THE ORIGINS OF THE MODERN CHINESE MOVEMENT IN INDONESIA Kwee Tek Hoay l Translated and Edited by LEA E. WILLIAMS TRANSLATION SERIES Modern Indonesia Project Southeast Asia Program Cornell University Ithaca, New York 1969 Price—$3.00 pr 6lUtP4f4(, S£AP Publications s/He £op*J Do not remove from room 213 640 Stewart AvenueTHE ORIGINS OF THE MODERN CHINESE MOVEMENT IN INDONESIA Kwee Tek Hoay "Atsal Moelahnja Timboel Pergerakan Tionghoa jang Modern di Indonesia," from Moestika Romans, nos. 73-84, 1936-1939. Translated and Edited by Lea E. Williams TRANSLATION SERIES MODERN INDONESIA PROJECT Southeast Asia Proaram Cornell University Ithaca, New York 1969(c) 1969 by Cornell Modern Indonesia ProjectPREFACE Professor Lea E. Williams of Brown University is outstanding among western scholars for his knowledge of the overseas Chinese and in particular for his under- standing of the development of nationalism among them. He is already well known among Southeast Asian scholars for two major studies: Overseas Chinese Nationalism, (1960), and The Future of the Overseas Chinese in South- east Asia, (1966). Scholars particularly interested in Indonesia will surely recall his important article "Chinese Entrepreneurs in Indonesia" published in Explorations in Entrepreneurial History (Harvard University), v. 5, no. I, October"15~, 1952, pp. 34-60. From its inception in 1955, one of the major foci of the Cornell Modern Indonesia Project has been the Chinese minority in Indonesia. Previous studies incluae: 1. The Chinese of Sukabumi: A Study i1n_Social and Cultural Accommodatron, by"~GT6k-Lan Tan 7 1963 . 2. Peranakan Chinese Politics in Indonesia, by Mary F. Somers, 1~964. ~ ..... 3. The National Status of the Chinese in Indonesia: 1900-1958, by Donald Erifillmott”; T96l.“ ... 4. The Chinese of Semarang, by Donald E. Wiilmott, 1960. ... ~ " The first three publications were all published by the Cornell Modern Indonesia Project directly. Donald E. Wiilmott's The Chinese of Semarang was published by Cornell University Press. Professor Williams' present sensitive translation and editing of this important monograph by Kwee Tek Hoay is an important contribution to the still all too scanty scholarly literature available in English concerning Indonesia's Chinese. Our project is grateful to Professor Williams for making this study available to a wider audience. George McT. Kahin Director Ithaca, New York November 17, 1969*INTRODUCTION * Some time ago, a scholar in the Netherlands asked to borrow my copy of the work translated here. His request led me to dis- cover that a unique and highly informative study of the Chinese in Indonesia had become all but unavailable. My typed copy, acquired in Jakarta in the early 1950's, seemed to be the only one on accessible shelves. The work had originally been pub- lished in a minor Sino-Malay journal of pre-World War II Indonesia; and, the destruction of war and revolution had promoted it from obscurity to rarity. There is something for virtually everybody in this study. Sociologists, anthropologists, students of nationalism and historians can find rewards here. The story presented is, of course, set in Indonesia; but it is closely linked to parallel or related developments in other parts of Southeast Asia and in China. If Kwee Tek Hoay is to be believed, and evidence supports his presentation, certain long-held assumptions require reexamination. The overseas Chinese were innovators and pioneers in the creation of national movements in Southeast Asia. They acted spontaneously and relied only on their own resources. Moreover, the first strivings of the leaders of the pan-Chinese movement were consciously directed toward meeting community needs within an Indonesian context. In short, the national awakening was not initially prompted by out- side mandarins, reformers or revolutionaries. The study is particularly valuable for its documentation of the local cultural assimilation of the Chinese of Batavia and else- where at the start of this century. The sections on marriage and funeral customs are especially rich sources of data on culture change among that minority population. Even the language of the author is the product of local assimilation. His Batavian Bazaar Malay is a rapidly dying language, as the official tongue of Indonesia moves toward final victory. vWarnings and apologies to the reader are appropriate. The typescript with which I worked was often murky. As the typist had been unable to use a new ribbon, faint symbols sometimes escaped deciphering. There were also the normal number of omissions and slips of the finger. I tried to render a faithful translation, but was forced to cut and change in two sorts of passages. First, because the study originally ran as a series of pieces in a periodical, some introductory and repetitious material had to be removed. Second, the author was extremely fond of marathon sentences. For the readers1 comfort and my own sanity some of the lengthiest wordy serpents were divided. Finally, and most importantly, I wish to convey sincere thanks to Mrs. Rosie Kim-nio Tan of Singapore. Without her help in puzzling out terms in romanized Hokkien, the translation could not have included some of the most revealing passages on religion and customs. Lea E. Williams Brown University May 1969 * VITABLE OF CONTENTS Page PREFACE iii INTRODUCTION V REASONS FOR THE FOUNDING OF THHK 1 REASONS FOR THE FOUNDING OF THHK (Continued) 8 THHK AND CONFUCIANISM 13 THHK AND CHINESE EDUCATION 17 THHK AND KONG KOAN-BATAVIA 22 THHK AS LEADER IN THE REFORM OF CHINESE CUSTOMS 34 GAINS WON FOR ALL CHINESE RESIDENTS OF THHK 611 9t THE ORIGINS OF THE MODERN CHINESE MOVEMENT IN INDONESIA * IX♦ CHAPTER I * Reasons for the Founding of THHK The causes leading men in Batavia to establish the Tiong Hoa Hwe Koanl are not to be simply explained as^resulting from the initiative or the proposals of K'ang Yu-wei or Dr. Lim Boen Keng.^ it is indeed true that those two wise men, in in- direct ways, did contribute to the birth of that association; but there were many other causes leading several men in Java to plan for the establishment of an associatioh which organizationally and in objectives would be very different from other Chinese associations which had existed up to that time. We wish first to discuss the indirect help of K'ang Yu-wei. In order to be clear we ought to speak briefly of certain developments in China. In 1895, China was defeated by Japan and therefore had to surrender the island of Formosa and lose her suzerainty over Korea. Although the Chinese of Java were not then as intensely concerned with events in China as they are now and their nationalist feelings were not hurt, still they did not want to see China abused and humbled by other countries. 1. Simply, the Chinese Association; hereafter abbreviated as THHK. 2. The acknowledged leader of the reform movement in late Ch1 2 3ing dynasty China. After the collapse of the "100 Days of Reform" in 1898, K'ang went abroad as a political refugee. As will be shown later in this translation, K'ang commanded respectful audiences among many Indonesian Chinese at the beginning of the 20th century. 3. An Edinburgh-trained physician influential in the overseas Chinese movement in Indonesia as well as in his native Singapore. 12 The defeat by Japan, regarded as a small and insignificant country, caused disappointment and led men to realize that much in China needed to be changed and improved. The weakness and rottenness of China became more apparent when Russia occupied Port Arthur and Dairen, Germany seized Kiaochow, England took Weihaiwei and France demanded the harbor at KwangchoUwan, which China was forced to surrender under "leases," all for 99 years. All of this took place in 1897-1898. Suddenly in June 1898 reports spread that the Kuang-hsu emperor, on the advice and at the suggestion of an official named K'ang Yu-wei, had issued a series of decrees in which it was commanded that all sorts of major and important reforms should be made in education and other areas. The Chinese people, especially those who lived overseas and had broader perspectives, came to hope that they would soon see China become advanced and powerful with the leadership and service of K'ang Yu-wei who had won the trust of the Kuang-hsu emperor. But those high hopes did not last long. On September 22, 1898 Empress Dowager Tzu-hsi seized power from the Kuang-hsu emperor who was then imprisoned on an island in the palace gardens, while K'ang Yu-wei and his friends were threatened with death sentences. Six officials who worked with K'ang Yu-wei were sacrificed to the executioner's sword; but the leader himself, with the help of a British consul, was able to flee to Hong Kong and thus was free to encourage the overseas Chinese to support a movement for reform in the motherland and for the restoration of the Kuang-hsfl emperor through the overthrow of the conservative faction led by Empress Dowages Tzu-hsi. The movement set in motion by^K'ang Yu-wei was named the Po Hong Hwee or the Po Hong Tong , that is, the association for the support of the Kuang-hsl! emperor, because it was believed that when that emperor, thought to be liberal, was restored to power, all the reforms needed to advance China would be easily implemented. 4. In romanized Mandarin, Pao-huang hui or Pao-huang tang.Thus the goal of K'ang Yu-wei was different from that of Dr. Sun Yat-sen who sought to topple the Manchu dynasty. The Boxer Uprising of 1899-1900 took place under the leadership of the faction of conservative officials headed by Empress Dowager Tzu-hsi, who wished to expel all foreigners from China, exterminate all Christian converts and oppose all reform so that China could return to her condition of former times before the foreigners had come to cause trouble. From June 3, 1900, when the Governor General [of the Dutch East Indies] issued a decree granting legal recognition to the founding of THHK- Batavia, until June 8, when that decision was announced in the Javasche Courant,^ the Boxer Uprising in China was at the point of spreading violently, as can be seen from the facts noted below:^ June 2, 1900: Messrs. Norman and Robinson, missionaries, along with five Chinese Christians were killed by Boxers at Yung-ching. June 3: The station at Yangtsun on the Tientsin-Peking line was burned and all railway employees killed. June 3-5: A column of German and Austrian legation guards reached Peking. June 5: The international relief force landed at Tientsin. June 6: The rail connection to Peking was cut and totally broken. 5. The first THHK was established in Batavia. Sister THHK's later were founded in other cities. To be specific, the individual THHK's identified themselves by adding hyphens and the names of their locations. 6. The journal where official Dutch announcements appeared. 7. Except to lend drama to the narrative there is no reason for the author to present here a brief record of this week of Boxer activity. The THHK and Boxer movements had no connection. In fact it is highly doubtful that the Chinese of Java paid the slightest attention to the rising in North China at the time.4 June 7-8: The killing of foreigners, the destruction of rail lines and of the houses and churches of missionaries spread from the environs of Peking to several nearby provinces. June 9: Under pressure from Prince Tuan, leader of the pro- Boxer faction at court, the Empress Dowager Tzu-hsi, in the name of the emperor, sent telegrams to the officials in their areas. That decree, so blind and so stupid, had its evil removed by two officials of the Tsungli Yamen, Yuan Chang and Hsu Ching- cheng, who changed the word extermination to shelter and who, when their act was discovered on July 28, as resolute opponents of the Boxers, were immediately sentenced to decapitation. From the record above, one can understand the historical period when THHK was founded, that is, the time when the Chinese government displayed extraordinary intolerance and ignorance which not only endangered the Manchu dynasty but also placed China in the depths of misfortune while the Chinese people were universally humiliated. At that dark moment people often thought back to the reform attempt of K'ang Yu-wei which surely influenced those overseas Chinese who thought of copying those efforts on a small scale within their own sphere. The attempt was begun with the found- ing of THHK to work principally in the field of education and to bring reform in customs, especially in marriages and funerals. The indirect help or influence of Dr. Lim Boen Keng can be seen in the following account. At the beginning of 1900 the Soekaboemisch Snelpers Drukkerij of Sukabumi published Malay translations of Tai Hak and Tionq Yonq,^ prepared by the late Mr. Tan Ging Tiong with the help of the late Yoe Tjai Siang. « 8. The prototype of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 9. In romanized Mandarin, Ta-hsueh and Chung-yung, two Confucian Classics.5 * In his introduction, "The Purpose of Translation," dated February 24, 1900, Mr. Tan Ging Tiong among other things wrote: "On December 24, 1899 we met Dr. Lim Boen Keng in Singapore." "According to a statement of a friend of mine, Dr. Lim Boen Keng, who had already established an organization for the pro- motion of the Confucian religion*'® in Singapore and Malacca, said that the books Tai Hak and Tiong Yong had not yet been perfectly translated and, therefore, he hoped that, when our translation had been printed, a copy would be sent for inspection by his organization." From this brief account, we know that Dr. Lim Boen Keng had founded a Khong Kauw Hwe*-*- in Singapore and Malacca prior to the establishment of THHK. It appears that the meeting with Dr. Lim Boen Keng led Mr. Tan Ging Tjong to consider translating Tai Hak and Tiong Yong. Mr. Yoe Tjai Siang, who assisted Mr. Tan Ging Tiong, in his introduction to readers of the book, encouraged the Chinese of Java to found an organization to assure the study of Confucianism, as can be seen in the words below: "In order to promote study, it will be necessary to estab- lish an association and to choose officers to administer it. Therefore, anyone who wishes to join the association must be viewed as sincerely motivated to study." That statement of Mr. Yoe Tjai Siang is dated January 15, 1900. The publication of the translations of Tai Hak and Tiong Yong, which attracted much interest from men literate in Chinese characters, was first announced by the two translators in the weekly, Li Po, of Sukabumi. 10. Confucianism classically is a philosophy rather than a religion, but, as will be seen later, THHK and others sought to use the teaching as a religion. 11. In romanized Mandarin, K'ung-chiao hui —Confucian religious society.6 Thus one can see that the efforts to resurrect Confucianism in Java date from the meeting of Mr. Tan Ging Tiong and Dr. Lim Boen Keng in Singapore. If one examines article 2 of the by-laws of THHK-Batavia, the purpose and goal of the association become clear: a. To improve the customs of the Chinese, insofar as possible in keeping with those principles of the prophet^ Confucius so necessary to civilized conduct, and to broaden *■ the knowledge of the Chinese in language and literature; b. To establish and maintain in Batavia and in other places in the Netherlands Indies, for the purposes indicated above, quaters to serve as meeting places for the members of the association to discuss the affairs of the association and other matters of general interest, and to establish and main- tain schools to serve the purposes indicated above, so long as no laws of the colony are violated; c. To build up a collection of various books useful in acquiring knowledge and understanding. From this it is seen that the primary purpose of THHK was to promote the reform of customs in keeping with the principles of Confucianism. Later, knowledge in languages and literature would be encouraged, and for that schools and supporting libraries would have to be set up. Thus there were influences for reform from K'ang Yu- wei and for a Confucian revival from Dr. Lim Boen Keng. 12. The verb resurrect implies that Confucianism had enjoyed earlier vitality among the Chinese of Java. Such an implication cannot be historically justified. The point to be made is that the Confucianist awakening discussed here was a progressive movement, not a return to the past. 13. The title nabi, from Arabic and ordinarily reserved for the prophets of the Koran, was often used by Indonesian Chinese writers to indicate reverance for the Chinese philosopher. In Chinese, of course, Confucius is honored with the more appropriate title of sage or master. The attempt of the THHK founders to messianize their patron is but one more example of Chinese acculturation to the Javanese environment.7 But beyond those influences, there were several other reasons to cause men to see the urgent need for an association like THHK. Those reasons, of significance only to the Chinese of the Nertherlands Indies, will be made clear in the next article. i, 0CHAPTER II Reasons for the Founding of THHK (Continued) The Chinese were an extremely inflexible people and did not easily break away from their customs and habits. That inflexibility, in part, rested on the belief that Chinese civilization and culture, based in large measure on the Confucian classics, were preeminent, in themselves flawless and perfect. Until a few decades ago, in the time of the Ch'ing dynasty the general attitude in China was to regard foreigners as barbarians, uncivilized people who did not acknowledge the supremacy of Chinese civilization. That belief also accompanied the Chinese wandering in foreign lands, particularly in Southeast Asia14 where their early settlement can no longer be doubted, who in general were less cultivated than the average Chinese. Thus the overseas Chinese of Java carried on the religion and customs of China though innovations were added from indigenous sources. Those [cultural] additions were due to the fact that Chinese immigrants to Southeast Asia were very rarely accompanied by wives and children and, therefore, were obliged to marry local women. Batavia, the chief port of entry for the Chinese of Java, in olden days became the assembly point for slaves brought from all over Indonesia, especially from Bali and Celebes.^ The slaves from Bali, 14. The region is designated Lamyang (Mandarin: Nan-yang) by the author. The term Southeast Asia was of course not yet in use when Kwee wrote. 15. Those two islands of course could supply Hindus and pagans, respectively. Muslims enjoyed a certain immunity to enslavement. 89 Celebes, Amboina, Timor and elsewhere, male and female, ordi- narily were auctioned in Pasar Boedak16 as cattle are now auctioned. Of the female slaves bought by Chinese, many became concubines or wives. The position of the slaves can be seen in the fact that down to the present Chinese mothers-in-law in West Java ordinarily address sons-in-law as Babah Mantoe and daughters- in-law as Njonja Mantoe.^ The terms Babah and Njonja, in- dicating respect, were customarily used by female slaves who had been married to Chinese but had not forgotten their low status. Sons-in-law and daughters-in-law, not born as slaves but as the children of successful Chinese merchants, were of higher status than indigenous mothers-in-law, originally bought as slaves. This usage over time became a general custom and is followed at present, though mothers-in-law are not native slaves originally bought at auction but merely free Chinese ladies of high status. There are also fathers-in-law who call their daughters-in-law Njonja Mantoe and, among the poor who have wealthy sons-in-law, many fathers-in-law call their sons- in-law Babah Mantoe. Moreover, the Chinese who came to Java in the old days were not from the educated class but merely were coolies and poor peasants or petty traders. There was a time, just after the Ming dynasty had fallen, when a number of men of high status, some said to be relatives of the Ming imperial house, fled to Southeast Asia to save themselves from the cruelty of the Manchus. But those men of high status and learning returned to China as soon as peaceful conditions were restored in China; thus most of the Chinese who remained in Java were unlettered and interested only in making money. That group, as was to remain the case until about half a century ago, did not take much interest in the education of their children. A few wealthy men were able to hire tutors to teach their male children Chinese characters and language; some- times lessons in the Confucian classics were given. No attention 16. 17. Literally, the slave market. Literally, Chinese Son-in-Law and Madam Daughter-in-Law.10 was paid to the education of girls. Girls were brought up by their mothers, female slaves from Bali, Celebes or Java, who brought the girls up according to the manners, patterns and concepts of their [native] places and peoples. The result was that the girls were not only fifty percent Indonesian in blood; in thought and in custom, they were seventy-five percent indigenous. Moreover, when those girls married and became mothers themselves, they brought up their own children the same way. Because China-born fathers in general did not regard the education of girls as important, they did not consider serious nor did they attempt to prevent the rearing of their daughters to become native women. The women were one hundred percent native in clothing and in many customs and also in marriage ceremonies and the like which did not clash with Chinese in- stitutions. As the fathers remained firmly attached to the customs and traditions of China, a laughable [cultural] com- bination or mixing developed. For example, in marriage ceremonies Chinese brides had to wear Chinese wedding clothes on the marriage day, but on other days they were required to wear silk coats,18 embroidered sarongs, and even shawls. ^ The filing of teeth and other customs also came from native sources. It was the same with funeral customs. Not a few native customs slipped into the patterns and habits of the Chinese, For example, the decoration of a casket with graveyard flowers clearly was a practice taken from the indigenes. It was also a [borrowed] native custom to split a coconut and to cut off a piece of rattan at the graveside when the casket had been put into the grave. Offering prayers according to the seasons [i.e., following the Chinese lunar calendar] was certainly done by the Chinese in Java. But, in addition to that, in the houses of the Chinese 18. Badjoe koeroeng soetra, presumably long garments like the so-called Johore style now in vogue among Malay women of that state. 19. Selendang, a shawl worn over one shoulder by many Indonesian and Malaysian women, especially on formal occasions. 20. Boenga sembodja or bunga kembodja, plumiera acuminata.11 of Java special feasts were prepared on Mohammed's birthday and there were other practices from the customs of Islam brought in by the mistress of the house who had learned them from her native mother or grandmother. Thus in time the customs, beliefs and religion of the * Chinese of Java grew extremely chaotic and burdensome. Prom China-born fathers the Chinese inherited practices from China which could not be neglected; by their mothers they were en- * gulfed in native practices and customs as firmly and fanatically held to as those from the fathers' side. And among the Chinese residents of West Java, especially in Batavia, there was the strongest tendency to practice old-fashioned customs and habits which had originally come from the Malays, the Javanese, the Balinese, the Buginese, one or the other, and become mixed in with Chinese customs and habits. As has already been pointed out, Chinese mourning customs and funeral ceremonies had been so greatly transformed that people weighed themselves down with the addition of all sorts of customs from various native sources. In time the Chinese bore that unorthodox burden with patience and accepted it as fate. Various educated young people who sought to reform their marriage ceremonies because they did not like acting foolishly were obliged to submit to the smooth words of parents and elders who said: "One is a bride or a groom only once." When it came to reform of nonsensical funeral customs, submission and silence were insured with threats of being branded "unfilial." However, at the beginning of 1900, when word of the reform movement in China had already come, there were several Chinese residents of Batavia, educated, broad in perspective and liberal in thought, who became not only progressive but bold enough to fight against everything false. They were awake to the need for the Chinese here in Java to reform in order to lighten the oppressive burden of great variety in those customs and ceremonies connected with funerals, weddings and other affairs. The Chinese people needed to have a religion or a moral system that was pure for use as a guide and a source of improvement in their social lives and the like. Thus those men who were awake, including Messrs. Phoa Keng Hek, Lie Hin Liam, Lie Kim Hok, Knoe A Fan, Khouw Kim An, Khoe Siauw Eng, Khouw Lam Tjiang, Tan Kim San, Tan Tjong Long and others, met together to form an association to serve as the center of the whole movement for the reform and improvement of Chinese customs and traditions. That association12 was later named Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan; and, when the name was announced, many people asked each other the meaning of "Tiong Hoa." At that time even the term "Tiong Hoa" [Chinese],2'*' as well as "Tiongkok" [China],22 was strange to Indies-born Chinese here. They ordinarily referred to their own people as "Tjina" and to their ancestral land as the "Tjina" country.^3 21. In romanized Mandarin, Chung-hua. 22. In romanized Mandarin, Chunq-kuo. 23. Tjina, of Western origin, has in this century become pejorative in Indonesia; but its Malay equivalent China, remains respectable in Malaysia.13 THHK and Confucianism Although among the founders of THHK there were learned and broadminded men who were influential among their compatriots, their number at the time was still too small to permit them to overwhelm the opposition of the staunchly old-fashioned who in some cases were the older members of their own families. To achieve various reforms, men could not simply say: "We believe that is wrong and must be eradicated" or "We feel this is good and must be adopted." At least the reformers needed the support of more than their own feelings. They had to base their appeal on what was respected and admired by the Chinese people. The support could be none other than that of the Prophet Confucius who, though not known then as now, had always been paid the highest respect by Chinese intellectuals. Thus THHK was built upon a foundation of Confucianism and reforms, whenever possible,^ were in agreement with the teachings of the Prophet Confucius. Without the support of Confucius, THHK surely could not have made such rapid progress because the old-fashioned opposition would otherwise have accused the association of being principally "Christian." In fact the accusation of "becoming Christian" was flung out by the opposition, while in the press and within the association itself the reformers were referred to as "the progres- sives" 25 and the resistance was branded "the conservatives" or "the old-fashioned clique." However, the use of Confucianism as the foundation of THHK was not simply a means of facilitating the introduction of re- forms. Indeed the [THHK]promoters had long recognized how great the benefits would be for the Chinese if they were given knowledge of that learning. Among the founders of THHK who highly esteemed Confucianism were the late Mr. Lie Kim Hok, who though not very literate in Chinese had acquired much information on Confucian learning from friends with mastery over Chinese characters such as the late Messrs. Tan Kie Lam and Tee Pek Thay, both residents of Buitenzorg, ^6 Mr. Khoe Siauw Eng of Batavia and others. In 24. Italics added by translator for meaningful emphasis. 25. The author employs Kaoem Moeda here. Literally the term means youth faction, but progressives renders the sense more adequately. 26. Now, Bogor.14 addition to that, Mr. Lie Kim Hok learned much on the life and learning of Confucius from books in Dutch, such as those of Henri Borel ^7 an