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MATTHEW CALBRAITH. PERRY

A TYPICAL AMERICAN NAVAL OFFICER

BY

WILLIAM ELLIOT GRIFFIS

AUTHOR OF “ THE MIKADO’S EMPIRE,”’ “COREA THE HERMIT NATION,” “ JAPANESE
FAIRY WORLD,’ AND “ THE LILY AMONG THORNS”

 

BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
Che Riverside Wress, Cambridge
1890
G

ce
Copyright, 1887,
By Currtes anp Hurp,

 

All Rights Reserved.
IN REVERENT MEMORY
OF MY FATHER
JOHN L. GRIFFIS
AND OF MY GRANDFATHER
JOHN GRIFFIS
WHO AS
MERCHANT NAVIGATORS AND COMMANDERS OF SHIPS AND MEN
at the ends of the earth
CARRIED THE FLAG AND EXTENDED THE TRADE
OF THE YOUNG REPUBLIC
THIS BIOGRAPHY OF HER GREATEST SAILOR-DIPLOMATIST
IS INSCRIBED

BY THE AUTHOR
TABLE OF CONTENTS.

 

OUR EARLY NAVY.

Chapter Page

I. THe Cyitp CatsrairH.—A Rear Boy ... .

II. BoyHoop’s ENVIRONMENT. — UNDER THE FLAG OF
FIFTEEN STARS .. . 6 ed “Wa ee new

III. A MrpsHrpmMan’s Tene UNDER Canwendnr
RODGERS s & 3% 4 & mw @ & we es | HE &

IV. Men, Suips, AND GUNS IN 1812... .. 4...

V. SERVICE IN THE WAR oF 1812.— THE FLAG KEPT
FLYING ON ALL SEAS -e % & & eR we ee

AFRICA. SLAVERS AND PIRATES.

VI. First VoyaGe To THE DARK CONTINENT. — Ligu-
TENANT PERRY GOES TOGUINEA ... . :

VII. PERRY LOCATES THE SITE oF MONROVIA. ite
AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE... . Ko oe BR

VIII. FicHTING PIRATES IN THE SPANISH Mar ee cpa

EUROPE AND DIPLOMACY. OUR FLAG IN THE
MEDITERRANEAN.

IX. Tue AMERICAN Ling-oF-BATTLE SHIP. — AMONG
TurKS AND GREEKS. . . eS EO RS
X. Tue ConcorD IN THE SEAS OF Rusera AND EGypt.
— CZAR AND KHEDIVE . &. 2 Ye ee
XI. A Diretomatic VoyAGE IN THE FRIGATE BRANDY-
WINE. — ANDREW JACKSON’S STALWART POLICY.—
PERRY REHEARSES FOR JAPAN. — NAPLES PAYS UP

1

10

19
28

38

50

58
65

72

81

gi
vi TABLE OF CONTENTS.

SHORE DUTY. TEN YEARS OF SCIENCE AND PROGRESS.

Chapter
XII. THe FounperR oF THE BROOKLYN NAVAL
Lyceum. — MASTER-COMMANDANT PERRY .
XIII. THe FATHER OF THE AMERICAN STEAM Navy.
— THE ENGINEER’S STATUS FIXED. — THE
LINE AND THE STAFF . ‘ a r
XIV. PERRY DISCOVERS THE RAM. — Thee Paucusni’y s
PROW RESTORED. TEE * “* Lrng-oF-BATTLE”
CHANGED TO ‘‘Bowson” . . . = 8
XV. LiGHTHOUSE ILLUMINATION. — Ligeia or RE-
FLECTORS?« 2» « =» = #4 x % 8
XVI. REVOLUTIONS IN NAVAL Aeeenraarunee, — THE
NEW MIDDLE TERM BETWEEN COURAGE AND
CAaNNON.—CALORIC . . . Be ee ig Mieke
XVII. THe ScHoor oF Gun PRACTICE AT Onan Hook.
— BomsB-GUNS AND THE COMING SHELLS
XVIII. Tue Twin STEAMERS MisSouRI AND MISSISSIPPI.
—Iron-cLaps AND ARMOR ..... -

COMMODORE OF A SQUADRON. AFRICAN WATERS.
EXTIRPATING ‘‘ THE SUM OF ALL VILLIANIES.”

XIX. THE Broap PENNANT. —OuR ONLY FOREIGN
Cotony. — PowDER AND BALL AT BERRIBEE.
Science AND RELIGION. —A War oF INK
BotTLes. — Perry AS A MISSIONARY AND
CIVILIZER: & & & we ee we Bw Be ew

XX

THE MEXICAN WAR.

XXI. THe Mexican WaR ...... . oe
XXII. Commonore Perry COMMANDS THE Savapnon
XXII. Tue NAavaL BATTERY BREACHES THE WALLS OF
VERA Cruz... ‘ ‘
XXIV. Tue NAvAL BRIGADE. Capen OF = TARABEO
XXV. FIGHTING THE YELLOW FEvER.—PEACE .
XXVI. REsuLTS OF THE War.— GOLD ANDTHE PACIFIC
COAST oa: 2 ae a we SS SE Re we Os

Page

99

110

120

129

138
146

156

167

183

197
216

226
241

251

261
Chapter
XXVII.
XXVIII.

XXIX.

XXX.

XXXI-.

XXXII.
XXXITI.

XXXIV.

XXXV.
XXXVI.

Chapter
I.
II.
II.
IV.
Vv.
VI.
VIL.
VIII.

INDEX

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

JAPAN.

AMERICAN ATTEMPTS TO OPEN TRADE .. .
ORIGIN OF THE AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO

JAPAN 2 eS mE See SB AA :
PREPARATIONS FOR JAPAN.— AN INTERNATIONAL
EPISODE: & @ & i ai Wom oS

THE Fire-VESSELS OF THE WESTERN Bar-
ARTANS: 9 6 @ woe Boa ay om ae & oe

Panic IN YEDO.— RECEPTION OF THE PREs!I-
DENTS; LECTTER: ss 2 6 se mS = Se
JAPANESE PREPARATIONS FOR TREATY-MAKING
THE PROFESSOR AND THE SAILOR MAKE A
TREATY « 2 es ee ~ € 4 Fe Ye He *e &
LAST LABORS 2 «+ 4 «+ @¢ = & @ = we SS

THE MAN AND HIS WORK.

MaTTHEW Perry ASA MAN . .. « - « «
WorRKS THAT FOLLOW ... « ae a ae
APPENDICES.
ACTHORITIOS 4 3 3 We eR ee HE S
ORIGIN OF THE PERRY NAME AND FAMILY . .«
Tue Name CALBRAITH . . - - e e ees
THe Famity of M.C. Perry ..... -
OrriciaL Detaiwor M.C. PERRY . . .. -
Tue NAVAL APPRENTICESHIP SYSTEM . 2. .
DuELLING . «2. 6 ee we eas: Se 8
MeEmorRIALS IN Art oF M.C. Perry ... -

o 2 © «@ © © © we eS ee Se eH He ee

vii
Page
270
281

294
314

329
343

359
375

395
409

Page
427
429
430
431
433
435

443

447
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

CommoporE MaTrHEew CALBRAITH PERRY . . Frontispiece

Page
THe UNITED STATES STEAM FRIGATE ‘‘ MISSISSIPPI” . 161
PERRY AT THE AGE OF FIFTY-FOUR . . «©. «©... 221
CONVEYANCE AT FUNCHAL . oe he a oe ay BIO
ComMopoRE PERRY ENTERING THE TREATY-HousE . . 360

SIGNATURES AND PEN-SEALS OF THE JAPANESE TREATY

COMMISHIGNERS «© «© & & © & *# ee Se HE HG 370

S!ILvER SALVER IN POSSESSION OF COMMODORE PERRY'S

DauGuter, Mrs. AuGust BELMONT ... . . . 381
MEDAL PRESENTED BY THE MERCHANTS OF Boston . . 387

Commopore Perry's AUTOGRAPH... + + + «+ + 426
PREFACE.

———<$-—___

Amonc the earliest memories of a childhood
spent near the now vanished Philadelphia Navy
Yard, are the return home of the marines and
sailors from the Mexican war, the launch of the
noble steam frigate Susguehanna, the salutes from
the store-ship Princeton, and the exhibit of the art
treasures brought home by the United States Ex.
pedition to Japan —all associated with the life of
Commodore M. C. Perry. Years afterwards, on the
shores of that bay made historic by his diplomacy,
I heard the name of Perry spoken with reverence
and enthusiasm. The younger men of Japan, with
faces flushed with new ideas of the Meiji era,
called him the moral liberator of their nation.
Many and eager were the questions asked concern-
ing his career, and especially his personal history.

Yet little could be told, for in American literature
and popular imagination, the name of the hero of
Lake Erie seemed to overshadow the fame of the
younger, and, as I think, greater brother. The
xii PREFACE,

dramatic incidents of war impress the popular
mind far more profoundly than do the victories of
peace. Even American writers confound the two
brothers, treating them as the same person, mak-
ing one the son of the other, or otherwise doing
fantastic violence to history. Numerous biographies
have been written, and memorials in art, of marble,
bronze and canvas, on coin and currency, of Oliver
Hazard Perry, have been multiplied. No biography
of Matthew Calbraith Perry has, until this writing,
appeared. In Japan, popular curiosity fed itself on
flamboyant broadside chromo-pictures, “ blood-pit”
novels, and travesties of history, in which Perry was
represented either as a murderous swash-buckler or
a consumptive-looking and over-decorated European
general. It was to satisfy an earnest desire of the
Japanese to know more of the man, who so pro-
foundly influenced their national history, that this
biography was at first undertaken.

I began the work by a study of the scenes of
Perry’s triumphs in Japan, and of his early life in
Rhode Island; by interviews in navy yard, hos-
pital and receiving-ship, with the old sailors who
had served under him in various cruises ; by cor-
respondence and conversation with his children, per-
sonal friends, fellow-officers, critics, enemies, and
PREFACE, xiil

eye-witnesses of his labors and works. I followed
up this out-door peripatetic study by long and pa-
tient researeh in the archives of the United States
Navy Department in Washington, with collateral
reading of American, European, Mexican and Jap-
anese books, manuscripts and translations bearing
on the subject ; and, most valued of all, documents
from the Mikado’s Department of State in Takis.

As the career and character of my subject un-
folded, I discovered that Matthew Perry was no
creature of routine, but a typical American naval
officer whose final triumph crowned a long and bril-
liant career. He had won success in Japanese
waters not by a series of happy accidents, but be-
cause all his previous life had been a preparation
to win it.

In this narrative, much condensed from the
original draft, no attempt has been made to do
either justice or injustice to Perry’s fellow-officers,
or to write a history of his times, or of the United
States Navy. Many worthy names have been ne-
cessarily omitted. For the important facts recorded,
reliance has been placed on the written word of
documentary evidence. Fortunately, Perry was a
master of the pen and of his native language. As
he wrote almost all of his own letters and official
xiv PREFACE.

reports, his papers, both public and private, are
not only voluminous and valuable but bear witness
to his scrupulous regard for personal mastery of
details, as well as for style and grammar, fact and
truth.

Unable to thank all who have so kindly aided
me, I must especially mention with gratitude the
Hon. Wm. E. Chandler and W. C. Whitney, Secre-
taries of the United States Navy Department, Prof.
J. R. Soley, chief clerk T. W. Hogg and clerk J.
Cassin, for facilities in consulting the rich archives of
the United States Navy ; Admiral D. D. Porter and
Rear-Admirals John Almy, D. Ammen, C. R. P.
Rodgers, T. A. Jenkins, J. H. Upshur, and Captain
Arthur Yates; the retired officers, pay director J. G.
Harris, Lieut. T. S. Bassett and Lieut. Silas Bent for-
merly of the United States Navy, for light on many
points and for reminiscences; Messrs. P. S. P. Con-
ner, John H. Redfield, Joseph Jenks, R. B. Forbes,
Chas. H. Haswell, Joshua Follansbee, and the Hon.
John A. Bingham, for special information; the
daughters of Captains H. C. Adams, and Franklin
Buchanan, for the use of letters and for personalia ;
Rev. E. Warren Clark, Miss Orpah Rose, Miss E. B.
Carpenter and others in Rhode Island, for anec-
dotes of Perry’s early life; the Hon. Gideon Nye of
PREFACE. XV

Canton; the Rev G. F. Verbeck of Tokid; many
Japanese friends, especially Mr. Inazo Ota, for docu-
ments and notes; and last, but not least, the daugh-
ters of Commodore M. C. Perry, Mrs. August Bel-
mont, Mrs. R. S. Rodgers, and especially Mrs.
George Tiffany, who loaned letters and scrap-books,
and, with Mrs. Elizabeth R. Smith of Hartford,
furnished much important personal information.
Among the vanished hands and the voices that are
now still, that have aided me, are those of Rear-
Admirals Joshua R. Sands, George H. Preble, and
J. B. F. Sands, Dr. S. Wells Williams, Gen. Horace
Capron, and others. A list of Japanese books con-
sulted, and of Perry’s autograph writings and pub-
lications, will be found in the Appendix ; references
are in foot notes.

The work now committed to type was written at
Schenectady, N. Y., in the interstices of duties
imperative to a laborious profession ; and with it are
linked many pleasant memories of the kindly neigh-
bors and fellow Christians there ; as well as of hos-
pitality in Washington. In its completion and pub-
lication in Boston, new friends have taken a gratify-
ing interest, among whom I gratefully name Mr. S.
T. Snow, and M. F. Dickinson, Esq.

In setting in the framework: of true history this
xvi PREFACE.

figure of a fellow-American great in war and i
peace, the intention has been not to glorify th
profession of arms, to commend war, to show an
lack of respect to my English ancestors or their des
cendants, to criticise any sect or nation, to ventilat:
any private theories; but, to tell a true story tha
deserves the telling, to show the attractiveness o
manly worth and noble traits wherever found, an
to cement the ties of friendship between Japan an
the United States. One may help to build uy
character by pointing to a good model. To thi
lads of my own country, but especially to Japan
ese young men, I commend the study of Matthew
Perry’s career. The principles, in which he wa:
trained at home by his mother and father, of the re
ligion which anchored him by faith in the eterna
realties, and of the Book which he believed and reac
constantly, lie at the root of what is best in the pro
gress of a nation. No Japanese will make a mistake
who follows Perry as he followed the guidafice of
these principles; while the United States will be
Japan’s best exemplar and faithful friend only so far
as she illustrates them in her national policy.

W. E. G.

SHAwmMuT CHuRCH PARSONAGE,
Boston, Fuly rst, 1887.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

 

Tue issue of a second edition of this biography of
Commodore M. C. Perry gives the author an oppor-
tunity to return his acknowledgments to critics and
friends. Most grateful to him has been the hearty
welcome accorded to the work by the English-speak-
ing people in the ports of China and Japan, and by
the Japanese, as well as by readers at home. The
book has found a place on board all the vessels, in
commission, of our old and our new navy, and espe-
cially interesting have been the commendations of
naval officers. One of the warmest of these was
from the lips of the late Captain C. M. Schoonmaker
of the United States Steamship Vandalia, who, with
his fellow-officers and sailors, so sublimely illustrated
American courage, discipline, and greatness in the
hour of death at Samoa. Another, who trod the
steel decks of the new navy, in the “squadron of
evolution,” writes, acknowledging enjoyment as well
as information, “Some things being most instruc-
tive, and often filling little gaps in our minds that
had contained nothing but interrogation points, the
origin and reason for so many customs having been
lost.” A literary critic spoke of the book as “indi-
rectly an argument for a new navy.” What other
iv PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION,

critics think may be read in Justin Winsor’s “ Nar-
rative and Critical History of the United States,”
vol. vii. p. 443, and in “The Life and Letters of S.
Wells Williams,” p. 183.

As the arrival of the American fleet at Uraga
marked the turning-point in the life of Japan, when
her ancient history closed and her modern history
began,.so is the name of Perry linked with every
auspicious event of progress in this most hopeful of
Asiatic nations. No foreign name occurs so often
in the vernacular press as that which is both a
household word and the synonym of national re-
nascence. A missionary, who organized the first
Christian church in modern Japan, has delightedly
pointed out the nearly coincident dates of March 8,
1854 (p. 359), and March 10, 1872, both events taking
place on the same piece of ground; and also noted
that at a point, very nearly twenty-two years after,
Japan, in the person of Kuroda (p. 422), followed the
example of the United States as “the Great Pacific
Power.” Elsewhere the author has called attention
to the fact that on the 11th of February, 1889, ex-
actly thirty-five years after the American treaty-ships
were sighted by the watchers on the hills of Idzu
(p. 352), the Mikado Mutsuhito, born on the day that
Perry was ready to sail in the Mississippz, proclaimed
the Constitution of Japan which changes despotism

into representative government.
W. E. G.

Boston, Mass., February 11, 1890.
CHAPTER I.

THE CHILD CALBRAITH.

WHEN in the year 1854, all christendom was
thrilled by the news of the opening of Japan to
intercourse with the world, the name of Commodore
Matthew Perry was on the lips of nations. In
Europe it was acknowledged that the triumph had
been achieved by no ordinary naval officer. Con-
summate mastery of details combined with marked
diplomatic talents stamped Matthew Calbraith Perry
as a man whose previous history was worth knowing.
That history we propose to outline.

The life of our subject is interesting for the fol-
lowing among many excellent reasons :—

1. While yet a lad, he was active as a naval officer
in the war of 1812.

2. He chose the location of the first free black
settlement in Liberia.

3. He was, to the end of his life, one of the lead-
ing educators of the United States Navy.

4. He was the father of our steam navy.

5. He first demonstrated the efficiency of the ram
as a weapon of offense in naval warfare.

6. He founded the naval-apprenticeship system.
2 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

7. He was an active instrument in assisting to
extirpate the foreign slave-trade on the west coast of
Africa.

8. His methods helped to remove duelling, the
grog ration and flogging out of the American navy.

9. He commanded, in 1847, the largest squacron
which, up to that date, had ever assembled under the
American flag, in the Gulf of Mexico. The naval
battery manned by his pupils in gunnery decided the
fate of Vera Cruz, and his fleet’s presence enabled
Scott’s army to reach the Capital.

10. His final triumph was the opening of Japan
to the world,—one of the three single events in
American History,—the Declaration of Indepen-
dence, and the Arbitration of the Alabama claims
being the other two,— which have had the greatest
influence upon the world at large.

Sturdy ancestry, parental and especially a mother’s
training, good education, long experience, and persis-
tent self-culture enabled Matthew Perry to earn that
“brain victory’ over the Japanese of which none are
more proud than themselves.

Let us look at his antecedents.* Three at least
among the early immigrants to Massachusetts bore
the name of Perry. Englishmen of England’s heroic
age, they were of Puritan and Quaker stock. Their
descendants have spread over various parts of the
United States.

 

* See Appendix. — Origin of the Perry Name and Family.
THE CHILD CALBRAITH. 3

He, with whom our narrative concerns itself,
Edmund or Edward Perry, the ancestor, in the sixth
degree both of the “Japan,” and the “Lake Erie”
Perry, was born in Devonshire in 1630. He was a
Friend of decidedly militant turn of mind. He
preached the doctrines of peace, with the spirit of
war, to the Protector’s troops. Oliver, not wishing
this, made it convenient to Edmund Perry to leave
England.

By settling at Sandwich in 1653, then the head-
quarters of the Friends in America, he took early
and vigorous part in “the Quaker invasion of Massa-
chusetts.” On first day of first month, 1676, he wrote
a Railing against the Court of Plymouth, for which he
was heavily fined. He married Mary the daughter
of Edmund Freeman, the vice-governor of the colony.
His son Samuel, born in 1654, emigrated to Rhode
Island, and bought the Perry farm, near South
Kingston, which still remains in possession of the
family. The later Perrys married in the Raymond
and Hazard families.

Christopher Raymond Perry, the fifth descendant
in the male line of Edward Perry, and the son of
Freeman Perry, was born December 4th, 1761. His
mother was Mercy Hazard, the daughter of Oliver
Hazard and Elizabeth Raymond. He became the
father of five American naval officers, of whom
Oliver Hazard and Matthew Calbraith are best
known. The war of the Revolution broke out
when he was but in his 15th year. The militant
4 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

traits of his ancestor were stronger in him than
the pacific tenets of his sect. He enlisted in the
Kingston Reds. The service not being exciting, he
volunteered in Captain Reed’s Yankee privateer.
His second cruise was made in the Mifflin, Captain
G. W. Babcock.

Like the other ships of the colonies in the Revolu-
tion, the J/if~ix was a one-decked, uncoppered
“bunch of pine boards,” in which patriotism and
valor could ill compete with British frigates of
seasoned oak. Captured by the cruisers of King
George, the crew was sent to the prison ship Jersey.
This hulk lay moored where the afternoon shadows
of the great bridge-cables are now cast upon the
East River. For three months, the boy endured
the horrors of imprisonment in this floating coffin.
It was with not much besides bones, however, that
he escaped.

As soon as health permitted, he enlisted on board
the U. S. man-of-war Trumbull, commanded by
Captain James Nicholson, armed with thirty guns
and manned by two-hundred men. On the 2d of
June 1780, she fell in with the British letter-of-
marque Watt, a ship heavier and larger and with
more men and guns than the Zrumbul/. The conflict
was the severest naval duel of the war. It was in
the old days of unscientific cannonading; before
carronades had revealed their power to smash at
short range, or shell-guns to tear ships to pieces, or
rifles to penetrate armor. With smooth-bores of
THE CHILD CALBRAITH. 5

twelve and six pound calibre, a battle might last
hours or even days, before either ship was sunk, fired
or surrendered. The prolonged mutilation of human
flesh had little to do with the settlement of the
question. The Zruméull and the Watt lay broadside
with each other and but one hundred yards apart,
exchanging continual volleys. The Zvrumdbull was
crippled, but her antagonist withdrew, not attempt-
ing capture.

By the accidents of war and the overwhelming
force of the enemy, our little navy was nearly
annihilated by the year 1780. Slight as may seem
the value of its services, its presence on the seas
helped mightily to finally secure victory. The
regular cruisers and the privateers captured British
vessels laden with supplies and ammunition of war.
Washington’s army owed much of its efficiency to
this source, for no fewer than eight-hundred British
prizes were brought to port. So keenly did Great
Britain feel the privateers’ sting that about the year
1780, she struck a blow designed to annihilate them.
Her agents were instructed not to exchange prison-
ers taken on privateers, This order influenced C. R.
Perry’s career. He had enlisted for the third time,
daring now to beard the lionin his den. Cruising in
the Irish sea, he was captured and carried as a
prisoner to Newry, County Down, Ireland.

Here, though there was no prospect of release till
the war was over, he received very different treat-
ment from that on the Jersey, Allowed to go out on
6 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

parole, he met a lad named Baillie Wallace, and his
cousin, Sarah Alexander. Of her we shall hear later.

After eighteen months imprisonment, Perry made
his escape. As seaman on a British vessel, he
reached St. Thomas in the West Indies. Thence
sailing to Charleston, he found the war over and
peace declared.

Remembering the pretty face which had “Fahted
up his captivity, Perry, the next year, made a voyage
as mate of a merchant vessel to Ireland. Providence
favored his wishes, for on the return voyage Mr.
Calbraith, an old friend of the Alexanders and
Wallaces, embarked as a passenger to Philadelphia.
With him, to Perry’s delight, went Miss Sarah
Alexander on a visit to her uncle, a friend of Dr.
Benjamin Rush. Matthew Calbraith, a little boy
and the especial pet of Miss Alexander, came also.

An ocean voyage a century ago was not measured
by days —a sail in a hotel between morning worship
at Queenstown and a sermon in New York on the
following Sunday night—but consumed weeks.
The lovers had ample time. Perry had the suitor’s
three elements of success,— propinquity, opportunity
and importunity. Before they arrived in this
country, they were betrothed.

On landing in Philadelphia, the first news received
by Miss Alexander at the mouth of Dr. Benjamin
Rush was of the death of both uncle and aunt. Her
relatives had committed her to the care of Dr. Rush
and at his house the young couple were married in
October 1784:
THE CHILD CALBRAITH, 7

The bride, though but sixteen ‘years, was rich in
beauty, character and spirit. The groom was twenty-
three, “A warm-hearted high-spirited man, very
handsome, with dashing manners, and very polite.
He treated people with distinction but would be
quick to resent an insult.” The young couple for
their wedding journey traveled to South Kingston,
R. I. There they enjoyed an enthusiastic reception.

The race-traits of the sturdy British yeomanry and
of the Scotch-Irish people were now to blend in
forming the parentage of Oliver and Matthew Perry,
names known to all Americans.

Away from her childhood’s home in a strange land,
the message from the 45th Psalm —the Song of Loves
— now came home to the young wife with a force
that soon conquered homesickness, and with a mean-
ing that deepened with passing years.

“ Hearken, O daughter, and consider and incline
thine ear, forget also thine own people and thy
father’s house.”

“Instead of thy fathers shall be thy children whom
thou mayest make princes in all the earth.”

Captain C. R. Perry entered the commercial
marine and for thirteen years made voyages as mate,
master or supercargo to Europe, South America and
the East Indies. Even then, our flag floated in all
seas. It had been raised in China, and seen at
Nagasaki in Japan. In 1789 and ’go, the U.S. S.
Columbus and Washington circumnavigated the globe,
the first American war vessels to do so. The cities
8 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

of Providence and Newport secured a large portion
of the trade with Cathay.

The future hero of Lake Erie was ten years old,
and two other children, a son and a daughter, played
in the sea-captain’s home at Newport, when America’s
greatest sailor-diplomat was born on the 1oth day of
April 1794. After her former young friend, at this
time a promising young merchant in Philadelphia,
the mother named her third son Matthew Calbraith
Perry. The boy was destined to outlive his parents
and all his brothers.

Matthew Perry was an eager, active, and robust
child full of life and energy. His early youth was
spent in Newport, at courtly Tower Hill, and on the
farm at South Kingston. From the first, his mother
and his kin called him “ Calbraith.” This was his
name in the family even to adult life. Few anec-
dotes of his boyhood are remembered, but one is
characteristic.

When only three years old, the ruddy-faced child
was in Kingston. Like a Japanese, he could not say
Z, as in “lash.” He walked about with a whip in his
hand which he called his “rass.” There was a tan yard
near by and the bark was ground by a superannuated
horse. One of his older brothers called him an “old
bark horse.” This displeased the child. Hereddened
with anger, and his temper exploded in one of those
naughty words, which in a baby’s mouth often
surprise parents. They wonder where the uncanny
things have been picked up; but our baby-boy
THE CHILD CALBRAITH. 9

added, “If I knew more, I would say it.” For this
outburst of energy, he suffered maternal arrest.
Placed in irons, or apron strings, he was tied up until
repentant.

That was Matthew Perry —never doing less than
his best. Action was limited only by ability — “If
I knew more, I would say it.” The Japanese
proverb says “The heart of a child of three years
remains until he is sixty.” The western poet writes
it, “The child is father of the man.” If he had
known more, even in Yedo bay in 1854, he would
have done even better than his own best; which,
like the boast of the Arctic hero, was that he “beat
the record.”
CHAPTER II.

BOYHOOD’S ENVIRONMENT.

In the year 1797, war between France and the
United States seemed inevitable, and “ Hail Colum-
bia” was sung all over the land. The Navy Depart-
ment of the United States was created May 21, 1708.
Captain Perry, having offered his services to the
government, was appointed by President Adams, a
post-captain in the navy June 9, 1798, and ordered to
build and command the frigate General Greene at
Warren, R I. The keels of six sloops and six seventy-
four gun ships were also laid. In May, 1799, the
General Greene was ready for sea.

With his son Oliver as midshipman, Captain Perry
sailed for the West Indies to convoy American mer-
chantmen. He left his wife and family at Tower
Hill, a courtly village with a history and fine society.
Matthew was five years old. He had been taught to
read by his mother, and now attended the school-
house, an edifice, which, now a century old, has de-
generated toa corn-crib.

Mrs. Perry livedin “the court end” of the town, and,
after school, would tell her little sons of their father
and brothers at sea. This element was ever in sight
with its ships, its mystery, and its beckoning dis-
BOYHOOD’S ENVIRONMENT. II

tances. From Tower Hill may be seen Newport,
Conanticut Island, Block Island, Point Judith, and a
stretch of inland country diversified by lakes, and
what the Coreans call “Ten thousand flashings of
blue waves.”

After two brilliant cruises in the Spanish Main,
and a visit to Louisiana, where the American flag
was first displayed by a national ship, Captain Perry
returned to Newport in May, 1800. Negotiations
with France terminated peacefully, and the first act
of President Jefferson was to cut down the navy toa
merely nominal existence. Out of forty-two captains
only nine were retained in service, and Captain Perry
again found himself in private life.

The first and logical result of reducing the nation’s
police force on the seas, was the outbreak of piracy.
Our expanding commerce found itself unprotected, and
the Algerian corsairs captured our vessels and threw
their crews into slavery. In the war with the Bar-
bary powers, our navy gained its first reputation
abroad in the classic waters of the Mediterranean.

Meanwhile at Newport the boy, Matthew Calbraith,
continued his education under school-teachers, and
his still more valuable training in character under his
mother. The family lived near “the Point,” and during
the long voyages of the father, the training of the
sons and daughters fell almost wholly on the mother.

It was a good gift of Providence to our nation, this
orphan Irish bride so amply fitted to be the mother
of heroes. Of a long line of officers in the navy of
12 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the United States, most of those bearing the name of
Perry, and several of the name of Rodgers, call Sarah
Alexander their ancestress. One of the forefathers of
the bride, who was of the Craigie-Wallace family, was
Sir Richard Wallace of Riccarton, Scotland. He
was the elder brother of Malcom Wallace of Ellerslie,
the father of Sir William Wallace. Her grandfather
was James Wallace, an officer in the Scottish army,
who signed the Solemn League and Covenant of
1643, but resigned his commission some years later.
With other gentlemen from Ayrshire, he took refuge
from religious persecution in North Ireland. Though
earnest Protestants, they became involved in the
Irish rebellion in Cromwell’s time and were driven
to resistance of the English invaders.

As a young girl Sarah Alexander had not only lis-
tened to oft-repeated accounts of the battles and
valor of her ancestors but was familiar with the his-
toric sites in the neighborhood of her childhood’s
home. She believed her own people the bravest in
the world. Well educated, and surrounded with
the atmosphere of liberal culture, of high ideas, of
the sacredness of duty and the beauty of religion, she
had been morally well equipped for the responsi-
bilities of motherhood and mature life. Add to this,
the self-reliance naturally inbred by dwelling as an
orphan girl among five young men, her cousins; and
last and most important, the priceless advantage of a
superb physique, and one sees beforehand to what in-
heritance hersons weretocome. Qneold lady, who re-
BOYHOOD’S ENVI?.ONMENT. 13

members her well, enthusiastically declared that “she
was wonderfully calculated to form the manners of
children.” Another who knew her in later life writes
of heras “a Spartan mother,” “a grand old lady.”
Another says “Intelligent, lady-like, well educated ;””
another that “she was all that is said of her in Mac-
kenzie’s Life of O. H. Perry.”” Those nearest to her
remember her handsome brown eyes, dark hair, rich
complexion, fine white teeth, and stately figure.

The deeds of the Perry men are matters of history.
The province of the women was at home, but it was
the mothers, of the Hazard and the Alexander blood
who prepared the men for their careers by moulding
in them the principles from which noble actions
spring.

Discipline, sweetened with love, was the system of
the mother of the Perry boys, and the foundation of
their education. First of all, they must obey. The
principles of christianity, of honor, and of chivalry
were instilled in their minds from birth. JVodlesse
oblige was their motto. It was at home, under their
mother’s eye that Oliver learned how to win victory
at Lake Erie, and Matthew a treaty with Japan.
She fired the minds of her boys with the ineradicable
passion of patriotism, the love of duty, and the con-
quest of self. At the same time, she trained them to
the severest virtue, purest motives, faithfulness in
details, a love for literature, and a reverence for sa-
cred things. The habit which Matthew C. Perry had
ot reading his Bible through once during every cruise,
I4 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

his scrupulous regard for the Lord’s day, the Ameri-
can Sunday, his taste for literature, and his love for
the English classics were formed at his mother’s knee.

The vigor of her mind and force of her character
were illustrated in other ways. While personally
attractive with womanly graces, gentle and persuasive
in her manners, she believed that self-preservation
is the first law of nature. Training her sons to kind-
ness and consideration of others, and warning them to
avoid quarrels, she yet demanded of them that they
should neither provoke nor receive an insult, nor ever
act the coward. How well her methods were under-
stood by her neighbors, is shown by an incident which
occurred shortly after news of the victory at Lake
Erie reached Rhode Island. An old farmer stoutly
insisted that it was Mrs. Perry who had “licked the
British. ”

There was much in the social atmosphere and his-
torical associations of Newport at the opening of this
century to nourish the ambition and fire the imagina-
tion of impressible lads like the Perry boys. Here
still lived the French veteran, Count Rochambeau of
revolutionary fame. Out in the bay, fringed with
fortifications of Indian, Dutch, Colonial and British
origin and replete with memories of stirring deeds, lay
the hulk of the famous ship in which Captain Cook
had observed the transit of Venus and circumnavigated
the globe. Here, possibly, the Norsemen had come
to dwell centuries before, and fascinating though
uncertain tradition pointed to the then naked masonry
BOYHOOD’S ENVIRONMENT. 15

of the round tower as evidence of it. The African
slave trade was very active at this time, and brought
much wealth to Newport and the old manors served
by black slaves fresh from heathenism. Among other
noted negroes was Phillis Wheatly the famous poetess,
then in her renown, who had been brought to Boston
in 1781 ina slave ship. What was afterwards left to
Portuguese cut-throats and Soudan Arabs was, until
within the memory of old men now living, prose-
cuted by Yankee merchants and New England dea-
cons whose ship’s cargoes consisted chiefly of rum
and manacles. At this iniquity, Matthew Perry was
one day to deal a stunning blow.

Here, too, had tarried Berkeley, not then a bishop,
however, whose prophecy, ‘“ Westward the star of
empire takes its way’ was to be fulfilled by Matthew
Perry across new oceans, even to Japan. Once a
year the gaily decked packet-boat set out from
Newport to Providence to carry the governor from
one capital to the other. This was a red-letter day
to little Calbraith, in whose memory it remained
bright and clear to the day of his death. When he
was about ten years old, Mr. Matthew Calbraith now
thirty years old and a successful merchant, came from
Philadelphia to visit the Perrys. He was delighted
with his little namesake, and prophesied that he would
make the name of Perry more honorable yet.

The affair of the Leopard and Chesapeake in June
1807 thrilled every member of the family. Matthew
begged that he might, at once, enter the navy. This,
16 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

however, was not yet possible to the boy of twelve
years, so he remained at school.

What Providence meant to teach, when an Ameri-
can man-of-war with her decks littered up and other-
wise unfit for action was surprised by a hostile ship,
was not lost upon our navy. The humiliating but
salutary lesson was learned for all time. Neatness,
vigilance and constant preparation for the possibili-
ties of action are now the characteristics of our naval
households. So far as we know, no other ship of our
country has since been “ leopardized.”

Even out of their bitter experience, the American
sailors took encouragement. The heavy broadsides
of a fifty-gun frigate against a silent ship had done
surprisingly littledamage. British traditions suffered
worse than the timbers of the Chesapeake, or the
hearts of her sailors. The moral effect was against
the offenders, and in favor of the Americans. The
mists of rumor and exaggeration were blown away,
and henceforth our captains and crews awaited with
stern joy their first. onset with insolent oppressors.
If ever the species bully had developed an abominable
variety, it was the average British navy captain of
the first decade of this century.

Providence was severing the strings which bound
the infant nation to her European nurse. If the
mere crossing of the Atlantic by the Anglo Saxon or
Germanic race has been equivalent to five hundred
years of progress, we may, at this day, be thankful
for the treacherous broadsides of the Leopard.
BOYHOOD’S ENVIRONMENT. 17

Having a well grounded faith in the future of his
country, and in the speedy renown of her navy,
Captain Perry wished all his sons to be naval officers.
He had confidence in American ships and cannon,
and believed that, handled by native Americans, they
were a match for any in the world. His sons Oliver
and Raymond already wore the uniform. Early in
1808, he wrote to the Department concerning an ap-
pointment for Matthew. His patience was not long
tried. Under date of April 23, 1808, he received
word from the secretary, Paul Smith, that nothing
stood in the way. The receipt of the warrant as
midshipman was eagerly awaited by the lad. On
the 18th of January 1809, the paper arrived. He was
ordered March 16th to the naval station at New
York, where he performed for several weeks such
routine duty as a lad of his age could do. He then
went aboard the schooner Revenge, his first home
afloat.

In those days, there being no naval academy, the
young midshipmen entered as mere boys, learning
the rudiments of seamanship by actual practice on
ships at sea. Thus began our typical American
naval officer’s long and brilliant career of nearly half a
century. ;

Matthew Perry was born when our flag bearing the
stars and stripes was so new on the seas as to be re-
garded with curiosity. It had then but fifteen stars
initscluster. Civilized states disregarded its neutra-
lity, and uncivilized people insulted it with impunity.
18 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

The Tripolitan war first compelled barbarians to re-
spect the emblem. France, one of the most power-
ful and unscrupulous of belligerents, had not yet
learned to honor its right of neutrality. Great Britain,
to the insults of spoliation, added the robbery of im-
pressment. Matthew Perry entered the United
States navy with a burning desire to make this flag
respected in every sea. He lived to command the
largest fleet which, in his lifetime ever gathered
under its folds, and to bear it to the uttermost parts
of the earth in the first steam frigate of the United
States which ever circumnavigated the globe.
CHAPTER III.

A MIDSHIPMAN’S TRAINING UNDER COMMODORE
RODGERS.

THE schooner Revenge, commanded by his brother
Oliver, to which Matthew Perry was ordered for
his first cruise, had been purchased in 1807. She
mounted twelve guns, had a crew of ninety men,
and was attached to the squadron under Commodore
John Rodgers, which numbered four frigates, five
sloops, and some smaller vessels. His duty was to
guard our coasts from the Chesapeake to Passama-
quoddy Bay, to prevent impressment of American
sailors by British cruisers. The Revenge was to
cruise between Montauk Point and Nantucket
Shoals.

Boy as he was, Matthew Perry seems not to have
relished the idea of serving in a coasting schooner.
Having an opportunity to make a voyage to the East
Indies, the idea of visiting Asia fascinated his imag-
ination. It seemed to offer a fine field for obtaining
nautical knowledge. Bombay was at this time the
seat of British naval excellence in ship building, and
an eighty-gun vessel, built of teak or India oak, was
launched every three years. A petition for furlough
was not, however, granted and the voyage to Asia
was postponed nearly half a century.
20 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Under such a commander, and with his brother
Oliver, the boy Matthew was initiated into active
service. The Revenge kept look out during summer
and winter, and in April went southward to Wash--
ington and the Carolinas.

As there was as yet nothing to do but to be vigilant
and to prepare for the war which was—unless Great
Britain changed her impressment policy —sure to
come, daily attention was given to drill. The sailors
were especially taught to keep cool and bide their
time to fire. All the Perrys, father and sons, were
diligent students of ordnance and gunnery. They
were masters of both theory and practice. Among
the list of subscribers to Toussard’s Artillerist,
written at the request of Washington, and pub-
lished in 1809, is the name of Oliver H. Perry.

On the 12th of October, 1810, Midshipman M. C.
Perry was ordered from the Revenge (which was
wrecked off Watch Hill, R. I., January 8, 1811) to
the frigate President. This brought him on the flag-
ship, the finest of the heavy frigates of 1797, and
directly under the eye of Commodore Rodgers. On
the 16th of October she went on a short cruise of
ten days and returned to her port for the winter,
where Raymond Perry joined him. News of the
whereabouts of the British ships Shannon and Guer-
riere was regularly received, and the crew kept alert
and ready for work with the press-gang. This was
the beginning of three years service by the two
Perry brothers on this famous ship.
A MIDSHIPMAN’S TRAINING. 21

From March 109, 1811, until July 25, 1813, Mat-
thew kept a diary in which he made observations
relating chiefly to the weather and matters of tech-
nical interest, with occasional items of historical
value. The boyish ambition for ample proportions
in the book is offset by the accuracy studied in the
entries, and the excessive modesty of all statements
relating to himself, even to his wound received by
the bursting of a gun. It contains frequent refer-
ence to personages whose congenial home was the
- quarter-deck, the lustre of whose names still glitters
in history like the fresh sand which they sprinkled
on their letters—now entombed in the naval
archives at Washington.

From the first, the bluff disciplinarian, Commo-
dore Rodgers, took a kindly interest in his midship-
man. He was especially exacting of his juniors
whom he liked, or in whom he saw promise. His
dignity, discipline and spirit, were models constantly
irnitated by his pupils.

One day, while on duty on that part of the deck
which roofed the commodore’s cabin, Matthew Perry
paced up and down his beat with, what seemed to
the occupant below, an unnecessarily noisy stride.
Irate at being disturbed while writing, the commo-
dore rushed out on deck, demanded the spy glass
and bade Perry to put himself in his superior’s place
in the cabin, and sit there to learn how the iniquity
of his heels sounded. Then with ponderous tread,
exaggerated stride, and mock dignity, the commo-
22 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

dore of the whole fleet gave a dramatic object-
lesson. It profited the lad no less than it amused
the spectators.

Soon after this, Perry was made commodore’s aid.

The diary shows that constant exercise at the
“oreat guns and small arms” was practiced. Rodg-
ers knew that his men were to meet the heroes of
Trafalgar, and he believed that American gunnery
would quickly settle questions over which diplomacy
had become impotent.

The President, leaving New London for New
York, set sail April 22 for Annapolis, casting
anchor opposite Fort Severn, May 2. Here the
vessel lay for ten days. As everything was quiet
along the coast, Commodore Rodgers went to his
home at Havre de Grace, seventy miles distant, to
visit his family. The purser and chaplain took atrip
to Washington, and on board all was as quiet asa
city church aisle in summer.

Late at night, May 6, there came dispatches from
the Navy Department. Two men had been taken
from the merchant brig, Spzéfire, within eighteen
miles of New York. One of the young men im-
pressed, John Deguys, was known to the captain to
be a native of Maine. The Guerriere, Captain
Dacres, was, as usual, suspected.

The news created great excitement, for the con-
stant search of American ships and the impressment
of such men, as the arrogant English captains chose
to call British “subjects,” had roused our sailors’ ire.
A MIDSHIPMAN’S TRAINING. 23

They burned to change this disgraceful state of
things and to avenge the Chesapeake affair. The
officers of the Guerriere, painting the name of their
frigate on her topsails, in large white letters, had
been conspicuous for their bravado in insulting
American merchant captains,

This was the age of British boasting on the sea,
of huge canvas and enormous flags. For during
nigh two score years, the British sailors, “lords of
the main,” had ruled the waves, rarely losing a ship,
and never a squadron, in their numerous battles.
Uninterrupted success had bred many bullies. The
trade of New York had been injured by these an-
noying searches and delays. The orders to Commo-
dore Rodgers were to proceed at once to stop the
outrageous proceedings. The vexed question of im.
pressment had, since 1790, caused an incredible
amount of negotiation. It was now to pass out of
the hands of secretaries into the control of our naval
captains, with power to solve the problem.

To get the dispatches to the commodore was the
duty in hand. Neither steamer nor telegraph could
then help to perform it; but hearts and hands were
true, and Matthew Perry was ready to show the stuff
of which he was made. Captain Ludlow at once
entrusted the delicate matter to the commodore’s
aid.

Matthew Perry set out before daylight in the com-
modore’s gig. The pull of seventy miles was made
against a head wind. Taking his seat at the helm,
24 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

he cheered on his men, but it was a long and hard
day’s work. It was nearly dark when the lights of
the village danced in the distance. At this moment
one of the men dropped his oar, and sank back with
the blood gushing from his mouth and nostrils, In
his over-strain he had burst a blood vessel.

Rodgers at once took the boat, and with the wind
in his favor hoisted sail. At 3 Pp. M., May 7, as Captain
Ludlow was dining on the sloop Argus, near the
President, the gig was descried five miles distant
bearing the broad pennant. Perry, in his journal,
modestly omits, as is customary with him, all refer-
ence to this exploit of bringing back the commo-
dore. But under the entry of May Io, he writes:
« At 10 hoisted out the launch, carried out a kedge
and warped the ship out of the roads.”

The President put to sea with her name boldly
blazoned on her three topsails like the Guerriere’s.
All on board were ready and eager for an opportu-
nity to wipe out this last disgrace. Perry writes, on
the 13th: “At 3 spoke the brig... . from Trin-
idad— informed us that the day before she was
boarded by an English sloop-of-war.” “At 7 the
Argus hove to alongside of us. Captain Lawrence
came on board—at 8 Captain L. left the ship.”
Next day “at 3 exercised great guns”; “at half-
past 8 passed New Point Comfort. At 10 opened
the magazine and took out thirty-two twenty-four
pound and twenty-four forty-two pound cartridges.”

At 1 o'clock in the afternoon of the 17th, a
A MIDSHIPMAN’S TRAINING. 25

strange sail was noticed——the ensign and pennant
were raised, the ship was cleared for action and the
crew beat to quarters. The signals of the strange
ship were not answered. The two ships were at this
time but a few leagues south of Sandy Hook.

The stranger ship was none other than the British
sloop-of-war Little Belt, carrying twenty-two guns.
As what took place really precipitated the war of
1812, we give the record from Perry’s diary without
alteration.

“At 7 p. M. the chase took in her studding-sails,
distant about eight miles. At ten or twelve minutes
past 7 she rounded to on the starboard-tack. At
half-past 7 shortened sail. At half-past 8 rounded
to on her weather beam, within half a cable’s length
of her; hailed and asked ‘what ship is that’? to
which she replied, ‘what ship is that’? and on the
commodore’s asking the second time ‘what ship is
that’? received a shot from her which was immedi-
ately returned from our gun-deck, but was scarcely
fired before she fired three other guns accompanied
with musquetry. We then commenced a general
fire which lasted about fifteen minutes, when the
order was given to cease firing, our adversary being
silent and apparently in much distress. At 9 hauled
on a wind on the starboard tack, the strange ship
having dropped astern so far that the commodore
did not choose to follow, supposing that he had suf-
ficiently chastised her for her insolence in firing into
an American frigate. Kept our battle-lanthorns
26 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

burning. After having examined the damage, found
that the ship had her foremast and mainmast
wounded and some rigging shot away—one boy
only wounded— before daylight the masts were
fished, moulded and painted, and everything taut.

“At 5 a. M. discovered the strange sail and bore
down for her. At 8 came alongside and sent a boat
aboard her. She was lying in a very shattered situa-
tion; no sail bent except her maintopsail; her rig-
ging all shot away; three or four shots through her
masts; several between wind and water; her gaft
shot away, etc. At g the boat returned; she proved
to be the British ship-of-war L7¢t/e Belt, Captain
Bingham ; permitted her to proceed on her course,
hoisted the boat up and hauled by the wind on the
larboard tack; ends clear and pleasant.”

In this battle the young midshipman first heard a
hostile shot and received his initial ‘baptism of
fire.’ The accounts of this affair given by the two
commanders, Rodgers and Bingham, cannot be rec-
onciled. Captain Bingham, acquitted of blame, was
promoted February 7, 1812, to post-rank in the
British navy. The event widened the breach be-
tween the two nations, and was the foreshadowing
of coming events not long to be postponed. Prob-
ably Rodgers’ chief regret was that the punished
vessel had not been the Guerrtere.

The rest of the year, 1811, was spent by our sail-
ors in constant readiness and unremitting discipline
in order to secure the highest state of naval effi-
A MIDSHIPMAN’S TRAINING. 27

ciency. Exercise at the carronades and long guns
was a daily task. The coming war on the ocean was
to be a contest in gunnery, and to be won by tacti-
cal skill, long guns, and superiority in artillery prac-
tice. Nothing was left to chance on the American
ships. Congress had neglected the navy since the
Tripolitan war, and with embargoes, non-intercourse
acts, and a puerile gun-boat system, practically at-
tempted to paralyze this arm of defence. Commo-
dore: Rodgers’ squadron-was an exception to the
general system, and his was the sole squadron ser-
viceable when the declaration of hostilities came.

Rodgers hoped by speedy victories to demonstrate
the power of the American heavy frigate to blow to
atoms “the gun-boat system,” and change British
insolence into respect. Lack of opportunity caused
him personal disappointment; but his faith and
creed were fully justified by the naval campaign
of 1812.
CHAPTER IV.

MEN, SHIPS AND GUNS IN 1812.

ComMMODORE JOHN RODGERS was a man of the
time, a typical naval officer of the period. He was
minutely careful about the food and habits of his
men, and made the President as homelike as a ship
could be. He was not precisely a man of science, as
was the case with his son inthe monitor Weehawken,
for this was the pre-scientific age of naval warfare.
Indeed, it can scarcely be said with truth that he had
either patience with or appreciation of Robert Fulton,
the Pennsylvanian whose inventions were destined to
revolutionize the methods of naval warfare. This
mechanical genius who anticipated steam frigates,
iron armor, torpedoes and rams, rather amused than
interested Rodgers. To the commodore, who ex-
pected no miracles, he seemed to possess ‘Con-
tinuity but not ingenuity.” Fulton had not yet per-
fected his apparatus, though he had in 1804 blown
up a Danish frigate off Copenhagen, and in 1810 had
published in New York his “Torpedo War and Sub-
marine Explosion.” This book is full of illustrations
so clear, that to look at them now provokes the won-
der that his schemes found so little encouragement.
Five thousand dollars were appropriated by Congress
MEN, SHIPS AND GUNS IN 1812. 29

March 30 1810, for submarine torpedo experiments.
Discouragement evidently followed: for our govern-
ment in 1811, following the example of France and
England rejected his plans for a submarine torpedo
boat.

“The Battle of the Kegs” was too often referred
to in connection with Fulton’s projects. This threw
a humorous but not luminous glow over the whole
matter. It gave toa serious scientific subject very
much the same air as that which Irving has suc-
ceeded in casting over the early history of New
York.

Having glanced at the typical American com-
mander, let us now see what, kind of sailors handled
the ships and guns of 1812. In an old order book of
Commodore Rodgers’, we find one to midshipman
M. C. Perry, dated “President off Sandy Hook 26th
May 1813,” directing him to proceed to New York
and enter for the ship six petty officers and fifty sea-
men and boys. From this we may guess the quality
of the crews of American men-of-war.

“You are desired to be particular in entering none
but American citizens, and indeed, native-born citi-
zens in preference.” He is especially directed to
ship good healthy men able to perform duty, active
and robust, while only those of good character and
appearance are to be accepted for the warrant and
petty officers. As Matthew Perry was but seventeen
years of age, the order shows the confidence his com-
mander placed in his judgement. In Perry’s diary
30 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the simple entry under May 28 is “At 12 P. M. the
pilot boat left the ship with Mr. Hunt and Midp. M.
C. Perry as a recruiting officer for the ship.”

It is the favorite idea of Englishmen who have
formed their opinions from James the popular histo-
rian of the British navy, that the victories of Ameri-
can ships over their own in 1812 were owing to the
British deserters among the Yankees. James, with
amazing credulity, believes that there were two hun-
dred Englishmen on the Constitution, that two-thirds
of the sailors in the navy of the United States were
bred on the soil and educated in the ships of Great
Britian, and to these our navy owed at least one half
of its effectiveness. ;

It is much nearer the truth to state that nine-
tenths of the American crews were native-born, ,and
but about one-twentieth of British nationality, the
rest being a mixture. Three-fourths of the natives
were from the northern states; half of the remain-
ing quarter from Virginia, and nearly all of respect-
able parentage.

Of the officers, the midshipmen were lads of from
eleven to fifteen years of age. There were in com-
mission during the war about 500 naval officers 34,-
960 sailors and petty officers, and 2,725 marines.
The government possessed six navy yards.

In addition to the officer’s knowledge of the scien-
tific principle of gunnery, and the thorough familiar-
ity of the gun-crews with their duties, each ship’s
company when away from its cannon was a disci-
MEN, SHIPS AND GUNS IN I812. 31

plined battalion. The manual of small arms compre-
hended every possible stroke of offence and defence.
Pikes, cutlasses and axes were the weapons relied on,
though a few rifles, in the hands of sharp shooters
perched in the crows-nests and in the tops, and a
brace of ‘pistols at each man’s belt had their places.
The Yankee cutlass had already crossed with the
Moorish scimetar at Tripoli, in more than one vic-
tory, and “our sailors felt a just confidence in its
merits.”* The pike was the boarding weapon, the
sailor's bayonet, with which he charged the enemy
on his own decks, or repelled his attacks, and was
not the least of small arms. The war of 1812, with
men speaking the same language, was practically a
civil war in which the sword was again to be taken
up against equals in every respect. Hence the need
“of constant practice in handling tools. The uninter-
rupted drill bore its fruit in due season.

One potent secret of American excellence of
naval service, which raised our standard of war ships
and guns even higher than the highest in Europe,
was the rule of promotion for merit. This nerved
every sailor and petty officer to do nothing less than
his best at all times. In this respect, the navy of
the western world contrasted effectively with that of
Great Britain, where commissions were bought and
sold in open market.

The Yankee captain taught his men to take pride

 

* Roosevelt’s ‘‘ Naval History of the War of 1812.”
32 MATTHEW CALBEAITH PERRY.

in their guns as if they were human. Of many an-
American sailor in 1812 it could be said:
‘* His conscience and his gun, he thought
His duty lay between.”

The American men-of-war went to sea with siguts
on their guns that enabled a cannonneer to fire with
nearly the accuracy of a rifle. In their occasional
use of sheet-lead cartridges, which required less
sponging and worming after firing than those of
flannel and of paper, they anticipated the copper
shells of recent American invention.

The broadsides of that day may seem to us ridic-
ulous in weight, as compared to those of our time.
A projectile from an iron-clad now exceeds the entire
mass of metal thrown by the largest of the old line-of-
battle ships. The heaviest Lroadside in’ the United
States in 1812—that thrown by the Uvited States
carrying fifty-four guns—-was but 846 pounds.
Nevertheless the American ships had usually heavier
and better guns and of longer range than the British.
The power of a line-of-battle ship had been condensed
into the space of a frigate. This was the American
idea, toincrease the weight of metal thrown in broad-
side without altering the ship’s rating.

With their guns every man and boy on board was
constantly familiar by daily practice, and the name and
purpose of each rope, crook, pulley, and cleet on the
carriages were fully known to all. It must be re.
membered that horizontal shell-firing was unknown
sixty years ago. Bombs could be thrown only from
MEN, SHIPS AND GUNS IN 1812. 33

mortars as in a land siege, but never from cannon in
naval duels, though short howitzers were occasionally
employed in Europe to fire bombs. ‘ Bomb-guns,
firing hollow shot,” on ships, were not invented until
1824. The seeming advantage to the old time sailor,
in his exemption from exploding shells, was in reality
and from a humane point of view, a disadvantage ;
since in navals annals short sharp engagements were
less common. A vast waste of ammunition causing
“prolonged mutilation and slaughter” was rather the
rule. It was the coolness of the American cannon-
neer, his economy in firing his gun only when he
was reasonably sure of hitting, his ability to hold the
linstock from the touch-hole till the word was given
to fire, that made the duels of 1812 short and deci-
sive.

As a feeble substitute for bomb-shells, the Ameri-
cans were driven to the use of all sorts of hardware
and blacksmith’s scraps as projectiles. This kind of
shot was called“ langrel”’ or “langrage,” and the metal
magazine of a cruiser in 1812 would be sure to cause
merriment if looked into in our decade. In old and
in recent times, each combatant aimed to destroy the
propelling power of the other. As the main design
now is to strike the boiler and disable the machinery,
so then the first object was to cut up the sails and
rigging, so as to reduce the ship toahulk. For the
purpose, our blacksmiths and inventors were called
on to furnish all sorts ofripping and tearing missiles and
every species of dismantling shot. Their anvils turned
34 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

off ‘star shot,” “chain shot,” ‘sausages,’ “double-
headers,” “ porcupines” and “ hedge-hogs.”” The “star
shot’ made of four wrought iron bolts hammered to a
ring folded like a frame of umbrella rods. On firing,
this camp stool arrangement expanded its rays to the
detriment of the enemy’s cordage and canvas. The
“sausage” consisted of four or six links, each twelve
inches long and when rammed home resemble a dis-
jointed fishing pole or artist’s sketching chair packed
up. When belched forth it was converted into a
swinging line of iron six feet long which made havoc
among the ropes. The “double header” resemble a
dumb bell. The “chain shot” “porcupine” and
“hedge-hog” explain themselves by their names. Such
projectiles, with a small blacksmith’s shop of bolts and
spikes, were to the weight of half a ton, taken out of the
side of the Shannon after her fight with the Chesapeake
and sold at auction in Halifax where most of them
were converted into horse-shoes and other innocent
articles. In preparing for the battle of Lake Erie,
all the scraps of iron saved at the forges were sewn
in leather bags. This flying cutlery helped largely
to disable the enemy and bring about the victory,
In battle, the carronades charged with this “lan-
grage”’ were tilted high and pointed at the rigging,
while the solid shot of the regular broadsides hulled
the enemy with decisive effect. This kind of pro-
jectile, though it had been in use in Europe since
1720, was denounced by the British as inhuman and
uncivilized. As the history of war again and again
MEN, SHIPS AND GUNS IN I812. 35

proves, what is first denounced as barbarous is finally
adopted as fair against an enemy.

The British neglected artillery practice and knew
little of nice gunnery. Their carronades and long
deck guns were less securely fastened, and were often
over charged. By their recoil they were often kicked
over and rendered useless during a fight. A terrible
picture in words is given by Victor Hugo in his “93”
of a carronade let loose in a storm on the deck of a
French ship. British discipline too, had fallen behind
the standard of Nelson’s day. A nearly uninterrupted
series of victories had so spoiled with conceit the
average English naval man that he felt it unnecessary
if not impossible to learn from anenemy. In the
autobiography of Henry Taylor, the author of “ Philip
Van Artevelde,” who in his youth was midshipman
on a British frigate in 1812, he tells us that during a
whole year he was not once in the rigging. Very
little attention was paid to scientific gunnery, and
target practice was rare. In some ships, not a ball
was shot from a gun in three years. Dependence
was placed on the number of cannon rather than on
their quality, equipment or service. They counted
rather than weighed their shot. Most of the British
frigates were over-gunned.

The carronade, invented in 1779, had become
immediately popular, and by 1781 four hundred and
twenty-nine British war vessels were equipped with
from six to ten carronades. These were above their
regular complement and not included in the rate or
36 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

enumeration. Hence a “thirty-eight,” a “forty-two,”
or a “seventy-four” gun-ship might have many more
muzzles than her professed complement. The fearful
effect of short range upon the timber of ships enabled
the British to convert their enemy’s walls into mis-
siles, and make splinters their ally in the work of death
and mutilation. Farragut’s “splinter nettings” were
then unknown nor dreamed of. Hence the terrific
proverbial force of the British broadsides in the Nile
and at Trafalgar. After such demonstration of power,
such manifest superiority over foemen worthy of their
steel, it seemed absurd in British eyes to make
special preparation, or abandon old routine in order
to meet the Yankees in their “pine board” and “fir
built” frigates. What they had done with the French
they expected to with the Americans, and more easily.
They did not know the virtues of the American long
guns nor the rapidity, coolness, and unerring aecuracy
of the American artillerists. They were now to learn
new lessons in the art of war. They were to fight
with sailors who took aim.

At the outbreak of hostilities our naval force in
ships consisted of one hundred and seventy gun-boats
afloat, three second class frigates under repair, three
old brigs rotten and worthless, with five brigs and
sloops, three first class and two second class frigates
which were seaworthy. After the embargo of April
14th most of the fast sailers in the American mer-
chant service were converted into privateers.

The British naval force all told consisted of over a
MEN, SHIPS AND GUNS IN I812, — 37

thousand sail and her sailors were flushed with the
remembrances of Aboukir and Trafalgar. Before
hostilities and at the date of the declaration of war,
there were off our coast the Africa, one sixty-four
gun ship; the Shannon, Guerriere, Belvidera, and
Lolus, second class frigates; besides several smaller
vessels,

The war with Great Britain, our “second war for in-
dependence” was declared when the treasury was
empty and the cabinet divided. Some pamphleteers
stigmatized it as “Mr. Madison’s war.” So great was
the cowardly fear of British invincibility on the seas,
and so shameful and unjust were the suspicions against
our navy that many counsellors at Washington
urged that the national vessels should keep within
tide-water and act only as harbor batteries. To the
earnest personal remonstrance of Captains Bainbridge
and Stewart we owe it that our vessels got to sea to
win a glory imperishable.

Borrowing a point from the English who, in older
days, usually chose their time to declare war when the
richly laden Dutch galleons were on their homeward
voyage from the Indies, President Madison and
Congress, hoping to fill the depleted treasury,
passed the act declarative of war about the time the
Jamaica plate fleet of eighty-five vessels was to arrive
off our coast. This sailed from Negril Bay on the
2oth of May and war against Great Britain was de-
clared on the 12th of June, at least one week too late.
CHAPTER V.
SERVICE IN THE WAR OF I812.

In these days of submarine cables, the European
armies in South Africa or Cochin China receive
orders from London or Paris on the day of their
issue. Tous, the tardiness of transmission in Perry’s
youth, seems incredible. Although war was declared
on the 12th of June, official information did not
reach the army officers until June 20th, and the naval
commanders until the 21st. In Perry’s diary of
June 20th 1812, this entry is made: “At 10 A. M.
news arrived that war would be declared the follow-
ing day against G. B. Made the signal for all officers
and boats. Unmoored ship and fired a salute.”

At 3.30 P. M. next day, within sixty minutes of the
arrival of the news, the squadron, consisting of the
President, United States, Congress, Argus, and Hornet,
about one-third of the whole sea-worthy naval force
of the nation, moved out into the ocean.

The British man-of-war, Belvidera, was cruising off
Nantucket shore awaiting the French privateer,
Marengo, hourly expected from New London. Cap-
tain Byron had heard of the likelihood of war from a
-New York pilot, and his crew was ready for emer-
gencies. Ateight o'clock next morning, the lookout
SERVICE IN THE WAR OF 1812, 39

on the President when off Nantucket Shoal, caught
sight of a strange frigate. Every stitch of canvas
was put on the masts and stays, and a race, which
was kept up all day, was begun. The President,
being just out, was heavily loaded, and, until after-
noon, the Belvidera by lightening ship kept well
ahead. When it became evident to Captain Byron,
the British commander, that he must fight, he
ordered the deck cleared, ran out four stern guns,
two of which were eighteen pounders and on the
main deck. He hoisted his colors at half past twelve.
His cartridges were picked, but his fusing was not
laid on. This was to avoid a President and Little
Belt experience. By half past four, the President's
bow-chaser, or “Long Tom,” was within six hundred
yards distance, and the time for firing the first gun
of the war had come. The long years of patient
waiting and self-control, under insults, were over.
The question of the freedom of the seas was to be
settled by artillery.

Commodore Rodgers desiring the personal honor
of firing the first hostile shot afloat, took his station
at the starboard fore-castle gun. Perry, a boy of
seventeen, stood beside ready, eager, and cool. Wait-
ing till the right moment, the commodore applied the
match. The ball struck the Be/vedera in the stern
coat and passed through, lodging in the ward-room.
The corresponding gun on the main deck was then
discharged, and the ball was seen to strike the
muzzle of one of the enemy's stern-chasers. The
40 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY,

third shot killed two men and wounded five on the.
Belvidera. With such superb gunnery, the war of
1812 opened. A few more such shots, and the
prize would have been in hand.

It was not so to be. Nothing is more certain than
the unexpected. A slip came between sight and
taste, changing the whole situation.

Commodore Rodgers with his younger officers
stood on the forecastle deck with glasses leveled to
see the effect of the shot from the next gun on the
deck beneath them. It was in charge of Lieutenant
Gamble. On the match being applied, it burst.
The Commodore was thrown into the air and his leg
broken by the fall. Matthew Perry was wounded,
several of the sailors were killed, and the forecastle
deck was damaged badly. Sixteen men were injured
by this accident. The firing on the American ship
ceased for some minutes, until the ruins were cleared
away, and the dead and wounded were removed.
Meanwhile the stern guns of the Belvidera were
playing vigorously, and, during the whole action,
this busy end of the British vessel was alive with
smoke and flame. No fewer than three hundred shot
were fired, killing or wounding six of the President's
crew though hurting the ship but slightly, notwith-
standing that, for two and a half hours, she lay ina
position favorable for raking. Having no pivot guns,
but hoping to cripple his enemy by a full broadside,
Commode Rodgers, when the President had forged
ahead, veered ship and gave the enemy his full star-
SERVICE IN THE WAR OF I812. 41

board fire. Failing of this purpose, he delivered
another broadside at five o’clock, which was as
useless as the other. He then ordered the sails wet
and continued the chase. To offset this advantage
in his enemy, the British captain, equal to the
situation, ordered the pumps to be manned, stores,
anchors and boats to be heaved overboard to rid the
ship of every superfluous pound of matter. Four-
teen tons of water were started and, lightened of
much metal and wood, the British ship gained
visibly on her opponent. This continued until six,
when the wind, being very light, Rodgers, in the
hope of disabling his antagonist, “‘ yawed”’ again and
fired two broadsides, These, to the chagrin of the
gallant commodore, fell short or took slight effect.
At seven o’clock, the Belvidera was beyond range
and, near midnight, the chase was given up.

The escaping vessel got safely to Halifax carrying
thither the news that war had been declared and the
Yankee cruisers were loose on the main. Instead of
the electric cable which flashes the news in seconds,
the schooner Mackerel took dispatches, arriving at
Portsmouth July 25th.

Following the trail left in the “ pathless ocean” by
the crumbs that fell from the British table,—fruit
rinds, orange skins and cocoa-nut shells, the Ameri-
can frigate followed the game until within twenty-
four hours of the British channel. It was now time
to be off. The West India prize was lost.

Turning prow to Maderia, Funchal was passed
42 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY

July 27th. Sail was then made for the Azores.
Few ships were seen, but fogs were frequent.
Baffled in his desire to meet an enemy having teeth
to bite, Rodgers would have still kept his course,
but fora fire in the rear. An enemy, feared more
than British guns, had captured the ship. ;

It was the scurvy. It broke out so alarmingly
that he was obliged to hurry home at full speed.
Passing Nantasket roads August 31st. decks were
cleared for action. A strange ship was in sight.
It was the Cozstitution which a few days before had
met and sunk their old enemy the Guerrzere, two of
whose prizes the Pres¢dent had recaptured.

In this, his first foreign cruise in a man-of-war, full
as it was of exciting incidents, Perry had taken part
in one battle, and the capture of seven British Mer-
chant vessels. Driven home ingloriously by the
chronic enemy of the naval household, he learned
well a new lesson. He gained an experience, by
which not only himself but all his crew down to the
humblest sailor under his command, profited during
the half century of his service. In those ante-can-
ning days, more lives were lost in the navy by this
one disease than by all other causes, sickness, battle,
tempest or shipwreck. ‘From scurvy” might well
have been a prayer of deliverance in the nautical
litany.

Perry was one of the first among American officers
to search into the underlying causes of the malady.
He was ever a rigid disciplinarian in diet, albeit a gen-
SERVICE IN THE WAR OF [812. 43

erous provider. To the ignorant he seemed almost
fanatical in his “anti-scorbutic”” notions, though he
was rather pleased than otherwise at the nick name
savoring of the green-grocer’s stall which Jack Tar
with grateful facetiousness lavished on him.

Across sea, the American frigates were described
by the English newspapers as “ disguised seventy-
fours ;” and, forthwith, English writers on naval
warfare began explaining how the incredible thing
happened that British frigates had lowered their flag
to apparent equals. These explanations have been
diligently kept up and copied for the past seventy-five
years. As late as the international rifle match of
1877 the words of the naval writer, James, learned by
heart by Britons in their youth, came to the front in
the staple of English editorials written to clear up the
mystery of American excellence with the rifle,— “The
young peasant or back-woodsman carries a rifle barrel
from the moment he can lift one to his shoulder.”

On the eighteenth of October, Rodgers left Boston
with the President, Constitution, United States and
Argus. Perry, unable to be idle, while the ships lay
in Boston harbor, had opened a recruiting office in
the city enlisting sailors for the President. Each
vessel of the squadron was in perfect order. On the
roth, without knowing it, they passed near five
British men-of-war. They chased a thirty-eight gun
ship but lost her, but, on the 18th off the Grand
Banks of Newfoundland captured the British packet
Swallow, having on board eighty-one boxes of gold
44. MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

and silver to the value of $200,000. On the 30th
they chased the Ga/atea and lost her. During the
whoie of November, they met with few vessels.

Nine prizes of little value were taken. They
cruised eastward to Longitude 22 degrees west and
southward to 17 degrees north latitude. They re-en-
tered Boston on the last month of the year, 1812. It
is no fault of Rodgers that he did not meet an armed
ship at sea, and win glory like that gained by Hull,
Bainbridge and Decatur. For Perry, fortune was yet
reserving her favor and Providence a noble work.

Leaving Boston, April 30, the Prestdent crossed
the Atlantic to the Azores, and thence moved up to-
ward North Cape. In these icy seas, Rodgers hoped
to intercept a fleet of thirty merchant vessels sailing
from Archangel, July 15. Escaping after being
chased eighty-four hours by a British frigate and a
seventy-four, Rodgers returned from his Arctic ad-
ventures, and after a five months’ cruise cast anchor
at Newport, September 27. Twelve vessels, with
two hundred and seventy-one prisoners, had been
taken; and the ships he disposed of by cartel, ran-
som, sinking, or despatch to France or the United
States as prizes. No less than twenty British men-
of-war, sailing in couples for safety, scoured the seas
for half a year, searching in vain for the saucy
Yankee.

Three years of service, under his own eye, had so
impressed Commodore Rodgers with his midship-
man, that, on the 3d of February, 1813, he wrote to
SERVICE IN THE WAR OF 1812, 45

the Department asking that Perry be promoted.
This was granted February 27, and, at eighteen,
Matthew Perry became an acting lieutenant. “He-
roes are made early.”

Four of the Perry brothers served their country in
the navy in 1813; two in the Lawrence on Lake
Erie, and two on the President at sea. An item of
news that concerned them all, and brought them to
her bedside, was their mother’s illness. This, for-
tunately, was not of long duration. At home, Mat-
thew Perry found his commission as lieutenant,
dated July 24. Of the forty-four promotions, made
on that date, he ranked number fourteen. Request-
ing a change to another ship, he was ordered to the
United States, under Commodore Decatur. Chased
into the harbor of New London, by a British squad-
ron, this frigate, with the Wasp and Macedonian, was
kept in the Thames until the end of the war. Per-
ry’s five months service on board of her was one of
galling inaction. Left inactive in the affairs of war,
the young lieutenant improved his time in affairs of
the heart ; and on Christmas eve, 1814, was married
to Miss Jane Slidell, then but seventeen years of
age. The Reverend, afterwards Bishop, Nathaniel
Bowen, united the pair according to the ritual of the
Episcopal church, at the house of the bride’s father,
a wealthy New York merchant. Perry’s brothers-in-
law, John Slidell, Alexander Slidell (MacKenzie),
and their neighbor and playmate, Charles Wilkes, as
well as himself, were afterwards heard from.
46 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Soon after his marriage, Lieutenant Perry was
invited by Commodore Decatur to join him on the
President. Jn this ship, nearly rebuilt, with a crew
of over four hundred picked sailors, most of them
tall and robust native Americans, the “ Bayard of
the seas’’ expected to make a voyage to the East
Indies. Unfortunately, seized with a severe fit of
sickness, Perry was obliged to leave the ship, and in
eager anticipation of speedy departure, Decatur ap-
pointed another lieutenant in his place. The bitter
pill of disappointment proved, for Perry, good medi-
cine. Owing to the vigor of the blockade, the Presz-
dent did not get away until January 15, 1815, and
then only to be captured by superior force. In an-
swer to an application for service, Matthew Perry
-was ordered to Warren, R. I., to recruit for the brig
Chippewa.

Meanwhile, negotiations for ending the war had
begun, starting from offers of mediation by Russia,
With the allies occupying Paris, and Napoleon
exiled to Elba, there was little chance of ‘peace
with honor” for the United States. The war party
in England were even inquiring for some Elba in
which to banish Madison. ‘The British govern-
ment was free to settle accounts with the upstart
people whose ships had won more flags from her
navy, in two years, than all her European rivals had
done in a century.” One of the first moves was to
dispatch Packenham, with Weliington’s veterans, to
lay siege to New Orleans, with the idea of gaining
SERVICE IN THE WAR OF I8I2. 47

nine points of the law. From Patterson and Jack-
son, they received what they least expected.

Before Perry’s work at Warren fairly began, the
British ship Favorite, bearing the olive branch, ar-
rived at New York, February 11, 1815. It was too
late to save the bloody battle of New Orleans, or the
capture of the Cyane and Levant. The treaty of
Ghent had been signed December 3, 1813; but
neither steam nor electricity were then at hand to
forefend ninety days of war.

The navy, from the year 1815, was kept up ona
war footing; and, for three years, the sum of two
millions of dollars was appropriated to this arm of
the service. Commodore Porter, eager to improve
and expand our commerce, conceived the project of
a voyage of exploration around the world. The plan
embraced an extended visit to the islands of the
Pacific, the northwest coast of America, Japan and
China. The expedition was to consist of several
vessels of war. The project of this first American
expeditionary voyage fell stillborn, and was left to
slumber until Matthew Perry and John Rodgers ac-
complished more than its purpose.

The seas now being safe to American commerce,
our merchants at once took advantage of their oppor-
tunity. Mr. Slidell offered his son-in-law, then but
twenty years of age, the command of a merchant
vessel loaded for Holland. He applied for furlough.
As war with Algiers threatened, permission was
not granted, and Matthew and James Alexander
48 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Perry began service on board the Chippewa. This
was the finest of three brigs in the flying squadron,
which had been built to ravage British commerce in
the Mediterranean. Serving, inactively, on the brig
Chippewa, until December 20, 1815, Perry procured
furlough, and in command of a merchant vessel,
owned by his father, made a voyage to Holland. He
was engaged in the commercial marine until 1817,
when he re-entered the navy.

The Virginian Horatio, son of the freed slave,
who to-day ploughs up the skull of some Yorick, Con-
federate or Federal, turns to his paternal Hamlet, of
frosty pow, to ask: “ What was dey fightin’ about”?
A similar question asks the British Peterkin and the
American lad, of this generation, concerning a phase
of our history early in this century.

Besides being “our second war for national inde-
pendence,” the struggle of 1812 was emphatically
for “sailors’ rights.” At the beginning of hostili-
ties there were on record in the State Department,
at Washington, 6,527 cases of impressed American
seamen. This was, doubtless, but a small part of
the whole number, which probably reached 20,000;
or enough to man our navy five times over. In 1811,
2,548 impressed American seamen were in British
prisons, refusing to serve against their country, as
the British Admirality reported to the House of
Commons, February 1, 1815. In January, 1811, ac-
cording to Lord Castlereagh’s speech of February 8,
1813, 3,300 men, claiming to be Americans, were
SERVICE IN THE WAR OF 1812, 49

serving in the British navy.* The war settled some
questions, but left the main one of the right of
search, claimed by Great Britain, still open, and not
to be removed from the field of dispute, until Mr.
Seward’s diplomacy in the vent affair compelled its
relinquishment forever. Three years struggle with a
powerful enemy, had done wonders in developing the
resources of the United States and in consolidating
the Federal union. The American nation, by this
war, wholly severed the leading strings which bound
her to the “mother country” and to Europe, and
shook off the colonial spirit for all time.

Among the significant appropriations made by
Congress during the war, was one for $500 to be
spent in collecting, transmitting, preserving, and dis-
playing the flags and standards captured from the
enemy. 3

On the 4th of July, 1818, the flag of the United
States of America, which, “during the war of 1812,
bore fifteen stripes and fifteen stars in its cluster,
returned to its old form. The number of stripes,
representing the original thirteen states, remained as
the standard, not to be added to or substracted from.
In the blue field the stars could increase with the
growth of the nation. In the American flag are
happily blended the symbols of the old and the new,
of history and prophecy, of conservatism and _pro-
gress, of the stability of the unchanging past with
the promise and potency of the future.

 

* Roosevelt’s ‘‘Naval History of the War of 1812.”
CHAPTER VI.

FIRST VOYAGE TO THE DARK CONTINENT,

Aw act of Congress passed March 3, 1819, favored
the schemes of the American Colonization Society.
A man-of-war was ordered to convoy the first com-
pany of black colonists to Africa, in the ship E/iza-
beth, to display the American flag on the African
coast, and to assist in sweeping the seas of slavers.
The vessel chosen was the Cyane, an English-built
vessel, named after the nymph who amused Pros-
erpine when carried off by Pluto. One of the pair
captured by Captain Stewart of the U. S. S. Constz-
zation, in his memorable,moonlight battle of Febru-
ary 20, 1815, the Cyaze mounted thirty-four guns,
and carried one hundred and eighty-five men. Re-
built for the American navy, her complement was
two hundred sailors and twenty-five marines. Cap-
tain Edward Trenchard, who commanded her, was a
veteran of the Tripolitan and second British war.
From the Mahometan pirates, when a mere lad, he
had assisted to capture the great bronze gun that
now adorns the interior gateway of the Washington
Navy Yard.

Athirst for enterprise and adventure, Perry applied
for sea service and appointment on the Cyane. It
FIRST VOYAGE TO THE DARK CONTINENT. SI

was not so much the idea of seeing the “ Dark Con-
tinent,” as of seeing “Guinea” which charmed him.
“ Africa” then was a less definite conception than to
us of this age of Livingstone, Stanley, and the free
Congo State. “Guinea” was more local, while yet
fascinating. From it had come, and after it was
named, England’s largest gold coin, which had given
way but a year or two before to the legal “sov-
ereign,’’ though sentimentally remaining in use.
British ships were once very active in the Guinea
traffic in human flesh, some of them having been
transferred to the German slave trade to carry the
Hessian mercenaries to America. Curiosities from
the land of the speckled champions of our poultry
yards, were in Perry’s youth as popular as are those
from Japan in our day. On the other hand, the
dreaded “Guinea worm,” or miniature fiery serpent,
and the deadly miasma, made the coast so feared,
that the phrase “Go to Guinea,” became a popular
malediction. All these lent their fascination to a
young officer who loved to overcome difficulties, and
“the danger’s self, to lure alone.” He was assigned
to the Cyane as first lieutenant. As executive officer
he was busy during the whole autumn in getting her
ready, and most of the letters from aboard the Cyaze,
to the Department, are in his hand-writing, though
signed by the commanding officer.

For the initial experiment in colonization, the
ship Elizabeth, of three hundred tons, was selected.
Thirty families, numbering eighty-nine persons, were
52 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

to go as passengers and colonists. A farewell meet-
ing, with religious exercises, was held in New York,
and the party was secretly taken on board January 3.
This was done to avoid the tremendous crowd that
would have gathered to see people willing to “ go to
Guinea.”

The time of year was not favorable for an auspi-
cious start, for no sooner were the colored people
aboard, than the river froze and the vessel was ice-
bound. As fast locked as if in Polar seas, the E/zza-
beth remained till February 6, when she was cut out
by contract and floated off. In the heavy weather,
convoy and consort lost sight of each other. Cased
in ice, the Cyane pulled her anchor-chains three days,
then spent from the 1oth to the 15th in searching
for the Efizabeth, which meanwhile had spread sail
and was well on toward the promised land. All this
was greatly to the wrath of Captain Trenchard.

The Cape de Verdes came into view March 9,
after a squally passage, and on the 27th, anchor was
cast in, Sierra Leone roads. The Elizabeth having
arrived two days before had gone on to Sherbro.

A cordial reception was given the American war-
vessel by the British naval officers and the governor.
Memories of the Revolution were recalled by the
Americans. It may be suspected that they cheer-
fully hung their colors at half-mast on account of the
death of George III. His reign of sixty years was
over.

To assist the colony, a part of the crew of the
FIRST VOYAGE TO THE DARK CONTINENT. 53

Cyane, most of them practical mechanics, with tools
and four months provisions, under Lieutenant John
S. Townsend, was despatched to Sherbro. Imme-
diate work was found for the Cyane in helping to
repress a mutiny on an American merchant vessel.
This done, a coasting cruise for slavers followed in
which four prizes were made. The floating slave-
pens were sent home, and their officers held for trial.
Other sails were seen and chased, and life on the
new station promised to be tolerable. Except when
getting fresh water the ship was almost constantly at
sea, and all were well and in good spirits.

Perry enjoyed richly the wonders both of the sea
and the land flowing with milk of the cocoanut.
Branches of coffee-berries were brought on ship, the
forerunner of that great crop of Liberian coffee
which has since won world-wide fame. The deli-
cious flavor of the camwood blossoms permeated the
cabin.

Among the natives on shore each tribe seemed to
have a designating mark on the face or breast —cut,
burned or dyed—by which the lineage of individuals
was easily recognized. The visits of the kings, or
chiefs, to the ships, were either for trade or beggary.
In the former case, the dusky trader was usually ac-
companied by the scroff or “gold-taker,” who care-
fully counted and appraised the ‘“cut-money” or
coins. When cautioned to tell the truth, or confirm
a covenant, their oath was made with the “salt.
fingers” raised to heaven, some of this table min-
54 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

eral being at the same time mixed with earth and
eaten, salt being considered sacred.

The dark and mysterious history of Africa, for
centuries, has been that of blood and war. The
battle-field was the “bed of honor,” and frequently
the cannibals went forth to conflict with their kettles
in hand ready to cook their enemies at once when
slain. Women at the tribal assemblies counselled
war or peace, and were heard with respect by the
warriors. Almost all laws were enforced by the
power of opinion, this taking the place of statutes,

The climate and the unscientific methods of hygi-
ene, in the crowded ship, soon began to tell upon
the constitutions of the men on the Cyane. Torna-
dos, heavy rain, with intense heat, par-boiled the un-
acclimated white seamen, and many fell ill. The
amphibious Kroomen relieved the sailors of much
exposure; but the alternations of chill and heat,
with constant moisture, and foul air under the bat-
tened hatches, kept the sick bay full. Worst of all,
the dreaded scurvy broke out. They were then
obliged to go north for fresh meat and vegetables.
A pleasant incident on the way was their meeting
with the U. S. S. Hornet, twenty-seven days from
New York. At Teneriffe, in the Canary Islands,
during July, the Cyane, though in quarantine, re-
ceived many enjoyable courtesies from the officers of
a French seventy-four-gun-ship in the harbor.

When quarantine was over, and the Cyane admit-
ted to Pratique, Lieutenant Perry went gratefully
FIRST VOYAGE TO THE DARK CONTINENT. 55

ashore to tender a saltite to the Portuguese governor.
In an interview, Perry informed his worship of the
object of the American ship’s visit, and stated that the
Cyane would be happy to tender the customary salute
if returned gun for gun. The governor replied that it
would give him great pleasure to return the salute —
but with one gun less; as it was not customary for
Portugal to return an equal number of guns to re-
publican governments, but only to those of acknowl-
edged sovereigns. This from Portuguese!

Perry replied, in very plain terms, that no salute
would be given, as the government of the United
States acknowledged no nation as entitled to greater
respect than itself.

The only greeting of the Cyane as she showed her
stern to the governor and the port, was that of con-
temptuous silence. By September 20, the ohn
Adams was off the coast, the three vessels making
up the American squadron.

The first news received from the colonists was of
disaster. On their arrival at Sherbro they landed
with religious exercises, and met some of Paul Cuf-
fee’s settlers sent out some years before. The civil-
ized negroes from the Elizabeth were shocked be-
yond measure at the heathenish display of cuticle
around them. They had hardly expected to find
their aboriginal brethren in so low an estate. They
could not for a moment think of fraternizing with
them. Owing to the lateness of the season, they
were unable to build houses to shelter themselves
56 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

from the rains. All had taken the African fever,
and among the first victims was their leader, the
Rev. Mr. Bacon. From the Rev. Daniel Cokes, the
acting agent of the colonization society, the whole
miserable story was learned. The freed slaves who,
even while well fed and housed on ship, had shown
occasional symptoms of disobedience, broke out into
utter insubordination when ‘the sweets of freedom
in Africa” were translated into prosy work. After
Bacon’s death there was total disorder; no authority
was acknowledged, theft became alarmingly common,
and the agent’s life was threatened.

The native blacks, noticing the state of things,
took advantage of the feuds and ignorance of the
settlers and refused to help them. Sickness carried
off the doctor and all of the Cyane’s boat crew. Yet
the fever, while fatal to whites, was only dangerous
to the negro colonists. Twenty-three out of the
eighty-nine had died, and of these but nineteen by
fever. The rest, demoralized and discouraged, gave
way to their worst natures. .

The colony which had been partly projected to re-
ceive slaves captured by United States vessels, for
the present, at least, proving a failure, Captain
Trenchard requested the governor of Sierra Leone
to receive such slaves as should hereafter be liber-
ated by Americans. The governor acceded, and the
Cyane turned her prow homeward October 4, and
after a fifty-seven days’ experience of constant squalls
and calms, until December 1, arrived at New York
FIRST VOYAGE TO THE DARK CONTINENT. 57

on Christmas day. Emerging from tropical Africa,
even the intermediate ocean voyage did not prepare
the‘men for the severe weather of our latitude, and
catarrhs and fevers broke out. The ship, too, was
full of cases of chronic sickness. Between disease
and the elements, the condition of the crew was
deplorable.

In this, his first African cruise, Perry, as usual,
profited richly by experience. He had made a sys-
tematic study of the climate, coast, and ship-hygiene.
He believed, and expressed his conviction, that for
much of the preventible sickness some one was
responsible. Though, thereby, he lost the good will
of certain persons, Lieutenant Perry rendered un-
questionable benefits to later ships on the African
station. During the next year, the U. S. S. Maw-
zzlus, with two agents of the government, and two of
the colonization societies, sailed with a fresh lot of
colonists for Africa. Thus the slow work of build-
ing up the first and only American colony recognized
by the United States went on.

There were some far-seeing spirits on both sides of
Mason and Dixon’s line, who had begun to see that
the only real cure for the African slave trade, on the
west coast of Africa, was its abolition in America.
The right way for the present, however, was to carry
the war into Africa by planting free colonies.
CHAPTER. VIL.

PERRY LOCATES THE SITE OF MONROVIA.

On the sth of July 1821, Perry was doubly happy,
in his first sole command of a man-of-war, and in her
being bound upon a worthy mission. The Sark was
to convey Dr. Eli Ayres to Africa as agent of the
United States in Liberia) He was especially glad
that he could now enforce his ideas of ship hygiene.
His ambition was to make the cruise without one
case of fever or scurvy.

The Shark sped directly through the Canaries.
Here, the human falcons resorted before swooping
on their human prey. At Cape de Verde, he found
the villianous slave trade carried on under the mask
of religion. Thousands of negroes decoyed or kid-
napped from Africa, were lodged at the trading sta-
tion for one year, and then baptized by the wholesale
in the established Roman faith. They were then
shipped to Brazil as Portuguese “subjects.” It was
first aspersion, and then dispersion.

At Sierra Leone, Dr. Ayers was landed. Three
out of every four whites in the colony died with
promptness and regularity. The British cruisers
suffered frightfully in the loss of officers, and the
Thistle, spoken October 21st, had only the command-
er and surgeon left of her staff.
PERRY LOCATES THE SITE OF MONROVIA. 59

Perry performed one act during this cruise which
powerfully effected for good the future of the Ameri-
can negro in Africa, and the destiny of the future
republic of Liberia. The first site chosen for the
settlement of the blacks sent out by the American
Colonization Society was Sherbro Island situated in
the wide estuary of the Sherbro river which now
divides Sierra Leone from Liberia. In this low lying
malarious district, white men were sure to die speed-
ily, and the blacks must go through the fever in
order to live. On Perry’s arrival, he found that the
missionary teachers, Mr. and Mrs. Winn, and the
Reverend Mr. Andrews were already in the cemetery
from fever. Some of the new colonists were sick
and six of them had died.

Perry saw at once that the foundations of the set-
tlement must be made on higher ground. He select-
ed, therefore, the promontory of Mont Serrado, called
Cape Mesurado. This place, easily accessible, had
no superior on the coast. It lay at the mouth of the
Mesurado river which flowed from a source three
hundred miles in the interior.*

Having no authority to make any changes, the
matter rested until December 12, 1832 when Captain
Stockton, Doctor Ayres, and seven immigrants visit-
ed the location chosen by Matthew Perry. ‘“ That is
the spot that we ought to have,” said Captain Stock-

 

*See the Maryland Colonization Journal. vol. 2, p. 328 and the
December number of the Liberia Herald 1845, for Perry’s Jour-
nal when Lieutenant of the Cyaze.
60 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

ton, “that should be the site of our colony. No finer
spot on the coast.” Three days later a contract to
cede the desired land to the United States was signed
by six native “Kings.” Seventeen of the dusky
sovereigns and thirty-four dignitaries enjoying semi-
royal honors, had assented, and on the twenty-fifth of
April 1832 the American flag was hoisted over Cape
Mesurado. Shortly afterwards, Monrovia, the future
capital, named after President Monroe, began its ex-
istence. To this form of the Monroe doctrine,
European nations have fully acceded. Liberia is the
only colony founded by the United States.

The Shark ran, like a ferret in rat-holes, into all
the rivers, nooks and harbors, but though French,
Dutch and Spanish vessels were chased and over-
hauled, no American ships were caught. Perry
wrote “The severe laws of Congress had the desired
effect of preventing American citizens from employ-
ing their time and capital in this iniquitous traffic.”
Yet this species of commerce was very actively pur-
sued by vessels wearing the French, Portuguese,
Spanish and Dutch flags. The French and Portu-
guese were the most persistent man-stealers. So
great was the demand for slaves, that villages only a
few miles apart were in constant war so as to get
prisoners to be disposed of to the captains of slave
vessels. Perry wrote:

“In this predatory warfare the most flagitious acts
of cruelty are committed. The ties of nature are
entirely cut asunder for it is not infrequent that par-
ents dispose of their own children.”
PERRY LOCATES THE SITE OF MONROVIA. 6I

The cargoes which the slavers carried to use in
barter for human flesh consisted of New England
rum, Virginia tobacco, with European gunpowder,
paint, muskets, caps, hats, umbrellas and hardware.
Most of the wearing apparel was the unsalable or
damaged stock of European shops. The Guinea
cuast was the Elysium of old clothes men and makers
of slop work. Long out of fashion at home, these
garments sufficed to deck gorgeously the naked body
of a black slave-peddler, while the rum corroded his
interior organs. The Carolzne, a French ship over-
hauled by Perry, had made ten voyages to Africa.
The vessel, cargo and outfit cost $8,000, the value of
the cargo of one hundred and fifty-three slaves at
#250 each, was $38,250, a profit of nearly $30,000
for a single voyage. The sixty men, ten women, and
sixty-three children stowed in the hold were each fed
daily with one bottle of water and one pound of rice.
The ships found off Old Calabar and Cape Mount —
now seats of active Christian and civilizing labors —
having no one on board who could speak English,
were completely fitted for carrying slaves. Those
sailing below the equator, and under their national
flags, could not be molested. No Congress of nations
had yet outlawed slave-trading on all the seas as
piracy. The commander of the British squadron re-
ported: “No Americans are engaged in the [slave]
trade. They would have no inducement to conceal
their real character from the officers of a British
cruiser, for these have no authority to molest them.
All slaves are now under foreign flags.”
62 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

In this villainous work, the Portuguese from first
to last have held undisputed pre-eminence. Perry,
after his three African cruises, was confirmed in his
opinion formed at first, and which all students of
Africa so unanimously hold. Mr. Robert Grant
Watson, who has minutely studied the national dis-
grace in many parts of the world thus formulates this
judgment.

“There seems indeed something peculiarly in-
grained in the Portuguese race, which makes them take
to slave-dealing and slave-hunting, as naturally as
greyhounds take to chasing hares; and this observation
applies not to one section of the race alone, but to
Portuguese wherever they are to be found beyond
the reach of European law. No modern race can be
as slave-hunters within measurable distance of the
Portuguese. Their exploits in this respect are writ-
ten in the annals not only of the whole coast of Bra-
zil, from Para, Uruguay, and along the Missiones of
Paraguay, not only on the coast of Angola but
throughout the interior of Africa. You may take up
the journals of one traveller after another, of Burton,
Livingstone, of Stanley, or of Cameron, and in what
ever respects their accounts and opinions may differ,
one point they are one and all entirely agreed on,
namely, as to the pestilent and remorseless activity
of the ubiquitous Portuguese slave-catcher.”

“Having examined the northern part of the coast
from the Bessagoes shoals to Cape Mount,” writes
Perry. “I took my departure for West Indies fol-
PERRY LOCATES THE SITE OF MONROVIA. 63

lowing the track of Homeward Bound Guinea-
men.”

Arun across the Atlantic brought the Shark to
the West Indies. There diligent search was begun
for Picaroons or pirates. American merchant vessels
were convoyed beyond the coast of Cuba. The run
northward brought the Shark to New York, January
17, 1822. In the violent change from the equator to
our rugged climate, many of the Shark's crew suffered
from frost-bites.

A short but very active cruise in African waters
had been finished. Despite the long calms, occasion-
al tempests and the deadly land miasma, not a single
man had died on the Sharé. This unusual exemp-
tion from the disease was imputed by Perry under
Providence, to the many precautions observed by
him and to the skilful attentions of Dr. Wiley.

Matthew Perry was among the first to discover the
underlying cause of the sailor’s malady — sea-scurvy.
He believed it to be primarily due to mal-nutrition.
He found the soil in which the disease grew was a
compost of bad water, alcoholism, exposure, too ex-
clusively salt diet, lack of vegetables, of ventilation,
and of cleanliness on ship. The canning epoch in-
augurated later by Americans, who, it is said, got
their notions from air-tight fruit jars dug up from
Pompeii, had not yet dawned, but Perry already put
faith in succulents and the entire class of crucifiers,
seeing in them the cross of health in his crusade
against the scorbutic taint. Though not yet familiar
64 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

with the marvelous power of the onion, and the juice
of limes, he endeavored at all times to secure supplies
of sauer-kraut, cabbages, radishes, and fruits rich in
acids and sub-acids. He was emulous of the success
of captains Cook and Parry who had succeeded so
well in their voyages. He knew that in war, more
men perished by disease than in battle. He lived to
see the day when a ship was made a more healthy
dwelling place than the average house, and when,
through perfected dietic knowledge, and the skill of
the preserver and hermetic sealer, sea-scurvy became
so rare that a naval surgeon might passa lifetime
without meeting a case save in a hospital,
CHAPTER VIII.
FIGHTING PIRATES IN THE SPANISH MAIN.

JAMES, the Spaniard’s patron saint, has been com-
pelled to lend his name as “Iago” to innumerable
towns, cities and villages. From Mexico to Pata-
gonia in Spanish America, “‘ Santiago,” “ San Diego,”
“Tago” and “Diego” are such frequently recurring
vocables that the Yankee sailor calls natives of these
countries ‘‘Dago men,” or “ Diegos.” It is his slang
name for foreigners of the Latin race. It is a relic of
the old days when he knew them chiefly as pirates.

Perry’s next duty was to lend a hand against the
“Diego” ship robbers of the Gulf, who had become
an intolerable nuisance. The unsettled condition of
the Central and South American colonies had set
afloat thousands of starving and ragged patriots.
Their prime object was the destruction of Spanish
commerce, but tempted by the rich prizes of other
nations, and speedily developing communistic ideas,
they became truly catholic in their treatment of
other peoples property, while the names which these
cut-throats gave their craft were borrowed from holy
writ and the calendar of thesaints. Under the black
flag, they degeneratedinto murderous pirates. Their
own name was “ Brethren of the coast.”
66 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Emboldened by success, they formed organized
companies of buccaneers and extended their depre-
dations over the whole north Atlantic. Our southern
commerce was particularly exposed. The accounts
of piracy continually reaching our cities on the At-
lantic coast, were accompanied with details of wanton
cruelities inflicted on American seamen. The pirate
craft were swift sailing schooners of from fifty to
ninety tons burthen manned by crews of from
twenty-five to one hundred men who knew every
cove, crevice, nook and sinuous passage in the West
India Archipelago. Watching like hawks for their
prey, they would swoop down on the helpless quarry
—British and American merchantmen—and rob,
beat, burn and kill.

The squadron fitted out to exterminate these
heroes of our yellow-covered novels consisted of
the frigates, Macedonian and Congress, the sloops
Adams and Peacock, with five brigs, the steam galliot
Sea-gull, and several schooners; among which, was
Lieutenant Perry’s twelve-gun vessel the Shark.
The whole was under the command of Commodore
David Porter, the father of the present illustrious
Admiral of the American navy.

The duty of ferreting out these pests was a labor-
ious one in a trying climate. The commodore divid-
ed the whole West Indian coast into sections, each
of which was thoroughly scoured by the cruisers and
barges. The boat service was continuous, relieved
FIGHTING PIRATES IN THE SPANISH MAIN. 67

by occasional hand-to-hand fights. Often the tasks
were perplexing. Though belted and decorated
with the universal knife, the quiet farmers in the
fields, or salt makers on the coast, seemed innocent
enough. As soon as inquiries were answered, and
the visiting boat’s crew out of sight, they hied to a
secluded cove. On the deck of a swift sailing light-
draft barque or even open boat, these same men
would stand transformed into blood-thirsty pirates,
under black flags inscribed with the symbols of ale
and bones, axe and hour glass.

To the dangers of intricate navigation in unsur-
veyed and rarely visited channels, for even the Flor-
ida Keys were then unknown land, and their water
ways unexplored labyrinths, and the fatigue of constant
service at the oars, was added keen jealousy of the
United States, felt by the Cubans, and shown by the
Spanish authorities in many annoying ways.

The acquisition of Cuba had even then been hinted
at by Southern fire-eaters bent on keeping the area
of African slavery intact, and éven of extending it in
order to balance the increasing area of freedom.
This feeling, then confined to a section of a sectional
party, and not yet shaped, as it afterwards was, into a
settled policy and determination, roused the defiant
jealousy of the Spaniards in authority, even though
they might be personally anxious to see piracy exter-
minated. The Mexican war, waged in slavery’s
behalf in the next generation, showed how well-
grounded this jealousy was.
68 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

The smaller craft sent to cope with the pirates of
the Spanish Main were so different in bulk and
appearance from the heavy frigates and ships of the
line that they were dubbed, ‘‘The Mosquito Fleet.”
The swift barges were named in accordance with this
idea, after such tropical vermin as Mosguito, Midge,
Sand-fly, Gnat and Gallinipper. The Sea-gull, an
altered Brooklyn ferry-boat from the East river, and
but half the size of those now in use, was equipped
with masts. Under steam and sail she did good ser-
vice.

The Shark got off in the spring, and by May 4,
1822, she was at Vera Cruz. Perry had an oppor-
tunity to see the castle of Juan d’Ulloa and the Rich
City of the Real Cross, which were afterwards to
become so familiar to him.

The pirates were soon in the clutch of men reso-
lutely bent on their destruction. When, in June,
Commodore Biddle obtained permission of the Cap-
tain General of Cuba to land boat’s crews on Spanish
soil to pursue the pirates to the death, the end of the
system was not far off. Still the ports of the Spanish
Main were crowded with American ships waiting for
convoy by our men-of-war, their crews fearing the
cut-throats as they would Pawnees,

In June, Perry with the Shark, in company with
the Grampus, captured a notorious ship sailing under
the black flag—the Bandara D’Sangare, and an
another of lesser fame. Meeting Commodore Biddle
FIGHTING PIRATES IN THE SPANISH MAIN. 69

in the flag-ship, at sea, July 24, he put his prisoners,
all of whom had Spanish names, on board the Con-
gress. They were sent to Norfolkfor trial. Thesad
news of the death of Lieutenant William Howard
Allen of the Adlgator, who had been killed by
pirates, was also learned. The friend of Fitz-Greene
Halleck, his memory has been embalmed in verse.

By order of the commodore, Perry turned his prow
again toward Africa. His visit, however, was of
short duration, for on the 12th of December 1822,
we find him in Norfolk, Virginia, finishing a cruise in
which he had been two hundred and thirty-six days
under sail, during which time he had boarded one
hundred and sixty-six vessels, convoyed thirty, given
relief to five in actual distress, and captured five
pirates.

Although the pirates no longer called for a whole
squadron to police the Spanish Main, yet our com-
merce in the Gulf was now in danger from a new
source. In 1822, Mexico entered upon another of
her long series of revolutions. The native Mexican,
Iturbide, abandoning the 7é/e of pliant military cap-
tain of the Spanish despot, assumed that of an Ameri-
can usurper.

Suddenly exalted, May 18, 1822, from the barrack-
room to the throne, he set the native battalions in
motion against the Spanish garrisons then holding
only the castle of San Juan d’Ulloa and a few minor
fortresses. Santa Anna was then governor of Vera
7O MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Cruz. Hostilities between the royalists and the citi-
zens having already begun, our commerce was in
danger of embarrassment.

Perry with his old ship and crew left New York
for Mexico. Before he arrived, the Spanish yoke
had been totally overthrown and the National Repre-
sentative Assembly proclaimed. Iturbide abdicated
in March, 1823, and danger to our commerce was
removed. Perry, relieved of further duty returned to
New York, July 9, 1823, and enjoyed a whole summer
quietly with his family.

Perceiving the advantage of a knowledge of Span-
ish, Perry began to study the tongue of Cervantes.
Though not a born linguist, he mastered the lan-
guage so as to be during all his later life conversant
with the standard literature, and fluent in the reading
‘of its modern forms in speech, script and print.
This knowledge was afterward, in the Mediterranean,
in Africa, and in Mexico, of great value to him.

Commodore Porter’s work in suppressing the West
Indian free-booters was so well done, that piracy, on
the Atlantic coast, has ever since been but a memory.
Unknown to current history, it has become the theme
only of the cheap novelist and now has, even in
fiction, the flavor of antiquity.

The Shark, the first war-ship under Perry’s sole
command, mounted twelve guns, measured one hun-
dred and seventy-seven tons, cost $23,267, and had
a complement of one hundred men. Her term of
FIGHTING PIRATES IN THE SPANISH MAIN. 71

life was twenty-five years. She began her honorable
record under Lieutenant Perry, was the first United
States vessel of war to pass through the Straits of
Magellan, from east to west, and was lost in the
Columbia river in 1846.
CHAPTER IX.

THE AMERICAN LINE-OF-BATTLE SHIP.

THE line-of-battle ship, which figured so largely in
the navies of a half century or more ago, was a man-
of-war carrying seventy-four or more guns. It was
the class of ships in which the British took especial
pride, and the American colonists, imitating the
mother country, began the construction of one, as
early as the Revolution. Built at Portsmouth, this
first American “ship-of-the-line” was, when finished,
presented to France. Humpreys, our great naval
contractor in 1797 carried out the true national idea,
by condensing the line-of-battle ship into a frigate,
and “line ships” proper were not built until after
1820. One of the first of these was the North Caro-
fina, commanded by the veteran John Rodgers.

The first visit of an American line-of-battle ship to
Europe, in 1825, under Commodore Rodgers, was, in
its effect, like that of the iron-clad Monitor J/zanto-
nomah under Farragut in 1865. It showed that the
United States led the world in ships and guns. The
North Carolina was then the largest, the most efficient
and most formidable vessel that ever crossed the At-
lantic.
THE AMERICAN LINE-OF-BATTLE SHIP. 73

Rodgers was justly proud of his flag-ship and
fleet, for this was the golden era of American ship-
building, and no finer craft ever floated than those
launched from our shipyards.

The old hulk of the Morth Carolina now laid up at
the Brooklyn Navy Yard and used as a magazine,
receiving-ship, barracks, prison, and guard-house,
gives little idea of the vision of life and beauty
which tne “seventy-four” of our fathers was.

The great ship, which then stirred the hearts ot
the nation moved under a mighty cloud of canvas,
and mounted in three tiers one-hundred and two guns,
which threw a mass of iron outweighing that fired by
any vessel then afloat. Her battery exceeded by three
hundred and four pounds that of the Lord Nelson —
the heaviest British ship afloat and in commission.
The weight of broadside shot thrown by the one
larger craft before her—that of the Spanish Admiral
St. Astraella Trinidad,* which Nelson sunk at Tra-
falgar,—fell short of that of the North Carolina.
Our “wooden walls’’ were then high, and the stately
vessel under her mass of snowy canvas was a sight
that filled a true sailor with profound emotion. Mac-
kenzie in his “ Year in Spain” has fitly described his
feelings as that sight burst upon him.

So perfect were the proportions, that her size was
under-valued until men noticed carefully the great
mass moving with the facility of a schooner. At the

 

* See description in the novel 7rafalgar, New York, 1835.
74 , MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY

magic of the boatswain’s whistle, tle anchor was cast
and the great sails were folded up and hidden from
view as a bird folding her wings.

It was highly beneficial to our commerce and
American reputation abroad to send so magnificent a
fleet into European waters as that commanded by
Rodgers. In many ports of the Mediterranean Sea,
the American flag, then bearing twenty-four stars,
had never been seen. The right man and the right
ships were now to represent us.

Perry joined the North Carolina July 26, 1824.
She sailed in April, and arrived at Malaga, May 19,
1825. During three days she was inspected by the
authorities and crowds of people, who were deeply
impressed by the perfect discipline observed on the
finest ship ever seen in those waters.

Gibraltar on June 7th, and Tangier, June 14th,
were then visited, and by the 17th, the whole squad-
ron, among which was the Cyane, assembled in the
offing before the historic fortress near the pillars of
Hercules, prior to a visit to the Greek Archipelago.

This too, was an epoch of vast ceremony and display ~
on board ship. War and discipline of to-day, if less
romantic and chivalrous are more business-like, more
effective, but less spectacular. Mackenzie with a pen
equal to that of his friend, N. P. Willis, has left us a
graphic sketch of the receptions and departures of
the Commodore. As we read his fascinating pages :

“The herculean form and martial figure of the
veteran,” who as monarch reigned over “the hallowed
THE AMERICAN LINE-OF-BATTLE SHIP. 75

region of the quarter deck,” the “band of music in
Moorish garb,” the “ groups of noble looking young
officers” come again before us.

A “thousand eyes are fixed” on “the master
spirit,” hats are raised, soldiers present arms, the
“side boys” detailed at gangways to attend digni-
taries, — eight to an admiral, four to a captain, —are
in their places, and the blare of brazen tubes is heard
as the commodore disembarks.

Perry, as executive officer, held the position which
a writer with experience has declared to be the most
onerous, difficult, and thankless of all. His duties
comprised pretty much everything that needed to be
done on deck. Whether in gold lace or epaulettes
by day, or in oil-skin jacket with trumpet at night or
in storm, Perry was regent of the ship and crew.
Charles W. Morgan, afterwards commodore, was
captain.

The business of the squadron, consisting of the
North Carolina, Constitution, Erie, Ontario, and Cyane
was to protect American commerce. The ships were
to sail from end to end of the Mediterranean, touch-
ing at Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, which “ Barbary”
powers were now very friendly to Americans. Other
classic sites were to be visited, and although the
young officers anticipated the voyage with delight,
yet the cruise was not to be a mere summer picnic.
American commerce was in danger at the Moslem
end of the Mediterranean, for much the same politi-
cal causes previously operating in the West Indies.
76 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

The cause lay in the revolt of a tribute nation against
its suzerain, or rather in the assertion of her liberty
against despotism. That struggle for Hellenic Inde-
pendence, which becomes to us far-away Americans
more of an entity, through the poetry of Byron and
Fitz-Green Halleck, than through history, had begun.
It seems, in history, a dream; in poetry, a fact.
While the Greek patriots won a measure of success,
they kept their hands off from other people’s proper-
ty and regarded the relation of mzxe and thine; but
when hard pressed by the Turks, patriotism degen-
erated into communism. They were apt to forage
among our richly-laden vessels. Greek defeat meant
piracy, and at this time the cause of the patriots,
though a noble one, was desperate indeed. Five
years of fighting had passed, yet recognition by
European nations was withheld. The first fruits of
the necessity, which knows no law, was plunder.

On the 29th of May, an American merchantman
from Boston was robbed by a Greek privateer, and
this act became a precedent for similar outrages.

While at Patras, the chief commercial town of
Greece, Perry had the scripture prophecy of “seven
women taking hold of one man” fulfilled before his
eyes. The Biblical number of Turkish widows, whose
husbands had been killed at Corinth, were brought
on board the orth Carolina and exposed for sale by
Greeks, who were anxious to make a bargain. The
officers paid their ransom, and giving them liberty
sent them to Smyrna under charge of Perry.
THE AMERICAN LINE-OF-BATTLE SHIP. 77

While there, an event occurred which had a disas-
trous physical influence upon Matthew Perry all his
life, and which remotely caused his death. A great
fire broke out on shore which threatened to wrap the
whole city in conflagration. The efficient executive
of the flag-ship, ordered a large detail to land in the
boats and act as firemen. The men, eager for excite-
ment on land, worked with alacrity; but among the
most zealous and hard working of all was their lieu-
tenant. In danger and exposure, alternately heated
and drenched, Perry was almost exhausted when he
regained the ship. The result was an attack of
rheumatism, from the recurring assaults of which he
was never afterwards entirely free. Hitherto this
species of internal torture had been to him an ab-
straction ; henceforth, it was personal and concrete.
Shut up like a fire in his bones, its occasional erup-
tions were the cause of that seeming irritableness
which was foreign to his nature. :

Among other visitors at Smyrna, were some Turk-
ish ladies, who, veiled and guarded by eunuchs, came
on board “ships of the new world.” No such priv-
ilege had ever been accorded them before, and these
exiles of the harem, looked with eager curiosity at
every-thing and everybody on the ship, though they
spoke nota word. Nothing of themselves was visible
except their eyes, and these—to the old commodore —
“not very distinctly,” though possibly to the young
officers they shone as brightly as meteors. This
visit of our squadron had a stimulating effect on
78 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

American commerce, though our men-of-war con-
voyed vessels of various Christian nations.

The Greek pirates extending the field of their opera-
tions, had now begun their depredations in open
boats. Dissensions among the patriots were already
doing as much harm to the sinking cause as Turkish
arms.

Captain Nicholson of our navy, visiting Athens
and Corinth, found the Acropolis in the hands of a
faction, and the country poor and uncultivated.
Corinth was but a mere name. Its streets were
overgrown, its houses were roofless and empty, and
the skeletons of its brave defenders lay white and
unburied. The Greek fleet of one-hundred sail was
unable to do much against the Turkish vessels, num-
bering fifteen more and usually heavier. The best
successes of the patriots were by the use of fire-
ships.

In spite of the low state of the Hellenic cause,
Americans manifested strict neutrality, and the Greek
authorities in the ports entered were duly saluted,
an example which the French admiral and Austrian
commodore followed.

The fleet cruised westwardly, arriving at Gibraltar,
October 12, where Perry found awaiting him his ap-
pointment to the grade of acting Master Com-
mandant.

The opening of the year 1827, found the cause of
the Greeks sunk to the lowest ebb of hopelessness.
Even the crews of the men-of-war, unable to get wage
THE AMERICAN LINE-OF-BATTLE SHIP. 79

or food, put to sea for plunder. Friend and foe,
American, as well as Turk, suffered alike.

While war and misery reigned in the eastern part
of the Mediterranean, commerce with the north
African nations was rapidly obliterating the memories
of piracy and reprisal, which had once made Berber
scimeter and Yankee cutlass cross. Peace and
friendship were assiduously cultivated, and our offi-
cers were received with marked kindness and atten-

tion.
Our three little wars with the Moslems of the

Mediterranean, from 1794 to 1797, from 1801 to 1804,
and in 1815, seem at this day incredible and dream-
like. In view of the Bey of Tunis, on the assassina-
tion of Abraham Lincoln sending a special envoy to
express sympathy, and presenting his portrait to the
State Department, and at the Centennial Exposition
joining with us; and of Algeria being now the play
ground of travelers, one must acknowledge that a
mighty change has passed over the spirit of the Ber-
bers since this century opened.

Sickness broke out on the big ship Worth Carolina,
and at one time four lieutenants and one-hundred and
twenty-five men were down with small-pox and
catarrh. The wretchedness of the weather at first
allowed little abatement of the trouble, but under
acting Master Commandant Perry’s vigorous and
persistent hygienic measures, including abundant
fumigation, the scourge was checked. His methods
were very obnoxious to some of the officers and crew,
80 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

but were indispensable to secure a clean bill of health,
The commodore wrote from Malta, February 14th,
1827, that the condition of the ship’s people had
greatly improved.

The balmy spring breezes brought recuperation.
The ship, clean and in splendid condition, was ready
to sail homewards. The boatswain’s call, so welcome
and always heard with a thrill of delight — “All
hands up anchor for home,’— was sounded on the
31st of May. The Worth Carolina, leaving behind
her classic waters, moved towards “the free hearts’
hope and home.”

The old weather-beaten hulk that now lies in the
Wallabout is the same old Worth Carolina. What a
change from glory to dry rot! It came to pass that
the American line-of-battle ships, while the most
showy, were also the most unsatisfactory class of
ships in ournavy. They all ended their days as store
ships or as firewood. “The naval mind of the
United States could not work well in old world
harness.”
CHAPTER. X.

THE CONCORD IN THE SEAS OF RUSSIA AND EGYPT.

Tue stormy administration of Andrew Jackson,
which began in 1829, and the vigorous foreign policy
which he inaugurated, or which devolved upon him
to follow up, promised activity if not glory for the
navy. The boundary question with England, and
the long-standing claims for French spoliations prior
to 1801, also pressed for solution.

The pacific name of at least one of the vessels se-
lected to bear our flag, and our envoy, John Randolph
of Roanoke, into Russian waters, suggested the
olive branch, rather than the arrows, held in the
talons of the American eagle. The Concord, which
was to be put under Perry’s command, was named
after the capital of the state in which she was built.
She was of seven hundred tons burthen and carried
eighteen guns. She was splendidly equipped, cost-
ing $115,325; and was destined, before shipwreck
on the east coast of Africa in 1843, to the average
life of fifteen years, and thirteen of active service.

Perry was offered sea-duty April 1. Accepting at
once, he received orders, April 21, to command the
Concord. By May 15, he had settled his accounts at
the recruiting station, and was on the Concord’s deck.
He wrote asking the Department for officers. He
82 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

was especially anxious to secure a good school-master
and chaplain. In those days, before naval academies
on land existed, the school was afloat in the ship
itself, and daily study was the rule on board. Mathe-
matics, French and Spanish were taught, and Perry
took a personal interest in the pupils. In this re-
spect he was the superior even of his brother Oliver,
whose honorable fame as a naval educator equals
that as a victor.

Leaving Norfolk, late in June, a run of forty-three
days, including stops for visits to London and
Elsineur, brought the Concord under the guns of
Cronstadt, August 9. Mr. Randolph spent ten
days in Russia, and then made his quarters in
London.

The honors of this first visit on an American ship-
of-war, in Russian waters, were not monopolized by
the minister. While at Cronstadt, the Czar Nicho-
las came on board and inspected the Cozcord, with
unconcealed pleasure. In return, Perry and a few of
his officers received imperial audience at the palace
in St. Petersburg, and were shown the sights of the
city —the “window looking out into Europe’ —
which Peter the Great built. Being invited to come
again, with only his interpreter and private secretary,
Chaplain Jenks. Perry acceded, and this time the
interview was prolonged and informal. The Auto-
crat of all the Russias, and this representative officer
of the young republic, talked as friend tofriend. At
this time, Alexander, who in 1880 was blown to
IN THE SEAS OF RUSSIA AND EGYPT. 83

pieces by the glass dynamite bombs of the Nihilists,
was a boy twelve years old. Nicholas complimented
Perry very highly on his naval knowledge; remarked
that the United States was highly favored in having
such an officer, and definitely intimated that he
would like to have Perry in the Kussian service. The
chaplain-interpreter gives a pen sketch of the scene.
Both Captain Perry and the Czar were tall and large ;
both were stern; Captain Perry was abrupt, so was
the Czar. They all stood in the great hall of the
palace (the same which was afterwards dynamited by
the Nihilists). The Czar asked a great many ques-
tions about the American navy, and Captain Perry
answered them. Professor Jenks translated for both,
using his own phrases; and, to quote his own de-
scription, “sweetening up the conversation greatly.”
These interviews made a deep impression upon
the young chaplain. As he said: “The Czar had
very remarkable eyes, and he had such a very covet-
ous look when he fixed them on Captain Perry and
myself, that I was very anxious to get out of his
kingdom.” The young linguist felt in the presence of
the destroyer of Poland, very much as the “tender-
foot’’ traveller feels when invited to dine with the
border gentleman who has “killed his man.” The
professor politely declined the Czar’s invitation to
become his superintendent of education, as did Perry
the proposition to enter the Russian naval service.
Nicholas I., one of the best of despots, was the
grandson of Catharine II. By this famous Russian
84 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

queen, had been laid the foundation of that abiding
friendship between Russia and the United States.
To this foundation, Nicholas added a new tier of the
superstructure. King George III. of Great Britain
had, in 1775, attempted to hire mercenaries in Rus-
sia to fight against his American subjects. Queen
Catharine refused the proposition with scorn, reply-
ing that she had no soldiers to sell. While this act
compelled the gratitude of Americans to Russia, it
forced King George to seek among the shambles of
petty princes in Germany, Another friendly act
which touched the heart of our young republic was
the liberal treaty of 1824, the first made with the
United States. This instrument declared the navi-
gation and fisheries of the Pacific free to the people
of both nations. Indirectly, this was the cause of
so many American sailors being wrecked in Japan,
and of our national interest in the empire which
Perry opened to the world.

The warm sympathy existing between Europe’s
first despotism and the democratic republic in Amer-
ica, is a subject profoundly mysterious to the average
Englishman. He wonders where Americans, who
are antipodal to Russians in political thought, find
points of agreement. In Catharine’s refusal to help
Great Britain in oppressing her colonies, in liberal
diplomacy, in the emancipation of her bondmen, and
the abolition of slavery and serfdom, in the sympathy
which covered national wounds, and in mutual sor-
row from assassination and condolence in grief, the
IN THE SEAS OF RUSSIA AND EGYPT. 85

relation is clearly discerned. The cord of friendship
has many strands.

These interviews, aud the honors shown the cap-
tain of the Concord, by the personal presence of the
Czar on his ship, did not serve in allaying the invalid
envoy’s jealous temper. The mainmast of the ves-
sel needed repairs, and she lay at anchor six days—
long enough for Randolph to indite despatches home-
ward, one of which was a spiteful letter to the Presi-
dent, blaming Captain Perry. These were brought
by Lieutenant Williamson on Sunday night, and at 4
A. M. sail was made for Copenhagen. After much
heavy weather, and a boisterous passage, Copen-
hagen was reached September 6.

We may dismiss in a paragraph this whole matter
of Randolph’s connection with the Concord. After
his return home he lapsed into his speech-making
habits. He indulged in slanders and falsehoods, as-
serting that the condition of the sailors was worse
than that of his own slaves, and the discipline, espe-
eially flogging, severer than on the plantation. Perry
and his officers heard of this, and on February 16,
1832, sent an exact report of the correction admin-
istered, proving that Randolph’s assertions were
unfounded. Supported by his own officers, who
voluntarily made flat contradiction of Mr. Ran-
dolph’s assertions, Perry convicted the erring Vir-
ginian of downright falsehood. Perry was careful
to set this matter in its proper light, and two sets of
his papers are now in the naval archives. No cen-
86 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

sure was passed upon him. His conduct was ap-
proved, for Randolph in addition to his disagreeable
behavior, had exceeded his authority. It would be
idle to deny, what it is an honor to Perry to declare,
that the discipline on the Concord was very strict.
Flogging for certain offences was the rule of the
service, not made by Perry but a custom fixed long
before he was born. As a loyal officer, Captain
Perry had no choice in the matter. Whenever pos-
sible, by persuasion, by the the substitution of a rep-
rimand for the cat, he avoided the, then, universal
method of correction. At all the floggings, every
one who could be spared from duty was obliged to be
present. The logs of the Cozcord and of all the
vessels commanded by Perry show that under his dis-
cipline less, and not more, than the average of stripes
were administered. Perry went to the roots of the
matter and was more anxious to apply ounces of
prevention than pounds of cure. The cause of the
offences which brought the cat to the sailors’ back
was ardent spirits. He, therefore,, used his profes-
sional influence to have this ration abolished to
minors, and by his persistence finally succeeded. By
the law of August 29, 1842, the spirit ration was for-
bidden to all under twenty-one years old — money
being paid instead of grog. Asa man, he personally
persuaded the sailors to give up liquor and live by
temperance principles. In this noble work he was
remarkably successful, and the Concord led the squad-
ron in the number of her crew who voluntarily aban-
IN THE SEAS OF RUSSIA AND EGYPT. 87

doned the use of grog. Hence, fewer floggings and
better discipline.

From Copenhagen the run was made to Cowes,
Isle of Wight, September 22, and thence to the
Mediterranean. At Port Mahon the Concord joined
the squadron. The autumn and early winter were
spent in active cruising, and in February we find
Perry at Syracuse. Ever mindful of an opportunity
to add stores of science, he made a collection of the
plants of Sicily and forwarded it to the Massachu-
setts Horticultural Society. A box of other speci-
mens was sent to the Brooklyn Navy Yard.

Leaving Syracuse, February 27, for Malta, and
touching at this island, Captain Petry sailed, March
13, for Alexandria, having on board the Reverend and
Mrs. Kirkland and Lady Franklin and her servants.
Her husband, Sir John Franklin, afterwards world-
renowned as an Arctic explorer, was at this time
taking an active part in the Greek war of liberation.
Perry’s acquaintance with the noble lady deepened
into a friendship that lasted throughout his life. It
was, most probably, through her admiration of the
discipline and ability of the American officers and
crews, that she in after years appealed to them as
well as to Englishmen to rescue her husband. Nev-
ertheless, as Chaplain Jenks noticed. the rose had its
thorn. “Captain Perry had a trial of his patience
with Lady Franklin, whom he took on board when
he went to the Mediterranean. Lady Franklin was
full of her husband; and, of course, at each meal
88 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the whole company had to hear theories and suc-
cesses and memories repeated on the one theme.
Captain Perry bore it all with great gentleness.”

Arriving at Alexandria, March 26, the Concord re-
mained until April 23. The officers of the ship
were invited to dine with Mehemet, the Viceroy of
Egypt, afterwards the famous exterminator of the
Mamelukes and of the feudal system which they
represented and upheld. He had conquered Soudan,
built Khartoum, and founded the Khedival dynasty.
The officers were splendidly entertained by this
latest master of the “Old House of Bondage.”
The thirteen swords, presented to the party, were
afterwards sent “to Washington and placed in the
Department of State. These weapons, still to be
seen in the section devoted to curiosities, are of ex-
quisite workmanship. The “Mameluke grip” was
afterwards adopted on the regulation navy swords.

The Concord, raising anchor, April 3, sailed for
Milo, where the famous statue of Venus had been
found a few weeks before, and passed Candia, going
thence to Napoli, the capital of Greece, saluting the
British, French and Russian fleets, and the Greek
forts. On his way to Smyrna, a rich American ves-
sel received convoy. Another was met which had
been robbed the night before by a party of fifty
pirates in a boat.

In hopes of catching the thieves, and naturally
enjoying a grim joke, Perry put a number of sailors
and marines in hiding on the richly-laden merchant.
IN THE SEAS OF RUSSIA AND EGYPT. 89

man, hoping to lure the pirates to another attack.
The vessel, however, got safely to Paros without
special incident of any kind. He then visited a
number of the robbers’ haunts and scoured the
coasts with boat parties, but without securing any
prizes. The Concord then went to Athens to bring
away the Rev. Mr. Robertson, an American mission-
ary there, together with the property of the Amer-
ican Episcopal Mission, which had been broken up
by the war.

In accordance with the excellent naval policy of
President Jackson, our flag was shown in every
Greek and Turkish port. Wool, opium and drugs
were the staples of export carried in American ves-
sels, and most of those met with were armed with
small cannon and muskets. Arriving at Port Mahon,
the home of our military marine, June 25, 1832,
Perry reported a list of the vessels convoyed. It
was found that in the eighty-two days from Alexandria,
the Concord had visited twelve islands, anchored in
ten ports, and that the ship had lain in port only six-
teen days, being at sea sixty-four days. As strict
sanitary regulations had been enforced, the health of
the crew was unusually good.

At the transfer of the few invalids and of those
whose terms of service had expired, the bugler struck
up the then new, but now old, strain of ‘“ Home,
Sweet Home,” which brought tears to many of the
sailors’ eyes. The sight, so unusual, of a crying
sailor, suggested to a visitor on board that these
90 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

tears were of sorrow for leaving the Concord, than of
joy for returning home. The surrounding cliffs sent
back the notes in prolonged and saddened echoes.
The heart-melting Sicilian air, without whose conse-
crating melody, the stanzas of John Howard Payne
might long since have sunk into the ooze of oblivion,
seemed then, as now, the immortal soul of a perish-
able body.
CHAPTER XI.

A DIPLOMATIC VOYAGE IN THE FRIGATE BRANDY:
WINE.

In his next cruise which we are now to describe,
Perry was to take a hand directly in diplomacy, and
rehearse for the more brilliant drama of Japan
twenty years later.

It was part of the foreign policy of Jackson’s
administration to compel the payment of the long
standing claims for spoliations on American com-
merce by the great Europen belligerents. During
the years from 1809 to 1812, the Neapolitan govern-
ment under Joseph Bonaparte and Murat, kings of
Naples, had confiscated numerous American ships
and cargoes. The claims filed in the State Depart-
ment at Washington amounted to $1,734,993.88.
They were held by various Boston and Philadelphia
insurance companies and by citizens of Baltimore.
The Hon. John Nelson of Frederic, Md. -was
appointed Minister to Naples, and ordered to collect
these claims. Even before the outbreak of the war
in 182, contrary to the general opinion, the amount
of direct spoliations upon American commerce
inflicted by France and the nations then under her
influence exceeded that experienced from Great
Britain. The demands from our government, upon
92 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

France, Naples, Spain and Portugal had been again
and again refused. Jackson, in giving the debtors of
the United States an invitation to pay, backed it by
visible arguments of persuasion. He selected to co-
operate with Mr. Nelson and to command the
Mediterrannan squadron, Commodore Daniel Pat-
terson who had aided him in the defense of New
Orleans in 1815. This veteran of the Tripolitan
campaigns, who in the second war with Great
Britain had defended New Orleans, and aided
Jackson in driving back Packenham, was now 61
years old. He was familiar with the western
Mediterranean from his service as a Midshipman of
over a quarter of a century before. At Port Mahon,
August 25th, 1832, he received the command from
Commodore Biddle. The squadron there consisted
of the Brandywine, Concord and Boston.

This was “the Cholera year” in New York, and
pratique, or permission to enter, was refused to the
American ships at some of the ports. For this
reason, an early demonstration at Naples was decided
upon. Patterson’s plan was that one American ship
should appear at first in the harbour of Naples, and
then another and another in succession, until the
whole squadron of floating fortresses should be
present to second Mr. Nelson’s demands. The
entire force at his command was three fifty-gun
frigates and three twenty-gun corvettes. This suf-
ficed, according to the programme, for a naval drama
in six acts. Commodore Biddle was to proceed first
VOYAGE IN THE FRIGATE BRANDYWINE. 93

with the United States, then the Boston and John
Adams with Commodore Patterson were to follow.

This plan for effective negotation succeeded admi-
rably, though great energy was needed to carry it
out. To take part in it, Perry was obliged to sacri-
fice not only personal convenience, but also to make
drafts upon his purse for which his salary of $1200 per
annum poorly prepared him. Returning from con-
voying our merchant vessels and chasing pirates in
the Levant, he had to endure the annoyance of a
quarantine at Port Mahon during thirty days; and
this, not withstanding all on board the Concord were
in good health. Such was the effect of the fear of
cholera from New York. Despite the urgency of the
business, and the preciousness of time, the Concord,
was moored fast for a month of galling idleness by
Portuguese red tape.

Even upon quarantine—one of the growths and
fruits of science — fasten the parasites of superstition.
Besides the annoyance and loss of moral stamina,
which such unusual confinement produces, it may be
fairly questioned whether quarantine as usually en-
forced does not do, if not as much as harm as good,
a vast amount of injury. Cut off from regular habits,
and immured in unhygienic surroundings, the seeds
of disease are often sown in hardy constitutions.

After thirty days of imprisonment on board, the
officers of the Concord were ready to hail a washer-
woman as an angel of light. They were all looking
forward to such an interview with lively expectation,
94 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

but such a privilege was to be enjoyed by all but the
Captain.

At the last hour, Commodore Biddle fell ill. Un-
able to proceed, as ordered by the Department, to
Naples, Perry was directed by order of Commodore
Patterson to assume command of the flagship Brandy-
wine, a frigate of forty-four guns. This ship, which
recalls the name of a revolutionary battle-field, was
named in honor of Lafayette, even as the Al/ance
had long before signalized, by her name, the aid and
friendship of France in revolutionary days. She had
been launched at Washington during his late visit to
America, after the Marquis had visited the scenes of
the battle in which he had acted as Washington’s
aid.

To the trying duty of taking a new ship and forc-
ing her with all speed night and day to the place
needed, Perry was called before he could even get
his clothes washed. Yet within an hour after his re-
lease, on a new quarter deck, he ordered all sails set
for Naples. For several days, until the goal was in
sight, with characteristic vigor and determination to
succeed, he was on deck night and day enduring the
fatigue and anxiety with invincible resolution.

Mr. Nelson’s demands were at first refused by
Count Cassaro, the Secretary of State. Why should
the insolent petty government of the Bourbon prince
Ferdinand IJ. notorious for its infamous misgover-
ment at home, pay any attention to an almost un-
known republic across the ocean? No! The Yankee
VOYAGE IN THE FRIGATE BRANDYWINE, 95

envoy, coming in one ship, was refused. King Bomba
laughed.

The Brandywine cast anchor, and the baffled envoy
waited patiently for a few days, when another Ameri-
can flag and floating fortress sailed into the harbor.
It was the frigate Unzted States. The demands were
reiterated, and again refused.

Four days slipped away, and another stately vessel
floating the stars and stripes appeared in the bay.
It was the Concord. The Bourbon government, now
thoroughly alarmed, repaired forts, drilled troops and
mounted more cannon on the castle. Still withhold-
ing payment, the Neapolitans began to collect the
cash and think of yielding.

Two days later still another war ship came in. It
was the John Adams.

When the fifth ship sailed gallantly in, the Neapol-
itans were almost at the point of honesty, but three
days later Mr. Nelson wrote home his inability to
collect the bill.

Just as the blue waters of the bay mirrored the
image of the sixth sail, king and government
yielded.*

The demands were fully acceeded to, and interest
was guaranteed on instalments. Mr. Nelson frankly
acknowledged that the success of his mission was
due to the naval demonstration. Admiral Patterson
wrote, “I have remained here with the squadron as

 

* The Navy in Time of Peace, by Rear Admiral John Almy.—
Washingtow Republican March 13, 1884.
96 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

its presence gave weight to the pending negotiations.”
The line of six frigates and corvettes, manned by
resolute men under perfect discipline, and under a
veteran’s command, carried the best artillery in the
world. Ranged opposite the lava-paved streets of
the most densely peopled city of Europe, and in
front of the royal castle, they formed anirresistable
tableau. Neither the castle d’Oro, nor the castle St.
Elmo, nor the forts could have availed against the
guns of the Yankee fleet.

The entire squadron remained in the Bay of Naples
from August 28, to September 15. As the ships
separated, the Brandywine went to Marseilles, and
the John Adams to Havre. The Concord was left
behind to take home the successful envoy. This
compelled Perry’s residence in Naples, at considera-
ble personal expense. The welcome piping of the
boatswain’s orders to lift anchor for the home run
was heard October 15. The ocean crossed, Cape
Cod was sighted December 3, and anchor cast at
Portsmouth December 5. Mr. Nelson departed in
haste to Washington to deck the re-elected Presi-
dent’s cap with a new diplomatic feather, which
greatly consoled him amid his nullification annoy-
ances.

Writing on the twenty-first of December, Perry
stated that the Concord was dismantled. On the
next day he applied for the command of the recruit-
ing station at New York, as his family now made its
home in that city.
VOYAGE IN THE FRIGATE BRANDYWINE. 97

This cruise of thirty months was fruitful of experi-
ence of nature, man, war,diplomacy, and travel. He
had visited the dominions of nine European monarchs
besides Greece, had anchored in and communicated
with forty different ports, had been three hundred
and forty-five days at sea, and had sailed twenty-
eight thousand miles. No officer had appeared as
prisoner or witness at a court-martial, and on no
other vessel had a larger proportion of men given up
liquor. Ship and crew had been worthy of the
name.

During all the cruise, Perry showed himself to be
what rear-admiral Ammen fitly styled him, “one of
the principal educators of our navy.” He directed
the studies of the young midshipmen, advised them
what books to read, what historical sites to visit, and
what was most worth seeing in the famous cities.
He gave them sound hints on how to live as gentle-
men on small salaries. He infused into many of
them his own peculiar horror of debt. He sought
constantly to elevate the ideal of navy men. The
dogma that he insisted upon was: that an officer in
the American Navy should be a man of high culture,
abreast of the ideas of the age, and not a creature of
professional routine. He heartily seconded the zeal
of his scholarly chaplain, Professor Jenks, who was
the confidential secretary of Commodore Perry, and
so became very intimate with him during the cruise
of several years. He was the interpreter to Captain
Perry, and conducted the interviews with the various
crowned heads.
98 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Rear-Admiral Almy says of his commander Mat.
thew Perry at this time that: ‘“ He wasa fine looking
officer in uniform, somewhat resembling the portraits
of his brother the hero of Lake Erie, but not so
handsome, and had a sterner expression and was
generally stern in his manner.”

For the expenses incurred during this cruise in
entertaining the Khedive Mehemet Ali, in performing
duties far above his grade, his extra services on the
Brandywine, and shore residence in Naples, Perry
was reimbursed to the amount of $1,500, by a special
Act of Congress passed March 3, 1835.
CHAPTER XII.

THE FOUNDER OF THE BROOKLYN NAVAL LYCEUM.

AN English writer * in the Naval College at Green-
wich thus compares the life on shore of British and
American officers.

“The officers of the United States navy have one
great advantage which is wanting to our own; when
on shore they are not necessarily parted from the
service, but are employed in their several ranks, in
the different dockyards, thus escaping not only the
private grievance and pecuniary difficulties of a very
narrow half-pay, but also, what from a public point
of view is much more important, the loss of pro-
fessional aptitude, and that skill which comes from
increasing practice.”

When on the 7th of January 1833, Captain Perry
received orders to report to Commodore Charles
Ridgley at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, his longest
term, ten years, of shore duty began. Being now
settled down with his family, and expecting hence-

 

* J. K. Laughton, Excyclopedia Brittanica, vol. ix , article
‘* Farragut.”
TOO MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY,

forth to rear his children in New York, he gave notice
April 24, to the Navy Department that his name
should go on record as a citizen of the Empire State.
He at once began the study and mastery of the steam
engine, with a view of solving the problem of the use
of steam as a motor for war vessels.

That Perry was ‘an educator of the Navy,” and
that he left his mark in whatever field of work he
occupied was again signally shown. He organized the
Brooklyn Naval Lyceum. This institution which still
lives in honorable usefulness is a monument of his
enterprise.

The New York Naval Station in the Wallabout, or
Boght of the Walloons, which to-day lies under the
shadow of the great Suspension Bridge, is easily
accessible by horse-cars, elevated railways, and various
steam vehicles on land und water. In those days, it
was isolated, and ferry-boats were inferior and infre-
quent. Hence officers were compelled to be longer
at the Yard, and had much leisure on their hands.
Desirous of professional improvement for himself
and his fellow-officers, Perry was alert when the
golden opportunity arrived. Finding this at hand, he
first took immediate steps to form a library at the
Yard. He then set about the organization of the
Lyceum, whose beginnings were humble enough.
About this time, money had been appropriated to
construct a new building for the officers of the com-
mandant and his assistants. It was originally in-
THE BROOKLYN NAVAL LYCEUM. Io!r

tended to be only two stories in height. Perry sugges-
ted that the walls be run up another story for extra
rooms. He wrote to the Department. He person-
ally pressed the matter. Permission was granted. A
third floor was added. It was to be used for Naval
courts-martial, Naval Boards, and the Museum,
Library, and Reading Room.

The Lyceum organized in 1833, had now a home.
It was incorporated in 1835, and allowed to hold
‘$25,000 worth of property. The articles of union
declared the Lyceum formed “In order to promote
the diffusion of useful knowledge, to foster a spirit of
harmony and a community of interests in the service,
and to cement the links which unite us as profess-
ional brethren.”

The blazon selected was a naval trophy decorated
with dolphins, Neptune, marine and war emblems,
eagle and flag, with the motto, ‘ Zam Minerva quam
Marte,’ (as well for Minerva, as for Mars.) A free
translation of this would be, ‘“ For culture as. well as
for war.”

Commodore C. G. Ridgley was chosen President,
as was befitting his rank. Perry assumed an hum-
bler office, though he was the moving spirit of this,
the first permanent American naval literary institu-
tion. He presided at its initial meeting. He was
made the first curator of the museum, in 1836 its
Vice President; and later, its President. Officers
and citizens employed by, or connected with the
102 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

navy came forward in goodly numbers as members.
Soon a snug little revenué enabled the Lyceum to
purchase the proper furniture and cases for the
specimens which began to accumulate, as the new
enterprise and its needs began to be known. Pub-
lishers and merchants made grants of books, pic-
tures and engravings. Other accessions to the
library were secured by purchase. From the be-
ginning, and for years afterwards, the Lyceum grew
and prospered. ‘Although other officers rendered
valuable service in the organization, yet the master
spirit was Captain Matthew C. Perry, United States
Navy. From that day to this, the Naval Lyceum
has been a fertile source of professional instruction
and improvement.” Among the honorary members
were four captains in the British navy, three of whose
names, Parry, Ross and Franklin, are imperishably
associated with the annals of Arctic discoveries.
Out of the Lyceum grew the Naval Magazine, an
excellent bi-monthly, full of interest to officers. Of
this Perry was an active promoter, and to it he con-
tributed abundantly, though few or none of the arti-
cles bear his signature. Aiways full of ideas, and
able to express them tersely, the editor could depend
on him for copy, and he did. The Naval Magazine
was edited by the Rev. Charles Stewart. The Advi-
sory Committee consisted of Commodore C. G.
Ridgley, Master Commandant M. C. Perry, C. O.
Handy, Esq., Purser W. Swift, Esq., Lieutenant
THE BROOKLYN NAVAL LYCEUM. 103

Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, Professor E. C. Ward,
and passed Midshipman B. I. Moller. Its subscrip-
tion price was three dollars per annum. Among the
contributors were J. Fenimore Cooper, William C.
Redfield, Esq., Chaplain Walter C. Colton and Dr.
Usher Parsons. In looking over the bound volumes
of this magazine — one of the mighty number of the
dead in the catacombs of American periodical litera-
ture —we find some articles of sterling value and
perennial interest. It was fully abreast of the science
of the age, and urged persistently the creation of a
Naval Academy.

The magazine died, but the Lyceum lived on to
do a good work for many years, notably during our
great civil war. It is still flourishing and is vis-
ited by tens of thousands of persons from all parts
of our country.

Perry had already made his reputation as a scien-
tific student. His motto was “semper paratus.’ He
was ever in readiness for work. The British Admi-
ralty and the United States government were desir-
ous of fuller information about the tides and currents
of the Atlantic ocean, especially those off Rhode
Island and in the Sound. Chosen for the work, Perry
received orders, June Ist, to spend a lunar month on
Gardiner’s Island. The congenial task afforded a
pleasant break in the monotony of life in the navy
yard, and revived memories of the war of 1812. The
careful observations which he made during the month
104 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

of June, embodied in a report, were adopted into the
United States and British Admiraity charts. He
returned home, June 29.

Though Commodore Ridgley was officer-in-chief
in the yard, upon Perry fell most of the active cleri-
cal and superintending work. The frigate, United
States, was fitttng out for service in the Mediterra-
nean, and one of the young midshipmen ordered to
report to her was the gentleman who afterwards be-
came Rear-Admiral George H. Preble, a gallant
soldier, fighter of Chinese pirates, and author of the
History of the American Flag and of Steam Navi-
gation.

He reported to the Navy Yard, May 1, 1836, in
trembling anxiety as to his reception by his supe-
riors. The commandant was absent at the ‘horse-
races on the Long Island course, so young Preble
returned to New York, to his hotel, and again re-
ported May 3.

His first impressions of Master Commandant Perry
are shown in the following doggerel, written in a let-
ter to his sister:

“Charley again was at the race,

But I was minded that the place
Should own me as a Mid.

And since the Com. was making merry,
Reported to_big-whiskered Perry

The Captain of the Yard.
THE BROOKLYN NAVAL LYCEUM. 105

*“¢Mat’ looked at me from stem to stern,
His gaze I thought he ne’er would turn,
No doubt he thought me green.

For I had on a citizen’s coat

Instead of a uniform as I ought,

When going to report.

*‘ At last he said that I could go,
There was no duty I could do,

Until the next day morning.

So I whisked o’er and moved my traps,
And made acquaintance with the chaps
Who were to live with me.”

Perry at this time wore whiskers, and for some
years afterwards cultivated sides in front of the ear.
In later life he shaved his face clean. The fashion
in the navy was to wear only sides, as portraits of all
the heroes of 1812 show. The younger officers
were just beginning to sport moustaches. These
modern fashions and “such fripperies” were de-
nounced by the older men, who clung to their an-
tique prejudices. Hawthorne, in his American Note
Book, August 27, 1837, gives an amusing instance
of this, couched in the language with which he was
able to make the commonest subject fascinating.

That the regulations should prescribe the exact
amount of hair to be worn on the face of both
officers and men seems strange, but it is true, and
illustrates the rigidity of naval discipline. Evidently
inheriting the modern British (not the ancient Brit-
106 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

tanic) hatred of French and continental customs, the
Americans, in high office, forbade moustaches as sav-
oring of disloyalty. Wellington had issued an order
forbidding moustaches, except for cavalry. It was
not until the year of grace, 1853, that the American
naval visage was emancipated from slavery to the
razor. Secretary Dobbin then approved of the cau-
tious regulation: ‘‘The beard to be worn at the
pleasure of the individual, but when worn to be kept
short and neatly trimmed.” What a shame it must
have seemed to feminine admirers, and to the pos-
sessors of luxuriant beards of attractive color! Both
the hairy and hairless were, perforce, placed in the
same democracy of homeliness. The ancient orders,
in the interest of ships’ barbers, and once made to
compensate for the wearing of perukes, were crowned
by the famous proclamation of Secretary Graham,
dated May 8, 1852, which at this date furnishes
amusing reading:

“The hair of all persons belonging to the Navy, when
in actual service, is to be kept short. No part of the
beard is to be worn long, and the whiskers shall not de-
scend more than two inches below the ear, except at sea,
in high latitudes, when this regulation may, for the time,
be dispensed with by order of the commander of a squad-
ron, or of a vessel acting under separate orders. esther
moustaches nor imperials are to be worn by officers or men
on any pretence whatever.”
THE BROOKLYN NAVAL LYCEUM. ‘107

Our illustrious Admiral Porter shaved only once
or twice in his life. During the Mexican War he
found it difficult to get Commodore Conner to give
him service on account of his full whiskers. The
British army wore their beards and now fashionable
moustaches in the trenches of Sebastopol, when it
was difficult, if not impossible to get shaved, and
thus won a hairy victory, the results of which were
felt even across the Atlantic.

Another high honor offered to Perry, was the com-
mand of the famous U. S. Exploring Expedition to
Antarctic lands and seas. This enterprise was the
evolution of an attempt to obtain from Congress an
appropriation to find “Symmes Hole.” The orig-
inator of the “ Theory of Concentric Spheres” was
John Cleves Symmes, born in 1780, and an officer
in the United States army during the war of 1812,
who died in 1829. In lectures at Union College,
Schenectady, and in other places, he expounded his
belief that the earth is hollow and capable of hab-
itation, and that there is an opening at each of the
poles, leading to the various spheres inside of the
greater hollow sphere, the earth itself. He peti-
tioned Congress to fit out an expedition to test this
theory, which had been set forth in his lectures and
in a book published at Cincinnati in 1826.

Despite the ridicule heaped upon Symmes and his’
theories, scientific men believed that the Antarctic
region should be explored. Congress voted that a
108 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

corps of scientific men, in six vessels, should be sent
out for four years in the interests of observation and
research. This was one of the first of those ‘peace
expeditions,” no less renowned than those in war, of
which the American nation and navy may well be
proud.

By this time, however, Perry had become inter-
ested in the idea of creating a steam navy. He
declined the honor, but took a keen interest in the
expedition. An ardent believer in Polar research,
he was heartily glad to see the boundaries of knowl-
edge extended. He had read carefully the record of
the five years’ voyage of the British sloop-of-war
Beagle. In this vessel, Mr. Darwin began those pro-
found speculations on the origin and maintainance of
animal life, which have opened a new outlook upon
the universe and created a fertile era of thought.

The Secretary of the Navy applied to the Naval
Lyceum for advice as to the formation of a scientific
corps, for recommendation of names of members of
said corps, for a series of inquiries for research, and
details of the correct equipment of such an expe-
dition. To thus recognise the dignity and status of
the Lyceum was highly gratifying to its founder and
appreciated by the society. A committee consisting
of three officers, C. G. Ridgley, M. C. Perry and C.
O. Handy, was appointed to make the report. This,
when printed, filled eleven pages of the magazine.
It was mainly the work of M. C. Perry. The practical
THE BROOKLYN NAVAL LYCEUM. 10g

nature of the programme was recognized at once. It
was incorporated into the official instructions for the
conduct of the expedition. The command was most
worthily bestowed on Lieutenant Charles Wilkes.

The success of this, the first American exploring
expedition of magnitude is known to all, through the
publication entitled The Wilkes Exploring Expedition,
as well as by the additions to our herbariums and
gardens of strange plants, and the goodly spoils of
science now in the Smithsonian Institute.
CHAPTER XIH.

THE FATHER OF THE AMERICAN STEAM NAVY.

MatTTHew Perry was now to be called to a new and
untried duty. This was no less than to be pioneer
of the steam navy of the United States. When a
boy under Commodore Rodgers, he had often seen
the inventor, Fulton, busy with his schemes. He
had heard the badinage of good-natured doubters and
the jeers of the unbelieving, but he had also seen the
Demologos, or Fulton Ist, moving under steam. This
formidable vessel was to have been armed, in addition
to her deck batteries, with submarine cannon. She
was thus the prototype of Ericsson’s Destroyer.
Fulton died February 24th, 1815, but the trial trip
was made June Ist, 1815, and was successful.

Congress on the 30th of June, 1834, had appropri-
ated five thousand dollars to test the question of the
safety of boilers in vessels. The next step was to
order the building of a “steam battery” at the Brook-
lyn Navy Yard in 1836. Perry applied for command
of this vessel July 28th. His orders arrived August
31st, 1837.

The second fulton, the pioneer of our American
steam navy, was designed as a floating battery for
the defense of New York harbor. Her hull was of
THE AMERICAN STEAM NAVY. III

the best live oak, with heavy bulwarks five feet thick,
beveled on the outside so as to cause an enemy’s shot
to glance off. She had three masts and was 180 feet
long. She had four immense chimneys, which great-
ly impeded her progress ina head wind. Her boilers
were of copper. Like most of those then in use,
these, where they connected with iron pipes were
apt to create a galvanic action which caused leaks.
Thrice was the vessel disabled on this account. The
paddle-wheels, with enormous buckets were 22 feet
10 inches in diameter. ster armament consisted of
eight forty-two pounders, and one twenty-four pound-
er. Her total cost was $299,650. She carried in her
lockers, coal for two days, and drew 10 feet 6 inches
of water.

Perry took command of the Fulton October 4th,
1837, when the smoke-pipes were up, and the engines
ready for an early trial. His work was more than to
hasten forward the completion of the new steam bat-
tery. He was practically to organize an entirely new
branch of naval economy. ‘There were in the marine
war service of the United States absolutely no pre-
cedents to guide him.

Again he had to be “an educator of the navy.”
To show how far the work was left to him, and was
his own creation, we may state that no authority had

‘been given and no steps taken to secure firemen,
assistant engineers, or coal heavers. The details,
duties, qualifications, wages, and status in the navy
of the whole engineer corps fell upon Perry to settle.
Itz MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

He wrote for authority to appoint first and second
class engineers. He proposed that $25 to $30 a
month, and one ration, should be given as pay to fire-
men, and that they should be good mechanics familiar
with machinery, the use of stops, cocks, guages, and
the paraphernalia of iron and brass so novel on a
man-of-war.

Knowing that failure in the initiative of the exper-
imental steam service might prejudice the public,
and especially the-incredulous and sneering old salts
who had no faith in the new fangled ideas, he re-
quested that midshipmen for the Fudtoz should be
first trained in seamanship prior to their steamer life.
He was also especially particular about the moral
and personal character of the “line” officers who
were first to live in contact with a new and strange
kind of “staff.” It is difficult in this age of war
steamers, when a sailing man of-war or even a paddle-
wheel steamer is a curiosity, to realize the jealousy
felt by sailors of the old school towards the un-naval
men of guages and stop-cocks. They foresaw only
too clearly that steam was to steal away the poetry
of the sea, turn the sailor into a coal-heaver, and the
ship into a machine.

Perry demanded in his line officers breadth of view
sufficient to grasp the new order of things. They.
must see in the men of screws and levers equality of
courage as well as of utility. They must be of the
co-operative cast of mind and disposition. From the
very first, he foresaw that jealousy amounting almost
THE AMERICAN STEAM NAVY, 113

to animosity would spring.up between the line and
staff officers, between the deck and the hold, and he
determined to reduce it to a minimum. The new
middle term between courage and cannon was caloric.
He would provide precedents to act as anti-friction
buffers so as to secure a maximum of harmony.

“The officers of a steamer should be those of
established discretion, not only that great vigilence
will be required of them, but because much tact and
forbearance must necessarily be exercised in their
intercourse with the engineers and firemen who,
coming froma class of respectable mechanics and
unused to the restraints and discipline of a vessel of
war, may be made discontented and unhappy by in-
judicious treatment ; and, as passed midshipmen are
supposed to be more staid and discreet I should pre-
fer most of that class.”

“In this organization of the officers of this first
American steamer of war, I am solicitous of establish-
ing the service on a footing so popular and respecta-
ble, as to be desired by those of the navy who may
be emulous of acquiring information in a new and
interesting field of professional employment, and I
ar sure that the Department will co-operate so far as
it may be proper in the attainment of the object.”

That was Matthew Perry—ever magnifying his
office and profession. He believed that responsibility
helped vastly to make the man. He suggested that
engineers take the oath, and from first to last be held
to those sanctions and to that discipline, which would
114 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

create among them the esprzt so excellent inthe line
officers.

Out of many applicants for engineer’s posts on the
Fulton, Perry, to November 16th, had selected only
one, as he was determined to get the best. He be-
lieved in the outward symbols of honor and authority.
“Tn order to give them a respectable position, and to
encourage pride of character in their intercourse with
citizens, and to make them emulous to conduct them-
selves with propriety, I would respectfully suggest
that a uniform be assigned tothem.” He proposed
the usual suit of plain blue coat with rolling collar,
blue trousers, and plain blue cap. The distinction
between first and second engineers should be visible,
only in the number and arrangement of the buttons ;
the first assistant to wear seven, and the second as-
sistant six in front, both having one on each collar,
and slight variation on the skirts. Later on, the
paddle-wheel wrought in gold bullion was added as
part of the uniform. “The olive branch and paddle-
wheel on the collars of the engineers designated their
special vocation, and spoke of the peaceful progress
of art and science.”

The sailors, who as a class are too apt to be chil-
dren of superstition, were somewhat backward about
enlisting on a war-ship with a boiler inside ready to
turn into an enemy if struck by a shot; but at last
after many and unforeseen delays, the Fulton got out
into the harbor early in December. Steam was raised
in thirty minutes from cold water. Many of the
THE AMERICAN STEAM NAVY. 115

leading engineers and practical mechanics were on
board. With ten inches of steam marked on the
guage, and twenty revolutions a minute, she made
ten knots an hour, justifying the hope that she would
increase her speed to twelve or even thirteen knots.
The first assistant-engineers of this pioneer war
steamer were Messrs. John Farron, Nelson Burt, and
Hiram Sanford.

The Chief Engineer was Mr. Charles H. Haswell,
now the veteran city surveyor of New York.

Perry wrote December 17, 1837, “T have estab-
lished neat and economical uniforms for the different
grades.” He also arranged their accommodations on
the vessel, and their routine of life was soon estab-
lished. A trial trip to go outside the bay and in the
ocean was arranged for December 28, but the old-
fashioned condensing apparatus worked badly. The
machinery of the /i/ton, though perhaps the best for
the time, was of rude pattern as compared with the
superb work turned out today in American foundries.
Even this clumsy mechanical equipment had not
been obtained without great anxiety, patience, and
delay, and by taxing all the resources of the New
York machine shops.

Of her value as a moving fortress, Perry wrote:
“The Fulton will never answer as a sea-vessel, but
the facility of moving from port to port, places at
the service of the Department, a force particularly
available for the immediate action at any point.”
With the lively remembrance of the efficiency of the
116 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

British blockade of New York and New London in
the war of 1812, he adds, “In less than an hour,
after orders are received, the Fz/ton can be moving
in any direction at the rate of ten miles an hour,
with power of enforcing the instructions of the
government.”

On the 15th of January 1838, Captain Perry re-
ceived orders to carry out the Act of Congress, and
cruise along the coast. Perry wrote pointing out, (I)
that the heavy and clumsy Fu/éon, a veritable floating
fortress being unlike ocean steamers, was not likely
to prove seaworthy, (2) she was adapted only to bays
and harbors, (3) she could carrry fuel only for seventy
hours consumption; (4), that no deposits of coal
were yet made along the coast; (5), that her wheel
guards being only twenty inches clear, the boat would
be extremely wet and dangerous at sea. Neverthe-
less he promised to take this floating battery out into
the ocean back to the coaling depot, and thence
through the Long Island Sound.

Accordingly January 18, the Futon steamed down
to Sandy Hook and anchoring at night, ran out as
the wintry weather permitted during the day. In a
wind the vessel labored hard. She lay so low in the
water, that several of her wheel buckets were lost or
injured, and the previous opinion of naval men was
confirmed. Nevertheless, Perry was astonished at
her power, and her facility of management demon-
strated a new thing on board a vessel of war. Hav-
ing asked for the written opinion of his officers,
THE AMERICAN STEAM NAVY. 117

several interesting replies were elicited. The Acting
Master C. W. Pickering noted that the Fu/ton carried
six forty-four pounders, and being a steamer could
have choice of position and distance. Two or three of
such vessels could cripple a whole enemy’s squadron
or destroy it. Incase of a calm, she could fight a
squadron all day, and not receive a shot. In case of
chase, or light winds, she could destroy a squadron
one by one, or tow them separately out of sight as
was desired. The trial in the Sound proved her one
of the fastest boats known. From New London with
91-2 inches steam she made twenty-eight miles in
one hour and fifty-seven minutes, or one hundred and
eighteen miles in little less than nine hours.

Her utility on a blockade was manifest, and her
advantage in every point over sailing vessels demon-
strated. She would in a fight be equal to any
“seventy-four” and in fact to any number of vessels
not propelled by steam. Her strength and power
were unrivalled in the world.

Lieut. Wm. F. Lynch, afterwards the Dead Sea ex-
plorer and later the Confederate Commodore, sug-
gested a better arrangement of her battery. Taking
a hint from Jackson’s cotton-bale breast-works of
1815, he pointed out how the Fulton might be made
cotton-clad and shot-proof. He carried out his idea in
later years, and some of the confederate steamers in
the civil war were so armed and made formidable.
It is interesting to read now what he wrote in 1838.
“The machinery can easily be protected by cotton
118 MATTHEW CALBRAITIT PERRY.

bales, or other light elastic material between it and
the ship’s side.” The idea of protecting armor to
war ships was first conceived by Americans.

In fact, all the opinions as to the Fulton's capacity
for the offense or defense were favorable. <A glow of
enthusiasm pervades the reports of those on board
the maiden trip of this the first American war
steamer. Perry himself saw her defects, and how
they could be remedied. Her machinery and _hori-
zontal engines took up too much room. Yet even as
she was, her annual expenses would be less than a
first class vessel of war under sail with proportionate
crew, provisions, and canvass.

By prophetic insight, Perry saw that the revolution
in naval education, tactics and warfare had already
dawned. Writing from Montauk Point, February 6,
1838, he suggested that a training school for naval
engineers should be established by the government,
that firemen apprentices should be enlisted and
trained, stating that these had better be sons of engi-
neers and firemen. The Secretary immediately
approved of his suggestion in a letter dated February
13, 1838. He directed Commodore Ridgely to place
on the Fulton five apprentices to be exclusively at-
tached to the engineer’s department.* What was first
suggested by Perry, is now magnificently realized in
the Annapolis Naval Academy, with its six years
course in engineering, graduating yearly a corps of ,
cadet engineers among the best in the world.

 

* See Appendix— The Naval Apprenticeship System.
THE AMERICAN STEAM NAVY. TIg

In a further report, written from Gardiner’s Island
February 17, 1838, Perry uttered his faith that sea-
going war steamers of 1400 or 1500 tons could be
built to cruise at sea even for twenty days, and yet
be efficient and as safe from disaster as the finest
frigates afloat, while the expense would be considera-
bly less. This was a brave utterance at a time when
the number of believers in the possibility of the
financial success of ocean steam navigation, or of the
practicability of large war vessels propelled by steam,
was very few indeed. Perry’s letter was read and
re-read by the Naval Commissioners.

In May, he took the Fuétoz to Washington, where
President Jackson and his cabinet enjoyed the sight
of a war-ship independent of wind and tide. It was
intimated to Perry that he should be sent to Europe
to study the latest results in steam, ordnance, and
light-house illumination.

The year 1837 was a memorable one for Matthew
Perry, marking his promotion to a Captaincy in the
United States Navy. The emblazoned parchment
bearing President Andrew Jackson’s signature is
dated February 9, 1837. He ranked number forty-
four in the list of the fifty naval captains allowed by
law. By the Act of Congress of March 8, 1835, the
pay of a captain off duty was $2,500, on duty, $3,500,
and in command of a foreign squadron, $4,000.
CHAPTER XIV.
PERRY DISCOVERS THE RAM.

AN accident which happened to the Fu/toz belongs
to the history of modern warfare. It revealed to
Perry’s alert mind a valuable principle destined to
work a revolution in the tactics of naval battles.
Like the mountaineer of Potosi who when his bush
failed as a support, found something better in the
silver beneath, so Perry discovered at the roots of a
chance accident a new element of power in war.

The Fulton was rather a massive floating battery
than a sea-steamer. Once started, her speed for
those days was respectable, but to turn her was no
easy matter. To stop her quickly was an impossi-
bility.

On the 28th of August, the Fz/ton, while making her
way to Sandy Hook amid the dense crowd of sloops,
schooners, ships and ferry-boats of the East river,
came into partial collision with the Montevideo.
The brig lay at anchor, and Lieutenant Lynch in
charge of the Fu/fon, wished to pass her stern, and
ahead of her starboard quarter. When nearly up
with the brig, the flood tide running strongly caused
her to sheer suddenly to the full length of her cable
and thus brought her directly in line of the contem-

e
PERRY DISCOVERS THE RAM. 121

plated route. Lynch, to save life, was obliged to
destroy property and strike the brig.

The steamer’s cutter and gig were stove in and
her bulwarks, in paint and nails, somewhat injured.
With the brig the case was different. Though only
a glancing stroke, the smitten vessel was all but
sunk,

Captain Perry was not on board the Futon, having
remained on shore owing to indisposition. On hear-
ing the story of Lieutenant Lynch, there was at
once revealed to him the addition that steam had
made to the number and variety of implements of
destruction. The old trireme’s beak was to reappear
on the modern steam war vessel and create a double
revolution in naval warfare. The boiler, paddle and
serew had more than replaced the war galley’s banks
of oars, by furnishing a motive power that hereafter
should not only sink the enemy by ramming, but
should change the naval order of battle. The
broadside to broadside lines of evolution must give
way to fighting “prow on.” In a word, he saw the
ram.

Perry required written reports of the affair from
his lieutenants, and wrote a letter to the Secretary of
the Navy suggesting the possibilities of the rostral
prow.

To think of the new weapon was to wish to demon-
strate its power. He proposed to try the Fulton
again, purposely, upon a hulk, to satisfy himself as
to the sinking power of the stearner. He arranged

-
122 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

to do this by special staying of the boiler pipes and
chimneys, so that no damage from the shock would
result. He was also prepared, by exact mathemati-
cal computation of mass, velocity and friction, with
careful observations of wind and tide, to express the
results with scientific accuracy.

The report duly was received at Washington and,
instead of being acted upon, was pigeon-holed.
Perry was unable, at private expense, to follow up
the idea, but thought much of it at the time, and the
subject, though not officially noticed, remained in
his mind.

After the Mexican War, having leisure, he wrote
the following letter : —

Wasuincton, D. C., Nov. 11, 1850.

Srr, — Since the introduction of steamers of war into
the navies of the world, I have frequently thought that a
most effectual mode of attack might be brought into oper-
ation by using a steamer as a striking body, and precipi-
tating her with all her power of motion and weight upon °
some weak point of a vessel of the enemy moved only by
sails, and, seizing upon a moment of calm, or when the
sail vessel is motionless or moving slowly through the
water.

I had always determined to try this experiment, should
opportunity afford, and actually made preparations for
securing the boilers and steam pipes of the Fu/fon at New
York, when I thought it probable I might be sent in her
to our eastern border ports at the time of the expected
PERRY DISCOVERS THE RAM. 123

rupture with Great Britain upon the North Eastern Bound-
ary question.

Experience has shown that a vessel moving rapidly
through the water, and striking with her stem another mo-
tionless, or passing in a transverse direction, invariably
destroys or seriously injures the vessel stricken without
material damage to the assailant. Imagine for example
the steamer Afisszssifpi under full steam and moving at
the moderate rate of 12 statute miles per hour, her weight
considered as a projectile being estimated as 2,500 tons,
the minimum calculation, and multiplying this weight by
her velocity, say 17 1-2 feet per second, the power and
weight of momentum would be a little short of 44,000 tons,
and the effect of collision upon the vessel attacked,
whatever may be her size, inevitably overwhelming.

It may be urged that the momentum estimated by the
above figures may not be as effective as the rule indicates,
yet it cannot be maintained that there would not be
sufficient force for all the purposes desired.

I have looked well into the practicability of this mode of
attack, and am fully satisfied that if managed with deci-
sion and coolness, it will unquestionably succeed and
without immediate injury to the attacking vessel. Much
would of course depend on the determination and skill of
the commander, and the self-possession of the engineers
at the starting bars, in reversing the motion of the engines
at the moment of collision; but coolness under dangers
of accident from the engines or boilers, is considered, by
well trained engineers, a point of honor, and I feel well
assured there would be no want of conduct or bearing in
either those or the other officers of the ship.

The preparations for guarding the attacking steamer
124 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

against material damage would be to secure the boilers
more firmly in their beds, to prepare the steam pipes and
connections so as to prevent the separation of their joints,
to render firm the smoke-stack by additional guys and
braces, to strip off the lower masts and toremove the
bowsprit. All these arrangements could be made in little
time and without much inconvenience.

It would be desirable that the bowsprit should be so
fitted as to be easily reefed or removed, but in times of
emergency, this spar should not for a moment be con-
sidered as interposing an obstacle to the contemplated
collision.

It will be said, and I am free to admit, that much risk
would be encountered by the steamer from the guns of
the vessel assailed, say of a line-of-battle ship or frigate,
but considering the short time she would be under fire,
her facilities for advance and retreat, of choice of position
and of the effect of her own heavy guns upon the least
defensible point of the enemy's ship on which she would
of course advance, the disparity of armaments should not
be taken into view.

I claim no credit for the originality of this suggestion,
well knowing that the ancients in their sea fights dashed
their sea-galleys with great force one upon the other, nor
am I ignorant of the plan of a steam prow suggested
some years ago by Commodore Barron.* My proposition

 

* Commodore James Barron's model of his ‘‘ prow-ship”’ was
exhibited in the rotunda of the capitol in Washington in 1836.
As described by him in the Patent Office reports, it was a mere
mass of logs, white pine, poplar, or gum-tree wood. Perry
meant to use a real ship always available for ramming.
PERRY DISCOVERS THE RAM. 125

is simply the renewal of an ancient practice by the appli-
cation of the power unknown in early times, and, as many
believe, in the beginning of its usefulness.
With great respect, I have the honor to be,
Your most obedient servant,
M. C. PERRY,
THE Hon. Wo. A. GRAHAM,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.

Twenty years later in the river of her own name,
the war-steamer M7sszssippi became a formidable ram,
though before this time in 1859, the French iron-
clad, La Glotve had been launched. It had been
said of the British Admiral, Sir George Sartorius,
that “He was one of the first to form, in 1855, the
revolution in naval warfare, by the renewal of the
ancient mode of striking an adversary with the prow.”
It will be seen that Perry anticipated the Europeans
and taught the Americans.

Other points in this letter of Perry's are of interest
at this time. First, last, and always, Perry honored
the engineer and believed in his equal possession,
with the line officers, of all the soldierly virtues, not-
withstanding that the man at the lever, out of sight
of the enemy, must needs lack the thrilling excite-
ment of the officers on deck. He felt that courage
in the engine-room had even a finer moral strain than
the more physically exciting passions of the deck.

We may here note that Perry really had part in
the naval victories of our civil war. The method
126 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

of ramming action, as used by Farragut in his
brilliant victories of wooden steamers over Confed-
erate iron-clads, was that out-lined by Perry years
before.

Perry also made a thorough study, so far as it was
then possible, of the problems of resistance and
penetration, of rifled cannon and of iron-clad armor.

He was for years on the board of officers appointed
to report upon the Stevens floating battery at
Hoboken. Until his death, he was familiar with the
whole question, and believed in the early adoption of
both rifles and armoron ships. Prior tothe Mexican
War he thought the right course was to develop to
the highest stage of efficiency the ram and the
smooth bore shel] gun. It turned out that in the
war for the Union in 1861, most of the naval officers
associated with him and who shared his ideas were
on the Confederate side. Hence the Southerners
were in a much better state of advanced naval
science than the Northerners. Even the Monitor
was the fruit of a private inventor, and not of a
naval officer. The first appearance of an iron coat on
an American war vessel, and the first ram effec-
tively used in war were upon the Confederate
steamer Virginia (the old Aferrimac) which was the
idea and application of T. Ap. Catesby Jones; while
the Zennesee in Mobile Bay was wholly the creation
of Franklin Buchanan. Both of these gentlemen
were life-long friends, and subordinate officers, who
were also familiar with the problem of ramming, and
-PERRY DISCOVERS THE RAM. 127

enjoyed Perry’s confidence and ideas. For the
methods of the Merrimac in her devastation of the
Federal fleet at Hampton Roads, the epistle of Perry
might seem almost a letter of instruction.

Had good machinists and founderies existed in the
South, in number proportionate to that of Confed-
erate naval officers, the story of Mobile Bay and the
Mississippi river might have been different. With
no lack of courage or skiJl in the northern sailors
and their leaders, their greatest ally lay in the poor
machinery ‘of the Confederate iron-clads. These
were true testudos in armor, but fortunately for the
Union cause they were tortoises in speed also. Or, to
change the metaphor, though meant to act as sword-
fish, they behaved as sluggishly as whales. They
fell a prey even to wooden vessels able to obey their
helms but moving rapidly with sinking force.

With the old system of tactics under sail, no
ramming was possible, as the vessel under propulsion
would expose herself to a raking fire while slowly
working up to position. Gunpowder rendered ob-
solete the trireme ram. Steam, by its gigantic
propelling force, had now in turn overcome gun-
powder.

The model of the machine-ram, made by Captain
Samuel Barron in 1827, and referred to by Captain
Perry is now at Annapolis Naval Academy. So far
as we can gather, Perry had not seen this at the
time of his first writing of the ram in 1839. His
valuable paper was duly read, laid aside and bound
128 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

up with other ‘Captains Letters” in 1839 and
forgotten. When in 1861, the Merrimac, steaming
out from Norfolk, by one thrust of her iron snout
turned the grand old wooden frigate, Cumberland,
into a sunken hulk, she revealed the powers of the
ram to the whole world. The curtain then fell on
the age of wood and ushered in the age of iron.
CHAPTER XV.
LIGHTHOUSE ILLUMINATION, LENSES OR REFLECTORS ?

THE water-ways leading to New York are such as
to make Manhattan Island unique in its advantages
for commerce. Already the metropolis of the conti-
nent, itis yet to be the commercial centre of the
world. Until 1837 these highways of sea, river, and
bay were greatly neglected, and on all except moon-
light nights, vessels had great difficulty in approach-
ing the city. Raritan and Newark bays were so
destitute of buoys and beacons, that pilots charged
double rates for navigating ships in them, rocks lit-
tered their channels, and the benighted New Jersey
coast was jeeringly said to be “outside of the United
States.” During the summer of 1837, Captains
Kearney, Sloat, and Perry made a study of the water
approaches to New York, the latter concerning him-
self with the Jersey side. His report, written at
Perth Amboy, December 9, 1837, was made such
good use of in Congress by Senator G. D. Wall, that
a bill for the creation of light-houses was passed, and
Captain Perry was ordered to Europe for further
study.

Embarking on the steamer Great Western on her
second round trip, June 27, 1838, Perry crossed the
130 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY,

ocean when such a voyage was a novelty. The pas-
sage occupied twelve and a half days, during which a
constant study of the engines and their behavior, and
of wages and fuel satisfied him that steam could be
applied to war vessels with safety and economy.
This was in 1838, yet even as late as 1861, there were
American naval officers more afraid of the boilers
under their feet, than of the enemy’s guns; and many
old sea-dogs stili believed in the general efficiency of
sailing frigates over steamers.

Arriving at Bristol his first business was to visit
the lighthouses of the United Kingdom, after which
he returned to London. In the foundries and ship-
yards he acquainted himself with engineers and man-
ufacturers. He found a ferment of ideas. A real
revolution in naval science was in progress. The
British government was ambitious to have the largest
steamer force in the world ready for sudden hostilities
so as to possess an over-whelming advantage. So
much encouragement was given by the admiralty,
that nearly every mechanic in the kingdom, as it
seemed, was eager to invent, improve or discover new
steps to perfection. Especial attention was given to
the problem of the economy of fuel. Vessels wholly
built of iron were beginning to be common. These,
as Perry predicted, were ultimately to have the
preference for peaceful purposes, but their fitness as
war vessels was still uncertain. Two were then
building for the Emperor of Russia. The first pad-
dle-wheel steamers, Penelope, Terrible, and Valorous,
LIGHTHOUSE ILLUMINATION. 131

were afloat or building. The era of steam appliances
as a substitute for manual labor aboard ships was
being ushered in.

It is now seen that the immediate fruit of this
possession, by the British government, of steam both
as a motor and a substitute for manual labor on ship-
board, was the growth of an imperial policy of exten-
sive colonial dependencies and possessions for which
the Victorian era will ever be conspicious in history.
The British Empire could never have become the
mighty agglomeration which it now is, except through
the agency of steam. The new force was not an
olive branch, nor calculated to keep the battle flags
furled ; for already, the first of the twenty-five wars
which the Victorian era has thus far seen had begun.

At the time of Perry's visit, however, Britain’s
exclusive domain seemed threatened by France. The
spirit of invention and improvement, encouraged by
Louis Philippe, was abroad in “la belle France.”
Already nine war steamers afloat, with more planned
on paper, the beginning of a respectable sea-force,
were within two hours of England. A vigorous
naval policy was in popular favor and the Prince de
Joinville, in command of a corvette, the Creole, was
beginning to express views which alarmed the Ad-
miralty. The brilliant successes of the French in
Mexican waters, the capture of the castle of St. Juan
d’Ulloa after six hours bombardment, in which the
terrific power of shells had been demonstrated, en-
couraged them to believe that their rivalry with
132 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

England on the ocean was again possible. The
undisputed supremacy of the British on the seas since
Trafalgar, had, except from 1812 to 1815, remained
unbroken because the only Jarge navy left in Europe
was British. France, now recovering from the long
impoverishment inflicted upon her by the wars of
Napoleon, was investing her money largely in steam
war-vessels of the finest type. Fortunately for her,
the revival of her financial fortunes co-incided with
the era of steam, and every franc applied to naval
uses was expended on first-class vessels equal to any
on the seas. On the contrary, many of the British
fleet were sailing vessels. Furthermore, the science
of artillery was undergoing a revolution, and France
led the way in ordnance as well asin ships. Such
an unexpected development of energy and wisdom
in her rival startled the English naval mind as it
afterward aroused the British public.

The carronades or “smashers”’ of the sailors, had
had their day and their glory was already passing
away. The Paixhans gun, or chambered ordnance
capable of horizontal shell-firing, was now to super-
sede them. Fully alive to the needs of the times,
the British government had three war steamers
equipped, five were in course of construction, and the
keels of six others were soon to be laid. These were
to be of from eight hundred to twelve hundred tons
and to mount heavy shell guns at each end and in
broadside. Even then, they had but fourteen against
the nineteen steamers of France and hence the fever-
ish desire for more.
LIGHTHOUSE ILLUMINATION. 133

Perry’s visit to Europe was exceedingly well-timed
to secure the largest results, for a revolution in opti-
cal science and applied methods of illumination, as
well as in ships and guns, was at hand. Science and
invention were to do much for the saving of human
life as well as for its destruction. The balances of
Providence were to settle to a new equilibrium.

Crossing the channel, he visited Cherbourg and
Brest, there finding the same courtesy and cordial
reply to his questions. In Paris he came in contact
with a number of distinguished scientific men. He
was especially well assisted by the United States
Agent, Mr. Eugene A. Vail. The illustrious Augus-
tin Fresnel who had said in a letter to a friend,
December 14, 1814, that he did not know what the
phrase “the polarization of light meant,” was in 1819
crowned by the French Academy of Science as the
first authority in optics. He had demonstrated to
his countrymen the error of the old theory of the
transmission of light by the emission of material
particles. This he had achieved by the study of
polarization. The practical application of his re-
searches to the apparatus of lighthouses struck a
death-blow to the old system of coast illumination.

Among other pleasant experiences in the French
capital, was a second visit to King Louis Philippe.
Invited by His Majesty to an informal supper, at
which the royal family were present, Captain Perry
took his seat at their table as a guest feeling more
honored by this private confidence than if at a state
134 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

dinner. At the table sat the King’s wife and child-
ren, tea being poured by the Queen herself. At this
time, the Duc d’ Orleans, son of the King, was rejoic-
ing over the recent birth of ason. His name was
Louis Albert Philippe d’ Orleans, Comte de Paris.
He afterwards served in the Union armies during
our civil war of 1861-65, and is the accomplished
author of the best general history of that series of
events yet published, Aéstorie de la Guerre Civile en
Amerique. At this time, November 1838, the infant
boy was not quite three months old, and the talk and
thoughts of the royal family were centered on him.

Leaving Portsmouth December Io, by sailing
packet, Perry arrived in New York, January 14, 1839.
After a few days spent at home he went to Washing-
ton to deliver up his rich spoil of contemporaneous
science, and his own elaborate reports, criticisms,
and suggestions. His face was flushed with the irre-
sistible enthusiasm of new ideas. And his thought
was in the direction of the future. The wires of a
magnetic telegraph had been strung across the cam-
pus of Princeton college, four years before this, by
Professor Joseph Henry. Out of the discoveries of
Faraday and Henry, brilliant results had sprung, of
which application to the arts of war and peace was
already being made. Both as a naval officer and asa
lover of science, Perry rejoiced to see

“Undreamed-of sciences from year to year
Upon dim shores of unexplored Night
Their steady beacons kindle.”
LIGHTHOUSE ILLUMINATION. 135

He now bent his energies to bring before Congress
the condition and needs of our lighthouse system.
He wrote a vigorous and detailed letter exposing the
abuses and the schemes of the ignorant set of plun-
derers who were opposing improvement. He proved
that often important lighthouses were left for days in
charge of wholly incompetent persons, Hence there
was Waste, robbery, and inefficency, while a powerful
combination held the system in its coils. “The
Light-house Ring” was then as strong as that of
“The Indian Ring” of later years. Further, the
battle was one of science and new ideas against ignor-
ance and ultra-conservative old fogyism. The lenses
were struggling against the reflectors. The latter
were the outcome of the emission theory of the pro-
pagation of light. The Lenticular method was based
on the undulatory theory. Ignorance and avarice
long held the field, but under the hammer-like facts
and arguments of Perry, and those who thought with
him, both were routed, and the present grand system
is the final result. Our lighthouse establishment is
not a creation, it is a growth.

At the Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia in
1876, the exhibit made by the government of the
United States was under the charge of Rear Admiral
Thornton A. Jenkins, one of Perry’s pupils and
friends. The triumphs of a half century in the illumi-
nating art were manifest. Progress had at first crept
by slow steps, from rude beacons of wood or coal fires
on headlands, to oil lamps with flat wicks and spheri-
136 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

cal reflectors, to paraboloid mirrors and argand
burners, to eclipse revolving or flashing lights. The
katoptric system of Teulére, based on the reflection
of light by metallic surfaces was introduced about
1790, and soon came in vogue among most civilized
nations. It was costly and expensive, since half the
rays of light were lost by absorption in the mirror
even when new and perfectly polished ; while the loss
was far more when the mirror was old, unclean, or in
constant use. Yet despite its many defects, it was
the best of its kind known until Fresnel’s brilliant
discoveries based on the principle of a burning-glass
or convex lens refraction. After a struggle, the
dioptric conquered the katoptric, and lenses rule
the coast.

It was to introduce the dioptric system that Perry
now earnestly labored. The influence of his argu-
ments‘in Congress was powerful, and from this time
the lenticular method prevailed, and the system of
lighthouses on all our coasts was extended. From
the first lighthouse built by the general government
in 1791 at Cape Henry, the number had increased to
seven in 1800. In 1838 there were but sixteen. The
number now is not far from 250.

No less an authority than Rear Admiral Thorn-
ton A. Jenkins, who, besides being the Naval Secre-
tary of the Light-House Board from 1869 to 1871,
framed the organic law under which the present effi-
cient Light-House Board was established in 1852,
says that “Through Perry’s influence the first real
LIGHTHOUSE ILLUMINATION. 137

step was taken towards the present good system.”
The light on the Neversink Highlands which ‘the
voyager to Europe sees, as the last sign of native
land as it sinks. below the horizon is one of the first,
as it was the direct, fruits of Perry’s mission.

In an excellent article on this subject in the Am-
erican Whig Review, March 1845, the same which
contained Poe’s ‘‘ Raven,” the writer, after com-
mending Perry’s work and expatiating on the excel-
lence of the Fresnel light, pleads for the union of
‘science and experience, and more administrative
‘method for this branch on the efficacy and perfection
of which depend, not only the wealth with which our
ships are freighted, but the lives of thousands who
follow the sea.

When, in 1852, Perry lived to see his efforts
crowned with success, and Congress finally organized
the Light-House Board, Jenkins wished Perry to
take the presidency of the Board; but other matters
‘were pressing, Japan was looming up, and he
declined.
CHAPTER XVI.

REVOLUTIONS IN NAVAL ARCHITECTURE.

On his return from Europe, in 1839, Captain Perry
purchased a plot of land near Tarrytown, New York.
He built a stone cottage, to which he gave th> 2 pro-
priate name of “The Moorings.” The fair ‘om-
prised about 120 acres; and, needing much improve-
ment, he set about utilizing his few leisure hours
with a view to its transformation. Revelling in the
exercise of tireless energy, he set out trees and
planted a garden.

To get time for his beloved tasks he rose early in
the morning, and long before breakfast had accom-
plished yeoman’s toil. If no nobler work ‘presented
itself, this man of steam and ordnance weeded straw-
berry beds. In due time this Jason sowing his pecks,
not of dragon’s teeth, but of approved peas and beans,
rejoiced in a golden fleece and real horn of plenty in
the darling garden which produced twelve manner of
vegetables.

At “Moorings” Perry was surrounded by most
pleasant neighbors and a literary atmosphere which
stimulated his own pen to activity during the winter,
when long evenings allured to fireside enjoyments or
studious labor.
REVOLUTIONS IN NAVAL ARCHITECTURE. 139

About this time, Lieutenant Alexander Slidell Mac-
Kenzie, impelled by a request of the dead hero’s son,
and irritated at the criticisms of J. Fenimore Cooper,
began his life of Oliver Hazard Perry. In this he
was assisted somewhat by Captain Perry, who corres-
ponded with General Harrison and other eye-wit-
nesses of the Lake Erie campaign of 1814. Among
Perry’s papers, are several autograph letters in the
cramped handwriting of the hero of Tippecanoe.
Although admiring Harrison as a military man, and
highly amused at the popularity and oddities of his
hard cider and log cabin campaign, Perry voted, as
was his wont, the Democratic ticket.

Another neighbor was Washington Irving, the
great caricaturist of the Hollanders in America, who
dwelt in the many gabled and weather-vaned Woolfert’s
Roost. This quaint old domicile which Woolfert
the Dutchman built to find Just zz rus¢ (pleasure in
rest), crowned a hill over-looking the Tappan Zee, in
the south of Tarrytown, while the “ Moorings” was
in the northern part towards Sing Sing. Perry
maintained with Irving a warm friendship to the last.
He was an ardent admirer of the genial bachelor
author of Sunnyside, and like him was a devoted
reader of Addison. A humbler but highly appre-
ciated neighbor was Captain Jacob Storm, who owned
the sloop William A. Hart, on which both Irving
and Perry often sailed up from New York. Storm
was a genial and unique character, famous until
his death in 1883, alike for his mother-wit and devo-
tional spirit.
140 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

James Watson Webb, then the Hotspur, and after-
wards the Nestor, of the press was a genial neighbor
and life-long friend.

The changes in naval construction required by the
necessities of war, have been many. The history of
ship building is literally one of ups and downs.
Three great revolutions, of the oar, the sail, and the
boiler, have compelled the changes. The ancient
sea-boats grew into high decked triremes with many
banks of oars, and these again to the low galleys of
the Vikings and Berbers. The sides of these, in turn,
were elevated until cumbersome vessels with lofty
prow, many-storied and tower-like stern, and enormous
top-hamper sailed the seas. Again, the ship of the
Tudor era was only, by slow processes, cut down to
the trim hulls of Nelson’s line-of-battle ships.

In the clean lines of the American frigate, the
naval men of our century saw, as they believed, the
acme of perfection. They considered that no revolu-
tion in the science of war could seriously affect their
shape. Down to 1862, this was the unshakeable
creed of the average sailor. Naval orthodoxy is as
tough in its conservatism, as is that of ecclesiastical
or legal strain.

Yet both Redfield and Perry as early as 1835,
clearly foresaw that the old models were doemed ;
the many-banked ships must be razed, and the target
surface be reduced. Steam and shells had wrought a
revolution that was to bring the upper deck not far
from the water, and ultimately rob the war-ship of
REVOLUTIONS IN NAVAL ARCHITECTURE. I4I

sails and prow. The next problem, between resis-
tance and penetration, was to make the top and _ bot-
tom of ships much alike, and to put the greater
portion of a war-vessel under water. It is scarce.y
probable, however, that either of them believed that
the reduction of steam battery should proceed so
near the vanishing point, as in the Monitor, to be de-
scribed as “‘a cheese-box on a raft” or “a tomato-can
on a shingle.”

The first idea concerning “steam batteries” as
they were called, was that they were not to have an
individuality of their own as battle ships, but were to
be subordinate to the stately old sailing frigates.
They were expected to be tenders to tow the heavy
battering ships into action, or to act as despatch
boats and light cruisers. They were conceived to be
the cavalry of the navy; ships mounted, as it were.
Redfield and Perry, on the other hand, laid claim for
them to the higher characteristics of cavalry and
artillery united in a single arm of the service.

The first English steamers were exceeding.y cum-
brous and unnecessarily heavy. It was, with their
ships, as with their wagons, or axe-handles. The
British, ignorant of the virtues of American hickory,
knew not how to combine lightness with strength.
Redfield proposed to apply the Yankee jack-knife and
whittle away all superfluous timber. Denying that
the British type was the fastest or the best, he plead
earnestly that our naval men should discard trans-
atlantic models, and create an American type. Re-
142 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

gretting that our government and naval men held aloof
from the use of steam as a motor in war, he yet demon-
strated that even a clumsy steamer, like the Memesis,
had proved herself equal to two line-of-battle ships.
He prophesied the speedy disappearance from the seas
of the old double and trebled-banked vessels then so
proudly floating their pennants. Redfield writing to
Perry as a man of liberal ideas, said ‘‘ Opinions will be
received with that spirit of candor and kindness which
has so uniformly been manifested in your personal
intercourse with your fellow-citizens.’ The confi-
dence of this eminent man of science and practical
skill in the naval officer was fully justified.

One thing which occupied Perry’s thoughts for a
number of years was the question of defending our
Atlantic harbors from sudden attacks of a foreign
enemy. Steam had altered the old time relations of
belligerents. He saw the modern system of carrying
on war was to make it sudden, sharp and decisive,
and then compel the beaten party to pay the expenses.
_A few hostile steamers from England could devastate
our ports almost before we knew of a declaration of
war. While England was always in readiness to do
this, there was not one American sea-going war
steamer with heavy ordnance ready to meet her swift
and heavi'ty armed cruisers, while river boats would
be useless before the heavy shell of the enemy. He
did not share the ideas of security possessed by the
average fresh-water congressman. The spirit of 1812
was not dead, in him, but he knew that the brilliant
REVOLUTIONS IN NAVAL ARCHITECTURE. 143

naval duels of Hull and Decatur’s time decided
rather the spirit of our sailors than the naval ability
of the United States.

He proposed a method for extemporizing steam
batteries by mounting heavy guns on hulks of dis-
mantled merchant vessels. These were to be moved
by a steamer in the center of the gang, holding by
chains, and able to make ten knots an hour. If one
hulk were disabled, it could be easily separated from
the others. Such a battery could be made ready in
ten days and fought without sailors. The engines
could be covered with bales of cotton or hay made
fire-proof with soap-stone paint.

With the aid of his friend W. C. Redfield, he col-
lected statistics of all the privately-owned steamers
in the United States with their cost, dimensions and
consumption of fuel, showing their possible power of
conversion for war purposes. Encouraged by Perry,
Mr. Redfield treated the whole question of naval
offence and defence in a series of letters on “ Zhe
Means of National Defence.” These were printed in
the New York Journal of Commerce during the sum-
mer of 1841, and afterwards reprinted in the Journal
of the Franklin Institute in Philadelphia. His note-
books with illustrations, diagrams and pen-sketches
show that his coming ideal war-ship was like the
Lackawanna of our civil-war days which, while but
five feet narrower, is sixty-two feet longer than “ Old
Tronsides,” the Cozstitution of 1812. His favorite
type was a long narrow and comparatively low vessel
144 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

like the Kearsarge which is twenty-two feet less in
breadth than an old “seventy-four.” Like Perry, he
looked forward to the day when one eleven-inch shell
gun would be able to discharge the metal once hurled
by a twenty-gun broadside of the old President.

During July 1840, Perry conducted a series of ex-
periments on the /2/¢oz, to determine the effect on
the ship’s timbers of the firing of heavy ordnance
across the deck of a vessel. The introduction of
pivot guns on board men-of-war, rendered these ex-
periments of great value. The bowsprit and bulwarks
removed, and the eight-inch Paixhans placed in the
middle part of the forward cross bulwarks, thirty feet
of the Fulton's deck was exposed to concussion.
Thirty-four rounds fired at a target on shore, showed
that every discharge produced an upheavel of the
deck. Empty buckets reversed and placed at various
distance and positions on the deck approaching the
gun, were upset, kicked into the air, destroyed, or
shaken overboard. The ease with which men could:
be killed by the windage of the balls, was demonstra-
ted. A stout cask twelve feet forward of the gun
but out of line of fire was knocked overboard. A
glass phial which was hung three feet above the can-
non’s muzzle withstood the shock, but three feet for-
ward at the same elevation was shattered. Tarpaulin
of two thicknesses fastened over a scuttle was rent,
and pine boards securely nailed withstood only two
or three firings.

Perry at once gave the natural explanation that
REVOLUTIONS IN NAVAL ARCHITECTURE. 145

the expansion, pressure, and sudden contraction of
the gases generated by the gunpowder, caused the
air of the hold to rush up to fill the vacuum, and thus
pressed upon the planking of the deck. The heavily
built Futon could resist, where a weaker vessel
would start her planks, just as a fish brought up in a
trawl from deep-sea beds, bursts when coming to the
air. He suggested that any slightly built vessel
could be rendered safe, simply by flooding the decks
with three inches of water. This he demonstrated
after many curious and interesting experiments, thus
adding to the sum of knowledge which every naval
officer, in the changed conditions of warfare, ought
to obtain.

Perhaps no finer illustration of the value and power
of pivot guns was ever given than upon the Kear-
sarge when sinking the Alabama. Yet of that very
ship, the British newspapers had said. “Her decks
cannot withstand the concussion and recoil of her
heavy guns.” They were evidently unaware of the
knowledge obtained by Perry on the Fulton, and
applied by American builders of our men-of-war.
CHAPTER XVII.

THE SCHOOL OF GUN PRACTICE AT SANDY HOOK.

THE French Navy was at this time leading the
British in improved ordnance. A French man-of-
war of twenty-six guns was armed entirely with can-
non able to fire “detonating shot.” She was reck-
oned equal to two old line-of-battle ships. Her visit
to American ports created great interest among our
naval officers, and the Navy Department awoke to
the necessity of improving our ordnance.

On the 4th of May, 1839, Perry received orders
which he was glad to carry out. He was directed to
give his attention to experiments with hollow shot.
These were round projectiles, non-explosive, but in
that line of the American idea of low velocity, with
smashing power. With less weight, they were of
greater calibre, and required less powder in firing.
They were invented by W. Cochrane, known as the
father of heating by steam, and other useful appli-
ances.

Perry selected a site near Sandy Hook and erected
platforms, targets, sheds, and offices for ammunition
and fuses. From this first trial and scientific study,
in the United States, of bombs and bomb-guns,
down to the last experiments with dynamite shells,
GUN PRACTICE AT SANDY HOOK. 147

the waste space at Sandy Hook—the American
Sheerness — has been utilized in the interest of pro-
gress in artillery. Perry set up butts at 800, 880,
1,000 and 1,200 yards distance from the guns, and
erected one target for firing at from the ship. He
devoted himself to the experiments with the best
methods and instruments of precision, then at
command, during the months of June and July, re-
turning to the navy yard once or twice a week for
letters, provisions and fuses. The experiments in
shell practice were interesting, instructive and suffi-
ciently conclusive. Those with hollow shot were
not so satisfactory.

The faith of Perry in the shell-gun was fixed.
Thenceforth he believed that bombs could be fired
with very nearly as much precision and safety from
accident as solid shot. He saw, however, that much
practice, even to the point of familiarity, was needed.
His report, at the end of the season, in which he
recommended a ‘continuance of the experiments,
gives us a picture of the state of knowledge in our
navy at that time, concerning shell-shot. Not one
of those under his direction had ever seen a bomb-
gun discharged ; nor had had his attention specially
called to a shell-gun when in the navy, which had so
long suffered from the dry rot of unmeaning routine.
He complains of the lamentable want of knowledge
in this important branch of the naval profession,
when already so many of the French and British
ships were armed with shell-guns. However, the
148 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

officers trained at Sandy Hook, were now capable of
teaching others in the use of explosive projectiles
aboard the’ship. Men and boys had all made pro-
gress in expertness. He suggested that the winter
months be employed in teaching boys on the Fu/ton
a knowledge of pyrotechny, and that fifteen or
twenty boys from the Morth Carolina should be
associated with them, and a class of gunners be
thus trained.

His plan was approved by the Department. A
course of study and drill in gunnery, pyrotechny and
the knowledge of the steam engine, was organized
and carried out during the winter. The graduates
of this school afterwards gave good account of them-
selves in the Mexican and our Civil War. We see
in this school, the beginning of the present admir-
able training of our sailors in the science of explo-
sives.

Perry, meanwhile, kept himself abreast of the
latest developments and discoveries in every branch
of the naval art. We find him forwarding to the
War and Navy Departments the most recent Euro-
pean publications on these subjects. He made him-
self familiar with the applications of electricity to
daily use. Neither the science nor the art of ord-
nance had made great progress in America, since
Mr. Samuel Wheeler cast, in 1776, what was prob-
ably the first iron three-pounder gun made in the
United States, and which the British captured at
Brandywine and took to the Tower of London. The
GUN PRACTICE AT SANDY HOOK. 149

war of 1812 showed, however, that in handling their
guns, the Yankees were superior in theory and prac-
tice to their British foes.

In 1812, Colonel Bomford, of the United States
Ordnance Department, invented the sea-coast how-
itzer, or cannon for firing shells at long range, by
direct fire, which he improved in 1814 and called a
“Columbiad.” By this gun a shell was fired at an
English vessel, near New York, in 1815, which ex-
ploded with effect. It was this invention which the
French General Paixhans, introduced into Europe in
1824.* The Frenchman was another Amerigo, and
Bomford, being another Columbus, was forgotten,
for the name “Paixhans” clung to the canons obusiers
or improved columbiad. The making or the use of
bomb-cannons, in America, was not continued after
the war of 1812, and when first employed by Perry,
at Sandy Hook, were novelties to both the lay and
professional men of the navy on this side of the
Atlantic. When four shell-guns were, in 1842, put
upon the ship-of-the-line, Columbus, according to
Captain Parker, shells were still unfamiliar curiosi-
ties. He writes in his Recollections, p. 21 :—

“The shells were a great bother to us, as they
were kept in the shell room and no one was allowed
even to look at them. It seemed to bea question
with the division officers whether the fuse went in
first, or the sabot, or whether the fuse should be

 

* See P. V. Hagner, U.S. A., Fohnson’s Encyclopedia, arti-
cle Columbiad.
Tso MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

ignited before putting the shell in the gun or not.
However, we used to fire them off, though I cannot
say I ever saw them-hit anything.” As the jolly
captain elsewhere says: “It took so long to get
ready for the great event (of target practice) that we
seemed to require a resting spell of six months be-
fore we tried it again.” About this time also pivot
guns came into general use on our national vessels,
all cannon having previously been so mounted that
they could only fire straight ahead.

The Mexican War was a school of artillery prac-
tice and marked a distinct era of progress. The
flying artillery of Ringgold, in the field, and Perry’s
siege guns, in the naval battery at Vera Cruz, were
revelations to Europe of the great advance made by
Americans in this branch of the science of destruc-
tion. In the Civil War, on land and water, the
stride of centuries was taken in four years, when
Dahlgren introduced that “new era of gun manu-
facture which now interests all martial nations.”
Since then, the enormous guns of Woolwich and
Krupp have come into existence, but perfection in
heavy ordnance is yet far from attainment. Much
has been done in improving details, but the original
principle of gun architecture is still in vogue. The
loss of pressure between breach and muzzle is not
yet remedied. To build a gun in which velocity and
pressure will be even “at the cannon’s mouth”’ is
the problem of our age. When a ball can leave the
muzzle with all the initial pressure behind it we may
GUN PRACTICE AT SANDY HOOK, ISf

look for the golden age of peace: such a piece of
ordnance may well be named “ Peace-maker.” This
‘problem in dynamics greatly interested Perry; but
foiled him, as it has thus far foiled many others.

The School of Gun Practice was opened again in
the spring of 1840. He was now experimenting
with an eight-inch Paixhans gun, and comparing with
it a forty-two pounder, which had a bore reamed up to
an eight-inch calibre. Not possessing the present deli-
cate methods of measuring the velocity of shot, such
as the Boulanger chronograph, invented in 1875, and
now in use at the United States ordnance grounds at
Sandy Hook, he obtained his measurements by
means of hurdles or buoys. After their positions
had been verified by triangulation, these were ranged
at intervals of 440 yards apart along a distance of
3 1-4 miles. Observers placed at four intermediate
points noted time, wind, barometer, etc. The extreme
range of a Paixhans shot was found to be 4067 yards,
or about 2 1-3 miles. In transmitting eight tables,
with his report he stated that “These experiments
have furnished singular and important information.”
After a summary of unusual.interesting and valuable
work, the school was closed November 23, 1840, the
weather being too severe for out-door work.

It may be surmised that all articles of the new
naval creed in which Perry so promptly uttered his
faith, were very disagreeable to many of the old
school. The belief in the three-decker line-of-battle
ship and sailing wooden frigate approached, in many
152 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

minds, the sacredness of an article of religion. The
new appliances and discoveries which upset the old
traditions savoured of rank heresy. Those who held
to the old articles, and to wooden walls were perforce
obliged, as ecclesiastics are, when driven to the wall,
to strengthen their position by damnatory clauses.
Anathemas, as numerous as those of the Council of
Trent, were hurled at the new reformation from the
side which considered that there was no need for
reform. It was in vain that the employment of ex-
plosive shells was denounced as inhuman. History
follows logic. If “all is fair in war,’ then inven-
tions first branded as too horrible for use by human
beings, will be finally adopted. The law of mil-
itary history moves toward perfection in the killing
machine.

Laymen and landsmen, outside the navy, who look
upon naval improvement and innovation as necessi-
ties, in order that our soldiers-of the sea may be
abreast of other nations in the art of war, consider
radical changes a matter of course: not so the old
salts who have hardened into a half century of
routine, until their manner of professional think-
ing is simple Chinese. They saw that horizontal
shell firing was likely to turn floating castles into
fire-wood. In the good old days ships were rarely
sunk in battle, whether in squadron line or in naval
duels. Though hammered at for hours, and reduced
to hulks and charnel houses, they still floated; but
with the new weapon, sinking an enemy was com-

4
GUN PRACTICE AT SANDY HOOK. 153

paratively easy work. British oak or Indian teak
was nothing against bombs that would tear out the
sides. The vastness of the target surface, on frigate
or liner, was now a source of weakness, for shells
produced splinters of a size unknown before. A
little ship could condense a volcano, and carry a sap-
ping and mining train in a bucket. The old three-
deckers must go, and the frigates become lower and
narrower with fewer and heavier guns.

A brave British officer is said to have cried out,
“For God's sake, keep out the shells.” New means
of defence must be provided. The mollusk-like
wooden ships must become crustacean in iron coats.
The demonstrated efficiency of shells and shell-guns,
and the increased accuracy of fire of the Paixhan
smooth-bore cannon — cultivated to high pitch even
before the introduction of rifles——had made impos-
sible the old naval duel and line-of-battle.

During the whole of this extended series of ex-
periments on the /z/ton, and at Sandy Hook, with
new apparatus and projectiles, with assistants often
ignorant and unfamiliar with the new engines of
‘ war, until trained, no lives were lost, nor was a man
injured by anything that could be foreseen. The
bursting of a gun cannot always be guarded against,
and what befell Perry, in his boyhood, happened
again in 1841, though this time without injury to
himself. The forty-four pounder on the Fz/fon burst,
killing two men. Their funeral October 8, 1841,
was, by the Commodore’s orders, made very impres-

%
154 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

sive. The flags of all ships on the station were
flown at half-mast. All the officers who could be
spared, and two hundred seamen and marines, formed
the cortege in ten boats, the rowers pulling minute
strokes. The flotilla moved in solemn procession
round the Fu/toz, the band playing adirge. Perry,
himself, brought up the rear—a sincere mourner.
At the grave, Chaplain Harris made remarks befit-
ting the sad occasion.

Jackson’s administration being over, and with it
much of the corruption which the spoils system in-
troduced into the government service, it was now
possible to reform even the navy yards. An honor
all the more welcome and enjoyable, because a com-
plete surprise, was Perry’s appointment to the com-
mand of the Brooklyn Navy Yard and New York
Naval Station. On the 24th of June, 1840, the Sec-
retary of the Navy wrote to Perry, stating his dis-
like of the bad business conduct of the yard, and the
undue use of political influence. With full confid-
ence in Captain Perry’s character and abilities —
stating, also, that Perry had never sought the office
either directly or indirectly—he tendered him the
appointment. The Secretary desired that ‘no per-
son in the yard be the better or the worse off on
account of his political opinions, and that no agent
of the government should be allowed to electioneer.”’
The letter was an earnest plea for civil service
reform.

Henceforth, Matthew Perry’s symbol of office was
GUN PRACTICE AT SANDY HOOK. 155

“the broad pennant,” and his rank that of “com-
modore.” Yet despite added responsibilities and
honors, he was but a captain in the navy. Until the
year 1862, there was no higher office in the United
States Navy than that of captain, and all of Perry’s
later illustrious services under the red, the white, or
the blue broad pennant, in Africa, Mexico and Japan,
added nothing to his pay, permanent rank, or govern-
ment reward. Not until four years after his death
was the title of commodore significant of grade, or
salary, higher than that of captain.
CHAPTER XVIII.

THE TWIN STEAMERS MISSOURI AND MISSISSIPPI.

THE activity of American inventors kept equal
pace at this period in the two directions of artillery
and steam appliances. In 1841 the sum of fifty
thousand dollars was appropriated by Congress for
experiments in ordnance, and a possible one million
dollars for the ‘“shot-and-shell proof”  iron-clad
“Stevens Battery” then building at Hoboken, N. Y.

Perry was frequently called upon to pronounce
upon the various methods of harnessing, improving,
and economizing the new motor. We find him in
April, 1842, testing three new appliances for cutting
off steam, and, on May 17, 1842, praying that the
Fulton may be kept in commission for the numerous
experiments which he was ordered to make. The
Secretary of the Navy gladly referred the numerous
petitioners for governmental approval to Captain
Perry. In November the question is upon a ventila-
tor; again, it is on the comparative merits of Liver-
pool, Pennsylvania, or Cumberland coal ; anon, a score
or so of minor inventions claimed to be improvements.
Perry sometimes tried the temper of inventors who
lived in the clouds and fed on azure, yet he strove to
give to all, however visionary, a fair chance, for he
STEAMERS MISSOURI AND MISSISSIPPI. 157

believed in progress. He foresaw the necessity of
rifled ordnance and armor, and of steamers of the
maximum power for swiftness and battery : perfection
in these, he knew could be obtained only by pro-
longed study and slow steps of attainment.

The collaborator of Washington Irving in Salma-
gundi, James K. Paulding, was at this time Secretary
of the Navy. The position offered to Irving and de-
clined, was given, at Irving’s suggestion to his part-
ner. He wasknown more as a literary expert than
as a statesman or man for the naval portfolio, although
as far back as 1814, he had been appointed by Presi-
dent Madison one of a Board of Naval Commissioners.
He was not a warm friend to the new fashions which
threatened to overthrow naval traditions, denude the
sea of its romance, and the sailing ships of their
glory. The ferment of ideas and the explosion of
innovations around him were little to his taste. To
his mind, the engineers who were beginning to in-
vade the sacred precincts of the Department seemed
little better than iconoclasts. In the Literary Life of
J. K. Paulding are some amusing references to his
horror of the new fire-breathing monsters; and the
entries in his journal show how intensely bored he
was by the new ideas, and the persistency with which
the advanced naval officers held them. He wrote
that he ‘never would consent to see our grand old
ships supplanted by these new and ugly sea-monsters.”
He cries out in his diary, “I am steamed to death.”

For this metaphorical parboiling of “the liter-
158 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY. e

ary Dutchman in Van Buren’s cabinet,” Perry was
largely responsible. Steam had come to stay, and
with it the engineer, despite the Rip Van Winkles in
and out of the service. Officers call Perry “the father ~
of the steam navy.” An old engineer says, “He
certainly was, if any man may be entitled to be so
called.” Another writes “It was largely through his
influence and representations, that the Messzssippt
and Méssouri, then the most splendid vessels of their
class, were built.”

A beginning of two steam war vessels had been
practically determined on, soon after Perry’s return
from Europe. He was summoned to Washington in
May 1839 to preside at the Board of Navy Commis-
sioners to consult concerning machinery for them.
The sessions from 9 A. M. to 3.30 P. M. were held
from May 23d to 28th.

The practical wisdom of Captain Perry’s decision
in regard to the engines most suitable for our first
steamers —the superb M/éssourvi and the grand old
Mississippi — is seen in the fact that when ready for
service, the A/tsszssippi had no superior on the sea for
beauty, speed and durability. Probably out of no
vessel in the navy of the United States, was so much
genuinely good work obtained as out of the M/zsszs-
sippt, during her twenty years of constant service in all
the waters. Had she not been burned off Port Hud-
son in the river whose name she bore, in 1862, she
might have lived a ship’s generation longer. Her
praises are generously sung in the writings of all who
STEAMERS MISSOURI AND MISSISSIPPI. 159

lived on board her. Captain Parker speaks of “ The
good old steamship Mississippi, a ship that did more
hard work in her time than any steamer in the navy
has done since and she was builtas far back as 1841.”
What the Cozstitution was among the old heavy
sailing frigates, the Mzsstssippi was to our steam
Navy. On the outside of Commodore Foxhall
Parker's book on Naval Tactics Under Steam is fitly
stamped in gold a representation of the Mississipp7.*

To speak precisely, she was begun in 1839, and
launched in 1841, at Philadelphia. She was of 1692
tons burthen, and 225 feet long. She carried two ten-
inch, and eight eight-inch guns, and a crew of §25 men.
Her cost was $567,408. The cost of the iron-clad
“Steven’s Battery,” as limited by Congress, was not

 

* The Mississippi made six long cruises, two in the Gulf of
Mexico, one in the Mediterranean, two to Japan, and one in the
Gulf and Mississippi under Farragut. She twice circumnavi-
gated the globe, Thoroughly repaired, she left Boston, May 23,
1861, for service in the Civil War. In passing Forts Jackson and
Philip, April 24, 1862, and in the capture of New Orleans which
gave the Confederacy its first blow in the vitals, the M¢ss¢ssiApi
took foremost part under command of Captain Melancthon
Smith. Her guns sunk two steamers, and her prow sunk the
ram Manassas. Passing safely the fire rafts, and the Challmette
batteries, she was the first vessel to display the stars and stripes
before the city. In the attack on Port Hudson, March 14, 1863,
this old side-wheeler formed the rear guard of Farragut’s line.
In the dark night and dense smoke, the pilot lost his way. The
Mississippi grounded, and was for forty minutes under steady
fire of the rifled cannon of the batteries, and was burned to pre-
vent her use by the Confederates.
160 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

to exceed that of the twin wooden steamers. Hence,
its construction languished, while the M7sszssippi and
Missouri were soon built. Perry, from the first,
strenuously urged that the greatest care should be
used, the best materials selected, and the most trust-
worthy contractors be chosen. “In the first ocean
steamers to be put forth by the government, no cost
should be spared to make them perfect in all re-
spects.” As there was then no lack of harmony and
union among the bureaus, there was no danger of
constructing different parts of the ship on incompati-
ble plans, with the consequent peril of failure of the
whole. The various constructive departments wrought
in unison. These two steam war vessels were built
before naval architecture and the sea alike were
robbed of their poetry. The Mssour¢ beside her
machinery, carried 19,000 square feet of canvass, and
the Mcsszsstppz about as much, so that they looked
beautiful to the eye as well as excelled in power.

On her trip of March 5, starting at eight pounds
pressure and rising to sixteen, the Mzssouvz made
twelve and ahalf statute miles per hour. Her motion
was quiet and graceful, the tremor slight, while at her
bow, above the cutwater, rose a dea of water five feet
high. A trial at sea with her heavy spars was made
on the 24th of March. In pointing out her merits
and the defects, Perry emphasized the necessity of
having in the persons, in charge of the equipment of
war steamers, a combined knowledge of engineering
and seamanship. In the men who presided over the
STEAMERS MISSOURI AND MISSISSIPPI. 161

machinery, this was noticeably lacking. Most engine-
builders and engineers in 1841 had never been at sea;
hence a knowledge of all the details necessary for
safety and efficiency was not common.

 

THE UNITED STATES STEAM FRIGATE MISSISSIPPI.

During the month of October, the twin vessels
were made ready, and on the 9th of November, pro-
ceeded to Washington. On her return, the J/zsszs-
Sippi made the time from the Potomac Navy Yard
to the Wallabout in fifty-one hours.
162 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Commander A. S. Mackenzie having applied De-
cember 16th for the second in command, the Naval
Commissioners asked Perry in regard to the number
and arrangements of the crew of the Missouri. He
recommended that there should be on each of the large
steamers a captain, and a commander; so that, after
some experience, the latter could take command of the
medium or smaller steamers to be hereafter built.
From the first Perry urged that all our naval officers
should learn engineering as well as seamanship, so as
not to be at the mercy of theirengineers. In the be-
ginning, from the habits, education, and manners of
engineers taken from land or the merchant service,
one must not look for those official proprieties de-
rivable only from a long course of education and
discipline in the navy. Hence there would be a
natural disposition to exercise more authority than
belonged to them, and to be chary of communicating
the little knowledge they possessed. A purely naval
officer in such condition would be like a lieutenant at
the mercy of the boatswain. The captain must not
carry sail without reference to the engines, and so the
steam power must not be exerted when mast, spars
or sails would be strained. Harmony between
quarter-deck and engine-room was absolutely nec-
essary.

The British Government encouraged officers to take
charge of private steamers so as to acquire experience,
and no man unused to the nature of machinery could
command a British war-steamer. In our navy no one
STEAMERS MISSOURI AND MISSISSIPPI. 163

should be appointed to command in sea steamers
unless he had a decided inclination to acquire the
experience.

Even while the Mssourt was building, Perry wrote
a letter concerning her complement, and after speak-
ing a good word for the coal heavers and firemen, and
praying that their number might be increased, he
again proposed a scheme for the supply of naval
apprentices for steamers. He suggested also that a
class of Third Assistant Engineer should be formed.
This would create emulation and an esprit du corps
highly favorable for high professional character and
abilities among the engineers. The grade would be
good asa probationary position, besides reducing to
a minimum, jeopardy to the ship and crew.

In a word, Perry foresaw that, if the splendid new
steam frigate A/essourvt were left to incompetent
hands, she would fall a prey by fire or wreck, to care-
lessness and ignorance.

““He was proud of these two vessels, and no one
had a better right to be proud of them than he. He
imagined them and created them, while others did
the details and claimed most of the credit of their
superiority over men-of-war of that day of other
nations ;’”’ for down to 1850, our policy was to build
better vessels than were built in any part of the
world. Thus our navy was small but very effective.

“Perry's two vessels were without question not
only successes, but far beyond the most sanguine
hopes and expectations of friendly critics of the time.
164 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

It isa remarkable fact that the Susguehanna (and
some others of smaller size) built after the Mississippi
and the Missouri had proved themselves successes,
were not successes. With these latter, Commodore
Perry had nothing to do, as to plans, designs or con-
struction.”

No sketch of the early history of the steam navy
of the United States could be justly made without
honorable mention of Captain Robert F. Stockton.
Nor was the paddle-wheel of the A/zssissippz to remain
the emblem upon the engineer’s shoulder-strap. The
propeller screw was soon to supersede the paddle-
wheel as motor of the ship and emblem of the engi-
neer’s profession. The screw is one of the many
discoveries located, by uncritical readers, in China.
The French claim its invention, and have erected at
Boulogne a monument to Frederick Sauvage its re-
puted inventor. Ericsson demonstrated its value in
1836, by towing the Admiralty up the Thames at
the rate of ten miles an hour; yet the British naval
officers reported against its possibility of use on
ships of war. Eight years afterward, the man-of-war,
Rattler, was built as a propeller, and a successful one
it was. Ericsson, after constructing the engines of the
propeller steamer, Robert F. Stockton, was invited to
Philadelphia, where he built the first screw steamer
of the United States Navy, and of the world, planned
as such. After the name of his native town, it was
called by the Commodore, the Princeton.

At the end of ten years of shore service, devoted
STEAMERS MISSOURI AND MISSISSIPPI. 165

to the mastery of the science and art of war as illus-
trated in the applications of steam, chambered and
rifled ordnance, hollow shot and explosive shells, iron
armor and rams, the building and handling of new
types of ships, Perry was beginning to see clearly, in
outline at least, the typical American wooden man-of-
war of the future. Such a ship, we may perhaps
declare the Kearsarge to have been. In her build,
motor and battery, she epitomized all the points of
American naval architecture and ordnance, to which
Perry’s faith and works led. Yet these very features
were severely criticized by the English press, in
the days before the British-built A/adama was sunk.
These were, in construction, stoutness of frame, nar-
rowness of beam, heaviness of scantling, all possible
protection of machinery, lightness of draught, and a
model calculated for a maximum of speed; in battery,
the heaviest shell-guns mounted as pivots and firing
the largest shells, accuracy of aim combined with
rapidity of fire; in movement, the utmost skill with
sail, steam and rudder, and celerity in obtaining the
raking position. In such a ship and with such guns,
were the right executive officer, and commander, when
the first great naval duel fought with steam and
shells took place on Sunday June 19, 1864, at sea,
outside of Cherbourg. Historic and poetic justice to
the memory of Matthew Perry was then done with
glorious results, that will ever live in history. When
the Alabama sank from the sight of the sun with her
wandering stars and the bars of slavery after her into
166 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the ocean’s grave, the guns that sent her down were
directed by James S. Thornton,* the efficient execu-
tive officer of the Kearsarge, and by his own boast
and testimony, the favorite pupil of Commodore
Matthew’C. Perry.

 

* See his portrait, p. 926, Century Magazine, 1885.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE BROAD PENNANT IN AFRICA,

THE work to which Matthew Perry was assigned
during the next three years grew out of the famous
treaty made by Daniel Webster and Lord Ashburton.
Of this treaty we, in 1883 and 1884, on account of
the transfer of so much of our financial talent across
the Canadian border, heard nearly as much as our
fathers before us in 1842. In addition to the rectifi-
cation of the long-disputed boundary question, the
eighth and ninth articles contained provisions for ex-
tirpating the African slave trade. By the tenth
article, the two governments agreed to the mutual
extradition of suspected criminals. Out of the inter-
pretation of this last, grew the famous “ Underground
Railway” of slavery days, besides the residence in
Canada of men fleeing from conscription during the
civil war, and of defaulting bank officers in later years.
To the crimes making offenders liable to extradition,
in the supplementary treaty made under President
Cleveland’s administration, four others are added,
including larceny to the amount of fifty dollars, and
malicious destruction of property endangering life.

It is very probable that war was averted by the
sound diplomacy of the Webster-Ashburton treaty.
The two nations instead of crossing swords were
168 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

enabled through creative statesmanship, to join hands
for wholesome moral work, and especially to improve
off the face of the ocean, “the sum of all villanies.”
The discovery of America had given a vast impulse
to this ancient and horrible traffic, and about forty
millions of negroes had been seized for the markets
of the western continent. About seventy thousand
of these victims were brought to our country prior to
the year 1808, and many thousands have been sur-
reptiously introduced since that epoch.

The United States was to send an eighty-gun
squadron to Africa to suppress piracy and the slave
trade. The preparation for this real service to
humanity and the world’s commerce was curiously
interpreted in South America, as a menace to the
states of that continent. In their first thrills of in-
dependence, these republics were naturally suspicious
of their nearest strong neighbor.

The work of the American men-of-war in overhaul-
ing slavers, involved the question of the right of
search. Notwithstanding that the war 1812 had been
fought to settle the question, it was not yet decided.
It required secession and the so-called Southern Con-
federacy to arise, with the aid of Captain Wilkes and
Mr. Seward, to force the British government to dis-
own her ancient claim.

Orders to command the African squadron, and to
protect the settlements of the blacks established by
the American Colonization Society, were received
Feburary 20, 1843. The spring was consumed in
THE BROAD PENNANT IN AFRICA. 169

preparations, and on the 5th of June, the Commodore
hoisted his broad pennant on the Savatoga.* In the
flagship of a squadron, Matthew Perry sped to
southern oceans, a helper in the progress of Africa.
Arriving at Monrovia, in due time, his first duty was
to mete out justice to the natives of Sinoe and Berri-
bee for the murders of American seamen. He found
awaiting him one of the head men of Berribee with
authority to arrange a palaver of all the chiefs with
the American commander. To understand the prob-
lem before the Commodore, let us glance at the
situation.

The question of war or peace among the natives
on or near the coast is a financial one of monopoly
and privilege. The tribes occupying the coast or sea
“beach” have the advantage of all the tribes behind
them in the interior, inasmuch as they hold the
monopoly of foreign trade and barter with passing
ships. The coast men sell the coveted foreign goods,
rum, tobacco, powder and notions to the next tribe
inland at a handsome profit. These, in turn, sell
to the next tribe within, and these to the next, and
so the filtering process goes on. The prices, to the
last purchaser and consumer, one or two hundred
miles from the sea, after passing through all these
middle-men, are enormous. The position then next
the ships was a coveted one, and those in sight of
blue water had to keep it by arms as champions.
Only the most warlike tribes get and hold this place.

 

* Used as a training-ship now, May, 1887.
170 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

To gain this supreme advantage of trade at first
hand, the Crack-Os, a tribe two days distant inland,
had fought their way seaward and captured from the
Bassa Cove and Berribee people, about ten miles of
coast on which they had built five towns. Giving
free rein to their predatory propensities, they seized
all canoes passing their front, and plundered or mur-
dered their crews. Growing bolder, they overwhelmed
by their numbers even foreign vessels after enticing
these to visit them, and their crews to land. The
captain and crew of the American schooner, Mary
Carver, were first tortured and then murdered. For
three hours, Captain Carver suffered unspeakable
horrors. He was bound and delivered to the tender
mercies of the savage women and children who
amused themselves by sticking thorns in his flesh.
In another instance, Captain Burke, mate and cook,
of the Edward Barley, were cruelly murdered. In
consequence of these atrocities, traders avoided this
villainous coast, and commerce came to a stand-
still.

The mere destruction of any of the beach towns
would be of no avail, if the black rascals were allowed
to rebuild. With their rice and cassava or yam
plantations a few miles back, to which they removed
the women, children, and other valuables, they would
laugh at the white man’s pains. The only lasting
check on their villainy would be permanent exclusion
from the beach.

There was enough of another side to the story to
THE BROAD PENNANT IN AFRICA. 17I

remove indiscriminate vengence far from the Com-
modore’s purposes. Our government heard many
complaints against the blacks, while their voice was
unheard. The native towns and fishing boats were
frequently fired into, their towns cannonaded and
burnt, and the blacks cruelly maltreated, or sold to
warlike tribes, in pure wantonness by white foreign-
ers. As all white men were the same to the negroes,
they were apt to take the first opportunity for
vengeance that offered itself. In this way, innocent
men suffered.

An imposing force, more than sufficient for mere
punishment, was determined upon. The Commodore
had to move with caution, and both justice and
victory must be sure, as a failure to awe would make
matters worse. His first care was to obtain hostages
from the Berribees. In doing this he was able to
prove their guilt. He sent Lieutenant Stellwagen
in the brig /vrpotse, disguised as a merchantman, to
their coast. Only five or six men, and these in red
shirts, showed themselves on deck. The Berribee
boats at once rushed out in a shoal to capture the
harmless looking vessel. As only a sample of the
thieving humanity was needed, the Lieutenant,
satisfied with a good joke, refrained from opening his
guns on the canoes. After witnessing the seizure of
those first climbing over the ship’s sides, and the
sudden resurrection from the hatches of his armed
crew, the other blacks scattered for the shore. _

The squadron, consisting of the Saratoga, Mace-
172 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

donian, Decatur and Porpoise sailing from Mesurado
on the 22d of November, cast anchor on the 29th at
Sinoe. This settlement, nominally under the care of
the Mississippi Colonization Society had been greatly
neglected. The negroes from the United States
were there, but were little looked after. ‘ Coloniza-
tion,” in their case meant simply good riddance.

Landing with seventy-five sailors and marines, the
procession moved to the Methodist Church edifice in
which the palaver was to be held. Before the
President of Liberia, Mr. Roberts, and the Commo-
dore, with their respective staffs on the one side, and
twenty “kings” or head men on the other, the
murder of Captain Burke’s mate and cook was dis-
cussed. It appeared that the white man was the
first aggressor, and the Fishmen and not the Sinoe
people were the culprits. After listening patiently
to the black orators, the Commodore ordered the
I‘ishmen’s town to be burned, keeping three of them
as hostages to be sent to Monrovia. He advised the
settlers to build a stockade and block-house, assess
the expense in town meeting, and endeavor to en-
force the methods of self-government and protection
so well established in the United States. Only in
this way could civilization hold its own against the
savages of the bush.

The next point of landing was Settra Kroo, in
King Freeman's dominions. At this place, the
force from the boats stepped on shore atg A. M.
Before the palaver began, the Commodore heard a
THE BROAD PENNANT IN AFRICA, 173

piece of news that caused him to hasten in person to
the scene of the incident. Humanity was the first
duty. The pace of the burly Commodore was quick-
ened to a run as he heard of the imminent danger of
an innocent victim. A wealthy man of one of the
Settra villages had been accused of having caused
the death of a neighbor by foul arts of necromancy.
To prove innocence in such a case, the accused was
compelled to drink largely of sassy-wood which made
a red liquid. In this case the elect victim was a hard-
featured fellow of about fifty years of age. His wealth
had excited envy, and avarice was doubtless his only
crime. His two wives with their satin-skinned
babies, were in agony and tears for the fate of the
husband and father.

The natives, seeing the Americans approach, and
suspecting their design of rescue, seized their victim
and paddled him in a canoe across the lake. Perry,
being told of this circumstance, on coming to a
group of men grasped the chief, ordering the officers
to seize others and hold them as hostages for the
ordeal man. The territory belonged to the Maryland
Colonization Society, and the rites of savagery were
not to be done in view of an American squadron,
This novel order of habeas corpus was obeyed. After
some delay and palaver, the negroes restored the
victim, and, under the emetics and remedies of Dr.
McGill, the man was delivered from the power of
sassy and of believers in its virtue. The squadron
had arrived just in time,
174 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Returning from this lively episode with sharp
appetites, the Commodore and party of officers were
just about to sit down to dinner, when an alarm gun,
fired from Mount Tulman, startled them. Almost
immediately afterwards a messenger, running in hot
haste, announced that the wild natives from the bush
beyond were about to force their way to the settle-
ment and attack the colonists. They had mistaken
the salute to the Commodore, and thought that hostil-
ities had already begun with King Freeman. They
had come to support the native party and be in at
the division of the spoils.

At once the Commodore accompanied by the
Governor and his force marched through the blazing
sun four miles to the scene of hostilities. On the
Mount Tulman, named after a philanthropic Balti-
morean, they found a picketed level space to which
the civilized colonists, men, women and children,
had fled for refuge. They were defended by fifteen
or sixteen men then on the watch. The savage
natives had been repulsed and some of them killed.

As there was nothing to do, the party enjoyed, for
a few minutes, the superb scenery. The village
beneath, and the white buildings of the Mount
Vaughan Episcopal mission glittered in the sun, and
the beach and ocean view was grand. The descent
of the hill with their belated dinner in view, was an
easy and grateful task.

At Cape Palmas, or “Maryland in Africa,” the
naval force landed Dec. oth, for a palaver with
THE BROAD PENNANT IN AFRICA, 175

twenty-three “kings” and head men. The Commo-
dore and Governor, at the usual table, were face to
face with the sable orators, whose talking powers
were prodigious. His Majesty, King Freeman, was
a prepossessing negro, who, in features, recalled to
the narrator Horatio Bridge,* Henry Clay. The
interpreter was Yellow Will, a voluble and amazing
creature in scarlet and Mazarin-yellow lace.

The substance of the palaver was the request that
King Freeman should, for the good of the American
colonists, remove his capital. The meeting was ad-
journed to re-assemble in the royal kraal or city two
days later. On December 11, twelve armed boats
were sent ashore from three ships. The feat of land-
ing in the surf was accomplished after several ridicu-
lous tumbles and considerable wetting from the
spray.

On shore there were about fifty natives in waiting,
as an escort to the palaver house. These braves
were armed with various weapons, muskets guiltless
of polish, iron war spears, huge wooden fish-harpoons,
and broad knives.

The royal capital was a palisaded village in the
centre of which was the palaver house. Most of the
male warriors were out of sight, evidently in ambush
while the women and piccanninnies were in “the
bush.” Some delay occurred in the silent town,
while arrangements were perfected by his Majesty.

 

* Journal of an African Cruiser, edited by Nathaniel Haw-
thorne.
176 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

By orders of the wary Commodore, marines were
posted at the gates as sentinels, while the military
forces of either side were marched to opposite ends
of the town. The parties to the controversy being
seated, Governor Roberts spoke concerning the mur-
der of Captain Carver. The towns along the beach
governed by King Crack-O were implicated. They
shared in the plunder, the cargo of the ship being
worth twelve thousand dollars. The evil results were
great, inasmuch as all tribes on the coast wanted to
“catch” foreign vessels.

His Majesty, King Crack-O, was a monstrous fellow
of sinister expression. He wore a gorgeous robe and
a short curved sword resembling the cleaver used by
Chicago pork-packers. The blade of this weapon was
six inches wide. He made a rather defiant reply to
President Robert’s charges, denying all participation
in the matter. Touching his ears and tongue sym-
bolically to his sword, he signified his willingness to
attend the great Palaver at Berribee.

At the Commodore’s suggestion, he was invited on
board the flagship with the object of impressing him
with the force at command of the whites.

During the embarkation, several funny scenes
occurred. All the villagers, men, women and chil-
dren, came to see the canoes set off, many of which
were repeatedly upset, and the passengers tossed into
the water and soused. There was little dignity, but
no end of fun, in getting from shore to ship.

The next meeting was appointed at Little Berribee,
THE BROAD PENNANT IN AFRICA. 177

because the great palaver for the division of the spoil!
of the Mary Carver, had been held at this place. It
was hoped some exact information would be gained.
The line of boats leaving the flagship December 13,
moved to the shore, and the march was begun to the
village. The palaver house was about fifty yards
from the town gate inside the palisades, and King
Ben Crack-O’s long iron spear, with a blade like a
trowel, was, with other weapons, laid aside before the
palaver began; but arrayed in his gorgeous robes,
the strapping warrior, evidently spoiling for a fight,
took his seat, having well “coached” his interpreter.

After the Governor spoke, the native interpreter
began. He quickly impressed the American officers
and the Liberian Governor as a voluminous but un-
skillful liar, and himself as one of the most guilty of
the thieves. His tergiversations soon became impu-
dent and manifest, and his lies seemed to fall with a
thump. The Governor, had repeatedly warned him
in vain. At last, the Commodore, losing patience,
rose up and hastily stepping toward the villain sternly
warned him to lie no more.

Instantly the interpreter, losing courage, bolted out
of the house and started on a run for the woods.
Perry quickly noticing that King Crack-O was medi-
tating treachery, moved towards him. The black
king’s courage was equal to his power of lying and
treachery. He seized the burly form of the Commo-
dore, and attempted to drag him off where stood, on
its butt, his iron spear. It was already notched with
178 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

twelve indentations — in token of the number of men
killed with it.

His black majesty had caught a Tartar! The burly
Commodore was not easy to handle. Perry hurled him
away from the direction of the stacked arms, and be-
fore he had more than got out of the house, a sergeant
of the marines shot the king, while the sergeant’s
comrades bayonetted him.

In the struggle, the king had caught his foot in the
skirts of his own robe and he was speedily left naked.
Spite of the ball and two bayonet wounds he fought
like a tiger, and the two or three men who attempted
to hold his writhing form needed all their strength to
make him a prisoner. His muscular power was
prodigious, but their gigantic prize was finally secured,
bound, and carried to the beach. The interpreter was
shot dead while running, the ball entering his neck.

The. palaver, thus broken up, suddenly changed
into a melee in which the marines and blue-jackets
began irregular firing on the natives, in spite of the
Commodore’s orders to refrain. The two-hundred or
more blacks scattered to the woods, along the beach
and even into the sea, some escaping by canoes.

As the real culprits had mostly escaped, the Com-
modore ordered the town to be fired. Our sailors
forced the palisades or crept between the gates,
Meeting in the centre of the town, they gave three
cheers and then applied the torch. In fifteen min-
utes the whole capital, built of wattles and mud was
on fire, and in little over a half hour a level waste.
THE BROAD PENNANT IN AFRICA. 179

The blacks, from the edge of the woods, opened
fire on the Americans. With incredibly bad aim,
they shot at the blue-jackets with rusty muskets
loaded with copper slugs made out of the bolts of the
Mary Carver. From one pile of camwood, the fire of
the rascals was so near, that Captain Mayo’s face was
burned with their powder, so that he carried the
marks to his grave. Little harm was done by the
copper shower. Our men charged into the bush, and
presently the ships opened fire on the woods, and the
little war with the heathen ended for the day.

Among the trophies recovered in the town, was
a United States flag, articles from the Mary Car-
ver, and several war canoes. The king’s spear, made
of a central shaft of wood with iron butt and top
and the blade heart-shaped, was kept by the Com-
modore, and now adorns the collection of his son-
in-law.

Embarkation was then made to the ships, where
King Crack-O died next morning at eight o’clock.

On the 15th, as the boats moved off at 7 P. M.,
to a point twelve or fifteen miles below Berribee,
they were fired on by the natives when near the
shore. The boat’s crew and three marines dashed
ashore, and charged the enemy. The landing was
then made in good order, the line formed and the
march begun to the town. The palisades were at
once cut through, and the houses set on fire.
While this was being done, the blacks in the
woods were sounding war-horns, bells and gongs,
180 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

which the buzzards, at least, understood, for they
soon appeared flying in expectation of a feast.

A further march up the beach of a mile and a
half brought the force to a line of palisades behind
which were thirty or forty natives. The boat-
keepers rowing along the line of march, were en-
abled to see that these were armed and ready to
fire. Halting at forty yards distance, the marines
and blue-jackets charged on a run, giving the
blacks only time to fire a few shots and then break
for cover. This they could easily do, as the woods
reached nearly to the water's edge. After search-
ing for articles from the Mary Carver, this third
town was burned, and then the men sat down to
dinner. Another town three miles further up the
beach was likewise visited and left in ashes. All
day long the men were hard at work and in con-
stant danger from the whistling copper, but the
only bodily members in danger seemed to be their
ears, for the blacks were utterly unable either to
aim straight or to fire low. The men enjoyed the
excitement hugely, and only two of them were
wounded. The eight or ten cattle captured and
the relics of the Mary Carver, were taken on
board.

On the 16th at daylight, the ships raised anchor
and proceeded to Great Berribee. White flags were
hoisted in token of amity. The king came on
board the flag-ship, and a “treaty” in which pro.
tection to American seamen was guaranteed was
THE BROAD PENNANT IN AFRICA. 181

made. Gifts were exchanged, and the five Berribee
prisoners released.

The effect of this powder and ball policy so
necessary, and so judiciously administered, was
soon apparent along a thousand miles of coast,
By fleet runners carrying the news, it was known
at Cape Palmas when the squadron arrived there
on the 20th. The degree of retribution inflicted
by no means exceeded what the original outrage
demanded. According to the well-understood African
law, the whole of the guilty tribe must suffer when
the murderers have not been delivered up. The
example, a peremptory necessity at the moment,
was, for a long time, salutary; the American ves-
sels not only experienced the good effect, but the
event had a powerful influence in the native
palavers.

A year or so later, the king and headmen of
Berribee, visited Lieutenant Craven in the Por
poise. The people had begun to make farms, and
cultivate the soil. They were very anxious to see
Commodore Perry, “to talk one big palaver, pay
plenty bullock, no more fight white man, and to
get permission to build their town again on the
beach.” The Lieutenant reported the effect on all
tribes as highly salutary, even as far as fifteen or
twenty miles in the interior. The Missionaries,
the Reverend and Mrs. Payne whose lives had been
threatened, and their schools broken up by the
wild blacks, were now enjoying friendly intercourse
182 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

with the natives and suffered no more annoyance.
He also received the warm approval of the other
missionaries on the coast, both Roman Catholic as
well as Protestant, as well as of Governor Russ-
worm, of the Maryland Colony. The Reverend
James Kelly, of the Catholic Mission, in a letter,
said of Perry, “His services were tendered in a
way decidedly American— without ostentation—
yet carrying effect in every quarter.”

This systematic punishment, after examination,
and the certainty that the stripes were laid on the
right back was a new thing to the blacks. The
Berribee affair is remembered to this day. During
the forty years now gone, anything like the Mary
Carver affair has never been repeated. The coast
was made safe, and commerce increased.

On the 25th, the Commodore arrived at Monro-
via, and on the 28th, sailed for Porto Praya, and
later for Funchal, where he found the inhabitants
bitterly complaining that the American taste for
other wines had greatly injured the trade in Maderia.
CHAPTER: AX.

PERRY AS A MISSIONARY AND CIVILIZER.

Perry, in his report written Jan. 21, 1844, on the
settlements established by the Colonization Society
expresses the feelings that came over him as he gazed
on Cape Mesurado (Montserrado) after a lapse of
nearly a quarter of a century. When, as first Lieu-
tenant on the Cyave, he first looked upon the site of
Monrovia, the beautiful promontory was covered with
dense forests, of which the wild beasts were the only
occupants. On this, his third visit, he found a thriv-
ing town full of happy people. Churches, school-
houses, missionary establishments, a court-house, prin-
ting-presses and ware-houses, vessels at anchor in the
harbor, made a scene to delight the eyes. Though
there were farms and clearings, the people, he noticed,
preferred trade to agriculture. While many were poor,
many also were rich, and all were comfortable. He
considered that upon the whole the experiment of col-
onization of the free blacks of the United States was
a success. More settlements, a line of them on the
coast, were however needed to enable the colonist to
assist in suppressing the slave-trade, to encourage the
civilized natives, and to increase commerce.

Monrovia, so named in honor of President James
Monroe, at this time contained five hundred houses
184 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY,

with five churches and several schools. The Sunday-
schools were conducted like those in New England,

The flag of Liberia contained stripes and a cross,
emblems of the United States and Christian philan-
throphy. The flag of the Liberian Confederation is
now a singie white star on a square blue field with
stripes. Its twelve thousand square miles of territory
contain twenty thousand colored people from the
United States, five thousand “Congos”’ or recaptured
slaves, and eight hundred thousand aborigines.

At that time, the various settlements under the
care of the American Colonization Society were sep-
arate petty colonies or governments and not, as now,
united into one republic of Liberia. Perry was, at
first, puzzled to know his exact relations to the gov-
ernors of Monrovia and Cape Palmas, who styled
themselves “Agents of the United States.” While
eager to assist them in every way, he yet knew it his
duty to refrain from anything calculated to give them
a wrong impression.

There was to be no deviation from the settled policy
of the United States not to hold colonies abroad. The
political connection between the United States and

. Liberia, the only colonial enterprise ever undertaken
by our country,-was but a silken thread. The aim of
our government seemed to be to honor the rising
negro republic, to protect American trade and mis-
sionaries, and to overawe the elements of violence
among the savages, so as to give the nascent civiliza-
tion on the coast a fair chance of life. In this spirit,
Perry performed faithfully his delicate duties,
A MISSIONARY AND CIVILIZER. 185

It was noted by the naval officers that the freedmen
from America looked down upon the natives as sav-
ages, and were horrified at their heathenism and
nudity. The unblushing display of epidermis all
around them shocked their feelings. Each African
lady was a literal Flora McFlimsey “with nothing to
wear.” In building their houses, the settlers followed
rather the model of domestic architecture below Mason
and Dixon’s line than that above it. The excellent
featureof having the kitchen separate from the dwell-
ing was transported to “ Mary’»nd in Africa,” as in
“the old Kentucky home.”

The colored missionaries were having encouraging
success. The pastor at Millsburg, a town named after
the Rev. Mr. Mills, one of the first missionaries from
the United States, was a fine, manly looking person.
One of the settlers was an Indian negro, formerly a
steward on Commodore McDonough’s ship and pres-
ent at the battle of Lake Champlain. He afterwards
removed to Sierra Leone to afford his daughters, who
were dressmakers, better opportunities.

Edina and Bassa Cove were settlements under the
patronage of the Colonization Societies of New York
and Pennsylvania. The Maryland colony was at Cape
Palmas, that of Mississippi at Sinoe, while another
settlement was named New Georgia. The freed slaves,
remembering the labors in the cotton fields under the
American overseer, could not easily rid themselves of
their old associations with mother earth. Labor spent
in tilling the soil seemed to be personal degradation.
186 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PRRRY.

To earn their bread by the sweat of their brow and
the toil of their back in the new land of freedon/
was, to them, so nearly the same as slavery that they
utterly forsook it, and resorted to small trade with the
men of the beach or deck. In the bush, imitating the
Yankees, whom they had been taught to abhor, they
peddled English slave goods manufactured at Bir-
mingham for ivory and oil. In dress they followed
out the customs of their masters at home, copying or
parodying the latest fashion plates from New York,
Philadelphia or London. In church, many silk dresses
would be both seen and heard among the women.

Serious drawbacks to successful colonization existed.
Among the freed slaves the women were in the pro-
portion to men three anda half to one. Even the
adult males were like children, having been just re-
teased from slavery, with little power of foresight or
self reliance. The jealousy felt by the black rulers
toward the white missionaries was great, while hea-
thenism was bold, defiant and, aggressive.

American black men could be easily acclimated,
while the whites were sure to die if they persisted in
aresidence. The strain on the constitution of a white
man during one year on the African station equalled
that of five or six years on any other. Most of the
British officers made it arule of “kill or cure,” and,
on first coming out on the station, slept on shore to
decide quickly the question. It was almost certain
death for a white person unacclimated to sleep a night
exposed to the baleful influence of the land miasma.
A MISSIONARY AND CIVILIZER. 187

Perry as a lieutenant, when without instruction, did
the best he could to save the men from exposure.
He avoided the sickly localities and took great precau-
tions. Hence there was no death on the Skar& in
two years, though, besides visiting Africa, all the
sickly ports in the West Indies, the Spanish Main and
Mexico were entered. Now, a Commodore, while
cruising off “the white man’s grave,” Perry made the
health of his men his first consideration. When on
the Fulton in New York, he had been called upon by
the Department to express his views at length upon
the best methods of preserving life and health on the
Africa station. Possessing the pen of a ready writer,
amid the press of his other duties, he wrote out an
exhaustive and readable report of twelve pages in
clear English and in his best style.

This epitome of naval life is full and minute in
directions. The methods followed in the Shark,
with improvements suggested by experience, were
now vigorously enforced on all the ships of the
squadron. The men were brought up on deck and
well soused, carefully wiped, dried, warmed and, willy-
nilly, swathed in woolens. Stoves were lighted
amidships, and the anthracite glowed in the hold,
throwing a dry, anti-mouldy heat which was most
grateful amid the torrid rains and tropical steam
baths. Fans, pumps, and bellows, plied in every
corner, drove out the foul air that lurked like demons
in dark places. All infection was quickly banished
by the smudges, villainous in smell but wholesome
in effect, that smoked out all vermin and miasma.
188 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

The sailors at first growled fiercely, though some
from the outset laughed at what seemed to them
blank and blanked nonsense, but their maledictions
availed with the Commodore no more than a tinker’s.
Gradually they began to like scrub and broom drilt
and finally they enjoyed the game, becoming as
hilarious as Dutch housemaids on cleaning day.
Spite of the nightly rains, the ships in their interiors
were never mouldy, but ever fresh, dry, and clean.
Health on board was nearly perfect.

In his own way, the vigilant Commodore fought
and drove off the scorbutic wolf with broadsides of
onions and potatoes, and kept his men in superb
physical condition and his staff unbroken, while
British officers died by the score, and left their bones
in the white man’s grave. After the dinner parties
and entertainments on shore, the American officers
left promptly at eight o’clock so as to avoid night
exposure.

Long immunity from sickness at length began to
breed carelessness in some of the ships, when away
from the eye of the Commodore. In one instance
the results were heart-rending. The wild blacks in
1843 made an attack upon Bissas, a Portugese
settlement on the coast south of the Gambia river,
incurring the loss of much American property. The
Commodore dispatched Lieutenant Freelon in the
Preble to help the garrison and prevent a further
attack from the hostile natives,

The Preble went up the river on which the settle-
A MISSIONARY AND CIVILIZER. 189

ment was situated, and anchored there for thirteen
days. Out of her crew of one hundred and forty-four
men, ninety were attacked by fever. The ship, from
being first a floating hospital, became a coffin, from
which nineteen bodies were consigned to the deep.
The plague-stricken vessel with her depleted crew
arrived at Porto Praya, and, to the grief of the Com-
modore, there was an added cause of regret.

The ship’s commander and the surgeon had quar-
reled as to the causes of the outbreak of the pesti-
lence. The lieutenant stoutly maintained that the
outbreak was owing to “the pestilential character of
the African coast, and the Providence of God.” The
surgeon, taking a less pseudo-pious, more prosaic but
truer view, laid it to nearer and easily visible causes.
The acrid correspondence between cabin and sick bay
was laid before Perry. He read, with much pain, of
the “insults,” “lies,” and other crimes of tongue or
pen mutually shed out of the ink bottles of the re-
spective literary belligerents. Kellogg, the surgeon,
asked the Commodore for an investigation. As
Perry did not think it wise at that time either to
withdraw the officers from survey duty, or to endanger
the convalescents by keeping the Pred/e near shore,
he ordered the infected vessel out to sea.

One can easily imagine with whose opinions Perry
sympathized, as he read the documents in the case.
Perry never even suspected that religion and science
needed any reconciliation, both being to him forms
of the same duty of man. In narrating the actual
190 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

occurrences at Bissas, the surgeon showed that most
of Perry’s hygienic rules had been systematically
broken. The Prede, for thirteen days, was anchored
within a quarter of a mile of the shore, exposed to the
exhalations of a bank of mud left bare by the ebb-tide
and exposed to the rays of a vertical sun. At night,
the men were allowed to sleep out on deck with the
miasma-laden breezes from the swamps blowing over
them. While painting the ship, the crew were
exposed to the sun’s glare. They were sent day and
night to assist the garrison of Bissas, and, in two
cases, returned from sporting excursions fatigued and
wet. The first case of fever began on the sth, and
the disease was fully developed in fourteen days.
The sad results of the visit of the Preble up the
miasmatic river were soon manifest in scores of dead.
Perry’s grief at the loss of so many valuable lives
was as keen as his vexation was great, because it
was unnecessary and inexcusable.

In two other instances also the energy and prompt-
ness of the Commodore proved the saving of many
lives. One of our ships put into Porto Praya, with
African fever on board and short of water. The
water of Porto Praya, being unfit for sick persons,
Perry at once supplied her tanks from the flag ship.
Then quickly sailing to Porto Grande, he returned
promptly with fresh relief for the stricken men.
Another vessel being short of medicines, the Commo-
dore proceeded with the flag-ship to the French
settlement of Goree, immediately returning with
A MISSIONARY AND CIVILIZER. IQI

quinine. Fis celerity at once checked the death
list and multiplied convalescents.

Within the cruising ground prescribed for the
African squadron, it was found that there was not
a suitably enclosed burial place for the officers and
sailors who might die. Men-of-war and merchant
sailors had been thrown overboard or buried in dif-
ferent spots here, there, and everywhere, on beaches
just above high water mark, on arid plains and on
barren bluffs. So prevalent was the refusal, by
Portuguese, of the rites of burial to Protestant
sailors, that it was their custom to have a cross
tattooed on their arms so that when dead they
might get sepulture.

The reason for this sporadic burial of our men
must be laid at the doors of bigotry. In some
parts of Christendom, even among enlightened
nations, where political churches are established,
there lingers a heathenish relic of superstitious
sectarianism under the garb of the Christian relig-
ion, in what is called “consecrated ground.’” By
this pretext of holiness, the sectaries logically carry
into the grave the feuds and hatreds born of the
very wickedness from which by their creeds and
ritual they expect to be saved. This feeling is in
southern Europe and the papal colonies, so inten-
sified that it is next to impossible for a man deny-
ing the Roman faith to obtain burial in a cemetery
governed by adherents of the Pope. Even the
semi-civilized Portuguese refused to give interment
192 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY,

to American officers in what they denominate
“consecrated ground.”

This gave Perry an opportunity to establish a
burial place for the American dead of every creed.
In the words of the bluff sailor, after referring to
the fact that “Catholics” do not like “ Protestants”
in their grounds, he says, ‘“ With us the same spirit
of intolerance shall not prevail, and in our United
States Cemetery the remains of Jew and Gentile,
Catholic and Protestant will be laid in peace to-
gether.”

Accordingly, the cemetery for the dead of the
Preble was prepared at Porto Grande. A plot of
land having been purchased, was given in fee by
the authorities. It was duly graded, and a stone
wall seven feet high erected to enclose it, and thus
protect it from the wash of rains and the trespas-
ses of vagrant animals. Timber for headboards
was furnished from the ship, and the amount of
two hundred dollars for expenses incurred was sub-
scribed by the officers and men.

The governor of the island of Santa Iago was
ordered by the general government to give a legal
title to a cemetery for “persons not Catholics.”
The burial ground plotted out by the Commodore
adjoined the other village cemetery at the same
place called “The Cocoanuts.” The three new
walls enclosing it were respectively one hundred
by one hundred by ninety-four feet. The width of
the wall masonry was three “palms” or twenty-
A MISSIONARY AND CIVILIZER. 193

seven inches, and the foundation was to be three-
fourths of a yard deep. In this true God’s acre,
more truly consecrated by the christening of Chris-
tian charity than the bigot’s benison, Perry was glad
to permit also the burial of some British sailors. In
a letter of thanks from Commodore W. Jones, of her
Britannic Majesty’s squadron, the latter writes of the
cemetery at Porto Grande, “In which you kindly
permitted the interment of such British seamen as
would have had their remains excluded from the
(Roman) Catholic cemeteries at those places.”

“Tt seems hard that Englishmen should thus be
indebted to the charity of strangers for a little Portu-
guese earth to cover them. It is a consolation that,
in countries where superstition so far cancels grati-
tude and Christian feeling, that the noblest grave of
a seaman, and in my opinion far the most preferable,
is always at hand.”

Relieved by Commodore Skinner, Perry arrived in
the Macedonian, off Sandy Hook, April 28, 1845.

During his service on this station, Perry exhibited
his usual energy and patriotism in being ever sensi-
tive to the honor of the flag, the navy and his country,
In the exercise of his duty, he was frequently drawn
into situations which evoked sharp controversies with
the magistrates and officials of different nationalities
in regard to restrictions in their ports, certain cere-
monies, salutes, and minutiz of etiquette. With
practiced pen, this American sailor, a loving reader of
Addison, showed himself a master in diplomacy and

v .
194 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the art of expression. Uniting to the bluff ingenu-
ousness of a sailor, something of the polish of a cour-
tier, he almost invariably gained the advantage, and
came off the best man. His conduct in delicate mat-
ters evoked the praise of both the American and
English governments.

The American commanders on the African coast
were too much handicapped by their instructions to
be equally successful with the British cruisers against
the slavers. Claiming the right of visitation and
search, the Englishmen boarded all suspicious vessels
except the American, and broke up the slave depots.
The American men-of-war, in the actual work of de-
stroying the slave traffic, formed rather a sentimental
squadron, “chasing shadows in a deadly climate.”

The insatiable demand of Cuba for slaves made
man-stealing and selling profitable, even if the specula-
tors in human flesh lost four cargoes out of every five.
Most of the masters of barracoons were Spaniards,
and some were college-bred men, with harems and
splendid mansions. The price of a slave on the coast
was $30, while in Cuba it was $300. Blanco White,
who had a fleet of one hundred vessels, barracoons as
large as Chicago stock-yards, and a trade of eight
thousand human carcasses a year, lost in one year by
capture, eight vessels. As he recovered insurance
on all of them, his loss was slight. The business of
slave export, like that of the Nassau blockade-runners
during our civil war, had in it plenty of gain, some
lively excitement, but little or no danger. Decoys
A MISSIONARY AND CIVILIZER, 195

were commonly used. While a gunboat was giving
chase to some old tub of a vessel, with fifty diseased
or worn-out slaves on board, a clipper-ship with several
hundred in her hold, with loaded cannon to sweep the
decks in case of mutiny, and with manacles for the
refractory, would dash out of her hiding-place among
the mangroves and scud across the open sea to Cuba
or Brazil.

During Perry’s stay on the African coast, the
French had a squadron of eleven vessels, and the
British a fleet of thirty, eleven of which were steam-
ers. The other Powers were willing to save their
cash, and allowed the British to spend their money
and do the work. The French capturing not one
prize, turned their attention to seizing territory.
Their policy in Africa, as in Asia, was an attempt to
make new nations by means of priests and soldiers.
It began with brandy, progressed with bombardment,
and wound up with military occupation. The begin-
ing of their African possessions was the seizure of
Gaboon, where in 1842, five American missionaries
had begun labor. By limitation of his orders, Perry
was unable to do anything in the case, though notify-
ing the Department of the facts and the danger.

A French critic writing in 1884, of French “ex-
pansion,” “prestige,” and ‘civilization,’ in their
so-called possessions, mostly in the torrid zone,
speaks of this system of “artificial hatching, which
“was to produce a swarming brood of little French-
men.” ‘We see,” says he, “the broken eggs, but
find neither omelette nor chicks.”
195 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

At present, in 1887, the west coast of Africa, valu-
able as affording gateways into the interior, is owned
as follows: by England, 1300 miles ; by Portugal, 800
miles; by Liberia, 350 miles; by Germany, 750
miles; by natives, 900 miles. Missionary stations
now occupy many of the old slave-marts. By faith
and knowledge, prayer and quinine, the white man is
making the dark continent light. Ethiopia is lifting
up her gift-laden hands to God.
CHAPTER XX 1.

THE MEXICAN WAR.

THE long agitation, in behalf of the establishment
of a Naval Academy, by leading American naval
officers, prominent among whom was Captain Perry,
bore fruit in the year 1845. Mr. George Bancroft,
another of the eminent literary men who have acted
as Secretaries of the Navy, convened a board of offi-
cers at Philadelphia, June 24, and directed them to
make suggestions in regard to a naval school. In
this board were Commodores George C. Read, T. Ap
Catesby Jones, M. C. Perry, Captains E. A. F. Lav-
allette and Isaac Mayo. Full of enthusiasm for the
proposed enterprise, they wrote a report outlining
its leading features. Secretary Bancroft’s energy
secured the execution of the plan, and the United
States Naval Academy was begun on the grounds of
Fort Severn, near Annapolis. Many friends warmly
urged Perry’s name as principal, but he was not an
applicant for the post. Captain Franklin Buchanan
was most worthily chosen, and the sessions began
October 10, 1845. Under successive superintend-
ents, the Naval Academy has become one of the
first professional schools in the world, having thus
far graduated over twelve hundred naval officers,
equipped either for seamanship or engineering.
198 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Service afloat, in the Gulf of Mexico, was pre-
paring. His first application for service, in case of
war, was made on the 16th of August. Meanwhile,
he called the attention of Secretary Bancroft to the
defective state of our signals, and forwarded the
code of Admiral Rohde, of the Danish navy, as the
basis of a new compilation; and, according to orders,
engaged in the examination of merchant steamers,
with a view to harbor and coast defence, and for use
in war. On the 4th of February, 1846, he received
information from Mexico which satisfied him that war
was inevitable, and that he would soon be in the land
of the cactus, the eagle, and the serpent. Further,
the frigate Cumberland, when in the act of starting
for the Mediterranean, was ordered to Vera Cruz.

In answer to repeated offers of service, Perry re-
ceived orders dated August 20, 1846, to command
the two new steamers, Vixen and Spitfire, which
were fitting out at New York. When these were
ready, he was to go out to relieve Captain Fitzhugh
of the Msszsszppz. The younger officers, graduates
of the Sandy Hook School of Gunnery, were eager
to serve under their former instructor, especially
when they saw that he, himself, gladly accepted an
inferior command in order to serve his country well.
He arrived at Vera Cruz on the 24th of September.
He was subordinate to Commodore Conner, whose
date of commission preceded his own; but practi-
cally, though not officially, the Gulf or Home squad-
ron was divided. Conner had charge of the sail, and
THE MEXICAN WAR. 199

Perry of the steam vessels. Owing to lack of ships
of light draught, Conner had been able to accom-
plish little. The splendid opportunities of the first
year were lost, and naval expeditions, even when
attempted, proved failures. The most notorious of
these was the second unsuccessful demonstration at
Alvarado, October 16, which shook the faith of the
strongest believers in the abilities and resolution of
Commodore Conner.* Because of the grounding of
the schooner McLane, on the bar, the enterprise was
given up for the day. On the morrow, when all was
ready for a second attempt, and the men eager for
the fray —their last will and testament having been
left numerously with the chaplain —the flag-ship’s
signals were read with amazement and wrath: “ Re-
turn to the anchorage off Vera Cruz.” Whether the
pilots feared a “norther,’ or Conner doubted the
military qualities of his seamen on land, or believed
his craft unsuited to the task, is not certainly known.

The main squadron lay off Sacrificios Island, safely
out of range of the forts. Many glasses were
pointed anxiously night and day toward the flag-ship
for signals, which were not made. There were some
French vessels in the harbor. With characteristic
diligence, the officers, impatient to see hostilities
begin, yet athirst for archzeological honors, began

 

* See Parker’s Recollections of a Naval Officer, with reply
of P. S. P. Conner, Army and Navy Fournal, February 2, and
April 19, 1884, and Magazine of American Fistory, July, 1885.
200 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

excavations for Aztec ruins, and found a number of
relics. The Americans chafed. Even the sight of
the snow-capped mountains in the distance, once
burning and still beautiful, and the Southern Cross
at night, palled on the eye. The sailors wearied of
polishing their small arms and furbishing their weap-
ons, and longed to use them. The big guns were
* made lustrous with the fragrant sea-pitch, or “black
amber,” from off the sea-bottom, until their coats
shone like Japanese lacquer. This substance had a
perfume like guava jelly, but the sailors longed
rather to sniff the air of battle. Like Job’s war-
horse, they had thus far been able to do so only from
afar. Out of the north came news of successes con-
tinually, while the sailors still scraped and scrubbed.*

The senior commodore acted generously to Perry,
who, being allowed to do something on his own ac-
count, and happy enough to do it, planned the cap-
ture of Tabasco. It was in Tabasco that Cortez
fought his first battle on Mexican soil. This town,
on the river of the same name, had about five hun-
dred inhabitants garrisoned by state troops. These
were commanded by General Bravo, who had sent
several challenges inviting attack. The Mexicans
reckoned that the natural sandbar at the river’s
mouth was a better defence than guns or forts, and
the grounding of the A/cLane at Alvarado, doubtless
lulled them into this delusion. The object of the

 

* Chaplain Fitch W. Taylor, The Broad Pennant.
THE MEXICAN WAR. 201

expedition was to capture the fleet of small craft
moored in fancied security in the river. This con-
sisted of two steamers, a brig, a sloop, five schooners
and numerous boats and lighters —just what was
needed for the uses of our squadron, then so defi-
cient in light draft vessels.

The attacking force consisted of the Afississippi,
the Vixen, Bonita, Reefer, Nonita, McLane and For-
ward, with an extra force of two hundred marines
from the Raritan and Cumberland. Leaving Anton
Lizardo, October 16, they arrived at Frontera on the
23d. Without losing a moment of time, Perry made
a dash across the bar almost before the Mexicans
knew of his arrival, and captured the town. Two
river steamers, which plied between the city and
port, Tabasco and Frontera, were lying at the wharf
under the guns of the battery. One had steam up
and the supper-table spread. After these had been
captured by cutting out parties, the captors enjoyed
the hot supper.

The next two days, the 24th and 25th, were con-
sumed in accomplishing the seventy-two miles of
river navigation, in the face of a heavy, strong cur-
rent. The Petrita and Viren did most of the tow-
ing. Reaching the famous “Devil’s Turn,” at 2
p. M., and finding a battery in view, Perry ordered
a landing party ashore, which speedily entered the
deserted fort and spiked the four twenty-four pound
cannon found there. The city was reached at 3 P. M.
Anchoring the vessels in line ahead, at a distance of
202 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

one hundred and fifty yards, so as to command the
principal streets, Perry summoned the city to sur-
render, threatening to open fire in case of refusal.
The governor declining with defiance, returned
answer, “ Fire as soon as you please.”

To give a mild taste of what bombardment might
mean, Perry ordered Commander Sands to let the
Vixen's guns be trained on the flag staff of the fort.
So accurate was the fire, that, of the three shots, one
cut the pole and the flag fell. This was taken by
the fleet as the sign of surrender. A Mexican officer
soon after came off, begging that the hospitals might
be spared. Perry at once granted the prayer. By
this time, it was nearly five o’clock and possibly time
to take the fort. As Perry believed in using the
men while their war-blood was hot, he ordered Cap-
tain Forrest, a brave but deliberate man, to land his
two hundred marines and take the fort, the main body
of the military having left the town. While the men
were forming, impatiently awaiting the order to ad-
vance, they had to stand under an irregular fire of
musketry from the chapparal. Seeing that it was
late, and the risk too great for the prize, Perry,
ordering the men on board again, saved his marines
for the morrow.

At daylight of the 26th, some Mexicans, who had
sneaked as near the flotilla as possible, opened a
sharp fire on our men. The cannon were at once
trained and kept busy in brushing away these
“cround-spiders,” as the Japanese would call such
THE MEXICAN WAR. 203

ambuscaders. ‘ Pomegranate shot,” to use a term
from the same language, for shrapnel, were freely
used.

The display of a white flag from the city shore
stopped the firing, and the Commodore received a
petition from the foreign consuls and inhabitants
that the town should be spared. He granted the
petition, adding that his only desire was to fight
soldiers and not non-combatants.

Out of pure feelings of humanity, Perry spared the
city though there was much to irritate him. The
Mexican regulars and armed peasants were still in or
near the city, posted in military works or strong
buildings of brick or stone, and reached only by the
artillery of the flotilla. Yet the governor, while al-
lowing war on our vessels, would not permit the
people to leave the municipal limits; and so the
women and children, crouched in the cellars, while
the sneaking soldiers kept up their fusillade. Proba-
bly most of those who had been killed or wounded
were peaceable inhabitants.

The Commodore now made preparations to return,
and ordered the prizes to be got together. While
this was going on, even though the white flag was
conspicuously waving above the town, a party of
eighty Mexicans attacked Lieutenant W. A. Parker
and his party of eighteen men. Seeing this, Perry
sent forward Lieutenant C. W. Morris, son of Com-
modore C. G. Morris, with orders and re-inforcement.

The young officer passed the gauntlet of the heavy
204 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

fire which now opened along the banks, A musket
ball struck him in the neck inflicting a mortal wound,
but he stood up in the boat and cheered his men
most gallantly as they bent to their oars, until he fell
back in the arms of midshipman Cheever who was
with him. The loss of this accomplished young
officer and the treachery of the Mexicans made for-
bearance no longer a virtue. Perry at once ordered
the guns of the fleet to open on the city and sweep
the streets asa punishment to treachery. He spared
as far as possible the houses of the consuls and those
of peaceful citizens.

The Vixen, Bonita, Nonita and Forward kept up
the connonade for half an hour, by which some of the
houses were demolished.

Having no force to hold the place, no field artillery,
and a limited supply of muskets and equipments,
Perry, after reducing the town, and neighborhood to
silence, ordered the flotilla and prizes to move down
the river. Having the current with them, they
reached Frontera at midnight. One of the prizes,
the Alvarado, having grounded on a shoal at the
Devil's Turn, was blown up and left. Lieutenant
Walsh and his command had kept all quiet at Fron-
tera. The A%cLane, with her usual luck, having
struck on the bar, could not get up to take part in
front of the city.

The Tabasco affair, notwithstanding that the city
was not occupied, infused new spirit into the navy
and was the stimulus to fresh exploits. The name
THE MEXICAN WAR. 205

of Perry again became the rallying cry. The moral
influence on the whole squadron of the capture of
Tabasco was good, and all were inspirited for fresh
enterprises. Even if no other effect had been pro-
duced, the expedition broke the monotony of blockade
duty and made life more endurable. Still the men
thirsted for more glory, and yearned to satisfy the
home press and people who were so eager for a “big
butcher’s bill.”

The squadron returned to Anton Lizardo, where,
on the Ist, Lieutenant Morris died on board the
Cumberland. With the honors of war he was buried
on Salmadina Island, where already a cemetery had
begun. The prize Petrzta distinguished herself by
capturing an American vessel violating the blockade
at Alvarado.

One of the steamers captured at Tabasco was
formerly a fast river boat plying between Richmond
and Norfolk, well named the Champion. Under
Lieutenant Lockwood, she became a most valuable
dispatch boat and of great use to the squadron.

The town of Tampico, 210 miles north of Vera
Cruz, offered so tempting an opportunity of easy
capture that Commodore Conner resolved to make
the attempt.

The city was five miles from the mouth of the
river Panuco, and had already sent a crack battalion
to Santa Anna’s army. This perfidious leader was
using all his craft to raise an army, hoping to recruit
largely from American deserters. He supposed that
206 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

all of General Taylor’s Irish Roman Catholic soldiers
would desert, because seventy or eighty of them had
done so. A battalion had been formed, and named
San Patricio.

In this, the Mexican was keenly mistaken, the
Irishmen holding loyally to their colors, and giving
not the first, nor the last, illustration of their valor
under the American flag. They here forshadowed
their later career during the civil war which produced
a new character — the Irish-American soldier.

As Conner had been formally and repeatedly urged
by Genera] Bravo to visit and attack Tabasco, so also
was he invited to come to Tampico. This time, how-
ever, it was byalady, the wife of the American
consul. She sent him the invitation stating that the
city would yield without resistance. This proved to
be true, as Santa Anna’s policy was to weaken the
American forces by their necessity of a garrison to
hold the place if taken, while the Tampico troops
could be employed against General Taylor. In ac-
cordance with his orders, the place was evacuated by
the military, who took along with them their stores
and artillery. Prudence prevailing over valor, the
Mexicans fell back to San Luis Potosi.

The squadron with the two Commodores, Conner
and Perry arrived on Saturday, the 14th of November
off the dangerous bar, the play-ground of numerous
sharks. The eight vessels were easily got into the
river Panuco. While this was going on, and the
forward vessels were ascending the river, the stars
THE MEXICAN WAR. 207

and stripes were seen to rise over the city. This
pretty act was that of the wife of the American
consul who bravely remained after her husband had
been banished.

A force of one-hundred and fifty marines and
sailors was landed to occupy the town. This was
done silently, and not a hostile shot was fired. Thus
the second really successful operation of our navy in
the Gulf was achieved by a woman’s help. Captain
Tatnall was sent up the river eight miles, and cap-
tured the town of Panuco.

Tampico was seen to be a place of military impor-
tance, and troops were necessary to hold it, yet there
was not then, an American soldier in this part of
Mexico. All were in the north with General Taylor,
So important did Conner feel this to be that, within
a half hour after entering the town, he dispatched
Perry to Matamoras for troops. The ever ready
Commodore in his ever ready steamer, A/zssiss¢ppz,
left at once for the north. At the mouth of the
Brazos on the Texan coast, Perry informed General
Patterson of the fall of Tampico, and notified him
that a reinforcement would be needed from the
troops at Point Isabel. He then proceeded, of his
own accord and most judiciously, as Conner wrote,
to New Orleans, anchoring the M@sstssippz off the
southwest pass of the river from which the steamer
took her name, and in which, sixteen years later, she
was to end her life.

Perry resolved to go up to New Orleans to stir up
208 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the authorities to greater energy and dispatch. He
succeeded in obtaining fifty soldiers, some provisions,
and from the governor of Louisiana, a fully equiped
field train of six six-pounders and two howitzers, with
two hundred rounds of shot and shell to each gun.
This battery belonged to the State. He also received
a large supply of entrenching tools and wheel-
barrows.

All these were secured in one day, and, arriving
back at Tampico after a week’s absence, November
21, he delighted and surprised the naval officers by
what was considered, for the times, a great feat of
‘ transportation. Other steamers and military, arrived
November 30, so that Tampico soon had a garrison
of eight hundred men. Conner remained until
December 13, organizing a government for the city,
while Perry returned at once to Anton Lizardo.

Though life on ship-board was made more tolera-
ble by these little excitements, it was dull enough.
Fresh food supplies were low. The coming event of
scurvy was beginning to cast shadows before in
symptoms that betokened a near visitation. Perry,
with his rooted anti-scorbutic principles, selected as
the next point of attack a place that could supply the
necessary luxuries of fresh beef and vegetables.
Such a place was Laguna del Carmen, near Yucatan,
at the extreme southeast of Mexico. It was in a
healthy and well watered country rich in forests of
logwood. Receiving permission of Commodore Con-
ner, he made his preparations.
THE MEXICAN WAR, 209

The ever trusty M/tssissipp7, towing the Viren and
two schooners the Boxzta and Petrel, moved out from
the anchorage, like a hen with a brood of chickens,
December 17, arriving off the bar on the 20th. Perry
dashed in at once, and the place was easily taken.

Under a liberal policy, Laguna flourished and com-
merce increased, The American officers, worthy
representatives of our institutions, were very popular
not only with the dark-eyed senoritas, but also with
the solid male citizens and men of business. Social
life throve, and balls were frequent. The fleet was
well and cheaply supplied with wholesome food.
The Lagunas were delighted with an object lesson in
American civilization, and during eighteen months
so prosperous was their city, that, even after the
treaty of peace, the people petitioned Commodore
Perry not to withdraw his forces until Mexico was
fully able to protect them.

General Taylor's battles were bloody, but not de-
cisive. His campaigns had little or no influence
upon Paredes, and the government at the capital, be-
cause fought in the sparsely populated northern
provinces. The war thus far had been magnificent,
but not scientific. The country at large, scarcely
knew of the existence of a victorious enemy on the
soil. At the distance of five hundred miles from the
capital, there was no pressure upon the leaders or
people. The political nerves of Mexico, like China,
were not as sensitive then, as in our days, when
wires and batteries give the dullest nation. a new
nervous system.
210 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Perry made a study of the whole field of war. He
saw that the vitals of the country were vulnerable at
Vera Cruz, that the city and castle once occupied,
the navy, by sealing the ports, could enable the army
to reach the capital where alone peace could be dic-
tated.

The administration at last understood the situation
and ordered a change of base. Recalling General
Scott, who had been set aside on account of a differ-
ence of opinion with the War Department, and the
ultra-economical administration, preparations were
made for the advance, by sea and land, to the city of
Mexico, where peace was to be dictated. The full
and minute data which had been forwarded by Com-
modore Conner enabled the general to map out fully
his brilliant campaign.

While Scott was perfecting details in the United
States, the early winter in the Gulf passed away in
steady blockade duty. The Mzsszssifpz which was
the constant admiration of the squadron for her size,
power, sea-worthiness, and incessant activity, now
needing serious repairs and overhauling, was ordered
back to the United States. Perry, in command of
her, leaving Vera Cruz early in January, made the
run safely to Norfolk, Va., and went up to Washing-
ton to hasten operations.

An examination was duly made by the board of
survey. Their report declared that it would require
six weeks to get the Mzsszssippi ready for service.

This, to Perry, was disheartening news. It cast a
THE MEXICAN WAR. 211

fearful damper upon his spirits, but, as usual, he
never knew when he was beaten. To remain away
from the seat of war when affairs were ready to cul-
minate at Vera Cruz, by the army and navy acting in
generous rivalry, was not to be thought of. In this
strait, he turned to his old and tried friend, Charles
Haswell, his first engineer, and had him sent for and
brought to Norfolk. ,

His confidence was well founded. Haswell de-
clared that, by working night and day, the ship could
be made ready in two weeks. So thorough was his
knowledge and ability, and so akin to Perry’s was his
energy, that in a fortnight the Commodore’s broad
pennant was apeak, and the cornet, the American
equivalent for “Blue Peter,” was flying aloft at the
fore top. It was the signal for all officers to be
aboard and admitted of no delay.

Mr. Haswell adds, in a note to the writer, “ When
I took leave of the Commodore on the morning of
sailing, he thanked me in a manner indicative of a
generous heart.”

We may safely add that, by his energies, and abili-
ties in getting the A/zssissippi ready at this time, Mr.
Haswell saved the government many thousands of
dollars and contributed largely to the triumphs of a
quick war which brought early peace.

While in Washington, Perry was in frequent con-
sultation with the authorities, furnishing valuable in-
formation and suggestions. While the Mcssissippi
was refitting, Perry was ordered to take the general

-
212 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

oversight of the light draft vessels fitting out at New
York and Boston for service in the gulf. This order
read,— “ You can communicate to heads of Bureaux,
to hasten them and give to their commanders any
necessary order.” The squadron in preparation con-
sisted of the Scourge, Lieutenant C. G. Hunter;
Scorpion, Commander, A. Bigelow; Vesuvius, Com-
mander G. A. Magruder; Hecla, Lieutenant A. B.
Fairfax; Electra, Lieutenant T. A. Hunt ; Aetza, Com-
mander W. S. Walker; Szvombolz, Commander J. G.
Van Brunt ; Decatur, Commander R. S. Pinckney.

On the 25th of February, 1847, Perry received the
following order, “You will proceed to the United
States Steam Ship M2ssissippi, to the Gulf of Mexico,
and, on your arrival, you will report to Commodore
Conner, who will be instructed to transfer to you the
command of the United States naval forces upon that
station.”

In a letter dated March the 27th, 1847, the Secre-
tary wrote, “The naval forces under your command

. . . form the largest squadron it is believed, which
has ever been assembled under the American flag
. steamers, bomb ketches and sailing vessels of
different classes.” Much was expected of this fleet,
and much was to be accomplished.

Yet despite Perry’s command and mighty responsi-
bilities — equal to those of an admiral — he was but
a captain with a pennant. So economical was our
mighty government.

In the matter of the war with Mexico —the war of

on
THE MEXICAN WAR. 213

a slave-holding against a free republic — Matthew
Perry acted as a servant of the government. He
was a naval officer whose business it was to carry out
the orders of his superiors. With the moral question
of invading Mexico, he had nothing todo. The re-
sponsibility lay upon the government of the United
States, and especiaily upon the President, his cabinet
and supporters.* Perry did not like the idea of in-
vasion, and believed that redress could be obtained
with little bloodshed, and hostilities be made the
means of education to a sister republic. He there-
fore submitted to the govenment, a detailed plan for
prosecuting the war:

ist. To occupy and colonize California, and annex
it to the territory of the United States.

2nd. To withdraw all United States troops from
the interior of Mexico proper.

3rd. To establish a military cordon along its north-
ern frontiers.

4th. To occupy by naval detachments and military
garrisons, all its principal ports in the Atlantic and
Pacific oceans.

sth. To establish these ports temporarily, and dur-
ing the continuance of the war, as American ports of
entry with a tariff of specific duties.

6th. To throw these ports open for the admission

 

* See, for perhaps the best brief statement of the causes lead-
ing to the Mexican war and the part played by Polk, the article
“Wars; by Prof. Alexander Johnston, Lalor’s Encyclopaedia.

Vol. III, p. 1091.
214 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

under any friendly flag of all articles, foreign or
domestic not contraband of war.

7th. To encourage the admission and sale of
American manufactured goods and the staples of the
country, “particularly that of tobacco, which isa
present monopoly of Mexico, and yields to the gov-
ernment a Jarge revenue.”

We should thus get a revenue to pay for the ex-
penses of the war.

The advantages of Perry’s plan, stated in his own
words, were that, “Instead of our waging a war of
invasion, it would become one of occupation and
necessary expediency, and consequently a contest
more congenial to the institutions and professions of
the American people.”

“ The cost of the war would be reduced three-fourths,
the results would be positive, and there would be an
immense saving of human life. Commerce and kind-
ness would remove false ideas of Mexicans concerning
North American people, ideas so actively fomented
by the Mexican clergy. As an argument in favor
of humanity, the Mexican people would be led to pur-
sue agriculture and mining, so that it would be hard
to rouse sufficient military spirit in them to dislodge
forces holding their ports.” The “baleful influence
of the clergy would be lessened,” and the despotic
power of the military be almost annihilated, so that
the people would sue for peace. In short, this plan,
if carried out, would be a great educational measure,

The Mississipp7 in those days was among ordinary
THE MEXICAN WAR. 215

war vessels, what the racers of the Atlantic to-day
are among common steamers,—‘“‘an ocean grey-
hound.” Fleetly the gallant vessel moved south,
passing exultingly the Bahamas, where many of our
transports were waiting for a change of wind. Many
of these were “ocean tramps’’—hulks of such age
and rottenness, that a norther would surely strand
them. The J/ssissi#pi stopping at Havana, March
15, 1847, was after two days then pointed for Vera
Cruz, arriving on the evening of the 2oth.
CHAPTER XXII.

“COMMODORE PERRY COMMANDS THE SQUADRON,”

THE precise methods and almost immutable laws
of military science required that the American inva-
sion of Mexico in 1847 should be at the exact spot
on which Cortez landed two centuries before, and
where the French disembarked in 1830, and in 1865,
This was at the only port on the Gulf coast of
Mexico, in which large vessels could anchor. Ships
entered by the North channel or fastened to rings in
the castle walls. Our war vessels lay a little south
of the Vera Cruz founded by the Spanish buccaneer.

With but a few skirmishes and little loss, the line
of circumvallation was completed by the 18th, and
named Camp Washington. Ground was broken for
intrenchments, and platforms were built for the mor-
tars which were placed in sunken trenches out of -
sight from the city. Waiting for a pause in the
raving norther, and then seizing opportunity by the
foremost hair of the forelock, the sailors landed ten
mortars and four twenty-four pounder guns. By the
22d, seven of the mortars were in position on their
platforms. Most of these latter were of the small
bronze pattern called coehorns, after their inventor
the Dutch engineer, Baron Mennon de Coehorn.
PERRY COMMANDS THE SQUADRON. 217

These pieces could be handled by two men. A few
mortars were of the ten-inch pattern.

This was a pitiful array of ordnance to batter
down a walled city, and a nearly impregnable castle.
With these in activity, both city and castle, if well
provisioned, could hold out for months. Shells
falling perpendicularly would destroy women and
children, but do little harm to soldiers. The forty
other mortars and the heavy guns were somewhere
at sea on the transports and as yet unheard of, while
every day the shadow of the dreaded vomito stalked
nearer. Vera Cruz must be taken before “King
Death in his Yellow Robe” arrived. The Mexicans
for the nonce, prayed for his coming.

The vomito, or yellow fever, is a gastro-nervous
disorder which prostrates the nervous system, often
killing its victims in five or six hours, though its
usual course is from two to six days. Men are more
susceptible to it than women. It was the Mexican’s
hope, for Vera Cruz was its nursery, and the month
of March its time of beginning. Northerners taken
in the hot season might recover. In the cold season,
an attack meant sure death. The disease is carried
and propagated by mosquitoes and flies, and no
system of inoculation was then known. An outbreak
among our unacclimated men would mean an epidemic.

Scott, despite his well known excessive vanity, was
a humane man and a scientific soldier. His ambition
was to win success and glory at a minimum of loss of
life, not only in his own army but among the enemy.
218 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

His aim was to make a sensation by methods the
reverse of Gen. Taylor’s, whose popularity had won
him the soldier’s title of ‘Rough and Ready,” while
Buena Vista had built the political platform on
which he was to mount to the presidency. ‘Taylor
the Louisianian’s” battles were sanguinary, but inde-
cisive. He had driven in the Mexican left wing.
Scott hoped to pierce the centre, to shed little blood
and to make every shot tell. The people at home
knew nothing of war as a science. They expected
blood and “a big butcher’s bill,” and the newspapers
at least would be disappointed unless gore was abun-
dant. His soldiers and especially those who had
been under Taylor and whose chief idea of fighting
was a rush and a scuffle, failed at first to appreciate
him, and dubbed this splendid soldier “Fuss and
Feathers.”

Scott determined at once to show, as the key to his
campaign, a city captured with trivial loss. Yet all
his plans seemed about to be dashed, because his
siege train had failed to come. The pitiful array of
coehorns and ten-inch mortars, with four light
twenty-four pounder guns and two Columbiads,
would but splash Vera Cruz with the gore of non-
combatants, while still the enemy’s flag was flaunted
in defiance, and precious time was being lost. The
general’s vanity ——an immense part of him — was
sorely wounded. ‘The accumulated science of the
ages applied to the military art,” which he hoped to
illustrate “on the plains of Vera Cruz,” was as yet of
PERRY COMMANDS THE SQUADRON. 219

no avail. Further, as a military man, he was unwill-
ing to open his batteries with a feeble fire which
might even encourage the enemy to a prolonged
resistance. Conner is said to have offered to lend
him navy guns, but he declined.

Perry arrived at Vera Cruz in the Mississippi,
March 20 1847, after a passage of thirteen days from
Norfolk. He was back just in time. Steam had
enabled him to be on hand to accomplish one of the
greatest triumphs of his life. His orders required
him to attack the sea fort fronting Vera Cruz, “if the
army had gone into the interior.” The United States
fleet had lain before it for a whole year without ag-
gression. He found our army landed and Vera Cruz
invested on every side. The Mexicans were actively
firing, but as yet there was no response from our
side. That night it blew a gale from the North.
The vessels hidden in spray, and the camps in sand,
waited till daylight.

Early next morning, March 21, Perry was informed
that the steamer Hunter together with her prize a
French barque, the Jeune Nelly, which had been
caught March 2oth running the blockade out of Vera
Cruz, and an American schooner, were all ashore on
the northeast breakers of Green Island. Their
crews, to the number of sixty souls, were in imminent
danger of perishing. Among them was a mother and
her infant child. Perry was quick to respond to the
promptings of humanity. In such a gale, not a
sailing vessel dared leave her moorings. The Messzs-
220 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

sippi had parted her cables, owing to the violence of
the wind. A British war steamer lay much nearer
the scene of disaster, without apparently thinking of
the possibility of moving in such a gale; but Perry
knew his noble ship and what to do with her. He
dashed out in the teeth of the tempest and forced
her through the terrific waves. In admiration of the
act, Lieutenant Walke made a graphic picture of the
rolling AMZtsszssippz, which now hangs in the hall of
the Brooklyn Lyceum. Reaching Green Island,
Perry cast anchor. Captain Mayo and four officers
volunteered to go to the rescue of the wrecked people.
In spite of the great peril, they saved the entire
party. The scene was one of thrilling interest when
the young mother embraced husband and child in
safety on the deck of the noble steamer. Had not
the Mississippi and Perry been at hand, the whole
party must have perished.

It was on his return from this errand of humanity
that Commodore Matthew Perry was given and
assumed the command of the American fleet — the
first of such magnitude, and the greatest yet assem:
bled under the American flag. The time was 8 A. M.
March 21st. As Captain Parker recollects: “On
the twenty-first of March shortly after the hoisting
of the colors, we were electrified by the signal from
the flag-ship ‘Commodore Perry commands the
squadron.’” Atonce, Perry called with Conner upon
General Scott concerning the navy’s part in the
siege.
PERRY COMMANDS THE SQUADRON, 221

The order of relief to Commodore Conner dated
Washington March 3, 1847, was worded: “The un-
certain duration of the war with Mexico has induced
the President to direct me no longer to suspend the

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PERRY AT THE AGE OF FIFTY-FOUR.

rule which limits the term of command in our squad.
rons in its application to your command of the Home
Squadron.”

Scott had opened fire March 18th, but seeing his
inability to breach the walls, he was obliged to apply
for help from the navy. When the new and the old
naval commanders visited him in his tent on the
morning of the 21st, the General requested of Perry
222 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the loan of six of the heavy shell guns of the navy
for use by the army in battery. Perry’s reply was
instant, hearty, characteristic, naval: “Certainly,
General, but I must fight them.”

Scott said his soldiers would take charge of the
guns, if the Commodore would land them on the
beach. To this Perry said “no!” That “wherever
the guns went, their officers and men must go with
them.”’ Scott objected, declined the conditions, and
renewed the bombardment with his small guns and
mortars ; but finding that he was only wasting time,
he finally consented and asked Perry to send the
guns with their naval crews. The marines were
already in the trenches doing duty as part of the 3d
U. S. artillery. Hitherto the sailors had acted as
the laborers for the army, now they were to take
part in the honors of the siege. This was on
account of Perry’s demand.

How the successor of Conner announced to his
sailors the glory awaiting them is told in the words
of Rear Admiral John H. Upshur. “I shall never
forget the thrill which pervaded the squadron, when,
on the day, within the very hour of his succeeding to
the command, he announced from his barge, as he
pulled under the sterns of all the vessels of the fleet,
in succession, that we were to land guns and crews
to participate in the investment of the city of Vera
Cruz. Cheer after cheer was sent up in evidence of
the enthusiasm this promise of a release from a life
of inaction we had been leading under Perry’s prede-
PERRY COMMANDS THE SQUADRON. 223

cessor inspired in every breast. In a moment
everything was stir and bustle, and in an incredibly
short space of time, each vessel had landed her big
gun, with double crews of officers and men. . . Perry
announced that those who did not behave themselves
should not be allowed another chance to fight the
enemy — which proved a guarantee of good conduct
in all. . . Under the energetic chief who succeeded to
the command of a squadron dying of supineness,
until his magic word revived it, the navy of the
United States sustained its old prestige.”

Not only were men and officers on the ships
thrilled at the sight of Perry’s pennant, but joy was
carried to many hearts on shore. A writer in the
New York Star, of August 7th 1852, who was on
board the flag-ship during two days of the siege
details the incidents here narrated.

At the investment of the city there were still left
in it a few American women with their children
mostly of the working class, their husbands having”
been driven from the city by the authorities. Gov-
ernor Landero was not the man to make war on
women and children, and they remained in peace
until the bombardment commenced. Then they
thronged to the house of Mr. Gifford the British
consul for protection, and he transferred them to the
sloop-of-war Daring, Captain George Marsden, who
found them what place he could on his decks, already
crowded with British subjects flying. from the
doomed city.
224 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

We had then seventy vessels, chartered transports
and vessels of war in front of the city, but from
negligence on the part of General Scott and Commo-
dore Conner no provision was made to succor and
relieve our homeless citizens, though “I,” says the
correspondent, “who write this from what I saw,
caused application to be made to both to have them
taken from the deck of the Davzng (where they were
in the way and only kept for charity) to some of our
unoccupied transport cabins. Commodore Conner
flatly refused, as Captain Forrest of the navy knows,
for he heard it, to have anything to do with them,
and General Scott had notime. Just about then,
Commodore Perry came down, to tie Gulf. At noon
his pennon of command floated from the M/zssissippz,
and before the sun went down, he had gathered into
a place of safety every person, whether common
working people or not, who had the right to claim
the protection of the American flag.”

The same writer adds: ‘The other time I saw him,
he had just been told that Mr. Beach of the Mew
York Sun and his daughter were in great danger in
the city of Mexico, as Mr. Beach was accused of
being a secret agent of the United States. The
informant at the same time volunteered the informa-
tion that the Suz ‘went against the Navy and
Commodore Perry. ‘The Navy must show him
that he is mistaken in his bad opinion of it,’ said the
bluff Commodore, ‘and the question is not who likes
me but how to get an American citizen, and above
PERRY COMMANDS THE SQUADRON. 225

all an unprotected female out of the hands of the
Mexicans.’ The son of Gomez Farias, the then
President of Mexico, and one or two other Mexican
gentlemen had come on board the Mississippi from
the British steamer, to solicit the kind offices of
Commodore Perry for permits to pass the American
lines. The Commodore seized the occasion to make
exchange of honor, and courtesy with young Farias.
He stated the case.of a father and daughter being
detained in dangerous uncertainty in the city of
Mexico, and obtained the pledges of the Mexicans to
promote their safe deliverance. It was effected
before they arrived in Mexico, but the quick and
generous action of Perry was none the less to be
esteemed.”

We may thus summarize the events of a day ever
memorable to Matthew Perry.

March 2oth. Arrival from the United States in
the Mississippt. Norther.

March 21. (a) Daylight — Rescue of the Hunter.
(2) 8 a. M. Receives command of squadron. (c) Call
with Conner on Gen. Scott. (d) Proposal for naval
battery. (¢) Perry returns to the fleet and assumes
command. (f) Under stern of each vessel, an-
nounces naval battery. (g) Arranges for American
women and children from Vera Cruz. (#) Prepara-
tions for landing the heavy navy guns.
CHAPTER XXIII.

THE NAVAL BATTERY BREACHES THE WALLS OF
VERA CRUZ,

Perry’s first order being that the navy should give
the army the most efficient codperation, by transfer-
ring part of its heavy battery from deck to land, the
six guns of the size and pattern most desired by
Scott were selected. With a view to distribute hon-
ors impartially among the ships, and to cheer the
men, a double crew of sailors and officers was as-
signed to each gun; one of the crews being the regu-
lar complement for the gun. As everyone wanted
to accompany the guns, lots were drawn among the
junior officers for the honor. The crews having been
picked, the landing of the ordnance began on
the 22d. The pieces chosen were two thirty-twos
from the Potomac, one of the same calibre from the
Raritan, and one sixty-eight chambered Paixhans or
Columbiad from the Afississzppi, the Albany, and the
St. Mary's. The three thirty-twos weighed sixty-one,
and the three sixty-eights, sixty-eight hundred-weight
each.

These were landed in the surf-boats, and by hun-
dreds of sailors and soldiers were hauled up on the
beach. The transportation on heavy trucks was
THE NAVAL BATTERY. 227

done by night, as it was necessary to conceal from
the Mexicans the existence of such a formidable
battery until it was ready to open. The site chosen
was three miles off. The road, as invisible for the
most part as an underground railway, was of sand,
in which the two trucks —all that were available —
sunk sometimes to the axles, and the men to the
knees, so that the toilsome work resembled plowing.

The naval battery, which, in the circumvallation
was “Number Four,” was constructed entirely of
the material at hand, very plentiful and sewn up in
bags. It had two traverses six or more feet thick,
the purpose of which was to resist a flanking, or in
naval parlance a “raking” fire, which might have
swept the inner space clean. The guns were mounted
in their own ship’s carriages on platforms, being run
out with side tackle and hand-spikes, and their re-
coil checked with sand-bags. The ridge on which
the battery was planted was opposite the fort of
Santa Barbara, parallel with the city walls and fifteen
feet above their level. It was directly in front of
General Patterson’s command. In the trenches be-
yond, lay his brigade of volunteers ready to support
the work in case of a sortie and storming by the
Mexicans. The balls were stacked within the sandy
. walls, but the magazine was stationed some distance
behind. The cartridges were served by the powder
boys as on ship-board, a small trench being dug for
their protection while not in transit.

Here then was “the accumulated science of ages”

.
228 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

on the plains of Vera Cruz applied to the naval art,
and directed against the doomed city, erected by one
of the greatest engineers of the age, Robert E.Lee,
with ordnance served by the ablest naval artillerists
of the world, the pupils of the leading officer of the
the American navy, Matthew C. Perry. Most of
them had been trained under his eye at the Sandy
Hook School of Gun Practice. They were now to
turn their knowledge into account. Not a single
random shot was fired.

The exact range of each of the familiar guns was
known, and the precise distance to the nearest and
more distant forts. The points to be aimed at had
been mathematically determined by triangulation
before a piece was fired. Shortly before Io a. M. on
on the 24th of March, while the last gun mounted
was being sponged and cleared of sand, the cannon
of Santa Barbara opened with a fire so well aimed
that it was clear that the battery was discovered.
A few daring volunteers sprang out of the embra-
sures to clear away the brush and unmask the work.
The chapparal was well chopped away to give free
range to the officers who sighted the pieces, the aim
being for the walls below the flag-pole. The direct
and cross fire of seven forts soon converged on the
sandbags, and the castle sent ten-and thirteen-inch
shells flying over and around. When one of these
fell inside, all dropped down to the ground. For the
first five minutes the air seemed to be full of missiles,
but our men after a little practice at houses and
THE NAVAL BATTERY. 229

flag-staffs soon settled down to their work to do their
best with navy guns, One lucky shot by Lieutenant
Baldwin severed the flag-staff of Santa Barbara; at
which, all hands mounted the parapet and gave three
cheers. In order to allow free sweep to the big guns,
the embrasures had been made large, thus offering a
tempting target to the enemy.

The Mexicans were good heavy artillerists, but
their shot was lighter than ours. Some of them
were killed by their own balls which had been picked
out of the sandbags by the Americans and fired back.
Their strongest and best served battery was that front-
ing on the one worked by our sailors. The navy was
here pitted against the navy, for the commander on the
city side was Lieutenant of Marines D. Sebastian
Holzinger, a German and an officer of several year’s
service in the Mexican navy. He was as brave as
he was capable; and when his flag-staff had been cut
away, he and a young assistant leaped into the space
outside, seized the flag and in sight of the Americans,
nailed it to the staff again. A ball from the naval
battery at the same moment striking the parapet,
Holzinger and his companion were nearly buried in
rubbish.

Within the city the Mexican soldiers, who had
before found shelter in their bomb-proof places of
retreat from the mortar bombs falling vertically into
the streets, did not relish and could not hold out
against missiles sent directly through the walls into
their barracks and places of refuge. The Paixhans
230 . MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

shells hit exactly among soldiers, and not into
churches among women. It is said that when the
Mexicans engineers in the city picked up the solid
thirty-two pounder shot and one of the unexploded
eight-inch shells, they decided at once that the city
must fall.

In spite of the hammering which the sand battery
received, no material injury to its walls was done,
and what there was was easily repaired at night.
Captains Lee and Williams were willing to show
faith in their own work, and remained in the redoubt
during the fire. At 2.30 P.M. the ammunition was
exhausted, and the heated ordnance was allowed to
cool. The last gun fired was a double-shotted one of
the Potomac. Captain Aulick wishing to send a
despatch to Commodore Perry, Midshipman Fauntle-
roy volunteered to take it, and though the Mexicans
were playing with all their artillery, he arrived
safely on the beach and Perry received tidings of
progress.

The embrasures were filled up with sandbags, and
the garrison sat under the parapet, awaiting the
relief party which approached about 4 o’clock. The
Mexicans, who had been driven away from their guns,
now finding the Americans silent, opened with
redoubled vigor which made the approaching rein-
forcements watch the air keenly for the black spots
which were round shots.

The result of the first day’s use of the navy guns
was, that fifty feet of the city walls built of coquina
THE NAVAL BATTERY. 231

or shell-rock, the curtains ofthe redoubt to right and
left, were cut away. A great breach was made, about
thirty-six feet wide, sufficient for a storming party to
enter; while the thicker masonry of the forts was
drilled like a colender. These breaches were partly
filled at night by sandbags.

The relief party led by Captain Mayo reached the
battery at sunset, and after a good supper, fell to sound
sleep, during which time, the engineers repaired the
parapet. It was a beautiful starlight night. The
time for the chirping of. the tropical insects had
come, and they were awakening vigorously to their
summer concerts. All night long the mortars, like
geyser springs of fire, kept up their rhythmic flow of
iron and flame. The great star-map of the heavens
seemed scratched over with parabolas of red fire, the
streaks of which were watched with delight by the
soldiers, and with tremor by the beleagured people
in the city.

At daylight the boatswain’s silver whistle called
the men to rise, and the day’s work soon after break-
fast began in earnest. The sailors manned their
guns, firing so steadily that between seven and eight
o'clock it was necessary to let the iron tubes cool.
At 7 A. M. another army battery, of four twenty-fours
and two eight-inch Paixhans being finished, joined in
the roar. Their fire was rapid, but the dense growth
of chapparal hid their objective points from view
making good aim impossible, so that the damage
done was not strikingly evident.
232 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

The castle garrison had now gained the exact
range of the naval battery, and thirteen-inch shell
from the castle began to fall all around and close to
the sandbags throwing up loose showers of soil. One
dropped within the battery but upon exploding, hurt
no one, The round shot from the city forts were
continually grazing the parapets, and it was while
Midshipman T. D. Shubrick was levelling his gun
and pointing it at a tower in one of the forts, that a
round shot entered the embrasure instantly killing
him. During the two days, four sailors were killed,
mostly by solid shot in the head or chest ; while five
officers and five men were wounded, mostly by chap-
paral splinters of yucca, or cactus thorns and spurs,
and fragments of sandbags.

Meanwhile, on deck, the Commodore co-operated
in the “awful activity’? of the American batteries.
At daylight, Perry, seeing that the castle was
paying particular attention to the naval battery,
ordered Tatnall in the Spztfire to approach and open
upon it, in order to divert the fire from the land
forces. Tatnall asked the Commodore at what point
he should engage. Perry replied, “Where you can
do the most execution, sir.” The brave Tatnall took
Perry at his word. With the Spz/fre and the Vixen,
commanded by Joshua R. Sands, each having two
gun-boats in tow, he steamed up to within eighty
yards distance, and began a furious cannonade upon
the fortress holding his position for a half hour.
The fight resembled a certain one, pictured on a
THE NAVAL BATTERY. 233

Netherlands historical medal, of a swarm of bees
trying to sting a tortoise to death despite his armor.
Here was a division of “mosquito boats”’ blazing
away at the stone castle within a distance which had
enabled the Mexicans to blow them out of the water
had they handled their guns aright. The affair
became not only exciting but ludicrous, when Tatnall
and Sands took still closer quarters within the Punto
de Hornos, where the little vessels were at first
almost hidden from view in the clouds of spray
raised by the rain of balls that vexed only the water.
Tatnall’s idea seemed to be to give the surgeons
plenty to do. Perry, however, did not believe in
that sort of warfare. When he saw that the castle
guns which had been trained away from the land to
the ships were rapidly improving their range, he
recalled the audacious fighters.

Tatnall at first was not inclined to see the signals.
The Commodore then sent a boat’s crew with pre-
emptory orders to return. Amid the cheers of the
men who brought them, Tatnall obeyed, though
raging and storming with chagrin. Most of the men
on board his ships were wet, but none had been hurt.
To retreat without bloody decks was not to his
taste.

General Scott, a thorough American, had long rid
himself of the old British tradition, that in all wars
there must be ‘‘a big butcher’s bill.” This idea was
not much modified until after the Crimean war,
which was mostly butchery, and little science,— mag-
234 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

nificent, but not war. The Soudan campaign of
1884 threatened a revival of it. We have seen how
this idea dominated on the British side, in the wished-
for “yard arm engagements” of the navy in 1812,
and how, in place of it, the Americans bent their
energies to skill in seamanship and gunnery; or, in
other words, to victory by science and skill.

Perry and Scott were alike in their ideas and
tastes, they regarded war more as the application of
military science to secure national ends with rapidity
and economy, than as a scrimmage in which results
were measured by the length of the lists of killed
and wounded. ‘Tatnall, a veteran of the old school,
however, seemed still to adhere to the old British
ideal, and was keenly disappointed to find so few
hurt on the American side.

From daybreak to one Pp. M., over six hundred’
Paixhans shells and solid shot were fired into the city
by the naval battery. Fort St. Iago, which had con-
centrated its fire on the army batteries, now opened
on the naval redoubt, the guns of which were at
once trained in the direction of the new foe. A few
applications of the science of artillery proved the
unerring accuracy of Perry’s pupils, and St. Iago
was silenced.

Captain Mayo and his officers through their glasses
saw the Mexicans evacuate the fort. Chagrined at
having no foemen worthy of their fire, he ordered
both officers and sailors to mount the parapet and
give three cheers. “If the enemy intends to fire
THE NAVAL BATTERY. 235

another shot, our cheers will draw it,” said the
gallant little Captain ; but echo and then silence were
the only answers. The naval guns having opened
the breach so desired by General Scott and silenced
all opposition, had now nothing further to do, were
again left to cool. The naval battery had fired in all
thirteen hundred rounds.

At 2 p.M., Captain Mayo turned over the command
to Lieutenant Bissell and mounted his horse, the
only one on the ground, to give Commodore Perry
the earliest information of the enemy’s being silenced.
As he rode through the camp, General Scott was
walking in front of his tent. Captain Mayo rode up
to him and said “General, they are done, they will
never fire another shot.”

The General, in great agitation, asked “Who?
Your battery, the naval battery?”

, Mayo answered, “No, General, the enemy is
silenced. They will not fire another shot.” He
then related what had occurred.

General Scott in his joy almost pulled Captain
Mayo off his horse, saying (to use his own expression)
“Commodore, I thank you and our brothers of the
navy in the name of the army for this day’s work."*

The General then went on and complimented in
most extravagant terms the rapid and heavy fire of
the naval battery upon the enemy ; saying, when he
was informed that Captain Mayo had sent to Perry

 

* Letter of Captain Mayo to Commodore M. C. Perry, No-
vember 4th, 1848.
236 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

for an additional supply of ammunition, that the post
of honor and of danger had been assigned by him to
the navy. The General's remarks then became
more personal. He said “I had my eye upon you,
Captain Mayo, as Midshipman,* as a Lieutenant, as
a Captain, now let me thank you personally as
Commodore Mayo for this day’s work.”

The loss of the second day in the navy was one
officer, Shubrick, and one sailor killed and three
wounded. Lieutenant Shubrick’s monument stands
in the Annapolis Naval Academy’s grounds.

On Captain Mayo’s notification to Perry of the re-
sults of the cannonade by navy guns, preparations
for assault were continued. It had been agreed by
General Scott and Commodore Perry that the storm-
ing party should consist of three columns, one of
sailors and marines, one of the regulars, and one of
volunteers. Perry had resolved to head his column
in person, and had already ordered ladders made.
The part assigned to the navy was to carry the sea
front. Perry had also planned the storming, by boat
parties, of the water battery of the castle so that its
guns might be spiked. For this a dark night was
necessary, and the waning of the moon had to be
awaited. Perry was unable to get into the position
which the French had occupied in 1839, because they
had treacherously moved there in time of peace; as
Courbet, in 1882, got into the Min river at Foo Chow,

 

* Isaac Mayo was on the Horned, in her capture of the Penguin
in the war of 1812.
THE NAVAL BATTERY. 237

China. For the attack on the city, ladders were
already finished. Having no other material at hand,
the studding-sail booms of the Mississippi had been
sawed up, and the navy was ready. The volunteers
were to enter through the breach made by the navy
guns.

The relief party from the ships under Captain, now
Rear Admiral Breese, took their places in the naval
battery on the afternoon of the 25th, ready for
another day’s work if necessary. But this was not
to be. The Mexican governor ordered a parley to be
sounded from the city walls at evening. The
signal was not understood by our forces, and the
mortars kept belching their fire all night long. The
next morning, the 26th, a white flag was displayed ;
and at 8 a. M., all the batteries ceased their fire, and
quietness reigned along our lines.

A conference for capitulation was held at the lime
kilns at Point Hornos. The commissioners from the
army were General W. T. Worth, and Colonel Totten
of the engineers,— Scott’s comrades-in-arms at Fort
George in 1813—-and General Pillow, who com-
manded a brigade of volunteers from Tennessee. By
this time, another frightful norther had burst upon
land and sea. Communication with the ships could
not be held, and so Perry could not be invited to sit
with the commissioners, for which General Scott
handsomely apologized. The navy, however, was
represented by the senior captain, J. H. Aulick;
while Commander Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, a
238 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

fluent scholar in Spanish, officiated as interpreter.
These officers acted in the convention entirely inde-
pendent of the authority of the General, as. naval
officers. The Mexican commandant’s propositions
were rejected, and unconditional surrender was dicta-
ted and accepted.

In the great norther of the 26th of March, twenty-
six transports went ashore, and cargoes to the amount
of half a million of dollars were lost. On the night
of the frightful storm there was bright moonlight,
and the vessels driving shoreward to their doom or
dashing on the rocks were seen from the city.

Unexpectedly to General Scott, Landero, the suc-
cessor of Morales who was commandant both of the
city and castle, made unconditional surrender both
at once. Scott had expected to take the city first,
and then with the navy to reduce the castle, it being
unknown to him that Morales held command at both
places. It may safely be affirmed that the moral
effect caused by the tremendous execution of the
naval battery caused this unexpected surrender of the
castle. Nevertheless the credit of the fall of Vera
Cruz belongs equally to three men, Conner, Scott
and Perry.

For his advance into the interior, General Scott
needed animals for transportation, and with Perry
the capture of Alvarado was planned. Horses were
abundant at this place, and good water was plentiful.
On two previous occasions, under Conner, attempts
to capture this town had proved miserable failures, so
THE NAVAL BATTERY. 239

that Perry and his men were exceedingly anxious to
succeed in securing it themselves. It was hoped too,
that an imposing demonstration by sea and land
would, since Vera Cruz had fallen, intimidate and
conciliate the people and prevent them joining Santa
Anna, As usual, Perry distributed the honors im-
partially among the crews of many vessels. Quitman’s
cavalry and infantry and a section of Steptoe’s ar-
tillery went by land. A party of the sailors bridged
the rivers for the soldiers.

On the day of the fall of Vera Cruz, Lieutenant
Charles G. Hunter of the Scourge had arrived. He
was ordered to blockade Alvarado, and report to Cap-
tain Breese of the A/bany. Hunter seeing signs of re-
treat, without waiting for orders moved his vessel in.
‘He found the guns dismounted, and leaving two or
three men in the deserted place, went up the river to
Tlacahalpa, firing right and left at whatever seemed
anenemy. As not an ounce of Mexican powder was
burned in opposition the whole act seemed one of
theatrical bravado. He left no word to his superior
officers, only directing a midshipman to write to
General Quitman. The cavalry on arriving found
the town had surrendered.

Perry ordered the arrest of Hunter, preferred
charges against him, and after court martial he
was dismissed from the squadron. The people at
home feasted and toasted him, and ‘ Alvarado
Hunter” was the hero of the hour, while Perry was
made the target of the newspapers. Hunter’s subse-
240 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

quent career is the best commentary upon the act of
Commodore Perry, and a full justification of it.*
Between gallantry, and bravado coupled with a selfish
breach of discipline, Perry made a clear distinction
and acted upon his convictions.

Of the sixty guns found at Alvarado thirty-five
were shipped as trophies and twenty-five were
destroyed.

Midshipman Robert C. Rodgers had been captured
by the Mexicans near the wall of Vera Cruz and was
imprisoned in the castle of Peroteas a spy. Though
Scott wanted to be the sole channel of communica-
tion with the Mexican government, Perry claimed
equal power in all that relates to the navy. He sent
Lieutenant Raphael Semmes (afterwards of Confede-
ate and A/abama fame) with the army for the pur-
pose. Scott refused to allow him to communicate,
but permitted him to remain one of the general’s aids.
Semmes was thus enabled to see the battles of the
campaign, the story of which he has told in his inter-
esting book.

One of Perry’s favorite young officers at this time
was Lieutenant James S. Thornton afterwards the
efficient executive officer on the Kearsarge in her
conflict with the Alabama.

 

* Captain W. H. Parker’s ‘‘ Recollections of a Naval Officer,”
p. 105.
CHAPTER XXIV.

THE NAVAL BRIGADE. CAPTURE OF TABASCO.

CommoporE MATTHEW C. PERRY was one of the
first American naval officers to overcome the preju-
dice of seamen against infantry drill, and toform acorps
of sailor-soldiers. Under his predecessor, the navy
had lost more than one opportunity of gaining distinc-
tion because unable to compete with infantry, or to
face cavalry in the open field. Perry formed the first
United States naval brigade, though Stockton in Cal-
ifornia employed a few of his sailors as marines in
garrison. The men of Perry’s brigade numbering
twenty-five hundred, with ten pieces of artillery, were
thoroughly drilled first in the manual of arms and then
in company and battalion formations under his own
eye. His first employment of part of this body was
at Tuspan. Twenty-two days after the fall of Vera
Cruz, and on the day of the battle of Cerro Gordo, the
bar at the river’s mouth was crossed by the light ships,
the fort stormed, and Tuspan “ taken at a gallop!”
Obliged to give up his marines to General Franklin
Pierce, Perry drilled his sailors all the more, so that
little leisure was allowed them.

The capture of Tabasco involved the problem of
fighting against infantry, posted behind breastworks,
242 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

with sailors. This was somewhat novel work for our
navy. Hitherto all our naval traditions were of squad-
ron fights in line, ship-to-ship duels, or boat expedi-
tions. In the present case the flotilla was to ascend
a narrow and torturous river to the distance of nearly
seventy miles through an enemy's country densely
covered with vegetation that afforded a continuous
cover for riflemen, and then to attack heavy shore
batteries.

From various points on the coast, the ships and
steamers assembled like magic, and on Monday morn-
ing, June 14, 1847, the squadron came to anchor off
the mouth of the Tabasco river. The detachments
from eleven vessels, numbering 1084 seamen and
marines in forty boats, were under the Commodore’s
immediate direction and command. He had prepared
the plan of attack with great care. Every contingency
was foreseen and provided against, and the minutest
details were subject to his thoughtful elaboration.

At that point of the river called the Devil’s Bend,
danger was apprehended. Here the dense chapparal
feathered down to’ the river’s edge affording a splen-
did opportunity for ambush. The alert Commodore
was standing on the upper waist deck of the Scorpion
under the awnings entirely exposed, on the look-out
for the enemy. Suddenly, as the flag-ship reached
the elbow, from the left side of the river the guns of
at least a hundred men blazed forth in a volley, fol-
lowed by a dropping fire. In an instant the awnings
were riddled and allthe upper works of wood and iron
CAPTURE OF TABASCO. 243

scratched, dented, and splintered, by the spatter of
lead and copper. Strange to say, not a single man
on the Scorpion was touched by the volley though a
sailor on the Vesuvius was hit later.

As the smoke curled up from the chapparal, Perry
pointed with his glass to the guns still flashing, and
gave, or rather roared out, the order “Fire.” The
guns of the Scorpion, Washington and the surf-boats,
with a rattling fusillade of small arms, soon mowed
great swaths in the jungle. From the masthead of
the Stromboli, a number of cavalry were seen beyond
the jungle. A ten-inch shell, from the eight-ton gun
of the Vesuvius, exploding among them, seemed to
the enemy to be an attack in the rear, cutting off their
retreat, and they scattered wildly. Very few of the
Mexicans took time to reload or fire a second shot.

It was now past six o’clock and it was determined
to anchor for the night. The whole squadron assem-
bled in the Devil’s Turn, and anchored in sight of the
Seven Palm Trees below which the obstructions had
been sunk. Due precautions were taken against a
night attack, as the dense chapparal was only twenty
yards distant. A barricade of hammocks was there-
fore thrown up on the bulwarks for protection, and
the sailors, as soldiers are, in rhetoric, said to do,
“slept on their arms.” But one volley was received
from the shore during the night, the air only receiv-
ing injury.

The enemy had placed obstructions at the bar to
prevent the further ascent of our forces. The Com-
244 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

modore, early in the morning, dispatched two boats
with survey officers to reconnoitre and sound a chan-
nel. These drew the fire of a breastwork, La Comena,
on the shore, which severely wounded Lieutenant Wil-
liam May.

The boats having been unable to find a channel,
Perry gave orders to land. With grape, bombs, and
musketry, the fleet cleared the ground, and then Perry
gave the order, “Prepare to land,” and led the way in
his barge with his broad pennant flying. All eyes
watched his movements as he pulled up the river.
When opposite the Palms, he steered for the shore,
and with his loud, clear voice heard fore and aft, called
out, “Three cheers, and land!” Thecheers were
given with enthusiasm, and then every oar bent. His
boat was the first to strike the beach, and the Com-
modore was the first man to land. With Captain
Mayo and his aids, he dashed up the nearly perpen-
dicular bank, and unfurled his broad pennant in the
sight of the whole line of boats. Instantly three
deafening cheers again rang out from the throats ofa
thousand men who panted to be near it and share its
fortunes. It wasa sight so unusual, for a naval Com-
mander-in-chief, to take the field under such circum-
stances at the head of his command, that the enthusi-
asm of our tars was unbounded and _ irrepressible.
They bent to their oars with a will and pulled for the
shore.

The artillery and infantry were quickly landed on
the narrow flats at the base of the high banks.
CAPTURE OF TABASCO, 245

Reaching these, the infantry were formed in line
within ten minutes. Then came the tug-work of
drawing seven field pieces up a bank four rods high,
and slanting only twenty-five feet from a perpendic-
ular. With plenty of rope and muscle the work was
accomplished. Three more pieces were landed later
from the bomb ketches and added as a reserve.
Most of the landing was done in five, and all within
ten, minutes. In half an hour after the Commodore
first set foot on land, the column was in motion as
follows : —

The pioneers far in advance under Lieutenant
Maynard, the marines under Captain Edson, the
artillery under Captain Alexander Slidell Mackenzie,
and the detachments of seamen under the various
captains to whose ships they severally belonged.
Captain Mayo acted as adjutant general, the Commo-
dore giving his personal attention to every movement
of the whole. In this, as in all things, Perry was a
master of details.

The march upon Tabasco now began, the burly
Commodore being at the front. Through a skirt of
jungle, then for a mile through a clear plain, and
again in the woods, they soon came in sight of Aca-
chapan where an advancing company of a hundred
musket-men opened fire on our column. At this
chosen place, the Mexican general had intended to
give battle, having here the main body of his army
with two field pieces and a body of cavalry. At the
first fire of the Mexican musketry, our field pieces
246 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

were got into position, and a few round shots, well
served, put the lessening numbers of the enemy to
flight. The terrible execution so quickly done
showed the Mexicans that the Americans had landed
not as a mob of sailors but a body of drilled infantry
with artillery. A change came over the spirit of the
orator, Bruno, and he fell back in his intrenchments.
The road wound near the water and the march was
re-commenced.

Meanwhile the ships left in the river were not
idle. The flotilla, led by the Spz¢fre under Lieuten-
ant, now Admiral Porter, had passed the obstructions,
and according to Perry’s orders, were gallantly as-
cending near the fort and town. The three hearty
cheers which were exchanged between ships and
shore when the two parties caught sight of each
other, greatly intimidated the vetevavos in the fort.
Behind the deserted breastworks of Acachapan,
our men found the usual signs of sudden and speedy
exit. Clothes, bedding and cooking utensils were
visible. The bill of fare for the breakfast all ready,
but untasted, consisted of boiled beef, tortillas,
squash and corn in several styles.

Without delaying here, the advance column passed
on and rested under several enormous scyba trees
near alagoon of water. Officers and men had earned
rest, for the work of hauling field pieces in tropical
weather along narrow, swampy and tortuous roads,
and over rude corduroy bridges hastily constructed
by the pioneers, was toilsome in the extreme. In
CAPTURE OF TABASCO. 247

some cases the wheels of a gun carriage would sink
to their hubs requiring a whole company to drag
them out. Someof the best officers and most athletic
seamen fainted from heat and excessive fatigue, but
reviving with rest and refreshment, resumed their-
labors with zeal that inspired the whole line. This
march overland of a naval force with artillery along
an almost roadless country seemed to demoralize
both the veterans and militia in fort and trenches.

The Spitfire and Scorpion passed up the river un-
molested until within range of Fort Iturbide, a shot
from which cut the paddle wheel of the Spztfire.
Without being disabled, the steamer moved on and
got in the rear of the fortification, pouring in so
rapid and accurate a fire, that the garrison soon lost
all spirit and showed signs of flinching. Seeing this,
Lieutenant, now Admiral, Porter landed with sixty-
eight men and under an irregular fire charged and
captured it, the Mexicans flying in all directions.
The town was then taken possession of by a force
detailed from the two steamers, under Captain S. S.
Lee, Lieutenant Porter remaining in command of the
Spitfire.

When the Commodore at 2 o’clock p. m. arrived at
the ditch and breastworks, a quarter of a mile from
the fort, and in sight of the town, he found the de-
serted place well furnished with cooked dinners and
cast off but good clothing. The advance now waited
until the straggling I'ne closed up, so that the
whole force might enter the city in company. Soon
248 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

after reaching the fort which mounted two six, three
twenty-eight, and one twenty-four pounder guns with
numerous pyramids of shot and stands of grape, they
found the men from the ships in possession, and the
stars and stripes floated above, and each detachment
of the column, as it entered, cheered with enthusiasm.

The Commodore and his aids were escorted by the
marines and the force marched, company front, to the
plaza. They moved almost at a run up the steep
street, the band playing Yankee Doodle. Bruno’s
prophecy was fulfilled, but without Bruno. A few of
the citizens and foreign merchants and consuls whose
flags were flying welcomed the Commodore. The
rain was now falling heavily and, as the public build-
ings were closed, and no one seemed to have the
keys, the doors were forced. Quarters were duly
assigned to the Commodore, staff and marines. The
artillery was parked in the arcades of the plaza, so as
to command al) the approaches to the city, and the
men rested. Even the Commodore had walked the
entire distance, only one animal, an old mule, having
been captured on the way and reserved for the
hospital party.

Six days were spent at Tabasco. From the first
hour of arriving, the Commodore made ample provis-
ion for good order, health, economy, revenue, and the
honor of the Americanname. The scenes on the open
square during the American occupation, the tattoo,
reveille, evening and morning gun, the hourly cry of
“all’s well,” the shrill whistle of the boatswain, and
CAPTURE OF TABASCO. 249

the occasional summons of all hands to quarters,
showed that, with perfect discipline, the naval batal-
lion of the Home Squadron was perfectly at home in
Tabasco, and that the sailors could act like good
soldiers on land as well as keep discipline aboard ship.

The large guns and war relics were put on board
the flotilla, but the other military stores were de-
stroyed. Captain A. Bigelow was left in command of
the city with four hundred and twenty men. Perry’s
orders against pillage were very stringent. He
meant to show that the war was not against peaceful
non-belligerents, but against the Mexican official
class. Perry highly commended Captain Edson and
his body of marines for their share of the work at
Tabasco. His approbation of these men, who for
nine months had served under his immediate eye, was
warm and sincere. They afterwards did good service
before the gates and in the city of Mexico. Perry
wrote of the marines, “I repeat what I have often
said, that this distinguished and veteran corps is one of
the most effective and valuable arms of the service.”

The capture of Tabasco, whose commercial impor-
tance was second to that of Vera Cruz, was the last
of the notable naval operations of the war. So faras
the navy was concerned, the campaign was over, un-
less the sailors should turn soldiers altogether, for
every one of the Gulf ports was in American hands.
Since the fall of Vera Cruz, the navy had captured
six cities with their fortresses and ninty-three can-
non. This work was all done on shore, off the proper
250 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

element of a naval force. In addition to these opera-
tions, the Commodore demanded and received from
Yucatan her neutrality, carried into effect at the ports
the regulation of the United States Treasury Depart-
ment for raising revenue from the Mexicans, and found
leisure to erect a spacious and comfortable hospital on
the island of Salmadina equipped with all the comforts
obtainable. This preparation for the disease cer-
tain to come among unacclimated men was most
opportune. ;

About this time Perry sent home to the United
States in the Raritan, in care of Captain Forest, the
guns captured at various places. Three of the six at
Tabasco were assigned to the Annapolis Naval Aca-
demy to be used for drill purposes. This wasalso in
compliment to the first graduates of the institution,
several of whom were serving in the Mexican cam-
paign, as well as its first principal Captain Franklin
Buchanan.
CHAPTER XXV.

FIGHTING THE YELLOW FEVER. PEACE.

AFTER his exploits at Tuspan, Tabasco and Yuca-
tan, Perry, having captured every port and landing
place along the whole eastern coast of Mexico, and
established a strict blockade, thereby maintaining in-
tact the base of supplies for the army in the interior,
turned his attention to new foes. Bands of guerrillas,
the fragments of the armies which Scott had de-
stroyed, were not the only things to be feared. Mos-
quitoes and winged vermin of many species, malarial,
yellow and other fevers — two great hosts— were to
be fought night and day without cessation.

It is said that in northern Corea, “the men hunt
the tigers during six months in the year, and the
tigers hunt the men during the other six months.”
In Mexico, along the coast, the northers rage during
one half of the year, while the yellow fever reigns
through the other half, maintaining the balance of
power and an equilibrium of misery.

Fire broke out on the A@zsszssippz, owing to sponta-
neous combustion of impure coal put on board at
Norfolk, ina wet condition. It was extinguished. only
by pumping water into the coal-bunkers. Through this
necessity, the flag-ship, which had thus far defied the
252 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

powers of air, sun and moisture, became a foothold
of pestilence. Yellow fever broke out, and, towards
the end of July, the Messcssippt had to be sent to
Pensacola.

Perry shifted his flag to the Germantown, (a fine
old frigate fated to be burned at Norfolk in 1861),
Capt. Buchanan, and sailed July 16, to inquire after
the health of the men on blockade and garrison duty
in the ports, while the two hundred or more patients
of the Mzssissippz quickly convalesced in Florida.

Northers and vomito, though depended on by the
Mexicans to fight in their courses against the Yan-
kees, did not work together in the same time. The
northers thus far had kept back the yellow fever, but
now while Scott’s army moved in the salubrious high-
lands of the interior, the unacclimated sailors remain-
ing on the pestilential coast were called to fight disease,
insects, and banditti, at once. They must hold ports
with pitifully small garrisons, enforcing financial reg-
ulations, and grappling with villainous consuls who
desecrated their national flags by smuggling from
Havana, and by harboring the goods of the enemy.
Many so-called “consuls” in Mexican ports were
never so accredited, and could not appreciate the
liberal policy of the United States towards neutrals,

While the plague was impending, there was a woe-
ful lack of medical officers; one surgeon on seven
ships at anchor, and two assistant surgeons in the
hospital, composing the medical staff. The patients
at Salmadina did well, but the fever broke out among
FIGHTING THE YELLOW FEVER. 253

the merchant vessels at Vera Cruz and the foreign
men-of-war at Sacrificios.

By the middle of August, the sickly season was
well advanced, and with so many of the large ships
sent home for the health of the men, Perry’s force
was small enough, while yet the guerrillas were as
lively and seemingly as numerous and ubiquitous as
mosquitoes. Fortunately for the American cause,
some of the most noted of the guerrilla chiefs fell out
among themselves and came to blows.

Perry wrote to Washington earnestly requesting
that marines be sent out to act as flankers to parties
of seamen landed to cut off guerrilla parties. In the
night attacks which were frequent, the men and
officers had to stand to their guns for long hours in
drenching dews and heavy miasma.

The conditions of life on the low malarious Mexi-
can coast are at any time, trying to the thick-skinned
whites, and unacclimated men from the north; but,
in war time, the dangers were vastly increased. The
marines left at the ports when on duty had to endure
the piercing rays of the sun at mid-day and the heavy
dews at midnight, and to beat off the guerrillas who
skirmished in darkness. Added to this, were the
investigations or excavations which mosquitoes, sand-
flies, centipedes, scorpions and tarantulas, were con-
tinually making into the human flesh with every sort
of digging, fighting, chewing, sucking, and stinging
instruments with which the inscrutable wisdom of
the Almighty has endowed them. Added to these
254 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

foes without, was that peculiar form of delirium
tremens prevailing along the rivers and brought on by
tropical heat with which some of the Americans were
afflicted. The victims, prompted by an irresistible
desire to throw themselves into the water, were often
drowned. Hitherto only known in Dryden’s poetry,
American officers now bore witness to its violence.

On the ships, the miasma arising from decaying
kelp washed upon the barren reefs and decomposed
by the sun’s rays created the atmospheric conditions
well suited for the spread of vomito. A sour nausea-
ting effluvia blew over the ships all night, and easily
operated upon the spleen or liver of those who, from
exposure, fatigue or intemperate habits, were most
predisposed.

The Commodore convened a board of medical offi-
cers on board the Mississippi prior to her departure
to inquire into the causes of the disorder. In their
opinion, it was atmospheric,—a theory justified by
the fact that patients convalesced as soon as the
ships moved out to sea. The theory of inocculation
by flies, mosquitoes and other insects was not then
demonstrated as now, though for other reasons net-
ting was a boon and protection to the hospital
patients.

One of the first cases, if not the very first case, of
yellow fever attacking a ship's crew in the American
navy was that on board the General Greene, com-
manded by M. C. Perry’s father in 1799. Coming
north from the West Indies to get rid of the disease,
FIGHTING THE YELLOW FEVER. 255

it broke out again at Newport. So virulent was the
contagion, that even bathers in the water near the
ship, were attacked by it. The memories of his
childhood, which had long lain in his memory as a
dream, became painfully vivid to the Commodore as
he visited the yellow fever hospital, and saw so many
gallant officers and brave men succumb to the
scourge. “King Death sat in his yellow robe.”
Soon even the robust form of the Commodore suc-
cumbed to the severe labors exposure and responsi-
bilities laid upon him, though fortunately he escaped
the yellow fever. Four officers died in one week; but
Perry, after a season of sickness, recovered, and, on
the approach of autumn was up again and active.

The expression of thanks to the navy for its ser-
vices was only to an extent that may be called
niggardly. Perry had sometimes to apply the art of
exegesis to find the desired passage containing praise.
After the brilliant Tuspan affair, he discovered a
fragment of a paragraph, in a dispatch alluding to
other matters, which was evidently intended to mean
thanks. Instead of reading it on the quarter-deck,
he mentioned it informally to his officers, lest the
men should be discouraged by such faint praise. In
reponse to the compliments of the city authorities
of New York and Washington, Perry made due
acknowledgment.

The truth seems to be that Matthew Perry was
not personally in favor with the authorities at Wash-
ington. He had won his position and honors by
256 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

sheer merit, and had compelled praise which else had
been withheld. In this matter, he was not alone, for
even Scott gained his brilliant victories without the
personal sympathies or good wishes of the Adminis-
tration.

It was as much as the Commodore of the great
fleet could do to get sufficient clerical aid to assist
him in his vast correspondence and other pen-work,
so great was the fear at Washington, that the public
funds would be squandered.

Perry persistently demanded more light draft
steamers drawing not over seven and a half feet and
armed with but one heavy gun, for river work.
Mexico is a country without one navigable river, and
only the most buoyant vessels could cross the bars.
He plead his needs so earnestly that the Secretary
of the Navy, John Y. Mason, took him to task. It is
probable that the very brilliancy of the victories of
both our army and navy in Mexico, blinded, not only
the general public, but the administration to the
arduous nature of the service, and to the greatness of
the difficulties overcome. The campaign of the army
was spoken of as a “picnic,” and that of the navy as
a “yachting excursion.” Certain it is that the
administration seemed more anxious to make politi-
cal capital out of the war, than either to appreciate
the labors of its servants or the injustice done to the
Mexicans.

In all his dispatches, Perry was unstinting in his
praise of the army, to whose success he so greatly
FIGHTING THE YELLOW FEVER. 257

contributed. From intercepted letters, he learned
that the presence of his active naval force had kept
large numbers of the Mexican regulars near the coast,
and away from the path of Scott’s army. He had
seriously felt the loss of his marines, a whole regi-
ment of whom, under Colonel Watson, had been
* taken away from him to go into the interior. Never-
theless, he remitted no activity, but, by constantly
threatening various points, the coast was kept in
alarm so that Mexican garrisons had to remain at
every landing place along the water line. He thus
contributed powerfully to the final triumph of our
arms. On the 30th of September, he heard with
gratification of the entry, thirteen days before, of
Scott’s army into the city of Mexico. During
November and December, the Commodore made
several cruises up and down the coast, firmly main-
taining the blockade, until the treaty of peace was
signed at Guadalupe Hidalgo, February 2, 1848. In
Yucatan, Perry did much to hasten the end of the
war of race and caste, which was then raging between
the whites and the Indian peones and rancheros.
Santa Anna who had concealed himself in Pueblo,
hoping to escape by way of Vera Cruz, opened nego-
, tiations with Perry, who replied, that he would re-
ceive him with the courtesy due to his rank, provided
he would surrender himself unconditionally as a
prisoner of war. It turned out in the end, that, with-
out let or hindrance by either Mexicans or Americans,
Santa Anna the unscrupulous and avaricious, left his
258 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

native land, April 5, 1848, on a Spanish brig bound
to Jamaica. Gallantly but vainly he had tried to
resist ‘the North American invasion.” After seventy-
eight years of amazing vicissitudes, the last years
of his life being spent on Staten Island, N. Y., chiefly
in cock-fighting and card-playing, he died June 20,
1876, at Vera Cruz. He was the incarnation of fickle °
and ignorant Mexico.

The re-embarkation of the troops homeward began
in May. The city, the fortress, and the custom-house
of Vera Cruz, were restored to the Mexican govern-
ment, June 11, 1848. Four days later, the Commo-
dore leaving the Germantown, Saratoga and a few
smaller vessels in the gulf, sent the other men-of-war
northward to be repaired or sold. The frigate Cum.

erland, bearing the broad pennant, entered New
York bay July 23, 1848.

In the war between two republics, the American
soldier was an educated freeman, far superior in phy-
sique and mental power to his foeman. The Mexi-
cans were docile and brave, easily taking. death while
in the ranks, but unable to stand against the rush
and sustained valor of the American troops; while
their leaders were out-generaled by the superior
science of officers who had been graduated from West
Point. In the civil war, thirteen years later, nearly
all the leaders, and all the great soldiers on both sides,
whose reputations withstood the strain of four years’
campaigning, were regularly educated army officers
who had graduated from the school of service in
FIGHTING THE YELLOW FEVER, 259

Mexico. It was the preliminary training in this
foreign war, that made our armies of ’61, more than
mobs, and gave to so many of the campaigns the
order of science. The Mexican war was probably the
first in which the newspapers made and unmade the
reputation of commanders, and the war correspond-
ent first emerged as a distinct figure in modern
history. Some of the famous sayings, the texture of
which may be either historically plain, or rhetori-
cally embroidered, are still current in American
speech. Nor will such phrases, as “ Rough and
Ready,” “ Fuss and Feathers,” “ A little more grape,
Captain Bragg,” “Wait, Charlie, till I draw their
fire,” “Certainly General, but I must fight them,”
“Where the guns go, the men go with them,” soon
be forgotten.

As to the rights of the quarrel with Mexico, most
of the officers of the army and navy were indifferent ;
as perhaps soldiers have a right to be, seeing the
responsibility rests with their superiors, the civil
rulers. Matthew Perry, as a soldier, felt that the
war was waged unjustly by a stronger upon a weaker
nation, and endeavored, while doing his duty in obed-
ience to orders, to curtail the horrors of invasion.
He was ever vigilant to suppress robbery, rapine,
cold-blooded cruelty, and all that lay outside of hon-
orable war. In the letters written to his biographer,
by fellow-officers, are many instances of “Old Matt’s”
shrewdness in preventing and severity in punishing
wanton pillage, and the infliction of needless pain
on man or beast.
260 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Whatever may have been the sentiments of the
past, despite also the provocation of the Mexico of
Santa Anna’s time, the verdict of history as given
by Herbert Bancroft, will now find echo all over our
common country. “The United States was in the
wrong, all the world knows it; all honest American
citizens acknowledge it.”

President Polk and his party, in compelling the
war with Mexico, meant one thing. The Almighty
intended something different. Politicians and slave-
holders brought on a war to extend the area of human
servitude. Providence meant it to be a war for free-
dom, and the expansion of a people best fitted to
replenish and subdue the new land. At the right
moment, the time-locks on the hidden treasuries of
gold drew back their bolts, and a free people entered
to change a wilderness to empire. There is now no
slavery in either the new or the old parts of the
United States.
 

 

CHAPTER XXVI.

RESULTS OF THE WAR. GOLD AND THE PACIFIC
COAST.

From his home at the “ Moorings” by the Hudson,
Perry gave his attention to the curiosities and
trophies brought home from Mexico. Ever jealous
for the honor of the navy, he noted with pain a
letter written by General Scott to Captain H. Brew-
erton, superintendent of the Military Academy at
West Point, which was published in the newspapers
October 16th, 1848. General Scott had presented
sections of several Mexican flag-staffs captured in the
campaign that commenced at Vera Cruz and termin-
ated in the capital of Mexico. Three of them were
thus inscribed : —

1. “Part ‘of the flag-staff of the castle of San Juan
d’Ulloa taken by the American army March 2oth,
1847.”

2. “Part of the flag-staff of Fort San Iago, Vera
Cruz, taken by the American army March 2gth, 1847.”

3. “Part of the flag-staff of Fort Conception, Vera
Cruz, taken by the American army March 2gth, 1847.”
262 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

The four other staves from Cerro Gordo, Perote,
Chapultepec, and the National Palace of Mexico,
were in truth “taken by the American army” with-
out the aid of the navy.

Perry believing that the statements in the para-
graphs numbered I, 2, and 3, were not strictly true,
protested in a letter dated Oct. roth, 1848, to the
editors of the Courier and Inquirer. He maintained
that the city and castle of Vera Cruz “surrendered
not to the army alone, but to the combined land and
naval forces of the United States.” Appealing to the
facts of history concerning the bombardment of the
city by the squadron, the service of the marines in
the trenches, and of the ship’s guns and men in the
naval battery, he continued : —

“Negotiations for the capitulation of the city and
castle were conducted on the part of the squadron by
Captain John H. Aulick, assisted by the late Com-
mander Mackenzie as interpreter, both delegated by
me, and as commander-in-chief at the time, of the
United States naval forces serving in the Gulf of
Mexico acting in co-operation with, but entirely
independent of the authority of General Scott, I
approved of and signed jointly with him the treaty of
capitulation.”

“Tt seems to bea paramount duty on my part
to correct an error which, if left unnoticed, would be
the source of great and lasting injury to the navy;
and it may reasonably be expected that General
Scott will cause the inscriptions referred to to be so
RESULTS OF THE WAR. 263

altered as to make them correspond more closely
with history.” In proof of his assertions, Perry
quoted an extract from General Scott’s Orders
referring to the services of the navy in blockade, in
disembarkation, in the attack on the city, and in the
battery No. 5.

Like a true soldier, Scott made speedy correction
on the brasses, and on the 24th of October wrote to
Captain Brewerton, “ Please cause the plates of those
three objects to be unscrewed, efface the inscriptions
and renew the same with the words avd Navy in-'
serted immediately after the word ‘Army.’” He
added, “No part of the army is inclined to do the
sister branch of our public defence the slightest
injustice, and that I ought to be free from the impu-
tation, my despatches written at Vera Cruz abun-
dantly show.”

As commentary on the last line above, it may be
stated that in his autobiography, in writing of Vera
Cruz, Scott never mentions Commodore Perry, the
navy, or the naval battery. Biographies of Scott, and
makers of popular histories, basing their paragraphs
on ‘Campaign Lives” of the presidential candidates,
give fulsome praise to Scott, and due credit to the
army; none, or next to none, to Perry and the navy.

The enlarged experience gained by our naval men
during the war was now put to good use, and two
great reforms, the abolition of flogging and the grog
ration, were earnestly discussed. The captains were
called upon for their written opinions. These, bound
264 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

up in a volume now in the navy archives at Wash-
ington, furnish most interesting reading. They are
part of the history of the progress of opinion as well
as of morals in the United States. The proposition
to do away with the “cat” and the “tot” found
earnest and uncompromising opponents in officers of
the old school; while, on the other hand, the credit
of reforms now well established has been claimed by
the friends of more than one eminent officer. Let
us look at Matthew Perry’s record.

As early as 1824, Perry had studied the temperance
question from anaval point of view. He was, it is
believed, the first officer in our navy to propose the
partial abolition of liquor, which was at that time
served to boys as well as to men. This reform, he
suggested in a letter to the Department, dated
January 25th, 1824. His endeavor to stop the grog
ration from minors was a stroke in behalf of sound
moral principles and a plea for order. With a high
opinion of the marines, and their well-handled bayo-
nets — before which, the most stubborn sailor’s
mutiny breaks,— Perry yet wished to take away one
of the fomenting causes of evil on shipboard. When
a midshipman, Perry was heartily opposed to strong
drink for boys, and especially to the indiscriminate
grog system licensed by government on ships of war.
In his diary kept on board the President, the lad
notes, with sarcastic comment, the frequent calls for
whiskey from certain vessels of the squadron, es-
pecially the Avgus, the crew of which had a repu-
tation for a thirst of a kind not satisfied with water.
RESULTS OF THE WAR. 265

Perry’s letter dated New York, February 4th, 1850,
fills eleven pages, and shows his usual habit of
looking at a subject onall sides. To have answered
the question as to grog, without consulting the
sailors themselves, would have smacked too much
of the doctrinaire for him. He was personally
heartily in favor of abolishing grog, but with that
love for the comfort of his men which so endeared
“Old Matt” to the common sailor, he proposed for
the first-rate seamen, the optional use of light wines.
His attitude was that of temperance, rather than
prohibition.

Flogging had been introduced into the American
navy in 1799, when “the cat-of-nine tails” was made the
legal instrument of punishment, “no other cat being
allowed.” Not more than twelve lashes were allowed
on the bare back. Even a court martial could not
order over a hundred lashes. As to its total abolition,
Perry felt that his own opinion should be formed by
a consensus of the most respectable sailors. Person-
ally he was in favor of immediately modifying, but
not at once abolishing the penalty. This was to him
“the most painful of all the duties of an officer.”
He would rather make it more formal, leaving the
question of its administration not in the hands of
the captain, but of an inferior court on ship of three
officers, the finding of the court to be subject to the
captain’s revision. Perry believed, as the result of
long experience, that the old sailors and the good
ones were opposed to total abolition of flogging,
266 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

since the punishment operated as a protection to
them against desperate characters. To satisfy him-
self of public opinion, he went on board the North
Carolina and .asked Captain J. R. Sands to call to
him eight of the oldest active sailors. The men
came in promptly to the cabin, not knowing who
called them or why. All were native Americans,
and all were opposed to the abolition of flogging.
Nevertheless, Perry was glad when this relic of
barbarism was abolished from the decks of the
American ships of war. On him fell the brunt of the
decision. He first enforced discipline, chiefly by
moral suasion, on a fleet in which was no flogging.
The grog ration was not abolished until 1862.

Until the great civil war, only two fleets — that is,
collections of war vessels numbering at least twelve
—had assembled under the American flag. These
were in the waters of Mexico and Japan. Both were
commanded by Matthew. C. Perry.

Nearly forty years have now passed since the
Mexican war, and a survey of the facts and subsequent
history is of genuine interest. The United States
employed, in the invasion of a sister republic, about
one hundred thousand armed men. Of these, 26,690
were regular troops, 56,926 volunteers, while over
15,000 were in the navy, or in the department
of commissariat and transportation. Probably as
many as eighty thousand soldiers were actually in
Mexico. Of this host, 120 officers and 1,400 men
fell in battle or died of wounds, and 100 officers and
RESULTS OF THE WAR. 267

10,800 men perished by disease. These figures by
General Viele are from the army rolls. Another
writer gives the total, in round numbers, of American
war-employées lost in battle at 5,000, and by sickness
15,000, About 1,000 men of the army of occupation
died each month of garrison-fever in the city of
Mexico, and many more were ruined in health and
character. In all, the loss of manhood by glory and
malaria was fully 25,000 men. The war cost the
United States, directly, a sum estimated between
$130,000,000 and $166,500,000. Including the pen-
sions, recently voted, this amount will be greatly
increased.

Turning from the debit to the credit account, the
United States gained in Texas, and the ceded terri-
tory, nearly one million square miles of land,
increasing her area one-third, and adding five thous-
and miles of sea-coast, with three great harbors.
Except for one of those world-influencing episodes,
which are usually called “accidents,” but which
make epochs and history, this large territory would
long have waited for inhabitants. The vast desert
was made to bud with promise, and blossom as the
rose, by the discovery of some shining grains of
metal, yellow and heavy, in a mill race. California
with her golden hands rose up, a new figure in
history, to beckon westward the returned veteran,
the youth of the overcrowded East, the young blood
and sinew of Europe. The era of the “prairie
schooner” to traverse the plains, the steamer to ply
268 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

to the Isthmus, the fast-sailing American clipper
ships to double the Cape, was ushered in. Zadoc
Pratt’s dream of a trans-continental railway, laid on
the Indian trails, soon found a solid basis in easy
possibility. Inthe eight months ending March 1850,
nine millions of gold from California entered the
United States. The volume of wealth from California
and Texas in thirty-two years, has equalled the debt
incurred during the great civil war to preserve the
American union; enabling the government to say to
Louis Napoleon, ‘Get out of Mexico, and take im-
perialism from the American continent.”

Yet even California, and the boundless possi-
bilities of the Pacific slope could not suffice for the
restless energy of the American. The mer-
chant seeking new outlets of trade, the whaler
careering in all seas for spoil, the missionary moved
with desire to enter new fields of humanity, the
explorer burning to unlock hidden treasures of
mystery, looked westward over earth’s broadest ocean.
China had opened a few wicket gates. Two hermit
kingdoms still kept their doors barred. Corea was
no lure. It had no place in literature, no fame to the
traveller, no repute of wealth to incite. Its name
suggested no more than a sea-shell. There was
another nation. Of her, travellers, merchants, and
martyrs had told ; about her, libraries had been writ-
ten; religion, learning, wealth, curious and mighty in-
stitutions, a literature and a civilization, gold ard coal
and trade were there. Kingly suitors and the men of
 

RESULTS OF THE WAR. 269

many nations had plead for entrance and waited
vainly at her jealously barred and guarded doors.
The only answer during monotonous centuries had
been haughty denial or contemptuous silence. Japan
was the sleeping princess in the eastern seas.
Thornrose castle still tempted all daring spirits.
Who should be the one to sail westward, with valor
and with force, held but unused, wake with peaceful
kiss the maiden to life and a beauty to be admired
of all the world?
CHAPTER XXVIII.

AMERICAN ATTEMPTS TO OPEN TRADE WITH JAPAN.

WE propose here to summarize the various at-
tempts by Americans to re-open Japan to intercourse
with other nations. For two centuries, after Iyéyast
and his successors passed their decree of seclusion,
Japanremained the new Paradise Lost to Europeans.
Perry made it Paradise Regained.

In Zhe Japan Expedition, the editor of Perry’s
work has given, on page 62, in a tabulated list, the
various attempts made by civilized nations to open
commerce with Japan from 1543 down to 1852. In
this, the Portuguese, Dutch, English, Russians,
American, and French have taken part. This table,
however, is incomplete, as we shall show.

The American flag was probably first carried
around the world in 1784, by Major Robert Shaw,
formerly an officer in the revolutionary army of the
United States First Artillery. It was, therefore,
seen in the eastern seas as early as 1784, and at
Nagasaki as early as 1797. In 1803, Mr. Waarde-
naar, the Dutch superintendent at Déshima, not hav-
ing heard that the peace of the Amiens, negotiated
by Lord Cornwallis and signed March 27, 1802, had
been broken, boarded a European vessel coming into
ATTEMPTS TO OPEN TRADE WITH JAPAN. 271

port, and recognized an American, Captain Stewart,
who during the war had made voyages for the Dutch
East India Company. Captain Stewart explained
that he had come with a cargo of wholly American
goods, of which he was proprietor. The following
dialogue ensued :—

Q. ‘Who is the King of America.”’

A, ‘President Jefferson.”

Q. ‘Why do you come to Japan?”

A. “To demand liberty of commerce for me and
my people.”

Waardenaar suspected that the real chief of the
expedition was not Stewart, but “the doctor” on
board, and that it was a British ship. Hence, on
Waardenaar’s report to the governor of Nagasaki,
the latter forbade Stewart the coasts of Japan, al-
lowing him, however, water and provisions.

The facts underlying this apparent attempt of
the enterprising Yankee to open trade with the
United States so early in the history of the coun-
try seemed to be these. Captain Stewart, an
American in the service of the Dutch East India
Company, having made his first voyage from Ba-
tavia to Nagasaki in 1797, was sent again the fol-
lowing year, 1798. An earthquake and tidal wave
coming on, his ship dragged her anchors and the
cargo, consisting chiefly of camphor, was thrown
overboard. The vessel would have become a total
272 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

wreck but for the ingenuity of a native. He “used
helps undergirding the ship,” floating her. Then
taking her in tow of a big junk, he drew her into
a safe quarter. For this, the Japanese was made
a two-sworded samurai. Stewart was sent back to
Batavia. Thence he fled to Bengal, where he most
probably persuaded the English merchants to send
him in a ship to Japan with a cargo, to open trade
for them under the name of Americans.

A few days after Stewart had left, Captain Tor-
ry, the accredited agent of the Calcutta Company,
came to Nagasaki, to open trade if possible. Tor-
ry had sent Stewart before him, the Japanese not
daring, he thought, to refuse Englishmen after
allowing Americans to trade. Torry was, however,
sent away as being in league with Stewart, and
left after obtaining a supply of water.

In 1807, as Hildreth in his /apan, states, the
American ship, Lclipse, of Boston, chartered at
Canton, by the Russian American Company for
Kamschatka and the north-west coast of America,
entered the harbor of Nagasaki under Russian colors,
but could obtain no trade and only provisions and
water. The Dutch flag being driven from the ocean,
the annual ships from Batavia to Nagasaki in 1799,
1800, 1801, 1802, 1803, and at least one of the
pair in 1806, 1807 and 1809, were American bot-
toms and under the American flag, so that the
Japanese became familiar with the seventeen-starred
flag of the United States of America.
ATTEMPTS TO OPEN TRADE WITH JAPAN. 273

The brilliant and successful foreign policy of
President Andrew Jackson in Europe, has been al-
ready noted. Even Asia felt his influence. Mr.
Edmund Roberts*, a sea captain of Portsmouth, N.
H., was named by President Jackson, his “agent”
for the purpose of “examining in the Indian ocean
the means of extending the commerce of the United
States by commercial arrangements with the Pow-
ers whose dominions border on those seas.” He
was ordered, January 27, 1832, to embark on the
United States Sloop-of-war, Peacock, in which he
was rated as captain’s clerk. On the 23rd of July,
he was ordered “to be very careful in obtaining
information respecting Japan, the means of open-
ing a communication with it, and the value of its
trade with the Dutch and Chinese.” Arriving at
Canton, he might receive further instructions. He
had with him blanks. On the 28th of October,
1832, Edward Livingstone, the United States Sec-
retary of State, instructed him that the United
States had it in contemplation to institute a sep-
arate mission to Japan. If, however, a favorable
opportunity presented, he might fill up a letter and
present it to the “Emperor” for the purpose of
opening trade. Roberts was successful in inaugu-
rating diplomatic and commercial relations with
Muscat and Siam, but, on account of his prema-
ture death, nothing came of his mission to Japan.
He died June 12, 1836, at Macao, where his tomb
duly inscribed, is in the Protestant cemetery.

 

* Embassy to the Eastern Courts, New York, 1837.
274 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Commodore Kennedy in the Peacock, with the
schooner Exderprise, visited the Bonin Islands in
August 1837, an account of which was written by
Doctor Ruschenberger,* the fleet surgeon.

The sight of the flowery flag of ‘“Bé-koku” or
the United States, became more and more familiar
to the Japanese coasting and ship population, as
the riches of the whaling waters became better
known in America. The American whalers were
so numerous in the Japan seas by the year 1850,
that eighty-six of the “black ships” were counted
as passing Matsumaé in twelve months. Perry
found that no-fewer-than ten thousand of our people
were engaged in this business. Furthermore, the
Japanese waifs blown out to sea were drifted into the
Black Current and to the Kurile and Aleutian islands,
to Russian and British America, to Oregon and
California, and even to Hawaii.

The necessity of visiting Japan on errands of
mercy to return these waifs became a frequent one.
Reciprocally, the Japanese sent the shipwrecked
Americans by the Dutch vessels to Batavia whence
they reached the United States. This was the
cause of the “ Morrison's” visit to the bay of Yedo
and to Kagoshima i in "1837. This ship, fitly named
after the first Protestant English missionary to
China, whose grave lies near Roberts in the terraced
cemetery at Macao, was despatched by an American
mercantile firm. Included among the thirty-eight

 

* A Voyage Round the World, Philadelphia, 1838.
ATTEMPTS TO OPEN TRADE WITH JAPAN. 275

persons on board were seven Japanese waifs, Rev.
Charles Gutzlaff, Dr. S. Wells Williams, Peter
Parker, Mr. King, the owner, and Mrs. King. They
sailed July 3d. The vessel reached Uraga, bay of
Yedo, July 22d, and Kagoshima in Satsuma August
20, but was fired on and driven away. The name of
“Morrison Bluff”? on the map of Japan is an honor
to American Christianity, as it is a shame to Old
Japan.

The proposition to open commercial relations with
the two secluded nations now came definitely befcre
Congress. On February 15th 1845, General Zadoc
Pratt, chairman of the select committee on statistics
introduced the following resolution in Congress to
treat for the opening of Japan and Corea. ‘ Whereas
it is important to the general interests of the United \
States that steady and persevering efforts should be /
made for the extension of American commerce,
connected as that commerce is with the agriculture
and manufactures of our country; be it therefore
vesolved, that in furtherance of this object, it is
hereby recommended that immediate measures be
taken for effecting commercial arrangements with
the Empire of Japan and the Kingdom of Corea,*
for the following among other reasons.” Then
follows a memorandum concerning the proposed
mission.

Captain Mercator Cooper, in the whale ship
Manhattan, of “Sag Harbor, returned twenty-two

pot

 

* Corea, the Hermit Nation, p. 390.
276 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

shipwrecked Japanese early in April 1845, from the
island of St. Peters to Uraga in the bay of Yedo,
where he lay at anchor four days obtaining books and
charts. When the Japanese embassy of 1861 reached
New York, one of the first questions asked by them
was, “ Where is Captain Cooper?”

Our government authorized Commodore Biddle,
then in command of the East Indian squadron,~to
visit Japan in the hope of securing a convention.
He left Chusan July 7th, and, on the 2oth of July
1846, with the ship of the line, Columbus, 90 guns,
and the sloop of war, Vincennes, he anchored off
Uraga. Application for trade was made in due form,
but the answer given July 28th by the Shé-gun’s
deputy who came on board with a suite of eight
persons, was a positive refusal. Commodore Biddle
being instructed “not to do anything to excite a
hostile feeling or distrust of the United States,”
sailed away July 20, in obedience to orders.

At this very time, eight American sailors, or
seven, as the Japanese account ‘states, wrecked on
the whale ship, Lawrence, June 6th, were imprisoned
inYezo; but the fact was not then known in Yedo.
After seventeen months confinement, they were sent
to Nagasaki and thence in October 1847, to Batavia.
From one of these sailors, a Japanese samurai, or
two-sworded retainer of a damid, named Moriyama
Yénosiké, (Mr. Grove-mountain) learned to speak
and read English with tolerable fluency. He acted
as chief medium of communication between the
ATTEMPTS TO OPEN TRADE WITH JAPAN. 277

Japanese and their next American visitor, Glynn;
and afterwards served as interpreter in the treaty
negotiations at Yokohama in 1854. At this time
the Dutch trade with Japan barely paid the expenses
of the factory at Déshima. The Dutch East India
Company some years before had voluntarily turned
over the monopoly to the Dutch government. Trade
was now upon a purely sentimental basis, being kept
up solely for the honor of the Dutch flag. The
next step, which logically followed, was a letter from
the King of Holland to the Shé-gun recommending
that Japan open her ports to the tradé-of-the world.
Meanwhile, the Mikado commanded that the coasts
should be strictly guarded so as to prevent dishonor
to the Divine Country.”’

In September, 1848, fifteen foreign seamen, eight
of them Americans, wrecked from the Ladoga, were
sent ina junk from Matsiimaé to Nagasaki. The
Netherlands consul at Canton made notification
January 27, 1849, to Captain Geisinger, a gallant
officer on the Wasp in 1814, in command of the
Peacock during Mr. Roberts's first embassy, and now
in command of the East India squadron,who sent Com-
mander Glynn in the Pred/e, the brig once in Perry’s
African squadron, and carrying fourteen guns, to
their rescue. Stopping at Napa, Riu Kiu, on his
way to Nagasaki, he learned from the Rev. Dr. J.
Bettelheim the missionary there, of the rumors
concerning “the Japanese victory over the American
big ships.” The snowball of rumor in rolling to the
278 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

provinces had become an avalanche of exaggeration,
and Glynn at once determined to pursue “a stalwart
policy.” On reaching Nagasaki, he dashed through
the cordon of boats, and anchored within cannon
shot of the city. He submitted to the usual red
tape proceedings and evasive diplomacy for two days,
and then threatened to open fire on the city unless
the sailors were forthcoming. That the_Japanese
had hear eee
gunnery, having heard of it at Vera Cruz, the follow-
ing conversation will shew Lie apancse, through
the Dutch, had been kept minutely informed as to
the Mexican war and, in their first interview with
Commander Glynn, remarked : —

“You have had a war with Mexico?”

“Yes.”

“You whipped her?”

“Yes,”

“You have taken a part of her territory?”

“Ves.”

“And you have discovered large quantities of gold
in it?”

The imprisoned seamen were promptly delivered
on the deck of the Pred/e. They stated that, when
in Matsimaé, they had learned from the guards of

. their prison of every battle we had with the Mexicans
and of every victory we had gained. The prestige
of the American navy won at Vera Cruz and on the
ATTEMPTS TO OPEN TRADE WITH JAPAN. 279

two coasts had doubtless a good influence upon the

Japanese, making Glynn’s_ mission easier than it
otherwise might have been Teeter Comman-
der Glynn suggested that the timé for opening Japan
was favorable and-recommendéd the sending of a
force to doit, = er

Commerce with China, the settlement of California,
the growth of the American whale-fishery in the
eastern seas, the expansion of steam traffic, with
the corrollary necessities of coal and ports for
shelter, and the frequency of: shipwrecks, were all
compelling factors in the opening of Japan — which
event could not long be delayed.

The shadows of the coming event were already
descried in Japan. Numerous records of the landing
or shipwreck of American and other seamen are
found in the native chronicles of this period. The
Dutch dropped broad hints of embassies or expedi-
tions sooh to come. In September, 1847, the rank of
the governor of Uraga, the entrance-port to the Bay
of Yedo, was raised. In October, the daimids or
barons were ordered to maintain the coast defences,
and encourage warlike studies and exercises. In
November, the boy named Shichiro Maro, destined
to be the last Taikun (“ Tycoon”) and head of
Japanese feudalism, came into public notice as heir
of one of the princely families of the Succession.
In December, a census of the number of newly cast
cannon able to throw balls of one pound weight and
over was ordered to be taken. The chronicler of the

 
280 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

year 1848 notes that nineteen foreign vessels passed
through the straits of Tsushima in April, and closes
his notice of remarkable events by saying : “ During
this year, foreign ships visited our northern seas
in“such numbers as had not been seen in recent
times!”

SS EEeeetame
CHAPTER XXVIII.

ORIGIN OF THE AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO JAPAN.

THoucGH as a student and a man of culture, Perry
was familiar with the drift of events in China, and~
was interested in Japan, yet it was not untilthe year
1850, that his thoughts were turned seriously to the
unopened country in the eastern seas. The receipt
of news about the Preble affair crystallized his
thoughts into a definitely formed purpose. He
began to look at the problem, of winning Japan into
the comity of nations, with a practical eye, from a
naval and personal view-point.

Highly approving of Commander Glynn’s cougse,
he believed that kindness and firmness, backed by a
force in the Bay of Yedo sufficient to impress the
authorities would, by tact, patience and care, result
in a bloodless victory. He now gathered together
literary material bearing on the subject and pondered
upon the question how to translate Ali Baba’s watch-
word into Japanese. There seemed, however, little
likelihood that the government would be willing to
send thither an imposing squadron. He did not
therefore seek the command of the East India squad-
ron, and the initial proposition to do the work with
which his name is connected, came to him and not
from him.
AY

Bs ae

282 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Commander James Glynn, on his return, early in
1851, went to Washington earnestly wishing to be
sent on a diplomatic mission to Japan with a fresh
naval force. To this gallant and able young officer,
belongs a considerable share of the credit of working
the President and Secretary of State up to the point
of action. The expedition, as it came to be organized,
however, grew to the proportions of a fleet, and Glynn
found himself excluded by his rank, the command of
the expedition being very properly claimed by an
officer of higher rank in the army. The applicant
for the honor of commander of the Japan expedition,
then in embryo, was Commodore J. H. Aulick, who
had been in the navy since 1809, and was master’s
mate of the &xterprise in her combat with the
Boxer, in the war of 1812.

Dismissing from his mind, or at least postponing
until a more propitious time his eastward possibili-
ties, Perry, March 21, 1851, applied for the command
of the Mediterranean squadron to succeed Commo-
dore Morgan if the way was clear. During the
summer and autumn, he was several times in Wash-
ington, and frequently in consultation with the
Naval Committee. He was led to believe his desire
would be granted and made personal and domestic
arrangements accordingly. Yet the appointment
hung fire for reasons that Perry did not then under-
stand,

General Taylor, having been hustled into the
Presidency, promptly succumbed to the unaccustomed
AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO JAPAN, 283

turmoil of politics. He yielded to an enemy more
dire and persistent than Santa Anna,—the office
seeker, and found his grave. The urbane Millard
Fillmore took his place, with Daniel Webster as
Secretary of State. The suggestions of Commander
Glynn for the opening of Japan had pleased both the
President and Secretary, and pretty soon, one of those
multiplying pretexts and opportunities for going
near the “Capital of the Tycoon” occurred. It
was the picking up at sea of another lot of waifs by
Captain Jennings, of the barque Auckland who took
them to San Francisco. On the gth of May, 1851,
Commodore Aulick proposed to the Secretary of
State a plan for the opening of Japan, and on the same
day, Mr. Webster addressed an official note to Hon.
William Graham, Secretary of the Navy, in which
these words occur:

“Commodore Aulick has suggested to me, and I
cheerfully concur in the opinion, that this incident
may afford a favorable opportunity for opening com-
mercial relations with the empire of Japan; or, at
least, of placing our intercourse with that Island upon
a more easy footing.”

The nail already insertedin the wood by Glynn was
thus driven further in by Aulick’s proposition and
Mr. Webster’s hearty indorsement. The next day a
letter to the “ Emperor” was prepared and, on the
30th of May, Commodore Aulick received his com-
mission to negotiate and sign a treaty with Japan.
He was to be accompanied by “an imposing naval
284 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

force” At least, so Mr. Webster’s letter suggested.
Unfortunately, for Commodore Aulick, he left before
the nail was driven in a sure place. He departed for
the East with slight preparation, foresight, or mastery
of details, and long before the “imposing” naval
force was gathered, or even begun. Even had Aulick
remained in command, he would probably never have
received any large accession to his force. Had he
attempted the work of negotiation with but two or
three vessels, he would most probably have failed.
The preparation and sailing of the fleet to follow
him was delayed. Promises were never kept, and he
was recalled. Why was this? Commodore Aulick,
on his return, demanded a court martial in order that
he himself might know the reasons, but his wishes
were not heeded. History has heretofore been silent
on the point.

There are some who think that Perry is at fault
here; that he grasped at honors prepared for others,
reaping where he had not sowed.

The reason for the recall of Commodore Aulick
and the appointment of Perry in his place were
neither made public at the time, nor have they thus
far been understood by the public, or even by acquain-
tances of Perry who ignorantly misjudge him. A
number of persons, some of them naval officers, have
even supposed that Perry was responsible for the
bad treatment of Commodore Aulick, and that he
sacrificed a fellow-officer to gratify his own ambition.
The writer was long under the impression that
AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO JAPAN. 285

Perry’s own urgency in seeking the position secured
for himself the appointment, and that the govern-
ment favored Perry at the expense of his comrade.
With the view of sounding the truth at the bottom
of the well, the writer made search in both Aulick’s
and Secretary Graham’s official and confidential
letters.

The unexpected result was the thorough vindica-
tion of Perry from the shadow of suspicion. The
facts reveal that harsh treatment may sometimes
hastily and needlessly be accorded toa gallant officer,
and illustrate the dangers besetting our commanders,
when non-naval people with a weakness for tittle-
tattle live on board a man-of-war. The arrows of
gossip and slander, whether on sea or land, are suffi-
ciently poisonous. They nearly took the life, and
ruined the reputation of Commodore Aulick ; but of
their shooting, Perry was as innocent as an unborn
child. The simple facts in the case are that Commo-
dore Aulick was recalled from China long before Perry
had any idea of assuming the Japan mission, and that
his relations with his old comrade in Mexico were
always of the pleasantest nature. We must look from
the captains to their superior.

On the ist of May 1851, Commodore Aulick re-
ceived orders to proceed in the new steamer frigate
Susquehanna to Rio Janeiro, taking out the Brazilian
minister Macedo as the guest of the United States,
He sailed from Norfolk June 8th, and by way of
Maderia, arrived at his destination July 22. The
286 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Susquehanna was a steam frigate of noble spacious-
ness built at the Philadelphia Navy Yard in 1847.
Her launch amid a glory of sunshine, bunting, happy
faces, and the symbolic breaking of a bottle of water
from the river of her own name, the writer remem-
bers as one of the bright events of his childhood.
She carried sixteen guns, and was of two thousand four
hundred and fifty tons burthen, but though of ex-
cellent model her machinery was constantly getting
out of order. From Rio Janeiro Aulick proceeded
around the Cape of Cood Hope on diplomatic busi-
ness with the Sultan of Zanzibar. This having been
finished, Aulick sailed to China and on arriving at
Hong Kong, began to organize a squadron and make
his personal preparations for a visit to Japan. He
secured as his interpreter, D. Bethune McCartee, Esq.,
M. D. an accomplished American missionary at
Ningpo. He also investigated, as per orders, with the
aid of the missionaries of the Reformed [Dutch]
Church in America at Amoy, Rev. Messrs. Doty and
Talmage, (brother of T. De Witt Talmage of Brooklyn)
the coolie traffic. The Saratoga was. sent after
the mutineers of the Robert Bowne, and visited the
Riu Kiu islands. While engaged in cruising
between Macao and Manilla, though smitten down
with disease, the old hero was astounded at receiving
a curt order from the Secretary of the Navy dated
November, 18th 1851. It directed him to hand over
his command to Captain Franklin Buchanan, but not
to leave the China seas until his successor should
AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO JAPAN. 287

arrive. At the same time, he was informed that
grave imputations had been cast upon his conduct.
Prompt and full explanation of these was called for.
The charges were, that he had violated express
orders in taking a person (his son) on board a
national vessel as passenger without authority, and
that he had given out at Rio Jenerio that the
Chevalier de Macedo was being carried at his
(Aulick’s) private expense.

Meanwhile, the Anglo-Chinese newspapers got
hold of the patent fact, and the ready inference was
drawn that Commodore Aulick had been recalled for
mis-conduct. This annoyed the old veteran to ex-
asperation. Worn out by forty-four years in his
country’s service, with both disgrace and an early but
lingering death staring him in the face, with the
prospect of being obliged to go home in a merchant
vessel and without medical attendance, he dictated
(being unable to hold a pen) a letter dated February
7, 1853, protesting against this harsh treatment
caused by “‘ex-parte statements of certain diplomats
in Rio Janeiro, whose names, up to this time, have
never been officially made known to me.” For
months in precarious health, Aulick waited for his
unnamed relief, and at last, heard that it was his as
yet old friend Perry. By the advice of his physician,
Dr. Peter Parker and surgeon S. S. Du Barry, he
started homeward at the first favorable opportunity,
by the English mail steamer, passing the Acsszssippz
on her way out.
288 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

In London, Commodore Aulick called upon and was
the guest of Chevalier de Macedo, who learned with
surprise of the trouble into which he had fallen with
his government. A long letter now in the navy
archives, from the Brazilian, thoroughly exonorated
Aulick. Arriving in New York June Ist 1863, and
reporting to Secretary Dobbin, Commodore Aulick
requested that, if his letter of explanation of Febru-
ary 17, 1853, were not deemed satisfactory, a court of
inquiry, or court martial, be ordered for his trial.
After careful examination, the secretary wrote, Au-
gust 2, 18§3, clearing Aulick of all blame, accompany-
ing his letter with waiting orders. In theletter of the
gratified officer in response dated August 4, 1853,
we have the last word in this painful episode in naval
history, in which the brave veteran was nearly sacri-
ficed by the stray gossip of a civilian apparently more
eager to curry Brazilian favor than to do eternal or
even American justice.

One can easily see why, in addition to the rooted
instinct of a lifetime, Perry, in the light of Aulick’s
misfortune, declined to allow miscellaneous corres-
pondence with the newspapers, and sternly refused
to admit on the Japan expedition a single person not
under naval discipline.

The chronological order of facts as revealed by the
study of the documents is this: On the r7th of
November 1851, Secretary Graham dictated the
order of recall to Commodore Aulick, On the next
day, he wrote the following : —
AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO JAPAN. 289

Navy DEPARTMENT, November 18, 1851.
Commopore M. C. Perry, U. S. Navy, New York.
Sir,—Proceed to Washington immediately, for the pur-
pose of conferring with the Secretary of the Navy.
Respectfully
WILL. A. GRAHAM.

Unusual press of business and the writing of his
report for the impending session of Congress caused
the receipt by Perry on his arrival in Washington, of
a note, dated November 26, the substance of which
was that the Secretary was so busy that he could not
consider the business for which Perry was called
from home, until after Congress had met. He need
not, therefore, wait in Washington but was at liberty
to gohome and wait instructions. This was the first
thorn of the rose on the way to the Thornrose castle,
in the Pacific.

Somewhat vexed, as Perry must have been, at
being forced on a seeming fool’s errand, he possessed
his soul in patience, and, at home expressed his
mind on paper as follows :—

NortH Tarrytown, N. Y., December 3, 1851.

Sir,— Seeing that you were so much occupied during
my stay at Washington, I was careful not to intrude upon
your time and consequently had little opportunity of con-
versing with you upon the business which caused me to be
ordered to that city —it has, therefore, occured to me,
whether it would not be desirable that I should write down
the accompanying notes, in further explanation of the
290 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

views entertained by me, with reference to the subject
under consideration.

So far as respects my own wishes, I confess that it will,
to me, be a serious disappointment, and cause of personal
inconvenience not to go to the Mediterranean, as I was
led to believe from various reliable sources that it had
been the intention of the Department to assign me to the
command, and had made arrangements accordingly ; but
I hold that an officer is bound to go where his services are
most required, yet I trust I may be pardoned for express-
ing a strong disinclination to go out as the mere relief or
successor to Commodore Aulick without being charged
with some more important service, and with a force com-
petent to a possible successful issue the expectations of the
government.

Advance in rank and command is the greatest incentive
to a officer, and, having already been intrusted with
two squadrons, one of them the largest one put afloat
since the creation of the navy, I could only look to the
Mediterranean for advance in that respect, as that station,
in time of peace, has always been looked upon as the most
desirable. Hence it may not be surprising that I con-
sider the the relief of Commodore Aulick who is much my
junior and served under me in my second squadron, a
retrograde movement in that great and deeply fostered
aim of an officer of proper ambition, to push forward;
unless indeed, as I have before remarked, the sphere of
action of the East India squadron and its force be so
much enlarged as to hold out a well-grounded hope of its
conferring distinction upon its commander.

Doubtless there are others my juniors as competent, if
not more so, who would gladly accept the command as it
AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO JAPAN. 291

now is and, if it is not intended to augment it in view of
carrying out the important object with respect to Japan, I
may confidently hope that in accordance with your kind
promise on the occasion of my interview with you at your
house, on the evening of the day of my arrival in Wash-
ington, I shall still be assigned to the command of the
Mediterranean squadron.

In thus expressing myself freely to you I feel assured
from a knowledge of your hign tone of character, that you
will fully appreciate the motives which have influenced me
in desiring to embark only in that service in the prosecu-
tion of which I could anticipate a chance of success, or
even escape from mortification, disappointment, and
failure.

With great respect I have the honor to be,
Your most obedient servrnt,
M. C. PERRY.

THe Hon. WM. GrauHam,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.

The secretary's clerk wrote January 14, 1852,
“Commodore Perry will proceed to Washington
and report to the Secretary of the Navy without de-
lay.” The head of the Department added in auto-
graph, “ Report in person at the Department.” This
time the trip to the Capital was made with some-
thing definite in view.

On the 6th of March, he received orders from the
Department detaching him from the superintendence
of United States Mail Steamers and transferring the
command to Commodore Reany. He had, since
202 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

January 9, 1849, been in active connection with steam-
ship owners, manufacturers and inventors, and been
engaged in testing the newest inventions and im-
provements in steam navigation. The transfer was
duly made on the 8th, and on the 23d, we find Perry
again in Washington holding long conversation with
the Secretary of the Navy, Hon. W. A. Graham, on
the outfit and personnel of the proposed Japan expe-
dition. On the 24th, he received formal orders to
command the East India squadron.

One of the first officers detailed to assist the Com-
modore was Lieut. Silas Bent who had been with
Glynn on the Preble at Nagasaki. He was ordered
to report on board the Afisséssippi. Perry’s “ Fidus
Achates,” Captain Henry A. Adams, and his special
friends, Captains Franklin Buchanan, Sidney Smith
Lee, were invited and gladly accepted. His exceed-
ing care in the selection of the personnel* of the ex-
pedition is shown in a letter from the “ Moorings”
dated February 2, 1852. to Captain Franklin Bu-
chanan. Heexpected them to embark by the first of
April, and sent his ships ahead laden with coal for
the war steamers to the Cape of Good Hope, and
Mauritius. He congratulates his old friend on a
new arrival in his household, “ You certainly bid fair
to have a great many grandchildren in the course of
time. I already have eight.”

“In selecting your officers, pray be careful in
choosing them of a subordinate and gentlemanlike

*See complete list, vol. IT. of his official Report.
AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO JAPAN. 293

character. We shall be obliged to govern in some
measure, as McKeever says, by moral suasion.
McIntosh, I see by the papers, has changed with
Commander Pearson and leaves the Congress, and is
now on his way home in the Falmouth. We shall
now learn how the philanthropic principle of moral
suasion answers.”

The reference is to the state of things consequent
upon the abolition of flogging. Perry was to gather
and lead to peaceful victory, the first American
fleet governed without the lash.
CHAPTER XXIX.

PREPARATIONS FOR JAPAN. AN INTERNATIONAL
EPISODE.

THE charts used in the Japan expedition came
mostly from Holland, and cost our government
thirty thousand dollars. Perry does not seem to
have been aware that Captain Mercator Cooper of
Sag Harbor, Long Island, had brought home fairly
good Japanese charts of the Bay of Yedo, more ac-
curate probably than any which he was able to pur-
chase. Captain Beechey of the B. M. S. Blossom,
had surveyed carefully the seas around Riu Kiu.
The large coast-line map of Japan, in four sheets,
made on modern scientific principles by a wealthy
Japanese who had expended his fortune and suffered
imprisonment for his work, which was published
posthumously, was not then accessible.

Intelligent Japanese have been eager to know, and
more than one has asked the writer: “How did
Perry get his knowledge of our country and people?”
We answer that he made diligent study of books and
men. He had asked for permission to purchase all
necessary books at a reasonable price. Von Siebold’s
colossal work was a mine of information from which
European book-makers were beginning to quarry, as
AN INTERNATIONAL EPISODE. 295

they had long done from Engelbert Kaempfer, but
the importer’s price of Von Siebold’s Archiv was
$503. The interest excited in England by the ex-
pedition caused the publication in London of a cheap
reprint of Kzmpfer.

By setting in motion the machinery of the libra-
rians and book-collectors in New York and London,
Perry was able to secure a library on the subject.
He speedily and thoroughly mastered their contents.

So far from Japan being a ¢erra zucognita in litera-
ture, it had been even then more written about than
Turkey. Few far Eastern Asiatic nations have
reason to be proud of so voluminous and polyglot
a European library concerning themselves as the
Japanese. On the subject about which information
was as defective as it was most needed, was the
political situation of modern Japan and the true rela-
tion of the “Tycoon” to the Mikado.

Earnestly desirous of impressing the Japanese
with American resources and inventions, the Commo-
dore on March 27th, 185i, had notified the Depart-
ment of his intention to obtain specimens of every
sort of mechanical products, arms and machinery,
with statistical and other volumes illustrating the ad-
vance of the useful arts. In addition to this, he
notified manufacturers of his wish to obtain samples
of every description. Armed with letters from his
friends, the Appletons of New York, he visited Al-
bany, Boston, New Bedford and Providence to obtain
what he desired, and to inquire into personal details
206 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

and statistics of the American whalers engaged in
Japanese and Chinese waters. An unexpectedly
great interest was arising from all quarters concern-
ing Japan and the expedition thither. All with whom
he had interviews were enthusiastic and liberal in
aiding him. At New Bedford he learned that
American capital to the amount of seventeen mil-
lions was invested in the whaling industry in the
seas of Japan and China. Thousands of our sailors
manned the ships thus employed.

This was before the days of petroleum and the
electric light. It explained also why American ship-
wrecked sailors were so often found in Japan. There
were reciprocal additions to the populations on both
sides of the Pacific. While the Kuro Shiwo, or
Black Current, was sweeping Japanese junks out to
sea and lining the west coast of North America with
wrecks and waifs, the rocky shores of the Sunrise
Kingdom were liberally strewn with castaways, to
whom the American flag was the sign of home.

The cause of this remarkable development of
American enterprise in distant seas lay in the liberal
policy of Russia toward our people. Our first treaty
of 1824 declared the navigation and fisheries of the
Pacific free to both nations. The second convention
of 1838, signed by James Buchanan and Count Nes-
selrode, guaranteed to citizens of the United States
freedom to enter all ports, places and rivers on the
Alaskan coast under Russian protection. Already
the northern Pacific was virtually an American
possession.
AN INTERNATIONAL EPISODE. 297

There was great eagerness on the part of scientific
men and learned societies to be represented in the
proposed expedition. Much pressure was brought to
bear upon the Commodore to organize a corps of
experts in the sciences, or to allow favored indi-
vidual civilians to enter the fleet. Perry firmly
declined all such offers.

He proposed to duplicate none of his predecessor's
blunders, nor to imperil his personal reputation or
the success of a costly expedition by the presence of
iandsmen of any sort on board. He sent his son
to China at his own private expense. The expedi-
tion was saved the previous tribulations of Aulick, or
the later afflictions of De Long in the Jeannette.

As illustrating the variety of subordinate matters
to be looked into, he was instructed to inquire con-
cerning the product of sulphur, and about weights
and measures. The Norris Brothers of Philadelphia
furnished the little locomotive and rails to be laid
down in Japan. These, with a thousand other
details were carefully studied by the Commodore.

Indeed it may be truly said that Perry’s thorough
grasp of details before he left the United States
made him already master ofthe situation. He knew
just what to do, and how to doit. The Japanese did
not. He appreciated the advantage of having sailor,
engineer, diplomatist and captain in one man, and
that man himself. Not so with Rodgers in Corea, in
1871.

If Perry, after his appointment as special envoy of
2¢8 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the United States to Japan, had trusted entirely to
his official superiors, he would probably never have
obtained his fleet or won a treaty. Four months
after receiving his appointment, the Whig conven-
tion met in Baltimore, June the 16th. When it ad.
journed, on June 22nd, the ticket nominated was
“Scott and Graham.” Thenceforth, Secretary
Graham took little or no practical interest in Japan
or Perry. The Commodore’s first and hardest task
was to conquer lethargy at home. One instance of
his foresight is seen in his care for a sure supply of
coal, without which side-wheel steamers, almost the
only ones then in the navy, were worse than useless.
He directed Messrs. Howland and Aspinwall to send
out two coal ships, one to the Cape of Good Hope
and the other to Mauritius. These floating depots
were afterwards of the greatest service to the advance
and following steamers, Mississippi, Powhatan and
Alleghany.

A lively episode in international politics occurred
in July, 1852, which Perry was called upon to settle.
New England was convulsed over the seizure of
American fishing vessels by British cruisers. Con-
gress being still in session, the opposition were not
slow to denounce the Administration.

Mr. Fillmore invited Mr. John P. Kennedy of
“Swallow Barn” literary fame to succeed Mr. Gra-
ham as Secretary of the Navy. Mr. Kennedy took
his seat in the cabinet July 24th. The excitement
over the fishery question was then at fever heat.
AN INTERNATIONAL EPISODE, 299

Mutterings of war were already heard in the news-
papers. Employment for the Mexican veterans
seemed promising.

The cabinet decided that the new secretary
should give the law, and that Perry should exe-
cute it. Mr. Kennedy, who wisely saw Perry
first, proceeded to draft the letter. On the night
of July 28th his studies resulted in a brilliant state
paper, which occupies seven folio pages in the Book
of Confidential Letters, and he then retired to rest.
Naturally his maiden effort in diplomacy tried his
nerves. His broken sleep was disturbed with dreams
of codfish and the shades of Lord Aberdeen till
morning.

Once more summoning to his aid his old sea-racer
the Mississigp?, Captain McCluney, Perry left New
York July 31st, 1852, stopping at Eastport, Maine,
to get fresh information. There was much irritation
felt by British residents at the alleged depredations
of American fishermen, who, instead of buying their
ice, bait, fuel and other supplies, were sometimes
tempted to make raids on the shores of the islands.
One excited person wrote to the admiral of the fleet :

“ For God’s sake send a man-of-war here, for the
Americans are masters of the place — one hundred
sail are now lying in the harbor. They have stolen
my fire-wood and burnt it on the beach.” They had
also set fire to the woods and committed other spolia-
tions. Collisions with the British cruisers were im-
minent, and acts easily leading to war were feared by
the cabinet.
300 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Perry proceeded to Halifax. He traversed the
coast of Cape Breton Island, around Magdalen, and
along the north shore of Prince Edward’s Island,
visiting the resorts of the Yankee fishermen, and
passing large fleets of our vessels. He found by
experience, and was satisfied, that there had been
repeated infractions of treaty, for which seven seiz-
ures had been made by British cruisers then in com-
mand of Admiral Seymour. The question, at this
issue, concerning the rights of Americans fishing in
Canadian waters, was one of geographical science
rather than of diplomacy. It rested upon the answer
given to this, ‘What are bays?” The last convention
between the two countries had been made in 1818,
when the United States renounced her right to fish
within three miles of any of the coasts, bays and har-
bors of Canada. Only after a number of American ves-
sels had been seized and prosecuted in the court at Hali-
fax, was this treaty made. Including those captured
for violating the convention of 1818, the number was
sixty in all. The British said to Perry that the
Americans had no right to take fish within three
marine miles of the shore of a British province, or
within three miles of a line drawn from headland to
headland across bays. Canadians in American bot-
toms were especially expert in evading this law.

Perry found the American fishermen were intelli-
gent and understood the treaty, but he thought that
the Canadian government was too severe upon them.
About 2500 vessels and 27,500 men from our ports
AN INTERNATIONAL EPISODE. 301

took part in the hazardous occupation, “thus furnish-
ing,” said the Commodore, “a nursery for seamen,
of inestimable advantage to the maritime interests of
the nation.” Added to the force employed in whal-
ing in the North Atlantic, there were thirty thousand
men, mostly native Americans, whose business was
with salt-water fish and mammals. At one point he
saw a fleet of five hundred sail of mackerel fishers.

This diplomatic voyage revealed both the dangers
and pathos of the sailor-fisherman’s life. No class
of men engaged in any industry are subjected to such
sufferings, privations and perils. Their own name
for the fishing grounds is “ The Graveyard.”

The commercial and naval success of this country
is largely the result of the enterprise and seamanship
shown in the whaling fisheries. These nurseries of
the American navy had enabled the United States in
two wars to achieve on the seas so many triumphs
over Great Britain. By the same agencies, Perry
hoped to see his country become the greatest com-
mercial rival of Great Britain. This could be done
by looking to the quality of the common sailor, and
maintaining the standard of 1812. For such reasons,
if for no others, the fisheries should be encouraged.

Perry came to adjust amicably the respective rights
of both British and American seamen. He warned
his countrymen against encroaching upon the limits
prescribed by the convention of 1318, but at the same
time he would protect American vessels from visita-
tion or interference at points left in doubt. His
302 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

mission had a happy consummation. The wholesome
effect of the A/isstssippi’s visit paved the way for the
reciprocity treaty between Canada and the United
States, negotiated at Washington soon after by Sir
Ambrose Shea, and signed June 5th, 1854. The
entrance of Mr. Kennedy in the cabinet was thus
made both successful and brilliant by Commodore
Perry. The “hiatus secretary” bridged the gulf of
war with the firm arch of peace. The reciprocity
treaty lasted twelve years, when the irrepressible
root of bitterness again sprouted. Despite diplomacy,
correspondence, treaties, and Joint High Commis-
sions, still, at this writing, in 1887, it vexes the
peace of two nations. The axe is not yet laid at the
root of the trouble.

John P. Kennedy, another of the able literary men
who have filled the chair of secretary of the navy,
was an ardent advocate of exploration and peaceful
diplomacy. He was heartily in favor of the Japan
expedition. Perry trusted in him so fully that, at
last, tired of innumerable delays, having made pro-
found study of the problem and elaborated details of
preparation, he determined on his return from New-
foundland, September 15th, to sail in a few weeks in
the Mississippi, relying upon the Secretary’s word
that other vessels would be hurried forward with
despatch.

Repairing to Washington, the Commodore had
long and earnest interviews with the Secretaries of
the State and Navy. Things were now beginning to
AN INTERNATIONAL EPISODE. 303

assume an air of readiness, yet his instructions, from
the State department, had not yet been prepared.
Mr. Webster at this time was only nominally holding
office in the vain hope of recovery to health after a
fall from his horse. Perry, seeing his condition, and
fearing further delays, asked of Mr. Webster, through
General James Watson Webb, permission to write
his own instructions.

We must tell the story in General Webb’s own
words as found in The New York Courier and
Inquirer, and as we heard them reiterated by him in
a personal interview shortly before his death :—

“Tn the last of those interviews when we were
desired by Perry to urge certain matters which he.
thought should be embraced in his instructions,
Mr. Webster, with that wisdom and foresight and
knowledge, for which he was so eminently the su-
perior of ordinary men, remarked as follows :

‘The success of this expedition depends solely
upon whether it is in the hands of the right man.
It originated with him, and he of all others knows
best how it is to be successfully carried into effect.
And if this be so, he is the proper person to draft
his instructions. Let him go to work, therefore, and
prepare instructions for himself, let them be very brief,
and if they do not contain some very exceptionable
matter, he may rest assured they will not be changed.
It is so important that if the expedition sail it should
be successful, and to ensure success its commander
should not be trammeled with superfluous or minute
304. MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

instructions.’ We reported accordingly, and there-
upon Commodore Perry, as we can vouch, for we
were present, prepared the original draft of his in-
structions under which he sailed for Japan.”

Mr. Webster's successor and intimate personal
friend, Edward Everett, simply carried out the wishes
of his predecessor and made no alteration in the in-
structions to Perry. He, however, indited a new
letter to the “Emperor,” which is only an expansion
of the Websterian original. Everett's “effort” dif-
fered from Daniel Webster’s letter, very much as the
orator’s elaboration on a certain battle field differed
from Lincoln’s simple speech. At Gettysburg the
one had the lamp, the other had immortality in it.

The Japan document was superbly engrossed and
enclosed in a gold box which cost one thousand
dollars.

The Princeton, a new screw sloop-of-war had been
promised to him many months before, but the autumn
was well advanced before her hull, empty of machin-
ery and towed to New York, was visible. Captain
Sydney Smith Lee was to command her. In the
Mississippi, Perry towed her to Baltimore. Then
began another of those exasperating stages of sus-
pense and delay to which naval men are called, and
to endure which seems to be the special cross of the
profession. Waiting until November, as eagerly asa
blockader waits for an expected prize from port, he
wrote to his old comrade, Joshua R. Sands : —
AN INTERNATIONAL EPISODE, 305

“T am desirous of having you again under my command,
and always have been, but until now no good opportunity
has occurred consistently with promises I had made to
Buchanan, Lee, and Adams.

The Macedonian and Alleghany will soon have comman-
ders appointed to them. For myself I would prefer the
Alleghany, as from her being a steamer she will have a
better chance for distinction, and I want a dasher like
yourself in her.

Rather than have inconvenient delay on account of
men, I would prefer that you take an over-proportion of
young American landsmen who would in a very short
time become more effective men in a steamer than
middle-aged seamen of questionable constitutions.”

Commander Sands was eventually unable to go
with Perry to Japan; but afterwards, in his eighty-
ninth year the Rear-Admiral, then the oldest living
officer of the navy, in a long letter to the writer
gleefully calls attention to Perry’s trust in young
American landsmen. The Princeton was finally
extricated, and with the Mzsszssif#z moved down the
Chesapeake. Before leaving Annapolis, a grand
farewell reception was held on the flag-ship’s spacious
deck. The President, Mr. Fillmore, Secretary Ken-
nedy, and a brilliant throng of people bade the
Commodore and officers farewell.

The Mississippi and the Princeton then steamed
down the bay together, when the discovery was made
of the entire unfitness of the screw steamer to make
the voyage. Her machinery failed utterly, and at
306 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Norfolk, the Powhatan, which had just arrived from
the West Indies, was substituted in her place. The
precedent of building only the best steamers, on the
best models, and of the best materials, set by Perry
in the Misstssippi and Mzssourz, had not been followed,
and disappointment was the result. The Princeton
never did get to sea. She was a miserable failure,
in every respect, and was finally sent to Philadelphia
to end her days as a receiving ship.

On the evening before the day the Commodore
left to go on board his ship then lying at Hampton
Roads, a banquet was tendered him by a club of
gentlemen who then occupied a house on G street,
west of the War Department, now much modernized
and used as the office of the Signal corps.

There were present at this banquet, as invited
guests, Commodore M. C. Perry, Lieutenant John
Contee, and a few other officers of the Commodore’s
staff, Edward Everett, Hon. John P. Kennedy—
“Horseshoe Robinson,” the ‘‘hiatus Secretary”’ of
the navy—Col. W. W. Seaton, the Hon. Alexander
H. H. Stuart, Mr. Badger, senator from North Caro-
lina, John J. Crittenden of Kentucky, Jefferson
Davis, the Honorables Beverly Tucker, Phillip T.
Ellicot, Theodore Kane, Johnson, Addison, and
Horace Capron afterwards general of cavalry, and
Commissioner of Agriculture at Washington, and in
the service of the Mikado’s government from 1871 to
1874, making in all a party of about twenty-four.
The dinner was served by Wormley, the famous
colored caterer.
AN INTERNATIONAL EPISODE. 307

General Capron says in a letter dated September
13th, 1883:

“T can only state the impressions made upon my mind
by that gathering, and the clear and well-defined plans of
the Commodore’s proposed operations which were brought
out in response to the various queries. It was apparent
that all present were well convinced that the Commodore
fully comprehended the difficulties and the.delicate char-
acter of the work before him. ... I am bound to say
that to my mind it is clear that no power but that of the
Almighty Disposer of all things could have guided our
tulers in the selection of a man’ for this most important
work.”

Perry’s written instructions were to fulfil the unex-
ecuted orders given to Commodore Aulick, to assist
as far as possible the American minister in China in
prosecuting the claims of Americans upon the gov-
ernment of Pekin, to explore the coasts, make pictures
and obtain all possible hydrographic and other infor-
mation concerning the countries to be visited. No
letters were to be written from the ships of the
squadron to the newspapers, and all journals kept by
officers or men were to be the property of the navy

Department. The Secretary, in his final letter,
said :—

“In prosecuting the objects of your mission to Japan
you are invested with large discretionary powers, and you
are authorized to employ dispatch vessels, interpreters,
Kroomen, or natives, and all other means which you may
308 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

deem necessary to enable you to bring about the desired
results.

“Tendering you my best wishes for a successful cruise,
and a safe return to your country and friends for yourself,
officers and companies of your ships,

I am, etc.,

JOHN P. KENNEDY.

From its origin, the nature of the mission was
“essentially executive,” and therefore pacific, as the
President had no power to declare war. Yet the
show of force was relied on as more likely, than any-
thing else, to weigh with the Japanese. Perry be-
lieved in the policy of Commodore Patterson at
Naples in 1832, where the pockets of recalcitrant
debtors were influenced through sight and the
imagination.

The British felt a keen and jealous interest in the
expedition. Zhe Times, which usually reflects the
average Briton’s opinion as faithfully as a burnished
mirror the charms of a Japanese damsel, said :— “It
was to be doubted whether the Emperor of Japan
would receive Commodore Perry with most indigna-
tion or most contempt.” Japanese treachery was
feared, and while one editorial oracle most seriously
declared that “the Americans must not leave their
wooden walls,” Punch insisted that ‘Perry must
open the Japanese ports, even if he has to open his
own.” Sydney Smith had said, “I am for bombard-
ing all the exclusive Asiatics, who shut up the earth
AN INTERNATIONAL EPISODE. 309

and will not let me walk civilly through it, doing no
harm and paying for all I want.” The ideal of a
wooer of the Japanese Thornrose, according to
another, was that no blustering bully or roaring
Commodore would succeed. ‘Our embassador
should be one who, with the winning manner of a
Jesuit, unites the simplicity of soul and straightfor-
wardness of a Stoic.”

Providence timed the sailing of the American
Expedition and the advent of the ruler of New Japan
so that they should occur well nigh simultaneously.
The first circumnavigation of the globe by a steam
war vessel of the United States began when Matthew
Perry left Norfolk, November 24th, 1852, three weeks
after the birth in Kidto of Mutsithito, the 123d, and
now reigning Mikado of “ Everlasting Great Japan.”

Perry had remained long enough to learn the
result of the national election, and the choice of his
old friend Franklin Pierce to the Presidency. Tired
of delay, he sailed with the Aftsszssigpi alone. At
Funchal the Commodore made official calls in the
fashionable conveyance of the place, a sled drawn by
oxen, and laid in supplies of beef and coal. The
incidents on the way out, and of the stops made
at Madeira, St. Helena, Cape Town, Mauritius, Cey-
lon and Singapore, have been described by himself;
in his official narrative, and by his critic J. W.
Spalding, a clerk on the flag-ship. Anchor was cast
off Hong Kong on the 6th of April, where the Ply-
mouth, Saratoga, and Supply, were met. The next
310 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

 

pi

   

. ats i na
cant: ae aa on ay dt ig Wy 4s
AN why! A

PERRY MAKING OFFICIAL CALLS IN FUNCHAL.

day was devoted to the burning of powder in salutes,
and to the exchange of courtesies. Shanghai was
reached May 4th. Here, Bayard Taylor, the ‘ land-
scape painter in words,” joined the expedition as
master’s mate. The Commodore’s flag was trans-
ferred to the Susguehanna on the 17th.

The low, level and monotonous and uninterest-
ing shores of China were left behind on the
23d,* and on the 26th, the bold, variegated and
rocky outlines of Riu Kiu rose into view. An
impressive reception, with full military and musi-
cal honors, was given on the third, to the regent
and his staff on the Susquehanna. The climax of
all was the interview in the cabin. In lone dignity,

 

*« The Japan Expedition, New York, 1855.
AN INTERNATIONAL EPISODE. 311

the Commodore gave the Japanese the first taste of
the mystery-play in which they had thus far so
excelled, and in which they were now to be outdone.
Perry could equal in pomp and dignity either Mikado
or Shd-gun when he chose. He notified the grand
old gentleman that, during the following week, he
would pay a visit to the palace at Shuri. Despite
all objections and excuses, the Commodore persisted,
as his whole diplomatic policy was to be firm, take
no steps backward, and stick to the truth in every-
thing. His open frankness helped by its first blows
to shatter down that system of lying, deception, and
espionage, under which the national character had
decayed during the rule of the Tokugawas.

On the oth of June, with the Susguehanna having
the Saratoga in tow, the Commodore set out north-
wards for a visit to the Ogasawara or Bonin islands,
first explored by the Japanese in 1675, and variously
visited and named by European navigators. Captain
Reuben Coffin of Nantucket, in the ship TZvazszt,
from Bristol, owned by Fisher, Kidd and Fisher,
landed on the southern or “mother” island September
12th, in 1824, fixing also its position and giving it his
name. British and Russian captains. followed his ex-
ample, and also nailed inscribed sheets of copper
sheathing to trees in token of claims made. ‘“ Under
the auspices of the Union Jack” a motley colony
of twenty persons of five nationalities settled Peel
island, one of the group, in 1830. Perry found eight
whites, cultivating nearly one hundred acres of land,
312 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

who sold fresh supplies to whalers. The head of the
community was Nathanael Savory of Massachusetts.
Perry left cattle, sheep, and goods, seeds and supplies
and an American flag. He arrived at Napa again
June 23d, and the 2d of July, 1853, the expedition
left for the Bay of Yedo. Many and unforeseen delays
had hindered the Commodore, and now that he was
at the doors of the empire, how different was fulfil-
ment from promise! Over and over again “an im-
posing squadron” of twelve vessels had been prom-
ised him, and now he had but two steamers and two
sloops. Uncertain when the other vessels might
appear, he determined to begin with the force in
hand. The Szpply left behind, and the Caprice sent
back to Shanghai, he had but the Messzssippz, Sus-
guehanna, Plymouth and Saratoga.

The promontory of Idzu loomed into view on the
hazy morning of the 7th, and Rock island— now
crowned by a lighthouse, and connected by telephone
with the shore and with Yokohama, but then bare —
was passed. Cape Sagami was reached at noon, and
at 3 o'clock the ships had begun to get within range
of the forts that crowned or ridged the headlands of
the promontory. The weather cleared and the cone
of Fuji, in a blaze of glory, rose peerless to the skies,

Cautiously the ships rounded the cape, when from
one of the forts there rose in the air a rocket-signal.
“Japanese day fire-works” are now common enough
at Coney Island. Made of gun powder and wolf
dung, they are fired out of upright bamboo-bound
AN INTERNATIONAL EPISODE. 313

howitzers made of stout tree trunks. The “shell”
exploded high in air forming a cloud of floating dust.
The black picture stained the sky for several minutes.
It was a signal to the army lying in the ravines, and
a notice, repeated at intervals, to the court at Yedo.
The expected Perry had ‘sailed into the Sea of
Sagami and into Japanese history.”

In the afternoon, the first steamers ever seen in
Japanese waters, dropped anchor off Uraga. As
previously ordered, by diagram of the Commodore,
the ships formed a line broadside to the shore. The
ports were opened, and the loaded guns run out.
Every precaution was taken to guard against surprise
from boats, by fire-junks, or whatever native inge-
nuity should devise against the big “ black ships.”
The first signal made from the flag-ship was this,

eno communication with the shore, have none
4rom-—the—shore.” The night passed~quietly and
without alarms. Only the boom of the temple bells,
the glare of the camp-fires, and the dancing of
lantern lights told of life on the near land. This is
the view from the American decks, Let us now
picture the scene from the shore, as native eyes
saw it.

&
CHAPTER XXX.

THE FIRE-VESSELS OF THE WESTERN BARBARIANS.

Amone the many names of their beautiful country,
the Japanese loved none more than that of “ Land
of Great Peace,” —a breath of grateful repose after
centuries of war. ‘The genius of Iyéyasi had, in
the seventeenth century, won rest, and nearly a
quarter of a millenium of quiet followed. The fields
trampled down by the hoof of the war-horse and the
sandal of the warrior had been re-planted, the
sluices and terraces repaired, and seed time and
harvest passed in unintermitting succession. The
merchant bought and sold, laid up tall piles of gold
kobans, and thanked Daikoktti and Amida for the
blessings of wealth and peace. The shop keeper
held a balance of two hundred rzos against the day of
devouring fire or wasting sickness, or as a remainder
for his children after the expenses of his funeral.
The artisan. toiled in sunny content, and at daily
prayer, thanked the gods that he was able to rear
his family in peace. Art and literature flourished.
The samurai, having no more use for his sword, yet ever
believing it to be “his soul,” wore it as a memento of
the past and guard for the future. He lounged in
FIRE-VESSELS OF WESTERN BARBARIANS. 315

the tea-houses disporting with the pretty girls; or if of
studious tastes, he fed his mind, and fired his heart
with the glories of Old Japan. As for the daimiés,
they filled up the measure of their existence, alter-
nately at Yedo, and in their own dominions, with
sensual luxury,idle amusement, orempty pomp. All,
all was profound peace. The arrows rusted in the
arsenals, or hung glittering in vain display, made into
screens or designs on the walls. The spears stood
useless on their butts in the vestibules, or hung in
racks over the doors hooded in black cloth. The
match-locks were bundled away as curious relics of
war long distant, and for ever passed away. The
rusty cannon lay unmounted in the castle yards,
where the snakes and the rats made nests and led
forth their troops of young for generations.

Upon this scene of calm — the calm of despotism —
broke the vision of “the black ships at Uraga.” At this
village, long noted for its Mzdzz amé, or rice-honey,
the Japanese were to have their first taste of modern
civilization. Its name, given nine, perhaps eleven
centuries before, was auspicious, though they knew it
not. The Chinese characters, sounded Ura-ga; mean
“Coast Congratulation.” At first a name of fore-
boding, it was to become a word of good cheer!

“The fire-vessels of the western barbarians are com-
ing to defile the Holy Country,” said priest and
soldier to each other on the afternoon of the third
day of the sixth month of Kayéi, in the reign of the
Emperor Koméi. The boatman at his sculls and the
316 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

junk sailor at the tiller gazed in wonder at the painted
ships of the western world. The farmer, standing
knee deep in the ooze of the rice fields, paused to
gaze, wondering whether the barbarians had harnessed
volcanoes. With wind blowing in their teeth and
sails furled, the monsters curled the white foam at
their front, while their black throats vomited sparks
and smoke, To the gazers at a distance, as they
looked from their village on the hill tops, the whole
scene seemed a mirage created, according to their
childhood’s belief, by the breath of clams. The Land of
Great Peace lay in sunny splendor. The glorious
cone of Fuji capped with fleecy clouds of white, never
looked more lovely. Even the great American admiral
must surely admire the peerless mountain.* The
soldiers in the fort on the headlands, obeying orders,
would forbear to fire lest the fierce barbarians should
begin war at once. The rocket signal would alarm
great Yedo. The governor at Uraga would order the
foreigners to Nagasaki. Would they obey? The
bluff whence the Morrison had been fired upon years
before, once rounded, would the barbarians proceed
further up the bay? Suspense was short. The
great splashing of the wheels ceased. As the im-
posing line lay within an arrow’s range, off the shore,
the rattling of the anchor chains was heard even on

 

* A Japanese poet puts this stanzain the mouth of Perry;
“ Little did I dream that I should here, after crossing the salty
path, gaze upon the snow-capped Fuji of this land.”
FIRE-VESSELS OF WESTERN BARBARIANS. 317

land. The flukes gripped bottom at the hour of the
cock (5 P. M.)

The yakunin or public business men of Uraga had
other work to do that day than to smoke, drink tea,
lounge on their mats, or to collect the customs from
junks bound to Yedo. As soon as the ships were
sighted, the bunid, his interpreter, and satellites,
donned their ceremonial dress of hempen cloth and
their lacquered hats emblazoned with the Tokugawa
trefoil, thrust their two swords in their belts, their
feet in their sandals, and hied to the water’s edge.
Their official barge propelled by twelve scullsmen shot
out to the nearest vessel. By their orders a cordon
of boats provisioned for a stay on the water was
drawn around the fleet; but the crews, to their
surprise could not fasten their lines to the ships nor
climb up on board. The “hairy barbarians,” as was
not the case with previous visitors, impolitely pitched
off their ropes, and with cocked muskets and fixed
bayonets really threatened to use the ugly tools if
intruders mounted by the chains. A great many

naru hodo (the equivalent of “Well I never!” “Ts it
possible ?”” “Indeed!”) were ejaculated in conse-
quence.

Mr. Nakashima Saburostiké (or, in English, Mr.
Middle Island, Darling No. 3) vice-governor, and an
officer of the seventh or eighth rank, was amazed to
find that even he, a yakunin and dressed in sazmi-
shimo uniform, his boat flying the governor’s pen-
nant, and his bearers holding spears and the Toku-
318 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

gawa trefoil flag, could not get on board. The zzz
(outlanders) did not even let down their gangway
ladder, when motioned to do so. This was cause
for another official zaru hodo. The barbarians
wished to confer with the governor himself. Only
when told that the law forbade that functionary from
boarding foreign ships, did they allow Mr. Nakashima
and his interpreter Hori Tatsunosiké (Mr. Conch
Dragon-darling,) to board. Even then, he was not
allowed to see the grand high yakunin of the fleet,
the Commodore, who was showing himself master of
apanese tactics. TE Dipeweas
\-Perry was playing Mikado. The cabin was the
abode-of His~High Mighty Mysteriousness. He
was for the time being Kin-réi, Lord of the Forbid-
den Interior. He was Tenna, (son of the skies)
and Tycoon’ (generalissimo) rolled into one. His
Lieutenant Contee acted as Nai-Dai-Jin, or Great Man
of the Inner Palace. A tensd, or middle man,
secretary or clerk, carried messages to and fro from
the cabin, but the child of the gods with the topknot
and two swords knew it not. Since the hermits of
Japan were not familiar the rank of Commodore,
but only of Admiral, this title came at once and
henceforth into use. The old proverb concerning
the prophet and his honors abroad found new illus-
tration in all the negotiations, and Perry enjoyed
more fame at the ends of the earth than at home.
Mr. Nakashima Saburosiké was told the objects
for which the invisible Admiral came. He had been
FIRE-VESSELS OF WESTERN BARBARIANS, 319

sent by the President of the United States on a
friendly mission. He had a letter addressed to
“the emperor.” He wished an officer of proper rank
to be chosen to receive a copy, and appoint a day
for the momentous act of accepting with all the pomp
and ceremony and circumstance, so august a docu-
ment from so mighty a ruler, of so great a power.
The Admiral would zo¢ go to Nagaski. With im-
perturbable ¢ gravity of countenance, but with many
mental zaru hodo, the dazed native listened. The
letter must be received where he then was.

Further; while the intentions of the admiral were
perfectly friendly, he would allow of no indignity. If
the guard-boats were not zmmediately removed, they
would be dispersed by force. Anxious’ “above all
things to preserve peace with the zzz or barbarians,
the functionary of Uraga rose immediately, and
ordered the punts, sampans and guard-boats away.

This, the first and master move of the mysterious
and inaccessible Commodore in the game of diplo-
macy, practiced with the Riu Kiu regent was re-
peated in Yedo Bay. The foiled yakunin, clothed
with only a shred of authority, could promise noth-
ing, and went ashore. There is scarcely a doubt
that he ate less rice and fish that evening. Perhaps
he left his bowl of mzso (bean-sauce) untasted, his
shiru (fish soup) unsipped. The probabilities ap-
proach certainty that he smoked a double quota of
pipes of tobacco. A “hairy” barbarian had snubbed
a yakunin. Naru hodof——-——___—_-~"" :
320 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Darkness fell upon the rice fields and thatched
dwellings. The blue waters were spotted with
millions of white jelly-fishes looking as though as
many plates of white porcelain were floating sub-
merged in a medium of their own density. Within
the temples on shore, anxious congregations gathered
to supplicate the gods to raise tempests of wind such
as centuries ago swept away the Mongol armada and
invaders. The ‘divine breath” had wrought
wonders before, why not now also?

Indoors, dusty images and holy pictures were
cleansed, the household shrines renovated, fresh oil
supplied to the lamps, numerous candles provided,
and prayers uttered such as father and mother had
long since ceased to offer. The gods were punish-
ing the people for neglect of their altars and for their
wickedness, by sending the “ugly barbarians” to
destroy their “holy country.” Rockets were shot
up from the forts, and alarm fires blazed on the head-
lands. These were repeated on the hills, and told
with almost telegraphic rapidity the story of danger
far inland. The boom of the temple bells, and the
sharp strokes on those of the fire-lookouts, kept up
the ominous sounds and spread the news.

For several years past unusual portents had been
seen in the heavens, but that night a spectacle of
singular majesty and awful interest appeared. At
midnight the whole sky was overspread with a lumin-
ous blue and reddish tint, as though a flaming white
dragon were shedding floods of violet sulphurous
FIRE-VESSELS OF WESTERN BARBARIANS. 321

light on land and sea. Lasting nearly four hours, it
suffused the whole atmosphere, and cast its spectral
glare upon the foreign ships, making hull, rigging
and masts as frightfully bright as the Taira ghosts on
the sea of Nagatd. Men now living remember that
awful night with awe, and not a few in their anxiety
sat watching through the hours of darkness until,
though the day was breaking, the landscape faded
from view in the gathering mist.

The morning dawned. The barbarians had re-
mained tranquil during the night. The unhappy
yukunin probably forgot the lie* he had told the
day before, for at 7 o’cleek—bytheToreigners’ time,
the governor himself, Kayama Yézayémon, with his
satellites arrived off the flag-ship. Its name, the Sus-
guchanna, struck their fancy pleasantly, because the
sound resembled those of “bamboo” (suzuki) and
“flower” (hana). The grand dignitary of Uraga in
all the glory of embroidery, gilt brocade, swords, and
lacquered helmet with padded chin straps, ascended
the gangway as if climbing to the galleries of a
wrestling show. Alas, that the barbarians, who did
not even hold their breath, should be so little im-
pressed by this living museum of decorative art.
There was not one of them that fell upon his hands
and knees. Not one Jack Tar swabbed the deck with
his forehead. Some secretly snickered at the bare

 

 

* 6M. Y. is at Shimoda, and has not forgotten
the art of lying.” Townsend Harris to Perry, October 27,

1857.

 
322 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

brown legs partly exposed between the petticoat and
the blue socks. This bunid in whose very name are
reflected the faded glories of the old imperial palace
guard in medieval Kidté, was accustomed to ride in
splendid apparel on a steed emblazoned with crests,
trappings and tassels, its mane in pompons, and its
tail encased, like an umbrella, in a silk bag. His
attendant outwalkers moved between rows of prone
palms and faces, and of upturned top-knots and
shining pates. Now, he felt ill at ease in simple
sandals on the deck of a mighty ship. The “ hairy
foreigners”’ were taller than he, notwithstanding his
lacquered helmet. In spite of silk trousers, and
rank one notch higher than the official of yesterday,
he was unable to hold personal intercourse with the
Lord of the Forbidden Interior. The American
Tycoon could not be seen. The bunio met only the
San Dai Jin, Captains Buchanan and Adams, and
Lieutenant Contee. A long discussion resulted in
the unalterable declaration that the Admiral
would not go to Nagasaki. He would not wait four
days for an answer from Yedo, but only ¢thvee. The
survey boats woz/d survey the waters of the bay.

“His Excellency” (!) the bunid was shown the
varnish and key hole of the magnificent caskets con-
taining the letters from the great ruler of the United
States. Eve did not eye the forbidden fruit of the
tree of knowledge of good and evil with more con-
suming curiosity, than did that son of an inquisitive
race ogle the glittering mysterious box. It was not
FIRE-VESSELS OF WESTERN BARBARIANS 323

for him to know the contents. He was moved to
offer food and water. With torturing politeness, the
“hairy faces” declined. They had enough of every-
thing. The ugly barbarians even demanded that the
same term of respect should be applied to their
President as that given to the great and mighty
figure-head at Yedo. This came near being a
genuine comedy of Much Ado about Nothing, since
one of the Tycoon’s titles expressed, in English print
was “QO,”

In spite of the rising gorge and other choking
sensations, the republican president was dubbed
Dairi. The bunio of Uraga was told that further dis-
cussion was unnescesaary, until an answer was re-
ceived. No number of silent volleys of “ zaru hodo”
(indeed) “ ¢az-hen”’ (hey yo) or “dekinai” (cannot)
could possibly soothe the internal storm in the
breast of the snubbed bunio. He gathered himself
up, and with bows profound enough to make a right
angle of legs and body, and much sucking in of the
breath ad profundis, said his “sayonara’”’ (farewell)
and went ashore.

The third day dawned, again to usher in fresh
anomaly. The Americans would transact no business
onthisday! Why? It was the Sabbath, for rest and
worship, honored by the “ Admiral” from childhood
in public as well as private life. ‘“ Dontaku”’ (Sun-
day,) the interpretér told the bunid. With the aid
of glasses from the bluffs on shore, they saw the
Mississippi's capstan wreathed with a flag,a big book
324 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

laid thereon, and smaller books handed round. One,
in a gown, lowered his head; all listening did like-
wise. Then all sang, the band lending its instrumen-
tal aid to swell the volume of sound. The strains
floated shoreward and were heard. The music was
“Old Hundred.” The hymn was “ Before Jehovah's
awful throne, Ye nations bow with sacred joy.” The
open book on the capstan was the Bible. In the
afternoon, a visiting party of minor dignitaries was
denied admittance to the decks of the vessels ; nor
was this a mere freak of Perry’s, but according to a
habit and principle.

This was the American rest-day, and Almighty
God was here worshiped in sight of His most glori-
ous works. The Commodore was but carrying out a
habit formed at his mother’s knee, and never slighted
at home or abroad. To read daily the Bible, receiv-
ing it as the word of God, and to honor Him by
prayer and praise was the chief part of the “ provision
sufficient to sustain the mind”’ so often recommended

by him to officers and men. “This was the only
notable demonstration which he made before
landing.”

“Remarkable was this Sabbath morning salutation,
in which an American fleet, with such music as
those hillsides never re-echoed before, chanted the
glories of Jehovah before the gates of a heathen
nation. It was a strange summons to the Japanese.”
Its echoes are now heard in a thousand glens and in
the cities of the Mikado’s empire. The waters of
FIRE-VESSELS OF WESTERN BARBARIANS- 325

Yedo Bay have since become a baptismal flood.
Where cannon was cast to resist Perry now stands
the Imperial Female Normal College. On the treaty
grounds rises the spire of a christian church.
Meanwhile, the erection of earth-works along the
strand and on the bluffs progressed. The farm
laborers, the fishermen, palanquin-bearers, pack-
horse leaders, women and children were impressed
into the work. With hoe and spade, and baskets of
rope matting slung from a pole borne on the shoulders
of two men, or each with divided load depending
scale-wise from one shoulder, receiving an iron cash
at each passing of the paymaster, they toiled day
and night. Rude parapets of earth knit together
with grass were made and pierced with embrasures.
These were twice too wide for unwieldly, long, and
ponderously heavy brass cannon able to throw a three
or six pound ball. The troops were clad in mail of
silk, iron and paper, a kind of war corset, for which
rifle balls have little respect. Their weapons were
match-locks and spears. Their evolutions were those
of Taiké’s time, both on drill and parade. Curtained
camps sprung up, around which stretched impressive
walls of cotton cloth etched by the dyer’s mordant
with colossal crests. These were not to represent
“sham forts, of striped canvas,” and thus to frighten
the invaders, as the latter supposed; but, according
to immemorial custom, to denote military business,
and to display either the insignia of the great Sho-gun
or the particular clan to which a certain garrison or
326 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

detachment belonged. The political system headed
by the Tycoon, had to the Japanese mind nothing
amusing in its name of Bakafu or Curtain Govern-
ment, though to the foreigner, suggestive of Mrs.
Caudle. It had, however, acertain hostile savor. It
was a mild protest against the camp over-awing the
throne. It implied criticism of the Shd-gun, and rev-
erence to the Mikado.

The names and titles which now desolated the air
and suffered phonetic wreck in collision with the
vocal organs to which they were so strange, furnish
not only an interesting linguistic study, but were a
mirroz of native history. The uncouth forms which
they took upon the lips of the latest visiting foreigners
are hardly worse in the scholar’s eyes, than the de-
viations which the Japanese themselves made from
the Aino aboriginal or imported Chinese forms. In
its vocabulary the Japanese is a very mixed language,
and the majority of its so called elegant terms of
speech is but mispronounced Chinese. To the
Americans, the name of one of the interpreters
seemed “ compounded of two sneezes and a cough,”
though when analyzed into its component elements,
it reflects the changes in Japanese history as surely
as fossils in the rocks reveal the characteristics of by-
gone geological ages. In the old days of the Mikado’s
supremacy, in fact as well as in law, when he led his
troops in war, instead of being exiled in a palace ; that
is, before the thirteenth century, both military and
civil titles had a meaning. Names had a reality be-
FIRE-VESSELS OF WESTERN BARBARIANS. 327

hind them, and were symbols of a fact. A man with
kami (lord) after his name was an actual governor of
a province ; one with moz terminating his patronymic
was a member of the imperial guard, a soldier or
sentinel at the Sayé mon (left gate) or Uyé mon (right
gate,) of the palace ; a He was a real soldier with a
sword or arrow, spear or armor. A suké or a joa maré
or a kimé, a kamon or a tono was a real deputy or
superior, a prince or princess, a palace functionary
or a palace occupant of imperial blood. All this was
changed when, in the twelfth century, the authority
was divided into civil and military, and two capitals
and centers of government, typified by the Throne
and the Camp, sprang up. The Mikado kept his seat,
the prestige of antiquity and divinity, and the fountain
of authority at Kioto, while the Shd-gun or usurping

eneral held the purse and the sword ~at-Reammakura
Gradually the Shégun_farmy-commander genera]
usurped more and more power, claiming it as neces-
sary, and invariably obtaining new leases of power
until little was left to the Mikado but the shadow of
authority. The title of Tai-kun (“Tycoon”) meaning
Great Prince, and the equivalent of a former title of
the Mikado was assumed. Next the military rulers at
at Kamakura, from the twelfth to the sixteenth
century and in Yedo from the seventeenth century,
controlled the appointments of their nominees
to office, and even compelled the Emperor to
make certain of them hereditary in elect families.
The multitude of imperial titles, once carrying with
328 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

their conferment actual duties and incomes, and theo-
retically functional in Kidto became, as reality de-
cayed, in the higher grades empty honorifics of the
Tycoon’s minions, and in the lower were degraded to
ordinary personal names of the agricultural gentry or
even common people. What was once an actual official
title sunk to be a mere final syllable in a name.

The writer, when a resident in the Mikado’s empire,
was accustomed to address persons with most lofty,
grandiloquent, and high flown names, titles and deco-
rative patronymics, in which the glories of decayed
imperialism and medieval history were reflected.
His cook was an Imperial Guardsman of the Left, his
stable boy was a Regent of the University, while not
a few servants, mechanics, field hands and manure
carriers, were Lords of the Chamber, Promoters of
Learning, Superintendents of the Palace Gardens, or
various high functionaries with salary and office.
Just asthe decayed mythology and far off history of
the classic nations furnished names for the slaves in
Carolina cotton fields, in the days when Lempriére
was consulted for the christening of newly born negro
babies, so, the names borne by thousands of Japanese
to-day afford to the foreign analyst of words and to
the native scholar both amusement and reflection.
To the Americans on Perry’s fleet they furnished
endless jest as phonetic and linguistic curosities.
CHAPTER XXXI.

PANIC IN YEDO. RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT’S
LETTER.

OPENING upon the beautiful bay (yé), like a door
(do), the great city in the Kuanto, or Broad East of
Japan, was well-named Bay-door, or Yedo. Founded
as a military stronghold tributary to the Shé-gun at
Kamakura in the fourteenth century, by Ota Dé
Kuan, it was made in 1603 the seat of the govern-
ment by Iyéyast. This man, mighty both in war
and in peace, and probably Japan’s greatest states-
man, made the little village a mighty city, and
founded the line of Sho-guns of the Tokugawa
family, which ruled in the person of fifteen Tycoons
until 1868. To the twelfth of the line Iyéyoshi,
President Fillmore’s letter was to be delivered, and
with the thirteenth, Iyésada, the American treaty
made. The Americans dubbed each “Emperor”!

Yedo’s chief history and glory are associated with
the fortunes of the Tokugawas. It had reached the
zenith of its greatness when Perry's ships entered
the bay. Its palaces, castles, temples, and towers
were then in splendor never attained before or be-
held in Japan since. It was the centre of wealth,
learning, art and gay life. Its population numbered
330 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

one million two hundred thousand souls, of whom
were five hundred thousand of the military class.

Upon this mass of humanity the effect of the news
of “black ships” at their very doors was startling.
All Yedo was soon in a frightful state of commotion.
With alarmed faces the people thronged to the shrines
to pray, or hastily packed their valuables, to bury or
send off to the houses of distant friends. In the
southern suburbs thousands of houses were emptied
of their contents and of the sick and aged. Many
who could, left their homes to go and dwell with
relatives in the country. Couriers on horseback had
first brought details of the news by land. Junks and
scull-boats from Uraga arrived hourly at Shinagawa,
and foot-runners bearing dispatches panted in the
government offices. They gave full descriptions of
what had been said and done, the number, shape and
size of the vessels, and in addition to verbal and
written statements, showed drawings of the black
ships and of the small boats manned by the sailors.
It was no clam’s-breath mirage this time. The rumor
so often pooh-poohed had turned to reality.*

LY The samurai went to their £ura (fire proof store-
a eal

 

* Ota Do Kuan the founder of Yedo (Gate of the Bay) in
the fifteenth century, wrote in the summer-house of his castle
a poem, said to have been extant in 1854, and to have been
pointed out as fulfilled by Perry:

‘*To my gate ships will come from the far East,
Ten thousand miles.” :
—Dixon’s Fagan, p. 218.
RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT’S LETTER 331

houses) and unpacked their armor to repair and
furbish, and to see if they could breathe, as they cer-
tainly could perspire in it, and brandish a sword with
both hands, when fully laced up. They scoured the
rust off their spears, whetted and feathered their
arrows, and restrapped their quivers upon which
the moths had long feasted. The women re-
hemmed or ironed out flags and pennants. Intense
activity prevailed on the drill grounds and match-
‘lock ranges. New earth-banks for targets were
erected. Vast quantities of powder were burned in
practice. It was the harvest time of the priests,
the armorers, the sword-makers, and the manufac-
turers of oiled paper coats, leggings, hats and san-
dals, so much needed in that rainy climate during
camp-life. The drug business boomed with activity,
for the hastily gathered and unseasoned soldiers
lying under arms in camp suffered from all sorts of
maladies arising from exposure.

Hokisai, whose merciless caricatures of carpet
soldiers once made all Japan laugh, and who had died
four years before with the snows of nearly ninety
years upon his head, was not there to see the fun.
His pupils, however, put the humor of the situation
on paper; and caricatures, lampoons and jokes

directed against these sons of luxury in camp were
numerous, and after the departure of the ships they
found ready sale.

One enterprfsing merchant and ship owner in
Yedo had, months before Perry arrived, made a
332 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

fortune by speculating in oiled paper, buying up all
he could lay his hands upon, making water-proof
garments and selling at high prices. Indiscreetly
exulting over his doings, he gave a feast to his many
friends whom his sudden wealth had made. The
two proverbs “/z vino veritas,’ and “Wine in,
wit out,” kissed each other. Over his merry cups
he declared that ‘the vessels of the barbarians” had
‘been “the treasure-ships of the seven gods of happi-
ness” to him. The authorities got wind of the
boast, and clapped the unlucky wight in prison. He
was charged with secretly trading with foreign
countries. His riches took wings and flew into the
pockets of the yakunin and the informer. While
the American ships were at Napa he was beheaded.
His fate sobered other adventurous spirits, but did
not injure business.

The book-sellers and picture-shop keepers, who
had sent artists down to Uraga, also coined kodans
by selling “ brocade pictures” or broadsides bedizened
with illustrations in color, of the floating monsters
and the tall man of strange garb, speech, tonsure,
hirsute fashion, and shape of eyes. Fans, gaily
colored and depicting by text and drawing the
wonders that now thrilled the nation, were sent into
the interior and sold by thousands. The governor
was compelled to issue proclamations to calm the
public alarm.

Meanwhile, in the castle, the daimids were ac-
quainted with the nature of the despatches and the
RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENTS LETTER 333

object of the American envoy. Discussion was in
vited, but there was nothing to be said. Innumer-
able pipes were smoked. Long hours were spent on
the mats in sedentary recumbence on knees and
heels. Uncounted cups of tea were swilled. In-
credible indignation, impotent wrath and contempt
were poured upon the ugly barbarians, but still an
answer to the unanswered question, “what was to
be done?” could not be deferred. This was the
problem.

They must first lie to igners_and make
them believ - 6 sa Tai-kun and
had imperial power. This done, they would then
have the chronic task of articulating lie after lie to
conceal from prying eyes the truth that the Yedo
government was a counterfeit and subordinate. The
Soh-gun was no emperor at all, and what would they
do if the hairy devils should take a notion to go to
Kidto? They could not resist the big ships and
men, and yet they knew not what demands the
greedy aliens would make. They had no splendid
war-vessels as in Taik6’s time, when the keels of
Japan ploughed every sea in Asia and carried visitors
to Mexico, to India, to the Phillipines. No more, as
in centuries ago, were their sailors the Northmen of
the sea, able to make even the coasts of China and
Corea desolate, and able to hurl back the Mongol
armada of Kubhlai Khan. Then should the Ameri-
cans land, and, by dwelling in it, defile the Holy
Country, the strain upon the government to keep
334 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the foreigners within bounds and to hold in the
Yedo cage the turbulent daimids would be too great.
Already-many of the vassals of Tokugawa were in
incipient rebellion. If Japan were opened, they
would have-a-pretext_for revolt, and would obey only
the imperial court in Kioto. The very existence of
the Laser pepe multe jeoparded. If
they made a treaty, fiiikado-reverencers” would
defy the compact, since they knew that the Tycoon
was only a daimio of low rank with no right to sign.
In vain had the official censors purged the writings
of historical scholars. Political truth was leaking out
fast, and men’s eyes were being opened. In vain
were the prisons taxed to hold in the whisperers, the
thinkers, the map-makers, the men who believed the
country had fallen behind, and that only the Mikado
restored to ancient authority could effect improve-
ment.

Finally, two daimids were appointed to receive the
letter. Orders were given to the clans and coast
daimids to guard the most important strategic posi-
tions fronting the bay of Yedo, lest the foreigners
should proceed to acts of violence. Several thou-
sands of troops were despatched in junks to the
earth forts along the bay of Yedo.

Meanwhile Perry, the Lord of the Forbidden In-
terior, had allowed no Japanese to gaze upon his
face. The bunio had held several consultations with
the Admiral’s subordinates, had been shown the
ship and appointments, and had tasted the strangers’
CEPTION OF THE PRESIDENTS LETTER. 335

diet. The barbarian pudding was delicious. The
liquors were superb. One glass of sugared brandy
made the whole western world kin. The icy armor
of reserve was shuffled off. The august functionary
became jolly. ‘ Naruhodo” and “tai-hen” dropped
from his lips like minted coins from a die. So
happy and joyful was he, that he forgot, while his
veins were warm, that he had not gained a single
point, while the invisible Admiral had won all.

A conference was arranged to be held at Kuri-
hama (long-league strand), a hamlet between Morri-
son Bluff and Uraga for July 13th. The minutest
details of etiquette were settled. The knowing sub-
ordinates, inspired by His Inaccessibility in the
cabin, solemnly weighed every feather-shred of
punctilio as in the balances of the universe. In
humiliation and abasement, Mr. Yézayémon regretted
that upholstered arm-chairs and wines and brandies
could not be furnished their guests on the morrow.
It was no matter. The “Admiral”? would sit like
the dignitaries from Yedo; but, as it ill befitted his
Mysterious Augustness to be pulled very far in a
small boat, he would proceed in the steamers to a
point opposite the house of deliberation within
range of his Paixhans. He would land with.a
proper retinue of officers and soldiers. Possibly a
Golownin mishap might occur, and the Admiral
wished to do nothing disagreeable. Even if the
government was perfectly sincere in intentions, the
swiftness of Japanese assassins was proverbial, and
the r6-niz (wave-man) was ubiquitous.
336 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

The day before, sawyers had been busy, boards
and posts hauled, and all night long the carpenters
sent down from Yedo plied chisel and mallet,
hooked adze and saw. Mat sewers and _ binders,
satin curtain hangers, and official canvas-spreaders
were busy as bees. Finally the last parallelogram
of straw was laid, the last screen arranged, the last
silk curtain hung. The retainers of Toda, Idzu
no kami, the hatamoto, with all his ancestral insig-
nia of crests, scarlet pennants, spears, banners,
lanterns, umbrellas, and feudalistic trumpery were
present. The followers of Ito were there too, in
lesser numbers, For hundreds of yards stretched
canvas imprinted with the Tokugawa blazon, a
trefoil of Asarum leaves. On the beach stood the
armed soldiers of several clans, while the still waters
glittering in the beams of the unclouded sun were gay
with boats and fluttering pennants.

In the matter of shine and dazzle the Japanese
were actually outdone by the Americans.

The barbarian officers had curious looking golden
adornments on their shoulders, and pieces of metal
called “buttons” on the front of their coats. What
passed the comprehension of the spectators, was that
the same curious ornaments were found at the back of
their coats below the hips. Why did they wear but-
tons behind? Instead of grand and imposing hakama
(petticoat trousers) and flowing sleeves, they had on
tight blue garments. As the sailors rowed in utterly
different style from the natives, sitting back to the
RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT’S LETTER. 337

shore as they pulled, they presented a strange spec-
tacle. They made almost deafening and hideous
noises with brass tubes and drums, with which they
seemed pleased. The native scullers could have
beaten the foreign rowers had the trial been one of
skill. The Uraga yakunin and Captain Buchanan
led the van of boats. When half way to the shore,
thirteen red tongues flamed out like dragons, and
thirteen clouds of smoke like the breath of the mount-
ain gods, leaped out of the throats of the barbarian
guns.

Then, and then only, the High, Grand, and Mighty,
Invisible and Mysterious, Chiet Barbarian, Feprezent,
ative of the august potentate in America, who~had
thus far augustly kept himself behind the curtain in
secrecy, revealed himself and stepped into his barge.
The whole line then moved tothe beach. <A few
minutes later there were a thousand scowls and curses,
and clinching of fingers on sword-hilts, and vows of
revenge, as the soil of the holy country was de-
filed by the first barbarian, Buchanan, who sprang
ashore on the jetty hastily made of straw rice bags
filled with sand. Ss

Many a countryman in the crowds of spectators
on the hills around, as he saw the three hundred
sailors, mariners, bandsmen and officers, went home
to tell his fellow-villagers of foreigners ten feet in
stature, as hairy in face as dogs, with polls on their
crown as red as the shdjo (or scarlet-headed demons),
and of ships as big as mountains, having guns
338 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

that made heaven and earth crash together when
they were fired. The numbers as reported in the
distant provinces ran into myriads.

There was no one that gazed more upon Com-
modore Perry than Kazama Yézayémon. He, the
snubbed bunio, had waited through the minutes of
the hours of five days to see the mighty personage.
With vast officiousness he now led the way to the
pavilion. Two gigantic tars carried the American
flag, and two boys thée~nrysterious red box whose
outside Kazama had seen. Of majestic mien and
portly form, tall, proud and stately, but not hairy
faced, “ big as a wrestler, dignified as a kugé,” (court
noble) the august Commodore, already victor, ad-
vanced forward. On either side as his guard, stalked
a colossal Aurumbé (black man) armed to the teeth.
This sable pair, guarding the burly Commodore, like
the NiO (two kings) of a temple portal, constituted
one of the greatest curiosities of the pageant. Many
in the gazing crowds had never seen a white man;
but probably not one had ever looked upon a human
being whose whole skin was as black as the eyes of
Fudo. Only in the theatre, when they had seen the
candle-holders with faces smeared with lamp black,
had they ever beheld aught like what now smote
their eyes.

The procession entered the pavilion with due
pomp. The Japanese officials were all dressed in
kami-shimo (high and low) or cerémonial winged
dress of gold brocade. Toda, Idzu no kami, and Ito,
RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT’S LETTER. 339

Iwami no kami, the two commissioners, sat on camp-
stools. When all was ready, the two boys advanced
and delivered their charge to the blacks. These,
opening in succession the scarlet cloth envelope and
the gold-hinged rosewood boxes, with true African
grace, displayed the letter written on vellum bound
in blue velvet, and the gold tasseled seals suspended
with silk thread. In perfect silence, they laid the
documents on the lacquered box brought from Yedo.
It was like Guanzan handling the sacred books.

“The First Counsellor’ of the Empire,” as the
Americans called Toda, acknowledged in perfect
silence receipt of the documents. The interpreter
who had been authorized by the “ Emperor ’’—accord-
ing to the foreigners’ ideas — handed the receipt to the
Commodore, who sat during the ceremony. ~-What
little was spoken was in Dutch, chiefly between Perry
and the interpreters. The whole affair was like a
“Quaker” meeting of the traditional sort. The offi-
cial reply read :—

“ The letter of the President of the United States
of North America and copy are hereby received and
delivered to the Emperor. Many times it has been
communicated that business relating to foreign
countries cannot be transacted here in Uraga, but in
Nagasaki. Now it has been observed that the Ad-
miral in his quality of embassador of the President
would be insulted by it ; the justice of this has been
acknowledged, consequently the above mentioned
letter is hereby received in opposition to the Japan-
340 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

ese law. Because this place is not designed to treat
of anything from foreigners, so neither can confer-
ence nor entertainmént take place. The letter being
received, you will leave here.”

The Commodore then gave notice that he would
return “in the approaching spring, probably in
April or May.”” This concluded the ceremonies of
reception, which lasted half an hour. With all due
care and pomp the Americans returned to their decks.
That part of the Bay of; Yedo fronting Kurihama
was named “ Reception bay,” as a certain headland
was dubbed by Perry himself Rubicon Point.

The “black ships” remained inthe bay eight days.
Their boats were busily employed in surveying the
waters. Perry kept his men on ship’s food, holding
then all in leash, allowing no insults to the people,
receiving no gifts. In no instance was any Japanese
molested or injured. The Americans burned no
houses, stole no valuables, outraged no women,
None was drunk. Not a single native was kicked,
beaten, insulted or robbed. One party landed, and
actually showed a politeness that impelled the people
to set out refreshments of water, tea and peaches.
These “hairy” Americans were so kind and polite
that they smoked friendly pipes, showed the peo-
ple their trinkets and watches, and even patiently
explained, in strange and unintelligible language,
but with pantomimic gesture, the uses of many
things which drew forth volleys of xaru hodo!
hiv&! rippant! médzurashi! so dési, né! and many
RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT’S LETTER. 341

a characteristic grimace, shrug and mutual nod from
the light-hearted and impressible people.

All this was strange and unlooked-for. This
was not the way the Russians in Saghalin, nor
the British sailors at Nagasaki, had acted. The
people began to think that probably the foreigners
were not devils, but men after all. Eyes were
opened on both sides.

More than one American made up his mind that
the Japanese were not so treacherous, murderous, or
inhospitable as they had heard. The natives began
to believe that if the “hairy faces” were devils, they
were of an uncommonly fine species, in short as jolly
as feugus or spirits of the sky. Strangely enough,
the “hairy” foreigners were clean shaven.

One authentic anecdote related by the Japanese
is worth mentioning. At the banquet given by the
governor of Uraga, Perry tasted the seké served so
plentifully at all entertainments, and asked what
the cost or price of the beverage might be. On
being told, finding it exceedingly cheap, the Com-
modore with a very serious face remarked to his
host that he feared it was highly injurious to the
people to have so ridiculously cheap an intoxicant
produced in the country. All present were deeply
impressed with the Commodore’s remark.

Despite the fact that the decoction of fermented
rice, called saké, which contains alcohol enough to
easily intoxicate, and fusel oil sufficient to quickly
‘madden, was not relatively as cheap as Perry sup-
342 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

posed, yet Japan’s curse for centuries has been
cheap liquor.

Another anecdote, less trustworthy, is preserved
in a native book. The time suits Shimoda, but
other considerations point to Uraga or Yokohama.
The subjective element, probably predominates over
historical fact. Some enemy of Buddhism or its
priests, some wit fond of sharp barbs, from a Shinté
quiver, probably, manufactured the story, which runs
as follows :—

“When Perry came to Shimoda, he took a ramble
through the town, and happened to enter a mon-
astery yard. It was in summer, and two bonzes
were taking anap. Of course they were shaved as
to their heads, and their bodies were more than half
uncovered. At first glance, Perry thought that these
shaven-pated and nude savages were in an unseemly
act. ‘This is a savage land’, he said; and until he
saw and talked with the better representatives of
Japan, he was of a mind to treat the Japanese as he
would the lowest African tribes.”

Without a yard of canvas spread, the four ships
moved rapidly out of the Bay on the morning of
July 17th. The promontory of Uraga was black
with spectators who watched that stately procession
whose motor was the child born of wedded fire and
water.

Japan now gave herself up to reflection.
CHAPTER XXXII.

JAPANESE PREPARATIONS FOR TREATY-MAKING,

THE Mississippi touching at Napa, found there the
Supply, and met the Vavdalia on the way to Hong
Hong, where the Commodore arrived on the 7th of
August. The Powhatan returned from a futile visit
to Riu Kiu on the 25th. To protect American lives
and property against the imminent dangers of the
Tai-ping rebellion, the Supply was sent to Canton
and the Afzsszssippt anchored off Whampoa. The re-
mainder of the squadron was ordered to Cum-sing-
moon, between Macao and Hong Kong, where the
machinery which sadly needed repair was refitted.

Having thus disposed of his force, the Commodore,
in order to arrange the accumulated results of his
voyage to Japan, took a house at Macao for his own
accommodation and that of the artists and surveying
party. A hospital, which was also established in the
town, under the care of the fleet surgeon, was soon
full of fever patients ; and an annex, in the form of a
cemetery, was found necessary. The Japan expedi-.
tion left American graves at Macao, Napa, Uraga,
Yokohama, Shimoda, and Hakodaté. Among the
officers lost, was Lieutenant John Matthews drowned
344 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

at the Bonin islands. His name was given by Perry
to a bay near Napa, which he surveyed. His monu-
ment in Vale Cemetery at Schenectady, N. Y. was
erected by his fellow-officers of the Asiatic Squadron.
The Commodore himself, worn out by heavy and
multifarious duties, was finally prostrated by an at-
tack of illness. Nevertheless the work of the expe-
dition suffered no remission. The making of charts,
and the completion of nearly two-hundred sketches
and drawings, and the arrangement and testing of
the scientific apparatus which was to be proved
before the Japanese, were perfected. The daguerreo-
type, talbotype, and magnetic telegraphic apparatus
were especially kept in working order. The Japanese
from the first, as it proved, were mightily impressed
by these “spirit pictures,” into which as they be-
lieved, went emitted particles of their actual souls.
The lengthened stay of the Commodore at Macao
enabled him to see the places of interest and to
study life in this old city, once so prosperous; whence
had sailed, three centuries before, in the Portuguese
galleons explorers, traffickers and missionaries to
Japan. The opulent American merchants of Canton
made Macao their place of summer sojourn, so that
elegant society was not lacking. With the French
commodore, Montravel, whose fleet Jay at anchor in
the roadstead, and with Portuguese whom he had
met in Africa, his intercourse was especially pleasant.
It had been the intention of the Commodore to wait
until spring before sailing north, but the suspicious
JAPANESE TREATY-MAKING. 345

movements of the French and Russians, spoken of
below, induced him to alter his plans.

Towards the end of November, the French naval
commander suddenly left port under sealed orders.
About the same time the Russian Admiral Pontia-
tine in the Pad/as and with three other vessels lay at —
Shanghai, having returned from Nagasaki. Suspect-
ing that either or both the Russians and French con-
templated a visit to Yedo Bay, Perry became very
anxious for the arrival of the Lerizgton, which had
more presents for the Japanese on board. Rather
than allow others to get advantage and reap where
he had sown, before he himself had thrust in the
sickle, Perry resolved to risk the exposure and incon-
venience of a mid-winter cruise to Japan, despite the
stories told of fogs and storms on the Japanese coast.
The dangers of a winter sea-journey between the two
countries are portrayed, even in very ancient Chinese
poetry.

The object of the American mission had been re-
ported at Kioto, where it created a profound impres-
sion and intense excitement. The first thing done,
and that within four days after Perry left, was to
despatch a messenger to the Shinto priests at the
shrines of Isé to offer up prayers for the peace of the
Empire, and for the divine breath to sweep away “the
barbarians.” One week later, the Shéd-gun Iye’yoshi
died. He was buried in Shiba in Yedo in a superb
mausoleum among his ancestors, but not until the
7th of September.
346 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

At Yedo, the question of acceeding to the demand
of the barbarians was hotly debated. The daimios
“nearly lost their hearts in consultation that lasted
day and night.” The Prince of Mito wanted to

fight them. iia eeu:
ness to resist an enemy with myriads of men-of-war

who could capture all their junks and blockade their
coasts.” The Shé-gun’s minister was_Abé, Isé no
Kami, the daimié of Bizen, who had married the
adopted daughter of Echizen. He it was who in-
spired the arguments of the government. He be-
lieved that as Japan was behind the world in mechan-
ical arts, it would be better to have intercourse with
foreigners, learn their drill and tactics, and thus fight
them with their own weapons. If the Japanese
pleased, they might then shut up their country or
even go abroad to conquer other nations. Others
doubted the ability or willingness of many of the
disaffected class to fight for Tokugawa.

The native historians tell us that “the Shé-gun
Iyéyoshi, who had been ill since the beginning of the
summer, was rendered very anxious about this sud-
den and pressing affair of the outer barbarians ;”
and, soon after sickened and died. He was the
father of twenty-five children, all but four of whom
had died in infancy. One of his daughters had mar-
ried. His death at this alarming crisis plunged his
retainers in the deepest grief. Iyésada, his seventh
child, succeeded him as the thirteenth shé-gun of the
Tokugawa line.
JAPANESE TREATY-MAKING. 347

Of this fact, Perry had received official notice from
the Japanese through the Dutch authorities. As the
communication hinted that delay was necessary on
account of official mourning, Perry, instead of cock-
billing his yards, thought it a ruse, and delayed not a
moment.

Accordingly, on the 14th of January 1854, in the
Susquehanna, with the Powhatan and Mississippi
towing the stores ships Lexington and Southhampton,
the Commodore left tor Riu Kiu; the Macedonian and
Supply having gone on a few days before to join the
Vandalia. The Plymouth and Saratoga were to
come later. The steamers arrived at Napa, January
2oth, and the Commodore thus paid his fourth visit
to Riu Kiu.

The slow sailers were to be sent ahead to Yedo
Bay, with one week’s start. Captain Abbot in the
Macedonian, in company with the Vandalia, Lexing-
Zon, and Southampton set out northward on the Ist
of February. The Commodore followed on the 7th
with the three steamers, meeting the Saratoga just
outside. The Supply with coal and live stock from
Shanghai, was to join the squadron in Yedo Bay.
The promise of an “imposing squadron of twelve
vessels,’’ seemed about to be fulfilled,

In Yedo, the new.Sh 6-gun | Tyé-sada_and_his advis-
ers had felt that something mt must be done both in
peaceful and warlike preparations. _ The ex-daimis of
Mito, released from confinement, was appointed com-
missioner of maritime defences. A series of forts
348 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

was built on the shallow part of the bay in front of
Yedo, off Shinagawa its southern suburb. Thousands
of laborers were paid zsshze (6 1-4 cts.) per day, and
the coins minted for that purpose are still called
dai-ba (fort, or fort money) by the people around
Shinagawa. ‘They were creditably built of earth, and
faced with stone; but having no casements, would
have illy defended the wooden city from bombard-
ment by Perry’s columbiads. A great number of
cannon were cast, and military preparations contin-
ued unceasingly. The expenses were met by a levy
on the people of Yedo and vicinity, and on the rich
merchants of Ozaka.

The old edict of Iyéyast: concerning naval architec-
ture was rescinded, and permission was given to the
daimids, to build large ships of war. Their distinguish-
ing flag was a red ball representing the sun on a
white ground. This was the origin of the present
flag of Japan. The law of 1609 had commanded ves-
sels of over five hundred koku (2,500 bushels, or
30,000 cubic feet capacity) to be burned, and none
but small coasting junks built. Orders were given
to the Dutch to build a man-of-war, and to import
books on modern military science. A native who
had learned artillery from the Dutchmen at Naga-
saki, was now released from the prison, and was made
musketry instructor. His method soon became fash-
ionable and he thus became the introducer of the
European system of warfare into Japan. Drilling,
cannon-casting and fort-building were now the rage.
JAPANESE TREATY-MAKING. 349

Yet in all this fuss and preparation, wise men saw
only the fulfilment on a national scale of their own
old proverb. “On seeing the enemy, to begin to
whet arrows.” Belated warspreparations, when the en-
emy was at their gates, seemed futile. On the Ist day
of the 11th mgnth (December 2d) a notification was
issued, that#‘owing to want of military efficiency,
the Americans would, on hel Feta Beale with
peaceably J The salary of the governor of Uraga
Was raised. Very significantly, at the end of the
year, the old practice of Fumi-yé, or trampling on the
cross and Christian emblems, so long practiced at
Nagasaki, was abolished. Perry's way was now clear,
though he knew it not.

There was a native scholar in Yedo, a typical
progressive Japanese of this period, a student, through
the medium of the Dutch language, of European liter-
ature. Hearing of the order for a man-of-war and
books from Holland, he petitioned the government
rather to send Japanese to Europe to study the most
important arts, and to assist in building and working
the ship. They would thus learn the art of naviga-
tion on the voyage, and see the foreign countries.
The authorities did not favor his proposition. Yos-
hida Shoin, one of his former pupils, heard of his old
master’s plan, and resolved himself to make a sea-
voyage.

When Admiral Pontiatine with the Russian ships
put in at Nagasaki in September “to discuss the
question of the northern boundary of the two nations
350 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

in Saghalin,” Yoshida bade his master good-bye,
merely saying that he was going on a visit to Naga-
saki, but secretly intending to go abroad.

Sakuma, who divined his plan, gave him money
for his expenses; and, according to the custom of
polite farewells, composed a stanza of Chinese poetry
in which he wished him a safe and pleasant journey.
On his arrival at Nagasaki, the ship had gone. He
then returned to Yedo, and Sakuma secretly told him
how to set about getting passage on the American
vessels. We shall hear of Yoshida again. He and
Sakuma were typical men in a small, but soon to be
triumphant, majority.

As the time for Perry’s return was near at hand,
the Bakafu chose Hayashi, the chief Professor of
the Chinese lang accent Merature in the Dai Gakko
(Great School, or University) to treat with Perry.
As the American interpreters were Chinese scholars,
the documents, besides those in the Dutch and Eng-
lish language for the benefit of Americans, would
be in the Chinese character for the benefit of the
Japanese. Hayashi was a man profoundly versed in
Chinese learning, a pedant, and a stickler for exact
terms. He was also a most devotedly loyal retainer
of the house of Tokugawa. His rank was that of a
Hatamoto (flag-bearer), and his title Dai Gaku no
Kami, or Regent of the University, (not “ Prince” of
Dai Gaku.) He was of benevolent countenance, and
courtly manners, dignified presence. He had lived
the life of a scholar, expounding the classics of Con-
JAPANESE TREATY-MAKING. 351

fucius and Mencius, and was highly respected at
court for his vast learning. In brief, he was a typi-
cal. product, and one of the best specimens of Yedo
culture in the later days of the Tokugawas. The
Hayashi family was noted for the many scholars in
Chinese literature that adorned the country and the
name. He was carefully instructed by his superior
officers as how he should deal with Perry. He made
his preparations so as to leave the academic groves
of Séido for the treaty house at Uraga; for there, it
was decreed in Yedo that the treaty was to be made.

Fortunately for the Japanese, they had a first-rate
interpreter of English, though Perry knew it not.
His name was Nakahama Manjiro. With his two
companions, he had been picked up at sea in 1841,
by an American captain, J. H. Whitfield, and brought
by way of Honolulu to the United States, where he
obtained a good school education. Returning to
Hawaii in 1850, he resolved with his two companions
to return to Japan. Furnished with a duly attested
certificate of his American citizenship by the United
States consul, Elisha Allen, afterwards minister to
Washington, he built a whale-boat named Zhe Ad.
venturer, sailed to Riu Kiu in the Sarak Boyd,
Captain Whitmore, and in January, 1851, landed.
The three men proved their nationality to the natives
of Riu Kiu not by their language, which they had
forgotten, but by their deft manipulation of chop-
sticks, the use of which a Japanese baby learns be-
fore he can talk.
352 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

After six months in Riu Kiu and thirty months in
Nagasaki, the waifs reached their homes. On
being brought to Yedo with his boat, Manjiro was
made a samurai or wearer of two swords. As an
official translator, he wrestled with Bowditch and
logarithms, even to the partial bleaching of his
hair. After several years of severe work, twenty
manuscript copies of his book were made. His
boat, now come to honor, was used as a model for
others. The original was placed in a fire-proof store-
house as an honorable relic.

On Saturday, the 11th of February, 1854, three
days after the Russians had left Nagasaki, and on
the ninth day of the Japanese New Year, the watch-
ers on the hills of Idzu descried the American
squadron approaching. The Macedonzan had grounded
on the rocks a few miles from Kamakura, the medie-
val capital of the Minamoto Sho-guns, and near the
spot over which Nitta Yoshisada, three hundred and
twenty years before, had led his victorious hosts to
overthrow the Hojo usurpers. The powerful Mzsszss-
ippi, which had extricated and saved from utter loss
during the Mexican war, the fine old frigate German-
town from a similar peril, easily drew off the Mace-
donian on Sunday, the 12th. On Monday, the 13th,
amid all the lavish splendors of nature, for which the
scenery of Adzuma, as poets call eastern Japan, is
noted, the stately line of ships, the sailers towed by
the steamers, moved up the bay,

“With all their spars uplifted,
Like crosses of some peaceful crusade.”
JAPANESE TREATY- ENT 353

The superb panorama that unfolded “Teton the
eyes from the decks charmed all eyes. Significant and
portentous seemed the position of the lights of
heaven on that eventful day. To the west of the
peerless mountain Fuji, “the moon was setting
sharply defining one side with its chill cold rays.’’*
In the orient, the sun arising in cloudless radiance
burnished with brilliant glory the lordly cone as it
swelled tothe sky. Did the natives recall their
poet’s comparison and contrast of “the old
sage, grown sad and slow,” and “the youth’’ who
“new systems, laws and fashions frames?’’ The
moon typified Old Japan ready to pass away, the
the sun heralded the New Japan that was to be.
Matthew Perry was set for the rising and fall of
many in the then hermit land.

Passing Uraga and Perry Island, the seven ves-
sels dropped anchor at the “American anchorage,”
not far from Yokostka, and off the place, called in
Japanese, Koshiba-dki, (the little grass-plot looking
out on the far-off sea). Unconsciously, the officers
paced their decks beneath the shadows of the twin
tombs of Will Adamst and his Japanese wife.
From these very headlands, over which the English
exile, who may have seen Shakespeare, took his
evening walks two centuries before, he had perhaps
seen in prophetic vision a sight like that below.

 

* Spalding’s ‘‘ The Japan Expedition,” p. 213.
+ The Mikado’s Empire, p. 262.
354 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Happy coincidence, that Perry’s right-hand man,
bore the same name, Adams!

The Commodore, still mysterious, invisible and
inapproachable, had again out-flanked the wily
orientals with their own weapons and turned their
heavy guns against themselves. The mystery play
was, kept up in a style that exceeded that of
either Kidto or Yedo. The naval generalissimo
remained in the Forbidden Interior of his cabin as if
behind bamboo curtains.

Kurokawa Kahéi and his two interpreters were
received with excruciating politeness by Captain
Adams, assisted by Messrs. Portman, Williams and
the Commodore’s son. In the delegation of official
men were ométstikes (censors, spies, or checks). They
were well named ‘“eye-appliers” (to holes usually
made noiselessly, with moistened finger-tips, in the
paper screens of the houses). These suggested
that the negotiations should be carried on at Kam-
akura or Uraga. The programme, foreshadowed
by answers to their questions, was an American
advance on that of the previous year. The ‘“Ad-
miral’’ would do no such thing. It must be near
the present safe anchorage. All the visits, con-
ferences, discussions, presents, bonbons, oranges and
confectionery, offers of eggs, fish and vegetables
were impotent to alter the fiat of the Invisible
Power in the cabin.

For the benefit of the United States and the
civilized world, the survey boats were out daily
JAPANESE TREATY-MAKING. 355

making a map of the bottom of ‘the bay. No boats’
crews were allowed to land. No native was in any
way injured in person or property. The visitors
received on deck refreshments, champagne, sugared
brandy, port, and politeness in profusion. Of in-
formation. concerning the invisible “Admiral’s”
policy, save as His Invisibility allowed it, they re-
ceived not a word.

Several days passed, the broad pennant was
transferred to the Powhatan, and the Japanese
were given till the 21st to make up their mind.
Captain Adams was sent to Uraga to inspect the
proposed place of anchorage and the new building
specially erected for treaty making. There an in-
cident occurred which afforded more fun to the
Japanese than to the Americans. On the 22nd of
February, while the guns of the Vandalia were
thundering a salute in honor of Washington, Captain
Adams with fourteen officers and attendants entered
the hall of reception. Here were gathered a formid-
able array of dignitaries, retainers and no less than
fifty soldiers. A suspicion of treachery dawned on
the Americans. Was this to be a Golownin affair ?

Perhaps Izawa, the daimid in charge, was fond of
a joke. He was, in fact, in favor of foreign inter-
course, but more noted for high living and gay sport
than for dignity of word and mien, withal a lively
and popular fellow. After preliminaries, Captain
Adams handed him the Commodore’s note. Pre-
paratory to getting out his goggle-spectacles, he
356 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

folded his fan with a tremendous snap. Instantly
the American officers, alarmed and exchanging
glances of concern, clapped hands to their revolvers.*
All the more amused, Izawa most deliberately and
with scarcely repressed inward merriment, adjusted
his goggles, and read the document, finding it in
good form. After decoctions of rice and tea, with
sponge-cake and oranges (saké, cha, Castile, mtkai)
had been served, the officers returned to their ships
at the 8th hour, Japanese time, the Hour of the Ape,
or about 3 p.m. Captain Adams decided that the
building proposed for treaty negotiations was “for
simple talk large enough, but not for the display of
presents.” Kurihama was then suggested. ‘No,
the Admiral would rather go to Yedo,” “No, no!
better go to Kanagawa, but do please, please go back
to Uraga.” This was the simple substance of much
conversation carried on in Japanese, Dutch and Eng-
lish, with not a little consumption of paper, India
ink and Chinese characters. The one word of Perry
and Adams was “Yedo.” The tongues of the in-
terpreters, or in Japanese “ word-passers,” grew
weary, yet no backward step was taken.

Meanwhile on the 24th, Perry moved his six ships
forward up the bay ten miles, anchoring beyond Kana-
gawa. From the mast-head the huge temple-gables,
castle-towers, fire lookouts and pagodas of Yedo

 

* Record of Conference with the American Barbarians. Japan-
ese Official Manuscript.
JAPANESE TREATY-MAKING. 357

could be easily seen, and the bells of Shiba and
Asaktisa heard. More exactly, the anchorage was off
Dai-shi-ga-wara, a lovely meadow (wara) named in
honor of Japan’s greatest medieval scholar, His
Most Exalted Reverence, Kdbé, the inventor of the
Japanese alphabets, learned in Chinese and Sanskrit,
and the Philo of the Land of the Gods. He it was
who absorbed Shint3, the primitive religion, into the
gorgeous cult of India, and made Buddhism trium-
phant in all Japan. Another happy omen for
Perry !

The Vandalia's boats now brought Hayashi’s letter
to Perry, and Yezaémon the interpreter came nomin-
ally to plead again for Uraga, but in reality to accede
to the American’s decision. A fleet messenger,
riding hard on relays of horses, had brought the word
to Hayashi—If the American ships come to Yedo,
it will be a national disgrace. Stop them, and make
the treaty at Kanagawa.* As Perry writes, “ Find-
ing the Commodore immovable in his purpose, the
pretended ultimatum of the Japanese commissioners
was suddenly abandoned, and a place directly oppo-
site, at Yokohama, was suggested as the place of
treaty.”

The official buildings and enclosure finished March
oth, were erected on the ground now covered by the
‘British consulate, the Custom House, the American
Union Church and two streets of the modern city.

 

* Record of Conference. Jap. MS.
358 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

They were guarded on the left, right and rear by the re-
tainers of Ogasawara, a high officer in the Tycoon’s
palace, and Sanada, lord of Shinano; and on the
water side by Matsudaira, lord of Sagami, who had
hundreds of boats and their crews under his com-
mand. Against possible fanatics and assassins who
might attack, or the too progressive spirits who
would communicate with the Americans, the precau-
tions were not wholly in vain. The writer has heard
Japanese officers, now in high rank but enlightened,
declare that they had devoted themselves by vows to
the gods to kill Perry, the arch-defiler of the Holy
Country. Only the strong hand of government held
them back.

Further than this, the Japanese did not know how
the Americans would act. Either from malice in-
tent or provoked by unruly natives, they might begin
war. Every one of Sanada’s and Ogasawara’s retain-
ers were sworn* to ask no quarter, but fight till the
last man was slain.

 

* Japanese Record.
CHAPTER XXXIII.

THE PROFESSOR AND THE SAILOR MAKE A TREATY.

THE morning of March 8th, 1854, dawned clear
and beautiful. The bay was alive with gorgeous
state barges, swift punts, and junks with tasseled
prows. On land, in the foreground were a few hun-
dred feudal retainers in gay costumes, while on the
bluffs beyond stood dense masses of spectators.
These were kept back with rope-barriers, and by
petty officials of prodigious self-importance. The
sunbeams glittered on the bare heads and freshly-
pomatumed top-knots of country folk, and was re-
flected dazzlingly from lacquered hats and burnished
weapons. In the variegated paraphernalia of feudal-
ism,—then of such vast importance, but now as cast
off trumpery transmigrating through the parlors and
museums to dusty nirvana in the garrets of christen-
dom, —could be distinguished the insignia of the com-
missioners and feudal lords, whose troops darkened
the hill tops as spectators. The striped oval figure
of Hayashi; the five disks surrounding a smaller
central dot like satellites about Jupiter, belonging to
Ito; the feminine millinery, three curved women’s
hats, of Isawa; the revolving disks suggesting a
“ASNOH-ALVENT AHL ONIYAING AUNAG PAOGOWWOD

 
THE PROFESSOR AND SAILOR TREATY. 361

wind-mill, of Tsudzuki; the three Euclid-recalling
cubes of Udono; the ring-enclosed goggle-spectacles
of Takénouchi; appeared and reappeared on banner,
umbrella, hat, coat, and cover of dignitaries and
retainers. Many and various were the explanations
offered by the Americans as to the cabalistic meaning
of these crests of Japanese heraldry. One in partic-
ular, which looked like three commas in perpetual
revolution, but prevented from flying off into a
nebular hypothesis by a tire, attracted special at-
tention.

Only the stern discipline to which they were
accustomed, and the suspicion of possible need for
powder and ball, in case of treachery, kept grim the
faces of marines and sailors. The whole tableau
seemed to the officers a well-sustained joke from the
pages of Gulliver's Travels. To Jack Tar, it looked
as if a pack of euchre-cards had come to enlarged life.
The gay-costumed figures and bronze visages moved
before him like the flesh-and blood originals of the
kings, jacks, and knaves.on his favorite pasteboards.
Can we doubt but that more than one Japanese now
saw himself in a new light?

With five hundred men landed in twenty-seven
boats, each one, including musicians, thoroughly well-
armed, the marines forming a hollow square, the
three bands discoursing music, the Paixhans on the
Macedonian, and the howitzers in the boats, making
fire, flame, thunder, and echoes; with all possible fuss,
parade, shine and glitter, the sailor-diplomatist made
362 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

disembarkation at noon, in his white gig from the
Powhatan. With due deliberation and stately march,
he entered the treaty-house, where negotiations
began. The Commodore knew as he confesses, “the
importancé-and-morat-inflience “of such show upon
so ceremonious-and artificial a people as the Japanese.”
Withott being at all anxious to imitate or copy them,
he yet impressed them amazingly. How he came to
know so much about etiquette and propriety, with-
out having lived in Kidto, or studied Confucius or
Ogasawara (the Chesterfield of Japan) strained their
wits to discover. Perhaps they noticed that while
“the emperor,” that is the chief daimid of Yedo, and
the Mikado’s lieutenant styled “ Tycoon,” (as Koku-
O, king of a country) received a salute of twenty-one
guns, and his hatamoto Hayashi, officer of the sixth
rank seventeen guns, the first salute was from the
heavy ordnance on the Macedonian, while the others
were from boat-howitzers. The Powhatan hoisted at
the masthead the striped pennant, which the Ameri-
cans innocently supposed was the national emblem.

The tedious business of diplomacy began by
interchange of notes and answers. Then Hayashi
remarked that attention would be given to the supply
of wood, coal, and water for needy ships, and to the
care of shipwrecked_sailors, but that no proposition
for trade could” be allowed. To this Perry made no
reply;but spoke up suddenly upon the \guestion of
burial. A marine on the WZ/7sszssippz named Williams,
had died two days previously, and it was proposed to
THE PROFESSOR AND SAILOR TREATY. 363

bury him on Matsu-shima (Pine Isle) or Webster’s
Island. After private conferences by the Japanese
in another room, exchange of much sentiment on
both sides, and an exposition of Japanese law and
custom by Hayashi—during which Perry intimated
his readiness to stay in the bay a year or two if
necessary — permission was granted to bury in one
of the temple-grounds at Yokohama. Thus began
with christian ceremonies, under the very shadow of
the edicts promulgated centuries before, denouncing
“the Christian criminal God,” with offer of gold to
informers against the “outlawed sect,” that God’s
acre now so beautiful. Its slope was to fatten with
many a victim by the assassin’s sword before Japan
should become a Land of Great Peace either to the
alien or the Christian.

The native scribe adds in a note to his Record,
“This subject was brought up suddenly, as if the
American wished to find out how quickly we were in
the habit of deciding questions. Hence the commis-
sioners made their decision promptly. Thereupon
Perry seemed to be very glad and almost to shed
tears.” In response to the Commodore’s assertion
that to esteem human life as very precious was the
first principle of the United States government,
while the contrary was the case with that of Japan,
Hayashi answered, warmly defending his countrymen
and superiors against intentional cruelty, but
denouncing the lawless character of many of the
foreign sailors. Like all Japanese of his school and
364 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

age, he wound up with a panegyric of the pre-emi-
nence of Japan above all nations in virtue and
humanity, and the glory and goodness of the great
Tokugawa family which had given peace to the land
during two centuries or more.

“ The frog in the well knows not the great ocean,”
say his countrymen of to-day.

In the further negotiations, the Japanese official
account of which agrees with the details given in
Perry’s own narrative, the Commodore made
wholesome use of the fears of the islanders. The
‘lreputation of American ships, ordnance, and armies
had preceded him. The invaders of Mexico were
believed fully when the wealth, power, and rapidity
of movement possessed by the United States were
dilated upon. Perry threatened to make use of “the
resources of civilization,” if the plain demands of
humanity were ignored. It is more than probable
‘that cold statistics would not have justified his glow-
ing vision of fifty or a hundred war-steamers, full of
soldiers, coming from California to make war on
Japan, in case her government refused to help ship-
wrecked Americans. Yet, of his patience, persistency,
and resolve neither to provoke nor to take an insult,
there can be no question. Perry, in person, im-
pressed the Japanese commissioners as much as by
the fleet itself. They noted, as the Record declares,
that Captains Adams, Abbot, and Buchanan, as
shown by their uniform and epaulettes, were of the
same rank, “so that if Perry were killed, either of
THE PROFESSOR AND SAILOR TREATY. 365

the others could command,” and continue the matter
hand.

The Record also reflects the character of Perry as |
a man of kindly consideration. His friendly regard
for and sympathy with a people of high and sensitive
spirit, which had been weakened by ,enturies of ,
enforced isolation, is also witnessed tof In one sense
the Japanese feel, to this day, proud to have been
put under pressure by so true a soldier, and so
genuine a friend.

Between ship and shore, during the blustery
March weather, the Commodore made many trips
in his barge, accompanied by chosen officers. One
day, with Pay-director J. G. Harris, who relates the
incident, Perry and his companions entered the
treaty-house. Their boat-cloaks, which they had
worn to protect the “bright-work” of epaulettes,
buttons and belts from the salt spray, were still over
their shoulders. One of the first questions asked the
Japanese commissioners was, whether they had fa-
vorably considered the proposition of the day be-
fore, that certain ports should be opened.

Hayashi replied that they had pondered the matter,
and had concluded that Shimoda and Hakodaté should
be opened; provided that Americans would not
travel into the interior further than they could go
and return the same day ; and provided, further, that
no American women should be brought to Japan.

When the translation of Hayashi’s reply was an-
nounced, the Commodore straightened up, threw
366 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

back his boat-cloak, and excitedly exclaimed : “Great
Heavens, if I were to permit any such stipulation as
that in the treaty, when I got home ¢he women would
pull out all the hair out of my head.” ,

The Japanese fairly trembled at the Commodore’s
apparent excitement, supposing they had grossly
offended him. When, however, explanation was made
by the interpreters, they all laughed right heartily,
and the business continued.

The Ninth Article, or the “favored nation” clause
was introduced at the suggestion of Dr. S. Wells
Williams.*

Unknown to any of the Americans, Nakahama
Manjiro, who had received a good common school
education in the United States, sat in an adjoining
room, unseen but active, as the American interpreter
for the Japanese. All the documents in English and
Chinese were submitted to him for correction and
approval.f He was afterwards made curator of the
scientific and mechanical apparatus brought by
Perry and presented by the United States govern-
ment, and in 1860, he navigated the first Japanese
steamer, commanded by Katstii Awa, to Hawaii and
California. Katsi Awa was one of the captains com-
manding the troops detailed to watch carefully “the
American barbarians, lest they should proceed to
acts of violence.”

 

* Autograph letter to the writer. February 8th, 1883.

t+ The Friend, Honolulu. October, 1884—‘* An unpublished
chapter in the History of Japan.” Rev. S. C. Damon's interview
with Manjiro in Tokio, summer of 1884.
THE PROFESSOR AND SAILOR TREATY. 307

While the negotiations were progressing, the other
ships arrived, making ten in all. Presents and bou-
quets were exchanged, and guests and hosts amused
each other. American palates were tickled with
castira (Castile) or sponge cake, rice beer, candied
walnuts, Suruga tea, pickled plums, sugared fruits,
sea-weed jelly, luscious crabs and prawns, dried per-
simmons, boiled eggs, fish soups, broiled az, £o¢ and
&arei fresh from the nets of the Yokohama fisher-
man. They essayed or avoided the impossible
dishes of cuttle and sliced raw fish. All was served
in the baby-house china and lacquered ware of the
country. Some of the officers were vividly re-
minded of their infantile days.

The Japanese were regaled with viands that
were master-pieces of American cookery. To the
intense amusement of the “children of the gods,”
the lords of the kitchen were kurombd (blacks), a
color and a creature such they had seen only in their
own theatres when candie-holders with lamp-blacked
faces illuminated the facial performances of actors.
Save the dignified professor, Hayashi, they became
over-flowingly merry over champagne and the nati-
onal mixed drinks of the Great Republic. They
learned the mysteries of mint-juleps and brandy-
smashes. They lost their center of gravity over
puddings and potations, and then laughed themselves
sober at the sailors’ exhibition of negro minstrelsy.
They were shown the discipline and drill of the
ships, and the evolution of the marines. They
368 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

were delighted with presents which revealed thi
secrets of the foreigners’ power. Rifles and gun
powder, the electric telegraph, the steam locomotiv
and train, life-boats, stoves, clocks, sewing-machines,
agricultural implements and machinery, standard
scales, weights, measures, maps and charts, the
works of Audubon and other American authors
were presented, most improperly labeled or en-
graved “To the Emperor of Japan.” The Mikado,
Japan’s only emperor, never saw them, though the
writer did in the storerooms of the exiled Tycoon
at Shidztioka in 1872. The American may proudly
note how very large a share his countrymen have
had in inventions and in applications of the great
natural forces that have revolutionized modern so-
ciety. That one mile of telegraph wire has now
become thousands; and that tiny railway, with toy
locomotive and one car able to hold only a child, was
the germ of the railway system in the Mikado’s
empire. Historic truth compels us to add that
among the presents there were one hundred barrels
of whiskey, a good supply of cherry cordial, and cham-
pagne. Thus did the new civilization with its good
and evil confront the old. New Japan was to be
born in the age of steam, electricity, the photograph,
the newspaper and the printing press; yet in the
train of the culture of the West was to follow its
curses and enemies. With the sons of God came
Satan also.

In return, the Japanese presented the delicate spe-
THE PROFESSOR AND SAILOR TREATY. 369

cialties of the artisans of their country, in bronze,
lacquer, porcelain, bamboo, ivory, silk and paper ;
with coins, matchiocks and swords, which now rest
in the Smithsonian Institute. For the squadron, one
hundred kokt (five hundred bushels) of rice and
three hundred chickens were provided. They enter-
tained their guests with wrestling matches between
the prize bipeds whose diet includes the entire fauna
of Japan. Strangely enough, they did not play dakix
or polo, their national game on horseback, in which
so many of their riders excel. All the presents were
duly wrapped in paper, with a symbolic folded paper
and dried fish skin.

During the two months and more of the presence
of the ships in the bay, the Japanese cruisers and
spy-boats kept watch and ward in cordon, though at

.a distance from the Americans. This was to pre-
vent political enemies and too eager students from
getting aboard in order to leave Japan. Again and
again did Yoshida Shoin and his companion attempt
to break the blockade, but in vain. The pair then
set off overland to Shimoda.

When the telegraph poles and rails for the loco-
motive had been made ready, the news of the exhi-
bition about to be given fired the samurat of Yedo
with consuming curiosity to see. All sorts of pre-
texts were made to obtain permission to be on the
spot. Egawa, a noted flag-supporter whose yashiki
or feudal palace lay near Shiba in Yedo, insisted on
coming to Yokohama on the pretext of guarding the
treaty building. He wasordered back, and it was
370 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

hinted that Sanada’s men at arms could perform
worthily the coveted duty. If the Americans made
war and proceeded to Yedo, Egawa’s picked men
could die more nobly “under the Sho-gun’s knee.”
As the Japanese narrator learned afterwards, Ega-
wa’s real purpose was to learn telegraphy and the
secrets of steam engineering. It is not at all im-
probable that among his band of well-dressed gentle-
men were expert mechanics as well as students who
had from the Dutch at Nagasaki obtained their first
knowledge of western inventions.

The treaty was signed March 31st, 1854. Its pro-
visions are thus given by a Japanese author* : —

SIGNATURES AND PEN-SEALS OF THE JAPANESE TREATY
COMMISSIONERS.

 

* Kinsé Shiriaku, p. 3.
THE PROFESSOR AND SAILOR TREATY. 371

“The Bakafu promised to accord kind treatment to
shipwrecked sailors, permission to obtain wood,
water, coal, provisions and other stores needed by
ships at sea, with leave also to anchor in the ports of
Shimoda in Idzu and Hakodaté in Matsumaé.” Trade
or residence was not yet secured. ‘The hermit”
was as yet unwilling to enter “the market-place.”
The gains by treaty did not seem great, but Perry
knew then, as we know more fully now, that the
thin end of a great wedge had been inserted in the
right place. He had made a beginning which was
half the end, as we shall see farther on.

The sleeping princess had received her first kiss,
and the gates of Thornrose castle would soon fly
open. They were now ajar. More than one native
of this “ Princess Country” recalled the hiding of
the Sun goddess in the cave, and how with music
and dance, feast and frolic, and show of cunning in-
ventions exciting her curiosity, she was lured to
peep out, so that the strong-handed god could open
the door fully and all faces become light with joy.*

Moving his steamers up the bay to within sight of
Yedo, the Commodore left on the 18th of April for
Shimoda, having sent the sailing ships ahead for
survey. J For nine weeks he had held in leash his

two thousand or’ moré-ship’s-peopte. and had im-

pre ith the decency and dignity

* Japanese Fairy World, p. 300.

 
372 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the triumph he accomplished _in_ diplomacy, hi his
victory in Joys seems equally praiseworthy
and--remarkable.

At Shimoda (now noted chiefly for the quarries
which furnish stone for the modern government
buildings in Tokié) the squadron remained until the
end of the first week in May. One day late in April
as Dr. S. Wells Williams and clerk J. W. Spalding
were botanizing on land, Yoshida Shoin and his de-
voted companion, Ichiji Koda met them, and pressed
into the clerk’s bosom a letter.* On the appearance
of Japanese officers, they disappeared. Somewhat
after midnight of the 25th the watch-officer on the
Mississippi heard the cry of “American, American!”
With their delicate and blistered hands they implored
in the language of gesture to be taken on board, that
their boats be cast adrift,and they be secreted aboard.
Their clothing was stuffed full of writing-paper and
materials, on which they expected to note down what
they saw in foreign’ countries. They were sent to
the flag ship, and Perry, as he felt in honor and in
conscience bound, despite his own sympathies and
desires and their piteous appeals, sent them ashore.
Further than this, he was unable to get at the
real motive of the suppliants. ‘It might have
been a stratagem to test American honor, and some
believed it soto be,” yet Perry wrote in addition,

 

* Perry’s Narrative, pp. 484-489. Spalding’s Japan Expedi-
tion, pp. 276-286. R. L. Stevenson’s Familiar Studies of Men
and Books.
THE PROFESSOR AND SAILOR TREATY. 373

with the prophecy of hope, “In this disposition of
the people in Japan, what a field of speculation,
and it may be added, what a prospect full of hope
opens for the future of that interesting country.”

The prisoners sent to Chéshiu, were kept incarcer-
ated within the limits of their own clan for five years.
Sakuma was punished as an accomplice, because his
stanza of poetry was discovered in Yoshida’s bag-
gage. Active in those events leading to the revo-
lution of 1868, Yoshida (who altered the name to
Toraijiro) suffered decapitation and political martyr-
dom in Yedo January 31st, 1859. He died think-
ing it

__‘‘ Better to be a crystal, though shattered,
Than lie as a tile unbroken on the housetop.”
His indomitable spirit possessed others, and his
pupils rose to high office and power in the wave of
revolution that floated the boy-mikado to supreme
power and placed the national capitol in Yedo in
1868.

The Commodore arrived at Hakodaté May 17 and
remained in the waters of Yezo until June 3d,
1854. He little knew then that the beautiful harbor
would fourteen years later be made famous bya naval
battle between the Shd-gun’s force of Dutch and
American-built wooden war steamers, and the Mika-
do’s iron-clad ram Adzuma Kan (Stonewall).

Sailing for Riu Kiu, he entered Napa harbor, July
Ist. On the 12th, the regent presented him with a
large bronze bell of fine workmanship, cast in 1168,
374 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

A.D., by two Japanese artizans, and inscribed with
flowery sentences. One, which declared that “the
barbarians would never invade the land,” had a strik-
ing significance, though its composer had proved a
false prophet. It now hangs, tongueless but useful,
in the grounds of the Annapolis Naval Academy.
As from China and Formosa, so from Japan at
Shimoda and in Riu Kiu, blocks of native stone
duly engraved were accepted as contributions to the
obelisk on the banks of the Potomac, in perpetua-
tion of the memory of Washington. On the 17th,
the other vessels of the squadron having been des-
patched on various missions, the Commodore in the
Mississippt \eft Napa for Hong Kong.

The glory of Commodore Perry’s success is not
that he ‘invented,’ or “first thought of” or was
the “sole author, originator, and father of the Japan
expedition.” Such language is nonsense, for the
thought was in many minds, both of naval men and
civilians, from Roberts to Glynn and Aulick; but it
was Perry’s persistency that first conquered for him-
self a fleet, his thorough-going method of procedure
in every detail, and his powerful personality and in-
vincible tenacity in dealing with the Japanese, that
won a quick and permanent success without a drop
of blood. A thorough man of war he was from his
youth up; yet he proved himself a nobler hero, in
that he restrained himself and his lieutenants from
the use of force, while yet not giving place for a
moment to the frivolities of Japanese yakunin of the
Tokugawa period.
CHAPTER XXXIV.

LAST LABORS.

For over two years, since leaving his native
country, Perry had been under a constant burden of
responsibility incurred in anxiety to achieve the
grand object of his mission. His close attention to
details, the unexpected annoyances in a sub-tropical
climate, and the long strain upon his nerves had
begun to wear upon a robust frame. He now looked
eagerly for his successor, and to the rest of home.
To his joy he found at Hong Kong orders permitting
him to return either in the A/zsszsstppz, or in the
British mail steamer by way of India. He chose the
latter.

The storeships, Supply and Lexington, were ordered
homeward by way of the Cape of Good Hope and the
Susquehanna and Mississippi for New York by way
of Shimoda, Honoluluand Rio Janeiro. The Mzsszs-
sippt was to tow the Southhampton, which contained
coal for the two steamers. The Commodore awaited
only the arrival of the Macedonian from Manilla,
whither she had gone to return the waifs picked up
at sea, to turn over his command to Captain Abbot.

Before permitting Perry to leave for home, the
American commercial residents in China gave the
376 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Commodore an expression of their estimate of his
character as a man, and their appreciation of his:
services as a diplomatist to their country. This took
the form of.a banquet, with an address of unusual
merit by Gidcon Nye, and the presentation of an
elaborate candelabrum made by Chinese jewelers in
crystal and sycee silver. In return, Perry presented
to Mr. Nyé a cane made of gun carriages from San
Juan D’Ulloa. Owing to war and the local troubles,
the work of art did not reach New York until
December 1858.*

On the morning of September rith, at Hong
Kong, the Misstssipp¢ and Macedonzan fired parting
salutes. The yards and rigging were manned by
the sailors who gave three hearty cheers, and the
British mail steamer, Azzdostan, moved off bearing.
the diplomatist and his flag-lieutenant homeward.

From England Perry crossed to the continent, and
at Hague, spent several delightful days at the house
of his son-in-law, the American Minister, the Hon.
August Belmont. With Mrs. Belmont, the Commo-
dore’s daughter Caroline, were then visiting Mrs.
Perry and Miss Perry, the Commodore’s wife and
youngest daughter. Thence returning to Liverpool
on Christmas day, he paid a visit to the American
consul at Liverpool, one Nathaniel Hawthorne, who
has thus recorded his impression of his visitor: — +

 

* See letter of James Purdon Esq., Mew York Times, January
6th, 1859.
+ English Note Books, Vol. I., Dec. 25, 1854.
LAST LABORS. 377

“Commodore P—called to see me this morning —a
brisk, gentlemanly, off-hand, but not rough, unaffected
and sensible man, looking not so elderly as he might, on
account of a very well made wig.

“He is now on a return from a cruise to the East
Indian seas and goes home by the Ba/tc with a prospect
of being very well received on account of his treaty with
Japan. I seldom meet with a man who puts himself
more immediately on conversable terms than the Commo-
dore. He soon introduced his particular business with
me,— it being to inquire whether I could recommend
some suitable person to prepare his notes and materials for
the publication of an account of his voyage. He was
good enough to say that he had fixed upon me, in his own
mind, for this office; but that my public duties would, of
course, prevent me from engaging in it. I spoke of

, and one or two others but he seemed to have some
acquaintance with the literature of the day, and did not
grasp very cordially at any name that I could think of;
nor indeed could I recommend any one with full confi-
dence. It would be avery desirable task for a young
literary man, or for that matter for an old one; for the
world can scarcely have in reserve a less hackneyed
theme than Japan.”

 

 

The master of English style, the literary Amer-
ican Puritan, so thoroughly at home in spirit-land
and in analysis of conscience, was not expert in
judging visible things. His mistake in describing
the material on Perry’s scalp was amusing though
natural. Not a few persons supposed that the Com-
modore wore a wig, yet the only head-ornament made
378 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

use of by him was that given him by the Almighty,
and still duplicated in his children. His handsome
and luxuriant hair grew well forward on his fore-
head. :

Perry, though exultant of his success, was uncer-
tain of his political reception. There were dangers
ina change of administration. The Japan expedition
was a Whig measure, while the party now in power
was Democratic. The English newspapers seemed
to entertain a high opinion of the Commodore’s
ability, and very flattering were some of their ac-
counts of the expedition and the editorials concerning
its leader. Not able to understand our Republican
institutions, one of them wondered, with a “blush of
shame,” “Why the government does nothing for
Perry or Scott.” Others may wonder too.

Had a Whig administration been in power, it is
doubtful whether Perry would have received any
reward further than the thanks of the Navy Depart-
ment, the honor of the publication of his journal, and
a few copies of his own book. Looking back now at
Pierce’s barren administration, the one bright spot in
it seems to be the opening of Japan to diplomatic
intercourse. It was a time of intense political excite-
ment. The Kansas troubles, the World’s Fair in
New York, and the beginning of surveys for the
Union Pacific Railroad helped to turn attention from
foreign matters. Nevertheless, the Senate at the
opening of its session December 6th, called for the
correspondence relating to the Japan Expedition.
LAST LABORS. 379

President Pierce delayed action until after an inter-
view with Perry, and on January 30th, 1855, trans-
mitted the report. The Commodore had arrived
home on the 12th, eighteen days before, after an
absence of two years and two months. The official
documents were published in an octavo volume of
195 pages.

The Mississippi left Hong Kong the next morning
after the Commodore's departure, afew hours after
that of the United States brig, Porpozse (which was
never heard of again), on the 21st of September, en-
tered Shimoda harbor finding there the Susquehanna
and Southampton. The Susquehanna \eft on the 24th,
and the Afisszsszppz on the 1st of October, the latter
completing her journey around the globe on the 23d
of April, 1855. On the next day, the Commodore
repairing to the Brooklyn Navy Yard, formally
hauled down his flag, and thus consummated the
final act in the story of the United States Expedition
to Japan. He now set himself to work in a hired
room in Washington to tell that story in manuscript.
Aided by Lieutenants Maury and Bent, secretaries,
artists, printers,and a Japanese lad as attendant,
it took shape in the sumptuous publication of three
richly illustrated folio volumes.

Though receiving no marked token of respect from
the government, yet other honors social and substan-
tial, were not wanting. By the city of New York he
was presented with a set of silver plate. The
merchants of Boston had a medal struck in his
380 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

honor. The original was presented to him in gold*
the subscribers receiving copies in silver and bronze.
From the city of Newport, his native place, he was
tendered a reception by the municipal authorities.
Little Rhode Island, so justly proud of her many
eminent sons, was not unmindful that the Perrys
were of her own soil. She accordingly summoned
Matthew Calbraith Perry to receive at the hands of
her chief magistrate, and in presence of her legislature,
‘a token of her regard in the form of a solid silver sal-
ver weighing three hundred and nineteen ounces, suit-
ably chased and inscribed. The resolutions of the
legislature ordering the token were passed February
25th 1855. :
An open air ceremony or presentation was decided
upon and took place at § o’clock in the afternoon of
June 15th upon the balcony in front of the old State
House, the legislators occupying the room within.
In response to the governor’s address Perry, deeply
moved, spoke as follows : —

“Tt was in my earliest boyhood, before the introduction
of steamboats or railroads, that I often watched upon the
‘shore for the first glimpse of the gaily decorated packet-
sloop, that in those days usually brought the governor
from Providence to this town, and witnessed with child-
like delight, in sight of this very edifice, the pomp, parade
and festivities of ‘Election Day.’ Since then I have
traversed almost every part of the globe in the prose-
cution of the duties of a profession of which I am justly

 

* See page 221.
“
meee

     

= =
IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE:

 
    

  

STAVE OF RHODE ISLAND,

 
 

BY THEW

GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
aay aI weil
JAPANS
Aad incemontetyemet 9 Ha Honan ive tas cenferred upon lsnative fate inever mauntasning the renore of tbe rama
he bears apd wing to rhe triumphs of bis profession, Kose of tumantty and peace

         
       

EVER SALVER IN POSSESSION OF COMMODORE PERRY'S DAUGHTER, MRS. AUGUST BELMONT
382 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

proud, and now, after a lapse of nearly half a century,
when declining in life, to be called by the representatives
of my native state back to these hallowed precincts, here to
receive from the lips of its Chief Magistrate the commen-
dation of my fellow citizens, is an honor I little expected
when as a boy midshipman, forty-six years ago, I first
embarked upon an element, then and always the most con-
genial to my aspirations for honorable emprise.”

Cherishing a keen remembrance and love of his
boyhood’s home, he resolved to visit it, and also the
ancestral farm and cemetery at South Kingston.
In a call made upon one of his earliest friends he
stated that his object was to purchase the Perry
homestead, which he said would never have gone
out of the family if he had not been at sea. He
wished to erect a monument to his grandfather,
Freeman Perry.

While thus on his native heather, the burly Com-
modore would visit also Tower Hill where his father
once lived, and his youngest sister, Mrs. Jane Butler
of South Carolina, was born. When offered a guide
he said he thought ke knew the way better than his
guide. Every foot, indeed, was familiar ground. Miss
Orpah Rose, in writing, March 15th 1883, of this
visit, says further: “I had never seen the Commo-
dore before, but had seen his younger brother and
sister. His hair, I noticed, was handsome and grew
well on his forehead. His eyes indicated thought,
and, as he turned them rather slowly, seemed to take
in or comprehend what he saw; in manner he was
LAST LABORS. 383

easy and natural. As he walked away, I saw that he
expressed character in the manner he carried. his
shoulders. It wasa military air. Helookedasif he
expected to do his duty even if he made sacrifices.”

Resuming his literary tasks during the months of
June and July, between artists and engravers, he
collected the illustrative matter for the text of his first
volume. This, with the first part of the manuscript
amounting to one hundred and fifty-nine pages, he sent
to the printer on the 7th of August. He then hied
away to Saratoga to forget the novel cares of author-
ship in drinking at the famed health-fountains and
inhaling the air of the Kayaderosseras hills. He found
much change and some improvement. The hostelry
of the old Revolutionary soldier, Jacobus Barhyte,
where all the famous people gathered to enjoy the
host’s famous fish dinners, and in whose groves Poe
elaborated his poem of Zhe Raven, was gone, along
with the well stocked preserves ; but in grander hotels
and on ampler porches, the gay throng chatted and
enjoyed life. The Commodore after a ten day’s stay
returned to New York, April 27.

When his first volume was out, Perry enjoyed the
author’s genuine delight of sending autograph pre-
sentation copies of his book to personal friends and
those most interested in the Japan enterprise.
Among several autographs letters of acknowledge-
ment, is one from Irving in which he says :—

“Vou have gained for yourself a lasting name and have
won it without shedding a drop of blood, or inflicting
384 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

misery on a human being. What naval commander ever
won laurels at such a rate?”

This first volume was afterward republished for
popular use by D. Appleton & Co., and a smaller
book based upon it was compiled by Dr. Robert S.
Tomes under the title of ‘‘The Americans in Japan.”

The preparation of the second volume required
great care. Here the delicate work of specialists
was called in. Fortunately Perry was sufficiently
familiar, by personal acquaintance with scientific ex-
perts, to easily find the right men for the right work.
On September oth 1856, Perry sent to the printers a
goodly portion of the manuscript of the second vol-
ume, and was pleased to find volume third — the work
of Chaplain Jones —alsoin press. It now looked as
if the whole work would be ready for delivery at
the next session of Congress. Ever conscientious
in the expenditure of government money, Perry re-
lieved his aids of further service and continued the
work alone. He read every line of script before
going to the printer, and corrected all the proof
sheets. We find him writing December 28th 1856, to
Townsend Harris, our consul-general to Japan then
living at Shimoda, who was slowly but surely driv-
ing in the wedge inserted by the sailor-diplomatist.

When in sight of the consummation of his literary
enterprise, February 2d 1857, Perry wrote, “I have
been drawn into much expense not to be put into a
public bill,’ .... “The greater portion of the
LAST LABORS. 385

labor has been performed by myself and those em-
ployed under my direction.” He sought help out-
side of the navy only when it was impossible to do
otherwise. The completed work was therefore a
true product of the navy. Dr. Francis L. Hawkes
wrote the preface, added a few foot notes and here
and there a sentence, and Dr. Robert Tomes pre-
pared the introduction, but the narrative was of
Perry’s own writing. Nathaniel Hawthorne or some
other master of letters might have made a better pro-
duct as literature, but for history it is well that Perry
told his own story.

A set of six superbly drawn and colored pictures
of the most striking scenes of the Japan Expedition
was prepared for the government archives and for
sending abroad for foreign rulers and cabinets. They
were drawn by the eye-witnesses Brown and Heine, *
and were executed in lithograph by Brown and Lewis
of Albany. Three hundred copies of the set were
printed, and the plates then destroyed. Each set
was in a portfolio.

Eighteen thousand copies of the Japan Expedition
were published, at a total cost of $360,000. Fifteen
thousand copies were given to members of Congress,
two thousand to the Navy Department chiefly for
distribution among the officers, and one thousand to
the Commodore of the Expedition. Of this thousand,
Perry gave five hundred copies to Dr. Hawkes.

This was the reward of a grateful republic!

 

* Putnam’s Magazine, August 1856, pp. 217, 218.
386 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

During the Commodore’s absence in Japan, his
family had lived at No. 260 Fourth avenue, New
York City. He now took steps to secure a perma-
nent home and so purchased the house at No. 38
West 32d street. The forty years growth of the
metropolis was vividly brought before his mind when
on first looking out of the window of his new home,
the old in Bloomingdale, from which he took his
bride, was in sight. His new home stood on what
was part of the lawn of the old Slidell homestead.

He became interested in the work of the American
Geographical Society, and attended its meetings.
He prepared two papers, “ Future Commercial re-
lations with Japan and Lew Chew,” (Riu Kiu), and
“The Expediency of Extending Further Encourage-
ment to American Commerce in the East,” which
were printed in the society’s journal, and excited
much interest. On the 6th of March 1856, at a
crowded meeting in the chapel of the New York
University, at which Perry was present, Rev. Francis
L. Hawkes read his paper, afterwards published in
pamphlet form, on “ The Enlargement of Geographical
Science, a consequence to the opening of new ave-
nues to commercial enterprise.” The president of
Columbia college, Charles King, in moving a vote of
thanks, spoke in high praise of the merits and
polished literary style of the essay. The prospects
of trade, of coal, of mail-steamers to China, the new
avenues open to American commercial enterprise,
and the work of christian missions heartily believed
LAST LABORS. 387

in by Perry, were discussed by him with clearness,
strength and beauty.

James Buchanan was inaugurated President, and
Lewis Cass became Secretary of State, March 4th
1857. General James Watson Webb was eager to
have the mission to China filled by his friend Com-
modore Perry. He was long held back by Perry’s
modesty and refusal to give assent to his friend’s

erry

 

MEDAL PRESENTED BY THE MERCHANTS OF BOSTON.

warm importunity. After permission had been
given, General Webb hastened to Washington, but
was one day too late. Less than twenty-four hours
388 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

before, the Hon. Wm. B. Reed had received the ap-
pointment as envoy toPeking. Perry’s fame as a
diplomatist was to be inseparably linked to Japan
only.

General Webb, in speaking to the writer in 1878
in New York, said that the regret of General Cass in
not having known of Perry’s willingness to go, and
that it was too late, seemed very sincere. Perry
had allowed his friends to make the proposition, inas-
much as great events were about to take place in
China and he was eager to advance American inter-
ests in the East. Further, he expected if he were
appointed, to have the personal services of Dr. S.
Wells Williams his old interpreter and friend whose
character, knowledge and abilities, we know, consti-
tuted the real power behind the American Legation
in China from 1858 to 1876.

On the 28th of December 1857, Perry reported
that his work on the book would end with the year,
and his office in Washington be closed. On the 30th,
he was detached from special duty to await orders.
It was intimated to him at the Department that he
was to have command of the squadron in the Medi-
terranean—the American naval officers’ paradise,
when away from home. To this duty Perry looked
forward with delight. Thornton A. Jenkins was to
be his chief of staff. He spent the pleasant winter
in New York enjoying social life.* Early in January,

 

* See «A Dinner at the Mayor’s,’’ Harper’s Magazine, Octo-
ber 1860.
LAST LABORS. 389

1858, he made a report on the cause of the loss of the
Central America, with suggestions for changes in the
laws which should secure greater safety of life and
property on the ocean. These studies, which have
since borne good fruit, were with other matter pub-
lished in a pamphlet of seven pages, January 15th,
1858. His last official services were performed asa
member of the Naval Retiring Board.

The time was now drawing near when this man of
tireless activity, who was ever solicitous about the
life and safety of others, was to part with his own
life. The inroads upon a superb constitution, made
by constant work on arduous and trying service, at
many stations, in two wars, in three or four diplo-
matic missions, and in protracted study so soon after
return from Japan, were becoming more and more
manifest. Inthe raw weather of February 1858, the
Commodore caught a severe cold which from the first
gave indications of being serious. The old torment
of rheumatism developed itself, and yet not until the
hour of his death was he believed to be in mortal
danger. It became manifest, however, that the
disease, contracted thirty-five years before, in his
energy and anxiety to save life and property, had
undermined his constitution. Symptoms of rheu-
matic gout appeared. One token of organic change
was a strong indisposition to ascend elevations of any
sort. For four weeks he felt more or less out of
health. A change of physicians did not better his
case. On the 4th of March at midnight, the disease,
390 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

leaving the region of the stomach, began to assault
the citadel, and at 2.4. Mm. at his home in Thirty-
second street, New York City, he died of rheumatism
of the heart.

His nephew, by marriage to the daughter of Com-
modore Oliver H. Perry, the Rev. Dr. Francis Vin-
ton, who was with him in his sickness says, “ His last
wish expressed to me was to be buried by his father
and mother and brother in the old burial ground, to
mingle his dust with his native soil. Heeven choose
his grave there.”

At his death, Matthew Calbraith Perry was third
on the list of captains, having served at sea twenty-
five years and three months, and on other duties
nineteen years. Since entering the navy in 1808, he
had been unemployed less than five years, and had
completed a term of service within one year of a
half century.

As amember of numerous civic and scientific as-
sociations, as well as President of the Montezuma
Society, the loss of Matthew Perry was that of a
citizen of broad tastes, sympathies, labors and in-
fluences. The great city offered profuse tokens of
regard and manifestations of sorrow. The flags of
the shipping in the harbor, and on the public build-
ings and hotels, were flying at half-mast during three
days. It was arranged that on Saturday, in the
grave-yard of St. Mark’s church at Second avenue
and Tenth street, the hero should be buried with ap-
propriate honors.
LAST LABORS. 391

The military pageant which preceded the hearse
consisted of five hundred men of the Seventh Regi-
ment, two hundred officers of the First Division of
the New York State Militia, followed by a body of
United States Marines. The pall-bearers included
the Governor of the State, General Winfield Scott,
Commodores Sloat, Breese, McCluney and Bigelow,
and seven others, eminent and honored in the-various
fields of achievement ; but the most touching sight
was the simplest. The sailors who had served under
Commodore Perry in the Japan Expedition and the
Mexican war, had volunteered on this occasion to do
honor to their old commander. They were the most
interesting among the mourners. Although engaged
in various pursuits, in different places, they all man-
aged to appear in the regular working uniform of the
United States Navy. This they had procured at
their own expense. They paraded under the com-
mand of Alonzo Guturoz and Philip Downey. All
bore evidence of having seen hard service.. They at-
tracted much attention as they paraded through the
streets, and the simple music of their fifes and drums
seemed more appropriate and more impressive, than
even that of the regimental band.

The route lay through Fifth Avenue, Fourteenth
street, and Second Avenue to Saint Mark’s Church.

The sensation produced throughout the community
by the loss of so illustrious a naval commander was
shown in the faces of the crowd. Despite the cold
weather, the people lined the streets to see and listen
3902 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

and feel. The tolling of the church bells, and the
boom of the minute guns rolling up from the ships
and yard of the naval station, added solemnity to the
scene. :

Within the church, the burial service was con-
ducted by the Rev. Drs. Hawks, Vinton, Higbee, and
Montgomery. The anthem “Lord let me know my
end,” the hymn “I would not live alway,” and the
interlude “I heard a voice from Heaven,” were sung,
moving all hearts by their sweetness and solemnity.

The service over, the coffin was carried out and
deposited in the grave in the church-yard adjoining,
and lowered into its last resting place. The com-
mittal service and prayer over, the marines fired the
three volleys of musketry. The weather-beaten tars
of the Japan Expedition took a last look at the
wooden enclosure which contained all that was
mortal of their beloved Commander, and all turned
to depart. ‘The sight of those honest hardy marines,
who had collected from.all quarters, and at great
personal inconvenience, to pay this last tribute of
respect and affection to orie whom they had once
loved to obey, was interesting and suggestive. One
almost expected to witness a repetition of the scene
that occurred at the funeral of Lord Nelson, and to
see the stars and stripes that floated above the grave
torn into shreds and kept as momentoes of the man
and the occasion; but their affection though deep
and strong did not run into the poetical, and the flag
remained whole and untouched.”
LAST LABORS. 393

In the church of St. Nazaro in Florence, may be
read upon the tomb of a soldier the words:

“Johannes Divultius, who never rested, rests — Hush!”

That is Perry’s real epitaph.

The unresting one now rests in the Isle of Peace.
The two brothers, Perry of the Lakes, and Perry of
Japan, sleep in God, near the beloved mother on
whose bosom they first learned the worth of life,
whose memory they worshipped throughout their
careers, and beside whose relics they wished to lie.

On a hill in the beautiful Island cemetery at New-
port, which overlooks aboriginal Aquidneck, the City
and Isle of Peace, the writer found on a visit, Octo-
ber 30th, the family burying-ground. In the soft
October sunlight, the sight compelled contrast to the
ancestral God’s acre in South Kingston, among whose
lichened stones of unwrought granite the Commodore
proposed erecting a fitting monument to his fathers.
Within the evergreen hedge, in the grassy circle
ringed with granite and iron lay, on the north side,
the tomb of the Commodore’s grand-daughter, a
lovely maiden upon whose grave fresh flowers are
laid yearly by the loving parent’s hands.

The tomb of M. C. Perry is of marble, on a granite
base, with six garlands of oak leaves chiselled on it
and bearing the modest inscription:

“Erected by his widow to the memory of Matthew
Calbraith Perry, Commodore in the United States Navy,
Born April 19th, 1794. Died March the 4th, 1858.”
394. MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

On the south side beneath and across, lies the son
of the Commodore who bore his father’s name:

“In memory of Matthew Calbraith Perry, Captain in
the U. S. Navy. Died November roth, 1848.”

Another stone commemorates his son Oliver, who
was with his father in China and Japan, and for some
time, United States consul at Hong Kong:

“In memory of Oliver Hazard Perry, son of Matthew
C. and Jane Perry. Died May 17th, 1870, aged 45.”

The Commodore’s widow, Jane Slidell Perry sur-
vived her husband twenty-one years; and died in
Newport, R. I, at the home of her youngest daugh-
ter, Mrs. Tiffany, on Saturday, June 14, 1879, at the
age of 82.
CHAPTER XXXV.

MATTHEW PERRY AS A MAN.

THE active life of Matthew Perry spanned the
greater part of our national history “before the war.”
He lived to see the United States grow from four to
thirty-two millions of people, and the stars in her flag
from fifteen to thirty-one. He sailed in many seas,
visited all the nations of christendom, saw most of
the races of the earth, and all flags except that of the
stars and bars. He saw the rise and fall of many
types of naval architecture. He was familiar with
the problems of armor and ordnance, resistance
and penetration, and had studied those questions in
the science of war, which are not yet settled. He
had made himself conversant with the arts auxiliary
to his profession, and was one of the foremost naval
men of his generation. His personal importance was
far beyond his rank. He died fully abreast of his
age, and looked far beyond it. Had he lived until
the opening of “the war,” he would have been fully
prepared, by alertness of mind, for the needs of the
hour, and would doubtless have held high rank. He
was called to rest from his labors before feeling the be-
numbing effects of old age. As it was, his influence
was clearly traceable in the navy, and younger offi-
396 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

cers carried out his ideas into practice, when oppor-
tunity came. Had the United States, at the opening
of the rebellion possessed a respectable modern navy,
such as Perry labored for, the great southern ports
could have been at once sealed ; and that foreign aid,
without which the Confederacy could not have lived
six months, would have been made null. Indeed,
with a first-class navy, the slaveholder’s conspiracy
could never have been hatched. As it was, the navy
kept off foreign intervention.

Despite the long and brilliant succession of ser-
vices rendered his country, Matthew Perry never re-
ceived either rank or reward beyond those of an
ordinary captain.

The rank of admiral was provided for in the Act
of Congress of November 15th, 1776, and the title of
admiral was conceded to Paul Jones in the corres-
pondence of the State Department. Yet although
the original law, creating the American navy, allowed
the rank of captains in three grades of commodore,
vice-admiral and admiral, there was no legal title
higher than captain in the United States navy until
1862; until Farragut hoisted his flag at the main
peak of the Hartford August 13th, 1862, as senior
rear-admiral ; becoming, July 25th, 1866, admiral.
In compliment to his services Charles Stewart was
commissioned senior flag-officer, and at the time of
Perry’s death, Stewart was senior to himself. Yet
if the title of admiral, prior to Farragut, belongs to
any American officer by virtue of largeness of fleets
MATTHEW PERRY AS A MAN. 397

commanded, by responsibility of position, or by re-
sults achieved, surely we may speak as the Japanese
did of “ Admiral Perry.”

With most of his subordinate officers, Perry’s re-
lations were of the pleasantest nature compatible
with his own high sense of duty and discipline. If
he erred, it was usually in the right direction. Pro-
fessor Henry Coppée, who was a young officer in the
Mexican war, writes, from memory, in 1882 : —

“He (Perry) was a blunt, yet dignified man, heavy and
not graceful, something of a martinet; a duty man all
over, held somewhat in awe by the junior officers, and
having little to do with them; seriously courteous to
others, The ship seemed to have a sense of importance
because he was on board.”

The same gentleman relates that once, upon going
on board the flagship, the midshipmen, with the
intent of playing a practical joke, told him to go to
Commodore Perry and talk with him. They ex-
pected to see the landsman gruffly repelled. The
tables were turned, when the would-be jokers saw
“the old man” kindly welcome the young officer and
engage in genial conversation with him. “TI re-
member,” adds Dr. Coppée, “years afterwards
when I heard of what he accomplished in Japan, say-
ing to myself, ‘Well, he is just the man of whom I
should have expected it all.’”

He had both the qualities necessary for war and
for peaceful victory. Though his conquests in war
398 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

and in peace, in science and in diplomacy, were
great, the victory over himself was first, greatest
and most lasting. He always kept his word and
spoke the truth.

“The Commodore was not a genial man so-
cially. His strong characteristics were self-reliance,
earnestness of purpose and untiring industry, which
gave such impetus to his schemes as to attract
and carry with them the support of others long
after they had passed out of his own hands. It
was the magnetic power of these qualities in the
character of the man that enlisted the services of
others in behalf of his purposes, and not any special
amenities of manner or sympathies of temperament,
that drew them lovingly toward him. And yet,
under this austere exterior, which seemed intent
only upon the performance of cold duty, as duty,
he had a kind and gentle nature that in domestic
life was an ornament to him. Never afraid of re-
sponsibility in matters of official duty, he was
ever on the alert to seek employment when others
hesitated. He was bluff, positive and stern on
duty, and a terror to the ignorant and lazy, but
the faithful ones who performed their duties with
intelligence and zeal held him in the highest esti-
mation, for they knewhis kindness and considera-
tion of them.” *

He was not inclined to allow nonsense and cruel
practical jokes among the midshipmen, and could

 

* Silas Bent, U. S. N.
MATTHEW PERRY AS A MAN. 399

easily see when a verdant new comer was being im-
posed upon, or an old officer’s personal feelings hurt
by thoughtless youth. The father of a certain cap-
tain in the Mexican war, whose record was highly
honorable, was reputed to have handled the razor for
a livelihood. The young officers knowing or hear-
ing of this, delighted occasionally to slip fragments
of combs, old razors, etc., under his cabin door.
Perry, angry at this, treated him with marked con-
sideration.

He was far from being entirely deficient in hu-
mor, and often enjoyed fun at the right time. At
home, amid his children and friends, he enjoyed
making his children laugh. Being a fair player on
the flute, he was an adept in those lively tunes
which kept the children in gleeful mood. Even on
the quarter-deck and in the cabin, he was merry
enough after his object had been attained. The
usual tenor of his life was that of expectancy and
alertness to attain a purpose. Hence, the tense set
of his mind only occasionally relaxed to allow mirth.
Captain Odell says, ““He was not a very jolly or
joking man, but pleasant and agreeable in his man-
ners, and respected by all who had intercourse with
him.” The moral element of character, which is
usually associated with habitual seriousness in men
who aspire to be founders, educators or leaders, was
very marked in Matthew Perry.

The impressions of a young person or subordinate
officer, will, of course, differ from those formed in
400 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

later life, and from other points of view. We give
a few of both kinds :—

“His many excellent qualities of heart and head were
encased in a rough exterior. ‘I remember,’ says a
daughter of Captain Adams, ‘ when I was a little girl at
Sharon Springs, being impressed by a singular directness
of purpose in the man. I used to like to watch him go
into the crowded drawing-room. He would stand at the
door, survey the tangled scene, find his objective point,
and march straight to it over and through the confusion of
ladies, children and furniture, never stopping till he
reached there. He was a man of great personal bravery,
as‘were all the Perrys, of undoubted courage and gal-
lantry, bluff in his manners, but most hearty and warm
in feelings, and with that genuine kindness which im-
presses at the moment and leaves its mark on the mem-
ory. Children instinctively liked the big and bluff hero.
As a friend he was most true and constant, and his friend-
ship was always to be relied on.’”

“ Such was the vein and character of the man, that the
impression he made on my mind and affections was such
as to make me desirous of following him to the cannon’s
mouth, or wherever the fortunes of peace or war should
appoint our steps.” *

“He was an intense navy man, always had the honor
of the navy at heart, and lost no opportunity to impress
this feeling upon the officers of his command.” f

“T have no unfavorable recollections of Commodore
Perry. On the contrary, I think he was one of the
greatest of our naval commanders. He had brains, cour-

 

* Rear-Admiral Joshua R. Sands, U. S. N.
+ Rear-Admiral John Almy, U. 5S. N.
MATTHEW PERRY AS A MAN. 401

age, industry and rare powers of judging character, and I
believe he would not have spared his own son had he.
been a delinquent. He seemed to have no favorites but
those who did their duty.” *

“T consider that Commodore Matthew C. Perry was one
of the finest officers we ever had in our navy —far su-
perior to his brother Oliver. He had not much ideality
about him, but he had a solid matter-of-fact way of doing
things which pleased me mightily. He was one of the
last links connecting the old navy with the new. f”

He seemed never idle for one moment of his life.
When abroad, off duty he was remembering those at
home. He brought back birds, monkeys, pets and
curiosities for the children. He collected shells in
great quantities, and was especially careful to get rare
and characteristic specimens. With these, on his re-
turn home, he would enrich the museums at Newport,
Brooklyn, New York and other places.

As he never knew when to stop work, there were,
of course, some under his command who did not like
him or his ways.

In the matter of pecuntary responsibility, Perry was
excessively sensitive, with a hatred of debt bordering
on the morbid. This feeling was partly because of
his high ideal of what a naval officer ought to be,
and partly because he feared to do injustice to the
humblest creditor. He believed a naval officer, as a
servant of the United States Government, ought to

 

* Engineer Jolin Follansbee.
+ D. D. Porter, Admiral U. S. Navy.
402 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

be as chivalrous, as honest, as just and lovely in
character to a bootblack or a washerwoman as to a
jewelled lady or a titled nobleman. His manly in-
dependence began when a boy, and never degen-
erated as he approached old age, despite the annoy-
ances from the law suits brought upon him by his
devotion to duty regardless of personal consequences.
He refused to accept the suggestion of assistance
from any individual, believing it was the Govern-
ment’s business to shield him.

In reply to an allusion, by a friend, when harassed
by the lawsuit, to the pecuniary assistance he might
expect from a relative by marriage, he replied, “I
would dig a hole in the earth and bury myself in it,
before I would seek such assistance.”

He hada great horror of debt, of officers contract-
ing debts without considering their inability to pay
them. He often lectured and warned young officers
about this important matter.

Under date of Nov. 16th, 1841, we find a long
letter from him to Captain Gregory of the Worth
Carolina concerning midshipmen’s debts. He blames
not so much ‘the boys”’ as Mr. D. (the purser), who
indulged them, for “a practice utterly at variance with
official rectitude and propriety, and alike ruinous to
the prospects of the young officer.” He insists that
the middies must be kept to their duties and studies,
and their propensity to visit shore and engage in un-
suitable expenses be restrained.

In ordinary social life, and in council, Perry ap-
MATTHEW PERRY AS A MAN. 403

peared at some disadvantage. He often hesitated
for the proper word, and could not express himself
with more than the average readiness of men who
are not trained conversers or public speakers. With
the pen, however, he wrought his purpose with ease
and power. His voluminous correspondence in the
navy archives and in the cabinets of friends, show
Matthew Perry a master of English style. A faulty
sentence, a slip in grammar, a misspelling, is exceed-
ingly rare in his manuscript. From boyhood he
studied Addison and other masters of English prose.
In his younger days especially, he exercised himself
in reproducing with the pen what he had read in
print. He thus early gained a perspicuous, flowing
style, to which every page of his book on the Japan
Expedition bears witness. Like Czesar, he wrote
his commentaries in the third person. Perry him-
self is the author of that classic in American ex-
ploration and diplomacy. Others furnished preface,
introduction, ‘index, and notes, but Matthew Perry
wrote the narrative.*

He rarely wrote his name in full, his autograph in
early life being Matthew C. Perry; and later, al-
most invariably, M. C. Perry. In this he affected
the style neither of the fathers of the navy nor of
the republic, who abbreviated the first name and
added a colon.

 

* Rev. Dr. Vinton’s Oration at Perry Statue, Newport, Oct.
2nd, 1868. Letters of Dr. Robert Tomes and John Hone, New
York Times, October 1868.
404 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

It was the belief of Matthew Perry that the Bible
contained the will of God to man, and furnished a
manual of human duty. It was his fixed habit to
peruse this word of God daily. On every long cruise
he began the reading of the whole Bible in course.

Rear-Admiral Almy says: One pleasant Sunday
afternoon in the month of April, 1845, and on the
way home by way of the West Indies, I was officer
of the deck of the frigate Macedonian, sailing along
quietly in a smooth sea in the tropics, nearing the
land anda port. The Commodore came upon deck,
and towards me where I was standing, and remarked:
“T have just finished the Bible. I have read it
through from Genesis to Revelation. I make it a
point toread it through every cruise. It is certainly
a remarkable book, a most wonderful book.” As he
uttered these words, the look-out aloft cried ‘ Land
QO!” which diverted his attention, perhaps, or he
would have continued with further remarks.

“ Perry,” writes another rear-admiral, “was a man
of most exemplary habits, though not perhaps a com-
municant of any church, and upright, and full of
pride of country and profession, with no patience
or consideration for officers who felt otherwise.”

Keenly enjoying the elements of worship in divine
service, he was also a student of the Book of Com-
mon Prayer. His own private copy of this manual
of devotion was well marked, showing his personal
appreciation of its literary and spiritual merits.
Often, in the absence of a chaplain, he read service
MATTHEW PERRY AS A MAN, 405

himself. Of the burial service, he says it is ‘the
English language in its noblest form.”

He enjoyed good preaching, but never liked the
sermon to be too long. “The unskilled speaker,”
says the Japanese proverb, “is long-winded.” The
parson was encouraged not to tire his hearers, or to
cultivate the gift of continuance to the wearing of
the auditor’s flesh. In flagrant cases, the Commodore
usually made it a point to clear his usually healthy
throat so audibly that the hint was taken by the
chaplain. In his endeavor to be fair to both speaker
and hearers, Perry had little patience with either
Jack Tar or Shoulder Straps who shirked the duty of
punctuality, or shocked propriety by making exit
precede benediction. When leave was taken, during
sermon, with noise or confusion, the unlucky.wight
usually heard of it afterwards. While at the Brooklyn
Navy Yard, Perry had the old chapel refurnished,
secured a volunteer choir, and a piano, and so gave
his personal encouragement, that the room was on
most occasions taxed beyond its capacity with willing
worshippers. When in 1842, the ships fitted out at
the yard were supplied with bibles at the cost of the
government, Perry wrote of his gratification: “The
mere cost of these books, fifty cents each, is nothing
to the moral effect which such an order will have in
advancing the character of the service.”

Perry manifested a reverence for the Lord’s Day
which was sincere and profound. He habitually
kept Sunday as a day of rest and worship, for
406 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

himself and his men. Only under the dire pressure
of necessity, would he allow labor or battle to take
place on that day. In the presence of Africans,
Mexicans and Japanese, of equals, or of races
reckoned inferior to our own, Perry was never
ashamed or afraid to exemplify his creed in this
matter, or to deviate from the settled customs of his
New England ancestry. Japan to-day now owns and
honors the day kept sacred by the American com-
modore and squadron on their entrance in Yedo Bay.

With chaplains, the clerical members of the naval
households, Perry’s relations were those of sympathy,
cordiality and appreciation. About the opening of
the century, chaplains were ranked as officers, and
divine service was made part of the routine of ship
life on Sundays. The average moral and intellectual
grade of the men who drew pay, and were rated as
“chaplains’’ in the United States Navy, was not
very high until 1825, when a new epoch began under
the Honorable Samuel L. Southard. This worthy
Secretary of the Navy established the rule that none
but accredited ministers of the gospel, in cordial
relations with some ecclesiastical body, should be
appointed naval chaplains. From this time onward,
with rare exceptions, those holding sacred office on
board American men-of-war have adorned and digni-
fied their calling. Until the time of Perry’s death,
there had been about eighty chaplains commissioned.
With such men as Charles E. Stewart, Walter Colton,
George Jones, Edmund C. Bittenger, Fitch W. Tay-
MATTHEW PERRY AS A MAN. 407

lor, Orville Dewey, and Mason Noble,— whose liter-
ary fruits and fragrant memories still remain — Perry
always entertained the highest respect, and often
manifested personal regard. For those, however, in
whom the clerical predominated over the human, and
mercenary greed over unselfish love of duty, or who
made ‘pretensions to sacerdotal authority over intel-
lectual freedom, or whose characters fell below their
professions, the feelings of the bluff sailor were those
of undisguised contempt.

We note the attitude of Perry toward the great en-
terprise founded on the commission given by Jesus
Christ to His apostles to make disciples of all nations.
Naval men, as a rule, do not heartily sympathize
with Christian missionaries. The causes of this
alienation or indifference are not far to seek, nor do
they reflect much credit upon the naval profession.
Apart from moral considerations, the man of the
deck, bred in routine and precedent is not apt to take _
a wide view on any subject that lies beyond his
moral horizon. Nor does his association with the
men of his own race at the ports, in club or hong,
tend to enlarge his view. Nor, on the other hand,
does the naval man always meet the shining types of
missionary character. Despite these facts, there
are in the navy of the United States many noble
spirits, gentlemen of culture and private morals, who
are hearty friends of the American missionary.
Helpful and sympathetic with all who adorn a noble
and unselfish calling, they judge with charity those
408 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

less brilliant in record or winsome in person. Perry’s
attitude was ever that of kindly sympathy with the
true missionary. With the very few who degraded
their calling, or to those who expected any honor
beyond that which their private character commanded,
he was cool or even contemptuous. He had met and
personally honored many men and women who, in
Africa, Greece, the Turkish Empire, and China, make
the American name so fragrant abroad. In the ripe-
ness of -his experience, he took genuine pleasure in
penning these words: “Though a sailor from boy-
hood, yet I may be permitted to feel some interest
in the work of enlightening heathenism, and impart-
ing a knowledge of that revealed truth of God, which
I fully believe advances man’s progress here, and
gives him his only safe ground of hope for hereafter.*
To Christianize a strange people, the first important
step should be to gain their confidence and respect
by means practically honest, and in every way con-
sistent with the precepts of our holy religion.” Of
the Japanese people, he wrote: “ Despite prejudice,
their past history and wrongs, they will in time
listen with patience and respectful attention to the
teachings of our missionaries,” for they are, as he
considered, ‘‘in most respects, a refined and rational
people.”

How grandly Perry’s prophecy has been fulfilled,
all may see in Christian Japan of the year 1887.

 

* Paper read before the American Geographical Society,
March 6th, 1856.
CHAPTER XXXV.

WORKS THAT FOLLOW.

THE momentum of Perry’s long and active life left
a force which, a generation after his death, is yet un-
spent. He rests from his labors, but his works do
follow him, His thoughts have been wrought to-
wards completion by others.

The opening of Japan to foreign commerce and
residence, and ultimately to full international inter-
course, occupied his brain until the day of his
death. Hisinterest did not fag for amoment. What
we see in New Japan to-day is more the result of the
influence of Matthew Perry and the presence of
Townsend Harris, than of the fear of British arma-
ments in China. English writers have copied, even
as late as 1883,* the statement of Captain Sherard
Osbornt and the London Times,t that “as soon
as the Tientsin Treaty was arranged, the American
commodore [Tatnall] rushed off to Japan to take
advantage of the consternation certain to be created
by the first news of recent events in the Peiho. It

 

* Young Japan, J. R. Black.
¢ A Cruise in Japan waters, and Japan fragments.
t~ November rst, 1859.
410 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

was smartly imagined.” We propose to give a
plain story of the facts.

Townsend Harris the United States Consul at
Ningpo, China, was appointed July 31st, 1855, by
President Pierce, Consul-General to Japan. No more
fortunate selection could have been made. By ex-
perience and travel, thoroughly acquainted with
human nature and especially the oriental and semi-
civilized phases of it, Mr. Harris possessed the
“dauntless courage, patience, courtesy, gentleness,
firmness and incorruptible honesty” needed to deal
with just such yakunin or men of political business,
as the corrupt and decaying dynasty of Yedo usurpers
naturally produced. Further, he had a kindly feel-
ing towards the Japanese people. Best of all, he
was armed with the warnings, advice and suggestions
of Perry, whom he had earnestly consulted.

Ordered, September 8th, 1855, by President Pierce
to follow up Captain Edmund Robert’s work and
make a treaty with Siam, Mr. Harris after conclud-
ing his business, boarded the San Jacinto at Pulo
Pinang, and arrived in Shimoda harbor, August 22d,
1856. The propeller steamer was brought to safe
anchorage by a native pilot who bore a commission
printed on “ The Japan Expedition Press,” and signed
by Commodore Perry. The stars and stripes were
hoisted to the peak of the flag-staff raised by the
San Jacinto’s carpenters on the afternoon of Septem-
ber 3d. Then in his quiet quarters at Kakisaki, or
Oyster Point, Mr. Harris, following out Perry’s plan
WORKS THAT FOLLOW. 4I!I

of diplomatic campaign, won alone and unaided, after
fourteen months of perseverance, a magnificent vic-
tory. Lest these statements seem inaccurate we
reprint Mr. Harris’ letter in full.

U.S. ConsuLaTe GENERAL, Simopa,
October 27, 1857.

My Drar CommoporE Perry, — Your kind favor of
December 28th 1856, did not come to hand until the 2oth
inst., as I was fourteen months at this place without re-
ceiving any letters or information from the United States.
The U. S. sloop of war Portsmouth touched here on the
8th of last month, but she did not bring me any letters;
her stay here was very short, just enough to enable me to
finish my official letter; had time permitted ‘I would have
written to you by her.

Iam much obliged to you for your good advice; it was
both sound and well timed advice, and I have found every
one of your opinions, as to the course the Japanese would
pursue with me, prove true to the letter.

Early last March I made a convention with the Japa-
nese which, among other provisions, secured the right of
permanent residence to Americans at Simoda and Hako-
dadi, admits a Consul at Hakodadi, opens Nagasaki, set-
tled the currency question, and the dollar now passes for
4670 cash instead of 1600, and lastly admits the enterri-
toriality of all Americans in Japan. It was a subject of
deep regret to me that I was not able to send this con-
vention to the State Department until quite six months
after it had been agreed on.

In October 1856, I wrote to the Council of State at
Yedo that I was the bearer of a friendly letter from the
412 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

President of the United States addressed to the Emperor
of Japan, and that I had some important matter to com-
municate which greatly concerned the honor and welfare of
Japan. I desire the Council to give orders for my proper
reception on the road from this to Yedo, and to inform me
when those arrangements were completed. ‘For full ten
months the Japanese used every possible expedient to get
me to deliver the letter at Simoda, and to make my commu-
nications tothe Governors of this place. I steadily refused
to do either, and at last they have yielded and I shall
start for Yedo some time next month. I am to have an
audience of the Emperor, and at that time I am to
deliver the letter.

I am satisfied that no commercial treaty can be made by
negotiations carried on any where but at Yedo, unless
the negotiator is backed up by a powerful fleet.

I hope when at Yedo to convince the government that
it is impossible for them to continue their present system
of non-intercourse, and that it will be for their honor and
interest to yield to argument rather than force.

I do not expect to accomplish all that I desire on this
occasion, but it will be a great step in the way of direct
negotiations with the Council of the State, and the be-
ginning of a train of enlightenment of the Japanese that
will sooner or later lead them to desire to open the
country freely to intercourse witly foreign nations.

I have just obtained a copy of your “Expedition to
Japan and the China Seas,” and have read it with intense
interest. I hope it is no vanity in me to say that no one
at present can so well appreciate and do justice to your
work as I can.

You seem at once and almost intuitively to have
adopted the best of all courses with the Japanese. I am
WORKS THAT FOLLOW. 413

sure no other course would have resulted so well. I have
seen quite a number of Japanese who saw you when you
were at Simoda and they all made eager inquiries after
you. M-—— Y is at Simoda, and has not forgotten
the art of lying.

Please present my respectful compliments to Mrs.
Perry and to the other members of your family, and
believe

 

Yours most sincerely,

TOWNSEND HARRIS.

As Perry predicted, the Japanese yielded to Mr.
Harris who, a few days after he had sent the letter
given above, went to Yedo, and had audience of the
Shé-gun Iyésada. He afterwards saw the ministers
of state, and presented his demands. These were:
Unrestricted trade between Japanese and American
merchants in all things except bullion and grain, the
closing of Shimoda and the opening of Kanagawa
and Ozaka, the residence in Yedo of an American
minister, the sending of an embassy to America, and
a treaty to be ratified in detail by the government of
Japan.

Professor Hayashi wag first sent to Kidto, to obtain
the Mikado’s consent. As he had negotiated the
first treaty it was thought that with his experience,
scholarly ability and eminent character, he would be
certain to win success, if anyone could. Despite his
presence and entreaties, the imperial signature and
pen-seal were not given; and Hotta, a daimid, was
414 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

then despatched on the same mission. The delay
caused by the opposition of the conservative element
at the imperial capital was so prolonged, that Mr.
Harris threatened if an answer was not soon forth-
coming, to go to Kidto himself and arrange matters.

The American envoy was getting his eyes opened.
He began to see that the throne and emperor were
in Kidto, the camp and lieutenant at Yedo. The
“Tycoon” — despite all the pomp and fuss and cir-
cumlocution and lying sham — was an underling.
Only the Mikado was supreme. Quietly living in
Yedo, Mr. Harris bided his time. Hotta returned
from his fruitless mission to Kidto late in April
1858; but meanwhile Ii, a man of vigor and courage,
though perhaps somewhat unscrupulous, was made
Tairé or regent, and virtual ruler in Yedo. With
him Mr. Harris renewed his advances, and before
leaving Yedo, in April 1858, secured a treaty grant-
ing in substance all the American’sdemands. This
instrument was to be signed and executed Septem-
ber Ist, 1858. Ji hoped by that time to obtain the
imperial consent. A sub-treaty, secret, but signed
by the premier Ii and Mr. Harris, binding them to
the execution of the main treaty on the day of its
date, was also made, and copies were held by both
parties. * This diplomacy was accomplished by Mr.

 

* Commodore Tatnall told this to Gideon Nye. See Mr. Nye’s
letter, January 31st, 1859, to the Hong Kong Zimes ; reprinted
in pamphlet form Macao, March 22, 1864.
WORKS THAT FOLLOW. 415

Harris, when he had been for many months without
news from the outside world, and knew nothing of
the British campaign in China.

Meanwhile Flag-Officer Josiah Tatnall, under or-
der of the United States Navy Department, was on
his way to Japan, to bring Ictters and dispatches to
the American Consul-general, was ignorant of Mr.
Harris’ visit to Yedo, or his new projects for treaty-
making. On the Powhatan he left Shanghai July
5th, joining the Afississippé at Nagasaki five days
later. Here the death of Commodore Perry was an-
nounced, the Japanese receiving the news with ex-
pressions of sincere regret. The Treaty at Tientsin
had been signed June 26, but Tatnall, innocent of the
notions of later manufacture, so diligently ascribed
to him of rushing “ off to Japan to take advantage of
the consternation certain to be created by the first
news of recent events in the Peiho,”. . . was so far
oblivious of any further intentions on the part of Mr.
Harris of making another treaty with Japan, that he
lingered in the lovely harbor until the 21st of July.
In the Powhatan he cast anchor in Shimoda harbor,
on the 25th, the Afzssisszppz having arrived two days
before. On the 27th, taking Mr. Harris on board the
Powhatan, Tatnall steamed up to Kanagawa, visiting
also Yokohoma, where Perry’s old treaty-house was
still standing. Meeting Ii on the 2gth, negotiations
were re-opened. In Commodore Tatnall’s presence,
the main treaty was dated July 2gth (instead of
September 1st) and to this the premier Ii affixed his
416 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

signature, and pen-seal. By this treaty Yokohoma
was to be opened to foreign trade and residence July
Ist of the following year, 1859, and an embassy was
to be sent to visit the United States. The Commo-
dore and Consul-general returned to Shimoda August
Ist. Mr. Harris then took a voyage of recreation to
China.

On the 30th of June 1859, the consulate of the
United States was removed from Shimoda to Kana-
gawa, where the American flag was raised at the
consulate July 1st. The Legation of the United
States was established in Yedo July 7, 1859. Amid
dense crowds of people, anda party of twenty-three *
Americans, Mr. Harris was escorted to his quarters
in a temple.

The regent Ii carried on affairs in Yedo with a
high hand, not only signing treaties without the
Mikado’s assent, but by imprisoning, exiling, and
ordering to decapitation at the blood-pit, his political
opposers. Among those who committed hara-kivi or
suffered death, were Yoshida Shoin, and Hashimoto
Sanai. The daimids of Mito, Owari, and Echizen,t
were ordered to resign in favor of their sons and go
into private life. ‘ All classes now held their breath

 

* See their names, and dates of the Misséss¢fp2"s movements, in
“A Cruise in the U. S. S. Frigate Mississippi,” July 1857 to
February 1860, by W. F. Gragg, Boston, 1860.

¢ It was in the educational service of this baron and _ his
son, that the writer went to Japan and lived in Echizen. The
Mikado’s Empire, pp. 308, 426-434, 532-536.
WORKS THAT FOLLOW. 417

and looked on in silent affright.” On the 13th of
February 1860, the embassy, consisting of seventy-
one persons left Yokohoma in the Powfatan to the
United States, arriving in Washington May 14, 1860.
The English copy of the Perry treaty had been
burned in Yedo in 1858, and one of their objects was
to obtain a fresh transcript. The writer’s first sight
and impression of the Japanese was obtained, when
these cultivated and dignified strangers visited Phila-
delphia, where they received the startling news of the
assination in Yedo, March 23d, of their chief Ii, by
Mito ronzns.

The signing of treaties without the Mikado’s con-
sent was an act of political suicide on the part of the
Yedo government. Not only did “the swaggering
prime minister” Ii, become at once the victim of
assassin’s swords, but all over the country fanatical
patriots, cutting the cord of loyalty to feudal lords,
became “ wave-men” or réuzz. They raised the cry,
“ Honor the Mikado, and expel the barbarian.” Then
began that series of acts of violence—the murder of
foreigners and the burning of legations, which for-
eigners then found so hard to understand, but which
is now seen to be a logical sequence of preceding
events. These amateur assassins and incendiaries
were but zealous patriots who hoped to deal a
death-blow at the Yedo usurpation by embroiling it
in war with foreigners. More than one officer promi-
nent in the Méiji era has boasted * of his part in

 

* Episodes in a Life of Adventure, p. 163, by Laurence
Oliphant, 1887.
418 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

the plots and alarms which preceded the fall of the
dual system and the reinstatement of the Mikado’s
supremacy. To this the writer can bear witness.

Meanwhile the ministers of the Bakafu were “like
men who have lost their lanterns on a dark night.”
Their lives were worth less than a brass zem-p6. Amid
the tottering frame-work of government, they yet
strove manfully to keep their treaty engagements.
“No men on earth could have acted more honor-
ably.” + All the foreign ministers struck their
flags, and retired to Yokohoma, except Mr. Harris.
He, despite the assassination, January 14, 1861, of
Mr. Heusken his interpreter, maintained his ground
in solitude. English and French battalions were
landed at Yokohoma, and kept camp there for over
twelve years. On the 21st of January, 1862, another
embassy was despatched to Europe and the United
States. Their purpose was to obtain postponement of
treaty provisions in regard to the opening of more
ports. In New York, they paid their respects to the
widow of Commodore Perry, meeting also his children
and grandchildren.

Plots and counterplots in Kidto and Yedo, action
and reaction in and between the camp and the throne
went on, until, on the 3rd of January, 1868, two days
after the opening of Hiogo and Ozaka to trade, the
coalition of daimids hostile to the Bakafu or Tycoon’s,
government, obtained possession of the Mikado’s pal-

 

t Townsend Harris’s words to the writer, October oth, 1874.
WORKS THAT FOLLOW. 419

ace and person. The imperial brocade banner of
chastisement was then unfurled, and the “Tycoon”
and all who followed him stamped as ché-¢éki traitors
-—the most awful name in Japanese history. One of
the first acts of the new government, signalizing the
new era of Meiji, was to affix the imperial seal to the
treaties, and grant audience to the foreign envoys. In
the civil war, lasting nearly two years, the skill of the
southern clansmen, backed by American rifles and
the iron-clad ram, Stonewall, secured victory. Yedo
was made the X7é or national capital, with the prefix
of To (east), and thenceforward, the camp and the
throne were united in T6kid, the Mikado’s dwelling
place.

All power in the empire having been consolidated
in the Mikado’s person in Tokid, one of the first re-
sults was the assertion of his rule over its outlying
portions, especially Yézo, Ogasawara and Riu Kiu is-
lands, the resources of Yézo and the Kuriles in-
cluded in the term Hokkaido or Northern sea-circuit
were developed by colonists, and by a commission
aided by Americans eminent in science and skill.
Sapporo is the capital city, and Hakodaté the chief
port. The thirty-seven islands of Riu Kiu, with their
one hundred and sixty thousand inhabitants are or-
ganized as the Okinawa Ken, one of the prefects of
the empire. The deserted palace-enclosure of Shuri,
to which in 1853, Perry marched, with his brass bands
marines and field-pieces, to return the visit of the
regent, is now occupied by battalion of the Mikado’s
420 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

infantry. The dwellings of the king and his little court
now lie in mildew and ruin,* while the former ruler
is a smartly decorated marquis of the empire. Despite
China’s claim ¢ to Riu Kiu, Japan has never relaxed
her grasp on this her ancient domain. { Variously
styled ‘the Southern Islands,” “Long Rope”
(Okinawa ), “ Sleeping Dragon,” “ Pendant Tassels, ”
the “Country which observes Propriety,” or the
“Eternal Land” of Japanese mythology, and prob-
ably some day to be a renowned winter health-resort,
Riu Kiu, whether destined to be the bone of conten-
tion and cause of war between the rival great nations
claiming it, or to sleep in perpetual afternoon, has
ceased to be a political entity. No one will probably
ever follow Perry in making a treaty with the once
tiny ‘“ Kingdom.”

The Ogasawara (Bonin) islands were formally
occupied by the civil and military officers of the
Mikado in 1875, and the people of various nationali-
ties dwell peaceably under the sun-flag.§ An Ameri-
can lady-missionary and a passenger in the steamer
San Pablo, Mrs. Anna Viele of Albany, spent from
January 14th to 31st, 1855, at the Bonin Islands.
She found of Savory’s large family three sons and
three daughters living. The old flag of stars and

 

* Cruise of the Marquesas, London, 1886.

t The story of the Riu Kiu (Loo Choo) complication by
F. Brinkley, in Te Chrysanthemum, Yokohoma, 1883. Audi Al-
teram Partem, by D. B. McCartee Esq. M. D.

} Asiatic Soc. of Japan. Transactions Vol. I, p. 1; Vol. IV. p. 66.
WORKS THAT FOLLOW. 421

stripes given to Savory by Commodore Perry is still
in possession of his widow, and is held in great
reverence by his children and grandchildren, all of
whom profess allegiance to the United States. The
boys, as soon as of age, go to Yokohama and are
registered in the American consulate. One of the
sons bears the name of Matthew Savory, so named
by the Commodore himself when there. A grandson
‘having been born a few days before the arrival of the
San Pablo, Mrs. Viele was invited to name him.
She did so, and Grover Cleveland Savory received
as a gift a photograph of the President of the United
States. Trees planted by the hand of the Commo-
dore still bear luscious fruit. Though the cattle were
long ago “lifted” by passing whalers, the goats are
amazingly abundant.* The island of Hachijé (Fat-
sizio,”’) to which, between the years 1597 and 1886,
sixteen hundred and six persons, many of them
court ladies, nobles, and gentlemen from Kidto and
Yedo, were banished, is also under beneficent rule.
The new penal code of Japan, based on the ideas of
christendom, has substituted correctional labor, | —
even with the effect of flooding America and Europe
with cheap and gaudy trumpery made by convicts
under prison contracts,—and WHachijd ceases to
stand, in revised maps and charts, as the “place of
exile for the grandees of Japan.”

 

* Asiatic Society of Japan, Transactions Vol. IV, p. 3.
+ Asiatic Society and Japan Transactions, Vol. VI, part III,
PP- 435-478.
422 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

Ancient traditions, vigorously revived in 1874,
claimed that Corea was in the same relation to Japan
as Yedo or Riu Kiu; or, if not an integral portion of
Dai Nihon, Corea was a tributary vassal. A party
claiming to represent the “unconquerable spirit
of Old Japan,” (Yamatd damashii,) to reverence the
Mikado, and to cherish the sword as the living soul of
the samurai, demanded in 1875, the invasion of Corea.
The question divided the cabinet after the return of
the chief members of it from their tour around the
world in 1875, and resulted in a rebellion crushed
only after the expenditure of much blood and treas-
ure. It was finally determined not to invade but to
“open” Corea, even as Japan had been opened to
diplomacy and commerce by the United States.
Only twelve years after Perry’s second visit to the
bay of Yedo, and in the same month, a Japanese
squadron of five vessels and eight hundred men
under General Kuroda appeared in the Han river,
about as far below the Corean capital as Uraga is
from Tokid. In the details of procedure, and
movement of ships, boats and men, the imitation of
Perry’s policy was close and transparent.* Patience,
skill and tact, won a “‘brain-victory,” and a treaty of
friendship, trade, and commerce, was signed Febru-
ary 27th, 1876. The penultimate hermit nation had
led the last member of the family into the world’s

market-place. In this also, Perry’s work followed
him.

 

* Corea, the Hermit Nation, p. 423,
WORKS THAT FOLLOW. 423

Two years after this event, a company of Japanese
merchants in Yokohama, assembled together of their
own accord; and, in their own way celebrated with
speech, song and toast, the twenty-fifth anniversary
of the arrival of Commodore Perry and the appara-
tion of the ‘Black ships” at Uraga. The general
tenor of the thought of the evening was that the
American squadron had proved to Japan, despite oc-
casional and temporary reverses, an argosy of treasures
for the perpetual benefit of the nation.

The object-lesson in modern civilization, given by
Perry on the sward at Yokohama, is now illustrated
on a national scale. Under divine Providence, with
unique opportunity, Japan began renascence at a
time of the highest development of forces, spiritual
mental, material. With christianity, modern thought,
electricity, steam, and the printing-press, the Mikado
comes to his empire “at sucha time as this.’” Since
the era of Meiji, or Enlightened Peace, was ushered
in, January 26, 1858, the Mikado Mutsthito, the 123d
sovereign of the imperial line, born twenty-one days
before Perry sailed in the A/zsszssippz for Japan, has
abolished the feudal system, emancipated four-fifths of
his subjects from feudal vassalage and made them
possessors of the soil, disarmed a feudal soldiery num-
bering probably six hundredthousand men trained to
arms, reorganized the order of society, established
and equipped an army forty thousand strong, and a
navy superior in ships and equipments to that of the
United States, assured the freedom of conscience,
424 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

introduced the telegraph, railway, steam-navigation,
general postal and saving, and free compulsory pub-
lic educational systems; * declared the equality of
all men before the law, promised limitation of the
imperial prerogative, and the establishment of a
national parliament in A. D. 1890.

All this looks like a miracle. ‘Cana nation be born
at once,” a land in one day?

The story of the inward preparation of Nippon for
its wondrous flowering in our day, of the development
of national force, begun a century before Perry was
born, which, with outward impact made not collision,
but the unexpected resultant,—New Japan, deserves
a volume from the historian, and an epic from the
poet. We have touched upon the subject elsewhere.t
Suffice it to say that the Dutch, so long maligned by
writers of hostile faith and jealous nationality, to
whom Perry in his book fails to do justice, bore an
honorable and intelligent part in it.{ Even Perry,
Harris and the Americans constitute but one of many
trains of influences contributing to the grand result.
Perry himself died before that confluence of the
streams of tendency, now so clearly visible, had been
fully revealed to view. The prayers of Christians,

 

* Hon. John A. Bingham to Mr. Evarts, U. S. Foreign Rela-
tions, 1880.

t The Recent Revolutions in Japan, chapter XXVIII in The
Mikado’s Empire, and pamphlet The Rutgers Graduates in
Japan, New Brunswick N. J. 1886.

¢ Transactions, Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. V. p. 207.
WORKS THAT FOLLOW. 425

the yearning of humanity, the pressure of commerce,
the ambition of diplomacy, from the outside; the
longing of patriots, the researches of scholars, the
popularization of knowledge, the revival of the indige-
nous Shinté religion, the awakening of reverence for
the Mikado’s person, the heated hatred almost to
flame of the Yedo usurpation, the eagerness of stu-
dents for western science, the fertilizing results of
Dutch culture, frorm the inside; were all tributaries,
which Providence made to rise, kept in check, and
let loose to meet in flood at the elect moment.

Meanwhile, Japan groans under the yoke imposed
upon her by the Treaty Powers in the days of her
ignorance. ‘“Extra-territorialty” is her curse. The
selfishness and greed of strong nations infringe her
just and sovereign rights as an independent nation.
In the light of twenty-eight years of experience,
treaty-revision is a necessity of righteousness and
should be initiated by the United States.* This
was the verdict of Townsend Harris, as declared to
the writer, in 1874. This is the written record of the
English and American missionaries in their manifesto
of April 28th, 1884. at the Ozaka Conference.t
Were Matthew Perry to speak from his grave, his
voice would protest against oppression by treaty, and
in favor of righteous treatment of Japan, in the spirit
of the treaty made and signed by him; to wit:

 

* Japanese Treaty Revision by Prof. J. K. Newton, Bibliotheca
Sacra, January 1887.
{ Published in Zhe Independent, N. Y.
426 MATTHEW CALBRAITH PERRY.

“There shall be a perfect, permanent, and univer-
sal peace, and a sincere and cordial amity, between
the United States of America on the one part, and
the Empire of Japan on the other, and between their
people, respectively, without exception of persons or
places.”

 

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APPENDICES

I.

AUTHORITIES.

WRITINGS OF M. C. PERRY.
Autograph.
Diary, REMARKS, ETC. (on board the United States frigate
President, Commodore Rodgers), made by M. C. Perry.
{From March 1g, 1811, to July 25, 1813].

Letters of M. C. Perry to his superior officers, and to the
United States Navy Department, in the United States Navy Ar-
chives, Washington D. C.; in all, about two thousand. These
are bound up with others, in volumes lettered on the back Orrti-
cers’ LETTERS, MASTER COMMANDANTS’ LETTERS, CAPTAINS’
Letters. Ascommodore ofa squadron, M. C. Perry’s autograph
letters and papers relating to his cruises are bound in separate
volumes and lettered: SQUADRON, COAST OF AFRICA, UNDER
Commopore M. C. Perry, APRIL 10 1843, TO APRIL 29 1845,
[1 volume, folio]; Home Saquapron, Commopore M. C.
Perry’s Cruise [2 volumes, folio, on THE MEXICAN War]; East
InpiA, CHINA AND JAPAN SQUADRON, CommoporeE M. C. Perry,
Volume I, December 1852 to December 31 1853 ; Volume II, Jan-
uary 1854 to May 1855 [2 volumes, folio].

LETTERS to naval officers, scientific men, and personal friends.

Printed.

Unsigned articles in The Naval Magazine, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Future CoMMERCIAL RELATIONS WITH JAPAN AND LEw
CHEw.

Tue EXPEDIENCY OF EXTENDING FURTHER ENCOURAGEMENT
To AMERICAN COMMERCE IN THE EAST.
428 APPENDIX.

ENLARGEMENT OF GEOGRAPHICAL ScieNcE, Pamphlet, New
York, 1856.

NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF AN AMERICAN SQUAD-
RON TO THE CHINA SEAS AND JAPAN. 3 volumes, folio. Wash-
ington, 1856. + volume, folio. New York: D. Appleton & Co.,
1857.

The Perry family Bible, dates of births, marriages and deaths.
Scrap books, kept at various periods of M. C. Perry’s life by
the children and relatives of M. C. Perry.

JAPANESE AUTHORITIES.

Kinsé Shirtaku (Short History of Recent Times, 1853-1869,
by Yamaguchi Uji, Tokio, 1871 translated by Ernest Satow,
Yokohama, 1873).

Genji Yumé Monogatari (Dream Story of Genji, inside his-
tory of Japan from 1850 to 1864), translated by Ernest Satow in
Fapan Mail, 1874.

Kinsé Kibun (Youth's History of Japan, from Perry’s arrival,
3 volumes, illustrated, Yokio, 1874).

Hoku-é O Setsu Roku, Official Record of Intercourse with the
American Barbarians (made by the ‘‘ Tycoon’s ” officers, during
negotiations with Perry in 1854; manuscript copied from the De-
partment of State, Tokio, 1884).

A Chronicle of the Chief Events in Japanese history from
1844 to 1863, translated by Ernest Satow; in Fapax Mail, 1873.

Japanese poems, street songs. legends, notes taken by the
writer during conversations with people, officers, and students,
chiefly eye witnesses to events referred to.

The other authorities quoted, are referred to in the text and
foot notes, or mentioned in the preface.
APPENDIX, 429

II.
ORIGIN OF THE PERRY NAME AND FAMILY.

In answer to an inquiry, Hext M. Perry, Esq., M.D.,
of Philadelphia, Pa., who is preparing a genealogy of
the Perry family, has kindly furnished the following
epitome : —

Dear Str,—I have no doubt of our name being of
Scandinavian origin. The Perrys were from Normandy,
the original name being Perier which has in course been
reduced to its present —and for many hundred years past
in England and America— Perry. A market town in
Normandy, France, is our old Perry name — Periers. The
name doubtlessly originated from the fruit, Pear, French
foire ; or, the fruit took its name from the family which is
perhaps more likely. At any rate Poire is easily modu-
lated into Perer, Perier, Periere, etc., and so across the
Channel to England, with William the Conqueror, in 1086,
it soon ripens into our name Perry. Perry is a delightful
fermented beverage iif England made from pears—a
sort of pear cider. :

“Perry” identifies by its arms with “Perers.” The
family of Perry was seated in Devon County, England,
in 1370.

That of “ Perier ” was of Perieres in Bretagne (Brittany,
France), and descended from Budic, Count of Cornuailles,
A D. goo, whose younger son Perion gave name to
Perieres, Bretagne. A branch came to England, 1066,
and Matilda de Perer was mother to Hugo Parcarius who
lived in time of Henry I. The name continually recurs
1n all parts of England, and thence the Perrys, Earls of
Limerick. There was also a Norman family of Pears in-
430 APPENDIX.

termarried with Shakespere which bore different arms
“ Perrie” for Perry — “ Pirrie, ’’ for Perry.

“ PERRIER.”

Odo, Robert, Ralph, Hugh, &c., de Periers, Normandy
1180-95. Robert de Pereres, England, 1198.

It appears that the family Saxby, Shakkesby, Saxesby,
Sakespee, Sakespage or Shakespeare was a branch of
that of De Perers, and this appears to be confirmed by the
armorial. The arms of one branch of Perire or Perers
were: Argent, a bend sable (charged with three pears for
difference). Those of Shakespeare were : —Argent, a bend
sable (charged with a spear for difference). As before
stated, the family of Perere came from Periers near
Evreux, Normandy, where it remained in the 15th cen-
tury. Hugo de Periers possessed estate in Warwick 1156;
Geoffrey de Periers held fief in Stafford, 1165, and Adam
de Periers in Cambridge. Sir Richard de Perers was
M. P. for Leicester 1311, Herts 1316-24, and Viscount
of Essex and Herts in 1325.

Courteously Yours,
HEXT M. PERRY.

III.
THE NAME CALBRAITH.

Ir is interesting to inquire whether the family of Cal-
braith is still in existence. An examination of the direc-
tory of the city of Philadelphia during the years 1882,
1883, 1884 recalls no name of Calbraith, and but one of
Calbreath, though fifty-two of Galbraith are down in the
APPENDIX, 4 431

lists. The spelling of the name with a C is exceedingly
rare, the name Galbraith, however, is common in North
Ireland and in Scotland. Arthur, the father of our late
president of the same name, in his “ Derivation of Family
Names,” says it is composed of two Gaelic words Ga// and
Bhreatan; that is “strange Breton,” or “ Low Country
Breton.” The Galbraiths in the Gaelic are called Brea-
tannich, or Clanna Breatannich, that is “the Britons,”
or “the children of Britons,” and were once reckoned a
great clan in Scotland, according to the following
lines: —
‘“‘ Galbraiths from the Red Tower,
Noblest of Scottish surnames.”

The Falla dhearg, or Red Tower was probably Dum-
barton, that is the Dun Bhreatain, or stronghold of the
Britons, whence it is said the Galbraiths came.

Of one of the unlucky bearers of the name Galbraith, a
private of our army in Mexico, Longfellow has written in
his poem of “Victor Galbraith.” In his “ History of
Japan,” Mr. Francis Ottiwell Adams, an English author,
naturally falls into the habit of writing Matthew G. Perry.
The Rev. Calbraith B. Perry of Baltimore, nephew of
Matthew C. Perry, suggests that the initial letter of the
name is merely the softening of the Scotch G.

IV.
TIIE FAMILY OF M. C. PERRY.

Or MattuHew C. Perry, born in Newport, April 10, 1794,
and Jang SLIDELL born in New York, February 29, 1797,
432 APPENDIX.

who were married in New York, October 24, 1814, there
were born four sons and six daughters : —

Joun SiipELy Perry, died March 24, 1817.

Saran Perry (Mrs. Robert S. Rodgers.)

Jane Hazarp Perry (Mrs. John Hone) died December 24,
1882.

MatTHEw CALBRAITH PERRY, JR., died November 16, 1873.

Susan MurGatTroyDE Perry, died August 15, 1825.

OxiverR Hazarp Perry, died November 17, 1870.

WILLIAM FREDERICK Perry, died March 18, 1884.

CAROLINE SLIDELL Perry, (Mrs. August Belmont.)

IsaBELLA BOLTON PERRY, (Mrs. George Tiffany.)

Anna RopGers Perry, died March g, 1838.

MATTHEW C. Perry died in New York, March 4, 1858; his
wife, who was his devoted companion and helper. JANE SLIDELL
Perry, survived hin twenty years, and died in Newport, R. L.,
June 14, 1879, at the home of her daughter, Mrs. George Tiffany.
A pension of fifty dollars per month was granted to her, by Act
of Congress, from the date of her husband’s death.

Of the Commodore’s children, who grew to adult life, Sarah
was married to Col. Robert S. Rodgers (brother of the late Rear-
Admiral John Rodgers, U. S. N.), at the Commandant’s house,
Navy Yard. Brooklyn, N. Y., December 15, 1841, and now lives
near Havre de Grace, Maryland.

Jane Hazard was married to John Hone, Esq., of New York,
at the Commandant’s house, Brooklyn Navy Yard, October 20,
1841.

Matthew Calbraith married Miss Harriet Taylor of Brooklyn,
April 26, 1853. He entered the United States Navy as Midship-
man, June 1, 1835, was appointed Lieutenant April 3. 1848, and
later Captain. He was placed on the retired list April 4, 1867.

Oliver Hazard Perry, an officer in the United States Marine
Corps, was appointed Lieutenant February 25, 1841; was in the
Mexican war, and resigned July 23, 1849; was appointed United
States Consul at Hong Kong. He died in London May 17, 1870.
He was unmarried.
APPENDIX. 433

William Frederick Perry, died unmarried.

Caroline Slidell Perry was married, in New York, to the Hon:
August Belmont, late Minister of the United States to the
Netherlands, November 7, 1849.

Isabella Bolton Perry married Mr. George Tiffany in New
York, August 17, 1864.

Vv.

OFFICIAL DETAIL OF M. C. PERRY, UNITED STATES
NAVY.

(Furnished by the Chief Clerk United States Navy Department, 1883.)

MattTHew C. PERRY was appointed a Midshipman in the
United States Navy, January 16th, 1809; March 16th, 1809,
ordered to the naval station, New York; May 11th, 1809,
furloughed for the merchant service; October 12th, 1810,
ordered to the President; February 22d, 1813, ap-
pointed Acting Lieutenant; July 24th, 1813, appointed
Lieutenant; November 16th, 1813, ordered to New
London; December 2oth, 1815, granted six month’s fur-
louzh; September 22d, 1817, ordered to the navy yard,
New York; June 8th, 1821, ordered to command the
Shark; July 29th, 1823, ordered to the receiving ship
at New York; July 26th, 1824, ordered to the orth
Carolina; March 21st, 1826, promoted to Master Com-
mandant; August 17th, 1827, ordered to the naval
rendezvous at Boston; September 2d, 1828, granted
leave of absence; April 22d, 1830, ordered to command
the Concord; December roth, 1832, detached and
granted three month’s leave; January 7th, 1833, ordered to
the navy yard, New York; February gth, 1837, promoted
to Captain; March 1gth, 1837, detached from the navy
434 APPENDIX.

yard, New York; August 29th, 1837, ordered to command
the Fulton; March the 2d, 1840, ordered to the
steamer building at New York to give general superinten-
dence over the gun practice; June rath, 1841, ordered to
command the navy yard, New York; February zoth,
1843, ordered to hold himself in readiness for command
of the African squadron; May rst, 1845, detached and
granted leave; December 27th, 1845, ordered to exam-
ine merchant steamers at New York; January 6th, 1846,
ordered to examine docks at New York —examination
finished February 4th, 1846; May 18th, 1846, ordered to
examine steamers at New York; 21st July, 1846, ordered
to report at Department; August 2oth, 1846, ordered to
command the Jfississippi; March 4th, 1847, ordered
to command the Home Squadron; November zoth, 1848,
detached from command of Home Squadron, and ordered
as General Superintendent of ocean mail steamers; No-
vember 3d, 1849, ordered to report at the Department ; Jan-
uary 22d, 1852, given preparatory orders to command the
East India Squadron; 3d March, 1852, detached as Super-
intendent of ocean mail steamers; March 24th, 1852,
ordered to command the East India Squadron; January
rath, 1855, reported his arrival at New York; June 2oth,
1855, ordered to Washington as a Member of Efficiency
Board under Act of Congress, February 28th, 1855; Sep
tember 13th, 1855, Board dissolved ; December 3oth, 1857,
detached from special duty and wait orders.

He died at New York City, N. Y., on the 4th of March,
1858.
APPENDIX. 435

VI.

THE NAVAL APPRENTICESHIP SYSTEM.

MatTTHEWw C. Perry may be called the founder of the
apprenticeship system in the United States Navy, how-
ever much the present improved methods may differ from
his own. He was the first officer to attempt a systematic
improvement on the hap-hazard and costly method of re-
cruiting formerly in vogue. Under the old plan, one-fourth
the men and boys picked up at random became invalided or
were discharged as unfit. It took four month’s work at five
recruiting stations to.get a crew for the “ Worth Carolina.”
The daily average of recruits at five stations, New York,
Philadelphia, Boston, Norfolk and Baltimore, was but
seven, at the utmost, and could not be increased without
bounties, Perry’s experience at recruiting stations
prompted him to a thorough study of the subject, and at-
tempt at reform. He addressed the Department on this
theme as early as 1823. In a letter of eleven pages,
dated January 25, 1824, a model of clearness and strength,
he elaborated his idea of providing crews for men-of-war
by naval apprentices properly educated. He proposed
that a thousand apprentices be engaged yearly, saving in
expense of pay (from $792,000 to $462,000) the sum of
$330,000. He suggested withholding the ration of spirits
for the first two years of indenture, so that a further saving
of $43,800, and total saving $373,800, would be secured.

In this paper he treats the problem of the great diffi-
culty, delay and expense of obtaining men for our naval
service. which becomes greater in time of hostilities. This
was shown in the war of 1812 when large bounties were
offered. The sea-faring population of the United States
436 APPENDIX.

had not increased since 1810. Whereas there had been
in 1810, 71,238 seamen, there were in 1821 only 64,948.
In case of another war, the merchant ships should not be
suffered to rotin port as in 1812, but ought to pursue
their usual voyages. Hence merchant ships would want
sailors, and when there was considered the number wanted
for that popular branch of speculation — privateering, he
feared that few would be left for the public service, unless
exorbitant pay and bounties were given as inducements
for enlisting. Owing to the decay of the New England
carrying trade, and the fisheries, the sources for sea-faring
men had dried up; and it was easier toget ships than
men. Even in New York asloop’s crew was unobtaina-
ble in less than twenty days. If this were so, how hard
would it be to equip a fleet!

The remedy proposed was to receive boys as apprentices
to serve until of age and to be educated and clothed by
the government. Such a system would be a blessing to
society. It would reform bad and idle boys, and create
in a numerous class of men attachment to the naval ser-
sice, besides raising up warrant and petty officers of native
birth, These at present were mostly foreigners. Boys
shipped only for two years; they then got discharged and
perhaps went roaming on distant voyages all over the
earth, losing the discipline they had acquired. There was
no difficulty to get boys in New York. ‘The city alone
could supply five hundred annually, and_ the city corpora-
tions would assist the plan. ‘‘ Experience proves that
these lads do well. The very spirit which prompts them
to youthful indiscretion gives them a zest for the daring
and adventurous life to which they are called in our ships
of war.’
APPENDIX. 437

With characteristic tenacity, he returned to the subject
in a letter to the Department, January ro 1835, giving the
results of further studies. One half of all the men en-
listed for the navy came from the New York rendezvous.
From April 2d, 1828 to October 14, 1834, there were en-
listed 17 petty officers, 2,335 seamen, 1,174 ordinary sea-
men, 842 landsmen and 414 boys, a total of 4,782, or 19 a
week. Nearly ten months were necessary to get 750 men,
the crew of a line-of-battleship, twenty weeks to furnish a
frigate with 380 men, and eight weeks to enlist 150 men
for a sloop of war.

Perry noticed another glaring defect in the system, ‘and
wrote September 25, 1841, concerning frauds on the govern-
ment, by men enlisting in the navy getting advance pay
and then deserting. Parents connived at enlistment, and
often got off “minors” by habeas-corpus writs, and the
government thus lost both the recruit and the advance
money. The same trouble had been found in the British
navy. Native-born men enlisted, got advance pay, and
then claimed alien birth. Perry consulted with the dis-
trict attorney as to how to stop this practice.

While on the Fu/ton, Perry returned to his idea of per-
fecting the apprenticeship system first suggested by him.
He asked permission to have his letters of 1823 and 1824
copied for him by Dr. Du Barry, that he have authority to
increase the complement of the /w/ton as vacancies should
occur, and to employ as many as the vessel would accom.
modate. His requests were finally granted. The law of
Congress passed in March or April 1847, authorizing the
apprenticeship system, was the result of his persistent pre-
sentation of his own plan elaborated in 1824.

Seventeen indentured apprentices were received, and a
438 APPENDIX,

daily school on board the Fz/fon was instituted, in which
the lads who proved apt to learn were taught the English
branches, seamanship, war exercises, and partially the
operations of the steam engine. After one year’s ex-
perience, Perry wrote July 8th, 1839, reporting that the
boys already performed all the duties of many men.
They gave less trouble and were more to be depended
upon. While the utmost vigilance of officers was re-
quired to prevent desertions of sailors on account of the
near allurements of the great city, the boys with a greater
attachment were more to be trusted.

As only one-fifth of the sailors in the navy were
native Americans, Perry took intense pride in the enter-
prise of rearing up men for the national service, in whom
patriotism would be natural, inherited and heartfelt. He
cheerfully met all the difficulties in the way — such as
parents claiming their boys on various pretexts, and the
law-suits which followed. To the boys themselves, Perry
was as kind as he was exacting. He believed in tempt-
ing boys in the sense of proving them with responsibility
enough to make men of them. Sufficient shore liberty
was given, and once in a while, even the joys of the circus
were allowed them.

He proposed to man one of the new national vessels
with a crew of his trained apprentices, and under picked
officers to send them on a long cruise to demonstrate the
success of hissystem. When the brig Somers was launched
April 16, 1842, the time seemed ripe, and he obtained
permission of the Department to carry out his plan, The
vessel had been built, and the boys had been trained
under his own eye. After a conference with Secretary
Upshur in September, it was arranged she should make
APPENDIX. 439

a trip to Sierra Leone and back, occupying ninety days,
traversing seven thousand miles, and visiting the ports or
colonies of four great nations. A few days afterwards
the Somers sailed away, full of happy hearts beating with
joyful anticipations, yet destined to make the most pain-
ful record of any vessel in the American navy.

On this sad subject, either to state facts or give an
opinion, we have nothing to say. The real or imaginary
mutiny and its consequences did much to injure and
finally destroy the apprenticeship system as founded by
Perry. Other reasons for failure lay in the fact that boys
of good family expected by enlistment to become line and
staff officers. Disappointed in their groundless hopes,
they deserted or wanted to be discharged. Failing in
this, they sought release by civil process.

By the system of 1863, the same failure resulted. In
1872 “training ships,” as we now understand the term,
were putin use. On June 20, 1874, the Marine School
Bill was passed which created the present admirable
system, which has little or no organic connection with any
other system previously in vogue. It is now possible,
with the Annapolis Naval Academy and the School-ship
system, to provide abundantly both officers and sailors
for the military marine of the United States. In any
history of the naval apprenticeship system of the United
States navy, despite the claims made by others, or the
many names associated with its origin or development,
the name of Matthew Perry must not be lost sight of as
prime mover.
440 APPENDIX.

VI.
DUELLING.

MatTTHEW PERRY never fought a duel, or acted as a
second, though duelling was part of the established code
of honor among naval men of his school and age, and
provocation was not lacking. On his return from the
cruise in the Vorth Carolina, an unpleasant episode oc-
curred, growing out of idle gossip and the malignant
jealousy felt towards an officer of superior parts by
inferiors unable to understand one so intensely earnest as
Matthew Perry. The manner in which Perry dealt with
the man and the matter strengthens the claim we have
made for him as an educator of the United States Navy.
The conversation at a dinner party in Philadelphia filtered
into the ear of acertain lieutenant in Washington, who
reported that Captain M-——had spoken of Matthew
Perry as “a d—d rascal.” Perry at once took measures
to ferret out the anonymous slanderer. He first learned
from Captain M—— the total falsity of the report, and
then demanded from the disseminator of the scandal the
name of his informant, which was refused. Thereupon
Perry wrote to the Secretary of the Navy, pleading the
general injury to the service from calumnies and un-
founded reports. The Secretary wrote to the offending
lieutenant to tell the truth. The latter pleaded the
“privacy of his room,” “ sacred confidence among gentle-
men,” and declined to give the name of the person
“understood” to have made the offensive remark to him,
The Secretary, Hon. Samuel L. Southard, in a letter which
is a model of terse English, read the offender a lecture on
the unmanly folly of dabbling in idle gossip, and laid
APPENDIX. 44I

down the principle of holding the disseminator of reports re-
sponsible forthe truth of statements made on the authority
of another. The triangular and voluminous correspon-
dence from Boston, Washington and Norfolk, from Novem-
ber 15th 1827, to April 1828, may be read in the United
States Navy Archives. Perry demanded a court-martial,
if necessary, to clear himself from unjust suspicion. It
was not needful. His tenacity and perseverance con-
quered. The gossipper begged permission to withdraw
his remark, and then crawled into oblivion.

In this paper war, extending over several months, the
officer whose victories both in peace and war were many,
scored points in behalf of truth and good morals, of the
discipline and order of the Navy, and of the advance of
civilization. Heretofore, the custom of duelling had
largely prevailed in the corps, and to this savage tribunal
of arbitration a thousand petty questions of personal
honor had been brought. Yet despite all arguments in
favor of the bloody code, which believers in or admirers
of its supposed benefits may fabricate in its favor, the
fact remains that it served but an insignificant purpose.
Its direct influence was slight in repressing those petty
personal differences which, belonging to human nature,
have such congenial soil in a crowded ship. Duelling
was a cure but no preventative, the killing being as
frequent as the curing.

Matthew Perry might have challenged the lieutenant,
and, like scores of his brother officers, appealed'to the
savage code; but having long pondered upon and fre-
quently witnessed the slight benefit accruing from the
costly sacrifice of life and limb from duelling, he aimed to
cut out from the life of the service the whole system, root
442 APPENDIX.

and branch, and to substitute the more rigid test of
personal responsibility. In choosing the slower and, in
old naval eyes, more inglorious method of correspondence,
and appeal to considerate judgment of his peers in court,
he exhibited more moral courage, showed his true char-
acter and motive, and lifted higher the splendid standard
of the American Navy. To the formation of that esprit
of discipline which all now concede to be “the life of the
service,” Perry, in this episode nobly contributed. He
made the pen mightier than the sword.

Despite his clear record on this subject, made thus early,
he came very near being made the victim of a political
quarrel, and a reformer’s zeal. Readers of the works of
John Quincy Adams may get an impression unjust to
Captain Matthew Perry, because of the Resolution of
Inquiry, December 3d, 1838, “‘into the conduct of An-
drew Stevenson (United States Minister to Great Britain,
and J. Q. Adams’s political enemy) in his controversy
with Daniel O. Connell, as well as the participation of Cap-
tain Perry in that affair.’* To make along story short, Mr.
Adams, in his political zeal to injure an enemy and moral
purpose to abolish “the detestable custom of private war,”
struck the wrong man, All the information on which Mr.
Adams based his inquiry was contained, as he confessed,
in “those published letters of James Hamilton of South
Carolina;” whereas, Mr. Hamilton regretted and publicly
apologized for writing the principal letter which gave rise
to the other two.f ‘The whole controversy is not without

 

* J. Q. Adams’ Works, Vol. X, p. 48; and Sournal of same
year.

+ Miles Register, Vol. LV, (from September, 1838 to March,
1839. pp. 61, 62, 104, 105, 132. 133, 258.)
APPENDIX. A43

interest, and humor of both the Irish and American sort.
It is possible that Perry never knew till he found his
name dragged into Congress, what use of his name had
been made by Hamilton. So far as manifested in his
official record,* Matthew Perry's example, influence and
energetic action were totally opposed to duelling. In his
African cruises, and at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, we find
him earnestly laboring to root out of existence a practice
at war with Christian civilization.

How well he and like-minded men succeeded, is now
.known to all— except an occasional hot head in which
passion outruns information. It is perfectly safe for a
person seeking either notoriety or satisfaction to challenge
a naval officer of the United States to fight a duel. One
familiar with the “ Laws for the better government of the
Navy” need have no fears of the result. Neither gov-
ernment nor individuals now consider “a single person
entitled to a whole war.”

MEMORIALS IN ART OF M. C. PERRY.

Portratts.

By William Sidney Mount in 1835, when M. C. Perry was
forty years old, now in possession of one of the Commodore’s
children.

One at the time of his marriage.

One painted from a photograph by Brady, about 1864.

One at the Brooklyn Naval Lyceum.

One at the Annapolis Naval Academy, by J. R. Irving.

A painting from a daguerreotype was made in Japan by a
Japanese artist.

* Letters. U.S. Navy Archives, August, roth, 1841; Febru-
ary, 1845.
444 APPENDIX,

Photographs.

Of these, there are several taken from life, from one of which
the frontispiece of this volume has been made.

Engravings.

In Harper's Magazine for March, 1856, from a photograph by
Brady of New York, in an illustrated article on ‘“* Commodore
Perry’s Expedition to Japan, " by Robert Tomes, Esq., M. D.

In a London illustrated paper, about 1853.

In Gleason’s Pictorial, Boston, of August 5th 1854.

In Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper of Saturday March 13,
1858.

Other prints in newspapers and lithographs of the face or
bust of M. C. Perry were made during his lifetime.

Bust and Statue.

A bust in marble of M. C. Perry, in sailor garb by E. D.
Palmer, of Albany N. Y., was made in £859, and is now in pos-
session of the Commodore’s daughter, Mrs. August Belmont of
New York,

In Touro Park, Newport, R. I., the city of his birth, about
fifty yards east of the ‘‘ old round tower” is a bronze statue of
M.C. Perry, on a pedestal of Quincy granite. The extreme
height is sixteen feet, the statue being eight, and the pedestal
eight feet in height. The face, modelled partly from photo-
graphs and partly from Palmer’s bust, is considered a good like-
ness. The effect of the figure is yrand, and the position easy and
natural. The model was designed by John Quincy Adams
Ward of New York, and the pedestal by Richard M. Hunt. On
the latter are four excellent bas-reliefs in bronze, representing
prominent events in M. C. Perry's life.

These are, “ Africa, 1843,” Perry’s rescue of the man con-
demned to undergo the sassy ordeal, (p. 173); ‘t‘ Mexico, 1846,”
transportation of the heavy ship’s guns through the sand and
APPENDIX. 445

chapparal to the Naval Battery; ‘‘ Treaty with Japan, 1854,” two
scenes, representing the reception of the President's letter at
Kurihama (p. 359), and the negotiation of the treaty at Yokohoma
(p. 366). On the front of the plinth of the pedestalis cut an
American ensign ; on the north and south sides an anchor, and
in the rear, ‘‘ Erected in 1868, by August and Caroline S. Bel-
mont.” The bronzes were cast at the Wood Brothers’ foundry
in Philadelphia. Pa. The statue was unveiled October 2d, 1868,
when the city of Newport was given up to public holiday in
honor of the event. The military display consisted of marines,
sailors, and apprentices from the U. S. S. Saratoga and cutter
Crawford, under command of Captain, now Rear-Admiral, J. H.
Upshur ; and four militia companies. One thousand children from
the public schools were ranged within the hollow square formed
by the military, and sang chorals. Besides seven or eight thou-
sand spectators, there were officers of the army and navy, clergy
and the children and grand children of Commodore M. C. Perry.
After prayer by Rev. J. P. White, unveiling of the statue by Mrs.
Belmont, salutes from guns in the park and onshipboard, music,
a speech of presentation by Mr. Belmont, and responses by Mayor
Atkinson, the orator of the day, the Rev. Francis Hamilton
Vinton, D. D. delivered the orationand eulogy. The exercises
were closed by a speech from Captain J. H. Upshur, U. S.N.,
who drew a glowing picture of M. C. Perry’s action at Vera
Cruz, and of his success in Japan. See the Newport Mercury
of October 3d, 1868, and the published oration of Dr. Vinton
‘The statue” says Pay Director J. Geo. Harris, U. S.N., ina
letter to the writer May 19, 1887, ‘‘is in all respects a likeness.”
‘‘ I was impressed with its remarkable fidelity in stature, pose
and bearing, as in full dress he met the Japanese commissioners
on the shore at Yokohoma.”

Medals.

The gold medal struck in Boston had on its face the head of
“Commodore M. C. Perry,” and on the reverse the following
legend with a circle of laurel and oak leaves: ‘‘ Presented to
Com. M. C. Perry, Special Minister from the United States oi
446 APPENDIX.

America, By Merchants of Boston, In token of their appreciation
of his services in negotiating the treaty with Japan signed at
Yoku-hama, March 31, and with Lew Chew at Napa, July 11,
1854.” On the band at the base of the wreath is the word Mi'ssz‘s-
sippr, and over it the figures of two Japanese junks, between the
sterns of American ships. Copies of this medal in silver and
bronze were received by subscribers tothe gold original. The
die was cut by F. N. Mitchell.
INDEX.

—

A.
Adams, Will, 353.
Admiral, 212, 396, 397-
Admiralty, British, 48, 103, 130.
Alabama Claims, 2.
Albany, 365.
Alexander, Sarah, 5. 6.
American Geographical Society,
386, 408.
Anecdotes, see under Perry.
Annapolis, 22-24, 197, 250, 305,
439» 443- F
Antarctic Exploration, 107-109.
Arctic Exploration, g ,87, 102.
Army and Marine Officers :
Capron, Horace, 306, 307.
Coppee, Henry, 397.
Edson, 249.
Forrest, 202, 250.
Holzinger, D. S. 229.
Lee, R. E., 228, 130.
Patterson, R., 227, 277-
Pillow, 237.
Perry, O. H., 297; 354, 394
432.
Quitman, 238, 239.
Ringgold, 150.
Scott, Winfield, 210, 218, 221,
222, 233-237, 252, 257+
Shaw, R., 270, 261-263, 298,
378, 391.
Steptoe, 239.
Taylor, Zachary, 209, 218, 282.
Totten, 337-
Viele, 267.
Watson, 257.
Worth, W. T., 237-

v

 

Asiatic Society of Japan, 420,
421, 424,
Artillery, see Ordnance.
Ashburton Treaty, 167.
Authors quoted or referred to.
Adams, F. O. 431.
Addison, 139, 194, 403.
Audubon, 368.
Arthur, Rev. Wm. 431.
Bancroft, Herbert, 26a.
Berkely, 13.
Black, J. R., 409.
Bowditch, 352.
Brinckley, F., 420.
Comte de Paris, 134.
pe 357-
ooper, J. F., 139.
enna. a
Dimon, S. C., 366.
Halleck, Fitz Greene, 69, 75.
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 376,
377) 385.
Hildreth, 272.
Hugo, Victor, 35.
Irving, W., 29, 130, 383.
James, 30, 43.
Japanese, 316, 330, 341, 342,
346, 362, 363,:370.
Johnston, Alex., 213.
Kaempfer, 295.
Longfellow, 431.
Mackenzie, A. S., 73, 74.
Mencius, 351,
Oliphant L., 417.
Osborne, Sherard, 409.
Parker, W. H., 149, 199.
Perry, Hext M., 429.
448

Authors quoted, etc.—continued.
Poe, Edgar A., 137, 383-
Roosevelt, 7, 31, 49-

Satow, Ernest, 428.

Semmes, Raphael, 240.

Shakespeare, 430.

Smith, Sydney, 308.

Spalding, J. W., 310, 353, 372-

Taylor, Bayard, 310.

Taylor, F. W., 200, 246.

Taylor, Henry, 35.

Tomes, R., 384, 385, 403, 444-

Von Siebold, 294.

Watson, R, G., 62

Webb, J. W., 140, 303, 387,
388.

Wordsworth, 9.

B.
Barhyte, J. 383-
Bells, 313, 357: 373» 374) 392-
Berribee affair, 169, 171, 175-182.
Bible, 13, 404, 405.
Blue Peter, 211.
Boilers and protection, 33, 110,
IIT, 114, 123, 143.
Bombs, see Shells.
Boston, 42s XB 44) O14 379% 387,

445; 449.
Blockade, 45, 46, 116, 117, 369.
Bloomingdale, 45, 386.
Boulanger, 151.
British empire, 131.
British Naval Officers :
Beechey, 294.
Bingham, 26.
Byron, 39.
Cook, 14.
Dacres, 22.
Franklin, J., 87, 102.
Jones, W. 193.
Marsden, G., 223.
Nelson, 35, 140, 392-
Osborn, S., 409.
Sartorius, G., 125.
Seymour, 300.
British Navy, 45, 35-37, 131,
132, 164, 193-195, 409.

 

INDEX.

British Ships of War:

Admiralty, 164.

Beagle, 108.

Belvidera, 37, 38-41.

Blossom, 294.

Daring, 223.

Galatea, 44.

Guerriere, 20, 22, 23, 26, 37;
42.

Fersey, 3, 5:

Leopard, 15, 16.

Little Belt, 25, 26, 3

Mackerel, 41.

Nemests, 142.

Penelope, 130-

Penguin, 236.

Peattler, 164.

Reindeer, 277.

Shannon, 20, 24, 34, 37-

Terrible, 130.

Valorous, 131.

Watt, 4.

Broad pennant, 24, 154, 1555
169, 223, 244, 252, 310, 355-

Cc.
Calbraith family, 6, 8, 15, 430,

431.
Calabar, 61.
California, 47, 267, 268.
Cannon, see Ordnance.
Cape Palmas, 174, 181.
Cape Mount, 61.
Carronade, 4, 35, 36, 132-
Cemeteries, 192, 343.
Chaplains, 406, see Clergymen.
Circumnavigation of the globe,
7, 18, 47, 159, 379-
Clay, Henry, 175.
Columbiads, 149, 218, 226.
Confederates, 48, 117, 126-128,
159; 240, 396.
Congo, 51, 184.
Cortez, 216.
Cotton-clad vessels, 117.
Clergymen, chaplains and mis~
sionaries :
Andrews, 59.
INDEX.

Clergymen, etc.— continued.
Bacon 56.
Bettelheim, J., 277.
Bowen, N., 45.
Bittenger, E. C., 406.
Coke, D., 56.
Colton, Walter, 406.
Cuffee, Paul, 55.
Dewey, Orville, 407.
Harris, 154.
Hawkes, F., 270, 385, 386,

392.

Jenks, J. W., 82, 84, 97.

Jones, 384, 406.

Kelly, J. 182.

Mills, 185.

Noble, M., 407.

Payne, 181.

Perry, Calbraith, 431.

Robertson, 89.

Stewart, C. E., 406.

Talmage, John, 286.

Taylor, F. W., 200, 406.

Vinton, F., 390, 392, 403, 445.

Williams, S. Wells, 275, 366,
388.

White, J. P., 445.

Winn, 59.

Countries :

Canada, 167, 298-302.

China, 7, 237, 307, 310, 333,
374s 376, 386, 387, 388, 394,
408, 409, 415-

Corea, 11, 251, 268, 275, 422.

Egypt, 88-90.

France, 10, I1, 92, 94, I3I-

134) 196.

Great Britain, 2, 3, 19, 23, 355
37s 43» 46, 130-132, 193) 196,

___ 298-302, 308, 409.

Greece, 73-75, 88, 89, 408.

Hawaii, 351, 366.

Holland, 47, 48, 277; 294-

Ireland, 5, 6, 12.

India, 7, 19) 351; 375-

Jepaus 975 475 QI, 268, 269, 270—

» 409-425.
Liberia, 50-62, 6g, 167-196.

 

449

Countries —continued.
Mexico, 68-70, 198-260, 266-
268, 278, 333, 364: 376,
Naples, 91-96, 308.
Norway, 44.
Russia, 81-85, 296.
Siam, 273, 410.
Sierra Leone, 52, 56, 59, 60,
r 65; 67, 69, 70.
Spain, 72, 73, 92.
Turkey, 70, 88-90, 408.
Yucatan, 250, 257.
Cross-trampling, 349.
Courbet, Admiral, 236.
Cutlass, 31.

D.

Diplomatists and Statesmen:
Aberdeen, 299.
Allen, Elisha, 351.
Ashburton, 167, 168.
Belmont, August, 376, 432,
445-

Bingham, J. A., 424.

Cass, Lewis, 387, 388.

Cassaro, 94.

Davis, Jefferson, 306.

Everett, Edward, 304.

Harris, Townsend, 384, 409=
418, 425.

Lafayette, 94.

Macedo, 285, 287, 288.

Nelson, John, g1-96.

Nesselrode, 296.

Nye, Gideon, 376, 414.

Pratt, Zodoc, 268.

Randolph, John, 81, 82, 85.

Reed, Wm. B. 387.

Roberts, President, 172-176.

Roberts, Edmund, 273, 274,
410.

Rochambeau, 14.

Russwarm, 182.

Seward Wm. H., 49, 168.

Shea, Ambrose, 302.

Slidell, John, 45.

Stevenson, A.

Vail, E. A., 133.
450

Diplomatists, etc. —continued.
. Wall, G. D., 129.
Webster, Daniel, 167, 283, 284,

303, 304, 306.
Williams, S. Wells, 275, 354,
366.

Duelling, 440-443.

Dutch, 14,37, 276-274, 277, 278,
339) 347) 348, 349, 370, 424,
425.

E.
Engineers, I1I-115, 123, 125,
161-163.
F

Feudalism, 88, 322, 326-329, 334,
336, 358, 360, 361, 417.
Fever: African 59, 189-191,
Yellow, 254, 255.
Fire, 158, 163, 313.
Fireworks, 312.
Fisheries, 296, 298-302, 436.
Flags: British, 23, 46.
Japan, 348, 420.
Liberia, 184.
Pirate, 67, 68,
United States, 17, 18, 19, 41,
73> 395, 410, 416.
Flogging, 85, 86, 263-266.
French, 10, 14, 18, 38, 91, 92, 13I-

1343
‘* in Africa, 195, 196; in China,
“236,345; in Mexico, 199, 236.
Frigate, 10, 20, 27, 36, 43, 140,
159, 161.
Funchal, 41, 310.

G.
Gaboon, 195.
Galbraith, 6, 8, 15, 430, 431.
Gardiner’s Island, 103.
Germans, 16, 51, 229.
Gettysburg, 304.
Golownin, 335, 355, 356-
Greeks, 73-75, 87-89.
Grog ration, 86, 263-264, 435.
Guinea, 51, 61.
Gunnery, see Ordnance.

 

INDEX.

H.
Halifax, 34, 41, 300.
Hazard family, 3, 13-
Hessians, 57.
Heusken, Mr. 417.
Hong Kong, 310, 343, 374 375;

376, 394, 432-

I.

Impressment, 20-23, 48, 49.
International rifle match, 43.
Inventors, artists, men ofscience,
107, 134, 165, 297, 370
Bomford, 149.
Bowditch, 352.
Cochrane, W., 146.
Coehorn, 216.
Ericsson, 110, 126, 164.
Faraday, 134.
Fresnel, A., 133.
Fulton, R., 28, 29, 110.
Henry, J., 134.
Humphries, 71.
Irving, J. R,, 443.
Krupp, 150.
Mount, W. S., 443.
Paixhans, 149.
Palmer, E. D., 444.
Redfield, W. C., 140-143.
Symmes, J. C., 107.
Teulere, 136.
Toussard, 20.
Ward, E. C., 103.
Ward, J. Q. A., 444.
Wheeler, S., 148.
Irish soldiers, 206.
Iron clads, 32, 118, 126-128, 157,
373) 419:
Iron ships, 130.

J.

Japan:
Adzuma, 352, 373, 419.
fet of, 314, 332, 336, 359-

361.
Bonin islands, 274, 311, 419-
421.
INDEX,

Japan —continued.
Buddhism, 320, 342, 357.
Christianity in, 324, 325, 349,
363, 423. ;

Fatsisio, (Hachijo), 421.

Fuji yama, 312, 316, 353.

Gorihama, 335-342.

Hachijo, 421.

Hakodate, 371, 373, 419.

lliogo, 418.

Idzu, 312, 371.

Kamakura, 327; 352, 354.

Kanagawa, 356, 413, 415.

Kioto, 413, 414, 418, 419.

Kurihama, 335-342.

Kuro Shiwo, 296.

Loo Choo, see Riu Kiu.

Matsumaé, 274, 371.

Meiji era, 419, 423.

Midzu-ame, 315.

Nagasaki, 7, 270-272, 278, 316,
319, 411.

Nagato, 321, 371.

Names and titles, 318, 322, 326,
328, 333, 334-__,

Napa, see Riu Kiu.

Nitta, 352.

Ogasawara islands, 311, 419,
420, 421.

Okinawa, see Riu Kiu.

Ozaka, 413, 418.

Riu Kiu, 294, 310, 312, 343>
347» 351 419, 420, 446.

Ronin, 335, 417-

Sapporo, 419.

Shidzuoka, 368.

Shimoda, 342, 371, 410, 411,
412,415, 416.

Shuri, 314, 419.

Tokio, 419, 422.

Uraga, 276, 279,

423. :
Yamato damashii, 338, 422.
Yedo, 315, 326-328, 329-334,

412, 416, 419.

Yokohama, 312, 357) 363) 415,

4215 423.

Yokosuka, 353-

313, 356,

 

451

Japanese:

Bonzes, 315, 342.

Bunio, see Kayama Yezaye-
mon.

Cho-teki, 419.

Embassies, 417, 418.

Echizen, 346, 416.

Fudo, 338.

Guanzan, 339.

Hayashi, 350, 351, 357, 360,
362, 365, 413.

Hokusai, 331.

Hori Tatsunoske, 318.

Hotta, 413.

Ti, 413-417.

Ito, 336, 338.

Izawa, 355, 356.

Tyesada, 329, 346, 347, 413.

Iyeyasu, 270, 314, 329, 348.

Iyeyoshi, 329, 345, 346.

Katsu Awa, 366.

Kayama Yezayemon, 321, 335,
338.

Kobo, 357.

Kuroda, 422.

Kurokawa Kahei, 354.

Manjiro, 351, 352, 366.

Mikado, 295, 309, 311, 318,
326-328, 3339 417, 410, 423.

Mito, 346, 416, 417.

Moriyama, Yenosuke, 276.

Nagashima Saburosuke, 317,
318.

Nitta, 352.

Nio, 338.

Ota Do Kuan, 329, 330.

Sakuma, 349, 350.

Taiko, 325, 333-

Taira ghosts, 321.

Toda, 336, 338.

Tokugawa, 317, 329, 3345 336,
346, 351.

Tycoon, 326, 327, 329, 333,

414, 417.
Yoshida Shoin (Toraijiro),
349) 350, 369; 416.
452

K.

Khartoum, 88.

Kings and rulers.
Bomba, 95.
Bonaparte, J., gt.
Catharine, 84.
Crack-O, 176-178.
Cromwell, 3.
Freeman, 72.
George III., 52, 84.
Gomez Farias, 225.
Iturbide, 69, 70.
Komei, 315, 345.
Louis Phillipe, 131, 133, 134.
Mehemet Ali, 88, 98.
Murat, gt.
Mutsuhito, 309, 423.
Napoleon, 132.
Nicholas, 82-84.
Santa Anna, 205, 257, 258.
Victoria, 131.

L.
Lake Erie, 8, 14, 34, 45.
Langrage shot, 33, 34.
Lighthouses 133-137, 312.
Line-of-battle ships, 32, 71-75,

140.

Liquor, 86, 263, 265, 335, 341,
367, 368.

Loo choo, see Riu Kiu.

Louisiana, 11, 207, 208, 218.

Lyceum, 99-103, 443.
M.
Macao 273, 274, 343.

Maryland in Africa, 173, 174,
185.

Massachusetts Horticultural So-
ciety, 87.

Mesurado, 59, 61, 172, 183.
Mexican war, 67, 197-269, 278,
364, 444.
Mexico, 69, 70, 198, 216, 250, 253,
260.
Alvarado, 199, 239, 240.
Cerro Gordo, 241.
Green Island, 219, 220.

 

INDEX.

Mexico —con tinued.
Laguna, 208, 209.
Mexico City, 210, 257, 333-
Sacrificios island, 199, 253.
Salmadina island, 250.
St. Juan d’Ulloa, 69, 131, 219,
232, 233, 238, 258, 375.
Tabasco, 200, 202-205, 242-
249.
Tampico, 205, 206-208.
Tuspan, 241, 255.
Vera Cruz, 68, 70, 216-240,
249, 258.
Missionaries, 52-56, 89, 407, 425.
Missions, Christian, 407.
Mongols, 320, 333.
Monitor, 72, 141.
Monrovia, 59, 60, 169, 183, 184.
Montravel Com., 344.
Mosquito fleet, 68, 233.
Mother of M. C. Perry, 6, 7, 12-

14, 393-
Moustaches, 104-107.

N.
Naval Academy, 17, 193, 197;
250) 374) 443-

Navy of the United States.
admiral, 212, 396, 397-
archives, 21, 264, 285, 441.
beards and mustaches, 105,

107.
benefit of, 4, 5,11, 27, 47-49,
af 65, 66, 73, 74, 95, 108,

390-
broad pennant 154, 244.
bureaus, 160, 212.
cemeteries, 191-193, 205, 343,

344-

commodore, 154, 155.

comet, 2-11.

discipline, 16, 42, 86, 187, 188,
240, 249, 297, 361, 371, 372,
436, 440, 344.

duelling, 440-443.

flogging, 264-266.

grog ration, 264-266

honor of, 193, 261-263, 400.
INDEX.

Navy, etc. — continued.
hospitals, 64, 250, 343-
hygiene, 187-191, 250.
marine corps, 202, 222, 241,
249, 257, 264, 361.

mutiny, 53, 264, 439-

nursery, 301, 435-439-

recruiting service, 29, 30, 46,
114, 435—439-

reforms, 154, 263, 266, 435-
439) 440-443.

sailors, 20, 29-32, 48, 65, 85-
87, 89, go, L114, 200, 226-
237, 239, 241-249, 263-266,
301, 367; 371, 391, 440, 443-

ships, types and varieties of,
4,19, 71,72, I10, III, 115,
117, 140-145, 156-166, 212.

signals, 25, 38, 198, 211, 220,
313- .

staff and line, 112-114.

steam, IIO-IIg, 112, I21, 130,
156-166, 298.

tactics, 33, 117, 118, 121, 125,
159.

torpedoes, 28, 29.

trophies, 5, 46, 49, 179, 240,
248, 250, 261, 262.

New Orleans, 46, 92, 207.
Newport, 8, 11, 14, 15, 44, 255)
2551 380, 393> 444 445-
Newspapers, 218, 223, 224, 259,

262, 308, 378, 405, 442, 445:

New York, 17, 23, 100, 99-166,

379, 383, 386, 391.
Norfolk, 69, 82, 210, 252, 306.

oO.

O’Connell, Daniel, 442.
Officers, Merchant marine:
Burke, 170, 172.
Carver, 170.
Cooper, Mr., 275, 276, 294.
Coffin, R. 311.
Jennings, 283.
Odell, 399.
Stewart, 271.
Storm, J., 139.

 

453

Officers — continued.
Whitfield, J. H., 351.
Whitmore, 351.
Officers, U. S. Navy:

Abbot, 347, 364, 375:

Adams, H., 292, 305, 322, 354,
355» 356, 400.

Almy, J., 95, 98, 400, 404.

Aulick, J., 230, 237, 262, 283-
288, 290, 297, 307-

Babcock, G. W., 4.

Bainbridge., 37.

ee J. 123, 127.
ent, Silas, 292, » 398.

Biddle, 68, ite aint ae

Bigelow, A. 212, 249, 391.

Breese, 237, 391-

Bridge, H. 175.

ees F., 126, 197, 252,
286, 292, 305, 322, 337-

Burt, Nn i FER ae

Cheever, 204.

Conner, D., 107, 198, 199, 205,
206, 219-221, 238.

Contee, J., 306, 318, 322.

Craven, 181.

Dahlgren, 150.

Decatur, 45, 46.

De Long, 297,

Fairfax, A. B., 212.

Farragut, D. G., 36, 72, 126,
396.

Farron, J., 115.

Follansbee; J., 40.

Freelon, 188-190.

Geisinger, D., 277.

Glynn, J., 277-279, 281, 282.

Gregory, 402.

Harris, J. G., 365. 445.

Haswell, C. H., 115, 211.

Hunt, T. Ax, 213.

Hunter, C. G., 212, 239, 240,
258.

Hull, 143. ;

Jenkins, T. A., 35, 137, 388.

Jones, Paul, 396.

Jones, T. Ap. C., 126, 197.

Kennedy, 274.
454

Officers — continued.

Kearney, 130.

Lawrence, 24.

Lee, S. S., 247, 292, 304, 305-

Lockwood, 205.

Lynch, Wm. F. 117.

Mackenzie, A. S., 45, 73, 139;
237, 245-

Magruder, G. A., 212.

May, Wm., 244.

Matthews, J., 243, 344-

Maury, 379.

Mayo, J., 179, 197, 220, 231,
234, 235, 236.

McIntosh, 293.

McChuney, 299, 391-

McKeever, 293.

Moller, B. C., 103.

Morgan, C. W., 74, 440.

Morris, 203, 205.

Nicholson, J. 4.

Parker, F. A., 159.

Parker, W. A., 203.

Parker, W. H., 149, 199, 220.

Patterson, D. 47, 92, 97, 308.

Pearson, 293. —-

Perry, C. R., 3-8, 10, 11, 17,
254.

Perry, J. A., 47, 48.

Perry, O. H., 8, 13, 17, 20, 39,
98, 390, 393-

Perry, R., 17, 20, 45-

Pinckney, R. S., 212,

Pickering, C. W., 117.

Porter, D. D., 47, 66.

Porter, D. D., 107, 246, 247,

401.
Preble, Geo. H., 104, 105.
Reany, 291.

Ridgely, C. G., 99, 101, 102,

104, 108, 118.

Rodgers, John, 28, 30, 38, 44,

72.
Rodgers, John, 28, 47, 432.
Rodgers, R. C., 240.
Sands, J. R., 202, 232, 304,
305, 400. ;
Sanford, H. 115.

 

INDEX.

Officers — continued.
Semmes, R. 240.
Shubrick, 232.

Skinner, 193.

Sloat, 129, 391.

Stellwagen, 171.

Stewart, 37, 396.

Stockton, F., 164, 241.

Swift, W., 103.

Tatnall, J. 232, 233, 409, 414,
415.

Thornton, J. S., 166, 240.

Townsend, J. S., 153-

Trenchard, E., 50, 52, 56.

Upshur, J., 222, 445.

Van Brunt, J. G,. 212.

Walke, 220.

Walker, W.S., 212.

Wilkes, C., 45, 49.

Williamson, 85.

Ordnance, 17, 27, 32-36, 72, 13I-
133) 144, 146-155, 226-237,
241, 243, 266, 361.

Ordeal, 172-174.

P.
Pacific Ocean, 47, 84, 268, 294,
296.
Packenham, Gen., 46, 92.
Paddle-Wheels, 111, 114, 130,
164, 298.
Paixhans Cannon, 149, 151, 226-
230, 335-361-
Palaver, 162-169, 175, 177.
Perry, C. R., 3-7, 10, 11, 17.
Perry, Edmund, 3-8, 10-12.
Perry, Freeman, 3, 382.
Pension, 432.
Port Hudson, 158, 159.
Perry, Matthew Calbraith :
ancestry, I-7.
anecdotes of, 8, 21, 24, 219,
222, 224, 341, 342, 366, 397;
3991 400; 404, 405, 440-443.
birth, 8.
childhood, 8-15, 380.

children, 431-433, 445.
citizen of New York, 100.
INDEX.

Perry, M, C. —continued.
commodore, 154, 155.
commodore’s aid, 22.

Europe, 41-44, 48, 71-98, 440,
4425
Japan, 310-379, 4275
Mediterranean, 71-98;
Mexico, 68, 70, 197-260, 427,
4449 4455
West Indies, 65-71.
cruise in Africa, 50-63, 69, 167-
195, 427; 444.
‘¢  $* Europe, 41-44, 48, 71-
98, 440, 442.
‘« & Japan, 310-379, 427.
“¢  “* Mediterranean, 71-93.
‘«  ** Mexico, 68, 70, 197-
260, 427, 4445 445.
«© « West Indies, 65-71.
death, 390, 415.
detail, 431, 434.
diary, 21, 307, 403.
duelling, 440-443.

. executive officer, 71-75.
family, 2, 3, 292, 429-433.
fights pirates, 65-71.
first battles, 25, 26; 30-41.
founds U. S. Naval Lyceum,

IOI, 103.
funeral, 390-393.
habits, 395-408.
hair, 105, 375.
Japanese regard for, 364, 365,
415, 418, 423.
knowledge of Japan, 294, 295.
letters, 193, 403, 427.
marriage, 45, 431-433.
mother, 6-8, 11-14, 393.
name, 8, 429-431.
nick-name, 43, 259, 265.
Revenge, 20-27; President, 38-

45- ’
United States 45, Chippewa,
46, 48.
Cyane, 50-57, Shark, 58-70.
North Carolina 71-76.
Concord 81-90, Brandywine,

94-96.

 

455

Perry, M. C. —continued.

Fulton, 110-111, Saratoga,
169, Mississippi,198-229, 310,
374

Germantown,
land, 258.

Susquehanna 310-355,

Powhatan, 355-372-

organizes engineer corps, 112,
II5.

organizes Japan expedition,
2951 297, 305. .

organizes naval brigade, 241-
246

organizes school of appren-
tices, 118, 435-439.

organizes school
practice, 146-148.

personal traits, 83, 97, 98, 1 04~
106, 397-408.

politics, 139, 310.

portraits, 443-446.

refuses salute, 55.

reinbursed by Congress, 93, 98.

religion, 14, 324, 404-406.

residence in Macao, 343, 3443
Naples, 96-98; New Lon-
don, 80; New York, 386,
388; Tarrytown, 138-140,
261, 289; Washington, 379,
388.

rheumatism, 76-80, 389, 390.

selects site of Monrovia, 59,
183.

shore duty, 99,
390.

statue, 444, 445.

takes orders to Rodgers, 23,
24.

training at home, 13-15.

training on ship, 19-27.

visits, the Czar, 82-85; Eng-
land, 129-131; Egypt, 88,
89; France, 131-134; Fun-
chal, 309-310; Greece, 75,
88; Holland, 48; Khedive,
88; Louis Philippe, 133, 1343
Shuri, 311, 419.

252, Cumber-

of gun-

100-166, 379-
456

Perry, M. C. — continued.
wounded, 4o.
writings, 427, 428.

Perry, Oliver Hazard, 8, 10, 13,
14, 17,19, 20, 34, 45, 98, 139,
399 393-

Perry, Sarah Alexander, 6-8,
TI-14, 45, 324.

Physicians and surgeons:

Ayres, Eli, 58, 59.

Du Barry, 8.5,. 287, 437.
Kellogg, 189.

McCartee, D. B., 245, 286, 420.
McGill, 173.

Parker, P., 275, 287.
Rush, Benjamin, 6.
Wiley, 63.

Pirates, 11, 63, 65-71, 75, 104.
Pivot-guns, 40, 144, 145, 150.
Pontiatine, Ad., 345.
Portsmouth, N. H., 81, 273.
Portuguese, 15, 55, 60, 62, 196,

344.

Presidents of the United States:
Washington, 5, 216, 374.
Jefferson, 11, 271.

Adams, J., ro.

Madison, 37.

Henig ey aaa

dams, J. Q., 442.

Jackson, 81, 91, ie, 11g, 273.

Van Buren, 158.

Harrison, 139.

Polk, 210, 255, 256, 260.

Taylor, 209, 218, 282, 283.

Fillmore, 298, 305, 323, 329.

Pierce, 241, 310, 387, 410.

Buchanan, 296, 387.

Arthur, 431.

Cleveland, 167, 421.
Press-gang, 20, 22, 23, 48, 49.
Prince de Joinville, 131.
Privateers, 4, 5, 36, 65, 75, 436.
Propellers, 164, 304.

Q.
Quakers, 2, 3.
Quarantine, 54, 93+
Quarrels on ship, 441, 442.

 

INDEX.

R.

Ram, 28, 120-128.

Rhode Island, 7, 14, 15, 380-383,
393) 444+

Right of search, see Impress-
ment.

Rohde, Ad., 198.

Russians, 82-85, 131, 296, 311,
349s 352-

S
Saké, 341, 356.
Saratoga, 383.
Savory, N., 311.
Schenectady, 197, 344.
Scurvy, 42, 54, 63, 64, 188, 208.
Sebastopol, 107.
Secretaries U.S. Navy, 20, 154.
Smith, 17.
Southard, 406, 440.
Paulding, 157.
Mason, 256.
Bancroft, 1 :
Graham, 106, 283, 288, 289, 298.
Kennedy, 298, 299, 302, 305,
306, 307.
Dobbin, 106, 288.
Settra Kroo, 172, 173.
Shells, 4, 33, 146-155, 217, 228-
230, 312.
Sherbro, 52, 53, 55) 56
Shinto, 342.
Ships, merchant:
Adventurer, 311.
Auckland, 283.
Caroline, 61.
Central America, 389.
Edward Barley, 170.
Elizabeth, 51, 52, 55-
Great Western, 129, 130.
Feune Nelly, 219.
Ladoga, 277.
Lawrence, 276,
Manhattan, 275.
Mary Carver, 170, 177, 179,
180.
Morrison, 274, 2755 316,
San Pablo, 420.
Sara Boyd, 351.
Transit, 311.
INDEX.

Ships of War:
vue Adams, 55, 66, 93, 95;
Ae 212,
Alabama, 2, 145, 165, 240.
Albany, 226, 239.
Alleghany, 298.
Alliance, 94.
Argus, 24, 38, 43, 264.
Bonita, 201, 204.
Boston, 92, 93.
Boxer, . 7
Brandywine, 91, 94-96.
Chesapeake, 34.
Chippewa, 46, 48.
Columbus, 7, 149, 276.
Concord, 81-90, 92, 93, 95, 96.
Congress, 38, 66, 293.
Constitution, 42, 43, 50, 74,

159.
Creole, 131.
Cumberland, 198, 201, 258.
Cyane, 47, 50-64, 74.
Decatur, 212.
Demologos, 110.
Destroyer, L10.
Electra, 212.
Enterprise, 274, 282.
Erie, 74.
Falmouth, 293.
Forward, 201, 204.
Fulton, rst, 110.
Fulton, 2nd, 110-119, 120, 121,
144, 153, 187, 437.

Gallinipper, 68.
General Greene, 10, 254.
Germantown, 252, 258, 354.
Guat, 68.
Grampus, 68.
Hartford, 396.
ffecla, 212.
Hornet, 54, 236.
flunter, 219, 225.
Feannette, 297.
Kearsarge, 144, 145, 165, 166.
La Gloire, 125.
Lackawanna, 143.
Lawrence, 451.

Lexington, 345, 347, 375:

 

457

Ships of War — continued.

Macedonian, 45, 46, 171, 347,
352, 351, 375, 404.
errimic, 126, 127.

McLane, 199, 201, 204.

Miantonomah, 71.

Midge, 68.

Mifflin, 4. ;

Mississippi, 123, 158-162, 198,
201, 207, 209, 210-212, 215,
219-221, 252, 298, 299, 352,
379, 415, 423,

Missouri, 156-166, 306.

Mosquito, 68.

Nautilus, 57.

Nonita, 201, 204.

North Carolina, 42-76,
402, 435.

Ontario, 74.

Pallas, 345.

Peacock, 273, 274.

Petrel, 209.

Petrita, 201, 205.

Porpotse, 171, 172, 181, 379.

Portsmouth, 411.

Powhatan, 298, 306, 353, 362,
415, 417-

President, 20-28, 38-44, 144.

Princeton, 164, 304-306.

Plymouth 310, 312, 347-

Raritan, 250.

Reefer, 201.

Revenge, 17-20.

Sand-jiy, 68.

San Facinto, 410.

Saratoga, 171, 258, 310, 312,
347; 445:

Sea-gull, 66.

Scorpion, 212, 242, 243, 247.

Shark, 58-64, 65-71.

Somers, 438.

Southampton, 347.

Spitfire, 22, 198, 232, 246, 247.

St. Mary’s, 226.

Stockton, 164,

Stonewall, 373, 419.

Stromboli, 212, 243.

Susquehanna, 285, 286, 310,

312, 321 379

266,
458

Ships of War — continued.
Supply, 310, 312, 343, 347; 375-
Tennessee, 126.

Thistle, 50.
Trumbull, 4, 5.
United States, 43, 45, 95, 104.
Vandalia, 343, 3471 3551 357-
Vesuvius, 212, 243.
Vincennes, 276.
Virginia, 126.
Vixen, 198-202, 209, 232.
Washington, 7, 243-
Wasp, 45.
Weehawken, 28.

Sinoe, 169, 172.

Sho-gun, 279, 326-328, 329) 333;
352, 362, 368.

Slave trade, 15, 53, 58, 60-62,
167, 168, 194-196.

Slavery in a 15, 57, 67,
184-186, 260.

Slidell, Jane, 43s 376, 431, 432.

Slidell, John, Mr., 45, 47, 4

Smithsonian Institute, a

Soudan, 15, 88, 234.

South Carolina, 20, 382, 442.

Statistics, 266, 267:

U.S. Navy, Revolution, 5.
es War of 1812, 30,
(32s 36s 37, 48; 49-
“Mexican war, 266-

Civil war, 143,144,
“in Japan, 343, 364,
371; 3755 379:

Africa, 184, 186, 194, 196.

broadsides, 32, 72, 144.

Japan, 419-424.

lighthouses, 136.

merchant marine, 296, 300,
301.

ordnance, 151, 226, 230, 235.

Perry’s work, 69, 97, 123, 225,
385, 389, 390, 395-

recruits, 435-439.

slave ships, 61, 194.

steamships, 132, 212.

 

INDEX.

Steam, 110-119, 121, 198, 199,
368; 423, 424.
Steven’s battery, 126, 155, 156,
159.
Submarine cannon, 110.
Sunday, 14, 324, 405, 406.

T.

Tarrytown, 138-140, 261, 289.
Telegraphs, 38, 47, 134, 368, 424.
Telephones, 312.

Temperance, 86, 263-265, 435.

Torpedoes, 28, 29.

Tower Hill, 8, ro, 11, 382.

Trafalgar, 36, 37, 132.

Treaty-house, 357, 415.

Treaty, Canadian of 1818, 300;
reciprocity, 302; of Ghent,
47; Naples, 96, 308; Hidalgo
Guadalupe, 257; with Japan,
370, 371, 412-416; of Tientsin,
415.

Triremes, 121, 124, 140.

Tycoon, see Sho-gun.

U.

Union College, 107.
United States, 216, 49, 395, 396.
te “ eolonial policy, 57,
184.
uy “© policy in war, 209,
213, 214, 250, 308.

Vv.

Victorian era, 131.
Viele, Mrs. A., 420.

w.
Wallace, Sir William, 12.
Wars:

Revolutionary, 4-6, 51, 52, 383.
Tripolitan, 11, 18, 50.

1812, 28-49, 103, 301, 435, 143;
149.
Mexican, 67, 150, 198-267, 278.
INDEX, 459

Wars, etc. — continued. Whalers, 274, 276, 295, 296, 421.
Civil, 31 126-128, 134, 150, Wheatley, Phillis, 15.
165, 166, 258, 268, 396.

Victorian era, 131. XY.
Washington obelisk, 374. Yamato, damashii, 338 422.
West Point, 258. Yellow fever, 217, 252, 254, 255.
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