 1.t.17.1.%. De vet jur. enucl.
Prohibited the use of all other law-books.]
‘* Has itaque leges et adorate et observate,
‘‘ omnibus antiquioribus quiescentibus, ne-
“ moque vestrum audeat vel comparare eas
‘© prioribus, vel, si quid dissunans in utro-
‘que est, requirere ; quia omne, quod hic
* positum est, hoc unicum et solum obser-
“+ vari censemus ; nec in judicio nec in alio
“ certamine, ubi leges necessarie sunt, ex
“* aliis libris, nisi ab institutionibus, nostris-
“que digestis, et constitutionibus a nobis
** compositis, aliquid vel recitare vel osten-
‘¢ dere conetur ; nisi temerator velit falsita-
“‘ tis crimini subjectus una cum judice, qui
“ eorum audientiam patiatur, penis gravis-
‘« simis laborare.”? Cod. 1. t. 17. 1. 2 § 19.
“Hoc autem tempestivum nobis videtur
“ et in presenti sancire, ut nemo neque
‘* eorum, qui in presenti juris peritiam ha-
‘‘ bent, neque, qui postea fierent, audeat
‘* commentarios his Jegibus adnectere ; nisi
“« velit eas in Gracam vocem transformare
“* sub eodem ordine eademque consequen-
“ tia, sub qua et voce Romana posite sunt ;
« hoe quod Greci xaTa moda dicunt,’’ &c.
Cod 1. t. 17. 1. 2. § 21.
With abbreviations.] ‘‘ Eandem autem
‘* penam falsitatis constituimus et adversus
‘¢ eos, qui in posterum leges nostras, per
‘¢ siglorum obscuritates, ausi fuerint con-
“¢ scribere ; omnia enim, id est, et nomina
‘* prudentum, et titulos, et librorum nume-
“* ros, per consequentias literarum volumus,
“ non per sigla, manifestari.”” Cod. 1. t.17.
1, 2. § 22.
Confirmed with the Digests.] ‘* Leges
“ autem nostras, que in his codicibus, id
“ est, institutionem seu elementorum et di-
‘¢ gestorum, posuimus, suum obtinere robur
“ ex tertio nostro felicissimo sancimus con-
“ sulatu presentis duodecime indictionis,
“ tertio calendas januarias, in omne evum
“« yalituras, &.”” Cod. 1. t. 17.1, 2.§ 23.
xiv RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW.
The emperor afterwards, upon mature deliberation, suppressed the
first edition of his code, and published a second, which he intitled Co-
dex repetite prelectionis, having omitted several useless laws, and insert-
ed others, which were judged serviceable to the state.
The Justinian-law now consisted of three parts, the institutions, the
digests, and the second code. But the emperor, after the publication of
the second code, continued from time to time to enact diverse new con-
stitutions or novels, and also several edicts ; all which were collected after
his decease, and became a fourth part of the law.
The 13 edicts of Justinian and most of the novels were originally con-
ceived in the Greek tongue; and so great was the decline of the Roman
language at Constantinople within forty years after the death of this em-
peror, that his laws in general were not otherways intelligible to the
major part of the people, than by the assistance of a Gireek version: but,
notwithstanding this disadvantage, they still subsisted intire, till the pub-
lication of the Basilica, by which the east was governed, till the disso-
lution of the empire.
Suppressed the first edition of his code.]
‘¢ Nemini in posterum concedimus, vel ex
‘¢ decisionibus nostris, vel ex aliis constitu-
‘* tionibus, quas antea fecimus, vel ex pri-
‘(ma Justinianei codicis editione, aliquid
‘* yecitare ; sed, quod in presenti purgaio et:
‘* yenovato codice nostro scriptum invenitur,
‘© hoc tantummodo in omnibus rebus et ju-
“ diciis et obtineat et recitetur : cujus scrip-
“© turam, ad similitudinem. nostrarum insti-
“ tutionum et digestorum, sine ulla signo-
** yum dubietate conseribi jussimus.’”? De
emendatione cod. § 5.
Basilica.] ‘‘ Versionibus juris Justinianei
‘¢ Grecis, et novellis eadem lingua scriptis,
‘¢ in foris scholisque utebantur, donec, de
‘© eo in compendium mittendo, seculo nono
“ cogitare inciperent imperatores Byzanti-
‘ni Ex his primum Basilius Macedo anno
‘* 838 ediderat 290yvergor THY YouwY, quod
¢ constabat titulis quadraginta. Deinde
** Leo cogos, patri Basilio succedens, col-
‘ Jectionem illam paternam perfecit, eam-
que sub titulo diatakewy Bacidexwy pro
‘ mulgavit, anno Christi 886. Denique sub-
‘‘secutus Leonem Constantinus, cogno-
‘mento Porphyrogeneta, paternum opus
‘© sub incudem revocavit, et libros illos
** Boathktxwy publicavit sub initium secu-
“li decimi. Et hi quidem sunt libri illi
“ Bootluoy, ex Greca institutionum, pan-
‘‘ dectarum, codicis versione, Justiniani no-
‘* vellis et edictis tredecim, nec non ex ju-
*‘ris-consultoram quorundam orientalium
‘* paratitlis, aliisque libris, quin et patribus
** et conciliis collecti ; ita tamen ut multa
‘* omissa videamus, que fortassis tum ab usu
‘“ recesserant, multas etiam leges in com-
‘* pendium contractas, multa denique ex
** posteriorum principum legibus et consti-
“* tutionibus addita animadvertamus. Opus
‘stud in sexaginta libros divisum. preter
“* pauca, que nondum integra reperiri po-
‘* tuerunt, cum glossis grace et latine edi-
“tam est a Car. Annib Fabrotto, Paris.
** 1647. fol. vol. vii.” vid. Heineccii hist.
jur. civ. }. 1. § 405.
The dissolution of the empire.] Constan-
“ tinople was taken by the Turks, and a pe-
‘* riod was put to the eastern empire in the
‘* year of Christ, 1453.
RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE ROMAN LAW. XV
The laws published by Justinian were still successful in the west ;
where, even in the life-time of the emperor, they were not received uni-
versally ; and, after the Lombard invasion, they became so totally neg-
glected, that both the code and the pandects were lost, till the 12th cen-
tury; when it is said that the pandects were accidentally recovered at
Amalphi, and the code at Ravenna.
But as if fortune would make an
atonement for her former severity, they have since been the study of the
wisest men, and revered, as law, by the politest nations.
After the Lombard invasion.] The Lom-
bards entered Italy under Alboinus about
the year of Christ 568, in the reign of Jus-
tin the second, successcr to Justinian.
At Amalphi.] ‘‘ Eo tempore (Anno Dom.
‘* 1130) injustis perturbatisque comitiis, la-
‘* cerarat ecclesiam falsus pontifex Petrus
* Leonis, Anacletus secundus nuncupatus
‘‘ ab sua factione ; cujus dux erat Rogerius
‘¢ Apulie ac Sicilie comes, Regis nomine
‘* a falso pontifice donatus. Adversus Ana-
‘¢ cletum creatus rite ac solenniter fuerat In-
“* nocentius secundus, cuifavebat imperator
“ Lotharius Saxo, summa virtute atque pru-
‘¢ dentia princeps ; quo bellum gerente ad-
‘‘ versus Rogerium, Amaiphi, urbe Salerno
‘¢ proxima, (quam perperam aliqui locant
“in Apulia, Melphiam cum Amalphi con-
‘* fundentes,) inopinato reperti fuerunt di-
“ gestorum libri; quos Pisani, qui classe,
“ Lotharium contra Rogerrzum adjuverant,
“© premio bene navate opere sibi exorarunt.
“ Pisis vero post longam obsidionem a Ca-
“ ponio militie duce strenuo expugnatis,
‘* translati fuere Florentiam ; ubi, pro Au-
‘* gusta Medicez domus magnificentia, in
‘* museo magni ducis conservantur. Hine
“ promiscua Pisanarum et Florentinarum
‘*apud scriptores pandectarum appellatio.
‘« Tisdem temporibus repertum Ravenne fuit
‘*constitutionum imperialium volumen,
‘* quod codex appellatus ; indeque ceteros li-
“ bros juris, imo et digestorum aliud exem-
‘ plar in lucem aliqui rediisse putant: nec
‘“‘ mirum, cum ea urbs longo tempore Roma-
‘* nis legibus vixerit,et orlentali Romanorum
‘* imperio diu obtemperavit. Novelle vero
‘* constitutiones etiam antea per. Italiam va-
‘¢ pabantur ; utque mea fert opinio, multi
juris civilis libri, postquam incessit homi-
“nes cupido recipiendi Romani juris, agni-
‘ ti potius fuere, quam reperti: nam, et ali-
** quot ante Lotharium annis, jus civile Jus-
*¢ tiniani commemoravit Ivo Carnotensis, et
‘ libros pandectarum ; cum antea, si occur-
‘* rerent, forsan socordia et oblivione pre-
“ termitterentur.’’ vid. Gravine orig. jur.
civ. lib. 1. cap. 140. et Hein. hist. jur. civ.
lib. 1, § 412.
PROGMIUM
DE
CONFIRMATIONE INSTITUTIONUM.
IN NOMINE DOMINI NOSTRI JESU CHRISTI.
Imperator, Casarn FLAVIUS J USTINIANUS, Atemanicus, Gor
THICUS, FRANcicus, GERMANICUS, ANTICUS, ALANICUS, VANDALI-
ous, AFRicanus, Pius, Fenix, Inctytus, Victor ac TrrumpPH-
ATOR, SEMPER AUGUSTUS—CUPIDE LEGUM JUVENTUTI S.
De usu armorum et legum.
IMPERATORIAM majesta-
tem non solum armis decoratam,
sed etiam legibus oportet esse arm-
atam ; ut utrumque tempus et bel-
lorum et pacis recté possit guber-
nari: et princeps Romanus non so-
lum in hostilibus preeliis victor exis-
tat, sed etiam per legitimos tramites
calumniantium iniquitates expellat :
et fiat tam juris religiosissimus,
quam, victis hostibus, triumphator
magnificus.
The imperial dignity should not
only be supported by arms, but
guarded by laws, that the people
may be properly governed in time of
peace as well as war; fora Roman
emperor ought not only to be victo-
rious in the hostile field, but should
take every legal course to expel the
iniquities of men regardless of law;
and become equally renowned for
a religious observance of justice, as
for warlike triumphs.
De bellis et legibus Justiniani.
$ L Quorum utramque viam cum
sumimis vigiliis, summaque provi-
dentiad annuente Deo, perfecimus:
et bellicos quidem sudores nostros
barbaric gentes, sub juga nostra
redacte, cognoscunt: et tam Afri-
ca, quam alie innumere provincie,
post tanta temporum spatia, nostris
victoriis a celesti nemine prestitis,
1
§$ 1. By our incessant labors, and
the assistance of divine providence,
we have pursued this double path:
the barbarian nations have acknow-
ledged our prowess and submitted to
our yoke; even Africa and many
other provinces, after so long an in-
terval are again added to the Roman
empire: and yet this vast people are
2 PROGMIUM
iterum ditioni Romane, nostroque
addite imperio, protestantur. Om-
nes vero populi legibus tam & nobis
promulgatis, quam compositis, re-
guntur.
governed by laws, either originally
enacted, or promulgated anew, un-
der our authority.
De compositione Codicis et Pandectarum.
§$ IL Et cum sacratissimas con-
stitutiones, antea confusas, in lucu-
lentam ereximusconsonantiam, tunc
nostram extendimus curam ad im-
mensa veteris prudentie volumina ;
et opus' desperatum, quasi per me-
dium profundum euntes, ccelesti fa-
vore jam adimplevimus.
$ 2. When we had arranged and
brought ‘into lucid harmony the
hitherto confused mass of imperial
constitutions, we then extended our
care to the numerous volumes of an-
cient law; and have now completed
through the favour of heaven (wa-
ding as it were through a vast
ocean) a work that might have been
despaired. of.
De tempore, auctoritatibus, fine et utilitate compositionis
Institutionum.
§ III. Cumque hoc, Deo propi-
tio, peractum est, Triboniano, viro
magnifico, magistro, et exqueestore
sacri palatii nostri, et exconsule,
nec non Theophilo et Dorotheo, vi-
ris illustribus, antecessoribus, (quo-
rum omnium solertiam, et legum
scientiam, et circa nostras jussiones
fidem, jam ex multis rerum argu-
mentisaccepimus, ) convocatis, man-
davimus specialiter, ut ipsi nostra
auctoritate, nostrisque suasionibus,
Institutiones componerent; ut liceat
vobis prima legum cunabula non ab
antiquis fabulis discere, sed ab im-
periali splendore appetere: et tam
-aures, quam animi vestri, nihil in-
utile, nihilque perperam positum,
sed quod in ipsis rerum obtinet ar-
gumentis, accipiant: et quod priore
tempore vix post quadriennium pri-
oribus contingebat, ut tune consti-
§ 3. So soon as by the blessing of
God this was accomplished, we sum-
moned Tribonian, our former chan-
cellor, with Theopilus and Dorothe-
us, men of known learning and tried
fidelity, whom we enjoined by our
authority to compose the following
Institutes, that the rudiments of law
might be more effectually learned by
the sole means of our imperial au-
thority; and that your minds forthe
future should not be burdened with
obsolete and unprofitable doctrines,
but instructed in those laws only
which are allowed of and practised;
and, whereas Students formerly
could scarcely sit down to the impe-
rial constitutions under four years
previous study, they may now (hav-
ing been thought worthy of our
princely care, to which they are in-
debted for the beginning and end of
DE CONFIRMATIONE INSTITUTIONUM. 3
tutiones imperatorias legerent, hoc
vos 4 primordio ingrediamini, digni
tanto honore, tantaque reperti feli-
citate, ut et initium vobis, et finis
legum eruditionis, a voce principali
procedat.
their legal erudition) apply them-
selves immediately to that course
of reading.
Diviso Institutionum.
$ IV. Igitur post libros quinqua-
ginta Digestorum, seu Pandectar-
um, (in quibus omne jus antiquum
collectum est, quod per eundem
virum excelsum Tribonianum, nec
non ceteros viros illustres et facun-
dissimos, confecimus,) in quatuor
libros easdem Institutiones partiri
juessimus, ut sint tortius legitime
scientiz prima elementa.
$ 4, When therefore, by the as-
sistance of Tribonian and other il-
lustrious persons, we had compiled
the fifty books, called Digests or
Pandects, we directed that the In-
stitutes should be divided into four
books, which serve as elements of
the science of law.
Quid in Institutionibus contineatur.
§ V. In quibus breviter exposi-
tum est, et quod antea obtinebat, et
quod postea, desuetudine inumbra-
tum, imperiali remedio illumina-
tum est.
§ 5. Wherein are briefly set forth
the laws formerly in use, and those
also, which having been oversha-
dowed by disuse, are now brought
to light by our princely care.
Ex quibus libris composite sunt Institutiones, atque
earum recognitio, et confirmatio.
§ VI. Quas, ex omnibus antiquo-
rum Institutionibus, et praecipue ex
commentariis Caii nostri, tam in-
stitutionum, quam rerum quotidi-
anarum, aliisque multis commen-
tariis compositas, cum tres viri pru-
dentes preedicti nobis obtulerunt, et
legimus, et recognovimus, et plenis-
simum nostrarum constitutionum
robur eis accommodavimus.
$ 6. The four books of Institutes
thus compiled by Tribonian, Theo-
philus, and Dorotheus, from all the
institutions of the ancient law, but
chiefly from the commentaries, insti-
tutions, and other writings of Caius,
being presented to us, we read and
diligently examined their contents;
and, in testimony of our approba-
tion, we have now given them our
fullest constitutional authority.
4 ~ PROCEMIUM, &c.
Adhortatio ad studium juris.
§ VII. Summa itaque ope, et ala-
cri studio, has leges nostras acci-
pite: et vosmetipsos sic eruditos
ostendite, ut spes vos pulcherrima
foveat, toto legitimo opere perfecto,
posse etiam nostram rempublicam,
in partibus ejus vobis credendis,
gubernari.
§ 7. Receive therefore and study
these our laws with diligence and
alacrity; and show yourselves so
competent therein, that when your
studies shall be finished, you may
entertain a cheering hope of having
a part of the government commit-
ted to your charge.
D. CP. XT. Kalend. Decemb. D. Justiniano PP. A. HI. COS.
Given at Constantinople on the eleventh day before the
calends of December, in the third consulate of the
Emperor Justinian, always august. (21st Nov. 533.)
INSTITUTIONUM,
SEU
ELEMENTORUM,
D. JUSTINIANI
LIBER PRIMUS.
TITULUS PRIMUS.
DE JUSTITIA ET JURE.
D. 1.
T. dy
Definitio Justitiz.
JustitT1a est constans et perpetua
Justice is the constant and peyr-
voluntas jus suum cuique tribuen- petual disposition to render every
di.
man his due.
Definitio jurisprudentie.
§ I. Jurisprudentia est divina-
rum atque humanarum rerum no-
titia, justi atque injusti scientia.
. $1. Jurisprudence is the know-
ledge of things divine and human;
the science of what is just and un.
just.
De juris methodo.
$ Il. His igitur generaliter cog-
nitis, et incipientibus nobis expo-
nere jura populi Romani, ita vi-
dentur posse tradi commodissime,
si primo levi ac simplici via, post
deinde diligentissima atque ex-
actissima interpretatione, singula
tradantur ; alioqui, si statim ab ini-
tio rudem adhuc et infirmum ani-
mum studiosi multitudine ac varie-
tate rerum oneravermus, duorum
“
$2. these definitions being pre-
mised, we shall commence our ex-
position of the Roman Law most
conveniently, if we take first the
plainest and easiest path, and then
proceed to treat each particular with
the ultmost exactness: for, if at the
beginning we overload the mind of
the student with a multitude and
variety of topics, we may cause
him either wholly to abandon his
6 LIB. I.
alterum,”aut desertorem studiorum
efficiemus, aut cum magno labore,
sepé etiam cum diffidentia, (que
plerumque juvenes avertit,) serius
ad id perducemus, ad quod, leviore
via ductus, fine magno labore et
fine ullé diffidentia, maturius pro-
duci potuisset.
TIT. [.
studies, or bring him late to that
knowledge through great labour
and diffidence, which he might
otherwise have acquired earlier
with ease and confidence.
Juris preecepta.
§ TIL. Juris precepta sunt: ho-
nesté vivere, alterum non ledere,
suum cuique tribuere.
$ 3. The precepts of the law are,
to live honestly, to hurt no one, to
give to every one his due.
De jure publico et privato.
§ IV. Hujus studii duz sunt
positiones, publicum et. privatum.
Publicum just est, quod ad statum
rei Romane spectat. Privatum est,
quod ad singulorum ultilitatem per-
tinet. Dicendum est igitur de jure
privato, quod tripertitum est: col-
lectum enim est ex naturalibus
preceptis, aut gentum, aut civili-
bus.
$ 4. The law is divided into pub-
lic and private. Public law, regards
the state of the commonwealth: but
private law, of which we shall here
treat, concerns the interest of in-
dividuals; and is tripartite, being
collected from natural precepts,
from the law of nations, and from
municipal Regulations.
—_——_—_—_—__2ee
TITULUS SECUNDUS.
DE JURE NATURALI,
GENTIUM, ET CIVILL
De jure naturali.
Just naturale est, quod natura
omnia animalia docuit: nam jus
istud non humani generis proprium
est, sed omnium animalium, quee
in celo, que in mari, nascuntur.
Hine descendit maris atque fe-
mine conjunctio, quam nos matri-
monium appellamus. Hinc libe-
rorum procreatio, hinc educatio.
The law of nature is a law not
only to man, but likewise to all other
animals, whether produced on the
earth, in the air, or in the waters.
From hence proceeds that conjunc-
tion of male and female, which we
denominate matrimony; hence the
procreation and education of chil-
dren. We perceive also, that other
LIB. I. TIT. IL. 7
Videmus enim, cetera quoque ani-
malia istius juris peritia censeri.
animals are considered as having
some knowledge of this law.
Distinctio juris gentium et civilis, a definitione et etymologia.
$I. Jus autem civile 4 jure gen-
tium distinguitur, quod omnes po-
puli, qui legibus et moribus regun-
tur, partim suo proprio, partim
communi omnium hominum, jure
utuntur: nam quod gquisque popu-
lus sibi jus constituit, id ipsius pro-
prium civitatis est, vocaturque jus
civile, quasi jus proprium ipsius
civitatis. Quod vero naturalis ratio
inter omnes homines constituit, id
apud omnes gentes pereeque custo-
ditur, vocaturque jus gentium, quasi
duo jure omnes gentes utantur: et
populus itaque Romanus, partim suo
proprio, partim communi omnium
hominum, jure utitur. Que singula
qualia sint, suis locis proponemus.
$ 1. Civil law is distinguished
from the law of nations, because
every community governed by laws,
uses partly its own and partly the
laws which are common to all man-
kind. That law, which a people en-
acts for its own government is called
the civil law of that people. But
that law, which natural reason ap-
points for all mankind, is called the
law of nations, because all nations
make use of it. The people of Rome
are governed partly by their own
laws, and partly by the laws, which
are common to all men. Of these
we shall treat separately in their
proper places.
Ab appeliatione et effectibus.
$ II. Sed jus quidem civile ex
undquaque civitate appellatur, veluti
Atheniensium: nam, si quis velit
Solonis vel Draconis leges appellare
jus civile Atheniensium, non erra-
verit. Sic enim et jus, quo Romanus
populus utitur, jus civile Romano-
rum appellamus, vel jus Quiritum
quo Quirites utuntur: Romani enim
a Romulo, Quirites a Quirino, ap-
pellantur. Sed, quoties non addimus
nomen cujus sit civitatis, nostrum
jus significamus: sicuti cum poétam
dicimus, nec addimus nomen, sub-
auditus apud Gracos egregius Ho-
merus, apud nos Virgilius. Jus
autem gentium omni humano generi
commune est: nam, usu exigente et
$ 2. Civil laws take their denom-
ination from that city, in which
they are established: it would not
therefore beerroneoustocall the laws
of Solon or Draco the civil laws of
Athens: and thus the law, which
the Roman people make use of, is
styled the civil law of the Romans,
or of the Quirites; for the Romans
are also called Quirites from Quiri-
nus. Whenever we mention the
words civil law, without addition,
weemphatically denoteour own law;
thus the G'reeks, when they say the
poet, mean Homer, and the Romans
Virgil. The law of nations is com-
mon to all mankind and all nations
have enacted some laws, asoccasion
8 LIB. I.
TIT. IL.
humanis necessitatibus, gentes hu-
mane .jura qu dam sibi constitue-
runt: bella etenim orta sunt, et cap-
tivitates secute, et servitutes, que
sunt naturali juri contrarize: jure
enim naturali omnes homines abini-
tio liberi nascebantur: et ex hoc
jure gentium, omnes penécontractus
introducti sunt, ut emptio et vendi-
tio, locatio et conductio, societas,
depositum, mutuum, et alii innu-
merabiles.
Divisio juris in scriptum et
juris
§ II. Constat autem jus nos-
trum, quo utimur, aut scripto, aut
sine scripto: ut apud Grecos. tw
vouwy ov mEv EYCQapoL, oF ds uyQuGoL
Scriptum autem jus, est, lex, plebis-
citum, senatus-consultum, princi-
pum placita, magistratuum edicta,
responsa prudentum.
and necessity required: for wars a-
rose and theconsequences were cap-
tivity and servitude; both which are
contrary to the law of nature; for
by that law, all men are born free.
But almost all contracts were at
first introduced by the law of na-
tions; as for instance, buying, sell-
ing, letting, hireing, partnership, a
deposit, a loan and others without
number.
non scriptum; et subdivisio
scripti.
§ 3. The Roman law is divided,
like the Grecian, into written and
unwritten. The written, consists of
the plebiscites, the decrees of the se-
nate, ordinances of princes, the e-
dicts of magistrates, andthe answers
of the sages of the law.
De lege et plebiscito.
$ IV. Lex est, quod populus Ro-
manus, senatorio magistratu inter-
rogante, (veluti consule,) constitue-
bat. Plebiscitum est, quod plebs,
plebeio magistratu interrogante (ve-
luti tribuno,) constituebat. Plebs
autem a populo eo differt, quo spe-
cies a genere; nam appellatione po-
puli universi cives significantur,
connumeratis etiam patriciis et se-
natoribus. Plebis autem, appella-
tione, sine patriciis et senatoribus,
ceteri cives significantur. Sed et
plebiscita, lege Hortensia lata, non
minus valere, quam leges, ceeperunt
$4. Alaw is what the Roman
people enact at the request ofa sena-
torial magistrate; as a consul. A
plebiscite is what the commonalty
enact, when requested by a plebeian
magistrate, asa tribune. The word
commonalty differs from people as a
species from its genus; for all the
citizens, including patricians and se-
nators, are comprehended under the
term people. The termcommonalty,
includesall the citizens, except patri-
cians and senators. The plebiscites,
by the Hortensian law, began tohave
the same force as the laws them-
selves.
LIB. L.
TIT. I.
De senatus-consulte. :
§ V. Senatus-consultum est, quod
senatus jubet atque constituit: nam,
cum auctus esset populus Romanus
in eum modum, ut difficile esset, in
unum eum convocari legis sancien-
dz causd, equum visum est, sena-
tum vice populi consuli.
$ 5. A senatorial decree is what
the senate commands and appoints:
for, when the people of Rome be-
came so increased that it was diffi-
cult to assemble them for the enact-
ing of laws, it seemed right, that the
senate should be consulted instead
of the people.
De constitutione.
§ VI. Sed et, quod principi pla-
cuit, legis habet vigorem: cum lege
regia, quee de ejus imperio lata est,
populus ei, et in eum, omne impe-
rium suum et potestatem concedat.
Quodcunque ergo imperator per
epistolam constituit, vel cognoscens
decrevit, vel edicto precepit, legem
esse constat. Heec sunt, quee consti-
tutiones appellantur. Plané ex his
queedam sunt personales, que nec
ad exemplum trahuntur, quoniam
non hoc princeps vult: nam quod
alicui ob meritum indulsit, vel si
quam penam irrogavit, vel si cui
sine exemplo subvenit, personam
non transgreditur. Alize autem,
cum generales sint, omnes procul-
dubio tenent.
§ 6. The ordinance of the prince
hath also the force of alaw; for the
people by the lex regia, make a con-
cession to him of their whole power.
Therefore whatever the emperor or-
dains by rescript, decree, or edict, is
law. Such acts are called constitu-
tions. Of these, some are personal,
and are not to be drawn into prece-
-dent; for, if the prince hath indulg-
ed any man on account of his merit,
or inflicted any extraordinary pun-
ishment ona criminal, or granted
some unprecedented assistance,
these acts extend not beyond the
individual. But other constitutions
being general, undoubtedly bind
all.
De jure honorario.
$ VII. Pretorum quoque edic-
ta non modicam obtinent juris
auctoritatem. Hoc etiam jus ho-
norarium solemus appellare: quod,
qui honores gerunt, (id est magis-
tratus,) auctoritatem huic juri de-
derunt. Proponebant et ediles
curules edictum de quibusdam cau-
sis; quod et ipsum juris honorarii
portio est.
2
$7. The edicts of the preetors
are also of great authority. These
edicts are called the honorary law,
because the magistrates who bear
honors in the state, have given them
their sanction. The curule ediles
also, upon certain occasions, pub-
lished their edicts, which became a
part of the jus honorarium.
10 LIB. I.
TIT. II.
De responsis prudentum.
§ VIII. Responsa prudentum
sunt sententie et opiniones eorum,
quibus permissum erat de jure res-
pondere: nam antiquitus constitu-
tum erat, ut essent, qui jura publicé
interpretarentur, quibus a Cesare
jus respondendi datum est, qui ju-
ris-consulti appellabantur: quorum
omnium sententiz et opiniones eam
auctoritatem tenebant, ut judici re-
cedere a responsis eorum non li-
ceret, ut est constitutum.
§ 8. The answers of the lawyers
are the opinions of persons arthor-
ised to give answers on matters of
law. For antiently, public Inter-
preters of the law were licenced by
the emperors and were called juris-
consulti; and their opinions ob-
tained se_great an authority, that it
was not in the power of a judge to
recede from them. -
De jure non scripto.
§ IX. Sine scripto jus venit,
quod usus approbavit ; nam diutur-
ni mores, consensu utentium com-
probati, legem imitantur.
$9. The unwritten law is that,
which usage has approved : for dai-
ly customs, established by the con-
sent of those who use them, put on
the character of law.
Ratio superioris divisionis.
§ X. Et non ineleganter in duas
species jus civile distributum esse
videtur ; nam origo ejus ab institu-
tis duarum civitatum, Athenarum
scilicet et Lacedemoniorum, flux-
isse videtur. In his enim civi-
tatibus, ita agi solitum erat, ut
Lacedemonii quidem ea, que pro
legibus observabant,m emoriz man-
darent: Athenienses verd ea, que
in legibus scripta comprehendis-
sent, custodirent.
!
$ 10. Nor is it an inelegant divi-
sion of the law, into written and
unwritten: which seems to have
taken rise from the peculiar customs
of the Athenians and Lacedemon-
dans. For the Lacodemonians trust-
ed chiefly to memory, for the pres-
ervation of their laws; but the
laws of the Athenians were com-
mitted to writing.
Divisio juris in immutabile et mutabile.
§ XI. Sed naturalia quidem jura,
que apud omnes gentes pereque
observantur, divinad quadam provi-
dentia constituta, semper firma at-
que immutabilia permanent. Ea
$ 11. The laws of nature, observed
by all nations, inasmuch as they are
the appointment of divine provi-
dence, remain fixed and immutable.
But the laws, which every city has
LIB. I.
vero, que ipsa sibi queeque civitas
constituit, sepe mutari solent, vel
tacito consensu populi, vel alia pos-
tea lege lata.
TIT. I. il
enacted for itself, suffer frequent
changes, either by tacit consent of
the people, or by some subsequent
law.
De objectis juris.
§ XII Omne autem jus, quo
utimur, vel ad personas pertinet,
vel ad res, vel ad actiones. Et
prius de personis videamus: nam
parim est jus nosse, si persone,
quarum causa constitutum est, ig-
norentur.
§ 12. All laws, relate to persons,
things, or actions. First then of per-
sons; for it would be of little pur-
pose to study the law, while ignor-
ant of persons, for whose sake the
law was constituted.
TITULUS TERTIUS.
DE JURE PERSONARUM..
D.
1, ‘T. 5.
Prima divisio personarum.
SUMMA itaque divisio de jure
personarum hec est: quod omnes
homines aut liberi sunt, aut servi.
The first general division of per-
sons, in respect to their rights, is
into freemen and slaves.
}:
Definitio libertatis.
$ I. Et libertas quidem (ex qua
etiam liberi vocantur) est naturalis
facultas ejus, quod cuique facere li-
bet, nisi quid vi aut jure prohibe-
tur.
Definitio
§ IL Servitus autem est consti-
tutio juris gentium, qua quis do-
minio alieno contra naturam sub-
jicitur.
§ 1. Freedom, from which we
are denominated free, is the natu-
ral power of acting as we please,
unless prevented by force, or by the
law.
servitutis
§ 2. Slavery, is when one man is
subjected to the dominion of anoth-
er, according to the law of nations,
though contrary to natural right.
12 LIB. I.
TIT. WI.
Servi et mancipii etymologia.
$ III. Servi autem ex eo appel-
lati sunt, quod imperatores capti-
vos vendere, ac, per hoc servare,
nec occidere solent; qui etiam
mancipia dicti sunt; eo, quod ab
hostibus manu capiantur.
§ 3. Slaves are denominated servi,
from the practice of our generals
to sell their captives, and thus pre-
serve, (servare) and not slay them.
Slaves are also called mancipia in
that they are taken from the enemy
by hand (manucapti.)
Quibus modis servi constituuntur.
§ IV. Servi autem aut nascun-
tur, aut fiunt. Nascuntur ex ancil-
lis nostris: fiunt aut jure gentium,
id est, ex captivitate; aut jure ci-
vili, cum liber homo, major viginti
annis, ad pretium participandum
sese venundari passus est.
§ 4. Slaves are born such, or be-
come so. They are born such of
bond-women : they become so either
by the law of nations, that is, by
captivity; or by the civillaw; as
when a free person, above the age of
twenty, suffers himself to be sold,
for the sake fof sharing, the price
given for him.
De liberorum et servorum divisione.
§ V. In servorum conditione
nulla est differentia; in liberis au-
tem multe : aut enim sunt ingenui,
aut libertini.
§ 5. In the condition of slaves
there is no diversity; but among
free persons, there are many; thus,
some are ingenui, or Freemen;
others libertini or Freed Men.
TITULUS QUARTUS.
DE INGENUIS.
C. vii.
T. 14
De ingenui definitione.
INGENUUS est is, qui statim,
ut mnatus est, liber est; sive ex
duobus ingenuis matrimonio editus
est, sive ex libertinis duobus, sive
ex altero libertino, et altero ingenuo.
A Freeman is one who is born
free, by being born in matrimony,
of parents, who are both free, or
both freed ; or of parents, one free,
the other freed. But one born of a
LIB. I. TIT. IV.
Sed et, si quis ex matre nascitur li-
bera patre verd servo, ingenuus
nihilominus nascitus: quemadmo-
dum, qui ex matre libera et incerto
patre natusest: quoniam vulgo con-
ceptusest. Sufficit autem, liberam
fuisse matrem eo tempore, quo na-
scitur, licet ancilla conseperit: et,
é contrario, si libera conceperit,
deinde ancilla facta pariat, placuit
eum, qui nascitur, liberum nasci:
quia non debet calamitas matris ei
nocere, quiin ventre est. Ex his
illud quesitum est, si ancilla praeg-
nans manumissa sit, deinde ancilla
postea facta pepererit, liberum an
servum pariat? Et Martianus pro-
bat, liberum nasci: sufficit enim ei,
qui in utero est, liberam matrem
vel medio tempore habuisse, ut li-
ber nascatur ; quod et verum est.
13
free mother, altho’ the father be a
slave, or unknown, is free: not-
withstanding he was conceived dis-
creditably. And if the mother is
free at the time of the birth, al-
though a bond-woman when she
conceived, the infant will be free.
Also if a woman, free at concep-
tion, becomes a slave and is deliv-
ered, her child, is nevertheless free
born ; for the misfortune of the
mother ought not to prejudice her
unborn infant. It has been a ques-
tion, whether the child of a woman,
who is made free during pregnancy,
but becomes bond before delivery,
would be free born? Martianus
proves the affirmative ; for he deems
it sufficient to the unborn child if
the mother hath been free at any
time between conception and deliv-
ery ; and this is true.
De erronea ingenui manumissione.
§ IL Cum autem ingenuus ali-
quis natus sit, non officit ei, in ser-
vitute fuisse, et postea manumis
sum esse: sepissimé enim consti-
tutum est, natalibus non officere
manumissionem.
§ 1. It will not injure a man
born free to have been in servitude,
and afterwards manumitted : for it
hath been often settled that manu-
mission shall not prejudice free
birth.
TITULUS QUINTUS.
DE LIBERTINIS.
Definitio et origo libertinorum et manumissionis.
LIBERTINI sunt, qui ex justa
servitute manumissi sunt. Manu-
missio autem est de manu datio:
Freed men are those, who have
been manumitted from just servi-
tude. Manumission, manu-datio,
14 LIB. L.
TIT. V.
quamdiu aliquis in servitute est,
manui et potestati suppositus est :
et manumissus liberatur 4 domini
potestate: que res a jure gentium
originem sumpsit ; utpote cum jure
naturali omnes liberi nascerentur ;
nec esset nota manumissio, cum
servitus esset incognita. Sed, post-
quam jure gentium servitus inge-
nuitatem invasit, secutum est bene-
ficium manumissionis: et, cum uno
communi nomine omnes homines
appellarentur, jure gentium tria
hominum genera esse cceperunt :
liberi; et his contrarium, servi; et
tertium genus, libertini; qui desie-
rant esse servi.
Quibus modis
$ L Multis autem modis manu-
missio procedit : aut enim ex sacris
constitutionibus in sacrosanctis ec-
clesiis, aut vindicté, aut inter ami-
cos, aut per epistolam, aut per tes-
tamentum, aut per aliam quamlibet
ultiman voluntatem. Sed et aliis
multis modis libertas servo compe-
tere potest, qui tam ex verteribus,
quam ex nostris constitutionibus,
introducti sunt.
implies the giving of liberty ; for
whoever is in servitude, is subject
to the hand and power of another ;
but whoever is manumitted, is free
from both.
Manumission took its rise from
the law of nations; for all men by
the law of nature are born free;
nor was manumission heard of
while servitude was unknown.
But when servitude, under sanction
of the law of nations, invaded lib-
erty, the benefit of manumission be-
came then a consequence. For all
men at first were denominated by
one common appellation, ’till, by
the law of nations, they began to
be divided into three classes, viz.
into liberi, or freemen, servi, or
slaves, and libertini, freed-men who
have ceased to be slaves. ~
manumittatur.
$ 1. Manumission is effected by
various ways; either in the face of
the church, according to the impe-
rial constitutions, or by the vindic-
ta, or in the presence of friends, or
by letter, or by testament, or by
any other last will. Liberty may
also be conferred upon a slave by
diverse other methods, some of
which were introduced by former
laws, and others by our own.
Ubi et quando manumitti potest.
§ IL. Servi vero 4 dominis sem-
permanumitti solent, adeo ut vel
in transitu manumittantur; veluti
cum praetor, aut preeses, aut prog
consul, in balneum, vel in thea-
trum cunt.
§ 2. Slaves may be manumitted
by their masters at any time; even
on the way, as while the preetor,
the governor of a province, or the
proconsul is going to the bath, or
to the theatre.
LIB. I.
TIT. V. 15
De libertinorum divisione sublata. ‘
$ III. Libertinorum autem status
tripertitus antea fuerat: nam, qui
manumittebantur, modo majorem
et justam libertatem consequeban-
tur, et fiebant cives Romani; modo
minorem, et Latini ex lege Junia
Norbana fiebant; modo inferiorem,
et fiebant ex lege Elia Sentia Dedi-
titii: sed quoniam Dedititiorum
quidem pessima conditio, jam ex
multis temporibus in desuetudinem
abierat ; Latinorum vero nomen
non frequentabatur ; ideoque nostra
pietas, omnia augere et in meliorem
statum reducere desiderans, dua-
bus constitutionibus hoc emendavit,
et in pristinum statum reduxit:
quia et a primis urbis Rome cuna-
_bulis una atque simplex libertas
competebat, id est, eadem, quam,
habebat manumissor ; nisi quod,
scilicet, libertinus sit, qui manumit-
titur, licet manumissor ingenuus sit ;
et Dedititios quidem per constituti-
onem nostram expulimus, quam
promulgavimus inter nostras decis-
iones; per quas, suggerente nobis
Triboniano viro excelso quzestore
nostro, antiqui juris altercationes
placavimus. Latinos autem Juni-
anos, et omnem, que circa eos
fuerat, observantiam, alia constitu-
tione, per ejusdem queestores sug-
gestionem, correximus, quz inter
imperiales radiat sanctiones ; et
omnes libertos, (nullo, nec etatis
manumissi, nec domini manumit-
tentis, nec in manumissionis modo,
discrimine habito, sicuti antea ob-
servabatur,) civitate Romana de-
§ 3. Freedmen were formerly
distinguished by a threefold divis-
ion. Those, who were manumitted,
sometimes obtained the greater lib-
erty, and became Roman citizens ;
sometimes only the lesser, and be-
came Latins, under the law Junia
Norbana ; and sometimes only the
inferior liberty, and became Ded-
witii, by the law Alia Sentia. But,
the condition of the Dedititii differ-
ing but little from slavery, has been
long disused ; neither has the name
of Latins been frequent. Our piety
therefore, leading us to reduce all
things into a better state, we have
amended our laws by two constitu-
tions, and re-established the antient
usage; for antiently liberty was
simple and undivided; that is, it
was conferred upon the slave, as
his manumittor possessed it; ad-
mitting this single difference, that
the person manumitted became only
a Freedman, although his manu-
mittor was a Freeman.
We have abolished the Deditatit
by a constitution published among
our decisions, by which, at the in-
stance of Tribonian, our Questor,
we have suppressed all disputes
concerning the antient law. We
have also, at his suggestion, altered
the condition of the Latins and
corrected the laws, which related to
them, by another constitution, con-
spicuous among the imperial sanc-
tions; and we have made all the
freed-mew in general citizens of
Rome, regarding neither the age of
16 LIB. L
TIT, YL
coravimus, multis modis additis,
per quos possit libertas’ servis cum
civitate Romana, que sola est in
presenti, preestari.
the manumitted, nor of the man-
umittor, nor the antient forms of
manumission. We have also intro-
duced many new methods, by
which slaves may become Roman
citizens; the only liberty that can
now be conferred.
TITULUS
SEXTUS.
QUI ET EX QUIBUS CAUSIS, MANUMITTERE
NON POSSUNT.
D. xi. T. 9. C. vii. T. 11.
Prius caput legis Alize, de manumittente in fraudem credi-
torum.
NON tamen cuicunque volenti
manumittere licet: nam is, qui in
fraudem creditorum manumittit, ni-
hil agit: quia lex Alia Sentia im-
pedit libertatem.
Every master may not manumit
of will: for if done with intent to
defraud his creditors, it is void.
The law Alia Sentia restraining
this liberty.
De servo instituto cum libertate.
$ I. Licet autem domino, qui sol-
vendo non est, in testamento ser-
vum suum cum libertate heredem
instituere, ut liber fiat, heresque ei
solus et necessarius, si modo ei ne-
mo alius, ex eo testamento, heres
extiterit : aut quia nemo heres scrip-
tus sit, aut quia is, qui scriptus est,
qualibet ex causa heeres ei non exti-
terit. Idque eddem lege Aslia Sentia
provisum est, et recté. Valdé enim
prospiciendum erat, ut egentes ho-
mines, quibus alius heres extiturus
non esset, vel servum suum neces-
sarium heredem haberent, qui sa-
tisfacturus esset creditoribus: aut,
§ 1. A master, who is insolvent,
may appoint a slave to be his heir
with liberty, that thus the slave may
obtain his freedom, and become the
only and necessary heir of the testa-
tor, provided no other person is also
heir by the same testament ; and this
may happen, either because no other
person was instituted heir or because
the person, so instituted, is unwilling
toact. This privilege of masters was
for wise reasons established by the
law 4tha Sentia : forit became nec-
essary to provide, that indigent men,
towhom noman would be a volunta-
ry heir, mighthaveaslave for aneces-
LIB. I. TIT. VI.
hoc eo non faciente, creditores res
hereditarias servi nomine vendant
ne injuria defunctus afficiatur.
17
sary heir to satisfy creditors ; or
that the creditors should sell the he-
reditary effects in the name of the
slave, lest the deceased should suffer
ignominy.
De servo instituto sine libertate.
§ II. Idemque juris est, etsi
sine libertate servus heeres institu-
tus est; quod nostra constitutio non
solum in domino, qui solvendo non
est, sed generaliter constituit, nova
humanitatis ratione ; ut ex ipsa
scriptura institutionis etiam libertas
ei competere videatur: cum non
sit verisimile, eum, quem heredem
sibi elegit, si preetermiserit liber-
tatis dationem, servum remanere
voluisse, et neminem sibi heeredem
fore.
$ 2. Aslave also becomes free by
being instituted an heir, although
his freedom be not mentioned : for
our constitution respects not only the
insolvent master, but, by anew act
of humanity, it extends generally;
so that the institution of an heir, im-
plies the grant of liberty. For it
is highly improbable, that a testator,
although he has omitted to mention
liberty in his will, could mean that
the person instituted, should remain
_aslave, and himself be destitute of
an heir.
Quid sit in fraudem creditorum manumittere.
§ III. In fraudem autem credi-
torum manumittere videtur, qui vel
jam eo tempore, quo manumittit,
solvendo non est; vel qui, datis li-
bertatibus, desiturus est solvendo
esse. Prevaluisse tamen videtur,
nisi animum .quoque fraudandi
manumissor habuerit, non impediri
libertatum, quamvis bona ejus cre-
ditoribus non sufficiant : spe enim
de facultatibus suis amplits, quam
in his est, sperant homines. Itaque
tunc intelligimus impediri liberta-
tem, cum utroque modo fraudantur
creditores ; id est, et consilio manu-
mittentis, et ipsa re; eo quod bona
ejus non sunt suffectura creditori-
bus.
3
§ 3. Manumission is in fraud of
creditors, if the master is insolvent,
when he manumits, or become so by
manumitting. It is however the pre-
vailing opinion, that liberty, when
granted, is not impeached, unless the
manumittor meant to defraud, al-
though his goods are insufficient for
the payment of his creditors; for
men frequently hope better, than
their circumstances really are. We
therefore understand liberty to be
then only impeded, when creditors
are doubly defrauded: by the inten-
tion of the manumittor, and in re-
ality.
18 LIB. I.
TIT. VL
Alterum caput legis Allie Sentize de minore viginti annis.
§ IV. Eadem lege Alia Sentia,
domino minori viginti annis non
alitur manumittere premittitur,
quam si vindicté apud consilium,
justa causé manumissionis appro-
bata, fuerint manumissi.
§$ 4, By the same law Aslia Sen-
tia, a master, under the age of twen-
ty years, cannot manumit, unless for
some good reason, to be approved
by a council; and then by the vin-
dicta.
Que sunt juste cause manumissionis.
§ V. Juste autem cause manu-
missionis sunt; veluti si quis pat-
rem aut matrem, filium filiamve,
aut fratres, sororesve naturales, aut
pedagogum, aut nutricem, aut edu-
catorem, aut alumnum alumnamve,
aut collectaneum manumittat; aut
servum, procuratoris -habendi gra-
tia; aut ancillam, matrimonii ha-
bendi causé; dum tamem infra sex
menses in uxcrem ducatur, nisi
justa causa impediat : et servus,
qui manumittitur, procuratoris ha-
bendi gratia, non minor decem et
septem annis manumittatur.
$5. Just reasons for manumis-
sion, are that the person to be manu-
mitted is father or mother to the ma-
numittor, his son or daughter, his
brother or sister, his preceptor, his
nurse, his foster child, or his foster
brother ; or to constitute him his
proctor; or his bond-woman, with
an intent to marry her, provided the
marriage is performed within six
months. Buta slave who is to be
constituted proctor, cannot bemanu-
mitted for that purpose, if under se-
venteen.
De causa semel probata.
§ VI. Semel autem causa ap-
_probata, sive vera sit, sive falsa,
non retractatur.
§ 6. A reason once admitted in
favor of liberty, be it true or false,
cannot be recalled.
Abrogatio posterioris capitis legis A.lie Sentie.
§ VII. Cum ergo certus modus
manumittendi minoribus viginti an-
nis dominis per legem liam Sen-
tiam constitutus esset, eveniebat, ut,
qui quatuordecem annos expleverat,
licet testamentum facere, et in eo
sibi heredem instituere, legataque
relinquere, posset, tamen, si adhuc
minor esset viginti annis, liberta-
tem servo dare non posset; quod
non erat ferendum: nam, cui toto-
§$ 7. When certain bounds were
prescribed by the law Zilia Sentia to
all minors under twenty, with regard
tomanumission, it was observed that
any person who hadcompleted four-
teen years, might make atestament,
institute an heir, and bequeath lega-
cies, and yet that no person, under
twenty, could confer liberty; which
was not longer to be tolerated: for
can any just cause be assigned, why
LIB. I.
rum suorum bonorum in testamen-
to dispositio data erat, quare non
similiter ei, quemadmodum alias
res, ita et de servis suis in ultima
voluntate disponere, quemadmo-
dum voluerit, permittimus, ut et li-
bertatem eis possit prestare? Sed
cum libertas inestimabilis res sit,
et propter hoc ante vigesimum eeta-
tis annum antiquitas libertatem ser-
vo dare prohibebat; ideo nos, me-
diam quodammodo viam eligentes,
non aliter minori viginti annis liber-
tatem in testamento dare servo sto
concedimus, nisi septemdecimum
annum impleverit, et octodecimum
attigerit, Cum enim antiquitas
hujusmodi eetati et pro aliis postu-
lare concesserit, cur non etiam sui
judicii stabilitas ita eos adjuvare
credatur, ut ad libertatem dandam
servis suis possint pervenire ?
TIT. VIL. 19
aman, permitted to dispose of all his
effects, by testament, should be de-
barred from enfranchising his slaves
But liberty being of inestimable va-
lue and our ancient laws prohibiting
any person to make a grant of it,
who is under twenty years of age,
we therefore make choice of a mid-
dle way, and permit all, who have
attained their eighteenth year, to
confer liberty by testament. For
since, by former practice, persons at
eighteen years of age were permit-
ed to plead for their clients, there is
no reason, why the same stability
of judgment, which qualifies them
to assist others, should not enable
them to be of service to themselves
also, by having the liberty of en-
franchising their own slaves.
TITULUS SEPTIMUS.
DE LEGE FUSIA CANINIA TOLLENDA.
C. vii.
LEGE Fusia Caninia, certus
modus constitutus erat in servis
testamento manumittendis; quam,
quasi libertates impedientem et quo-
dammodo invidam, tollendam esse
censuimus: cum satis fuerat inhu-
manum, vivos quidem licentiam
habere totam suam familiam liberta-
tem donare, nisi alia causa impediat
libertatem; morientibus autem hu-
jusmodi licentiam adimere.
T. 3.
By the law Fusia Caninia, mas-
ters were limited in manumitting by
testament; we have thought pro-
per to abrogate this law as odious
and destructive of liberty; judging
it inhuman, that persons in health
should have power to manumit a
whole family, if no just cause for-
bid, and that the dying should be
prohibited from doing the same.
20 LIB. I.
TITULUS
TIT. VII.
OCTAVUS.
DE HIS, QUI SUI VEL ALIENI JURIS SUNT.
D. 1.
T. 6.
Altera divisio personarum.
SEQUITUR de jure personarum
alia diviso; nam quedam persone
sui juris sunt, quedam alieno juri
subject. Rursus earum, que a-
lieno juri subjectee sunt, alie sunt
in potestate parentum, alise in po-
testate dominorum. Videamus ita-
que de his, que alieno juri subjec-
te sunt; nam, si cognoverimus,
quenam iste persone sunt, simul
intelligemus, que sui juris sunt; ac
prius inspiciamus de his, que in
potestate dominorum sunt.
We now proceed to another divi-
sion of persons; for some are inde-
pendent, and some are subject to the
power of others. Of those, who are
subject to others, some are in the
power of parents, others of their
masters. Let us then inquire, who
are in subjection to others; for, when
we shall ascertain these, we shall at
the same time discover, who are in-
dependent. And first of those, who
are in the power of masters..
De jure gentium in servos.
$ L'In potestate itaque domino-
rum sunt servi, que quidem potes-
tas juris gentium est; nam apud
omnes pereeque gentes animadver-
tere possumus, dominis in servos
vite necisque potestatem fuisse: et,
quodcunque per servum acquiritur,
id domino acquiti.
$ J. All slaves are in the power
of their masters, a power derived
from the law of nations: for it is
observable among all nations, that
masters have always had the pow-
er of life and death over their
slaves, and that whatever the slave
acquires, is acquired. for the master.
De jure civium Romanorum in servos.
$ IL. Sec hoc tempore nullis ho-
minibus, qui sub imperio nostro
sunt, licet, sine causa legibus cog-
nité, in servos suos supra modum
sevire. Nam, ex constitutione divi
Antonini, qui sine causé servum
suum occiderit, non minus puniri
jubetur, quam si alienum servum
occiderit. Sed et major asperitas
§ 2. All our subjects are now for-
bidden to inflict any extraordinary
punishment upon their slaves, with-
out legal cause. For, by a constitu-
tion of Antoninus, whoever cause-
lessly kills his own slave, is to be
punished equally asif he had killed
the slave of another. The too great
severity of masters is also restrained
LIB. 1.
TIT. VII. 21
dominorum, ejusdem principis con-
stitutione, coercetur: nam Antoni-
nus, consultus 4 quibusdam preesidi-
bus provinciarum de his servis, qui
ad xedem sacram vel statuam princi-
pum confugiunt, preecepit, ut, si in-
tolerabilis videatur szevitia domino-
rum, cogantur servos suos bonis
conditionibus vendere, ut pretium
dominis daretur ; et recté: expedit
enim reipublice, ne sua re quis
male utatur. Cujus rescripti, ad
lium Martianum missi, verba
sunt hee. Dominorum quidem po-
testatem in servos wlibatam esse opor-
tet, nec cuiquam hominum jus suum
detrahi. Sed et dominorum interest
ne auxilium contra sevitiam, vel fa-
mem, vel intolerabilem injuriam,
denegetur tis, qui juste deprecantur.
Ideoque cognosce de querelis eorum,
quiex familia Julii Sabiniad sacram
statuam confugerunt ; et, si vel du-
rius habitos, quam equum est, vel
infami injuria affectos esse, cogno-
veris, venire jube; ita ut in potesta-
tem domini non revertantur: quod
si mee constitutioni fraudem fecerit
sciat, me hoc admissum adversus se
severius executurum.
by anotherconstitution of Antoninus
who being consulted by certain go-
vernors of provinces concerning
slaves, who take sanctuary either in
temples, or at the statues of the em-
perors, Ordained, that if the severi-
ty of masters should appear exces-
sive they might becompelled to make
sale of their slaves upon equitable
terms, so that the masters might re-
ceive the value ; and properly; in-
asmuch as it is for the public good
that no one should be permitted to
misuse even his own property. The
words of this rescript, sent to Alius
Martiansus, are these.— The power
of masters over their slaves ought
to be protected: nor ought any man
to be deprived of his just right.
But it is for the interest of all mas-
ters, that relief against cruelties, the
denial of sustenance, or any other
insufferable injury, should be grant-
ed to those who justly implore it.
Therefore look into the complaints
made by the family of Julius Sabi-
nus, whose slaves took sanctuary at
the sacred statue; and, if proof be
made that they have been too hardly
treated, or greatly injured, order
them to be forthwith sold, so that
they be no longer subject to their
former master : and, if Julius Sabi-
nus attempt to evade our constitu-
tion, let him know, that I shall put
it in force against him with more
severity.
22 LIB. I.
TIT. IX.
TITULUS NONUS.
DE PATRIA POTESTATE.
C. viii.
T. 47.
Summa tituli.
IN potestate nostra sunt liberi
nostri, quos ex justis nuptiis pro-
creavimus. s
Our children, begotten in lawful
wedlock, are under our power.
Definitio nuptiarum,
$1 Nuptiz autem, sive matri-
monium, est, viri et mulieris con-
junctio, individuam vits consuetu-
dinem continens.
§ 1. Matrimony is a connection
between a man and woman, imply-
ing a mutual and exclusive cohab-
itation during life.
Qui habent in potestate.
$ IL. Jus autem potestatis, quod
in liberos habemus, proprium est
civium Romanorum; nulli enim alii
sunt homines, qui talem in liberos
habeant potestatem, qualem nos ha-
bemus.
§ 2. The power which we have
over our children is peculiar to the
citizens of Rome; for no other peo-
ple have the same power over their
children, which we have over ours.
Qui sunt in potestate.
$ III. Qui igitur ex te et ex uxore
tua nascitur, in tua potestate est.
Item qui ex filio tuo et uxore ejus
nascitur, id est, nepos tuus et nep-
tis, que in tud sunt potestate: pro-
nepos, et proneptis, et deinceps
ceteri. Qui autem ex filia tua nas-
cuntur, in potestate tué non sunt;
sed in patris eorum.
$ 3. The child of you and your
wife, is under your power. The is-
sue of your son and son’s wife, that
is, your grand-sons or grand-daugh-
ters are equally so; so are your
great grand-children, é&c. But chil-
dren born of a daughter are not7in
your power, but in the power of
their father or grand-father.
LIB. I. TIT. x.
23
TITULUS DECIMUS.
DE NUPTIIS.
D. xxiii. T.2. O.v.T. 4. Nov. 74,
Qui possunt nuptias contrahere.
JUSTAS autem nuptias inter se
cives Romani contrahunt, qui se-
cundum precepta legum coeunt,
masculi quidem puberes, foemins
autem viri potentes ; sive patres fa-
miliarum sint; sive filii familiarum ;
dum tamen, si filii familiarum
sint, consensum habeant parentum,
quorum in potestate sunt: nam,
hoc fieri debere, et civilis et natu-
ralis ratio suadet, in tantum, ut
jussus parentis pzecedere debeat.
Unde qesitum est, an furiosi filia
nubere, aut furiosi filius uxorem du-
cere, possit? Cumque super filio
variabatur, nostra processit decisio,
qua permissum est ad exemplum
file furiosi, filium quoque furiosi
posse, et sine patris interventu,
matrimonium sibi copulare, escun-
dum datum ex nostra constitutione
modum.
Que uxores duci possunt vel non.
The citizens of Rome contract
valid matrimony, when they fol-
low the precepts of the law; males,
when they arrive at puberty, and
females, when they attain to a mar-
riageable age. The males, whether
patres familiarum, fathers of a fa-
mily, or filii familiarum; sons of
a family; but, if they are sons
of a family, they must first obtain
the consent of the parents, under
whose power they are. For rea-
son, both natural and civil, convin-
ces us, that the consent of parents
should precede marriage; hence
arose the question, whether the son.
of a madman could contract matri-
mony? But opinions being various,
we decided thatthe son as well asthe
daughter of a madman, may marry
without intervention of the father,
provided the rules of our constitu-
tion are observed.
De cognatis, ac primum
de parentibus et liberis.
$ 1. Ergo non omnes nobis uxo-
res ducere licet: nam 4 quarundam
nuptiis abstinendum est inter eas
enim personas, que parentum libe-
rorumve locum inter se obtinent,
contrahi nuptize non possunt; veluti
interpatrem et: filiam, vel avum et
neptem, vel matrem et filium, vel a-
§$ 1. We may not marry any wo-
man; for with some, marriage is
forbidden. Matrimony must not be
contracted between parents and their
children, as between a father and
daughter, a grandfather and his
grand-daughter, a mother and her
son, a grand-mother and her grand-
24
LIB. L. TIT. X.
viam et nepotem, et usque in infini-
tum: et, si tales persons inter se
coierent, nefarias atque incestas
nuptias contraxisse dicuntur: et
heec aded vera sunt, ut, quamvis
per adoptionem parentum libero-
rumve loco sibi esse cceperint, non-
possunt inter se matrimonio jungi;
in tantum, ut etiam, dissoluta adop-
tione, idem juris maneat. Itaque
eam, que tibi per adoptionem filia
vel neptis esse coeperit, non poteris
uxorem ducere, quamvis eam eman-
cipaveris.
De fratribus
§$ II. Inter eas quoque personas,
queeex transverso gradu cognationis
junguntur, est queedam similis ob-
servatio, sed non tanta. Sané enim
inter fratrem sdroremqme nuptiz
prohibite sunt, sive ab eodem patre
eidemque matre nati fuerint, sive
ab altero eorum. Sed, si qua per
adoptionem soror tibi esse ceeperit,
quamdiu quidem constat adoptio,
sane inter te et eam nuptize consis-
tere non possunt; cum vero per
emancipationem adoptio sit disso-
luta, poteris eam uxorem ducere:
sed et si tu emancipatus fueris, ni-
hil est impedimento nuptiis. Et
ideo constat, si quis generum adop-
tare velit, debere eum antea filiam
suam emancipare: et si quis, velit
nurum adoptare, debere eum antea
filium suum emancipare,
son; and so on (in aright line ) iz
infinitum. And, if such persons co-
habit, they are truly said tohavecon-
tracted a criminal and incestuous
marriage; inasmuch as those, who
only hold the place of parents and.
children by adoption, cannot inter-
marry; and the same law remains
even after the adoption is dissolv-
ed. You cannot therefore take to
wife one who hath been either
your adopted daughter or grand-
daughter, although you may have
emancipated her.
et sororibus.
§ 2. Matrimony is also prohibited
between collaterals, but not so ex-
tensively. A brother and sister
are forbidden to marry, whether
they are the children of the same
father and mother, or of either. And
if a woman becomes your sister by
adoption, so long as that subsists,
no marriage may be contracted be-
tween you. But, when the adoption
is destroyed by emancipation, you
may take her to wife. Also, if you
should be emancipated, there will
then remain no impediment, al-
though your sister by adoption is
not so. Hence if a man would
adopt his son-in-law, he should
first emancipate his daughter, and
whoever would adopt his daugh-
ter-in-law, should previously em-
ancipate his son.
De fratris et sororis filia vel nepte.
$ III. Fratris verd vel sororis
filiam uxorem ducere non licet : sed
$ 3. It is unlawful to marry the
daughter or grand-daughter of a
LIB. I.
nec neptem fratris vel sororis quis
ducere potest, quamvis quarto gra-
du sint: cujus enim filiam ducere
non licet, neque ejus neptem per-
mittitur. Ejus vero mulieris, quam
pater tuus adoptavit, filiam non
videris prohiberi uxorem ducere:
quia neque naturali, neque civili,
jure tibi conjungitur.
TIT. X. 25
brother, orasister; although the last
are in the fourth degree. For
when we are prohibited to take the
daughter of any person in marriage,
we are also prohibited to take his
grand-daughter. But it doesnot ap-
pear that there is any impediment
against the marriage of a son with
the daughter of her, whom his fa-
ther hath adopted; for they bear no
relation to each other, natural or
civil.
De consobrinis.
§ IV. Duorum autem fratrum
vel sororum liberi, vel fratris et so-
roris, conjungi possunt.
$ 4. The children of two brothers
(Patrueles) or two sisters, (sobrini)
or of a brother and sister, (Conso-
brini) may be joined in matrimony.
(Such are cousins.)
De amita, matertera, amita magna, matertera magna.
§ V. Item amitam, licet adopti-
vam, ducere uxorem non licet;
item nec materteram: quia paren-
tum loco habentur. Qua ratione
verum est, magnam quoqueamitam,
et materteram magnam, prohiberi
uxorem ducere.
$5. A man may not marry his
aunt either on the father’s or the
mother’sside, although she is only so
by adoption; because they are re-
garded as [representatives of pa-
rents. For the same reason no per-
son may marry his great-aunt either
on his father’s or mother’s side.
De affinibus, et primum de privigna et nuru.
$ VL Affinitatis quoque venera-
tione, 4 quarundam nuptis abstinere
necesse est: ut ecce privignam aut
nurum ducere non licet: quia utrae-
que filize loco sunt: quod ita scili-
cet accipi debet, si fuit nurus aut
privigna tua. Nam, si adhuc nu-
rus tua est, id est, si adhuc nupta
est filio tuo, alia ratione uxorem
eam ducere non poteris: quia ea-
dem duobus nupta esse non potest.
4
$ 6. We must abstain from cer-
tain marriages, through regard to
affinity; as with a wife’s daughter,
or a son’s wife, for they are both in
the place of daughters: and thisrule
must be so understood as to include
those who have been, our daughters-
in-law. For marriage with a son’s
wife, while she continues so, is pro-
hibited on another account, viz. be-
cause she can not be the wife of two
26 LIB. I.
Item si adhuc privigna tua est, id
est, si mater ejus tibi nupta est,
ideo eam uxorem ducere non pote-
ris, duia quas uxores eodem tem-
pore habere non licet.
De socru
§ VII. Socrum quoque et nover-
cam prohibitum est uxorem ducere :
quia matris loco sunt: quod et ip-
sum, dissoluté demum affinitate,
procedit: alioquin, si adhuc nover-
ca est, id est, si adhuc patri tuo
nupta est, communi jure impeditur
tibi nubere, quia eadem duobus
nupta esse non potest. Item si ad-
huc socus est, id est, si adhuc filia
ejus tibi nupta est, ideo impediun-
tur tibi nuptie, quia duas uxores
habere non potes.
TIT. X.
at the same time. And the marri-
age of man with his wife’s daugh-
ter, while her mother continues to be
his wife, is also prohibited, because
it is unlawfui to have two wives at
once.
et noverca.
$7. A man is forbiddentomarry
his wife’s mother, and his father’s
wife, because they both hold the place
of mothers; and this, although the
affinity is dissolved: besides a fa-
ther’s wife, while she continues to
be so, may not marry, because no
woman can have two husbands at
the same time. Nor can a man mar-
ry his wife’s mother, her daughter
continuing his wife, because it is
against the law to have two wives.
De comprivignis.
§ VIII. Mariti tamen filius ex
alia uxore, et uxoris filia ex alio
marito, vel contra, matrimonium
recté contrahunt: licet habeant
fratrem sororemve ex matrimonio
postea contracto natos.
§ 8. The son of a husband by a
former wife, and the daughter of a
wife by aformer husband, and e con-
tra,(the daughterzof an husband by
a former wife and the son of a wife
by a former husband) may lawful-
ly contract matrimony, even though
a brother or sister is born of such
second marriage between their re-
spective parents.
De quasi privigna, quasi nuru, et quasi noverca.
§ IX. Si uxor tua post divorti-
um ex alio filiam procreavit, hec
non est quidem privigna tua: sed
Julianus ab hujusmodi nuptiis absti-
neri debere ait: nam constat, nec
sponsam filii nurum esse, nec patris
sponsam novercam esse : rectius ta-
§ 9. The daughter of a divorced
wife by a second husband, is not
daughter-in-law to the first hus-
band. But Julian says we ought to
abstain from such nuptials. It is
also evident, that the espoused wife
of a son, is not a daughter-in-law to
LIB. I. TIT. X.
men et jure facturos eos, qui ad
hujusmodi nuptiis abstinuerint.
27
his father; and that the espoused
wife of a father, is not a step-moth-
er to his son: but it is right to ab-
stain from such nuptials.
De servili cognatione.
§ X. [lud certum est, serviles
quoque cognationes impedimento
nuptiis esse, si forte pater et filia,
aut frater et soror, manumissi fue-
rint.
$ 10. It is clear that servile cog-
nation is an impediment to matri-
mony; as when a father and daugh-
ter, or a brother and sister, are
manumitted.
De relinquis prohibitionibus.
§ XI. Sunt et alize persone, quae
prompter diversas rationes nuptias
contrahere prohibentur, quas in li-
bris digestorum seu pandectarum,
ex jure veteri collectarum, enume-
rari permisimus.
§$ 11. There are other persons
also, who, for diverse reasons, may
not intermarry: we have caused
these to be enumerated in the di-
gests collected from the old law.
De penis injustarum nuptiarum.
§ XII. Si adversus ea, que dix-
imus, aliqui coierint, nec vir, nec
uxor, hec nuptiz, nec matrimoni-
um, nec dos intelligitur. Itaque ii,
qui ex eo coitu nascuntur in potes-
tate patris non sunt: sed tales sunt
(quantum ad patriam potestatem
pertinent) quales sunt ii, quos ma-
ter vulgo concepit. Nam nec hi
patrem habere intelliguntur, cum
et iis pater incertus sit; unde solent
spurit appellari, tag» tyy cmogxy et
anxtogpes ; quasi sine patre filii. Se-
quitur ergo, ut, dissoluto tali coitu,
nec dotis, nec donationis exactioni
locus sit. Qui autem prohibitas
nuptias contrahunt, et alias peenas
patiuntur que sacris constitutioni-
bus continentur.
'§ 12. If persons cohabit in con-
tempt of the rules thus laid down,
they shall not be deemed husband
and wife, nor shall their marriage,
or any portion given on account
thereof, be valid; and the children,
born in such cohabitation, shall not
be under the power of the father.
For, in respect to paternal power,
they resemble the children of a com-
mon woman, who are looked upon
as having no father, because it is
uncertain who he is. They are
therefore called in Latin spurii, and
in Greek apatores ; 1. e. without a
father: hence, after the dissolution
of such a marriage, no ‘portion, or
gift, propter nuptias, can legally
be claimed. They who contract such
prohibited matrimony, must under-
go the farther punishments set forth
in our constitutions.
28 LIB. I.
TIT. XI.
De legitimatione.
§ XIII. Aliquando autem evenit,
ut liberi, qui statim, ut nati sunt,
in potestate parentum non sunt,
postea redigantur in potestatem pa-
tris: qualis est is, qui dum natura-
lis fuerat, postea curiz datus, potes-
tati patris subjicitur: nec non is,
qui 4 muliere libera procreatus, cu-
jus matrimonium minimé legibus
interdictum fuerat, sed ad quam
pater consuetudinem habuerat pos-
tea, ex nostra constitutione detali-
bus instrumentis compositis, in po-
testate patris efficitur. Quod et
aliis liberis, qui ex eodem matri-
monio fuerint procreati, similiter
nostra constitutio preebuit.
$ 13. It sometimes, happens,
that children who at their birth
were not under the power of their
parents, are reduced under it after-
wards. Thus a natural son, who
is made a Decurion, becomes sub-
ject to his father’s power: and he
who is born of a free-woman, with
whom marriage is not prohibited,
will likewise become subject to the
power of his father, as soon as the
marriage instruments are drawn,
as our constitution directs; which
allows the same benefit to those,
who are born before marriage, as
to those, who are born subsequent »
to it.
TITULUS UNDECIMUS.
‘DE ADOPTIONIBUS.
D1.T. 7 C. viii. T. 48.
Continuatio.
NON soltm autem naturales li-
beri, secundum ea, que diximus,
in potestate nostra sunt; verum
etiam ii, quos adoptamus.
It appears from what has been
said, not only that all natural (le-
gitimate) children are subject to
paternal power, but those also,
whom we adopt.
Divisio adoptionis.
§ I. Adoptio autem duobus mo-
dis fit, aut principali rescripto, aut
imperio magistratis. Imperatoris
auctoritate adoptare quis potest eos,
casve, qui, queeve, sui juris sunt,
quee species adoptionis dicitur arro-
$ 1. Adoption is made two ways,
either by imperial rescript or autho-
rity of the magistrate. The imperial
rescript impowers us to adopt per-
sons of either sex, who are sui juris ;
(i. e. independent) and this species
LIB. 1.
ol il a, 29
gatio. Imperio magistratis adop-
tamus eos easve, qui queve in po-
testate parentum sunt ; sive primum
gradum liberorum obtineant, qua-
lis est filius, filia; sive inferiorem,
qualis est nepos, neptis, pronepos,
proneptis.
of adoption is called arrogation. But
it is by the authority of the magis-
trate, that we adopt persons actually
under the power of their parents,
whether they are in the first degree,
as sons and daughters; or in an in-
ferior degree, as grand-children or
great grand-children.
Qui possunt adoptare filium-familias, vel non.
$ II. Sed hodié, ex nostr4 con-
stitutione, cum filius-familias 4 pa-
tre naturali exttanes persone in
adoptionem datur, jura patris natu-
ralis minimé dissolvuntur ; nec quic-
quam ad patrem adoptivum transit,
nec in potestate ejus est: licet ab
intestato jura successionis ei 4 no-
bis tributa sint. Si verd pater na-
turalis non extraneo, sed avo filii
sui materno; vel si ipse pater na-
turalis fuerit emancipatus, etiam
avo vel proavo simili modo paterno
vel materno filium suum dederit in
adoptionem; in hoc casu, quia con-
currunt in unam personam et natu-
ralia et adoptionis jura, manet sta-
bile jus patris adoptivi, et naturali
vinculo copulatum, et legitimo a-
doptionis modo constitutum, ut et
in familia et in potestate hujusmodi
patris adoptivi sit.
$ 2. But now, by our constitution,
when the son of a family is given in
adoption by his natural father to a
stranger, the power of the natural
father is not dissolved, neither does
any thing pass to theadoptive father,
nor is the adopted son in his power,
although weallow such son, the right
of succession to his adoptive father
dying intestate. But if a natural
father should give hisson in adoption,
not to a stranger, but to the mater-
nal grandfather of such son; or if
a natural father, who has been e-
mancipated, should give his son, be-
gotten after emancipation to his pa-
ternal or maternal grandfather or
great-grandfather, in this case, the
rights of nature and adoption con-
curring, the power of the adoptive
father is established both by natural
ties and legal adoption, so that the
adopted son would be not only in
the family, but under the power of
his adoptive father.
De arrogatione impuberis.
§ III. Cum autem impubes per
principale rescriptum arrogatur,
causa cognita, arrogatio fieri permit-
titur: et exquiritur causa arrogati-
onis, an honesta sit, expediatque
§ 3. When any one, not arrived
at puberty, is arrogated by the im-
perial rescript, inquiry is first made,
whether the arrogation be justly
founded, and expedient for pupil
30
LIB. I. TIT. XL
pupillo? et cum quibusdam condi-
tionibus arrogatio fit; id est, ut
caveat arrogator persone publicee,
Si intra pubertatem pupillus deces-
serit, restituturum se bona illis, qui,
si adoptio facta non esset, ad suc-
cessionem ejus venturi essent. Item
non aliter emancipare eum potest
arrogator, nisi, causdé cognita, dig-
nus emancipatione fuerit; et tunc
sua bona ei reddat. Sed et, si de-
cedens pater eum exheredaverit,
vel vivus sine justé causa emanci-
paverit, jubetur quartam partem ei
bonorum suorum relinquere; vide-
licet, preeter bona, qua ad patrem
adoptivum transtulit, et quorum
commodum ei postea acquisivit.
for such arrogation is always made
on certain conditions; the arrogator
is obliged to give caution before a
public notary, thereby binding him-
self, if the pupil should die within the
age of puberty, to restore all the pro*
perty of such pupil to those who
would have succeeded him, if no
adoption had been made. 'The arro-
gator also may not emancipate, un-
less on legal proof, that his arrogat-
ed son deserves emancipation ; and
even then he must restore the pro-
perty belonging to such son. Also
if a father, upon his death-bed, hath
disinherited his arrogated son, or
when in health hath emancipated
him, without just cause, he is com-
manded to leave the fourth part of
all his goods to the son, besides
what the son brought to him at the
time of arrogation, and acquired
for him afterwards.
De etate adoptantis et adoptati.
§ IV. Minorem natu majorem
non posse adoptare placet: adoptio
enim naturam imitatur ; et pro mon-
stro est, ut major sit filius, quam
pater. Debet itaque is, qui sibi
filium per adoptionem aut arroga-
tionem facit, plend pubertate [id
est, decem et octo annis] pracedere.
§ 4. A junior cannot adopt a se-
nior; for adoption imitates nature ;
and it seems unnatural, that a son
should be older than his father. He
therefore, who would either adopt
or arrogate, should be senior by full
puberty, that is, by eighteen years.
De adoptione in locum nepotis vel neptis, vel deinceps.
§ V. Licet autem et in locum
nepotis vel neptis, pronepotis vel
proneptis, vel deinceps, adoptare,
quamvis filium quis non habeat.
Sees
$ 5. It is lawful to adopt a per-
son either as a grand-son or grand-
daughter, great grand-son or great
grand-daughter, or ina more distant
edgree, although the adoptor hath
* no son.
(ian
LIB. I. TIT. XI. 31
De adoptione filii alieni in locum nepotis, et contra.
§ VL Et tam filium alienum quis
in locum nepotis adoptare potest,
quam nepotem in locum filii.
$ 6. A man may adopt the son of
another as his grand-son, and the
grand-son of another as his son.
De adoptione in locum nepotis.
$ VII. Sed si quis nepotis loco
adoptet, vel quasi ex filio, quem
habet jam adoptatum, vel quasi ex
illo, quem naturalem in sua potes-
tate habet, eo casu et filius consen-
tire debet, ne ei invito suus heres
agnascatur. Sed, ex contrario, si
avus ex filio nepotem det in adop-
tionem, non est necesse, filium con-
Sentire.
$ 7. Ifa man, having already ei-
ther a natural or an adopted son, is
desirous to adopt another, as his
grand-son, the consent of his son,
whether natural or adopted, ought
in this case to be first obtained, lest
a suus heres, or proper heir, should
be intruded upon him. But, on the
contrary, if a grandfather is will-
ing to give his grand-son in adop-
tion, the consent of the son is not
necessary.
Qui dari possunt in adoptionem.
§ VIII. In plurimis autem cau-
sis assimulatur is, qui adoptatus
vel arrogatus est, ei, qui ex legiti-
mo matrimonio natus est; et ided,
Si quis per imperatorem, vel apud
preetorem, vel presidem provincie,
non extraneum adoptaverit, potest
eundem in adoptionem alii dari.
§ 8. He who is either adopted or
arrogated, bears similitude in many
things to a son born in lawful ma-
trimony; and therefore, if a person
not a stranger is adopted either by
rescript, or before a pretor, or the
governor of a province, he may be
given in adoption to another.
Si is, qui generare non potest, adoptet.
§ IX. Sed et illud utriusque a-
doptionis commune est, quod et ii,
qui generare non possunt, quales
sunt spadones, adoptare possunt:
castrati autem non possunt.
$ 9. It is common to both kinds
of adoption, that such as are im-
potent [Spadones] may, but those
who are castrated, cannot adopt.
Si foemina adoptet.
§ X. Fomine quoque arrogare
non possunt, quia nec naturales li-
beros in sua potestate habent: sed,
ex indulgentia principis, ad solatium
§ 10. Nor can women adopt; for
the law does not place even their
own children, under their power:
but, when death hath deprived
32
liberorum amissorum adoptare pos-
sunt.
De liberis
§ XI. Illud proprium est adop-
tionis illius, quee per sacrum oracu-
lum fit, quod is, qui liberos in po-
testate habet, si se arrogandum de-
derit, non solum ipse potestati arro-
gatoris subjicitur, sed etiam liberi
ejus fiunt in ejusdem potestate, tan-
quam nepotes. Sic etenim divus
Augustus non ante Tiberium adop-
tavit, quam is Germanicum adop-
tasset; ut protinus arrogatione fac-
ta inciperet Germanicus Augusti
nepos esse.
LIB. 1. TIT. XI.
them of their children, they may,
by the indulgence of the prince,
adopt others, as a comfort for their
loss.
arrogatis.
$ 11. It is peculiar to adoption
by rescript, that, if a person, having
children under his power, should
give himself in arrogation, both he,
as ason, and his children, as grand-
children, would become subject to
the power of the arrogator. It was
for this reason, that Augustus did.
not adopt Tiberius, ’till Tiberius
had adopted Germanicus ; so that
Tiberius became the son, and Grer-
manicus the grandson of Augustus,
at the same instant, by arrogation.
De servo adoptato, vel filio nominato, a domino.
§ XII. Apud Catonem bené scrip-
tum refert antiquitas, servos, sia
domino adoptati sint, ex hoc ipso
posse liberari. Unde et nos erudi-
ti, in nostra constitutione, etiam
eum servum, quem dominus, actis
intervenientibus, filium suum nomi-
naverit, liberum esse constituimus :
licet hoc ad jus filii accipiendum
non sufficiat.
§ 12. The following answer of
Cato was approved of by the an-
cient lawyers, viz. that slaves, a--
dopted by their masters, obtain free-
dom by the adoption. Thus in-
structed, we have ordained, that a
slave whom any master nominates
to be his son, in the presence of a
magistrate, becomes free by such
nomination, although it does not
convey to him any filial right.
LIB: I. TIT. XIl.
33
TITULUS DUODECIMUS.
QUIBUS MODIS JUS PATRIA POTESTATIS
SOLVITUR.
D. 1.
T. 7. Nov. 81.
Scopus et nexus. De morte.
VIDEAMUS nunc, quibus mo-
dis ii, qui alieno juri sunt subjecti,
eo jure liberentur. Et quidem,
quemadmodum liberentur servi 4
potestate dominorum, ex iis intelli-
gere possumus, que de servis ma-
numittendis superius exposuimus :
hi vero, qui in potestate parentis
sunt, mortuo eo, sui juris fiunt.
Sed hoc distinctionem recipit :
nam, mortuo patre, sané omnimodo
filii, filieve, sui juris efficiuntur :
mortuo verd avo, non omnimodo
nepotes, neptesve, sui juris fiunt :
sed ita, si post mortem avi in potes-
tatem patris sui recasuri non sunt.
Itaque, si, moriente avo, pater eo-
rum vivit, et in potestate patris sui
est, tunc post obitum avi in potestate
patris sui fiunt. Si vero is quo tem-
pore avus moritur, aut jam mortuus
est, aut per emancipationem exiit de
potestate patris, tunc ii, qui in potes-
tatem ejus cadere non possunt, sui
juris fiunt.
Let us now inquire how persons
in subjection to others, can be freed.
How slaves obtain their liberty, may
be understood from what wehave al-
ready said in treating of manumis-
sion : these who are under the power
of a parent, become independent at
his death; yet this rule admits of a
distinction. When a father dies, his
sons and daughters are, without
doubt, independent ; but, by the
death of a grand-father, his grand-
children do not become independent,
unless there is an impossibility of
their ever falling under the power
of their father. Therefore, if their
father is alive at the death of their
grand-father, in whose power the
father was, they then become sub-
ject to the power of their father.
But, if their father is either dead or
emancipated before the death of their
grand-father, they then cannot fall
under the power of their father, but
become independent.
De deportatione.
$I. Cum autem is, qui ob ali-
quod maleficium in insulam depor-
tatur, civitatemamittit, sequitur, ut,
qui eo modo ex numero civium Ro-
manorum tollitur, perindé quasi eo
mortuo, desinant liberi in potestate
5
$ 1. If aman, upon conviction of
some crime, is deported into an is-
land, he loses the rights of a Roman
citizen; and it follows, that the
children of a person thus banished
cease to be under his power, as if he
34
ejus esse. Pari ratione, et si is,
qui in potestate parentis sit, in in-
sulam deportatus fuerit, desinit es-
se in potestate parentis. Sed, si ex
indulgentia principis restituti fue-
rint per omnia, pristinum statum
recipiunt.
LIB, I. TIT. VL
was naturally dead. And, by parity
of reasoning, if a son is deported, he
ceases to be under the power of his
father. But, if by the indulgence of
the prince a ciminal is wholly re-
stored, he regains his former condi-
tion.
De relegatione.
$ IL. {Relegati autem patres in in-
sulam in potestate liberos retinent,
et liberi relegati in potestate paren-
tumremanent. = ————~—™
§ 2. A Father, who is merely ba-
nished by relegation, retains his pa-
ternal power: and ason, who is re-
legated, still remains under the pow-
er of his father.
De servitute pene.
’
$ JIL. Peene servus effectus filios
in potestate habere desinit. Servi
autem poene efficiuntur, qui in me-
tallum damnantur, et qui bestiis
subjiciuntur.
$ 3. When a man becomes the
slave of punishment, he loses his pa-
ternal jurisdiction. Slaves of punish-
ment are those, who are condemned
to the mines, or sentenced to be de-
stroyed by wild beasts..
De dignitate.
$ IV. Filius-familias, si mili-
taverit, vel si senator, vel consul
factus fuerit, remanet in potes-
tate patris :, militia enim, vel con-
sularis dignitas, de patris. potestate
filium non liberat. Sed, ex consti-
tutione nostra, summa patriciatus
dignitas illicd, imperialibus codicil-
lis preestitis, filium a patria potes-
tate liberat. Quis enim patiatur,
patrem quidem, posse, per emanci-
pationis modum, potestatis suz
nexibus filium liberare; imperato-
riam. autem, celsitudinem non va-
. Iere eum, quem, patrem sibi elegit,
ab.aliené, exim, ere potestate ?
§ 4. Although the son of a family
becomes asoldier, asenator or a con-
sul, he remains under the power of
his father, from which neither the
army, the senate, or consular digni-
ty canemancipate him. But by our
constitution the patrician dignity,
conferred by our special diploma,
shall free every son from paternal
subjection. For itis absurd, that a
parent may emancipate his son, and
that the power of an emperor should
not. suffice to make any person inde-
pendent, whom. hehath. chosen to be
a father of the: commonwealth.
LIB. I. TIT. XII.
35
De captivitate et postliminio.
$ V. Si ab hostibus captus fuerit
parens, quamvis servus hostium
fiat, tamen pendet jus lberorum,
propter jus postliminii: quia hi,
qui ab hostibus capti sunt, si reversi
fuerint, omnia pristina jura recipi-
unt: idcircd reversus etiam liberos
habebit in potestate : quia postlimi-
nium fingit eum, qui captus est, in
Civitate semper fuisse. Si vero ibi
decesserit, exindé, ex quo,captus
est pater, filius sui juris fuisse;vide-
tur. Ipse quoque filius, neposve,
si ab hostibus captus fuerit, simili-
ter dicimus, propter jus postlimi-
nii, Jus quoque potestatis parentis
in suspenso esse. Dictum autem
est postliminium 4 limine et post.
Unde eum, qui ab hostibus captus
est, et in fines nostros postea per-
venit, postliminio reversum recté
dicimus. Nam limina sicut in do-
mo finem quendam faciunt, sic et
imperii finem esse limen veteres
voluerunt. Hinc et limen dictum
est, quasi finis quidam et terminus.
Ab eo postliminium dictum est,
quia ad idem limen revertebatur,
quod amiserat. Sed et, qui cap-
tus victis hostibus recuperatur,
postliminio rediisse existimatur.
$ 5. If a parent is taken prisoner,
although he become a slave, he loses
not his paternal power, which re-
mains in suspense by reason of a
privilege granted to all prisoners,
namely, the right of return: for
captives, when they obtain their
liberty, are repossessed of all their
former rights, in which paternal
power is of course included ; and,
at their return, they are supposed,
by a fiction of law, never to have
been absent. If a prisoner dies
captive, the son’s independence is
reckoned from the commencement
of his father’s captivity. Also, if
a son, or grand-son, becomes a
prisoner, the power of the parent is
said, for the reason before assigned,
to be only in suspense. The term
postiminium is derived from post
and limen. We thereforeaptly use
the expression reversus postliminio,
when a person, who was a captive,
returns within our own confines.
De emancipatione item de modis et effectibus ejusdem.
§ VI. Preterea, emancipatione
quoque desinunt liberi in potestate
parentum esse. Sed emancipatio
antea quidem vel per antiquam legis
observationem procedebat, que per
imaginarias venditiones et interce-
dentes manumissiones celebraba-
$ 6. Children also cease to be un-
der the power of their parents by e-
mancipation. Emancipation was ef-
fected according to our ancient law,
either by imaginary sales and inter-
vening manumissions, or by imperi-
alrescript; but ithas been our care
36
tur, vel ex imperiali rescripto.
Nostra autem providentiad etiam
hoc in melits per constitutionem re-
formavit; ut, fictione pristinad ex-
plosd, recté vid ad competentes ju-
dices, vel magistratus, parentes in-
trent, et filios suos vel filias, vel ne-
potes vel neptes, ac deinceps, a
sud manu dimittant. Et tunc, ex
edicto preetoris, in bonis ejusmodi
filii vel filize, vel nepotis vel neptis
qui queve a parente manumissus
vel manumissa fuerit, eadem jura
prestantur parenti, que tribuuntur
patrono in bonis liberti. Et pre-
terea, si impubes sit filius, vel filia,
vel ceteri, ipse parens ex manumis-
sione tutelam ejus nansciscitur. .
LIB. I. TIT. XI.
to reform these ceremonies by an ex-
press constitution, so that parents
may now have immediate recourse
to the proper judge or magistrate,
and emancipate their children,
grand-children, &c. of both sexes.
And also, by a preetorian edict, the
parent is allowed to have the same
right in the goods of those, whom he
emancipates, asa patron has in the
goods of his freed-man. And far-
ther, if the children emancipated
are within the age of puberty, the
parent, by whom they were eman-
cipated, obtains the right of ward-
ship or tutelage, by the emancipa-
tion.
1
Si alii emacipente alii retineantur in potestatu.
§ VII. Admonendi autem su-
mus, liberum arbitrium'esse ei, qui
filium, et ex eo nepotem, vel nep-
tem, in potestate habet, filium qui-
dem de potestate dimittere, nepo-
tem vero vel neptem retinere: et,
é converso, filium quidem in potes-
tate retinere, nepotem vero vel nep-
tem manumittere: vel omnes sui
juris efficere. Eadem et de prone-
pote et pronepte dicta esse intelli-
guntur.
§ 7. A parent having a son un-
der his power, and by that sona
grand-son or grand-daughter, may
emancipate his son, and retain his
grand-son or grand-daughter in sub-
jection. He may also emancipate
his grand-son or grand-daughter,
and retain his son; or, he may
make them all independent. And
the same may be said of a great-
grand-son, or a great-grand-daugh-
ter.
De adoptione.
§ VII. Sed et, si pater filium,
quem in potestate habet, avo, vel
proavo naturali, secundum nostras
constitutiones super his habitas, in
adoptionem dederit, id est, si hoc
ipsum actis intervenientibus apud
competentem judicem manifestave-
rit, presente eo, qui adoptatur, et
$ 8. Ef a father gives his son in
adoption to the natural grand-father
or great-grand-father of such son,
adhering toour constitutions for that
purpose enacted, which enjoin the pa-
rent to declare intention beforeacom-
petent judge, in the presence of the
person to be adopted, and also in the
LIB. I. TIT. XII.
non contradicente, nec non eo pre-
sente, qui adoptat, solvitur quidem
jus potestatis patris naturalis; tran-
sit autem in hujusmodi parentem
adoptivum; in cujus persona et a-
doptionem esse plenissimam antea
diximus.
37
presence of the adoptor, then does
the right of paternal power pass
wholly from the natural father to
the adoptive, in whose person, as.
we have before observed, adoption
has its fullest extent.
De nepote nato post filium emancipatum.
§ IX. Illud scire oportet, quod
si nurus tua ex filio tuo conceperit,
et filium tuum emancipaveris, vel
in adoptionem dederis, preegnante
nuru tua, nihilominus, quod et ea
nascitur, in potestate tud nascitur.
Quod si post emancipationem vel
adoptionem conceptus fuerit, patris
sui emancipati, vel avi adoptivi,
potestati subjicitur.
§ 9. It is necessary to be known,
that, if a son’s wife hath conceived,
and you afterwards emancipate that
son or give him in adoption, his wife
being pregnant, the child will be
born under your paternal authority.
But if the conception be subsequent
to the emancipation or adoption, the
child becomes subject at his birth,
either to his emancipated father, or
his adoptive grand-father.
An parentes cogi possunt liberos suos de potestate dimittere ?
$ X. Et quidem neque naturales
liberi, neque adoptivi, ullo pene mo-
do possunt cogere parentes de po-
testate sud eos dimittere.
§ 10. Children, either natural or
adopted, can rarely compel their pa-
rents by any method to dismiss
them from subjection.
TITULUS DECIMUS-TERTIUS.
DE TUTELIS.
D. xxvi.
T. 1.
Nov. 72.
De personis sui juris.
TRANSEAMUS nunc ad aliam
divisionem personarum. Nam ex
his personis, que in potestate non
sunt, queedam vel in tutela sunt, vel
in curatione, quedam neutro jure
Let us now proceed to another di-
vision of persons. Of those, who
are not under parental power, some
are under tutelage, some under cura-
tion, and some under neither. Let
38
LIB. I. TIT. XII.
tenentur. Videamus ergo de his,
quze in tutela vel curatione sunt: ita
enim intelligemus czteras personas,
que neutro jure tenentur. Ac pri-
us dispiciamus de his, qui in tutela
sunt.
us enquire then, what persons are
under tutelage and curation; for
thus we shall ascertain, who are
not subject to either. And first of
persons under tutelage.
Tutele definitio.
$ I. Est autem tutela (ut Servius
definivit) vis ac potestas in capite
libero, ad tuendum eum, qui per
ztatem se defendere nequit, jure
civili data ac permissa.
§ 1. Tutelage, as Servius has de-
fined it, is an authority and power,
given and permitted by the civil
law, over such independent persons,
as are unable, by reason of their
youth, to protect themselves.
Definitio et etymologia tutoris.
§ Il. Tutores autem sunt, qui
eam vim ac potestatem habent; ex-
que ipsa re nomen acceperunt. Ita-
que appellantur tutores, quasi tui-
tores atque defensores; sicut editui
dicuntur, qui eedes tuentur.
§ 2. Tutors are those, who have
this authority and power; and they
take their name from the nature of
their office. For they are called
tutors, quasi tuitores defenders; as
those, who have the care of the sa-
cred buildings, are called editut,
quod cedes tueantur.
Quibus testamento tutor datur: et primum, de liberis in po-
testate.
§ III. Permissum est itaque pa-
rentibus liberis impuberibus, quos
in potestate habent, testamento tu-
tores dare: et hoc in filios filiasque
procedit omnimodo : nepotibus vero
neptibusque ita demum parentes
possunt testamento tutores dare, si
post mortem eorum in potestatem
patris sui non sunt recasuri. Ita-
que, si filius tuus, mortis tue tem-
pore in potestate tua sit, nepotes ex
eo non poterunt ex testamento tuo
tutores habere, quamvis in potes-
tate tua fuerint: scilicet, quia, mor-
tuo te, in potestatem patris sui re-
casuri sunt.
$ 3. Parents may assign tutors
by testament to such of their child-
ren as are not arrived at puberty,
and are under their power. And
this privilege extends without ex-
ception over sons and daughters.
But grand-fathers can only give tu-
tors to their grand-children, when
these cannot fall under the power of
their father, after the death of their
grand-father. Hence, if your son is
in your power at the time of your
death, your grand-children by that
son cannot receive tutors by your
testament, although they were ac-
tually in your power; because at
your decease they will become sub-
ject to their father.
‘
LIB. I. TIT. XIV.
De posthumis.
§ IV. Cum autem in compluribus
‘aliis causis posthumi pro jam natis
habeantur, et in hac causa placuit
non minus posthumis, quam jam
natis tutores dari posse ; si modo
im e4 causa sint, ut, si vivis paren-
tibus nascerentur, sui heredes et in
potestate eorum fierent.
§ 4, As posthumous children are
in many cases considered as already
born before the death of their fa-
thers: therefore tutors may be giv-
en (by testament) as well to a post-
humous child, as toa child already
born, if such posthumous child, had
he been born in the life-time of his
father would have been his proper
heir and under his power.
De emancipatis.
§ V. Sed et, si emancipato filio
tutor 4 patre datus fuerit testamen-
to, confirmandus est ex sententiad
presidis omnimodo, id est, sine in-
quisitione..
—_——1«
§ 5. But, if a father gives a tu-
tor by testament to his emancipated
son, such tutor must be confirmed
by the sentence of the governor of
the province without inquisition.
TITULUS DECIMUS-QUARTUS.
QUI TESTAMENTO TUTORES DARI POSSUNT.
D. xxvi. T. 2.
C. v. 'T. 28.
Qui tutores dari possunt.
DARI autem tutor potest testa-
mento non solum_pater-familias,
sed etiam filius-familias.
Not only the father of a family
may be appointed tutor by testament
but also the son of a family.
De servo.
§E. Sed et servus proprius, tes-
tamento cum libertate recté tutor
dari potest; sed sciendum est, et
sine libertate tutorum datum tacité
libertatem. directam accepisse vide-
ri; et per hoe recté tutorem esse:
plané,,si per errorem, quasi liber,
tutor datus:sit, aliud. dicendum est.
$1. Aman may by testament as-
sign his own slave tobe a tutor with
liberty. But note, thatifa slave be
appointed tutor by testament without
mentioning liberty, he seems tacitly
to be enfranchised, and is thus le-
gally constituted a tutor; yet, if a
testator through error, imagining his
40
LIB. I. TIT. XIV.
Servus autem alienus pure inutili-
ter testamento datur tutor: sed ita,
cum liber erit, utiliter datur. Pro-
prius autem servus inutiliter eo
modo tutor datur.
slave to be free, by testament ap-
points him, as such, to be atutor, the
appointment wiil not avail. Also
the absolute appointment of another
man’s slavetobe a tutor is altogether
ineffectual; but, if the appointment
isuponcondition that the person ap-
pointed obtains his freedom, then it
is well made: but if a man by testa-
ment appoints his own slave to bea
tutor, when he shall obtain his liber-
ty, the appointment will be void.
De furioso et minore viginti-quinque annis.
$ IL. Furiosus, vel minor viginti-
quinque annis, tutor testamento da-
tus, tutor tunc erit, cum compos
mentis, aut major viginti-quinque
annis, fuerit factus.
Quibus modis
$ IIT. Ad certum tempus, vel ex
certo tempore, vel sub conditione,
vel ante heredisinstitutionem posse
pari tutorem non dubitatur.
$ 2. Ifa madman or minor (un-
der twenty-five) is by testament ap-
pointed tutor, the one shall begin
to act, when he becomes of sound
mind, and the other, when he has
completed his twenty-fifth year.
tutores dantur.
§ 3. It is not doubted, but that a
testamentary tutor may be appoint-
either until a certain time, or from
a certain time, or conditionally, or
before the institution of an heir.
Cui dantur.
§ IV. Certz autem rei, vel cause,
tutor dari non potest: quia persone
non cause, vel rei, tutor! datur.
§ 4. A tutor cannot beassigned to
any particular thing, or upon any
certain account, but can only be
given to persons.
De tutore dato filiabus, vel filiis, vel liberis, vel nepotibus.
$ V. Si quis filiabus suis, vel fi-
liis, tutores dederit, etiam posthu-
me vel posthumo dedisse videtur :
quia, filii vel filix appellatione, et
posthumus et posthuma.continentur.
Quod si nepotes sint, an appella-
tione filiorum et ipsis tutores dati
§ 5. If a man nominates a tutor
for his sons or daughters, the nom-
‘ination extends to his posthumous is-
sue; because, under the appellation
of son or daughter, a posthumous
child is comprehended. But, are
grand-children denoted by the word
LIB. I.
sint? Dicendum est, ut et ipsis
quoque dati videantur, si modo lib-
eros dixerit ; caterum, si filios, non
continebuntur. Alitér enim filii,
alitér nepotes appellantur. Plané,
Si posteris dederit, tam filii post-
humi, quam ceteri liberi, contine-
buntur.
TIT. XV. 41
sons? we answer, that under chil-
dren, grand-children are included,
but not under sons: for son and
grand-son, differ in signification.
But, if a testator assigns a tutor
to his descendants, it is evident,
that not only his posthumous sons
are comprehended, but all his oth-
er children.
>oe
TITULUS DECIMUS-QUINTUS.
DE LEGITIMA AGNATORUM TUTELA.
D. xxxvi.
T. 4. C. v.
T. 30.
Summa.
QUIBUS autem testamento tu-
tor datus non est, his, ex lege duo-
decim tabularum, agnati sunt tu-
tores, qui vocantur legitimi.
The Agnati by a law of the twelve
tables, are appointed tutors to those,
to whom no testamentary tutor was
given; and these tutors are called
legitimi, tutors by law.
Qui sunt agnati.
$ I. Sunt autem agnati cognati,
per virils sexis cognationem con-
juncti, quasi a patre cognati: veluti
frater ex eodem patre natus, fratris
filius, neposve ex'eo: item patruus
et pratrui filius, neposve ex eo. At,
qui per foeminini sexus personas
cognatione junguntur, agnati non
sunt, sed alias naturali jure cognati,
Itaque amite tue filius non est tibi
agnatus, sed cognatus: et invicem
tu illi eodem jure conjungeris: quia.
qui ex ed nascuntur, patris, non
matris, familiam sequuntur.
$1. Agnati are those, who are
collaterally related to us by males,
as a brother by the same father, or
the son of a brother, or by him a
grand-son ; also a father’s brother,
or the son of such brother, or by
him a grand-son. But those, who
are related to us by a female are not
agnate, but cognate, bearing only a
natural relation to us. Thus the son
of a father’s sister is related to you
not by agnation, but cognation; and
you are also related to him by cogna-
tion; for the children of a father’s
sister, follow the family of their fa-
ther, and not that of their mother.
LIB. L TIT. XVI.
Quis dicatur intestatus.
§$ I. Quod autem lex duodecim
tabularum ab initéstato vocat ad tu-
telam agnatos, non hanc habet sig-
nificatienem, si omnind non fecerit
testamontum is, qui poterat tutores
dare; sed si, quantum ad tutelam
pertinet, intestatus decesserit : quod
tune quoque accidere imtelligitur,
cum is qui datus est tutor, vivo tes-
tatore decesserit.
§ 2. The law of the twelve tables,
in calling the agnati to tutelage in
case of intestacy, relates not solely
to persons altogether intestate, who
might have appointed a tutor, but
also to those, who are intestate only
in respect of tutelage; and this may
happen, if atutor, nominated by tes-
tament, should die in the lifetime
of the testator.
Quibus modis agnatio, vel cognatio, finitur.
§ If. Sed agnationis quidem
jus omnibus modis capitis diminu-
tione perimque perimitur: nam
agnatio juris civilis nomen est ; cog-
nationis vero jus non omnibus mo-
dis commutatur: quia civilis ratio,
civila quidem jura cerrumpere po-
test, naturalia vero, non utique.
§ 3. The right of agnation is taken
away by almost every diminution,
or change of state; for agnation is.
but a name given by the civil law;
but the right of cognation is not thus
altered; for although civil policy
may extinguish civil rights yet over
natural rights it has no such power.
TITULUS DECIMUS-SEXTUS.
DE CAPITIS DIMINUTIONE.
D. iv.
T. 5.
Definitio et divisio.
EST autem capitis diminutio pri-
Diminution is the change of a
oris status mutatio; eaque tribus man’s former condition; and this
modis accidit: nam aut maxima est is threefold, the greater, the less,
capitis diminutio, aut minor, (quam and the least.
quidam mediam vocant,) aut mini-
ma.
De maxima capitis diminutione.
$I. Maxima capitis diminutio
est, cum aliquis simul et civitatem
et libertatem amittit; quod accidit
$1. The greater diminution is,
when a man loses both the right of a
citizen and his liberty ; as they do,
LIB. 1.
his, qui servi peene efficiuntur atro-
citate sententize ; vel libertis, ut in-
gratis erga patronos condemnatis ;
vel his, quise ad pretium partici-
pandum venundari passi sunt.
TIT. XVI.
43
who by the rigour of their sentence
become the slaves of punishment ;
and freed-men, who are condemned
to slavery for ingratitude to their
patrons; and all such, who suffer
themselves to be sold, to share the
price.
De media.
$ II. Minor, sive media capitis
diminution est, cum civitas quidem
amittitur, libertas vero retinetur ;
quod accidit ei, cui aqua et igni in-
terdictum fuerit, vel ei, qui in in-
_ Sulam deportatus est.
$2. The less or mesne diminution
is, when a man loses the rights of a
citizen, but retains his liberty;
which happens to him, who is for-
bidden the use of fire and water, or
to him who is transported into an
island.
De minima
§ Il]. Minima capitis diminu-
tio est, cum civitas retinetur et li-
bertas, sed status hominis commu-
tatur: quod accidit his, qui, cum
sui juris fuerint, ceeperunt alieno
juri subjecti esse; vel contra, ve-
luti si filius-familias 4 patre eman-
cipatus fuerit, est capite diminutus.
§$ 3. The least diminution is,
when the condition of a man is
charged without forfeiture either of
civil rights or liberty ; as when he,
who is independent, becomes sub-
ject by adoption; or when the son
of a family hath been emancipated
by his father.
De sero manumisso.
§ IV. Servus autem manumis-
sus capitenon minuitur; quia nul-
lum caput habuit.
§ 4. The manumission of a slave
produces no change of state in him,
because he had no state, or civil ca-
pacity.
De mutatione dignitatis.
§ V. Quibus autem dignitas
magis quam status permutatur, ca-
pite non minuuntur; et ideo a se-
natu motos capite non minui, con-
Stat.
$ 5. Those, whose dignity is ra-
ther changed than their state, do not
suffer diminution; hence it is not
diminution to be removed from the
senatorial dignity.
LIB. I.
TIT. XVII.
Interpretatio § ult. sup, tit. prox.
§ VI. Quod autem dictum est,
manere cognationis jus etiam post
capitis diminutionem, hoc ita est,
si minima capitis diminutio inter-
veniat: manet enim cognatio.
Nam, si maxima capitis diminutio
interveniat, jus quoque cognationis
perit, ut puta servitute alicujus cog-
nati; et ne quidem, si manumissus
fuerit, recipit cognationem. Sed et
si in insulam quis deportatus sit,
cognatio solvitur.
§ 6. We have said, that the right
of cognation remains after diminu-
tion, but this relates only to the least
diminution. For, by the greater di-
minution, as by servitude, the right
of cognation is wholly destroyed,
even so as not to be recovered by
manumission. The right of cogna-
tion is also lost by the less or mesne
diminution, as by deportation’into
an island.
Ad quos agnatos tutela pertinet.
§ VI. Cum autem ad agnatos
tutela pertineat, non simul ad om-
nes pertinet, sed ad eos tantum,
qui proximiore gradu sunt; vel si
plures ejusdem gradus sunt, ad om-
nes pertinet; veluti si plures fra-
tres sunt, qui unum gradum obti-
nent, paritér ad tutelam vocantur.
§ 7. Although the right of tute-
lage belongs to agnati, yet it belongs
not to all, but to the nearest in de-
gree only. But, if there be many in
the same degree, the tutelage be-
longs to all of them, however num-
erous. For example, several broth-
ers are all called equally to tutelage.
TITULUS DECIMUS-SEPTIMUS.
DE LEGITIMA PATRONORUM TUTELA.
D. xxvi. T. 4. C.v. T. 30.
Ratio ob quam patronorum tutela dicitur legitima.
EX eddem lege duodecim tabu-
larum, libertorum et libertarum tu-
tela ad patronos liberosque eorum
pertinet, que et ipsa legitima tutela
vocatur; non quia nominatim in
e4 lege de hac tutela caveatur ; sed
quia perinde accepta est per inter-
pretationem, ac si verbis legis in-
By the same law of the twelve ta-
bles, the tutelage of freed-men and
freed-women, belongs to their pa-
trons, and to the children of such pa-
trons ; and this is tutelage by opera-
tion of law, although it existsnot no-
minally in the law; butit isas firmly
established by interpretation, as if it
LIB. I.
troducta esset. Eo enim ipso, quod
hereditates libertorum libertarum-
que, si intestati decessissent, jusse-
rat lex ad patronos liberosve eorum
pertinere, crediderunt veteres, vo-
luisse legem, etiam tutelas ad eos
pertinere ; cum et agnatos, quos ad
hereditatem lex vocat, eosdem et
tutores esse jusserit ; quia ple-
riumque, ubi successionis est emo-
lumentum, ibi et tutele onus esse
debet. Ideo autem diximus ple-
rumque, quia, si foemina impubes
manumittatur, ipsa ad hereditatem
vocatur, cum alius sit tutor.
TIT. XVII.
45
had been introduced by express
words. For, inasmuch as the law
commands, that patrons and their
children shall succeed to the inheri-
tance of their freed-men or freed-wo-
men who die intestate, the ancient
lawyers were of opinion thattutelage
also by implication should belong to
patrons and their children. And the
law, which calls agnati to the inher-
itance, commands them to be tutors,
because the advantage of succession
ought to be attended in most cases
with the burden of tutelage. We
have said in most cases, because, if
a person, not arrived at puberty, is
manumitted by a female, she is cal-
led to the inheritance, but not to
the turtelage.
TITULUS DECIMUS-OCTAVUS.
DE LEGITIMA PARENTUM TUTELA.
EXEMPLO patronorum recep-
ta est et alia tutela, que et ipsa le-
gitima vocatur ; nam, si quis filium
aut filiam, nepotem aut neptem ex
filio, et deinceps, impuberes eman-
cipaverit, legitimus eorum tutor
erit.
Another kind of tutelage termed
legal, is received inimitation of pa-
rental:ifor, if a parent emancipate
a son, a daughter, agrand-son, or a
grand-daughter, who is the issue of
that son, or any others descended
from him by males in a right line
and not arrived at puberty, then
shall such parent betheirlegal tutor.
46
LIB. I. TIT. XIX.
TITULUS DECIMUS-NONUS.
DE FIDUCIARIA TUTELA.
Filii-familias a patre manumissi pater tutor est legitimus :
eo vero defuncto, frater tutor fiduciarius existit.
EST et alia tutela, que fiducia-
ria appellatur: nam, si parens fili-
um vel filiam, nepotem vel neptem,
vel deinceps, impuberes manu-
miserit, legitimam nanciscitur eo-
rum tutelam : quo defuncto, si libe-
ri ejus virilis sexus existant, fiduci-
arii turores filiorum suorum, vel fra-
tris, vel sororis, vel caterorum,
_ efficiuntur. Atqui, patrono legiti-
mo tutore mortuo, liberi quoque
ejus legitimi sunt tutores; quoniam
filius quidem defuncti, si non esset
a Vivo patre emancipatus, post obi-
tum ejus sui juris efficeretur, nec
in fratrum potestatem recideret,
idedque nec in tutelam. Libertus
autem, si servus mansisset, utique
eodem jure apud liberos domini
post mortem ejus futurus esset.
Ita tamen hiad tutelam vocantur, si
perfectze sint statis; quod nostra
constitutio in omnibus tutelis et cu-
rationibus observari generalitér
reecepit.
There is another kind of tutelage
called fiduciary ; for, if a parent
emancipate a son or a daughter, a
grand-son or a grand-daughter, or
any other child, not arrived at
puberty, he is then their legal
tutor; but, at his death, his male
children of age become the fiduciary
tutors of their own sons, or of a bro-
ther, a sister, or of a brother’s chil-
dren emancipated by the deceased.
But when a patron, who is a legal
tutor, dies, his children also become
legal tutors. The reason of which
difference is this : a son, although ne-
ver emancipated, becomes indepen-
dent at the death of his father; and
therefore as he falls not under power
of his brothers, he cannot be under
their legal tutelage. But the condi-
tion of a slave is not altered at the
death of his master; for he then
“becomes a slave to the children of
the deceased. None can be called
to tutelage, unless of full age; and
our constitution hath commanded
this rule to be generally observed in
all tutelages and curations.
LIB. 1. TIT. Xx.
47
TITULUS VIGESIMUS.
DE ATILIANO TUTORE, ET EO, QUI EX LEGE JULIA
ET TITIA DABATUR.
D. xxvi. T. 5. C. v. T. 34 et 36.
Jus antiquum, si nullus sit tutor.
SI cui nullus omnino tutor,fuerat,
et dabatur, in urbe quidem a pre-
tore urbano et majore parte tribu-
norum plebis, tutor ex lege Atilia:
im provinciis vero 4 presidibus pro-
vinciarum ex lege Julia et Titia.
Under the law Atilia, the praetor
of the city, with a majority of the
tribunes, might assign tutors to all
who were not otherwise intitled. In
the provinces, tutors were appointed
by the respective governors under
the law Julia and Titia.
Si spes sit futuri tutoris testamentarii.
§ I. Sed et, si in testamento tutor
sub conditione, aut ex die certo da-
tus fuerat, quamdiu conditio aut
dies pendebat, iisdem legibus tutor
alius interim dari poterat. Item si
purée datus fuerat, quamdiu ex tes-
tamento nemo heres existebat, tam-
diu ex iisdem legibus tutor peten-
dus erat, qui desinebat esse tutor,
si conditio extiterat, aut dies vene-
rat, aut heres extiterat.
§ 1. If a testamentary tutor had
been appointed conditionally, or
from a certain day, another tutor
might have been assigned by virtue
of the above named laws, while the
condition depended or until the day
came. Also if a tutor had been given
unconditionally, yet, as long as the
testamentary heir deferred taking
upon him the inheritance, another
tutor might have been appointed
during the interval. But his office
ceased, when the condition happen-
ed, the day came, or the inheritance
was entered upon.
Si tutor ab hostibus sit captus.
$ IL Ab hostibus quoque tutore
capto, ex his legibus tutor peteba-
tur; qui desinebat esse tutor, si is,
qui captus erat, in civitatem rever-
sus fuerat: nam reversus recipiebat
tutelam jure postliminii.
$ 2. By the Atilian and Julio-ti-
tian laws,if a tutor was taken by the
enemy, another tutor wasapplied for
whose office ceased, of course, when
the first tutor returned from captivi-
ty; for he then resumed the tutel-
age by his right of return.
LIB. I. TIT. XxX.
Quando et cur desierint ex dictis legibus tutores dari.
§ III. Sed ex his legibus tutores
pupillis desierunt dari, posteaquam
primo consules pupillis utriusque
sexus tutores ex inquisitione dare
coeperunt, deinde preetores ex con-
stitutionibus. Nam supradictis le-
gibus neque de cautione 4 tutoribus
exigenda, rem pupillis salvam fore,
neque de compellendis tutoribus ad
tutelee administrationem, quicquam
cavebatur.
$ 3. But these laws fell into dis-
use, first when the consuls began to
assign tutors to pupils of either sex,
on inquisition; and next, when the
preetors were invested with the same
authority by imperial constitutions.
For, by the above mentioned laws,
no security was required from the
tutors for the forthcoming of the
property, neither were they compel-
led to act.
Jus novum.
§ IV. Sed hoc jure utimur, ut
Rome quidem prefectus urbi, vel
praetor secundum suam jurisdictio-
nem, in provinciis autem presides
ex inquisitione, tutores crearent;
vel magistratus jussu preesidum, si
non sint magne pupillis facultates.
§ 4. But latterly, at Rome, the
preefect of the city, or the preetor
according to his jurisdiction, and, in
the provinces, the respective gover-
nors may assign tutors upon in-
quiry; so may an inferior magis-
trate at the command of a governor,
if the possessions of the pupil are
not large.
Jus novissimum.
$ V. Nos autem, per constituti-
onem nostram hujusmodi difficul-
tates hominum resecantes, nec ex-
pectata jussione presidum, dispo-
suimus, si facultates pupilli vel
adulti usque ad quingentos solidos
valeant, defensores civitatum und
cum ejusdem civitatis religiosissi-
mo antistite, vel alias personas pub-
licas, id est, magistratus, vel juri-
dicum Alexandrine civitatis, tu-
tores vel curatores creare; legitima
cautelé secundim ejusdem consti-
tutionis normam preestanda, videli-
cet eorum periculo, qui eam acci-
piunt.
$ 5. But for the ease of our sub-
jects we have ordained, that the
judge of Alexandria and the magis-
trates of every city, together with
the chief ecclesiastic, may assign
tutors or curators to pupils or a-
dults, whose fortunes do not exceed.
five hundred aurei, without waiting
for the command of the governor,
to whose province they belong. But
all such magistrates must, at their
peril, take from every tutor, so ap-
pointed, the security required by
our constitution.
LIB. I.
TIT. XXI.
49
Ratio tutele.
§ VI. Impuberes autem in tuteld
esse, naturali juri conveniens est ;
ut is, qui perfecte statis non sit,
alterius tutela regatur.
§ 6. It is agreeable to the law of
nature, that persons under puberty,
should be under tutelage; that all
who are not of ripe age may be un-
der the government of proper per-
sons.
De tutele ratione reddenda.
§ VIL. Cum ergo pupillorum pu-
pillarumque tutores negotia gerant,
post pubertatem tutele judicio ra-
tionem reddunt.
$7. Hence as tutors administer the
affairs of their pupils, they may be
compelled to account, by an action
of tutelage, when their pupils arrive
at puberty.
TITULUS VIGESIMUS-PRIMUS.
DE AUCTORITATE TUTORUM.
D. xxvi. T. 8. C.v. T. 59.
In quibus causis auctoritas sit necessaria.
AUCTORITAS autem tutoris
in quibusdam causis necessaria pu-
pillis est, in quibusdam non est ne-
cessaria: ut, ecce, si quid dari sibi
stipulentur, non est necessaria tu-
toris auctoritas; quod si aliis pro-
mittant pupilli, necessaria est tutoris
auctoritas : namque placuit, me-
liorem quidem conditionem licere
iis facere etiam siné tutoris aucto-
ritate; deteriorem vero non aliter,
quam cum tutoris auctoritate. Un-
de in his causis, ex quibus obliga-
tiones mutuz nascuntur, ut in emp-
7
The authority or confimation of
a tutor is in some cases necessary,
and in others not. When a man
stipulates tomake a gift to a pupil,
the authority of the tutor is not re-
quisite; but, if a pupil enters into
a contract, it is so; for the rule is,
that pupil may better their condi-
tion, but not impair it, without the
authority of their tutors. And there-
fore in all cases of mutual obliga-
tion, as in buying, selling, letting,
hiring, mandates, deposites, &c. he,
who contracts with a pupil, is bound
50 LIB. I.
tionibus, venditionibus, locationi-
bus, mandatis, depositis, si tutores
auctoritas non interveniat, ipsi qui-
dem, qui cum his contrahunt, obli-
gantur ; at nvicem pupilli non obli-
gantur.
TIT. XXI.
by the contract; but not the pupil,
unless the tutor hath authorised it.
Exceptio.
§ I. Neque tamen hereditatem
adire, neque bonorum possessionem
petere, neque hereditatem ex fidei-
commisso suscipere, aliter possunt,
hisi tutoris auctoritate, (quamvis
illis lucrosa sit,) ne ullum damnum
habeant.
§ 1. But no pupil, without the
authority of his tutor, can enter up-
on an inheritance, or take upon him
the possession of goods, oran inheri-
tance in trust; for, there is a possi-
bility of damage, as well as gain,
Quomodo auctoritas interponi debet,
§ II. Tutor autem statim in ipso
negotio presens debet auctor fieri,
si hoc pupillo prodesse existimave-
rit. Post tempus vero, vel per epis-
tolam, aut per nuntium, interposita
auctoritas nihil agit.
§ 2. If a tutor would authorise
any act, which he esteems advanta-
geous to his pupil, he should be per-
sonally present; for his authority
hath no effect, when given by letter,
by messenger, or after contract.
Quo casu interponi non potest.
§ III. Si inter tutorem pupillum-
que judicio agendum sit, quia ipse
tutor in rem suam auctor esse non
potest, non preetorius tutor (ut olim)
constituir, sed curator in locum ejus
datur; quo curatore interveniente,
judicitum peragitur ; et, eo peracto,
curator esse desinit.
$3. When a suit is to be commen-
ced between a tutor and his pupil,
inasmuch as the tutor cannot exer-
cise his authority, as such, against
himself, a curator, and not a preeto-
rian tutor, (as was formerly the cus-
tom,) is appointed, by whoseinven-
tion the suit is carried on; and,
when it is determined, the curator-
ship ceases.
LIB. I. TIT. XX.
51
TITULUS VIGESIMUS-SECUNDUS.
QUIBUS MODIS TUTELA FINITUR,.
C.v. T. 60.
De pubertate.
PUPILLI, pupillzque, cum pu-
beres esse coeperint, 4 tutela liberan-
tur. Pubertatem autem veteres qui-
dem non solim ex annis, sed etiam
ex habitu corporis, in masculis ssti-
mari volebant. Nostra autem ma-
jestas, dignum esse castitate nostro-
rum temporum existimans, bené
putavit, quod in feeminis etiam an-
tiquis impudicum esse visum est, id
est, inspectionem habitudinis cor-
poris, hoc etiam in masculos exten-
dere: et idco, nostra sancta consti-
tutione promulgata pubertatem in
masculis post decimum quartum
annum completum illicd initium ac-
cipere disposuimus : antiquitatis
norman in foeminis bené positam in
suo ordine relinquentes, ut post du-
odecim annos.completos, viri poten-
tes esse credantur.
Pupils, both male and female, are
freed from tutelage, when they ar-
rive at puberty. The ancients judg-
ed of puberty in males, not by years
only, but also by the habit of their bo-
dies. But our imperial majesty, re-
garding the purity of the present
times, hath thought it proper, that
the same decency, which was ever
observed towards females, should be
extended also to males: and there-
fore, by our sacred constitution, we
have enacted, that puberty in-males
should be reputed to commence im-
mediately after the completion of
their fourteenth year. But, in rela-
tien to females, weleave that whole-
someand ancient rule of law unalter-
ed by which they are esteemed mar-
riageable after the twelfth year is
completed.
De capitis diminutione pupilli.
$I. Item finitur tutela, si ar-
gati sint adhuc impuberes, vel de
portati: item si in servitum pu-
pillus redigatur, vel si ab hostibus
captus fuerit.
$1. Tutelage is determined ‘be-
‘fore puberty, if the pupil is either
arrogated, or suffers deportation,
or is reduced to slavery, or becomes
a captive.
De conditionis eventu.
$ II. Sed et, si usque ad certam
conditionem datus sit tutor testa-
mento, zeque evenit, ut desinat esse
tutor existente conditione.
$2. But, if a testamentary tutor
is given upon a certain condition,
when that condition is filled, the tu-
telage ceases. :
52 LIB. I.
TIT. XXII.
De morte.
$ IIL. Simili modo finitur tutela
morte pupillorum vel tutorum.
$3. Tutelage ends also by death
of the tutor, or the pupil.
De capitis diminutione.
§ IV. Sec et capitas diminutione
tutoris, per quam libertas vel civi-
tas amittitur, omnis tutela perit.
Minima autem capitis diminutione
tutoris, veluti si se arrogandum de-
derit, legitima tantum perit ; cetera
non pereunt. Sed pupilli et pupille
capitis diminutio, licet minima sit,
omnes tutelas tollit.
$4. When a tutor under the great-
er diminution of state, loses his liber-
ty and his citizenship, his tutelage
is extinguished. But, if the least
diminution only is suffered, as when
a tutor gives himself in arrogation,
then no species of tutelage is extin-
guished, but the legal. But every
diminution of state in pupils, takes
away all tutelage.
De tempore.
§ V. Preeterea, qui ad certum
tempus testamento dantur tutores,
finito eo, deponunt tutelam.
§ 5. These, who are testamenta-
ry tutors for a term only, are dis-
charged at the expiration of such
term.
De remotione et excusatione.
§ VI. Desinunt etiam tutores
esse, qui vel removentur 4 tutela ob
id, quod suspecti visit sunt; vel
qui ex justa causd se excusant, et
onus administrande tutele depo-
nunt, secundum ea, que inferius
proponemus.
$ 6. They also cease to be tutors,
who are removed on suspicion; or
excuse and exempt themselves from
the burden of tutelage for just rea-
sons; of which hereafter.
LIB. I. TIT. XXiIil.
TITULUS
53
VIGESIMUS-TERTIUS.
DE CURATORIBUS.
D. xxvii. T. 10. C. v. T. 70.
De adultis.
‘“MASCULI quidem puberes, et
foeming vira potentes, usque ad vi-
gesimum quintum annum comple-
tum curatores accipiunt; quia licet
puberes sint, adhuc tamen ejus e-
tatis sunt, ut sua negotia tueri non
possint.
Males arrived at puberty, and fe-
males marriageable, do nevertheless
receive curators, until they have
completed their twenty-fifth year :
for, they are not yet of an age to take
proper care of their own affairs.
A quibus dentur curatores.
$1. Dantur autem curatores ab
eisdem magistratibus, 4 quibus et
tutores. Sed curator testamento
non datur; datus tamen confirma-
tur decreto pretoris vel preesidis.
Quibus
$ IL. Item inviti adolescentes
curatores non accipiunt, preeter-
quam in litem; curator enim et ad
certam causam dari potest.
$ 1. Curators are appointed by the
same magistrates, who appoint tu-
tors. A curator cannot be absolute-
ly given by testament, but such
nomination must be confirmed, by
a preetor or governor of a province.
dentur.
§ 2. No adults can be obliged to
receive curators, unless ad litem ;
for a curator may be appointed to
any special purpose.
De furiosis et prodigis.
$ ILL. Furiosi quoque, et prodigi,
licet majores viginti quinque annis
sint, tamen in curatione sunt agna-
torum, ex lege duodecim tabular-
um. Sed solent Rome preefectus
urbi vel preetores, et in provinciis
presides, ex inquisitione eis cura-
tores dare.
§ 3. By law of the twelve tables,
madmen and prodigals, although
of full age, must be under duration
of their agnati. But, if there are
no agnati, or such only as are un-
qualified, then curators are appoint-
ed; at Rome, by the prefect of the
city, or the preetor ; in the provin-
ces, by the governors, after re-
quisite inquiry.
54
LIB. I. TIT. XXIII.
De mente captis, surdis, &c.
§ IV. Sed et mente captis, et
surdis, et mutis, et illis, que perpe-
tuo morbo laborant, (quia rebus suis
superesse non possunt,) curatores
dandi sunt.
§ 4. Persons deprived of their in-
tellects, deaf, mute, or subject to any
continual disorder, since they are
unable to manage their own affairs,
must be placed under curators.
De pupillis.
$V. Interdum autem et pupilli
curatores accipiunt; ut puta, si le-
gitimus tutor non sit idoneus: quo-
niam habenti tutorem tutor dari
non potest. Item, si testamento
datus tutor, vel a pretore aut
preside, idoneus non sit ad admi-
nistrationem, nec tamen fraudulen-
ter nogotia administret, solet ei cu-
rator adjungi. Item loco tutorum,
qui non in perpetuum, sed ad tem-
pus 4 tutela excusantur, solent cu-
ratores dari.
$5. Sometimes even pupils re-
ceive curators; as when the legal tu-
tor is unqualified : for a tutor must
not be given to him, who already
has a tutor. Also, if a tutor by testa-
‘ment, or appointed by a preetor, or
the goverenor of a province, appears
afterwards incapable of executing
his trust, it is usual, although he is
guilty of no fraud, to appoint a cu-
rator to be joined with him. It is also
usual to assign curators in the place
of tutors excused for a time only.
De constituendo actore.
$ VI. Quod si tutor vel adversd
valetudine, vel alia necessitate, im-
pediatur, quo minus negotia pupilli
administrare possit, et pupillus vel
absit, vel infans sit, quem velit ac-
torem, periculo ipsius tutoris, pre-
tor, vel qui provinciz preerit, de-
creto constituet.
§$ 6. If a tutor, by illness or any
other necessary impediment, should
be disabled from the execution of his
office, and his pupil should be ab-
sent, or an infant, then the preetor, or
governor of the provinceshall decree
any person, whom the tutor ap-
proves of to be the pupil’s agent, on
the responsibility of the tutor.
LIB. L. TIT. XXIV.
55
TITULUS VIGESIMUS-QUARTUS.
DE SATISDATIONE TUTORUM, VEL CURATORUM.
a
D. xxvii. T. 7. C. v. T. 57.
Qui satisdare cogantur.
NE tamen pupillorum, pupilla-
rumve, et eorum, qui queeve in cu-
ratione sunt, negia a curatoribus
tutoribusve consumantur vel dimi-
nuantur, curet pretor, ut et tutores
et. curatores eo nomine satisdent.
Sed hoc non est perpetuum; nam
tutores testamento dati, satisdare
non coguntur: quia fides eorum et
diligentia ab ipso testatore approba-
taest. Item ex inquisitione tutores
vel curatores dati, satisdatione non
onerantur, quia idonei electi sunt.
It is a branch of the preetor’s office
to see, that tutors and curators give
a sufficient security for the safety
and indemnification of their pupils.
But this is not always necessary;
for a testamentary tutor is not com-
pelled to give security, inasmuch as
his fidelity and diligence seem suf-
ficiently approved of by the testator.
Also tutors, and curators appointed
upon inquiry, are supposed to be
qualified, and therefore not obliged
to give security.
Quatenus satisdatio in iis, qui satisdare non compelluntur,
locum habere possit,
$I. Sed, si ex testamento vel in-
quisitione duo pluresve dati fuerint,
potest unus offerre satisdationde in-
demnitate pupilli vel adolescentis,
et contutori suo vel concuratori
preeferri, ut solus administret; vel
ut contutor aut concurator satis of-
ferens preponatur ei, ut et ipse solus
administret. Itaque per se non po-
test petere satisdationem a contu-
tore vel concuratore; sed offerre de-
bet, ut electionem det concuratorl
vel contutori suo, utrum velit satis
accipere, an satisdare. (Quod si
nemo eorum satis offerat; siquidem
adscriptum fuerit 4 testatore, quis
gerat, ille gerere debet; quod si non
fuerit adscriptum, quem major pars
$ 1. If two, or more, are appoint-
ed by testament, or by a magistrate,
after inquiry, to be tutors or cura-
tors, any one of them, by offering
security, may be preferred to the
sole administration, or cause his co-
tutor, or co-curator, to give security,
in order to be admitted himself to
the administration. Thus a man
cannot demand security from his
co-tutor or co-curator; but by offer-
ing it himself, he may compel his
co-tutor, or co-curator, to give or
receive security. When no securi-
ty is offered, the person appointed
by the testator must be preferred ;
but, if no such person be appointed,
then he must administer whom a
56 LIB. I.
TIT. XXIV.
elegerit, ipse gerere debet, ut edicto
pretoris cavetur. Sin autem ipsi
tutores dissenserint circa eligend-
um eum vel eos, qui gerere debent,
preetor partes suas inteponere de-
bet. Idem et in pluribus ex inqui-
sitione datis comprobandum est; id
est, ut major pars eligere possit, per
quem administratio fiat.
majority of the tutors shall elect,
according to the pretorian edict:
if they disagree in their choice, the
praetor may interpose. ‘The same
rule is to be observed, when many,
either tutors or curators, are nomi-
nated on inquisition by the magis-
trate, viz. that a majority determine
who shall administer.
Qui ex administratione tutele vel curationis tenentur.
§ IL Sciendum autem est, non
solum tutores vel curatores pupillis
vel adultis, ceterisque personis, ex
administratione rerum teneri: sed
etiam in eos, qui satisdationem ac-
cipiunt, subsidiariam actionem es-
se, que ultimum eis presidium
possit afferre. Subsidiaria autem
actio in eos datur, qui aut omnind
& tutoribus vel curatoribus satisdari
non curaverunt, aut non idonée pas-
si sunt caveri: que quidem tam ex
prudentum responsis, quam ex con-
stitutionibus imperialibus, etiam in
heredes eorum extenditur.
$ 2. It is to be noted that tutors
and curators are not alone subject to
an action, on account of adminis-
tering the affairs of pupils, minors,
and others under their protection.
For a subsidiary action, which is
the last remedy to be used, will also
lie against a magistrate either for
entirely omitting to take, or for tak-
ing insufficient sureties: and this
action according to the answers of
the lawyers, as well as by the im-
perial constitutions, is extended
even against the heir of such ma-
gistrate.
Si tutor vel curator cavere nolit.
§ IT. Quibus constitutionibus et
illud exprimitur, ut, nisi caveant
tutores et curatores, pignoribus cap-
tis coerceantur.
§ 3. By the same constitutions it
is expressly enacted, that tutors and
curators, who refuse to give cau-
tion, may be compelled to it.
Qui dicta actione non tenentur.
§ IV. Neque autem prefectus
urbi, neque preetor, neque preses
provinciz, neque quisqaum alius,
cui tutores dandi jus est, hac ac-
tione tenebitur: sed hi tantummo-
do, qui satisdationem exigere so-
lent.
§ A. Neither the prefect of the city,
nor the pretor, nor the governor of
a province, nor any other, who has
power to assign tutors, shall be
subject to a subsidiary action: but
those magistrates only are liable to
it, who exact the security.
LIB. I. TIT. XXVv.
57
TITULUS VIGESIMUS-QUINTUS.
DE EXCUSATIONIBUS TUTORUM VEL CURATORUM.
D. xxvii.
aD,
C.v. T. 62.
De numero liberorum.
EXCUSANTUR autem tutores
et curatores variis ex causis; ple-
rumque tamen propter liberos, sive
in potestate sint, sive emancipati.
Si enim tres liberos superstites Ro-
mez quis habeat, vel in Italia qua-
tuor, vel in provinciis quinque, 4
tutela vel cura potest excusari, ex-
emplo caterorum munerum; nam
et tutelam et curam placuit publi-
cum munus esse. Sed adoptivi li-
beri non prosunt; in adoptionem
autem dati naturali parti, prosunt.
Item nepotes ex filio prosunt, ut in
locum patris sui succedant; ex filia
non prosunt. Filii autem super-
stites tantum ad tutele vel cure
muneris excusationem prosunt: de-
functi autem non prosunt. Sed, si
in bello amissi sunt, quesitum est,
an prosint? Et constat, eos solos
prodesse, qui in acie amituntur.
Hi enim, qui pro republica cecide-
runt, in perpetuum per gloriam vi-
vere intelliguntur.
Persons, nominated. as tutors, or
curators, may, upon diverse ac-
counts, excuse themselves; general-
ly as having children, whether sub-
ject, or emancipated. For at Rome,
if a man has three children living,
in Italy four, or in the Provinces
five, he may therefore be excused
from tutelage and curation, as well
as from other employments of a
public nature; for both tutelage and
curation are esteemed public offices.
But adopted children will not avail
the adoptor; they will nevertheless
excuse their natural father, who
gave them in adoption. Also grand-
children by a son, when they suc-
ceed in place of their father, will
excuse their grand-father; but erand-
children by a daughter will not.
Those children only, who are liv-
ing, can excuse from tutelage and
curation; the deceased are of no
avail: should it be asked if a parent
can count upon sons, destroyed in
war? We must answer, he can
avail himself of those only, who
perished in battle: for those who
have fallen for the republic, are es-
teemed to live in the immortality
of their fame.
58 LIB. I.
TIT. XXV.
De administratione rei fiscalis.
§ I. Item divus Marcus in se-
mestribus rescripsit, eum, qui res
fisci administrat, 4 tutelaé et cura
quamdiu administrat, excusari pos-
se.
De absentia reipublice causa.
$ IL. Item, qui reipublicee causa
absunt, 4 tutelaé vel cura excusan-
tur. Sed et, si fuerint tutores vel
curatores dati, deinde reipublicee
causa abesse cceperint, a tutela vel
cura excusantur, quatenus reipub-
lice causé absunt: et interea cura-
tor loco eorum datur; qui, si rever-
si fuerint, recipiunt onus tutele:
nam nec anni habent vacationem,
ut Papinianus libro quinto respon-
sorum scripsit: nam hoc spatium
habent ad novas tutelas vocati.
$ 1. The emperor Marcus declar-
ed by rescript from his Semestriat
council, that a person engaged in
the Treasury Department 1s ex-
cused from tutelage and curation,
while so employed.
'
§ 2. Persons absent on public bu-
siness, are exempted from tutelage
and curation; and if such, who are
already assigned to be either tutors
or curators, should afterwards be
thus absent, they are excused while
they continue in public service; and
curators must be appointed in their
place; on their return, they must a-
gain take upon them the burden of
tutelage. But they are not intitled
(as Papinian asserts in the fifth
book of his answers) to the privi-
lege of a year’s vacation: for that
term is allowed to those only, who
are called to a new tutelage.
De potestate.
§ ID. Et, qui potestatem ali-
quam habent, se excusare possunt,
ut divus Marcus rescripsit: sed su-
sceptam tutelam deserere non pos-
sunt.
.§ 3. By a rescript of the emperor
Marcus, all superior magistrates
may, as such, excuse themselves;
but they cannot desert a tutelage
once undertaken.
De lite cum pupillo vel adulto.
§$ IV. Item propter litem, quam
cum pupillo vel adulto tutor vel cu-
rator habet, excusari non potest:
nisi forté de omnibus bonis vel
hereditate controversia sit.
§ 4. No tutor or curator can ex-
cuse himself by alleging a law-suit
with the pupil or minor; unless the
suit is for all the goods, or the whole
inheritance of such pupil or minor.
LIB. I.
TIT. XXV.
59
De tribus tutele et cure non oneribus.
§ V. Item tria onera tutelz non
affectatee, vel curse, preestant vaca-
tionem, quanditi. administrantur :
ut tamen, plurium pupillorumtutela
vel cura eorundem bonorum, veluti
fratrum, pro und computetur.
$ 5. Three tutelages or curator-
ships unsolicited, excuse during
their continuance, from the burden
of a fourth. But the tutelage or
curation of many pupils, as of sev-
eral brothers under one patrimony,
is reckoned as one only.
De paupertate.
§ VI. Sed et propter pauperta § 6. The divine brothers have
tem excusationem tribui, tam divi declared by their rescript, and the
fratres, quam per se divus Marcus emperor Marcus also, that poverty
rescripsit, si quis imparem se oneri isa sufficient excuse, when it can
injuncto possit docere.
be proved such, as to render a man
incapable of the burden imposed
upon him.
*
De adversa valetudine.
§ VII. Item propter adversam
valetudinem, propter quam ne suis
quidem negotiis interesse potest,
excusatio locum habet.
§ 7. Illness also, if it prevent a
man from transacting his own busi-
ness, is a sufficient excuse.
De imperitia literarum.
§ VIII. Similiter eos qui literas
nesciunt, esse excusandos, Divus
Pius rescripsit; quamvis et impe-
riti literarum possint ad administra-
tionem negotiorem suflicere.
$ 8. By the rescript of the em-
peror Antoninus Pius, illiterate per-
sons are to be excused; although in
some cases they may suffice.
De inimicita patris.
$ IX. Item si propter inimiciti-
as aliquem testamento tutorem pa-
ter dederit, hoc ipsum prestat ei
excusationem; sicut per contrari-
um non excusantur, qui, se tutelam
administraturos, patri pupillorum
promiserant.
§ 9. If a father through enmity
appoints any particular person, by
testament, the motive will afford a
sufficient excuse. Contrawise, he
who by promise hath engaged him,
self to a testator, can not be excus-
ed from the office of tutelage.
60
LIB. I. TIT. XXvV.
De ignorantia testatoris.
§ X. Non esse autem admitten-
dam excusationem ejus, qui hoc
solo utitur, quod ignotus patri pu-
pillorum sit, Divi fratres rescripse-
runt.
$ 10. The divine brothers have
enacted by their rescript, that the
pretence of being unknown to the
father of a pupil is not of itself a
sufficient excuse.
De inimicitiis cum patre pupilli vel adulti.
§ XI. Inimicitie, quas quis cum
patre pupillorum vel adultorum
exercuit, si capitales fuerunt, nec
reconciliatio intervenit, 4 tutela vel
cura solent excusare.
§ XI. A capital enmity, against
the father of a pupil or adult, un-
reconciled, is usually considered as
an excuse from tutelage or curator-
ship.
De status controversia a patre pupilli illata.
$ XIT. Item is, qui status con-
troversiam a pupillorum patre pas-
sus est, cxcusatur 4 tutela.
*
§ 12. Also he, whose condition
hath been controverted by the fa-
ther of the pupil, is excused from
the tutelage.
De etate.
§ XIII. Item major septuaginta
annis 4 tutelé et cura se potest ex-
cusare. Minores autem viginti
quinque’annis olim quidem excu-
sabantur: nostra autem constitu-
tione prohibentur ad tutelam vel
curam adspirare; aded ut nec ex-
cusaitone opus sit. Qua constitu-
tione cavetur, ut nec pupillus ad
legitimam tutelam vocetur, nec
adultus: cum sit incivile, eos, qui
alieno auxilio in rebus suis admin-
istrandis egere noscuntur, et ab
aliis reguntur, aliorum tutelam vel |
curam subire.
§$ 13. Persons above seventy
years of age, may be excused from
tutelage and curation. Also mi-
nors were formerly excusable; but,
by our constitution, they are now
prohibited from aspiring to these
trusts ; so that excuses are become
unnecessary. By the same consti-
tution, neither pupils, nor adults
shall be called even to a legal tute-
lage. For it is absurd that per-
sons, who are themselves govern-
ed, and need assistance in the ad-
minisiration of their own affairs,
should be admitted, either as tutors
or curators, to manage the affairs
of others.
De militia.
§ XIV. Idem et in milite obser-
vadum est, ut nec volens ad tutele
onus admittatur.
$ 14. Note also, that no military
persons, although willing, can be
admitted as tutor or curator. .
LIB. L.
TIT. XXV.
61
De grammaticis, rhetoribus, et medicis.
§ XV. Item Rome grammatici,
rhetores, et medici, et qui in patria
sua has artes exercent, et intra
numerum sunt, 4 tutela et cura ha-
bent vacationem.
§ 15. At Rome, grammarians,
rhetoricians, and physicians, and
they who exercise such professions
in their own country, within the
number authorised, are exempted
from tutelage and curation.
De tempore et modo proponendi excusationes.
§ XVI. Qui autem et vult excu-
sare, si plures habeat excusationes,
et de quibusdam non probaverit,
aliis uti, intra tempora constituta,
non prohibetur. Qui autem excu-
sare se volunt, non appellant, sed
intra quinquaginta dies continuos,
eX quo cognoverint se tutores vel
curatores datos, se excusare de-
bent, cujuscunque generis sint; id
est, qualitercunque dati fuerint tu-
tores, si intra centesimum lapidem
sint ab eo loco, ubi tutores dati
sunt. Si vero ultra centesimum
lapidem habitant, dinumeratione
facta viginti millium diurnorum, et
amplius triginta dierum; qui tamen,
ut Sceevola dicebat, sic debent com-
putari, ne minus sint, quam quin-
quaginta dies.
§ 16. He who can allege many
excuses, and hath failed in his proof
of some, is not prohibited from as-
signing others within the time pre-
scribed. But tutors and curators of
whatever kind; whether legal, testa-
mentary, or dative, (if desirous to
excuse themselves) ought not to
prefer an appeal from their appoint-
ment; but they should exhibit their
excuses before the proper magis-
trate, within fifty days after they
are certified of their nomination, if
they are within an hundred miles
from the place of nomination. But,
if they are distant more than an
hundred miles, they are allowed a
day for every twenty miles, and
thirty days besides; which, taken
together, ought never, according to
Scevola, to make a less number of
days than fifty.
De excusatione pro parte patrimonil.
$ XVII. Datus autem tutor ad
universum patrimonium datus esse
creditur.
§ 17. When a tutor is appointed,
he is considered as having the care
of the whole patrimony of his pupil.
De tutele gestione.
§ XVIII. Qui tutelam alicujus
gessit, invitus curator ejusdem fieri
non compellitur; in tantum ut, li-
cet pater-familias, qui testamento
tutorem dedit, adjecerit se eundem
$18. A tutor of a minor, cannot
be compelled to become his curator:
and, by the rescript of the emperors
Severus and Antoninus,although the
father of a family should, by testa-
62 LIB. I.
TIT. XXVI.
curatorem dare, tamen, invitum
eum curam suscipere non cogen-
dum, divi Severus et Antoninus
rescripserunt.
ment, appoint any person to be first
the tutor of his children, and after-
wards their curator, the person so
appointed if unwilling, is not com-
pellable to serve.
De marito.
§ XIX. Idem _ rescripserunt,
maritum uxori sue curatorem da-
tum excusare se posse, licet se im-
misceat.
§ 19. The same emperors have
enacted, that a husband may ex-
cuse himself from being curator to
his wife, even after he hath begun
to act.
De falsis allegationibus.
§ XX. Si quis autem falsis alle-
gationibus excusationem tutele me-
ruerit, non est liberatus onere tute-
le.
§ 20. If any man by false allega-
tions, hath merited to be removed
from tutelage, he is not therefore
freed from the burden of this office.
TITULUS VIGESIMUS-SEXTUS.
DE SUSPECTIS TUTORIBUS VEL CURATORIBUS.
D. xxvi. T. 10. C. v. T. 43.
‘Unde suspecti crimen descendat.
SCIENDUM est, suspecti cri-
men ex lege duodecim tabularum
descendere.
The accusation of a suspected
tutor, or curator, is derived from
the law of the twelve tables.
Qui de hoc crimine cognoscunt,
§ I. Datum autem est jus remo-
vendi tutores suspectos Rome pree-
tori, et in provinciis presidibus ea-
rum, et legato proconsulis.
§ 1. At Rome the power of re-
moving suspected tutors belongs to
the preetors; in the provinces to the
governors, or to the legate of a
proconsul.
LIB. I. TIT. xxvi
63
Qui suspecti fieri possunt.-
$ IL. Ostendimus, qui possunt de
Suspecto cognoscere; nunc videa-
mus, qui suspecti fieri possint: et
possunt quidem omnes tutores fieri
suspecti, sive sint. testamentarii,
sive non sint, sed alterius generis
tutores. Quare etsi legitimus fuerit
tutor, accusari poterit. Quid si pa-
tronus? Adhuc idem erit dicendum:
dummodo meminerimus, fame pa-
troni parcendum esse, licet ut sus-
pectus remotus fuerit.
$2. We have shewn what magis-
trates may take cognisance of sus-
pected persons: let us now inquire,
what persons may become suspect-
ed. And all tutors may become so,
whether testamentary, or other.
For even a legal tutor may be ac-
cused ; so may al patron: but] we
must remember, that, as such, his
reputation must be spared, although
he be removed from his trust, as a
suspected person.
Qui possunt suspectos postulare.
$ III. Consequens est, ut videa-
mus, qui possint suspectos postu-
lare. Et sciendum est, quasi pub-
licam esse hanc accusationem ; hoc
est, omnibus patere. Quinimo mu-
lieres admittuntur ex rescripto di-
vorum Severi et Antonini; sed he
sole, que, pietatis necessitudine
ductze, ad hoe procedunt: ut puta
mater, nutrix quoque et avia: po-
test et soror. Sed et, si qua alia
mulier fuerit, quam preetor propen-
sa pietate intellexerit, sextis verec-
undiam non egredientem, sed_pie-
tate productam, non sustinere inju-
riam pupillorum, admittet eam ad
accusationem.
$§ 3. Let us then inquire, by whom
suspected persons may be accused.
Now an accusation of this sort is of
a public nature, and open to all.
For, by a rescript of the emperors
Severus and Antoninus, even wo-
men are admitted to be accusers;
yet such only, as are induced by
their duty, or by their relation to the
minor; thus a mother, a nurse, or a
grand-mother, or a sister, may be-
come accusers. But the preetor can
at discretion admit any women, who
acting with becoming modesty, but
impatient of wrongs offered to pu-
pils, appears to have no other mo-
tive, than to relieve the injured.
An pubes vel impubes.
$ IV. Impuberes non possunt tu-
tores suos suspectos postulare: pu-
beres autem curatores suos ex con-
silio necessariorum suspectos pos-
Sunt arguere: et ita Divi Severus
et Antoninus rescripserunt.
$ 4. No pupil can bring an accu-
sation of suspicion against his tu-
tor; but adults, by the rescript of
Severus and Antoninus, are permit-
ed, when they act by advice of per-
sons related to them, to accuse their
curators. (Prochein Ami.)
64 LIB. I.
TIT. XXVI.
Qui dicatur suspectus.
§ V. Suspectus autem est, qui
non ex fide tutelam gerit, licet sol-
vendo sit, ut Julianus quoque scrip-
sit. Sed, et anteaquam incipiat
tutelam gerere tutor, posse eum
quasi suspectum removeri, idem
Julianus scripsit: et secundum eum
constitutum est.
De effectu
§$ VI. Suspectus autem remotus,
siquidem ob dolum, famosus est:
si ob culpam, non eque.
$ 5. Any tutor however responsi-
ble who does not faithfully execute
his trust, may, according to Julian,
be pronounced suspected. And it
is also his opinion adhered to in our
constitutions, that a tutor may be
removed from his office, as suspect-
ed, even before he has begun to
execute it.
remotionis.
$ 6. A suspected person removed,
if on account of fraud, is infamous,
if for neglect only, not equally so.
De effectu accusationis.
§ VI. Si quis autem suspectus
postulatur, quoad cognitio finiatur,
interdicitur ei administratio, ut Pa-
piniano visum est.
Quibus modis
$ VIII. Sed, si suspecti cognitio
suscepta fuerit, posteaque tutor vel
curator decesserit, extinguitur sus-
pecti cognitio.
§ 7. If any tutor is accused upon
suspicion, his administration, ac-
cording to Papinian, is suspended,
while the accusation is pending.
cognitio finitur.
§ 8. If a suspected tutor or cura-
tor should die, pending the accusa-
tion, the cognisance of it is extin-
guished.
Si tutor copiam sui non faciat.
§ IX. Si quis tutor copiam sui
non faciat, ut alimenta pupillo de-
cernantur, cavetur epistolé divorum
Severi et Antonini, ut in possessio-
nem bonorum ejus pupillus mitta-
tur; et, que moré deteriora futura
sunt, dato curatore, distrahi juben-
tur: ergo, ut suspectus, removeri
poterit, qui non preestat alimenta.
§$ 9. If a tutor fails to appear, to
avoid a decree of maintenance for
his pupil, it is provided by the con-
stitution of Severus and Antoninus,
that the pupil shall be put into the
possession of his tutor’s effects ; and
that, a, curator being appointed,
those things, which are perishable,
may be sold: and a tutor, not af-
fording maintenance to his pupil,
may be removed, as suspected.
LIB. I. TIT. XXVL
65
Si neget alimenta decerni posse, vel tutelam redemerit.
$ X. Sed, si quis preesens negat
propter inopiam alimenta posse de-
cerni, si hoc per mendacium dicat,
remittendum eum esse ad prefec-
tum urbi puniendum placuit, sicut
ille remittitur, qui data pecunia,
ministerium tutele acquisierit, vel
redemerit.
§ 10. But if the tutor appearing,
falsely avers, that the effects of his
pupil are insufficient for an allow-
ance, he shall be remitted to be the
prefect of the city, and punished in
the same manner, as one who hath
acquired a tutelage by bribery.
De liberto fraudulenter administrante.
§ XI. Libertus quoque, si frau-
dulenter tutelam filiorum vel nepo-
tum patroni gessisse probetur, ad
prefectum urbi remittitur punien-
dus.
Si suspectus satis offerat ;
§ XII. Novissimé autum scien-
dum est, eos, qui fraudulenter tute-
lam administrant, etiamsi satis offe-
rant, removendos esse 4 tutela; quia-
satisdatio tutoris propositum male-
volum non mutat, sed diutius gras-
sandi in re familiari facultatem
prestat. Suspectum etiam eum
putamus, qui moribus talis est, ut
suspectus sit. Enimvero tutor vel
curator, quamvis pauper sit, fidelis
tamen et diligens, removendus non
est, quasi suspectus.
§ 11. Also a freed-man, who is
proved to have fraudulently admin-
istered the tutelage of the son, or
grand-son of his patron, must be re-
mitted to the preefect to be punished.
et quis dicatur suspectus.
$ 12. Lastly, they who unfaith-
fully administer their trust, must be
removed from it, although they ten-
der sufficient security. For giving
security alters not the malevolent
purpose of the tutor, but procures
him a longer opportunity of de-
frauding the estate. We also deem
every man suspected, whose im-
moralities give cause for it: but a
tutor or curator who is faithful and
diligent, cannot be removed, as a
suspected person, merely on ac-
count of poverty.
~
FINIS LIBRI PRIMI.
DIVI JUSTINIANI
INSTITUTIONUM
LIBER
SECUNDUS.
TITULUS
PRIMUS.
DE RERUM DIVISIONE, ET ACQUIRENDO EARUM DOMINIO.
D.1.T. 8. C. xl. T. 1.
Continuatio et duplex rerum divisio,
SUPERIORE libro de jure per-
sonarum exposuimus; modo videa-
mus de rebus; que vel in nostro
patrimonio, vel extra patrimoni-
um nostrum, habentur. Quedam
enim naturali jure communia sunt
omnium, quedam publica, quedam
universitatis, quedam nullius, ple-
raque singulorum, que ex variis
causis cuique acquiruntur, sicut ex
subjectis apparebit.
We have treated of persons in the
foregoing book; let us now inquire
concerning things, which may be
divided into such as are, and such
as are not within our patrimony, for
some things are in common by the
law of nature; some are public;
some universal; and some there are,
to which no man can have a right.
But most things are the property of
individuals, by whom they are va-
riously acquired, as will appear
hereafter.
De aere, aqua profluente, mari, littore, &c.
§ I. Et quidem naturali jure
communia sunt omnium hec, aer,
aqua profluens, mare, et per hoc
littora maris: nemo igitur ad littus
maris accedere prohibetur; dum ta-
men & villis et monumentis et zdi-
ficiis abstineat: quia non sunt juris
gentium, sicut est mare.
§ 1. Things common to mankind
by the law of nature, are the air,
running water, the sea, and conse-
quently the shores of the sea; no
man therefore is prohibited from
approaching any part of the sea-
shore, whilst he abstains from da-
maging farms, monuments, edifices,
&c. which are not in common as
the sea is.
68 LIB. II.
TIT. 1
De fluminibus et portubus.
§ II. Flumina autem omnia, et
portus, publica sunt: idedque jus
piscandi omnibus commune est.in
portu fluminibusque.
§ 2. Rivers and ports are public;
hence the right of fishing in a port,
or in rivers are in common.
Definitio littoris.
§ III. Est autem littus maris,
quatenus hybernus fluctus maxi-
mus excurrit.
$3. All that tract of land, over
which the greatest winter flood ex-
tends itself, is the sea-shore.
De usu et proprietate riparum.
§$ IV. Riparum quoque usus pub-
licus est jure gentium, sicut ipsius
fluminis; itaque naves ad eas ap-
pellere, funes arboribus ibi natis re-
ligare, onus aliquod in his reponere,
cuilibet liberum est, sicut per ip-
sum flumen navigare: sed proprie-
tas earum illorum est, quorum pre-
diis herent: qua de causa arbores
quoque in eisdem nate eorundem
sunt.
§$ 4. By the law of nations the
use of the banks is as public as the
rivers; therefore all persons are at
equal liberty to land their vessels,
unload them, and to fasten ropes to
trees upon the banks, as to navigate
upon the river itself; still, the banks
of a river are the property of those
who possess the land adjoining;
and therefore the trees which grow
upon them, are also the property
of the same persons.
7
De usu et proprietate littorum.
§ V. Littorum quoque usus pub-
licus est, et juris gentium, sicut et
ipsius maris: et ob id cuilibet libe-
rum est casam ibi ponere, in quam
se recipiat, sicut retia siccare, et ex
mari deducere; proprietas autem
eorum potest intelligi nullius esse:
sed ejusdem juris esse, cujus et
mare, et, que subjacet mari, terra
vel arena.
$5. The use of the sea-shore, as
well as of the sea, is also public by
the law of nations; and therefore
any person may erect a cottage up-
on it, to which he may resort to dry
his nets, and hawl them from the
water ; for the shores are not un-
derstood to be property in any man,
but are compared to the sea itself,
and to the sand or ground which is
under the sea.
De rebus universitatis..
§ VI. Universitatis sunt, non sin-
gulorum, que in civitatibus sunt,
$6. Theatres, ground appropri-
ated for a race, or public exercise,
theatra, stadia, et his similia, et
81 qua alia sunt communia civita-
cum.
LIB. II.
TIT. I. 69
and things of this nature, which
belong to a whole city, are public,
and not private property.
De rebus nullius.
§ VII. Nullius autem sunt res
sacre, et religiose, et sanctee: quod
enim divini juris est, id nullius in
bonis est.
$ 7. Things sacred, religious and
holy, belong to no individual: for
that which is of divine right, is not
private property.
De rebus sacris.
§ VIIL. Sacra tes sunt, ques ritd
per pontifices Deo consecrate sunt;
veluti zdes sacre, et donaria, que
rité ad ministeriurn Dei dedicata
sunt; que etiam per nostram con-
stitutionem alienari et obligari pro-
hibuimus, excepta causa redemp-
tionis captivorum. Si quis autem
auctoritate sud quasi sacrum sibi
constituerit, sacrum non est, sed
profanum. Locus autem, in quo
zedes sacree sunt edificate, etiam,
diruto edificio, sacer adhuc manet,
ut et Papinianus scripsit.
$ 8. Things, which have been
duly consecrated by the pontiffs, are
sacred; as churches, chapels, and
moveables, properly dedicated to
the service of God: which we have
forbidden by our constitution to be
aliened or obligated, unless for the
redemption of captives. But, if a
man should consecrate a building
by his own authority, it would not
thus be rendered sacred; but the
ground upon which a sacred. edifice
hath once been erected, will, accord-
ing to Papinian, continue to be sac-
red,although the edifice is destroyed.
De religiosis.
§ IX. Religiosum locum unus-
quisque sud voluntate facit, dum
mortuum infert in locum suum: in
communem autem locum purum,
invito socio, inferre non licet: in
commune vero sepulchrum etiam,
invitis ceteris, licet inferre. Item,
si alienus ususfructus est, proprie-
tarium placet, nisi consentiente usu-
fructuario, locum religiosum non fa-
cere. In alienum locum, consenti-
ente domino, licét inferre; et, licet
postea ratwnit non habuerit, quam
§ 9. Any man may at his will
render his own place religious, by
making it the repository of a dead
body; yet, when two are joint pos-
sessors of ground, not before used for
such a purpose, the one cannot make
it religious without consent of the
other. But, when there is a sepul-
chre in common, any joint possessor
may use it, although the rest dissent.
And, when there is a proprietor, and
an usuftuctuary, of the same place,
the proprietor, without the consent
70 LIB. II.
TIT. 1.
illatus est mortuus, tamen locus re-
ligiosus fit.
of the usufructuary, cannot render
it religious. But a dead body may
be laid in a place, with consent of
the owner; who if he should after-
wards dissent, yet the place be-
comes religious.
De rebus sanctis.
§ X. Sancte quoque res, veluti
muri et porte: civitatis, quodammo-
do divini juris sunt; et ideo nullius
in bonis sunt. Ided autem muros
sanctos dicimus, quia pcena capitis
constituta est in eos, qui aliquid in
muros deliquerint. Ideo et legum
eas partes, quibus pcenas constitui-
mus adversus eos, qui contra leges
fecerint, sanctiones vocamus.
§ 10. Holy things also, as the
walls and gates of a city, are in
some sort of divine right, and there-
fore the property of noman. The
walls of a city are esteemed holy,
inasmuch as any offence against
them is punished capitally: and
therefore, all those parts of the laws,
by which punishments are inflicted
upon transgressors, we term sanc-
tions.
De rebus singulorum.
§ XI. Singulorum autem homi-
num multis modis res fiunt: quar-
undum enim, rerum dominium nan-
cisimur jure naturali, quod, sicut
diximus, appellatur jus gentium;
quarundum vero jure civili. Com-
modits est itaque a vetustiore jure
incipere. Palam est autem, vetus-
tius esse jus naturale, quod cum ip-
so genere humano rerum natura
prodidit. Civilia autem jura tune
esse coeperunt, cum et civitates con-
di, et magistratus creari et leges
scribi, ceeperunt.
$ 11. There are various means,
by which things become private pro-
perty. Ofsome we obtain dominion
by the law of nature, which (as we
have already observed) is also call-
ed the law of nations; of others by
the civil law. But it will be most
convenient to begin from the more
ancient law; that law, which na-
ture established at the birth of man-
kind; for civil laws could then only
begin to exist, when cities began to
be built, magistracies to be created,
and laws to be written.
De occupatione ferarum.
§ XII. Feree igitur bestia, et vo-
lucres, et pisces, et omnia animalia,
que mari, ccelo, et terra nascuntur,
simul atque ab aliquo capta fuerint,
jure gentium statim illius esse in-
$ 12. Wild beasts, birds, fish, and
all animals, bred either in the sea,
the air, or upon the earth, so soon
as they are taken, become by the
law of nations, the property of the
LIB. IL.
4
cipiunt: quod enim ante nullius est,
id naturali ratione occupanti conce-
ditur: nec interest, feras bestias et
volucres utrum in suo fundo quis
capiat, an in alleno. Plané, qui
alienum fundum ingreditur venandi
ut aucupandi gratia, potest 4 domi-
no, si is preeviderit, prohiberi, ne in-
grediatur. Quicquid autem eorum
ceperis, eousque tuum esse intelligi-
tur, donec tua custodia coercetur;
cum vero tuam evaserit custodiam,
et in libertatem naturalem sese re-
ceperit, tuum esse desimit, et rurs-
us occupantis fit. Naturalem au-
tem libertatem recipere intelligitur,
cum vel oculos tuos effugerit, vel
ita sit in conspectu tuo, ut difficilis
sit ejus persecutio.
TIT. 1. 71
captor: for natural reason gives to
the first occupant, that which had
no previous owner: and it is not
material, whether a man take wild
beasts or birds upon his own, or up-
on the ground of another: although
whoever hath entered into the
ground of another for the sake of
hunting or fowling, might have been
prohibited by the proprietor, if he
had foreseen the intent. Whatever
of this kind you take, is regarded
as your property while it remains
under your coercion; but when it
hath escaped your custody, and re-
covered its natural liberty, it ceases
to be yours and becomes the pro-
perty of the first who seizes it. It
is understood to have recovered. its
natural liberty, if it hath escaped
your sight; or although not out of
sight, yet if it cannot be pursued
and retaken without great difficulty.
De vulneratione.
$ XIII. Illud quesitum est, an
si fera bestia ita vulnerata sit, ut
capi possit, statim tua esse intel-
ligatur. Et quibusdam placuit,
statim esse tuam, et eousque tuam
videri, donec eam persequaris: quod.
si desieris persequi, desimere tuam
esse; et rursus fieri occupantis: alii
vero putaverunt, non aliter tuam
esse, quam si eam ceperis. Sed
posteriorem sententiam nos con-
firmamus. quod multa accidere so-
leant, ut eam non capias.
§ 13. It hath been questioned,
whether a wild beast belongs to
him, by whom it hath been so
wounded, that it may been taken.
And, in the opinion of some, it doth
so, as long as he pursues it; but, if
he quits the pursuit, it ceases to be
his, and again becomes the right of
the first occupant. Others have
thought, that property in a wild
beast must attach to the actual tak-
ing it. We confirm this latter opi-
nion; because many accidents hap-
pen, which prevent the capture.
72
LIB. II.
i bd &
De apibus.
§ XIV. Apium quoque fera na-
tura est: itaque apes, que in ar-
bore tua consederint, antequam 4
te alveo includantur, non magis
tuge intelliguntur esse, quam voluc-
res, que in arbore tua nidum fece-
rint: idedque, si alius eas incluserit,
is earum dominus erit. Favos quo-
que, si quos effecerint, eximere qui-
libet potest. Plané integra re, si
previderis ingredientem fundum
tuum, poteris eum jure prohibere,
ne ingrediatur. Examen quoque,
quod ex alveo tuo evolaverit, eous-
que intelligitur esse tuum, donec in
conspectu. tuo est, nec difficilis
persecutio ejus est; alioquin, oc-
cupantis fit.
$ 14. Bees also are wild by na-
ture: therefore, although they
swarm upon your tree, they are not
reputed, until they are hived by
you, to be more your property, than
the birds, which have nests there:
so, if any other person inclose them
in a hive, he becomes their proprie-
tor. Their honeycombs also, if
any, become the property of him
who takes them: but clearly, if you
observe any person entering into
your ground, the object untouched,
you may justly hinder him. A
swarm, which hath flown from your
hive, is still reputed to continue
yours, as long as it is in sight, and
may easily be pursued; but, in any
other case, it will become the pro-
perty of the oecupant.
De pavonibus et columbis, et czeteris animalibus mansuefactis.
§ XV. Pavonum quoque et co-
lumbarum fera natura est; nec ad
rem pertinet, quod ex consuetudine
evolare et revolare solent; nam et
apes idem faciunt, quarum constat
feram esse naturam. Cervos quo-
que quidem ita mansuetos habent,
wt in silvam ire et redire soleant,
quorum et ipsorum feram esse na-
turam nemo negat, In iis autem
animalibus, que ex consuetudine
abire et redire solent, talis regula
comprobata est; ut eousque tua esse
intelligantur, donec animum rever-
tendi haheant: nam, si revertendi
animum habere desierint, etiam tua
esse desinunt, et fiunt occupan-
§ 15. Peacocks and Pigeons are
also naturally wild; nor is it any
objection that after every flight, it
is their custom to return: for bees
that are naturally wild, do so too.
Some have had deer so tame, that
they would go to the woods, and re-
turn at regular periods; yet no one
denies, but that deer are wild by na-
ture. But, with respect to animals,
which go and return customarily,
the rule is, that they are considered
yours, as long as they retain an in-
clination to return; but, if this
ceases, they cease to be yours; and
will again become the property of
those who take them. These
: LIB. II.
tium. Revertendi autem animum
videntur desinere habere tunc, cum
revertendi consuetudinem deserue-
Tint.
De gallinis
§ XVI. Gallinarum autem et an-
serum non est fera natura: idque
eX e0, possumus intelligere, quod
alize sunt gallinee, quas feras voca-
mus; item alii sunt anseres, quos
feros appellamus: idedque, si anse-
res tui, aut galline tus, aliquo mo-
do turbati turbateve evolaverint,
licet conspectum tuum effugerint,
quocumque tamen loco sint, tui
tuzeve esse intelliguntur; et, qui luc-
randi animo ea animalia detinet,
furtum committere intelligitur.
TIT. I. 73
animals seem to have lost the in-
clination to return, when they dis-
use the custom of returning.
et anseribus.
§ 16. But geese, and fowls are not
wild by nature; and this we may
observe, because there isa kind of
fowls and geese, which in contra-
distinction we term wild; and there-
fore if your geese or fowls, being dis-
turbed and frightened, should take
flight, they are still regarded as
yours wherever found,although you
may have lost sight of them; and
whoever detains such animals, with
a lucrative view, is understood to
commit a theft. —
De occupatione in bello.
§ XVII. Item ea, que ex hosti-
bus capimus, jure gentium statim
nostra fiunt; adéo quidem, ut et li-
beri homines in servitutem nostram
deducantur; qui tamen, si evase-
rint nostram potestatem, et ad suos
reversi fuerint, pristinum statum
recipiunt.
§ 17. What we take from our
enemies in war, becomes instantly
our own by the law of nations; so
that free-men may be brought into
a state of servitude by capture;
but, if they afterwards escape, and
return to their own people, they
obtain again their former state.
De occupatione eorum, que in littore inveniuntur.
§ XVIII. Item lapilli, et gemme,
et cetera, que in littore maris in-
veniuntur, jure naturali statim in-
ventoris fiunt.
§ 18. Precious stones, gems and
other things, found upon the sea-
shore, become instantly by the law
of nations, the property of the
finder.
De feetu animalium.
§ XIX. Item ea, que ex animali-
bus dominio tuo subjectis nata
sunt, eodem jure tibi acquiruntur.
10
$19. The product of those ani-
mals, which are reduced to our
subjection, becomes by the same
law, our own.
74 LIB. II.
TIT. I.
De alluvione.
§$ XX. Preeteréa, quod per allu-
vionem agro tuo flumen adjecit,
jure gentium tibi acquiritur. Est
autem alluvio incrementum latens.
Per alluvionem autem id videtur
adjici, quod ita paulatim adjicitur,
ut intelligi non possit, quantum quo-
vue temporis momento adjiciatur.
$ 20. Moreover, that ground
which a river hath added to your
estate by alluvion, becomes your
own by the law of nations. And
that is said to be alluvion, which is
added so gradually, that no one can
judge how much is added at each
moment of time.
De vi fluminis.
§ XXI. Quod si vis fluminis de
tuo preedio partem aliquam detrax-
erit, et vicini preedio attulerit, pa-
lam est, eam tuam permanere: plané
si longiore tempore fundo. vicini tui
heserit; arboresque, quas secum
traxerit, in eum fundum radices
egerint; ex eo tempore videntur
vicini fundo acquisitz esse.
$ 21. But, if the impetuosity of a
river should sever a part of your
estate, and adjoin it to that of your
neighbour, it is certain, such part
would still continue yours; but, if
it should remain, for a long time,
joined to the estate of your neigh-
bour, and the trees, which accompa-
nied it, take root in his ground, such
trees seem, from the time of taking
root, to be acquired to his estate.
De insula.
§ XXIL. Insula, que in mari est
(quod raro accidit) occupantis fit:
nullius enim esse creditur. At in-
sula in flumine nata (quod frequen-
ter accidit) si quidem mediam par-
tem fluminis tenet, communis est
eorum,qui ab utraque parte fluminis
prope ripam preedia possident, pro
modo scilicet latitudinis cujusque
preedii, quae prope ripam sit: quod
si alteri proximior sit parti, eorum
est tantum, qui ab ea parte prope
ripam preedia possident. Quod si
qua. parte divisum sit flumen, dein-
de infra unitum agrum alicujus in
formam insule redegerit, ejusdem
§ 22. When an island rises in the
sea, (which rarely happens) the pro-
perty of it is in the occupant; for
before occupation, it isin no one.
But if an island rises in a river,
(which frequently happens) and is
placed exactly in the middle of it,
such island shall be in common to
them, who possess the lands near the
banks on each side of the river, in
proportion to the extent of each
man’s estate adjoining the banks.
But, if the island is nearer to one
side than the other, it belongs to
them only, who possess lands next
to the banks on that side, to which
LIB. II.
permanet is ager cujus et fuerat.
TIT. I. Eh
the island is nearest. But, if a river
divides itself and afterwards unites
again, having reduced a tract of
land into the form of an island, the
land still continues to be the pro-
perty of the former owner.
De alveo.
$ XXIII. Quod si, naturali alveo
-in universum derelicto, ad aliam
partem fluere ceeperit, prior quidem
alveus eorum est, qui prope ripam
ejus praedia possident; pro modé
scilicet latitudinis cujusque agri,
quee prope ripam sit; novus autem
alveus ejus juris esse incipit, cujus
et ipsum flumen est,id est, publicus :
quod si post aliquod tempus ad prio-
rem alveum reversum fuerit flumen,
rursus novus alveus eorum esse in-
cipit, qui prope ripam ejus predia
possident.
$ 23. Ifa river, entirely forsak-
ing its natural channel, hath began
to flow elsewhere, the first channel
appertains to those, who possess the
lands close to the banks of it, in pro-
portion to the extent of each man’s
estate next to such banks: and the
new channel partakes of the nature
of the river, and becomes public.
And, if after some time the river re-
turns to its former channel, the new
channel again becomes the property
of those who possess the lands con-
tiguous to its banks.
De inundatione.
§ XXIV. Alia sané causa est, si
cujus torus ager inundatus fuerit;
neque enim inundatio fundi speciem
commutat: et ob id, si recesserit
aqua, palam est eum fundum ejus
manere, cujus et fuit.
§ 24. It is otherwise as to lands,
which are overflowed only: for an
inundation alters not the face and
nature of the earth; and therefore,
when the waters have receded, it is
clear that the property will still re-
main in the same owner.
De specificatione,
§ XXV. Cum ex aliena materia
species aliqua facta sit ab aliquo,
queri solet, quis eorum naturali ra-
tione dominus sit: utrum is, qui
fecerit, an potius ille, qui materize
dominus fuerat: ut eccé, si quis ex
alienis uvis, aut olivis, aut spicis,
vinum, aut oleum, aut frumentum,
fecerit; aut ex alieno auro, vel
§ 25. When a man hath made any
species, or kind of work, with mate-
rials belonging to another, it is of-
ten asked, which ought, in natural
reason, to be deemed the master of
it; whether he who gave the form,
or he, who owned the materials? as,
if any person should make wine, oil
or flour, from the grapes, olives, or
76 LIB. Ii.
TIT. 1
argento, vel gre, vas aliquod fece-
rit; vel ex alieno vino et melle mul-
sum miscuerit; vel ex medicamen-
tis alienis emplastrum aut colly-
rium composuerit; vel ex aliena
lana vestimentum fecerit; vel ex
alienis abulis navem, vel armar-
ium, vel subsellia, fabricaverit. Dt,
post multam Sabinianiorum et Pro-
culianorum ambiguitatem, placuit
media sententia existimantium, si
ea species ad priorem et rudem ma-
teriam reduci possit, eum videri do-
minium esse, qui materiz dominus
fuerit; si non possit reduci, eum
potius intelligi dominum, qui fece-
rit; ut ecce, vas conflatum potest ad
rudem materiam eeris, vel argenti,
vel auri, reduci: vinum autem, vel
oleum, aut frumentum, ad uvas,
vel olivas, vel spicas, reverti non
potest: ac ne mulsum quidem ad
vinum et mel resolvi potest. Quod
si partim ex sua materia, partim ex
aliend, speciem aliquam fecerit
quis; veluti ex suo vino et alieno
melle mulsum miscuerat; aut ex
suis et alienis medicamentis em-
plastrum aut collyrium; aut ex sud
lana vestimentum fecerit; dubitan-
dum non est, hoc casu, eum esse
dominum, qui fecerit: cum non so-
lum operam suam dederit, set ét
partem ejusdem materie prestite-
rit.
corn of another; cast a vessel out
of gold, silver, or brass, belonging
to another; make mead or mulse
with the wine and honey of another;
compose a plaster, or eye water
with another man’s medicines;
make a garment with another’s
wool; or fabricate, with the timber
of another, a bench, a ship, or a
chest? After much controversy, be-
tween the Sabinians and Procu-
lians, we were best pleased with
thé middle opinion of those who
thought that, if the species or manu-
factured article can be reduced to
its former rude materials, then the
owner of such materials is also to
be reckoned the owner of the species:
but, if the species can not be so re-
duced, then he, who made it, is un-
derstood to be the owner of it: for
example; a vessel can easily be re-
duced to the rude mass of brass,
silver,or gold,of which it was made;
but wine, oil, or flour, cannot be
converted into grapes, olives,or corn;
neither can mulse be separated into
wine and honey. But, if a man
makes any species, partly with his
own, and partly with the materials
of another: as, if he should make
mulse with his own wine, and an-
other’s honey; or a plaster or eye-
water, partly with his own, and
partly with another man’s medi-
cines; or should make a garment
with an intermixture of his own
wool with that of another; it is not
to be doubted in such cases, but
that he, who made the species, is
master of it; since he not only gave
his labour, but furnished also a
part of the materials.
LIB. II.
lb il 77
De accessione.
§ XXVI. Si tamen alienam pur-
puram vestimento suo quis inter-
texuerit, licet pretiosior sit purpura,
tamen accessionis vice cedit vesti-
mento: et, qui dominus fuit pur-
pure, adverus eum, qui surripuit,
habet furti actionem et condiction-
em, sive ipse ‘sit, qui vestimentum
fecit, sive alius: nam extincte res
licet vindicari non possint, condici
tamen 4 furibus et quibusque aliis
possessoribus possunt.
§ 26. If any man shall have in-
terwoven the purple of another into
his own vestment, then the purple,
although more valuable, appertains
to the vestment by accession: and
the owner of the purple, may have
an action of theft, and a personal ac-
tion, called a condiction, against the
purloiner; whether the vestment
was made by him, or by another:
for although things, which become,
as it were, extinct by the change of
their form, cannot be recovered
identically, yet a condiction lies for
the value of them, either against the
thief, or any other possessor.
De confusione.
§$ XXVIII. Si duorum materize
voluntate dominorum confuse sint,
totum id corpus, quod ex confusi-
one fit, utriusque commune est:
veluti si qui vina sua confuderint,
aut massas argenti vel auri confla-
verint. Sed, etsi,diversee materize
sint, et ob id propria species facta
sit, forté ex vino et melle mulsum,
aut ex auro et argento electrum,
idem juris est: nam et hoc casu,
communem esse speciem, non dubi-
tatur. Quod si fortuitd et non vol-
untate dominorum confuse fuerint
vel ejusdem generis materia, vel
diversze, idem juris esse placuit.
§ 27. If materials belonging to
two persons are mingled by mutual
consent, the whole mass, is common
to both proprietors: as if they shall
have intermixed their wines, or,
melted together their gold or silver.
The same rule obtains, if diverse
substances are so incorporated, as to
become one species : as when mulse
is made with wine and honey; or
electrum by fusing together gold
and silver: here no doubt, the spe-
cies becomes common: and so it is,
when similar or even different sub-
stances, are incorporated fortuitous-
ly, without the consent of their pro-
prietors.
De commixtione.
§ XXVIII. Quod si frumentum
Titii frumento tuo mistum fuerit,
siquidem voluntate vestra, commu-
§ 28. If the corn of Titius hath
been mixed with yours by consent,
the heap is in common; because the
78
ne est; quia singula corpora, id est,
singula grana, que cujusque pro-
pria fuerunt, consensu vestro com-
municata sunt. Quod si casu id
mistum fuerit, vel Titius id mis-
cuerit sine tué voluntate, non vide-
tur commune esse: quia singula
corpora in sua substantia durant.
Sed nec magis istis casibus com-
mune fit frumentum, quam grex in-
telligitur esse communis, si pecora,
Titii, tuis pecoribus mista fuerint.
Sed, si ab alterutro vestrum, totum
id frumentum retineatur, in rem
quidem actio pro modo frumenti
cujusque competit: arbitrio autem
judicis continetur, ut ipse estimet,
quale cujusque frumentum fuerit.
De his que solo cedunt.
LIB. II.
TIT. 1.
single bodies or grains, which were
the private property of each, are,
with your consent, intermixed. But,
if the intermixture were accidental,
or if Titius made it without con-
sent, it then seems that the corn is
not in common; because the grains
still remain distinct, and in their
proper substance; for corn, in such
a case, no more becomes in common,
than a flock would be, if the sheep
of Titius should intermix with
yours. But, if the whole quantity
of corn should be retained by either
of you, then an action in rem lies
for each man’s portion; and it is the
duty of the judge to make an esti-
mate of the quality, or value, of
each portion.
De edificatione in suo solo ex
aliena materia.
§$ XXIX. Cum in suo solo ali-
quis ex aliend materia edificaverit,
ipse intelligitur dominus eedificii:
quia omme, quod solo inedificatur,
solo cedit. Nec tamen ideo is, qui
materie dorninus fuerat, desinit do-
minus ejus esse: sed tantisper ne-
que vindicare eam potest, neque ad
exhibendum de ea re agere, propter
legem duodecim tabularum, qué ca-
vetur, ne quis tignum alienum edi-
bus suis junctum eximere cogatur,
sed duplum pro eo preestet, per ac-
tionem, quee vocatur, de tigno junc-
to. Appellatione autem tigni, omnis
materia significatur, ex qua edificia
fiunt. Quod ideo provisum est, ne
eedificia rescindi necesse sit. Quod
si aliqua ex causa dirutum sit edifi-
cium, poterit materiz dominus, si
non fuerit duplum jam consequutus,
§$ 29. If a man hath raised a
building upon his own ground with
the materials of another, he is con-
sidered the proprietor: for every
building is an accession to the
ground upon which it stands. But,
the owner of the materials, does not
lose his right of ownership; for
though he cannot demand them
specifically, or bring an action for
the exhibition of them; since it is
provided, by a law of the twelve
tables, that a person who has used
the materials of another, cannot be
compelled to separate them from
the building; yet by the action, de
tigno juncto, he may be obliged to
pay double value: (all materials for
building are comprehended under
the general term tignum.) The
above cited provision, in the law of
LIB. IL.
tua eam vindicate, etad exhiben-
dum de ed re agere.
TTE. & 79
the twelve tables, was made to pre-
vent the demolition of buildings.
But, ifit happen, that in any case, a
building should be dissevered, or
pulled down, then the owner of the
materials, if he hath not already
obtained double the value of them,
is not prohibited from claiming his
identical materials, and to bring his
action ad exhibendum.
De eedificatione ex sua materia in solo alieno.
§ XXX. Ex diverso, si quis in
alieno solo ex sua materia domum
eedificaverit, illius fit domus, cujus
et solum est. Sed hoc casu, materize
dominus proprietatem ejus amittit,
quia voluntate ejus intelligitur esse
alienta; utique si non ignorabat, se
in alieno solo edificare: et ided,
licet diruta sit domus, materiam ta-
men vindicare non potest. Certé
illud constat, si, in possessione con-
stituto eedificatore, soli dominus pe-
tat domum_ suam esse, nec solvat
pretium materiz ‘et mercedes fabro-
rum, posse eum per exceptionem
doli mali repelli; utiqué si bone
fidei possessor fuerit, qui eedificavit.
Nam scienti, solum alienum esse,
potest objici culpa, quod edificave-
rit temeré in eo solo, quod intelli-
gebat alienum esse.
§ 30. On the contrary, if a man
shall have built with his own mate-
rials upon the ground of another,
the edifice becomes the property of
him to whom the ground belongs:
in this case the owner of the mate-
rials loses his property, because he
is understood to have made a vol-
untary alienation of it, if he knew
he was building upon another’s
land; therefore, if the edifice should
fall, or be pulled down, such person
cannot, even then, claim the mate-
rials. But it is clear, that if the
builder be in confirmed possession,
and the proprietor of the ground
should claim the edifice as his, and
refuse to pay the price of the mate-
rials and the wages of the workmen,
he may be repelled by an exception
of fraud: provided the builder was
in possession bond fide. Otherwise
it might be fairly objected, ‘that he
had built rashly upon that ground,
which he knew to be the property
of another.”
De plantatione.
§ XXXI. Si Titius alienam plan-
tam in solo suo posuerit, ipsius erit;
§ 31. If Titius sets another man’s
plant in his own ground, the plant
80
LIB, II.
TIT. I.
et ex diverso, si Titius suam plan-
tam in Mevii solo posuerit, Mavii
planta erit; si modo utroque casu
radices egerit: ante enim quam ra-
dices egerit, ejus permanet, cujus
fuerat. Aded autem ex eo tempore,
quo radices egerit planta, proprie-
tas ejus commutatur, ut, si vicini -
arbor ita terram Titii presserit, ut
in ejus fundum radices egerit, Titii
effici arborem dicamus: ratio enim
non patitur, ut alterius arbor esse
intelligatur, quam cujus in fundum
radices egerit: et ideo, circa confin-
ium arbor posita, si etiam in vicini
fundum radices egerit, communis
fit.
will belong to Titius: on the con-
trary, if Titius shall have set his
own plant in Mevius’s ground, the
plant will belong to Mevius ; pro-
vided in either case, it hath taken
root; for, until then, the property re-
mains in him who planted it. But
from the instant it hath taken root,
the property is changed: so that, if
the tree of a neighbour borders so
closely upon the ground of Titius,
as to take root in it, and be wholly
nourished there, we may affirm, that
such tree is become the property of
Titius : for reason doth not permit,
that a tree should be deemed the
property of any other, than of him,
in whose gronnd it hath rooted:
therefore, if a tree, planted near the
bounds of one person, shall also ex-
tend its roots into the lands of ano-
ther, it will become common to both.
De satione.
§ XXXII. Qué ratione autem
plante, que terre coalescunt, solo
cedunt, eadem ratione frumenta
quoque, que sata sunt, solo cedere
intelliguntur. Ceterum sicut is,
qui in alieno solo edificavit, si ab
eo dominus petat eedificium, defendi
potest per exceptionem doli mali,
secundum ea, que diximus; ita e-
jusdem exceptionis auxilio, tutus
esse potest is, qui alienum fundum
sud impensd bona fide consevit.
§ 32. As plants appertain to the
soil, in which they have rooted, so
grain also is understood to follow
the property of that ground, in
which it is sowed. Butashe, who
hath built upon the ground of ano-
ther, may (according to what we
have said) be defended by an ex-
ception of fraud, if the proprietor
of the ground should demand the
edifice; so he, who at his own ex-
pense and bona fide hath sowed in
another man’s land, may also be
benefited by the help of this excep-
tion.
De scriptura.
§$ XXXIII. Liter quoque, licet
aures sint, perindé chartis mem-
$ 33. As whatever is built upon,
or sowed in the ground, belongs to
LIB. II.
branisve cedunt, ac solo cedere so-
lent ea, que inedificantur, aut in-
seruntur. Idedque, si in chartis
membranisve tuis carmen vel his-
toriam vel orationem Titius scrip-
serit, hujus corporis non Titius, sed
tu dominus esse videris. Sed, si
a Titio petas tuos libros, tuasve
membranas, nec impensas scripturee
solvere paratus sis, poterit se 'Titius
defendere per exceptionem doli ma-
li, utique si earum chartarum mem-
branarumve possessionem bena
fide nactus est.
TIT. 1. 81
that ground by accession; so letters
also, although written with gold,
appertain to the paper or parchment,
upon which they are written. And
therefore, if Titius shall have wvit-
ten a poem, a history, or an oration,
upon your paper or parchment, then
you and not Titius will be deemed
the owner of the written paper.
But if you demand the books or
parchments from Titius, and refuse
to defray the expense of the writing,
then Titius can defend himself by
an exception of fraud: allowing that
he obtained possession of such
papers and parchments bona fide.
De pictura.
§$ XXXIV. Si quis in aliena ta-
bula pinxerit, quidam putant tabu-
lam picture cedere: aliis videtur,
picturam (qualiscunque sit) tabule
cedere: sed nobis videtur melius
esse, tabulam picturee cedere: ridi-
culum est enim, picturam Apellis
vel Parrhasii in accessionem vilis-
simz tabule cedere. Unde, si a
domino tabule imaginem possidente
is, qui pinxit, eam petat, nec solvat
pretium tabulz, poterit per excep-
tionem doli mali submoveri. At,
si is, qui pinxit, eam possideat, con-
sequens est, ut utilis actio domino
tabule adversus eum detur: quo ca-
su, si non solvat impensam picture,
poterit per exceptionem doli mali
repelli: utique si bone fidei pos-
sessor fuerit ille, qui picturam im-
posuit. Illud enim palam est, quod
i
$ 34. If any man shall have paint-
ed upon the tablet of another, some
think, that the tablet should yield to
the picture; others, that the picture
(whatever the quality of it may be)
should accede to the tablet. ‘Tous
it seems the better opinion, that the
tablet should accede to the picture;
for it is ridiculous, that the painting
of an Apelles, or a Parrhasius,
should yield as an accession, to a
worthless tablet. But if the painter
demand the tablet, from the owner
and possessor, without offering the
price of it, then such demandant —
may be defeated by an exception of
fraud: but, if the painter is in pos-
session of the picture, the owner of
the tablet is intitled to an action
called utilis, i. e. beneficial ; in which
case, if the owner of the tablet de-
82 LIB. II.
TIT. I.
sive is, qui pinxit, surripuit tabulas,
sive alius, competit domino tabu-
larum furti actio.
mands it, and does not tender the
value of the picture, he may also be
repelled by an exception of fraud,
provided the painter obtaimed pos-
session fairly. But, if he, or any
other, shall have taken away the
tablet feloniously, it is evident, that
the owner may prosecute by any
action of theft.
De fructibus bona fide perceptis.
$ XXXYV. Si quis 4 non domino,
quem dominum esse crediderit, bo-
na fide fundum emerit, vel ex do-
natione, aliave qualibet justa causa,
eeque bond fide accepérit, naturali
ratione placuit, fructus, quos per-
cepit, ejus esse pro cultura et cura:
et ided, si postea dominus superve-
nerit, et fundum vindicet, de fruc-
tibus ab eo consumptis agere non
potest: ei verd, qui alienum fun-
dum sciens possederit, non idem
concessum est; itaque cum fundo
etiam fructus, licet consumpti sint,
cogitur restituere.
§ 35. If any man shall have pur-
chased or by any other means hon-
estly acquired lands from another,
whom he believed to be the true
owner, when in fact he was not, it
is agreeable to natural reason, that
the fruits, which he shall have
gathered, shall become his own, on
account of his care in the culture:
and therefore, if the true owner
shall afterwards appear and claim
his lands, he can have no action a-
gainst the bond fide possessor, for
produce consumed. But this ex-
emption is not granted to him, who
knowingly keeps possession of ano-
ther’s estate; and therefore, he is
compellable to account for all the
mesne profits together with the
lands.
De fructibus a fructuario et colono perceptis.
§ XXXVI. Is verd, ad quem usu-
fructus fundi pertinet, non aliter
fructuum dominus efficitur, quam
si ipse eos perceperit; et ided, licet
maturis fructibus, nondim tamen
perceptis, decesserit, ad heredes
ejus non pertinent, sed domino pro-
prietatis acquiruntur. Eadem feré
et de colono dicuntur.
§ 36. The usufructuary of lands
can gain no property in the fruits,
until he hath actually gathered
them; and therefore, if he should
die, while the fruits, although ripe,
are yet ungathered, they could not
be claimed by his heirs, but would
fall to the proprietor: and so in ge-
neral, as to farmers.
LIB. I.
TIT. 1 83
Que sunt in fructu.
§ XXXVII. In pecudum fructu
etiam fetus est, sicuti lac, pilus, et
lana: itaque agni, heedi, et vituli, et
equuli, et su¢uli, statim naturali ju-
re dominii fructuarii sunt. Partus
vero ancille in fructu non est; ita-
que ad dominum proprietatis perti-
-net. Absurdum enim videbatur,
hominem in fructu esse; cum om-
nes fructus rerum natura gratia ho-
minis comparaverit.
$ 37. Among the produce of ani-
mals, we not onlyreckon milk, skins
and wool but also their young; and
therefore lambs, kids, calves, colts,
and pigs, appertain by natural right
tothe usufructuary; but the offspring
of a femaleslave cannot be thus con-
sidered, but belongs to the proprietor
of such slave: for it seemed absurd
that man, should be enumerated a-
mong the articles of produce, seeing
that for his use nature hath furnish-
ed all kinds of produce.
De officio fructuarii.
§ XXXVIII. Sed, si gregis u-
sumfructum quis habeat, in locum
demortuorum capitum ex foetu fruc-
tuarius submittere debit, (ut et Ju-
liano visum est;) et in vinearum
demortuarum vel arborum locum
alias debet substituere. Recté enim
colere, et quasi bonus paterfamilias
uti debet.
$ 38. He, who has the ustfruct
of a flock ought (according to Juli-
an) to preserve the original number
entire, by supplying the deficiency
out of the young; in like manner he
ought to supply the place of dead
vines, or trees; and cultivate and
use the stock in all respects like a
good and fair husbandman.
De inventione thesauri.
§ XXXIX. Thesauros, quos
quis in loco suo invenerit, divus A-
drianus, naturalem sequitatem se-
quutus, ei concessit, qui eos invene-
rit; idemque statuit, si quis in sa-
cro aut religioso loco fortuito casu
invenerit. At, si quis, in alieno
loco, non data ad hoc opera, sed for-
tuito invenerit, dimidium domino
soli concessit, et dimidium invento-
ri: et convenienter, si quis in Ce-
saris loco invenerit, dimidium in-
ventoris, et dimidium esse Ceesaris,
statuit. Cui conveniens est, ut, si
$39. The emperor Adrian, in
pursuance of natural equity, allow-
ed any treasure, found in a man’s
own lands, to belong to the finder :
he ordained the same as to things
casually found, in a sacred or relig-
ious place. But, if a person, not
making it his business to search,
should fortuitously find treasure in
the ground of another, he granted
half to the proprietor of the soil, and
half to the finder. And so, if any
thing is found within the imperial
demesnes, half shall appertain to the
84
quis in fiscali loco vel publico vel
civitatis invenerit, dimidium ipsius.
esse debeat, et dimidium fisci, vel
civitatis.
De traditione.
§ XL. Per traditionem quoque
jure naturali res nobis acquiruntur
nihil enim tam conveniens est natu-
turali equitati, quam voluntatem
domini, volentis rem suam in alium
transferre, ratam haberi: et ideo,
cujuscunque generis sit, corporalis
res tradi potest, et 4 domino tradita,
alienatur: itaque stipendiaria quo-
que et tributaria predia eodem mo-
do alienantur. Vocantur autem
stipendiaria et tributaria predia,
quz in provinciis sunt: inter que
nec non et Italica preedia, ex nostra
constitutione, nulla est differentia:
sed, siquidem ex causa donationis,
aut dotis, aut qualibit alia ex causa,
traduntur, sine dubio transferuntur.
LIB. 1. TIT. £
finder and half to the emperor; like-
wise, if a man find any valuable
thing in a place belonging to the
treasury, the public, or thecity, half
shall appertain to the finder, andhalf
to the treasury, the public or the
city.
1. Regula, ejusque ratio.
§ 40. Things are also acquired
(according to the law of nature) by
tradition or livery ; for nothing is
more comformable to natural equity
than to confirm the will of him, who
is desirous to transfer his property-
to another; therefore corporeal
things of whatever kind, may be de- ©
livered; and, when delivered by the
owner, are aliened. Stipendiary
and tributary possessions, (snch as
those situated in the provinces, ) may
be aliened in the same manner; for
between these and the Italian estates
we have now taken away all distinc-
tion, so that, on account of a dona-
tion, a marriage-portion, or any
other just cause, stipendiary and tri-
butary possessions may undoubted-
ly be transferred by livery.
, 2. Limitatio.
§$ XLI. Vendite vero res et tra-
ditee, non alituremptori acquiruntur,
quam si is venditori pretium solve-
rit, vel alio modo ei satisfecerit; ve-
luti ex promissore, aut pignore dato:
quod, quamquam cavetur lege duo-
decim tabularum, tamen recté dici-
tur et jure gentium, id est, jure na-
turali, id effici. Sed, si is, qui ven-
didit, fidem emptoris sequutus fue-
§ 41. Things, although sold and
delivered, are not acquired _by the
buyer until he hath either paid or
otherwise satisfied the seller for
them; as by a bondsman or pledge.
And, although this is so ordained by
a law of the twelve tables, yet the
same rule isrightly said toarise from
the law of nations; that is from the
law of nature. But if the seller
LIB. I.
rit, dicendum est, statim rem emp-
toris fieri.
TIT. 1. 85
have given credit to the buyer, we
must affirm, that the things become
instantly the property of the latter.
3. Ampliatio.
§ XLII. Nihil autem interest, u-
trum ipse dominus tradat alicui
rem suam, an volantate ejus alius,
cui ejus ‘rei possessio permissa sit.
Qua ratione, si cui libera univer-
sorum negotiorum administratio
permissa fuerit 4 domino, isque ex
his negotiis rem vendiderit et tradi-
derit faciet eam accipientis.
§ 42. It is the same whether the
owner deliver the article himself, or
another to whom the possession of it
was entrusted, deliver it with the
owner’sconsent. Hence, if the ma-
nagement of all business be commit-
ed by a proprietor to any person,
who shall by virtue of his commis-
sion, sell and deliver goods, they
will become the property of the re-
ceiver.
De quasi traditione. Si traditio ex alia causa preecesserit.
§ XLIII. Interdim etiam, siné
traditione nuda voluntas dominisuf-
ficit ad rem transferendam; veluti
sirem, quam tibi aliquis commo-
daverit, aut locaverit, aut apud te
deposuerit, postea aut vendiderit
tibi, aut donaverit, aut dotis nomine
dederit : quamvis enim éx ea causa
tibi eam non tradiderit, eo tamen
ipso, quod patitur tuam esse, statim
tibi acquiritur proprietas, perinde
ac sieo nomine tibi tradita fuisset.
§ 43. In some cases, the consent
of the proprietor without delivery is
sufficient to transfer property ; as
when a person hath lent, hired, or
deposited in your possession any
thing, and hath afterwards sold it to
you, made a donation of it, or giv-
en it to you as a marriage portion :
for although not originally delivered
for any of these purposes, yet, as
soon as it becomrs notoriously yours
you have instantly acquired the
property: and that as fully, asif it
had actually ~been delivered as a
thing sold, a donation, or a marriage
portion.
Detraditione clavium.
§ XLIV. Item, si quis merces
in horreo depositas vendiderit, si-
mul atque claves horrei tradiderit
emptori, transfert proprietatem mer-
cium ad emptorem.
$ 44. Also if a person hath sold
merchandise, deposited in a store-
house, he is understood to have
transferred the property, on deliver-
ing the keys of the store-house to
the buyer.
LIB. II.
TIT. L
De missilibus.
§$ XLV. Hoc amplits; interdum
et in certam personam collata vo-
luntas domini transfert rei proprie-
tatem : ut eccé, preetores et consu~
les, missilia jactant in vulgus, igno-
rant quid eorum quisque sit excep-
turus: et tamen, quia volunt, quod
quisque acceperit, ejus esse, statim
eum dominorum efficiunt.
§ 45. It also sometimes happens ©
that the property of a thing is trans-
ferred, by the master of it, to an in-
certain person: as when the preetors
and consuls cast their méssilia, or
liberalities, among the people, they
know not what any particular man
will receive: yet, because it is their
will, that what every man then re-
ceives shall be his own, it instantly
becomes his property.
De habitis pro derelicto.
§ XLVI. Qua ratione verits esse
videtur, sirem pro derelicto 4 do-
mino habitam occupaverit quis, sta-
tim eum dominum effici. Pro dere-
licto autem habetur, quod dominus
e4 mente abjecerit, ut id in humero
rerum suarum esse nolit: ideoque
statim dominus ejus esse desinit.
4
§$ 46. By parity of reason it ap-
pears that whatever hath been made
a derelict by the owner, will become
the property of the first occupant.
Whatever hath been thrown away
or abandoned by the owner, with
intent, that it might no longer be
reckoned among his possessions, is
accounted a derelicti : and. ceases to
be his property.
De jactis in mare levande navis causa Item de his, que de
rheda currente cadunt,
$ XLVII. Alia sané causa est
carum rerum, que in tempestate le-
vande navis causa ejiciuntur : he
enim dominorum permanent: quia
palem est, eas non eo animo ejici,
quod quis eas habere nolit, sed quo
magis cum ipsa navi maris pericu-
lum effugiat. Qua de causa, si quis
eas fluctibus expulsas, vel etiam in
ipso mari nactus, lucrandi animo
abstulerit, furtum committit. Nec
longé videntur discedere ab his,
que de rheda currente, non intelli-
gentibus dominis, cadunt.
§ 47. But the law is not so in re-
spect of things thrown overboard in
a storm, to lighten a vessel; for they
remain the property of the owners;
seeing it is evident, that they were
not thrown away, through dislike,
but that persons in the ship might
avoid the dangers of the sea. Hence
whoever with a selfish intention,
hath taken up such goods, although
found upon the high sea, he is guil-
ty of theft. And, goods which have
dropped from a carriage in motion,
withoutthe knowledge of the owner
may be considered in the same light.
LIB. II.
TIT. I. 87
TITULUS SECUNDUS.
DE REBUS CORPORALIBUS ET INCORPORALIBUS.
Secunda rerum divisio.
QUADAM preterea res corpo-
rales sunt, quedam incorporales.
Corporales hee sunt, qua sui natura
tangi possunt; veluti fundus, ho-
mo, vestis, aurum, argentum, et
denique alize resinnumerabiles. In-
corporales autem sunt, que iangi
non possunt: qualia sunt ea, quee
in jure consistunt; sicut hereditas,
ususfructus, usus, et obligationes,
quoque modo contract. Nec ad
rem pertinet, quod in hereditate res
corporales continentur: nam et
fructus, qui ex fundo percipiuntur,
corporales sunt: et id, quod ex ali-
qua obligatione nobis debetur, ple-
rumque corporale est; veluti fun-
dus, homo, pecunia: nam ipsum
jus hereditatis, et ipsum jus uten-
di, fruendi, et ipsum jus obligati-
onis, incorporale est. Eodem nu-
mero sunt et jura prediorum urba-
norum et rusticorum, que etiam
servitutes vocantur.
Morever some things are corpo-
real others incorporeal. Things cor-
poreal are tangible; as, lands,slaves,
vestments, gold, silver, and others,
innumerable. Things incorporeal
are those, which are not tangible,
but consist in rights and privileges ;
as inheritances, usufructs, uses, and
all obligations however contracted :
nor is it an objection that things
corporeal are contained in an in-
heritance ; for fruits, gathered from
the earth, are corporeal; and that
also is generally corporeal, which is
due to us upon an obligation; as a
field, a slave, or money: for, the
right to an inheritance, the right of
using and enjoying any particular
thing, and the right of an obliga-
tion, are undoubtedly incorporeal.
To these may be added the rights,
(or qualities,) of rural and city es-
tates, termed services.
88
TITULUS
LIB. If. TIT. I.
TERTIUS.
DE SERVITUTIBUS RUSTICORUM ET URBANORUM
PRAEDIORUM.
D. viii. T. 1. et 2. C. iii. T. 34.
De servitutibus rusticis.
RUSTICORUM prediorum ju-
ra sunt hee: iter, actus, via, aque-
ductus. Iter est jus eundi, ambu-
landi, hominis; non etiam jumen-
tum agendi vel vehiculum. Actus
est, jus agendi jumentum vel vehi-
culum. Itaque, qui habet iter, ac-
tum non habet: sed, qui actum ha-
bet, et iter habet, eoque uti potest
etiam siné jumento. Via est jus
eundi, et agendi, et ambulandi:
nam iter et actum, via in se conti-
net. Aqueeductus est jus aque du-
cende per fundum alienum.
The rights or services of rural es-
tates are these; a path, Iter; a
road, actus ; an highway, vie ; and
an agueduct or free passage for
water. A path is the right of pas-
sing and repassing on foot over an-
other man’s ground, but not of driv-
ing cattle or a carriage over it, A
road implies the liberty of driving
either cattle or carriages: hence he
who hath a path, hath not a road:
but he, who hath a road, hath in-
clusively a path; for he may use
such road, when he both not drive
cattle. A highway imports the
right of passing, driving cattle, &c.
and includes in it doth a path and
aroad: and an aqueduct imports the
right of leading water, through the
grounds of another.
De servitutibus urbanis.
§$ I. Prediorum urbanorum ser-
vitutes sunt he, que sedificiis inhe-
rent; ideo urbanorum prediorum
dicts, quoniam eedificia omnia ur-
bana preedia appellamus,etsi in villa
edificata sunt. Item urbanorum
preediorum servitutes sunt he; ut
vicinus onera vicini sustineat : ut in
parietem ejus liceat vicino tignum
immittere: ut stillicidium, vel flu-
men, recipiat quis in edes suas, vel
$ 1. The services of city-estates
are such as appertain to buildings:
they are so called because we call
all edifices, city-estates, although
built upon farms or in villages. It
is required by city-services, that
neighbours should bear the burdens
of neighbours; and by such servi-
ces, one neighbour may be permit-
ted to place a beam upon the wall
of another; may be compelled to
LIB. IL.
in aream, vel in cloacam, vel non
recipiat : et ne altius quis tollat edes
suas, ne luminibus vicini officiat.
TIT. IIL. 89
receive the droppings and currents
from the gutter-pipes of another
man’s house, upon his own house,
area, or sewer; or may be exempt-
ed from receiving them; or may
be restrained from raising his house,
so as to darken the habitation of
his neighbour.
De reliquis servitutibus rusticis.
$ IL. Inter rustiorum prediorum
servitutes quidam computari recté
putant aque haustum, pecoris ad
aquam appulsum, jus pascendi,
calcis coquende, arene fodiende.
§$ 2. Some rightly judge, that,
among rural services, we ought to
reckon the right of drawing water,
watering and feeding cattle, burn-
ing lime, digging sand, &c. in the
ground of another.
Qui servitutem debere vel acquirere possunt.
§ ITI. Ideo autem he servitutes
prediorum appellantur, quoniam si-
né preediis consistere non possunt.
Nemo enim potest servitutem ac-
quirere urbani vel rustici preedii,
nisi qui habet preedium; nec quis-
quam debere, nisi qui preedium
habet.
§ 3. All these are called the ser-
vices of estates; because they can-
not be constituted without an estate
to support them; for no man can
either owe, or acquire, a rural or
city service, if he possess neither
house or lands.
Quibus modis servitus constituitur.
$ IV. Si quis velit vicino aliquod
jus constituere, pactionibus atque
stipulationibus id efficere debet.
Potest etiam quis testamento heere-
dem suum damnare, ne altius tollat
zdes suas, ne luminibus vicini of-
ficiat; vel ut patiatur eum tignum
in parietem suum immittere, stilli-
cidiumve adversus eum habere;
vel ut patiatur eum per fundum
ire, agere, aquamve ex eo ducere.
12
§ 4. When it is wished to demise
the right of a service to another, it
should be done by contract and sti-
pulation. A man may also, by tes-
tament prohibit his heir from height-
ening his house, lest he should ob-
struct the view of his neighbour; or
may oblige him to permit the rafter
of another man’s house, to be laid
upon his wall: or to receive upon
his own house the droppings of an-
other’s; or suffer any person to
walk, drive cattle, or draw water
in his grounds.
90 LIB, II.
TIT. IV.
TITULUS QUARTUS.
DE USUFRUCTU.
D. vii. T. 1.
C, iii. T. 33.
Definitio ususfructus.
USUSFRUCTUS est jus alie-
nis rebus utendi, fruendi, salva re-
rum substantia. Est autem jus in
corpore, quo sublato, et ipsum tolli
necesse est. :
Usufruct, is the right of using,
and enjoying, without consuming
or destroying, things which are the
property of another. It is a right
over a corporeal substance; if the
substance perish, the wsufruct must
cease.
Quibus modis constituitur.
§ I. Ususfructus 4 proprietate
separationem recipit, idque pluri-
bus modis accidit: ut eccé, si quis
usumfructum alicui legaverit: nam
heres nudam habet proprietatem,
legatarius vero usumfructum. Et
contra, si fandum legaverit deducto
usufructu, legatarius nudam habet
proprietatem, hzeres vero usumfruc-
tum. Item alii usumfructum, alii,
deducto eo, fundum legare potest.
Sine testamento verd si quis velit
usumfructum alii constituere, pac-
tionibus et stipulationibus id effi-
cere debet. Ne tamen in univer-
sum inutiles essent proprietates,
semper abscedente usufructu, pla-
cuit certis modis extingui usum-
fructum, et ad proprietatem reverti.
$1. The usaufruct may be in va-
rious ways separated from the pro-
perty, as when it is bequeathed:
for naked property only is then
vested in the heir, while the legatee
possesses the wsufruct; it happens
on the contrary, when a testator
hath bequeathed his lands without
the usufruct ; for then the legatee
hath only the bare property, while
the heir enjoys the profits: for the
usufruct may be bequeathed to one,
and the lands, without the wsufruct,
to another. Yet, if any man would
constitute an wsufruct otherwise
than by testament, he must do it
by pact, and stipulation. But, lest
the property of lands should be ren-
dered wholly unbeneficial by de-
ducting the usufruct for ever, it
was thought convenient, that the
usufruct should by certain means
become extinguished, and revert to
the property.
LIB. II.
TIT. Iv. 91
Quibus in rebus constituitur.
§ Il. Constituitur autem usus-
fructus non tantum in fundo et sedi-
bus, verum etiam in servis, et ju-
mentis, et ceteris rebus; exceptis
iis, quee ipso usu consumuntur :
nam he res neque naturali ratione
neque civili, recipiunt usumfruc-
tum : quo in numero sunt, vinum,
oleum, frumentum,
quibus proxima est, pecunia nume-
rata ; namque ipso usu, assidua per-
mutatione, quodammodo extingui-
tur. Sed utilitatis causa Senatus
censuit, posse etiam earum rerum
usumfructum constitui, ut tamen eo
nomine heredi utiliter caveatur:
itaque, si pecunie ususfructus lega-
‘tus sit, ita datur legatario, ut ejus
fiat; et legatarius satisdet heeredi
de tanta pecunia restituenda si mo-
rietur, aut capite minuetur. Cete-
rae quoque res ita traduntur legata-
rio, ut ejus fiant: sed eestimatis his
satisdatur, ut, si moriatur aut ca-
pite minuatur, tanta pecunia restitu-
atur, quanti he fuerint estimate.
Ergo Senatus non fecit quidem ea-
rum rerum usumfructum, (nec en-
im poterat,) sed per cautionem qua-
si usumfructum constituit.
vestimenta : -
$ 2. The usufruct not only of
lands and houses is grantable, but
also of slaves, cattle, and other
things ; except those which are con-
sumed by use; for the wsufruct of
such things is neither grantable by
civil policy, or natural reason; a-
mong these may be reckoned wine,
oil, cloaths, &c., money is nearly of
the same nature; for by constant
use, and the frequent change of own-
ers, it in a manner becomes extinct.
But the senate, through a motive of
public utility, hath ordained, that
the usufruct of these things may be
constituted, if sufficient security be
given to the heir: and therefore, if
the usufruct of money is bequeath-
ed, the money is so given to the leg-
atee as to make it instantly hisown:
but then the legatee, lest he should
die, or suffer diminution, is obliged
to give security to the heir for the
repayment of a like sum. Other
things also, are so delivered to the
legatee as to become his property ;
but in this case, after valuation, se-
curity must be given to the heir for
the payment of that amount, either
at the death of the legatee, or if he
should suffer diminution. It is not
therefore to be understood, that the
senate hath created strict usufruct
of these things, which is impossible :
but a quasi-usufruct by means of a
security.
Quibus modis finitur.
§ ID. Finitur autem ususfruc-
tus morte ususfructuarii, et duabus
§ 3. The usufruct determines by
the death of the usufructuary; and
92 LIB. IL.
capitis diminutionibus, maximé et
media, and non utendo per modum
et tempus; que omnia nostra sta-
tuit constitutio. Item finitur usus-
fructus, si domino proprietatis ab
usufructario cedatur, (nam ceden-
do extraneo nihil agitur,) vel ex
contrario, si usufructarius proprie-
tatem rei acquisiverit: que res
consolidatio appellatur. Eo am-
plius constat, si edes incendio com-
sumpte fuerint, vel etiam terre mo-
tu, vel vitio suo corruerint, extin-
gui usumfructum; et ne aresqui-
dem usumfructum deberi.
TIT. IV.
by two of the three namely, the
greatest and the middle diminution,
(or change of state; and also by not
being used, according to the manner
and during the time prescribed : all
which is set forth in our constitu-
tion. The wusufruct also determines
if the usufructuary surrender it to
the lord of the property ; for a ces-
sion to a stranger is of no avail: or
if the usufructuary hath acquired
the property, which is called conso-
lidation. And it is certain, if a
house hath been consumed by fire,
or thrown down by an earthquake,
or fallen through decay, that the
usufruct of such house is wholly de-
stroyed; and that no usufruct of
the area, or ground of it, enures to
the usufructuary.
Si finitus sit.
$ IV. Cum autem finitus fuerit
totus ususfructus, revertitur scili-
cet ad proprietatem; et, ex eo tem-
pore, nude proprietatis dominus in-
cipit plenam in re habere potesta-
tem.
§ 4. When the whole wsufruct of
a thing is determined, it then reverts
to the property ; and from that time,
the owner of the nude property be-
gins to have full power over it.
LIB. II.
TITULUS
TIT. ¥: 93
QUINTUS.
DE USU ET HABITATIONE.
D. vii. T. 8.
C. iii. T. 33.
Communia de usufructu et usu.
ISDEM iilis modis, quibus usus-
fructus constituitur, etiam nudus
usus constitui solet: iisdem illis
modis finitur, quibus et ususfructus
desinit.
The usufruct, and the naked use
of a thing, are constituted, and de-
termined by the same means.
Quid intersit inter usumhfructum et usum fundi.
§. 1. Minus autem juris est in
usu, quam in usufructu: nam is,
qui fundi nudum habet usum, nihil
ulterius habere intelligitur, quam
ut oleribus, pomis, floribus, fceno,
stramentis, et lignis, ad usum quo-
tidianum utatur: inque eo fundo
hactenus ei morari licet, ut neque
domino fundi molestus sit, neque
lis, per quos opera rustica fiunt,
impedimento: nec ulli alii jus, quod
habet, aut locare, aut vendere, aut
gratis concedere, potest; cum is,
qui usumfrnctum habet, possit hac
omnia facere.
§ 1. Less right appertains to the
use of a thing, than the wsufruct ;
for he, who has but the use of lands,
is understood to have nothing more
than the liberty of using so much of
the herbs, fruit, flowers, hay, straw,
and wood, as may be sufficient for
his daily supply : and he is permit-
ted to be commorant upon the land,
on condition that he neither becomes
troublesome to the owner, nor im-
pedes the labours of thehusbandmen.
Neither can he let, sell, or give his
right to another, which an usufruc-
tuary may.
Adium usus.
§ IL Item is, qui edium usum
habet, hactenus jus habere intelli-
gitur, ut ipse tantum inhabitet; nec
hoc jus ad aliun transferre potest :
et vix receptum esse videtur, ut
hospitem ei recipere liceat; sed cum
uxore liberisque suis, item libertis,
nec non personis aliis liberis, qui-
bus non minus, quam servis utitur,
habitandi jus habeat. Et conveni-
§ 2. He, who hath but the use of
an house, is understood to have no
other right than that of personal ha-
bitation : for he cannot transfer this
right; and it is hardly thought al-
lowable to receivea guest ora lodger.
But he may inhabit the house with
his, wife, children, freed-men, and
such other free persons as are ser-
vants, And agreably to this, if the
94 LIB. II.
TIT. V.
enter, si ad mulierem usus edium
pertineat, cum marito ei; habitare
liceat.
use of a house appertains to a wo-
man, she may,Jive in it with her
husband,fand her dependants.
De servi vel jumenti usu.
§ III. Item is, ad quem servi
usus pertinet, ipse tantum opera at-
que ministerio ejus uti potest: ad
alium verd nullo modo jus suum
transferre ei concessum est. Idem
scilicet. juris est in jumento.
§ 3. He also, who hath the use of
a slave, can‘benefit only by the la-
bour and service of such slave: for
it is not in the power of the usuary
to transfer his right: The same law
prevails in regard to beasts of bur-
den.
De pecorum usu.
$ IV. Sed et, si pecorum vel ovi-
um usus legatus sit, neque lacte ne-
que agnis, neque lana, utetur usua-
rius: quia ea in fructu sunt. Plané
ad stercorandum agrum suum pe-
coribus uti potest.
$ 4. If the use of cattle be devis-
ed, as of sheep: yet the usuary can
neither use thé milk, the lambs, or
the wool; for these belong to the
usufruct. But he may undoubtedly
employ the sheep in soilinghis lands.
De _habitatione.
§ V. Sed, si cui habitatio legata,
sive aliquo modo constituta sit, ne-
que usus videtur, neque ususfruc-
tus, sed quasi proprium aliquod jus:
quamquam habitationem habenti-
bus, propter rerum utilitatem, se-
cundum Marcelli sententiam, nos-
tra decisione promulgata, permisi-
mus non solum in e& degere, sed
etiam aliis locare.
§ 5. An habitation, whether giv-
en by testament, or constituted by
other means, seems neither an use
nor an usufruct, but rather a parti-
cular right. And, for public utility
and in conformity to the opinion of
Marcellus, we have decided, that he
who hath an habitation, may not
only live in it but let it to another.
Transitio.
§ VI. Hee de servitutibus, et
usufructu, et usu, et habitatione,
dixisse sufficiat. De hereditatibus
autem et obligationibus suis locis
proponemus. Exposuimus summa-
tim, quibus modis jure gentium res
$ 6. What hath been said, may
suffice concerning real services, usu-
fructs, uses and habitations. We
shall treat of inheritances and obli-
gations, in their properplaces. Hav-
ing already briefly explained how
LIB. II.
TIT. VI. 95
acquiruntur: modé videamus, qui-
bus modis legitimo et civili jure
acquiruntur.
things are acquired by the law of
nations; let us now examine, how
they are acquired by the civil law.
&
TITULUS SEXTUS.
DE USUCAPIONIBUS ET LONGI TEMPORIS PRESCRIP-
TIONIBUS.
D, xl. T. 3. C. vii. T. 31, et 33.
Precipua usucapionis requisita. 1. Bona fides. 2. Possessio
per tempus definitum continuata.
JURE civili constitutum fuerat,
ut, qui bona fide ab eo, qui domin-
us non erat, cum crederet eum do-
minum esse, rem emerit, vel ex do-
natione, alidve quavis justé causa
acceperit, is eam rem, si mobilis
erat, anno ubique uno, si immobi-
lis, biennio tantum in Italico solo,
usucapert: ne rerum dominia in
incerto essent. Et, cum hoc placi-
tum erat putantibus antiquioribus,
dominis ‘sufficere ad inquirendas res
suas preefata tempora, nobis melior
sententia resedit, ne domini matu-
rius suis rebus defraudentur, neque
certo loco beneficium hoc conclu-
datur: et ided constitutionem su-
per hoc promulgavimus, qua cau-
tum est, ut res quidem mobiles per
triemium ; immobiles vero per longi
temporis possessionem (id est, in-
ter preesentes decennio, inter absen-
tes viginti annis) usucapiantur. Et
his modis, non solum in Italia, sed
etiam in omni terra, que nostro im-
3. Justus titulus.
By the civil law, whoever had
fairly obtained a thing from one,
whom he supposed the trueowner,
(although in reality he was not)
and, if a moveable, had possessed it
bona fide for one year, either in Italy
or the provinces; or, if immoveable,
for two years within the limits of
ftaly, should prescribe to such thing
by use: and this was held to be
law, lest the dominion or property
of things, should be uncertain. But
although it was thought by ancient
legislators, that these periods were
sufficiently long to enable every
owner to search after his property,
yet a better opinion hath occurred
to us, that the true owners be not
defrauded, or too hastily excluded,
by the circumscription of time and
place, from recovering their just
due: we have therefore provided,
that things moveable may be pre-
scribed to after the expiration of
three years, and that a possession,
96 LIB. IL.
TIT. VI.
perio gubernatur, dominia rerum,
just& causa possessionis praecedente,
acquirantur.
during a long tract of time, will
also found a prescription to things
immoveable: that is to say, ten
years, if the parties are present, (i.
e. in the province,) and twenty
years if either of them be absent.
Property may thus be acquired ;
not only in Italy, but throughout
our dominions, if the possession was
honestly obtained at first.
De his, que sunt extra commercium.
$ I. Sed aliquando, etiamsi max-
imé quis bona fide rem possederit,
non tamen illi usucapio ullo tem-
pore procedit: veluti si quis liberum
hominem, vel rem sacram, vel reli-
giosam, vel servum fugitivum, pos-
sideat.
§ 1. But in some cases, although
there hath been possession incontes-
tably bond fide, yet no length of
time will be sufficient to found a
prescription; as when a man holds
a free person, a thing sacred or reli-
gious, or a fugitive slave.
De rebus furtivis, et vi possessis.
$ IL. Furtive quoque res, et quee
vi possess sunt, nec, si predicto
longo tempore bona fide possessz
fuerint, ususcapi possunt: nam fur-
tivarum rerum, lex duodecim tabu-
larum, et lex Atilia, inhibent usu-
capionem ; vi possessarum lex Julia
et Plautia. Quod autem dictum
est, furtivarum et vi possessarum
rerum usucapionem per leges pro-
hibitam esse, non eo pertinet, ut ne
ipse fur, quive per vim possidet,
usucapere possit, (nam his alié ra-
tione usucapio non.competit; quia
scilicet mala fide possident,) sed ne
ullus alius, quamvis ab eis bona fide
emerit, vel ex alia causa acceperit,
usucapiendi jus habeat.. Unde in
rebus mobilibus non facilé procedit,
ut bone fidei possessoribus usuca-
pio competat. Nam, quisciens ali-
§ 2. No prescription lies for things
that have been stolen; or seized by
violence; although-they have been
possessed bond _fide,during the length
of time required by our constitu-
tion: for prescription to things stolen
is prohibited by a law of the twelve
tables, and by the law Atilia ; and
the laws Julia and Plautia forbid a
prescription to things seized by vio-
lence. And it is not to be inferred
from these laws, that a thief, or dis-
seizor only, is prohibited from tak-
ing by prescription: (for such are
also prohibited because they are
fraudulent possessors;) but all
others likewise ; although they shall
have purchased such things bona
fide, or otherwise fairly received
them: hence things moveable can-
not easily be prescribed to, even by
LIB. I.
TIT. VI. O7
enam rem vendiderit, vel ex alia
causa tradiderit, furtum ejus com-
mittit. Sed tamen id aliquandé
aliter se habet. Nam, siheres rem
defuncto commodatam, aut locatam,
vel apud eum depositam, existi-
mans hereditariam esse, bond fide
accipienti vendiderit, aut donave-
rit, aut dotis nomine dederit, quin
is, qui acceperit, usucapere possit,
dubium nen est: quippé cum ea res
in furti vitium non ceciderit; cum
utique heres, qui bona fide tan-
quam suam alienaverit, furtum non
committat. Item, si is, ad quem
ancillze ususfructus pertinet, partum
suum esse credens vendiderit, aut
si donaverit, furtum non committit.
Furtum enim, sine effectu furandi,
non committitur. Aliis quoque
modis accidere potest, ut quis, sine
vitio furti, rem alienam ad aliquem
transferat, et efficiat, ut 4 possessore
usucapiatur. Quod autem ad eas
res, que solo continentur, expedit,
jus ita procedit, ut, si quis loci va-
cantis possessionem, propter absen-
tiam aut negligentiam domini, aut
quia sine successore decesserit, sine
vi nanciscatur, quamvis ipse mala
fide possideat, (quia intelligit, se
alienum fundum occupasse) tamen,
si alii bona fide accipienti tradide-
rit, poterit ei longa possessione res
acquiri; quia neque furtivum, ne-
que vi possessum, acceperit. Abol-
ita est enim quorundam veterum
sententia existimantium, etiam fun-
di locive furtum fieri. Et eorum
utilitati, qui res soli possident,
13
honest possessors : for whoever hath
knowingly sold or transferred the
goods of another upon whatever
consideration, is guilty of theft. But
this rule admits of some cases
wherein a moveable may be pre-
scribed to: thus if an heir, suppos-
ing a particular thing to be heredi-
tary, which in reality had only
been lent, let to, or deposited with
the deceased, shall have sold, be-
stowed, or given itas a portion, the
bond fide receiver may no doubt
prescribe; for this can never be re-
puted séolen, inasmuch as the heir,
who aliened it, believing it his own,
committed no theft. So if he, who
hath the usufruct of a female slave,
sell or give away her child believ-
ing it to be his property, he does
not commit theft; for theft implies
an intention to commit it. It may
also happen, by various means,
that one man may transfer the pro-
perty of another without theft, and
give a right of prescription to the
possessor. As to things immoveable
the law ordains, that, if any man
should take possession of an estate
without force, by reason either of
the absence, or negligence of the
owner, or because he died without
heirs, and (although he hath thus
possessed the land@ishonestly) shall
have made livery of it to another,
who took it bona fide, the land by
long possession may be acquired by
such taker, who took neither a thing
stolen, or seized, by violence: for
the opinion of those ancient law-
98 LIB. IL.
TIT. VI.
principalibus constitutionibus pro-
spicitur, ne cui longa et indubitata
possessio debeat auferri.
yers, who held, that lands and
things immoveable, might be stolen,
is now abolished : and it is provided
by the imperial constitutions, in
favour of those who possess im-
moveable property, that a long and
undoubted possession ought not to
be taken away.
De vitio purgato.
§ III. Aliquando etiam furtiva,
vel vi possessa, res usticapi potest;
veluti si in domini potestatem re-
versa fuerit: tunc enim, vicio rei
purgato, procedit ejus usucapio.
$ 3. A prescription may some-
times be founded even to things sto-
len, or possessed by violence; as,
when they fall again into the pow-
er of the true owner; for the taint
of title being removed, prescription
takes place.
De re fiscali et bonis vacantibus.
§ IV. Res fisci nostri usucapi
non potest: sed Papinianus scripsit,
bonis vacantibus fisco nondum
nuntiatis, bone fidei emptorem tra-
ditam sibi rem ex his bonis usuca-
pere posse; et ita Divus Pius, et
Divi Severus et Antoninus rescrip-
serunt.
§$ 4. Things, which appertain to
our treasury, cannot be acquired by
prescription. But, itis held by Pa-
pinian, that a bona fide purchaser
of escheats not yet certified, may
prescribe for them after delivery.
The emperors Pius Severus and
Antoninus have issued their res-
cripts, conformable to this opinion.
Regula generalis.
§ V. Novissimé sciendum est,
rem talem esse debere, ut in se non
habeat vitium, ut bonee fidei emp-
tore usucapi possit, vel qui ex alia
justa causa possidet.
$ 5. It is lastly to be observed,
that no taint of dishonesty must
attach to the article, in order to
enable a bond fide purchaser or pos-
sessor to prescribe for it.
De errore false cause.
§ VI. Error autem false caus
usticapionem non parit; veluti si
quis, cum non emerit, emisse se ex-
istimans, possideat; vel, cum ei
§ 6. A mistake of the cause of
possession shall not give rise to pre-
scription: as when the possessor
imagines, he hath purchased, when
LIB. II.
donatum non fuerit, quasi ex donato
possi deat.
TIT. VI. 99
he hath not purchased: or that the
thing was a gift, when it was not
given.
De accessione possessionis.
$ VIL Diutina possessio, quee
prodesse cceperat defuncto, et heere-
di et bonorum possessori continua-
tur, licét ipse sciat, preedium alie-
num esse. Quod si ille initium jus-
tum non habuit, heredi et bonorum
possessori, licét ignoranti, possessio
non prodest. Quod nostra consti-
tutio similitér et in usucapionibus
observari constituit, ut tempora
continuentur.
$ 7. A long possession beneficial-
ly commenced in the lifetime of the
deceased is continued in favour of
the heir or successor, although he
may know that the estate is the pro-
perty of another; but, if the posses-
sion commenced unjustly, it will a-.
vail neither the heir, nor the posses-
sor, although ignorant of any fraud.
It is in like manner enacted by our
constitution, that the time of usu-
caption shall be continued, (‘That is
from the deceased to his successor
in things moveable.)
Quando conjunguntur tempora.
§ VUI. Inter venditorem quo-
que et emptorem conjungi tempora.
divi Severus et Antoninus rescrip-
serunt.
$8. The emperors Severus and
Antoninus have enacted, that, the
possession of the’seller shall enure
to the buyer.
De his, qui a fisco, aut Imp. Augusteve domo, aliquid accepe-
runt.
§ IX. Edicto divi Marci cavetur,
cum, qui a fisco rem alienam emit,
si post venditionem quinquennium
preeterierit, posse dominum rei ex-
ceptione repellere. Constitutio au-
tem dives memorize Zenonis bené
prospexit iis, qui a fisco per venditi-
onem, aut donationem, vel alium ti-
tulum accipiunt aliquid ; ut ipsi qui-
dem securi statim fiant, et victores
existant, sive experiantur, sive con-
veniantur : adversus autem sacra-
tissimum erarium usque ad quadri-
ennium liceat iis intendere, qui pro
dominio vel hypotheca earum re-
$ 9. It is provided by an edict of
the emperor, Marcus, that, the pur-
chaser of anything from the trea-
sury, after five years possession sub-
sequent to the sale, may repel the
former owner by an exception of
prescription. But the emperor Zeno
of sacred memory, hath well provid-
ed by his constitution, that all those,
who by sale, donation, or any other
title, have received things from the
public treasury, may instantly bese-
cured in their possession, and made
certain of success, whether they be
plaintiffs or defendants: and those,
100 LIB. I.
TIT. VII.
rum, que alienate sunt, putaverint,
sibi quasdam competere actiones.
Nostra autem divina constitutio,
quam nupér promulgavimus, etiam
de iis, qui a nostra vel venerabilis
Auguste domo aliquid acceperint,
hec statuit, quee in fiscalibus aliena-
tionibus preefate Zenonianze con-
stitutionis continentur.
who claim either as proprietors or
mortgagees of the things aliened,
may bring suit against the treasury,
at any time within four years. Our
own sacred ordinance, lately pro-
mulged in favour of those, who re-
ceive any thing, from the private
possessions either of our-self, or of
the empress, adopts the regulations,
contained in the above mentioned
constitution of the emperor Zeno,
concerning fiscal alienations.
TITULUS SEPTIMUS.
DE DONATIONIBUS.
D. xxxix. T. 5. et 6. C. viii. T. 54. Nov. 162.
De donatione. ’
EST et aliud genus acquisitionis,
donatio. Donationum autem duo
sunt genera; mortis causa, et non
mortis causa.
Donation or gift, is another mode
of acquiring property ; it is of two
kinds; on account of death: and
not on account of death.
De mortis causa donatione.
$ L Mortis causé donatio est,
que propter mortis fit suspicioném;
cum quis ita donat, ut si quid hu-
manitus ei contigisset, haberet”is,
qui accipit: sin autem supervixis-
set is, qui donavit, reciperet : vel
sieum donationis penituisset, aut
prior decesserit is, cui donatum sit.
He mortis causé donationes, ad ex-
emplum legatorum redacte sunt
per omnia : nam, cum prudentibus
ambiguum fuerat, utrum donationis,
$1. A donation mortis causd, is
made under apprehension of death;
as when anything is given upon
condition, that, if the donor dies
the donee shall possess it absolutely ;
or return it, if the donor should sur-
vive; or should repent, of having
made the gift; or if the donee should
die before the donor. Donations
mortis causa, are now reduced, as
far as possible, to the similitude of
legacies: for, when it was much
LIB. IL
an legati instar eam obtinere opor-
teret, (et utriusque cause quedam
habebat insignia,) et alii ad aliud
genus eam retrahebant, 4 nobis con-
stitutum est, ut per omnia feré le-
gatis connumeretur, et sic procedat,
quemadmodim nostra constitutio
eam formavit. Et in summa mor-
tis causa donatio est, cum magis se
quis velit habere, quam eum, cui
donat; magisque eum, cui donat,
quam heredem suum. Sic et apud
Homerum Telemachus donat Pi-
T2x0.
TIT. VIL.
101
doubted by our lawyers, whcther a
donation mortis causa ought to be
reputed as a gift, or asa legacy, in~
asmuch as, in some things, it par-
takes of the nature of both, we then
ordained, that it should be consider-
ed in almost all respects as alegacy;
and be made as our constitution di-
rects. In short, a donation, mortis
causd, is then said to be made, when
a man so gives, as to demonstrate,
that he would rather possess the
thing given himself, than that. the
donee should possess it; and yet
that the donee should possess it, ra-
ther than his own heir.
The donation which Telemachus makes to Pircus in Homer is of this
species.
He (when Pireus ask’d for slaves, to bring
The gifts and treasures of the Spartan king)
Thus thoughtful answer’d :—those we shall not move,
Dark and unconscious ofthe will of Jove.
We know not yet the full event of all;
Stabb’d in his palace, if your prince must fall,
Us, and our house, if treason must o’erthrow,
Better a friend possess them, than a foe.
But on my foes should vengeance heaw’n decree,
Riches are welcome then, not else, to me ;
Till then, retain the gifts.—
Port’s Odyss. lib. 17.
De simplice inter vivos donatione.
§ If. Alize autem donationes
sunt que sine ula mortis cogitatio-
ne fiunt, quas inter vivos appella-
mus, que non omnio comparantur
legatis: qua, si fuerint perfect,
temeré revocari non possunt. Per-
ficiuntur autem, cum donator suam
voluntatem scriptis aut sine scriptis
manifestaverit. Et, ad exemplum
§ 2. Donations, made without ap-
prehension of death, called dona-
tions inter vivos, admit of no com-
parison with legacies: for, when
once perfected, they cannot be rash-
ly revoked: they are esteemed per-
fect, when the donor hath manifest-
ed his will either in writing or oth-
erwise. And it is appointed by our
102 LIB. IL
venditionis, nostra constitutio eas
etiam in se habere necessitatem
traditionis voluit, ut, etiamsi non
tradantur, habeant plenissimum et
perfectum robur, et traditionis ne-
cessitas incumbat donatori. Et,
cum retro principum dispositiones
insinuari eas actis intervenientibus
volebant, si majores fuerant ducen-
torum solidorum, constitutio nostra
eam quantitatem usque ad quingen-
tos solidos ampliavit, quam stare e-
tiam sine insinuatione statuit: sed
et quasdam donationis invenit, qua
penitus insinuationem fieri minime
desiderant, sed in se plenissimam
habent firmitatem. Alia insuper
multa ad uberiorem exitum donati-
onum invenimus, que omnia ex nos-
tris constitutionibus, quas super his
exposuimus, colligenda sunt. Sci-
endum est tamen, quod, etsi plenis-
simee sint donationes, si tamen in-
grati existant homines in quos be-
neficium collatum est, donatoribus
per nostram constitutionem licenti-
am prestitimus certis ex causis eas
revocare: ne illi, qui suas res in a-
lios contulerint, ab his quandam pa-
tiantur injuriam vel jacturam, se-
cundum enumeratos in constitu-
tione nostra modos.
TIT. VII.
constitution, that a donation inter
vivos shall, like a sale necessarily
inforce a delivery; for when things
are given, they become fully vested
in the donee, and it is incumbent
upon the donor to deliver them :
and, although it is enacted by our
predecessors, that donations, to the
value of two hundred solidi, shall
be formally registered, our ordinance
enlarges this sum to five hundred
solidi, and permits donations of less
value to be binding without insinu-
ation or inrollment ; and it notices
some donations, which are of full
force without inrollment. We have
also, for the enlargement of dona-
tions, enacted many other rules,
which may be collected from our
constitutions, on thissubject. It nev-
ertheless must be observed, that, a
donation, validiy made may be re-
voked on account of ingratitude in
the donee in some particular cases :
and this, lest a man should in any
of the instances enumerated in our
constitution, suffer injury or dam-
age from those upon whom he hath
bestowed his property.
De donatione ante nuptias vel propter nuptias.
§ III. Est et aliud genus inter
vivos donationis, quod veteribus
quidem prudentibus penitus erat in-
cognitum ; postea autem a juniori-
bus Divis Principibus introductum
est, quod ante nuptias vocabatur,
et tacitam in se conditionem habe-
bat, ut tunc ratum esset, cum ma-
§$ 3. There is another kind of do-
nations inter vivos, introduced by
later emperors, and wholly unknown
to the ancient lawyers, termed do-
nation before marriage, containing
the tacit condition, thatitshould take
effect, when the marriage was per-
formed ; these donations were pro-
LIB. ff.
trimonium esset insecutum; idéo-
que ante nuptias vocabatur, quod
ante matrimonium efficiebatur; et
nunquam post nuptias celebratas
talis donatio procedebat. Sed. pri-
mus quidem Divus Justinus pater
noster, cum augeri dotes et post
nuptias fuerat permissum, si quid
tale eveniret, et ante nuptias augeri
donationem, et constante matrimo-
nio, sua constitutione permisit: sed
tamen nomen inconveniens remane-
bat, cum ante nuptias quidem voca-
batur, post nuptias autem tale acci-
piebat incrementum. Sed nos ple-
nissimo fini tradere sanctiones cu-
pientes, et consequentia nomina re-
bus esse studentes, constituimus, ut .
tales donationes non augeantur tan-
tum, sed etiam constante matrimo-
nio initium accipiant: et non anté
nuptias, sed proptér nuptias, vocen-
tur: et dotibus in hoc exasquentur,
ut quemadmodtm dotes constante
matrimonio non solum augentur,
sed etiam fiunt, ita et istee donati-
ones, que propter nuptias introduc-
tee sunt, non solum antecedant ma-
trimonium, sed eo etiam contracto
augeantur et constituantur.
TIT. VIL 103
perly called ante nuptias, because
they could never be constituted after
the celebration of matrimony. But,
_Inasmuch as it was permitted by the
ancient law, that portions might be
augmented after marriage, the em-
peror Justin, our father, hath enact-
ed by his constitution,that donations
called ante nuptias might also be
augmented at any time during ma-
trimony: but, as it was improper,
that a donation should be still term-
ed ante nuptias, when it had te-
ceived an augmentation post nup-
tias, and we being desirous, that
our sanctions might be as perfect as
possible, and that names should be
properly adapted to things, have or-
dained that such donations may not
only be augmented, but may com-
mence also at any time during ma~-
trimony; and that for the future,
they shall not be called donations
ante nuptias, but donations propier
nuptias ; and thus they are made
equal with portions; for as portions
may be augmented, and even made,
during matrimony, so donations, in-
troduced on account of matrimony,
may now not only precede marriage,
but be augmented, or even consti-
tuted, after the celebration of it.
De jure accrescendi.
§ IV. Erat olim et alius modus
civilis acquisitionis per jus accre-
scendi, quod est tale; si, commu-
nem servum habens aliquis cum
Titio, solus libertatem ei imposue-
rit, vel vindicta vel testamento, eo
casu pars ejus amittebatur, et socio
accrescebat. Sed, cum pessimum
fuerat exemplo, et libertate servum
§ 4. There was formerly another
manner of acquiring property by
the civil law; namely by accretion;
as, if Primus holding a slave in
common with Titius had infran-
chised him, either by the vindicta or
by testament, then would the share
of Primus in that slave be lost, and
accrue to Titius. But, inasmuch as
104 LIB. IL.
TIT. VIL.
defraudari, et ex eo humanioribus
quidem dominis damnum inferri,
severioribus autem dominis lucrum
accedere, hoc, quasi invidia ple-
num, pio remedio per nostram con-
stitutionem mederi necessarium
duximus; et invenimus viam, per
quam manumissor, et socius ejus,
et qui libertatem accepit, nostro be-
neficio fruantur, libertate cum ef-
fectu procedente, (cujus favore an-
tiquos legum latores multa etiam
contra communes regulas statuisse
manifestum est,) et eo, qui eam
libertatem imposuit, suz liberalita-
tis stabilitate gaudente, et socio in-
demni conservato, pretiumque servi
secundum partem dominii, quod :
nos definivimus, accipiente.
it affords a bad example, that a man
should be defrauded of his liberty,
and that the most humane masters,
should suffer loss, while the most
severe receive emolument, we have
thought it necessary, to administer
a humane remedy to this grievance ;
and have devised means by which
the manumittor, his co-partner, and .
the freed person, may all partake of
our beneficence: for we have de-
creed, (and clearly our ancient leg-
islators have often set aside the
strict rules of law in favour of li-
berty,) that freedom, although
granted by one partner only, shall
immediately take effect: so that the
manumittor shall have reason to be
pleased with the validity of his gift,
if his co-partner be indemnified by
receiving his share of the worth of
the slave.
+B Oo
TITULUS
OCTAVUS.
QUIBUS ALIENARE LICET, VEL NON LICET.
De marito, qui, licet fundi dotalis dominus sit, alienare
nequit.
ACCIDIT aliquands, ut, qui do-
minus rei sit, alienare non possit:
et contra qui dominus non sit, alie-
nande rei potestatem habeat. Nam
dotale predium maritus, invita
muliere, per legem Juliam prohibe-
tur alienare; quamvis ipsius sit,
dotis causa ei datum: quod nos, le-
gem Juliam corrigentes, in melio-
rem statum deduximus. Cum enim
lex in solis tantummodo rebus
Sometimes the proprietor of a
thing may not alien it, while one
who is not proprietor, may: for ex-
ample, by the law Julia, ahusband
is forbidden to alienate lands, which
came to him in right of his wife,
without her consent; although
given to him, as a marriage portion.
But, in this respect, we have cor-
rected and amended the law Julia ;
for, as this law regards only posses-
LIB. II.
locum habebat, que Italicee friskant,
et alienationes inhibebat, quee invi-
ta muliere fiebant, hypothecas au-
tem earum rerum eteam volente ed
utrique remedium imposuimus, ut
etiam in eas res, que in provinciali
solo posite sunt, interdicta sit alie-
natio vel abligatio, ut neutrum eo-
rum neque consentientibus mulieri-
bus procedat : ne sextis muliebris
fragilitas, in perniciem substantia
earum convertatur.
TIT. VIII. 105
Sions situated in Italy, and although
it inhibits the husband to mortgage
such possessions, even with the con-
sent of his wife, yet it permits him,
with her consent to alienate, we have
provided a remedy for both cases ;
so that now, no husband can alien
or mortgage, even with consent of
his wife, any property provincial or
Italian, obtained with hey, as a
marriage portion; lest the frailty of
women should occasion the ruin of
their fortunes.
De creditore, qui, licet non sit dominus, tamen elienare pig-
nus potest.
$ L Contra autem creditor pig-
nus, ex pactione, quamvis ejus ea
res non sit, alienare potest. Sed
hoc forsitan ided videtur fier,
quod voluntate debitoris intelligitur
pignus alienari, qui ab initio con-
tractis pactus est, ut liceret creditori
pignus vendere, si pecunia non sol-
vatur. Sed, ne creditores jus suum
persequi impedirentur, neque debi-
tores temeré suarum rerum do-
minium amittere viderentur, nos-
tra constitutione consultum est, et
certus modus impositus est, per
quem, pignorum distractio possit
procedere: cujus tenore utrique
parti, creditorum et debitorum sa-
tis abundéque provisum est.
$ 1. But a creditor, may by com-
pact alien a pledge, although not
his own property ; yet this seems no
otherwise allowable, than because
the pledge is understood to be alien-
ed by consent of the debtor, who co-
venanted at the commencement of
the contract, that the creditor might
sell the pledge, if the loan was not
repaid. But, lest creditors should be
impeded from prosecuting their just
claims, and debtors too hastily de-
prived of their property, it is pro-
vided for in our ordinance, and a
certain method appointed, by which
the sale of pledges may be made :
and, ample care hath been taken, in
respect both of creditors and debtors,
De pupillo, qui, licet dominus, non tamen sine tutoris auc-
toritate alienare potest.
§ II. Nunc admonendi sumus,
neque pupillum, neque pupillam, ul-
lam rem siné tutoris auctoritate
alienare posse; idedoque, si lg
1
$2. It must now be observed,
that no pupil, male nor female, can
alien anything without the author-
ity of a tutor: and therefore, if a
106 LIB. II.
am pecuniam siné tutoris auctori-
tate alicui dederit, non contrahit
obligationem : quia pecuniam non
facit accipientis: idedque vindicari
nummi possunt, sicubi extant.
Sed, si nummi, quos mutuo minor
dederit, ab eo, qui accepit, bond
fide consumpti sunt, condici pos-
sunt: si mala fide, ad exhibenduns
de his agi potest.
TIT... VIII.
pupil, without such authority lend
money to any man, the pupil ac-
quires no obligation: for he cannot
vest in the receiver the property of
the money, which may be claimed
by vindication, if it still exist. But
if money, lent by a minor, be con-
sumed by the borrower, bona fide,
(i. e. believing the lender was of full
age) it may be recovered from such
borrower by condiction ; if mala
fide, an action ad exhibendum will
lie against him.
Continuatio.
§ Ill. At ex contrario omnes
res pupillo, et pupillee siné tutoris
auctoritate recté dari possunt: ide-
oque, si debitor pupillo solvat, ne-
cessaria est debitori tutoris auctori-
tas; alioqti non liberabitur. Sed
hoc etiam evidentissim4 ratione
statutum est in constitutione, quam
ad Ceesarienses advocatos ex sug-
gestione Triboniani, viri eminen-
tissimi, questoris sacri palatii nos-
tri, promulgavimus: qua disposi-
tum est, ita licere tutori vel cura-
tori debitorem pupillarem solvere,
ut prius judicialis sententia siné
omni damno celebrata, hoc permit-
tat: quo subsecuto, si et judex pro-
nunciaverit, et debitor solverit, se-
quatur hujusmodi solutionem ple-
nissima securitas. Sin autem ali-
tér quam disposuimus, solutio fac-
ta fuerit,; pecuniam autem salvam
habeat pupillus, aut ex ea locuple-
tior sit, et adhuc eandem pecunie
summam petat, per exceptionem
doli mali poterit submoveri. Quod
§ 3. On the contrary, property
may be transferred to pupils, male
or female, without the authority of
their tutors: yet, if a debtor make
payment to a pupil, he should be
warranted by the authority of the
tutor, otherwise he will not be ac-
quitted of the debt: and this, for an
evident reason, was ordained by a
constitution, which we promulged
to the advocates of Cesarea, at the
suggestion of that most eminent
man Tribonian, the questor of our
sacred palace; whereby it.is enact-
ed, that the debtor of a minor may
pay over to the tutor or curator, un-
der a judicial decree, permitting the
payment previously obtained with-
out expense to the minor: for when,
~ the debt is paid under the decree of
a judge, it is attended with the full-
est security. But, although money
hath been paid to a pupil, other-
wise than we have ordained, yet, if
he be really enriched by the pay-
ment, and hath preserved the mon-
LIB. II.
si malé consumpserit, aut furto aut
vi amiserit, nihil proderit debitori
doli mali exceptio, sed nihilomints
condemnabitur: quid temeré siné
tutoris auctoritate, et non secun-
dim nostram dispositionem, solve-
rit. Sed ex diverso, pupilli vel
pupille solvere sine tutoris aucto-
ritate non possunt: quid id, quod
solvunt, non fit accipientis: cum
scilicet nullius rei alienatio eis siné
tutoris auctoritate concessa sit.
TIT. IX. 107
ey, and should afterwards require,
that it should be repaid he might
be barred by an exception of fraud.
But, if the pupil hath squandered
the money, or lost it by theft or vi-
olence, an exception of fraud will
be of no benefit to the debtor, who
will be compelled to make a second
payment; because the first was
made inconsiderately without the
authority of the tutor, and not ac-
cording to our ordinance. Pupils
may not pay money without the
authority of their tutors; it does
not vest as the property of the re-
ceiver: for without such authority
a pupil can alien nothing.
TITULUS NONUS.
PER QUAS PERSONAS CUIQUE ACQUIRITUR.
C. iv.
T. 57.
Summa.
ACQUIRITUR vobis non s0-
jum per vosmetipsos, sed etiam per
eos, quos in potestate habetis:
item per servos, in quibus usum-
fructum habetis: item per homines
liberos, et per servos alienos, quos
bond fide possidetis: de quibus
singulis diligentits dispiciamus.
Things may be acquired not on-
ly by ourselves, but also by those,
who are under our power; also by
slaves, of whom we have the usu-
fruct ; by freemen; and by the
slaves of others whom we possess
bond fide. Let us diligently inves-
tigate each of these cases.
De liberis in potestate.
$ 1. Igitur liberi vestri utriusque
sexus, quos in potestate habetis,
olim quidem quicquid ad eos per-
$ 1. Anciently whatever came to
children, male or female, under
power of their parents, was acquir-
108 LIB. II.
venerat, (exceptis videlicét castren-
sibus peculiis,) hoc parentibus suis
acquirebant sine ulla distinctione :
et hoc ita parentum fiebat, ut etiam
esset iis licentia quod per unum vel
unam eorum acquisitum esset, alii
filio, vel extraneo donare, vel ven-
dere, vel quoctirnque modo volue-
rant, applicare: quod nobis inhu-
manum visum est: et generali con-
stitutione emissé, et liberis peper-
¢imus, et parentibus honorem de-
bitum reservavimus: sancitum ete-
nim a nobis est, ut, si quid ex re
patris ei obveniat, hoc secundum
antiquam observationem totum pa-
renti acquiratur : Que enim invi-
dia est, quod ex patris occasione
profectum est, hoc ad eum reverti?
Quod autem ex alia caus sibi filius-
familias acquisivit, hujus usum-
fructum patri quidem acquirat, do-
minium autem apud eum remaneat:
ne, quod ei suis laboribus vel pros-
pera fortuna accesserit, hoc, in ali-
um perveniens, luctuosum ei proce-
dat.
TIT. IX.
ed for the parents without any dis-
tinction, if we except the peculium
castrense: and this so absolutely»
that what was acquired by one
child, the parent might have given
to another, or toa stranger; or sold
it, or applied it in what manner he
thought proper: this seemed to be
inhuman; and we have therefore,
by a general constitution, mitigated
the law as it respects children, and
at the same time, supported that
honour, which is due to parents;
having ordained, that, if any thing
accrue to the son by means of the
father’s fortune, the whole shall be
acquired for the father, according to
ancient practice: (for can it be un-
just, that the wealth, which the son
hath obtained, by means of the fa-
ther, should revert to the father 7)
but that the acquisitions of the son
by any other means shall remain in
the son ; and that the father shall
be entitled only to the usufruct of
such acquisition ; lest that which
hath accrued from his labour or good
fortune, being transferred to anoth-
er should affect him as a hardship.
De emancipatione lberorum.
$ II. Hoc quoqte 4 nobis dispo-
situm est et in ed specie, ubi pa-
rens, emancipando liberos suos, ex
rebus, que acquisitionem effugie-
bant, sibi tertiam partem retinere
(si voluerat) licentiam ex anteriori-
bus constitutionibus habebat, quasi
pro pretio quodammodo emancipa-
tionis: et inhumanum ‘quiddam ac-
-eidebat, ut filius rerum suarum ex
hac emancipatione dominio pro ter-
Ԥ 2. We have made some regila-
tions also as to emancipation: fora
parent, when he emancipated his
‘children, might, according to for-
merconstitutions, have taken'tohim-
self, if so inclined, the third part of
those things, which were excepted
from paternal acquisition, as the
price of emancipation. But it ap-
peared inhuman, that the son should
be thus defrauded of the third part of
LIB. IL.
TIT. IX, 109
tid parte defraudaretur; et, quod
honoris ei ex emancipatione addi-
tum erat, quod sui juris effectus es-
set, hoc per rerum diminutionem
decresceret. Idedque statuimus, ut
parens pro tertid parte dominii,
quam -retinere patera, dimidiam
non dominii rerum, sed ususfruc-
tus, retineat. Ita etenim res intac-
te apud filium remanebunt, et pater
ampliore summa fruetur, pro tertid,
dimidia potiturus.
his property, and that the honour
which he had obtained by becoming
independent,should be decreased by
the diminution of his estate: we
have therefore decreed, that the pa-
rent instead of the third part of the
property, which he formerly might
have retained, shall now be entitled
to an half-share, not of the proper-
ty, but of the usufruct; so that the
property will remain intire to the
son, and the father will enjoy a
greater share; namely, half instead
of a third part.
De servis nostris.
§ III. Item vobis acquiritur, quod
servi vestri ex traditione nanciscun-
tur, sivé quid stipulentur, sive ex
donatione, vel ex legato, vel ex qua-
libet alid causa, acquirant. Hoc
enim vobis et ignorantibus et invitis
obvenit; ipse enim servus, qui in
potestate alterius est, nihil suum
habere potest. Sed, si heres institu-
tus sit, non alias, nisi vestro jussu,
heereditatem adire potest, et, si vo-
bis jubentibus adierit, vobis heredi-
tas acquiritur, perindé ac si vos ip-
si heredes instituti essetis: et con-
‘venientér scilicet vobis legatum per
eos acquiritur. Non solum autem
proprietas per eos, quos in potestate
habetis, vobis acquiritur, sed etiam
possessio: cujuscunque enim rei
possessionem adepti fuerint, id vos
possidere videmini. Unde etiam
per eos usucapio, vel longi temporis
possessio, vobis accidit.
§ 3. Whatever your slaves have
at any time acquired, whether by
delivery, stipulation, donation, be-
quest, or any other means, is acquir-
ed by you; although you may be
ignorant of or even averse to the ac-
quisition; for he, who is a slave,
can have no property. And,ifa slave
be made heir, he cannot otherwise
take upon himself the inheritance,
than at the command of his master ;
but, if commanded so to do, the in-
heritance is as fully acquired by
the master, as if he had been him-
self made heir; and consequently a
legacy, left to a slave, is acquired
by his master. Moreover, masters
acquire by their slaves not only the
property of things, but also the pos-
session; for whatever is possessed
by a slave, is deemed to be posses-
sed by his master; who may found
a prescription to it, by means of his
slave.
110 LIB. II.
TIT. IX.
De fructuariis et bona fide possessis.
§$ IV. De iis autem servis, in
quibus tantummodd usumfructum
habetis ita placuit, ut, quicquid ex
re vestra, vel ex operis suis, acqui-
runt, id vobis adjiciatur ; quod vero
extra eas causas consecuti sunt, id
ad dominum proprietatis pertineat.
Itaque, si is servus heeres institutus
sit, legatumve quid ei, aut donatum
fuerit, non usufructuario, sed domi-
no proprietatis acquiritur.
$ 4. As to slaves, of whom you
have the usufruct only, it hath
seemed right, that, whatever they
earn by means of your goods, or by
their own work and labour, apper-
tains to you: but whatever they
earn by other means, belongs to the
proprietor: therefore, if a slave be
made heir, ‘or legatee, or donee, the
inheritance, legacy, or gift, will not
be acquired for the usufructuary
master, but for the proprietor.
Continuatio.
§ V. Idem placet et de eo, qui 4
vobis bona fide possidetur, sive is
liber sit, sive alienus servus: quod
enim placuit de usufructuario, idem
placet et de bonz fidei possessore.
Itaque, quod extra istas duas cau-
sas acquiritur, id vel ad ipsum per-
tinet, si liber est, vel ad dominum,
si servus est. Sed bone fidei pos-
sessor,cum usuceperit servum, (quia
eo modo dominus fit,) ex omnibus
causis per eum sibi acquirere potest.
Fructuarius vero usucapere non po-
test: primum quia non possidet, sed
habet jus utendi, fruendi: deindé,
quia scit, servum alienum esse.
Non solum autem proprietas per eos
servos, in quibus usumfructum ha-
betis, vel quos bona fide possidetis,
aut per liberam personam, que bona
fide vobis servit, vobis acquiritur,
sed etiam possessio. Loquimur
autem in utriusque persona secun-
dum distinctionem, quam proximé
exposuimus, id est, si quam posses-
§ 5. The same rule is observed as
to the bond fide possessor of a slave,
whether he be a free-man, or the
slave of another: for the same law
prevails respecting an usufructuary
master, and a bond fide possessor ;
therefore, whatever is acquired,
otherwise than by the two causes
above-mentioned, either belongs to
the person possessed, if he be free;
or to the proprietor, if he be a slave.
But a bond fide possessor, who hath
gained a slave by usucaption or pre-
scription, (inasmuch he thus be-
comes the absolute proprietor, ) can
acquire by means of such slave, by
all manner of ways. But an usu-
fructuary master cannot prescribe;
first, because he can not be strictly
said to possess, having only the pow-
er of using: and because he knows,
the slave belongs to another. We
nevertheless may acquire not only
property, but also possession, by
means of slaves, whom we possess
‘
LIB. II.
sionem ex re vestra vel ex suis
operis, adepti fuerint.
TIT. IX. 111
bond fide, or by usufruct; and even
by a free person, of whom we have
bona fide possession. But, in say-
ing this, we adhere to the distinc-
tion, before explained, and speak of
those things only, of which a slave
may acquire the possession, either
through the goods of his master, or
by his own industry.
De reliquis seu extraneis' personis.
§ VI. Ex his itaque apparet, per
liberos homines quos neque vestro
juri subjectos habetis, neque bond
fide possidetis, item per alienos ser-
vos, in quibus neque usumfructum
habetis, neque possessionem justam,
nulla ex causé vobis acquiri posse.
Et hoc est, quod dicitur, per extra-
neam personam nihil acquiri posse ;
excepto eo, quod per liberam perso-
nam (veluti per procuratorem) pla-
cet non solim scientibus, sed et ig-
norantibus, vobis acquiri possessio-
nem, secundum Divi Severi consti-
tutionem ; et per hanc possessionem
etiam dominium, si dominus fuerit,
qui tradidit; vel usucapionem aut
longi temporis prescriptionem, si
dominus non sit.
§ 6. Hence it appears that you
cannot acquire by means of free
persons, not under your subjection,
or possessed by you bond fide ; nor
by the slave of another, of whom
you have neither the usufruct, nor
the jnst possession. And this is
meant, when it is said, that nothing
can be acquired by means of a
stranger; except indeed according
to the constitution of the emperor
Severus, that possession may be ac-
quired for you by a free person, as
by a proctor, not only with, but
even without your knowledge; and,
by this possession, the property may
by gained, if the delivery were
made by the proprietor; and an
usucaption or prescription may be
acquired,although the delivery were
made by one, who was not the pro-
prietor.
Transitio.
§ VII. Hactents tantispér admo-
nuisse sufficiat, quemadmodum sin-
gule res vobis acquirantur: nam
legatorum jus, quo et ipso singulz
res vobis acquiruntur, item fidei
commissorum, ubi singulee res vo-
bis relinquuntur opportunius inferi-
ore loco referemus. Videamus ita-
§ 7. The observations already
made, concerning the acquisition of
things, may suffice for the present;
for we shall treat more opportunely
hereafter concerning the rights of
legacies andtrusts. We now proceed
to shew, how things may be acquir-
ed per universitatem, that is, wholly
112
LIB. II.-
TIT. X.
—
que nunc, quibus modis per univer-
sitatem- res vobis acquirantur. Si
cui ergo heeredes facti sitis, sive cu-
jus bonorum possessionem petieri-
tis, vel si quem adrogaveritis, vel
si cujus bona, libertatum conser-
vandarum causa, vobis addicta fue-
rint, ejus res omnes, ad vos transe-
unt. Ac prits de hereditatibus
dispiciamus, quarum duplex condi-
tio est; nam vel ex testamento, vel
ab intestato, ad vos pertinent. Et
prius est, ut de his dispiciamus, que
ex testamento vobis obveniunt; qua
in re necessarium est, initium de tes-
tamentis ordinandis exponere.
and in gross by one single acquisi-
tion: for example; if you are nomi-
nated heir, or seek possession of the
goods of another, or arrogate one as
your son, or if goods are adjudged.
to you for preserving the liberty of
slaves; in all these cases, the entire
inheritance passes to you. Let us
therefore inquire into inheritances,
which are twofold; for they pro-
ceed either from a testacy, or'an in-
testacy. And first of those, which
come by testament; and herein it
will be necessary to begin by ex-
plaining the manner of making tes-
taments.
TITULUS
DECIMUS.
DE TESTAMENTIS ORDINANDIS.
D. xviii. T. 1.
C. vi. T. 23.
Nov. 66. 119.
Etymologia.
TESTAMENTUM ex eo appel-
latur, quod testatio mentis sit.
A testament is so called from ¢es-
tatio: because it testifies the deter-
mination of the mind.
De antiquis modis testandi civilibus.
§ IL Sed, ut nihil antiquitatis
penitis ignoretur, sciendum est,
olim quidem duo genera testamen-
torum in usu fuisse; quorum alte-
ro in pace et otio utebantur, quod
catalis comitiis appellabant ; altero,
cum in prelium exituri essent, quod
procinctum dicebatur. Accessit de-
$ 1. But, lest ancient usage should
be forgotten, it is necessary to ob-
serve, that formerly there were two
kinds of testaments; one practiced
in times of peace, and named calatis
comitiis ; because made in a full as-
sembly of the people; and the other,
when the people were going forth
LIB. II.
indé tertium genus testamentorum,
quod dicebatur per es et libram,
scilicét quod per emancipationem,
id est, imaginariam quandam ven-
ditionem agebatur, quinque testibus
et libripende, civibus Romanus pu-
beribus, presentibus, et eo, qui
familize emptor dicebatur. Sed illa
quidem priora duo genera testamen-
torum ex veteribus temporibus in
desuetudinem abierunt : quod vero
per zs et libram fiebat, licet diutius
permanserit, attamen partim et hoc
in usu esse desiit.
TIT. X. 113
to battle, and this was the procine-
tum testamentum.
ani temporibus factum est, plenissi-
mé de tristi successione matri, non
etiam avis, deferenda cautum est;
ut mater ingenua trium liberorum
jus habens, libertina quatuor, ad
bona filiorum filiarumve admittatur
intestato mortuorum, licét in potes-
tate parentis sit; ut scilicét, cum
alieno juri subjecta est, jussu ejus
adeat heereditatem, cujus juri sub-
jecta est.
Qui preferuntur matri,
§ IIL. Preferuntur autem ma-
tri, liberi ‘defuncti, qui sui sunt,
quive suorum loco sunt, sivé primi
gradus, sivé ulterioris. Sed et fi-
lize suze mortue filius vel filia pre-
ponitur, ex constitutionibus, matri
defunct, id est, aviee sue. Pater
vero utriusque, non etiam avus et
proavus, matri anteponitur ; scilicéet
cum inter eos solos de hereditate
agitur. Frater autem consangui-
neus tam filii, quam filie, exclude-
bat matrem; soror autem consan-
guinea paritér cum matre admitte-
patur. Sed, si fuerant frater et so-
yor consanguinei, et mater liberis
onerata, frater quidem matrem ex-
cludebat; communis autem erat
$§ 2. Afterwards by the Tertillian
senatus-consultum,made in the reign
of the emperor Adrian, the fullest
care was taken, that the succession
of children should pass to their mo-
ther, though not to their grand-mo-
ther: so that a mother, born of free
parents, and having the right of
three children,—also a freed-wo-
man, having the right of four chil-
dren,may be admitted, although un-
der power of a parent, to the goods
of their intestate children. But, a
mother under power cannot enter
upon the inheritance of her children,
but at the command of him, to
whom she is subject.
vel cum ea admittuntur.
§ 3. The children of a deceased
son who are proper heirs, or in the
place of proper heirs, either in the
first or an inferior degree, are pre-
ferred to the mother. And the son,
or daughter, of a deceased daughter
is also by the constitutions preferred
to the mother; i.e. to their grand-
mother. Also the father of a son,
or daughter, is preferred to the mo-
ther; not so the grand-father or
great-grand-father, when the inhe-
ritance is contended for by these
only without the father. Also the
consanguine brother either of a son
or a daughter excluded the mother;
but a consanguine sister was ad-
mitted equally with her mother. if
212 LIB. TI. ‘TIT. I.
hereditas ex quis partibus fratri- there had be a brother and a sister
bus et sororibus. of the same blood with the deceas-
ed, the brother excluded his mother,
although she had children: but the
= inheritance, in this case, was equal-
ly divided between brothers and
sisters.
Jus novum de jure liberorum sublato.
§ IV. Sed hos constitutione, $ 4. But by a constitution, insert-
quam in codice, nostro nomine de- ed in the code, and honoured with
corato, posuimus, matri subvenien- our name, we have thought fit, that
dum esse existimavimus, respicien- mothers should be favoured in re-
tes ad*naturam, et puerperium, et gard to the considering natural rea-
periculum, et sepé mortem ex hoc son, the pains of child-birth, the
casu matribus illatam. Idedque danger, and death itself, which they
impium esse credidimus, casum often suffer; we therefore have es-
fortuitum in ejus admitti detri- teemedit highly unjust, that the law
mentum. Si enim ingenua ter, vel should make that detrimental,
libertina quater, non pepererit, im- which is in its nature merely fortu-
merito defraudabatur successione tous; for, if a married woman free-
suorum liberorum. Quid enim born, does not bring forth three
peccavit, si non plures, sed paucos, children, or if a free-woman does
peperit? Et dedimus jus legiti- not become the mother of four,
mum plenum matribus, sivé inge- ought they, for this reason only, to
nuis sive libertinis, etsi non ter e- be deprived of succession to their
nix fuerint vel quater, sed eum children? for how can it be imput-
tantum vel eam, qui queeve morte ed to them, as a crime? We there-
intercepti sunt, ut sic vocentur in fore, not regarding any fixed num-
liberorum suorum legitimam suc- ber of children, have given a full
cessionem. right to every mother, whether in-
genuous or freed, of being called to
the legitimate succession of her
child or children deceased, whether
male or female.
Quibus mater preponitur, et quibuscum admittitur.
§$ V. Sed, cum antea constituti- $ 5. In examining the constitu-
ones, jura legitime successionis tions of former emperors, relating to
perscrutantes, partim matrem adju- the right of succession, we observed
vabant, partim eam pregravabant, that they were partly favourable to
nec in solidum eam vocabant, sed, mothers and partly grievous; not
LIB. III.
TIT. Il. 213
in quibusdam casibus tertiam ei
partem absirahentes, certis legiti-
mis dabant personis, in aliis autem
contrarium faciebant, nobis visum
est, recté et simplici vid matrem
omnibus personis legitimis antepo-
ni, et siné ullA diminutione filiorum
suorum successionem accipere ; ex-
cepta fratris et sororispersona, (sivé
consanguini sint, sivé sola cogna-
tionis jura habentes) ut quemadmo-
dium eam toti alii ordini legitimo
preeposuimus, ita omnes fratres et
sorores, (sivé legitimi sint, sive
non,) ad capiendas hereditates si-
mul vocemus: ita tamen ut, siqui-
dem sole sorores, agnate vel cog-
nate, et mater defuncti vel defunc-
te supersint, dimidiam quidem ma-
ter alteram vero dimidiam partem
omnes sorores habeant. Si verd
matre superstite, et fratre vel fra-
tribus solis, vel etiam cum sorori-
bus, sive legitima sivé sola cogna-
tionis jura habentibus, intestatus
quis vel intestata moriatur, in capi-
ta ejus distribuatur hereditas.
always calling them to the intire
inheritance of their children, but in
some cases depriving them ofa third
which was given to certain legiti-
mate persons: and in other cases,
allowing a third. It hath therefore
seemed right to us, that mothers
should receive the succession of their
children without any diminution,
and that they should be exclusively
preferred before all legitimate per-
sons, except the brothers and sisters
of the deceased, whether consan-
guine, or cognate: but, as we have
preferred the mother to all other le-
gitimate persons, we are willing to
call all brothers and sisters, legiti-
mate or otherwise, to the inheritance
together with the mother; yet in
such manner, that if only the sisters
agnate or cognate, and the mother
of the deceased survive, the mother
shall have one half of the effects,
and the sisters the other. But, if a
mother survive, and also a brother
or brothers, or brothers and sisters,
whether legitimate or cognate, then
the inheritance of the intestate son
or daughter must be distributed in
capita ; i. e. into equal shares.
De tutore liberis petendo.
§ VI. Sed, quemadmodim nos
matribus prospeximus, ita eas opor-
tet sus soboli consulere ; scituris
eis quod, si tutores liberis non pe-
tierint, vel in locum remoti vel ex-
cusati intra annum petere neglexe-
rint, ab corum impuberum morien-
§ 6. Having thus taken care of
the interest of mothers, it behoves
them in return to consult the welfare
of their children. Be it known
therefore, that if a mother shall ne-
glect, during the space of a whole
year, to demand a tutor for her chil-
214 LIB. Il. TIT. IV.
tium successione meritd repellen- dren, or to require a new tutor in
tur. the place of a former, who hath ei-
ther been removed or excused, she
will be deservedly repelled from the
succession of such children, if they
die within puberty.
Do vulgo quesitis.
$ VIL. Licet autem vulgo que- § 7. Although a son or daugh-
situs sit filius filiave, potest tamen ter be of spurious birth, yet the mo-
ad bona ejus mater ex Tertylliano ther, by the Tertyllian senatus-con-
senatus-consulto admitti. sultum, may be admitted to succeed
to the goods of either.
TITULUS QUARTUS.
DE SENATUS-CONSULTO ORFICIANO.
D. xxxviii. T. 17. C. vi. T. 57.
Origo et summa senatus-consulti.
PER contrarium autem liberi ad
bona matrum intestatarum admit-
On the contrary children are ad-
mitted to the goods of their intestate.
tuntur ex senatus-consulto Orficia-
no, quod, Orficio et Rufo consuli-
bus, effectum est Divi Marci tem-
poribus; et data est tam filio quam
filie, legitima hereditas, etiamsi
alieno juri subjecti sint ; et praefe-
runtur consanguineis et agilatis de-
functe matris.
mothers, by the Orfician senatus-
consultum, which was enacted in
the consulateof Orficius and Rufus,
in the reign of the emperor Marcus
Antoninus ; and, by this decree, the
legal inheritance is given both to
sons and daughters, although under
power ; and they are preferred to
the consanguine brothers, and to the
agnates of their deceased mother.
De nepote et nepte.
§ I. Sed, cum ex hoc senatus-
consulto nepotes et neptes ad avie
successionem legitimo jure non vo-
§ 1. But, since grand-sons and
grand-daughters were not called by
the senatus-consultum to the legi-
LIB. IU.
carentur, postea hoc constitutioni-
bus principalibus emendatum est,
ut, ad similitudinem filiorum filiar-
umque, et nepotes et neptes vocen-
tur.
TIT. Iv. 215
timate succession of their grand-
mother, the omission was after-
wards supplied, by the imperial
constitutions; so that grand-sons
and grand-daughters were called to
inherit, as well as sons and daugh-
ters.
De capitis diminutione.
§ II. Sciendum autem est, hu-
jusmodi successiones, que ex 'Ter-
tylliano et Orficiano senatus-con-
sultis deferuntur, capitis diminu-
tione non perimi, propter illam re-
gulam, qua nove hereditates legi-
time capitis diminutione non pere-
unt; sed illee sole, quae ex lege du-
odecim tabularum deferuntur.
§ 2. But it must be observed, that
those successions, which proceed
from the Tertyllian and Orfician
senatus-consulta, are not extinguish-
ed by diminution. For it is estab-
lished rule, that legitimate inheri-
tances of late creation, are not des-
troyed by diminution ; which affects
those only that are founded on the
law of the twelve tables.
De vulgo quesitis.
$ III. Novissime sciendum est,
etiam illos liberos, qui vulo que-
siti sunt, ad matris hereditatem ex
senatus-consulto admitti.
$ 3. It is lastly to be noted, that
even spurious children are admitted
by the Orfician senatus-consultum
to the inheritance of their mother.
De jure accrescendi inter legitimos heeredes.
$ VI. Si ex pluribus legitimis he-
redibus quidam omiserint heredita-
tem, vel morte, vel alié causa, im-
pediti fuerint, quominus adeant,
reliquis, qui adierint, accrescit illo-
rum portio; et, licét ante decesse-
rint, ad heredes tamen eorum per-
tinet.
§ 4. When there are many legiti-
mate (legal) heirs, and some re-
nounce the inheritance, or are pre-
vented by death, or any other cause,
then the portions of such persons
fall by right of accretion to those,
who accept the inheritance; and,
although the acceptors happen to
die even before the refusal or the
failure of their coheirs, yet the por-
tions of such coheirs, will appertain
to the heirs of the acceptors.
216 LIB. I.
TIT. V.
TITULUS QUINTUS.
DE SUCCESSIONE COGNATORUM.
Tertius ordo succedentium ab intestato.
POST suos heredes, eosque,
quos inter suos heredes prteeor et
constitutiones vocant, et post legi-
timos, (quorum numero sunt agnati,
et hi, quos in locum agnatorum
tam supradicta senatus-consulta,
quam nostra erexit constitutio,)
proximos cognatos preetor vocat.
Qui vocantur in hoc ordine.
$ I. Qua parte naturalis cogna-
tio spectatur. Nam agnati capite
diminuti, quique ex his progeniti
sunt, ex lege duodecim tabularum
inter legitimos non habentur, sed a
preetore tertio ordine vocantur, ex-
ceptis solis tantummodo' fratre et
sorore emancipatis non etiam libe-
ris eorum; quos lex Anastasiana
cum fratribus integri juris constitu-
tis vocat quidem ad legitimam
fratris heereditatem, sivé sororis;
non equis tamen partibus sed cum
aliqua diminutione, quam facilé est
ex ipsius constitutionis verbis intel-
ligere. Aliis vero agnatis inferio-
ris gradus, licét capitis diminuti-
onem passi non sunt, tamen antepo-
nit eos, et procul dubio cognatis.
After the proper heirs and those,
whom the preetor and the constitu-
tions call to inherit with the proper
heirs, and after the legitimate heirs
(among whom are the agnate, and
those, whom the above mentioned
senatus-consulia and our constitu-
tion have numbered with the ag-
nati) the preetor calls the nearest
cognates.
De agnatis capite minutis.
§ 1. By the law of the twelve ta-
bles, neither the agnates, who have
suffered diminution, nor their issue,
are esteemed legitimate heirs; but
they are called by the preetor in the
third order of succession: but we
must except a brother and sister,
(although) emancipated, but not
their children; for the constitution
of Anastasius calls an emancipated
brother or sister to the succession of
a brother or sister, together with
those, who having not been emanci-
pated, are integri juris: but it does
not call them to an equal share of
the succession, as may easily be
collected from the words of the con-
stitution: which prefers an emanci-
pated brother or sister to other ag-
nates of inferior degree, although
unemancipated; and consequently
to all cognates.
LIB. Ill. TIT. v.
217
De conjunctis per foeminas.
$ IL. Eos etiam, qui per femini-
ni sextis personas ex transverso
cognatione junguntur, tertio gradu
proximitatis nomine, praetor ad suc-
cessionem vocat.
§ 2. Collateral relations by the
female line, are called by the pre-
tor in the third order of succession,
according to their proximity.
De liberis datis in adoptionem.
§$ IIL. Liberi quoque, qui in
adoptiva familia sunt, ad naturali-
um parentum hereditatem hoc eo-
dem gradu vocantur.
De vulgo
§$ IV. Vulgo quesitis nullos ha-
bere agnatos, manifestum est; cum
agnatio a patre sit, cognatio 4 ma-
tre: hi autem nullum patrem ha-
bere intelligantur. Eaédem ratione,
ne inter se quidem possunt videri
consanguinei esse; quia consangui-
nitatis jus, species est agnationis.
Tantim ergd cognati sunt sibi, si-
cut et matri cognati sunt. Itaque
omnibus istis ex ed parte competit
bonorum possessio, qua proximata-
tis nomine cognati vocantur.
§ 3. Children, who are in an
adoptive family, are likewise called
in the third order of succession to
the inheritance of their natural pa-
rents.
queesitis.
§ 4. Itis manifest, that spurious
children have no agnates ; inas-
much as agnation proceeds from the
father, cognation from the mother ;
and such children are looked upon
as having no father. And, for the
same reason, consanguinity cannot
be said to subsist between the bas-
tard children of the same woman ;
because consanguinity is a species of
agnation. They can therefore only
be allied to each other as they are
related to their mother, that is, by
cognation ; and it is for this reason
that all such children are called to
the possession of goods by that part
of the pretorian edict, by which
cognates are called by the right of
their proximity..
Ex quoto gradu vel agnati vel cognati succedunt.
$ V. Hoc loco et illud necessa-
rio admonendi sumus agnationis
quidem jure admitti aliquem ad
hereditatem, etsi decimo gradu sit ;
sive de lege duodecim tabularum
28
§ 5. Here it will be proper to ob-
serve, that any person by right of
agnation may be admitted to inhe-
rit, although he be in the tenth de-
gree; this is allowed both by the
218 LIB. If.
queremus, sive de edicto, quo pre-
tor legitimis heredibus daturum se
bonorum possessionem pollicetur.
Proximitatis vérd nomine iis solis
pretor promittit bonorum possessi-
onem, qui usque ad sextum gradum
cognationis sunt, et ex septimo a
sobrino sobrinaque nato nateve.
TIT. VI.
law of the twelve tables, and the
edict, by which the pretor promi-
ses, that he will give the possession
of goods to the legitimate heirs.
But the pretor promises the posses-
sion of goods to cognates, only as
far as the sixth degree of eagnation
according to their right of proximi-
ty; and in the seventh degree, to
those cognates only, who are the de-
scendants of a cousin german.
TITULUS
SEXTUS.
DE GRADIBUS COGNATIONUM.
D. xxxviii. T. 10.
Continuatio, et cognationis divisio.
HOC loco necessarium est ex-
ponere, quemadmddum gradus cog-
nationis numerentur. Quare in
primnis admonendi sumus, cognatio-
nem aliam supra numerari, alam
infra, aliam ex transverso, que e-
tiam a lateredicitur. Superior cog-
natio est parentum: inferior libero-
rum: ex transverso fratrum soro-
mmve, et eorum, qui queve ex his
generantur ; et convenienter patrui,
amite, avunculi, matertere. Et
superior quidem et inferior cogna-
tio 4 primo gradu incipit : atea, que
ex transverso numeratur, 4 secun-
do.
It is here necessary to explain
how degrees of cognation are to be
computed; and first we must ob-
serve, that there is one species of
cognation which relates to ascen-
dants, another to descendants, and
a third to collaterals. The first and
superior cognation is that relation,
which a man bears to his parents ;
the second, or inferior, is that,
which he bears to his children; the
third is that relation which he bears
to his brothers and sisters, and their
issue; and also to his uncles and
aunts, whether paternal or maternal.
The superior and inferior cognation
commence at the first degree; but
the transverse or collateral cogna-
tion commences at the second.
LIB. IIL
TIT. VI. 219
De primo, secundo, et tertio gradu.
$1. Primo gradu est supra pa-
ter, mater: infra filius, filia. Se-
cundo gradu supra avus, avia: in-
fra nepos, neptis: ex transverso fra-
ter, soror. 'Tertio gradu supra pro-
avus, proavia: infra pronepos, pro-
neptis: ex transverso fratris soro-
risque filius, filia: et convenientér
patruus, amita, avunculus, mater-
tera. Patruus est patris frater, qui
Gracis zoreadelpO appellatur. A-
vunculus est frater natris, qui greece
eetoaxdelgO dicitur: et uterque
promiscué deO0 appellatur. Amita
est patris soror, que grace mateea-
delpy appellatur; matertera vero
matris soror, que grace “7Teadelpy
dicitur: et utraque promiscué dea
appellatur.
Quartus
$ H. Quarto gradu supra abavus
abavia : infra abnepos, abneptis : ex
transverso fratris sororisque nepos
neptisve: et convenienter patruus
magnus, anita magna, id est, avi
frater et soror: item avunculusmag-
§ 1. A father, or a mother, is in
the first degree in the right line as-
cending: and a son, or a daughter,
is also in the first degree in the right
line descending. A grand-father, or
a grand-mother, is in the second de-
gree in the right line ascending:
and a grand-son or grand-daughter,
is in the second degree in the right
line descending : and a brother or a
sister, is also in the second degree in
the collateral line. A great-grand-
father, or a great-grand-mother, is
in the third degree in the right line
ascending: and a great-grand-son,
or great-grand-daughter, is in the
third degree in the right line des-
cending: and the son or daughter
of a brother or sister is also in the
third degree in the collateral line;
and by a parity of reasoning an
uncle, or an aunt, whether paternal
or maternal, is also in the third de-
gree. A paternal uncle, called pa-
truus, is a father’s brother; a ma-
ternal uncle, called avunculus, is 8
‘mother’s brother; a paternal aunt,
called amita, is a father’s sister;
and a maternal aunt, called mater-
tera, is a mother’ssister. And each
of these persons is called in Greek
ée0 or deve promiscuously.
gradus.
$2. A great-great-grand-father,
or a great-great-grand-mother, is
in the fourth degree in the right
line ascending; and a great-great-
grand-son, or 2 great-great-grand-
daughter, is in the fourth degree in
220 LIB. IIL.
nus et matertera magna, id est,
avie frater et soror: consobrinus,
consobrina, id est, qui quaeve ex
sororibus aut fratribus procrean-
tur. Sed quidam recté conso-
brinos eos proprié dici putant,
qui ex duabus sororibus pro-
generantur, quasi consororinos : eos
verd, qui ex duobus fratribus pro-
generantur, proprié fratres patrue-
les vocari: si autém ex duobus fra-
tribus filie nascuntur, sorores pa-
trueles appellari. At eos, qui ex
fratre et sorore progenerantur, ami-
tinos proprié dici putant. Amite
tue filiis consobrinum te appellant,
tu illos amitinos.
Quintus
§ TII. Quinto gradu supra ata-
vus, atavia: infra atnepos, atnep-
tis: ex transverso, fratris sororisque
pronepos, proneptis: et convenien-
ter propatruus, proamita, id est,
proavi frater et soror: et proavun-
culus et promatertera, id est, proa-
vie frater et soror: item fratris pa-
truelis, vel sororis patruelis, con-
sobrini et consobrine, amitini et
amitine filius, filia: propior sobri-
no, propior sobrina; hi sunt patrui
magni, amite magne, avunculi
magni, matertere magne filius,
filia.
TIT. VI.
the right line descending. Also, in
the transverse or collateral line, the
grandson, or the grand-daughter,
of a brother or a sister, is in the
fourth degree; so is a great uncle,
or great aunt, paternal or maternal
and cousins german, (consobrini).
But some have been rightly of opi-
nion, that the children of sisters
are properly consobrini, quasi
consororini ; that the children of
brothers are properly brothers pa-
truel, if males; and sisters patruel,
if females; and that, when there
are children of a brother, and chil-
dren of a sister, they are properly
amitini ; but the sons of your aunt,
by the father’s side call you conso-
brinus and you call them amitini.
gradus.
$ 3. A great-grand-father’s grand-
father, or a great-grand-father’s
grand-mother, is in the fifth degree
in the line ascending, and a great-
grandson, or a great-grand-daugh-
ter, of a grandson or a grand-daugh-
ter is in the fifth degree in the line
descending. In the transverse or
collateral line, a great-grandson, or
great-grand-daughter, of a brother
or sister, is also in the fifth degree;
and consequently so is a great-
grand-father’s brother or sister, or
a great-grand-mother’s brother or
sister. The son or daughter also
of a cousin german is in the fifth
degree: and so is the son or daugh-
ter of a great uncle or great aunt,
paternal or maternal; and such son,
or daughter is called propior sobri-
no and propior sobrina.
LIB. TI.
TIT. VI. 221
Sextus gradus.
§ IX. Sexto gradu supra tritavus
tritavia: infra trinepos, trineptis : ex
transverso fratris sororisque abne-
pos abneptis: et convenientér abpa-
truus abamita, id est, abavi frater et
soror: abavunculus, abmatertera,id
est, abavie frater et soror: item
propatrui, proamitee proavunculi,
promatertere filius, filia: item pro-
pius sobrino sobrinave filius, filia :
item consobrini consobrine nepos,
neptis : itm sobrini, sobrine ; id
est, qui queeve ex fratribus vel so-
roribus patruelibus, vel consobrinis
vel amitinis, progenerantur.
§ 4. A great-grand-father’s great-
grand-father, or a great-grand-fa-
ther’s great-grand-mother, is in the
sixth degree in the line ascending ;
and the great-grandson, or great-
grand-daughter of a great-grandson,
or a great-grand-daughter, is like-
wise in the sixth degree in the line
descending. And, in the transverse
or collateral line, a great-great-grand
son, or a great-great-grand-daugh-
ter, of a brother or sister, is also in
the sixth degree : and consequently
a great-great-grand-father’s brother
or sister, and a great-great-grand-
mother’s brother or sister, is in the
sixth degree. And the son or daugh-
ter of a great-great-uncle, or great-
great-aunt, paternal or maternal, is
also in the sixth degree ; and so al-
so is the son or daughter of the son or
daughter of a great-uncle or great-
aunt, paternal or maternal. The
grandson also, or the grand-daugh-
ter of a cousin german is in the
sixth degree; and, in the same de-
grees between themselves, we reck-
on the sobrini and the sobrine ; that
is, the sons and daughters of cous-
ins german in general, whether such
cousins german are so related by
two brothers, or by two sisters, or
by a brother and a sister.
De reliquis gradibus.
$V. Hactenus ostendisse suffi-
ciat quemadmodim gradus cogna-
tionis numerentur : namque ex his
palam est intelligere, quemadmo-
dum ultiores quoque gradus nu-
§ 5. It suffices to have shewn
thus far, how degrees of cognation
are enumerated : and, from the ex-
amples given, the more remote de-
grees may be computed ; for every
2922 LIB. Ti.
merare debeamus : quippé semper
generata persona gradum adijicit ;
ut longé facilius sit respondere,
quoto quisque gradu sit, quam pro-
pria cognationis appellatione quem-
quam denotare.
TIT. VI.
person generated always adds one
degree ; so that it is much easier to
determine, in what degree any per-
son is related to another, than to.de-
note such person by a proper term
of cognation.
De gradibus agnationis.
§ VI. Agnationis quoque gradus
eodem modo numerantur.
De gradum
$ VII. Sed, cum magis veritas
oculata fide, quam per aures animis
hominum infigatur, ided necessa-
rium duximus, post narrationem
graduum, eos etiam presenti libro
inscribi, quatenus possint et auri-
bus et oculorum inspectione adole-
scentes perfectissimam graduum
doctrinam adipisci.
$ 6. The degrees of agnation are
reckoned in the same manner.
discriptione.
$7. But as truth is fixed in the
mind much better by the eye, than
by the ear, we have thought it ne-
cessary to subjoin, to the acconnt
already given, a tablet with the de-
grees of cognation inscribed upon it;
that the student, both by hearing
and seeing, may attain a perfect
knowledge of them.
A er ee
TITULUS SEPTIMUS.
DE SERVILI
COGNATIONE.
D. xxxviii. T. 2. Covi T. 4
ILLUD certum est, ad serviles
cognationes illam partem edicti,
qué proximitatis nomine bonorum
possessio promittitur, non perti-
nere: nam nec ullé antiqua lege ta-
lis cognatio computabatur. Sed
nostra constitutione, quam pro jure
patronatis fecimus, (quod jus us-
que ad nostra tempora satis obscu-
rum atque nube plenum, et undique
confusum fuerat,) et hoc humanitate
It is certain, that the part of the
edict, in which the possession of
goods is promised, according to the
right of proximity, does not relate
to servile cognation ; which hathnot
been regarded by any ancient law.
But, by our own constitution, con-
cerning the right of patronage,
which right was heretofore obscure
and every way confused, we have
ordained (humanity so suggesting)
LIB. IH.
Suggerente concessimus, Ut, si quis,
in servili constitutus consortio, li-
beram vel liberos habuerit, sivé ex
Hiberé sive ex servilis conditionis
mulicre, vel contra, serva mulier ex
libero vel servo habuerit liberos
eujuscunque sexiis, et, ad liberta-
tem his pervenientibus, ii, qui ex
servili ventre nati sunt, libertatem
meruerimt, vel, dum mulieres libere
erant, ipsi in servitute eos habue-
rint, et postea ad libertatem perve-
nerint, ut hi omnes ad successionem
patris vel matris veniant, patrona-
tis. jure im hac parte sopito. Hos
etenim liberos non solum in suorum
parentum successionem, sed etiam
alterum’ in alterius suecessionem
mutuam, vocavimus; ex illa lege
specialitér eos vocantes, sive soli
inveniantur, qui in servitute nati et
postea manumissi sunt; sivé una
cum aliis, qui post libertatem pa-
rentum concepti sunt; sivé ex eo-
dem patre, sivé ex eadem matre,
sivé ex aliis nuptiis; ad similitudi-
flem ¢orum, qui ex justis nuptiis
procreati sunt. #
TIT. Vil. 223
that, if a slave shal: have a child,
or children, either by a free-woman,
or by a bond-woman, with whom he
lives in contubernio, and, on the
contrary, that, if a bond-woman
shall have a child, or children, of
either sex by a free-man, or by a
slave, with whom she so lives, and
such father and mother are after-
wards enfranchised, the children
shall succeed to their father or mo-
ther, without regarding the right of
patronage. We have not only cal-
led these children to succeed to their
parents, but also mutually to each
other, whether they are sole in suc-
cession, as having all been born in
servitude and afterwards manumit-
ted, or whether they succeed with
others, who were conceived after
the infranchisement of their parents;
and whether they are all by the
same father and mother, or by a
different father, or mother; and, that
children born in slavery, but man-
umitted, should succeed in the same
manner, as the issue of parents le-
gally married.
Collatio ordinum et graduum.
§ L. Repetitis itaque omnibus,
que jam tradidimus, apparet non
semper eos, qui parem gradum cog-
nationis obtinent, pariter vocari:
eoque amplius, ne eum quidem,
qui proximiore sit cognatus, sem-
per potiorem esse. Cum enim pri-
ma causa sit storum heredum, et
eorum, quas inter suos heredes
enumeravimus, apparet, pronepo-
tem vel abnepotem defuncti potio-
$1. From what hath been said,
it appears that those, who are in an
equal degree of cognation, are not
always called equally to the succes-
sion; and farther, that even the
nearest of kin, is not constantly to
be preferred. For, inasmuch as the
first place is given to proper heirs,
and to those who are numbered with
proper heirs, it is apparent, that the
great-grand-son, or great-great-
224 LIB. II.
TIT. VIL
rem esse, quam fratrem, aut pa-
trem, aut matrem defuncti: cum
alioqui pater quidem et mater (ut
supra quoque tradidimus) primum
gradum cognationis obtineat, fra-
ter verd secundum, pronepos au-
tem tertio gradu sit cognationis, et
abnepos quarto : nec interest, in po-
testate morientis fuerit, an non,
quod vel emancipatus, vel ex e-
mancipato, aut fuemineo sexu, pro-
pagatus est. Amotis quoque suis
heredibus, et quos inter suos hex-
redes vocari diximus, agnatus, qui
integrum jus habet agnationis, eti-
amsi longissimo gradu sit, plerum-
que potior habetur, quam proximior
cognatus: nam patrui nepos vel
pronepos avunculo vel matertere
prefertur. Toties igitur dicimus;
aut potiorem haberi eum, qui prox-
imiorem gradum cognationis obti-
net, aut paritér vocari eos, qui cog-
nati sunt; quoties neque suorum
heeredum, quique inter suos heere-
des sunt, neque agnationis jure ali-
quis preeferri debeat, secundim ea,
que tradidimus: exceptis fratre et
sorore emancipatis, qui ad succes-
sionem fratrum vel sororum vocan-
tur; qui, etsi capite diminuti sunt,
tamen preeferuntur ceteris ulteri-
oris gradus agnatis.
grand-son, is preferred to the bro-
ther or even the father or mother of
the deceased : although a father and
mother, (as we have before observ-
ed,) obtain the first degree of rela-
tion, a brother the second, a great-
grand-son the third, and a great-
great-grand-son the fourth; neither
does it make any difference, whether
such grand-children were under the
power of the deceased, at the time
of his death, or out of his power;
either by being themselves emanci-
pated, or by being the children of
those who were so ; neither can it
be objected, that they are descend-
ed by the female line. But, when
there are no proper heirs, nor any of
those who are permitted torank with
them, then an agnate, who hath the
full right of agnation in him, al-
though he be in the most distant
degree, is generally preferred to a
cognate, who is in the nearest de-
gree; thus the grand-son or great-
grand-son of a paternal uncle is
preferred to a maternal uncle or
aunt. Hence, when theye are no
proper heirs, nor any, who are num-
bered with them, nor any, who
ought to be preferred by the right
of agnation, (as we have before not-
ed,) then the nearest in degree of
cognation, is called to the succes-
sion; andif there be many in the
same degree, they are all called e-
qually. But a brother and sister,
although emancipated, are yet call-
ed to the succession of brothers and
sisters ; for although they have suf-
fered diminution, they are neverthe-
less preferred to all agnates of a
more remote degree.
LIB. III. TIT. VI.
225
TITULUS OCTAVUS.
DE SUCCESSIONE LIBERTORUM.
D. xxxviii.
Qui succedunt.
NUNC de libertorum bonis vi-
deamus. Olim itaque licebat li-
berto patronum suum impuné testa-
mento preeterire: nam ita demum
lex duodecim tabularum ad here-
ditatem liberti vocabat patronum,
si intestatus mortuus esset libertus,
herede suo nullo relicto. Itaque
intestato mortuo liberto, si is suum
heredem reliquisset, patrono nihil
in bonis ejus juris erat. Et, si-
quidem ex naturalibus liberis ali-
quem suum heredem reliquisset,
nulla videbatur querela; si verd
adoptivus filius fuisset, aperté ini-
quum erat, nihil juris patrono su-
peresse.
T. 2.
De lege duodecim tabularum.
Let us now treat of the succession
of freed-men. A freed-man might
formerly, with impunity, omit in his
testament any mention of his pa-
tron: for the law of the twelve
tables called the patron to the inhe-
ritance, only when the freed-man
died intestate without proper heirs ;
therefore, though he had died intes-
tate, yet, if he had left a proper
heir, the patron would have receiv-
ed no benefit: and indeed, when
the natural and legitimate children
of the deceased became his heirs,
there seemed no cause of complaint ;
but, when the freed-man left only
an adopted son, it was manifestly
injurious thatthe patron shouldhave
no claim.
De jure pretorio.
$I. Qua de causa, postea, pre-
toris edicto hee juris iniquitas e-
mendataest. Sivé enim faciebat,
testamentum libertus, jubebatur ita
testari, ut patrono partem dimidiam
bonorum suorum relinqueret; et, si
aut nihil aut minus parte dimidia
reliquerat, debatur patrono contra
tabulas testamenti, partis dimidiz
bonorum possessio : sivé intestatus
moriebatur, suo heerede relicto filio
adoptivo, dabatur squé patrono
29
$1. The law was therefore af-
terwards amended by the edict of
the pretor: for every freed-man
who made his testament, was com-
manded so to dispose of his effects,
as to leave a moiety to his patron :
and, if the testator left nothing, or
less than a moiety, then the posses-
sion of half was given to the pa-
tron contra tabulas, i. e. contrary to
the disposition of the testament.
And, if a freed- man died intes-
226 EIB. IIL
TIT. VL
contra hune suum hzredem partis
dimidize bonorum possessio. Pro-
desse autem liberto solebant, ad
excludendum patronum, naturales
liberi, non solim duos in potestate
mortis tempore habeat, sed etiam
emancipati, et in adoptionem dati,
si modo ex aliqua parte scripti hee-
redes erant, aut preteriti contra
tabulas bonorum possessionem ex
edicto pretorio petierant. Nam
exheredati nullo modo repellebant
patronum.
tate, leaving an adopted son his
heir, the possession of a moiety was
given to thepatron notwithstanding
yet, not only the natural and law-
ful children of a freed-man, whom
he had under his power at the time
of his death, excluded the patron,
but those children also, who were
emancipated, and given in adoption,
if they were written heirs for any
part, or even although they were
omitted, if they had requested the
possession Contra Tabulas, by vir-
tue of the preetorian edict. But dis-
inherited children by no means re-
pelled the patron.
De lege Papia.
§$ I. Postea vero lege Papia
adaucta sunt jura patronorum, qui-
locupletiores libertos habebant.
Cautum enim est, ut ex bonis ejus,
qui sestertium centum millium pa-
trimonium reliquerat, et pauciores
quam tres liberos habebat, sivé is
testamento facto, sivé intestatus
mortuus erat, virilis pars patrono
deberetur. Itaque, cum unum qui-
dem filium filiamve heredem reli-
querat libertus, perindé pars dimi-
dia debebatur patrono, ac si is siné
ullo filio filidve intestatus decessis-
set: cum. vero duos duasve heere-
des reliquerat, tertia pars debebatur
patrono: si tres reliquerat, repelle-
batur patronus.
§. 2. But afterwards the rights
of patrons, who had wealthy freed-
men were inlarged by the Papian
law: which provides that he shall
have a man’s share out of the effects
of his freed-man, whether dying tes-
tate or intestate, who hath left a pa-
trimony of an hundred thousand
sestertit and fewer than three chil-
dren: so that, when a freed-man
hath left only one son or daughter,
a moiety is due to the patron, as if
the deceased had died testate with-
out either son or daughter. But,
when there are two heirs, male or
female, a third part only is due to
the patron: and, when there are
three, the patron is wholly exclud-
ed.
De constitutione Justiniani.
§ Ill. Sed nostra constitutio,
§ 3. But ourconstitution, publish-
(quam pro omni natione greca lin- ed ina compendious form, in the
gua compendioso tractatu habito
Greek language, for the benefit of
LIB. III.
composuimus,) ita hujusmodi cau-
sam definivit; ut, siquidém libertus
vel liberta minores centenariis sint,
id est, minus centum aureis habe-
ant substantiam, (sic enim legis Pa-
‘pie summam interpretati sumus, ut
pro mille sestertiis unus aureus
computetur,) nullum locum habeat
patronus in eorum successione, si
tamen testamentum fecerint; sin
autem intestati decesserint, nullo
liberorum relicto, tune patronattis
jus, quod erat ex lege duodecim
tabularum, integrum = reservavit.
Cum vero majores centenariis sint,
si heredes vel bonorum possessores
liberos habeant, sivé unum, sive
plures, cujuscumque sexts vel gra-
dis, ad eos successiones parentum
deduximus, patronis omnibus mo-
dis cum sua progenie semotis. Sin
autem siné liberis decesserint, si-
quidem intestati, ad omnem here-
ditatem patronos patronasque voca-
vimus. Si vero testamentum qui-
dem fecerint, patronos autem aut
patronas preterierint, cum nullos
liberos haberent, vel habentes eos
exheredaverint, vel mater sivé avus
maternus eos preterierint, ita quod
non possint argui inofficiosa eorum
testamenta, tunc ex nostra constitu-
tione per bonorum possessionem
contra tabulas, non dimidiam, ut
antea, sed tertiam partem bonorum
liberti consequantur ; vel quod deest
eis, ex constitutione nostra replea-
tur, si quando minus tertia parte
bonorum suorum libertus vel Jiberta
eis reliquerit : ita siné onere, ut nec
liberis liberti libertaeve ex ea parte
#
TTT. VOL. 227
all nations, ) ordained, that, if a
free-man, or free-woman, die pos-
sessed of less than an hundred aurei,
(for thus have we interpreted the
sum mentioned in the Papian law,
counting one aureus for a thousand
sestertit,) the patron shall not be in-
titled to any share in a testate suc-
cession. But, where a free-man,
or woman, dies intestate, and with-
out children, we have reserved the
tight of patronage intire, as it for-
merly was, according to the law of
the twelve tables. But, if a freed
person die worth more than an hun-
dred aurei, and leave one child, or
many, of either sex or any degree,
as the heirs and possessors of his
goods, we have permitted, that such
child or children shall succeed their
parent to the intire exclusion of the
patron and his heirs: and if any
free-persons die without children
and intestate, we have called their
patrons or patronesses to their whole
inheritances. And if any freed-per-
son, worth more than an hundred
aurei, hath made a testament, omit-
ted his patron, and left no children,
or hath disinherited them; or if a
mother, or maternal grand-father,
being freed-persons, have omitted to
mention their children in their wills,
so that such wills cannot be proved
to be inofficious, then, by virtue of
our constitution, the patron shall
succeed, not to a moiety as former-
ly but to the third part of the estate
of the deceased, by possession contra
tabulas: and, when freed-persons, |
leave less than the third part of their
228
legata vel fideicommissa preestentur,
sed ad coheredes eorum hoc onus
redundet: multis aliis casibus 4 no-
bis in preefata constitutione congre-
gatis, quos necessarios esse ad hu-
jusmodi dispositionem juris per-
speximus: ut tam patroni patrone-
que quam liberi eorum, nec non qui
ex transverso latere veniunt usque
ad quintum gradum, ad successio-
nem libertorum libertarumve vocen-
tur, siclt ex e4 constitutione intel-
ligendum est. Et, si ejusdem pa-
troni vel patrons, vel duorum dua-
rumque pluriumve, liberi sint, qui
proximior est, ad liberti vel libertee
vocetur successionem; et in capita,
non in stirpes, dividatur successio;
eodem modo et in iis, qui ex trans-,
verso latere veniunt, servando.
Pené enim consonantia jura inge-
nuitatis et libertinitatis in successio-
nibus fecimus.
LIB. Il. TIT. VIIL
effects to their patrons, our consti-
tution ordains, that the deficiency
shall be supplied; nor shall this
third part, be subject to érusts, or
legacies, even for the benefit of the
children of the deceased ; for the co-
heirs only of the patron shall bear
this burden. In the before-men-
tioned constitution, we have collect-
ed many more cases, necessary in
relation to the right. of patronage;
that patrons and patronesses, their
children and collateral relations, as
far as the fifth degree, might be cal-
Jed to the succession of their freed-
men and freed-women ; as will ap-
pear more fully from the ordinance
itself. And, if there be many chil-
dren of one, two or more patron or
patroness, the nearest in degree, is
called to the succession of his freed-
man or freed-woman; and, when
there are many in equal degree, the
estate must be divided in capita and
not in stirpes: the same order is de-
creed to be observed among the col-
laterals of patrons and patronesses :
for we have rendered the laws of
succession almost the same both as
to ingenui and lbertini.
Quibus libertinis succeditur.
§ IV. Sed hee de iis libertinis
hodie dicenda sunt, qui in civitatem
Romanam pervenerunt, cum nec
sint alii liberti, simul et Dedititiis
et Latinis sublatis, cum Latinorum
successiones nulle penitus erant;
quia, licét ut liberi vitam suam pe-
ragebant, attamén ipso ultimo spi-
ritu simul animam atque libertatem
§ 4. What we have said relates
to modern freed-men who are all ci-
tizens of Rome ; for there is now, no
other, the Dedititii and Latini be-
ing abolished: the latter of whom
never enjoyed any right of succes-
sion ; for although they led the lives
of freed-men, yet, with their last
breath, they lost both their lives and
LIB. III.
TIT. VIII. 229
°
amittebant: et, quasi servorum, ita
bona eorum jure quodammodo pe-
culii ex lege Junia Norbana manu-
missores detinebant. Postea verd
senatus-consulto Largiano cautum
fuerat, ut liberi manumissoris, non
nominatim exheredati facti, extra-
neis heredibus eorum in bonis La-
tinorum preponerentur. Quibus
etiam supervenit Divi Trajani edic-
tum, quod eundem hominem, si in-
vito vel ignorante patrono, ad civi-
tatem Romanam venire ex benefi-
cio principis festinarat, faciebat qui-
dem vivum civem, Latinum verd
morientem. Sed nostra constitu-
tione, propter hujusmodi conditio-
num vices et alias difficultates, cum
ipsis Latinis etiam legem Juniam,
et senatus-consultum Largianum,
et edictum Divi Trajani, in perpe-
tuum deleri censuimus, et omnes
liberi civitate Romana fruantur; et
mirabili modo quibusdam adjectio-
nibus ipsas vias, que in Latinita-
tem ducebant ad civitatem Roma-
nam capiendam transposuimus.
liberties : for their possessions, like
the goods of slaves, were detained
by their manumittor, who possessed
them, asa peculium, by virtue of
the law Junia Norbana. It wasaf-
terwards provided by the senatus-
consultum Largianum, that the
children of a manumittor, not disin-
herited by name, should be preferred
to any strangers, whom a manumit-
tor might constitute his heirs: then
followed the edict of Trajan, by
which if a slave either against the
will or without the knowledge of
his patron should obtain the free-
dom of Rome by favour of the em-
peror, such slave should continue
free, while living, but, at his death,
should be regarded only as a Latin.
But we, being averse to these chan-
ges of condition, and dissatisfied
with the difficulties attending them,
have thought proper by our consti-
tution, for ever to abolish, together
with the Latins, the law Junia, the
senatus-consultum Largianum, and
the edict of Trajan ; so that all
freed-men may become freed-men
of Rome. And we have happily
contrived by some additions, that
the manner of conferring the free-
dom of Latins should now become
the manner of conferring the free-
dom of Rome.
230 LIB. I.
TIT. IX.
TITULUS
NONUS.
DE ASSIGNATIONE LIBERTORUM.
D. xxxviii. T. 4.
An assignari possit, et quis assignationis effectus.
IN summa, (quod ad bona liber-
torum attinet,) admonendi sumus,
censuisse senatum, ut quamvis ad
omnes patroni liberos, qui ejusdem
gradus sunt, equalitér bona liber-
torum pertineant: tamen licere pa-
renti, uni ex liberis assignare liber-
tum, ut post mortem ejus solus is
patronus habeatur, cui assignatus
est : et czeteri liberi qui ipsi quoque
adeadem bona, nullé assignatione
interveniente, paritér admitterentur,
nihil juris in his bonis habeant ;
sed ita demum pristinum jus reci-
piant, si is, cui assignatus est, de-
cesserit, nullis liberis relictis.
De sexu assignati, et de sexu
$I. Nec tanttim libertum, sed
etiam libertam, et non tantum filio
nepotive, sed etiam filie neptive,
assignare permittitur.
Respecting the possession of freed-
men, we must remember the decree
of the senate ; whereby, although
the goods of freed-men belong equal-
ly to all the children of the patron,
who are in the same degree, yet it is
lawful for a parent to assign a freed-
man to any one of his children, so
that, after the death of the parent,
the child, to whom the freed-man
was assigned, is solely to be esteem-
ed his patron: and the other chil-
dren, who would have been equally
admitted had not this been the case
are wholly excluded; but, if the as-
signee should die without issue, the
excluded children regain their for-
mer right.
graduque ejus, cui assignatur.
§ 1. Freed-persons of either sex
are assignable ; not only toa son
or grand-son, but to a daughter or
grand-daughter.
De liberis in potestate vel emancipatis.
§ II. Datur autem hee assig-
nandi facultas ei, qui duos pluresve
liberos in potestate habebit, ut eis,
quos in potestate habet, assignare
libertum libertamve liceat. Unde
querebatur, sieum, cui assignavit,
postea emancipaverit, num evane-
scat assignatio? Sed placuit eva-
§ 2. The power of assigning
freed-persons is given to him, who
hath two ormore children un-eman-
cipated, so that a fathermay assign
a freed-man or freed-womantochil-
dren retained under his power: hence
it became a question, if a father
should assign a freed-man to his son
LIB. IIE.
TIT. X. 231
nescere: quod. et. Juliano: et. aliis:
plerisque: visum est.
and afterwardsemancipate that son,
whether the assignment would not
be null? which hath. been deter-
mined in the affirmative; and so
thought Julian and many others.
Quibus modis aut verbis assignatio fit : et de senatus-
consulto.
$ HE. Nec interest, an testamen-
to quis assignet, an siné testamen-
to; sed etiam quibuscunque verbis
patronis hoc permittitur facere, ex ,
ipso SC. quod Claudianis. tempori-
bus. factum est, Sabellio Rufo et
Asterio Scapula Consulibus.
§ 3. It is the same, whether the
assignment of a freed-man be made
by testament, or not; for patrons
may assign verbally; under the se-
natus-consultum, passed in the reign
of Claudian in the consulate of Sa-
bellius Rufus and Asterius Scapula.
TITULUS
DECIMUS.
DE BONORUM POSSESSIONIBUS.
D. xxxvii.
T. t.
Cur introductz bonorum possessiones 3 et quis sit earum
effectus.
JUS bonorum possessionis in-
troductum est 4 preetore emendandi
veteris juris gratia : nec solum in in-
testatorum heereditatibus vetus jus
eo modo pretor emendavit, sicut
supra dictum est; sed in eorum quo-
que, qui testamento facto decesse-
rint. Nam, si alienus posthumus
heres fuerit institutus, quamvis he-
reditatem jure civili adire non po-
poterat, cum institutio non valebat,
honorario tamen jure, bonorum pos-
sessor efficiebatur; videlicét cum
a pretore adjuvabatur. Sed et is
The right of succeeding by the
possession of goods, was introduced.
by the preetor in amendment of the
ancient law; which he corrected as
it regarded not only the inheritances
of intestates, (as before observed, )
but of those also who die testate ;
for, a posthumous stranger being in-
stituted heir, although he could not
enter upon the inheritance by the
civil law, inasmuch as his institu-
tion would not be valid, yet by the
(pretorian or) honorary law, he
might be made the possessor of the
232 LIB. IIL.
TIT. X.
4 nostra constitutione hodie recté
heeres instituitur, quasi et jure ci-
vili non incognitus. Aliquands ta-
men, neque emendandi neque im-
pugnandi veteris juris, sed majis
confirmandi gratia, pretor police-
tur bonorum possessionem: nam
illis quoque, qui, recté testamento
facto, heredes instituti sunt, dat se-
cundum tabulas bonorum possessi-
onem. Item ab intestato suos he-
redes, et agnatos, ad bonorum pos-
sessionem vocat: sed et remota
quoque bonorum possessione ad
eos pertinet hereditas jure civili.
Quos autem solus preetor vocat ad
hereditatem, heredes quidem ispo
jure non fiunt: nam pretor here-
dem facere non potest: per legem
enim tantim, vel similem juris con-
stitutionem, heeredes fiunt, vel per
senatus-consulta et constitutiones
principales: sed, cum eis pretor
dat bonorum possessionem, loco
heredum constituuntur, et vocan-
tur bonorum possessores. Adhuc
autem et alios complures gradus
preetor fecit in bonorum possessioni-
bus dandis, dum id agebat, ne quis
. siné successore moreretur. Nam,
angustissimis finibus constitutum
per legem duodecim tabularum, jus
percipiendarum hereditatum pre-
tor ex bono et equo dilatavit.
goods when hehad received theassist-
anceofthepretor. Suchstrangermay
at this time, by our constitution, be
legally instituted heir as a person
not unknown to the civillaw. But
the praetor sometimes bestows the
possession of goods, intending nei-
ther to amend nor impugn the old
law, but to confirm it: for he gives
possession secundam tabulas to
those, who are appointed heirs by
regular testament. He also calls
proper heirs and agnates to the pos-
session of the goods of intestates ;
and yet the inheritance would be
their own by the civil law, although
the preetor did not interpose his au-
thority. But those, whom the pre-
tor calls to an inheritance merely
by virtue of his office, do not be-
come legal heirs ; inasmuch as the
pretor cannot make an heir ; for
heirs are made only by_law, or by
what has the effect of a law, asa
decree of the senate, or an imperial
constitution. But, when the preetor
gives any persons the possession of
goods, they stand in the place of
heirs, and are called the possessors
of the goods. He hath also devised
many other orders of persons, to
whom the possession of goods can be
granted, so that no man may die
without a successor: and, by the
_ Tules of justice and equity, he hath
enlarged the right of taking inheri-
tances, which was bounded within
very narrow limits by the law. of
the twelve tables.
De speciebus ordinariis.
S I. Suit autém bonorum posses-
Slones ex testamento quidem he;
prima, que preeteritis liberis datur
vocaturque contra tabulas: secun-
da, quam omnibus jure scriptis he-
redibus preetor pollicetur; idedque
vocatur secundum tabulas. Et,cum
de testatis prius locutus est, ad in-
testatos transitum fecit: et primo
loco suis heredibus, et iis, qui ex
edicto prztoris inter suos heredes
connumerantur, dat bonorum pos-
sessionem, que vocatur unde liberi.
Secunda, legitimis heredibus. Ter-
tio, decem personis, quas extraneo
manumissori preeferebat. Sunt au-
tem decem persone he; pater, ma-
ter, avus, avia, tam paterni quam
materni; itém filius, filia; nepos,
neptis, tam ex filio, quam ex filia;
frater sororve, consanguinei vel u-
terini. Quarto, cognatis proximis.
Quinto tanquam ex familia. Sexto,
patrono patronzeque, liberisque eo-
rum et parentibus. Septimo, viro
et uxori. Octavo, cognatis manu-
missoris.
LIB. III.
TIT. X, 233
Jus vetus.
$ 1. The possessions of goods ot
pretorian testamentary successions,
are these. First, that which is given
to children, not mentioned in the
testament; this is called possession
contrary to the testament. The se-
cond, that which the pretor pro-
mises to all written heirs, and is
therefore called possession accord-
ing to the testament. These being
fixed he goes to intestacies; and
first he gives the possession called
unde liberi, to the proper héirs, or to
those, who by the pretorian edict
are numbered among the proper
heirs: secondly, to the legitimate
(legal) heirs: thirdly, to ten persons,
in preference to a stranger, who was
the manumittor, viz. to a father, a
mother, or a grand-father or grand-
mother, paternal or maternal; to a
son, a daughter, or to a grand-son or
grand-daughter, as well by a daugh-
ter as by a son; to a brother or sis-
ter, either consanguine or uterine:
fourthly, to the nearest: éognates :
fifthly, to those who are, as i were,
of the family : sixthly, to the patron
or patroness, and to their children,
and their parents: séventhly, to an
husband and wife: eighthly, to the
cognates of a manumittor of pa-
tron.
Jus novum.
$ IL. Sed eas quidem pretoria
introduxit jurisdictio: & nobis ta-
mén nihil incuriosum pretermiss-
um est; sed, nostris constitutioni-
bus omnia corrigentes, contra tabu-
30
§ 2. The preetor’s authority hath
introduced these successions; as to
ourselves, having passed over no-
thing negligently, we have admitted
by our constitutions the possession
234 LIB. IIL.
las quidem et secundum tabulas bo-
norum possessiones admissimus,
utpote necessarias constitutas: nec
non ab intestato, unde liberi, et un-
de legitimi, bonorum possessiones.
Que autem in pretoris edicto quin-
to loco posita fuerat, id est, unde
decem persone, eam pio proposito
et compendioso sermone superva-
cuam ostendimus. Cum enim pre-
fata bonorum possessio decem per-
sonas preponebat extraneo manu-
missori nostra constitutio, quam de
emancipatione liberorum fecimus,
omnibus parentibus eisdemque ma-
numissoribus, contracta fiducia, ma-
numissionem facere dedit; ut ipsa
manumissio eorum hoc in se habeat
privilegium, et supervacua fiat su-
pradicta bonorum possessio. Sub-
lata igitur preedicté quinta bonorum
possessione in gradum ejus sextam
antea bonorum possessionem in-
duximus, et quintam fecimus, quam
pretor proximis cognatis pollicetur.
Cumque antea fuerat septimo loco
bonorum possessio, ¢anquam ex fa-
milia, et octavo, unde patroni
patroneque, liberi et parentes eo-
rum, utramque per constitutionem
nostram, quam de jure patronatis
fecimus, penitus evacuavimus. Cum
enim, ad similitudinem successionis
ingenuorum, libertinornm succes-
siones posuerimus, quas usque ad
quintum gradum tantummod6 co-
arctavimus, ut sit aliqua inter in-
genuos et libertinos differentia,
sufficit eis tam contra tabulas bono-
rum possessio, quam unde legitimi,
et unde cognati, ex quibus possunt
TIT. X.
of goods contra tabulas and secun-
dum tabulas, as necessary ; and also
the possessions ab intestato, called
unde liberi and unde legitimi; but
we have briefly shewn, that the pos-
session, called unde decem persone,
which was ranked by the preetor’s
edict in the fifth order, was unne-
cessary: for, whereas that posses-
sion preferred ten kinds of persons
to a stranger, being the manumittor,
our constitution on that subject,hath
permitted all parents to manumit
their children, under the presump-
tion of a fiduciary contract; so that
the possession unde decem persone
is now useless. The afore-mention-
ed fifth possession being thus abro-
gated, we have now made that the
fifth, which was formerly the sixth,
by which the pretor gives the suc-
cession to the nearest cognates. .
And, whereas formerly the posses-
sion canquam ex familia, was in the
seventh place, and the possession
unde patroni patroneque, liberi et
parentes eorum, was in the eighth,
we have now annulled them both
by our ordinance concerning the
right of patronage. And having
brought the successions of the iber-
tint to a similitude with those of the
ingenut, (except, that we have li-
mited the former to the fifth degree,
so that there may still remain some
difference between them) we think,
that the possessions contra tabulas,
unde legitimi, and unde cognati
may suffice, by which all persons
may vindicate their rights; the
niceties and inextricable errors of
LIB. Hf.
sua jura vindicare, omni scrupulo-
Sitate et inextricabili errore istarum
duarum bonorum possessionum re-
soluto. Aliam vero bonorum pos-
sessionem, que unde vir et uxor
appellatur, et nono loco inter vete-
res bonorum possessiones posita
fuerat, et in suo vigore servavimus,
et altiore loco, id est, sexto, eam
posuimus: decima quoque veteri
bonorum possessione, que erat wn-
de cognati manumissoris, propter
causas enumeratas merito sublata,
ut sex tantummodo bonorum pos-
sessiones ordinarise permaneant,
suo vigore pollentes.
"TET Xx. 235
those two kinds of possessions, tan-
quam ex familia and unde patroni,
being removed. The other posses-
sion of goods, called vir et uxor,
which held the ninth place among
the ancient possessions, we have
preserved in full force and have
placed in an higher, to wit, the
sixth degree. The tenth of the an-
cient possessions, called unde cog-
nati manumissoris, being deserved-
ly abolished for causes already en-
umerated, there now remain in
force only six ordinary possessions
of goods.
Species extraordinaria.
§ II. Septima eas secuta, quam
optima ratione preetores introduxe-
runt: novissimé enim promittitur
edicto iis etiam bonorum possessio,
quibus, ut detur, lege vel senatus-
consulto vel constitutione compre-
hensum est: quam neque bono-
rum possessionibus, que ab intesta-
to veniunt, neque iis, que ex testa-
mento sunt, pretor stabili jure con-
numeraverit; sed quasi ultimum
et extraordinarium auxilium (prout
Tes exigit) accommodavit, scilicét
jis, qui ex legibus, senatus-consul-
tis, constitutionibusve principum,
ex novo jure, vel ex testamento,
vel ab intestato veniunt.
§ 3. To these a seventh posses-
sion hath been added, which the
pretors have very properly intro-
duced : for, by alate edict, this pos-
session is promised to all those, to
whom it is appointed by any law,
senatus-consultum, or constitution :
and the preetor hath not positively
numbered this possession of goods
either with the possessions of the
goods of intestate or testate persons,
but hath given it, according to the
exigence of the case, as the last and
extraordinary resource of those,who
are called to the successions of tes-
tates or intestates, by any particu-
lar law, decree of the senate, or new
constitution.
De successorio edicto.
§ IV. Cum igitur plures species
successionem pretor introduxisset,
§ 4. The pretor, having introdu-
ced in their order many kinds of
286 LIB. II.
TIT. X.
easque per ordinem dispossuisset,
et in unaquaque specie successionis
sepé plures extent dispari gradu
persona, ne actiones creditorum
differentur, sed haberent, quos con-
venirent, et ne facilé in possessio-
nem bonorum defuncti mitterentur,
et eo modo sibi consulerent, ideo
petendz bonorum possessioni cer-
tum tempus prefinivit. Liberis
itaque et parentibus, tam naturali-
bus quam adoptivis, in petenda bo-
norum possessione amni spatium,
ceteris autem (agnatis vel cog-
natis) centum dierum, dedit.
suceessions, and as persons of dif-
ferent degrees are often found in
one species of succession, he thought
fit to limit a certain time for de-
manding the possession of goods,
that the actions of creditors may
not be delayed for want of a proper
person against whom to bring them,
and that the creditors may not pos-
sess themselves of the effects of the
deceased too easily, and consult
solely their own advantage: there-
fore to parents and children, whe-
ther natural or adopted, he hath al-
lowed one year, within which, they
may either accept or refuse the pos-
session. ‘'T’o all other persons, ag-
nates or cognates, he allows only an
hundred days.
De jure accrescendi et iterum de successorio edicto.
$ V. Et si intra hoc tempus ali-
quis bonorum possessionem non pe-
tierit, ejusdem gradus personis ac-
crescit; vel, si nullus sit, deinceps
cxteris bonorum possessionem pe-
rindé ex successorio edicto pollice-
tur, ac si is, qui preecedebat, ex eo
numero non esset. Si quis itaque
delatam sibi bonorum possessionem
repudiaverit, non, quousque tem-
pus bonorum possessioni preefini-
tum excesserit, expectatur; sed
statim ceeteri ex eodem edicto ad-
mittuntur.
§ 5. And, if a person intitled, do
not claim possession within the time
limited, his right of possession ac-
crues first to those in the same de-
gree with himself; and, in default
of those, the pretor by successory
ediet gives the possession to the next
degree, as if he, who preceded, had
no right. If a man refuse the pos-
session of goods, when it is open
to him, there is no necessity to wait,
until the time limited is expired, but
the next in succession, may be in-
stantly admitted under that edict.
Explicatio dicti temporis.
§ VI. In petendé autem bono-
rum. possessione dies utiles singuli
considerantur.
$ 6. In applications for the pos-
session of goods, we count all the
days, which are wiles ; i. e. those
days, on which the party, having
knowledge that the inheritance is o-
pen to him, might apply to the judge.
LIB. YL.
TIT. XI. 237
Quomodo peti debet.
$ VII. Sed bené anteriores prin-
cipes et huic cause providerunt, ne
quis pro petendd bonorum posses-
sione curet; sed, quocunque modo
admittentis eam, indicium ostende-
rit, intra statuta tamen tempora,
plenum habeat earum beneficium.
$ 7. Former emperors, have wise-
ly provided, that no person need de-
mand the possession of goods in so-
lemn form : for, if a man has in any
manner signified his consent to ac-
cept the pretorian succession with-
in the prescribed time, he shall en-
joy the benefit of it.
TITULUS UNDEUIMUS.
DE ACQUISITIONE PER ARROGATIONEM.
Continuatio.
EST et alterius generis per uni-
versitatem successio; que neque
lege duodecim tabularum, neque
preetoris edicto, sed eo jure, quod
consensu receptum est, introducta
est.
Que hoc modo acquiruntur.
$ IL. Ecce enim, cum pater-fami-
lias sese in arrogationem dat, om-
nes res ejus corporales et incorpo-
rales, queeque ei debits sunt, arro-
gatori antea quidem pleno jure ac-
quirebantur, exceptis iis, que per
capitis diminutionem pereunt;
quales sunt operarum obligationes
et jus agnationis: usus etenim et
ususfructus, licét his antea connu-
merabantur; attamén eapitis dimi-
There is also an universal suc-
cession of another kind, introduced
neither by the laws of the twelve
tables, nor by the edict of the pre-
tor, but by the law founded on ge-
neral consent and usage.
Jus vetus.
§ I. For example, if the father of
a family gave himself in arrogation,
his property corporeal or incorpo-
real, and the debts due to him, were
formerly acquired in full right by
the arrogator ; those things only
excepted, which perished by dimi-
nution or change of state; as the
duties of freed-men to their patrons
and the rights of agnation. But
although use and usufruct, were
238 LIB. TL
TIT. XI.
nutione minima eos tollj prohibuit
nostra constitutio.
heretofore numbered among those
rights which perished by diminu-
tion, yet our constitution hath pro-
hibited them from being taken a-
way by the less diminution.
Jus novum.
§$ II Nunc autem nos eandem
acquisitionem, que per arrogatio-
nem fiebat, coarctavimus ad simili-
tudinem naturalium parentum. Ni-
hil enim aliud, nisi tantummod6
ususfructus, tam naturalibus paren-
tibus quam adoptivis, per filios-fa-
milias acquiritur in iis rebus, que
extrinseciis filiis obveniunt, dominio
eis integro servato. Mortuo autem
filio arrogato in adoptiva familia,
etiam dominium rerum ejus ad ar-
rogatorem pertransit; nisi supersint
alize persone, que ex constitutione
nostra patrem in iis, que acquiri
non possunt, antecedant.
§ 2. But we have now limited the
acquisitions from arrogation, by
those of natural parentage: for no-
thing is now acquired either by
natural or adoptive parents, but the
bare usufruct of those things, which
their children possess extrinsically
in their own right: the property still
remaining intire (in the adopted or
natural child.) But, if an arrogated
son die under power of his arroga-
tor, then even the property of the
effects of such son will pass to the
arrogator in default of those. per-
sons, whom we have by our con-
stitution preferred to the father in
the succession of those things, which
could not be acquired for him.
Effectus hujus acquisitionis.
§ III. Sed ex diverso, pro eo
quod is debuit, qui se in adoptio-
nem dedit, ipso quidem jure arro-
gator non tenetur, sed nomine filii
convenitur; et, si noluerit eum de-
fendere, permittitur creditoribus,
per competentes nostros magistra-
tis, bona, que ejus cum usufructu
futura fuissent, si se alieno juri non
subjecisset, possidere, et legitimo
modo ea disponere.
§ 3. On the other hand an arro-
gator is not directly bound to satis-
fy the debts of his adopted son; but
he may be sued in his son’s name;
and, if he refuse to defend his son,
then the creditors, by order of the
proper magistrates, may seize upon
and legally sell all those goods, of
which the usufruct, as well as the
property, would have been in the
debtor, if he had not made himself
subject to the power of another.
LIB. W. TIT. xi.
239
TITULUS DUODECIMUS,
DE EO, CUI LIBERTATIS CAUSA BONA ADDI-
CUNTUR.
Continuatio.
Accessit novus casus successionis
ex constitutione Divi Marci. Nam,
Si ii, qui libertatem acceperunt a
domino in testamento, ex quo non
aditur heereditas, velint bona sibi
addici libertatum conservandarumn
causa, audiuntur.
Rescriptum
$I. Et ita Divi Marci rescripto
ad Pompilium Rufum continetur:
verba rescripti ita se habent. Si
Virginio Valenti, qui testamento suo
libertatem quibusdam adscripsit, ne-
mine successore ab intestato exis-
tente, in ea causa bona ejus esse ca-
perunt, ut venire debeant, is, cujus
de ea re notio est, aditus rationem
desiderti tui habebit, ut libertatum,
tam earum, que directo, quam ear-
um que per speciem fideicommissi
relicte sunt, tuendarum gratia ad-
dicantur tibi, si idonee creditoribus
caveris de solido, quod cuique debe-
tur, solvendo. Et ti quidem, quibus
directa libertas data est, perinde li-
beri erunt, ac si hereditas adita es-
set: ti autem, quos heres manumit-
tere rogatus est, a te libertatem con-
sequentur ; ita autem ut si non alia
conditione velis tibi bona addici,
A new species of succession hath
taken its rise from the constitution
of Marcus Aurelius. For, if those
slaves, to whom freedom hath been
bequeathed, are desirous, for the
sake of obtaining it, that the inheri-
tance, which hath not been accept-
ed by the written heir, should be
adjudged for their benefit, they shall
obtain their request.
D. Marci.
$ 1. And to the same effect is the
rescript of the emperor Marcus to
Pompilius Rufus; the words of
which are “If theestate of Virginius
“Valens, who by testament hath be-
“queathed to certain persons their
“freedom, must necessarily be sold,
“‘and there is no successor ab intes-
“tato, then the magistrate who has
“the cognizance of these affairs,
“shall upon application hear the
“merits of your cause, that, for
“the sake of preserving the liberty
“of those, to whom it was given ei-
“ther directly or in trust, the es-
“tate of the deceased may be ad-
“judged to you, on condition, that
“you give good security to satisfy
“the creditors. And all those, to
“whom freedom was directly gi-
“ven, shall then become free, as if
“the inheritance had been entered
240 LIB. III.
TIT. XII.
quam ut ti etiam, qui directo liber-
tatem acceperunt, tui liberti fiant:
nam huic etiam voluntati tue, si ti,
quorum de statu agitur, sonsentiant,
auctoritatem nostram accommoda-
mus. Et, ne hujus rescriptionis
nostre emolumentum alia ratione
irritum fiat, si fiscus bona agnoscere
voluerit, et ti, qui bonis nostris at-
tendunt, sciant, commodo pecuniario
preferendam esse libertatis causam,
et ita bona cogenda, ut libertas eis
salva sit, qui eam adipisci potue-
runt, ac si hereditas ex testamento
adita esset.
Utilitas
§ TI. Hoe rescripto subventum
est et libertatibus et defunctis, ne
bona eorum 4 creditoribus. posside-
antur et veneant. Certé, si fuerint
hac de causa bona addicta, cessat
bonorum venditio; existit enim de-
“aon by the written heir; but
“those whom the heir was order-
“ed to manumit, shall obtain their
“freedom from you only. And,
“if you are not willing, that the
“goods of the deceased should be
“adjudged to you on any other con-
“dition, than that even they, who
“received their liberty directly by
“testament, shall also become your
‘ freed-men, we then order, that
“your will shall be complied with,
“Cif the persons agree to it, who are
“to receive their freedom. And,
“ Jest the use and emolument of this
“our rescript should be frustrated
“by any other means, be it known
“to the officers of our revenue,
“that, whenever our exchequer
“Jays claim to the estate of a de-
‘ceased person, the cause of liber-
“ty is to be preferred to any pe-
“cuniary advantage; and the es-
“tate shall be so seized, as to pre-
“ serve the freedom of those, who
“could otherwise have obtained it:
“and this in as full a manner, as if
“the inheritance had been entered
“upon by the testamentary heir.”
rescripti.
§ 2. This rescript is calculated in
favour of liberty, and also for the
benefit of deceased persons, lest their
effects should be seized and sold by
their creditors: for it is certain,
that, when goods are adjudged to a
s LIB. Tl.
functi defensor, et quidem idoneus,
qui de solido creditoribus cavet.
TIT. XII. 241
particular man for the preservation
of liberty, a sale by creditors can
never take effect: for he to whom
the goods are adjudged, is the pro-
tector of the deceased, and must
be a person, who can give security
to the creditors.
Ubi locum habeat.
§ II. In primis hoc rescriptum
toties locum habet, quoties testa-
mento libertates date sunt. Quid
ergo, si quis intestatus decedens
codicillis libertates dederit, neque
adita sit ab intestato hereditas ?
Favor constitutionis. debebit locum
habere: certé, si testatus decesse-
rit et codicillis dederit libertatem,
competere eam, nemini dubium est.
$ IV. Tunc enim constitutioni
locum esse verba ostendunt, cum
nemo successor ab intestato exis-
tat: ergo, quamdiu incertum erit,
utrum existat, an non, cessabit
constitutio. Si verd certum esse
ceeperit neminem existere; tunc
erit constitutioni locus.
-§ V. Si is, qui in integrum res-
titui potest, abstinuerit hzereditate,
an, quamvis potest in integrum
restitui, potest admitti constitutio,
et bonorum addictio fieri? Quid er-
go, si post addictionem, libertatum,
conservandarum causa factam, in
integrum sit restitutus? Utique
31
$3. This rescript takes place,
whenever freedom is conferred by
testament. But what if a master
die intestate, having bequeathed
freedom to his slaves by codicil, and.
his inheritance be not entered upon ?
We answer, that the benefit of the
rescript shall extend to this case;
most certainly, if a master die tes-
tate, and by codicil bequeath free-
dom, the rescript shall be in force.
§ 4. The words of the rescript
shew, that it is in force, when there
is no successor ab intestato. 'There-
fore while it remains doubtful,
whether there be or be not a succes-
sor, the constitution shall not take
place; but when it is certain that
no one will enter upon the succes-
sion, it shall then have its effect.
§ 5. But, if one who has a
right to be restored in integrum
(as a minor) should delay to take
upon him the inheritance, shall the
constitution then take place, and
an adjudication of the goods pass
(to a stranger or one of the slaves 2)
And again, after an adjudication
242 LIB. IIT.
TIT. XII.
non erit dicendum, revocari liber-
tates ; quia semel competierunt.
has been made for the sake of lib-
erty, shall the heir be restored in
integrum? We answer, that free-
dom once obtained, shall not after-
wards be revoked.
Si libertates date non sunt.
§ VI. Hec constitutio liberta-
um tuendarum causa introducta
est; ergo, si libertates nulle sint
datz, cessat constitutio. Quid ergo,
Si vivus dederit libertates vel mor-
tis causa, et, ne de hoc queratur,
utrum in fraudem creditorum, an
non, factum sit, idcircd velint sibi
bona addici, an audiendi sunt?
Et magis est, ut audiri debeant,
etsi deficiant verba constitutionis.
§ 6. This constitution was made
for the protection of liberty: and
therefore, when freedom is not giv-
en, the constitution has no effect.
Suppose then, a master hath given
freedom to his slaves either inter
vivos, or mortis causa and to pre-
vent the creditors from complaining
of fraud, they should petition, that
the estate of the deceased may be
adjudged to them; are they to be
heard? We think they ought,
although the letter of the constitu-
tion is deficient.
De speciebus additis a Justiniano.
§ VII. Sed cum multas divi-
siones ejusmodi constitutioni dees-
se perspeximus, lata est 4 nobis
plenissima constitutio, in qué mul-
tee species collate sunt, quibus jus
hujusmodi successionis plenissi-
mum est effectum; quas ex ipsius
lectione constitutionis potest quis
cognoscere.
§ 7. But perceiving that the re-
script was deficient in many re-
spects, we enacted a very full con-
stitution, containing many cases,
which amply explam the rights of
succession ; which any person who
reads that constitution, may under-
stand.
LIB. IIL.
TIT. XII.
243
TITULUS DECIMUS-TERTIUS.
DE SUCESSIONIBUS SUBLATIS, QUE FIEBANT
PER BONORUM VENDITIONES, ET EX SENA-
TUS-CONSULTO CLAUDIANO.
C. vii.
ERANT ante predictam succes-
sionem olim et aliz per universita-
tem successiones; qualis fuerat bo-
norum emptio, que de bonis debi-
toris vendendis per multas ambages
fuerat introducta; et tunc locum
habebat, quando judicia ordinaria
in usu fuerant; sed, cum extraordi-
nariis judiciis posteritas usa est, ideo
cum ipsis ordinariis judiciis etiam
bonorum venditiones expiraverunt :
et tantummodo creditoribus datur
officio judicis bona possidere, et,
prout utile eis visum est, ea dispo-
nere: quod ex latioribus digestorum
libris perfectius apparebit. rat et
ex senatus-consulto Claudiano mi-
serabilis per universitatem acqui-
sitio, cum libera mulier, servili a-
more bacchata, ipsam libertatem
per senatus-consultum amittebat, et
cum, libertate substantiam. (Quod
indignum nostris temporibus esse
existimantes, et 4 nostra civitate de-
leri, et non inseri nostris digestis
concessimus.
T. 24.
There were many other kinds of
universal succession before that,
which we treated of in the forego-
ing title; as the bonorwm emptio ;
which was introduced with many
intricacies for the sale of debtor’s
estates, and continued as long as the
ordinary judgments were in prac-
tice; but, when the extraordinary
judgments were used, the emptio bo-
norum and the ordinary judgments
ceased together. Creditors can now
possess themselves of the goods of
their debtors and dispose of them
as they think proper, by the decree
of a judge. These points are treat-
ed of more at large in the books of
our digests. ‘There was also, by
virtue of the Claudian decree, ano-
ther universal acquisition called
miserabilis: for example, if a free-
woman had debased herself by co-
habiting with a slave, she lost her
freedom by the before named de-
cree, and, together with her free-
dom, her estate and substance.
But, this was, in our opinion, un-
worthy of our reign, and ought to
be expunged; hence, we have not
permitted it to be inserted in the di-
gests.
244 LIB. SII.
TIT. XIV.
TITULUS DECIMUS-QUARTUS.
DE OBLIGATIONIBUS.
D. xliv. T. 7.
Continuatio
NUNC transeamus ad obliga-
tiones. Obligatio est juris vincu-
lum, quo necessitate astringimur
alicujus rei solvendse secundim
nostree civitatis jura.
C. iv. T. 10.
et definitio.
_ Let us now pass to obligations.
An obligation is the chain of the
law, by which we are necessarily
bound to make some payment, ac-
cording to the laws of our country.
Divisio prior.
$I. Omnium autem obligationum
summa divisio in duo genera de-
ducitur; namque aut civiles sunt
aut pretorie. Civiles sunt, que
aut legibus constitute, aut certo
jure civili comprobate sunt. Pree-
toriz sunt, quas praetor ex sua juris-
dictione constituit; que etiam ho-
norarice vocantur.
§ 1. Obligations are primarily
divided into two kinds, civil and
pretorian. Civil obligations, are
such as are constituted by the laws,
or by any species of the civil law.
Pretorian obligations are such as
the pretor hath appointed by his
authority ; and are also called hono-
rary.
Divisio posterior.
§ II. Sequens divisio in quantuor
species dividitur. Aut enim ex
contractu sunt, aut quasi ex con-
tractu, aut ex maleficio, aut quasi
ex maleficio. Prius est, ut de iis
que ex contractu sunt, dispicia-
mus. Harum eque quantor sunt
species. Aut enim re contrahun-
tur, aut verbis, aut literis, aut con-
sensu: de quibus singulis dispicia-
mus.
§ 2. The second or subsequent
division of obligations is four fold;
by contract, by quasi-contract ; by
malefeasance, and by quasi-male-
Jeasance. Let us first treat of those
which arise from contract; which
are also four fold: for obligations
are contracted by the thing itself,
by parol, by writing, or by consent
of parties. Let us take a view of
each of these.
LIB. III.
TIT. Xv. 245
TITULUS DECIMUS-QUINTUS.
QUIBUS MODIS RE CONTRAHITUR OBLIGATIO.
Dz xii. T. 1.
D. xii, T. 6.7. G,iv. T. 1, 23. 24, oa
De mutuo.
RE contrahitur obligatio, veluti
mutui datione. Mutui autem da-
tio in iis rebus consistit, que pon-
dere, numero, mensurdve, constant;
veluti vino, oleo, frumento, pecu-
nia numerata, ere, argento, auro,
quas res, aut numerando, aut me-
tiendo, aut appendendo, in hoc da-
mus, ut accipientium fiant. Et,
quoniam nobis non ezdem res sed
aliz ejusdem nature et qualitatis
redduntur, indé etiam mutuum ap-
pellatum est; quia ita 4 me tibi da-
tur, ut ex meo tuum fiat: et ex
eo contractu nascitur actio, que
vocatur certi condictio.
An obligation may be founded on
the thing itself; as by the delivery
of a loan or mutuum : and this may
be of any thing, having weight,
number, or measure, as wine, oil,
com, coin, brass, silver, or gold;
which being thus delivered, become
the property of the receiver: and
since the identical things lent can-
not, but others of the same nature
must be returned in lieu of them,
this loan is therefore called a mutu-
um ; for in this case I so give, that
what is mine may become yours :
From this contract arises the ac-
tion, certi condictio.
De indebito soluto.
§ L Is quoque, qui non debitum,
accepit ab eo, qui per errorem sol-
vit, re obligatur; daturque agenti
contra eum propter repetitionem
condictitia actio: nam perinde ei
condici potest, st apparet, eum dare
oportere, ac si mutuum accepisset.
Undé pupillus, si ei siné tutoris
auctoritate indebitum per errorem
datum est, non tenebitur indebiti
eonditione, non magis quam mu-
tui datione. Sed hec species obli-
gationis non videtur ex contractu
consistere; cum is, qui solvendi
$1. He also to whom another
hath paid by mistake what was not
due, is bound by the thing received,
so that an action of condiction lies
for the recovery at the suit of him,
who paid or delivered it erroneously.
And this action may be brought sz
apparet, eum dare opportere; as if
the receiver had accepted it as a
mutuum. Henze a pupil, to whom
a payment hath been erroneously
made without the authority of his
tutor, is not subject to the condictio
indebiti, any more than to the certi
246 LIB. III.
animo dat, magis voluerit negotium
distrahere, quam contrahere.
TIT. XV.
condictio. And yet this species of
obligation does not seem founded
in contract; since he, who pays in
contemplation of debt, appears more
willing to dissolve, than to make a
contract. :
De commodato.
§ II. Item is, cui res aliqua uten-
da datur, id est, commodatur, re
obligatur, et tenetur commodati
actione. Sed is ab eo, qui mutuunm
accepit, longé distat: namque non
ita res datur, ut ejus fiat; et ob id
de e& re ipsa restituenda tenetur.
Et is quidem, qui mutuum accepit,
si quolibet fortuito casu amiserit,
quod accepit, veluti incendio, rui-
na, naufragio, aut latronum hos-
tiumve incursu, nihilominuts obliga-
tus manet. At is, qui utendum ac-
cepit, sané quidem exactam diligen-
tiam custodiende rei prestare te-
netur: nec sufficit ei, tantam dili-
gentiam adhibuisse, quantam suis
rebus adhibere solitus est, si modd
alius diligentior poterat eam rem
custodire. Sed propter majorem
vim, majoresve casus, non tenetur,
si modo non ipsius culpd is casus
intervenerit: alioqui si id, quod ti-
bi commodatum est domi, peregré
tecum ferre malueris, et vel incur-
su hostium predonumve, vel nau-
fragio, amiseris, dubium non est,
quin de restituenda ea re tenearis.
Commodata autem res tunc pro-
prie .intelligitur, si nulla mercede
accepta vel constituta, res tibi uten-
da data est: alioqui, mercede inter-
veniente, locatus tibi usus rei vide-
$ 2. He also, to whom the use of
any particular thing is granted or
commodated, is bound by the deli-
very of the thing, and is subject to
the action commodataria. But such
person widely differs from him, who
hath received a mutuum : for a com-
modatum, or thing lent, is not deli-
vered, to the intent that it should
become the property of the receiver;
and therefore he is bound to restore
the identical thing received. There
is also another difference; for he
who hath accepted a mutuum, is
not freed from his obligation, if by
any accident, as the fall of an edi-
fice, fire, shipwreck, thieves, or the
incursions of an enemy, he hath lost
what he received : but he, who hath
received a commodatum, or a thing
lent for his use only, is indeed com-
manded to employ his utmost dili-
gence in keeping and preserving it;
and it will not suffice, that he hath
taken the same care of it, which he
was accustomed to take of his own
property, if it appear, that a more
diligent man might have preserved
it; yet, if the loss was occasioned
by superior force, or some extraor-
dinary accident, and not by any
fault, he is then not obliged to make
it good; but if a man choose to
LIB. III.
tur; gratuitum enim debet esse
commodatum.
TIT. XV. 247
travel abroad with that which
hath been lent him at home, and
should lose it by shipwreck, or
the incursion of enemies, or rob-
bers, itis not doubted but he is
bound to make restitution, or pay
an equivalent.
; TITULUS OCTAVUS.
DE NOXALIBUS ACTIONIBUS.
D. ix. T. 4. C. iii. T. 4d. :
De servis.
EX maleficiis servorum, veluti si
furtum fecerint, aut bona rapuerint,
aut damnum dederint, aut injuriam
commiserint, noxales actiones pro-
ditze sunt; quibus domino damnato
permittitur aut litis estimationem
sufferre, aut ipsum hominem noxe
dedere:
Summa.
Noxal actions are given on account
of the offences of slaves; as when
a slave commits a theft or robbery,
or does any damage or injury.
And, when the master or owner of
a slave is condemned upon this ac-
count, itis in his option either to
pay the estimate of the damage
done, or deliver up his slave asa
recompence.
Quid sit noxa et noxia.
§$ I. Noxa autem est ipsum cor-
pus, quod nocuit; id est, servus:
noxia ipsum maleficium , veluti fur- -
tum, rapina, damnum, injuria.
§$ 1. Nova is the slave, the offend-
er. Nowia is the offence, whether
theft, damage, rapine or injury.
LIB. IV. TIT. VIII.
355
Ratio harum actionum.
$ Il. Summa autem ratione per-
missum est noxe deditione fungi;
namque erat iniquum, nequiliam
eorum ultra ipsorum corporum do-
minis damnosam esse.
$ 2. It is reasonably permitted to
the master to deliver up the offend-
ing slave: for it would be unjust to
make the master liable, beyond the
body of the slave himself.
Effectus noxe deditionis.
§ II. Dominus, noxali judicio
Servi sui nomine conventus, ser-
vum actori nox dedendo libera-
tur; nec minus in perpetuum ejus
servi dominium a domino transfer-
tur: sin autem damnum ei, cui
deditus est, servus resarcierit que-
sita pecunia, auxilio pretoris, invito
domino, manumittetur.
De origine harum actionum.
$ IV. Sunt autem constitute
noxales actiones, aut legibus, aut
edicto pretoris; legibus, veluti
furti ex lege xii tabularum, damni
injurie ex lege Aquilia; edicto
pretoris, veluti injuriarum, et vi
bonorum raptorum.
§ 3. In a noxal action brought
against a master, he may clear him-
self by giving up his slave to the
plaintiff, in whom the property will
become absolutely vested; but, if
the slave can satisfy his new mas-
ter in money for the damage, he
may be manumitted on application
to the pretor, though his new mas-
ter should be unwilling.
'
§ 4. Noxal actions are appointed
either by the laws, or by the edict
of the pretor. By the laws, as for
theft, by the law of the twelve tables;
for injurious damage, by the law
Aquilia ; for injuries and goods
taken by force, by the praetor’s edict.
Qui conveniuntur noxali actione.
$ V. Omnis autem noxalis actio
capit sequitur; nam, si servus
tuus noxam commiserit, quamdiu
in tua potestate sit, tecum actio est:
si autem in alterius potestatem per-
‘venerit, cum illo incipit actio esse:
at, si manumissus fuerit, directo
ipse tenetur, et extinguitur noxe
deditio. Ex diverso quoque di-
recta actio noxalis esse incipit;
nam, si liber homo noxiam commi-
serit, et is servus tuus esse caepe-
§$ 5. No real actions follow the
person; thus, the master is liable
while the slave belongs to him; if
the slave become subject to a new
master, then he becomes liable; but,
if the slave be manumitted, he may
be prosecuted by a direct action; and
the noxe deditio, is extinguished.
But an action, which was at first
direct, may afterwards become nox-
al; for if a free man, guilty of mal-
feasance, become‘a slave, (and our
356
rit, (quod quibusdam casibus effici
primo libro tradidimus,) incipit
tecum esse noxalis actio, que ante
directa fuisset.
LIB. IV. TIT. VIII.
first book shews in what cases this
may happen, ) then the direct action
against the slave, is changed into a
noxal action against the master.
Si servus Domino noxiam commiserit, vel contra.
§ VI. Si servus domino noxiam
commiserit, actio nulla nascitur;
namque inter dominum et eum, qui
in potestate ejus est, nulla obliga-
tio nasci potest. Idedque, si in
alienam potestatem servus pervene-
rit, aut manumissus fuerit, neque
cum ipso, neque cum eo, cujus
nunc in potestate sit, agi potest:
unde, si alienus_ servus _ tibi
noxiam commiserit, et is postea
in potestate tud esse cceperit, in-
terdicitur actio; quia in eum ca-
sum deducta sit, in quo consistere
non potuit. Idedque, licét exierit
de tua potestate, agere non potes;
quemadmodum si dominus in ser-
vum suum aliquid commiserit, nec,
si manumissus aut alienatus fuerit
servus, ullam actionem contra do-
minum habere potest.
$6. Although a slave commit
mal-feasance against his master, yet
no action is given; for no obligation
can arise between a master and his
slave; and if the slave pass under
the power of another master, or is
manumitted, no action lies either
against him or his new master;
whence it follows, that, if the slave
of another should commit mal-feas-
ance against you, and become your
slave, the action is forbidden: for
the case has arisen in which it can-
not be brought. Therefore, al-
though a slave hath passed out of
your power, you cannot sue him:
neither can a slave, who hath been
aliened or manumitted, bring any
action against his late master.
De filiis-familiarum.
§ VII. Sed veteres quidem hoc
in filiis-familiarum masculis et foe-
minis admisere; nova autem ho-
minum conversatio hujusmodi as-
peritatem recté respuendam esse
existimavit, et ab usu communi hoc
penitus recessit. Quis enim patia-
tur, filium suum, et maxime filiam,
in noxam alii dari? ut pene per fi-
lii corpus pater magis quam filius
periclitetur; cum in filiabus etiam
pudicitiz favor hoc bené excludat.
§ 7. The ancients indeed admitted
this law of the forfeiture of the per-
son, even in cases of children, whe-
ther male or female: but later times
have rightly thought, that such ri-
gorous proceeding, ought to be ex-
ploded ; and it hath therefore passed
wholly into disuse: for who could
suffer a son, and more especially a
daughter, to be delivered up as a for-
feiture to a stranger? for, in the
case of a son, the punishment of the
LIB. IV.
Et ideo placuit, in servos tantum-
modo, noxales actiones esse propo-
nendas; cum, apud veteres legum
commentatores, invenerimus sepi-
us dictum, ipsos filios-familiarum
pro suis delictis posse conveniri.
TIT. IX. 357
father would be greater, than that
of the son; and, in the case of a
daughter, the rules of modesty for-
bid the practice. It hath therefore
prevailed, that noxal actions should
apply to slaves only: and, we find
it often laid down in the old books,
that sons of a family may be sued
for their own misdeeds.
TITULUS NONUS.
SI QUADRUPES PAUPERIEM FECISSE DICATUR.
D. ix. T. 1.
De actione, si quadrupes ex |. xii. tab.
ANIMALIUM nomine, que ra-
tione carent, si qua lascivia, aut
pavore, aut feritete, pauperiem fe-
cerint, noxalis actio lege xii tab.
prodita est: que animalia, si nox
dedantur, proficiunt reo ad libera-
tionem ; quia ita lex xii tabularum
scripta est, ut puta, si equus calci-
trosus calce percusserit, aut bos,
cornu petere solitus, cornu petierit.
Heec autem actio in lis, que contra
naturam moventur, locum habet;
cxterum, si genitalis sit feritas, ces-
sat actio. Denique, si ursus fuge-
rit 4 domino, et sic nocuerit, non
potest quondam dominus conveniri,
quia desiit dominus esse, ubi fera
evasit. Pauperis autem est dam-
num siné injuria facientis datum ;
nec enim potest animal injuriam
A noxal action is given by the
law of the 12 tables when damage
is done by brute animals, through
wantonness, fright, or furiousness ;
and when delivered up in atone-
ment for the damage done, the de-
fendant is cleared from the action :
for it is thus written in the law of
the 12 tables, if a horse, apt to kick,
should strike with his foot; or uf an
or, accustomed to gore, should
wound any man with his horns, Sc.
But a noxal action takes place only
when animals act contrary to their
nature; for, when the ferocity of a
beast is innate, no action can be
given ; so that, if a bear break
loose from his master, and mischief
be done, the master cannot be sued ;
for he ceased to be the master as
358 LIB. IV
TIT. X.
fecisse dici, quod sensu caret.
Heec quidem ad noxalem pertinent
actionem.
soon as the beast escaped. The
word pauperies denotes a damage,
by which no injury is intended; for
an animal, void of reason, cannot
be said to have committed an inju-
ry. Thus much as to noxal actions
De actione edilitia, concurrente cum actione de pauperie.
§ I Ceeterum sciendum est, edi-
litio edicto prohiberi nos canem,
verrem, aprum, ursum, leonem, ibi
habere, qua vulgo iter fit; et, si
adversus ea factum erit, et nocitum
libero homini esse dicatur, quod
bonum et exquum judici videtur,
tanti dominus condemnetur ; czte-
rarum vero rerum, quanti damnum
datum sit, dupli. Prater has au-
tem edilitias actiones, et de paupe-
rie locum habebit; nunquam enim
actiones, preesertim poenales, de ea-
dem re concurrentes, alia aliam
consumit. =
§ 1. It must be observed, that
the edict of the Edile forbids any
man to keep a dog, a boar, a bear,
or a lion, where there is a public
passage or highway: and if this
prohibition be disobeyed, and any
freeman receive hurt, the master of ,
the beast may be condemned at the -
discretion of the judge; yet, in oth-
er cases of damage, the condemna-
tion must be in double the amount.
Besides the Edilitian action, an ac-
tion for damage, called pauperies,
may also take place against the
same person: for actions, especial-
ly penal actions, may concur on
account of the same thing, without
the one destroying the other.
TITULUS DECIMUS.
DE IIS, PER QUOS AGERE POSSUMUS.
Per quos agere liceat.
NUNC admonendi sumus, agere,
posse quemlibet hominem aut suo
nomine aut alieno. Alieno, veluti
procuratorio, tutorio, curatorio ;
cum olim in usu fuisset, alterius
We must now remark, that any
man may commence a suit, in his
own name, or in that of another,
as of a proctor, a tutor, or a curator;
but anciently, one person could nét
LIB. IV.
nomine agi non posse, nisi pro pop-
ulo, pro libertate, pro tutela. Pre-
terea lege Hostilié permissum erat
furti agere eorum nomine, qui apud
hostes essent, aut reipublice causa
abessent, quivé in eorum cujus tute-
14 essent. Sed, quia hoc non mini-
mam incommoditatem habebat,
quod alieno nomine neque agere,
heque excipere actionem licebat,
cceeperunt homines per procuratores
litigare. Nam et morbus et etas et
necessaria peregrinatio, itemque al-
le multe cause, sepe hominibus
impedimento sunt, quo minus rem
suam ipsi exequi possint.
TIT. X. 359
sue in the name of another, unless
in a public cause, in a cause to es-
tablish. freedom, or in a cause of
tutelage. It was afterwards per-
mitted by the law Hostilia, that an
action of theft might be brought in
the names of captives: or of per-
sons absent upon the affairs of the
republic; or who were under the
careof tutors. But, as it was found
in later times to be highly inconve-
nient, that any man should be pro-
hibited, either from suing, or defend-
ing in the name of another, it by
degrees became a practice to sue by
proctors ; for illhealth, old age, the
necessity of travelling, and many
other causes, continually prevent
mankind from being able to prose-
cute their own affairs in person.
Quibus modis procurator constituatur.
$ I. Procurator neque certis ver-
bis, neque presente semper adver-
sario, imo et plerumque eo ignoran-
te, constituitur: cuicunque enim
permiseris rem tuam agere, aut de-
fendere, is tuus procurator intelli-
gitur.
§ 1_A proctor may be appointed
without any certain form of words,
nor is the presence of the adverse
party required ; indeed itis generally
done without his knowledge. Who-
ever is employed to sue or defend
for another, is understood to be a
proctor.
Quibus modis tutores vel curatores constituuntur.
$ II. Tutores et curatores que-
madmodum constituantur, primo li-
bro expositum est.
$2. We have already explained
in the first book, how tutors and
curators may be appointed.
LIB. IV. TIT. XI.
TITULUS UNDECIMUS.
DE SATISDATIONIBUS.
Dz. ii. T. 8.
C ii. T. 57.
De judicio personali.
SATISDATIONUM modus ali-
us antiquitati placuit, alium novitas
per usum amplexa est. Olim enim,
siin rem agebatur, satisdare pos-
sessor compellabatur, ut, si victus
esset, nec rem ipsam restitueret, nec
litis eestimationem, potestas esset
petitori aut cum eo agendi, aut cum
fide-jussoribus ejus ; que satisdatio
appellatur judicatum solvi: undé
autem sic appelletur, facile est in-
telligere; namque stipulabatur quis,
ut solveretur sibi, quod fuisset judi-
catum; multo magis is, qui in
rem actione conveniebatur, satis-
dare cogebatur, si alieno nomine ju-
dicium accipiebat. Ipse autem, qui
in rem agebat, si suo nomine pete-
bat, satisdare non cogebatur. Pro-
curator vero, si in rem agebat, satis-
dare jubebatur, remratam dominum
habiturum: periculum enim erat,
ne interum dominus de eddem re
experiretur. Tutores vero et cura-
tores eodem modo, quo procurato-
res, satisdare debere verba edicti fa-
ciebant. Sed aliquando his agenti-
bus satisdatio remittebatur. Hee
ita erant, si in rem agebatur.
In taking security, the ancient
practice differs from” the modem;
for merely in a real action, the de-
fendant, in possession, was compel-
led to give security, so that, if he
lost his cause, and could neither
restore the thing itself, nor pay the
value of it, the demandant might be
enabled either to sue him, or his
bail: and this species of bail is
termed jndiciatum solvi: nor is it
difficult to understand, why it is so
called; for as every demandant
stipulated, that the things adjudged
to him should be paid, it was still
more reasonable, that the person
sued in a real action should be oblig-
ed to give security, if he received
judgment in the name of another.
A plaintiff in a real action suing in
his own name, was not called to
give security : buta proctor was or-
dered to give security, that his acts
would be ratified by his principal,
rem ratam dominum habiturum ;
for the danger was, lest the client
should bring a fresh suit for the
same thing; and by the words of
the edict even tutors and curators
were compellable to give security,
as well as proctors, though it was
sometimes remitted when they were
plaintiffs. Such was the practice
in real actions.
LIB. IV. TIT. XI.
361
De judicio personali.
$1 Si vero in personam, ab ac-
toris quidem parte, eadem obtine-
bant, que diximus in actione, qua
in rem agitur; ab ejus vero parte,
cum quo agitur, siquidem alieno
Nomine aliquis interveniret, omni-
modo satisdaret; quia nemo de-
fensor in aliena re siné satisdatione
idoneus esse creditur. Quod si
proprio nomine aliquis judicium
accipiebat in personam, judicatum
solvi satisdare non cogebatur.
Jus novum.
$ II. Sed hodie hec aliter obser-
vantur. Sivé enim quis in rem ac-
tione convenitur, sivé personali, stio
nomine, nullam satisdationem pro
litis eestimatione dare compellitur;
sed pro sua tantum personé, quod in
judicio permaneat usque ad termi-
num litis; vel committitur suze pro-
missioni cum jurejurando, quam
juratoriam cautionem vocant; vel
nudam promissionem, vel satisdati-
onem, pro qualitate persone sue,
dare compellitur.
$1. The rules as to security, on
part of the plaintiff, which were ob-
served in real, obtained also in perso
nal actions; and, if the defendant
proceeded in another’s name, he was
obliged to give caution; for no one
was reputed a competent defendant
in the cause of another, unless se-
curity was given: but, whenever
another man was convened in a per-
sonal action if the defendant stood
suit in his own name he was not
compelled to give bail judi catum
solvi i. e. fully to comply with the
judgment of the court.
De reo.
§ 2. But at present a different
practice prevails; for, a defendant
sued in his own name, either in a
real or personal action, is not com-
pellable to give security for the pay-
ment of the estimation of the suit,
but only for his own person; to
wit, that he will remain in judgment
until the cause is determined; and
this security is sometimes given by
sureties; sometimes by’ a promise
upon oath, which is called a jurato-
ry caution; and sometimes by a
simple promise without oath, ac-
‘cording to the quality of the de-
fendant.
De procuratore actoris.
§ Il, Sin autem per procurato-
rem lis vel infertur vel suscipitur, in
actoris quidem person4, si non man-
datum actis insinuatum est, vel pree-
sens dominus litis in judicio procu-
ratoris sui personam cy
$ 3. But, where a suit is com-
menced or defended by a proctor, if
the proctor of the plaintiff, does not
either enrol a mandate of appoint-
ment in the acts of court, (that, is,
file his power of attorney) or cause
362 LIB. IV.
TIT. XL.
ratam rem dominum habiturum,
satisdationem procurator dare com-
pellitur : eodem observando et si tu-
tor vel curator, vel ali tales per-
sone, que alienarum rerum guber-
nationem receperunt, litem quibus-
dam per alium inferunt.
his client to nominate him publicly,
he is obliged to give security, that
his client will ratify his proceeding.
Such is the rule also if a tutor, cura-
tor, or agent, commences suit by a
proctor.
De procuratore rei presentis.
§ IV. Si vero aliquis convenitur,
siquidem presens procuratorem
dare paratus est, potest vel ipse in
judicium venire, et sui procurato-
ris personam per judicatum solvi
satisdationem solemni stipulatione
firmare; vel extra judicium satis-
dationem exponere, ‘per quam ip-
se sui procuratoris fidejussor exis-
tat pro omnibus judicatum solvi sa-
tisdationis clausulis: ubi et de hy--
potheca suarum rerum convenire
compellitur, sivé in judicio promi-
serit, sivé extra judicium caverit,
ut tam ipse quam heredes ejus ob-
ligentur. Alia insuper cautela,
satisdatione propter personam ipsi-
us. exponenda, quod tempore sen-
tentize recitandee in judicium veni-
et, vel, si non venerit, omnia dabit
fidejussor quz in condemnatione
continentur, nisi fuerit provocatum.
§ 4. When a party is sued, and is
ready to nominate a proctor, he may
appear in open court, and confirm
the nomination by giving the cau-
tion judicatum solvi, under the usual
stipulation; or he may appear out .
of court, and become himself the
surety, that his proctor will perform
all the covenants in the instrument
of caution; and whether this be
done in court, or out of court, he
must make his estate chargeable,
that his heirs, as well as himself,
may be bound. And a farther cau-
tion or security must be given, that
he will either appear in person at
the time of pronouncing sentence,
or that his surety, in case of non-
appearance, shall be bound to pay
whatever the sentence exacts, if no
appeal be interposed.
De procuratore rei absentis.
$ V. Si verd reus presto ex
quacunque causa non fuerit, et ali-
us velit defensionem ejus subire,
nulla differentia inter actiones in
rem vel personales introducenda,
potest hoc facere; ita tamen ut sa-
tisdationem judicatum solvi pro litis
stimatione preestet. Nemo enim
§ 5. When a defendant does not
put in an appearance, then any o-
ther person, who is willing, may
take upon himself the deferfce for
him, and this may be done either in
a real or personal action. without
distinction, if the caution judicatum
solvi be entered into for the payment
LIB. IV. TIT. XI.
363
secundim veterem regulam (ut
jam dictum est) aliens rei siné sa-
tisdatione defensor idoneus intelli-
gitur.
of the estimation of the suit; for no
man, according to the ancient rule
already mentioned, can be said to
defend the cause of another legally,
unless security be given.
Unde heec forma discenda.
§ VI. Que .omnia apertius et
perfectius quotidiano judiciorum
usu in ipsis rerum documentis ap-
parent.
§ 6. But such formalities may
be more perfectly learned, from the
usage and practice of courts.
Ubi heec forma observanda.
§ VII. Quam formam non so-
him in hac regia urbe, sed etiam
omnibus nostris provinciis, (etsi
propter imperitiam forté aliter cele-
bratur,) obtinere censemus: cum
necesse sit, omnes provincias caput
omnium nostrarum civitatum, id
est, hanc regiam urbem, ejusque
observantiam, sequi.
§ 7. We have judged it expedi-
ent, that these forms shall prevail,
not only in Constantinople, but also
in all our other provinces, (al-
though through ignorance they
may have practiced differently;) for
it is necessary, that all the provinces
should be guided by the example of
the capitol of our dominions, and fol-
low the practice of our royal city.
TITULUS DUODECIMUS.
DE PERPETUIS ET TEMPORALIBUS ACTIONIBUS, ET
QUE AD HEREDES ET IN HHREDES TRANSEUNT.
C. iv. T. 11.
De perpetuis et temporalibus actionibus.
HOC loco admonendi sumus, eas
quidem actiones, que ex lege, sen-
atusve consulto, sivé ex sacris con-
stitutionibus, proficiscuntur, perpe-
All those actions, which took their
rise from the law, the decrees of the
senate or the constitutions were
anciently considered as always in
364
LIB. IV. TIT. XII.
tuo solere antiquitis competere, do-
nec sacre constitutiones tam in
rem, quam in personam, actionibus
certos fines dederunt: eas vero,
que ex propria preetoris jurisdic-
tione pendent, plerumque intra an-
num vivere; nam et ipsius preto-
ris intra annum erat imperium.
Aliquando tamen et in perpetuum
extenduntur, id est, usque ad fi-
nem constitutionibus introductum ;
quales sunt ex, quas bonorum pos-
sessori, ceterisque, qui heredis
loco sunt, accommodat. Furti
quoque manifesti actio, quamvis
ex ipsius preetoris jurisdictione pro-
fiscatur, tamen perpetud datur;
absurdum enim esse existimavit,
anno eam terminari.
force; but the later emperors have
by their ordinances fixed certain li-
mits both to real and personal ac-
tions. Actions, given by virtue of
the pretor’s authority, are general-
ly limited to one year; for such is
the duration of his office; but some-
times the pretorian actions are
_made perpetual; that is they are
extended to the limits introduced by
the constitutions: such are those
actions, which the preetor gives to
the possessors of goods, and. to oth-
ers, who hold the place of heirs.
The action of manifest theft is.also
perpetual, although it proceed from
the mere authority of the pretor ;
for it was thought absurd, to limit
this action to a year.
De actionibus, que in heredes transeunt vel non.
§ I. Non autem omnes actiones,
quee in aliquem aut ipso jure compe-
tunt, aut a pretore dantur, et in
heredem zqué competunt, aut dari
solent. Est enim certissima juris
regula, ex maleficiis poenales acti-
ones in heredem rei non compete-
re; veluti furti, vi bonorum rapto-
rum, injuriarum, damni injurie:
sed heredibus hujusmodi actiones
competunt, nec denegantur; excep-
t injuriarum actione, et si qua alia
similis inveniatur. Aliquando ta-
men, etiam ex contractu actio con-
tra heredem non competit; veluti
cum testator dolosé versatus sit, et
ad heredem ejus nihil ex eo dolo
pervenit: peenales autem actiones,
quas supra diximus, si ab ipsis
principalibus personis fuerint con-
§ 1. Not all actions in general,
which either the law, or the pretor,
allows also against a man, will be
also allowed against his heirs: for
it is a sure rule of law, that penal
actions, arising from mal-feasance,
will not lie against the heir of an of-
fender; such as theft, rapine, inju-
ry, or damage injuriously done: but
these actions will pass to heirs, and
are never denied, but in an action of
injury, and in other cases of a sim-
ilar nature. Sometimes even an ac-
tion of contract will not lie against
an heir; as whena testator acts
fraudulently, and nothing comes to
the possession of the heir by reason
of the fraud: but, if the penal ac-
tions, of which we have already spo-
ken, are once contested by the prin-
LIB. IV. TIT. XIII.
testatee, et heeredibus dantur et con-
tra heredes transeunt.
365
cipal parties concerned, they will
afterwards pass both to, and against,
the heirs of such parties.
Si, pendente judicio, reus actori satisfecerit.
§ II. Superest, ut admoneamus,
quod, si ante rem judicatam is, cum
quo actum est, satisfaciat actori,
officio judicis convenit eum absol-
vere; licet in e& causa fuisset judi-
cii accipiendi tempore, ut damnari
deberet ; et hoc est, quod antea vul-
go dicebatur, omnia judicia absolu-
toria esse.
«
§ 2. Lastly it is the duty of the
judge to dismiss the defendant, if
before sentence he should fully sat-
‘isfy the plaintiff, although pending
the suit, his cause seemed so bad,
that he deserved to be condemned ;
and upon this account it was an-
ciently a common saying, that all
actions were dismissible.
4 4 Da —
TITULUS DECIMUS-TERTIUS.
DE EXCEPTIONIBUS.
D. xliv. T. 1.
’ Continuatio.
SEQUITUR, ut de exceptioni-
bus dispiciamus. Comparate au-
tem sunt exceptiones defendendo-
rum -eorum gratid, cum quibus agi-
tur; sepé enim accidit, ut licet ipsa
persecutio, qua actor experitur, jus-
ta sit, tamen iniqua sit adversus
eum, cum quo agitur.
De exceptione quod metus
§ I. Verbi gratia, si metu coac-
tus, aut dolo inductus, aut errore
lapsus, stipulanti Titio promissisti,
quod non debueras promittere, pa-
lam est, jure civili te obligatum es-
sé, et actio, quad intenditur, dare te
oportere, efficax est; sed iniquum
C. viii. T. 36.
Ratio exceptionum.
It follows, that we should treat
of exceptions. Exceptions have
been introduced into causes for the
defence of the party cited ; for it of-
ten happens, that a suit, which in
itself is just, may yet become un-
just, when commenced against a
wrong person.
causa, de dolo, in factum.
§ 1. If you for example compelled
by fear, or induced by fraud or mis-
take, make an imprudent promise
to Titius, under stipulation; yet it
is evident, you are bound by the
civil law, and Titius may have an
efficacious action: but it may be
366
est, te condemnari: idedque datur
tibi exceptio, quod metus caus4, aut
doli mali, aut in factum, composita
ad impugnandam actionem.
LIB. IV. TIT. XIII.
unjust, that a condemnation should
follow, and therefore you are per-
mitted to plead exceptive matter
calculated to defeat the action, by
setting forth, that the promise was
extorted by fear or fraud, or other-
wise by alleging the peculiar cir-
cumstances of the case; (and these
are called exceptions in factum com-
posite ; i. e. exceptions on the fact.)
De non numerata pecunia.
§$ IL Idem juris est, si quis qua-
si credendi causé pecuniam 4 te sti-
pulatus fuerit, neque numeraverit.
Nam, eam pecuniam 4 te petere
posse eum, certum est; dare enim
te oportet, cum ex stipulatione te-
nearis. Sed, quia iniquum est, eo
nomine te condemnari, placet, ex-
ceptione pecunie non numerate, te
defendi debere; cujus tempora nos
(secundum quod jam superioribus
libris scriptum est) constitutione
nostra coarctavimus.
$ 2. So is the law in case any one
should obtain your promise to repay
money that you never received? It
is certain, he may sue you for the
money, for you are bound by the sti-
pulation. But as it would be unjust,
that you should be condemned upon
that account, you are allowed to
plead the exception pecunie non
numerate, of money not paid. But
by our express constitution we have
shortened the time allowed for bring-
ing this exception, as we have al-
ready observed in the former book.
De pacto.
§ III. Preeterea debitor, si pac-
tus fuerit cum creditore, ne 4 se pe-
cunia peteretur, nihilominus obliga-
tus manet ; quia pacto convento ob-
ligationes non omnino dissolvun-
tur; qua de causa efficax est adver-
sus eum actio, quam actor intendit,
si paret, eum dare oportere: sed,
quia iniquum est, contra pactionem
eum condemnari, defenditur per ex-
ceptionem pacti conventi.
§ 3. Moreover, although a eredi-
tor agree not to sue his debtor, yet
the debtor remains bound ; for obli-
gations are not to be wholly dis-
solved by a mere agreement: and
therefore an action in this form, si
paret, eum dare oportere, would be
efficacious against the debtor; but,
as it would be unjust, that the debt-
or should be condemned to make
payment, notwithstanding the a-
greement, he is therefore permitted
to defend himself by an exception
of compact.
LIB. IV. TIT. XIit.
367
De jurejurando.
§ IV. Aique, si debitor creditore
deferente juraverit, nihil se dare op-
ortere, adhuc obligatus permanet;
sed, quia iniquum est, de perjurio
queri, defenditur per exceptionem
jurisjurandi. In iis quoque actioni-
bus, quibus, in rem agitur, squé
necessarie sunt exceptiones; velu-
ti si petitore deferente possessor ju-
raverit, eam rem suam esse, et ni-
hilo minus petitor eandem rem vin-
dicet; licét enim verum sit, quod
intendit, id est, ejus esse; iniquum
tamen est, possesorum condemnari.
De re judicata.
$V. Item, si judicio tecum ac-
tum fuerit, sivé in rem, sivé in per-
sonam, nihilominus obligatio durat;
et ideo ipso jure de eddem re pos-
tea adversus te agi potest: sed de-
bes per exceptionem rei judicate
adjuvari. :
§ 4. Ifan oath be administered
toa debtor at the instance of his
creditor, and he swears, that noth-
ing is due, yet he still remains
bound: but, as it would not be
right, thatthe plaintiff should after-
wards complain of perjury, the
debtor may defend himself by al-
ledging his own oath by way of ex-
ception. Exceptions are equally ne-
cessary in real actions; as when the
party in possession at the request
of the demandant swears, that the
thing in dispute is his own, and the
demandant will nevertheless en-
deavour to recover it: for although
the demandant’s allegation be true;
viz. that the thing claimed apper-
tains to him, yet it is unjust, that
the possessor should be condemned.
’
$ 5. If you have been sued either
upon a real or personal action, the
obligation neverthelessremains; and
therefore, in strict law, you may a-
gain be sued upon thesame account ;
but you may plead the former trial
in bar, and be aided by the excep-
tion Rei judicate.
De ceteris exceptionibus.
§ VI. Hee, exempli causa, retu-
lisse sufficiat; alioqui, quam ex
multis variisque causis exceptiones
necessariz sint, ex latioribus diges-
torum seu pandectarum libris intel-
ligi potest.
§ 6. It may suffice to have giv-
en these instances of exceptions in
general; but in how many and in
what various cases they are neces-
sary, may be learned from the lar-
ger books of thedigests, or pandects.
mn
368
LIB. IV. TIT. XIII.
Divisio prima.
§$ VIL. Quarum quedam ex le-
gibus, vel iis, que legis vicem ob-
‘tinent, vel ex ipsius preetoris juris-
dictione, substantiam capiunt.
Divisio
§ VIII. Appellantur autem ex-
ceptiones alize perpetuse et peremp-
torie, alize temporales et dilitatorize.
§ 7. Some exceptions proceed
from the laws themselves, or from
regulations that hold the place of
laws; others from the authority of
the preetor.
secunda.
§ 8. Some exceptions are called
perpetual and peremptory: others
are temporary and dilatory.
De peremptoriis.
$ IX. Perpetuz et peremptorie
sunt, que semper agentibus ob-
stant, et semper rem, de qua agitur,
perimunt; qualis est exceptio doli
mali, et quod metis causé factum
est, et pacti conventi, cum ita con-
venerit, ne omnino pecunia petere-
tur.
§ 9. The perpetual and peremp-
tory are those, which always ob-
struct the plaintiff, and destroy the
force of the action—of this sort is
the exception of fraud, of fear, and
of compact, when it is agreed that
the money shall not be sued for.
De dilatoriis.
§ X. Temporales atque dilato-
riz sunt, que ad tempus nocent, et
temporis dilationem tribuunt; qua-
lis est pacti conventi, cum ita con-
venerit, ne intra certum tempus a-
geretur, veluti intra quinquennium ;
nam, finito eo tempore, non impe-
ditur actor rem exequi. Ergo ii,
quibus intra certum tempus agere
volentibus objicitur exceptio aut
pacti-conventi, aut alia similis, dif-
ferre debent actionem, et post tem-
pus agere; ideo enim dilatorise istz
exceptiones appellantur. Alioqui,
si intra .tempus egerint objecta-
que sit exceptio, neque eo judicio
quicquam consequebantur propter
$10. Temporary and dilatory
exceptions are those, which operate
for a time, and create delay; such
isan agreement not to sue within a
certain time, as five years; but at
the expiration of that time the cred-
itor may proceed: and therefore
those, against whom this exception
pacti conventi or any other similar
can be objected, must delay ' their ac-
tion, and sue when the time is ex-
pired; hence, these exceptions are
termed dilatory: and formerly, if
the plaintiff had sued before the
time, andexception was taken, it not
only barred the claim for that time,
but prevented the plaintiff from pro-
rae IV. ee XH.
exceptionem, neque pot fompuls
olim agere poterant, cum temeré
rem in judicium deducebant et con-
sumebant; qua ratione rem amitte-
bant. Hodie autem non ita stricté
hoe procedere volumus; sed eum,
qui ante tempus pactionis vel obli-
gationis litem inferre ausus sit, Ze-
noniangy constitutioni subjacere
censemus, quam sacratissimus le-
gislator de iis, qui tempore plus pe-
tierint, protulit: et inducas, quas
ipse actor sponte indulserit, vel quas
natura actionis continet, si contemp-
serit, in duplum habeant ii, qui ta-
lem injuriam passi sunt; et, post
eas finitas, non aliter litem suscipi-
ant, nisi omnes expensas litis antea
acceperint: ut actores, tali poena
perterriti, tempora litium doceantur
observare.
De dilatoriis
§$ XI. Preeterea etiam ex persona
sunt dilatorie exeeptiones, quales
sunt procuratorie; veluti si per
militem, aut mulierem, agere quis
velit: nam militibus nec pro patre,
vel maitre, vel uxore, nec ex sacro
rescripto, procuratorio nomine ex-
periri conceditur; suis vero nego-
tiis superesse siné offensé militaris
disciplines possunt. Eas vero ex-
ceptiones, quee olim procuratoribus
propter infamiam vel dantis, vel
ipsius procuratoris, opponebantur,
cum in judiciis frequentari nullo
modo perspeximus, conquiescere
47
369
weeding at the expiration of the time
agreed on; for he was reputed to
have lost his right, by having rashly
commenced suit. But we have been
willing to mitigate this rigor, so
that whoever presumes to commence
a suit before the time limited by a-
greement, shall be subject to the
constitution of Zeno concerning
those, who demand more than their
due ; and, ifa plaintiff breakin upon
the time, which he has spontane-
ously granted, or contemns the limits
which the nature of some actions
allow, the defendant thus injured,
becomes intitled to twice the time
before allowed, and, even when
that is expired, cannot be obliged to
enter an appearance, until he has
been reimbursed the whole of his
expenses ; and this we have ordain-
ed in terrorem, that plaintiffs may
be taught to observe the proper time
of commencing their suits.
ex persona.
$11. Dilatory exceptions may
also be personal, as those against
proctors, where a suiter employs a
soldier, ora woman to act for him;
for soldiers are not permitted to aet
as proctors even in behalf of a fath-
er, a mother, or a wife, although
they obtain the sanction of an im-
perial rescript; but they may su-
perintend their own affairs, without
offending against military discipline.
But we have put a stop to the ex-
ceptions of infamy, which were for-
merly made, both against proctors
and their constituents, having ob-
’
370
sancimus; ne, dum de his alterca-
tur, ipsius negotii discreptio prote-
letur.
LIB. IV. TIT. XIV.
served them to be little practised,
and fearing, lest by such alterca-
tions, an inquiry into the merits of
causes should be retarded.
—_ a
TITULUS DECIMUS-QUARTUS.
DE REPLICATIONIBUS.
De replicatione.
INTERDUM evenit, ut excep-
tio, que prima facie justa videtur,
tamen iniquée noceat : quod cum ac-
cidit, alia allegatione opus est, adju-
vandi actoris gratia; que replica-
tio vocatur, quia per eam replicatur
atque resolvitur jus exceptionis ;
veluti cum pactus est aliquis cum
debitore suo, ne ab eo pecuniam pe-
tat, deinde postea in contrarium
pacti sunt, idest, ut creditori petere
liceat : si creditor agat, et excipiat
debitor, ut ita demum condemnetur,
* si non convenerit, ne eam pecuniam
creditor petat, nocet ei exceptio;
convenit enim ita: namque nihilo-
minus hoc verum manet, licét pos-
tea in contrarium pacti sint. Sed,
quia iniquum est, creditorem exclu-
di, replicatio ei dabitur ex posterio-
re pacto convento.
Sometimes an exception, which
appears at first view to be valid, is
not so; and when this happens, an
additional allegation is necessary in
aid of the plaintiff, called a replica-
tion, because the force of the excep-
tion is replicated, that is, unfolded,
and destroyed by it; as ifa credi-
tor should covenant with his debtor
not to sue him, and the contrary
should afterwardsbeagreed between
them, in consequence of which the
creditor brings an action, to which
the debtor excepts, alleging the
agreement of his creditor not to sue:
in thiscase theexception would be of
weight, as such an agreement was
actually made, although another.
was made afterwards to a contrary
effect: but, as it would be unjust,
that a creditor should be thus con-
cluded, he is allowed to plead the
subsequent compact, by way of re-
plication.
LIB. IV. TIT. XIV.
371
De duplicatione.
$I. Rursus interdum evenit, ut
replicatio, qua prima facie justa
est, inique noceat; quod cum acci-
dit, alia allegatione opus est, adju-
vandi rei gratid; que duplicatio
vocatur.
$ 1. It also sometimes happens,
that a replication at first appears
conclusive, though it be not so; in
this case another allegation, called
a duplication, may be offered by
the defendant. (Rejoinder.)
De triplicatione.
$ II. Et, si rursus ea prima facie
justa videatur, sed propter aliquam
causam actori iniqué noceat, rur-
sus alia allegatione opus est, qua ac-
tor adjuvetur; que dicitur tripli-
catio.
§ 2. And when a duplication car-
ries with it an appearance of jus-
tice, but is wrongfully urged a-
gainst the plaintiff, he may also, in
his turn, put in another allegation,
which is termed a triplication.
(Surrejoinder. )
De ceteris exceptionibus.
$ IIL, Quarum omnium excep-
tionum usum interdim ulterius,
quam diximus, varietas negotio-
rum introducit; quas omnes aper-
tius ex digestorum latiore volumine
facile est cognoscere.
t
§ 3. But in the great variety of
business, the use of these exceptions
is extended still farther, than we
have mentioned; of which a fuller
knowledge may be obtained from
the larger volumes of the digests.
(Rebutter, Surrebutter.)
Que exceptiones fidejussoribus prosunt vel non.
§-IV. Exceptiones autem, qui-
bus debitor defenditur, plertmque
accommodari solent etiam fidejus-
soribus ejus; et recté: quia, quod
ab iis petitur, id ab ipso debitore
peti videtur; quia mandati judicio
redditurus est eis, quod ei pro eo
solverint. Qua ratione, et si de
non petendd pecunia pactus quis
cum eo fuerit, placuit, perinde suc-
currendum esse per exceptionem
pacti conventi illis quoque, qui pro
eo obligati sunt, ac si etiam cum
ipsis pactus esset, ne ab eis pecunia
§ 4. The exceptions, by which a
debtor may defend himself, are ge-
nerally and properly allowed to be
used by his bondsmen; for a de-
mand made upon them, is, as it
were, a demand upon the debtor
himself, who is compellable by an
action of mandate to pay over to
his sureties whatever they have
been obliged to pay upon his ac-
count: and therefore, if a creditor
hath covenanted with his debtor
not to sue him, the bondsmen may
be aided by an exception of com-
372
peteretur. Sané quedam excepti-
tiones non solent his accommodari.
Eece enim debitor, si bonis suis
cesserit, et cum eo creditor expe-
riatur, defenditur per exceptionem,
$i bonis cesserit: sed hee exceptio
fidejussoribus non datur; ideo sci-
licet, quia, qui alios pro debitore
obligat, hoc maximé prospicit, ut,
cum facultatibus lapsus fuerit debi-
tor, possit ab iis, quos pro eo obli-
gavit, suum consequi.
LIB. IV. TIT. XV.
pact, just as if the promise had been
made to them. But some exceptions
cannot be used in behalf of sureties ;
for although, when a debtor hath
made cession of his goods, he may
defend himself by pleading a cessio
bonorum, as an exception to a suit
brought by a creditor; the same
exception cannot aid the bondsmen ;
for whoever demands sureties al-
ways means to recover his debt from
them, in case of failure in the prin-
cipal debtor.
TITULUS DECIMUS-QUINTUS.
DE INTERDICTIS.
D. xiii. T. 1.
Continuatio
SEQUITUR, ut dispiciamus de
interdictis, seu actionibus, que pro
his exercentur. Erant autem in-
terdicta forma atque conceptiones
verborum,quibus pretor aut jubebat
aliquid aut fieri prohibeat; quod
tunc maximé fiebat, cum de posses-
sione aut quasi possessione inter
aliquos contendebatur.
Divisio
$ I. Summa autem divisio inter-
dictorum hee est, quod aut prohi-
bitoria sunt, aut restitutoria, aut
exhibitoria. Prohibitoria sunt, qui-
bus prator vetat aliquid fieri; velu-
ti; vim siné vitio possidenti, vel
mortuum inferenti, quo ei jus erat
C. viii. T. 1.
et definitio.
We are now led to treat of inter-
dicts, or of those actions, which sup-
ply their place. Interdicts, were cer-
tain forms,of words, by which the
preetor either commanded or prohi-
bited something to be done; and
were chiefly used, when any con-
tention arose concerning possession,
or quasi-possession.
prima.
§$ 1. The first division of them is
into prohibitory, restoratory, and
exhibitory interdicts. Prohibitory
are those, by which the preetor for-
bids something to be done, as when
he forbids force to be used against a
lawful possessor; or against a per-
LIB. IV. TIT. XV.
inferendi; vel in sacro loco edifi-
cari, vel in flumine publico ripdve
ejus aliquid fieri, quo pejus navige-
tur. Restitutoria sunt, quibus re-
stitui aliquid jubet; veluti bono-
rum possessori possessionem eo0-
rum, que quis pro herede, aut pro
possessore, possidet ex e4 heredi-
tate; aut cum jubet, ei, qui vi de
possessione dejectus sit, restitui-
possessionem. Exhibitoria sunt,per
quee jubet exhiberi; veluti eum, cu-
jus de libertate agitur ; aut libertum,
cui patronus operas indicere velit;
aut parenti liberos, qui in potestate
ejus sunt. Sunt tamen, qui putent,
interdicta ea proprié vocari, que
prohibitoria sunt; quia. interdicere
sit denuntiare et prohibere; resti-
tutoria autem et exhibitoria proprieé
decreta vocari: sed tamen obtinuit,
omnia interdicta appellari; quia
inter duos dicuntur.
)
373
son who is burying another, where
he hath a right; or when he forbids
an edifice to be raised in a sacred
place, or hinders a work from being
erected in a public river, or on the
banks which may render it less na-
vigable. The restoratory, direct
something to be restored, as the pos-
session of goods to the universal
successor, who has been kept out of
possession by one, who hath no
right; or when the pretor com-
mands possession to be restored to
him, who hath been forcibly eject-
ed. And the exhibitory interdicts
are those, by which the preetor com-
mands some exhibit to be made, as
of a slave, for example concerning
whose liberty a cause is depending;
or of a free-man, from whom a
patron would exact the service due
to him; or of children to their parent,
under whose power they are. Some
nevertheless imagine, that interdicts
can with propriety be only prohibi-
tory, because the word interdicere
signifies to denounce and prohibit ;
—and that the restoratory and ex-
hibitory interdicts might more pro-
perly be called decrees: yet by us-
age they are all termed interdicts,
because they are pronounced be-
tween two, [inter duos dicuntur,]
the demandant and the possessor.
Divisio secunda.
$ II. Sequens divisio interdicto-
rum hee est; quod queedam adipis-
cendz possessionis causé compara-
ta sunt, quedam retinende, que-
dam recuperande.
§ 2. The second division of inter-
dicts is into those, which are given
for the acquisition, the retention, or
the recovery of a possession.
.
374
LIB. IV. TIT. XV.
De interdictis adipiscende.
§ III. Adipiscende possession-
is causa interdictum accommoda-
tur bonorum possessori, quod ap-
pellatur, Quorum bonorum ; ejus-
que vis et potestas hac est, ut, quod
ex iis bonis quisque, quorum pos-
sessio alicui data est, pro herede
aut pro possessore possideat, id ei,
cui bonorum possessio data est, res-
tituere debeat. Pro hrede autem
possidere videtur, qui putat se
heredem esse. Pro possessore is
possidet, qui nullo jure rem heere-
ditariam, vel etiam totam heeredi-
tatem, sciens ad se non pertimere,
possidet. Ided autem adipiscen-
dz possessionis vocatur interdic-
tum, quia ei tantum utile est, qui
nunc primum conatur adipisci pos-
sessionem; itaque, si quis adeptus
possessionem amiserit eam, hoc in-
terdictum ei inutile est. Interdic-
tum quogue Salvianum adipiscen-
dz possessionis causé comparatum
est; eoque utitur dominus fundi de
rebus coloni, quas is pro miercedi-
bus fundi pignori futuras pepigis-
set.
§ 3. An interdict for obtaining
possession called Quorum Bonorum,
is given to him, to whom the pretor
commits possession of the goods of a
deceased person; and it obliges all
persons, who retain goods as heirs
or possessors, to restore such goods
to those, to whom the possession
hath been committed by the magis-
trate: and note, that he is reputed
to possess as heir, who conceives
himself so to be; and he is deemed
the possessor, who without authori-
ty retains a part or the whole, of an
inheritance, knowing the possession
does not belong to him. An inter-
dict of acquisition is so called, be-
cause, it is useful to him only, who
Jirst endeavours to acquire the pos-
session; and therefore it would be
useless to one, who had acquired a
possession, and afterwards lost it.
The Salvian interdict, is also ap-
pointed for the acquisition of posses-
sion; and is used by proprietors of
farms, against goods which their
tenants have pledged, for the pay-
ment of rent.
De interdictis retinende.
§ IV. Retinende _possessionis
causa comparata sunt interdicta, Uti
possidetis, et utrubi; cum ab utr4-
que parte de proprietate alicujus
rei controversia sit, et ante quera-
tur, uter ex litigatoribus possideat,
et uter petere debeat: namque, ni-
si ante exploratum fuerit utrius
eorum possessio sit, non potest pe-
titoria acto instituti; quia et civilis
§ 4. The interdicts Uti possidetis
and Utrubi have been introduced
for the purpose of retaining posses-
sion ; for in a controversy, concern-
ing property, it is necessary to in-
quire, which of the parties is in pos-
session, and who ought to be plain-
tiff; for, until the possession be as-
certained, an action of demand can-
not be instituted ; and both civil and
LIB. IV.
et naturalis ratio facit, ut alius pos-
sideat, ‘et alius a possidente petat.
Et, quia longé commodius est, et
potius possidere, quam petere, ided
plerumque, et feré semper, ingens
existit contentio de ipsa possessione.
Commodum autem possidenti in
eo est, quod, etiam si ejus res non
sit, qui possidet, si modo actor non
potuerit suam esse probare, remanet
in suo loco possessio ; propter quam
causam, cum obscura sunt utrius-
que jura, contra petitorem judicari
solet. Sed interdicto quidem Uti
possidetis de fundi vel «dium pos-
sessione contenditur: Utrubi verd
interdicto de rerum mobilium pos-
sessione, quorum vis ac potestas
plurimam inter se differentiam apud
veteres habebat : nam Uti possidetis
interdicto is vincebat, qui interdicti
tempore possidebat; si modo nec
vi, nec clam, nec precarid, nactus
fuerat ab adversario possessionem :
etiamsi alium vi expulerat, aut
clam arripuerat alienam possessio-
nem, aut precarid rogaverat ali-
quem, ut sibi possidere liceret.
Utrubi vero interdicto is vincebat,
qui majore parte anni nec vi, nec
‘clam, nec precarid, ab adversario
possidebat. Hodie tamen aliter
observatur; nam utriusque inter-
dicti potestas (quantum ad posses-
sionem pertinet) exequata est, ut
ille vincat et in re soli, et in re mo-
bili, qui possessionem, nec vi, nec
TIT. XV. 378
natural law teach us that, when
one party isin possession, the other
must be claimant; but as it is more
advantageous to be possessor, than
demandant, there is generally great
contention for the possession ; for
although the possessor is not in re-
ality the true proprietor, yet the
possession will still remain in him,
if the plaintiff does not prove the
thing in litigation to be his own:
and therefore, when the rights of
parties are not clear, the sentence is
always against the demandant. By
the interdict Uti possidetis, the pos-
session of a farm or house is con-
tended for; and, by the interdict
Utrubi, the possession of things
moveable is disputed. These inter-
dicts anciently differed much in
their force ad effects; for, by Uti
possidetis, the party in possession at
the bringing of the interdict, pre-
vailed, if he had not obtained the
possession from his adversary, by
force, clandestinely, or precariously :
but it was not material in what man-
ner the possessor had obtained the
possession from any other person ;
and, by the interdict Utrubi, that
party prevailed who had been in
possession for the greatest part of
the year preceding the contest, if he
had not acquired that possession
clandestinely, precariously, or by
force. But the present practice is
otherwise ; for the force of either in-
376 LIB. IV.
clam nec precarid, ab adversario,
litis contestatze tempore, detinet.
TIT. XV.
terdict, as to possession is now made
equal; so that in any cause, either
concerning things moveable or im-
moveable, that party prevails, who
was in possession at the commence-
ment of the suit, if it be not shown
that he gained such possession by
force, by clandestine means, or pre-
cariously ; (that is under the adver-
sary himself.)
De retinenda et acquirenda possessione.
§ V. Possidere autem videtur
quisque, non solum si ipse posside-
at, sed et si ejus nomine aliquis in
possessione sit, licet is ejus juri sub-
jectus non sit; qualis est colonus et
inquilinus. Per eos quoque, apud
quos deposuerit quis, aut quibus
commodaverit, ipse possidere vide-
tur; et hoe est, quod dicitur, retine-
re possessionem posse aliquem per
quemlibet, quis ejus nomine sit in
possessione. Quinetiam animo quo-
que solo retineri possessionem pla-
cet; id est, ut, quamvis neque ipse
sit in posessione neque ejus nomine
alius, tamen si non reliquende pos-
sessionis animo, sed postea reversu-
rusindé decesserit, retinere posses-
sionem videatur. Adipisci vero pos-
sessionem per quos aliquis potest,
secundo libro exposuimus; nec illa
dubitatio est, quin animo solo adi-
pisci possessionem nemo possit.
$ 5. A man is considered in pos-
session, not only when he is himself
so, but when any other person, al-
though not under his power, holds
possession in his name ; as a farmer,
ora tenant. A man may also pos-
sess, by means of those, to whom he
hath committed the thing in litiga-
tion, either as a deposit or a loan;
and this ismeant when it is said that
aman may retain possession by
means of another, who possesses in
his name. ‘It is moreover held, that
a possession may be retained, by the
mere intention only; for, although
a man is neither in possession him-
self, nor any other for him, but has
quitted the possession of certain
lands with an intent to return to
them again, he shall nevertheless be
deemed to continue in possession.
We have already explained, in the
second book, by what persons aman
may acquire possession; and, al-
though it may be retained by inten-
tion only, yet this is not sufficient
for the acquisition of possession.
LIB. IV. TIT. XV.
377
De interdicto recuperande, et affinibus remediis.
§$ VI. Recuperandz possessionis
.causa solet interdici, si quis ex pos-
sessione fundi vel edium vi dejec-
tus fuerit; nam ei proponitur inter-.
dictum Unde vi, per quod is, qui
dejecet, cogitur ei restituere pos-
sessionem, licét is ab eo, qui vi de-
jecit, vi, clam, vel precarid, posside-
at. Sed ex constitutionibus sacris,
(ut supra diximus,) si quis rem per
vim occupaverit, siquidem in bonus
ejus est, dominio ejus privatur; si
aliena, post ejus restitutionem, etiam
zestimationem rei dare vim passo
compellitur. Qui autem aliquem
de possessione per vim dejecerit,
tenetur lege Julia de vi privata, aut
de vi publica. Sed de vi privata,
si siné armis vim fecerit ; sin autem
armis eum de possessione vi expu-
lerit, de vi publica tenetur. Armo-
rum autem appellatione non solim
scuta et gladios et galeas, sed et
fustes et lapides, significari intelli-
gimus.
$ 6. The interdict for recovery
of possession is generally employed,
when any one hath been forcibly
ousted from the possession of his
house or estate; who then becomes
entitled to the interdict Unde vi, by
which the intruder is compelled to
restore him to possession, although
he, who had been thus forcibly oust-
ed, was himself in possession by
clandestine means, by force, or pre-
cariously. But, as we have said be-
fore, the imperial constitutions pro-
vide, that, whoever seizes a thing
by force, if it be his own, he shall
lose his property in it; and, if it be-
long to another, he shall be compel-
led not only to make restitution,
but to pay the full value to the par-
ty, who suffered the force. But
whoever ousts another out of pos-
session by force, is likewise subject
to the law Julia de vi privata or de
vi publica ; if the seizing or intrusion
was effected without weapons, then
the offender is only liable to the law
de vi privata ; but, if by an armed
force, he is then subject to the law
de vi publici. We comprehend not
only shields, swords, and helmets
under the term arms, but also clubs
and stones.
Divisio tertia.
§ VII. Tertia divisio interdicto-
rum est, quod aut simplicia sunt,
aut duplicia. Simplicia sunt, velu-
ti in quibus alter actor, alter reus
est; qualia sunt omnia restitutoria,
aut exhibitoria ; nam actoris est, qui
48
$7. The third division of inter-
dicts is into simple and double : the
simple are those, in which there is
both a plaintiff and a defendant;
and of this sort are all restoratory
and exhibitory interdicts: for the
378 LIB. IV.
TIT. XV.
desiderit aut exhiberi aut restitui;
reus autem is est, 4 quo desideratur,
ut restituat, aut exhibeat. Prohib-
itoriorum autem interdictorum alia
simplicia sunt, alia duplicia. Sim-
plicia sunt, veluti cum pretor pro-
hibet in loco sacro, vel in flumine
publico, ripave ejus, aliquid fieri:
nam actor est, qui desiderat, ne
quid fiat; reus est, qui aliquid fa-
cereconatur. Duplicia sunt, velu-
ti Uti- possidetis interdictum, et
Utrubi. Ided autem duplicia vo-
cantur, quia par utriusque litigato-
ris in his conditio est; nec quis-
quam preecipué reus vel actor intel-
ligitur, sed unusquisque tam rei,
quam actoris partes sustinet.
3
plaintiff, is he, who requires some-’
thing to be exhibited or restored;
and the defendant is he, from whom
the exhibition or restitution is re-
quired. But of the prohibitory in-
terdicts some are simple, some
double; simple, when the praetor
forbids sowething to be done ina
sacred place, on a public river, or
upon the banks of it; and the de-
mandant, actor or plaintiff, is he,
who desires, that some act should
not be done, and thedefendant is he,
who endeavors to doit. The in-
terdicts Uti possidetis and Utrubi
are instances of the double inter-
dicts; double, because in these the
condition of either litigant is equal,
the one not being understood to be
more particularly the plaintiff or
the defendant, than the other : inas-
much as each sustains the part of
both.
De ordine et vetere exitu.
$ VIII. De ordine et vetere ex-
itu interdictorum supervacuum est
hodie dicere ; nam quoties extra or-
dinem jus dicitur, (qualia sunt ho-
die omnia judicia,) non est necesse
reddi interdictum: sed perindé ju-
dicatur siné interdictis, ac si utilis
actio ex causa interdicti reddita fu-
isset.
§ 8. It would be superfluous at
this day to speak of the order, and
ancienteffect of interdicts ; for when
judgments are extraordinary, (as
all judgments now are) an interdict
becomes unnecessary. Judgments
are therefore now delivered with-
out interdicts, in like manner, as if
a beneficial action were given in
consequence of an interdict.
LIB. IV. TIT. XVI.
TITULUS
379
DECIMUS-SEXTUS.
DE PENA TEMERE LITIGANTIUM.
De penis
NUNC admonendi sumus, mag-
nam curam egisse eos, qui jura sus-
tinebant, ne facile homines ad_liti-
gandum procederent; quod et no-
bis studio est. Idque eo maximé
fieri potest, quod temeritas tam a-
gentium, quam eorum, cum quibus
agitur, modo pecuniaria pena, mo-
do jurisjurandi religione, modo in-
famice metu coerceatur.
in genere.
Our magistrates have ever been
careful to hinder men from engag-
ing inconsiderately in law suits:
and it hath been our study also.
The better to prevent such suits,
the rashness of both plaintiffs and
defendants hath been properly re-
strained, by pecuniary punishments,
the coercion of an oath, and the
fear of infamy.
De jurejurando et pena pecuniaria.
$1. Ecce enim jusjurandum om-
nibus, qui conveniuntur, ex consti-
tutione nostra defertur; nam reus
non aliter suis allegationibus utitur,
nisi prius juraverit, quod, putans se
bona instantié uti, ad contradicen-
dum pervenit. At, adversus infici-
antes, ex quibusdam causis dupli
actio constituitur; veluti si damni
injurie, aut legatorum locis vener-
abilibus relictorum, nomine agatur.
Statim autem ab initio pluris quam
simpli est actio; veluti furti mani-
festi, quadrupli; nec manifesti, du-
pli: nam ex his, et aliis quibus-
dam causis, sivé quis neget, sive fa-
teatur, pluris quam simpli est actio.
Item actoris quoque calumnia coer-
cetur; nam etiam actor pro calum-
nid jurare cogitur ex nostra con-
stitutione, quod non calumniandi
animo litem miovisset, sed existi-
mando, se bonam causam habere.
$ 1. By virtue of one of our con-
stitutions, an oath must be admin-
istered to every man against whom
an action is brought; for a defend-
antmay not plead, until hehath first
-sworn, that he proceeds upon a firm
belief that his cause is good. But
actions lie, in particular cases, for
doubleand triple value against those
who deny the cause of action ; as
when a suit is commenced on ac-
count of injurious damage, or for
a legacy left to a sacred place, as a
church, hospital, &c. There are
also actions, upon which more than
the simple value is recoverable at
the time of their commencement ;
as upon an action of theft manifest,
which is for fourfold the value; an
action of theft not manifest, for
double the value; because in these,
and some other cases, the action: is
at first given for more than the
380
LIB. IV. TIT. XVI.
Utriusque etiam partis advocati jus-
jurandum subeunt, quod alia nostra
constitutione comprehensum est.
Hee autem omnia pro veteri cal-
umnie actione introducta sunt, que
in desuetudinem abiit ; quia in par-
tem decimam litis actores multabat,
quod nusquam factum esse inveni-
mus: sed pro his introductum est
et prefatum jusjurandum, et ut im-
probus litigator et damnum et im-
pensas litis inferre adversario suo
cogatur.
simple value, whether the defend-
ant denies or confesses the charge
brought against him. The calum-
ny of the plaintiff is also under re-
straint; for he too is compelled by
our constitution to swear, that he
did not commence the suit with an
intention to calumniate: but upon
thorough confidence that he had a
good cause: and, the advocates on
both sides are likewise compellable
to take a similar oath, the substance
of which is set forth in another of
our constitutions. This practice
hath been introduced in the place
of the ancient action of calumny,
which compelled the plaintiff to pay
the tenth part of his demand as a
punishment, but is now disused ;
and, instead of it, we have intro-
duced the before-mentioned oath,
and have ordained, that every rash
litigant, who hath failed in his
proof, shall be compelled to pay his
adversary the damages and costs of
suit.
De infamia.
§ I. Ex quibusdam judiciis
damnati ignominiosi fiunt; veluti
furti, vi bonorum raptorum injuria-
rum, de dolo; item tutele, manda-
ti, depositi, directis, non contrariis
actionibus : item pro socio, quse ab
utraque parte directé est; et ob id
quilibet ex sociis, eo judicio dam-
natus, ignomihid notatur. Sed fur-
ti quidem, aut vi benorum rapto-
rum, aut injuriarum, aut de dolo,
non solum damnati notantur igno-
minid, sed et pacti; et recté: plu-
rimum enim interest, utrim ex de-
$2. In some cases the parties
condemned become infamous, as
in actions of theft, rapine, injury,
or fraud. Also in an action of tu-
‘telage, mandate, or deposit, if it be
a direct, and not a contrary action.
An action of partnership has also
the same effect; for it is direct in
regard to all the partners; and
therefore any one of them, who is
condemned in such action, is brand-
ed with infamy. Not only those,
who have been condemned in an
action of theft, rapine, injury, or
. LIB. IV. TIT. XVI.
licto aliquis, an ex contractu, debi-
tor sit.
381
fraud, are rendered infamous; but
those, also, who have bargained to
prevent a criminal prosecution; and
this is a right; for there isa wide
difference between a debtor, on ac-
count of a debtor upon contract.
De in jus vocando.
$ IT. Omnium autem actionnm
instituendarum principium ab ea
parte edicti proficiscitur, qua pre-
tor edicit de in jus vocando. Uti-
gue enim in primis adversarius in
jus vocandus est; id est, ad eum
vocandus, qui jus dicturus sit. Qua
parte preetor parentibus et patronis
item parentibus liberisque patrono-
rum, et patronarum, hunc prestat
honorem, ut non alitér liceat liberis
liberisque eos in jus vocare, quam
siid ab ipso preetore postulaverint
et impeneiraverint. Et si quis ali-
tér vocaverit, in eum penam suli-
dorum quinquaginta constituit.
§ 3. All actions take their rise
from that part of the preetor’s edict,
in which he treats de in jus vocando
of calling parties into court: for the
first step in matters of controversy,
is to cite the adverse party to ap-
pear before the judge, whois to de-
termine the cause. In the same
part of the’ edict the pretor hath
treated parents and patrons, and
even the parents and children of pa-
trons and patronesses, with so great
respect, that he does not suffer them
to be called into judgment by their
children or their freedmen, until ap-
plication hath been first made to
him, and leave obtained; and, if
any man presume to cite such per-
son otherwise, he is subject toa
penalty of fifty solidi.
382
LIB. IV. TIT. XVII. 2
TITULUS DECIMUS-SEPTIMUS.
DE OFFICIO JUDICIS.
De officio judicis in genere.
SUPEREST, ut de officio judi-
cis dispiciamus. Et quidem in pri-
mis illud observare debet judex, ne
aliter judicet, quam legibus, aut con-
stitutionibus, aut moribus, proditum
est.
It remains, that we inquire into
the office and duty of a judge; whose
first care it ought to be not to de-
termine otherwise, than the laws,
theconstitutions, or the customs and **
usages direct.
De judicio noxali.
§$ I. Idedque, si noxali judicio
aditus est, observare debet, ut; si
condemnandus videtur dominus,
ita debeat condemnare: Publium
Mavium Lucio Titio in decem aure-
os condemno ; aut noxam dedere.
$ 1. And therefore, if a suit be
commenced by a noxal action, the
judge ought always to observe the
following form of condemnation, if
the defendant ought to be condem-
ned: e. g. I condemn Publius Ma-
vius to pay Lucius Titius ten aurei,
or to deliver up the slave, who did
the damage.
De actionibus realibus.
$ II. Et, si in rem actum sit eo-
ram judice, sivé contra petitorem
judicaverit, absolvere debet pos-
sessorem ; sivé contra possessorem,
jubere ei debet, ut rem ipsam
restituat cum fructibus. Sed si
possessor neget, in preesenti se res-
tituere posse, et siné frustratione vi-
debitur tempus restituendi causa
petere, indulgendum est ei; ut ta-
men de litis estimatione caveat
cum fidejussore, si intra tempus,
quod ei datum est, non restituerit.
Et, si hereditas petita sit, eadem
§ 2. When a real action is
brought before a judge, and he pro-
nounces against the demandant, the
possessor ought then to beacquitted;
if against the possessor, he must be
admonished to restore the very thing
in dispute, together with all its pro-
duce. But, if the possessor should
allege, that he is unable to make im-
mediate restitution, and petition for
longer time, without any seeming
intention to frustrate the sentence,
he is to be indulged; provided he
gives security for the full payment
LIB. IV. TIT. XVI.
circa fructus interveniunt, que dix-
imus intervenire de singularum re-
rum petitione. Illorum autem
fruetuum quos culpa sud possessor
hon perceperit, sivé illorum, quos
perceperit, in utraque actione ea-
dem ratio pené habetur, si prado
fuerit. Si -verd bone fidei posses-
sor fuerit, non habetur ratio neque
consuptorum, neque non percepto-
rum. Post inchoatam autem pe-
titionéin etiam illorum fructuum
ratio habetur, qui culpd possesso-
ris percepti non sunt, vel percepti
consumpti sunt.
383
of the condemnation and costs of
suit, if he should fail to make resti-
tution within the time appointed.
And, if an inheritance be sued for,
a judge ought to determine in the
same manner as to the profits, as he
would in a suit for some particular
thing only ; for, if the defendant ap-
pear to have been a possessor mala
Jide, then almost the same reasoning
prevails in both actions as to the
profits, whether they were taken or
neglected by the possessor: but, if
the defendant be a possessor bond
Jide, then no account is expected,
either of produce consumed or not
collected before the suit. But all
produce must be accounted for from
the date of the action, whether used
or neglected.
De actione ad exhibendum.
§ IIE. Si ad exhibendum ac-
tum fuerit, non sufficit, si exhibeat
rem is, cum quo actum est; sed
opus est, ut etiam rei causam de-
beat exhibere, id est, ut edm cau-
sam habeat actor, quam habiturus
esset, si, cum primum ad exhiben-
dum egisset, exhibita res fuisset:
idedque, si inter moras exhibendi,
usucapta sit res 4 possessore, nihi-
lominus condemnabitur. Preeterea
fructuum medii temporis, id est,
ejus, quod post acceptum ad exhi-
bendum judicium, ante rem judica-
tam, intercesserit, rationem ha-
bere debet. judex. Quod si neget
reus, cum quo ad exhibendum ac-
tum est, in presenti se exhibere
posse, et tempus exhibendi causa
§ 3. If a man proceed by an ac-
tion ad exhibendum, it is not suffi-
cient, that the defendant should ex-
hibit the thing in question, but he
must also be answerable for all pro-
fits and emoluments accruing from
it; that the plaintiff may be in the
same state, as if his property had
been restored to him when he first
brought his action: and therefore,
if the possessor, during his delay to
surrender the thing in dispute, shall
gain a prescriptive title to it, he
shall nevertheless be condemned to
restitution. Morever it is the duty
of the judge to take an account of
the mesne profits accruing between
the suit and the sentence. But,
when the defendant declares, that
384
LIB. IV. TIT. XVII.
petat, idque siné frustratione pos-
tulare videatur, dari ei debet, ut
tamen caveat, se restituturum.
Quod si neque statim jussu judi-
cis rem exhibeat, neque postea se
exhibiturum caveat, condemnan-
dus sit in id, quod actoris intere-
rat, si ab-initio res exhibita esset.
he is not able instantly to produce
the thing adjudged, and prays a
farther time, without apparent af-
fectation of delay, time should be
allowed, on his giving security for
restitution. But, if he neither obey
the command of the magistrate by
instantly producing the thing ad-
judged, nor in giving sufficient se-
curity for the production of it at a
future day, he must be condemned
in the full damages, which the plain-
tiff hath sustained by not having
the article delivered to him at the
commencement of the suit.
Familie erciscunde.
$ IV. Si familize erciscunds ju-
dicio actum sit, singulas res singu-
lis heredibus adjudicare debet; et,
si in alterius persona pregravare
videatur adjudicatio, debet hunce in-
vicem coheredi certaé pecunia (si-
cuti jam dictum est) condemnare.
Eo quoque nomine coheredi quis
que suo condemnandus est, quod
solus fructus hereditarii fundi per-
ceperit, aut rem hereditariam cor-
ruperit, aut consumperit. Que
quidem similiter inter plures quo-
que quam duos coheredes subse-
quuntur.
Communi
§ V. Eadem interveniunt, esti
communi dividundo de pluribus
yebus actum sit. Quod si de und
re, veluti de fundo; siquidem ste
fundus commodé regionibus divi-
§ 4. When a suit is commenced
for the partition of an inheritance,
.the judge must decree to each heir
his respective portion; and, if the
partition, when made, be more ad-
vantageous to the one than to the
other, the judge ought as we have
before observed, to oblige him, who
has the largest part, to make a full
recompense in money to his co-
heir : it therefore follows, that every
co-heir, who hath taken the profits
of an inheritance to his sole use, and
consumed them, is liable to be com-
pelled to make restitution. And
this is the law whether there are
two heirs, or many.
dividundo.
$ 5. The law is the same, when
a suit is brought communi dividun-
do, for one particular thing only,
it being but a part or parcel of an
inheritance, as a field, or any piece
LIB. IV. TIT. XVIL
sionem recipiat, partes ejus singulis
adjudicare debet: et, si unius pars
pregravare videtur, is invicém cer-
ta pecunia alteri condemnandus
est. Quod si commode dividi non
possit, vel si homo forte aut mulus
erit, de quo actum sit, tunc totus
uni adjudicandus est, et is invicem
alteri certé pecunia condemnandus
est.
385
of ground, which, if it can be con-
veniently divided, ought to be ad-
judged to each claimant in equal
portions ; and if the share of one
be larger than the others, the party
having the largest portion, must be
condemned to make a recompense
in money. But, if the thing sued
for be of such a nature, that it can-
not be divided, as a slave, or a
horse, it must be given entirely to
one of the co-partners, who must
be ordered to make satisfaction in
money to the other.
+
Finium regundorum.
§ VI. Si finium regundorum
actum fuerit, dispicere debet judex,
an necessaria sit adjudicatio; qua
sané uno casu necessaria est, si evi-
_dentioribus finibus distingui agros
commodius sit, quam olim fuissent
distincti: nam tunc necesse est, ex
alterus agro partem aliquam alte-
rius agri domino adjudicari; quo
casu conveniens est, ut is alteri cer-
ta pecunia debeat condemnari.
Eo quoque nomine condemnandus
est quisque hoc judicio, quod forté
circa fines aliquid malitiosé com-
misit; verbi gratia, quia lapides fi-
nales furatus est, vel arbores fina-
les excidit, Contumacie quoque
nomine quisque eo judicio condem-
49
§ 6. When the action finiwm re-
gundorum is brought for the deter-
mination of boundaries, the judge
ought first to examine, whether it
be absolutely requisite to proceed to
an adjudication; in one case it is
undoubtedly so; viz. when it be-
comes expedient, that grounds
should be divided by more conspic-
uous boundaries than formerly; for
necessity then requires, that a part
of one man’s ground should be ad-
judged. to another, in which case it
is incumbent upon a judge to con-
demn him, whose estate is enlarg-
ed, to pay out an equivalent to the
other, whose estate is diminished.
By this action, that any one may
386 LIB. IV. TIT. XVIII.
natur; veluti si quis jubente judice be prosecuted, who hath commit-
meturi agros passus non fuerit. ted fraud in relation to boundaries,
either by removing stones, or cut-
ting down trees, which were land-
marks. The same action will also
subject any man to condemnation
on account of contumacy, if he re-
fuse to suffer his lands to be mea-
sured at the command of a judge.
De adjudicatione.
$ VII. Quod autem istis judiciis § 7. Whatever is adjudged to
alicui adjudicatum fuerit, id statim a party in any of these actions, in-
ejus fit, cui adjudicatum est. stantly becomes the property of
him, to whom it was adjudged.
TITULUS DECIMUS-OCTAVUS.
DE PUBLICIS JUDICIIS.
De differentia a privatis.
PUBLICA judicia neque per ac- Public judgments are not intro-
-tiones ordinantur; neque omnind duced by actions; nor are they in
quicquam simile habent cum cete- any thing similar to the judgments,
ris judiciis, de quibus locuti su- of which we have been treating.
mus: magnaque diversitas eorum They also differ greatly from one
est et in instituendo et in exercen- another in the manner of being in-
do. stituted and prosecuted.
Etymologia.
§ I. Publica autem dicta sunt, § 1. They are called public,
quod cuivis ex populo executio eo- because they may be sued to exe-
rum plerumque datur. cution by any of the people.
Divisio.
§ I. Publicorum judiciorum que- $§ 2. Of these judgments some are
dam capitalia sunt, quedam non capital, others not. We term those
capitalia. Capitalia dicimus, que capital, by which a criminal'is pro-
LIB. IV. TIT. XVII.
ultimo supplicio afficiunt homines,
vel etiam aque et ignis interdic-
tione, vel deportatione, vel metaillo.
Cetera, si quam infamiam irrogant
cum damno pecuniario, hac publi-
ca quidem sunt, sed non capitalia.
De
$ IIL. Publica autem judicia hee
sunt. Lex Julia majestatis, que
in eos, qui contra imperatorem vel
rempublicam aliquid moliti sunt,
suum vigorem extendit. Cujus
pena anime amissionem sustinet, et
memoria rei etiam post mortem
damnatur.
Exempla.
387
hibited from fire and water, or con-
demned to death, to banishment, or
to the mines. Others, by which
men fined and rendered infamous,
are public indeed, but not capital.
lesa majestate.
§ 3. The following are public
judgments. The law Julia majes-
tatis extends its force against those,
who have undertaken any enter-
prize against the emperor or the re-
public. “The penalty is the loss of
life, and the memory of the offender
becomes infamous after his death.
‘De adulteriis.
§ IV. Item lex Julia de adulte-
riis coercendis, que-*non solim
temeratores alienarum nuptiarum
gladio punit, sed et eos, qui cum
masculis nefandam libidinem exer-
cere audent.
etiam stupri flagitium punitur, cum
quis siné vi vel virginem vel vidu-
am honesté viventum stupraverit.
Penam autem eadem lex irrogat
stupratoribus; si honesti sunt, pub-
licationem partis dimidiz bonorum ;
si humiles, corporis coercitionem
cum relegatione.
Sed eddem lege-
$4. The law Julia, for the sup-
pression of adulteries, not only pun-
ishes with death those who vielate
the marriage bed of others, but those
also, who. commit acts of detest-
able lewdness with persons of their
own sex. It also inflicts punish-
ment upon all who are guilty of the
crime called stuprum: that is, the
debauching a virgin, or a widow of
honest fame, without force. The
punishment of this crime in persons
of condition is the confiscation of a
moiety of their possessions; offend-
ers of low degree, undergo corporal
chastisement with relegatiop:
we
De sicariis.
$ V. Item lex Cornelia de sicariis,
que homicidas ultore ferro perse-
quitur, vel eos, qui hominis occi-
dendi,caus&é cum telo ambulant.
§$ 5. The law Cornelia de sicariis
punishes those, who commit mur-
der, with death, and those also, who
carry weapons, with intent to kill.
388 LIB. IV.
TIT. XVII.
Telum autem, ut Cajus noster ex
interpretatione Jegum duodecim
tabularum scriptum reliquit, vulgd
quidem id appellatur, quod arcu
mittitur; sed et nunc omne signifi-
cat, quod manu cujusque jacitur.
Sequitur ergo, ut lignum, et lapis,
et ferrum, hoc nomine continean-
tur; dictum ab eo, quod in longin-
quum mittitur, a Greca voce tle
figuratum. “Et hance significatio-
nem invenire possumus et in Greeco
nomine; nam, quod nos telum ap-
pellamus, illi Bedcs appellant azo te
Balleodor. Admonet nos Xeno-
phon; nam ita scribit: Kae to Pedy
Ous Epegeto, hoy ya,tokevuata ,operdovar,
mwcor de xat dor, Sicarii autem ap-
pellantur a sicd, quod significat fer-
reum cultrum. Eadem lege et
venefici capite damnantur, qui ar-
tibus odiosis, tam venenis, quam
susurris magicis, homines, occide-
rint; vel mala medicamenta publicé
vendiderint. -
The term delum, according” to
Caius’s interpretation, commonly
signifies an arrow made to be shot
from a bow, but it is now used to
denote any missile weapon, or what-
ever is thrown from the hand ; hence
a club, a stone, or a piece of iron,
may be comprehended under that
appellation. The word ¢elum is
evidently derived from the Greek
adverb tye, procul, because thrown
froma distance. And we may trace
the same analogy in the Greek word
Gelos for what we call zelum, the
Greeks term Behos, from Bodheodas
to throw; and of this we are in-
formed by Xenophon, who writes
thus: Darts also were carried,
spears, arrows, slings and a multi-
tude of stones. Assassins and mur-
derers are called sicarii from sica,
which signifies a short crooked
sword or ponyard. The same law
also inflicts a capital punishment
upon those, who practice odious
arts, or sell pernicious medicaments,
occasioning the death of mankind,
as well by poison, as by magical
incantations.
De parricidiis.
§ VI. Alia deinde lex asperri-
mum crimen nova pcend persequi-
tur, que Pompeia de parricidiis vo-
catur; qua cavetur, ut, si quis pa-
rentis aut Gli, aut omnind affec-
tionis ejus, que nuncupatione pa-
rentum continetur, fata praeparave-
rit, (sive clam, sivé palam, id au-
sus fuerit,) ne¢ non is, cujus dolo
malo id factum est, vel conscius
§$ 6. The law Pompeia inflicts a
new punishment upon those who
commit parricide, the most execra-
ble of allcrimes. ‘This law ordains
that whoever, either publicly or pri-
vately, hastens the death of a parent
or a child, or of any person com-
prized under the tye, or denomina-
tion of a parent, shall be punished as
a parricide; and he also, who
criminis existit, licét: extraneus sit.
pena paricidii puniatur; et neque
gladio, neque ignibus, neque ulli
solemni pcens subjiciatur, sed in-
sutus culeo cum cane, et gallo gal-
linaceo, et vipera, et simid, et inter
eas ferales angustias comprehensus,
(secundum quod regionis qualitas
tulerit,) velin vicinum mare, vel in
amnem projiciatur ; ut omnium el-
ementorum usu vivus carere incipi-
at, et ei celum superstiti, et terra
mortuo, auferatur. Si quis autem
alias cognatione vel affinitate per-
sonas conjunctas necaverit, penam
legis Cormeliz de sicariis sustinebit.
LIB. IV. TIT. XVUL
389
hath advised, or been privy to the
transaction, although a stranger.
A criminal, in this case, is not put
to death by the sword, by fire, nor
by any ordinary punishment; the
law directs, that he shall be sewed
up in a sack, with a dog, a cock, a
viper, and an ape, and, being put up
in this horrid enclosure, shall be
‘thrown either into the sea, or an
adjacent river, according to the sit-
uation of the place, where the pun-
ishment is inflicted: thus he is de-
prived of the very elements, while
living; so that his living body is
denied the benefits of the air, and
his dead body the use of the earth.
But, if a man be guilty of the mur-
der of any other person, related to
him, either by cognation or affinity,
he is only subject to the punishment
inflicted by the law Cornelia de sar-
carits.
De falsis.
$ VII. Item lex Cornelia de fal-
sis, que etiam testamentaria voca-
tur, poenam irrogat ei, qui testamen-
tum vel aliud instrumentum falsum
scripserit, signaverit, recitaverit,
subjecerit, vel signum adulterinum
fecerit, sculpserit, expresserit, sciens,
‘dolo malo. Ejusque legis peena, in
servos ultimum supplicium est;
quod etiam in lege Cornelia de si-
cariis et veneficis servatur: in lib-
eros vero deportatio.
De
$ VU. Item lex Julia de vi pub-
§ 7. The law Cornelia de falsis,
which is also called testamentaria,
punishes those who fraudulently
write, sign, recite, or clandestinely
offer for signature a false will, or
any other instrument; or make, en-
grave or stamp, or in any manner
counterfeited the. seal of another.
The punishment by this law upon
slaves is death; as it is by the law
Cornelia concerning assassins and
poisoners; upon freemen, deporta-
tion.
Vi.
§ 8. The law Julia, concerning
390
LIB. IV. TIT. XVIII.
lica seu privata adversus eos exori-
tur, qui vim vel armatam, vel siné
armis, commiserint; sed, siquidem
armata vis arguatur, deportatio ei
ex lege Julia de vi publica irroga-
tur; si verd sine armis, in tertiam
partem bonorum suorum publicatio
imponitur. Sin autem per vim rap-
tus virginis, vel viduze, vel sancti-
monialis, vel alterius, fuerit perpe-
tratus, tunc et raptores, et ii, qui
opem huic flagitio dederunt, capite
puniuntur, secundim nostre con-
stitutionis definitionem, ex qua hoc
apertius possibile est scire.
public and private force, take place
against all, who use force, whether
armed or unarmed; but, if proof
be made of an armed force, the
punishment is deportation by that
law ; and, if the force be not accom-
panied with arms, the penalty is
confiscation of one third part of
the offender’s goods: nevertheless,
if a rape be committed upon a vir-
gin, a widow, a nun, or upon any
other person, both the ravishers and
their accomplices are all equally
subject to capital punishment, ac-
cording to the decision of our con-
stitution ; from which more may
be known of this subject.
De peculatus.
$ 1X. Item lex Julia peculatis
eos punit, qui publicam pecuniam,
vel rem sacram,vel religiosam, fu-
rati fuerint. Sed, siquidem ipsi ju-
dices tempore administrationis pub-
licas pecunias subtraxerint, capitali
animadversione puniuntur; et non
solim hi, sed etiam qui ministerium
eis ad hoc exhibuerint, vel qui sub-
tractas ab his susceperint. Alii ve-
ro, qui in hance legem inciderint,
pene deportationis subjugentur.
$9. The law Julia de peculatu
punishes those, who have been
guilty of theft, in regard to public
money, or anything, which is sa-
cred; but if judges themselves,
while in office commit a theft of
this kind, their punishment is capi-
tal; and so is the punishment of
those, who assist in such a theft,
or knowingly receive the money
stolen. But all other persons, who
offend against this law, are only
subject to deportation.
De plagiariis.
§$ X. Est et inter publica judicia
lex Fabia de plagiariis, que inter-
dum capitis panam ex sacris con-
stitutionibus irrogat, interdum le-
viorem.
§ 10. The law Fabia against
plagiaries, ranks also among pub-
lic judgments; but by the imperial
constitutions, offenders against this
law, are sometimes punished with
death, and sometimes by a milder
punishment. ¢
LIB. IV. TIT. XVIII.
391
De ambitu, repetundis, annona, residuis.
$ XI. Sunt preeterea publica ju-
dicia: lex Julia de ambitu, lex Ju-
lia repetundarum, et lex Julia de
annona, et lex Julia de residuiis,-
que de certis capitulis loquuntur, et
anime quidem amissionem non irro-
gant; aliis autem peenis eos subjici-
unt, quipreceptaearum neglexerint.
$11. There are also other pub-
lic judgments; such are the Julian
laws de ambitu, repetundarum, de
annonda, de residuis ; which do not
punish with death, but inflict other
punishmentsupon those, who offend.
Conclusio.
§ XII. Sed de publicis judiciis
heec exposuimus, ut vobis possibile
sit summo digito, et quasi per indi-
cem, ea tetigisse; alioqui diligen-
tior eorum scientia vobis, ex latiori-
bus digestorum seu pandectarum
libris, Deo propitio adventura est.
$ 12. Thus much we have stated.
on the subject of public judgments,
as an index, to give a general idea
of that knowledge, which, through
the blessing of God, may be most
fully and particularly obtained by
perusing the digests with a diligent
attention. ‘
FINIS
LIBRI QUARTI ET ULTIMI INSTITUTIONUM.
NOV. OXVIII.
KE®. A.
Hept d:adoxn§ trav Kxatiovrey.
Ex ‘Tis TOWUY TwY KaTLovTeY Dretn To adia-
dera TedeuvTncarrt, oiagdnmore hucews 7 Bab-
pov, ere é& dppevoyonas, eire €x Onhuyomas
karayopevos, kat eire adrefovatos cite bme£ou-
clos ein, TavT@Y TaY ayLovT@Y Kat TOV ek m)a-
yrou ovyyever mpotipaca. Kady yap 6 tedeu-
tyoas érepov ime£ovatos Hv, Guws Tovs aitou
maiSas, dtacdymore dv dot puoews 7 Badpou,
Kat aiTav Tay yoveay mpotiwacbat Kedevoper,
dv tre€ouctos nv 6 TeAevTyCas, én’ Exewvors dy-
Aady Tos mpaypacw, driva, Kara Tous d\dous
pay vopous, Tors maTpagw ov mpoomopierat *
émt yap Tt] XpyoEe Tov mpaypaTay ToUTwY,
dherhoven mpoomopiCecOatn pudarrec Oat, ros
MEPL TOUT@Y UL@Y VOHOUS rots yovevot pudarro-
" pev ovT@ pevrorye ooTe, ef Twa ToOUT@Y Top
xartovrey maiOas KaTaXumrovra TehevTNO AL TUpe
Bawy, Tous éxetvou vious 7 Ovyarepas 7) Tous dh-
Rous Katiovras eis Tov Tov idiov yovews Tomov
brewovevat, eire tre~ovoro. TH TeAevTNTAYTL,
eire abreEovoror edpeerey * TorouToy ek THs KAN-
povopias Tou TehevTycavTos AapPavovras pe-
pos, door dyrore dv dow, doov 6 abreay yo-
veus, et mepinv, éxopitero* qv tiva Siadoxny
in stirpes
€
% dpyaorns ékadecev: emt Tav-
ms yap ths Ta£ews Tov Babpov (nrevaOac ov
Bovdopeba+ GAXa pera Tov viv Kat Tov
Ovyarepwv Tous ék Tov mporeheuTnaavros viou
4 Ovyarpos eyyovous KaderoOar Oeomfoper -
>
ovdepias eloayoperns Staopas, cite dppeves
>, 3 ‘ 2. z 2 ?
ire Ondevat dot, kat eire €£ dppevoyouas eire
éx Ondvyonas karayavrat, eire breLovarot, Esre
50
CAP. I.
De descendentionum successione.
SI quis igitur descendentium fue-
rit ei, qui intestatus moritur, cujus-
libet nature aut gradus, sive ex mas-
culorum genere sive ex feminarum
descendens, et sive sue potestatis,
sive sub potestate sit, omnibus as-
cendentibus et ex latere cognatis
preponatur. Licet enim defunctus
sub alterius potestate fuerit, tamen
ejus liberos, cujuslibet sexus sint aut
gradus, etiam ipsis parentibus pre-
poni precipimus, quorum sub potes-
tate fuerit, qui defunctus est, in illis
videlicet rebus, quee, secundum nos-
tras alias leges, patribus non acquir-
untur; nam in usu harum rerum, qui
debet acquiri aut servari, nostras de
his omnibus leges parentibus custo-
dimus: sic tamen, ut, si quem horum
descendentium filios reliquentem mo-
ri contigerit, illius filios aut filias, aut
alios descendentes, in proprii paren-
tis locum succedere, sive sub potes-
tate defuncti, sive suze potestatis in-
veniantur ; tantam de hereditate mori-
entis accipentes partem, quanticun-
que sint, quantam eorum parens, si
viveret, habuisset ; quam successio-
nem i stirpes vocavit antiquitas: in
hoc enim ordine gradum queri nolu-
mus; sed, cum filiis et filiabus, ex
preemortuo filio aut filia nepotes vo-
394
cari sancimus; nulla introducenda
differentia, sive masculi sive femi-
nz sint, et seu ex masculorum seu
foeminarum prole descendant, sive
sue potestatis, sive sub potestate
sint constituti. Et hec quidem de
succssionibus descendentium dispos-
uimus.
nav abre€soroe éinoay, Kav tavie per
WEQL TNS THY xaTLovTMY Ovadoyns éetUnW-
oopsr,
CHAPTER I.
Of the succession of descendants.
If a man dies intestate, leaving a descendant of either sex or any degree,
such descendant, whether he derives his descent from the male or female
line, or whether he is under power or not, is to be preferred to all ascend-
ants and collaterals. And, although the deceased was himself under pater-
nal power, yet we ordain, that his children of either sex or any degree shall
be preferred in succession to the parents, under whose power the intestate
died, in regard to those things, which children do not acquire for their pa-
rents, according to our other laws: for we would maintain the laws in re-
spect to’the usufruct, which is allowed to parents: so that, if any of the
descendants of the deceased should die leaving sons or daughters or other
descendants, they shall succeed in the place of their own father, whether
they are under his power or swe juris and shall be entitled to the same
share of the intestate’s estate, which their father would have had, if he had
lived ; and this kind of succession has been termed by the ancient lawyers
a succession 77 stirpes: for in the succession of descendants we allow no
priority of degree, but admit the grandchildren of any person by a deceased
son or daughter to be called to inherit that person together with his sons
or daughters, without making any distinction between males and females,
or the descendants of males and females, or between those, who are under
power, and those, who are not.
These are the rules, which we have estab-
lished, concerning the succession of descendants.
Eitic tocvvy. Si quis igitur.] The three
first chapters of this novel constitution deserve
the attentive consideration of the reader, not
only because they contain the latest policy of
the civil law in regard to the disposition of the
estates of intestates ; but because they are the
foundation of our statute Jaw in that respect.
Vid. Holt’s cases, p. 259. Peere William’s
rep. p. 27. Prec. in chan. p. 593. Sir Thom,
Raymond’s rep. p. 496. And they are still
almost of continual use, by being the general
guide of the courts in England, which hold
cognizance of distributions, in all those cases,
concerning which our own laws have either
been silent, or not sufficiently express.
Els tov t# idee yovews. In proprii paren-
tis locum succedant.] Nothing is more clear in
the civil law, than that grandchildren, even
when alone, (although they descend from va-
rious stocks and are unequal in their numbers, )
would take the estate of their deceased grand-
father per stirpes, and not per capita. Suppose
therefore that Titius should die, leaving grand-
children by three different song, already dead ;
to wit, three by one son, six by another, and
twelve by another; each of these classes of
grandchildren would take a third of the estate
without any regard to the inequality of the
numbers in each class. But, as to this point
in England, the law reports mention no judi-
cial determination ; yet it seems probable that
the courts, in which the distributions are cog-
nizable, would order the division of an estate
in such a case to be made per capita;
and this, partly from a motive of equity, and
partly froma consideration of the intent of
the statute, relating to the estates of intes-
tates ; for the statute directs an equal and just
distribution : and, when the act mentions rep-
resentation, it mnst be understood to refer to
it, in those cases only, where representation is
necessary to prevent exclusion, but not to refer
to it, in those cases, where all the claimants
are in equal degree, and therefore can take
suo quisque jure, each in his own right. Vid.
23, 24, Gar, 2. cap. 10. Lib, 3. Inst. p. 4.
395
KE®, B.
Tlept tov avovrav d:adoxns.
Ex row 6 Te\evTHOas KaTiovras pey py Ka-
TaXurot KAnpovopous, marnp de 7 pntnp 7] GA-
Rot yovers atta émi(noovot, mavTav Tev €K
mAaylov ovyyevay TovTous mporiwacOat Oec-
miCopev, €Enpypevar povav adeApav é& éxate-
pov yovews cvvaTrTopevay Tw TehevTNTAYTL, OS
Oia tov éEns Syr@Onoera. Ei Se woAXor tov
GvovTay meptetat, TouTOUS mpoTipacOat KeAEvO-
per, of tives eyyutepot To Babu edpebecer,
dppevas te kat Ondewas, cite mpos pytpos
eire mpos mratpos elev. Ex b€ tay adtoy éxou-
ot Babpov, 2& tons eis abrous 7 KAnNpovojua
StarpeOnoerar, Sore To pev tptov apBavew
mavras Tovs mpos matpos dyovras, dooe dy-
mote av Oove To Se UmoNouToy HyLov Tous
mpos pntpos avovras, 6gous Symore ay avrovus
evpeOnvar ovpBan. Es de pera tov amovtwy
evpebwow adehgor 7 adeAhar && Exatepwv yo-
veov cuvaTTopevor TH TeMEUTNTAVTL, ETA TOY
eyyvtepav to Babuq dvovray KAnOncovrat, et
CAP. II.
De ascendentium successione.
Sl igitur defunctus descendentes
quidem non relinquat heredes, pater
autem aut mater aut ali} parentes ei
supersint, omnibus ex latere cognatis
hos preeponi sancimus, exceptis solis
fratribus ex utroque parente conjunc-
tis defuncto, sicut per subsequentia
declarabitur. Si autem plurimi as-
cendentium vivunt, hos preeponi ju-
bemus, qui proximi gradu reperiun-
tur, masculos et feminas, sive pater-
ni, sive materni sint. Si autem eun-
dem habeant gradum, ex equo inter
eos hereditas dividatur, ut medieta-
tem quidem accipiant omnes a patre
ascendentes, quanticunque fuerint; -
iedietatem vero reliquam a matre
ascendentes, quantoscunque eos in-
venire contigerit. Si vero cum as-
cendentibus inveniantur fratres aut
kat marnp } pyTnp einoav + Suaipouperys els dv- sorores eX utrisque parentibus con-
rous 8ydady rns KAnpovowias Kara Tov roy juncti defuncto, cum proximis gradu
mpocwray dpiOpuor, iva kat Tov dvovrey xa ascendentibus vocabantur, si et pa-
tay ddeApav éxactos logy éxor poupay, odde- ter aut mater fuerint; dividenda in-
puav xpyow éx ms Tav viev 4 Ovyarepay ter eos quippe hereditate secundum
potpas ev route To Oepare Suvapevou Tou maTpos personarum numerum, uti et ascen-
autre mavredas éxdixew, émetdn dvte ravTns dentium et fratram singuli equalem
TS Xpyoeas pepos aire THs KApovowias Kat habeant portionem ; nullum usum ex
kara Seomoreias Scxatoy bia Tou wapovros Se Filiorum aut filiarum portione in hoc
Seoxaper vouov, ovdenias pudarroperns Siaho- casy valente patre sibi penitus vin-
pas perafy Toy mpocwTay TovTaY, eive On- dicare, quoniam, pro hac usus por-
Reva etre dppeves einoay of mpos Tv KA7nPO- tione, hereditatis jus et secundum
voplay Reaneaees Oy kat elre i arene 7 Gq- proprietatem per preesentem dedimus
Aews i Saco ee 8 Kat €lTE avreg- legem ; differentia nulla servanda
ovotos etre UreLovatos nv, dv Siadexovrat. inter personas istas, sive fomine
sive masculi fuerint, qui ad heredi-
tatem vocantur; et sive per masculi
sive per femine personam copulan-
tur; et sive suze potestatis sive sub
potestate fuerit is cui succedunt.
396
CHAPTER II.
Of the succession of ascendants.
But, when the deceased leaves no descendants, if a father or mother, or
any other parents, grand-fathers, great-grand-fathers, &c. survive him, we
decree, that they shall be preferred to all collateral relations, except broth-
ers of the whole blood to the deceased, as shall hereafter be more particu-
larly declared. But, if many ascendants are living, we prefer those, who
are in the nearest degree, whether they are male or female, paternal or ma-
ternal ; and, when several ascendants concur in the same degree, the in-
heritance of the deceased must be so divided, that the ascendants on the
part of the father may receive one-half, and the ascendants on the part of
the mother the other half, without regard to the numberof persons on either
side. But, if the deceased leaves brothers and sisters of the whole blood
together with ascendants, these collaterals of the deceased shall be called
with the nearest ascendants, although such ascendants are a father or moth-
er; and the inheritance must be so divided according to the number of
persons, that each of the ascendants, and each of the brothers, may have
an equal portion ; nor shall the father in this case take to himself any usu-
fruct of the portions belonging to his sons and daughters, because by this
law we have given him the absolute property of one portion: and we suffer
no distinction to be made ‘between those persons, who are called to an in-
heritance, whether they are males or females, or related by males or fe-
males, or whether he, to whom they succeed, was,'or was not, under pow-
er, at the time of his decease.
El xot watyg i Metyg ONOGY. Si et pater
aut mater fuerint.] By the law of England,
when a person dies intestate, leaving a father,
the father is solely entitled to the whole per-
sonal estate of the intestate, exclusive of all
others ; and anciently, [i.e. in the reign of
Henry the first, vid. Il. Hen. primi, Wilkins
editore, p. 266 ] a surviving father, or mother,
could have tuken even the real estate of their
deceased child. But this law of succession
was altered soon afterwards ; for we find by
Glanville, that, in the time of Henry the second,
a father or mother could not have taken the
real estates of their deceased children, the in-
heritance being then carried over to the collat-
eral line. Vid. Glanville, lib 7, cap. 1, 2, &e.
1 Peere Williams 50. And it has ever since
been held as an inviolable maxim, that an in-
heritance cannot ascend. Co. Litt. 11. a.
But this alteration in the law, made since the
reign of Henry the first, did not extend to per-
sonal estate, so that, before the statute of the
first of James the second, if a child had died
intestate without a wife, child, or father, the
mother would have been entitled to the whole
personal estate, exclusive of the brothers and
sisters of the intestate ; but it is enacted by
that statute, “that if, after the death of a
“« father, any of his children shall die intestate,
‘« without wife or children, in the lifetime of
‘© the mother, every brother and sister, and
“¢ their representatives, shall have an equal
‘share with her.” 1 Jac, 2. cap. 17. § 6.
But, should it here be asked, whether the
brother of an intestate would exclude the
grand-father by the civil law? the novel ap-
pears at first sight to answer it very fully in the
negative by enacting, <‘ that, ifthe deceased
“ Jeaves brothers and sisters together with as-
‘< cendants in the right line, these collaterals
“ shall be called with the nearest ascendants,””
&c. And indeed the generality of writers,
namely, Gudelin, Forster,- Ferriere, Domat,
and others, all understand this passage, as ad-
mitting ascendants and brothers to take jointly;
yet a contrary interpretation hath been given
by some civilians, of whom Voet is the prin-
cipal, whose argument in support of it are
therefore here copied at large.
‘«llud non satis expeditum est, an etiam
* eum ovo aut proavo, ubi alius proximior as-
** cendens non est, fratres germani ejus, qui
‘« defunctus est, concurre debeant, an magis
** avo proavove preeferendisunt, eosque exclu-
‘“« dant? Concursum enim ascendentium natu-
‘‘ yaliter gradu remotiorum, quos nullus inter-
‘* medius existens excludit, cum fratribus ger-
‘‘manis defuncti turentur plerique, moti eo,
‘© quod cum proxime ascendentibus fratres ve-
**niunt, Vid. novel. 118. Proximus autem
*© sit,.quem nemo antecedit.”
‘Sed juris rationibus convenientus videtur,
397
‘“avum proavumve defuncti a fratribus ejus
** sermanis in successione excludi ; quia impe-
‘* rator in dicta Novella 118. emphatice dixit,
“fratres et sorores cum proximis gradu as-
** cendentibus vocari; qualis mentio proximo-
*‘ rum gradu inutilis plane ac superflua essct,
si non per gradu proximos denotarentor illi,
‘© qui in primo linew ascendentis gradu sunt 5
*© cum juris certi atque indubitati sit, nunquam
** in ascendente linea locum esse, juri reprae-
** sentationis, per quod remotior subintraret in
locum proximioris defancti ; atque adeo suf-
‘© fecisset, si generaliter expressum esset, fra-
** tres cum ascendentibus voeari. Ne dicam
‘hoc ipso, quo in linea ascendente represen-
‘“tatio persone proximioris admissa non est,
** fieri non posse, ut avus vel proavus defuncti,
*€ quia patre vel matre defucti certo certius ex-
“ cluditur, concurreret cum fratribus, qui cum
‘* patre matreque defuncti concurrunt. Qui-
*“ bus accedit, quod sententia, de avo defuncti
“cum germanis ejus. fratribus concurrent, ad
«* absurda ducit. Si enim verum est, quod in
“casu quo fratres et sorores cum proximis
“gradu ascendentibus ita concurrant, ut he-
‘© reditas inter eos secundum personarum nu-
“merum dividenda sit, ac ascendentium et
‘ fratram singuli sequalem habeant portionem
“secundum d. Nov. 118. eveniret necessario
‘“ ut remotiores ascendentes ob nefectum prox-
“ imiorum cum fratribus defancti concurrentes
** plus fratribus nocturi essent, quarh proximi-
‘© ores ; dam, positis duobus fratribus germa-
‘© nis defuncti, pater et mater concurrens duas
‘* tantum partes equales auferrendo efficerent,
‘ul fratres singuli quartam hereditatis frater-
“ nee partem capiant ; quatuor autem avi avi-
‘© eque existentes, viriles totidem partes oc-
‘© cupando, non nisi sextam singulis defuncti
“ fratribus relicturi essent ; sicuti tantum par-
‘‘ tem decimam duo fratres singuli essent hab-
‘* ituri, si cum proavis atque proaviavus (qua-
‘* Jes octo esse pnssunt) deberent concurrere.
“ Quam autem a ratione id alienum sit, ut ma-
‘‘ gis aliis concursu suo noceant remotiores,
“quam qui ejusdem linee proximiores sunt,
‘nemo, ut opinor, non sponte satis agnoscit.
** Denique tantum concursum esse fratrum
‘* cum patre et matre, nen vero cum aliis as-
‘© cendentibus remotidribus, ubi pater mater-
‘© que deficit, aperte probant verba Novellz
«© 118. dum illic diserte cautum), si cum ascen-
‘‘dentibus inveniuntur fratres aut sorores ex
‘© utrisque parentibus conjuncti defuncto, eos
“cum proximis gradu ascendentibus vocari,
‘si aut paler aut mater fuerint; unde sequi-
‘* tur, eos non omni casu, nee promiscue cum
‘© omuibus ascendentibus, venire ; sed st paler
“ aut mater fuerint : ideoque mox igitur sub-
* jicitur, in hoc casu patrem nullam usum ex
‘‘filiorum aut filiarum portione, posse sili
“ penilus vindicare, nulla avi facta mentione;
“cum tamen id avo equa interdicendum fu-
‘« jsset, si et avus cum defuncti nepotis fra-
“* tribus succedere potuisset, dum fratres suc-'
“ cedentes eque potuissent in avi quam in pa-
‘* tris potestate esse. Ut proinde nihil in con-
trarium efficiat, quod, in jure, proximus
‘¢ dicatur, quem nemo anteccdit ; cum id tum
“demum admitti debeat quando nulla inde
‘* absurditas profluit ; prout in hoc casu futu-
‘© rum, supra monstratum est.’? Vid. Joannis
Voet. com. ad Pandectas, tom. 2. lib. 38, t.
17 § 13.
But this question seems now to be settled in
England, in consequence of three determina-
tions; the first of which was given in the Ex-
chequer, in the case of Poole v. Wilshaw, on
the 9th of July, 1708 :—the second in the case
of Norbury v. Vicars, before Mr. Fortescue,
master of the rolls, in November 1749 :—and
the third was delivered on the 14th January,
1754, in the case of Evelin v. Evelin, by the
lord chancellor, who decreed in favour of the
brother in exclusion of the grand-father, hav-
ing founded his opinion partly in deference to
the former determinations : partly in cunsider-
ation of the present common Jaw computation
of degrees, relative to real estates ; and partly
upon the benefit, which must accrue to the
public by preferring a younger man to an older,
the brother of a deceased person to the grand-
father, propter spem accrescendi.
And it was also declared to be the opinion
of the court, that, ifthe point in question had
been res integra, und solely determinable by
the Roman law, the decree would still have
been the same ;_ which declaration, from so
high an authority, must have great weight in
ascertaining of the Novel, and must incline
civilians in general to think mere favourably
for the future of Voet’s arguments, which were
particularly quoted and much relied upon by
the court.
398
KE®. Tr,
Tlept diadoyns tov éx mayiov kaTiovray.
Ex Towuy 6
Se dvovras
tedeuTnoas pnde Katiovras pn-
katadewyn, mpwrovs mpos THY
kAnpovopuay kat
tas adekas
™s avtns pntpos texOevras, ovs Kat peta
kadovpey tovs ddeAdous
tous ék Tov avrov matpos Kat
Tov TarTepwy mpos tv KAnpovojiay éka-
Aecapev. Tovrwy de py vrovrav, év Sevtepa
taker éxewous Tous ddeAdous mpos THY KANpo-
vopay Kadoupey, of twes e& évos yoveas ov-
vanrovrat T@ TedevTHGavTt, cite Sia Tov Ta-
tTpos povou, etre dia THs pytpos. Ex de ro
Teheutnoavte adeAhor vretnoay, Kat Eérepov
adedpov 7 ddeAdns mporedeutncavtwy mavdes,
kAnOnoorrat mpos THY KAnpovopLay ovTOL peTa
Ta@v mpos maTpos Kat mpos pytpos Oerwv dp-
pevoy te kat Ondewwv: Kat, doou Symorn dy
ot, rocoutoy ék THs KAnpovopuas AnYpovrat jie
pos, dcov 6 altar yoveus nucdde AapBavew,
ei eme(noev. Obey dxodovboy éorw, iva, ef Tu-
xov 6 mporerevtnoas adehpos, ob of maides
meptetot, Oi ExaTepov yovews TH vuy TedeUTY-
Se mepiovres
TUXOV, 7) TNS
pNTpos, avr@ ovvnmrovtTo, mpotiynOwow of
CavTe TPOT@T® TvvyimarTeEeTo, ol
adekpor Sia Tov marpos povov
> >
toutov trades tav idiov Oerwv, ei Kar TpLTOU
: 3.
clot Badyov, elre mpos marpos cite mpos py-
A >
Tpos elnoav of Oevot, Kat etre appeves cite
Onde, aomep 6 adrav yorcus mpoeTiparo,
ei mepinv. Kau ek tw evartioy, et 6 pev mre-
; 1g ¢
ptoy adedAdos €& Exarepov yovews ouvanrerat
¢ rs
T@ TedeuTncarTt, 6 Se mporehevTnaas Si Evos
yoveas cuvymtero, Tous Tovrou matdas ék THS
kAnpovopas drrokhevopev, omep Kat avTos,
el mepinv, €exdeveTo. To de Tovovroy mpovopu-
CAP. ITI.
De successione ex latere venientum.
SI igitur defunctus neque descen-
dentes neque ascendentes reliquetit,
primos ad hereditatem vocamus fra-
tres et sorores ex eodem patre et ex
eadem matre natos, quos etiam cum
patribus ad hereditatem vocavimus.
His autem non existentibus, in se-
cundo ordine illos fratres ad he-
tredi atem vocamus, qui ex uno
parente conjuncti sunt defuncto,
sive per patrem solum, sive per
matrem. Si autem defuncto fra-
tres fuerint, et alterius fratris aut
sororis premortuorum filii, vocaban-
tur ad hereditatem isti cum de patre
et matre thiis, masculis et feminis :
et, quantjcunque fuerint, tantam ex
hereditate percipient portionem,
quantam eorum parens futurus esset
accipere, 8i superstes esset. Unde
consequens est, ut, si forte preemor-
tuus frater, cujus filii vivunt, per
utrumque parentem nunc defuncte
persone jungebatur, superstites au-
tem fratres patrem solum forsan aut
matrem ei jungebantur, preponantur
istius filii propriis thiis, licet in tertio
sint gradu, (sive a patre sive a ma-
tre sint thii, et sive masculi sive fe-
mine,) sicut eorum parens prepone-
retur, si viveret. Et ex diverso, si-
quidem superstes frater ex utroque
parente conjungitur defuncto, pree-
mortuus autem per unum parentem
ov év ravty ty Taker THs ouyyevetas povos jungebatur, hujus filios ab hereditate
id. Xr 2 2 6
mapexopev Tos tov adeApay, dppevov 7 Oy-
Rear, viows 7 Ovyarpacw, iva eis ta Tov
Biwv yoveav Sikaa trecedoow* ovdert de
exclubimus, sicut ipse, si viveret, ab
hereditate excludebatur. Hujusmo-
di vero privilegum in hoc ordine
399
>
Gro wartekos mpoowmw, €k TavTys THs
ta£ews épxopevw, TouTo To Sikaoy ocvyxo-
poupev.
ov mace Tore TavTyY THY elepyectay mape-
"ANAa Kat aiTois Tos Tov ddedA-
xouev, dre peta Tov idiwy Kpwovrar Oevov,
dppevov te kat Ondewwv, eire mpos marpos jus largimur.
eire mpos pintpos elev. Ex Se peta tay dded-
boy tov TedevTyGaYTOs Kat dmovres, ws 75H
Mpoeurouev, mpos THY KAnpovoytay KaXovvTat,
ovden. tpom@ mpos thy e& adiaberou Siadoxny
Tous. rou ddeApov 7 THs adeAdys maidas Ka-
AecoOar cvyxwpouper+ odde ef && Exatepou yo-
yeas 6 adT@Y TaTNp i) LTH TUYATTETO TH TE-
AevtngavTt. “Orore Towvy tos Tou ddeApou
kat Tns AdeAQys waroe ToLovTo mpovoptoy Sedo-
kapev, iva Tov Tay yovewy UmewctovtTes TOTO,
povot tpitov dvres BaOpov, pera Tay ek Sev-
tepov Baduou mpos tnv KAnpovoytay KadwrTat -
‘ékecvo mpodndov eat, éTt Twv Oewwy Tov Te-
Aevryoartos dppevav Te kat Onevwy, etre mpos
matpos eite mpos pntpos einoay, mpotipevrat,
ei Kat ékewwou TpiToy dpows ovyyeveras Bab-
ploy éxouev.
Ei Se pyre adeAdous, pyre madas ddeA-
ov, as cipneapev, 6 TeAevTnoas Karadewet,
mavras Tous éheéns ek mAayov ovyyevets mpos
TY KAnpovomiay Kaoupev, Kata THY évos Exa-
arou Babpou mpotinow, iva of éyyurepon Te
Babpe abror roy AouTov wporipwvra ei be
moNXoat Tov altov BaOpov evpeOwou, kara Tov
Tov mpocumayv apiOyov peragy avtwy 7 KAn-
povoua StarpeOyoerar- Smep in capita of
Hpetepot Aeyougs vopos.
cognationis solis prebemus fratrum
masculorum et feeminarum filiis aut
filiabus, ut in suorum parentum jura
succedant; nullii enim alii omnino
persone, ex hoc ordine venienti, hoc
Sed et ipsis fratruum
filiis tunc hoc beneficium conferimus,
quando cum propriis judicantur thiis,
masculis et feeminis, sive paterni si-
ve materni sint. Si autem cum fra-
tribus defuncti etiam ascendentes,
(sicut jam diximus) ad hereditatem
vocantur, nullo modo ad successio-
nem ab intestato fratris aut sororis
filios vocari permittimus ; neque si ex
utroque parente eorum pater aut ma-
ter defuncto jungebatur. Quando-
quidem igitur fratris et sororis filis
tale privilegium dedimus, ut, in pro-
priorum parentum succedentes lo-
cum, soli in tertio constituti gradu,
cum iis, qui in secundo gradu sunt,
ad hereditatem vocentur; illud palam
est, quia thiis defuncti masculis et
feminis, sive a patre sive a matre,
preeponuntur, si etiam ili tertium cog-
nationis similiter obtineant gradum.
Si vero neque fratres, neque filios
fratrum, sicut diximus, defunctus re-
liquerit, omnes de inceps a latere
cognatos ad hereditatem vocamus,
secundum uniuscujusque gradus pre
rogativam, ut viciniores gradu ipse
reliquis preponantur. Siautem pluri-
miejusdem gradus inveniantur, se-
cundum personarum numerum inter
eos hereditas dividatur; quod in
capita nostre leges appellant.
CHAPTER III.
Of the succession of collaterals.
Ifa man leaves neither descendants nor ascendants at the time of his
death, we first call his brothers and sisters of the whole blood, whom we
have also called to inherit with the fathers of deceased persons.
But, when there are no brothers of the whole blood with the deceased,
we call those, who are either by the same father only, or by the same mother.
400
And, if the deceased leaves brothers and also nephews by a deceased '
brother or sister, these nephews shall be called to succeed with their un-
cles and aunts of the whole blood to the deceased; but, however numerous
these nephews are, they shall be entitled only to that share, which their pa-
rent would have taken, if alive. From whence it follows, that, ifa man
dies and is survived by the children of a deceased brother of the whole
blood, and also by brothers of the half blood, then his nephews, (that is,
children of his brother, by the whole blood,) are to be preferred to their un-
cles and aunts; for, although such nephews are themselves in the third de-
gree, yet they are preferred, as their parent.would have been, if living.
And, on the contrary, ifa man dies, and is survived by a brother of the
whole blood, and by children of a brother of the half blood deceased, these
nephews are excluded, as their father would have been, if he had lived.
But among collaterals we allow the privilege of representation to the sons
and daughters of brothers and sisters, and no farther; and we grant it only
to brothers and sisters’ children, when they concur with their uncles or
aunts, paternal or maternal: for, when ascendants are called to inherit, we
by no means permit the children of a deceased -brother or sister to share in
the succession ; although the father or mother was of the whole blood with
the deceased brother.. But we have so far allowed the right of represen-
tation to brothers and sisters’ children, that, being only in the third degree,
they are called to inherit with those, who are in the second; and this is ev-
ident, because brothers and sisters’ children are preferred to the uncles and
aunts of the deceased, paternal as well as maternal; although they are all
in the third degree of cognation.
But, if a deceased person leaves neither brothers nor brothers’ children,
we then call all the other collaterals according to the prerogative of their
respective degrees, preferring the nearer to the more remote; and, if many
are found in the same degree, the inheritance must be divided according to
the number of persons; and our laws distinguish this manner of dividing
an inheritance, by calling it a division 7 capita.
to an equal share of the intestate’s estate, with
ITewten wgos yy uhngdvouay, Primos
ad hereditatem vocamus.]-We must here ob-
serve in relation to the distinction between the
whole blood and half blood, that in England
the rules of law are different, according ‘to the
nature of the estate which is to be taken; for,
in case of lands the whole blood is always
preferred, and the half blood is no klood in-
heritable by descent. 1 Co. inst. 14 a. But,
in respect to personal estate, the law has not
always been fixed and certain ; inasmuch as
the statute of the 23d of Car. II. (for the bet-
ter settlement of the estates of intestates,)
takes no notice of this distinction between
the whole blood and the half-blood, but di-
rects, that distribution shall be made among
all those, who are in equal degree of kindred
to the intestate. But, it being certain, that
brothers and sisters of the half blood are in
the same ‘degree with brothers and sisters of
the whole blood, it hath been the general
opinion, that brothers and sisters of the half
blood were entitled, by virtue of the statute,
the brothers and sisters of the whole blood, al-
though there are several precedents of judg-
ments given, since the statute, allowing the
half blood to have but an half share. But the
law in this respect has been fully settled ever
since the decree of the house of lords in the
case of Watts and others versus Crooke, upow
an appeal from a decree in chancery, which
had been given in favor of the half blood, and
was affirmed by the house. Vid. Shower’s cas-
es in Par. 108, and Strahan’s Domat. 683. 2
Mod 204. Harris.
Ovdeve tQ07H Nullo modo.] “ Sancimus,
‘ut, si quis moriens relinquat ascendentium
“aliquem et fratres, qui possint, cum _parenti-
** bus vocari, et alterius preemortui fratris fili-
*¢ os, cum ascendentibus et fratribus vocentur
“etiam premortui fratris filii, et tantum ac-
“cipiant portionem, quantum eorum futurus
“ erat pater accipere, si vixisset.’? Vid. Noy.
exxvii. cap 1. Harris.
END OF THE INSTITUTES. 1
NOTES
AND
REFERENCES.
PREMIUM, OR PREFACE.
DE CONFIRMATIONE INSTITUTIONUM naanks Page 1.
THIS amounts to an imperial constitution, giving a Sanction, to. this
compilation by Tribonian and his associates.
In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi. This is elsewhere used, as in
the second and third confirmations of the digests, in the confirmation ef
the code, and of several of the novels. In nomine Domini nostri Jesu
Christi, ad omnia consilia omnesque actus semper progredimur. Cod.
1. 27. 2. pr. Hence the usual solemn form of beginning last wills and
testaments, In THE NamE oF Gop, Amen. That the ancient Romans, sel-
dom entered on a business of importance sine consilio deorum et ope in-
vocata, J am aware; but I suspect this practice, was rather of Christian
origin: 3 Coloss.17. ‘Whatever ye do in word or deed, do all in the
name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God, and the father by him.”
See Dr. Taylor’s observations on the proemium of the Institutes, Elem.
Civ. Law. qto. 28. This form of testamentary introduction, cannot be
necessary, unless under some precise and positive institution; of which
I know none in the English or American law. I refer to Taylor, (loc.
cit.) for a full dissertation on the titles assumed by the emperor, of which
the following is a concise account.
Emperor. Imperator. Originally conferred on victorious generals,
but first assumed as an imperial title by Augustus Cesar.
Cesar. A name that belonged to the family of Julius Cesar asa
Cognomen; and adopted by the emperors from Augustus to Nero. . It
was then given to the next in succession (destinati imperio) who were
denominated nobilissimi Cesares : it was reasstmed by the emperors, on
the removal of the government from Rome to Byzantium.
Flavius. Borrowed from the Vespasian family, and retained by many
51
402 NOTES.
of the emperors after Vespasian; it was then dropt for some time, and
reassumed by the fourth predecessor of Justinian.
Justinian. 'The proper name of the emperor.
Allemanicus, G'eticus, §-c. From the nations he claimed to have sub-
dued.
Pius. A sir-name or agnomen, first imagined for Tiberius, the heir
of Augustus, but not assumed. It was afterwards used by Antoninus
and his successors.
Feliz. A name which Sylla first took to himself after the death of
the younger Marius: among the emperors, first assumed by Commodus.
Triumphator. From having triumphed in consequence of victories
over the Persians and Vandals. Victor and Triumphator, were titles
commonly assumed from the time of Constantine the Great. Justinian
was also often in camp, saluted Cattmicus by acclamation: a greek title
of the same import as victorious. 'Triumphator, was never given for
the recovery of territory, but only when there was accession by conquest.
So Q. Fulvius and L. Opimius were denied a triumph, because they
only recovered Capua, and Fragelle. 2 Val. Max. 8. 4.
Augustus. A question arose in the senate, (anno urb. cond. 727)
whether the title Romulus, or Augustus, should be conferred on Octavi-
an. From 63 Dion. Cassius, it should seem, he would have preferred
the former title, but on the motion of Munatius Plancus, the name Au-
gustus was preferred; and adopted by his successors. Though it was
also assumed by several of the imperial family (as by Germanicus) who
were not emperors. After the time of Diocletian, it was changed into
Semper Augustus.
De usu Armorum et legum. Imperiam Majestatem. Maijestas, dur-
ing the time of the republic, meant somewhat like the modern phrase,
the majesty of the people: implying the ultimate source of political
power. It was afterwards applied to delegated authority, as that of
preetors, judges, &c. ‘Then to parental authority when it included the
power of life and death: Majestas Patria. xxxiv. Livy. 2. has majestas
matronarum: Pliny ix. 60 majestas pueritize. When the people by the
lex regia conferred all power on the emperor, the word majestas was
applied to the authority they delegated; as majestas Augusti, Tiberii,
&c. Imperatoria majestas, was introduced by Galienus, and from his
time continued. (Taylor.)
§ 1. De belhs et legibus, §c. Barbarice gentes. A name given by
the Romans to all other nations but themselves and the Greeks. The
five provinces of Africa here alluded to, have been possessed by the Van-
dals ninety-five years. Cod. 1. 27. de off. Praef. Prat. Af.
§ 2. De Compositione Codicis et Pandectarum. In the second year
of his reign, A. D. 528, Justinian began his reformation of the law.
NOTES. : 403
The Justinian code was finished by Tribonian 529. A new edition
(Codex repetite prelectionis) was published by Justinian in 534. In
530, the Digest was begun. On the 16th December 533 it was finished.
The digest is also called the Panvects from ey and deyouar to include all.
Hence the usual reference to the digest ( ff): being a careless writing of
the Greek letter 7. On the 2ist Nov. 533, the Institutes appeared in
their present form.
Quasi per medium profundum euntes. The books then published on
the Roman law, amounted to upwards of two thousand ax@os xoiuqhoy
nollwy : many camel loads.
$ 3. De tempore, auctoritatibus, §-c. magistro et exqueestore sacri pala-
tii nostri. Magister Palatii or Officiorum, was an officer, somewhat,
like the lord Chamberlain, or perhaps Master of the Household of Eng-
land. The officers of the lower ages of the empire were generally call-
ed magistri, as magistri libellorum, scriniorum, officiorum. Hence the
master of the rolls, masters in chancery, master of the Crown office, &c.
of the English system. The great officers of the republic, and of the
early times of the empire, are described in several titles of the first book
of the digest: the officers of the lower empire, in the first and last book
of the code.
Exquestore, is an undeclinable ablative: the other cases, exquestor,
exquestoris, exconsulis, é&c. do not appear to be used. The questor of
the Palace, was somewhat like the lord Chancellor, os wnperatoris, ar-
marium legum, §c. That is under the emperors: for the office of quees-
tor at first, was of the same kind with our secretary of the treasury.
(Taylor 38. 228.) Constantine instituted the office of Questor Palatii.
The Quesitores or Inquisitors, were magistrates long known, whose ju-
risdiction embraced only criminal cases. (Zozimus and Procopius de
bello Persico.) Antecessor, a teacher and professor of law: the Jurispe-
riti, were practitioners.
Post Quadriennium. Five years, seem formerly to have been the
term usually (indeed universally) allowed for the study of the law.
For the instructions, as to the division of time allotted for studying the
various parts of the civil law, viz. the Dupondii, Edictales, Papinianistee,
Lyte, and Prolyta, see the constitution (omnem republice nostre, &§c.)
prefixed to the digests.
§ 6. Ex quibus libris Noster Caius. Caius lived under the emperor
Marcus Aurelius, and his institutes were read in the schools. Beside the
institutes of Caius, there were the institutes of Paulus, of Ulpian, of Cal-
listratus, Florentinus, and Marcian. There were also prior codes, and
digests: as the digests of Alfenus, Julianus, Celsus, Marcellus, Ulpian,
the Pandects of Modestinus, &c.
Constitutional authority. I have retained Harris’s expression, al-
404 NOTES.
though there may be some ambiguity attached to it in this country,
where the term implies something founded on our written constitutions,
or fundamental laws, paramount to legislative acts: a distinction, that
does not seem likely to last very long, in states where the power of the
legislature like the power of the British parliament, is omnipotent. But
in this passage, the word must be understood secundum subjectam mate-
riem, as alluding to a particular species of Roman law. Inst. L. 1 Tit.
2. $ 6. page 9. of the present work.
L. 1. (page 5.) Deriirio Justitie. Justice, is used, not only for the
disposition to render every man his due, but sometimes also for the act
by which this is done: as when we do a man justice.
$ 1. Definitio Jurisprudentie. This definition is very convenient for
the alliance between church and state: an alliance that I hope will nev-
er take place in these states. I know of no things that ought to be kept
thore distinct, because they are so, than the affairs of this world, and
those of the world to come: nor do I know of any two things that des-
potism has so sedulously laboured to intertwine. I would not so con-
strue the old advice, Deorwm Injurie Diis cure, as to protect gross vio-
lations of public decorum on religious subjects, or to pass over, irritating
and offensive outrages against the religious opinions, or ceremonies of
any persuasion. The defendant in The people against Ruggles, 8 John-
son’s New York reports, 290, deserved to be punished; but the doctrine
laid down in that case by the court, may be carried to a length, that
would authorize any species of ecclesiastical tyranny, and prohibit any
kind of religious discussion. Nor is it strengthened by citing cases from
the jurisprudence of a country where there is a religion by law estab-
lished; or by quoting the present passage from the civil law. It will
have little weight with those who have perused the ecclesiastical history
of. the times of Justinian, and the three or four centuries immediately
preceding, and subsequent. Are we at this day, to regulate the rights
of conscience, and modify our system of religious toleration, by the no-
tions of a Roman emperor of the 6th century ? or adopt the church-and-
State law of Great Britain?
Tit. 2. De jure naturali. Jus, here, is taken for the general system
of natural, national and civil law, in contra-distinction, to the positive
laws of each species. I consider all law, of whatever kind, as deduced,
either from extensive and long-adopted usage, furnishing presumptive
evidence of general expedience—or from reasonings founded on the na-
ture and circumstances of human society, and pointing out the conclu-
sions best adapted to general expedience.
Jus, Jussum, Jura, Jussa, mean a rule of action including an obliga-
tion, or duty to conform to it: therein differing from advice.
‘Or, it thay mean an attribute or quality of actions or persons; what
NOTES. 405
we use synonymously sometimes with right: as the rights of a conque-
ror, the rights of war and peace; the right of using, enjoying, suing,
defending, &c. the rights of persons, the rights of things, all of which
are called Jura. Under this meaning, may be included the rights be-
longing to particular situations in life, as the rights of magistrates and of
citizens, master and servant, parent and child, husband and wife, &c.
Or, among the Romans, it might mean the administration of justice.
De in jus vocando.
The other subordinate varieties of meaning of the word Jus, appear
to me, all referable to those above enumerated.
The law of nature, and of nations, is collected from, Ist the practice
of civilized nations, 2dly the opinions of the best writers on the subject.
The writers usually cited in the British and American courts, are Albe-
ricus Gentilis, Puffendorf, Grotius with the annotations of Barbeyrac,
Vattel, Burlamaqui, Heineccius, Bynkershoek and Rutherforth.
$2. Ab appellatione et effectibus, page 7. Quirinus. From the Sabine
word Quiris, a spear: or from Quiris, Mars, reputed father of Romu-
lus: or from Cures, Quires a Sabine city, which furnished Rome with
early settlers. Ovid Fasti II. 475.
§ 3. Divisio Juris. See Pandects or Digest 1. 6. 1. de Just. et Jure.
Alterum enim expresse sancitur, et scripto promulgatur : alterum tacito
populi consensu introducitur. See also ff de leg. as to written and com-
mon law. ll this is conformable to the doctrine of the English and
American writers. For even in this country, we adopt in every state,
all our legal maxims and institutions not contained in constitutional or
legislative acts, as the common law of the state. Nor can common law
be entirely dispensed with even in the code of the United States,
notwithstanding the very able opinions of Mr. Madison and Judge
Chase.
The Romans had six kinds of law; Lex, Presiscrrum, Senatus-Con-
suLTUM, ConstiTuTIONES Princiris, Epicta Macistratuum, Responsa Prv-
DENTUM.
The Ler, was a Populiscitum; or decree of the people, on the mo-
tion of a senator, in a meeting of the comitia curiata, or the comitia cen-
turiata.
The Plebiscituwm, was a decree of the Plebian order, as distinguished
from the Patrician, on the motion of a tribune of the people, in the co-
mitia tributa. Plebs was a part only of the people.
Senatus Consultum : this was originally either an order, vote or reso-
lution, on business appertaining to the senatorial body: or some act
of the senate confirming some act of the people; or latterly under the
emperors, when the comitia were transferred e campo (martis) ad Pa-
tres, these senatorial acts, were the only remains of legislation left to the
senate.
A06 NOTES.
Constitutiones Principes. Placita. Decreta. Imperial constitutions.
Augustus Cxsar, having contrived to make not only all actual autho-
rity, but almost all offices centre in his own person, became at length
the sole lawgiver. Sezxto demum consulatu (a. u. c. 725.) potenti: secu-
rus, dedit jura, queis pace et principe uteremur III. Tacit. Ann. 28.
Sometimes the imperial constitutions were promulgated, mediante se-
natu; this was the general course taken by Augustus, at the advice of
Mecenas; in which he was followed by Tiberius. The mode was, to
suggest the law, in an oration to the senate. Hence, for some years,
the senatus consulta, under the emperors, were, Jura, orationibus Prin-
cipum constituta. From the time of Augustus, the Leges, the Plebisci-
ta, and the Senatus-Consulta, properly so called, as originating with the
senate, were known no more. After Vitellius, the emperors were accus-
tomed to appoint a Questor to make the suggestion in a speech to the
senate. What the senate complaisantly decreed upon these suggestions,
became a law. After a time, the emperor in lieu of calling upon the
senate to decree, claimed the right of decreeing or enacting upon his
own authority, the resolutions passed in the senate, on the suggestion
contained in the imperial or questorial orations: and this was the last
stage, the expiring embers of the senatus consulta; in whose place were
substituted the edicts of the emperors.
The emperors, enacted laws either by E’pistole or rescripts, by Decre-
ta, by Edicta, or by Constitutions.
The Epistole, were imperial opinions upon cases of difficulty submit-
ted from the provinces or elsewhere.
The Decreta, were judgments given by the emperor in person, in
court. Augustus and Claudius, used to sit frequently and long for this
purpose.
Edicta, were laws voluntarily enacted by the emperors, sine Senatu,
but they were generally such as had been sanctioned by usage, or de-
creed also by the senate.
Mandates, were directions to particular persons.
Interpretations of laws, were also arrogated as within their jurisdic-
tion by the emperors. The two last are of the nature of edicts.
The Imperial Constitutions, derived their force at first from the powers
conferred on Augustus in 735 A. U. C.: extended afterward to Vespa-
sian and his successors ; and about the reign of the Antonines known as
the Lex Regia ; by which the will of the sovereign duly promulgated,
was declared to have the force and effect of law. 1 Inst. tit. 2 $6.
The distinction there taken of constitutions, is into personal and gene-
ral. The personal constitutions, were properly privileges, Lex priva.
These were forbidden by the twelve tables; Privilegia ne irrogantor.
The same maxim obtained during all the times of the republic, Vetant
NOTES. 407
leges sacrate, vetant 12 tabule, leges privatis hominibus irrogari. Cic.
pro Dom. $17. These privileges or personal constitutions, were some-
times annexed to the person, and sometimes were real, as relating to
some property or estate: so the right accorded to executors under the
Roman law, of paying funeral expences in the first place, was consider-
ed as a real, not a personal right, being allowed ex intuitu cause, non
persone.
Harris’s note on the Jer regia is as follows. (p. 9 of his translation.)
“There has been much controversy concerning this law: vid. Grav. de
Rom. imp. lib. sing. c. 24 and Hopp. in Inst. 1h. t. but the following
seems at least to be a probable conjecture. The senate and people con-
ferred various honours on Augustus at different times. In the year 724
(A. U. C.) they made him tribune for life. In 727 they exempted him
from the coercion of the laws. In 731 he was created perpetual con-
sul: and in 735 a power was given to him either of amending or mak-
ing whatever laws he thought proper. These and other decrees in fa-
vour of Augustus, were afterwards generally renewed at the commence-
ment of the reign of every new emperor, as appears plainly from Taci-
tus, tum senatus, omnia principibus solita, Vespasiano decrevit Tacit.
Hist. 11.3. Thus in time, all the several decrees of the senate, by be-
ing frequently renewed together, became as it were, one law, and were
called Lex Imperii or Regia: and they probably gained this title in imi-
tation of the ancient lex regia, by which the Romans conferred the su-
preme power upon Romulus in the infancy of their state, Liv. lib. 34.c¢
6. Elementa Juris per Rob. Eden. p. 17.”
Edicta magistratuum ; seu Pretorum ; jus honorarium. Preetor was
at first a word synonymous with chief or commander (Cor. Nepos in
Miltiade.) The office of Pretor (partaking of the English offices of
mayor and recorder) was first created A. U. C. 387. This was the
Preetor urbanus, or city magistrate. In the year A. U. C. 511. A Preetor
peregrinus, was appointed, after the model of the Athenian Moleuugyos
to decide causes, wherein aliens were concerned : though sometimes one
man, held both offices either by original election, or subsequent delega-
tion, or by substitution in case of death. (Taylor 211.) The branches
of law, were afterwards so divided and subdivided certainly not without
reason and foresight, that the Pretors amounted to eighteen in number.
They had for the most part equitable jurisdiction. Jus preetorium, ad-
juvandi vel supplendi, vel corrigendi juris civilis gratia, propter utilita-
tem publicam introductam, Dig. 1. 1. 7. 1.
It was also their duty, at the annual commencement of their office,
to publish the forms of proceeding, and the rules of court, (if I may so
say) which should operate during their Pretorship. For I do not un-
408 NOTES.
derstand this practice to extend to the legal maxims, by which their de-
cision should be guided.
Hence, the actionis civiles, were not the same with the actionis preto-
ric. In the time of the emperor Hadrian, Ann. 884, a selection from
Pretorian determinations was made, called the Perpetual edict, and
enacted as part of the Roman law: not from its own authority as jus
honorarium magistratuum, but under the sanction of the imperial con-
stitution.
The Preetorian annual edicts or forms of proceeding, were published,
on a Tabula gypso dealbata, or Album; a board plaistered with gypsum
yunow alnliuperos (the gypsum of the Greeks and Romans was the same
with our plaister of Paris, that is a sulphat of lime.)
These Leges annue, according as their expedience was discovered
were continued ; and then became edicta translatitia. Occasionally also,
the Curule Addiles published edicts, which as their expedience seemed
to merit, were also incorporated in the jus honorarium. See dig. de
Aldilito edicto. 31. 1. 1. 38. 40. 41. 42.
Responsa prudenium. Many lawyers whose particular application
and abilities, had rendered them eminent in the profession, undertook to
give answers to such questions as were proposed to them.
[ *409 ] But *these answers were of no weight in the time of the Re-
public, nor even under Augustus, who empowered the law-
yers to give their opinions, by a general commission; which yet did not
procure them any great authority, Dig. 1. 2. 2. 46. But their opinions
grew into considerable credit in the reign of Tiberius, who prohibited
any person from presuming to give an opinion in matters of law, with-
out a special licence. Still the answers of the lawyers had not the force
of the laws, for Tiberius in his licences, laid no injunction upon his
judges, to regard these answers. It is therefore highly probable that the
answers of the lawyers were first considered as law, under Valentinian
the third ; because he confirmed the writings of Gaius, Ulpian, Paul,
Papinian, and others, nominally ; and forbad the judges to swerve from
the opinions of these lawyers in points of law: and because many in-
conveniences arose from the various opinions which even these lawyers
gave on the same question, the emperor ordained that the judges should
be governed by a majority, and that in case of an inequality they should
follow the opinion of those to whom Papinian adhered, ubi diverse sen-
tentie proferuntur, potius numerus vincat auctorum: vel si numerus
equalis sit, ejus partis precedat auctoritas in qua excellentis ingenii vir
Papintanus emineat. Cod. 1 Theod. t. 4. 1 un. de responsis prudentum.
(Harris in loc.)
The Patroni were for a long time Patricians; gratis advocates, and
agents. Their clients were bound to relieve them from captivity if taken,
NOTES. 409
and to portion their daughters. Hence at first, the fee of a lawyer, as
the fee of a counsel anda physician yet is, in England, was quiddam
honorarium : afterwards, it became a profession, and fees were taken,
which were regulated by the Lex Cincia.
From their vigilant watching over the cases of their clients, they were
called cautores. Hence Dr. Taylor after Scaliger, fancifully ae
Cavilling, Cavillari, Cavilatio, from Cavere.
Such are the various kinds of the Roman or civil law; of which the
present book is a summary, containing the general principles that per-
vade it. Great indeed have been the obligations that Justinian’s posteri-
ty owed to that emperor, for the laborious, and invaluable digest of law
compiled under his auspices. A work that no succeeding age has hith-
erto equalled. The Russian code drawn up under the directions of the
empress Catharine, and the Tuscan code of Leopold, have merit indeed,
but they are trifles compared to the great work now under consideration.
Something approaching to it, has been attempted by the em-
peror Napoleon ; and the code Napoleon as *well as the in- [ *410) }
troductory orations in defence of the leading articles contain-
ed in it, have great merit.
The authors or redacteurs of the Code civil Napoleon, where Por-tron-
chet, Bigot-Preameneu, and Maleville, as appears by the Discours Preli-
minaire to the ‘“ Projet de Code civil,” presented by those gentlemen as
a committee ‘appointed by government on the 24th Thermidor, year 8,
and published the year after. Cambaceres indeed reported a project of a
code civil to the convention some years before, which, although Portalis
and the others praise sufficiently, they adopt sparingly. Cambaceres
was consul in the year 9.
The British, and of course the American code, is now becoming what
the Roman code was, previous to the labours of 'Tribonian and his coad-
jutors :-oxOog xouwyloy nollav, many cart loads. Cannot the same con-
densed view be taken of our law, as was taken by Justinian of the Ro-
man, and by Napoleon of the French code? I suspect the generality of
the profession are of opinion this cannot be done: Iam not so. Half a
dozen men of talents dividing the labour, under the superintending guid-
ance of some one person to whom the pen should be ultimately commit-
ted, might finish the work in four years, according to my view of the
subject: and a consummation it would indeed be, devoutly to be wished.
Tit. 3. De jure personarum. Aut liberi sunt aut Serui. It would
require a volume to enter into the great question of slavery, which has
been well discussed of late years. I would observe briefly,
That throughout the whole of the Jewish History, from the days of
Nimrod downwards, there was no controversy, but that captives taken
in war could be made slaves, and that their posterity were considered as
410 NOTES.
slaves also. All the patriarchs counted their slaves, among their goods
and chattels, among their oxen, their horses, their camels, &c.
Slavery among the Jews took place
1. When a man sold himself through poverty, 25 Lev. 39.
2. When a father sold his children, 21 Ex. 7.
3. When creditors seized and sold their insolvent ee or their
children, 2 Kings ¢. 4. v. 1.
4. A thief was sold when he could not pay. his fine, 22 Ex. 3, 4.
5. Prisoners of war.
6. A Hebrew slave ransomed from a Gentile might be sold to another
Hebrew by his master.
But the Hebrews were slaves to the Hebrews for six years only, or
until the sabbatical jubilee. 21 Ex. 2. If a slave married however, he
could not take away with him his wife and children, which belonged to
the master. 21 Ex. 4. If from attachment to the family, the slave re-
fused to be freed at the end of six years, or at the sabbatical year, then
his master might bore his ears with an awl before the magistrate, and
the slave became bound for life. The Hebrew slaves were treated more
as hired servants by the Jews: not so the bondmen procured from among
the heathen. But even from the heathen, they were forbidden to ac-
quire a slave by stealth. See 21 and 25 Levit.
[ *411 ] *The Phenicians, Carthaginians, Egyptians, Greeks, and
Romans, all practised slavery without any doubt being en-
tertained of its propriety.
Vendere cum possis Captivum, occidere noli. Hor.
The situation of slaves was very bad in early times. Hector tells
Andromache that she will be condemned on the fall of Troy to draw
water as a slave: so Euripides introduces Hecuba as chained to the gate
of Agamemnon. The Phenicians seem to have been first in the prac-
tice of kidnapping; see 14th Odyss. All nations, trading in slaves seem
prone to mean and clandestine villanies; it is this spirit that has tempt-
ed the British slave traders to practice and encourage the same base
method of procuring cargoes. Slaves were very il treated among the
Carthaginians. 'The abject state of the Helotes among the Lacedemoni-
ans has become proverbial.
Slaves were also in a bad state among the Romans. They were
frequently chained to the gate of a great man’s house as porters.
I copy the following summary of the circumstances of their condi-
tion from Dr. Taylor (Elem. civ. Law 429); the authorities are accu-
' rately cited. s
“Slaves were held pro nullis: pro mortuis: how this is to be under-
« stood consult A. Faber (and Gothofred ad Dig. 50. 17. 32. 209.) pro
Quadrupedibus : nay, were ina much worse state than any cattle
NOTES. All
‘* whatsoever, as the same author (Faber) has shewn. They had no
‘head in the state, no name, title, or register: they were not capable of
“being injured: nor could they take by purchase or descent: they had
‘no heirs, and therefore could make no will: exclusive of what was
“called their peculium, whatever they acquired was their master’s:
“they could not plead nor be pleaded for, but were excluded from all
“civil concerns whatever: they could not claim the indulgence of ab-
““ sence reipublicee causa: they were not entitled to the rights and con-
‘ siderations of matrimony, and therefore had no relief in case of adul-
“tery: nor were they proper objects of cognation or affinity, but of qua-
“ si-cognation only: they could be sold, transferred or pawned, as goods
“ or personal estate ; for goods they were, and as such they were esteem-
“ed: they might be tortured for evidence: punished at the discretion of
“‘ their lord, or even put to death by his authority: together with many
“ other civil incapacities which I have not room to enumerate.”
The first law in their favour was the lex Cornelia de sicariis, by which
the killing even of a slave became punishable. Dig. 48. 8.
The jus vite et necis claimed by the master, was restrained by Claudi-
us the successor of Caligula. See also Dig. 48. 8. 2.
*In 813 abu. cond. Nero by the lex Petronia, deprived [ *412 ]
masters of the power of sending their slaves to fight wild
beasts at the public shews.
The Emperor Adrian, prohibited generally cruel treatment toward
slaves; and he banished Umbricia a lady of quality, for five years, guod
ex levissimis causis suas ancillas atrocissime tractasset.
Antoninus Pius, applied the Lex Cornelia de sicariis, specifically to
the masters of slaves: and the same law was strengthened by Severus
and by Constantine. Cod. L. 1. de emendant. serv.
Slaves might always induce an investigation by flying to the statues
of the princes. Cod. L. 1 de his qui, &c.
The prevalence of christianity, though neither Christ nor his apostles
have condemned slavery, (4 Philem. 11.) contributed gradually but
greatly to amend the condition of slaves.
Athenzeus (L, c.) says there were several persons at Rome who had
ten and twenty thousand slaves: and in VI. 20 he states that at a time
when the citizens of Athens were only 21,000, the slaves amounted to
400,000, and that the small-Island of Aégina contained 470,000. In Af-
rica, slavery has been established from time immemorial: the Arabs had
African slaves, long before the settlements of the Portuguese: and though
some additional aggravations have occurred from kidnapping, and incur-
sions made for the express purpose of procuring cargoes, still the Afri-
cans, like all the nations of antiquity, were from the earliest ages in the
412 NOTES.
practice of making slaves of prisoners of war: I forbear any discussion
of the right of slavery, as a question too metaphysical and abstruse, to
be entered upon here. Nor will my view of it, coincide equally with
the sentiments of the middle and northeastern, and those of the southern
states. In England, the inexpedience of the practice is considered as
settled, and there appears but one opinion in that nation on the general
subject of the slave trade, which is, that it ought to be abolished. ‘The
law respecting slavery is alsonow fixed. ‘The case of Somerset the ne-
gro has determined that no man of whatever colour can be held as a
slave in that country. But the abstract question—that which respects
the right of reducing a human creature to slavery under any circumstan-
ces, has not yet been investigated so profoundly as its importance de-
serves. But this is not the place to investigate it, nor would it be easy
shake off the bias of previous habits and prejudgments.
After the travels of Park and Hornemann, no man can reasonably
pretend that the Africans have a right to complain, who from one end to
the other of that quarter of the world, have exercised from the begin-
ning, and still do exercise the right of reducing each other to
[ *413 ] slavery, *with concomitant practices full as bad as any that
the West Indies can furnish. Knowing these things, I can-
not be greatly interested in favour of the blacks.
But I exceedingly regret the prevalence of slavery and the slave
trade. All absolute power, has a direct tendency, not only to detract
from the happiness of the persons who are subject to it, but to deprave
the good qualities of those who possess it. I have no right to say that
it makes men careless, unfeeling, and unjust, as to the sufferings of a fel-
low creature, because these dispositions are very frequently indeed coun-
teracted by the natural good qualities of the master, and by the general
manners of civilized society, at a period when Idndners and humanity
are fostered and respected by public opinion: but the whole history of
human nature, in the present and every former age, will justify me in
saying that such is the tendency of power on the one hand and slavery
on the other. Nor can any country be so well cultivated by slave labour,
as by the labour of freemen, fairly recompensed; nor can industry be
the character of such a state of society ; nor can there be any permanent
feeling, either of individual or of public security. Hence, I cannot but
approve of the prohibition of the slave trade, as one of the steps toward
a gradual abolition of the whole system of slavery ; a system that great-
ly detracts from the industry, the improvement, the security, and the
happiness of society, wherever it prevails.
In England, the species of slavery termed Villenage, was abolished
by 12 Ch. 2. The last case concerning villenage in the books, is that of
Crouche, 10th Eliz. Dyer 266. C. pl. 11. So are the Serfs par naissance
NOTES. 413
in France: but under the old regime, there were Serfs held by Mort-
main, and Serfs who became so by loss, of their heritage: that is un-
der one or other of the signoral customs, or droits feodaux. Such Serfs
could not aliene their Serf-tenements, unless to a Serf of the same lord:
they could not marry a free person, or the Serf of another lord: they
could not put their sons into the clerical profession : they could not make
a will to the prejudice of their lord, &c. See 1 Ferviere’s Justinian 76.
Somewhat of the same kind obtained in Germany, and still more in Po-
land. At present I apprehend this class of society no longer exists in
Europe.
There is no where in the scriptures that I recollect, any direct prohi-
bition of slavery, except as to the bondage of the Jews among them-
selves; but there can be no doubt, of its being contrary to the gene-
ral spirit and precepts of christianity, which has contributed not.a lit-
tle to the abolition of villenage, as well as of slavery. In the year 1514,
Henry 8th manumitted two of his villains in the following
form, ‘“‘*Whereas God created all men free, but afterwards [ *414 ]
“the laws and customs of nations, subjected some under
“ the yoke of servitude, we think it pious and meritorious with God to
“ manumit Henry Knight, a Taylor, and John Hule a Husbandman,
“ our natives, as being born within the manor of Stoke Clymmysland,
“in our county of Cornwall, &c.” See Barrington’s observations on
the statutes, 2nd edition, 249. ‘So, Fitzherbert, in his readings on 4
Edw. Ist, Extenta Manerii, after giving the-state of villenage in Henry
8th’s time, says that it then began to decrease in all parts of England ;
and he thinks that no men should be bound but unto God, and that it is
contrary to the principles of Christianity. Barrington 251. Robertson,
in his hist. of Charles the 5th, v. 1 p. 324, gives a great number of in-
stances and quotations, to prove the frequency of manumission, from a
religious principle, together with the forms used on such occasions. In-
deed Christianity, greatly contributed in the middle ages, to soften the
barbarous manners of the times. Thus a law of Bavaria, for the pro-
tection of foreigners in Lindebrouge’s collection says, Si autem aliquis
tum presumptuosus fuerit ut peregrinis nocere voluerit, 14 solid. mulcte-
tur. Deus nam dixit (Exod. 21,) peregrinum et pauperem non contrista-
bis de rebus suis. Barrington, 22. See, also the interesting account of
the Trevca vet. in 1. Robertson’s Ch. 5 p. 343—356. Hence, seems to
be derived the clause in our indictment for assault, that the Prosecutor
was in the peace of God, and the King.
Sir Thomas Smith, who was secretary of state to Edward 6, and
then to Elizabeth, observes that he never knew of any villains in gross,
in his time, and that villains appendant to manors (villeins regardant:
glebse adscriptitii) were but very few in number: that since England had
Al4 NOTES.
received the christian religion, men began to be affected in their con-
sciences at holding their brethren in servitude; and that upon this
scruple in process of time, the holy fathers, monks and friars, so bur-
thened the minds of those whom they confessed, that temporal men
were glad to manumit all their villains. But he adds, the holy fathers
themselves did not manumit their own slaves, and the bishops behaved
like the other ecclesiastics. But at last some bishops enfranchised their
villains for money, and others on account of popular outcry: and at
length the monasteries falling into lay hands, were the occasion that al-
most all the villains in the kingdom were manumitted. ‘Smith’s repub.
ch. 10. Harris.
In England, although it was determined that trover would not lie for
a negro, because the owner had not such an absolute property in his ne-
gro that he might kill him; (Salk. 666. Ld. Ray. 1274,
[ *415 ] Smith v. *Gould) yet trespass per quod servitium amisit
would lie; and if property were proved in the negro, he
would not have been able to maintain his liberty by baptism or residence
in England (5 Mod. 182 Chamberline v. Harvey) until the great case of
Somerset the negro, by which it was determined that there could be no ‘
slavery in England. See the argument of Mr. Hargrave in that case,
in the last volume of his edition of the state trials. Of the supposed effi-
cacy of baptism formerly, the reader may find a very curious case in 3
Mod. 120. Sir Thomas Grantham’s case.
Villains (hinds) could acquire no property, for quicquid acquiritur ser-
vo, acquisitur domino, says my Lord Coke. Co. Litt. 117. C. As to the
distinctions relating to the right of the master to wages or earnings ac-.
quired by servants or apprentices, see the notes on the above cited passa-
ges in Harg. Co. Litt. and 1 Campb. Rep. Nis. Prius 527, Thompson v.
Havelock. Lord Coke in his-note on villenage, deduces (after St. Am-
brose) the origin of slavery from the introduction of wine: non esset ho-
die servitus, si ebrietas non esset: Canaan being condemned to bondage
for exposing the nakedness of his father Noah.
$ 4. Quibus modis servi, §c. Venundari passus est. This was per-
mitted also by a senatus consultum in the time of Claudian, though
manifestly contrary to the general rule that no man can change his con-
dition on his own authority. Dig. 40. 12. 37. In such cases the person
selling himself was required, Ist to be of 20 years of age at least. Ib.
L. 7. and Dig. 40. 13. 2dly with certain knowledge of his birth and con-
dition Ib. tit. 14. and Dig. 40. 12 L. 14. et seq. 3dly The purchaser
also must act bond fide Ib. L. 16. par. 2. and L. 7. par. 2. Athly.
That the price paid was completely at his disposal, L. 1. and 5. Cod.
de liber caus. Dig. 40. 13. Dig. 28. 3. L. 6. Cujus adds another condition,
5thly That he should neither be filius familias or manumitted, for he
NOTES. ALS
cannot injure the rights of the Paterfamilias or of the Patron. Dig. 40.
12 L. 1. Leo Philosophus abrogated this senatus consultum by his
Novel 59.
A freeman might also become a slave, by ingratitude towards his pat-
ton, by condemnation to the mines or wild beasts, and so becoming ser-
vus Pene. By asenatus consultum Claudianum, a free woman indulg-
ing in servile amours might lose her freedom.
Nascuntur ex ancillis nostris. Cujas gives a fanciful analogy. Ho-
dem jure ex ancillis nati servi sunt, quo sata cedunt solo. Mater enim
solo comparatur, vis patris sato.
$ 5. De liberorum et Servorum Differentia. In England the people
are divided into Ist The King and heir apparent. 2dly The
nobility or *peerage (a) temporal, consisting of dukes, mar- [ *416 ]
quisses, earls, viscounts and barons, (b) spiritual, consist-
ing of archbishops and bishops. 3ldy The commonalty: consisting
of baronets whose titles are hereditary; knights, whose titles are per-
sonal only and not hereditary ; esquires or gentlemen, acquired by birth,
by office, by profession, or by courtesy ; yeomanry, tradesmen, artificers,
and. labourers.
In this country, the title of ‘‘excellency” sometimes given to the Pre-
sident of the United States, and to governors of states, as well as the
title “honourable” bestowed on judges and members of Congress, and
“esquire” applied to justices of peace and practioners at law, I regard.
as founded on courtesy and custom only. The practice of addressing
the president, a governor, or a judge, as an esquire, certainly arises
from neglecting the old adage that omne majus continet in se minus.
Tit. 4. De ingenui definitione p. 12. By the civil law, children born
in wedlock (as in England) followed the condition of the fathers, Dig.
5. 19. If born out of wedlock (contubernio) they follow the condition
of the mother. In England, a bastard being nullius filius is in all ca-
ses free, the presumption being in favour of liberty: so if aman marry
a Nef, she becomes free forever after: and a child born in such wed-
lock is also free. See all the learning on this subject in Harg. Co. Litt.
123. b.
Tit. 5. Definitio et origo Libertinorum, §c. p. 13. In the early times
of the republic Libertus was a freed man, and Libertinus his descend-
ant. Suet. Claud. 24. 8. Isid. 4. But this distinction fell into disuse.
$ 1. Quibus modis manumittitur, p. 14. Liberty could anciently be
conferred but three ways, viz. by testament: by the census : and by the
vindicta, or lictor’s rod. This is evident from the following passages in
Tully : si neque censu, neque vindicta, neque testamento, liber factus est,
non est liber. In Top.
416 NOTES.
A man was said to be liber censu, when his name was inserted in the
censor’s roll, with the approbation of his. master at the public census.
But the method of acquiring liberty by the vindicta, was more solemn
and formal. For it, was necessary that the master placing his hand
upon the head of the slave, should say in the presence of the pretor,
hunc hominem liberum esse solo: to which the preetor always replied,
dico eum liberum esse more Quiritum. Then the lictor or serjeant re-
ceiving the vindicta or rod from the pretor, struck the new freed man
several blows with it upon the head, face, and back, after which his
name was registered in the roll of freedmen, and his head being close
shaved, a cap was given to him as a token of liberty. Harris.
[ *417 ] *This is not quite accurate. The lictor gave the slave, a
gentle blow on the head with the vindicta, and a box on the
ear, and made him tum round thrice. Afterward under the latter empe-
rors, in lieu of the census, the master made a public declaration of his
intention to free the slave, in church. Slaves were also manumitted by
letter, signed by the master in presence of five witnesses: or before his
friends, five witnesses being present at the declaration. The enfran-
chisement by vindicta, might take place before a consul as well asa
preetor; and in the provinces before a proconsul, his legate, or deputy.
See dig. 1. 16. 2. cod. 7. tit. 6: de lat. lib. toll. Ib. 1. 1.$ 2. de his qui in
eccles. and Sigonius |. 1. de antiq. Jur. Civ. Rom.
The ancient form of manumitting villains, was thus. “If any person
* be desirous to enfranchise his slave, let him with his right hand deliv-
“ er the slave to the sheriff in a full county, proclaim him exempt from
“ the bond of servitude by manumission, shew him open gates and
“ ways, deliver him firearms, to wit, a lance and a sword, whereupon
“he becomes a free man.’ Harris, from Wilkins’ leges anglo-saxo-
nics. Afterwards, manumission of villains was conferred by grant and
release, of which Harris has given a form from the complete Clerk,
1676.
Alius multis modis. Enumerated cod. 7. tit. 6 de lat. lib. tollenda.
Tit. 5. § 3. De libertinorum divisione sublata. The three classes of
freed men, here mentioned, had different rights attached to their respec-
tive conditions.
‘1st. Freed men ef the greater liberty, were Roman citizens with all
privileges, but they were obliged to leave a part of their property by
will to the patron. They were required to be thirty years of age, and
their masters twenty, at the time of their manumission by the law Mlia
Sentia ; and all the usual and prescribed forms were to be strictly ob-
served. If any of these requisites were wanting, the slave became only,
2dly Latinus Junianus, under the law Junia Norbana, enacted 771 in the
consulship of Junius Silanus, and Norbanus Balbus; which confined
NOTES. A17
the right of being considered as freedmen of the greater liberty, to those
who had been enfranchised, by will, by census, or by the vindicta.
These Latini, were not Roman citizens, they died slaves, but during life
they enjoyed the other privileges of freemen, see 3 Instit. 8. 3dly, The
Dedititii, were persons who, while slaves, had suffered corporeal punish-
ment for some crime, and were named after some tributaries to the Ro-
man people, who had revolted and were compelled to lay down their
arms. Dedititii, quia se suaque omnia dedicerunt. They
could never become Roman citizens. All *these distinctions [ *418 ]
were destroyed by the constitutions of Justinian. Cod. 7. tit.
5.1. 1 and tit. 6.1.1. Harris. Ferriere. :
Tit. 6.$1. De servo instituto, §c. Injuria defunctus officiatur, p.
16. It was ignominious for the goods of the deceased to be sold at pub-
lic auction for debts, see Cic. orat. pro. Quintio.
Tb. $ 3. Quid sit in fraudem, §c. The fraudulent intent may lose
its effect in this case: a man knowing himself insolvent, enfranchises his
slave: by subsequent acquisition he becemes solvent: the slave in this
case continues free.
In the following case, the creditors may lose the slave, although there
was no fraud accompanying his manumission. A master enfranchises
during known and acknowledged solvency. His house and goods are
afterwards consumed by fire. The manumission cannot be set aside, for
it was fair and legal when made. Ferriere.
In England, there are two statutes made to protect creditors against
fraudulent conveyances and devises, 27 Eliz. ch. 4. and 3 W. and M. ch.
14, see Wilson v. Knubley, 7 East, 128.
Ib. $ 5. Que sunt juste cause. See the 9th and six following laws
of the digest, de manum vindic. and the 21st law of the digest qui et a
quibus manum that is dig. 40. 3 and dig. 40. 9.
A son might become master of his father, if he had been left heir by
a testator, to whom the whole family belonged.
Procurator. Cujas thinks this is only procurator ad lites, not adjnego-
cia. L. 22 observ. c.16. A mere agent ad negocia, might be under the
age of 17. see L. 3. $ ult. de minor. (dig. 4, 4) and dig. 14. 3. de Instit.
actione.
Tit. 7.$ 1. De lege Furia Caninia. This is a law passed in the time
of Augustus to prevent the city being crowded with idle and disorderly
persons. Suet. Aug.
Tit. 8. § 2. De Jure civ. Rom. in servos. Ihave already treated of
the condition of slaves among the Romans.
Ad sacram statuam. It was anciently the policy of almost all king-
doms to allow of sanctuaries or places of refuge, and they are said to
have been permitted in ee as soon as Christianity was re-
418 NOTES, _
ceived. In the i cles year of Henry 8th; the following points (which
will ¢ give the reader some idea of the power of sanctuaries) were affirm-
ed and resolved in the cas¢ of Savage, to wit: That in England the
pope without the king could not make a sanctuary: that sanctuaries
must commence with a grant from the king, and then be confirmed by
the pope: but that if they began by a bull from the pope, it would
be itisufficient, although they were afterwards confirmed by
[ *419 ] *the king : that the general words Ambitus, Precinctus,
Clausura, in such grants, whether papal or regal, did only
include the church, loiter dormitory and church yard, but did not ex-
tend to the gardens, barns, stables and the like: that sanctuary de jure
communi was only for forty days (which was a privilege belonging to
all parochial churches and church yards) and that sanctuary for life, or
as long as the person pleased (which was an usual privilege of religious
houses) depended upon special grants, which were to be well proved, or
otherwise were null and void. Keilway 188. Gibson’s Codex 1188.
Sanctuary never extended farther in civil cases, than to save the body
from execution. In criminal cases, it did not extend to treason; but it
did to murder and other felonies. 2 Hawk. Pl. Cr. 32.
Sanctuaries lost much of their privileges by 22 Hen. 8. ch. 19. 27 H.
8. ch. 19. 32 Hen. 8 ch. 12. and ch. 20. and they were entirely abo-
lished by 21 James 1. ch. 28. See Middleton’s letter from Rome, 113.
(Harris).
Major asperitas dominorum. In England the lord might rob, beat
and chastise his villain at will, but was not allowed.to maim him: for
then, the villain might have had an appeal of mayhem against him.
Le seigneur ‘poit rob, naufrer, et chastiser son villein @ son volunt. Salve
qwil ne poit lui maim, car donques il avera appel de mayhem envers lui.
Termes de la Ley.
Tit. 9. De patria potestate, p. 22. Anciently fathers had the power of
life and death over their children. This was restrained by Trajan who
directed emancipation in cases of great severity. Z. 1 of the Dig. sia
parenti: and by Adrian ‘ZL. 5 of the Dig. de Leg. Ponip. de parricid:
and by Alexander Severus, L. 3. Cod. de patria potest: so Ulpian de
Adulieris : Inauditum filium pater occidere non potest, sed accusare eum
apud, preefectum, preesidemve provinciee debet.
A man might acquire the rights of a father by marriage, legitimation
and adoption.
As to the right of a father to the acquisitions of his child, See post.
Inst. 1. 2. tit. 9.
Tit. 9. $1 Definitio nuptiurum. Marriage in this passage is term-
ed indiscriminately. nuptice and matrimoniium. There ate other terms
NOTES. 419
also applied to marriage, as Connubium, Conjugium, Consortium, Con-
tubernium, Concubinatus.
Matrimonium, originally meant the union of male and female for the
purpose of procuring offspring. Maris et famine conjunctio, as the
2nd Tit. of the Institute has it. Nuptie strictly means, the marriage
ceremony. Hence the expressions Justwm matrimonium,
“* Juste nuptie, meaning that kind of marriage and marriage [ *420 J
ceremony, which was conducted according to law: and this
was matrimony at’ efoxny, matrimonium and nuptie soon became the
popular expressions for lawful marriage.
Connubium, conjugium, consortium, are metaphorical synonymies for
lawful matrimony. Connubiwm, a mutual submission to the marriage
ceremony, from nwbendo i. e. eden j it being the custom of the bride
to cover her head with the flammeum or veil. Dr. Taylor deduces it
without sufficient reason as I think, more distantly from a Hebrew root
used 27. Is. 6. signifying procreation, production. Conjugiwm, a mutual
yoke. Consortium, a mutual lot in life ; for better for worse, as the En-
glish Church ceremony, properly states it
The Contuberniwm was the matrimony of slaves, a permitted cohabi-
tation; not partaking of lawful marriage, which they could not contract.
It was ‘ applied also to other kinds of unlawful connection. Cod. 2. 21,
4. Cod. 5.5.3. Cod. 5.5.9. Cod. 6.59. 9. Hence there was no pro-
cess of adultery in favour of a slave. Cod. 9.9.23. Dig. 48. 5.6.
But although civil forms might be disregarded in Contuberniis, the laws
of nature as to incestuous commerce, were held in full force, for the rea-
son assigned in Inst. 1. 15. 3. See also dig. 23. 2. 14. 2.
Concubinatus. Semi-matrimonium ; conjugium inequale. A full de-
scription of this may be seen in the last title of dig. 25. The Greeks
also allowed of this left-handed marriage, as I believe it is called in Eu-
rope: yuyauos. Not. ad Demosth. C. Nearchi T. III. p. 624. Concubi-
nage was entered into before witnesses, otherwise it became prostitution,
dig. 25. 7.3. The parties might dlissotve the contract and cohabitation
at pleasure, dig. 25.7.1. Itdid not admit of adultery. Dig. 25. 7. 3.
As marriage was discouraged between officers of state in the provinces,
and female inhabitants of the same province, they were permitted to
take concubines ‘of the province. Ib. 1. 5. dig. 23, 2. 38 and 57. and ‘Cod.
si quacumque predict potest.
-Concubinage was regulated by Constantine. Cod. 5. 26. unie.7. 15
ult. and Justinian, Nov. 18. 74. and 89. Concubina est mulier libera in-
upta.quam vir celebs domi concubinatus causa solam habet. That the
man should be unmarried, was not required by the old or prior | laws _Te-
lating to. concubinage, but the woman only. All that was formerly | re-
quired of the man, was, that he should be at least twelve years ¢ of, age,
420 NOTES.
dig. 25. 7. 1. and that he should not have more concubines than one.
Concubinage was abolished by the emperor Leo. Nov. Leo. 91.
[A concubine did not mean in the civil law a harlot; the concubine
was a person taken to cohabit in the manner, and under the character,
of a wife, but without being authorized thereto by a legal marriage.
Concubinage was confined to a single person, was of perpetual obliga-
tion as much as marriage itself; was a society recognized by the laws,
and in general entered into between persons who, by laws of policy,
were forbidden by the state to marry together for want of quality or for-
tune ; the concubine might even be accused of adultery. ‘Those charac-
ters show how widely mistaken we should be if we annexed the idea of
immodesty and contempt to the name of concubine among the ancients,
as we doin modern times. See 1 Brown’s Civil Law, 80. 81. 5 Gib-
bon’s Hist. 399, 400, 8vo. 1828.]
Concubinage, I understand, obtained not many years ago
[ *421 ] in Germany, *if it does not at this day. Ido not enter at
large into the marriage ceremonies of the Romans, they may
be sought in modern compilers, Rosinus, Adams; but after Dr. Taylor,
I shall notice the three kinds of lawful marriage among that people.
Marriages were solennes, solemn; or minus solennes, less solemn.
The solennes were either Usu, Farre, oR CoEMPTIONE.
Marriage, Usu, by prescription, is briefly described by Servius, in his
commentary on-1 Virg. Georg. 31. and 18 Aul. Gell.6. When a woman
cohabited with aman for a whole year, with a view to matrimony,
(matrimonii ergo,) she became his property by prescription, under a law
of the 12 Tables. ‘Till the year was expired, she was uxor, matrona,
but not materfamilias. An absence of three nights would break the
prescription, or usucapion ; this interruption was usurpatio.
This seems to have been the oldest form of Roman marriages.
Marriage, Farre: Confarreatio. This was the most solemn form of
marriage among the Romans: by it, a woman became copartner with
her husband in all his sacred rites, and in all his substance, and was his
sole heir at his death, if he died without children. Dion. Halic.1.c. If
he left children, she succeeded to equal portions of his estate. The chil-
dren were patrimi, and matrimi, and had peculiar privileges; certain
priests, and the vestal virgins being chosen’from among them. 4 'Tacit.
ann. 16. 1. Aul. Gell. 12. The ceremony could not be performed with-
out the presence of the Pontifex maximus, or the Flamen Dialis: Ser-
vius in 1 Georg. It was attended with the ceremony of the parties mu-
tually breaking together a cake, Farra, Panis farreus. Ten witnesses
were necessary. Ulpian, tit.9.$§1. It was dissolved by a similar cere-
mony, Diffarrsatio. It fell into disuse, about the time of Tiberius, 4
Tac. ann. 16.
NOTES. 421
Marriage, Coemptione: or by mutual purchase. The man and the
woman delivered to each other a small piece of money. Servius ad 4.
Virg. Mneid. 103. Cic. orat. 1.57. The man asked the woman, will
you become to me the mother of the family? To which she replied, I
will. In her turn, she asked, will you become to mea father of the
family ? and he answered, I will. ‘The woman then delivered her piece
of money and herself, into the hands of the man. Until this period,
and preceding the Domi ductio, the woman was sponsa only: after the
Domi ductio, the marriage was completed. Dig. 35. 1. 15.
Coemptio, was also called conventio in manum. The wife stood in
point of heirship to the husband, in place of a daughter.
Among the Romans, the foundation of marriage was the
consENT of *the parties. Consensus, non Concubitus, facit [ *422 ]
nuptias. Dig. 50.17.30. Dig. 35. 1.15. Dig. 24. 1. 32. 13.
But this consent, must have been between parties willing to contract, of
proper age, (that is 14 for the male, 12 for the female,) free from disabi-
lities of relationship, able to contract, free from precontract, from legal
disability, and that consent must have been ratified also by the consent
of the parent. Instit. 1.10. pr. which given afterward by Ratihabitio,
would not answer the purpose of confirming the marriage. Dig. 1. 5,
11. Tb. 23. 2.65.1. Ib. 48. 5.13.6. But latterly a subsequent confir-
mation seems to have been valid: Cod. 4. 28.7. Without this consent,
the issue were illegitimate. Inst. 1. 11.7. In cases of insanity or cap-
tivity, the consent of the parents was not necessary. L. 35. Cod de
nupt. L. 28. Cod. de Episcop. aud.
In England both by the canon law, (canons of 1603. Can. 62, 63. 100,
101.) and the statute law, the consent of parents is required: the want
of it indeed, did not avoid the marriage, but the minister who married
them was punished by 7 and 8 W. 3. ch. 35. But by the marriage act
of 26 Geo. 2. ch. 33. beside punishing the minister, the marriage is de-
clared void in many cases where the requisites of that act are not com-
plied with. The general train of chancery decisions, is also much in fa-
vour of devises on condition of marriage with consent of Guardians, &c.
See 1 Fonb. 246. Ist n. edit. or L. 1. ch. 4. $ 10. n.
The legal prohibitions were Parentace, (Parentela) Rearion-
sup, Pustic Decorum, Rank, Power and Ace: of which in their
order.
Parentage : Cognation: Consanguinity. The connection of persons
descended from a common parent or stock. Strictly, Cognati, are rela-
tions by the mother’s side: Agnati relations by the father’s side. Adg-
nati, or Agnati, include Cognati, but not vice versa. Dig. 38. 10. 10.
Dig. 38.7.5. So Arrogati include the Adoptaii, but not vice versa.
422 NOTES.
This cognation may be either natural, or civil, arising from adoption ; or
mixed; of this, more in L. 3. tit. 6. post.
Relationship or affinity. Is the connection between the husband and
his wife’s parents, and the wife and her husband’s parents. Adjfineg
sunt viri et uxoris cognati; dicto ab eo, quod duc cognationes que diver-
se inter se sunt, per nuptias copulantur ; et altera ad alterius cognationss
Jinem accedit: namque conjungende adfinitatis, causa fit ex nuptiis.
Dig. 38. 10. 4, 3. There are no degrees, strictly speaking, in affinity, as
there are in parentage or consanguinity ; but I am considered as related
to the parents of my wife, in the same degree that she is. Although
affinity takes place between me and my wife’s parentage,
[ *423 ] and *between my wife and mine, yet this does not induce
any kind of relationship or affinity, between our respective
parents or consanguinei ; for their situations in society, ought not to be
affected by our contracts. Hence comprivigni may intermarry. Dig.
23. 2. 34. 3. Affinity therefore can only affect the man and woman con-
tracting. Affinis mei affinis non est mihi affinis as North said in Oxen-
ham et ux. v. Gayre, C. B. cited Bac. Ab. tit. Marr. A, 529.
Formerly the Roman law prohibited marriage between persons in
direct affinity only, Dig. 38. 10 4. 6—7. L. 17. Cod. de nupt. but after-
ward the imperial constitutions forbad it between a brother-in-law, and
a sister-in-law in the collateral line. L. 5. and 8. Cod. de Incest. et
Inut. Nupt. 1.
The general rule is, Quocunque gradu, quis uni conjugum junctus est
consanguinitate, eodem gradu junctus est alteri affinitate. 'Thus, I can-
not marry my wife’s daughter or my wife’s mother, because they are to
my former wife in the ascending and descending line of consanguinity ;
and therefore to me in the ascending or descending line of affinity.
Perhaps the prohibitions of the civil. and of the canon law, may-he
explained in a short compass.
Co ey} EH} I Og
In this straight line, the letters respectively over and under each other,
denote parent and child: within this line, all intermarriages are forbid-
den (by the law of nature as is generally agreed) whether ascending or
descending. D. cannot marry either A, Bor C, or E, F or G. Dig. 23.
2. ult. By this rule, all marriages are forbidden between those who are
in pareniuim numero.
*The next rule is, that all marriages are forbidden be- [ *424 ]
tween those collaterals who are in parentum Loco. This is
the respectum Parentela.
A
e— D— FI CO
ROHR
C and D, E and F, G and H, &c. are collaterals.
Of these collaterals, those who are immediately under the common
stock, cannot marry any person in the opposite collateral line.
Thus D is immediately under, or next to the common stock B. Hence
D cannot marry with C, EH, GorI. For like reason C cannot marry
with D, F, H or K.
The next rule is that with respect to other collaterals as E and F, G
and H, I and K, they may marry after the third degree, counted by the
civil law mode of computation: which begins not with, but from the
party in question on the one side, and counts through the common stock,
to the party in question, on the other side; or leaving out the common
stock, and including the parties on both sides. Thus, in what degree of
relation are E and F’, who are first cousins? In the fourth: and they
may marry. For C counts one; B two; D three;-F four. In what
degree of relationship are] and H? Answer, G one; E two, C three;
B four; D five; F six; H seven. The prohibitions of intermarriage
between collaterals, extend by the civil law to the fourth degree, ExcLu-
sive, according to the above mode of counting. Hence first cousins by
the civil law, being in the fourth degree may intermarry.
The Canon law computes, not by counting upwards, then through the
common stock, and then downwards to the propositus—but beginning at
the common stock, counts ‘downward on either line, taking the longest
when one is longer than the other. Thus E and F, or first cousins, are
in the third degree: Bone; C two; E three; or, Bone; Dtwo; F
three. Hence marriage between first cousins is forbidden by the Canon
424 NOTES.
law, whose prohibition extends to the fourth degree of Canon law com-
putation incLusive. Of course, not only first, but second cousins are
forbidden to intermarry by that law. The more numerous the prohibi-
tion, the more profitable were dispensations. Hence the
[ *425 ] present mode of *computing canonical degrees was introduc-
ed by pope Alexander 2nd. By the old canon law and the
early decretals, marriages were forbidden as far as the seventh degree,
answering to the 12th of the civil law: this was reduced to the fourth
degree of canon law computation (inclusive) by the council of Lateran,
1215. But Dr. Taylor says it was so in England, as appears by some
constitutions he examined of Oswald, archbishop of York, in the 10th
century. The English, and we after them, adopt generally the civil
law regulations on this head. Blackstone’s table of consanguinity, L.
2. ch. 14. P. 203. is well calculated to illustrate the comparison of the
two modes of computation.
The following table, is taken from Burn’s ecclesiastical law, tit. mar-
riages.
A man may not marry his
Secundus gradus in linea recta
ascendente,
Cons. Avia. 1 Grandmother.
Affin. Avi relicta. 2 Grandfather’s wife.
Affin. Prosocrus, vel socrus magna. 3 Wive’s grandmother.
Secundus gradus inequalis in li-
nea transversali ascendente,
Cons. Amita. 4 Father’s sister.
Cons. Matertera. 5 Mother’s sister.
Affin. Patrui relicta. 6 Father’s brother’s wife.
Affin. Avunculi relicta 7 Mother’s brother’s wife.
Affin. Amita uzxoris. 8 Wife’s father’s sister.
Affin. Matertera uxoris. 9 Wife’s mother’s sister.
Primus gradus in linea recta as-
cendente,
Cons. Mater. 10 Mother.
Affin. Noverca. 11 Step mother.
Affin. Socrus. 12 Wife’s mother.
Primus gradus in linea recta de-
scendente,
Cons. Filia. 13 Daughter.
Affin. Privigna. 14 Wife’s daughter.
Affin. Nurus. 15 Son’s wife.
NOTES.
Primus gradus equalis in linea
transversali,
Cons. Soror.
Affin. Soror uxoris.
Affin. Fratris relicta. ‘
*Sécundus gradus in linea recta
descendente,
Cons. Neptis ex filio,
Cons. Neptis ex filia.
Affin. Pronurus, i. e. relicta nepotis
ex filio.
Affin. Pronurus, i. e. relicta nepotis
ex filia.
Affin. Privigni filia.
Affin. Privigne filia.
Secundus gradus ineequalis in
linea transversali descendente,
Cons. Neptis ex fratre.
Cons. Neptis ex sorore.
Affin. Nepotis ex fratre relicta.
Affin. Nepotis ex sorore relicta.
Affin. Neptis uxoris ex fratre.
Affin. Neptis uxoris ex sorore.
A woman may not marry with her
1 Grandfather.
2 Grandmother’s husband.
3 Husband’s grandfather.
4 Father’s brother.
5 Mother’s brother.
6 Father’s sister’s husband.
7 Mother’s sister’s husband.
8 Husband’s father’s brother.
9 Husband’s mother’s brother.
10 Father.
11 Step-father.
12 Husband’s father.
16 Sister.
17 Wife’s sister.
18 Brother’s wife.
[ *126 ]
19 Son’s daughter.
20 Daughter’s daughter.
21 Son’s son’s wife.
22 Daughter’s son’s wife.
23 Wife’s son’s daughter.
24 Wife’s daughter’s daughter.
25 Brother’s daughter.
26 Sister’s daughter.
27 Brother’s son’s wife.
28 Sister’s son’s wife.
29 Wive’s brother’s daughter.
30 Wife’s sister’s daughter.
Secundus gradus in linea recta
ascendente,
Cons. Avus.
Affin. Avice relictus.
Affin. Prosocer, vel socer magnus.
Secundus gradus ineequalis in li-
nea transversali ascendente,
Cons. Patruus.
Cons. Avunculus.
‘ Affin. Amite relictus.
Affin. Matertere relictus.
Affin. Patruus mariti.
Affin. Avunculus mariti.
Primus gradus in linea recta
ascendente,
Cons. Pater.
Affin. Vitricus.
Affin. Socer.
426 NOTES.
7 Primus gradus in linea recta
descendente,
13. Son. Cons. Filius.
14 Husband’s son. Affin. Privignus.
[ *427 ] *15 Daughter’s husband. Affin. Gener. —
Primus gradus eequelis in
lina transversali,
‘16 Brother. Cons. Frater.
17 Husband’s brother. Affin. Levir.
18 Sister’s husband. Affin. Sororis relictus.
Secundus gradus in linea rec-
ta descendente,
19 Son’s son. Nepos ex filio.
20 Daughter’s son. Cons. Nepos ex filia.
21 Son’s daughter’s husband. Affin. Progener, 1. e. relictus neptis
ex filio. ‘
22 Daughter’s daughter’s husband. Affn. Progener, t. e. relictus neptis
ex filia.
23 Husband’s son’s son: Affin. Privigni filius.
24 Husband’s daughter’s son. Afin. Privigne filius.
Secundus gradus ineequalis in
linea transversali descen-
dente,
25 Brother’ son. Cons. Nepos ex fratre.
26 Sister’s son. Cons. Nepos ex sorore.
27 Brother’s daughter’s husband. Affin. Neptis ex fratre relictus.
28 Sister’s daughter’s husband. Affin. Neptis ex sorore relictus.
29 Husband’s brother’s son. Affin. Leviri filius, i. e. nepo sma-
riti ex fratre.
30 Husband’s sister’s son. Affin. Goris filius, i. e. nepos ma-
ritt ex sorore.
The Levitical degrees are to be found in the 18th and 20th chapters of
Leviticus, and: they are these; see Haines v. Jescott, 5 Mod. 168. 1 Ld.
Ray. 68. where the Levitical degrees are tabulated in a somewhat diffe-
rent order, following lord Coke.
A man may not marry
His mother
His sister
His son’s daughter
His daughter’s daughter
His father’ wife’s daughter
His father’s sister
His mother’s sister
NOTES. 427
His father’s brother’s wife
His son’s wife
*His brother’s wife [ *428 ]
His wife’s daughter
His wife’s sister.
The preceding are the prohibitions of the 18th chapter.
The following are from the 20th chapter, and may be intended to em-
brace second marriages.
His father’s wife
His wife’s mother
His father’s or mother’s daughter
His father’s or mother’s sister
His uncle’s wife
His brother’s wife.
The above-mentioned table of kindred and affinity, (from Burns)
therefore, is made. up, not from the specific enumeration of prohibited de-
grees in the book of Leviticus, but from the principle that seems to guide
the Jewish prohibition, viz. to the third degree of the Jewish and civil
law computation inclusive: for the Jews calculated degrees in the same
way as the Romans did, viz. from the propositus exclusive, up to and
through the common stock, and down to the other party in question, in-
elusive. 1 Selden’s uxor Hebraica, ch. 4. The English law allows
marriage at the fourth degree, as computed by the Jewish and the civil
law. Harison et ux. v. Dr. Burwell, Vaug. 206. 2 Ventr. 9. Gibs.
Cod. 412. The prohibited degrees are not specified in 32 Hen. 8. ch. 38.
which declares that all persons may lawfully marry, except such as are
prohibited by God’s law, but they are in the preceding statutes of 25 H.
8. c. 22. and 28 H. 8.c. 7. but Burns Eccles. Law II. 405. doubts whe-
ther the two last statutes are in force since 32 H. 8. ch. 38. The spiri-
tual courts are confinéd to the Levitical degrees, Vaugh. 206. Harison
et ux. v. Burwell.
[By a Statute of the State of New York, marriages between parents
and children, including grand-parents and grand-children of every de-
gree, ascending and descending, and between brothers and sisters of the
half, as well as of the whole blood, are declared to be incestuous and ab-
solutely void. The prohibition against such marriages, extends to ille-
gitimate, as well as legitimate children and relatives. Such incestuous
marriages, and also adultery and fornication, committed by such rela-
tives with each other, are made indictable offences, and punishable by
imprisonmeut in a State prison for a term not exceeding ten years. 2
R. 8. 3d ed. p. 199. 773. This is also the law in Massachusetts. Mass.
Revised Statutes, 1835, part 4, tit. 1. ch. 130.] °
428 NOTES.
I have made a doubt whether a man may marry his wife’s sister, his
wife being dead, from the expression in the passage in Levit. “ Thou
shalt not take a wife to her sister to ver her, but in Hill v. Good, Vaugh.
302. and Carth. 271, 3 Keble, 166. Gibs. 412. it was determined that
this case fell under the general prohibition of verse 6. including all that
are near of kin: a decision indirectly confirmed by Collet’s case, 'T.
Jones, 213. Nelson’s Ab. tit. Marr. 1158, 1159. 15 Vin. 256. and lately
by the court of arches in England, (1811,) agreeably to former cases.
Indeed the cases where marriage with a wife’s sister’s daughter has been
deemed incestuous, are numerous. Most of them are collected in 4 Bac.
Ab. 529. See Mr. Butler’s note, Co. Litt. 235.2. 2 Burns
[ *429 ] *Eccles. law, 414. et seq. But it is not forbidden by the law
of Pennsylvania, see act of 1705 as to Incest.
Mr. Christian in his note 4. to 2 Blacks. 206. is right when he says
‘
this seems the latest and leading case, in which the authorities are fully
discussed.
The decisions proceed on the principle, that as wills are ambulatory
till the death of the testator, Lord Beauclerk v. Dr. Mead, 2 At. 167.
any intermediate act, or any change of circumstances, inconsistent with
the will, amounts to an implied revocation. Gilbert on devises, 93.
Christopher v. Christopher, 2 Dickens, Ch. Rep. 447. But an implied re-
vocation may be rebutted by evidence of circumstances that imply oth-
erwise: and where the subsequent change of situation of the testator is
not inconsistent with the provisions of the will, there may be a revoca-
tion in part only. Kennebel v. Scrafton, 2 Hast, 530. 5 Vez. 663, Expte
Ilchester, 7 Vez. 348. Whether the birth of more children after the exe-
cution of the will, and the testator’s second marriage after that, amount
to a revocation, see Gibbons v. Gaunt, 4 Vez. 840.
[The English law, as it stood prior to the statute of 7 William IV. and
1 Vict. ch. 26, (referred to below) was declared in Marston v. Roe, 8
Adolph. and Ellis, 14, the Exchequer Chamber, to be, that ifan unmar-
ried man without any child by a former wife, devised his estate, and left
no provision for any child by a future marriage, notwithstanding he
might have made provision therein for a future wife, the law annexed a
tacit condition to such a will, that if he afterwards married, and had a
child, the will should be revoked, and evidence was not admissible to re-
“but that presumption, or destroy that condition. And by the statute of
1 Victoria, ch. 26, it is declared, that all wills made by a man or-woman
are revoked by marriage, except when made in exercise of a power,
where the property appointed would not, in default of such appointment,
pass to the heir, executor, or next of kin. No will is to be revoked by
presumption of an intention from alteration of circumstances. No will
504 NOTES.
is to be revoked otherwise than by another will or codicil, or by writing
executed like a will, or by destruction with intention to revoke; and no
alteration made after execution to have any effect unless executed as a
will. No will in any manner revoked to be revived otherwise than by
re-execution, or a codicil to revive it; and if a part has been revoked,
and afterwards the whole, such part shall not be revived by a revival of
the whole, unless an intention to revive that part be shown. No convey-
ance made or act done subsequently to the execution of a will, except
it amount to a revocation, shall prevent the operation of the will with
respect to such estate as the testator has power to dispose of at the time
of his death. And a will shall be construed to speak and take effect
from the death of the testator. Thus, where a devise was of a remain-
der to the sons of A., who had three sons when the will was made, and
five at the testator’s death, it was held that the devise was to the five
sons. See King v. Bennet, 4 Meeson and Welsby, 35.]
The law of Pennsylvania has as I think been very judiciously altered
by the acts of 23 March 1764 and 19 Ap. 1794; which
[ *498 ] enact that a *testator having made his will, and afterwards
married, and then dying and leaving a widow, ora child
born subsequent to the will, it shall amount to a revocation as to them ;
and they shall be in the same situation as if he had made no will. On
these acts the following decision has taken place.
In Coates v. Hughes, 3 Binney, 498, it was determined that a subse-
quent marriage and birth of a posthumous: child do not amount by the
law of Pennsylvania to a total revocation of a will even where the sub-
sequent issue is the testator’s only child. They amount to a revocation
pro tanto, namely, so far as regards the widow and the child, but not as
to the appointment of executors, nor-as toa power to sell for the pay-
ment of debts. The-reader will find most of the learning of the books
collected briefly in this case; which turned upon the expressions of the
acts of assembly on this subject.
In 1 Washington’s Virg.Rrep. 140. Wilcox v. Rootes, et. ai. it is taken
for granted by the court, that a subsequent marriage and birth of a
child is an implied revocation of a former will. This was in 1792; but
in 1802 came on the case of Yerby v. Yerby, 3 Call’s Virg. Rep. which
was this:
A man married and had six children: he made a will in 1785. His
wife dying, he married again in 1790, and had two children, to wit, the
present plaintiffs, by his second wife.
It appeared in evidence, that previous to his second marriage he had
promised that the children he might have by his last wife, should be as
well provided for, as those he had by his first wife. It appeared fur-
ther in evidence, that during his last iliness, it was proposed to him to
NOTES. 505
alter his will and provide for the present plaintiffs: but he refused, say-
ing he wished some alterations to be made, and when he got well he
would have them made. He appeared much distressed, and wished to
evade the conversation.
This case was argued against an implied revocation on the following
grounds,
Istly, The Virginia act of assembly provides only for posthumous
children pretermitted : the court cannot go farther : they cannot by ex-
tention make a new law.
2dly, This is not the case of a testamentary disposition in favour of
strangers, which is required to be revoked, but of children, who had at
least as strong a claim as the plaintiffs.
3dly, Implied revocations may be rebutted, by expressions in the will,
or by circumstances, 1 Lord Ray. 441. Doug. 31. and a reference to a
will as a subsisting one, rebuts the presumption of revoca-
tion. *Doug. 31. An expression of an intention to revoke a [ *499 J
will hereafter, does not operate as a revocation. Pow. Dev.
534, much less an expression of a mere intention to alter it. The court
unanimously confirmed the will; and I think the law was with them;
but is it possible to read such a case as this, without regretting the want
of the civil law principle de inofficioso testamenio? The unfeeling ex-
clusions, imperiously demanded by the institution of primogeniture, are
sufficiently odious, but they fall far short of such a case as this, under
the republican laws of Virginia. :
By an act of Massachusetts, 1700, and Feb. 6. 1784, a child not men-
tioned in the will of his parent, shall be entitled to such distributive
share as he would have had by law, had the parent died intestate: but
in Terry v. Foster, Mass. Rep. 146, and in Church v. Crocker, 3 Mass.
Rep. 17. the court held it sufficient to bar the claim of a child to a dis-
tributive share, if noticed by name in the will, though a small legacy or
even no legacy, were bequeathed to such child. ;
The other points appertaining to the law of revocations, are not sufii-
ciently connected with the subject of this section to be dwelt on.
$2. De quasi posthumis, p. 126. If a grandfather passed over his
grandson being his proper heir at the time of making the testament, it
might be done designedly to exclude him from the possession, and the
will might nevertheless be valid. But if the grandson was not the pro-
per heir at the time, the father being alive, the grandfather was not pre-
sumed to have passed him by, with intent of disinherison, but that the
father would regularly succeed in the first place. In this case therefore
the will might be broken. Dig. 28. 3.15. Cujus comment. ad Dig. 28.
2. Now by Nov. 115 and 1. 3. Cod. de post. hered. inst. the passing
over any children of the testator is fatal to the will, except only that
64
506 NOTES.
posthumous children not named must be born alive for that purpose.
See on the subject of this section 1. 3 Cod. de. post. heered. inst. Dig. 37.
4.8.4. As to the law Velleia, see Dig. 28. 2. 29.
$ 4. De adoptivis, p. 127. We have no adopted children in the
Roman sense of the word.
Que de naturalibus, §c. Natural children, in the phraseology of the
English and American law, are children born out of wedlock, and are
contra-distinguished from legitimate children: but in the language of
the civil law, natural are contra-distinguished from adoptive children;
that is, they are the children of, the parents spoken of by natural pro-
creation. z
$5. Jus novum, p. 128. Nostra vero constitutio. Cod.
6. 28. 4.
[ *500 ] *In nostra constitutione. Cod. 8. 48. 10.
; Tit. XIV. De heredibus instituendis, p. 130. Formerly all
legacies and provisions in a will that preceded the nomination of the heir
were void, so necessary was such an appointment to the validity of the
will itself. Ulp. tit.24. § 14 and tit. 25.$ 6. Juncto Paulo 1. 2. sentent.
6.$1. But by Ll 15 and 24. Cod. de test. this precision was rendered
unnecessary, and if by apt and intelligible words, a heir was named in
any part of the will, it sufficed. It was necessary that the will should
comprehend the whole of the testator’s property, for he could not die in-
“testate for one part, and testate as to another. If the heir was nomina-
ted of the first degree, he was instituted, if one more remote, he was
substituted. ,
Qui possunt heredes institui, p. 130. Ex nostra constitutione. Cod.
6. 27. 5.
§ 2. De servo hareditatio, p. 132. For this translation of the testa-
menti factio, see Inst. Lib. 1. Tit. 19. $ 4. Hereditariis servis testamenti
factio est: that is, not factio activa, the right of making a will, but factio
passiva, the right of taking by will.
§ 4. De numero heredum, p. 132. Usque in infinitum, means as
many as he pleases within reasonable bounds. For instance, all the in-
habitants of China, would be plainly absurd. He may appoint a cor-
poration or community if he pleases. 1. hereditas, Cod. h. tit.
§ 5. De divisione hereditatis, p. 132. Heres ex asse,a whole and
sole heir. As, among the Romans was an unit.
Ex parte testatus, et ex parte intestatus. In England; this is other-
wise. If a testator disposes of only half his estate, he will be deemed
intestate as to the rest, which will go according to the statute of dis-
tributions.
§ 8. Si plures uncie quam duodecim, §c. p. 134. Suppose THREE
heirs: to the first is left four ounces; to the second three ounces; to the
NOTES. 507
third, two ounces. Then three ounces will remain undisposed of. These
are to be divided into nine parts; of which the first heir will be entitled
to four, the second to three, the third to two.
Again suppose Turze heirs: to the first is left eighé ounces, to the se-
cond six ounces, to the third fowr ounces, in all eighteen ounces. Each
heir must suffer a deduction in proportion to his share. Thus: if 18—
12—8? Answer, 5} If 18—12—6? Answer, 4. If 18—12—4? An-
swer, 22 That is, the first devisee will be entitled to 53 ounces, the se-
cond, to 4 ounces, and the third to 23 ounces, or twelfth parts of the es-
tate devised.
If nine ounces be left specifically indifferent proportions
among three *heirs, and ¢hree ounces are left generally to [ *501 ]
three others, the last will share in equal portions.
Suppose a testator to institute six heirs, bequeathing to three of them
portions amounting to a whole as: siz ounces for instance to one, four
to another, and do toa third, and the other three are named heirs sim-
ply without any specific assignment of portion. In this case, the estate
will be divided into two asses, of which the three specific devisees will
take one in their respective proportions, and the three others another as
in equal proportions.
Butif the first three had specifically assigned to them eighdeen ounces,
then the puronpium or double as would again take place; and the estate
being divided into two asses or 24 ounces, the three heirs nominated sim-
ply, without assignment of shares, would divide between them in equal
portions siz asses. Ferriere in loco.
§ 9. De modis instituendi, p. 135. None but a military man could
by the Roman law, be partly testate, and partly intestate. Dig. 50. 17.
7 and 29. 1. 41. But where the condition annexed is in itself incertain,
the event must be waited for; and if the condition should not take place
the will is void. If it do take place, then the heir is considered as in
from the death of the testator, quia dies incertus retrotrahitur ad initium.
Dig. 28. 6, 33.
In England, an executor, who may be considered as quasi heres may
be appointed from a certain time, or until a certam time, and the next
of kin may be appointed administrator as to the vacant term. Swin-
burne, 310.
$ 10. De conditione impossibili, p. 135. Impossible conditions are
regarded as not seriously meant by the parties Dig. 44. 7. 31. Possi-
ble conditions may be casual, or potestative, or mixt. Thus, I appoint
Titius my heir, if my ship arrives from Asia. This isa casual condi-
tion. With this condition, a stranger may, but a proper oF domestic
heir, cannot be appointed heir. Dig. 28.5.4 and 86. 1.4 Cod. inst, et
subs. A mixt condition is partly casual, and partly potentative, as pro-
508 NOTES.
vided he shall go to the capitol, as soon as Mevius becomes Consul.
Mavius never may become Consul. In this case, a stranger may, but a
proper heir cannot be instituted. If an heir be appointed, provided that
immediately after my decease, he shall go up to the capitol, this is po-
testative and valid, because the nominee may at his own pleasure putan
end to the condition.
Impossibilis conditio.] “ Although impossible conditians, whether |
“« they are so by nature or by law, do not hinder the effect of the dispo-
“ sition, being reputed asif they were not written or uttered ;
{ *502 ] “‘yet, *if a testator supposes a condition to be passible,
“ which isin reality impossible or illegal, then such condition
“Cis not void, but will render the disposition void, to which it is added:
“as for instance ; if the testator makes Titius his executor, or gives him
“ an hundred patinds if he marries his, the testator’s daughter; suppos-
‘* ing her to be living, when she is dead: in this case, the condition is
‘impossible; and yet T'idius cannot become executor, or obtain the le-
“ acy ; because it isnot probable, that the testator would have made
“ him executor, or given him an hundred pounds, if he had known, or
‘believed his daughter to have been dead.” Swinb. part 4. sect. 6.
§ 11. De pluribus conditionibus, p. 135. See Dig. 35. 1. 6. as to joint
conditions.
In alternativis, suficit alterum adimpleri.
Tit. XV.$ 1. De numero heredum, p. 136. Thus: let Primus and
Secundus be my heirs. If default should take place in case of Primus,
let Tertius be my heir in his room. Or if Primus and Secundus refuse,
let Tertius, or Tertius and Quartus, become my heirs.
Plures in unius locum.| ‘This kind of substitution, which is called
ordinary or vulgar, is of no small use in England, and we do therein,
for the most part, follow the precepts and rules of the civil law: for it is
nothing else but the adding a condition, which we commonly call ¢ai/ in
the case of lands; namely, a limitation of heirs, to whom a testator in-
tends, that his lands should descend. Strahan on Domat. vol. 2. p. 221.
Cowel’s inst. tit 15. Harris.
Substitutions are rejected by the code Napoleon. Art. 896.
$ 2. Quam partem singuli, $c. p. 136. Suppose Primus, Secundus,
and Tertius, are heirs and reciprocally substituted each for the other:
Primus, having assigned to him one ounce, Secundus eight ounces, and
Tertius three ounces. If Primus resigns, his ounce must be divided
into eleven parts, of which Secundus takes eight, and Tertius three parts.
Ferriere.
fta Divus Pius. Cod. 6. 26.1. Dig. 28. 6. 24.
§$ 3. Si coheredi substituto, p.137. If Primus and Secundus, are
appointed heirs, and Secwndus substituted to Primus, and Tertius to
NOTES. 509
Secundus, then if Primus, and Secundus, both die, Tertius is consider-
ed as entitled to the heirship of Primus, as well as of Secundus, and the
share of Prinius, does not escheat to the treasury. ,
If Secundus should die, and Tertius succeed to him, and then Pri-
mus should die, a question arose whether the treasury or Tertius should
succeed to the share of Primus. It should seem at first that the decis-
ion was in favour of the treasury from Dig. 28. 6.27. But
*it appears that Severus and Antoninus, leaned against the [ *503 ]
claim of the treasury. Mysinger. h. 1. Whether the same
doctrine takes place in pupillary substitution, see Cujas on Dig. 28. 6.
4}. and Ferriere in loco.
$ 4. Si quis servo; qui liber existimabatur, &c. p. 137. In this case,
the heirship was divided, from the total incertainty of what the testator
might have willed had he not been mistaken. In dubiis enim causis, ad
judicum rusticum esse recurrendum, ipsa ratio suadeét ; et in ambiguis,
quod minimum est, sequimur. Neither is this opposed to Cod. de he-
redib. instit. 1. 3, where it is said to be a question of inclination: for
this question can only arise where there is room for rational conjec-
ture.
Cujus corrects Dig. 28. 5. 40. from ia ut alter semis, to ita ut As: and
as Ferriere supposes, rightly ; scribes.frequently making mistakes by their
abbreviated characters, Sigle.
Tit. XIV. De pupillari substitutione p. 138. This could not be exer-
cised by the parent over a son emancipated, whether at the execution of
the will, or the death of the testator. Dig. 28. 6.2 and 41. Nor could
the mother exercise this right over her son, being as yet impuber. Nor
is this contrary to Dig. 28.6. 33. because this last is a mere case, not of
pupillary, but of common substitution, for the hetitage does not attach
till the son arrives at fourteen years of age. This is the tabula pupilla-
ris, of the jurisconsults,-and an heir may be appointed for a future time.
Sup. inst. heredib. inst. tit. 14.$ 9. But then such an appointment by
that section of the institutes, is directed to take place immediately, not-
withstanding the limitation. Or if it be considered as incertain whether
the impyber will arrive at puberty, then the condition being incertain,
the validity or nullity of the will depends upon that event. Dies vero
incertus vim habet conditionis et perinde ad initium potest retrahi. Cod.
de hered. inst. 1. 9..and this seems to be the true light.
$ 1. De substitutione mente capti, p. 138: Infirmari sancimus, Cod.
6. 26.9. Dig. 28. 6. 43.
§ 2. Proprium pupillaris substitutionis, p. 139. Quodam modo duo
testamenta. Duplices Tabule,as they are called, Dig. 35. 2. 70. Dig.
18. 4. 2. $illud. The father might make a substitution to his son being
impuber, after having made his own will, and before other witnesses,
510 NOTES.
Dig. 28. 6. 16, but a mother could not. Sup. Still, these being in fact
the will of one person, viz. the father, they were regarded conjointly as
one will, Ib. 1.2. $ 4 and 1. 20. and Dig. 42. 5. 28. | Where
[ *504 ] a father *substitutes to a disinherited son, he must make his
own will first, and so must be understood. Dig. 28. 6. 2. 2.
Ferriere.
If a child, not arrived at puberty, do not fall within some one of the
causes of disinherison stated in Nov. 115, he may effectually prefer the
allegation of invalidity from neglect of natural duty; (inofficiosi testa-
menti) against the will. These causes are briefly as follows: all com-
prehended under the general denomination of ingratitude; so that it
seems a commentary upon the old adage, ingratum quem dixeris om-
nia dicis.
Istly, If the child hath assaulted the parents: or 2ndly, inflicted upon
them a great and dishonorable injury: or 3dly, accused them of a crime,
except where the emperor or state was concerned: or 4thly, practised
sorcery: or 5thly, attempted the life of either of his parents by poison,
or any other secret means: or 6thly, debauched his stepmother, or his
father’s concubine: or 7thly, turned informer against his parents, and
thus put them to expence: or 8thly, if he do not attempt to relieve his
parent out of prison, by offering so far as he can, to become security :
or 9thly, if he should unfairly prevent his parents from making a will:
or 10thly, if he has joined a company of gladiators, (arenarii) or stage
’ players, (mimi,) or 11thly, if a daughter should refuse to marry a hus-
band provided by the parent, who is also willing to bestow on her a rea-
sonable portion, but chooses to live a libertine single life. However, if
the parent hath not taken care to provide her a-proper husband before
the age of 25, and she should then have a child, it is the fault of their
neglect, and no cause of disinherison: or 12thly, if the child should
neglect to succour and take care of a parent, who may become lunatic
or insane: or 13thly, should neglect to exert himself honestly to redeem
his parent from captivity: or 14thly, if being brought up by his pa-
rents, in the orthodox doctrine of the church, he should swerve from
the catholic faith. This last to be sure, might be converted into a fruit-
ful source of complaint.
§ 5. Pupillare testamentum sequela paterni, p. 140. Pupillary sub-
stitution is founded on the will of the father: so that if this be set aside,
the pupillary substitution falls with it. Dig. 28.6. Dig. 50. 17. 129.1.
and 1. 17. 6. ib. So the pupillary substitution holds good in the same
manner as the will holds good. Dig. 29. 2. 4. 1.
$ 6. Quot liberis substituitur, p. 140. In this case, the substitute
cannot succeed till the death of the last child under age.
Ferriere puts the case: A father making his will appoints Primus Se-
NOTES. bil
eundus and Tertius Patres familias, Quartus an impuber, and Quintusa
slave, his heirs, with assignment of various portions. He
disinherits *his son not of age, and appoints as substitutes [ *505 ]
in case of his son’s death before puberty, such of the five
persons as may become heirs to himself. Primus declines: Secundus
and Tertius accept: so does Quartus at command of his father ; so does
Quintus at command of his master. Secundus dies: Quartus becomes
filius familias and is emancipated : Quintus is manumitted. Who shall
be the substitute? shall Primus? shall the heir of Secundus? shall thé
father of Quartus? or the master of Quintus? It is answered, that the
substitution applied to the persons of ihe substitutes, not to the repre-
sentatives: to those who had actually been the heirs of the father, as
well as the instituted heirs: and therefore the substitution fell to 'Terti-
us, Quartus, and Quintus in the respective proportions of their original
shares under the will of the father.
$ 7. De substitutione nominatim aut in genere, p. 141. See on this
section the paraphrase of Theophilus, which is of great authority.
‘Moreover I may substitute to a minor within puberty, by name, and’
‘‘say, if my son should be my heir and die within puberty, let Titius
‘be my heir. And I may substitute to him generally, as when I in-
“stitute many persons as heirs together with my son, or by instituting
“many heirs, I disinherit my son. I may so substitute generally, by
“saying, whoever shall be heir to me the father, 1 substitute him to my
“son if he should die before puberty. By which form of words those
‘who are the written heirs and remain so at the time, will by substitu-
“tion become heirs also to the son dying within puberty. For if the
‘persons instituted reject the heirship as to the greater part, they will
‘take nothing by the pupillary substitution; for the pupillary heirship
‘will be divided between them, in the proportion of the original heir-
“‘ship, that is according to the portion they were respectively entitled to
‘under the father’s institution of them as heirs to him.” __
T have already mentioned (Tit. 15, $ 1) that substitutions are abolish-
ed in France by the Napoleon code.
‘So detrimental has an unqualified and unlimited power of settlement
‘‘been found, even in France, that it has been made a question there,
‘‘whether it would not be for the advantage of the nation at large, that
‘‘all settlements and trusts should be abrogated. This question so far
“as it related to moveables, was by the order of Louis 15, proposed in
“the year 1744 by the chancellor D‘Aguesseau to all the parliaments
‘“‘and superior councils of France, See Questions concernant les substitu-
“¢ions, avec les Responses de touts les Parliamens, et cours souverains
“du Royaume, et les abservations de M. L. Chancelier D'Aguesseau
i
512 NOTES.
“sur les dits responses. Toulouse, 1770. And see also
i[ *506 ] “‘ Commentairs *de I‘Ordonance de Louis 15. sur les substi-
“tutions per M.-Feugole. Paris, 1767. Butler’s elaborate
note on the doctrine of uses, Co. Litt. 272. a. sub finem, 279, a. See
Code civil Nap. ou Recueil. Tom. 2. p. 429.
Tit. X VIL. $1. Quando testamentum dicatur rumpi, p. 142. Secun-
dum nostram constitutionem, Cod. 8. 48. 10.
Not only in the cases mentioned in the text, but by the birth of a
child subsequent to the will. Formerly the adoption of a son set aside
the will, Dig. 28. 3. 7. if he was not instituted heir therein. Dig. 28. 3.
18. Dig. 37. 4. 8. 7. but by this law of Justinian, an adopted son, does.
not invalidate the will, unless he be a pater familias, or if being a filius
familias he be adopted by some relation paternal or maternal in the as-
cending line. Cod. de adopt. lex penult.
As to the general doctrine of revocations, see Viner’s Ab. under this
head, and the note 4 of Serjeant Williams to page 276 of Saunders’ Re-
ports, and the cases there referred to, particularly Bridges v. The Dutch-
ess of Chandos, 2 Vez. Jun. 417. and Goodtitle v. Otway, 7 Term Rep.
399. The following cases on the subject have occurred since that note.
Cave v. Holford, 3 Vez. 650. Revocation by subsequent convey-
ance.
Lord Temple v. Dutchess of Chandos. Ib. 685. By a mortgage, or
a conveyance in fee of a devised estate for the payment of debts, the
will is revoked pro tanto only.
Hinckley v. Simmons, 4 Vez. 160. Mutual wills by two uumarried
sisters under twenty-one, the marriage of one does not revoke the will
of the other.
Crosbie v. Macdonald, 4 Vez. 610. All codicils are part of the will:
therefore a codicil for a particular purpose only, does not revive a part of
the will revoked by a former codicil.
Ib. T'wo inconsistent wills: a codicil referring to the first by date as
the last will, revokes the immediate will.
Gibbons v. Caunt, 4 Vez. 840. Quere, whether by the birth of more
children subsequent to the will, and the testator’s second marriage after
the birth of those children, but no issue by that marriage, the will is re-
voked ?
Lord Carrington v. Payne, 5 Vez. 404. A codicil applying to a partic-
ular part of the will only, was considered as a substitution for, and not
a revocation of that particular part.
Knollys v. Alcock, Ib. 634. A contract for sale revokes a devise of the
land. But it is not revoked by’a mortgage in fee to the devisee. Bax-
ter v. Dyer, Ib. 656.
NOTES. 513
*Kennebel v. Scrafton, Ib. 663. Marriage and birth of a [ *507 ]
child, (ut semble) does not revoke a will made in contempla-
tion of such marriage and issue by it,
Harmood v, Oglander, 6 Vez. 199. Devise revoked by a conveyance
in trust, operating beyond the mere purpose of securing a mortgage.
At law, the courts only consider the great question whether the inter-
est remains the same in the devisor, as it did at the date of the will; if
not, whether the charge be for a general ora partial purpose, itis a legal
revocation of the devise ; but at equity, if the deed be only for a partial
purpose, introducing only a particular charge or incumbrance, and not
otherwise affecting the interest of the devisor; there, the use that would
enure to the testator and his heirs, if alive, after that partial purpose was
effected, will be held by equity to enure to the devisee if the testator be
dead. Hence, a devise is not revoked by a mortgage in fee, or by a
conveyance in fee for the payment of debts. Ib, A court of law, looks
at the deed only, and compares the interest at the date of the will, with
the alteration made in it by the deed: but equity looks also at articles,
at covenants, and at the real intent of the transaction connected with
the deed.
Equity controuls the law in cases of revocation under the two follow-
ing circumstances only. Ist. Where the beneficial interest is devised,
distinct from the legal estate, and the testator afterwards takes the legal
estate without any modification or alteration. 2ndly, Where having the
legal as well as the beneficial estate at the date of the will, he divests
himself of the former, but retains the latter: as in the case of a mort-
gage, or conveyance for the payment of debts. Ib.
Ellison v. Ellison, Ib. p. 656. Ellison in 1791 conveyed leasehold es-
tate in trust to Wren: in 1786 he made his will, devising his personal
estate, &c. In 1797 he took a conveyance to himself from Wren of the
trust estate. Held this was no revocation; especially as no intent to re-
voke appeared in the proceedings.
Ex pte. Ilchester, 7 Vez. 370. Montague v. Jeffereys, Moore, 4. An
act inconsistent with the will, though by accident not carried into effect,
is a revocation: as a covenant with letter of attorney to make livery,
though no livery made. Inchoate acts inconsistent with the will amount
to revocation if accompanied with power to destroy the provisions of the
will. See further in Lord Alvanly’s argument as to the effect of parol
and inchoate revocations previous to and under the statute of frauds.
Where the instrument inconsistent with the will is complete in itself
to show the intention, it is a revocation, though something fur-
ther remains *to be done-to give it legal effect in favour of [ *508 ]
the person to whom it is made, as a bargain and sale with-
65
,
514 NOTES.
out enrollment: a feoffment without livery, &c. but a second will unat-
tested, 1s incomplete, and therefore cannot revoke.
Agreeable to the rule of the civil-law, tunc prius testamentum rumpi-
tur cum posterius perfectum est, which in Limbery v. Mason, Comyn.
Rep. 451, is laid down as the English law. Dig. 28. 3. 2.
Knollys v. Aleock, 7 Vez. 564, and Attorney General v. Vigor, 8 Vez.
281. Maundrel v. Maundrel, 10 Vez. 256. Mere partition, whether by
compulsion or agreement is not a revocation: but the slightest addition,
aS a power of appointment to the limitation of uses is sufficient. In
what case an instrument abandoned ceases to be a revocation.
A codicil reciting a specific and limited purpose will revoke the whole
devise, declaring the trusts again with the proposed alterations, and will
confirm the will in all particulars not revoked. 'The omission of a trust
though against the intention of the testator,’cannot be supplied. Holder
v. Holder, 8 Vez. 97.
Harmood v. Oglander, 8 Vez. 126. There is no instance of a revoca-
tion at law, not being a revocation in equity, where the partial particular
purpose was not for charges, or incumbrances, or to pay debts.
Rose v. Cuninghame, 11 Vez. 554. Where an agreement for the pur-
chase of an estate has been executed, the purchaser may devise it, and
the subsequent conveyance of the mere legal estate, will not be a revo-
cation of the will, while the equitable estate remains. Doe ». Pott,
Doug. 684. Watts v. Fullerton, Doug. 891.
Pemberton v. Pemberton, 13 Vez. 297. Duplicates of a will. The
presumption is, that cancelling one of the duplicates amounts to cancell-
ing the other, though both are in the testator’s possession, and the can-
celled instrument had heen altered.
Charman v. Charman, 14 Vez. 580. Devise of real estate not revok-
ed by bankruptcy.
5 Term Rep. 124. Shove v. Princk. An imperfect and inefficient
deed, evidencing an intention to revoke, revokes a will.
1 Bos. and Pull. 576. Goodtitle v. Otway. No man has a right to
devise an estate of which the title is not in him at the time of the de-
vise: it must be his own: legally, according to the doctrines of the courts
of law; equitably at least, if not legally, according to the doctrines of
the courts of equity: no subsequent acquisition of the title, will make
that will good which was bad when it was executed. This appears
from Butler and Baker’s case, 3 Co. Rep. 30. b. Sparrow v. Hardcastle,
3 At. 803. per Lord Trevor in Fitzg. 240.
[ *509 ] * Hence in Swift ex dem. Neale and Roberts, Burn 1497,
Lord Mansfield denied that a joint tenant could devise his
estate, either by law or by statute. For by the express words of the
NOTES. 515
Statute of 34 and 35 Hen. 8, a devisor must have the estate he pretends
to devise: and an after-purchased estate will not pass. A will under the
Roman law, essentially consisted in the appointment of anheir : in Eng-
land it is ambulatory, and revocable, and more in the nature of a dona~
tio mortis causa.
. And this estate must continue in the devisor till the time of his death;
for if, by any form of conveyance, he passes away the whole estate, al-
though he takes it back again instantaneously by another conveyance,
and whether this be done animo revocandi or not, the retaking is a new
estate; it is not the same estate, and the former will without republica-
tion, does not pass it; for a will cannot operate upon an estate which a
man has wholly conveyed away. Lord Mansfield, in Roe ex dem. No-
den v. Griffith, 4 Burr. 1960, laments this: but the law was so settled in
Lord Lincoln v. Rolls, Show. Parl. Cases 154, and 1 Ab. Ca. in Eq. 411.
to the same purpose, are, Sparrow v. Hardcastle, sup. and Parsons v.
Freeman, 3 At. 740. and the other decisions cited by Buller, and by Eyre,
in the present case of Goodtitle v. Otway, which is very instructive.
Eyre however, like Lord Mansfield, seems to me to regret that this rule
of positive law, was ever carried further, than that a disposition of the
whole estate, amounted to evidence of an intention to revoke, which
might of course be rebutted. But so the law is. This law is no other-
wise modified by equity, (which doubtless cannot supercede the statute)
than by protecting those equitable interests, which a man reserves by ar-
ticles and covenants thata court of law cannot investigate; and by de-
claring that when the legal conveyance is only a mere matter of form
with a view of charging or incumbering the estate for the purpose of
paying debts or otherwise, it cannot be considered as exhausting the fee
—as amounting to a conveyance of the WHOLE estate.
3 Bos. and Pul. Larkins v. Larkins, a devise to two as joint tenants.
Devisor afterwards strikes out the name of one. This is only a revoca-
tion pro tanto.
As to the decisions in Pennsylvania.
A second will containing an express clause of revocation, revokes the
first. 2 Dall. Rep. 268, Boudinot v. Bradford. -
Where a second will is destroyed without more, the preceding will not
having been cancelled, generally speaking is ipso facto reviv-
ed. Ib. and *evidence will be admitted to show whether the [ *510 ]
testator cancelled the second ,with an intent to revive the first
will, or to die intestate. Ib. aan
The mere act of making a second will, is a revocation of the former,
as to the personal estate, the law throwing that on the executor as trus-
tee. Ib.
516 NOTES.
A will revoked by a subsequent will, but not cancelled, is re-estab-
lished by cancelling the second will. 2 Dall. Rep. 289. Lawson v Mor-
rison.
A will in writing revoking a will in writing, must be attended with all
the solemnities necessary to the first will, Presumptive and implied re-
vocations from change of state, or acts inconsistent with the will, may
be rebutted by counter evidence. Ib.
A will in writing may be revoked by the parol republication of a for-
mer will in writing. Andif the republished will cannot be found, its
contents may be proved. 2 Binney, 406, Havard v. Davis.
A subsequent marriage and birth of a child, under the acts of Penn-
sylvania, operate as a revocation pro tanto only. 3 Binney; 498, Coates
v. Hughes.
I have found nothing as to the revocation of wills in the New York
decisions, nor in the Southern cases, other than I have already referred
to.
§ 2. De posteriore testamento, p. 142. By Dig. 28. 3. and Cod. de tes-
tam. 27, itis said to be sufficient if the revocation be made before three
witnesses, 10 years after the first will.
Theodosius and Valentinian, declared a will revoked, at the end of
ten years from its execution, although the testator should have shewn no
change of disposition. Cod. Theod. de testam. 6. But Justinian re-
quired a formal revocation as above, in presence of three witnesses.
$ 3. De posteriore in quo heres certe rei, §c. p. 143. see Dig. 28. 3.
12. 1. see Havard v. Davis, 2 Binn. 406.
In ea constitutione. Dig. 36. 1. 29.
Ex lege Falcidia. vid. Title 22 of this book of the institutes.
$ 4. De testamento irrito, p. 143. Even the lowest diminution as if a
pater familias became adopted, his former will was annulled. For his
rights are thus merged in his situation as adopted son, and belong to his
adopted father. Dig. 28. 3. 6. cum ,seq. Dig. 29. 7. 9.3. But this
would not be the case with a military will. Dig. 4.5. 1. ult. nor witha
testamentary disposition of the peculium castrense of a son before eman-
cipation. Dig. 28. 3. 1. ult.
$6. Quibus modis convalescit, p. 144. Per omnia: that is, not through-
out, but, not always, or not in all cases. ‘Thus a will made
[ ¥*511 ] *ineffectual, (érritum) by captivity, may be restored on re-
turn by the jus postliminit, or by the fiction of the lex cornelia,
by which his death is considered as having happened at the moment pre-
ceding captivity. So the diminution by deportation, may admit of com-
plete reinstatement by the imperial decree. Dig. 28.3. 6. 12. So in the
smaller diminution by adoption of a pater familias, his will made as pa-
Lets
?
NOTES. | 517
ter familias, might be re-established before the pretor, provided, 1st, It
was in writing: for the pretor took no cognizance of nuncupative wills.
2ndly, ‘That the pater familias, becoming by adoption filius familias, re-
gained his quality of pater familias, and died in that state. ordly, That
he declared his desire that his former testament should stand good, by
codicil to that purpose. Dig. 37. 10. 1.2 and 3.
§ 7. De nuda voluntate, p.145. Pertinacis Oratione. I have alrea-
dy observed, that the emperors sometimes in person, and sometimes by
their queestors, addressed orations to the senate, proposing the laws they
wished to be adopted. Dig. 23.2. 16. Vinn.
The law of England is the same with that here laid down, viz. that
if a testamentary paper is begun, but left unfinished, and the party lives
a sufficient time to have finished it if he chose, the law presumes either
-that he did not choose to finish it, or had not made up his mind concern-
ing it. Cranvell v. Sanders, Cro. Ja. 497. Burton et al. v. Gowell, Cro.
El. 306. Powel on Dev. 534. Matthews v. Warner, 4 Vez. 197. Grif-
fin v. Griffin, Ib. in not.. Thomas ex dem. Jones v. Evans, 2 East, 488.
See also Cogbill v. Cogbill, 2 H. and Mun. 467.
§ 8. Si princips litis causa, vel in testamento imperfecto, ge. p. 145.
Dig. 1.3. 31. Cod. de testam. 1. 3. Cod. de legib. 1.4. Digna vor est
majestate regnantis, legibus alligatum se principem profiteri. Adeo de
auctoritate juris nostra pendet auctoritas. Et revera majus imperio est
submittere legibus principatun. Et oraculo presentis edicti, quod nobis li-
cere non patimur, aliis indicamus. :
Domitian declared, the emperor might accept the heirship of one of
his subjects, if any one witness should prove that the deceased had made
him his heir: but according to Suetonius, he was obliged to repeal this
decree.
Tit. XVIII. De inofficiiso testamento, p. 146. The allegation of in-
validity as being contrary to the duties of his station in life, lay against
the testament of a testator, who unnaturally disinherited his natural heir
without sufficient cause. This allegation, was not, properly speaking
an action, nor a suit to recover the heirship, for the will is set aside.
The process was, by notice to the instituted heir by the legitimate heir,
and the cause was usually carried from the magistrate or
*court below to the Centumvirs. Dig. 5.2.13.17. The [ *512 ]
suit turned upon proof of some one or other of the fourteen
causes or reasons of disinherison included in the 115th Novel; the onus
probandi, being thrown upon the instituted heir. Hence, it was in the
nature of our motion for a rule toshow cause. I have already abridged
the fourteen causes of disinherison in that novel, but they are also brief-
ly comprized in the following verses.
518 NOTES.
Bis septem ex causis exheeres filius esto:
Si patrem ferit; vel maledicat ei:
Carcere detrusum, si negligat, aut furiosum :
Criminis accuset, vel paret insidias :
Si dederit damnum grave; si nec ab hoste redemit :
Testarive vetet; se societve malis.
Si mimos sequitur; vitietve cubile paternum :
Non orthodoxus ; filia si meretrix.
The last cause however, was insufficient, if the parent did not provide
her a husband before she arrived at the age of twenty-five.
I have already mentioned the English law of revocations: and the
rule that the heir shall not be disinherited by implication. To the same
principles may be referred the rule that a wife shall not be deprived. of
dower by implication. Webb v. Evans, 1 Binn. 565.
Quia plerumque parentes.| The plaint, or action, in the.case of an °
undutiful testament, which civilians call testamentum inofficiosum, is not
in use in England; where, by the common law, all persons intitled to
make a will, have ever had a free power of bequeathing their goods and
chattels, in whatever manner they thought best; and it was only by the
particular custom of some places, that this power was restrained: so
that the writ called breve de rationabili parte bonorum, which the wife or
children of the deceased had against the executors for the recovery of
part of the goods, was not general throughout the kingdom, but peculiar
to certain countries, where the custom was, that, debts being paid, the
remainder should be divided into three equal parts; viz. one to the wife,
another to the children, and a third to attend the will of the testator.
Cowel lib, 2. t. 18. ,
The custom of reserving a reasonable part of the goods for the widows
and children of testators is still in force in the city of London, as to the
widows and children of freemen; but in other parts of the kingdom,
where this custom did formerly —— it has been abolished by act of
parliament; see 4 and 5 Will. and Mary, cap. 6. The inhabitants of
‘the province of York, are also empowered to dispose of their person-
al estates by their wills, notwithstanding the custom of that
[ *513 ] *province, as to the reasonable part claimed by widows and
children; but the act excepts the cities of York and Ches-
ter; yet the same liberty was afterwards extended to the freemen of the
city of York, by the statute of the 2nd and 3rd of Queen Anne. And
by the 7th and 8th of William the 3rd, cap. 38. the same custom was
abolished in the principality of Wales. See Dr. Strahan’s notes on Do-
mat, vol. 2. p. 109.—But by the law of Scotland, a testator cannot by
testament deprive his wife or children of their legitimate or reasonable
part. Stair’s Inst. lib. 3. t. 8. Mackenzie’s Inst. lib. 3. t. 9. p. 251.
NOTES. 519°
Hoc colore.| This pretext was made use of to avoid the appearance
of impugning the testament of a man in his senses, contrary to the au-
thority of the 12 tables, which give all persons, capable of making a
will, a free and uncontrolled power of bequeathing their effects just as
they think proper. ‘ Verbis legis 12 tabulorum his, uti legassit suze rei,
“ita jus esto. latissima sotestas tributa videtur, et heredis instituendi, et
“ et legata et libertates dandi, tutelas quoque constituendi ; sed id interpre-
“ tatione coangustatum est, gc. ff. 50. ¢. 16. 1. 120. de verb. sign.”
Harris.
§ 1. Qui de in officioso agunt, p. 145. Conititutionibus, Cod. 3. 28.
21 and 27.
Aut agentes vineere, Dig. 5. 2. 6.
The eight causes for which a parent might be disinherited, are includ-
ed in the following verses, and may be found in Nov. 115. ch. 4.
Si capitis natum pater accusaverit; ejus
Aut vite insidias, clamve palamve struat:
Si vetuit cupidum secreta novissima mentis
Prodere ; nec veritys sit temerare nurum :
Si pater et genetrix sibi fata scelesta minentur :
Fulcra non ad nati clausa furentis eant :
Filius auxilio si non patris hostica linquit
Limina : si genitor numen inane colit
That is, parents are not to be pretermitted, or disinherited by name,
unless for one or other of the following causes specifically alleged.
1st, If the parent hath by accusation put in jeopardy the son’s life,
unless in case of treason: 2ndly, or attempted it by poison or by sorce-
ry: or 3rdly, debauched the wife ‘or concubine of his son: or 4thly,
prevented the lawful exercise of the son’s right of devising: or 5thly,
been convicted of attempting by poison or otherwise the life of his wife ;
or the life of her husband: or 6thly, refused to take care of any of their
children who might be deprived of reason: or 7thly, neglect-
ed *to redeem a child from captivity: or 8thly, abandoned [ *514 ]
the orthodox faith.
The allegation of inofficiousness was extended in favour of brothers
and sisters; Cod. h. t. 21. 27. Cod. Theodos. eod. Dig. 5. 2. 14. 1. and
Tb. 1. L. 24. 25.
§ 2. Qui alio jure veniunt et de inofficioso non agunt, p. 147. This al-
legation did not lie, in favour of ;
1st, A son omitted in his father’s will; for this would suffice to nulli-
fy it. .
Saas Daughters or grand-children omitted: for they had a remedy
under the constitution of Marcus Antoninus.
3rdly, Emancipated children omitted : for they might be called to the
2
520 NOTES.
possession by the praetor, per possessionem bonorum contra tabulas. Dig.
5. 2.23. Yet the father of an emancipated son, seems to have both
these remedies; Dig. 37. 12. 1. ult.
Athly, An omitted posthumous child; for he can break the will. Dig.
5. 2. 6.
5thly, An adrogated minor under fourteen, disiherited by his adoptive
father : for he is entitled to his fourth part, under the law of Antoninus
Pius. Dig. 5. 2. 8. 15.
6thly, A child to whom his father has left his portion. Dig. 5. 2. 25.
Cod. eod. 1. 30.
The right to urge this complaint, (which must be brought in five
years, Dig. 37. 4. 4 and 37. 4.8.1. Cod. eod. tit. 28. 1. 3. § 24.) passes
by a decree of Justinian to the immediate legitimate heirs of the per-
son, who might have urged it during life. Cod. eod. si quis, &c. and
scimus, &c.
§ 3. De eo cut testator aliquid reliquerit, p 147. The action to recover
the legal portion, or the difference between the bequest and the fourth
part, was entitled condictio ex lege; and egured to the heirs of the per-
son originally entitled to bring it. Nor was it renounced by implica-
tion: it must have been expressly given up, if at all. Peregrinus fidei
-comm. Art. 36. num. 93. Cod. de inoflicioso test. 1. 30.
$ 6. De quarta legitime partis, p. 148. See Cod. 3. 28. 35.
I have already mentioned, that, in my opinion, the right of bequeath-
ing by will, is no natural right: it is the creature of society, and may
fairly and prudently be limited.
Plato considers a man’s property as belonging to his family, lib. xi. de
leg. which was the Roman doctrine of switas. In Greece, Solon first in-
troduced the right of devising. Plut. in Solon. Demosth. adv. Lept.
The law of the 12 tables on this subject was imported from
[ *515 ] *Athens. But the Romans made frequent attempts to re-
strain the right. 'Thus the Lex Furia, a plebiscitum, A. U.
C. 570. restricted the amount of legacies to other persons than the heir,
at a thousand Asses’; and the legatee receiving it, was subject to a pen-
alty. The Lex Voconia, A. U. C. 584, enacted that no legatee should
receive more than the heir. The Lex Falcidia, under Augustus, secur-
ed to the heir a fourth part of the estate, by restraining the testator from
bequeathing in legacies ultra dodrantem or nine ounces. Justinian, by
the 18th novell. assigned one third of all the goods of the testator to the
children if they amounted to four or fewer, and one half if they were
more than four. Thus éwo children would divide between them four
ounces, five children six ounces ; agreeably to those verses.
Quatuor aut infra dant natis jura 'Trientem :
Semissem vero dant natis quinque vel ultra.
NOTES. 521
See on this subject, Dig. 48. 20.7. Cod. de inoffic. testam. 36. Nov.
1. princip. et $1. Cod. de inoff. test. 31. Cod. ad leg. Jul. majest. 5. $
8. Nov. 66. ch. 92.
The children excluded from this legitima pars, or share of the pater-
nal property thus secured to them by law, whether excluded by volun-
tary or legal reasons, do not on this account augment the quarta pars or
legal portion of the rest. As if one out of five children were disinherit-
ed for just cause, or took the veil, the other four would not be entitled to
six ounces, for the legal portion was founded on the right of heirship or
succession.
Grand children were reckoned per stirpes, by stock: thus all the chil-
dren of a son counted as the son.
In cases of dispute as to the mode of division or remuneration, it was
usually referred to arbitration; arbitrio boni viri. Cod. 1. 3. tit. 28.
§ 36.
The action for the recovery of the supplement, or difference between
a legacy bequeathed and the legal portion, enured to the heirs of those
who hada right to sue. It‘*was even assets to the creditors, although
the heir should have renounced. Cod. de repud. bon. possess. l. 2. Dig.
38. 9. 1. 7.
Previous to the 115th novel. whatever the heir had received whether
as heir, as legatee, mortis causa, or by way of trust, was considered as
advancement, and deducted from his portion or fourth part; except a
donation inter vivos, or gift with actual transfer by the testator in his
lifetime. After this novel. the heir entitled to his legal portion became
entitled without these deductions as it should seem; see Cujas in Dig.
35. 2. 15. penult. and perhaps reasonably, for the legal por-
tion is due *by the settled provisions of positive law; the [ *516 ]
gifts and legacies arise from the casual inclination of the tes-
tator; who therefore could neither transfer or burthen with debts, usu-
fructs, or trusts, even for pious purposes, the portion cast by operation of ,
law. Cod. de inoffic. test. 1. 36.
In the modern French code (art. 913. of Code civ. Nap.) the Quotite
or portion of disposable property is limited in favour of the children.
“ Les liberalites soit par actes entre vifs, soit par testament, ne pourront
“ exceder la moite des biens du disposant s’il ne laisse a son deces qu'un
“ enfant legitime ; le tiers s’il laisse deux enfants ; le quart s'il laisse
“ trois ou un plus grand nombre.”
In England the law permitted devises of personal property time out of
mind: 2 Fonbl. B. 4 pt. 1 ch.1$1. n. (a): but devises of land were
first allowed by Stat. 32, 34, 35 Hen. 8. See Hungerford v. Nosworthy,
Show. P. ©. 147. As to the civil and canon law authority in the eccle-
siastical courts on the subject of legacies, see 2 Fonbl. Ib. $ 4. note.
66
52% NOTES.
By the law of England, and most part of the American states (New-
Orleans I believe adopting the principle if not the regulations of the
Code Napoleon) there is no restriction on the permitted right of bequeath-
ing. Doubtless the parent ought to retain some check on the misbehav-
ior of children, and so I think ought the laws on the caprice, the injus-
tice or the dotage of parents. In Holland, Germany and Spain, and
as I have understood in other parts of Europe, the principles of the Fal-
cidian law more or less limited or extended, have been generally adopt-
ed; and it is worthy of notice, that the experience of the Empire from
the time of Augustus to that of Justinian, led to a gradual extension of
those principles. »
The civil law doctrine of advancement by gift to children, during the
life-time of the testator, briefly laid down in this section, gave birth to
the modern law of England respecting the satisfaction of portions by
legacies, and the ademption of legacies by the advancement of portions:
concerning which, the cases are numerous and complicated.* Ellison
v. Cookson, 1 Vez. jun. 105.
[ *517 ] *Where a parent is under covenant to provide portions for
children, provision by will shall be held to go in satisfaction
unless the contrary appear: and legacies shall be adeemed, by portions
advanced during ‘the testator’s life-time, unless the terms or circumstan-
ces of the legacy negative this implication. For it shall not be intended
that a parent means to give any child a double portion.
Jenkins v. Powel, 2 Vern. 115.
Thomas v. Keymish, 2 Vern. 348.
Brown v. Dawson, Ib. 498.
Wilcox v. Wilcox, 2 Vern. 538.
* The general doctrine of satisfaction, relates either to children: to hus-
band and wife: or to strangers. The first class only, is immediately con-
nected with the subject of the present section; but it may be useful to re-
fer shortly to the leading cases of the two other classes.
As to husband and wife. 1 Vez. sen 323. 2 Vez.sen. 409. 1 Eq. Ca.
ab. 203. Finch’s Prec. Ch. 240. 2 Vern. 498. 555. 709. 724. 1 P. Wms.
824. 2P. Wms. 341.614. 3 P. Wms. 15. 228.353. 3 Atk. 419. 1 Br.
ch. ca. 82.129. 2 Br. ch. ca. 95. 1 Vez. jun. 257. 2 Vez. jun. 463. 644.
4 Vez. 391. 5 Vez.382. 6 Vez. 385. 10 Vez. 1.17.18. 5 Br. Par. Ca.
567. 7 Br. P. Ca. 12. compared with 2 Vern. 504. Ambl. 466. 682. 730.
As to relations and strangers. 1 Vez. sen. 126. 263. 519. 636. Finch’s
Py. Ch. 236. 394. 2 Vern. 478.8.C. 1 Eq. Ab. 203.5. C. 2 Eq. Ab.
352. Salk. 155.508. 1P. Wms. 408. 2 P. Wms. 132. 343. 553. 3 P.
Wuns. 226. 353. 1 Atk. 426. 2 Atk. 300. 493. 519.632. 3 Atk. 65. 96.
Gilb. Ch. 324. Gilb. Eq. Rep. 89. 15B.ch.ca. 170. 3 Br. ch. ca. 192.
3 Vez. jun. 529. 561. 564. 4 Vez. jun. 483. 574. 5 Vez. 369, 382. (cases
of double legacies. )
NOTES. 523
A Bt ea
=
Phinney v. Phinney, 2 Vern, 638.
Atkinson v. Atkinson, 1 Vez. Sen. 262.
Graham v. Graham, 1 Vez. Sen. 263.
Barret v. Beckford, 1 Vez. Sen. 520.
Blois v. Blois,
Pyne’s Case, { 2 Ventr. 347.
Ward v. Tank Finch’s Prec. Ch. 183.
Hoskins v. Hoskins, Ib. 263.
Hartop v. Whitmore, Tb. 541. (and 1 P. Wms. 681. but incorrect,
see 1 Br. Ch. Ca. 306.)
Bromley v. Jefferies, Ib. 138.
Copeley v. Copeley, 1 P. Wms. 147.
Lechmere v. Earl of Carlisle, 3 P. Wms. 211.
Graves v. Boyle, 1 Atk. 509.
Biggleston v. Grubb, 2 Atk. 48.
Rosewell v. Bennet, 3 Atk. 77 e. con. 1 Eq. Ab. 204.
Clark v. Sewell, 3 Atk. 98.
Lee v. Cox, and D’Aranda, Ib. 419.
Upton v. Price, Cas. Temp. Talb. 71.
Watson v. Earl of Lincoln, Ambl. 325.
Richman v. Morgan, 1 Br. Ch. Ca. 63. and 2 Br. Ch. Ca.
394.
*Moulson v. Moulson, 1 Br. Ch. Ca. 82. [ *518 ]
Warren v. Warren, 1 Br. Ch. Ca. 305.
Ackworth v. Ackworth, Ib. 307.
Finch v. Finch, 4 Br. Ch. Ca. 38.
Hinchcliffe ». Hinchcliffe, 3 Vez. jun. 516.
Sparks v. Cator, Ib. 530.
Tolson v. Collins, 4 Vez. 491.
Leake v. Leake, 10 Vez. 489.
On these cases it may be observed
1st. That the intent and meaning of the testator is to be sought, and
parol evidence may be admitted to discover it. Deacon v. Smith, 3 Atk.
326. Ellison v. Cookson, 3 Br. Ch. Ca. 61. Mascal v. Mascal, 1 Vez.
sen. 323. Rosewell v. Bennet, 3 Atk. 77. 1g. Ca. Ab. 204. Chap-
man v. Salt, 2 Vern. 646.
Rosewell v. Bennet, 3 Atk. 77. All these cases go generally to the
admissibility of evidence, whether to aid or rebut a presumption. But
in Freemantle v. Banks, 5 Vez. 79. and Eden v. Smith, Ib. 341. and
Trimmer v. Bayne, 7 Vez. 508, it is laid down that parol evidence ought
only to be admitted to rebut an equity or presumption. In Pole v. Lord
Somers, 6 Vez. 321, the doctrine is discussed. I incline to think that pa-
524 NOTES.
=
rol evidence ought not to be originally admitted to establish a presump-
tion, but the question seems not perfectly at rest.
‘Qndly. There seems to bea distinction between ademption or satisfac-
tion, and performance ; though this is rather discountenanced by Prime
vy. Stebbing, 2 Vez. Sen. 411. But it seems to me that the more modern
rule is reasonable; viz. that where the question is, whether a legacy shall
be considered as the performance of a covenant, more strictness is re-
quired, than where the question is, whether a portion shall adeem a le-
gacy. The first has parties, and is more in the nature of a debt: the
second moves from the parent alone, and the only difficulty arises from
the appearance of a double bounty, and family partiality. See Clark v.
Sewell, 3 Atk.98. Trimmer v. Bayne, 7 Vez. 515.
3rdly. Courts disincline to extend the doctrine of satisfaction, and
therefore take hold of circumstances that will reasonably enable them to
consider a legacy asa bounty. Clark v. Sewell, 3 Atk. 98. TTolson v.
Collins, 4 Vez. 483. Rickets v. Livingston, 2 Johnson’s Cases, N. Y.
101.
Hence it has been decided,
That the devise of a residue is not a satisfaction, for it is uncertain.
Alleyn v. Alleyn, 2 Vez. Sen. 37.
[ *519 ] *That a legacy is no satisfaction of an open account. Chan-
cey’s case, 1 P. Wms. 408.
That a legacy is no satisfaction if it be less in amount; Eastwood ».
Vincke, 2 P. Wms. 6.14. Phipps v. Annesley, 2 Atk. 57. Nichols v.
Judson, 2 Atk. 300. But in some cases, a legacy has been decreed a
satisfaction pro tanto, Jesson v. Jesson, 2 Vern. 255. Thomas v. Key-
mish, Ib. 348. Bruen v. Bruen, Ib. 439. Warren v. Warren, 1 Br. ch.
ca. 305. Sparkes v. Cator, 3 Vez. 530. Graham v. Graham, 1 Vez. sen.
263.
That a legacy depending upon a contingency is no satisfaction. Jea-
cock v. Falkner, 1 Br. ch. ca. 295. Bellasis v. Uthwaite, 1 Atk. 426.
Spinks v. Robins, 2 Atk. 491. Clarke v. Sewel, 3 Atk. 98.
That money and lands are not mutually satisfactions. Eastwood v.
Vincke, 2P. Wms. 614. Chaplain v. Chaplain, 3 P. Wms. 245. Cran-
mer’s case, 2 Salk. 508: and generally, that the presumed satisfaction
should be of the same nature, extent, and certainty, as the covenant or
obligation. Barret v. Beckford, 1 Vez. 519. Hanbury v. Hanbury, 2
Pr. ch. ca. 352. 549. Powell v. Cleaver, 2 Br. ch. ca. 499. Baugh ».
Read, 3 Br. ch. ca. 192. 1 Vez. jun. 247. Smith v. Strong, 4 Br. ch. ca.
493. Grave v. Salisbury, 1 Br. ch. ca. 425.
That where the legacy is disadvantageous as to its time of payment,
it is no satisfaction in case of a debt: as a legacy made payable in a
month; where the debt is due presently. Clarke v. Sewell, 3 At. 97.
\
NOTES. 525
Though this is not held so strictly in cases of portions, Jesson v. Jesson,
2 Vern. 255.
That a sum arising from distribution under an intestacy, is no satis-
faction, Twisdey’v. Twisden, 9 Vez. 4. 25.
That legacies or beneficial interests, bequeathed by, or proceeding
from strangers, are no satisfaction of a covenant entered into by the tes-
tator. Hanbury v. Hanbury, 2 Br. ch. ca. 352. 549.
That a legacy is not prima facie a satisfaction of the testator’s cove-
nants by settlement or otherwise to provide for his family, wherever the
claims are protected by securities strictly legal, as bonds. Couch v.
Stratton, 4 Vez. junr 491. Tolson v. Collins, Ib. 483. Kirkman v.
Kirkman, 2 Br. ch. ca. 95. Jeacock v. Falkener, 1 Br. ch, ca. 295.
Haynes v. Mico, 1 Br. ch. ca. 129, 133.
That a legacy is not a satisfaction for monies received by the testator
in trust for his children. Chidley v. Lee, Finch. 228. Meredyth »v.
Wynn, ib. 3p. (Sed vid. Seed v. Bradford, 1 Vez. 591.) or generally, of
claims arising aliunde. Baugh v. Reed, 3 Br. ch. ca. 192.
That where an express fund is pointed out, or an ex-
press direction *given for payment of debts and legacies, the: [ *520 ]
court will infer that both are to be paid. Chancery’s case,
1P. Wms. 408. Richardson v. Greese, 3 Atk. 65.
These are the leading principles, and distinctions that occur to me on
this prolific subject.
As to the release of debts by legacies, the intention of the testator must
be clear, or the inference will not take place. See hereon, Brown »v. Sel-
wyn, Cas. Temp. Talb. 240. Sibthorp v. Moxon, 1 Vez. 49. Wilmot v,
Woodhouse, 4 Br. ch. ca. 227.
Tit. XIX. § 2. De suis heredibus, p. 150. Sed his preetor permittit.
But not after they have begun to act; immiscere se. Cod. de repud. vel.
abst. heredit. land 2. Dig. 29.2. 20. 21.
Immiscere se, means to act as heir. ? These are expressions appertain-
Abstinere, to decline the heirship. ing to the heir.
Adire, to approach : to act in succession. Are expressions appro-
Pro herede res genere, to transact business priate to the heres
as heir. ; extraneus, or stran-
Repudiare, to renounce the succession. J ger.
$ 4. De testamenti factione,p. 151. Testamenti factio activa; the
right of devising. Testamenti factio passiva ; the right of taking by de-
vise. Testamenti factio, also sometimes means the capacity of being a
witness to the last will of another.
Qui ut dizimus tua tempora inspici debent. See Dig. 28. 5. 49. 50.
Dig. 28. 1.16. This relates to stranger heirs. The heredes sui, proper
or domestic heirs, are only required to possess the right of taking (¢eséa-
meni factio passiva) at the death of the testator.
526 NOTES.
$5. De jure. deliberandi, p. 152. By the ancient law no time was
limited for deliberation. Sometimes testators assigned a period of 100
days. When they did not, the preetor on application of a substitute or a
creditor, would himself assign a time, usually 100 days at least. Dig.
28. 8.1. 2. cum seq. Cod de jure delib. 1.19. Dig. 29. 2.28. Justinian
extended it to one year. Cod. eod.1. 19. afterwards he abridged this pe-
riod to three months, Cod. eod. 1. ult. unless under peculiar circumstan-
ces, wherein the praetor might extend it to a year, and an inferior magis-
trate to nine months. Cod de jur. delib. 1. ult.
But minors, from their inexperience in business, were allowed to re-
nounce, Cod. si minor, ab hered. abst. 1.1. Dig. 4, 4. 7. 1. unless where
it became insolvent by accident after he took it. Dig. 4. 4. 11. 24. -$ 2.
Cod. de. integ. rest. minor. 1. ult. :
Sed nostra benevolentia, §c. In Ferriere and others, this passage be-
gins another section, relating to the privilege of inventory.
[ *521 ] *The inventory by which the claims upon te heir were
to be bound, required Ist. To be commenced within one,
and finished within three months, from the death of the testator.
Cod. de jur. delib. 1. ult. 2dly. It was to be made out in the presence of
creditors and legatees duly notified, Novell. 1 ch. 2.$ 2. Ib. 119. ch. 6.
3dly. It was to contain a full and fair account of all the property of the
deceased real and personal, Cod. de jur. delib. 1. ult. $ 10. 4thly. It
was to be signed by the heir claiming under it. Beyond this inventory
the heir was not liable, unless he had thought fit to ask time to delibe-
rate, which was considered as a waiver of inventory. Cod. eod. 1. ult.
$ 6. De acquirenda vel omittenda, Sc. p. 153. Strangers might accept
three ways:
Ist, By Adition: (adire magistratum) and formally declare their in-
tention of accepting the heirship: this must be simply and uncondition-
ally, without power of subsequent renunciation. Dig. 29. 2. 51. et ult.
1. 80. eod. $ 2. 1. 90. eod. $ 3.
2dly, By Cretion: declaration being made before the magistrate with- ©
in the time limited by the testator. From Crevi, a cernere, to decree.
3dly, Pro herede gestio: Acting as heir. Dig. 29. 2. 20. et seq. Ib.
1. 88. § 7.
They might renounce,
1st, By repudiation before a magistrate.
2dly, By any expression or act implying renunciation. Dig. 29. 2. 95.
3dly, By omitting to take up the heirship within the limited period.
After the time of Theodosius the younger, and Justinian, Adition,
Cretion and Repudiation, were laid aside. Heirships were accepted in
two ways only, pro herede gestione, and agnatione nuda. Cod. de jur.
delib. 1. 6.12 and 17. Cod. Theod. de bon. mat. 1.1.4 and 8. Ib. de
NOTES. 527
Cretion. Ib. et bonor. possess. sublat. Cod. qui admitt. ad bonor. pos-
sess. Scrupulosam cretionum solemnitatem hac lege penitus amputari
decernimus. Cod. 6. 30. 17.
Liem extraneus heres.| The law of England takes no notice of pro-
per or domestic heirs, and therefore can make no distinction between
sui heredes and extranei ; but in England, if an executor, [who may be
regarded as the heir of personal estate] once intermeddles with the es-
tate of the testator,-he will not afterwards be permitted to renounce his
executorship; and yet he is not liable de bonis propriis to pay more than
he has received, unless in some particular cases, as when he hath wasted
the estate of the deceased, or acted otherwise improperly
*and dishonestly—and even an executor-de son tort will in [ *522 |
general be charged only to the amount of the goods wrong-
fully administered by him. 1 Mod. 213. Parten v. Baseden.—Swinb.
337. Harris.
Tit. XX.$ 1. Legatum itaque est donatio, p. 154. In England under
the word /egacy, land may be included. Doug. 40. Brady »v. Cubitt,
and the cases cited in the note. Also Hardacre et al. v. Nash et al. 5
Term Rep. 716.
It is truly said here that a legacy is a gift, a bounty. This is certain-
ly the prima facie intention of the testator: hence it is, that the courts
rather lean against the doctrine of ademption and satisfaction as to
debts: for it is converting a gift into a payment. See in addition to the
cases already cited lately, 1 Brown’s civil law, 304. 3 Woodeson, 538.
2 Fonb. 320. 2 Johnson’s New York cases, 101.
§ 2. De antiquis generibus legatorum sublatis, p. 154. Sed ex consti-
tutionibus. Cod. 6. 37.21. Nostra autem constitutio. Cod. 6. 43. 1.
The forms thus abrogated were, Ist, Per vindicationem. As, I give
and bequeath, positively. 2dly, Per damnationem. I direct my heir to
deliver over and pay. 3dly, Sinendi modo. My will is that Titius be
permitted to take, &c. 4Athly, Per preceptionem. Let Titius take so
much of such a thing, or such a thing, except, &c. The first and fourth
amounted to a transfer in full right, and were recoverable under the ac-
tion familie erciscunde. 'Vhe two others allowed only of a personal ac-
tion ex testamento. Under the later ordinances, the legatee might have
his action against the heir or any other possessor of the thing devised :
and an hypothecary action for immoveable or real propery, so termed,
under the fiction that all the goods of the testator were hypothecated or
pledged for the delivery of each legacy from the time of his death. But
co-heirs were not bound beyond their proportion. Cod. comm. de legat,
L 1.
It may be remarked, that the courts in England, after having been
long tramelled by particular decisions, and technical constructions, have
528 NOTES.
adopted the golden rule of this section for the expounding of last wills
and testaments, viz. that whatever be the form of words made use of,
the intention of the testator must govern if it can be gotten at, even in
opposition to partial expressions; unless that intention militates against
some known rule of positive law, as in creating a mortmain or a per-
petuity.
§ 3. Collatio legatorum, Sc. p. 154. See Cod. Commun. de legat. 2.
The passages to the same purpose, to wit, that legacies are in all respects
likened to trusts in Dig. 30. 1. only as to the deduction under
[ *523.] *the Falcidian law of the fourth or legal portion, according
to Cujus, 1. 8. observat. ch. 4. *
$ 4. De re legata, p.156. See Dig. 30.14.1. Dig. 30. 67. 1. and
Dig. 30. 71. 3, as to paying over thevalue. If a specific legacy can be
reasonably obtained by purchase, it is of no consequence, whether the
testator knew it to be the property of another or not. Dig. 30. 49.
3. The onus probandi was thrown on the legatee. Dig. 22.3. 21. Cod.
eod. 1. 23.
$ 5. Dere aliena post testamentum a legatario acquisita, p. 157.
Nam traditum est, duas lucrativas causas, §c. See Dig. 44. 7. 17.
Dig. 30. 82. As to the latter part of this section see Dig. 30. 34. 8. and
30. 84. 2. juncto Cujacio, Dig. 50. 16. 88. Dig. 4. 4. 35.
Nam traditum est.| When it is said, that two lucrative titles can
never concur in the same person on account of the same thing, this must
be understood in regard only to something certain and determinate, as a
particular purse of money, an horse, a diamond, &c. for the maxim does
not hold in general with respect to things, which consist in quantity, and
may be numbered, weighed or measured.—Possunt enim duce cause lu-
crative in eandem personam et candem. quantitatem concurrere, quia quan-
titates per rerum naturam multiplicantur ; licet enim eadem res mea se-
pius fieri non possit, eadem tamen quantitas possit quia res eadem non
videtur. Cujacius; Ferriere. Harris.
Agere potest : In England no suit lies for a legacy at common law.
The mayor of Southampton v. Graves, 8 Term. Rep. 593. Unless
upon the express promise of the executor in consideration of assets, At-
kyns v. Hill, Cowp. 284. Hawkes v. Saunders, Ib. 289. But the case
of Deeks v. Strutt, negatives an implied assumpsit by virtue of assets.
Whenever the executor assents, the legacy vests from that moment.
Doe v. Guy, 3 Hast, 120.
In Pennsylvania, by act of 21 March, 1772, legatee may bring suit af-
‘ter reasonable demand, and offer of sufficient security in double amount,
conditioned to refund if necessary.
§ 10. Dere legatarii, p. 159. Et licet alienaverit eam. 'That is ac-
cording to the old Cantonian rule; and also guod ab initio vitiosum est,
‘NOTES. 529
fractu temporis non. potest convalescere, Dig. 50. 17. 29. but this rule does
not apply to conditional legacies, Dig 34. 7. 1. ¢ ult.
$ 12. De alienatione et oppignoratione, §c. p. 159. As in this case
the heirs could object to paying the value of, or redeeming the thing be-
queathed, on the ground that the testator, by his alienation, had in fact
repealed the bequest, he will be bound to make out this plea. The con-
trary, however, seems intimated in Dig. 34. 4. 15. but in this last case,
the plea is put in by the legatee, that the desire of bequeath-
ing *returned upon the testator. Sane si probet legatarius [ *524 ]
novam voluniatem testatoris non submovebitur.
It should seem that if the testator hath only mortgaged or pledged the
thing bequeathed, this does not amount to an evidence of a change of
intention. Precisely the rule adopted by the English court of chancery
as to a devise of lands, or any other specific property. But it would be
otherwise had he sold it or given itaway. Dig. 34.1.18. And so is
the law of England.
~$ 14. De debito legato creditori, p. 160. This case involves the con-
flictions of two rules apparently opposite. Qu semei-utiliter constituta
stint, durant licet ille casus ertiterit a quo initium capere non potuerunt.
Dig. 35. 2.5. And the rule negotium extinguitur, cum is casus postea
incidit unde incipere non poterat. Dig. 30.1. 82. Concerning which see
Dig. 50. 17. 85. 1. where this latter rule is repeated: and Dig. 50. 16. 98.
with the note of Vinnius.
I have already stated most of the cases, where a legacy will be con-
sidered as an extinguishment of a debt. The general rule doubtless is
that a legacy equal to the debt or exceeding it, shall be considered as a
satisfaction ; see the cases before cited hereon; and Roper on legacies,
163, where also many of them are collected: and Gibson et ux. v. Scud-
amore, Moseley’s Rep. 7. but if less than the debt, it shall not be satis-
faction, Minuel v. Sarrazine, Mosely’s Rep. 295. 1 Vez. sen. 263. Finch
394. Nor unless the bequest be at least equally beneficial. Roper on
leg. 165. Nor if the bequest be not ejusdem generis. Garret v. Evers, .
Mosely’s Rep. 364. Nor if the debt be contracted subsequent to the date
of the will. 2Salk. 508. Cranmei’s case. Thomas v. Bennet, 2 P.
Wnus. 343. and Fowler v. Fowler, 3 P. Wms. 353. See also the obser-
vations of Lord. Thurlow in Haynes v. Mico, 1 Br. ch. ca. 130, express-
ing strong leaning against any extension of the doctrine of satisfaction.
§ 15. De dote uzori legata, p. 161. The dower or marriage portion
was payable in three annual payments only, annua, bina, trina die.
Hence, if it was bequeathed also, it became due from the day of the tes-
tator’s death, and bore interest from that time. Cod. de rei uxor. act.
I have already referred to the cases wherein question has arisen
whether the interest of a wife by settlement or otherwise is satisfied by
67
4
530 “ NOTES.
legacy. Neither in England, nor in Pennsylvania, can a husband ‘de-
prive the wife of her election to take under the wills or to resort to, or
forego her dower.
$ 16. De interitu et mutatione rei legate, p. 161. If a testator be-
queath generally a cask of wine, and all his wine by acci-
[ *525 ] dent runs out, *the heir will be bound to pay the legacy :
but if he should bequeath by description, some particular
wine in the cellar, and it runs out, the loss falls on the legatee. Dig. de
legat. 34. $3. Cod si certum petat. 1. 11.
§ 18. De grege legato. p. 162. Ten sheep make a flock. Dig. 47.
14. ult. Dig. 7.4. Grege autem legato, §c. Dig. de legat. 1.21. Jef-
ferys v. Jefferys, 3 Atk. 121.
§$ 19.‘ De edibus legatis. p. 163. As to what things ‘will pass by the
words house, furniture, goods, &c.; see the cases collected by Roper on
Leg. 136. et seq. add to these cases, as to plate: Phillips v. Phillips,
2Freeman 11. Flay v. Flay, Ib. 64. Kelly v. Pawlet, 1 Dick. ch.
Rep. 359.
As to books: Allen v. Allen, Moseley 112. Kelly v. Pawlet, Ambl.
605.
As to apparel: L’Farrant v. Spencer, 1 Vez. Sen. 97. Hunt. v. Hort,
3 Br. ch. ca. 311.
As to the general exposition of what passes by particular expres-
sions, see the cases of Stuart v. Earl of Bute, 11 Vez. 657, and Kelly »
Pawlet, Dickens ch. Rep. 359, and Ambl. 605.
The general doctrine of fixtures is discussed in Hilwes v. Maw, 3
East, 38.
If a testator having bequeathed ground, afterwards builds upon it, the
building will fall to the legatee, as an accessary. Dig. de legat. 39. 44.
§ 21. De rebus corporalibus et incorporalibus. p. 165. This is agreea-
ble to the English law, by which a possiblility may be bequeathed.
Bank notes whether considered as cash, or securities for cash? 11 Vez.
662. Chapman v. Hart, 1 Vez. sen. 273.
There is some difficulty in the English law, as to bequests over, and
limitations of personal estate: the general rule is that no remainder
over of personal estate can be devised: but there are many distinctions
taken as to the operation of words of limitation, in bequests of personal
estate: see Roper on Leg. 202. et seq. and Cambridge v. Rous, § Vez.
24,
$ 22. De legato generali, p. 164. This abrogates the law, conse-
quent upon the bequest per damnationem which gave the election to the
heir, see tit. XX. ante.
§ 23. De optione legata, p. 164. Sed ex constitutione. Cod. 6. 43.
ult.
NOTES. 531
§$ 25. Jus antiquam de incertis personis, p. 165. Sacris consitutioni-
bus. These are not extant.
$ 29. De errore in nomine legatarii, p. 167.
Nomen, was the family name.
* Cognomen, the name of that branch of the family placed [ *526 ]
after the nomen.
Preenomen, the name of the individual prefixed to the nomen.
Agnomen, a name assumed from some particular circumstance.
Thus, Publius, Cornelius, Scipio, Africanus: Caius Julius Cesar:
here Cornelius and Julius were the nomina, the family names.
Scipio and Cesar were the cognomina, the one of the gens or family
Cornelia; the other of the gens Julia.
Publius and Caius designated the individuals. The individuals in
respect of the original family or clan, were agnati; in respect of the
particular branch of the family, they were gendiles.
The rule here laid down as to the name, holds also under the civil
law, as to the thing. Although it may be miscalled, yet if the descrip-
tion or appellation be sufficient to designate the article or person intend-
ed, it is sufficient. Dig. de legat.1. Dig. 33. 10.7.2. Dig. 34. 5. 3.
As to mistakes and incertainty in a bequest under the English law,
see Roper on leg. 157. et seq. and the following cases Thomas v. Thom-
as, 6 Term Rep. 671. Doe ex dem. Hayter v. Joinville e¢ al. 3 East,
172. Earl of Scarborough v. Parker, 1 Vez. Jun. 267. Parsons v. Par-
sons, Ib. 266, and the cases in the note, p. 267, which bear upon the
present section. See also Ex parte Wallop, 4 Br. ch. ca. 90 and Kennel
v. Abbot, 4 Vez. 802, where a legacy given to a person under a particu-
lar character, which he has falsely assumed, and which moved the tes-
tator to the bequest, the rule of the civil law is adopted, and the legacy
fails. Dig. 35. 1.72.6. Cod. 6. 42. 27. cited. See Swinburne, 473,
et seq.
$ 30. De falsa demonstratione, p. 167. Dig. 35. 1. 19. 34. Dig. 12.
1.6. But this rule could not apply to a legacy of a thing that did not
exist, for of this there could be no delivery. Dig. de legat. 73. 1 and 2.
Lex eod. 103, $10. See 5 East, 51. Roe on the demise of Connolly v.
Vernon and Vyse.
$31. De falsa causa adjecta, p. 168. Dig. de legat. J. 17, $ 2. cum
seq. First, because the legacy is fairly referrable to the good will and
intention of the testator, which remain at all events. Secondly, the
legacy itself, and not the reason of it, attaches to the legatee.
$ 32. De servo heredis, p. 168. The legacy has relation to the time
of the testament, and it was then clearly void : for a slave could acquire
only for the use of his master; i. e. as a general rule. Hence the dic-
532 NOTES.
tum of Cato applies, guod ab initio vitiosum est, tractu temporis non po-
test convalescere. Dig. de diversis reg. jur. 29.
[ *527 ] *Quearitur.] If a testator gives a legacy to the slave of
his heir without annexing any condition, such a legacy is
void; for a bequest, made to the slave, is in effect made to the heir; and
it would be highly absurd in a testator to command his heir to pay a
legacy to himself. And although the slave of the heir should after-
wards cease to be under the power of his master in the life-time of the
testator, either by passing to another master, or by obtaining his free-
dom, yet this would give no force to the legacy; for it is laid down as a
rule by Cato; quod, si testamenti facti-tempore decessit testator, inutile
Soret ; id legatum, quandocunque decesserit, non valere. ff. 34. t.7. But
when ipeacies are conditional, this rule is not observed; for in such be-
quests nothing is regarded but the event of the condition. Harris.
§ 33. De domino haredis, p. 169. The legacy cannot belong to the
slave as heir: for it is evident the master may prohibit him from becom-
ing heir, or sell him to another master.
§$ 34. ‘De Legato post mortem heredis, p. 169. ee as has been
already remarked, the institution of an heir was so necessary to a testa-
ment, that any bequest in a will previous to such institution was void.
By degrees the prators excepted Trusts, (fidei-commissa.) Ulp. in frag.
tit. 24, § 12; and tit. 25, $ 6, Juncto Paulo, 1. 3 sentent. tit. 6, $1. Jus-
tinian abolished this strictness, and gave validity to hequests, whether
placed before or after the clause by which the heir was appointed. Cod.
de testament. 1. ambiguitas.
§ 36. Si pence nomino relinquatur, p.170. Antoninus Pius first raised
an objection to these conditions nomine pence: thinking that a legacy
ought to be founded simply on the kindness and good opinion of the tes-
tator concerning the legatee; and that burthening a legacy with any
thing like a penal condition, was contrary to the fair and reasonable in-
tent of a gift. Ulpian in frag. tit. 24,25, $13. Justinian reinstated the
old law. Cod. de his que pene caus. reling.
The very fruitful subject of conditions, is no farther related to the
present section, than as it embraces testamentary conditions. The
doctrine of conditions, says Mr. Butler in his note to Co. Litt. 201. 6. is
derived to us from the feudal law. Doubtless much of that doctrine so
far as relates to tenures, services, and rents, is so. But as much of it, is
derived to us from the civil law: see beside the present section concern-
ing testamentary conditions, Inst. 2.14.11. Inst. 3. 16. 4, 5 and 6.
Dig. 26. 7. 5.8. Dig. 28.7.1.1.3.14. Dig. 30.1.7.9. Dig. 35.1.
1.1. 7. 17. 22. 31. 41. 62. 64. es 79. Dig. 36.2.4. Dig. 44.7. 31.
Dig. 50.17. 77.174. Cod. 6. 25.1. Cod. 6. 40. authent. cui relict.
NOTES. 533
Cod. 6. 46 4. and the summary of the French *law of con-
ditions in Pothier on obligations, ch. 3. articles 1 and 2. [ *528 ]
(page 118—135. of the American translation. Newbern, N.
C.) which is the same with the civil law on the same subject.
By the civil law, all conditions imposing celibacy, or widowhood,
unless till the puberty of the orphan children were void: but legacies
might be well given on the condition of marrying or not marrying such
aperson. Dig. 35. 1. 22. 62. 63. 64. 72. 100. But whether by ampli-
ation this is to be contrued against any conditional reséraint of marrying
a particular person? Swinb. 282,
As to the (English) common law doctrine of conditions, generally, see
Butler’s notes, Co. Litt. 201—207. and 213. 237. Comyn’ s Dig. tit.
Conditions.
As to conditions precedent and subsequent, and covenants dependant
and independant in contracts, see the useful note of Serjeant Williams
to Pordage v. Coke, 1 Saund. Rep. 319. which includes the cases to Trin-
ity term, 1799; also 1 Fonbl. ch. 6, $ 1 and 2. p. 349. 388. 391.
The ieadine case as tO DEPENDANCE OF INDEPENDANCE of covenants, is
Kingston v. Preston, quoted in Jones v. Berkely, Doug. 689. As to the
doctrine of compensation, Boone v. Eyre, 1 Hen. Bl. 273. Campbell ».
Jones, 6 Term Rep. 573. Hall v. Cazanove, 4 East. 477.
Add to the cases cited in Williams’s Saunders, Glazebrook v. Wood-
row, 8 Term Rep. 366. Hall v. Cazanove, 4 East. 477. Martin v.
Smith, 6 East. 555. Smith v. Wilson, 8 East. 437. Haveléck v. Ged-
des, 10 East. 555. Smith v. Woodhouse, 2 Bos. and Pull. New. rep.
233. Bornmann v. Tooke, 1 Camb. N. P. Rep. 377.
When equity will relieve the breach of a condition: see 1 Fonb. 209.
220. 387. 391.
As to the subject immediately connected with the present section, viz.
conditions in restraint of marriage; the cases are well collected and the
general principles arranged by Fonb. vol. 1. p. 245. See also Rop. on
leg. 59—66.
I add the following references on the same subject.
Randall v. Payne, 1 Br. ch. ca. 5. Scot. v. Tyler, 2 Br. ch. ca. 431.
See Lord Thurlow’s opinion and decree in this case at full length in 2
Dicken’sCh. Rep. 712. The general law before this was, that conditions
in restraint of marriage, were to be considered as in derrorem only, it not
being to be presumed, that for a breach of duty of this pardonable na-
ture, the parent would incurably deprive the child of an intended provi-
sion. Harvey v. Aston, Forrester’s Rep. 212.1 At. 361. Comyn’s Rep.
726. Reynish v. Martin, 3 Atk. 330. Elton wv. Elton, 1 Wils. 159. Long
v. Dennis, 4 Burr. 2052. In which Lord Mansfield *began
by saying, ‘‘ Conditions in restraint of marriage are odious, [ *529 |
534 NOTES.
and “are therefore held to the utmost rigour and strictness. They
.are “contrary to sound policy. By the Roman law they are all
void.” 'That is to be understood however, under the restrictions I have
above laid down; to wit, the conditional injunction of celibacy—of wi-
dowhood, unless till the children arrive at puberty—of not marrying
without the consent of some other person—or by ampliation of not mar-
rying some particular persou, was void: and the legacy was demandable
free from the condition; Dig. 35. 1. 106: but the marrying of A. B. or
C. might be made a condition precedent. Swinb. 281. |
Besides this notion of conditional restraints against marriage heing in
terrorem only, the courts had also laid it down, that unless there wasa
devise over, so that some other person had an interest in the performance
of the condition, the condition annexed to personal legacies, in any man-
ner restraining marriage was void. Bellasis v. Ermine, 1 Ch. ca. 22.
Semple v. Bayley, Finch. Prec. in Ch. 562. Pulling v. Reedy, 1 Wilson,
21. Wheeler v. Birgham, 3 Atk. 365, and the other cases collected in
the instructive note of Mr. Williams to Hervey v. Aston, in his edition of
Forrester’s Cases temp. Talbot, 216, and even in case of a devise over
of residue, it had been held doubtful or even void. Garret v. Pretty, 2
Vern. 293. 2 Freem. 220. Wheeler v Birgham, 3 Atk. 365. Paget v.
Haywood, cited 1 Atk. 378. Eastland v. Reynolds, 1 Dickens, Ch.
Rep. 320.
Lord Thurlow in Scot v. Tyler, combated the doctrine of legacies in
terrorem, and decided that wherever the residue was devised over, it sup-
ported the condition.
The general law, (civil and canon) respecting legacies in restraint of
marriage, is elaborately discussed by Swinburne in his chapter on that
subject, p. 282. Having made these remarks on the law as settled in
Scot v. Tyler, I proceed to add a reference to the few subsequent cases of
conditions in restraint of marriage.
Hutcheson v. Hammond, 3 Br. ch. ca. 128. Dashwood v. Lord Bulke-
ly, 10 Vez. 230. Eastland v. Reynolds, 1 Dicken’s ch. Rep. 317. Knight
v. Cameron, 14 Vez. 289.
All conditions of whatever nature, are liable to be avoided, or con-
trouled, if they be absurd, or impossible, or contrary to the precepts of
religion, or positive law, or public safety, or public decorum, or grossly
unjust. And it will be frequently regarded as sufficiently ful-
[ *530 ] filled, if it be *substantially so, according to the intent and
meaning of the contract or devise, though not formally so.
And where circumstances unavoidably prevent its being perfectly and
completely fulfilled, equity will support the partial fulfillment of it, if
compensation can be made for the omission of the remainder: or if the
NOTES. : 535
partial fulfillment of the verbal direction, be a reasonable fulfillment of ©
the intent,
And further, where circumstances unavoidably prevent its being per-
fectly and completely fulfilled, equity will consider it as fulfilled, if all
be done that could reasonably be expected, under the doctrine of Cy-
pres, concerning which see the following cases and references. 1 Pow.
Contr. 448, Attorney General v. Guise, 2 Vern. 266. Attorney General
v. Green, 2 Br. ch. ca, 492. Freke v. Lord Barrington, 3 Br. ch. ca. 281.
Routledge v. Dorrill, 2 Vez. jun. 357. Attorney General v. Boultbee, Ib.
380. Bristow v, Ward, Ib. 336. Attorney General v. Whitchurch, 3
Vez. 141. Attorney General v. Boultbee, Ib. -220. on appeal from the
former case before the master of the rolls: Attorney General v. Andrew,
Ib. 633. 645. Attorney General v. Bowyer, Ib. 714. Attorney General
v. Minshull, 4 Vez. 14. Corbyn v. French, Ib. 418. Brown v. Higgs,
Ib. 713. The Bishop of Hereford v. Adams. Lady Twisden v. Adams,
7 Vez. 324. Andrew v. Trinity Hall, Cambridge, 9 Vez. 525. Attorney
General v. Whiteley, 11 Vez. 251.
The case of the Holland Company against the intruders on lands
north and east of the Alleghany and Monewag0, was also a case of Cy-
pres. 4 Dall. 170.
Tit X XI. De ademptione legati, p. 172. A legacy might be revoked
under the Roman law, by word, or by act. -Asin the latter case, if a
Testator having bequeathed the debt to the Debtor, should afterward
sue him: or if having bequeathed a specific article, he should afterwards
sell or give itaway. ‘There was this difference between the express and
tacit revocation of a legacy, that in the former case it became void, in
the latter only voidable. Though the demand might be repelled by the
circumstances of a tacit revocation. Ulp. in Frag. 24, $ 22: and arg.
ad 1.17. Dig. de adimend. legat. Dig. eod. J. 3, $ ult. and J. 22.
I have already spoken of the ademption of legacies; and of the satis-
faction of legacies; in the note referring to those decisions that related to
satisfaction in cases of mere relations, and of strangers.
Where a devisee shall be put to his election, see Judge Wilson’s edi-
tion of Bacon’s abridgment, Appendix, title ELEcTIon.
*As to the general doctrine of Revocation whether express [ *531 ]
or implied, it is a subject too copious to be treated of at the
length it requires, in these notes. The reader may consult Swinburne
524—536 : Judge Wilson’s or Gwillim’s Bac. Ab. under the last section
of the title Wills, and 2 Fonbl. 357. I shall refer generally to the later
cases in East, Bosanquet and Puller, Vezey, jun. Dickens, and some
American cases, thinking such a reference may assist the reader’s re-
searches.
Revocations may be express, or implied, or intended so to be.
536 NOTES.
An express revocation may be complete (a): or incomplete (b): or
partial, pro tanto. (c) .
An implied revocation may be from change of state (d): so far as
this relates to marriage and birth of a child by a man, or marriage by a
woman, the casus have already been referred to in these notes; or it
may be from acts on the part of the testator inconsistent with the be-
quests of his will (e): or from the testator parting with the whole es-
tate, or article bequeathed. (f)
The following are decisions that bear upon the class of cases. (a)
Ellis v. Smith, 1 Vez. jun. 11. Dickens, 225. Buckram v. Ingram, 2
Vez. jun. 652. (wherein also, a legacy charged on a real estate by a will
duly attested, may be revoked by an unattested instrument.) Harrison
v. Foreman, 5 Vez. 207. Humphrey v. Taylor, Dickens 257. Havard
v. Davis, 2 Binney Rep. 406. (a case of parol revocation.) Bates v.
Holman, 3 Hening and Munford, 502. Cogbill v. Cogbill, 2 Hening
and Munford, 467. ’
Class (b). -'Thomas v. Jones et al. 2 East. 488. Short ex dem. Gas-
rell v. Smith et al. 4 East. 419. Bowes v. Bowes, 2 Bosanq. and Pull.
500. (a case of after purchased lands.) Maggison v. Moore, 2 Vez. jun.
630. Cave v. Holford, 3 Vez.-640. Crosbie v. Macdonal, 4 Vez: 610.
Lord Carrington v. Payne, 5 Vez. 633. Ellison v. Ellison, 6 Vez. 656.
Holder v..Howel, 8 Vez. 97. Pemberton v. Pemberton, 12 Vez. 290.
310. Dufour v. Pereira, Dickens 419. Boudinot v. Bradford, 2 Dall. Rep.
266. Lawson v. Morrison, 2 Dall. Rep. 286. Cogbill v. Cogbill, 2 Hen-
ing and Munford, 467. Bates v. Holman, 3 Hen. and Munf. 562.
As to the cases. (c) Larkins v. Larkins, 3 Bos. and Pull. 16. 109.
Earl Temple v. Dutchess of Chandos, 3 Vez. 685. Williams v. Owens,
2 Vez. jun. 595. Cave v. Holford, 3 Vez. 680.
As to the cases. (d) Charman v. Charman, 14 Vez. 580.
As to the cases. (e) Selwood v. Mildmay, 3 Vez. 310. Hinkley v.
Simmons, 4 Vez. 160. Knollys v. Aleock, 5 Vez. 648. 7. Vez.
[ *532 ] 558. *Baxter v. Dyer, 5 Vez. 656. (which contains also a
case of marriage with birth of a child under peculiar circum-
stances.) Ex parte Lord Ilchester, 7 Vez. 348—381. much at length.
Ex parte Fearon, 5 Vez. 633. Attorney General v. Vigor, 8 Vez. 256.
Maundrel v. Maundrel, 9 Vez. 256. Sparrow v. Hardcastle, Dickens
257. Digby v. Legard, Ib. 500. Peach v. Philips, Ib. 538. Arnold v.
Arnold, Ib. 645.
As to cases. (f) Goodtitle v. Otway, 1 Bos. and Pull. 576. the lead-
ing cases. Doe ex dem. Dilnot v. Dilnot, 5 Bos. and Pull. 401. Perry v.
Philips, 1 Vez. jun. 255. (a case of after purchased lands; a possibility
deviseable.) Brydges v. Duke of Chandos, 2 Vez. jun. 417. (this is
also a leading case; and includes after purchased lands, and the distinc- ~
NOTES. " 537
tion. thereon between the Civil and the English law.) William 2.
Owens, 2 Vez. 595. Stewart v. Titchbone, 2 Vez. 602. Cave v. Hol-
ford, 3 Vez. 650. Harmood v. Oglander, 6 Vez. 199. 8 Vez. 106.
Ellison v. Ellison, 6 Vez. 656. Attorney General v. Vigor, 8 Vez. 256.
Rose. », Cunningham, 11 Vez. 554. Darley v. Darley, Dickens, 397.
Mayer v. Gowland Ib. 563.
$ 1. De translatione, p. 172. A legacy is also said to be transferred
when it is appointed to be paid by one heir and afterward by another.
Dig: 34. 4.6. There was some nicety depending on the form of words
used in transferring bequests. Thus, I give and bequeath to Meevius,
the legacy I before gave to Titius. This is a legacy transferred. Dig.
34, 4.5. I give and bequeath to Sempronius the same share that I
have already given to Seius: this is an additional legacy to the same
amount, for there is no clear and positive exclusion, no undoubted speci-
fication of intention. I institute Sempronius as heir to the same portion
wherewith I have instituted Seius; This is an appointment of co-heir-
ship Dig. 285.15. Dig. 50. 16. 142.
Tit. XXII. De lege Falcidia, p.173. have already noted the
Lex Furia, and the Ler Volconia, which were superceded by the Lex
Falcidia, enacted on the motion of Falcidius, a tribune of the people,
under the sanction of Augustus, 714, A. U.C. By this law a testator
was obliged to leave one fourth of his property to his heir; he could not
bequeath wltra dodrantem, beyond nine ounces out of the twelve which
made up the As, or whole estate. This law was, in fact, equally bene-
ficial to testators and to heirs, because it ensured the execution of the
will, by ensuring a competent reward to the heir who had the trouble.
The Lex Falcidia, at first regarded legacies only: it was afterwards
very properly extended by ampliation and legal construction to trusts:
or, aS some say, it was thus extended by the Senatus consultum Pegasi-_
anum. ‘Trusts were certainly included within the equity
*of it. By a constitution of Antonine, it was then extended [ *533 ]
to intestacies, and by Severus to donations mortis causa.
Cod. de legat. 1. 5. and 12.
$1. De pluribus heredibus, p. 173. Suppose Titius and Seius, two
heirs; Titius’s moiety is charged with legacies nearly to the amount of
the whole; and Seius’s moiety is uncharged; and the moiety of Titius
should, by death, dereliction or otherwise, accrue to Seius; he would
hold it under the right of deducting from the legacies, so as to leave one
fourth clear. Dig. de legat.1. 78. 1.1.$ 13,14. But if the unburthened
part of Seius should accrue to Titius, the legatees of 'Titius’s part would
be benefitted, for the Falcidian retrenchment would not take place. The
reason is, that Seius takes the share of Titius, of course, with all the
rights of Titius attached to it; he stands in the place of Titius. Where-
68
638 NOTES.
as if Titius succeeds to the share of Seius, the reason of the Lex Fal-
cidia fails; for Titius‘in this case, will have his fourth clear, notwithstand-
ingtheover charge of legacies onhis own share. Cujasl. 4. obs. ch. 35, 36.
$ 2. Quo tempore spectetur, Sc. p. 174. The death of the testator is
the period that fixes the relative situations of the legatees and heir. If
in the intervening time between the making of the will and the decease
of the devisor, the estate should be increased, the legatees are exonerated
from deduction in proportion. If it hath decreased, the instituted heir
may renounce. Dig. de leg, 30.73. Cod de caduc. tabl. 11. Dig de
legat. 1. 1. $17. 1. 43. $35. 1. 22.$ 3. Dig. 36. 1. 14. 5, 6.
§ 3. Que detrahuntur ante Falcidiam, p.175. The retrenchment of
legacies by the civil law was pro rata; except perhaps as in our law, as
to the case of specific legacies: see Vinnius in loco, and Paulus l. 4. sen-
tent. tit. de senat. consult. Pegasiano.
The lex Falcidia, might be made inoperative, Ist. By the express
declaration of the testator, that it shall be so. Authent. sed cum testat.
Cod. h.t. from novel. 1. 2ndly, When the heir acted without an inven-
tory, for then it is to be presumed that he knew the Falcidian defalcation
would be unnecessary. 3dly, When the heir pays all the legacies with
knowledge, that the Falcidian law might have been brought to bear upon
them.
Tit. XXIII. De fidei commissariis hereditatibus, p. 176. Trusts
are universal or particular: universal, when the estate, or some portion
of it is charged: particular, when the heir or some legatee is charged in
favour of the person to be benefitted by the trust. The present title re-
lates to universal, the next to particular trusts.
[ *534 ] *§$ 1. Origo fider commissorum, p. 176. Cod. de delat. 1.
1. Dig de legat.1.1.103. Dig. 284 Ulp. in frag. tit. 25, §
1. Dig. 50. 16. 178. 2. juncto Quintiliano, lib. 3. Inst. orat. ch. 6.
Justinian puts legacies and trusts on the same footing. Cod. commun.
de legat. 1.1. And this he was induced to do from the complexity and
difficulties of the practice under the senatus consulta Trebellianum, in
the reign of Mero, and Pegasium, in the reign of Vespasian. By the
first, the instituted heir being indemnified, gave up to the person to whom
the trust was bequeathed, either a part or the whole of the heirship, ac-
cording to the nature and extent of the trust created. So that the Pretor
gave to the cestui que trust, all the actual rights and privileges of an
heir, with a power to commence suits, and liability to actions in that ca-
pacity: and the instituted heir was discharged either in whole, ‘or pro
tanto according to his renunciation. He was thus released from loss,
but was entitled to no recompence. Hence the senatusconsultum Pega-
sianum was enacted, by which two points were established, 1st, the heir
might act if he pleased and retain his fourth: and 2ndly, if he did not
choose to act, he might, on request made by his universal fidei commis-
NOTES. 539.
sary, or cestui que trust, and at his risk, be compelled to take it and per-
form the duties: the fidei commissary bearing all the expences. In this
case the heir was not entitled to his fourth. This alteration again brought
into play the stipulations empte et venditee hereditatis between the heir
and the fidei commissary. Dig. 15. 1.37. Dig. 50.16. 59.1. And
also the stipulation partis et pro-parte, where there was a partial trust
of the heirship. See the Jurisconsult Paul. lib. 4. sentent. tit.3. Ul-+
pian in fragm. tit. 26. and the paraphrase of Theophilus on this title.
The stipulation partis et pro parte took place between the fidei com-
missary and the heir, when the latter acted under the senatus consultum
Trebellianum, and took his remuneration of a fourth, or as it might hap-
pen to be. The stipulation empte et vendite hereditatis took place when
the proceedings were under the senatus consultum Trebellianum, and
the whole duties and privileges fell on the fidei commissary. These stip-
ulations indeed were in use before the senatus consultum Trebellianum,
but were brought up again by the senatus consultum Pegasianum.
Under these senatus consulta, the heir had his action of warranty
against the fidei commissary er stipulatu. But this occasioned so much
controversy, that it gave rise to the ordinance of Justinian hereafter to
be noticed under section 7 of this title.
§ 2. De fidet commisso heredis scripti, p. 177. Vel pure,
vel subconditione, Sc. *This might be done in case of a [ *535 ]
trust, because the heir nominally instituted, was sufficient to -
support the will. :
Heres instituatur. In England, the appointment of an executor, is
as essential to a will, as the appointment of anheir under the Roman
law. A will without an executor, will render necessary an administra-
tion cum testamento annexo. Swinburne, part 4. sect. 2.
No particular form of words are required to create a trust in a will.
I will, I desire, I request, &c. are imperative. Sce the note to Vandycke
y. Vanbeuren, 1 Caine’s N. York Rep. 85.
§ 4. Desenatusconsulto Trebelliano, p. 177, Utiles actiones, Inst. 4.6.16.
$5. De senatus consulto Pegasiano, p. 177.
Post quod senatus consultum ipse heres. | The best way to explain
this section, will be to transcribe a passage from the paraphrase of 'The-
ophilus, asit is translated by Gul. Otto Reitz; to whom the literary
world is much obliged, for his late most complete edition of Theophilus
in Greek and Latin, to which is added a great variety of notes by the
editor and others. This edition consists of two volumes in 4to. and
was published at the Hague, in the year 1751. ‘“ Post hoc autem heres
‘ solus subjacebat oneribus heereditatis, non vero fidei-commissarius :
“« sed denique placuit, fidei-commissarium vicem obtinere legatiaril par-
“ tiarii, id est, partem dimidiam accipientis. Quondam enim quintum
.
540 NOTES.
“genus legati-erat, dicebaturque partitio, et relinquebatur hoc modo:
“ Titius mihi heres esto, et cum Seio hereditatem dividito in dimidia
*¢ nortione. Porro igitur hujusmodi inter eos stipulationes fiebant. Ha-
“yes legatarium sic interrogabat ;—spondes, legatarie, si ego conventus
“ viginti aureos solvero, eorum mihi semissem dare? et dicebat, spon-
“ deo. Rursusque legatarius heredem sic interrogabat;—spondes, si ab
“ hereditario debitore viginti aureos acceperis, semissem mihi dare, i. e.
“ decem? et dicebat, spondeo: atque hec stipulatio vocabatur Partis er
“ pro parte. Ad exemplum igitur legatarii partiarii stipulatio procede-
“ bat hxredem inter et fidei-commissarium: et interrogabat heres fidei-
* eommissarium sic ; spondes, fidei-commissarie, si yuadraginta au-
* reos poscar a creditore hereditario, dare mihi triginta? et heeres inter-
yogabatur a fidei-commissario; spondes, heres, si a debitore heredita-
“ rio quadraginta aureos acceperis, triginta mihi dare? et dicebat, spon-
deo. Atque hoc modo fidei-commissarius universalis vicem obtinebat
legatarii: oportebatque commune esse pro rata, fidei-commissarium in-
‘* ter et heeredem, lucrum et damnum.” Theoph. h. t. Harris.
[ *536 ] *$ 6. Quibus casibus locus est senatus consulto, §c. p.
179. See 2 Black. Comm. p. 328.
$7. Pegasiani in Trebellianum, transfusio, p. 180. Justinian hav-
ing thus blended the two senatus consulta, it followed, 1st, that although
the heir was required to give up to the fidei commissary an heirship but-
thened with trust legacies beyond the dodrans or three fourths, still the
heir might retain his fourth, improperly called the Quartum Trebellia-
num: for it was the Falcidian fourth extended to trusts, not by the Tre-
bellian, but the Pegasian senatus consultum. 2ndly, All actions were
divided in proportion to their shares: if the nominated or instituted heir
retained his fourth, he bore one fourth of the expence: if he restored the
whole heirship to the fidei commissary he bore no-part. 3rdly, If he re-
fused to take upon himself the duties of the heirship, he might be com-
pelled so to do, on being indemnified by the fidei commissary.
Quam in fidei-commissarium.] 'The term cestui que trust, used at
present in our own law, seems in general to convey the meaning of the
word fidei-commissarius ; but yet not precisely : it was therefore thought
most proper to anglicise it in the translation, as we have no single Eng-
lish word, adequate to the sense of it: fora fidei-commissary, in the
Roman law, denotes a person, who has a beneficial interest in an estate,
which for a time is committed to the faith or trust of another. Harris.
§ 10. De fidei commissis ab intestato relictis, p. 183. Cum alioqui le-
gata. That is, according to the former law: for by the law of Justini-
an, Cod. 6. 43. which puts legacies and trusts on the same footing, a le-
gacy bequeathed by codicil, or otherwise included in the present section
is good asa trust if not as a legacy.
NOTES. 5Al
$12. De probatione fidei-commissi, p. 183. De calumnia juraverit.
Cod. 6. 42. 32.
Tit, XXIV. De singulis rebus per fidei-commissum, p. 185. The
former title, as was observed, related to universal, the present relates to
particular trusts. But since the ordinance of Justinian, the distinction
is not of much import.
Quomvis a legatario.| This was the ancient law; but by Justinian’s
constitution [Cod. 6. t. 43.] legacies, and gifts in trust, are allowed to
come in aid of each other reciprocally : so that, to use the words of the
ordinance, omnia, que naturaliter insunt legatis, et fidet commissis inhe-
‘rere intelligantur ; et contra, quicquid fidei committitur, hoc intelligatur
esse legatwin—from which it follows, that a legatary may now be charg-
ed with the payment of a legacy. Harris.
*§ 3. De verbis fidei commissorum, p. 186. See the above [ *537 ]
cited note to 1 Caines’s N. York Rep. 85. and the note to Doe
v. Aldridge, 4 Term Rep. 265.
Tit. X XV. Codicillorum origo, p. 187. Formerly codicils made be-
fore a will were void. After trusts began to be favoured, they were
considered as sufficient to support a trust; if not actually repealed by a
subsequent will. But when Justinian put legacies and trusts on the
same footing, either the one or the other might be given by a codicil
whether before or after a will, or by an intestate. But the institution of
an heir can only be by will.
Codicillorum jus.| The word codicillus, or codicil, js a diminutive
from codex, a book; and denotes any unsolemn last will, in which no heir
or executor is named. ‘Codicilli dicti sunt parvi codices; id est, tabel-
“le ex codicibus aut lingo. Itaque, quemadmodum testamentum coder,
“ appellatur,
: “* Codice sevo
“: Heeredes vetat esse suios, gc. Juv. Sat. 10. quia testamentum in
“godicibus tantum scribebatur, sive tabulis grandioribus, ita voluntas
‘““suprema, minus solemnis aut plena, codicilli, et aliquando numero
“ynitatis codicillus ; propterea quod scribi solita erat in codicillis, id est,
“tabulis brevioribus et tenuioribus, ita factis, ut facile quo cuique com-
‘“modum esset, circumferri possent. Heineccio autem judice, codicil
‘“apud veteres sunt epistolae vel scripture ad alios misse: quia ergo
“eodicilli plerumque perscribebantur in forma epistolarum, hinc et no-
‘men retinuerunt.” Vinn.
$ 1. Codicilli fieri possunt, vel ante, vel post, Sc. p. 188.
Non tantum testamentum.| ‘It is granted of all, [says Swinburne]
“that a codicil may be made either by him, who died intestate, or by
“him, who died with a testament. If the codicil is made by a person,
‘who dies intestate, the legacies therein must be paid by him, who shall
©
542 NOTES. re
“have the administration of the goods of the deceased, with the codicil
“Cor testamentary schedule annexed. And, if a codicil is made by him,
‘who hath also made a regular testament, then, whether it was made
‘before or after the testament, it is to be reputed as part and parcel of
“the testament, and it is to be performed as well as the testament; un-
“less, being made before the testament, it appears to be revoked by the
“testament, or to be contrary to that, which is contained in the testa-
“ment.” Swtn. part. 1. sec. 5.
“Codicilli et ab intestate confici possunt, et facto testameuto. Ab
‘“‘intestato facti suis ipsis viribus nituntur et vicem testamenti exhibent:
“ proinde quicunque intestati successor erit, sive legitimus,sive
[ *538 ] *“‘honorarius etiam postea natus, codicillis relicata prestabit.
“Testamento autem condicto, codicilli, quocunque tempore
“facti-fuerint, ad testamentum pertinent, viresque ex eo capiunt, etiamsi
‘in eo confirmati non sint; et infirmato testamento codicilli concidunt.
“‘Tllud vero interest inter codicillos testamento nominatim confirmatos et
“non confirmatos, quod illis relicta etiam directo jure valent, veluti lega-
“ta et libertates directo date; perindeque omnia habeantur, ac si m tes-
“tamento scripta essent, excepta causa hereditatis; at, que codicillis
“non confirmatis relicta sunt, sive verbis‘directis sive precariis, debentur
‘jure fidei-commissi. Sed non est, quod de his amplius dicamus; cum
‘enim confusa nunc sit legatorum et fidei-commissorum natura, dubit-
‘‘andum non est, quin legata, codicillis etiam non confirmatis data di-
“recto, nunc vajeant.” Vinn.
§ 2. Codicillis hwreditas directo dari non potest, p. 153.
But it can be given indirectly: as if a testator by codicil, charges his
testamentary heirs to renounce in favour of the fidei-commissary of his
codicil: Dig. de hered. inst. 77. Dig. de condit. instit. 10. And in one
case there may be a direct substitution by codicil, as in Dig. ad senat.
consult. Trebell. 76, where a direct pupillary substitution is converted
into a trust benignainterpretatione. Heirship then, as it cannot regular-
ly be given, cannot be taken away by codicil, which does not suffice for
disinherison direct or conditional.
Codicillis autem hereditas. Groenewegen, in his book of abrogated laws,
says, that the distinctions between testaments and codicils have now
ceased to be observed almost every where. Handem enim or ordina-
tionis solemnitatem requirunt, atque ita suprema Hollandie curia censuit ;
et confusis eorum nominibus heredi institutionem ad substantiam testa-
menti necessariam esse negant pragmatici ; hine quoque codicillis heredi-
tatem directo dari et adimi, ideoque et exhwredationem scribi, moribus
nostris nil vetat. Gyroenew. de ll. abr. in Inst. 2. t. 21.
In England the appointment of an executor makes the only difference
between a testament and a codicil; and this difference is little more than
NOTES. 543
~ nominal; for whatever may be done by the one, may be also done by the
other; so that a condition may be imposed, an estate may be given, or
an heir disinherited, as well by codicil as by testament; and even lands
may be disposed of by a codicil, if it is signed by the deceased, and at-
tested by three witnesses in his presence, though the deceased left no
testament; (for a codicil, in its true sense, denotes any testamentary
schedule, anid may stand singly, without relation to any other paper;)
and, even where there is a testament, disposing of real estate, that testa~
ment may be altered or revoked by a codicil properly *exe-
cuted. And, where personal estate only is bequeathed, the [ *539 ]
same degree of proof, (and it has already been said what de-
gree of proof is sufficient,) will establish either a testament or a codicil;
and the one may revoke or confirm the other, either wholly or in part,
according to its respective contents. Harris.
$ 3. De numero et solemnitate, p. 189.
A will, by the Roman law, is revoked by a subsequent will: a codicil
is not revoked by a subsequent codicil. Hence there may be many va-
lid codicils if they be not contradictory. A will is necessary to an heir,
and an heir to a will, but it is not so with a codicil. The latter also re- _
quired fewer ceremonies than a will. But a woman could ot witness a
codicil any more than a will.
Nullam solemnitatem. When it is said, that no solemnity is required
in making a codicil, the compilers of the institutions must be understood
to mean no extraordinary solemnity, as that of bringing seven witnesses
to subscribe it, as in case of a testament: for it is necessary by the civil
law, that a codicil should be supported by five witnesses: Cod. 6. t. 36.
1. 8, which is the ordinary number required to attest several other trans-
lations. Cod. 4. t. 20. 1.28. But, in England, there is in this respect no
distinction between a testament and a codicil; for either may be sup-
ported by an equal number of witnesses: two are regularly requir-
ed to a testament, and the same number is also required to a codicil;
but, if either a testament or a codicil, contains a devise of a real estate,
three witnesses are indispensably necessary by act of parliament. Vid.
29 Car. 2. cap. 3. Harris.
Lr. lik = itul. E De hereditatibus, que ab intestato deferantur, p.
191.
The preceding book treats of Wills: the present of Intestacies ; and
the order of Succession, in cases where a man dies leaving property, but
no will.
The 118th Novel, which still remains a part of the law of England on
this subject, in cases not otherwise decided or provided for, has altered
the doctrine laid down in this book of the Institutes; so that a brief his-
tory of the changes which the Roman law has undergone on the subject
y
544 NOTES.
of successions ab intestato, will be more than expedient. Jam chiefly
indebted for the present preliminary remarks, to those which Ferriere
has prefixed to the third book of the Institutes.
By the law of the 12 tables, there were but two classes of legitimate
heirs: sui heeredes, or proper heirs, and agnati, or paternal heirs, last
succeeding only in default of the others.
[ *od0 | *A suus heres, was required to be a descendant in the
first degree from the intestate in a direct line, and to have
been in the power of the intestate, at the time of his decease; hence the
children of a deceased son who shared with the uncle, were swi heredes
to the uncle by representation only. $ de heredit. que ab intest. defer.
The preetors and the emperors altered the law of the twelve tables.
The preetors called to the succession emancipated children per bonorum
possessionem unde liberi, on condition that they brought into hotchpot the
property acquired during emancipation ; so that the whole might be sub-
ject to an equal division among all the children of the deceased. $9
cod tit.
The imperial constitutions placed the children of deceased daughters
in the rank of proper heirs, on condition that when they shared with
proper heirs, they should take one third part less, and when with agna-
tes, a fourth part less. $ ult. ibid.
In default of proper heirs, agnates or collaterals on the male side,
were called: as consanguine brothers, (born of the same father) pater-
nal uncles and grand uncles, and their children, and other descendants
of the paternal line, who had not quitted the ‘amily by any change
of state.
Hence, in defect of proper heirs, the law of the twelve tables called
the nearest agnate to the succession, without distinction of sex: herein
observing, that there was no right of representation among agnates, but
the nearest excluded all the rest; and also, that if the nearest agnate re-
nounced, the succession did not go to the next in order, but escheated to
the treasury.
The jurisprudence of the middle age, retrenched from the disposition
of the 12 tables, excluding all females from the succession, except sis-
ters, and preferring more distant males. Vid. Vinn. $ 3. de legitima ag-
nat. success,
As the law of the 12 tables called up the nearest agnate only, if there
were none such; or he renounced, the property escheated. But the pra-
torian law, moderated this rigour, and in these last mentioned cases, ad-
mitted the nearest cognates per bonorum possessionem, unde cognati:
and still further, in defect of agnates and cognates, the husband or wife
surviving, succeeded to the exclusion of the treasury, per bonorum pos-
sessionem unde vir et uxor.
NOTES. B45
According to the above account, the father was not considered as ag-
nate to his emancipated son; but Justinian by the last law of Cod. de
emancip. liber. disregarded the circumstance of emancipation. Also the
mother could not rank with the agnates of the son, nor the
*daughter with the agnates of the mother; but the praetor [ *541 ]
admitted them reciprocally to succession ex ordine cognato-
rum puta per bonorum possessionem unde cognati. But by the Senatus
Consultum Trebellianum, a mother of several children was ranked in
the first degree of assignation to herson, in default of Ist, proper heirs
of the deceased : 2ndly, the father of a deceased son or daughter: 3rdly,
the consanguine brother of the deceased, i. e. by the same father: the
mother was admitted jointly with a consanguine sister, (a sister by the
same father) ; but this underwent some changes, which will be noted.
Finally, by the orphitian Senatus Consultum, under Marcus Aure-
lius, the sons and daughters of a mother, were preferred to all the ag-
nates of the mother, without excepting even brothers born of the same
fathers.
These Senatus Consulta, regarded also the claims of children born out
of wedlock.
These remarks relate to the five first titles of the present Book of the
Institutes.
We come next to succession in cases of Intestacy, under the 118th
Novel, which establishes three degrees of legitimate succession, descend-
ants, ascendants, and collaterals. And first of Descendants.
‘It calls to the succession all legitimate children without distinction ; so
that sons and daughters, grand-sons and grand-daughters exclude uncles
or others in the ascending line, except as to the property acquired by the
deceased for the father by virtue of the paternal power: for the usu-
fruct granted to the father of certain property acquired by and belong-
ing to the son, was preserved to the father. Without considering also
any difference of state or quality of such children, whether under power
or not at the death of the deceased; without regard to difference of sex
or age, and of course neglecting all consideration of primogeniture.
Without regard also, whether the descendants claimed from the male or
female side, and without consideration of degree; enquiring only, whe-
there they were in the direct line descending.
This Novel altered the former law in the following points.
1st. In making no difference, whether the deceased were under power
as a filius familias, emancipated, or pater familias, at the time of his de-
cease : under the previous law, the uncle succeeded to an intestate filius
familias, in-exclusion of the children, except in military and quasi mili-
tary property ; peculiam castrense et quasi castrense ; as the Institute re-
marks in the title Quibus non est permissum facere testamentum: and
69
646 NOTES.
all adventitious property belonged by right of peculium to
[ *542 ] *the father of the deceased, though he left children. This
Novel, cut off the claim of the uncle except as to the mere
usufruct of adventitious property.
Zndly. In admitting to equal participation, male and female children
without distinction: though. this change, as to emancipated children,
consisted in making this admission a part of the civil law instead of the
pretorian law, which admitted them per bonorum possessionem unde li-
beri cum onere collationis.
3rdly. In admitting equally descendants -from the intestate, whether
in the male or female line; and taking away the diminution of share
before required from the latter, when they were called in conjunction
with proper heirs: and directing this succession to be, not per capita but
per stirpes.
As to-the fourth and last point, the admission of descendants without,
regarding the prerogative of degree; this does not differ from the former
practice respecting the legitimate succession of descendants. The right
of children to represent or stand in the place of their deceased parent,
having been allowed before that Novel was enacted.
As to the right of representation, which was never limited in the di-
rect line, it may be observed,
Ist, That the children of one who has renounced the succession to his
father, or been disinherited, could not succeed to the uncle, who left chil-
dren of the first degree, or grand-children from a child deceased: for
this right of representation is derived through the father, where it is cut
off. But when the uncle leaves no children or grand-children, then the
nephews and nieces do not succeed in the right of their father, but their
own. 2ndly, ‘The children of a person civiliter mortuus succeed to an
uncle, although they share with their uncles and aunts in the succes-
sion. Dig. 1.6.7. 3rdly, Children in the first degree succeed to equal
portions.
-The next chapter of the 118th Novel, relates to the succession of As-
cendants, and embraces two cases. Ist, whete fathers and mothers alone
succeed to their children. 2ndly, Where the deceased hath left relations
in the ascending line, with brothers and sisters of the whole blood, or
connected by each side: ex utriusque parentibus conjuncti.
As to the first case. ‘Pathers and mothers and all ascendants, exclude
all collaterals, except brothers and sisters; although such oollesterals may
be in a nearer degree: partly in Gonaidaravion that they gave existence
to the deceased; partly from considerations of natural reverence ( pieta-
tis intuitu ;) and partly as some consolation for the loss. The
{ *543 ] paternal ascendants were preferred by the Trebellian *senatus
consult; but by this Novel, ascendants on the one side and
NOTES. 547
the other were equally admitted. If there was a father only, or a mo-
ther only, such would succeed in exclusion of an ascendant in a more
distant degree. Also, if there were no fathers or mothers, but several
ascendants in equal degree, the property wag not therefore always equal-
ly divided between them: but one half was given to the ascendants be-
ing representatives of the father, whatever their number, and the other
half to the ascendants representing the mother. For had father and
mother been living, they would have succeeded equally. Thus an un-
cle on the father’s side, will take as much as an uncle and an aunt to-
gether on the maternal side. ‘
Hence where succession is regulated by this chapter of the Novel, no
distinction it made between property that came by the father’s side or
by the mother’s: and the rule paierna paternis, materna maternis does
not hold: but a maternal uncle will succeed to property descended
from or bestowed by the father, equally with an uncle on the paternal
side.
Nor is difference of sex regarded under this rule of succession.
As to the second case under this second chapter, where ascendant
relations concur with brothers and sisters of the whole blood, they suc-
ceed with them per capita: and it is only brothers and sisters thus doub-
ly connected, on each side, that do partake with near ascendants, excep-
tis inquit Justinianus solis fratribus ex utroque parente conjunctis. The
father in this case acquiring his own proportion in full right, cannot claim
the usufruct of his children’s portion. But when there is no father or
mother, brothers and sisters do not exclude uncles or aunts or other as-
cendants in default of uncles and aunts, but concur with, or partake in
the succession with them, per capita.
Suppose three brothers of the deceased; an uncle and aunt on the pa-
ternal side; and an uncle on the maternal side; each brother will have
a sixth; the paternal uncle and aunt a sixth and a half between them,
and the ascendants the other half between them.
Ascendants a second or third degree distant, exclude brothers and sis-
ters connected on one side only, or the half blood. ‘This is a conclusion
from the passage of the text s¢ vero eum ascendentibus taventuntur fratres
et sorores ex utitusque parentibus conjunetis (of the whole blood) cum-
proximis gradu ascendentibus vocabantur. Of course, if these only are
called, the half blood are not called. ,
According to this second chapter of the 118th Novel, nephews of the
whole blood, do not partake with ascendants, when the father of the de-
ceased is dead, although there should be brothers of the
whole *blood. This however was changed by the firstchap- [ *544 ]
ter of the 127th Novel, which enacted that when there were
brothers of the whole blood, the nephews of the whole blood might be
548 NOTES.
admitted to concur with such brothers and with ascendants. But as
they come in only as representing their father, they take not per capita
but per stirpes; and succeed to that portion only which their father
would have claimed, if he had been alive.
As to the third chapter of the 118th Novel on the succession of Col-
laterals.
1st, If the deceased leave neither descendants nor ascendants, the suc-
cession falls to his brothers and sisters of the whole blood, in exclusion
of the half blood. See Nov. 84. But in case of brothers and sisters of
the half blood only, they are admitted to equal shares. >
2ndly, Nephews of the whole blood succeed with their own uncles
and aunts of the whole blood (germani:) but by stock only per stirpes :
for they succeed solely as representatives of their parent.
8rdly, Nephews of the whole blood, exclude those of the half blood,
as a brother of the whole blood would exclude nephews and nieces of
the half blood.
Athly, Nephews exclude uncles and aunts of the deceased, though
each are in the third degree. Filit fratrum in hoc casu representationis
jure finguntur esse in gradu secundo, et sie patruos excludunt. On the
principle also, that collateral descending, should be preferred to collate-
ral ascending relations; quia hereditas naturaliter descendit potius quam
ascendit.
5thly, If the deceased left neithér brothers oor sisters, nephews or
nieces, the other collateral relations are admitted in the order and degree
of their relationship, without regard to sex. The ancient difference be-
tween agnation and cognation in this respect being abrogated by the 4th
chap. of this Novel.
The right of representation granted by this third chapter of the 118th
Novel to nephews and nieces, and to no other collaterals, takes place in
the three following cases only.
Ist, When nephews and nieces concur or share with a brother ot sis-
ter of their deceased uncle or aunt: in this case they succeed per stirpes.
The former law admitted a right of representation among collaterals, in
no case. See § 4 of Instit. de legitim. agnat. success. This being in
‘fact a new law, was construed strictly. Hence, when nephews of dif-
ferent brothers and sisters succeeded to their uncle or aunt who had left
neither brother or sister, the division was made per capita, and not per
stirpes.
[ *545 ] *And as itis usually held, representation does not take
place in the collateral line, unless in favour of the children
of brothers and sisters, when they share in the succession with their
uncle or aunt, the brother and sister of the deceased.
2dly, Representation takes place when the nephews of the whole
NOTES. 549
blood, are preferred to brothers and sisters of the half blood: which
could not take place but by representation ; for a nephew is in the third
degree, and brothers and sisters in the second.
3dly, When there is an uncle and a nephew of the deceased. Hence
by the 3rd chap. of the 118th Novel, Justinian would have the nephew
exclude the uncle, which could only be done under the privilege of
representation, which brings the nephew a degree nearer than the great
uncle, who is but uncle to the deceased. This also is an innovation on
the former law.
Tne preference of the whole blood, isa privilege accorded by this
Novel, to certain collateral relations, and no doubt a reasonable one.
Duplex enim vinculum quod est in fratre germano fortius est unico ilo
quod intercedit inter fratres consanguineos aut uterinos. The fourth
chapter takes away the distinction between agnates and cognates.
When an unmarried person dies without relations ascending, descend-
ing, or collateral, his property escheats to the public treasury. Buta
legitimate unbroken marriage, protects the succession to the survivor.
This privilege of the Exchequer or public treasury proceeds from the
want of an heir, Cod. 10.10.1.4. Creditors in this case have a lien.
on the property. Dig. 49. 14.11. If the deceased died a member of
any lawful company or college, that shall succeed before the exchequer.
Cod. 6. 62. t.
Succession being not a natural but a civil right, varies in almost eve-
ry country. The rule paterna paternis, materna maternis, was adopted
in France, Loix civiles. Tom. 3 pref. § 4..and in England 1 Co.
Litt 13. a. :
So in England, the whole blood universally excludes the half blood,
and succession ascending by right line takes place in no instance. It is
of little consequence what regulations society adopts on this subject,
provided they be clear, and of easy application. The variation in Eng-
land dependant upon feudal principles whose reason has long ago ceas-
ed to operate—and upon the right of primogeniture which, in this coun-
try, we have discarded, still gives a perceptible tinge to much of the
law of descent and succession on this continent. Though it must be
allowed that the statute of distributions of this state, is founded as
much on principles of natural equity, as can reasonably be
expected. *For common cases, the state of Pennsylvania [ *546 ]
has made as fair and judicious a will, as men usually make
for themselves.
The 118th Novel will be found at the end of the text, and I shall in-
sert at the close of this note, a translation of those sections of it, that
bear immediately on the present subject.
In the mean time, however, I am strongly tempted to insert. the fol-
550 , NOTES.
lowing entertaining and useful remarks of Dr. Taylor (Civ. Law, p
537.) on the subject of succession ab intestato : an author, who, thougl
he may be desultory and immethodical, as Gibbon complains he is, pre-
sents his reader notwithstanding, with notes of great learning, grea’
taste, and great instruction.
“The succession into the estates of intestates is one of the most un-
certain ‘points of law. Icall it uncertain, Ist, because there are nol
found perhaps two nations. upon earth, that have fixed upon the same
method of conveyance: and 2dly, because there is scarce one, but what
has at some time or other differed even from itself. With the Romans
particularly, the distribution, which prevailed for some time, took a dif-
ferent turn, even while the ‘Emperoe was compiling his body of Law,
and the system of the Novels (the CXVIHth particularly) entirely de-
feats the doctrine laid down in several titles of the third Book of the
Institutes, where that matter was considered, and meant to be establish-
ed. With the Novels it was settled.
To contemplate therefore this question, the stream of nature conducts
us first to view succession in the order of :
Descendants. 'This was the natural course, and the general direction
of Providence. And be it observed, that Natural Law is said by some
to be interested no farther, that in the succession of those, who claim
from under us: and that Ascendants and collaterals are called in by Civ-
ilLaw. Which yet by others is denied, and, I think, with sufficient
reason. However the primary distribution of nature is very apparent.
Cum Ratio Naturalis, quasi Lex quacdam tacita, liberis parentium he-
reditatem addiceret velut ad debitam successionem eos vocando, propter quod
et in Jure Civili suorum heredem nomen eis inductum est, ac ne judicio
parentis, nist meritis de sausis summovert ab ea successione possunt. D.
48. 20. 7.
The great rule of succession among the Romans, in the method which
lies before us, viz. the succession of descendants, is comprised in these
few reflections; Z%at (1) descendants, while they last, exclude all other
relations whatsoever: That (2) there is no respect had to primoge-
niture, and (3) no preference in regard to sex: That there
[ *547 ] *is (4) no exclusion of any ever so remote degree: and last-
ly (5) That the estate of the intestate makes so many gene-
ral shares, as that there are distinct heads in his immediate descend-
ants.
I. For, as this downward direction was the primary and principal re-
commendation of natural law, it followed, that inheritances could never
revert, or be thrown upwards (inter Ascendentes), nor be turned aside
(inter Collaterales), as long as any were to be found in the line below, or
that of descendants, tn infinitum. For the principle, upon which this
NOTES. 551
succession rested, was the Jus Repraesentationis, which cannot be fairly
or reasonably imagined in any other line than in that, to which we give
existence. There is something of successive in the idea of representa-
tion, something which looks like keeping up an order or a series; and
though to brothers it may be applied in some sense, to fathers and
grandfathers it can be applied in little or none.
Il. IL. The second and third particulars, viz. the disregard of sex and
primogeniture, in which these people differed from most others, as well be-
fore, as after them, are of that arbitrary consideration, that little remains
to be observed upon that disposition. But natural equity has a great
stroke in the two last, and calls for some regard:
IV. V. That descendants of the second, third or fourth degree, should
be raised to a kind of level with those of the first, and not stand ex-
cluded, even while some of the first remain: That children of a remote
descent should inherit along with the immediate one (I suppose the way
cleared before them) is agreeable to truth and justice. The grandchild-
ren etc. of Sempronius by a son that is gone, stand to Sempronius in the
place of that son. They would have had their shares ¢hrowgh that fa-
ther, if he had lived; and represent him therefore, or succeed to his
rights, now he is removed.
And hence, because many children may succeed into one father’s
rights, it follows, that the Jus Repraesentationis, which transmits the
estate of Sempronius to his immediate descendauts, shall undergo a con-
siderable alteration in those descents or generations that follow after.
Though Sempronius may be represented by any number of children in-
differently and cut into so many shares accordingly, yet will each of
those children be represented by their whole families; not by so many
distinct heads of children, as Sempronius was, but by all their children
collectively (let their number be what it will) laying, as it were, their
heads together to form one common stock. For all those grandchildren
gregatim, have that right in common, not separate to each
*which their father had to himself. And this is called swcces- [ *548 |
sio in stirpes: the other when all share alike, in Capita.
Thus in the scheme, :
A
— SS
B Cc
—Se oe
D. E
The estate of Sempronius A will be divided into two equal parts, and B
and C will each be heirs er semisse. But supposing that C is gone be-
fore his father, then shall B still be heres ex semisse, and D and E ex
quadrante, each. Or put the case
/
552 NOTES.
A.
SS
B C.
Set
D. E
eo”.
F. G. H
that C and D should both be gone, and D be represented by F G and H
then will B as before be heres ex semisse, E ex quadrante, and F O and
H will succeed each of them ex uncia. Or put the case, that E is dead,
without issue also, then will F, G, and H, be each of them heres ex sexz-
zante.
But, taking leave of descendants, supposing that)Sempronius dies in~
testate, without heirs of his body, we are then directed to the consider-
ration of
Ascendants, Though this may be against natural order, it is not
against natural affection. And I think therefore that doctrine is not to be
admitted, which maintains, that parents have no right to the goods of
their children, dying childless and intestate, unless they had been re-
lieved by the civil law. We have seen what title the indigent father
has to a maintenance, and the same way of reasoning will serve in the
one case as well as the other. See Gothofred. ad Nov. 1 Praef $ 2.
And when St. Paul said, 2 Cor. XII. 14. The children ought not to
lay up for the parents, but the parents for the children, it is spoken with
a view to the ordinary course of providence. It is the rule, without
regard to the exception.
But I observed, that this is up the stream, and against the common
order of succession. And the ancients always gave it that melancholy
consideration. We find it a constant matter of complaint in their fu-
neral sorrows, when such calamities befell them. Turbato
[ *549 ] ordine mortalitatis—*parentes filio contra -ordinem—et quod
miserrimum est mater fecit filiae—ordine retrogado defuncto
—parentes male ivdicantibus fatis supertites—memoriam posuerunt con-
tra votum—quod filius patri facere debuerat ipse fecit—aequivs enim fu-
erat vos hoc mihi fecisse—quae prior debui mori DCLXXXVI. 9—are
the common expressions upon the occasion.
To give these considerations some little attention :
This is the language of the Poet Ovid. 1. Heriod. 101.
Di precor hoc jubeant, ut, euntibus ordine fatis,
Lile meos oculos comprimat, ille tuos.
And of the lawyer also: D. 5, 2. 15. pr.
Nam etsi parentibus non debetur filiorum hereditas, propter vetum
parentium, et naturalem erga filios caritatem, turbato tamen
NOTES, 553
ordine mortalitatis, non minus parentibus, quam liberis pie re-
lingui debet.
Thus the inscriptions:
ANTONINUS SEVERUS AQUILA HIC JACET
SINE ANIMA MISERABILI FATO QUI VIXIT
ANNOS BISSENOS ET SEX MENSES CUI VOTA
ERANT UT PARENTIBUS ISTA PARARET
SET MORS IMMATURA FECIT UT FACERENT
PARENTES FILIO CONTRA ORDINEM.
Gruter. DCOXLIX. 4.
Another remarkable expression is contra votum, as we have just seen
from Papinian, D. 5. 2. 15. pr. Add. 29. 4. 26. 1.—38. 6. 7. 1—38. 2. 50.
2. And so the inscriptions run.
MOTARIAE P. F. PIISS.
MASCELLIO F. FELIX ET
TUTATIA CRISPINA
FILIO DULCISSIMO
MEMORIAM POSUERUNT
CONTRA VOTUM. Gruter. DCXCVL 10.
Thus we read in Plutarch in Vita Catonis Maj.
Htste wytng KATAPAN, ex EYXHN yyeitae 16, tetov ume Ans amohiery,
Hujus, Mater, exsecrationem, non votum, duxit, ipsum superstitem re-
linquere.
And it is not to be doubted, but that, from this strain of affection, and
this parental superstition, that very word has gained its signification.
Qui totos dies precabantur, et immolubant, ut sui sibi libert supersti-
tes essent, superstitiosi sunt appellati, quod nomen postea latius pa-
éuit Cic. II. de N. D. 28.
*L. SPERATI DESIDERATI ADULESCEN [ *550 ]
TIS SPEI ET PIETATIS INCOMPARABI
LIS SPERATI HERMODORUS ET IVLIA
NA PATRES MALE INDICANTIBUS
FATIS SUPERSTITES POSUERUNT. Gruter. DCCVII. 5.
Non est ignotum, qualem te in personum patris tui gesséris: quem non
minus quam liberos dilexisti: excepto eo, quod non optabas super-
stitem Senec. de Consolat. ad Marciam. init.
Flautus begins his Asinaria with a memorable passage:
Sicut tuum vis unicum gnatum tus
Superesse vite, sospitem et saperstitem !
Ita te obtestor, per senectutem tuam.
Perque illam, quam tu metuis, uxorem tuam,
Siquid med erga tu hodie falsum dixeris,
Ut tibi superstes uxor etaiem siet,
Atque illa viva vivus ut ie oppetas.
554 NOTES.
The superstition in this passage, between the case of the son, and of the
wife, is considerably different.
And lastly, this leads me to recommend a new word to the Lexicons,
(I do not recommend the age of it):
M.L. FLORUS M. FL. F. M. L. FL. PRONEPOS INFELI
CISS. PARENS AFFLIGTUS PRAEPOSTERITAE
NAT. HV. FILLIUM VN. H. COND. QUEM IMPORTUNA
MORS ADEMIT PRAEREPSITQUE SENII BACULUM
CUI JAM DEFESSA AETAS ADNITENS PERBREVES
ANNOS SS. ALLEVABAT. HUNC, ANTE MORS ADSE-
QUITUR
QUAM TRISTES LACHRIMAE DESERVERINT |
NOTA POST. Gruter DCLXXXIV. 6.
Preposteritas is a very uncommon expression, and I believe a barbar-
ous one. But the idea it represents, is very suitable to our subject.
It is upon all these accounts, that the succession of the parent into the
estate of the child is always attended with these unfavourable expres-
sions, Luctuosa Hereditas, C. 6. 25.9. Luctuosa Portio, C. 3. 28. 28.
Triste Lucrum, C. 6. 59. 11. Durae Fortune solatium, C. 6. 56. 4.
Tristis Successio, Inst. 3. 3.2. And it was imagined by- lawyers to pass
in Orbitaiis solatium 'There isa law often quoted upon this occasion:
Non sie Parentibus Liberorwm, ut Liberis Parentium debetur Hereditas :
Parentesad bona liberorum Ratio miserationis admittit, liberos naturaesimul
et parentium commune votum. D. 38. 6. T. 1.
To settle therefore the rule of successions in Linea Ascendente, there
are two cases to be supposed possible.
[* 551 ] *I, Either there are no collaterals besides, II. or there are.
: I. If there are no collaterals, then the succession of the in-
testate’s estate, dying, as we suppose, childless, reverts in that melan-
choly order, we have been just observing, and-falls to his father and
mother, or to either of them surviving, to the exclusion of everybody
above.
For it must be observed, that here is no Jus repraesentationis ; which
Tobserved followed the order of nature and of blood, and is constantly
imagined downwards. ‘Therefore, contrary to what was found to be the
rule in descendants, here every nearer degree excludes the remoter, and
even the mother shall exclude the grandfather.
II. But if we suppose collaterals to be left along with ascendants, the
succession shall be divided. And put the case, that there is left a father
and mother, a brother and sister, all the four shall succeed in equal por-
tions. However, some caution is necessary to be observed, and these
tules are not to be forgotten:
(1). Collaterals never can exclude ascendants, even in the remotest
NOTES. 555
degree. For the preference is with the ascendants; and collaterals can
only share, not exclude. ;
(2) The collaterals that share with thedefendants must be brothers, or
brothers’ children at farthest. No one can be admitted to a dividend
beyond that degree. For, as before, the preference ig properly with the
ascendants; brothers were not called in till iate in law, viz. by the
CXVIIIth Novel, and brothers’ children still later, viz. by the CX X VIth.
(3) The succession of aScendants alone, of ascendants joined ‘with
brothers and sisters of the whole blood (for the half blood is excluded)
is, as was observed, in Captta: but the succession of brothers and sisters
children, in concurrence, is in Stirpes, because they represent their pa-
renti, and many may represent one.
The last consideration regards
Collaterals. And here we suppose, that no one is left either in the ascend-
ing or descending line whatever. I can imagine
1. Brothers and sisters alone.
2. Brothers and sisters together with brothers and sisters children.
3. Brothers and sisters children alone.
1. Brothers and sisters alone, of the whole blood, succeed in Capita,
to the exclusion of, the half blood,
2. Brothers and sisters children, concurring with brothers and sisters,
succeed in siirpes.
3. Nephews alone succeed in Capita, non in Stirpes: for they succeed
(now) in their own right, and not by representation.
*The half-blood succeeds for want of the whole blood, [ *552 ]
regularly and uniformly, in the manner of the whole blood.
And because the half-blood is called into the succession in failure of the
whole, it will follow, that a nephew of the half-blood shall exclude an
uncle of the whole. Because the uncle’s right only commences, when
representation ceases.
In a concurrence of half-blood, viz. when brothers, etc. by the father’s
side succeed along with brothers by the mother’s side, the rule of law is,
that they succeed separately into the goods of the separate sides: and
into the common goods in common.
If none of these are given, then the next relation indifferently, suc-
ceeds in order of proximity. For the Jus Repraesentationis is specific,
not general: it is extended to brother’s children, but goes no further.
Thus the uncle of the intestate would be excluded by the nephew, be-
cause the nephew by this right of representation is, as it were, in the
entail: But the uncle of the intestate would not be excluded by a son
of thatnephew. For the right of representation being now aie the
uncle is nearer in degree, than the brother’s grandson.
556 NOTES.
If there be two next kindred of equal degree, they are equally enti-
tled to the succession, whether on the father’s side, or on the mother’s and
succeed in capita. ,
These are the general principles of Justinian’s last regulation upon
this head. But in many of these distributious which stand so far re-
moved from natural right: where the stream of blood must run but cool
and languid: where it is impossible to balance the affection towards one
relation with the affection towards another, by principles of nature;
there, human invention has insinuated its assistance, and that is one
great reason of what I have observed above, viz. that no two nations
can ever be found that agree in these delicate circumstances.
In the English law again, a greatdeal depends upon the distinction
into real and personal estates, which the Roman law knew nothing of.
This was agreeable to the genius of our ancestors, who distributed their
lands in fee, and expected some emolument in return. As the Saxons
therefore were perpetually loading descents with services, and of conse-
quence were led to direct those descents where those services were likely
to be mvintained with rhe greatest vigor and advantage: This, I say, is
the fairest reason, and looks likely to be the true one, why the father can-
not succeed (in this kingdom) into the landed estate of his son. Be-
cause he cannot be supposed to be in a condition to perform the
service that is expected from it. It was one reason given in the feudal
law, for the exclusion of daughters. Quia Filie@ servitia prestare non
possunt.
[ *553. ] *I have here exhibited what I professed, viz. an account
how this distribution stood by civil law: I am sensible it de-
serves a fuller consideration, and it might be useful, to bring it into com-
parison with the distribution of other states, who have laid themselves
out upon the equity of assigning the order’ of successions; In which
some have been pretty successful. But of this hereafter; if that here-
after should ever come, when I shall be called upon to improve these ele-
ments into a system, and these institutes into a digest. Taylor.
NOVEL 118th.
Prerace: Declaring the provisions of former laws on this subject, con-
solidated and re-enacted in the present Novel, under the heads of the
succession of relations in the descending line; the succession of relations
in the ascending line: and the succession of collateral relations.
Cuap. 1. Of the succession of, descendants. .
Every relation of a deceased person in the (tight) line descending, of
whatever sex or degree, whether related by the father’s or by the moth-
er’s side, whether under power or free, is preferred to every relation in
the ascending line, or collateral. Although the deceased were himself
under power, yet his children, of whatever sex or degree, shall be pre-
NOTES. 55%
t
ferred to the parent under whose power the deceased was, in respect of
that property which, by our laws, was not acquired for the parent. For
the usufruct of such property we reserve to the parent; but with this
proviso, that if any such descendant should die leaving children, such
children or other descendant shall succeed in place of their proper parent,
whether they be under power of the deceased at the time of his death,
or not; taking in such case, that portion of the property of the deceased
intestate, which their own parent would have been entitled to, had he
been living; which succession our predecessors have denominated per
stirpes, or by stock. ($6. Inst. de heredit. ab intestato. 2Gaius8. $7.
Cod. de suis. 1.2.) In this order of succession we make no enquiry as
to the degree, but call up grand-children generally to the succession con-
currently with the sons and daughters of a son or a daughter previously
deceased; and this without consideration of sex, or whether they sprang
from the paternal or maternal side, whether they be free (sui juris,) or
still under power. Thus we have enacted as to descendants, and we
now proceed to ascendants. (N. B. By throwing aside all considera-
tions whether the claimants in succession sprang from the male or female
side, the old law was changed. Nov. 18. 4. ult.—Cod. de suis. 9. 13.
which is thus repealed. Inst. de heredit. ab intest. $ 4.—Cod. Theod.
de legit. hered.
*Cuap. 2. Of the succession of ascendants. [ *554 ]
If the deceased hath left no descendants, his father or
mother, or any other surviving relatives, in the right line ascending, shall
succeed in preference to all collaterals, except brothers of the whole blood,
as shall be noticed presently. If there be many ascendants, let the near-
est in degree be preferred, whether male or female, whether descended
from the paternal or maternal line. If there be many in the same dc-
gree, let the inheritance be equally divided between them, so as that the
heirs on the paternal side, however numerous, shail receive the one half,
and those on the maternal side the other half. Should there be brothers
and sisters of the deceased living, connected with him by descent from both
parents,* as well as ascendant relations, let them be concurrently called to
the succession. If the ascendants should be father or mother, let the in-
heritance be divided between them and brothers (and sisters) that each
shall have an equal part. Nor shall the parent claim an usufruct of the
portion assigned to the brothers and sisters,+ for in lieu thereof we have
* aupOalers adekpot brothers of the whole blood: germant. ouonatgie by
the. some father; consanguinet [and sometimes improperly germani.]
ououyteroe by the same mother, wterinz.
+ This repeals Cod. de legitim. heredit. 1. 13. and Cad. com. success. |.
ult. in fin, es
558 NOTES.
by the present law assigned him his own share of the succession in full
property. No distinction is to be made between persons thus called t
the inheritance, whether they be male or female, or connected with the
deceased by the father’s or mother’s side: or whether the deceased were
sui juris or under power when he died. We proceed therefore to the con-
sideration of collateral succession, which relates either to agnates or cog-
nates.
Cuar. 3. On the succession of collaterals. If therefore the deceased
hath left neither descendant or ascendant relations, we first call to the
inheritance brothers and sisters born of the same father and the same
mother, (i. e. of the whole blood,) whom we before called in concur-
rence with the parent.
If brothers and sisters of the whole blood be wanting, we call in bro-
thers (and sisters) of the half blood, whether on the father’s side or the
mother’s side.
But if the deceased left brothers, and also the children of a decéased
brother or sister, these last will be called to the inheritance concurrently
with their uncle or aunt of the whole blood, and will be en-
[ *555 ] titled *to the same portion whatever it be, that their parent
would have been entitled to if alive.
Hence, if a brother be dead, leaving children, and he was of the
whole blood, while the living brothers may be of the half blood only,
those children are preferred to their uncles, although they are in the third
degree ; and this whether the surviving uncles (or aunts) be connected
in ‘relationship with the deceased, by the father’s side, or the mother’s
side; in like manner as their parent, if living, would have been prefer-
red. Contrariwise, if the living brother be of the whole blood to the de-
ceased, and the dead brother be a half brother only, the children of the
latter are excluded, as their parent also would have been if alive. For
the privilege of representation thus given, is conceded only to this class
of relations, and extended no farther, than that the children of the de-
ceased brothers or sisters, may succeed to that which their parent, if liv-
ing, would have been entitled to. We confer this benefit on the children
of brothers, when brought into consideration with their own uncles and
aunts, whether of the paternal or maternal side.
If surviving relations in the ascending line should be called to the in-
heritance conjointly with brothers and sisters of the deceased, in that
case we do not permit the children of a deceased brother or sister to be
called in, even although their parent was of the whole blood.
Whenever, therefore, this privilege of representation is given to the
children of a (deceased) brother or sister, that they should succeed in
the place of their parent, and being in the third degree should be called
concurrently with those who are in the second degree, it is manifestly
NOTES. 559
for this reason, because they are preferred to uncles or aunts of the de-
ceased, whether paternal or maternal, who also count no higher than the
third degree.
If the deceased hath left neither brothers, nor the children of a broth-
er, collaterals are called to the inheritance according to the respective de-
gtees they occupy, the nearest in degree being preferred to the more re-
mote. If many persons be found related in the same degree, let the in-
heritance be divided equally between them according to their number,
which our laws denominate, a division‘ per capita.
Cuap. 4, Takes away the distinction between agnates and cognates.
Cuar. 5, Relates to the legitimate tutelage of children.
Cuar. 6. On the authority of this law.
C sent to Philadelphia the pages of Harris’ edition that contained the
118th Novel, to have the Greek printed there. Hence, not having it be-
fore me, I inadvertently translated that novel anew.) _
Alterations made by the 127th Novel.
We never regret any alteration in our laws, that may be of benefit
to our subjects. | We remember to have enacted (by the 118th Novel)
that if a deceased person left brothers alive, and also children
of a brother *who died before him, those children should be [ *556 ]
called to the inheritance equally with their uncles, filling the
place of their father, and entitled to his portion. But that if the deceas-
ed left any relations in the (right or direct) ascending line, together with
brothers of the whole blood, and also children of a brother previously
deceased, we directed the brothers of the deceased to be called to the in-
heritance concurrently with the surviving relations in the (right) line as-
cending, and excluded the dead brother’s children.
Cuar. Ist. For the purpose of correcting this, we enact, that if a de-
ceased person shall leavea living relation in the (right) ascending line,
and brothers also who may be called concurrently with such relation,
and children also of a brother previously deceased, the latter shall be
called in, concurrently with the rest, and succeed to the portion that their
own parent, if alive, would have been entitled to. This we decree in
respect of the children of a previously deceased brother of the whole
blood: directing that they shall occupy the same rank, whether called
concurrently with their uncles only, or with their uncles concurrently
with a parent of the deceased in the ascending line.
The rest of the Novel does not relate to this subject.
Lis. Ill. Titul. 1. Definitio intestati, p. 191. Heirship is the succes-
son to the universal right of the deceased. Dig. 50. 62. A testamenta-
ry heirship takes effect presently on the death of the testator: a legiti-
mate or lawful heirship, (cast by operation of law) takes place so soon
as it is ascertained that the deceased died intestate.
560 NOTES.
An heir under the Roman law, is properly likened to an executor un-
der our law, but executors separate from heirs were also known under
the later periods of the civil law, and their history is slightly but well
touched by Dr. Brown. 1 Civ. Law, 310:
§ 1. Primus ordo succedentium, Sc. p. 191. This law of the twelve
tables is not extant.
$ 2. Qui sunt sui heredes, p.191. Naturalis sint. Natural children,
do not, in the expressions of the Roman law, mean bastards, but the ac-
tual children by procreation of the person spoken of, in contradistinction
to adopted children. Cod. de natur. lib. 1. 1.10.11. Natural or illegiti-
mate children, in the English sense of the word, could not be proper
heirs, quia pater eorwm incertus est, and pater est quem juste nuptie de-
monstrant,
Hlegitimate children, born of a concubine, not of promiscuous copula-
tion, or of adulterous or incestuous commerce, might, under the twelve _
tables, be instituted heirs by the will of the father to whatever portion
he thought fit: this was afterwards restrained to cases where
{ *557 ] *no lawful wife or legitimate children were left, and coifin-
ed to a sixteenth of the whole estate, between the mother
and the children. Arcadius and Honorius, directed that where a deceas-
ed left a wife and legitimate children, he could not dispose by will of
more than one ounce among his illegitimate children, or a twelfth of the
As, or whole estate: but if the lawful wife and children were dead, he
might bequeath one fourth of the whole among the concubine and her
children by him. But this also, was altered by Justinian. Ferriere.
$ 3. Quomodo sui heredes fiunt, p. 193.
A morte parentum.| Persons are said to be sui heredes, or proper
heirs, quod non alienarum sed suarum, sive propriarum, quodammodo re-
rum heredes esse videantur; i. e. because they seem to be the heirs of
their own property, and not the heirs of another’s: for a proper heir is,
in the life time of his parent, the co-heir or partner with that parent in
his possessions: so that a son, who is a proper heir, does not ‘acquire a
new property at the death of his father, but only possesses in a fuller
manner what was before vested in him. Vinny, h.¢. Harris.
Hence, sui heredes are seized ipso jure on the decease of the parent,
and if they die before they act, their rights are transmitted to their own
heirs; whereas in other cases the rule is, that hereditas nondum adita
non transmittitur. ‘They were also, not only proper sui, but necessary
heirs, heredes necessarit; for they became so of course, without any
previous consent of their own. See Instit. lib. 2. tit. 19. $ 2. together
with Dig. 28. 5. and Dig. 29. 2.
An heir who has once acted in that capacity, becomes always liable
after that to the creditors of the estate. Dig. 28. 5. 88.
NOTES. 561
$ 4. De filio post mortem patris, ab hostibus reverso, p. 193. As to the
Jus Postliminii, see lib. 1. of the instit. tit. 12. parag. 5. Dig. 49. 15.
De captivis et Postliminio at length. 2 Dall. Rep. 4. Miller, libellant v.
Miller. Wade v. Barnewell, 2 Bays S. Car. Rep. 229. 1 Brown’s civil
and admiralty law, 127. and 2 Ib. 266. under the title recapture and
salvage, to which the modern cases of postliminy principally apply. See
also the head of Jus postliminii in Grotius, book 3. ch. 9. and in Vattel.
But particularly in Mr. Du Ponceau’s valuable translation of Bynker-
shoek’s treatise on the law of war, with the notes 36—44. and 113—122.
Postiminium fingit eum qui captus est, in civitate semper fuisse. Instit.
ub. sup. Jus quo perinde omnia restituuntur jura, de si captus ab hosti-
bus non esset. Dig. ub. sup.
$ 6. De divisione hereditatis inter suos heredes, p. 194.
ltem ex duobus filiis.| By the civil law, representation takes place in
infinitum in the right line descending; and therefore it fol-
lows, according *to that law, that, when any person dies, [ *558 ]
leaving grand-children by sons or daughters, who died in his
life-time, such grand-children, though equal in degree. and unequal in
their number in regard to their respective stocks, will divide the estate
of their grand-father per stirpes, 7. e. according to their stocks: for ex-
ample, if A die worth nine hundred auwrei, and intestate, leaving only
grand-children by three sons, already dead, to wit, three grand-children
by one son, five by another, and six by another, then each of these
classes of grand-children would be intitled to a third; that is, to three
hundred aurei, no regard being paid to that class, in which there were
most persons. Jn hoc casu, (says Vinnius,) maxime conspicua est vis re-
preesentationis ; licet enim omnes hic pari gradu sint, ut proprio singult
jure succedere posse videatur, tamen postquam semel ‘placuit, nepotes in
locum patris sui demortui, aliave ratione exuti jure sui heredis, succedere,
non debuit hoc jus ex accidenti aliquo variari, puta ut soli nepotes ex di-
versis filiis et numero inegquales, ceu pauciores cum pluribus ex hac vel
illa stirpe concurrentes, in capita hereditatem dividerent. Cod. 6. t. 55.
1.2. Quare sic in universum recte definiemus, descendentes ex masculis
omnes, qui sunt diversarum stirpium, quantumvis ejusdem omnes grad-
us, in stirpes, non in capita, succedere. But, in England, although Te-
presentation may also be said to extend in infinitum in the right line
descending, yet this I apprehend must be understood to be in those cases
only, where representation is absolutely necessary to prevent the exclu-
sion of grand-children, great-grand-children, gc. For example there-
fore, if Titius dies leaving a son, and D, E, F, his grand-children by
‘another son, who died before Titius, then the surviving son would take
one moiety, and the grand-children D, E, F, would take the other, as
the representatives of their deceased father: for in this case representa-
71
562 NOTES.
tion would be necessary ; because, if representation was not allowed, the
grand-children of Titius, being in a more remote degree, than his son,
would be totally excluded; which would be highly unjust. But, if T%-
tius dies, and leaves only grand-children by two sons, already dead;
e. g. three grand-children by one son, and six by the other, then repre-
sentation would not only not be necessary, (as all the persons are in the
same degree, so that none of them can be excluded;) but it would occa-
sion a very unequal distribution of the effects; namely, of only half the
estate to six of the grand-children, and of half to the other three, which
does not seem agreeable either to the sense, or even the words of the
statute. See 22, 23, Car. 2, cap. 10. Harris. j
This section in some editions of the institutes is entitled Quomedo sus
heredes succedunt.
f *559 ] *§ 8. De nato post mertem avi, &c. p. 195.
Plane si et conceptus etnatus.] ‘Sunt, qui velint hunc
* nepotem, etsi ad heereditatem avi jure suo non veniat, posse nihilominus
‘jure paterno eam adipisei: etenim certum est, liberos parentum heredi-
tatem, quantumvis non acquisitam, ad liberos suos transmittere.” Cod.
6. 7.51.24. sect.5. Cod. 6. ¢. 52. 1 1. “Filius porro in proposita
‘‘facti specie, si adhuc viveret, posset patris hereditatem-acquirere; sic
“agitur ad filium suum posthumum, etsi post avi mortem’ conceptum,
“hereditatem ejus transmittere posse putant. Pileus nepoti huie, per
“ Novellam 118, succursum esse censet, ut suo jure avo suecedere possit ;
“et hoc quidem suadet zquitas; sed non favent satis perspicue verba le-
“eum.” Doujacius. Harris.
Dig. 1. 5. 7 and 26. Dig. 38. 16. 7 and 8.
§ 9. De liberis emancipatis, p. 196. It may be remarked that the
preetorian bonorum-possessio, is not synonymous with possessio bonorum.
The latter consists of two words, and means the actual possession of
goods, the former is one word, and means an order of court conveying
the right of possession of the goods to the person in whose favour it is
issued. Dig. 37. 1. 3. 1.
$ 10. Si emancipatus se dederit in adoptionem, p. 196. Dig. 38. 8. 4.
Ad liberos, an ad agnatos.| For the arrogator, by retaining under
his power the emancipated son of the deceased, might make room for
the agnati of the deceased; or, by emancipating his arrogated. son, who
was the natural son of the deceased, the arrogator might exclude the
agnati; so that thus the right of inheritance would depend upon the
will and pleasure of a stranger, which the law would not permit.
Harris.
The pretorian fiction cannot extend to one person belonging at the
same time to two families, Cod.. de adopt. 1. penult.
$ 11. Collatio filiorum naturalium et adeptivorum, p. 197. In some
NOTES. 563
editions this section is entitled Differentia filiorum naturalium et adop-
tivorum, post quam fuerint emancipati. See Dig. 38. 6. 4.
$ 12. De bonorum possessione contra tabulas, p. 198. See Dig. 37. 4.
$ 14. De Emendatio juris antiqui. De adoptivis, p. 199.
Constitutionem scripsimus, Cod. 8. 48.10. De adoptionibus.
Ez Sabiniano, senatus consulte. By this law, a man who adopted one
of the three sons of another person, was compelled to leave him a fourth
part of his property. As by the constitution of Antoninus Pius, a fourth
part also was to be left to a boy under puberty, taken into a family by
arrogation. Vinn.
*§ 15. Descendentibus ex faminis, p. 200. Neither the [ *560 ]
law of the twelve tables nor the pretorian law, admitted
descendants by the female line to the succession of a natural grand-fa-
ther, or other maternal ascendant: for never having been under power of
such ascendant they could never have been proper heirs. Nor could the
pretors assist them as he did emancipated children bonorwm possessione
unde liberi, which proceeded on the fiction that emancipated children re-
mained under power of their natural father: this fiction could not be ex-
tended to females, for the rule was, that children guoad nomen et famili-
am, followed the condition of the father. Hence natural grand-children
were only called to the succession of their grand-father as cognates, and
after the agnates were exhausted ; this was the case, even after the Orphi-
tian senatus-consult, had called sons and daughters to the legitimate
succession of their mother.
The emperors mentioned in the text, admitted grand-children of either
sex to the succession, whether descended ex filio or ex filia. Cod.
Theod. de legit. heredit. 1. 4. copied nearly by Justinian. Cod. de suis
et legit. hered. 1.9. These emperors, however, so far leaned toward
ancient usage, that they defalked the portion of natural grand-children,
by making that portion one third less than their parent would have had,
when they were called conjointly with sons and daughters. And as
persons frequently died, without leaving either proper heirs by the law
of the twelve tables, or by the preetorian fiction, or legitimate heirs un-
der the Orphitian law, if the question was as to a succession to a de-
ceased person of the maternal side, the agnates with whom the cognates
concurred, were entitled to a fourth part of the property of the succes-
sion. This was corrected by Justinian. Cod. de suis et legit. hered.
who put agnates and cognates on the same footing.
As to the defalcation of a third from the portion of cognates, when
the grand-children descended from a daughter, succeeded concurrently
with sons and daughters to a deceased in the maternal line, that was not
corrected till the 118th Novel, ch. 1. by which children were called with-
564 NOTES.
out distinction to the succession of their relations in the ascending line,
and to the exclusion of all others.
Sed ut amplius aliquid. Suppose a man deceased had left a son, and
a grand-child by a daughter, who died before the deceased, that grand-
child would have only four ounces, and the son eight; less by a third
than the daughter, if living, would have been entitled to: suppose a wo-
man deceased, Icft a son or a daughter, and a grand-son or grand-daugh-
ter by a deceased son or daughter; the son ‘or daughter
[ *561 ] *would be entitled to eight ounces, the grand-son or grand-
daughter to four ounces.
Portionem nepotum vel neptum. Descendants by a female, were after-
wards exempted by Nov. 18, from defalcation, when they concurred with
descendants from a male. Nov. 18, ch. 4. and Nov. 118.
Ex cujusdam constitutionis auctoritate. Cod. Theod. de legit. hered.
1. 4. compared with Cod. 6. 55. 12. de suis et legit. heered.
Nostra autem constitutione. Cod. 6. 45. 12. which forbids agnates to
claim the fourth, granted to them by Cod. Theod. 1. 4. de legit. he-
red. ;
Sine ulla diminutione. Quarte silicet agnatorum ; tertice enim deduete-
onem tributam tis, qui etiam juris veteris suffragatione nituntur, intactam
reliquit: sed jure novissimo par est omnium liberorum conditio. Vinn.
Nov. 118, ch. 1.
Sed nos cum adhuc dubitatio maneret, p.201. In some editions a six-
teenth section commences at these words, entitled, Al/era emendatio juris
antiqui circa nepotes aut pronepotes ex filia.
Titul. IT. De legitunma agnatorum successione, p. 203.
The law of the twelve tables says, Ast si quis moritur intestatus, cui
suus heres non est, proxzimus agnatus familiam habeto. Hence, if a
suus heres renounced, the agnati could not succeed, but the estate es-
cheated ; for the swws heres remained, and the agnates were excluded.
This gave rise to the praetorian law, which let in agnates and cognates
by the bonorum possessio unde legit. and unde cognati. Cujus in paritit.
Cod. de usucap. pro herede. This was extended by the senatus consul-
tum Tertyllianum. Dig. 38. 17. 2.8 and 10. and by the emperors Dio-
clesian and Maximinian, Cod. de leg. hered. 1. 3. and lastly, Justinian
admitted the agnates fully in default of sui hwredes, or their not acting
in the succession.
$1. De agnatis naturalibus, p. 203. Agnates are relations of the
same family on the male side, and who have suffered no diminution of
state (rank.) Cognates are relations on the female side, or who have
lost the right of agnates by diminution. Vinn. h. t.
Illegitimate children can have no agnates. Quia neque'gentem neque
familiam habent.
NOTES. 565
Consobrini. Strictly speaking, consobrini, (consororini) are sisters’
children.
Quia post mortem patris nanciscuntur. Dig. 38. 7. ult. and 38. 16. 1.
penult.
§ 2. De Adoptivis, or, as it is sometimes entitled, De agnatis per adop-
tionem, p. 204. Adoption joins the adopted son to all the ag-
nates *of the father: adopted children, like proper heirs, are [ *562 ]
technical descriptions, and the creatures of the civil law.
Dig. 38. 10. ult. 4. Dig. 38. 16. 2, 3. They are improperly called con-
sanguine, inasmuch as this is strictly applied to natural relationship.
Dig. 38. 16. penult.
$ 3. De masculis et feminis, p. 204. This is otherwise entitled, Ag-
nati, ad legitimam successionem abintestato admittuntur absque ullo sex-
us discrimine. '
By the old law of the twelve tables, the female line was excluded.
Cognates yielded to agnates.
By the middle law, sisters of the same father were admitted ; consan-
guine sisters: and the preetor called women to the succession when they
‘were related by the male line, but only in virtue of the right of proxim-
ity; ex tertio nimirum ordine, per bonorum possessione unde cognati.
Hence they succeeded after agnates.
Justinian called all agnates, male and female, indiscriminately to the
succession.
Germane ; of the whole blood; consanguinee: by the same father ;
uterine : of the same mother. Consanguinei, and consanguinee, are
expressions relating to brothers and sisters only ; not beyond.
Nostra constitutione sancimus : Cod. 6. 58. penult.
§$ 4. De filiis sororum, p. 207. By the old law (i.e. the law of the
twelve tables) if there were no agnates, the estate escheated. To avoid
this, the pretor called in cognates per bonorum possessionem unde cogna-
ti: afterwards the emperor Anastasius, directed that emancipation per
rescriptum principis, should not take away the right of agnation between
brothers and sisters, if inserted in the rescript. Cod. de legit. heered. 1.
11. Then maternal brothers and sisters, and their children, were ranked
among the agnates, if the deceased left no brothers and sisters, or if they
rejected the succession: and nephews, of different branches, were order-
ed to succeed per capita, and not per stirpes, hic, et Cod. de legit. heered.
1.14.$1. Finally, all these differences were abolished by the 118th
and 127th Novels. The last direction of the present section of the In-
stitutes is not altered by the Novels.
Non in stirpes sed in capita.] It appears from this section, that as yet
brothers’ children were not allowed to represent their parents: for in-
566 NOTES. 7
stance; if Sempronius had died intestate, leaving a brother, and chil-
dren by two other brothers deceased; then, if the surviving brother had
accepted the succession, the children of the deceased brothers, (i. e. the
nephews of Sempronius) would have been entirely ousted ; but, if the
surviving brother of Sempronius had declined the inheri-
[ *563 ] tance, *the children of the two deceased brothers would have
been entitled to a distributive share of their uncle’s estate per
capita, that is, by poll; because they would then take suo quisque jure
each in his own right and not by representation. But by Nov. 118. cap.
3. and Nov. 127. cap. 1. brothers’ and sisters’ children are allowed to
represent their parents; and yet this representation is only permitted by
the civil law to prevent exclusion, when the party deceased leaves a bro-
ther, and nephews by another brother; and then the uncle and nephews
take per stirpes; for, when there are only nephews, there is no represen-
tation; and the distribution of the estate is consequently made per capi-
ta, each person taking in his own right. This is also the certain rule of
distribution in England in the case of collaterals. Vid. 22. 23. Car. 2.
Bacon’s Abr. verb. executors and administrators. Abridgment of cas.
in eq. page 249. Walch v. Walch. Harris.
See the ‘case of Carter -v. Crawley, in prohibition. B. R. 1681. Sir
Thomas Raym. 496. in which the question was this: A man died,
leaving no relations alive, save an aunt, and the children of another
aunt deceased in his life time—shall the children succeed jure represen-
tationis ? This was a case on the construction of the Stat. of Distribu-
tions, 22. and 23. Ch. 2 ch. 20. and appears to have been decided in
favour of the right of representation in the children. The opinion of
civilians given at the end of this case is as follows: “In making distri-
“butions of intcstate estates amongst collaterals, our civil law and the
“ practice of the ecclesiastical courts have constantly observed these two
“rules : o
“The first is, Representatio in filius fratrum et sororum tantum locum
“ habet, ad ulteriores vero collaterales non extenditur.
“The second is that in case there be no brothers nor brothers’ child-
“ren, vocantur ad suecessionem reliqui collaterales quicumque in gradu
“ sint proximiores, remotioribus exclusig. Ita quod infallibiter semper
“prior in gradu sit potior in successione, whereby representation must
“needs be out of doors; the next of kin, whether one or more being
‘only admitted to the distribution.”
ROBERT WISEMAN,
THOMAS EXTON,
RICHARD LLOYD,
EDWARD MASTER,
10 May, 1681, WILLIAM TRUMBAI..
NOTES. 567
$ 5. De proximis vel remotis, p. 207. Otherwise entitled de agnatis
diversi gradus. /
*As the law of the 12 tables called in the nearest agnate [ *564 ]
only, it left no room for representation. Ulp. in frag. tit. 26.
$ 3. The 118th Novel, admits nephews to the succession of their
uncles, or aunt’s estate, conjointly with the brothers and sisters of the
“deceased.
§ 6. Quo tempore proximitas spectatur, p. 208. See Dig. 38. 16. 2. 4.
5, and 6.
§ 7. De successorio edicto, p. 208. Otherwise entitled successio in
agnatorum hereditatibus, a Justiniano introducta.
Suecessionem non esse.]. Veluti; decessit aliquis intestatus, extante
Fratre, extante et patruo: frater vocabatur, nimirumut proximus ; si igitur
contingat ut frater, aut, antequam adeat, decedat, aut hereditatem repudt-
et, patruus aut agnatus venire non poterit propterea quod lex duodecim
tabularum successionem nesciat ; hereditas igitur ad fiscum deferebatur.
Theoph. h. J. = ;
Nostra constitutione.| This constitution is not to be found; nor
would it be of use, if it was still extant, since the 118th Novel. hath
destroyed all distinction between agnutes and cognates, and put them
upon an equality. Harris.
The law of the 12 tables (proximus ag‘natus familiam habeto) called
only the nearest agnate. If he died or renounced, the other agnates
were excluded, and the estate escheated. Ulp. in frag. Tit. 26. $ 4.
Dig. 38. 16.2. Paulus Lib. 4. sentent. Tit.$: The praetor corrected
this in some degree by calling in the second agnate, when the first died
without accepting or renounced; but he called them in the order of cog-
‘nates. Dig. 38. 9.1.6. The constitution mentioned in the text, as well
as the law of the text, was rendered null by the provisions of the 118th
Novel.
§ 8. De legitima parentum successione, p. 209. Formerly a father
emancipating a child pacto contracte fiducie@, became legitimate heir to
the child, under a supposed analogy of a master and an emancipated
slave. Sce Inst. Lib. 1. Tit. de legitima parentum tutela. But Justini-
an by his constitution, Cod. 8. 49. 6. de emancipationibus liberorum, re-
duced all emancipations to that of contracte fiducie ; and the father
succeeded to an emancipated son, asa patron did to his freed man. But
all this was again altered by the 118th Novel. But the parents of a
child dying without descendants, succeed per stirpes.
Tit. HL. De senatus consulto Tertulliano, p. 210. Justinian says, this
law was made by Adrian, but Zonaras, Lib. 2. says it was made in the
time of Antoninus Pius, called also Adrian, as being the adopted son of
568 NOTES.
Adrian. ‘Tiberius Claudius Cesar, began to reign A. C. 16, and Adrian -
began A. C. 120.
[ *565 ] $ 1. De constitutione Divi Claudii, p. 210. It is probable
according to Vinnius and Heineccius, that this indulgence
extended only to the mothers of children who fell in battle. Sueton. in
Vita. ch. 19. Claudius jus quatuor liberorum feminis dedit.
§ 2nd. Senatus consultum Tertullianum, p. 211. This privilege
granted to the mother to succeed to her children, was not conceded by
positive law to uncles; but they were called in by Pretorian law per bo-
norum possessionem unde cognati, so that a consanguine sister being re-
garded as an agnate was preferred to them.
$3. Qui preferuntur matri vel cum ea admittuntur, p. 211. Mater
liberis onerata. Cujas in ulp. frag. Tit. ult. for onerata read honerata.
‘The Claudian law gave them as we have just seen the jus quatuor libe-
rorum ; hence children were an honour and a credit, not a burthen.
By this section, the mother was postponed to a suus heres, (a proper
or domestic heir) to the father, and to the consanguine brother.
As to the suus heres. Domestic heirs in power, or emancipated, or
persons considered as sui heredes, excluded the mother ; but children giv-
en in adoption, and in power of their adoptive father, at the decease of
their natural father, did not. But by a constitution of Antoninus, they
were admitted concurrently with the mother, per bona poss. unde cognati,
which in this case excluded the bonorum possessionem unde legitimi,
Dig. 38. 7. and Dig. 38. 8.
Further by the Tertyllian senatus consultum, children were not admit-
ted to the succession of their mother, in preference to their grandmother,
the senatus consulium Orphitianum, made about twenty years afterward,
called them in. Hence a conflict arose between claimants under these
decrees, the mother of the deceased, claiming under the Tertyllian, and
the children of the deceased under the Orphitian decrees. This was at
length decided in favour of the children. Dig. 38. 16. 11.
Secondly, the father was preferred to the mother, in military property,
in adventitious property, and in respect of emancipated children how-
ever emancipated.
Thirdly, the consanguine brother was preferred to the mother. Cod.
Theod. de inofficioso, testamento, 1. 2. The consanguing sister was
called in concurrently with the mother. But Justinian introduced many
alterations. At first, when the deceased left a mother, with consanguine
or uterine brothers, or with sisters, the mother was admitted in equal
proportion. Cod.h. Tit. 1. ult, when the mother was found with sisters
only, she succeeded to half the property. Ib. Afterward by Nov. 22.
A7. 2. when the mother was left with sisters of the deceased, they inher-
NOTES. 569
ited in equal portions: finally by Novel. 118. ch. 2. fathers
*and mothers, were preferred to all collaterals, save brothers [ *566 J
and sisters of the whole blood.
Suorun: loco sunt.] Emancipated children by the preetorian law, and
by the constitutions grand-children and great-grand-children by a daugh-
ter, are numbered in loco suorum, i. e. in the place of proper heirs. Vide
t. 1. sect. 15. of this book. Harris.
Ex constitutionibus.] St, matre superstite, filius vel filia, qui queve
moritur, filios, dereliquerit, omnimodo patri suo, matrive sua, ipso jure suc-
cedant ; quod sine dubio et de pronepotibus cbservandum esse censemus.
Cod. 6.454. 1 11. Cod. 6. t. 57.1. 4. ad senatus-consultum Orficia-
num. Harris.
Frater autem consanguineus.] ‘Porro, cum fratres duntaxat et soro-
“yes hoc loco matri objiciantur, existimandum est, cateris a latere veni-
“ entibus, sive aynatis sive cognatis, matrem preferri. Sed et, quia con-
“ sanguineorum tantum mentio fit, credibile est, fratres et sorores uteri~
“ nos senatus-consulto fuisse exclusos: caeterum Justinianus hos etiam
“eum matre admisit, vid. sect. 5. Novella autem, 118 totum hoc jus
mutatum est.”’ Vinn. Harris.
$4. Jusnovum de jure liberorum sublato. p. 212. Constitutione. Cod.
8. 59. 1.1. and 1. 2. and Cod de infirm. pen. celib. et orbit. 1. 1. by which
it will appear, that Constantine first abrogated the law inflicting penalty
on celibacy : Honorius extended to every one, the privileges of those who
had children; and Justinian accorded to all mothers, the jure triwm aut
quatuor liberorum.
§$ 5. Quibus mater proponitur et quibus admittitur, p. 212.
This section is also entitled Abrogatio eorum in quibus constitutiones
partim matrem adjuvebant, partim pregravebant. ’ :
Cum antea constitutiones.] vid. ll. 1, 2. et penult. Cod. Theod. de legit.
hered.
Partim matrem.] Exempli gratia; “si contigisset, ut quis decederet
‘‘yelinquens matrem, jure liberorum cohonestatem, superesset autem et
“ patruus, qui est legitimus, aut patrui filius, mater octo capiebat uncias,
“ sive bessem hereditatis; patruus autem aut ejus filius trientem: hoc
‘est, quatuor uncias. Quod si ex contrario jus liberorum mater non
‘‘ habuisset, tune patruus aut filius ejus bessem hereditatis capiebat, at
‘mater trientem solum.” Theoph. h. t.
Ita tamen, &c.] ‘“ Quee sequuntur pertinent ad modum succedendi,
“¢ give rationem distribuendse heereditatis inter matrem defuncti, ejusque
“ fratres et sorores. Constituit autem imperator, ut, si cum matre con-
‘‘eurrant sorores sole, sive consanguinex sive uterine, duo semisses
“ fiant, quorum unum mater, alterum sorores capiant; sin
“ fratres, *sive soli, sive etiam cum soribus, in capita hered- [ *567 ]
72
570 NOTES.
“itas dividatur, totque partes fiant, quot sunt persons succedenti-
“um. Cod. 6. t. 56. 1 7, Hee iterum mutata sunt Novel. 118.
‘‘ qua fratres et sorores omnes, ex uno tantum latere defuncto conjuncti,
‘‘ tam a matre, “ quam a fratribus utrinque conjunctis, excluduntur ; ma-
“ter cum his ex equis partibus succedit. Vinn.h.1. But in England
the civil law takes place almost in the same manner, as it prevailed be-
fore the Novel constitution: for brothers and sisters by the half blood
take equally with brothers and sisters by the whole blood: so that, if a
man, whose father is dead, dies intestate, and is survived by a mother
and by brothers and sisters, or by brothers only, or sisters only, then the
mother, and the brothers and sisters, will all be entitled to take an equal
share per capita, whether such brothers and sisters were related to the
deceased by the whole blood, or by the half blood only. Smith’s case, 1
Mod. 209. 1 Jac.2. cap. 17. Harris.
Tit. IV. De senatus consulio Orphitiano, page 214. This was enacted
in 930 ab urb. cond. in the time of the emperor Aurelius; 20 years after
the Tertyllian senatus consult. .
§$ 1. De nepote et nepto, p. 214.
Constitutionibus principalibus.] The Tertyllian decree conferred upon
mothers the right of legitimate succession to their children; and the Or-
fician decree gave children the same right in regard to their mothers:
but neither of these decrees went farther out of reverence to the old law;
so that hitherto grand-mothers were called to the succession of their grand-
children ; and grand-children to the succession of their grand-mothers,
by the indulgence of the pretor only; i.e. per bonorum possessionem un-
de cognati, and in default of agnates. ff. 38. t. 8. But the emperors, Va-
lentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius, called grand-sons and grand-daugh-
ters to the succession of their grand-mothers; prohibiting them neverthe-
less to take more than two thirds of that sum, to which their father or
mother would have been entitled. 1. 4. Cod. Theod. de legit. hered. But
the emperor Justinian, by his 118th Novel, cap. 1. makes the condition
of all children equal, when they succeed their parents upon an intestacy.
And, by the 2nd chapter of the same novel, the emperor calls also the
grand-mother to the succession of her grand-children. Harris.
$2. De capitis diminutione. page 215. Otherwise entitled, successio-
nes que ex illis senatus consultis deferuntur, non perimuntur, minima cap-
itis diminutione.
See Dig. 38. 16. 11 and 28. 17.1. 8.
[ *568 ] *§ 3. De vulgo quesitis, page 215. Otherwise naturales
liberi mater succedunt.
Qui vulgo quesiti sunt. The vulgo quesiti are those, whom the law
emphatically calls spurious, their father being incertain and not known;
but the mother, who is always certain, is allowed to succeed even her
spurious issue; which is not permitted in England, where a bastard is
NOTES. 57k
rotary ood er mn Be
Sanguine relations, except his aiien = = ray ee
to civil purposes ; fie a to moral Be oe eo ]
cendants and coll t Is is 1 sre ee ae a enn
men 4 ne 8 is regarded by the law, which will not suffer
person to marry his mother, or his base sister. The Queen v.
Chafin, 3 Salk. 66. 67.
Ad matris hereditatem.] The vulgo quesiti or spurious children, are
allowed to succeed their mother, unless she is a person of illustrious birth,
having lawful children ; for, if she has no lawful children, her illegiti-
mate issue will succeed her. Cod. 6. t. 57.1.5. Andin general spuri-
ous children will succeed their mother equally with those, who are legiti-
mate: and, even if spurious children are pretermitted in the testament
of their mother, they may by the civil law complain of that testament as
inofficious and undutiful. De inofficioso testamento matris spurit quoque
Sulit dicere possunt. ff. 5. t.2.1.29. Yet spurious children are not in
like manner entitled to succeed to the possessions of their father, whom
the law does not regard, but supposes to be unknown. * Children never-
theless, who are born of a concubine, when their father is certain, and
dies without a wife or lawful issue, are entitled, together with their moth-
er, to the sixth part of their father’s inheritance, which is to. be divided
among them per capita, or by poll. Nov. 18. t. 5.cap. 5. But bastards,
begotten in adultery or incest, are wholly incapable of succeeding to
their father’s or mother’s estate. Nov. 89. cap.15. But in England
bastards are not distinguished into species, being all regarded in the same
light, and esteemed equally incapable of succeeding to the personal es-
tate of their intestate parents, being feigned to be nullius filit; so that no
illegitimate child can take any part either of his father’s or mother’s es-
tate upon an intestacy; neither can an ordinary or ecclesiastical judge
grant the administration of an intestate’s estate to the base-born issue of
that intestate. Swinb. 373. Yet any person, although he hath legiti-
mate children may by the law of England, bequeath any part, or the
whole of his estate without controul, and may consequently benefit his
illegitimate children, or their mother, in what manner he pleases; for such
persons are not incapable of taking by purchase, gift, or tes-
tament: *and in this respect the law of England is more fa- [ *569 ]
vourable to natural children, than the civil law; for, by that
law, a man, who had lawful children, could not bequeath more than a
12th part of his possessions to his illegitimate issue. Nov. 89. cap. 12.
It is also observable, that, though the law of England pays no regard
immediately to bastards, yet it favours their issue under particular cir-
cumstances, in respect to real estates; insomuch that the issue of a bas-
tard eigne, who died seized, shall bar the right of a mulier puisne. For
572 NOTES.
example; if a man dies seized of certain lands in fee, leaving two sons,
by the same woman, and his eldest son is a bastard, being born before
his father’s marriage, and the younger is a mulier, (that is, legitimate,)
in this case, if the hastard enters upon the land, claiming as heir to his
father, and occupieth it all his life without any interruption or entry
made upon him by the mulier, and the bastard hath issue and dies seized
of such estate in’ fee, and the land descends to that issue, then the mulier
will be without remedy. For he may not enter, nor have any action to
recover the land, because there is an ancient law[in this case used;
namely, Justum non est aliquem post mortem facere bastardum, qui toto
tempore vite sue pro legitimo habebatur. See Coke’s first inst. sect. 399,
&c. Bridal’s lex spuriorum, pag. 100. Here note, that the term mulier
is used, by the writers upon the common law, to denote either a son or
a daughter lawfully begotten; but, how they came to apply the word
mulier so very fancifully or rather perversely, it is hard to say, and im-
material to inquire; the most probable conjecture seems to be, that mu-
lier is a corruption of melior or the French word melieur. Vide Ferms
de la ley, and Godolphin’s repertorium. Harris.
§ 4. De jure accrescendi inter legitimos heredes, p. 215.
Survivorship under the Roman law takes place among legitimate, and
among testamentary heirs; and the share of those who renounce, will
even fall to the heirs of those who accept. Survivorship, is real, at-
tached to the estate, not to the person like substitution. Dig. de usu-
fructu. 1. 36. Dig. 38.16. 9. It was allowed, lest the testator should
die partly testate and partly intestate, partly represented and partly un-
represented.
Under the English law survivorship takes place only when a legacy
is given in joint tenantcy; and is allowed by the courts of equity, but
not by the ecclesiastical courts. See on this subject Humphrey v. Tay-
leur, Ambl. 137. Mosley v. Bird, 3 Vez. jun. 628. Russel v. Long, 4
Vez. 551. Bolger v Mackell, 5 Vez. 509. In which it is
{ *570 } laid down *that a legacy to two or more share and share
alike, is a legacy in common, with no survivorship.
The jus accrescendi has already been touched upon in another connec-
tion ante ad Instit. Lib. 2. Tit. 7. $ 4.
Tit. V. De successione cognatorum. p. 216.
Post suos heredes.| ‘ Lex antiqua duodecim tabularum duos tantum
‘‘ heredum ab intestato ordines fecit, suorum et agnatorum. Nove le-
“ ges et senatus-consulta non-addiderunt quidem ordinem novum, sed
personas quasdam, que nec sui heredes, nec agnati, revera sunt, suo-
“rum heredum et agnatorum numero esse voluerunt, atque in ordine
‘“ suorum vel agnatorum una cum veré suis heredibus aut agnatis, ad
‘“‘ hereditatem intestati admitti. Inter suos heredes nove leges nume-
NOTES. 573
“ yant, suisque per omnia exeequant, liberos legitimatos; inter eosdem
** quoque, et simul cum lis, vocant nepotes et pronepotes ex sexu femi-
‘‘neo: in agnatorum ordinem senatus-consulta transtulerunt matrem
‘et liberos: Justinianus fratres et sorores uterinos, eorumque et soro-
‘rum consanguinearum filios et filias: Anastasius fratres et sorores
““emancipatos. Preetor vero tres succedentium ab intestato ordines fe-
“eit; primum diberorum ; (non dixit suorum, quia ex liberis vocat eti-
“am non suos;) alterum legitimorum, in quo vocantur agnati et jura
‘* agnationis habentes, ex posterioribus legibus aut ex senatus-consul-
“ tis; tertium cognatorum, in quo admisit omnes, quos sola sanguinis
“ratio vocat ad hereditatem, licet jure civili deficiant ; item eos, qui,
“ quod prioribus ordinibus exclusi essent, ex nullo alio capite venire
“ poterant. Tandem Justinianus cognatos omnes etiam heredes le-
“ gitimos fecit, adempta agnatis omni prerogativa.” Nov. 118. Vinn.
Harris. ‘
See as to the pretorian law calling in cognates in default of proper
and legitimate heirs, Cod, de legit. hered. 1. 5. and Dig. 38. 8. 1 and seq.
Cognates are maternal relations. Legitimate heirs are agnates, and oth-
ers considered as agnates, and called to the succession by the Tertyllian
and Orphitian senatus-consults, and the imperial constitutions, as a mo-
ther in respect of her children, children in respect of a mother consan-
guine brothers and sisters emancipated by rescript, uterine sisters, and
the children of emancipated brothers and sisters. Cod. de legit. haered.
1. penult. $ 1 and 1. ult. § 2.
$1. Qui vocantur in hoc ordine, &c. p. 216.
Quos lex Anastasiana.] ‘This constitution is not now extant; it was
nevertheless without doubt inserted in the first edition of the Code, be-
cause it is here referred to; but it was probably omitted in the Codex
repetitee preelectionis, on account of the last law in Cod. 6, t.
58. delegit. *hered. Qua plenius fratribus et sororibus [ *571 ]
emancipatis consulitur, et eorum quoque filiis ac filiabus jus
legitime successionis datur. Tarris.
Non equis tamen partibus. Theophilus says that emancipated bro-
thers and sisters received one half less than those under power: that a
brother capite diminutus should receive but four ounces while a brother
integri. juris should have eight: but by Cod. de leg. hered. 1. ult. § 1.
emancipated brothers, and those under power were placed on a footing.
Aliis vero agnatis. If the deceased left an emancipated brother, and
an uncle, the former would succeed in exclusion of the latter.
$2. De conjunctis per feeminas, p, 217. The 118th Novel. has super-
ceded this section.
$4. De vulgo quesitis, p. 217. The mother only is considered as re-
lated to a spurious child; hence they were permitted to succeed to the
574 NOTES.
mother, if they were not the issue of adultery or incest. Justinian how-
ever admitted them to a share in the succession ab intestato to their fa-
ther, if ‘there were no lawful progeny, and the bastards were the off-
spring of a concubine. Dig. 38. 8. 4. compared with Dig. 1. 5. 19 and
23. Dig. 1.5.19 and 24. Cod. de natural. lib. By the 118th Novel.
they were admitted to share in their mother’s estate with legitimate
children,
$ 5. Ex quoto gradu vel agnati vel cognati succedunt, p. 217.
Usque ad sextum gradum cognationis.] It is not easy to determine
what should induce the preetor to fix upon the sixth rather than the fifth
or any other degree; and, concerning this, the writers have differed
much in their opinions. But all, except Hoffman, agree, that the differ-
ence in the limits of succession between agnates and cognates hath ceas-
ed, since the distinction between agnation and cognation was abolished
by Novel. 118. Taking it then for granted, that cognates can be called
in as distant a degree as agnates, the next question will be whether ag-
nates, can succeed in a more distant degree, than the tenth; which some
deny; and urge, that Justinian would not have named the 10th degree,
if agnates could have been admitted ina degree beyond it and
that, unless some period had been put to the succession of agnates, the
third and the fourth order of succession, in which are husband and wife,
could never or very rarely be admitted; and from hence they conclude,
that, though in consequence of the 118th Novel. both agnates and cog-
nates must now be admitted without distinction, according to their prox-
imity, yet this must be in the 10th degree, and not beyond it; and of
this opinion are Mynsinger, Faber, Wesembecius, and others. But the
words of Justinian, in the 3rd _ sect. of the 2nd title of this book, very
strongly evince the contrary. v. g. Inter masculos quidem agna-
[ *572 ] tionis *jure hereditas etiamsi, longissimo gradu sint, ultro ctt-
roque capitar, &c. And again, in paragraph the Ist, tit. 7. of
this book, the emperor writes thus—Amotis suis heredibus, agnatus, eti-
amsi longissimo gradu, plerumque potior habetur, quam proximior cogna-
tus. it. 7. de servili cognatione. This is also the doctrine of the law
of the twelve tables, which declares generally, without specifying any
limits, that upon a failure of proper heirs, the nearest agnate shall suc-
ceed. And, as to the before-mentioned arguments, they may be answer-
ed without much difficulty ; for we may safely pronounce, that the words
decimo gradu are not here used determinately, but merely for the sake of
giving anexample. Non enim (says Vinny) eodem modo de agnatis et
cognatis imperator loquitur ; de agnatis non loquitur determinative, sed
ait, eos succedere, etsi decimo gradu sint, utens rotundo et certo numero
pro incerto. De cognatis contra loquitur determinative ; ait enim, eos
succedere usque ad sextum gradum. And, to the second argument, it may
NOTES. 575
be answered, that a deceased person may leave no agnates by means of
emancipation, or that his agnates, as such, may be ousted of their suc-
cession, by the death or refusal of the nearest agnate. See sect. 7.
t. 7. lib. 3. So that there is no great reason to fear, that the third
and fourth order of succession would have been always excluded by
allowing agnates to succeed in the most distant degree. It therefore
follows upon the whole, that cognates and agnates are now called to.suc-
ceed equally, according to their proximity, and without any limitation.
Harris.
Tit. VI. De gradibus cognationum, p. 218. See on this subject the
note to Justin. Inst. Lib. 1: tit. 9, § 1. Definitio nuptiaram, ante.
$ 1. De primo secundo et tertio gradu, p. 218. see Blackborough v. Da-
vies, 1 Lord Raym. 684. 12 Mod. 619. but best in 1 P. Wms. 41. where-
in it was determined that the grandmother was nearer of kin than the
aunt. Woodroff v. Wickworth, Prec. in ch. 527. 1 Eq. ca. ab. 249. In
England all relationship respecting personal estate, is settled according
to the civil law computation.
ber, T'hit: the Greeks called their parents dses, divinities; and ap-
plied the term divine, even to those who held the place of parents.
Hence come the Italian words Zio, Zia, and the Spanish, Zio, Tva,.
(Ferriere makes three sections, of this first section.)
$2. Quartus gradus, p. 219.
Consobrinus esnsobrina.] It will be necéssary to explain the follow-
ing terms of relation before we proceed.— Consobrini and Consobrine
denote cousins german in general; i. e. brother’s and sister’s children.
—Fratres patrueles and sorores patrueles signify cousins ger-
man, when *they are the sons or daughters of brothers.—Con- [ *573 ]
sobrint and consobrine in a limited and strict sense denote
cousins german, who are the children of two sisters, quasi consororini.
___—-Amitini and amitine are cousins german, who are the children of a
brother on the one side and a sister on the other.——Sobrini and Sobri-
nee denote the children of cousins german in general. Propior sobrino
and propior sobrina denote the son ot daughter of a great-uncle or great-
aunt, paternal or maternal. Harris.
§ 4. Sextus gradus, p. 221. This section seems to distinguish inter
filium propriore sobrini, and nepotem sobrini; which however have
the same meaning. Hence Vinnius thinks that the words item proprius
sobrino sobrinave filius should be omitted. II est vrai (says Ferriere)
que si mon cousin issu de germain m/’est parent au sixieme degre, son
fils ne m’est parent qu’au septieme: c’est aussi ce qui est dit dans le. $
5. du titre precedent. Mais Justinien ne le compare pas ici avec mol,
qui suis le cousin issu de germain son pere, car nous serions au septie-
me; mais il le compare avec mon pere, qui lui est parent d’un degre plus
576 NOTES.
proche que moi, et qui est par consequent a son egard, parent au sixieme
degre. ‘
Tit. VIL. De servili cognatione, p. 222. Nostra constiutione: this is
not extant.
Tit. VIL § 2. De lege Papia, 226. This law was passed A. U. C.
761, in the consulship of M. Papius Mutilus, and Q. Poppzeus Secundus.
Hence it is sometimes called Ler Papia Poppea.
$ 3. De constitutione Justiniani, p. 226. Nostra constitutio. Not ex-
tant. Ex constitutione nostra repleatur. 1. omnimodo. Cod. 3. 28. de
inoff. testam. .
§$ 4. Quibus libertinis succeditur, p. 228. Nostra constitutione. Cod.
7, 6. de latina libertate tollenda.
Tit. IX. De assignatione libertorum, p. 230.
Censuisse senatum. Under Claudian, A. U. C. 798.
Tit. X. De bonorum possessionibus, p. 231.
This is a branch of the pretorian law, by which a right of succession
was granted, to all the property, estate, goods, chattels, rights and credits
of the deceased. Qua propter plurimum differt bonorum possessio a pos-
Sessione seu corporali detentione rerum, que facti est.1. 2.1. Dig. hoc.
tit. 1. 208. Dig. de verb. signif. Sed bonorum possessio tota juris est.
The bonorum possessio, was of various kinds, according to the condi-
tion and exigency of the claimants. Bonorum possessio, UNDE LIBERI:
UNDE LEGITIMI: UNDE COGNATI: SECUNDUM TABULAS: CONTRA
[ *574 ] *Tazutas: UNDE DECEM PERSONA: TANQUAM EX FAMILIA: unde
vir ET uxor:; confirming, supplying, correcting, or controvert-
ing the civil law.
The bonorum possessio, did not constitute an heir. Inst. 3. 10. 2.
The heir, is a creature of the civil, not of the pretorian law; though the
person so called to the succession by the pretor, had many of the rights
of an heir. But the heir under the civil law, held in absolute proprie-
torship, Inst. 2. 19. 7: the praetorian successor had the possession, and
the dominium utile, but not the dominium direction. 1. 1. cum. seg. Dig.
hoc titulo. 1.117. Dig. de reg. juris. 1.138. Dig. de verb. signif. It
was the right of claiming and recovering, and of retaiing the effects of
the deceased. Dig. h. tit. 1.3.§2. It might be demanded by Proctor,
which a heirship could not. Dig. 29. 2. 90. where for curatorem, read
procuratorem.
Succession per bonorum possessionem, must have been demanded of
the prestor: this was not necessary in case of heirship, wherein it was
only necessary to act. A heirship might be entered upon within 30
years. A preetorian succession must be claimed within one year by des-
cendants and ascendants, and a hundred days by other persons: Inst. 3.
10. 5. Succession per bonorum possessionem, was part of the equitable
: NOTES. B77
jurisdiction of the pretor. Thus by possession unde liberi, he aided the
rights of emancipated children ; calling them to the succession (cum onere
collationis) together with proper heirs, by unde cognati, he assisted the
natural pretensions of cognates who were before excluded: by secundum
tabulas, he supported a testament otherwise void by the civil law, by
calling in a posthumous stranger: contra tabulas, when a child was call-
ed to the succession, whose natural claims had been neglected and pass-
ed over by his father the testator: wnde vir et wxor, by which the surviv-
ing husband or wife succeeds in defect of kindred: unde legitimi when
parents or children (agnates) were called in, who would otherwise have
been excluded. Tanquam ex familia; to the patron, or his agnates.
Unde -decem persone, the enumeration of ten persons preferred by the
preetor to a stranger who had manumitted a filius familias under the an-
cient forms of contract and sale. Unde patroni patroneque, when pa-
trons were specifically called in to the succession of freed men: unde
cognati manumissoris: when cognates of a patron manumittor were ad-
mitted. Hence there are two pretorian successions in case of a testacy,
and eight in case of an intestacy. Concerning all of which see post
Inst. lib. IIL. tit. 10. $ 2 and 3.
Justinian abolished, wnde decem persone, tanquam ec familia, unde
patroni, and unde cog. manumitioris.
In the case of possession granted contra tabulas, the claimant, to whom
the succession was granted, was called upon to bring into
hotch *pot or common stock, all the property he had at any [ *575 |
time received of the testator by way of advancement; Cod.
6. 21. 12.16. This was the Corratio: bonorum possessio contra tabulas
cum onere collationis. Dig. 37.6.1. This Collatio, might have been
exacted also in cases of intestacy from descendants, whether of the male
or female side, (Nov. 18. 6.) but not from ascendants, collaterals, or mere
legatees. Cod. 6. 21.16. This was an exception to the general rule,
inter diverso jure succedentes, non est locus collationis.
“ Regularly those goods are brought into Collation or common fund,
(Cod. 6. 21. 12 and 16.) which came from the ascendant, while alive,
for the maintenance or provision of the descendant. But not gifts or
rewards for services, Cod. 6. 21. 10. and 20. 1. Nor the price of ransom
from captivity in war, Cod. 8. 51. 17. Though money paid for a fine,
or to save one from punishment, ought to be brought into contribution,
for the fault of one, ought not to be prejudicial to another. So the por-
tion, the jewels, the precious garments, the gold chains given to a daugh-
ter at marriage, Cod. 6. 21. 5. but not the expences of the marriage feast,
for that seems to be given for the credit of the father and not as a por-
tion; nor the charge of necessary education, for every child hath already
73
578 NOTES.
had such a share, nor the charge which a father hath been at in books
for his son, Dig. 10. 2. 50. Nor the charge that a father laid out for the
son that he might take,a degree, or acquire any other honourable title,
Dig. 37. 6. 16. for if the son dies, his successor can derive no advantage
by it. On this account, therefore, the cost expended in equipage for a son
to go to the wars, shall come to the common contribution, because he
receives pay from the public. Cod. 6.21.20.” Wood’s Inst. civ. law,
fol. 200. 201. ;
As to ApvancemenT, I have already referred to all the principal Eng-
lish cases on the subject. As to Horcn: pot, Collatio bonerum. In
partem positio, see Co. Litt. 177. Phiney v. Phiney, 2 Vern. 638. Ed-
wards v. Freeman, 1 Eq. Ca. ab. 249 —254. and 2 P Williams 445.
Hedges v. Hedges, Finch Pre. ch. 269. Hume et ux. v. Edwards ex.
&e. 3 Atk. 450. Finner v. Longland, 2 Eq. Ca. Ab. 253. Northey v.
Stranger, 1 P. Williams 340. and the Stat. of Distributions, 22 and 23
Ch. 2. ch. 10.
Jus bonorum possessionis.| ‘The bonerum possessio is not now in use
even in those countries, where the civil law prevails: for succession by
testament, or by law, comprehends every case. ‘Jus civile et pre-
*torium hodie in unam consonantiam redactum est; ideoque hujus tituli
“‘nullus amplius est usus: entenim, qui aliis ex testamento et ab intesta-
“to succedunt, in universum heredes appellari solent.”
[ *576 ] Groenewegen, *de legibus abrogatis h.t. In England, es-
tates in general, may be divided into two sorts, real and per-
sonal ; and successions to these two different kinds of estates are govern-
ed by different rules of law. But it is necessary to premise, that by
real estate is not commonly meant an estate in land in fee, i. e. descendi-
ble from a man to his heirs for ever, and that by personal estate are
meant estates in land, determinable upon years, money in the funds or
upon mortgages, plate, jewels, &c. and that such personal estate is gene-
rally comprehended, in technical and artificial language, under the terms
goods and chattels. Now in real estates there is no room for the bono-
rum possessio of the Roman law to take place in England ; for all such.
estates vest in and descend instantly to the heir, at the death of his an-
cestor; but in regard to goods and chattels the office of the ordinary or
ecclesiastical judge seems to be similar to that of the Roman pretor in
granting the possession of goods. For, when a man dies, who has dis-
posed of his personal estate by testament, the heirs or executors, ap-
pointed by that testament, must prove it before an ecclesiastical judge,
who by granting probate gives the possession of goods to the executors
secundum. tabulas, according to the will, or at least confirms them in the
possession already taken. Cowell, h. 1. And, when any person dies in-
NOTES. 579
testate, the ordinary (by virtue of 31 Edw. 3. chap. 11, and 21 Henry
8. chap. 5) grants the possession and administration of the intestate’s
goods to the widow or next of kin to such intestate, or to both, at his
direction. And by the 22d and 23d of Charles the second, cap. 10. it is
enacted, ‘‘that all ordinaries and ecclesiastical judges may call adminis-
“trators to an account and order pisTrtBuTion, after debts and funeral
‘expences are paid; to wit, one third to the widow of the intestate, and
“the residue among his children and those who legally represent them,
“if any of them are dead: that, if there are no children, or legal repre-
“sentatives of them, one half the intestate’s estate shall be allotted to
“the widow, and the residue to the next of kindred to the intestate in
‘equal degree, and those, who represent them: that no representation
“shall be admitted among collaterals after brothers and sisters children ;
“Cand that, if there is no wife, all shall be distributed among the child-
“ren; and if no child, tothe next of kin to the intestate in equal degree
‘“‘and their representatives.” And by 1 Jac. 2 cap. 17. it is enacted,
“that, if a brother or sister dies, each brother and sister, and their re-
‘‘ presentatives, shall have an equal share with the mother.” From all
which the analogy, between the civil law and the law of England, is
very observable. Harris.
*The Proem, Cur introducte bonorum possessiones; con- [ *577 ]
tains in Harris’s edition, the first section of Feérriere’s : which
begins at Quos auiem solus Pretor, &c. p. 232. of the present edition,
prope mediam paginam. :
$1. De speciebus ordinariis. Jus vetus, p. 233.
A nostra constitutione.| This constitution is not extant.
Extraneo manumissori.] ‘‘ Extraneus manumissor erat, qui non con-
tracta fiducia emancipasset.”. Mynsinger. h. 1.
Tanquam ex familia.| ‘ Puto familiam signifieari patroni ; i. e. hac
bonorem possessione vocari patroni agnatos.” Vinn. Harris.
$ 2. Jus novum, p. 233.
I have already dwelt sufficiently on the different kinds of bonorum
possessiones in the note to the beginning of this title.
Nostra constitutio.| Cod. 8. t. 49. 1. ult.‘ Haec constitutio, quam de
« emancipationibus conscripsit, imperator, omnibus parentibus et ma-
“ numissoribus presumptionem contracte fiducie admisit, ut ipsa
“ emancipatio tacité id in se habeat; meritd igitur preefata bonorum
*¢ possessio pro supervacua habenda est, cum extraneus posthac manu-
“ missor nullus inveniatur.” Theoph.
Per constitutionem nostram.] ‘ Hee est eadem greca constitutio, cu-
‘jus superius quoque aliquoties meminit imperator; et qua totam se
““eausam successionis libertorum plene definivisse testatur: non extat
~
580 NOTES.
“‘ hee constitutio, sed epitonem ejus nobis ex Basilicis representat Cuja-
“cius.” Lib. 20. obs. 34. Harris. ~ 7
The Basilica, were the new ordinances and code in Greek, began by
Leo Philosophus in 886, and finally published by Constantine Porphy-
rogoneta, in 920.
§ 4. De successorio edicto, p. 235. Certum tempus. Dig. 38.9. De
succ. edicto.
§ 5. De jure accrescendi et iterum, §c. p. 336. Ex successorio edicto.
Dig. 38. 9.
$ 5. Explicatio dicti temporis, p. 236.
Dies utiles.] “ Dies in jure nostro alii sunt continui, alii utiles. Con-
“tinui, qui siné interruptione, nullisque exceptis, currunt: utiles sunt
‘‘illi duntaxat, quibus experiundi sui juris potestas est; et hi neque ig-
“ noranti, neque agere non valenti, currunt, ff. 44. t. 3.1. 1 Vinn. The-
“oph. h. t.”’ Harris.
Tit. XT. De acquisitione per adrogationem, p. 237.
Formerly under the acquisition by adrogation, the adoptive father
succeeded to all the property of the son who was adopted
[ *578 ] by adrogation, *and died in that state. But latterly, the fa-
ther succeeded to the usufruct only, unless when the son died
impuber, and without children, and under power of his adoptive father.
$ 1. et ult. Cod. commun. de success.
$1. Quce hoc modo acquiruntur. Jus vetus, p. 237. ‘This is entitled
in Ferriere, Quceenam olim acquirebantur per adregationem.
Prohibuit nostra constitutio. Cod. 3. 33.16. De usufructu.
Freed men, were generally bound in services of labour to their pat-
rons, fabriles seu artificiales opere, which might be prolonged or com-
muted; and the right passed to the heir of the patron. Dig. 31. 10. 6.
Dig. 33. 2. 2. So duties of personal respect on account of the gift of lib-
erty conferred: these were attached to the person of the patron only.
Dig. 31. 10. 9. 1. juncto Cujacio, lib. 17.ch. 14. These did not cease on
the smaller change of state.
$ 2. Jus novium, p. 238. Ex constitutione nostra. Cod. 6. 59. ult.
Comm. de success. This section is entitled Quenam jure novo per adro-
gationem acquiruntur, in Ferriere. Justinian in this section has proper-
ly limited the rights of adoptive by those of natural parents; except in
the cases already mentioned of decease within puberty, without chil-
dren, and under power of the adoptive father.
Tit. XI. De eo cui libertatis causa bona addicuntur, p. 239.
$1. Rescriptum Divi Marci, p. 239. This requires, Ist, That the
application and adjudication shall be judicial. 2ndly, That there shall
be no heirs or persons called to the succession, civil or pretorian. 1. 1.
Cod. fideicom, libert. 3rdly, That the person petitioning, shall give se-
NOTES. 581
curity, if the adjudication be in his favour. 4thly, Thisrelates to liber-
ty given by testament.
§ 3. Ubi locum habeat, p. 241. This section is otherwise headed,
Quibus casibus huic rescripto locus est.
From the 4th circumstance just above mentioned, Cujas appears to be
right in supposing that instead of certe si intestatus decesserit, we ought
to read certe si testatus decesserit.
$7. De speciebus additis a Justiniano, p. 242.
Plenissima constitutio, Cod. 7. 2. 15. de test. manumiss.
Tit. XII. De successionibus sublatis, &c. p. 243. This section is
divided by Ferriere, at the words Erat et ex senatus consullo Claudi-
ano, &c.
Qualis fuerat bonorum emptio.| “ Bona debitoris, postquam aliquan-
““diu celeberrimis in locis proscripta pependissent, ex edicto prosideri ju-
‘“‘bebantur; de inde magister postulabatur et creabatur, per
“quem *distrahebantur et emptori addicebantur, quiomnibus [ *579 ]
“in solidum satisfaciebat: aut, antequam emeret, cum cre-
“ ditoribus de certa parte decidebat.’} Vid Theophilum in hunc locum,
“et Heineccii antiq. Rom. jur. lib. 2. tit. 17. This exact species of sale
is not in use in England; but there is a sale not very unlike it in the
case of bankrupts, whose estates and goods are sold and divided among
their creditors by commissioners, appointed for that purpose. Vid. 13
Eliz. cap. 7. 1 Jac. 1.cap.15. 21 Jac. 1. cap.19. 10 Ann. cap. 15.
7 Geo. 1. cap. 31. 5 Geo. 2. cap. 20.
Ex latioribus digestorum libris.| D. 42. t.5. Defrebus auctoritate
judicis possiendis. D.45.t. 4. Quibus ex causis in possessionem eatur.
Quod indignum nostris temporibus.] vid. Cod. 7. t. 24. De senatus-
consulto Claudiano tollendo. Harris.
Tit. XIV. De obligationibus, p. 244.
Justinian begins first with obligation, and then proceeds to those con-
tracts and agreements, from whence obligation arises. He confines it
within the bounds of practice, namely to that motive of action which the
sanction of the law presentsto us. The civil law indeed treats of duties
of imperfect obligation, but so far only as they are aided by the sanction
which the legislative or judicial authority may annex to them. Z
Obligation may be divided into moral obligation, or that which receives
its sanction foro conscientie alone: and civil obligation, or that which
receives its sanction from the positive law of political communities.
The true source and foundation of moral obligation, has long been a
diu vexata questio. With me it is settled: it has but one rational source
and foundation, self interest: our own happiness: our greatest and most
permanent good upon the whole.
582 NOTES.
I considered this subject at full length formerly, in an essay published
among a collection of essays on ethical and metaphysical subjects (1787):
and as I have had no reason hitherto to alter my opinion, I shall briefly
abridge that essay, and adopt the same view of' the argument here.
It is universally allowed, that in certain cases, I ought (morally speak-
ing) to act in a certain manner. But why ought I todo so? What is
the ultimate reason or motive which on an attentive consideration of the
subject should induce me to act in this, rather than in that manner?
Because, say some, :
'£ *580 ] *I. It is agreeable to the will of God. a ;
IL. To the eternal and necessary fitness and congruity of
things. 6
III. It is the dictate of the moral sense. ¢
IV. It is the dictate of common sense: of the jower evrvoces Ad
V. You are conscious of a sensation that impels you to do so. é
VI. Your understanding represents such an action to you as right,
and of course that you ought to do so. f
VII. It is agreeable to right reason. ¢
VUI. It is agreeable to the truth of things. A
IX. It is conducive to general utility. ¢
X. It is conducive to the bene esse, to your own greatest good upon the
whole. &
The above is the substance of the answers which the authors in the
notes may be supposed to give to the question.
a Acquinas, Occam, Scotus, Suarez, Hobbes, Leibnitz, Barbeyrac,
Warburton.
6 Grotius, Rust, Clarke, Balguy.
ce Hutcheson.
d Lord Herbert, Reid, Beattie and Oswald.
e Ellis.
J Cudworth, Butler, Adams, Price.
g Burlamagqui.
A Wollaston.
a Hume.
k Gastrell, Cumberland, Puffendorf,* Noitis,t Gay,f Turnbull, Ruthet-
forth,|| Soame Jenyns,{ Dr. Johnson.**,
* Law of N and N. book I. ch. iv. § 5 and the note thereon of Barbeyrac.
t Miscellanies, p. 214.
+ Preliminary Dissertation, and note to King’s Origin of Evil, p. 66.
quarto edit.
§ Note to Heineccius, p. 16.
\| Essay on Virtue, ch. vii. .
7 Origin of Evil, Letter IV.
** Review of Soamie Jenyn’s Origin of Evil, in the Miscellanies pub-
lished by Davies, 3 vols.
NOTES. 583
Each of these hypotheses, ‘except the last, admit of a further question.
You tell me I ought to act agreeably to the will of God—to the eternal
fitness of things—to the dictate of the moral sense, &c. &c? why ought
I todo so? It is evident that this question may be put rea-
sonably : *if so, the solution lies deeper than the hypothesis [ *681 ]
that admits of the question.
This question cannot reasonably, or consistent with common sense be
put on the 10th or last hypothesis, It is manifestly, palpably absurd to
ask, why ought I to pursue my own happiness? why ought I to follow
that course of conduct which upon the whole of my existence will most
effectually afford me the greatest sum of happiness? For in fact, are
not all our motives of action, founded upon this consideration? Does it
not arise from the very nature and constitution of man ?
Why should I obey the commands of God? Because it is my inter-
est so to do: I shall be happy if Ido, and miserable if Ido not. But
put the case, that any clear and precise command of the creator, would
upon the whole of my existence and all things considered, afford not a
balance of happiness but of misery, can I be under any obligation to
pursue it?—The controversy then, can only be settled, by an answer,
that does not reasonably admit of any further question; and this is it.
But in the course of education in civilized society, we are taught in-
cessantly by our parents and tutors, we hear in their conversations, and
in discourses from the pulpit, and we learn from our intercourse with
society even from our childhood, that certain conduct ought to be pursu-
ed, and certain actions ought to be shunned. That we should obey and
reverence our parents, love our kindred, perform acts of kindness to our
neighbours, speak truth, pay our debts, perform our promises, &c. &c. :
these complex associations give rise at length to that feeling that we call
conscience, and to the ideas of obligation and duty, which are associat-
ed with many actions that positive law cannot expediently embrace.
Actions that mankind generally agree, ought to be performed or abstain-
ed from, when not sanctioned by the laws of society, give rise to ¢mper-
fect obligations: actions that are enjoined or forbidden by those laws, are
called actions or duties of perfect obligation.
By the civil law, rights and duties of imperfect obligation, such as
arose from the acknowledged precepts of natural law, or the dictates of
conscience, or ex nudo pacto, (naked promises not binding for want of
consideration, ) although they could not of themselves support an action,
might be brought in aid of the law in certain cases. They gave rise to
compensation, or set off; to detention of a pledge; to fide jusston or ac-
tion against a guarantee to a constitutum, or promise founded on natur-
al obligation ; to nowaeions and to retention of money paid under a mis-
taken notion of its being legally due.
584 NOTES.
To instance each of these. As to compensation: A. owes B.a hun-
dred dollars, on a legal claim. B. owes A. fifty dollars, on a
[ *582 ] eongidieration *founded in morality, but not furnishing srountl
for suit: A, can set this off. Dig. 16, 2. 6. de compensatio- -
nibus.
Usury (interest for money) was not supported by the Roman law, un-
less where the loan had furnished a profit; Cod. 4. 32.26. Cod. 4. 34.
4, or where it was judicially decreed nomine pene for improper deten-
tion of the sum lent, or on account of fraud. Dig. 22. 1. 1. and 22. 1.
17. 3. Suppose, however, A. lends B. a hundred dollars upon interest,
and B. pledges a diamond ring for repayment: the promise to pay inte-
rest simply would be nude pact, but still as- promises ought to be per-
formed. Dig. 2.14.1. A. may retain the diamond, till interest as well
as principal be paid. Cod. de usuris. 1. 4.
As to fide jussion. An infant almost of age makes a promise, unsanc-
tioned by his tutor: this would support no action. A friend of. the in-
fant becomes his security for the performance. Here, notwithstanding
the maxim accessorium sequitur suum principale, the fide jussor or guar-
antee, is liable, because it is the dictate of natural equity that a promise
should be kept, although positive law will not enforce it. Dig. 46.
1. 2 and 6.
Constitutum, is a promise before the pretor to pay what was previ-
ously due, either by the promissor, or some other person for whom he
becomes surety. ° Such-a promise so solemnly made, was supported by
the pretorian action De pecunia constituta, Dig. 13. 5. 1. 7. quia grave
est fidem fallere, maxime ubi geminata fides est.
Novation. Dig. 46.2.1. [This is somewhat allied to the English
doctrine of extinguishment.]
Novation, is the transferring or conversion of one obligation into anoth-
er obligation, or from one person to another person. Thus, A. owes B.
a hundred dollars: this debt is transferred by consent to a pupil who
promises without authority of the tutor: ishe bound? Yes: for the
promise of the pupil though it will not support a suit, is founded upon a
promise that would support one: and this natural obligation of the pupil
to pay, is converted into a civil obligation, by being substituted for a
civil one: notwithstanding, Dig. 46. 2.20. which though it seems to look
the other way, does not furnish an objection. Pupillus quod sibi debe-
tur, non potest sine tutoris auctoritate novare ne scilicet conditionem suam
deteriorem faciat: but this is for his own sake,-and does not apply to a
case when the legal right of a third person is involved in the pact.
Repetition, or redemand of money paid without regular compulsion of
law, is prohibited where an imperfect obligation intervenes. Dig. 44. 7.
10.