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Clarendon Press Series

HEBREW- TENSES

DRIVER
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.

PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD

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LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK
Clarendon Press Services

A TREATISE

ON

THE USE OF THE TENSES
IN HEBREW

AND SOME OTHER SYNTACTICAL QUESTIONS

BY

§. Re DRIVER, D.D:

Regius Professor of Hebrew and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford
Formerly Fellow of New College, Oxford

THIRD EDITION, REVISED AND IMPROVED

Orford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

MDCCCXCII

Ae
[All rights reserved |
Orford
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

BY HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

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PREFACE

THE present small volume was designed originally—in
1874—as an attempt to supply what had for long appeared
to me to be needed in England by the student of Hebrew—a
systematic exposition, upon an adequate scale, of the nature
and use of the Hebrew tenses. The subject is an important
one, and is beset by many and peculiar difficulties. In
Hebrew, as in most other inflexional languages, the verb is a
flexible and elastic instrument, the smallest movement of
which alters the character of the scene or fact which it pour-
trays; and hence, without a vivid sense of the difference
between its principal parts, the full power and beauty of the
language can be but imperfectly appreciated. At the same
time, Hebrew has but two tenses at its disposal: each of
these therefore has practically to cover the ground occupied
in an Aryan language by half a dozen or more distinct forma-
tions, every one denoting a fresh relation of time or mood.
With an instrument of such limited resources, it might be
expected that insuperable difficulties would arise: but such is
the skill with which it is handled, that to the reader who has
mastered the principles of its use, and perceives it to be
regulated by law, the ceaseless variation of tense, instead of
being a cause of confusion, will seem a most telling and
expressive feature. Indeed the capacity for rapid transitions
thus produced constitutes an element of force almost peculiar
to Hebrew: and though doubtless there are passages on
which some degree of uncertainty must rest, the conditions

23
vi PREFACE.

imposed by the context, interpreted in the light of parallel
constructions, will usually reduce it within narrow limits.
There are, however, many obstacles to be overcome before
the true nature of the tenses can be realized. In the first
place there is the influence of our own language. This has
been familiar to us from childhood; it constitutes the frame-
work of our thoughts; it has determined for us the forms
under which ideas present themselves to our mind; it has
impressed upon us its own distinctions and lines of demarca-
tion, at the same time silently ignoring those established by
other languages. On the agreement of a verb with its subject
in number, a point to which in certain cases the ancient
Hebrew attached no importance whatever, we are ourselves
sensitive and precise: on the other hand, the difference
between dezng and becoming, seyn and werden, epi and yiyvopae
has never been fully appropriated or naturalized in English.
Accordingly ‘I am convinced’ has to do duty for meé@oua as
well as for mémetopat, for ‘ich werde tiberzeugt’ as well as for
‘ich d2m iiberzeugt ;’ ¢meov differs indeed essentially from
éretoa, but so cumbrous is the mechanism which has to be
set in motion in order to express the difference, so palpable
is the strain to which our language is subjected in the process,
that we feel irresistibly tempted to discard and forget it.
Similarly, on the distinction of tense, which in Hebrew is
fundamental, English, except in the more obvious cases, is
comparatively indifferent: and thus we are predisposed to
underrate its importance, if not to neglect it altogether.
Secondly, there are the intrinsic difficulties offered by the
language itself. Each tense, and particularly the imperfect,
seems to unite in itself incompatible meanings, which the
reader too often finds resist all his efforts to reconcile with
one another, or to derive from a common origin; and the
complications superinduced when either is brought within
range of the potent but mysterious waw, increase his per-
plexity. And yet it is impossible, if we are right in supposing
PREFACE. vii

language to be the reflex and embodiment of reason, that
anomalies such as these can be ultimate and inexplicable:
some hidden link of connexion must exist, some higher
principle must be operative, the discovery of which will
place us at the true centre of vision, and permit the confused
and incoherent figures to fall into their proper perspective
and become consistent and clear. The difficulties arising
from the causes here indicated I had felt forcibly myself, as
well as the practical inability to surmount them with the aids
usually available by the student; and this treatise was designed
in the hope that, whether by contributing towards their solu-
tion, or by directing attention to what might otherwise pass
unobserved, it might promote, if possible, an intelligent
appreciation of the language of the Old Testament. The
favourable notice which it has received, both on the Conti-
nent and in England, has much exceeded what I had ventured
to anticipate; and students of Hebrew have frequently ex-
pressed to me their obligations for the assistance which they
have derived from it.

The original plan of the work was somewhat enlarged in
the second edition (1881) by the addition of a chapter on
the Participle, as well as of two fresh Appendices, one treating
of an important principle of Hebrew Syntax (Apposition),
which had not at that time received generally the prominence
that it deserves, the other dealing with two or three other
questions, which seemed to offer scope for fresh illustration.
The present edition does not differ substantially from the
second.edition. It is not, however, a mere reprint of it: in
numerous places improvements, more or less important,
have been introduced!; several additional notes have been

 

1 The sections in which the improvements have been most material
are §§ 39 a, 8 (chiefly in arrangement), 161-162, and especially §§ 172-
175, 178 (in particular, pp. 228-232), and 190-191 (with the Obss.).
The notes also have in many cases been enlarged. (I am indebted to
Prof. H. L. Strack, of Berlin, for calling my attention to several over-
sights and misprints.)
viii PREFACE.

inserted!; the references have frequently been revised, and,
where necessary, more fully explained; while throughout notice
has been taken of the fresh exegetical literature of the last ten
years. I have also paid more attention to questions of text in
the passages cited, than I gave to them in my previous editions.
The question, to what extent Hebrew grammar has been
artificially complicated by a corrupt text, is one which sooner
or later cannot but force itself upon the student's notice.
And the more minutely I study the Massoretic text of the
Old Testament, the more fully am I persuaded that it presents
in many places anomalies of form or construction which
cannot be legitimately explained in accordance with the prin-
ciples of Hebrew (or Semitic”) grammar. In some cases it
is only the vocalization, in others it is the consonantal text
itself, which appears to be at fault. Most of the difficulties
connected with the use of the jussive form can, I now believe
(§§ 172-175), be overcome, if it be granted that the Masso-
retic vocalization does not represent the intention of the
original authors. In my previous edition, I was induced, by
the authority of Philippi, to extend the principle of Apposition
to cases where its application becomes forced and unreal;
and I do not question now (cf. §§ 190 Ods., 191 Obs. 1, 2),
that in all these cases we are dealing with a corrupt text (as
indeed, in several instances, is attested independently by the
LXX)*. The aim which I have set myself throughout has

 

* E.g. §§ 120 Ods. 2, 198 Ods. 1, 199 Obs. § 209 is also new. The
Index of Texts has likewise been considerably augmented, and includes
now, I hope, all passages to which any particular difficulty or interest
attaches.

* I say Semitic, because a grammatical phenomenon, though isolated
in Hebrew, is not necessarily wrong, if it be supported by the analogy of
one of the other Semitic languages.

* My principles of textual criticism are exemplified more fully than in
the present volume in my Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel
(Oxford, 1890): comp. also my review of Workman’s Text of Jeremiah
(1889) in the Zxfosttor for May, 1889, pp. 321-337. The AncientVersions,
PREFACE. ix
been to produce a trustworthy manual, which may be of
service as a supplement to the grammars ordinarily used by
learners. Had I been writing it now for the first time, I
should probably have endeavoured to state the rules more
succinctly: but my first edition was published at a time when
no satisfactory treatment of the subject existed in English,
and tolerably full explanations appeared to be needful. If
nevertheless some points should still seem to have been
dwelt on too diffusely or repeatedly, I must crave the reader’s
indulgence on another ground: experience shews me that
there are departments of Hebrew syntax in which inexactness
and looseness of thought so speedily creep in that it is impos-
sible to be too explicit and particular.

In the selection of proof-passages, my object has been to
illustrate and distinguish the varieties of Biblical usage as
accurately as possible: but it will of course be understood
that there are instances in which a different opinion may
legitimately be held respecting either the construction gene-
rally, or the precise force of a given tense’. To the student
who may be interested in tracing a particular use, the number
of examples will not probably appear excessive ; and others
also may be glad sometimes to have the opportunity of
judging for themselves how far an alleged custom extends,
whether it is really common or only exceptional. Moreover,

 

rightly used, are often of great value in the restoration of corrupt or
defective passages; occasionally also conjecture, if applied discreetly, may
be legitimately resorted to. A selection of the best and most probable
restorations, which have received the approval of modern scholars, may
be found in the Vardorum Bible (see p. xv): though it was not in
accordance with the plan of this work for the editors to introduce such
various readings only as commended themselves absolutely to their own
judgment, none were admitted which did not appear to them to deserve
consideration beside the existing Massoretic text, and the majority were
deemed by them to be decidedly preferable to it.

1 In cases where commentators are divided, authorities for the ren-
dering adopted have frequently been cited.
x PREFACE.

a rule is more firmly grasped when it has been seen repeatedly
exemplified: and (as has been observed) it may even happen
that, in virtue of the common point of view attained by the
comparison of numerous instances, passages and construc-
tions appear for the first time in their true light. Another
advantage is on the side of textual criticism. On the one
hand, an isolated expression, which perhaps excited suspicion,
may be justified by parallels thus discovered: on the other, it
may be shewn to conflict with some principle established
by an extensive induction, to presuppose a signification at
variance with the conszstent usage of the language. Certainly,
it is the province of the grammarian to explain (if possible),
and not to emend; but in the latter case, a consideration of
the text is forced upon him. Instances will be furnished
from time to time by the following pages; but, though I
have done this more frequently in the present than in the
previous editions, I have still not felt it incumbent upon me
to inquire uniformly into the textual accuracy of particular
citations.

My obligations to previous writers were indicated in the
Preface to the first edition. It will be sufficient here to say
that, while Gesenius still retains his place as the master of
Hebrew lexicography*, Ewald by his originality and penetra-
tion was the founder of a new era in the study of Hebrew
grammar; and there is probably no modern Hebraist who is
not, directly or indirectly, indebted to him. In the treatment
of details, Ewald was indeed liable to be arbitrary and inatten-
tive; but he excelled in the power of grouping the broader

 

1 The speculative character of Fiirst’s philological principles and the
boldness with which he puts them to a practical use, render his Hebrew
and Chaldee Lexicon an untrustworthy guide. Nor can Miihlau and
Volck’s editions of Gesenius’ Handwérterbuch (the latest, 1890) be
trusted implicitly; for they contain many questionable etymologies, and
often assign arbitrary or hypothetical meanings to the Arabic words
quoted.
PREFACE. xi

features of language, and of recognizing the principles which
underlie and explain its phenomena. From the numerous
exegetical works of Hitzig+ all may learn: when he is not led
astray by a vein of misplaced subtlety—always, happily,
visible on the .surface—no one has a clearer or truer per-
ception of the meaning of a Hebrew sentence. As a gram-
marian, Hitzig stands on a level not inferior to that of Ewald;
and his writings are the source of much that is best exegeti-
cally in more recent commentaries?. The few lines which
Delitzsch devotes to his memory, in the Preface to the second
edition of /70é, p. vi, are a graceful and cordial testimony to
his exegetical skill. And by sobriety, fulness of information,
and scholarship combined Delitzsch has succeeded in making
his commentaries® indispensable to every student of the
Old Testament. The commentaries of Dillmann* are also

 

1 Jesaja (1833), Die Spriiche Salomo’s (1858), Die Psalmen (1863-5),
f{i0b (1874) ; and in the ‘ Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch,’ Jeremia
(ed. 2, 1866), Zzechzel (1847), which still retains an independent value
by the side of the Commentary of Rud. Smend, which took its place in
the same series in 1880, Die Kleinen Propheten (ed. 3, 1863, ed. 4,
substantially unaltered, ed. by Steiner, 1881), Das Hohe Lied (1855),
Der Prediger Salomo’s (1847,—largely excerpted, though without signs
to indicate the passages retained, in Nowack’s second edition of the Com-
mentary on this book in the same series, 1883), Dandel (1850).

2 Let the reader who makes use of the Variorum Bible (p. xv)
observe how frequently the combinations ‘ Hi. De., ‘ Hi. Ke.’ occur.

3 Genesis (ed. 5, 1887), Lsaiah (ed. 4, 1889), The Psalms (ed. 4, 1883),
Proverbs (1873), Job (ed. 2, 1876), Song of Songs and Ecclesiastes (1875).
These are all translated into English, that on the Psalms being published
by Hodder and Stoughton, those on the other books by T. and T. Clark.
The translation of Job is, however, based on the /ivst German edition
(1864), and consequently lacks many improvements introduced by the
author into his second edition.

4 In the ‘ Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch ;’ viz. Genesis (ed.
3, 1886), Exodus and Leviticus (1880), Numbers, Deuteronomy, and

Joshua (1886), Lsatah (1890), Job (ed. 2, 1891).

The ‘Speaker’s Commentary,’ on the other hand, is to be frequently
distrusted, especially in matters of philology : several of the contributors,
xii PREFACE.

exceedingly complete and valuable, their author being dis-
tinguished both for calm and sober judgment and for sound
scholarship. In the exegetical and critical works of my col-
league Professor Cheyne’, though they rest uniformly upon
a basis of exact philology, it frequently happens that the
philological element, as such, is not the most prominent
feature: but the watchful student will not overlook the many
fruitful notes on either text or interpretation which his volumes

always contain’.
S. R. D.
CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD,
March, 1892.

 

for instance, have not yet learnt such a simple principle of Hebrew
syntax, as that a noun, in the construct state, does not take the article:
see the notes on Ex. 3,15. Dt. 20, 9. Josh. 10, 12 (ii. p. 56). I Chr. Io, 2.

1 The principal are The Prophecies of Isaiah (ed. 3, 1884); Jeremiah
and the Lamentations in the ‘Pulpit Commentary’ (exegetical part),
1883, 1885; Job and Solomon, or the Wisdom of the Old Testament,
1887; Zhe Book of Psalms, 1888; and The Origin and Religious
Contents of the Psalter in the light of Old Testament Criticism and the
Fiistory of Religions, 1891.

2 See, for instance, the ‘Critical Notes’ in Zhe Book of Psalms,
p. 369 ff., and the study on ‘ The Linguistic Affinities of the Psalms’ in
The Origin of the Psalter, p. 461 ff., as well as various notes in other
parts of the volume.

In questions of Semitic philology, the guidance of Néldeke, where it
can be obtained, is invaluable: comp. below, pp. 159 z., 219 #., 220 2.,
243.; and add to the references there given, ZDJ/G., 1886, p. 148 ff.
(on W. R. Smith’s Atnship and Marriage in early Arabia), 1887, p.707 ff.
(on Wellhausen’s Reste Arabischen Heidentumes), 1888, p. 470 ff. (on
Baethgen’s Be¢trige zur Semitischen Religionsgeschichte); also his
interesting studies on the use of bx and TN in the various Semitic
languages in the Monatsberichte der Kin.-Preuss. Akademie der Wissen-
schaften zu Berlin, 1880, p. 760 ff., and in the Sztzungsberichte of the
same Academy, 1882, p. 1175 ff.; on the Old-Aramaic Inscriptions from
Tema, zdcd., 1884, p. 813 ff.; and the philological notes contributed by
him to Euting’s Vabatdische Inschriften, 1885; etc. On the late Dr.
Wright's Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, comp. below,

p- 219 2.
CONTENTS

 

PAGE

List of principal Works referred to by Authors’ Names

only, or by Abbreviations . ; . é ; .  Xiv
Additions and Corrections . i é . A : . Xvi
CHAP.

I. Introduction . ; : . : : , . I

Il. Zhe Perfect alone. - ; . é ‘ s 13

III. Zhe Lmperfect alone. : 27
IV. Zhe Cohortative and Jussive (the Modal or Pol:

tative forms of the Imperfect) . ‘ F . 50

V. The Voluntative with Waw 3 ‘ . 64

VI. The Imperfect with Waw Consectsbine ‘ - 70

VII. Accents . : 5 ‘ - 100

VIII. The Perfect with We Consecuiiere : . 114
IX. The Perfect and Imperfect with Weak Waw (the

Simple Waw, not Consecutive) . : : » 158

X. The Participle . ; ‘ és ‘ oF oe 65

XI. Aypotheticals ‘ . : ; i d - 174

APPENDIX I. Ox the Circumstantial Clause . : . 195

55 II. On the Use of the Jussive Form. + 212

3 III. On Arabic as Illustrative of Hebrew  . 219

ss IV. On the Principle of Apposition in Hebrew 246

33 V. 1. On the Casus Pendens. . 264

2. On some Uses of the Infinitive with Rained 274
3. Instances of Variation in the Order of

Words Fi . 279
4. On Constructions of the type yon DY. 281
INDEX I (Subjects). . ; ; : : ‘ . 285

» Ll (Texts) 3 ji . ‘ A 4 : . 289
List of principal Works referred to by Authors’
Names only, or by Abbreviations.

.

Bottcher, Fr., Awsfiihrliches Lehrbuch der Hebr. Sprache,
1866.

Comprises the accidence (‘Formenlehre’) only. A monument of
industry, and valuable for occasional reference, but inconvenient
for general use.

Ewald, H., Lehrbuch der Hebréischen Sprache, ed. 8, 1870.

The Syntax, invaluable to the advanced student, has been translated
by J. Kennedy, Edinburgh, 1881.

Ges.-Kautzsch (or Ges.-K.), the 25th edition of Gesenius’
Hebréische Grammatik, enlarged and greatly im-
proved, especially in the syntax, by E, Kautzsch
(1889).

An English translation of this grammar, which is now abreast of
the present state of philological knowledge, will, it is expected,
appear before very long. In the parts covering the same ground,

numerous references have been introduced, derived apparently
from the previous edition (1881) of the present work.

GGA.=Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen.
GGN.= Gottingische Gelehrte Nachrichten.

Konig, F. E., Aestorisch-kritisches Lehrgebéude der Hebr.
Sprache, i. 1881.

Vol. ii, containing the treatment of the noun, and the syntax, has
not yet (March, 1892) appeared. Especially useful on account
of the full discussions of anomalous forms.

Olshausen, Justus, Lehrbuch der Hebr. Sprache, i. 1861.

A masterly work, but lacking the syntax, which the author did not
live to complete.
LIST OF PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS. XV

QOPB 3 = Queen's Printers’ Bible (also called the Variorum
Bible), ed. 3, 1888, published by Eyre & Spottis-
woode, being Zhe Holy Bible (A.V.) edited with
Various Renderings and Readings from the best
authorities,—the Old Testament by Prof. T. K.
Cheyne and the present’ writer.

Stade, B., Lehrbuch der Hebr. Grammatih, i. 1879.

Convenient and useful. More comprehensive (so far as it goes)
than Gesenius-Kautzsch, but not so elaborate as Olshausen or
Konig. The syntax has not yet appeared.

ZLATW.=Zelschryft fiir die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft,
edited by B. Stade.

ZDMG.=Zettschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesell-
schaft.

For Commentaries, see above, pp. xi, xii, and add—

Graf, K. H., Der Prophet Jeremia erklirt, 1862.

Hupfeld, H., Die Psalmen tibersetzt und ausgelegt, ed. 3, bearbeitet
von W. Nowack, 1888.

Nowack, W., Die Spriiche Salomo’s (in the ‘ Kurzgefasstes Exegeti-
sches Handbuch’), 1883.

Strack, H. L., Dze Spriiche Salomo’s (in Strack and Zéckler’s
‘ Kurzgefasster Kommentar’), 1888.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

P. 19, line 3 from bottom: for 15, 11 read 85, II.

P. 23, line 8 from bottom: for 11, 12 read 7, 12.

P. 33, line 4: for 13, 20 read 2 Ki. 13, 20.

P. 37, § 33. Add Hos. 13, rf *N1aYA MPNI DN 790 79-pNR, where
the repeated change of dynasty in the northern kingdom is indicated by
the tense employed.

P. 44, note 2, line 2, 2Chr. 2,7 has been overlooked (2 Chr. 18, 15 is,
of course, merely a transcript of 1 Ki. 22, 16).

P. 49, note 1, line 2: prefix 70K fo 7173.

P. 71, note 3. For the comparison of the Phoenician with the Hebrew
vocabulary, A. Bloch’s Phoentcisches Glossar (Berlin, 1890)—substantially
an Index to the Inscriptions published prior to that date—is useful.

P. 77, line 19. It is possible, however, that in Qoh. 5,14 7250
(assuming the punctuation to be correct) may be intended as a real
jussive, with the sense ‘ which he mgh¢ carry away in his hand’ (on the
analogy of the more usual construction with 1, § 64); so Ew. § 235°,
Hitzig (though he prefers himself to read q)2W), Del., Konig, i. p. 445.

P.77,note 2. In the parallel 2 Chr.5,2 47218. It must, however,
remain an open question whether the punctuation is here correct (cf.
§ 174), and whether the original pronunciation was not 91171, 2122:
the shorter form is found nowhere else after 1» (see Ex.15, 1 and Nu.
2,17 Vw, Dt. 4, 41 722 wy, 1 Ki, 1,7 122° 4x, etc.).

P. 100, note. The reader who is interested in the subject may consult
also the learned and elaborate study of Ad. Biichler, Untersuchungen
zur Entstehung und Entwickelung der Hebr. Accente, 1. Theil (1891).

P. 127, (4) a, line 6: form read WAI.

P. 141, line 2 from bottom. The passages from Malachi (all on19x))
should perhaps rather be referred to § 120, or even to § 133.

P.157, §129. Add Qoh. 8, 16f. Grexa.... wed).

P.157, note. The 11th edition of Delitzsch’s Hebrew New Testament,
embodying the author’s final corrections and improvements, has just
appeared (March, 1892).

P.163, note, lines1-2. Dele the reference to Dan. 8,12. The perfects
here belong rather to line 1 of the same note (p. 162); cf. § 174 end.

P. 213, §171. An anomalous instance of a jussive appears to occur
in Qoh. 11, 3 817} (for 1m, from 7177: Ges.-K., § 75 rem. 3°): but per-
haps xii (cf. Dan. 2, 41) was intended by the author (Olsh. p. 511).
Gratz, however, suggests plausibly x17 DW (cf. Job 39, 30).
A TREATISE

ON

THE USE OF THE TENSES IN HEBREW.

CHAPTER I.

Lutroduction.

1. Tue Hebrew language, in striking contrast to the
classical languages, in which the development of the verb is
so rich and varied, possesses only two of those modifications
which are commonly termed ‘tenses.’ These tenses were
formerly known by the familiar names of pasf and Suture, but
inasmuch as the so-called past tense is continually used to
describe events in the future, and the so-called fuure tense
to describe events in the past, it is clear that these terms,
adapted from languages cast in a totally different mould from
the Hebrew and other Semitic tongues, are in the highest
degree inappropriate and misleading. It will be better there-
fore to acquiesce in the names now generally employed by
modern grammarians, and deduced from real and not fictitious
or accidental characteristics of the two forms in question, and
to call them by the terms perfec/ and imperfect} respectively.

2. For if we adopt these designations, we shall be con-
tinually reminded of the fundamental? character of the two

 

1 These words are of course employed in their etymological meaning,
as signifying complete and cncomfplete: they must not be limited to the
special senses they have acquired in Greek and Latin grammar.

? It will appear hereafter that the term zwferfect does not in strictness

B
2 CHAPTER I. [2.

‘tenses,’ and be thereby enabled to discern a rational ground
for such phenomena as those alluded to, § 1, which, especially
to persons who are perhaps more familiar with the languages
of modern or classical times, appear when approached for the
first time so inexplicable, so contradictory, not to say so absurd.
In order properly to understand this fundamental character,
we shall have to revert to a distinction which, though not
unknown in other languages, has not, until recent years,
obtained from Hebrew grammarians the recognition and
prominence which it deserves. I allude to the distinction
between order of time and find of time. In the first t place,
a particular verbal form may exhibit a g given action as prior or
subsequent to some date otherwise fixed by the narrative:
this is a difference in the order of time. But, secondly, an
action may be contemplated, according to the fancy of the
speaker, or according to the particular point which he desires
to make prominent, either as zucapient, or as continuing, or
as completed; the speaker may wish to lay stress upon the
moment at which it begins, or upon the period over which it
extends, or upon the fact of its being finished and done:
these are differences in the kind of time. Thus, for example,
érevde and meiOec differ in the order or date, not in the kind of
action specified : each alike expresses a continuous action, but
the one throws it into the past, the other places it in the
present. On the other hand, wetoa: and meiOew, py weions and
py weiOe differ in kind, not in date; in each the date is equally
indeterminate, but the aorist indicates a momentary act, the

 

correspond to a primary but to a derived characteristic of the tense
called by that name. Bottcher in his dusf Lehrbuch der Hebr. Sprache,
it must be admitted with greater precision, gives to the imperfect the
name of fies: but inasmuch as what is zzcé~zent is also necessarily
imperfect, the latter term may be fairly held to express a fundamental
attribute of the tense. No sufficient ground therefore seems to exist for
abandoning the now usual nomenclature in favour of the new and pecu-
liar term preferred by Bottcher.
1 Or, viewed on the side of its subject, as egressive.
3-] INTRODUCTION, 3

present one that is continuous. Now in Hebrew the tenses
mark only differences in the kind of time, not differences in
the order of time: i.e. they do not in themselves determine
the daze at which an action takes place, they only indicate its
character or kind—the three phases just mentioned, those
namely of incipiency, continuance, and completion, being }
represented respectively by the imperfect, the participle, and
the perfect 3.

3. Thus the ‘tenses’ in Hebrew, at least as regards what
they do zof express, are in their inmost nature fundamentally
distinct from what is commonly known in other languages
by the same name: indeed they might almost more fitly
be called moods*. Certainly the difference between various
kinds of time is clearly marked in Greek: but then it exists
side by side with a full recognition and expression of the
other difference, which in our eyes is of paramount import-
ance (as regards Avzd of time we are mostly less sensitive),
and which, nevertheless, Hebrew seems totally to disregard.
And this is just the novelty with which we are here so struck,
—the position occupied in the language by the one distinction
that it appreciates, with the consequences which follow from
it; and the fact that Hebrew, unlike Greek and most other
languages, possesses no forms specifically appropriated to

 

1 The distinction here drawn between the two relations, under which
every action may present itself, is also insisted on, and further illustrated,
by G. Curtius, in his Z/uctdations of Greek Grammar (translated by
Abbott), pp. 203-212.

4 This was the term employed formerly by Ewald; and Hitzig to the
end spoke of the perfect as the first mood, and of the imperfect as the
second mood, And in so far as each of the two forms in question seizes
and gives expression to a particular phase of an action, ‘mood,’ sugges-
tive as it is of the idea of modification, might seem the preferable term
to adopt. Since, however, as we shall see, the Semitic languages de-
veloped for the imperfect special modal forms, which still exist in
Hebrew, though not in the same perfection they exhibit in Arabic, and
as it is convenient to have a separate name for the genus, of which these
modal forms are the sfecées, the more customary titles may be retained.

B2
4 CHAPTER I. [4

indicate date, but meets the want which this deficiency must
have occasioned by a subtle and unique application of the
two forms expressive of kind. Only, inasmuch as an action
may of course be regarded under either of the three aspects
named above, whether it belong to the past, the present, or
the future—a writer may e. g. look upon a future event as so
certain that he may prefer to speak of it in the perfect as
though already dome—an ambiguity will arise as to which of
these periods it is to be referred to, an ambiguity which
nothing but the context, and sometimes not even that, is able
to remove. The tenses in Isa. 9, 5 are identical with those
in Gen. 21, 1-3: it is only the context which tells us that in
the one case a series of events in the future, in the other one
in the past is being described. On the other hand, 1). Ex.
33, 9 refers to the past, 19, 11 to the future, although the
tense does not vary; and ny “AD’ relating, 2 Ki. 4, 10, to
the future, is used two verses previously to describe what hap-
pened in the past.

4. This peculiarity, however, is only an extension of
what meets us, for instance, in Greek. We are sufficiently
familiar with the distinction between éAdAyoav (as Acts 16, 32)
and €Addow (as 19, 6): we are apt to forget that a similar
distinction may appertain to events in the future as well as in
the past. And, further, has not the exact date of both the
actions quoted to be fixed from the context? Within what
limits of time did the action éAdAncav take place? and does
eAddow signify ‘they used to talk’ (over a long period of
time), or ‘they were talking’ (at the moment arrived at by
the history, or when the writer came upon the scene), or ‘they
began and continued talking’ (as consequent upon some oc-
currence previously described)? ‘The imperfect,’ it has been
said, ‘paints a scene:’ true, but upon what part of the
canvas? upon a part defermined by the whole picture. And
what has just been said we shall find to be pre-eminently true
of the tenses as employed in Hebrew.
5, 6.] INTRODUCTION. 5

5. The tenses, then, in so far_as _they s serve to fix the
date of an action, ave a telatves not an absolute significance.
Tt will, however, be evident that, since it is more usual, espe-
cially in prose, to regard a past event as completed, and a
future event as uncompleted, the perfect will be commonly
employed to describe the former, and the imperfect to describe
the latter; but this distinction of usage is not maintained with
sufficient uniformity to justify the retention of the old titles
past and future, which will now clearly appear to express
relations that are of only secondary importance, and only
partially true. It is, on the other hand, of the utmost con-
sequence to understand and bear constantly in mind the
fundamental and primary facts stated above: (1) that the
Hebrew verb notifies the character without fixing the date of
an action, and (2) that, of its two forms with which we have
here more particularly to deal, one is calculated to describe
an action as zascentf and so as imperfect; the other to describe
it as completed and so as perfect. Upon these two facts the
whole theory of the tenses has to be constructed; and the
latter fact, at any rate, will be most readily remembered by
the use of terms which at once recall to the mind the dis-
tinction involved in it.

6. The use of the Hebrew tenses will be better understood
and more thoroughly appreciated if we keep in mind some
of the peculiarities by which Hebrew style, especially the
poetical and prophetical style, is characterized. One such
peculiarity is the ¢ ease and rapidity with which a writer ¢ changes
his standpoint, ‘at one moment ‘speaking « of a scene as though
still in the remote future, at another moment describing it as
though present to his gaze. Another characteristic is a love
for variety and vividness in expression: so soon as the pure
prose style is deserted, the writer, no longer contenting him-
self with a series, for instance, of perfects, diversifies his
language in a manner which mocks any effort to reproduce
it in a Western tongue; seizing each individual detail he
6 CHAPTER I. [6.

invests it with a character of its own—you see it perhaps
emerging into the light, perhaps standing there with clearly-
cut outline before you—and presents his readers with a
picture of surpassing brilliancy and life.

Obs. 1, With what has been said above, compare the opinion ex-
pressed, from a very independent point of view, by Bishop Patteson :—
“I wish some of our good Hebrew scholars were sound Poly- and Mela-
nesian scholars also. I believe it to be quite true that the mode of
thought of a South Sea islander resembles very closely that of a Semitic
man.... The Hebrew narrative viewed from the Melanesian pocnt of
thought is wonderfully graphic and lifelike. The English version is
dull and lifeless in comparison’ (Zz/e, by Miss Yonge, 1874, ii. p. 475 f.).
Again, ‘An Englishman says, ‘‘ When I get there, it will be night.”
But a Pacific islander says, “I am there, it is night.” The one says,
“Go on, it will soon be dark;” the other, “Go on, it has become
already night.” Any one sees that the one possesses the power of realiz-
ing the future as present or past; the other, zow, whatever it may have
been once, does not exercise such power’ (p. 189). And so, ‘the
Hebrew’s mind (and his speech) moved on with his thought, and was
“present with the whole range of ideas included in the thought’ (p. 505).
The time is ‘not inherent in the zense at all’ (p. 476).

Obs. 2. It does not fall within the scope of the present work to discuss
at length the origin and structure of the two forms ; though some indica-
tion of the principal opinions that have been held may not be out of
place. The subject is discussed by Dietrich, Abhandlungen zur Hebr.
Grammatik (1846), pp. 97 ff. (specially on the imperfect); Turner, Stedzes
Biblical and Oriental (1876), pp. 338 ff.; Sayce, The Tenses of the
Assyrian Verb (in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Jan. 1877);
and especially by Dr. Wright, Comparative Grammar of the Semitic
Languages (1890), pp. 164 ff.; and on the other side (so far as the imper-
fect is concerned), by Philippi, Z DAG. xxix. 1875, pp. 171-174. In
the perfect the resemblance of the third pers. masc. to an adjectival
or participial form is evident and generally recognized: the oldest
ending of the 3 sing. fem. -a¢ is closely akin to that of the ordinary
fem. of Arabic nouns: the 3 pl. -#! is, perhaps, only modified from

 

* The form in }%, found thrice in the O. T. (Dt. 8, 3. 16. Isa. 26,
16), is hardly old: it appears, in fact, to be a secondary formation (see
Noldeke, ZDMG. 1884, p. 410 f.), found occasionally in Syriac and Man-
daic, and more frequently in later dialects, as that of the Palest. Targums,
6.] INTRODUCTION. 7

the usual pl. form -2a@ by the omission of the final -xa (which is
dropped also in the st. v. of nouns). In the third person, therefore, the
subject is not expressly represented, nor are there any distinctively
verbal forms: in the second and first persons, on the contrary, the subject
is regularly marked by a formative element appended to the base, the
pronominal origin of which can hardly be mistaken (-¢d, -¢em, evidently
akin to nx, OMN: and the old Semitic -22, -a, doubtless connected
with the -27 and -ni of 1238, 198, 19172y)1.

In the imperfect, the first and second persons are formed pretty
plainly by the aid of pronominal elements, though no longer affixed, as
in the perfect, but prefixed, and not attached to a base bearing a con-
crete signification (participial), but to a base with one that is abstract,
—mostly, indeed, agreeing in form with the infinitive. The origin of {
the third pers. is not so clear, and two divergent views have found their
supporters. The old explanation, which derived the preformative » from
N17, pronounced ‘ tolerably satisfactory’ by Gesenius in his Lehrge-
baude (1817), p. 274, and accepted by Ewald until 1844, must indeed
for valid reasons (Dietrich, 122-126 ; Turner, 371 f.) be rejected, though
voices are still occasionally heard in its favour (see J. Grill, ZDMG.
xxvii. 434; F. E. Konig, Lehrgebiude der Hebr. Spr.i. (1881) pp. 156-9).
‘The later theory of Ewald (Zé. § 191") that the > is ‘weakened from / or
n’ (the latter being the regular Syriac form) is likewise open to objec-
tion: but the view that a pronominal element still lies hidden in the
prefix, alike in Syriac and in the other dialects, is capable of being

 

the Jerus, Talm., the AZidrashim, the Evangeliarium Hierosolymitanum
(sth-6th cent. A.D.), published by Miniscalchi Erizzo; but mostly quite as
an exceptional form. Examples: from Syriac, Acts 28, 2 oo} #8 (see also
Hoffmann, § 53. 3; Merx, Gramm. Syr. p. 333; Noldeke, Syr. Gramm.
§§ 158 D. 176 E); fromthe Pal. Targs., the Jer. Targ. of Ex. 16,1 y1nx.
Nu. 20, 21 7D, JT. 29 PINT, PTT, F193. Dt. 32, 16 JIIPR. 30
pyaqn, az, Ps. 53, 5 JIIYD. 54,5 97. 69, 2 pK. 76, 7 IID. 77,
17 pens. 78, 58 pr. 106, 20 7137p, @/.; and esp. in verbs x5, as
48, 6. 58, 9 pn; 60, g. 62, 10 1177; 106, 11 }HM; 107, 30 7177, etc.;
from Samaritan, Gen. 19, 2 7178) (also the imper. y1N73}). 3 17281.
32, 23. In the Zu. Hier. there are two instances (ZDMG, xxii. p. 491),
ory and .O¢aa. Under the circumstances, the three isolated forms
inthe O. T. can hardly be original: had the form been in actual use in
ancient Hebrew, it is difficult not to think that instances would have been
more frequent.

1 See more fully Dr. Wright’s Comp. Gr. pp. 164 ff.

2 A genuine Semitic construction: comp. below, § 189.
8 CHAPTER I. [6.

placed upon a more defensible basis ; and it is accordingly asserted by
Dillmann, Aeth. Gramm. § 01. 2, and, in particular, by Philippi,
ZDMG. 1. c., who points, for example, to the traces of old demonstrative
roots ya and za existing in the different Semitic languages 1, and whose
arguments are well worthy of consideration. Many recent grammarians
have, however, given their assent, more or less pronounced, to the
powerful reasoning by which Dietrich, in the Essay referred to above,
advocates the originally nominal character of the third person. ‘The
line of argument pursued by him may be stated very briefly as follows.
Dietrich starts with the remark that it would only be natural to find in
the imperfect the two peculiarities observed in the perfect, the presence
in it, viz., of a double mode of flexion—the first and second persons
being compounded with pronouns, the third being formed and declined
on the analogy of a noun—and the fact that the ground-form of the
tense, the third masc., is not distinguished by any special sign of
the person: he next calls attention to the features in which the third
imperfect, especially in Arabic, resembles and is treated as a noun—
features recognized and noted by the native Arabic grammarians (Wright,
Arab. Gr.i. § 95), and doubtless forming a strong argument in favour
of the theory: in the third place, he collects (pp. 136-151), from Hebrew
and the other dialects, numerous examples of the nominal form 1p,
qmg>, 1°, Dp’, etc., which, though in some cases even identical with
the tense-form, still cannot as a class be derived from it (on account of
their varying vocalization, their appearance in Syriac, and for other
reasons), but must be regarded as an independent though parallel forma-
tion. This form is in use to represent sensible qualities or attributes,—
originally, it would seem, as purely mental conceptions, i.e. as abstract
(cf. vy’, 11M), but in practice restricted mainly to the representation of
the quality as manifested in some concrete object: hence, as a rule, it
designates an object under a specially active or conspicuous attribute,
being often employed adjectivally to denote a striking bodily peculiarity
or defect, or to provide a name for some plant or animal from a charac-
teristic feature 7.

 

1 Asin -in=’an+ya: cf. Wright, Comp. Gr. p. 99.

2 The transition of meaning indicated above is essential to Dietrich’s
own view of the parallelism between the noun and the tense; the imper-
fect, with him, denotes primarily an action or state, not (like the perfect)
as objectively realized, but as subjectively comcecved—as assumed, for
example, by the speaker, or as desired or viewed by him as conditional

or dependent: its concrete application, though predominant, is deduced
and secondary.
6.| INTRODUCTION. 9

Dietrich now advances, but with greater reserve (p. 155, ohve mehr
als die Stelle einer Muthmaassung in Anspruch zu nehmen), a similar
explanation for the third fem. As Sopn is not distinguished from 517°
by the usual mark of the feminine, the first step is to shew that cases
exist in which the Semitic languages give expression to a difference of
gender, not by the normal change of termination, but by having recourse
to a different derivative (e.g. masc. akbaru, fem. kubra’). Next, he
collects, as before, instances of the substantives created by prefixing n,
pointing out the close resemblance between the various groups of these
and the groups formed with », and indicating the reasons which forbid
their being treated as themselves derivatives from the imperfect (pp. 139,
165-171), while at the same time they are plainly parallel to it.. The
characteristic of this class is to represent an action under the most
abstract relation possible: it is thus strongly contrasted with the previous
class exhibiting », and is adapted, in accordance with the principle just
establishéd, to mark the opposite gender,—its appropriation for this
purpose being probably facilitated by the resemblance of the prefix n
to the ordinary sign of the feminine (cf. Turner, p. 374; Sayce, p. 30;
Stade, § 505). In a word, according to Dietrich, out of the double
group of nouns, analogous in form, but contrasted in signification, one of
uniform formation was selected from each—of course, at a remote period,
when both forms were, so to say, more fuzd than they subsequently
remained—and set apart to mark the two opposite genders of the nascent
tense. And, in conclusion, the Syriac imperfect in ) is shewn to be
capable of an explanation in complete agreement with the same theory,
being similarly related to a corresponding nominal form in 3, existing
both in Syriac itself and also in Hebrew.

This hypothesis of the origin of the third pers. is accepted substantially
by Béttcher, § 925 (the * not a mark of the person, but of the tense);
Merx, p. 199 f.; Koch, Der Semitische Infinitive (1874), p. 7; Turner,
Pp. 3736; Sayce, ZC) Pp. 23-27, 30-32; and Stade, Lehrbuch der Hebr.
Gramma (1878), § 478°. While agreeing on the whole, however,
these scholars differ as to details: thus Béttcher expressly disconnects,
§ 927, the n of the fem. from the nominal n, § 5474, and Stade also con-
siders that it is difficult. Mr. Turner, again, lays no stress on Dietrich’s
first, or abstract, stage; and Prof. Sayce appears disposed to identify
unduly (pp. 29, 33) the form of the third pers. with the base of the first
and second. Olshausen, Lehrduch (1861), § 226°, regarded the expla-
nation of the third pers. as ‘still obscure ;’ Kautzsch, in the 25th ed. of
Gesenius’ Grammar (1889), § 47. 2, and Aug. Miiller, in his Schzd-
grammatik (1878), § 171%, express themselves in similar terms, although
the latter inclines towards Dietrich’s view in the case of the masc.
10 CHAPTER I. [6.

(§ 1749). Dr. Wright, however (Comp. Gr. pp. 179, 182), thinks that
the prefix ya must be of pronominal origin=‘one who,’ though he is
apparently dissatisfied with the parallels cited by Philippi, and admits
that he cannot explain it etymologically. The n of the fem. he supposes
(p. 184) to be the same mark of the fem. gender which appears at the
end of the oldest form of the 3 sing. fem. in the perfect.

The discovery of the origin of a grammatical form is of the highest
value to the comparative philologist, or the student of primitive modes of
thought ; it does not of necessity throw fresh light directly upon the
meaning borne by it in practice, particularly if the period of formation
be long anterior to that in which the examples of its use actually occur.
In the case before us, either view must be regarded at present as con-
jectural: the cognate languages do not exhibit the imperfect tense in
a form so diverse from the Hebrew as to enable us to perceive, either
immediately or by a conclusive inference, the elements of which it is
composed ; there are probable arguments in abundance, but no crucial fact
appearsto have been yet produced. The utmost that can be done isto appeal
to analogy. Much has been said, for instance, on the originally abstract
character of the third imperfect: and in favour of the assumption lan-
guages such as Turkish are cited, in which certainly the third pers. of
the past tense appears to be an abstract substantive ; still before we can
build with safety upon the analogy, we ought to possess some practical
acquaintance with the languages in question, both as regards their
general character and (if possible) their history. Otherwise the com-
parison may be superficial or unreal. Again, in the particular form
which the theory takes in Dietrich’s hands, it should be remembered
that it depends upon a coincidence,—upon the agreement between an
assumed transition of meaning in the noun and an assumed derivation of
significations in the tense. And in applying it to the purpose immedi-
ately before us, there is an additional difficulty in the fact that it
postulates a ¢77f/e structure for a single tense. The perfect is formed
homogeneously throughout: the imperfect, on the contrary, presents
one formation for the third masc., another for the third fem., a third for
the other persons (for Philippi is certainly right in maintaining, against
Koch, that these cannot be naturally explained as contracted from
ta-yaktul, a-yaktul, etc.—the pronominal element being prefixed to the
form of the third pers. yaktw/): which of these three, now, is to be
regarded as expressing the fundamental character of the tense? The
second fem., not being a primary formation, may indeed be set aside:
but with which of the other two are we to start in our exposition
a@ priori of the meaning conveyed by it? Perhaps, however, it may be
fair to assume that the third pers. masc. gave the dyZe of the tense, to
6.] INTRODUCTION. it

which the other persons, though constructed out of different elements,
were then made conformable, the external parallelism of form being
symbolical of the internal unity of signification thereby secured to the
entire tense. This being so, its representative power will be analogous
to that of the corresponding nominal form: i. c. (if we confine ourselves
to what is the predominant signification of the noun) it will depict an act
or attribute, not as a quiescent fact, but as the manifestation of an energy
residing in the subject, or as ‘astream evolving itself from its source ;’
the subject will be conceived as exerting itself in the production of an
activity, the action as egressive (cf. Turner, pp. 376 f., 383-385). NW,
Mow’, there is the faculty of seeing, the capacity of joy, realizing itself
in the subject ; the processes of seeing, of rejoicing, are not represented
to us as completed (as by the perf., ‘in einem nach allen Seiten hin be-
granzten und erfasslichen Bilde,’ Dietrich, p. 113), but as being actively
manifested by the subject ; in other words, he sees, rejotces. Here the
alternative theory of the nominal origin of the third pers. is represented
in its simplest form. Fortunately, however, the view thus obtained of
the primary idea of the tense hardly differs materially from that which
has been already expressed in these pages; for such terms as zucigient,
nascent, progressive, §§ 2, 21, 43 (understood in connexion with the con-
text), do not convey an appreciably different conception from that which
now occurs to me as fairly embodying the other opinion (at least as held
by Mr. Turner), viz. egresszve. As the latter makes prominent what
after all is the fundamental fact, namely, the objective relation of the
action to the subject which exhibits it, I have not scrupled to introduce
it, together with a few other modifications, into the text of this and the
third chapter.

It may be worth while to add that analogies exist in other languages
for the substantival character of the verb, which must certainly be
allowed in the case of the third pers. of the Semitic perf., and which is
postulated by Dietrich’s theory for the third pers. impf. There was
doubtless a time when ‘noun’ and ‘verb’ were as yet indistinguishable
(cf. Curtius, Das Verbum der Griech. Sprache, i. p. 13), and Schleicher
has shewn in a lucid and valuable Essay, Dze Unterscheidung von
Nomen und Verbum in der lautlichen Form (extracted from the Adhand-
lungen der phil.-hist. Classe der Kon.-Sachs. Geselischaft der Wissen-
schaften, iv. 1865), that the clearness and decision with which the Aryan
family of speech has expressed the distinction of noun and verb, is far
from being a general characteristic of other languages. In Indo-Ger-
‘manic, ‘words which have or had a case-suffix are nouns, those which
have or had a personal suffix are verbs:’ but the third pers. of the
Semitic perf. at once reveals to us that the separation of the two parts of
12 CHAPTER I. [6.

speech is by no means here so complete. Semitic, in this respect,
resembles rather, for instance, Finnish, in which (p. 530) saa being
“accipere,’ and saa-va ‘accipiens,’ the third pl. pres. is saa-va-¢ ‘ acci-
piunt,’ lit. ‘accipientes:’ or Samoyedic, where an adjective, and even a
substantive, may be used and conjugated exactly as » verb (pp. 537>
539); and where the possessive suffixes to the noun and the personal
suffixes in the verb bear the closest resemblance to each other (so also
PP- 527, 535, $42); or Mexican (p. 568), where there are no ‘true verbs "
(cf. Steinthal, Characteristik, pp. 216-218),—the plural of the verb
being formed in the same manner as that of the noun'. The agreement
of the third pers. with a nominal form, and the absence from it of any
personal sign is in fact, he remarks (p. 515), a phenomenon often meeting
us in other languages”, particularly where the verb is no verb in the
Indo-Germanic sense of the word, but rather a noun: in such cases, the
pronoun of the third pers. calls for no special designation, being under-
stood of itself, and it is only the other persons which require to be
separately indicated. Though we must not place Semitic on a level with
the Polynesian Dayak (respecting which, see Steinthal, p. 165, or Sayce,
Principles of Comparative Philology, p. 281, ed. 1), we may admit, with
Dietrich (p. 136) and Turner (p. 366), no less than with Schleicher, that
the distinction between noun and verb does not find in it, formally, the
same clear expression as in the languages of our own Aryan family *.

 

1 Schleicher’s thesis, ‘ that no grammatical categories exist in the con-
sciousness of the speaker which do not find formal expression in sound,’
is doubtless enunciated in terms which are too general, and cases may
readily be imagined in which it does not apply (see, above all, Bréal, Sur
les idées latentes du langage, in his Mélanges de Mythologie et de linguts-
tique, pp. 300f., 308 ff., 312 ff.); but he is right in refusing as a rule to
credit a people with a sense of grammatical relations which find no
expression in their speech, and in protesting against the assumption—
often unconsciously influencing us—according to which all languages are
framed on the same model, expressing the same distinctions, and possessing
the same resources, as those with which we happen to be ourselves
familiar.

* Instances from Magyar (p. 527), and from the Mongolian Buriat
(p. 546), in which ‘the third perf., in form and signification alike, is a
noun.”

* Comp. further, on the subject of the preceding note, J. Barth, Dze
Nominalbildung in den Semitischen Sprachen (1889-91), pp. 228, 279 f.,
484 f.
CHAPTER II.

The Perfect alone.

N.B. Throughout the present volume, in every pointed word quoted
without its proper accent, the tone is areas on the ultima (milra‘),
unless specially marked otherwise by *_. _Attention to the position
of the tone is of importance for a Lneht “understanding of. the Tan-

 

inculcate, By acquiring the habit of doing this regularly, the eye
will become trained so as to notice it instinctively and without
effort, and will be at once arrested by any deviation a word may
present from the customary rule.

7. Tue perfect tense, in accordance with its fundamental
character, as stated § 2, is used—

(1) As equivalent to the Greek aorist, to denote an action
completed and finished at a definite moment in the past,
fixed by the narrative; as Gen. 1, 5. 3, 16 unto the woman
WS he sard. 10, 8 ab, 25, 30 NIP. 32, 11 7 passed over.
49, 30f. Ps. 18, 5. 6. 9. 30, 3. 32, 4 was turned.

Even though the action indicated by the verb should itself
extend over a considerable period; as Ex. 1, 7 7B. 12, 4o.
Nu. 9, 23. Dt. 2,14. 1 Ki. 15, 2 three years 3b he reigned.
Ps. 35,13 f.3 or even though it be repeated, as in 1Sa.18, 301.

8. (2) Like the Greek perfect, to denote an action com-
pleted in the past, but with the accessory idea of its conse-

 

1 Whether in cases like these the pf. or impf. is employed, depends
naturally upon the azimus loqguentis: if the speaker does not desire to
lay any special stress on the frequency or continuance of an event, the
simplest and most obvious way of designating it will be by the employ-
ment of the perfect.
14 CHAPTER Il, [8.

quences continuing up to the time at which the words are
uttered: it is thus employed to describe an action resulting
in a state, which may be of longer or shorter duration,
according to the context. Thus Gen. 4, 6 why vbp9 hath thy
face fallen? 32,11 T have become (LXX yéyova) two camps.
Isa. 1, 4 have forsaken Yahweh. 5, 24>. Ps. 3, 7. 5, II. 10,
Ir Wnon. 16, 6. 17,5 www) b3 have not follered. 11. 18, 37.
22, 2. 31, 15 have trusted.

Where the consequences of such an action continue into
the present we may sometimes render by the present tense,
although, if idiom permits it, it is better to preserve the per-
fect. Amos 5, 14 as _ye say. Ps. 2, 1 why do the peoples
rage? (have raged—an action which the context shews has
not ceased at the moment of the poet’s writing). 38, 3-9
are filled, am benumbed, etc. 88, 7-10. 14. 16-19. Isa. 21,
3 f. Job 19, 18-20.

Obs. It is of importance to keep the aoristic and perfect senses of this
tense distinct, and also to ascertain upon every occasion which of the
two is meant, whether, in other words, the action or state described by
the tense is one which has ceased, or one which still continues. There
is frequently some difficulty upon this point, especially in the Psalms:
and unless care be taken in translation, the sense of a passage may be
much obscured. For instance, Ps. 31, 7f. (Heb. 8f.) in the English
Versions, is only intelligible by the side of v. 10, if the perfects are
explained according to § 14. This is possible, but it is more natural to
suppose that the two cohortatives express a wish or prayer rather than
an intention, and that n’x1, ny) are aoristic, relating to a former con-
dition of things now come to anend. The English ‘thou hast considered’
in no way suggests the possibility of such a termination: and the sense
of the Hebrew is only properly represented by ‘sawest ... tookest
notice of,’ etc. (so Cheyne). Similarly, 32, 4 (was, not zs; the context
shews that the period of depression is past); but 35, 15 f. 21 (‘rejoice,
gather,’ etc.: the petition v.17 is an indication that the persecution
described does not belong wholly to the past): 39, 3 was dumb, but
v, 10 am dumb.

The same doublesidedness of the perfect will explain Lam. 3, 55-58 :
the pff. in these verses are aoristic, describing a state of things axéerior
as well to vv. 52-54 as to vv. 59-61 (NN v. 59 exactly as Ps, 10, 14.
9; 10, 11.] THE PERFECT ALONE. 15

35, 22: the change from v. 54 to v. 55 is not more abrupt or unprepared
than the very similar one between Job 30, 31 and 31, 1). In Lam. 47
(were). 8 (zs), the two senses occur side by side.

9. (3) In cases where in English the perfect Aas is used
idiomatically to describe an action occurring in the past at a
moment which the speaker is not able or not desirous to
specify more closely; as 1 Sa. 12, 3 whose ox ‘AnD have I
taken P [or did I (ever) fake ?]. 41. Ps. 3, 8 thou hast smitten
(on some previous occasion). 4, 2. 7, 4. 21, 3. 37, 35% 44;
2. Pr. 21, 22 (cf. Qoh. 9, 14f.). Job 4, 3. 9, 4. 30, 25. 31,
5 etc. 33. 34, 31. 37, 20 did a man ever say (=intend or
command) that he should be annihilated? Jer. 2, 112.

In these cases, the limits of time within which the action
must lie are obvious from the context: passages like Gen. 4,
I SP. 10 mey MD) what hast thou done (a few moments
ago)? or what didst thou do? (just now; but the former is
the English idiom). 32, 27. 31. 41, 28. Ex. 2, 18. Nu. 22,
34. Ps. 2, 7°. 30, 4. 48, 4 YT hath made himself known;
and the common phrase 717" 7x nD Ex. 4, 22 etc. lead us
on to the next usage. ~~

10. (4) Here the perfect is employed to describe the im-
mediate past, being generally best translated by the present ;
as Gen. 14, 22 nin L lift up (have this moment, as I speak,
lifted*) my hand to heaven. 1 Sa. 17, 10 ‘nen I reproach,
2 Sa.16, 4 I bow myself down. 17, 11 I advise. 19, 30 I say.
1 Ki. 1, 35 *n¥ 3nNi and him do I appoint to be prince over
Israel, etc. 2 Chr. 2, 12 (in a letter‘) I send.

11. (5) Closely allied to (3) is the use of the perfect with
such words as my? Gen. 4, 9. 21, 26 J have not known=J

 

1 Cf. Thucyd. 5, 103 od Kadeirev, never ruined.

2 Comp. Sophocles, Ajax 1142 (aorist), 1150 (perfect).

3 Compare in Greek the so-called ‘aorist of immediate past,’ so
common in the tragedians, e.g. Aesch. Choeph. 423. Soph. El, 668
edegdunv (I welcome) 1d fnOév. 677 etc.

* Cf. 2 Cor. 8, 18. Acts 23, 30.
Shine Vrde

16 CHAPTER II. [ru

do not know ; 73 Nu. 11, 5 we remember ; ATS TWN Gen.
27, 9 as he loveth. In verbs like these, expressive of a state
or condition, whether physical or mental, which, though it may
have been attained at some previous time, nevertheless con-
tinues to exist up to the moment of speaking, the emphasis
rests so often upon the latter point, that the English present
most adequately represents the force of the original perfect.

To the verbs already cited may be added, as belonging to
the same class, the following, which are selected from the list
given by Béttcher, Ausf Lehrbuch, § 948: by this gram-
marian they are not inaptly termed verda stativa or ‘statives,’
DdmN to languish; rior to trust Ps. 26, 2 etc.; Mali zo be high
Isa. 55, 93 ba to be great Ps. 92, 6; MDT Lo be dhe Ps. 144,
43 }pt fo de old Ruth 1, 12; "00 /o sake refuge Ps. 7, 2 etc.;
ano zo be clean Pr. 20, 9; boy to be able Ps. 40, 13; J Zo
refuse EX. 10, 33 DN to despise Job 7, 16; xbp Zo be full Ps.
104, 24; pI Zo be just Job 10, 15. 34, 53 1OP Zo be small
Gen. 32, 11; 329 40 be' many Ps. 104, 24; MDW Zo rejoice
1 Sa. 2, 1; NIY fo hate Ps. 5, 6; add mon Gen. 42, 11. Isa.
15, 6; ‘NNN Ps. 40, 9 etc.?

It will be understood, however, that many of these verbs
are found also as aorists, i.e. with the emphasis not on the
continuance of the state described, but on its commence-
ment, or upon the fact of its existence generally at some
period in the past; e.g. Gen. 28, 16 ‘nyt xb T knew it not.
37, 3. 1 Sa. 10, 19. 22, 22. Ps. 39, 3 (p. 14). 41, To. In
itself the perfect enunciates simply the completion of an act:
it is by way of accommodation to the usage of another lan-
guage that, eliciting its special force from the context, we

 

1 ¢ To become many,’ i.e. be multiplied, is 72.

2 Cf. péyaa, wépuxa, mérorba, ofda, Eppwya, etc. We commonly de-
note a state by the use of the present: the Greek, in verbs like these,
‘conceives it as the result of the act necessary for attaining it, and there-
fore denotes it by the perfect.’
12, 13.] THE PERFECT ALONE. ry

make the meaning more definite by exhibiting it explicitly, as
occasion demands, under the form of an aorist, a perfect, or
a present.

12. (6) It is used to express general truths known to
have actually occurred, and so proved from experience: here
again the idiomatic rendering in English is by means of the
present’: Isa. 1, 3%. 40, 7. 8. 23. Ps. 7, 16 72 he hath dug
or diggeth a pit and holloweth it out. 10, 3. 33, 13 f. 34, 11.
37) 23- 39,12. 84, 4 TNY¥D, nn, Pr, 22, 12. 13. Jer. 10,
13. Qoh. 8, 14 (has taken place, or sakes place). Comp.
1 Sa. 20, 2 Kt.

18. (7) The perfect is employed to indicate actions the
accomplishment of which lies indeed in the future, but is
regarded as dependent upon such an unalterable determina-
tion of the will that it may be spoken of as having actually
taken place: thus a resolution, promise, or decree, especially
a Divine one, is frequently announced in the perfect tense.
A striking instance is afforded by Ruth 4, 3, where Bo‘az,
speaking of No‘mi’s determination to sell her land, says,
‘YI 1132 lit. kas sold (has resolved to sell: the Engl. idiom
would be zs sedzng). Gen. 23, 11 Z give thee the field; 13,
Abraham replies, ‘AD I give thee the value of the field (al-
though the money does not actually pass till v. 16). 15, 18
to thy seed J gzve this land ; similarly 1 Ki. 3, 13. Isa. 43, 14.
Jer. 31, 33; Jud. 15, 3 D2, referring to the contemplated

 

' Though in particular cases a perfect may be used.

Both the pf. and aorist (the ‘gnomic’ aorist) are similarly used in
Greek: Xen. Mem. 4, 2. 35 woAAol &¢ did Sdfay Kal moduTiay Sivapw
peyadra and, rendvOacw (preceded by three presents); cf. the aorist Plato
Rep. 566 D.E. in the description of the conduct of the tvpavvos, also
Tl. 9, 320. 13, 62. 243. 300. 14, 217. 18, 309 etc.

In the gnomic aorist (which is sometimes found coupled with the
present, as Il. 17, 177 Sore Kal dAnipor dvipa poPel, ral adethero vienv
‘Pnidiws’) ‘a fact of the past is exhibited as a rule for all time.’

2 Not may lay (A.V.), which would be nown: the word states a fact,
exactly as TARYN does.

Cc
18 CHAPTER II. [14

act of violence. 1 Sa. 15, 2. Ez. 21, 9 (cf. 8) ADT. Lev. 26,
44 nevertheless, when they are in the land of their enemies,
DYRDND NST do not reject them. Ps. 20, 7 now know I that
Yahweh zs sure /o save his anointed. Nu. 32, 19 W83 (mel,
and so pf., not ptcp.’). 2 Chr. 12, 5 ‘nary.

Here also may be noticed the use of the pf. in Jer. 4, 13
Woe to us, for STW we are undone! (at the prospect of the
invader’s approach: comp. 8a, and such phrases as IL. 15,
128 pawdpeve, ppévas jré, SrépBopas). Isa. 6, 5. Ps. 31, 23.
Lam. 3, 54. Nu. 17, 27.

14. (8) But the most special and remarkable use of the
tense, though little more than an extension of the last idiom,
is as the prophetic perfect: its abrupt appearance in this
capacity imparts to descriptions of the future a forcible and
expressive touch of reality, and reproduces vividly the certainty
with which the occurrence of a yet future event is contem-
plated by the speaker?. Sometimes the perfect appears thus

 

1 It may be worth while here té remind the reader that in verbs vy
the pf. fem. mi is m7/‘el, the ptcp. fem. ma milra' ; (ania, therefore,
Isa. 51, 10, according to the punctuation, is the perfect, although pre-
ceded by the article; see, however, on this and similar passages, the
writer’s Wotes on the Hebrew Text of Samuel, p. 58, or Ges.-Kautzsch,
ed. 25, § 138, 3). This distinction may be easily borne in mind, if it
be recollected that in each case the position of the tone depends simply
upon the particular application of a general rale: on the one hand, all
jem. adjectives in 1 are regularly accented on the ultima, e.g. 73073
on the other hand, all texse-forms ending in n>, 1, ’~, with a vowel
(not shwa’) before the last radical, except in certain special cases, take
the tone upon the penultima, e. g. TAD, pip, wad, ava}. We are
now further in a position to understand how upon exactly the same
principle 732x9 Ps. 19, 8 must be the ptcp., and mip Isa. 53, 7 the
pausal form of the perfect.

* The Greek aorist is similarly used, at least in the apodosis, to
‘express future events which must certainly happen’ (Jelf, § 403, 2);
and even coupled with a future, Il. 4, 161 é re nat dye redci, ovv Te
peyadw amétioav. 9, 413 (see further below, § 136 y). Compare also
its force in such descriptive passages as II. 9, 7 (Exevay). 15, 626. 16,
299-300. 20, 497. Phaedrus 245 A (#pavicdn). 251 A.B. 254 B. etc.
14.] THE PERFECT ALONE, 19

only for a single word; sometimes, as though nothing more
than an ordinary series of past historical events were being
described, it extends over many verses in succession: con-
tinually the series of perfects is interspersed with the simple
future forms, as the prophet shifts his point of view, at one
moment contemplating the events he is describing from the
real standpotnt of the present, at another moment looking
back upon them as accomplished and done, and so viewing
them from an zdeal posztion in the future.

It will be best to classify under distinct heads the various
modes in whigh this. perfect of certitude, or prophetic perfect,
may appear.

(a) The description of the future scene may Jegzz with the
perfect, whether the verbs following (if there be any) fall back
into the future or not: Nu. 24, 17 a star J1I hath proceeded
out of Jacob, and shad/ etc. Jud. 4, 14 hath he not gone out
before thee? Isa: 5, 13 Therefore nba hath my people gone
into captivity (although the captivity is only anticipated). 25
nN yD by etc. 8, 23. 9, 1-6 the people that walked in dark-
ness have seen a great light etc. 10, 28-31 (of the march of
the Assyrian) he zs come to ‘Ayyath etc. 21, 1 N32. 12 NNN.
24, 4-12 (except g). 28, 2 mn (the prophet sees Samaria
already laid low on the ground). 30, 5. 33, 3- 42, 17- 45)
16f. 46, rf. (the fall of Babylon and its idols spoken of as
achieved: for the parallel ptcp. cf. Jer. 5, 6). Jer. 2, 26 wean.
5, 6 O34 (where observe that the impf. and ptcp. follow: in
each of the three parallel expressions the prophet seizes upon
a fresh aspect of the scene). 13, 26 *npwn. 28, 2 (in 4, the
impf. 79wx). 32, 24f. 46, 14-16. 23f. 51, 8. 41. Ez. 3, 25.
24, 14> etc. Amos 5, 2. Zeph. 3, 18. Ps. 22, 22. 30 all the
fat ones of the earth ave eaten and worshipped. 26, 12 my
foot sfandeth in a level land. 30, 12. 36, 13 (the Psalmist sees
the wicked already fallen). 41, 4. 71, 24. 15,11 etc. Com-
pare Jer. 6, 15%. 49, 8. 50, 31 (HIRE NY).

It thus occurs (exceptionally) after oaths or other strong

C2
20 CHAPTER Il. [ 14.

asseverations; as ND DN Jer. 15, 11 (22, 6 etc. with the impf.);
DN °D 2 Ki. 5, 20 (1 Sa. 26, 10. 2 Sa. 15, 21, the impf.; cf.
§ 115).

(8) It frequently appears after ‘3, the reason for an asser-
tion or a command being found in some event the occurrence
of which, though still future, is deemed cerfazn, and contem-
plated accordingly by the writer; Isa. 11, 9 they will do no
destruction in all my holy mountain, for the earth zs fi//ed with
the knowledge of Yahweh (at the time alluded to has been
filled). 15, 65. 8.9. 16, 8. 9 bp. 23, 1. 4. 14 howl, for your
stronghold has been wasted! 24, 18. 23 qbn. 29, 20. 32, 10
mb>. 14. 34, 2. 35, 6. 60, 1. Jer. 25, 14. 31, 6. ob 11. 25.
Mic. 1, 9. 12. 16. Zeph. 1, 11, Zech. 11, 2. Ps. 6. gf. yow,
28, 6. 31, 22 (prob.). 56, 14. 59, 17'. Gen. 30, 13 Iam in
luck, for the daughters ‘WN are sure to call me lucky!

Without %5, Isa. 2x, 2 ‘navn. 14 (reason for 13). 33, 14.
34, 14>. 15>. 16%. 35, 2. Zeph. 2, 2 like chaff Aath the day
(the time of delay before pn nv) passed by! 3,14 f. Lam. 4, 22.

(y) But the pf. is also found (without °3) where, in a
description of the future, it is desired to give variety to
the scene, or to confer particular emphasis upon individual
isolated traits in it; it may in this case appear in the midst
of aseries of imperfects, either dovydérws, or connected with
what precedes by the copulative, provided that the’ 7s separated

 

1 In some of the passages from the Psalms we may not perhaps feel
assured that the perfects are to be understood in this sense, as represent-
ing the certainty and confidence felt by the writers as regards the events
they anticipate. It is no doubt fosszb/e that they may simply describe
past facts or former experiences (like 4, 2. 31, 6 etc.) which the writer
desires to refer to: so, for example, 28,6. 31, 22. 36,13. But the
‘ perfect of certitude’ is of such frequent and well-established occurrence,
and at the same time so much more forcible and appropriate to the con-
text than the more common-place ‘ perfect of experience,’ that we need
not scruple to interpret accordingly. Such sudden turns as those in 6, 9.
28, 6. 30, 12 are no less effective and emphatic than the abrupt intro-
duction of a new and dissimilar key in a piece of music.
14.] THE PERFECT ALONE, at

Srom the verb by one or more intervening words (if this be
not the case, i.e. if the conjunction is zmmediately followed
by the verb, the imperfect tense with 1 is of course employed:
see below, § 82). For instance, without waw:-—

Isa. 5, 28. 30 Jwn. 8, 8. 13, 10%. 16, 10. 17, 115 (if 72 be

a verb). 19, 6. 7b. 24, 14b. 28, 8 YS2 he hath swallowed up
death for ever! (contrast 4 yon). 30, 19 2¥ as soon as he
heareth, he hath answered thee! 33, 5» hath filled, etc. 47, 9-
49, 17. 51, 11> 1D} pies, Jer. 25, 38. 31, 5%. 47, 3. Joel 2,
Io. 4,15. Zech. 9,15 3. Ps. 34, 20. Job g, 19f. in six
troubles he will deliver thee, and in seven evil will not touch
thee; in famine 78 he hath redeemed thee from death, and in

war from the power of the sword!

Obs. After an imperative,—the poet, by an abrupt transition, picturing
what he desires as already achieved, Isa. 21, 14. Ps. 68, 31” (ef. 299).
Many commentators, to be sure, prefer to punctuate the verbs in question

as imperatives; but the alteration has a weakening effect, and does not
appear to be necessary: cf. Ezek. 24, 5°.

With waw -—

Isa, 5, 27> (a particular feature in their approach described
as though present to dhe eye). 11,8770. ..9. 18, 5 $1 WDA,
19, 8b. 25,12. 30, 32. Jer. 48, 33>. Job 5, 23. 22, 28b,
And similarly in descriptions of the present, Ps. 7, 13 (we
see the bow already drawn). 11, 2 1919. Job 41, 20. Com-
pare also Ps. 38,17; Job 5, 11. 28, 25 and he regudateth:
in all these passages there is a change of construction, the
writer passing suddenly from an expression of modality to
the statement of a fact”.

 

1 In the parallel passage 35, 10 we have the smoother, less forcible
1p) 12°w": the change is curious and instructive; it appears to have
arisen from the tail of the ; becoming accidentally shortened, or a copyist
in doubt preferring the more ordinary construction, as the LXX in 35, 10
as well as 51, 11 have dwé§pa (which they are unlikely to have gone out
of their way to choose, had they read D3).

? T have been'led to give a large number of examples of this use of the
22 . CHAPTER II. [ 15, 16.

15. Sometimes the perfect is used in order to give em-
phatic expression to a predicate, conceived as being immedi-
ately and necessarily involved in the subject of the verb?:
thus Pr. 8, 35 Qri, he that finds me has (in that very act)
found life. 14, 31. 16, 26. 30. 17, 5. 27, 16; cf. 22, 9.

16. (9) The perfect is used where we should employ by
preference the pluperfect, i.e. in cases where it is desired to
bring two actions in the past into a special relation with each
other, and to indicate that the action described by the plu-
perfect was completed before the other took place. The
function of the pluperfect is thus to throw two events into
their proper perspective as regards each other: but the tense
is to some extent a superfluous one—it is an elegance for
which Hebrew possesses no distinct form, and which even in
Greek, as is well known, both classical and Hellenistic, is
constantly replaced by the simple aorist. Gen. 2, 2 God
blessed the works which nwy he had made, LXX 4 énoinoe ;
6, 1. 19, 28 and behold the smoke nby had ascended (had
begun to ascend before Abraham looked). 20, 18 for he had
shut up etc. 28, 11 83. 31, 34 and Rachel Aad taken (before
Laban entered into the tent, v. 33). 34, 5. 38, 15. Dt. 9, 16.
Jud. 6, 28. 1 Sa. 28, 20 for box xb he ad not eafen bread.
30, 12. 2 Sa. 18, 18. 1 Ki. 1, 6. 41 (they had finished eating
when they heard). 2 Ki. 9,16. Isa. 6, 6; after a conjunction
like WX2 Gen. 7, 9. 18, 33. 20, 13 etc.

Or, somewhat differently, when it may be wished to indi-
cate explicitly that a given action was anterior to another
action named immediately afterwards (not, as in the first
case, named previously), Ps. 30, 7. 8 (where by rendering
‘MON, ANIoyN by the plupf. we bring them into distinct
relief as an/erior to the following nanbn). 31, 23. Job 32, 4

 

perfect, not only on account of its intrinsic importance, but also for
a reason which will appear more fully in Chap. VIII.

1 Cf. Rom. 13, 8 6 yap d-yarmv dv Erepov, Tov vopov weTAHpwKe, and
Winer, § 40. 4°.
17, 18.] THE PERFECT ALONE. 23

but Elihu ad warted, for they were older than he. 42, 5 by
hearing of the ear had I heard of thee, but now hath mine eye
seen thee.

17. (10) Similarly, in the description of future events, it
is often convenient in English to exhibit more distinctly the
relation of two actions to one another by substituting for the
Heb. perfect the future perfect, or ‘ paullo-post-futurum ;’ but
this is by no means always obligatory, or even desirable.
Thus after ‘3=/or: Lev. 14, 48 ND. 19, 8 they that eat it
shall bear their own sin, for (if any one eats it) he w2l2 have
profaned what is holy to Yahweh, 1 Sa. 14, 10. 20, 22 if I
say thus, go; for ane Yahweh wzd/ (in that case) have sent
thee away. 2 Sa. 5, 24 18 °D (t& omitted in 1 Chr. 14, 15).
Ez. 3, 21 for (in that case) V1 (pf. 2 pausa) he will have
been warned and THou wilt have delivered thy soul; in a rela-
tive clause, Gen. 48, 6 which thou shalt have begotten (not
mayest beget, which would be ein), 1 Sa. 1, 28 all the days
ma wwe which he shall have been. Jer. 8, 3 DAN (24, 9
DMN); after conjunctions, such as 108 Lev. 14, 43 yon ans
after that he has taken away the stones. 25, 48; IY 2 Ki. 7,3
3319019 TY till we are dead. Ez. 34, 21. Mic. 5, 2 m7 ny ty
mab until the time when she that beareth shad? have borne ;
ON WE WY Gen. 28, 15 until J have done etc. Nu. 32, 17. Isa.
6, rt; DS TY 30, 17. Gen. 24, 19. Ruth 2, 21+; O8 "3
> ‘npn 2 Ki. 4, 24 except I bid thee; ‘2 Isa. 16, 12 it
shall come to pass, 787) "3 when Moab. has appeared (cum
apparuerit) etc. Ps. 138, 4. 1 Chr. 17, 11 when thy days won
have been fulfilled (in 2 Sa. 11, 12 wn). Dan. 11, 36; O8
(=when), Isa. 4, 4: cf § 138.

18. (11) The use of the perfect in both the protasis and
apodosis of certain forms of hypothetical propositions will be
illustrated below: see Chap. X. A few cases, however, may
be noticed here in which the pf. is employed to denote events
appertaining to past time, which might have happened but did
not happen, which are therefore only for the moment conceived
24 CHAPTER II. [19.

as having occurred, under conditions not actually realized.
In Greek the existence of such conditions is (though not
universally!, Jelf, §§ 858f. Winer, § 42. 2») noted by 4» in
the apodosis: we observe therefore that the Heb. perfect
corresponds not merely to the Greek aorist by itself, but to
the Greek aorist with &, that in other words it expresses the
contingent as well as the aciual occurrence of an event —the
sense of the reader, or the tone in which the words are
spoken, readily determining to which category the event is to
be referred. So after DYDD Ps. 73, 2. 119, 87. Pr. 5, 143
AWND Zech. 10, 6b. Job 10, 19 I ought to have been (§ 39 8)
as though myn xb I had not been born. Ob. 16 1 NID YM.
See further §§ 139, 141, 144.

19. (12) The perfect is used rather singularly i in questions :
1. after ‘M2 TY Ex. 10, 3 until when FIND wilt thou have re-
fused? Ps. 80, 5; or TDN IY Ex. 16, 28, and with an impf. in
the parallel clause Hab. 1, 2. Pr. 1,22. Cf. Jer. 22, 23 H2na7Nd
(contrast 4, 30. 13, 21).

And 2. to express astonishment at what appears to the
speaker in the highest degree improbable :—.

Gen. 18, 12 ANY. Jud. 9, 9. 11. 13 am TL fo have lost my
fatness saab and go? etc. 2 Ki. 20,9 yon iwertine’r Nu. 14,
28 shall we ever have finished dying? Pr. 24, 28; and
possibly Ps. 73, 11. Job 22, 13.

Gen. 21, 7 who® could have said to Abraham? Nu. 23, 10.
1 Sa. 26,9 TPN... nbyi "2 who zs fo have put forth his hand

..and be guiltless? LXX tis éroice. (quite different from

 

1 And compare the use of the indicative in Latin, e.g. Hor. Carm. 2.
17, 27 Me truncus illapsus cerebro Sustuderat nisi Faunus ictum Dextra
levasset.

? Where, accordingly, there is no occasion (with Hitzig on Ps. 11, 3)
to change the punctuation and read 757.

*Cf. ee Syrus ITI. p. 59 if painters cannot paint the wind
or}, ro whose tongue cax aes described the Son of God? for which

in . 18 we have the impf. icy.
20. | THE PERFECT ALONE. 25

Dt. 5,23. Lam. 3, 37. Pr. 30, 4. Job 9, 4 who ever hardened
himself against him *02¥%) and escaped whole? as is clear
from both the sense of the passage and the difference in the
tense of the second verb: see above, § g, and Chap. VIII).
Ps. 11, 3. 60, 11.

20. (13) Is there a precative perfect in Hebrew? or does
the perfect in Hebrew, as in certain cases in Arabic, serve to
give emphatic enunciation to a wish? The affirmative was
maintained by Ewald, § 223, who cited Isa. 26, 15. Ps. 10,
16. 31,6. 57, 7- 116, 16. Job 21, 16. 22, 18. Lam. 1, 2t.
3, 57-61 and the ‘old form of speech’ preserved Ps. 18, 47;
and by Battcher, §§ 939%, 9472, who, accepting out of Ewald’s
instances only Ps. 116, 16. Job 21, 16. 22, 18. Lam. 3, 57—
61, added to the list Isa. 43, 9. Mic. 1, 10 Kt. Ps. 4, 2. 7, 7.
22, 22. 71,3. 141, 6f.' In any case, if the usage exists, it
is but an extension of the same manner of speech which has
been already explained, § 14, viz. the perfect of certitude;
the prominent position of the verb—in Arabic?, to avoid mis-
construction, it all but universally stands first in the sentence
—aided by the tone of voice with which it is uttered, being
sufficient to invest the conviction or hope, which is all that
the tense employed in itself expresses, with the character of a
wish. But the fact is that the evidence for this signification of
the pf. is so precarious, the passages adduced in proof of it®

 

1 Two other passages quoted, Jer. 50, 5. Joel 4,11, do not belong
here, the verb in each being attached to 3.

2 For the Arabic usage see Ewald, Gramm. Arab. §§ 198, 710;
Wright, Arabic Gramm. ii. p. 3. Even the fact that in Hebrew the
position of the verb is neglected ought to excite suspicion: in Arabic it
is just the position which gives to the tense that interjectional force, upon
which, in Ewald’s words, its peculiar significance entirely depends.

3 E.g. Ps. 4, 2. 116, 16 are quite naturally explained by § 9; 7, 7-
71, 3 resemble substantially nxn Ps. 10,14. 35,22; Lam. 3, 57 ff. has
been discussed already; Isa. 26, 15 are words spoken from the stand-
point of the future, and 43, 9 the tenses, if ȴap2 be a perf. (so Konig,
Lehrgebiiude, i. p. 184), are similar to those in 41, 5 (Ew. Hitz. Del.
Dillm. and Ges.-K. § 51 Rem. 3 (doubtfully], however, treat 1831p) as
26 CHAPTER II. [20.

admitting of a ready explanation by other means, that it will
be safer to reject it altogether’.

 

an imperative). As regards Ps. 22, 22 it is to be noticed that the words
in question stand on the border-ground between the petition for help and
the thanksgiving for its approach: it might almost be said that the poet
began with the intention of saying : a9A Dn 172701, but that, as he
wrote, the prospect of the deliverance burst upon him so brightly as to
lead him to speak of it as an accomplished fact »3n°2y, which he then
makes the key-note of the following verses 23~32. Compare further
Hupfeld’s note on Ps. 4, 2. Delitzsch would confine the use to such
‘interjectional exclamations’ as the one contained in the two verses from
Job; but even there it is questionable whether it is necessary or legiti-
mate to have recourse to it: Hitzig sees in mpm only an earnest protes-
tation of innocence, and translates by the present indicative.

1 The same conclusion is defended, with additional reasons, by Prof.
August Miiller, in his review of the present work, pp. 202 f. (the precative
perfect not used at all in Arabic to express concrete, personal petitions,
such as would be contained in most of the passages referred to: in the
other passages, no exegetical necessity for having recourse to it): it is
adopted also by Ges.-Kautzsch, § 106. 3° note,
CHAPTER IIL

The Imperfect alone.

21. In marked antithesis to the tense we have just dis-
cussed, the imperfect in Hebrew, as in the other Semitic
languages, indicates action as mascent, as evolving itself
actively from its subject, as developing. The imperfect does
not, imply mere continuance as such (which is the function
of the participle), though, inasmuch as it emphasizes the
process introducing and leading to completion, it expresses
what may be termed progress¢ve continuance; by thus seizing
upon an action while nascent, and representing it under its
most striking and impressive aspect (for it is just when a
fresh object first appears upon a scene that it exhibits greater
energy, and is, so to speak, more aggressive, than either
while it simply continues or after it has been completed),
it can present it in the liveliest manner possible—it can
present it in movement rather than, like the pf, in a condition
of rest. The action thus exhibited as ready or about to take
place may belong to the past, the present, or the future; but
an event ready and so capable of taking place would be
likely and liable to occur more than once; we thus find the
imperfect employed to denote rezferated actions—‘a mist
ny used to go up’ (upon repeated occasions; but N¥* 70)
‘and a river was (unintermittently) proceeding out of the
garden’). In strictness, nby' expresses only a szmgle event

 

1 Cf. the English ‘apt,’ properly=fitted, suited, adapted, but also
used in the phrase ‘/o de aft to do so and so,’ in a frequentative significa-
28 CHAPTER III. [22.

as beginning or ready to take place; but an action of which
this may be predicated is in the nature of things likely to
happen more frequently, and thus the additional idea of
‘recurrency’ would be speedily superinduced upon the more
limited original signification of the imperfect’.

22. The same form is further employed to describe events
belonging to the /w/ure; for the future is emphatically 76
peANor, and this is just the attribute specially expressed by
the imperfect. The idea of reiteration is not prominent in
this case, because the occurrence of the event spoken of is
by itself sufficient to occupy and satisfy the mind, which
does not look beyond to reflect whether it is likely to happen
more than once: on the other hand, when a fas? event is
described by the impf. the attention is at once arrested by
the peculiarities of the tense—original and derived—which
are not explained if a sengle action alone be assumed. The
mere occurrence of an event is denoted by the perfect; the
impf., therefore (unless its appearance be attributable solely
to chance), must have been chosen in order to suggest some

 

tion =‘¢o be lable, accustomed, or used to do so and so:’ we here see how
an expression indicating simply readiness or capacity may so extend its
original connotation as to acquire in addition the power of connoting
recurrence.

1 The connexion between the ideas of ¢zcipiency and reiteration may
be illustrated by the use of the element -ox- in Greek, which in words
like ynpdcnw, #Bdoxw (cf. senesco, pubesco, cresco, etc.), possesses an
inchoative force, while in the Homeric and Ionic forms vaerdacke,
einecxe, éAdoacxe, etc., it appears as an affix expressing iteration. ‘The
gradual realization and the repetition of an action are regarded by
language as nearly akin’ (Curtius, E/ucédations, p. 143): eiweoxe, then,
meaning properly ‘he was on the point of saying,’ very quickly becomes
‘he would or used to say.’

In most of the verbs ending in -orw, the original inchoative force is
no longer traceable at all, in others it is only traceable after reflection,
e.g. in yyvdonw, pipvqnoKw, Ovioxw, orepicxw—another example of a
form preserved by language, even after its distinctive meaning had been
lost. Cf. Curtius, Das Griech. Verbum, i, 269, 285.
23, 24.] THE IMPERFECT ALONE, 29

additional feature characteristic of the occurrence, which, in
the case before us, is the fact (or possibility) of its repetition.

23. An idea, however, like that of nascency, beginning, or
going to be is almost indefinitely elastic: on the one hand,
that which is in the process of coming to pass is also that
which is destined or must come to pass (ré péddov); on the
other hand, it is also that which can or may come to pass.
If the subject of the verb be also the speaker, i.e, if the verb
be in the first person, that which is about to come to pass
will be commonly that which he himself deserves or wishes
to come to pass; if, however, the verb be in the second
or third person, it naturally expresses the wishes of the
speaker as regards some one else, and so conveys a more
or less emphatic fermzsston which imperceptibly passes,
especially in negative sentences, into a command. NN Dt.
32, 20 L wll or am about to look, I should like to look;
baxm shou mayest eat Gen. 2, 16, but, in the injunctions for
the passover, Ex. 12, 11 ye are fo or shall eat it; Sonn xd
Gen. 2, 17 thou mayest, shalt, or must, not eat it; MM a zs
about to be, or, if spoken by a person with power to bring
it about, 2/ shall be, MM ND a Xs not to be.

24, But again, since the imperfect expresses an action not
as done, but only as doing, as possessing consequently an
element of uncertainty and indeterminateness, not already
fixed and defined but capable of assuming any form, or
taking any direction which may be impressed upon it from
without, it is used after conjunctions such as ind, NlAYS, 12,
precisely as in Latin the corresponding terms are followed
not by the indicative, the mood of certainty, but by the
subjunctive, the mood of contingency. And, in accordance
with the principle stated above that the Hebrew ‘tenses’ do
not in themselves specify the period of time within which
a given action must have happened, any of the nuances just
assigned to the imperfect will retain their force in the past as
well as in the present, the same tense is competent to express
30 CHAPTER 111. [25 26.

both zs ¢o and was 40, may and might, can and could, well and
would, shall and should, in all the varied positions and shades
of meaning which these auxiliaries may assume. Our English
will and would, as commonly used to describe a custom or
habit, correspond probably most closely to the Hebrew tense
in this application ; but obviously these terms would not be
suitable to represent it always, and recourse must therefore
be had to other expressions.

25. The imperfect, then, may characterize action as folen-
Hal; but this potentiality may be expressed either (1) as a
substantive and independent fact, i.e. the tense may appear
as indicative; or (2) as regulated by the will of a personal
agent, i.e. the tense may appear as voluntative (optative) ;
or (3) as determined by some antecedent event, i.e. the tense
may appear as subjunctive *.

26. We may now proceed to arrange the various senses
in which the imperfect is employed.

In the description of past occurrences it is used in two
different ways, as explained above: 1. to represent an event
while nascent (yyvdpevov), and so, by seizing upon it while in
movement rather than while at rest, to picture it with peculiar
vividness to the mental eye; and 2. as a frequentative, to
suggest the reiteration of the event spoken of. In which of
these senses it is on each occasion to be understood is left to
the intelligence of the reader to determine; and this will not
generally lead him astray. In cases where any doubt remains,
it may be inferred either that the decision is immaterial, or
else that the requisite data for forming one no longer exist as
they must have done when the passage was written—a con-

 

1 It will be observed that this tripartite division is not maintained in
what follows. The fact is that Hebrew, unlike Arabic, possesses no
distinctive terminations to mark the subjunctive mood: although there-
fore the imperfect fulfils the functions which elsewhere belong to a
subjunctive, distinguishable as such, it is sufficient to notice the fact
generally, without pausing to enquire upon each occasion whether the
tense is indicative or subjunctive.
27. | THE IMPERFECT ALONE) 3I

sideration which will of course account for much of the
obscurity that rests upon the interpretation of ancient docu-
ments in all languages.

27. (1) This usage is naturally most frequent in a poetical
or elevated style: but in prose equally the imperfect, if
describing a single action and so not capable of explanation
as a frequentative, operates by bringing into prominence the
process introducing it and preliminary to its complete exe-
cution (as in Greek karedvero, was in course of sinking). Here
it may sometimes be rendered in English by the ‘ Aes/ortcal
present,’ the effect of which is to present in strong relief and
with especial liveliness the features of the scene which it
describes: but in fact, the idiom is one of those which our
language is unable to reproduce: the student must /ee/ the
force of the tense in the Hebrew, and endeavour not to
forget it as he reads the translation in English.

(a) First of all, in the language of poetry or prophecy ;
Ex. 15, 5 the depths ¥2"DD" covered them! 6. 7.15. Nu. 23,7
and he took up his parable and said, From Aram Balaq why
bringeth me! Dt. 32, 10 RYN! he found him (or jindeth him)
in a desert land! (contrast Hos. 9, 10 *‘nN¥D). Jud. 5, 8. 26.
2g (vivid pictures of Jael séretching ouf her hand, and the
princesses in the act of answering). Isa. 43, 17. 45, 4 T328.
5. 51, 2 Sarah padbinn who dare you. Hab. 3, 3. 7. Job 3,3
perish the day 53 aban I was beng born in|! (contrast Jer. 20,
14 13 "I WR), 11 why did I not go on fo die (at once die)
from the womb? 4, 12. 15 f. 10, rof. 18, 7. 38, 8». Ps. 7,
16 and falleth into the pit : ype he ts or was making’. 18, 4”.
7. 21. 30, 9 (Hitz. Del.). 32, 5%. 80, 9% 104, 6-8. 116, 3f.
6. Lam. 3, 8 when I would fain cry: see further § 85.

 

1 Not, as A. V., made; the impf. shews that the writer thought of the
process as not completed—while engaged upon carrying out his design,
the destruction overtakes him.

2 «In lebhaft erregter Rede die Vergangenheit wie Gegenwart ge-
schaut’ (Hitzig).
32 CHAPTER Il. [27-

(8) In prose this use of the impf. is only common after 18
or pnb, which introduce or point to an ensuing event, and
are aadordingly constantly followed by this tense. Thus, for
example, after "8 Ex. 15, 1 WIN then sang Moses ( pro-
ceeded, went on to sing). Dt. 4, 41. Josh. 8, 30. ro, 12 etc. ;
after pio or pga all but uniformly, Gen. 2, 5. 19, 4- 24;

45. 1 Sa. 3, 3: ab etc! The impf. is also found occasionally
with reference to past time after TY or WW TY uziz/; but here
the indefiniteness inherent in this conjunction being at times
more perceptibly felt may have co-operated in the adoption
of the impf. in preference to the perfect. Thus Josh. 10, 13
Dp’ WY. Jon. 4, 8. Ps. 73, 17. Qoh. 2, 3. 2 Chr. 29, 34”.

“ The fillowing instances are of an exceptional charac-

: Jud. 2,1 npyN I brought you up out of Egypt etc. (setting
Hee the occurrence in bright relief)’. 1 Ki. 21, 6 1278 3
(perhaps frequentative). 2 Ki. 8, 29 (=9, 15: in 2 Chr. 22,
6 the pf.); and preceded by the conj. } (cf. § 85 Ods.). Gen.
37, 7 MYaDN mM and behold ¢hey began fo move round
(Joseph represents the sheaves as being in mofion ; conceive
42D in place of ’n, and how lifeless the image becomes!). Ex.

 

1 yx is, however, also frequently found with the pf., Gen. 4, 26. Ex.
4, 26. 15, 15. 1 Ki. 22, 50 ete.: but 070 only very rarely, Gen. 24, 15
(contrast v. 45 above). 1 Sa. 3, 7° (contrast 7>); and o1a Ps. go, 2.
Pr. 8, 25. Comp. the use of the impf. in Syriac, after 9 po Gen. 13,
to. Dt. 33, 1. 1 Sa.9,15. Acta S. Pelagiae (Gildemeister), 5) 21; go
9 pee John 17, 55 Wes 2 Ki. 6, 32. Jer. 1, 5 al.

2 With the ferf, Dt. 2, 14. 9, 21. Josh. 2, 22etc. It will be remem-
bered how antequam, priusquam, and donec may be followed indifferently
by a subjunctive or indicative, according to the mode in which the oc-
currence of the event is conceived by the writer.

3 The impf., as used in this fvose passage, of past time, is no doubt
unexpected and peculiar: hence some scholars suspect the text to be
defective, and would restore (4128) (Ex. 3, 16) DINNNIPD IPH] WOR
‘2. moby or TyyN[] DIN’ *NIPD APB] WN (Bottcher; Doorninck,
Bijdrage tot de Tekstkritiek van Richt. i-xvi, 1879, p. 13; Budde,
Theol. Lit.-zeit. 1884, col, 211: notice in the first suggestion the éuooré-
Aevrov): but it is doubtful if such expedients are necessary.
28, 29. | THE IMPERFECT ALONE. 33

8, 20. 2 Sa.15, 37 SID nrdwani (went on to enter; the actual
entry is recorded later, 16, 15 WN), 23, 10. 1 Ki. 7, 8b. 20,
33- 13, 20. Jer. 52, 7. Ezra 9, 4 32DN) bey came gathering
to me.

In poetry also it sometimes occurs immediately after a pf.,
in which case it indicates the rapid or instantaneous manner
in which the second action is conceived as following the first :
Ex. 15, 12. 14. Hab. 3, ro. Ps. 37, 14f. 46, 7. 69, 33 (cf.
1 Sa. 19, 5). 74, 14. 77, 17°.

28. But the impf. is also used in the same way of a single
action in the present time, in order to express it with force,
Gen. 37, 15. Nu. 24, 17 "NN I see him, but not now! 1 Sa.
21,15 181). Jer. 6, 4 the day hath turned (pf.), and the
shadows of evening 103° are beginning to lengthen. Hos. 1, 2»
(or freq. plays the whore). Hab. 3, 9. 12. Job 4, 5. 32, 19
YPD zs ready to burst (A.V.). Ps. 2,2. 17, 12 he is like a lion
HDD (¢hat zs) eager for prey (at the moment when he is eager).
In poetry, after nyb Dt. 32, 357. NYA Job 6, 17. Of Ps. 56, 4.

29. More frequent is the use of the impf. as equivalent
to the fufure—a use which is clearly only an extension of
that noted in § 28: there the action is conceived to be taking
place (but not completed) as the words are uttered; here it
has not yet begun to take place at all, but its beginning to do
so is contemplated in the future—nearer or more remote, as
the context and sense demand. Numerous instances may
readily be found, e.g. Gen. 12, 12>, 16, 12. 49, 1. Ex. 6, 1.
9, 5 etc.

 

1 Ps, 66, 6. 104, 6 (where a word is interposed) are different. The
same dovvderor is a favourite idiom with Hosea, 4, 7. 5, 10. 8, 3. 9, 6*
(see § 154). 7, 9 (cf. v. 15): see also 2 Chr. 12, 7.

2 This and the two following passages might also be explained by
§ 33. The infin. is the usual construction after ny or D1.

3 In the first pers. J shall, Gen. 15, 8. Jud. 13, 22. 15, 18. Isa. 38, 11.
Jer. 4, 21°. Job 17, 10: but most usually 7 w7//, 1 Ki. 2, 30. Ruth 1, 17.
Gen. 2, 18. 6, 7. 8, 21. 12, 2 etc. Ps, 12, 6. 22, 26etc. J shall is the

D
34 CHAPTER III. [ 30.

If the future is close at hand, the verb may be rendered
almost indifferently by a present or future: 1 Ki. 1, 42
(WIA annunciaturus es, announcest or wilt announce, art on
the point of announcing. Ps. 2, 2. §9, 9-

80. (2) So much for the impf. as denoting a single act.
By what steps it in addition assumes a frequentative significa-
tion has been explained above: it only remains to give in-
stances of its use.

(a) In past time: Gen. 6, 4 wd (LXX rightly of éav etcero-
pevovro'). 30, 38 JNAN, 42 would not put them in (LXX otk
érider). 31, 39 I wIONN used to bear the loss of it. Ex. 1, 12 in
proportion as they afflicted it, so it mudtiplzed, and so it spread
abroad. 19, 19. 40, 36. 38 (used to be). Nu. 9, 16-23 (de-
scribing what the Israelites used constantly to do in the
desert : v. 23> the whole is summed up, and stated generally
as a single fact, in the pf. mw). Dt. 32, 16.17. Josh. 23, 10
(would often pursue). Jud. 2, 18 (woud repent). 6, 5 (would
come up). 17, 6=18, 25 nwy’. 1 Sa. 2, 22. 9, 9 NIB. 18, 5.
ar, 12 33 M2 NIDA is not this he of whom ¢hey hept singing ?
(on the well-known occasion 18, 6. 7). 2 Sa. 1, 22 the sword
of Saul op" awn xb never returned (was not wont to return)
empty. 12,18 mowadn jap. 1 Ki. 3, 4. 5, 28 a month ym
would they be etc. 6, 8. 7, 26 > (used to or would contain).
38. 10,5. 16f. Isa. 1, 21 yo used to dwell. 6, 2. 7, 23 (where
the freq. and the fut. senses of the impf. meet in a single

 

pure and simple future—German ich soll, [ am to or must ; the speaker's
own inclinations are dormant, and he regards himself as the passive
creature of circumstances: J w2//, on the contrary, is the exponent of a
purpose or volition, and the Zersoval interest of the speaker makes
itself strongly felt. We may, if we please, substitute 7 shal/ for the
more expressive / we//, without materially altering the sense: the
opposite change can, of course, not be made with impunity.

1 On the frequentative force of édy, Stray, hvira dy, etc. with the indic.,
in Hellenistic Greek, see Winer, Gramm. of N.T. Greek, § xlii. 5
(where, in the note, ¢47s passage is wrongly treated as an exception).
GG kM

31.] THE IMPERFECT ALONE. 35

verse). 23, 7 etc. Ps. 42, 5. 55, 15 "bn 2.2 ND PND used
to walk in the throng. 95, ro. 99, 6 f. (with v. 7 comp. Nu. 9,
23). 106, 43 (cf. Neh. 9, 27). Job 4, 3f. 29, 2.3.7.9. 12f.
16f. etc. 2 Chr. 24, 11. 25, 14.

81. The passages quoted will suffice amply to shew that
when occurring in the historical books the impf. always ex-
presses a deal more than the mere pf.: how far more
picturesque, for example, is the scene Jud. 6, 5 rendered by
the choice of by than it would have been had the writer
simply used the pf. wy! No more, then, need be said on
the necessity of discriminating the impf. from the pf.; but a
few words must be added to guard against the-error of con-
fusing it with the participle.

The only species of continued action to which the impf.
can give expression is the introductory process which may
culminate in the finished’ act, §§ 27 y, 28; and even here its
use is limited: mere continuance in the sense of duration
without progress is never expressed by the impf.; wherever
this seems to be the case, closer examination will shew that
the apparently continuous action is not really indivisible, but
consists of a number of separate acts which, following one
another in rapid succession, present the appearance of perfect
continuity, and may be actually treated as such by language.
But the fact that the same series of events may be treated
under two aspects must not lead us to confuse the form
which gives expression to the one with the form that gives
expression to the other. The participle is the form which
indicates continued action. ‘Forty years long was J grieved
with this generation :’ the English is ambiguous; it may
correspond either to an original participle or to an original
impf. As a fact it corresponds to the latter: ‘forty years
long DIP was I grieved,’ i.e. upon repeated occasions, not
of necessity continuously. Similarly, 937. nwt (Ex. 19, 19)
is ‘Moses kept speaking:’ ‘Moses was speaking’ would be ex-
pressed by the part. 121 MWD (see 1 Ki. 1, 25. 42 etc.).

D2
36 CHAPTER III. [3a

Thus while the impf. multiplies an action, the participle pro-
longs it. Sometimes the two forms are found in juxtaposi-
tion, as Ps. 99, 6; but however closely they may seem to
resemble each other in meaning, and even where they would
admit of an interchange without material alteration or detri-
ment to the sense, it must not be forgotten that they are still
quite different, and that each seizes upon and brings into
view a different phase of action.

The difference between the impf. and the part. is most
clearly displayed in passages like Gen. 29, 2 D'¥I7 were lying,
sper used fo water. 1 Sa. 2,13 f. 1 Ki. 10, 22. Isa. 6, 2 (were
standing, at the period of the vision—used #0 cover, fly). At
other times, on the contrary, the separate units of which the
series actually consists are lost from sight and replaced by a
continuous line’: e.g. Gen. 39, 6 bow (contrast 2 Sa. 12, 3
bown). 23 (contr. Ps. 1, 3. 1 Sa. 14, 47). 1 Ki 17, 6 DID
(but also Anw). 2 Ki. 4, 5. Ps. 37, 12. 21. 26.

82. (8) In present time. It may be well here, in order
to avoid confusion, to remind ourselves of an ambiguity
existing in the English present tense. The present tense
in English, besides declaring single and isolated facts, is used
also to express general truths, to state facts which need not
necessarily take place at the moment at which the assertion
is being made, but which either may occur at any time or do
actually occur periodically: in other words, the present tense
appears as a freguentative: it multiplies an action, and distri-
butes it over an indefinite number of potential or actual
realizations. And, in fact, this use of the present in English
to denote acts which may be or are repeated, is more

 

1 Accordingly the participle, filling up the intervals which the impf.
leaves open, is adapted to magnify or exaggerate any circumstance: cf.
i Ki. 10, 24 f. Ex, 18, 14 (where observe how in this way Jethro repre-
sents Moses as being more fully and continuously occupied than the
latter in his reply is willing to admit), Esth. 3, 2 and the reversal of
the picture in 8, 17°. 9, 3.
33.] THE IMPERFECT ALONE. eG

common than any other. But it is just this frequentative or
distributive force which the Hebrew impf. possesses, assert-
ing, as it does, facts which either may de realized at any time,
or are realized repeatedly. Our present, therefore, and the
Hebrew impf. agree in a remarkable manner in being able
to specify actions which though not in themselves appertain-
ing to any particular period of time whatever, may neverthe-
less make their appearance at any or every moment. This
distinction between the two senses of our present tense it is
important here to keep in mind: because the Hebrew impf.,
while but rarely found in one sense, is extremely common
in the other. When, therefore, it is said that this tense
corresponds to the English ‘ present,’ it is necessary to have
a clear and precise view of what this statement really means.

83. The imperfect, then, is found—

(a) Asserting facts of definite occurrence—within a longer
or shorter period, as the case may be: Ex. 13, 15 TIS J
redeem (am in the habit of redeeming). 18, 1g the people N2?
cometh to me (keep coming). Gen. 10, g. 22, 14 therefore
“WON? 7f 2s said; so ON Nu. 21, 27. 2 Sa. 5, 8b; Nu. 17, 19
where pab TWIN T meet you. Josh. 7, 12. Gen. 50, 3 andi a)
for so are wont fo be fulfilled. Jud. 14, 10 for so young men
are accustomed to do. t Sa. 9, 6. 2 Sa. 11, 20 how they shoos.
Isa. 1, 23. 3, 165. 5, 11. 23. 14, 8 doth not come up (never
cometh up, where notice how xever distributes the verb). 27,
3. 40, 20 wpa. 41, 6 (a graphic verse). 44,17. 59,11. Jer.
9, 3. 20, 8. Hos. 4, 12f. Ps. 3, 6 20D» sustaineth me. 10,
5. 8-10. 11, 2. 12, 3. 16, 4. 17, 9. 18, 29 because THOU
dost lighten, 22, 3. 8.180. 23, 2f. 35, 11f. 41, 7f. 42, 2.
46, 5. 64, 5-7. 71, 17 till now do I keep declaring thy
wonders. 94, 4-6. Job 9, 11 he goeth by me, and I see him
not. 23, 8f.; after "2 as often as, Jer. 20, 8 (elsewhere the
infinitive).

To express a characteristic of an individual : Ps, 1, 2
Happy is the man who... 730) medifafeth. 15, 4 who 732)
38 CHAPTER III. [34-

honoureth etc. 14, 14. 38, 14>. 82, 9 D'Y’ (contrast 40, 5 DY).
58, 6. 91, 5-6. Isa. 40, 26 he calleth. 28f. 41, 2f. 56, 2.

Obs. Frequent as the idiom » 198 119 is in the prophets, the zw/.
»» 1N?, introduced parenthetically, is exceptional and should be noticed:
the call is not a single, momentary one, it is repeated, or at least con-
tinuing. The instances are Isa. 1, 11. 18. 33, 10 (Ps. 12, 6). 40, I. 25.
41, 21. 66, 9: and similarly Jer. 51, 35. Pr. 20, 14. 23, 7.

(6) Asserting facts, which are not conceived as definitely
occurring within stated or implied limits of time, but as liable
to occur at any period that may be chosen: e. g. in the enun-
ciation of general maxims or truths, Ps. 1, 3 which gzveth (is
always ready to give, in the habit of giving) its fruit in due
season, and its leaf doth not fade, and all that he doeth he
maketh to prosper, 4 drtveth away, 5 do not stand or endure in
the judgement (are not in the habit of doing so), 6 perzsheth
(‘will’ perish, i.e. either as a pure future, however sure it may
seem to appear for a time, it will in the end perish; or as a
frequentative, implying what may be expected to occur,
wherever there is a pywn Juq). 1 Sa. 16, 7 AN. 24, 14.
Isa. 32, 6 A.V, the vile person wz// speak villainy (where
‘will’ expresses the habit, just as Pr. 19, 6. 24. Jer. 9, 4. 5
[Heb. 3. 4]). 40, 31. Hos. 4, 11. Ps. 5, 5-7. 1, 9 judgeth
nations (a general attribute, forming the ground for the
petition which follows). 10, 14. 23, 4. 17, 2» thine eyes de-
hold (ground of 24). 18, 26-28. 39, 7. 48, 8. 49, 11. 65, 9.
68, 20. 104, 11-17. 22; in the Proverbs constantly, the
perfect (§ 12) being less usual, ro, 1. 2. 3. 4 etc. 26, 14 the
door /urns upon its hinge, and a sluggard upon his bed. Job
4,19. 5, 2. 6. 7. 12. 14. 18 etc.; regularly also in similes,
where a habe? or custom is referred to, as Ex. 33, I1 TWND
aT. as a man speaketh with his neighbour. Nu. 11, 12. Dt. 1,
44. 28, 49. Isa. 9, 2. 31, 4. 55, 10. 65, 8 etc.

84. This form of the verb, expressing as it does a general
truth, is sometimes found attached to a substantive, the rela-
tive being omitted, to denote a general attribute belonging to
35] THE IMPERFECT ALONE. 39

it: under these circumstances it almost degenerates into an
adjective. Thus Gen. 49, 27 Benjamin is An ANT a ravening
wolf (lit. a wolf (that) ravens). Isa. 40, 20 apy xd. sr, 12
nid? WIN mortal man. 55, 13 an zdestructible sign. Hos. 4,
14 a people [2 Xd without understanding ; cf. Ps. 78, 6 O22
iby (22, 32 the ptcp.). And in comparisons, to define more
closely the /ertium comparationis, whether it be regarded as
expressing pictorially a particular act (§ 28), or as describing
a general attribute: Dt. 32, 11. Ps. 42, 2 like the hind, as it
desires (or, zwhzch desires) the water-brooks. 83, 15. 92, 13>.
Job 7, 2 as a servant by mNw shat longeth (or donging) for the
shade. 9, 26 like a vulture Sox ‘Sy wnw» as zf darts upon the
prey. Isa. 61, 10-11. 62, 1b Aya) sypb3 as a burning lamp}.
Or it is attached to another verb, so as to qualify it almost in
the manner of an adverb, Isa. 30, 14 bruising Sion x un-
sparingly”. 42, 149°, Ps. 17, 3 wethout jinding (qualifying
‘nb Iy). 26, 1 I have trusted 7ypN xd without wavering (Hitz.
Del.). Job 31, 34.

85. It appears from what has been said that both the
perf. and the impf. alike, though upon different grounds, may
be employed to designate those permanent relations which
constitute on the one hand personal habits or attributes, on
the other general truths, A permanent relation of this sort
may, firstly, be viewed as a completed whole, and, as such,
be denoted by the perfect; but inasmuch as a state or con-
dition most commonly declares itself by a succession of acts
—more or less numerous, as the case may be—its existence
may, at the same time, with equal propriety, be indicated by
the impf. as well. It is accordingly at once intelligible upon
what principle we frequently find the two tenses alternating —

 

1 At other times, naturally, the perf. is more appropriate: Jer. 23, 9.
Job 11, 16 1129 0°09 as waters that have passed by. 13, 28°.

2 If with Baer we read nino, bom x» will qualify m72w1.

8 The ‘synchronistic’ imperfect (w’11x and porn being synchronous
with the preceding pb1ym *n*wnn): cf. below, §§ 162, 163.
40 CHAPTER IIl. [36

for example in the two members of a verse—when used in
this way; the interchange being naturally encouraged by the
agreeable variety and relief thereby afforded to the ear.
Sometimes the change of tense may be retained in English:
at other times it will be simpler and less pedantic—a minor
grammatical distinction, unless absolutely indispensable for
the sense, must be given up if its preservation involve stiff-
ness or sound unnatural—to render both tenses by what is
here, in English, the idiomatic equivalent of both, viz. the
present. Yet, however we translate, it must not be forgotten
that a difference still exists in the words of the original, and
that each tense possesses a propriety the force of which is
still perceptible, even where it cannot be reproduced; it is
simply the imperfection, in this respect, of our own language,
its deficiency in delicacy that necessitates our obliterating the
lights and shades which an otherwise constructed instrument
is capable of expressing.

Thus Isa. 5,125. 26, 9%. 33, 7. 40,19. 44, 12-18. Hos.
4, 1b, Joel 2, 3%. 6. Hab. 3, 3. Ps. 2, rf. 5, 6 (cannot stand
... thou hatest), 6, 7 (the pf., as v. 8, expressing the Psalmist’s
completed state of exhaustion ; the impff. his repeated acts).
4, 13f. (he Aah prepared instruments of death: his arrows
he maketh (or 7s making) flaming !). 11, 5. 7 the upright de-
hold his face. 16, 9 }3%" (parallel to MOY) dwelleth or can
dwell. 22,16. 23, 5. 26, 4. 5. 38, 12. 62, 5. 65, 14. 73, 7-
9.27. 74, 1. 84, 3. 93, 3. 102, 15. 109, 3f. Pr. 4, 17. 12,
12. 28, 1. Job 3, 17. 11, 20. 12, 20f,. etc.

36. It will now, moreover, be apparent how the impf.,,
especially if suddenly introduced dovydérws, may be effectively
employed by prophets and poets in the description of a scene
or series of events not merely to vary the style of narrative,
but to throw into what would otherwise have been a motion-

 

1 Cf. Lev. 11, 4-6, where the ptcp., impf., and pf. are employed in
succession to describe, from different points of view, the same attribute.
37] THE IMPERFECT ALONE. 41

less picture the animation and vigour of life. Thus, for
example, Isa. 2, 8 and the land is filled with idols, to the
work of their own hands NAV* shey dow down! 3, 16> (de-
signed to make the reader realize forcibly the image presented
by nap5m), 5, 15> (in v. 15%. 16 the prophet is describing the
future in terms of the past [see § 82]; in 1g> he confers a
passing vividness upon a particular feature in the scene). 9,
rob and his enemies he armeth (notice in 104 the pasf tense
334"). 16. 17. 18», 19> the people has become as fuel for fire,
none spareth (or 2s sparing) his brother! 10, 4. 28. 14, 10
(after the pff. in v. 9). 15, 2b. 3. 4b. 24, 9 etc. Joel 2, 3 ff.
Nah, 2, 5f.

37. The imperfect, as we saw above, expresses not merely
simple futurity (I shall, thou wilt, he will), but is equivalent
further to the same auxiliaries in their other and more em-
phatic capacity as the exponents of volition (I will, thou shalt,
he shall). We saw further that it possesses a potential and
concessive force, corresponding to caz and may. In past
time or in oratio obliqua, these auxiliaries naturally suffer in
English a change of tense, becoming respectively should,
would, could, and might. Some instances of the impf. oc-
curring with these significations will now be given: it is
noticeable, however, that frequently we are by no means
restricted to a single equivalent in translating‘.

(a) Gen. 41, 1g YOWA thou cans¢ understand a dream (or
simply dos¢ understand; and similarly in the other passages).
Ex. 4, 14. Nu. 35, 33 782’. 1 Ki. 3, 8. 8, 27 cannol or well
not contain thee. 2 Ki. 6, 12 Elijah caz tell. Ps. 5, 8”. 18,

 

1 The senses which follow I have arranged simply with reference to
the auxiliaries as they are met with in English, without stopping to
enquire, except incidentally, how far any of the latter may bear equivocal
meanings.

2 Cf. Delitzsch: ‘die Futt. v. 8 besagen was er thun darf und thun
wird: durch die Grésse gottlicher Gnade hat er Zugang zum Heilig-
thum.’ Comp. Isa. 26, 13.
42 CHAPTER Il. [38.

30; in questions, Isa. 49, 15% cam (or wei) a woman forget,
etc. Ez. 28, 9. Job 8, 11. 13, 16 (see Del.). 38, 34f 40,
agf.; and with ‘p, Ps. 15, 1. Isa. 33, 14. Ex. 4, 115 who
maketh (or can make) dumb? etc. Pr. 20, 9 vad smyar ON».

(8) 1 Ki. 8, 5 oxen spBr-nd that could not be counted.
Hos. 2, 1 (=innumerable). Jer. 24, 2 figs that could not be
eaten (=uneatable). Ez. 20, 25 statutes which they could
not live in. 1 Ki. 18, ro that TaN ND he could not find
thee (not ‘INY2"N? had not found thee). Job 38, 31 couldst
thou bind? 39, r9f.

38. (a) Gen. 2,16 ye may eat. 42, 37 thou mayest (or
shalt) kill my two sons, if etc. Ex. 19, 13%. Nu. 35, 28 the
slayer may return. Lev. 22, 23. Dt. 5, 21 we see God may
speak with a man, and he (yet) live. 12, 20 P2NF, Jud. 16, 6
wherewith thou canst (or mighiest, A.V.) be bound. Isa. 40,
30 may weary. 49, 15> (cf. Ps. g1, 7). Ps. 30, 6. Job 14, ar.
21, 3°.

Sometimes in a defiant sense: Ps. 12, 9. 14, 6 whan ye
may put to shame (if ye like! it matters not). 46, 4. 91, 13.
109, 28 ¢hey may curse, but do ‘hou bless! Mal. 1, 4.

In the preceding instances the impf. is equivalent to may
in its permissive or concessive capacity; in those which
follow, it corresponds to may as a term indicating indefinite-
ness. In the former case, therefore, the tense expresses an
independent idea (dicet, ¢€eorw), and is consequently indica-
tive; in the latter, it conveys the notion of dependency, and
accordingly assumes the position and force of a true sub-
junctive.

Ex. 5, 11. 8, 23 we will sacrifice WDM’ "WND as he may
command us (see 10, 26). 9, 19 N¥D* WN LXX éca édw
eépeOn. 2 Ki. 12, 5. Pr. 4, 19.

(8) And in past time: Gen. 2, 19 way 8 édy éxddeoev. Ex.
34, 34 whatever he might be commanded. Dt. 4, 42 LXX
rov povetrny ds dv hoveton rév mAnotoy abtod. Josh. 9, 27 which
he might choose. Jud. 17, 8. 1 Sa. 23, 13 roan awe idan
39+] THE IMPERFECT ALONE. 43

and they went about, wherever they went about, LXX xai
€mopetovto 06 édv eropevorro! (in this, as in some of the other in-
stances, the impf. comdznes the ideas of repetition and indefinite-
ness, and its force may be nearly represented by the English
‘-ever:’ on of édv, comp. p. 34 nore). 2 Sa. 15, 6 wD (or used
to come). 1 Ki. 5, 8 mm. 2 Chr. 2, 11 ia aedificaret). Ez. 1,

12 of dy fu.

839. (a) Expressing a command: Gen. 3, 14. Ex. 21, 12
sno” Nid he shall be put to death. 14. 15 etc. Nu. 15, 14 as
ye do, MWY’ {3 so shall he do. 36, 7.9 pay; and regularly in
prohibitions (which indeed can be expressed in no other
way), Gen. 2, 17. Ex. 20, 3-17 etc.

With a different nuance: Ex. 22, 26 in what (else) a3u zs
he folie? Nu. 23, 8 how 3P8 shall I (or can I, am I fo) curse?
Job 9, 29 PWIN %23N I must (or am to be) guilty (viz. in the
judgement of another). 10, 15 WNT NwK NDI am nol fo lift up
my head. 12, 4 TAN. 17, 6. 19, 165: comp. Hitzig (who cites
1 Sa. 20, 5 MT. to-morrow I oughé to sit. 28, 1b xyn*). 2 Ki.
20, 9 or 2 shall it return ten degrees? Gen. 4, 7 NNN)
12 won shouldest or must rule over him. 20, g deeds WN
wy Nd that should or ought not to be done. 34, 7. Lev. 4,
13 nm wyn x WN. Job 15, 28 in cities nnd yaw xb which
should not have inhabitants (lit. which should not sit for them-
selves: for the idioms see Is. 13, 20, and Ew. § 315%, Ges.-K.
§ 119. 3°, 2); and in dependent sentences, as Ex. 3, 3. 10,
26 we do not know 73¥377 how we shall (or are 40) serve
Yahweh, till etc. 18, 20. 1 Ki. 8, 36. Ps. 32, 8.

(8) And in past time:—Gen. 43, 7 Y12 DIT were we
possibly o know? (or could we know?). Jud. 5, 8 was there

 

1 On the zdem per idem construction in this passage, see the author's
Notes on Samuel, ad loc.; and comp. 2 Sa. 15, 20. Ex. 4, 13. 16, 23.
33, 19. 2 Ki. 8,1. Ez, 12, 25. Zech. 10, 8, as also Ex. 3, 14 VWN TT
mite J will be that I will be, on which see Studia Biblica, i. (Oxford,
1885), p. 15 ff., with the references.

2 On 1 Sa. 14, 43 see Votes on Samuel, p. 292.
44 CHAPTER Til. [39.

to be seen? 1 Ki. 7, 7 (= 08 eueAre xpivew). 2 Ki. 13, 14 the
sickness $3 mi’ Ww which he was /o die of. Jer. 51, 60: and
involving the idea of an obligation, 2 Sa. 3, 33 was Abner 40
die as a fool dieth? (Germ. sollte A. sterben ...?), in our
idiom (the result anticipated of being realized), ought A. to
have died ...? (MD, quite different from N23 did A. die ).
2 Ki. 3, 27 A.V. his eldest son sbi wwe that was fo reign
(i.e. chat ought to have reigned) in his stead. Job 10, 18> yaw
verhauchen hdtfe ch gesollf=1 ought to have expired. 19
Says... mm. And in the oratio obliqua, as Gen. 2, 19 to
see NTP’ m1) what he would call them. 43, 7 TON’ 19. 25 for
they heard pnd yboxy oy %3 that they would (or were to) eat
bread there. 48, 17 YON mw 3 ARDY NM that his father was
putting etc. Ex. 2, 4. Nu. 18, 34. 24, 11] said (that) I would
honour thee. 1 Sa. 22, 22. Isa. 48,8; 2 Ki. 17, 28 he taught
them 387 38 how they ought to fear Yahweh. Further, with
"3D or WN, after rip, as 2 Sa. 18, 3 it is better yo-man-D
that thou shouldest be (ready) to help us from the city. Ruth 2,
22. Job 10, 3. 13, 9. Qoh. 5, 4 (WR). 7,18 (WwWN)*; and also
after words expressive of a desire or command, though
mostly only in the later prose, where the earlier language
would use a direct expression‘, as Neh. 2, 5. 7,65 (=Ezra 2,
63). 8,14 f. 13, 1.19. 22. Dan.1, 8. Esth. 2, ro. Job 36, 10;
cf. v. 24. 37, 20>, In poetry (without ‘> or Ww), Lam. 1,
10: so, in inferior prose, Ezra 10, 8. Dan.1, 5. Esth. 9, 27 f°

(vy) Moreover, in questions after nnd (or m2), yr, PS,
instead of the outspoken, categorical perf,, the impf. as more

 

1 Where A.V.R.V. should have been must be taken in the sense of ought
to have been: ‘should have... ,’ as expressing merely a contingent resz/t,
would correspond to the Heb. perfect (see Job 3,13 : and §§ 39, 141).

? awe in the sense of »9 is chiefly (though not quite entirely) a late
usage (Neh. Esth. Qoh. Dan. [but ot Chron.]).

3 The zzf. is more usual with 110: Gen. 2, 18. Jud. 18, 19 etc.

* £.g. in Esth. 2, 10 19°1n 8b WON. Contrast especially 1 Chr. 21, 18
with 2 Sa. 24, 18,

5 Cf, Lev. 9,6, 2Sa.21, 4 (perhaps); also Jer. 5, 22. Ps. 104,9. Pr. 8, 29.
40, 41.] THE IMPERFECT ALONE. 45

courteous, more adapted to a tone of entreaty or deprecation,
is often preferred?: thus Gen. 44, 7. Ex. 2,13 why 13n
shouldest thou smite thy neighbour? 5, 15 (addressing a
superior). 32,11. 1 Sa. 21,15. Ps. 11, 1. Job 3, 20%. Simi-
larly, the less direct form of question (Nan) NIA nen (or
TYITN) whence may you be coming ? appears to have been
adopted from a sense of its greater politeness as the conven-
tional greeting, in preference to the perfect (which indeed
occurs but twice, Gen. 16, 8. 42, 7); e.g. Josh. 9, 8. Jud.
17,9. 19, 17. Job 1, 7 etc.

(8) Ex. 3, 11 qualis sum gb ‘D ut adeam? 16, 7. Nu. 11,
12. Job 3,12. 6, 11. 7, 12 etc. 2 Ki. 8, 13 what is thy ser-
vant, the dog (2 Sa. 9, 8), that he should do this great thing?
Isa. 57, 11. Ps. 8, 5 and in the parody Job 7, 17.

Obs. The analogous idiom with the ferZect likewise occurs: Ruth 1, 12
that Z should have said, I have hope. Gen. 40,15 that they should have
put me. 1Sa.17, 26. Isa. 43, 22. Ps. 44, 19 f. that thou shozldest have
crushed us; while in Isa. 29, 16 we find both tenses side by side. And
with the ptcp., 1 Sa. 20, 1. 1 Ki. 18, 9. Ez. 24, 19. The perf. in such
cases denotes the action as completed ; the ptcp., as still in progress.

40. For the impf., as signifying wou/d in the apodosis,
and generally for its use in hypothetical propositions, see
Chap. XI.

41. Lastly, the imperfect is used after fza/ conjunctions,
as (WR) ab, VAY zn order that, Gen. 27, 4. 10. 19. 25 etc.
“1B lest, 3, 22; further, after bane perhaps, DS if, WS whoso,
and other similar words. ‘ADD also, though construed with

 

1 And of course when the speaker desires to avert or deprecate an
action which is only impending, or not finally completed, as Nu. 27, 4.
1 Sa, 19, 5.17. 2 Sa. 16,9; cf. also Gen. 44, 34. Ps. 137, 1 how shall
(or can) we sing? Jer. 47, 7. 1 Sa. 20, 2 why should he hide? Contrast
the pf. Gen. 26, 9. 2 Sa. 1, 14.

2 Contrast the different language, 2 Sa. 16, 10. 1 Ki. 1, 6.

® So Dietrich, Abhandlungen, p.111. Compare in Greek the modest
expression of an opinion, or request, by the opt. with dy, e.g. Gorgias
449 B dp’ ov @ehhoars dv, & Topyia, .7.A.
46 CHAPTER III. [42.

the infinitive by preference, is twice followed by the impf.,
Ex. 20, 20 wwonn tndad. 2 Sa. 14, 14; and }® occurs simi-
larly once, Dt. 33, 11 ROP’ YO shat they rise not again (=
pop TWAD= DIP, which would be the normal construction,
Gen. 16, 2. 31, 29. Isa. 24, 10. Job 34, 30). For additional
instances the reader is referred to § 115.

Obs. Two or three times 7p is found with a perfect, 2 Sa. 20, 6. 2 Ki.
2, 16 (followed by +), the result feared being conceived as having
possibly already taken place (exactly as Thuc. 3, 53 vuv 5é poBovpeba
BY duporépay dpa hpaptikapev) ; cf. 10, 23. Thrice also, Jer. 23, 14.
24, 18. Ez. 13, 3, °nb25 is followed, apparently, by the same tense,
though, as it would seem, incompatible with the meaning borne by this
conjunction. But in Ezek. we must either render, ‘and after (that
which) they have not seen’ [Ew. Hitz. Smend], or, as 793 as @ cate-
gorical negation with a finite verb is opposed to usage, read for »nb351
ya, wt ondad ‘that they (the people) should not see,’ cf. v. 22+; in
Jer. 27, the abnormal punctuation 183 seems due to a feeling—perhaps
to a tradition—that the impf. was really demanded, and we should most
probably therefore restore wis, the first letter of which might readily
drop out after the » of nb15 (so Ew. § 337°, Konig i. 645, etc.). In Jer.
23 (Graf’s explanation being inconsistent with the meaning of *na25) it
is likewise necessary to suppose an error of transcription, and for 1B to
restore either aa ori48, Many instances of the accidental transposi-
tion of letters occur in the O. T.: 62 noted by the Massorah (some, how-
ever, assumed needlessly) are collected in the ’Ochlah we-’ochlah, edited
by Frensdorff (Hannover, 1864), No. 91; see c. g. Josh. 6, 13. Jer. 2, 25.
8,6. 17, 23. 32, 23. In Josh. 4, 24 the perf. after yyn) is still less
defensible: but here again the punctuation is already irregular (ONN1,
whereas elsewhere the pf. of x7» exhibits uniformly seve), and with
Ewald, § 337°, Konig i. p. 637, and Dillmann, ad Joc., the infinitive
DONNY must be read.

42. The following passages are left to the reader to ex-
amine for himself: to some of them we may, perhaps, have
occasion to revert elsewhere. (a) Jud. 6, 4. 1 Sa. 24, 9.
1 Ki. 7, 15. Pr. 7, 8. 1 Sa. 13, 17. Neh. 3, 14f. Jer. 13, 73
bow xb Gen. 48, ro. Josh. 15, 63 Kt. 1Sa.3, 2. 2Sa.14, 14.

 

> Comp. Comill, ad /oc., who, however, strangely retains the perfect.
43.] THE IMPERFECT ALONE. 47

(8) Gen. 2, 25 wean’ Ndr. Jud. 12, 6 pov xdy. x Sa. 1, 7b,
2,25. 27,4 Kt. 2 Sa, 2, 28. 1 Kir, 1. 8, 8. Jer. 5, 22. 6,
IO. 20,11. 44, 22. Ps. 44, 10. Job 42, 3. Lam. 3, 7. Cant.
3, 4. Dan. 12, 8. ‘

43. At this point it may be worth while, even at the risk
of some repetition, to indicate briefly one or two of the more
important general results which I trust will have become
clear in the course of this and the preceding chapter. The
reader who has attentively followed the analysis which has
been there given of the nature and use of the Hebrew tenses
will, it is hoped, find himself able to appreciate and realize,
more fully than was possible at an earlier stage, the truth and
purport of the considerations advanced in the Introduction.
He will recognize, in the first place, the importance and wide
application of the distinction there drawn between znd of
time and order of time. By means of this distinction it at
once becomes possible to explain both the theory of the
Hebrew tenses and the practice of the Hebrew writers. Dz-
versity of order is fully compatible with identity of kind, this
explains the theory: zdentely of order in no way excludes
diversity of kind; this explains the practice.

‘Diversity of order is compatible with identity of kind’
Differences of order (or date), then, are not mecessarily at-
tended by concomitant differences of tense: the future, as
well as the past, may be indicated by the form expressive of
the idea of completion; the pas¢ (under particular aspects),
no less than the future, may be described by the form which
denotes action as inchoative or incomplete. Each tense,
indeed, but especially the imperfect, exhibits a singular flexi-
bility: at the same time it will be clear that this flexibility
does not overreach the limits prescribed by the most rigorous
logic. The meanings assumed, however divergent, do not in
reality involve any contradiction: a fundamental principle
can be discovered which will embrace them all—a higher
unity exists in which they meet and are reconciled. Although,
48 CHAPTER III. [43-

however, one paradox which the use of the tenses seems to
present is hereby solved, there still remains another difficulty,
which these considerations do not touch. If a difference of
tense is no criterion of difference of dave, if events occurring
at every conceivable moment of time must be denoted by two
forms, and may be denoted by one, how is it possible to
avoid ambiguity? The answer has been already incident-
ally alluded to more than once. The conéext, intelligently
apprehended, constitutes the differentiating factor which
fixes the signification of the tense. Taken by itself the
meaning of the tense may be ambiguous and uncertain: a
reference to the context—to the whole, of which it is itself an
inseparable part—makes clear the relation subsisting between
them, and reduces the ambiguity to a minimum.

But, secondly, ‘identity of order in no way excludes diver-
sity of kind.” One and the same event may be described
either as nascent, or as completed: each tense, therefore,
preserves always its own proper force, which must not be
lost sight of because difficult of reproduction in another lan-
guage, or because the genius of our own tongue would have
been satisfied with, perhaps, some more obvious mode of ex-
pression. The line of demarcation between the two tenses
is as clearly and sharply drawn as between the aorist (or
perfect) and the imperfect in Greek or Latin. Whichever
tense is used, it is used by the writer wrth a purpose: by
the choice of the other tense, the action described would
have been presented under a more or less modified aspect.
‘UT pons “WWD {7 Ps, 78, 20 the change of tense is no
less marked, the colouring imparted by it to the description
no less perceptible, than in the line ‘Conficuere omnes, in-
tentique ora /enebant,’ where the effect produced by the varia-
tion is closely similar. And often there is a manifest beauty
and propriety in the tense selected. Ps. 19, 2-4 the con/znual
declaration of the heavens, the rez/erafed announcement of
day and night, the established fact that this proclamation is
43] THE IMPERFECT ALONE. 49

audible wherever their dominion extends, could not be more
concisely and expressively indicated than is here done by a
simple variation in tense’. And few languages would indi-
cate as much with greater ease and neatness, or by a lighter
touch. This single instance will suffice to shew how much
may be lost by disregarding a seemingly slight and trivial
change: to examine and note the exact force of each tense
he meets, until practice enables him to catch it instinctively
and without reflection, should be the first duty of the student.

 

1 Compare Jer. 36, 18 (the process of dictation described with pre-
cision—1°73 IDO by AND RT... 6 OR NIP? YD 7A).

A curious misreading of a paragraph in Gesenius, in consequence of
which the writer, without the smallest misgivings, transfers to the perfect
a sense belonging to the imperfect, may be seen in the Speaker's Com-
mentary, iv. 623”.
CHAPTER IV.

The Cohortative and Fussive.

44. We saw above, § 23, how readily the imperfect might
lend itself so as to become the vehicle for expressing a voli-
tion; and of its use with a permissive force we have already
seen examples in § 38. There the imperfect appeared with
its form unaltered: and this is often the case, not merely
when this permissive force becomes so intensified as to be
equivalent to a petition or a command (see, for example, Ps.
17, 8. 43, 1. 51, 9f. 14. 59, 2. 60, 3. 61, 7f. etc., where it
is parallel to the imperative’), but also when it is used in the
first person? to express an intention or desire on the part of
the speaker—the mere future ‘I shall’ gliding insensibly into
the more decided ‘I will’ But Hebrew possesses two
special forms, commonly known as the jusszve and cohorta-
tive’, which are very frequently used to indicate more explicitly
when the imperfect bears these two significations respectively.
Both these forms exist in Arabic in a more complete and
original condition than they exhibit in Hebrew: developed at
an early period in the history of the Semitic languages, in

 

1 And add Gen. 1, 9. 41,34. Jud. 6, 39. 1 Ki. 15, 19. Isa. 47, 3. Ps.
109, 7. Job 3,9. Neh. 2,3 al. In many of these passages the un-
shortened form occurs in close proximity to an actual jussive.

2 Not so often, however, as with the second or third persons, in which
the modal force can be less frequently distinguished by the form: cf.
1 Sa. 12, 19. 2 Sa. 10, 12. Jer. 8, 14. Ps. 59, 17 (cf. 18). 2 Sa. 22, 50
(Ps. 18, 50 MIN). Jud. 5, 3. Job 21, 3. 33, 31 (13, 13 TIDIN).

3 I sometimes use the common term vo/untative to embrace both.
45, 46.| THE COHORTATIVE AND YUSSIVE. 5I

Arabic after having reached a certain point of perfection, they
there remained stationary, without experiencing any of the
levelling influences which caused them partially to disappear
in Hebrew. Although, however, limited in range of appli-
cation, their distinctive character remained substantially un-
impaired; and they continued to constitute an integral and
important element in the syntax of the language.

45. The cohortative is scarcely ever found except with
the first’ person, either sing. or plur. as the case may be. It
is formed by adding to the verb the termination n—? (e.g.
Pea but if preceded by a long vowel it is toneless, like

no locale’, and in accordance with the rule mentioned p. 18,

as nobis), which has the effect of marking with peculiar em-
phasis the concentration of the will upon a particular object
—nap3 let us go, we would fain go, the idea being expressed
with more keenness and energy, and with a deeper personal
interest or emotion, than by the mere imperfect 723.

46. The jusszve, on the other hand, belongs almost ex-
clusively to the second and third persons* (in the second
person principally after bys, which is not used with the im-
perative). It is obtained by shortening the imperfect in such

 

1 In the 3rd pers. Dt. 33, 16 aoxiin (where the strange form can be
hardly anything but an error for mNiin; see Konig i. p. 646f; Ges.-K.
§ 48. 3 Rem.); Is. 5, 19 TNIIN... mT; Ps. 20, 4727; Job 11, 17
moon (see § 152. iii: Hitz. and Bickell, however, with Pesh. Targ. read
a subst. myn). Job 22, 21 7nNiIn is supposed by those who defend
the MT. (e.g. Del.) to be a case not of the -a4 of the cohortative, but
of a double feminine: far more probably, however, the text is in error
(see Konig i. p. 644, and the suggestions in Delitzsch).

2 Or once 1-~ Ps. 20, 4, cf. 1 Sa, 28, 15; and similarly in the impera-
tive once or twice, 1” Pr. 24, 14 for the usual m7, and 131 Jud. 9,
29 ; compare Isa. 59, 5. Zech. 5, 4. Ez. 25, 13 (quoted by Delitzsch).

3 In thus comparing the m— Jocale with the m— of the cohortative, I
do not wish to assert or assume their original identity.

4 The exceptions are 1 Sa. 14, 36. 2Sa.17,12. Isa. 41, 23 Kt. 28.
42,6; and cf. Job 23, 9. 11.

E 2
52 CHAPTER IV. [47-

a manner as the form of each particular word will allow:
e.g. M2 from 3), on (through the intermediate, but seldom
actually occurring type, ba) from nby (Hif.), Pan from nban,
etc.’ The parallelism of form between the jussive and the
imperative (133, bya 70, 3) makes it probable that the
origin of this abbreviation or apocopation is to be traced to
the quickened and hasty pronunciation of a person issuing a
command: the curtness and compactness of the form corre-
sponding to the abrupt and peremptory tone which the
language of one in such a situation would naturally assume’.

47. So much for the origin and primary meaning of
these two modal forms. It only remains to mention, before
noticing instances of their use, that in Hebrew many classes
of verbs do not admit of the modifications of form by which
they are distinguishable from the ordinary imperfect. Thus
verbs 15 hardly ever® receive the 7— of the cohortative,
and verbs x5 only very rarely. The jussive is seldom dis-
tinguishable, except in verbs ¥’y, 1”’5, and the Hif‘il generally;
while before suffixes both forms are equally incapable of
recognition*. From this it follows that they are not indis-

 

1 The analogy between the abbreviated forms in verbs 14 and the
forms of segolate nouns is very complete and worth noticing: thus) 2 iby
(presupposed from 1922; cf. may, a) nyu 172 (presupposed from
°272); with wy’ cf. 1y3, with yn}, mn, with yA, nyi, with xi and
7P8, 02, with 72) the rare form 73: in 7) from mm), the yod becomes
vocalized exactly as in ‘15 (in pause m7 78); and in nA) (in pause
in) from 7)T1Aw? the same process is undergone by waw precisely as
©) etc.) from 717 (cf. alsoa TR, 7B, and with a different

in am} Gin any 13
vowel 17H, 117%). It should be stated that some of the forms quoted
occur only after-1, and not as independent jussives.

* Cf. Ewald, Gramm, Arab. § 210: ‘cuius [modi iussivi] haec est
summa lex, ut forma a fine rapidius et brevius enuncietur, prout ipse
inbentis animus commotior, sermo rapidior est.’

* Twice (according to the punctuation): Isa. 41, 23. Ps. 119, 117.

* The only exceptions are Isa. 35, 4. Dt. 32, 7.
48, 49.] THE COHORTATIVE AND YUSSIVE. 53

pensable elements in Hebrew; and the truth of the remark
made at the beginning of the chapter, that the unmodified
imperfect is sufficient for the expression of any kind of voli-
tion, becomes self-evident. So, too, it may be noticed that
they are not always used, even in cases where their presence
might naturally be expected: e.g. Gen. 19,17. 1 Sa. 25, 25:
Gen. 9, 25 (AM, but m, nB*). Jud. 6, 39>. 19, rz. Isa. 1, 25.
Jer. 28, 64 Ruth 1, 8 Kt. Job 3, 9¢etc. Still, upon the
whole, where the modal forms exist, they are employed by
preference.

48. The ordinary usages of the cohortative and jussive
are so readily intelligible that a small selection of instances
will suffice, the variations in meaning presented by different
passages depending entirely upon the tone and manner of
the speaker and the position which he occupies relatively to
the person spoken of or addressed. Both forms are often
rendered more emphatic and expressive by the addition of
the particle 81; e.g. Gen. 18, 21 NITNTN, 30 *2N2 wp xy,
26, 28 $2°NH,

49. The cohortative, then, marks the presence of a
strongly-felt inclination or impulse: in cases where this is
accompanied by the ability to carry the wished-for action
into execution, we may, if we please, employ J, we will...
in translating; where, however, the possibility of this depends
upon another (as when permission is asked to do something,
or when the cohortative is employed in the plural, in accord-
ance with the etymological meaning of the name, to instigate
or suggest), we must restrict ourselves to some less decided
expression, which shall be better adapted to embody a mere
proposal or petition.

Thus (2) Gen. 12, 2 f. 18, 21 7 wll go down, now. 27,
AI. 33, 12 etc. Isa. 8, 2. Ps. 7, 18 TUSIN J will sing. 9, 2 f.
13, 6. 18, 50 etc.; in 1 pers. plur. Gen. 22, 5 nabs we (I and
the lad) wz7l go. 24, 57. 29, 27-

(8) Gen. 33, 14. 50, 5 TIBPN) NITRYN Let me go up, I
54 CHAPTER IV. [50.

pray, and bury my father. Ex. 3, 18 we would fain go. Nu.
21, 22 (in the message to Sihon, craving leave to pass
through his territory) def me pass through. Jud. 12, 5 J should
like to cross. 18, 1 MNIN, x Sa. 28, 22. 1 Ki. 19, 20 etc. Ps.
17, 15 O may I be satisfied ...! 25, 2. 39, 5. 61, 5. 65, 5.
69,15 AYADN-DN let me not (or may J not) sink! Jon. 1, 147:
and as a literal ‘ cohortative,’ Gen. 11, 3. 19, 32, and often;
Jer. 18, 18. Ps. 2, 3. 34, 4 etc.; cf. 85, 9. Hab. 2, 1 T7DyN
nA NN}.

50. In the same way the jussive assumes different shades
of meaning, varying with the situation or authority of the
speaker: it is thus found—

(a) As a ‘jussive,’ in the strict sense of the term, to convey
an injunction or command, Gen. 1, 3 7iN iT etc. 22, 12. 30,
34. 33,9. 45, 20. Ex. 16,19. Dt. 15, 3. Isa. 61, 10 *WDI ban.
Ps. 13, 6. 97, 1 etc. 2 Chr. 36, 23; and the same in a tone
of defiance or irony*, Ex. 10, ro 44) Hsp % yD TD. Jud. 6, 31
if he is a god > AV let him (or he may) strive for himself! Isa.

47, 13. Jer. 17, 15.

Obs. In commands 4x (do mo¢) and N> (thou shalt not) are sometimes
found interchanging : see Ex. 23,1. 34, 3. Lev. 10,6. Jud. 13, 14, 1 Ki.
20,8. Ezra 9,12. But only very seldom indeed is the jussive (or cohor-
tative) form employed after xd: Gen. 24, 8. 1 Ki. 2,6. 1 Sa. 14, 36.
2 Sa.17,12. 18,14.

Sometimes, from the circumstances of the case, the com-
mand becomes a permission: so Num. 24, 7 0% and ef his
king be higher than’Agdg, 19 1) and det him rule. Deut. 20,
5. Isa. 27, 6 (where observe the simple impf. "¥" parallel to
a jussive). 35,1f. Hos. 14, 6f. I will be as the dew to
Israel: Ze¢ him flourish J and sirzke forth his roots like

 

1 Cf. Job 32, 217 wD NWN RI-dR «ST hope I may not shew unfair
favour to any one.’

° Cf, the imperative 1 Ki. 2, 22. Isa. 47, 12. Job 40, 10; Ez. 20, 39.
Amos 4, 4. 1 Ki, 22, 15. Nah. 3, 15.
51] THE COHORTATIVE AND YUSSIVE. 55

Lebanon. Zech. 10, 7 nad 5». Ps. 14, 4 let Jacob rejoice.
22, 27 let your heart revive. 69, 33. 2 Ki. 2, 10.

(8) In.a somewhat weaker signification, to impart advice
or make a suggestion :—

Gen. 41, 33 f. and now 87 ef Phar‘oh look out a man etc.
Ex. 8, 25. Jud. 15, 2. 1 Ki. 1, 2. Ps. 27, 14 (31, 25). 118,
1-4. Pr. 1, 5. 9, 4 etc.

(y) To express an entreaty or request, a prayer or wish,
and in particular blessings or imprecations :—

Gen. 9, 27. 31, 49 Yahweh ay’ waich between me and
thee! 44, 33 xa Jet thy servant remain, I pray. 45, 5.
Ex. 5, 21. Nu. 12, 12. Dt. 28, 8, 1 Sa. 1, 23. 24, 16. 1 Ki.
TO, 9. 20, 32. Ps. 7, 6. 247, 9. 35, 6. 69, 26. 80, 18. 109,
12-15. 19. 2 Chr. 14, 10> (a prayer like Ps. 9, 20).

Obs, In the second person the jussive is very rare, except after bx, its

place being naturally occupied by the imperative ; see, however, 1 Sa.
10, 8. Ez. 3, 3. Ps. 71, 21 8 O multiply my greatness! Dan. 9, 25;

and cf, the phrase p1n y11°, Gen. 15,13. 1 Sa. 28, 1. Jer. 26, 15. Pr. 27,
23 al. yan 773, 23, I (the special form not being needed, § 44).

51. Thus far all is plain and clear. The use of both the
modal forms is so simple and natural as seemingly to pre-
clude even the possibility of any obscurity or difficulty
emerging. And yet we are on the verge of what may be
termed the vexatissima quaestio of Hebrew syntax.

Does the cohortative ever signify ‘must?’ Startling as
such a question may appear, after what has been said
respecting the nature of this mood, and corroborated by the
examples cited in proof of it, it is nevertheless a question
which has to be asked, and one to which we must endeavour
to find, if possible, a satisfactory answer. The fact is, that
a small number of passages exist in which the intention or
wish which the cohortative properly expresses, appears to be
so limited and guided by external conditions imposed upon
the speaker that the idea of impulse from within seems to
disappear before that of compulsion from without. So much
56 CHAPTER IV. [ss

so is this the case that many modern grammarians do not
hesitate to affirm that under such circumstances the cohorta-
tive has the signification mus/!. Such a sense, however, is
so completely at variance with the meaning this form bears
elsewhere that considerable caution should be taken before
adopting it: indeed, stated absolutely and unreservedly, it
cannot be adopted at all. Now it is observable that in
almost all the passages in question the doubtful expression
occurs in the mouth of a person suffering from some great
depression or distress: however voluntary, therefore, the
situation itself may be in which he is placed, the direction
taken by his thoughts is volun/ary, at any rate so long as his
circumstances do not wholly overpower him. His thoughts
may, for example, either suggest some action tending to
relieve his feelings, or they may form themselves into a wish
expressive of disconsolate resignation.

52. By keeping these considerations in mind, we shall
generally be able to interpret the cohortative without depart-
ing so widely from its usual signification as to do violence to
reason. How natural, Ps. 42, 5. 10, for the exiled poet to
find relief? in tearful recollections of the days JD3 “2yN ‘3;
or, v. 10, to give free course, as Job 10, 1, to his plaint!
And similarly 55, 3. 18. 77°, 4. 74>. Isa. 38, 10 (in despazr,

 

' Comp. Ewald, § 228°; Bottcher, ii. 186; Hupfeld and Delitzsch on
Ps. 55, 3: on the other hand, Miiller, Schulgrammattk, § 382°.

? This is of course said upon the assumption that Hitzig’s objection,
that ‘ pouring out one’s soul’ is not a voluntary act, is unfounded. Comp.,
however, the imperative 15 195 Ps. 62, 9. Lam. 2, 19; and for the
practical identity of wp) and 35 in expressions of this sort, comp. Ps.
61, 3 with 107, 5. Jon. 2, 8.

* The following appears to be the best articulation, grammatically,
of this difficult Psalm. Ver. 3 is evidently descriptive of the past, Z
sought, etc.; v. 4 pictures, under the form of a quotation, how the
Psalmist at the time thus indicated adandoned himself to his distress of
mind ; vv. 5 f. the narrative is resumed ; v. 7” again, as v. 4, represents
his passionate reflections on the D1p0 on» (cf. Job 29, 2); vv. 7°10
“and my spirit inquired, (saying), “ Will the Lord cast off for ever ?”’ etc.;
53:] THE COHORTATIVE AND YUSSIVE. 57

‘let me go, then; I am ready to die,’ the feeling 7m) *n4p5
‘nw extorts from him the wish to relinquish the life now
suddenly become a Bios dBioros: comp., though the tone is
different, Gen. 46, 30). 59, 10 (describing the efforts made to
find the way’). Jer. 3, 25 wnwaa naaw) (in despondent
resignation, as perhaps Ps. 57, 5 with the same verb).

53. In these passages it will be observed that while the
usual signification of the cohortative seems at first sight
somewhat obscured, there is no necessity to suppose it
absent, still less to imagine it superseded by a contrary sig-
nification. And, in fact, Ewald’s words, § 2284, are only to
the effect that the cohortative is used to designate voluntary
actions, whether they proceed from perfectly free choice, or
are ‘at the same time conditioned from without?” This lan-
guage is intelligible and consistent; but commentators some-
times forget the limitation with which it is accompanied, and
express themselves as though they thought it possible for the
cohortative to denote external compulsion (‘must’) alone, to
the exclusion of any internal impulse occasioned or suggested
by it®. Accordingly they find no difficulty in accounting for
the presence of the form under discussion in Jer. 4, 19. 21.
Ps. 88, 16, where nAnY, nye, naBN seem to be exclu-
sively ‘determined from without,’ in such a manner as to
leave the speaker without even the most limited scope for
personal choice. But upon what principle the cohortative
can then be employed to express such an idea with any pro-
priety, it is impossible to understand; in preference, there-

 

lastly, 7. 11 Then J said, introduces the thought with which he finally
put his questionings to silence. (So Cheyne.)

1 Cf, Delitzsch’s note: ‘the impulse of self-preservation, which drives
them in their dzopia to feel for a way of escape.’

? Similarly Delitzsch on Ps. 55, 3: the cohortative not unfrequently
denotes ‘zch sold oder zch muss von Selbsterregungen, die von aussen
bedingt sind,’

8 E.g. even Hupfeld expresses himself incautiously on Ps. 57, 5.
88, 16.
58 CHAPTER IV. [54+

fore, to supposing that the 7 has in these passages assumed
a meaning diametrically opposed to, and incompatible with,
that which it holds elsewhere, it is better to adopt the opinion
of Hitzig that it has Jost zs significance’. This is certainly
the case at times with the so-called n—— Jocae (in such words
as any ; andiy, which appear as simple nominatives, or
Anywr, nbitvis, where it is at least redundant after the pre-
position’), and is more in accordance with other phenomena
of language than the violent transition which the other expla-
nation involves*.

54. We saw above, § 27, how the impf. could be used in
poetry to give a vivid representation of the past; and there
are a few passages in which, as it seems, the cohortative is
employed similarly, the context Lmdtng the action to the
past, and the mood, apparently, indicating the energy or im-
pulse with which it was performed. So 2 Sa. 22, 38 TBTIN
(for which in Ps. 18 9)77N). Ps. 73,17 WPAN... NAN W
oninyd (under the influence of the rhythm of Dt. 32, 2g?
Hitz.). Pr. 7, 7 ADS . ts, Job 19, 18 ayaM TIDPNA
(on 30, 26 comp. 5 66 a. Possibly, also, Ps. 55, 18; on 66,
6, however, see Perowne’s note: and Hab. 2, 1 the eagerness
of the watchman preparing for his post is graphically depicted

 

1 Hitzig himself explains the other passages in the same way, or else
by supposing } omitted: but in most of them, at any rate, the more emo-
tional and emphatic form appears appropriate.

? See Hupfeld on Ps. 3, 3, and especially Philippi, Wesen und Ur-
sprung des St. constr. im Hebriiischen, pp. 128, 143 f.

* The real difficulty lies not in understanding how the original meaning
of a termination may have been lost or forgotten, but in understanding
how at one and the same time it could have been treated as both signi-
ficant and non-significant. And yet, even if we accept Hitzig’s view as
at least defensible by analogy, this is what must have been done by
Jeremiah. The cases referred to above are scarcely in this respect
parallel.

* Or should we supply in thought *ninx before noipr? Hitz. ‘ will
ich aufstehn, so reden sie iiber mich,’
55,56,57.] ZHE COHORTATIVE AND FUSSIVE, 59

in the form of a quotation, the narrative proper beginning
only with v. 2: Cant. 3, 28 is similar, the quotation implied
by the cohortative being followed in 2» by the perfect *nwpa.
Cf. Ps. 77, 4 (p. 56 7.).

55. The appearance of the cohortative after ‘ON Ex. 32,
20, cf. Jer. 20, 10, or yd Ps. 9, 15, will not require further
comment. In Ps. 26, 6. 71,23. 77,12 for L will remember,
it retains its usual force, merely indicating more decidedly
than the bare impf. would have done the unconstrained
readiness felt by the writer. It is found also in the phrase
AYN “WY while I would wink, Prov. 12,19: cf. Jer. 49, 19=
5°, 44. ,

56. We may now turn to the anomalies presented by the
use of the jussive. Not unfrequently in poetry the jussive occurs
under circumstances where, from the general context, the
simple imperfect would seem the more natural form to employ;
and where, owing to the consequent difficulty of marking its
special force in translating, its presence is apt to be over-
looked. The explanation of this usage will be best introduced
and most readily understood, if we first of all notice some
instances in which the zmerative is similarly employed. The
difficulty, it will be seen, is this: we seem to require only the
statement of a fact; we find instead a form preferred which
expresses a command. are we now at liberty to disregard the
mood altogether, and to treat the jussive as equivalent to a
simple imperfect? or ought we rather to seek for some ex-
planation which will account for and do justice to the form
chosen by the writer? Although a few passages remain
unexplained, the analogy of the imperative, the meaning of
which can be neither forgotten nor evaded, will lead us to
decide in favour of the latter alternative.

57. The appearance of imperative and jussive alike,
under the circumstances alluded to, is to be referred simply
to a familiar characteristic of the poetical imagination. To
the poet, whatever be his language or country, the world is
60 CHAPTER IV. [s8.

animated by a life, vibrating in harmony with his own, which
the prosaic eye is unable to discern: for him, not merely the
animal world, but inanimate nature as well, is throbbing with
human emotions, and keenly susceptible to every impression
from without (e.g. Ps. 65, 14. 104,19. 114, 3-6. Isa. 35, rf);
he addresses boldly persons and objects not actually present
(e.g. Isa. 13, 2. 23, 1f. 4. 40,9 etc. Ps. 98, 7f. 114, 7f), or
peoples a scene with invisible beings, the creations of his own
fancy (Isa. 40, 3. 57, 14. 62, 10); he feels, and expresses, a
vivid’ sympathy with the characters and transactions with
which he has to deal. The result is that instead of describing
an occurrence in the language of bare fact, a poet often loves
to represent it under the form of a command proceeding
from himself. Now in the majority of cases, those viz. which
resemble Isa. 23, 1 etc., no difficulty arises: the difficulty
first meets us in those passages where the command seems to
be out of place, in consequence of the state of things pre-
viously described rendering it apparently superfluous and nu-
gatory. But the fact is, these are only extreme instances ;
and the two considerations just mentioned will really be
found sufficient to explain the anomaly.

Perhaps the strongest case is Isa. 54, 14 ‘de far from
anxiety, for thou wilt not fear; and from terror, for it will
not come nigh thee,’ where the imperative occurs in the
midst of a series of verbs describing the Zion of the future,
and is clearly only the more nervous and energetic ex-
pression of what in prose would run ‘thou mayes? be far from
anxiety,’ or (changing the form) ‘ thou meeds¢ not be anxious.’
Isa. 33, 20 is similar. The construction is more frequent in
negative sentences, i. e. with DS and the jussive: so Ps. 41, 3.
Job 5, 22. Prov. 3, 25. Isa. 2, 9. Jer. 7, 6 (where “by ‘pz on
32BUN, involving a change of construction, is in fact paren-
thetical), Cant. 7, 3.

58. These passages, in all of which the verb is in the
second person, and so distinctly imperative, establish a pre-~
58.] THE COHORTATIVE AND YUSSIVE. 61

cedent which justifies us in interpreting the instances which
follow in the same way, It will be seen that by adhering to
the strict grammar, instead of deserting it on account of a
superficial difficulty, a more pointed and appropriate sense
will disclose itself. (The verb will now be always in the third
person.) Ps. 34, 64. 50, 3 woni-byy and let him not be silent
(the scene is introduced by the pf. BIT v, 2: but the poet,
instead of continuing in the same style, and writing simply
‘he comes and is not silent,’ imagines himself as an eager
and interested spectator, praying the Deity, already visible in
the distance, to come near, Ps. 7, 7 f., and declare his will).
66, 7 (where, however, the jussive is probably to be under-
stood as conveying a /vferal warning). 121, 3 (contrast xd 4:
‘bx adds to xb the sympathy of the speaker with the expected
future, and expresses consequently a hope’ (Hitz.): in v. 4
this hope is raised to a certainty by sd). Jer. 46, 6. 51, 3.
Zech. 9, 5. 10, 7 (§ 504). Job 20, 14 xy bs (the interest
felt by the writer betrays itself by causing him to glide in-
sensibly from the language descriptive of a fact into that
which is expressive of emotion). And without a negative:
Ps. 11, 6. 12, 4. 72. 8.13. 16.17. 85, 14 let justice go be-
fore him and etc. (as in the passages quoted from Jer. and
Zech., a future fact represented by the poet under the form
of a command). Dt. 28, 8 APTANY FAN Ain wi, ar PIT.
36 Fd¥.

Hitherto we have found no occasion to relinquish the
recognized and usual signification of the jussive. Some
other passages, in which the occurrence of this mood seems
abnormal, will be noticed in the chapters which follow: and
a few that remain even then will be examined in Appendix II.

Obs, 1. The true character of the cohortative, although now univer-
sally recognized, was for long disregarded or unobserved : it was for the

 

1 Sept. Pesh. Jerome, however, express here 03°25, with imperatives
in 64, This reading is probably correct (so Ewald, Cheyne, Kirkpatrick).
62 CHAPTER IV. [58.

first time clearly and convincingly established by Gesenius, in his Lehr-
gebiude der Hebr. Sprache (Leipzig 1817), App. ii. p. 870, where a large
number of instances are collected and examined, ‘since it is not fair or
tight that a matter which can be despatched at a single stroke, if one
will only submit to the labour of exhaustive investigation, should remain
any longer an object of uncertainty and dispute.’ Previous grammarians
had, however(as Gesenius himself remarks), maintained the same opinion ;
and, indeed, so soon as Arabic began to be studied systematically, with
a view to the illustration of Hebrew, the analogies presented there by the
use of the ‘jussive’ and ‘energetic’ moods could not fail to arrest atten-
tion. Accordingly we find Albert Schultens in his Zustétutiones ad fun-
damenta Linguae Hebraeae (Lugduni Batavorum 1756), p. 432, asserting
that by the addition of 1—‘simul accesstonem fieri significatéonts non
ambigendum ;’ and Schroder, Zustitutiones (Ulmae 1785), p.198, speak-
ing of it as ‘vocum formam et significationem augens. <A few years
later, however, Stange in his Avticritica in locos quosdam Psalmorum
(pars prior, Lipsiae 1791), p. 45, writes as follows on the same subject :—
‘Quod supra scripsi, 1 quod vulgo, idque male paragogicum vocant, non
temere vocabulis apponi, sed futuris et imperativis adiectum . . . . expri-
mere Latinorum coniunctivum aut si mavis subiunctivum, multis fictum
et falsum videri facile possum coniicere ; nam quae imberbes in Gram-
maticis non didicimus, ea fere contemni ac reiici solent: id tamen ex
multis exemplis verissimum reperiri, nemini in posterum dubium esse
debet.’ It appears, then, that in the Hebrew grammars of his day,
guarum tamen numerus infinitus est, ac quibusgue nundinis Lipstenst-
bus augetur (ibid.), the view thrown out by Schultens and Schréder had
met with as little approval as at the time when Gesenius published his
Lehrgebiiude. Stange himself supports his statement by a considerable
list of instances, though not so copious or accurate as the one afterwards
given by Gesenius.

Obs. 2, The existence of a special meaning attaching to the shortened
forms of the impf., at least in the case of the verbs 115, had been pre-
viously noticed, though here likewise it was Gesenius who, in the first
edition of his smaller grammar (1813), and more fully in his Lehrgebdude,
confirmed and demonstrated the correctness of the observation. Thus
Schréder, p. 212, writes :—‘ Secunda ratio retracti ex syllaba ultima ad
penultimam accentus posita est in singulari emphasi, qua vox pronun-
ciatur, uti fit in mandato, hortatione, precatione, vel in interdicto, de-
hortatione, deprecatione, vel in voto, vel ubi gravior quidam subest
animi adfectus:’ compare also Schultens, p. 443. So far, however, as
the theory here stated is concerned (which is identical with Ewald’s,
§ 224% %, above § 46, moze), it is singular that, if it be true, the retro-
58.| THE COHORTATIVE AND FUSSIVE. 63

cession is not more frequent: except in the few cases cited below, § 70
(where it is to be attributed to the presence of x), the tone never recedes
in the jussive beyond the limits of verbs 77%. It is plain that the jussive
shortened (or, as in Arabic, cut off) the last syllable of the verb: there
seems to be no evidence that in doing this it likewise produced any
retrocession of the tone. On the jussive forms of verbs 1’) compare
Olshausen, § 228°.

Obs. 3. As regards any ambiguity which may be thought to arise from
the use of the unmodified impf. to denote a command or wish, the reader
will remember that our own language offers a close parallel. I quote
the following from E. A. Abbott’s Shakespearian Grammar, a book in
which the method commended in the extract from Gesenius (see Obs. 1)
has been admirably carried out, § 365 :—‘ The reader of Shakespeare
should always be ready to recognize the subjunctive, even where the
identity of the subjunctive with the indicative inflexion renders distinction
between two moods impossible except from the context. Thus:

“Therefore take with thee my most heavy curse,
Which in the day of battle tire thee more
Than all the complete armour that thou wear’st!
My prayers on the adverse party fight,
And there the little souls of Edward’s children
Whisper the spirits of thine enemies,
And promise them success and victory.”
Rich, ITI. in. 4. 187 ff’
Add further :
‘But all the charms of love
Salt Cleopatra, soften thy waned lip!’
Ant. and Cl. ii. 1, 20-21,
And (from § 364):
‘For his passage,
The soldiers’ music and the rites of war

Speak loudly for him.’
Hamlet v. 2. 409-411.
CHAPTER V.
The Voluntative with Waw.

59. In the present chapter we have to examine the use
of the imperfect when combined, in its capacity as a volunta-
tive, with the simple or weak } (with shwa’ bp’ , noDN1: when
the first letter of the verb has shwa’ likewise, we obtain, of
course, the forms 137%, ‘04, nba): these must be carefully
distinguished from Dip, NODS, NZ, TM, NWN). Inas-
much as the particular signification it then assumes depends
upon its being, not a mere imperfect, but a voluntative, it is
important to recollect what was remarked in § 44, that the
voluntative force may be really present even though the cor-
responding modal form does not meet the eye.

60. This weak } is used with the imperfect—as a jussive
or cohortative by preference, if these exist as distinct forms,
though not exclusively even then—in order to express the
design or purpose of a preceding act, which it does in a
less formal and circumstantial manner than wb, “Vaya etc.,
but with greater conciseness and elegance. An instance or
two will make it clear in what way this is-effected. 1 Sa. 15,
16 ATIN) ANA let alone avd J weil tell thee: inasmuch as it
is the wish to tell which occasions the utterance of a , this
is equivalent to saying ‘let alone ‘haf I may tell thee.’ Gen.
19, 20 let me flee thither "14 and lef my soul live (= hat it
may live). Jer. 38, 20. Ex. 10, 17 entreat God 10°) and may
he remove (=‘¢hat he remove) from me only this death’, In

 

1 As this combination of the voluntative with ) expresses an w/terior
issue, advancing beyond, but regulated by, the principal verb, it is called
61.] THE VOLUNTATIVE WITH WAW. 65

translating, we may sometimes preserve the force of the
jussive or cohortative ; sometimes it is better to employ ¢hat:
care ought to be taken, however, never to confuse (say) 7)
with either 71 or ‘1, from both of which it is entirely dis-
tinct, but to both of which it may seem superficially similar
in meaning—to the former when referring to future time, to
the latter when relating to the past.

61. The ambiguity, so far as the future is concerned,
arises from the following cause. In English, when we desire
to express our opinion that one given event will occur in
consequence of another, we commonly employ the future,
provided that this second event may be viewed by the
speaker as more or less probable in itself—not as purely
dependent upon the preceding action as its antecedent: in
other words, our language sfa/es only the gos? hoc, leaving the
propter hoc to be inferred from the juxtaposition of the words
in the sentence. Thus, if we regard the result as tolerably
certain, we say and if will...; if as uncertain, we say that
zf may ...: we can, of course, employ the latter form in both
instances, but our idiom prefers the former, if the circum-
stances will allow its use. Hebrew, on the other hand, em-
ploys the Jatter form regularly: hence it results that the same
phrase can be rendered into English by /wo equivalents, one
of which at the same time corresponds in addition, so far as
the mere words go, to another totally different expression in
Hebrew. The fact, however, that and zt will be corresponds
to 77) as well as to 1" must not mislead us into imagining
the latter to be identical with the former; for in meaning
and use alike the two are quite distinct. To avoid confusion,
therefore, it is safer, as well as more accurate, when we meet
with a jussive after 1, either to preserve the jussive form, or
to confine ourselves to the perfectly legitimate equivalent, ‘hat

 

by Ewald the consecutive or ‘relatively-progressive’ voluntative. (Re-
specting these terms more will be found, p. 71, ote 4.)
F
66 CHAPTER V. [62.

and the subjunctive. In Ex. 10, 17 we at once feel that we
cannot render and he shall remove: v. 21 on the contrary, for
‘M the sense would permit the rendering and there shall be,
the writer, however, as before, brings the result into more
intimate connexion with the previous act 1D), that there may
be: so 7, 1921 that they may become, but 19> mm and
there zwz// be.

62. The following examples will sufficiently illustrate the
construction :—Lev. 9, 6 this shall ye do 81 za? the glory
of Yahweh may appear. 26, 43 yy. Nu. 25, 4. Amos 5, 14
that he may be. Ps. 9, 10%" and let Vahweh be etc., or, in so
far as this is a consequence of the characteristics described
8f., so may he be, or ¢ha/ he may be a high tower etc. 90, 17
7" (a deduction from v.16). Mic. 7,10; 1 Sa. 7, 3. 18, 21.
28, 22 M3 73° Zhat so thou mayest have strength. 1 Ki. 22,
20. Job 16, 21. Isa. 5, 19 (parallel yh). 35, 4. Ps. 39, 14
that I may look bright. 41, 11 etc.; Pr. 20, 22 wait for Yah-
weh yen and he will save thee (not as an absoluze future, but
dependent on 73? being carried into effect)’. 2 Ki. 5, rob.
After , Jer. 9, 12 NX? MN 72 DIN WN DY. Hos. 14, ro.
Ps. 104, 437; Esth. 5, 3.6. 7, 2. 9,12 WPM after What zs
thy request ? comp. 1 Sa. 20, 4.

Instances in which the special forms are not used :—Ex,
14,1 ey etc. 2 Sa.g, 1. 3. 16, 11 5D. 24, 21 (cf. 2 Chr.
29,10). Isa. 43,9. 55, 73NDMY. Job 21, 19. 32, 21. 38, 35-
Jon. 1, 11 what shall we do PRY" shat the sea may be calm?
Ps. 59, 14 and let them (=/hat they may) know. 86, 17. Neh.
2,8; Jer. 5, 1%.

 

* Comp. below, §§ 151 Ods., 152.—It is only the connexion which
sometimes permits the jussive to be rendered must; e.g. 1 Ki. 18, 27
perchance he sleepeth yp so et him be awakened, where the general
sense is fairly expressed (as A.V.) by and must be awakened.

* Elsewhere, in answer to....°%, we find the simple impf., or the
imper.: Ex. 24,14. Isa. 50, 8. 54,15. Jud. 7, 3 al.; Ex.32, 24. Ps. 34,13f.
1Sa, 11, 12 (where see the writer’s note).
63,64.) THE VOLUNTATIVE WITH WAW. 67

Where clauses of this nature have to be negatived, x5 not
o& is almost invariably employed *:—Ex. 28, 43. 30, 20. Dt.
17,17 0? ND) (cf. v. 20 FD ‘FP 2?). 2 Sa.2r, 17. 1 Ki. 18, 44.
Jer. 10, 4. 28, 6 etc. Here the connexion between the two
actions is considered to be indicated with sufficient clearness
by the 1, without the need of specifying it more minutely by
means of 8, It is very unusual, however, to find the jussive
or cohortative forms after xd (see § 50 a, Obs.)

63. The same construction is also found in relation to
past time: 1 Ki. 13, 33 1 shat there might be? (not BY and
there were) priests of the high places. 2 Ki. 19, 25 OM) shat
thou mightiest (or mayest) be. Isa. 25, 9% shat he might save
us (not future, as A.V., because (9?) they are represented as
already saved). Ps. 49, 10 (where ‘") is dependent upon z. 8,
v. 9 being parenthetical) so shat he should live. 81, 16 that so
their time might be for ever. Lam. 1, 19 that they might
refresh their soul (where WW and they refreshed’ could
obviously not have stood). 2 Chr. 23,19. 24, 11?

Obs. It may be wondered how the jussive can find place where, as in
these cases, the allusion is to the Zas¢. No doubt, as often happens in
language, the literal meaning of the formula in course of time was ob-
scured and forgotten ; and it was thought of solely with reference to its
derived function of expressing succinctly a purpose or intention, quite
irrespectively of time.

64. After a negative *:—Nu. 23, 19 God is not a man

 

15x is in fact not used with a verb unless an imperative or jussive
force is distinctly felt. Its use is therefore far more restricted than that
of the Greek un, with which it is often compared. Thus in final sentences
{as after yy109 or Wwe Gen. 11, 7) 89 not >x is always found: and before
infinitives »nb15 (=Tod p...). Similarly in the case before us 5x is
quite exceptional, being only found where it is desired to place the second
clause upon an independent footing, and to make it co-ordinate with the
first: Ps. 69, 15. 85, 9. 2 Chr. 35, 21.

2 The singular as 5, 6. 29. 8, 26 Kt. 10, 12.26. 11, 3. 22, 13” Kt.

3 In the instances quoted, the subordinate clause is dependent upon
the principal verb w7thout the negative. Comp. in Arabic the similar
use of —4, with however not the jussive, but the sebjunctive: e.g. Qor’an

F 2
68 CHAPTER V. [64.

333") so chat he might lie (or, ¢ha¢ he should lie): the force of
the expression is well illustrated by a parallel passage 1 Sa.
15, 29 pnan> for repenting (or, so as to repent: LXX Num.
infin. alone, 1 Sa. infin. with rod), Ps. 51, 187 thou desirest not
sacrifice TFN} so ¢hat I should give it. 55, 13° it was not an
enemy who reproached me SW&) so ¢hat I might bear it: simi-
larly IND), Isa. 53, 2b and he had no beauty /ha¢ we should
desire him. Jer. 5, 28”.

Or an interrogative :—Isa. 40, 25 to whom will ye compare
me MW) shat I may be like him? 41, 26 T9731. 28 shal I
might ask them ey and that they might return answer.
46, 5. Lam. 2, 13. Jer. 23, 18% who hath stood in the council
of Yahweh so as to see? etc. (different from 18>, which re-
sembles rather Job 9, 4; § 19, p. 25). Job 41, 3.

Obs. Occasionally the } is dispensed with: Ex. 28, 32. 39, 23 (the same,
narrated when done: ‘that it méght not be torn’). Isa. 41, 2772 =do
subdue, 50, 2. Ez. 16, 15 »77 15 chat it (sc. 7°) might be his*, Ps,
61, 81m 2 yO. Job 9, 33. Neh. 13,19". And after a negative Ps. 140,
9 promote not his device 19177 so ¢hat they be exalted*. Add also

 

7,17 and do not come nigh to this tree so as to become evil-doers (in
Engl. we should rather change the form, and say Jest ye become evil-
doers). 71 do not touch her so ¢hat (Jest) punishment seize you. See
also 6, 108.154. 8, 48. 10,95. II, 115. 12,5etc. And after an interro-
gative, 6,149. 7, 51 have we any intercessors ¢hat they should intercede
for us?

+ The rendering ‘e/se would I give it,’ ‘ the I could have bore it,’
implies merely a different expression in English of the demonstrative 1
(comp. §§ 62, 122 Oés.), which, whether represented by so chat, or by
50, then, in that case, equally limits the giving, or the bearing, to a case
conceived (in virtue of the preceding negative) to be non-occurrent.

2 Which differs from 20, 17. Gen. 31, 27, in that the second event is
regarded as resulting from the first, while in these it is viewed simply as
succeeding it; cf. § 74.0.

* y> is here slightly emphatic ; but its position is due rather to the
desire for rhythmical distinctness; comp. mwN> 14 Gen. 16, 3 (after
D11N4). 29, 28 (after a previous 15), v.29; also Lev. 7, 7. 14° or
15.7 would be extremely weak as an ending.

* The harshness of the construction in v, 10* makes it almost certain,
65.| THE VOLUNTATIVE WITH WAW. 69

the passages in which the cohortative appears after ym: 0 O that...:
Isa. 27, 4. Ps. 55, 7 O that I had the wings of a dove, m2>wN1 TDIYN
that I might fly away and be at rest. Job 23, 3-5. Compare Jud. 9, 29.
Jer. 9, 1, where the cohortative is preceded by 3; Job 6, 8 f. (jussive).

65. Sometimes the zmperative is found instead of the
jussive, to express with rather greater energy the intention
signified by the preceding verb’.

Gen. 12, 2 and I will make thee into a great nation...
07) and be (that thou mayest be) a blessing. 20, 7. Ex. 3, 10.
2 Sa, 21, 3 and wherewith shall I make expiation, 12735 and
bless (that ye may bless) etc. 1 Ki. 1, 12 Ob, 2 Ki. 5, 10.
Ruth 1, 9. 4,11. Amos 5, 4. Ps. 37, 27. 128, 5 may Yahweh
bless thee, "8 and see (that thou mayest see) the prosperity
of Jerusalem !

 

however, that the text is here corrupt ; and that 1017 (which is in fact
redundant in wv. 9) belongs in reality, in the form 10°71, to v, 10; cf.
Perowne, Delitzsch, Cheyne (p. 404).

1 Compare Ewald, § 347%.
CHAPTER VI.

The Imperfect with Waw Consecutive.

66. By far the most usual method in which a series of
events is narrated in Hebrew consists in connecting each
fresh verb with the clause which precedes it by means of
waw consecutive, or, as it was formerly called, waw converst-
vum (*1) and the imperfect. This waw consecutive, in both
meaning and use, is radically different from the simple waw
with shwa’ (1), which is likewise prefixed to the imperfect:
but it can always be at once recognized and distinguished
from the latter by its peculiar form: before *, 3, and n the
waw consecutive unzformly has pathach, with dagesh in the
letter following—the dagesh being, however, regularly
dropped, from the difficulty of then pronouncing the double
letter, before * when accompanied by shwa’ (‘1 not 7):
before & of the first person it has, with all but equal invaria-
bility, the compensatory long vowel games* (818))?.

67. This somewhat singular construction was formerly
supposed to be peculiar to the Hebrew of the Old Testa-

 

1 Comp. with the article pepo, DINT etc.

? The only exceptions are a few occasions in Pi‘el, where pathach
appears: Jud. 6,9 WIaNI. 20, 6. 2Sa.1, 10. Ez.16, 10; cf. also Zech.
8, 10. Ps. 73, 16. 119, 163. Job 30, 26: and, according to some, Ps.
26,6. In Isa. 43, 28 it can hardly be doubted that the punctuators
(like the Targum) understood the verbs (incorrectly) of the future, and
pointed accordingly : the LXX and the Syriac render by the past, as is
done also by most modern commentators (vocalizing, of course, 91781
and 73M}: comp. 42, 25. 47, 6). : :
67.] THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 471

ment’, It is, however, known now to have been in familiar
use in Moab’, so that it was probably common to both
Hebrew and the kindred Semitic dialects spoken by the im-
mediate neighbours of the ancient Israelites’, Other Semitic
languages (Arabic, Aramaic, Ethiopic, etc.), in cases where
Hebrew uses regularly the impf. with ‘1, employ what might
seem to be the obvious and natural construction of the
perfect and }: but this is avoided, almost uniformly, by the
purest Hebrew ; and it is not till the later period of the lan-
guage, and even then but partially, that it is able to gain an
acknowledged footing (see Chap. IX). The principle upon
which the imperfect is here employed will not, after what was
said in §§ 21, 26, be far to seek. The imperfect represents
action as nascent: accordingly, when combined with a con-
junction connecting the event introduced by it with a point
already reached by the narrative, it represents it as the con-
tinuation or development of the past which came before it*.

 

+ Though a few instances occur apparently in the Samaritan Version
of the Pentateuch; see Uhlemann, Just. Linguae Sam. § 64.1 Anm.
In Hebrew of a later date, it is found only in books written in intentional
imitation of the Biblical style, for instance, in the Hebrew version of the
Book of Tobit, or in Josephus Gorionides. But it is not the idiom of
the Mishnah, or of the Rabbinical Commentators.

2 On the Inscription of Mesha‘ (the ‘Moabite Stone’) we find not
only 10%), AI7N1 etc., but even the same apocopated forms as in
Hebrew, wy}, 72N), RIN). The language of this inscription does not
in fact differ from Hebrew except dialectically, the resemblances in
idiom and general style being especially striking. See a transcription of
the inscription (in square characters) with grammatical explanations, in
the writer’s Motes on Samuel, p. \xxxv ff. (The impf. with -) occurs also,
as might naturally be expected, on the ancient Hebrew Inscription found
on the wall of the Pool of Siloam, 2d. p. xv.)

3 Tt is not, however, found in Phoenician (which has many points of
contact with Hebrew, though not so numerous as Moabitish), See
Schréder, Dée Phinizische Sprache (1869), and especially, on the relation
of Phoenician to Hebrew, B. Stade in Morgenlindische Forschungen

(1875), pp. 169-232.
* As the date of the new event expressed by the impf. is determined by
72, CHAPTER VI. [67.

ON is thus properly not and he said, but and he proceeded-to-
say. The pathach of the waw is probably to be explained
as the fuller, more original form of the conjunction (in Arab.
wd), which, for the sake of distinction, was preserved in this
case, and prevented from being weakened to }, by the dagesh
in the following letter’.

Obs. 1. The title waw conversive is a translation of the name
JARED Wy which originated with the old Jewish grammarians, who
conceived the waw under these circumstances to possess the power of
changing the signification of the tense, and turning a future into a past,
just as in a parallel case (to be examined hereafter), they imagined
it capable of turning a past into a future”. Now that the theory of the
Hebrew tenses has been entirely remodelled, and it is seen that they
involve no intrinsic relation to actions as past or future, but only as
completed or incomplete, irrespectively of date, the old term has been
very generally discarded as unsuitable. The title waw consecutive,
adopted by Ewald and most modern grammarians, was originally
suggested by Bottcher in 1827. Hitzig used always the term wav
relativum, the meaning of which will be apparent from what has
been stated above.

Obs. 2. The explanation here given of the nature of this construction
(which is, in effect, merely Ewald’s thrown with a little expansion into

 

the conjunction connecting it with a particular point in the past, to
which therefore it is ve/atéve, the construction is termed by Ewald the
relatively - progressive imperfect (das beatighch-fortschreitende imper-
fectum).

* Comp. Olshausen, § 229; and for the preservation of a vowel by
the duplication of the following consonant, cf. 713, 7193, m5 (2b. § 834).
Ewald (§ 231%) thought that the pathach and the dagesh were the only
surviving traces of some adverbial root concealed between the conjunction
and the verb: but this is hardly probable.

* Compare Reuchlin, Rudimenta Hebraica(Phorcae [Pforzheim] 1506),
p- 619, ‘Quamquam ne hoc quidem omiserim quod mihi de vau prae-
positiva particula humanissimus praeceptor meus ille Iacobus iehiel
Loans doctor excellens (misericordia dei veniat super eum) apud Cecios
discenti monstravit, Cum enim vau per seva notatum praeponitur verbo
praeteriti temporis quod transfert accentum suum in ultimam, tunc idem
verbum mutatur in tempus futurum .... Similiter cum praeponitur vau
cum patha verbo futuri temporis, tunc futurum convertit in praeteritum.’
Cf, L, Geiger, Johann Reuchlin, pp. 105 ff.
68. ] THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 73

an English dress) was written before I had seen the following passage of
Schroder’s /nstitutiones ad fundamenta linguae Hebraeae (Ulmae 1785),
pp- 261 f., in which, in all essential points, the same view is not only
anticipated, but stated also with singular lucidity:—‘Praeter varios
hosce usus, Futurum habet adhuc alium plane singularem, et Hebraeis
peculiarem, quod illud vim accipit nostri Praeteriti, et rem revera prae-
teritam designat, non tamen per se, et absolute, sed in relatione ad
praecedens aliquod Praeteritum, spectatam. Quando enim diversae res
factae, quae continua quadam serie aliae alias exceperunt, narrandae
sunt, Hebraei primam quidem per Praeteritum, alias autem subsequentes,
quas, ratione praecedentis, tamquam futuras considerant, per Futurum
exprimunt. Hoc itaque, quia id, quod in relatione ad aliam rem
praeteritam posterius et futurum fuit, notat, Futurum relativum dici
potest.’ ,

68. It is evident that this use of the imperfect is closely
parallel to some of the constructions noticed in § 27. In
instances such as N2¥ DOWN), WH WINN, TP, the im-
perfect depicts action as incipient, in strict accordance with
what appears to have been the primitive signification of the
tense : it is just in virtue of this, its original meaning, that, in
coalition with ‘1, it grew up into a fixed formula, capable of
being generally employed in historical narrative. That a
series of past facts should ever have been regularly viewed
in this light (a supposition without which the construction
before us remains unaccountable), that in each term of such
a series the salient feature seized upon, by language should
be not its character as past, but its character as nascent or
progressive, may indeed appear singular: but the ultimate
explanation of it must lie in the mode of thought peculiar to
the people, and here reflected in their language. Only, inas-
much as the formula became one of the commonest and
most constant occurrence, it is probable that a distinct
recollection of the exact sense of its component parts was
lost, or, at any rate, receded greatly into the background,
and that the construction was used as a whole, without any
thought of its original meaning, simply as a form to connect
together a series of past events into a consecutive narrative. .
94 CHAPTER VI. [6o.

69. The form which the imperfect takes after the ‘} is,
however, very generally modified. It frequently, at any rate
externally, resembles the voluntative—in the second. and
third person appearing as a jussdve, in the first person as a
cohoriative. Without going here with any minuteness into
the details (which must be sought in the larger grammars,
which treat the accidence at length), we meet, for example,
regularly with such forms as these, 13"), wYAL JON, ND,

PAI, MBN) etc. A second noticeable characteristic is this,
that after waw consecutive the fone frequently, though not
universally ?, recedes. Accordingly we obtain ADS, wa,
DYSNA Dan. 2, 1, TAL, WP, WH, NVA etc.

Obs. The cohortative form is so much less common than the jussive,
that a few particulars respecting its usage (derived chiefly from Béttcher,
ii. 199, and the list given by Stickel, Das Buch Hiob, pp. 151-4) will not
be out of place. It occurs only at rare intervals except in two or three
of the later writers, some ninety instances of its use being cited altogether.
Thus, in the historical books (to 2 Sa.), it occurs Gen. 32, 6. 41, II.
43, 21. Nu. 8,19. Josh. 24,8Kt. Jud. 6, 9.10. 10,12. 12, 3. 1Sa. 2, 28.
28,15. 2Sa.4, 10. 7,9. 12, 8, 22,24: but never in the books of Kings,
or in Isaiah (in Deutero-Isaiah, 43, 28: cf. § 66 zo¢e); and in the other
prophets, only Jer. 11, 18. 32,9. Ez.9, 8. 16, 11. Zech, 11,13. In
the Psalms, 3, 6. 7, 5. (not 18, 24). 69,12. 73, 16. 90, 10; and several
times in Pg. 119. In Job, 1, 15 ff. 19, 20. 29, 17. 30, 26. It is princi-
pally found in those portions of Daniel, Ezra, and Nehemiah, where the
narrative is told in the first person. In Ezra 7, 27-9, 6 there are seven-

 

’ In so far as verbs 7”5 are concerned, Bottcher, ii. 196 f., collects of
the first pers. sing. forty-nine instances of the shortened form, against
fifty-three in which it remains unabbreviated. In the other persons,
however, the full form is very exceptional; e.g. 7°71 never, 71°) four
times (against some 130 instances of 81°}).

2 The conditions under which the retrocession may take place are
(1) the syllable of the ultima, which is to become toneless, must be
one originally short; (2) the syllable which is to receive the tone, must
be an ogen one, with a Jong vowel. It does not, however, always take
place, even when these conditions are present ; and never in the Ist pers.
sing. (in 1 Ki, 21, 6. Ez. 16, 6 the retrocession is occasioned by posi-
tion): in pause, also, the tone reappears on the ultima, as !7921. Comp,
Olsh., § 229%,
70.] THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 75

teen instances of the first pers, with -ah, against only two without it
(there is a third case, however, in 10,2): it is here that its predominance
is most marked. In Dan, 8-12 there occur ten cases with -a#, against
eight without it (verbs 1”5 of course not reckoned): and in Neh. 1. 2.
4-7. 12, 31. 13 the numbers are about thirty-two to thirty-seven. But
it is not used by the writer of the Chronicles: 4 comparison of 1 Chr.
17,8 with 2 Sa. 7, 9 would seem to shew that he even intentionally
rejected it: nor is it found in Zech. 1-8 although 19x} occurs fifteen
times and 1:wx1 twice. In Esther, neither form is met with at all.

70. We have here to ask two questions: firstly, what is
the meaning of the apparently modal forms? secondly, what
is the cause of the retrogression of the tone?

It is maintained by Ewald, § 231°, that the imperfect after
*) possesses really a modal force: and he remarks in a note
that such an assumption is especially necessary on account
of the %— in the first person, which cannot otherwise be
explained. Certainly the coincidence is a remarkable one,
and constitutes a prema_facze argument in favour of this view,
which it is unquestionably difficult to meet. The same dis-
tinction of usage between the first person on the one hand,
and the second and third on the other, is observable here,
precisely as when the usual voluntative force is indisputably
present: the former appears as a cohortative, the two latter
as jussives. But the impossibility of giving a satisfactory or
even an intelligible account of the presence of a real cohorta-
tive or jussive in forms descriptive of simple historical fact,
constrains us to seek for some better explanation. Let us
begin by considering the case of the second and third per-
sons. It is, in the first place, obviously impracticable to do
anything with the jussive, taken in its literal sense: a com-
mand, a permission, or a wish are all equally out of place in
a form descriptive of the simple straightforward past. Ewald
(§ 2312) seeks to overcome this difficulty by weakening and
generalizing the force of the jussive mood in a manner
which it is impossible to regard as legitimate. Another ob-
jection against supposing the form to be that of a real jussive
76 CHAPTER VI. [70,

is the fact that the alterations arising from abbreviation or
apocopation extend over a much wider area than in the case
of the actually existent jussive. Thus the jussive proper in
the first person is extremely rare: but not only do we meet
with IN, qbiny etc., but some fifty instances are cited of
verbs 77%, which appear thus in the shortened form, some
of them, as NW), ‘INL, being of repeated occurrence. On
the other hand, there are phenomena which appear to reveal
the direction in which the true explanation must be sought.
The question was asked just now, What is the cause of the

accounted for by the supposition that the verb after *! is a

retrocession of tone observable e. g. in ADS? It cannot be

jussive, because ADS, nw etc. are unheard of as inde-
pendent jussive forms: where they do appear, their occur-
rence is in no way connected with the modal form as such,
but is an accidental consequence of postion (e.g. Ps. 102, 19
MNranan, 104, 20 qr nvm), In verbs 77 aK by the
vowel in the ultima (as in the segolate nouns) is an auxiliary
vowel; and the place of the tone is thus a secondary pheno-
menon: here, therefore, the apparent retrocession is due to
the weak letter which constitutes the third radical of the verb.
In no case is the jussive mood by itself sufficient to produce
retrocession ; nor, in fact, does it shew the smallest tendency
to produce it. Even supposing, therefore, that the verb
after ‘1 were jussive, this would fail to account for the retro-
cession of the tone. It can hardly be doubted that the true
cause lies in the heavy prefix ‘1, which was once probably, as
the dagesh seems to shew, even heavier than it is now. The
effect of this being added to the impf. would be to create a
tendency to dighten the latter part of the word, which would
operate sometimes by simply causing the tone to recede,
sometimes by giving rise to an accompanying apocopation.
It must be remembered that we have not much opportunity
of watching in Hebrew the changes produced by an altera-
tion at the deginning of a word: most of the variations in
zo.] THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 77

the vowels or the tone are the results of alterations at the
end of a word, or of some modification in its relation to what
follows it in the sentence rather than to what precedes.
Thus the sz. constr., the addition of a suffix, the presence of
a heavy termination (aAbyp, in contradistinction to a light
one nbp), the proximity of a tone-syllable, all operate from
below: examples of an influence working in the opposite
direction are more difficult to find. Nevertheless, we are not
left entirely destitute of indications as to the effect which a
heavy prefix, in constant coalition with a flexible verb-form,
might be expected to produce. Instances occur in which
8}, when closely united to a jussive by maggeph, gives rise
to an alteration in the form of the verb similar to that
observable after waw consecutive: thus Ex. 23, 1 nviAnde
2 Sa. 17, 16 babe see further Dt. 2, 9. 3, 26. 1 Sa. 9, 20.
1 Ki. 2, 20. Pr. 30, 6, cf. Ex. 10, 28. Compare also “28
AYA, exactly like HWM, whereas without 5x the full form
nnw* is used with a jussive force Job 21, 20. And probably
Ps, 21, 2 Qri 53°79 and the sere in iY Qoh. g, 142 are to
be explained in the same way*®. The case then, as a whole,
may be stated thus. On the one hand, the forms under
discussion cannot be explained as jussives (for the jussive as
such never assumes them), nor can they be explained as
arising from position (for they are found where no tone-
syllable follows): they can only be explained as arising from
the influence of the -} (for the presence of this is the one
property they possess in common), and this opinion is con-
firmed by the parallel instances which have been just quoted*.

 

1 See Ewald, § 224>; Béttcher, i. 166. ii. 172; Olshausen, § 229°.

2 Compare the shorter form after tx I Ki, 8, 1 bap? tr.

3 In the Psalm, however, the retrocession might be caused by the
following tone-syllable 1x» (the skwa’ not reckoning, precisely as
Gen. 1, 11; see Gesenius, Lg. § 51. 14 Anm. I, or Ewald, § 100°).

4 Ewald himself accounts in the same way for an analogous phe-
nomenon in Arabic (Gramm. Arab.i. p.124). Lam, ‘not,’ always takes
98 CHAPTER VI. [zt

Obs. There is one remaining ground upon which it might be thought
possible still to defend the assumption of a jussive. Granted the power
of the +} to alter the place of the tone, it will be urged that such forms
as nvisi, 1831 would be most naturally treated as derived immediately
from the jussives m2, 103, rather than from the simple imperfects
now?, 178). This certainly sounds plausible: but it must be remembered
that no basis exists for the assumption that nw? in MwW2) must necessarily
and exclusively be jussive: the +), which is able to produce natty
SITE etc., is u sufficient cause to account for the presence of seve in
nw°1; and when it had gone thus far, when it had produced nw1" out of
nwa, the tendency visible elsewhere could not have failed to operate
here likewise, so as from nw>1 to give rise to ny. Such instances
only require us to suppose /wo stages in the action of the -): the possi-
bility of the first stage is established by the effects observable in other
cases, and when once this is admitted, the second will follow as a matter
of course.

71. The form before us, then, is only apparently, not
really, jussive: it exhibits, in fact, one of those accidenial
coincidences not unknown to language. Why the shortened
form was selected for the jussive may be uncertain, though
we know the fact that it was so selected: we seem, at least
partially, to detect some reasons why it appears after -1, but
there is no indication that the identity of form in the two

 

an impf. after it, just as n1w generally does in Hebrew: but the impf. is
universally in the jzss¢ve mood. Thus the unmodified impf. of zazzala,
‘to bring down,’ is yunazztlu (he well, used etc. to bring down), whereas
the jussive is ynaze¢/; and so we find Qor. 3, 144 lam yunazzil in the
sense of ‘he has not brought down,’ 185 lam yaf‘ald (not yaf‘altna)
‘they have not done.’ The conjunction is always closely followed by
the verb, no intervening words being permitted : accordingly Ewald
writes, ‘Quare ob nexum hunc praepositi ,J vique cert pronunciandi
necessarium et perpetuum forma verbi in fine drevzus pronunciatur.’
And if a double origin for the shortened form is postulated for Arabic
(‘ex duplici quae formam decurtatam postulet causa,’ ibid.), it may be
conceded, without any greater hesitation, for Hebrew.

1 Through an intermediate yashith, Ewald, §§ 33°, 224"; Olshausen,
§§ 57°, 228°.

2 This indeed is the form which almost everywhere occurs: see, how-
ever, Gen. 47,11, and Bottcher, § 497. 9.
72.] THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 79

cases, such as it is (for we have seen that it is not perfect
throughout), originated in an intentional adoption of the
jussive as such.

72. The explanation of the n— in the first person is
more difficult. It should, however, be borne in mind that
even in the cohortative proper, the -24 does not add to the
simple imperfect the ‘intentional’ signification expressed by
that mood: the signification is already there, and the new
termination merely renders it more prominent. This seems
clear from the fact that the imperfect may—and in verbs
5, if such an idea is to be expressed at all, mzs/1—in its
unmodified form signify an intention or desire. The termi-
nation, therefore, is not specially cohortative or intentional,
it is merely z/enstve: and we are at least relieved of the
logical contradiction involved in the supposition that a real
cohortative form was used in the mere description of a past
fact. The time and mode of occurrence are here, of course,
limited by the prefixed 1; and if (as appears probable) the
-ah was felt to indicate the direction in which the will exerted
itself, or to add emphasis to the idea of movement conveyed
by the tense, its use with the first person would be nothing
surprising or inappropriate.

Obs. Compare Stickel, Das Buch Hiob, p. 151, who supposes that in
the cohortative the influence of the -ah is exerted in giving prominence
to the feelings zternally actuating the speaker, while with the first
person after } it lays stress upon the results externally produced. He is
thus often able to imitate the effect of it in German by the use of 42, as
mob ‘und wir trdumten A2z-’ so in English 72w’x1 'n1)w might be
very fairly represented by ‘I lay down, and slept away,’—hiz is, how-
ever, capable of a wider application than our away. Delitzsch (on Ps.
3, 6 and Gen. 32, 6) speaks of the -ah as a termination welches . .. die
Lebendigheit des Verbalbegriffs steigert.

Another suggestion is due to Prof. Aug. Miiller (in the Luck. Zezt-
schrift, 1877, p. 206). The form of the impf. after -1 became, through
the influence of this prefix (as explained, § 70), identical externally with

 

1 With the rare exceptions noted, p. 52, note 3.

°
80 CHAPTER VI. [73, 74-

that of the jussive : and hence, in process of time, the difference in origin
of the two was forgotten. But, as the other parts of both moods fell
into disuse, the cohortative came to be practically regarded as the first
person of the jussive, and consequently was used in cases analogous
to those in which the form outwardly identical with the jussive made its
appearance, i. e. after waw consecutive. In other words, 1w’) resembled
the real jussive 1w*: and then, through the influence of a false analogy,
721) came gradually into use by the side of it.

73. We may now proceed to examine the manner in
which this construction is employed: and, in the first place,
let us enquire more closely into the nature of the relation in
which an action thus introduced may stand towards the pre-
ceding portion of the narrative. The most obvious and
frequent relation is naturally that of simple chronological
succession, Gen. 4, 8 and Cain rose up wT and slew him:
but of this there is no need to give further examples, as
they abound throughout the historical portions of the Old
Testament.

74, At times, however, when of the two ideas thus con-
nected, one is really a consequence of the other, it is con-
venient and desirable to make this fact more explicit in
English by translating and so: similarly, where the two ideas
are in reality contrasted we may with advantage make the
contrast more perspicuous by rendering and yet.

Thus (a) Gen. 20, 12 and so she became my wife. 23, 20
DP and so the field was ensured to Abraham. Ps. 92, 11.
Jer. 20, 17 because thou didst not kill me from the womb
so' that my mother might have become my tomb (the two
verbs are strictly co-ordinated under .wx, but the relation
between them in English can hardly be exhibited except as
above). Gen. 12, 19 MP&). 31, 27 why didst thou not tell me

ANB, and so* I could have sent thee away (=‘that so I

 

1 oam1 is, however, not the same as "77na: could we use the same
person in translating, we should escape all danger of confusing them:
‘because thou didst not kill me and let my mother become my tomb.’

2 Above, ‘so’ pointed to the actual consequences of a real occurrence,
75.] THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 81

might have sent thee away,’ or more freely, but avoiding the
change of mood, ‘and so allow me to send thee away’) with
mirth? Isa. 36, 9 and so or so chen thou trustest.

(8) Gen. 32, 31 I have seen God face to face, byam and
yet my soul is delivered. Dt. 4, 33 did ever people hear the
voice of God... #11 and live (=and yet live)? 3, 23. Jud.
I, 35 129M. 2 Sa. 19, 29 nwni and yet thou didst set, etc. Mal.
1, 2>, Ps. 73,14. For some additional instances, see § 79.

Sometimes the consequence is also the climax; in other
words a sentence summarizing the result of the events just
before described is introduced by ‘1: the apparent tautology
may then be avoided in English by rendering so or hus, as
is often done in our Version, Ex. 14, 30. Jud. 4, 23. 9, 56.
20, 46. I Sa. 17, 50. 31, 6.

75. But chronological sequence, though the most usual,
is not the sole principle by which the use of -} is regulated.
Where, for example, a transaction consists of two parts
closely connected, a Hebrew narrator will often state the
principal fact first, appending the concomitant occurrence by
help of «1; or again, in describing a series of transactions,
he will hasten at once to state briefly the issue of the whole,
and afterwards, as though forgetting that he had anticipated,
proceed to annex the particulars by the same means: in
neither of these cases is it implied that the event introduced
by ‘1 is subsequent to that denoted by the previous verb; in
reality the two ‘1 are parallel, the longer and the shorter
account alike being attached by ‘1 to the narrative preceding
them both. Instances: (a) Ex. 2, 10 she called his name
Moses; and she said’. Jud. 16, 23. 1 Sa. 7, 12. 18, 11. 25,
5. 2 Ki. 1, 2; (8) Gen. 27, 247 oN (not subsequent to

 

here it points to the imaginary consequences of a hypothetical occurrence
(Alling, telling).

1 Elsewhere we find ') as Gen. 4, 25. 16,13. Ex. 2, 22 etc., or WON)
as 1 Sa, 4, 21; or VON) precedes NIFNI as Gen. 29, 33 etc.

2 For some of these references, compare Hitzig, Jeremda, p. 288,

G
82 CHAPTER VI. [76.

po, v. 23: the words of the blessing do not, as might
have been expected, follow immediately, but only after the
particulars accompanying it have been described, vz. 24-297%)1,
37, 6 (describing how Joseph told his dream ; 5 is antictpa-
tory). 42, 21 ff. (the details of the compendious j3 Wy", v- 20).
45, 21-24. 48,17 (notice Mw, § 39 8). Ex. 40, 18 (see 17>),
Josh. 18, 8 (1y% after 105»). Jud. 5, 1 (see 4, 24). 6, 27. 1 Sa.
10, g>-11.

76. In the instances just mentioned, the disregard of
chronological sequence is only apparent: but others occur
in which no temporal relation is implied at all, and association
in ‘hought is the principle guiding the writer rather than asso-
ciation in “me. Thus *) may be used to introduce a state-
ment immediately suggested by a preceding word or phrase ;
it is even, occasionally, joined to a substantive standing alone,
in order to expand its meaning or to express some circum-
stance or attribute attaching to it. Or, secondly, a fresh
circumstance is mentioned, in the order in which it naturally
presents itself for mention at the stage which the narrative
has reached ; or a new account commences, amplifying the
preceding narrative regarded as a whole, and not meant
merely to be the continuation, chronologically, of its conclu-
ding stage: in both these cases, also, *) is employed.

Examples: (a) Gen. 36, 14 brn, 32 (epexegetical of 314).
453 7 sonbwy (connected in thought only with v. 6). 46, 18.
25. Nu. 4, 40. 44. 10, 284yD%. 20, 15 (expansion of the mxdn
v. 14). 33, 3- Josh. 22, 17 is the iniquity of Peor too little for
us..." when there was (lit. ‘ ad there was’) the plague in

 

Bottcher, ii. p. 214, and especially Ewald, Komzposition der Genesis
(1823), pp. 151-156. On such occasions (in Ewald’s words) the nar-
trator ‘tiberspringt Mittelglieder um das Ziel zu erreichen:’ he is then
compelled ‘durch Nebenumstinde zu erldutern und zu erganzen, was sein
Eile eben iibersprungen hatte.’

1 Some scholars, however, suppose here v. 28 to connect immediately
with v. 23, vv. 24-27 being derived by the compiler from a different
source, A similar supposition is made in ch. 48, for vv. 15-16.
76.) THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 83

the congregation? Jud.rz, 1; 1 Sa. 15, 17 yet art thou head
etc., and Yahweh hath anointed thee etc. 2 Sa. 14, 5 WN ND’.
1 Ki. 11,15 (developes a particular episode in Hadad’s life,
in continuation of 14»: cf. 1 Sa. 2g, 2»). Isa. 49, 7 for the
sake of Yahweh who is faithful, (and) the Holy One of Israel
who hath chosen thee (lit. ‘ avd he hath chosen thee,’—a fresh
idea loosely appended by the help of 1). Job ro, 22». It is
also sometimes used in order to explain and define nwy, as
Gen. 31, 26. 1Sa.8, 8. 1 Ki. 2, 5. 18, 13 (N3081= how J hid):
cf. Neh. 13, 17.

(8) Gen. 2, 25. 5,5 10. 41, 56 ptm (synchronizing with
sav). Ruth 2, 23. Nu. ro, 35. 15, 32. 1 Sa. 14, 25%. 49.
1 Ki.5, 2. 12, 26>, 2 Ki.ry, 7 ff.; Ex. 4, 31+. Isa. 39, 1 he
sent messengers yrowiay and he heard? (parallel, 2 Ki. 20, 12
pow *3). 64, 4 Nbn (this is, however, uncertain: comp. Del.
and Dillm.); Pr. 12, 13. Job 14, 10> (new statements parallel
to those in the first clauses).

(y) Jud. 17, 1. 1 Sa. 9, 1. 18, 6. 1 Ki. 7, 13 (the entire
buildings having been described, the part taken in their erec-
tion by Hiram is mentioned separately*), 2 Ki. 18, 1 (comp,
the date in 17, 6); cf. Ex. 12, 1.

 

1 Where LXX, however, read now.

2 This instance is such an extreme one that Delitzsch and others are
doubtless right in supposing the reading yow" to have arisen out of
that in Kings by the corruption of > into). LXX has yap, the Peshitto
SiS. We find the two letters confused elsewhere: 1 Sa. 2, 21
(where in the Speaker's Commentary, ‘that’ must be a slip of the pen
for ‘when:’ the ¢hat which follows »n*1 would, of course, be repre-
sented by 1, § 78, and, moreover, requires always some intervening
clause) 17p °9 yields no sense, and we must from LXX restore 17D);
similarly Jer. 37, 16. Compare also, in the Heb. text itself, 1xD3)
1 Chr. 17, 14 for JRDD 2 Sa. 7,17; and in LXX 4 for 9 1 Sa. 2, 33.
4, 7. 24, 20. 2 Sa. 3, 21. 5,6 (apparently won). 7, 16. 14, 10. 19, 7
(LXX 6), and > for 1 1 Sa. 1, 23 (so too Pesh., and, probably, rightly).
2 Sa. 20, I.

3 LXX, it may be noticed, place the section 7, 13-51 more naturally
after 6, 36: but even in that case, the force of the -) remains the same.

G2
84 CHAPTER V1. [ 76.

Obs. It is a moot and delicate question how far the imperfect with
-) denotes a pluperfect. There is, of course, no doubt that it may express
the continuation of a plupf.: e.g. Gen. 33, 34 had taken and placed
them; but can the impf. with «1 vtroduce it? can it instead of con-
ducting us as usual to a succeeding act, lead us back to one which is
chronologically anterior? The impf. with -) is, in the first place, cer-
tainly not the usual idiom chosen by Hebrew writers for the purpose of
expressing a plupf.: their usual habit, when they wish to do this, is to
interpose the subject between the conjunction and the verb, which then
lapses into the perfect, a form which we know, § 16, allows scope for a
plupf. signification, if the context requires it’, This will be evident
from the following examples:—Gen. 24,62 xa pry. and Isaac had
come: the writer wishes to combine two streams, so to speak, in his
narrative: he has (1) brought Rebekah to the termination of her journey,
but (2) desires to account for Isaac’s presence at the same spot. In
order thus to prepare the way for their meeting, he is obliged to go
back, and detail what had taken place azéerzor to the stage at which his
narrative has arrived: he therefore starts afresh with the words pry”)
xi, the whole of vv. 62 f. bears reference to Isaac, and the two streams,
terminated respectively by 791) v. 61 and N10 v. 63, converge in NWN
v.64. So 31, 19 197 yao) and Laban had gone away (before Jacob left
Paddan-aram, 18 f.: 122M1, because the possibility of Rachel’s stealing
the Teraphim is a consequence of Laban’s absence). 34. Nu. 13, 22 had
been built. Josh. 6, 22. 18, 1 (w22m) wonld have suggested that the
subjugation was subsequent to the meeting at Shiloh). 1 Sa. 9, 15 (notice
the cructal significance of 178 DI). 25, 21 (David’s thoughts defore
meeting Abigail). 28, 3. 2 Sa, 18, 18. 1 Ki. 14, 5. 22, 31. 2 Ki. 7, 17.
9, 16° (obviously prior to Jehu’s arrival): in each of these passages, by
avoiding -1, the writer cuts the connexion with the immediately preceding
narrative, and so suggests a plupf.2_ Observe also how Ezekiel abandons

 

1 Tt will be understood that the pf. in this position does not always
bear a plupf. signification: it is often so placed simply for the purpose
of giving emphasis to the subject (see further App. I).

? In Gen. 20, 4. 1 Sa. 14, 27 -1 could not have been used on account
of the negative: but even here it may be noticed that the same order of
the words is observed. Compare Pusey, Lectures on Daniel, p. xix, who
speaks similarly of this idiom as one ‘which expresses a past time,
anterior to what follows, but in no connexion of time with what pre-
cedes ;’ the reader who refers further to p. Ixxxvi (ed. 2) will find a
considerable list of instances (all cases in which the verb is 7») to add
to the one given in the text.
76.| THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 85

his customary formula (3, 22. 8, 1». 14, z. 20, 2) as soon as he has
occasion to carry his narrative back, 33, 22, over the space of twelve
hours. And in the second place, the mode of connexion which, as
usage shews us, was suggested by +1, and which is recognized by all
grammarians, is with difficulty reconcilable with the idea of a pluperfect:
for the consecution inherent in the one seems to be just what is excluded
by the other. Under these circumstances we shall scarcely be wrong in
hesitating to admit it without strong and clear exegetical necessity.

Let us examine, therefore, the passages in which the pluperfect signifi-
cation of +1 has been assumed, whether by the native Jewish gram-
marians, or (through their influence) by the translators of the Authorized
Version, or, within narrower limits, by modem scholars: many, it will
be observed, break down almost immediately. Kalisch, § 95. 3, cites
Gen. 2,2. 26,18. Ex. 11,1. But Gen. 2, 2 is not an instance: see
Delitzsch’s note, and below § 149 z.: while in 26, 18 DYDND (which
the note in Kalisch’s Commentary shews to be the verb intended) is
simply the continuation of the plupf.11pm. In Ex. 11, 1 the narrative
is obscure, owing to its not being so circumstantial as in the preceding
chapters : but it is important to notice that, apart from the grammatical
question, the interpretation is not relieved, even though 1mK™1 be
rendered by a plupf.: if this verb be supposed to relate to any period
anterior to the ninth plague—Ibn Ezra suggests 4, 23, Keil 3, 19-22—
the sense of 17 yal Jy is sacrificed: if, on the other hand, it be
interposed between 10, 23 and 10, 24, then, since the terms of the
declaration are in no way conditional, it will be evidently premature.
All difficulty ceases, and the tense 1x74 retains its usual force, if the
interview 11, 4-8 be regarded as a different one from that of 10, 24-29";
nor is the language of 10, 28 f. conclusive against this view, for it would
be quite in keeping with Pharaoh’s character, when his passion cooled,
to relent from the threat which is there expressed by him, and which is
at any rate broken, subsequently (12, 31), on both sides*, (Dillmann,

 

1 Comp. 1 Ki. 1, 28 from which it is plain that, though the narrative
does not mention it, Bathsheba must have withdrawn after the interview,
vv. 15-22.

2 It is indeed stated in the Speaker's Commentary, ad loc., that Smith,
Pentateuch, pp. 557-560, ‘completely disposes of the objections of
German and English critics’ to the rendering had sad; but this is one
of those adventurous statements, in which Canon Cook was too often apt
to indulge. The reader who consults the volume referred to will find
(p. 113) merely four of the least conclusive passages cited, viz. Jud.
1, 8. Ex. 12, 1, 18, 2. 2 Sa. 5,8. 1 Chr. 21, 6.
86 CHAPTER VI. [76.

however, supposes that r1, 1-3 has been accidentally misplaced, and that
it stood originally after 11, 4-8.) From Hitzig we obtain Isa. 8, 3. 39,1
Jer. 39, 11. Jon. 2, 4. But in the first of these passages the sepaentlon
is not required: the second is a more than doubtful instance to appeal to
(p. 83 2.): the third may be explained by § 75 8 (or 76): and on the
fourth, Dr. Pusey (Afinor Prophets, ad loc.) corrects the A.V. thus :—
‘For Thou hadst (didst| cast me into the deep. Jonah continues to
describe the extremity of peril’ etc. Keil adopts the plupf. for Gen. 2, 19,
comparing Jud. 2, 6. 1 Ki. 7, 13 ff. 9,14. But Jud. z, 6 is an uncertain
passage to rely upon: the verse itself (together with vv. 7-9) is repeated
from Josh. 24, 28-31 (where it harmonizes perfectly with the context) ;
it is moreover the beginning of a new section (§ 76 y), and was perhaps
written originally without reference to the date in1, 1": cf. the Speaker's
Comm. ii. 424 (8), the writer’s Jtroduction, pp. 153, 155, and Budde,
Richter und Samuel, 1890, p. 161. 1 Ki. 7 has been dealt with already,
§ 76 7: 9, 14 is obscure: but the verse seems to be in continuation of
11%, Gen. z, 19 even Delitzsch rejects, though allowing that the plupf.
rendering is possible, and citing for it Isa. 37.5. Jon. 2, 4. Isa. 37, 5,
however, belongs to § 75 8: and in Gen. the plupf. sense is inadmissible,
for the reason stated below on Jud. 1, 8.

Further: Gen. 12,1 A.V. (see § 76 7). Ex. 4,19, where Ibn Ezra
explains 19x 7191; but the v., as Keil supposes, may well refer to a
distinct occasion; 24 (cf. v. 14: still vox is not necessarily anterior to
vv. 20-26); 18, 2 (where, however, mp1, as Gen. 12, 5 etc., refers
naturally to Jethro’s action in aking Zipporah for the purpose mentioned
v. 5: to take in in the sense of receive, entertain is DX not mp5). 32, 1
(§ 76 y); 32, 29 and 33,5 A.V. (as also Ibn Ezra), but comp. Keil:
Lev. 9, 22 11999 (Kimchi; also Abulwalid, Sefer harigmah, p. 22, ed.
Goldberg, 1856). Jud. 1, 8 A.V. (see the note in the Speaker's Comm.,
where the Bishop of Bath and Wells remarks with truth, that ‘there is
nothing in the original to suggest or justify such a change of tense’ as
had fought for yom). 1 Sa. 14, 24 A.V. (so Kimchi, ysawa 413);
but see Keil); 17, 13 (§ 76 8). 23, 6 (compared with 22, 20; the w.,
however, though the latter part is obscurely worded and probably in
some disorder (cf. p. go, and the writer’s note ad /oc.), relates apparently
to a subsequent stage in the flight of Abiathar, and is meant to describe
how, when in company with David in Keilah, he had the ephod with

 

+ This verse is thought by some (Budde, Rzchter u. Samael, p. 4) to
be an incorrect gloss, due to a misunderstanding of v. 7 (as though the
pronoun ‘they’ denoted the Israelites rather than the people of Adoni-
bezek), and intended to explain how the Israelites were able to take
Adonibezek to Jerusalem.
76.] THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 87

him). 2 Sa. 5,8 (=1Chr. 21, 6: a detad? connected with the capture
of Zion described in v. 7, § 75 8). 1 Ki. 13, 12 anv. A.V., Kimchi,
but in this passage, which is perhaps the strongest that can be urged
in favour of the plupf. sense of -1, it is remarkable that LXX Pesh.
Vulg. agree in rendering the verb, as though it were 42/7; And his sons
shewed him, etc., i.e. ame pat. 2 Ki. 20, 8 (rm, w. 7, anticipatory,
§ 75 B). Isa. 38, 21. 22: but it is plain that these two verses are acci-
dentally misplaced: they should (as was long ago remarked by Kimchi,
in his Commentary; similarly Bp. Lowth, cited in Prof. Cheyne’s note)
occupy the same position as in 2 Ki. 20, 7 f., and follow v. 6. Isa. 64, 4
(Kimchi }3xw11 1331: see § 76 8). Zech. 7,2 A.V., Kimchi (see Wright,
The Prophecies of Zechariah, 1879, p. 162). Job 2,11 and Dan. 1, 9
A.V. (not necessary). Neh. 2, 9° (§ 75 8). In Ps. 78, 23 (Ibn Ezra,
Kimchi; comp, A.V.) the narrative is doubtless not intended to be
strictly chronological (cf. 105, 28 f.2); and it would be very artificial to
render Nu. 7, 1 And it fad come to pass etc. on account of the date
being a month earlier than that of 1, 1 (see Ex. 40,17); a distinct section
here commences, and the case is rather similar to Ex. 12, 1 (§ 76 )°.
Such are the passages from which our conclusion has to be drawn.

 

1 Klostermann, ingeniously, amTAay; but it is doubtful, in spite of Ex.
15, 25, whether 7317 would be used of ordinary ‘ shewing.’

2 The case must be similar, as the text stands, in Josh. 24,12: but
here the LXX read du3exa, which is accepted by many modern scholars,
and is in all probability correct ; the allusion being not to the well-known
defeat of Sihon and Og (which, besides being out of place after the passage
of Jordan in v. 11, has been noticed already in v. 8), but to the successes
of the Israelites west of Jordan. See Hollenberg, Der Charakter der
Alex. Uebers. des B. Josua (Moers, 1876), p. 16, or in Stud, und Krit.,
1874, p. 488; and the author’s Jwtroduction, p. 106 f. So also Wellh.,
Kuen., and Dillm. (ad Zoc.).

3 A few additional passages, referred to chiefly by Jewish authorities,
will be felt at once to be inconclusive: Gen. 2, 8 Ibn Ezra (see also his
note on 1,9). 26,18 yer aw) (Rashi: pram as pry? yaw O19).
Ex. 14, 21 (Kimchi: a> OT Dw DIARIO TT WYpaI 7391). 16, 20
(Ki.: wraw x). Nu. 1, 48 A.V. 1 Sa. 17, 21 A.V. Jon. 1, 17 AY.
(see 4, 6.7). Job 14, 10 wom. Kimchi’s view may be seen also in his
Michlol, p. 50°, ed, Fiirth (1793), or p. 44°», ed. Lyck (1862): 11
yop> vox bya DTP Way 12w yOIT AVI. Other instances may
probably be found in A.V. In the Revised Version, all except 1 Ki. 13,
12 (the reading of the Versions being cited on the margin). Isa, 38, 21. 22.
Zech. 7, «. Neh, 2, 9 have been corrected.
88 CHAPTER VI. [76-

In those occurring at the beginning of a narrative, or paragraph, there
are, we have seen, reasons for presuming that the chronological principle
is in abeyance, and that it is not the intention of the author, or compiler,
to express the precise temporal relation with the occurrence last described.
Some of these apparent instances have arisen, doubtless, from the manner
in which the Hebrew historical books are evidently constructed, distinct
sections, often written by different hands, being joined together without
regard to formal unity. Others of the alleged instances are cases in
which a circumstantial detail belonging to a preceding general statement
is annexed by means of ‘): that here, however, it is not equivalent to a
true pluperfect, is manifest as soon as the attempt is made to render into
English accordingly; a translation such as ‘ And David took the strong-
hold of Zion: the same is the city of David. And David had said in
that day,’ etc. stands self-condemned. I find it difficult to believe that in
the midst of a continuous piece of narrative, such as Gen. 2, 19, or even
Ex. 11, I, it is legitimate to abandon the normal and natural sense of -1
in favour of one which, at best, rests upon precarious and unsatisfactory
instances, and which, had zt been designed by the author, could have
been easily and unambiguously expressed by a slight change of order.
For when a Hebrew writer wishes to explain or prepare the way for
what is to follow by the mention of some fact which /zes ouss¢de the
main course of his narrative, the passages quoted at the beginning of this
note shew conclusively that he purposely disconnects it with what pre-
cedes, by the choice of a construction not suggestive of chronological
sequence, which, in these two cases, would have given us respectively
gz) DoTON TID and WORX MIM. The authority of the Jewish gram-
marians, strange as it may seem to say so, must not be pressed; for
although they have left works which mark an era in the development of
Hebrew grammar, and are of inestimable value for purposes of exegesis,
still their syntactical, no less than their phonetic principles, have con-
stantly to be adopted with caution or even rejected altogether. Their
grammar is not the systematization of a living tradition, it is a recon-
struction as much as that of Gesenius, or Ewald, or Philippi, but often,
unfortunately, without a sound basis in logic or philology. And a
question such as that now before us is just one upon which their judg-
ment would be peculiarly liable to be at fault. All that a careful
scholar, like Mr. Wright (/.c.), can bring himself to admit, with reference
to the plupf. sense of «1, is that while ‘no clear instances can be cited in
which it is distinctly so used,’ there are cases in which ‘something like
an approximation to that signification can be detected.’ And it is re-
jected unreservedly by Bottcher, ii. p. 215 f. (see in particular, § 980. 4);
by Quarry, Genests, pp. 99, 418; by Dr. Pusey, who on Jonah 4, 5
77,78.] THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 89

writes, ‘Some render, contrary to grammar, “ And Jonah had gone,”
etc.,’ and by Dillmann (on Ex. 4, 19 etc.).

77. So much for the logical relation subsisting between
the two ideas connected by ‘1: we must now consider the
nature of the fresh action which is thus introduced.

Most commonly, and especially in the historical books, as
in the passage Gen. 4, 8 cited above, the fresh action both
developes and finishes in the past. But it may likewise so
happen that the action is of such a character that while itself
starting or developing in the past, its results continue into
the present—terminating there or not, as the case may be:
or, thirdly, the action may originate wholly in the present.
Future time is never expressed by ‘1, except where the pro-
phetic perfect has preceded, or where the principle involved
in it is really present. Nor does it express modality : Ps. 8, 6
ADM does not follow 124ppn, in dependence upon ‘5, but
introduces a fresh fact: cf. Ez. 13, 19.

78. It will hardly be necessary to cite instances in which
the new action lies wholly in the past. Notice must, however,
here be taken of a construction which is of constant occur-
rence in the historical books of the Old Testament. When
the Hebrew writers have occasion in the course of their
narrative to insert a clause specifying the circumstances under
which an action takes place, instead of introducing it abruptly,
they are in the habit of (so to speak) preparing the way for
it by the use of the formula 1" and zt was or came to pass.
Thus in place of 799*28 7OX NTT NY, particularly in the
earlier books’, preference is generally given to the form 7)
’S "Ox RT NY3 and ct came to pass, at that time, and or
that Abimelech said etc., Gen. 21, 22. And the same con-
struction is usual with every kind of temporal .or adverbial
clause, whatever be the particle by which it is introduced, e. g.

 

1 Contrast, for instance, Ezra 9, 1. 3. 5. 10, 13 2 Chr. 7, 1 and often
mib99) (1 Ki. 8, 54 nib33 71). 12, 7. 15,8. But Nehemiah commonly
makes use of 47°1, Comp. the writer’s note on 1 Sa. 17, 55.
go CHAPTER VI. [79.

Gen. 4,3 DD ppp. 8 mwa ona. 19, 17 DN'SITD. 34 MINDY.
20, 13 WWND. 26, 81. The sentence is not, however, always
resumed by *} as in the example quoted, though this is the
most frequent form: the } may be omitted, or be separated
from the verb, and then the perfect will reappear. Thus the
main sentence may be resumed (r) by the perfect alone, as
Gen.14,1f. 40,1. Ex. 12, 41>. g1. 16, 22.27. Dt. 1,3. 9,11.
1 Sa. 18, 30. Isa. 7,1. Jer. 36,1.16. Ez. 1,1 etc., or, though
more rarely, by the impf-? if the sense be suitable, Jud.11, 40,
1 Ki. 9, rof. (with te). 14, 28. 2 Ki. 4, 8%. Jer. 36, 23. Or
(2) by 737 as Gen. 15,17. 29, 25. 42, 35 (D‘p On). 2 Ki.
2,11. 13, 21a]. Or (3) by } with the subject defore the verb,
as Gen. 7, 10. 22, 1. 41, 1. Ex. 12, 29. 34, 29. Josh. 6, 8.
1 Sa. 18, 1. 2 Sa. 13, 30al.3

But (1) with 1 and (3) without } are alike exceedingly rare:
2 Chr. 24, 11 (where, however, 82} is frequentative: see Chap.
VIII); 1 Sa. 23, 6 (corrupt). perhaps x Ki. 21, 1%.

79. We may now pass to those cases in which the action,
or its results, continues into the writer’s present: here, as with
the perfect in the parallel instances, it is often best to translate
by a present. Thus Gen. 32, 5> ON). Ex. 4, 23 OR) and I
say (have said, in the immediate past), Let my son go, |N'2M
and thou refusest (or hast refused) to let him go®. Num, 22, 11

 

1 Of an exceptional type are 1 Sa. 10, II. 11, IIY39D DANWIT IA,
2 Sa. 2, 23 (comp. § 121 Ods. 1).

? This, if a frequentative, is more usually preceded by TAT (§ 121).

® It may, perhaps, be thought that in these cases the clause beginning
by the perfect or 1 is rather a subordinate circumstantial clause (see
Appendix I), and that the real continuation of 11 is afforded by the -1
following. This is possible: but in some of the instances quoted this
sequence does not occur, and in others the clause itself has not the
appearance of being subordinate.

* Ez. 9, 8 the monstrous 18wx1 is doubtless (see Hitz.) a confusion
of two readings, IN) (to be explained by § 159), which is accepted as
the original text by Hitz. and Keil, and 1ywx) (cf. 1 Ki. 19, 10 for the
position of »)x), which is preferred by Ew. and Smend.

° With this sentence as a whole, cf. Jer. 23, 2. 34, 17+.
80.] THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 91

DI, Josh. 4,9 ny. and “hey are there unto this day.
1 Ki. 8, 8. 19, 10 and I alone am left, and they seek (have
sought and continue seeking) my life to take it away. Isa. 3,
16. 30,12. 41, 5 JVYNN IDIP. 50, 7 PIN. 59, 15 2 or has
become missing. Hos. 8, 10. 13. Hab. 1, 3 7%. 14. 3, 19. Ps.
35, 21. 38, 13 (have lard and continue to lay snares). 52, 9.
55, 6. 119, 90 and it abideth. Job 11, 3f. 7,15 and (so) my
soul preferreth suffocation. 14,17. 30,11 f. Gen. 19, 9 this
one entered to sojourn (here), DiDY DEW and goes on to play
the judge amidst us! 31, 15. 49,24 and yet his bow dwelleth
etc, 2 Sa.3,8 IPDM and yet thou visitest upon me. Job 10, 8
*2ppan) and (yet) thou goest on to swallow me up (cf. Ps.144, 3
what is man WIM) and (yet) thou knowest him?*?). 21, 14.
Isa. 51, 12 who art thou, and (yet) thou /earest etc. Pr. 30,
25-24.

Even where the event spoken of has not actually been
accomplished, Jer. 38, 9 and he zs going on to die (we might
have expected M0}, cf. Gen. 20, 11: but “Ebed-melekh sees
Jeremiah on the very road to death). Job 2, 3 and thou art
enticing me. Ps. 29, 10 Yahweh sat at the deluge wa and
Yahweh s7#feth on (from that moment went on and continues
sitting) a king for ever (not shal/ or wll sit, which would
break the continuity existing in the writer’s mind between the
two actions described: moreover, the future would, according
to uniform usage, have been expressed by 21, or at least
aw, The addition of nbyyd does not necessitate our ren-
dering by the future any more than in the cases where it
occurs with a perfect, Ps. 10, 11. 74, 1). 41, 13 IE? IDM
abiyd, Amos 1, 11 (similarly with yb), 1 Chr. 23, 25 and
dwelleth in Jerusalem for ever.

80. In continuation of the present, as expressive of a
general truth, whether this be denoted in the original by a
perfect, § 12, an imperfect, §§ 32, 33, or a participle, we meet

 

1 The construction in Ps. 8, 5 12721 °) is different (§ 39 8).
92 CHAPTER VI. [8:.

with ‘1 and the impf.: 1 Sa. 2, 6 Yahweh bringeth down into
the Underworld, and bringeth up, 29. Isa. 31, 2. 40, 24 he
bloweth upon them and they wither. 44, 12-15. 57; 20 for it
cannot rest and its waters are froubled. Jer.10, 13. Amos 5, 8
D3av), Mic. 6, 16. Nah. 1, 4f. Ps. 34, 8 the angel of Yahweh
encampeth (ptcp.)... and delivereth them. 49, 15 like sheep
are they set (pf.) for She’dl, while death is their shepherd ;
37" and the righteous rude over them in the morning*. 65, 9
and (so) they are afraid. go, 3.10%. 92, 8. 94, 7- Pr. 11, 2
pride cometh N21 avd humiliation cometh (i.e. follows quickly
after it: cf. § 153). Job 5,195. 6, 20. 7, 9 a cloud cometh to
an end and vantsheth. 12, 22-28 (cf. Ps. 107, 40). 14,2; Ps.
7, 13 he hath drawn his bow (p. 21, towards the bottom)

372252" and made tt ready. Job 20, 15 he hath (in a given case,
machined by the poet) swallowed down riches NPN and vomt-
teth them up again (not as R.V.).

After a pure present, Job 4, 5 now it cometh to thee and
thou art overcome. 6, 21. 2 Sa. 19, 2 2 DANDY 7212 is weeping
and mourning. Jer. 6, 14.

81. In the description of future events, the impf. with *1 is
used upon exactly the same principle as the perfect, i.e. it
represents them as simple matters of history. There are two
cases to be distinguished: (1) where the impf. is preceded by
the prophetic perfect itself, (2) where it is not so preceded.

(1) Little need be said in explanation of the first. Just as
elsewhere the impf. with ‘1 marks a continuation of the pre-
ceding tense, so here, too, it is employed if a writer desires to
pourtray a future scene or series of events, as though they
were unfolding themselves before his eyes, in the manner of
ordinary historical occurrences. For one or two reasons,
however, the impf. is not by any means so frequent in this

 

1 T.e, Death, as at the Exodus, or Isa. 37, 36. Job 27, 20, performs his
mission in the night. 1177) can only be referred to the future on the
assumption of a change of standpoint, § 82, which, 2 ¢his connexion,
cannot be regarded as probable.
82.] THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 93

sense as the perfect: the prophets generally either prefer,
after beginning with an emphatic perfect, to break off into the
proper future form, or else they omit } altogether, or separate
it from the verb in such a manner as to make it impossible
for the impf. in this form to appear. Isa. 5, 25. 9, 5 unto us
a son is given 1M) and the government zs upon his shoulder,
S721 and his name has been (or 7s—past extending into
present, § 79) called etc. 9, 18-20 (perhaps; see § 82). 24,
6. 48, 20f. he hath redeemed Jacob... yp and hath cleft
the rock (here A.V. retains the pf.). 53, 2. 9 (in accordance
with the perfects in the intermediate verses: nnb’, v. 7, § 36.
The prophet only begins to use the future in v. 10). Joel 2, 23.
Mic. 2, 13. Ps. 22, 30 all the fat of the earth have caten and
worshipped (A.V. ‘shall eat and worship,’ which would be
nnnvm bax’, or in the slightly more energetic poetical form
none) DN’, as v.27). 109, 28.

82. (2) This case is entirely parallel to the use of the pro-
phetic perfect noted in § 14 y, the only difference being that,
the conjunction being followed zmmedzately by the verb, the
tense employed (as the gexf with 1} would by Hebrew usage
throw the event to be described into the future) is naturally the
imperfect with +1. The -1 in such cases also represents the
event, often very aptly, not merely with the certainty of the pro-
phetic perfect, but as fowzng naturally out of, being an zmme-
diate consequence of, the situation described in the preceding
sentence. It is under circumstances like these, when the
transition to the new standpoint in the future is made for the
first time, not by a pf. but by the impf. with :1, that we are

 

1 The change of tense made in the course of this verse by the A.V.
‘and the government shall be’ etc. is only defensible as a concession,
for the sake of clearness, to English idiom; it should not be forgotten
that it presupposes a different point of view from the one adopted by the
prophet. Isaiah retains the ideal standpoint, which is recognized also in
the renderings have seen, zs born, ts given, till 6° mwyn: the change in
question substitutes the ~ea/ standpoint prematurely, and breaks the
continuity of the description, ‘
94 CHAPTER VI. [82.

most apt to find this tense translated by a fw/wre: but unless
this be done solely for the sake of the English reader, who
might be slow to realize the, to him, unwonted transition, it
is a gross error, and implies an entire misapprehension of the
Hebrew point of view. The use of ‘1 in the historical books,
times without number, renders it inconceivable that it should
have suggested anything except the idea of a fac done, which
is clearly not that conveyed by our future; the question
whether a future occurrence may be meant, resolving itself
into this other question, whether, viz. upon a given occasion,
the change of standpoint is probable, and consistent or not
with analogy.

Isa. 2, 9 and (so) the mean man 7s Jowed down, and the
great man humbled (the consequences of v. 8, though actually
appertaining to the future, described as though they had
already ensued)! 5, 152(15>, § 36). 16% 72% (notice in 16»
the perfect wIp}). 9, 10-15 (perhaps, but not certainly: see
the Commentators). 59, 15°-17? (notice 165 the perf. 1nn20D:
the actual future only begins with v. 18). Ez. 28, 16 pobny
(in the 72°? upon the king of Tyre: v. 17, where there is no 4,
we have the pf. pnabwn). 31,12. Jer. 4, 16 they are coming,
WH and they have uttered etc. (observe in v.17 the pf. yn).
15, 66-7 (perhaps). 51, 29. Ps. 64, 8-10 3 DT" and (so) God
hath shot at them etc. (where observe that even if, in the teeth
of grammatical analogy, we render DI and he shall shoot
them, the difficulty is only deferred, not surmounted: the next
verb 71 is an unmistakeable perfect, for which the sense
of the past, whether ideal or actual, must be uncon-

 

1 «Vortrefflich fiigt Jesaja, beim zweiten Modus [p. 3 7.] mit Vav relat.
[p. 72] verharrend, v. 10 unmittelbar die Strafe solches Beginnens hinzu,
die noch zukiinftig ist, aber so gewiss eintritt, als die Siinde, ihre Be-
dingung, schon da ist’ (Hitzig, ad Joc.).

? The sudden transition in Rev. 11, 11. 20, 9 is worth comparing: see
the rendering in Delitzsch’s Hebrew translation of the N.T. (published
by the British and Foreign Bible Society).
82. | THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 95

ditionally accepted. The perfect stands similarly in v. rob)’.
94, 23-

Obs. Some passages in which -1 has the appearance of being future,
although not so in reality :—Ps. 50, 6 (- is the legitimate continuation
of the pff. 1, z, 3°, describing the sceze, pictured by the poet)”, 55, 18>
(either a conviction as to the future like Ps. 64, 8, or an allusion to the
past, comp. § 54: in either case -1 is in strict conformity with the pff. v.19,
and must stand or fall with them). 92, 11 f. On 77, 7°, see § 54 mote:
Hab. 1, 9%. 10> belong most probably to § 80. Can Dt. 33, 27%-28
Vox... wa) be fairly explained by this §? The reader has before
him, if I mistake not, the passages by which his decision must be guided.

This use of -1, rare even with the prophets, is evidently unadapted to
the language of ordinary life; and Mr. Espin’s recommendation on Josh.
9, 21 1°79) to render ‘they shall be’ is an unfortunate one. The verb
must be taken in its usual sense, viz. axd they became: and the verse,
which in form resembles Gen. 11, 3, is to be explained by § 75 B. ‘They
shall be,’ as may be learnt from the first chapter of Genesis, would have
been 111.

The verbs in Joel 2, 18f, are to be understood as descriptive of
what ensued after the delivery of the prophecy 1, 2—2, 17, the past
time, of which they are the continuation, being that which is zmplied
in 1,1. Mic. 3, 1 198 (which historically can only be attached to
1,1). Jer. 11, 5° voN1 yy (following similarly v. 1). 14, 11. 34, 6 are
closely parallel, and meet the grammatical objection raised by Dr. Pusey
(Min. Proph. pp. 96, 122), which derives its force from the supposition
that the verbs in question must be in continuation of the tenses ¢m-
mediately preceding. The past sense is adopted, not only by Ewald and
Hitz., but also by Delitzsch (in his article on Joel in the Luth. Zeitsch.
1851, p. 306), Keil (ad Zoc.), and modern scholars generally (cf. R.V.).

 

1 Natiirlich steht wie v. 11, so auch vv, 8-10, Zukunft in Rede; und
gleichwohl ist kraft des ersten Mod. 8°. 10° mit Recht tiberall ) vor dem
2 Mod. als relatives punktirt. Es handelt sich vv. 8-10 um eine Sache,
die mit Gewissheit erhofft wird, gegeniiber von einer gleichgiiltigen Folge
v.11,’ Hitzig, excellently. Comp. Prof. Cheyne’s note. The English
Versions, rendering as futures, change the point of view of the original
author, just as in Isa. 9, 5.

2 It is noticeable that in Ps. 97, the opening verses of which are clearly
imitated from Ps. 50, we have, v. 6, the perfect 17°17 in exact corre-
spondence with 1173") here.
96 CHAPTER VI, [83.

83. We know from § 27 (a) that the impf. can be em-
ployed by itself to describe single events occurring in past
time. The instances there quoted were restricted to those in
which the copulative avd could have found no place, the verb
being disconnected in sense with the preceding words: but
cases also occur, especially in an elevated or poetical style, in
which the writer, instead of adopting the usual prosaic con-
struction of the impf. with ‘1, makes use of the impf. alone,
or merely attaches it to what precedes by the simple waz 1}.
The ordinary mode of smooth progression being thus aban-
doned, the action introduced in the manner described is, on
the one hand, cut off from the previous portions of the sen-
tence, and rendered independent, while, on the other hand, it
is depicted with the vividness and force which are charac-
teristic of the tense, but which are disguised, or destroyed,
when it is in combination with *1. Our own language hardly
affords us the means of reproducing the effect thus created :
sometimes, however, the use of the present, or even the addi-
tion of a note of exclamation, may enable us partially to
do so.

In some of these cases the impf. appears in the jusszve
form, which seems to shew that we are right in regarding
them as instances of ‘1 being actually omitted, rather than as
instances of the bare imperfect (according to § 27). Other-
wise, indeed, the appearance of the jussive in pure narrative
would be inexplicable.

Obs, The omission of +1 has been compared by Ewald to the omission
of the augment in Sanskrit and Greek. The illustration is very complete :
in the first place, the shorter or ‘secondary’ person-endings which
appear after the augment were in all probability (see G. Curtius, Das
Griechische Verbum seinem Baue nach dargestellt, i. p. 45) originally
produced through the influence of this prefix: @-8i8w-v (Sk. d-dadé-m),
é-pepe (d-bhara-t) differ in no essential element from diSw-pu (dada-mi),
gpéper (bhdra-tz), except in the presence of the accented demonstrative
prefix which was employed in order to throw the action into the past,
and the weight of which caused a compensatory change to take place in
84. | THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 97

the termination. And in the same way nwAy etc. seem clearly to have
arisen. But, in the second place, when this change had become fixed in
language, the altered termination became as characteristic of past times,
as the augment itself: it thus acgared a significance which primarily,
as we just saw, belonged exclusively to the latter; and so the augment,
at one time essential and indispensable, could be dropped (in poetry)
without detriment to the sense. And upon the same principle, it would
seem, we meet with op», nw etc., the altered ultima suggesting past
time as unmistakeably as if the -) itself had been also present, But it
does not appear legitimate to have recourse to this explanation in those
passages where (as Ps. 11, 6) the context does not zmmediately suggest
to the reader that the conjunction has keen omitted. To do so would
be to presuppose that a Hebrew author used a form which (whatever
the cause) has a dozb/e meaning, under circumstances where, so far from
there being anything either to intimate the sense in which it is to be
taken, or to justify his putting such a sense upon it, the reader’s natural
impulse would be to impose upon it the meaning which was not intended.

84. We find accordingly—

(a) with 1: Isa, ro, 13%. 43, 28° (but see p. 70, mole). 48, 3.
51, 2b asa single man did I call him, and I blest him, and
I multiplied him! 57, 17. 63, 3-6. Hab. 3, 5. Ps. 18, 38
(2 Sa. 22 1). 43. 46. 104, 32> (or shal, § 63). 107, 27. Job
29, 21. 25 (freq.); and apparently also the following :—Isa.
63, 3° ™. Pr. 15, 25%. Job 13, 27°. 15, 33% 27, 22%. 36, 15%
Hos. 11, 4°. It is, however, singular that, though the tense
is in the abbreviated form, the conjunction should still be
pointed } rather than -1: either 38% or 3°34, for example,
would have been at once intelligible, and would not have oc-
casioned the surprise we undoubtedly experience at meeting

 

a8 VD}, TIN} zum Ausdruck des wiederholt Geschehenden: wahr-
scheinlich ist aber (vgl. N¥y0m) v.14) das Impf. consec. beabsichtigt’
(Dillm.). In some of the other passages also it is doubtful whether the
present punctuation represents the intention of the original author : see
Appendix IT.

2 Cohortative form.

3 Jussive forms. For a further consideration of some of these pas-
sages, see Appendix II.

H
98 CHAPTER VI. [85-

3x". But when an impf. follows, not a perfect, but another
impf., even if -1 be still admissible (§ 80), a preference is
frequently shewn in favour of 1; and the shorter form, its
origin being disregarded, appears to have been treated in
accordance with the same analogy.

(8) without 1: Isa. 12, 1' ‘ONIN JBN IW. Hos. 6, 17 7.
Hab. 3, 16 x12. Ps. 8, 72 hast made him rule (cf. 7>, and 6
’PN). 11, 61? 18, 7 (2 Sa. 22°). r2* (2 Sa.-l). 14 (2 Sa.).
16 (2 Sa.). 17. 18. 20. 21%. 37. 38 (2 Sa.” maT followed
by 3). 39 (2 Sa.}). 40b. 42. 44 (2 Sa.°1). 25, 97. 44, 3- TI-I5.
47, 4). 78, 15 etc. 264. 81, 8. 90, 3°. 107, 14. 20. 26. 27. 297.
331. 35). 139, 13. Pr. 7, 77 mNIN. Job 18, 9°. 127. 33, 27°.
37, 5- 38, 24°-

85. In prose where, for variety or emphasis, a verb
which would naturally be connected with the foregoing nar-
rative by *}, is preceded by its subject or object, or in any
other way separated from the conjunction, the tense which
then appears is almost always the perfect. Thus Gen. 1, 5
we first have 811, but so soon as for the sake of contrast
the order is changed, we find the perfect 81? wn : this is
constantly the case, v. 10. 3, 3-17. 4, I. 2. 4. 18. 22. 6, 8.
7, Ig etc.; or without }, 1, 27. 3, 16.

Poetry, however, in cases like these usually prefers the
imperfect as the means of presenting the livelier image: not,
of course, that the imperfect ever ‘ stands for’ the perfect, or
assumes its meaning (!), but the poet takes the opportunity
thus offered of imparting brilliancy and variety to his de-
scription, the legitimate signification of the tense chosen,
whether as an inceptive or as a frequentative, being always
distinctly traceable. E.g. Isa. 2, 6. Hab. 3, 16. 19; often in
the historical Psalms, as 18, 8 11099...1. 9 boxn...1. 14 etc.

 

' Jussive forms. For a further consideration of some of these pas-
sages, see Appendix IJ. On Isa. §0, 2 ndN}... wran, see § 64 Obs.
? Cohortative forms; cf. above, §§ 54, 72.
85. } THE IMPERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 99

24, 2. 50, 19. 78, 20 and torrents overflowed. 29 etc. 81, 7. 13.

104, 6-9. 105, 44. 107, 6 etc. Pr. 7, 21>. Job 4, 12. 15.
10, 10. II.

On the occasional use of «1 in introducing the predicate, or
apodosis, see § 127.

Obs. It is maintained apparently by some scholars (see Hitzig on Jer.
44, 22, Ps. 27,10. 44,10, and compare Ewald, § 346°) that these and
certain similar passages present examples of what may be termed a
dissolution or disintegration of the construction with waw consecutive—
the verb, after its separation from 1, being permitted to remain in the
imperfect without any special significance being attached to it’. But this
opinion cannot be deemed probable. No fact about the Hebrew language
is more evident than the practical equivalence of RIP and NIP...3!
these are the two alternative formulae which in countless passages inter-
change with one another: the peculiar point of view which determined
the selection of the construction with -} (even if then always consciously
preserved) was entirely dropped when the verb parted company with its
conjunction. In the comparatively few? cases, therefore, where instead
of nip... we find the formula xip>...1, it is fair to conclude that
the writers had some special object in selecting the unusual tense: even
in poetry, if we find « used where a prose writer would have employed
y, we cannot assume the two to be identical, but must suppose that the
choice of the one in preference to the other rested upon some particular
ground, such as that suggested in the text.

The theory offered by Hitzig to account for the presence of the imper-
fect in passages such as Ps. 32, 5 seems too artificial to be probable.

 

1 Hitzig quotes Dt. 2,12. Josh. 15, 63. 1 Sa. 27, 4.2 Sa. 15, 37. 1 Ki. 20,
33. Isa. 40,14. 41,6. Jer.52,7. Job3, 25. Cant.3,4. But in all these
places the impf. possesses a marked significance according to §§ 27, 30,
where, indeed, several of the passages have been already cited.

2 Even after a little word like x} it is quite rare to find the impf.;
against nearly fifty cases of pow xd) and 1yNW N), there is but one (in
past time) of 1ynw? N41, viz. 1 Sa. 2, 25.
CHAPTER VII.
Accents.

86. It was remarked incidentally § 69 that when the im-
perfect was preceded by ‘} a retrocession of tone frequently
took place: beyond endeavouring, however, to assign a cause
for this phenomenon, we did not pause to examine the laws
by which it is governed, or to lay down rules by which the
place of the tone might be ascertained. In the construction
which will have to be explained in the next chapter, that,
namely, of the perfect with waw consecutive, a change takes
place (if circumstances permit it) in the opposzve direction,
the tone, if ordinarily upon the penultima, being /shrowmn
forward on to the ultima: this alteration forms such a
noticeable and striking feature, and is, moreover, of such
extreme importance as an index to the meaning conveyed
by the tense, that the rules by which it is determined must
be carefully stated and ought to be thoroughly understood
and mastered by the reader. For this purpose it will be
necessary to refer briefly to the nature of the accenés in
Hebrew, and to the principles upon which the use made of
them depends’.

 

* The English reader is advised, with reference to what follows, to
consult Gesenius, §§ 15, 16, 29. The standard work on the subject
consists, however, of the two companion treatises of Dr. W. Wickes,
On the Accentuation of the Three so-called Poetical Books of the Old
Testament (Oxford, 1881), and On the Accentuation of the Twenty-one
so-called Prose Books of the Old Testament (Oxford, 1887), which contain
87, 88.] ACCENTS. Io1

87. The student will be aware that in Hebrew the
accents serve two purposes: by their disposition in a given
verse, they indicate the subdivisions, whatever their number,
into which it naturally falls when recited by an intelligent
reader ; these subdivisions, determined as they obviously are
by the sense of the passage, will on the one hand correspond
with our s/ops—so far, at least, as the latter go (for they are
by no means so numerous as the Hebrew accents): on the
other hand, inasmuch as in every sentence when spoken,
unless it is intentionally delivered in a monotone, the voice
rises or falls in accordance with the meaning, they will clearly
be equally well adapted to mark the changes in the modu-
lation of the voice during chanting or solemn recitation.
It is in their first character, as grammatical or syntactical
symbols, that we have here to regard them.

88s. The principles regulating accentuation—of which,
as is well known, there are two different systems, one applied
in the prose books of the Old Testament, the other in the
three (specially) poetical books, Psalms, Proverbs, Job (the
dialogue parts, from 3, 2 to 42, 6)—are complicated and
abstruse. For practical purposes, however, a few simple
tules will be found sufficient; and those who will take the
trouble to acquaint themselves with no more than what is
stated in Gesenius’ Grammar, or even with the briefer and,
of course, only provisional exposition which will be given
here, will, it is believed, derive no small advantage from the
study’.

 

a lucid and admirable exposition of the principles of Hebrew accentua-
tion, together with abundant illustrations of the use of the accents as
logical or syntactical symbols. For those who desire to master the
subject of Hebrew accents these two treatises are indispensable.

1 The purport of this chapter will not, it is hoped, be misunderstood.
Some acquaintance with accents is indispensable to the Hebrew student:
not only for the single object, with a view to which this account of them
has been inserted here, but upon more general grounds as well: they
frequently offer material assistance in unravelling the sense of a difficult
102 CHAPTER VII, | [89, 90.

89. The presence of waw consecutive is often marked
by a change of the tone-syllable: our first question, then, will
be, How can the tone-syllable be ascertained ?

The answer is very simple: with one or two exceptions it
will be found that in every word provided with an accent,
the accent marks the tone-syllable.

Without, therefore, as yet even knowing the ame of the
accents employed, we at once see that in N23) Gen. 6, 14.
NBDNI 21, *niopm 9, II. ‘ND 151, the waw is consecutive :
contrast 9, 17 ‘niaPA. Qoh. 2, 15 MON) and I said (for
which the older language would have written VO&}). 8, 15
‘nnav,

90. Some of the accents, however, have the peculiarity
of being always affixed to the frst or the Jasf letter of a
word, whether it begin a tone-syllable or not: these are
called respectively prepostt'ves and postpositives. When these
occur, the reader can only determine where the tone really
lies from his knowledge of the language: but he will not be
unnecessarily misled by them, because the other accents
(which do mark the tone) are always placed above or below

 

passage; and the best authorities continually appeal to them, on account
of their bearing upon exegesis. Experience tells me how liable they are
to be overlooked; and the object of the present chapter is merely to
smooth the way for those who may desire to pursue the subject more
thoroughly afterwards, or, for such as have not the time or inclination
to do this, to lay down a few broad rules which may be of practical
service.

' The metheg (i.e. bridle) in these words is added in order to support
or hold back the voice from hurrying onwards and so shortening the
ante-penultima unduly (as indm123). In any word the second syllable
before that on which the principal tone rests will be felt to have a
secondary accent or counter-tone (e.g. con’demna'tion, correspond’) : in
Hebrew, when this is an ofez syllable, the counter-tone is marked by
metheg (Gen. 20, 5 *"1nx, RweyDA-NNM, but »22>-ppa without it),
or, in certain cases, by some other accent which fills its place (8, 19
Divninpwn)).
ot.] ACCENTS. 103

the first consonant of the syllable to which they refer, and
immediately to the left of the vowel-point (if the consonant
in question have one in such a position that the accent
might clash with it), whereas the pre-and fostpositives always
stand on the extreme right or left respectively of the word to
which they belong.

Thus no one can doubt that in WY Gen. 1, rx. NWT 12,
3333 Ps. 4, § we have instances of prepositives (contrast
fa Gen. 1, a YAY 1, 15)3 or that in B1N7 2, 23. Bnd I, 7.
and I, 8. APY 9, 23- yy2 Ps. 1, 3 we have before us post-
positives (contrast Www Gen. 1, 21: though similar in form,
the difference of position is enough to discriminate the accent
here from that upon “aNd I, 5: compare, too, WN 2, 19
with Ws I, 7)-

Whenever, then, an accent appears on the ex/reme right or
left of a word, it cannot be regarded as an index of the tone-
syllable: of course it may mark it (though even then it will
not be in its proper position, as regards the whole syllable,
for so doing), but it will do it only accidentally.

91. There are only eight pre- and postpositives: some
of the latter, however, when they are attached to words
accented on the penultima (mz/'e/) are written twice—on
the ultima as being postpositive, on the penultima to mark
the actual tone of the word. This is always the case with
pashta, an accent which from this circumstance catches the
eye very frequently: as Gen. 1, 1 a 7 pon, g. 11. 12 etc.:
and in Baer and Delitzsch’s editions (of Genesis and of other
books) the same duplication is adopted with the other post-
positives’ as well, ‘ut omnis dubitatio, utrum hoc illudve
vocabulum milel sit an milra, praecaveretur’ (praef. p. vii) ;
see 1, 7 #PINTNN. 2, 23 WON. 13, 1 Py etc. Thus where

 

1 And likewise with ¢elisha magnum among the prepositives, e.g. 7, 2
Pp. p 2 2
VWY. 27, 46; Isa. 36, 11 Dp dn etc.
104 CHAPTER VII. [92-94-

we find the same accent repeated upon one word we may
know that ¢he fone ts on the penultima*.

92. On the other hand where (for reasons which need
not be here discussed) two different accents appear attached
to one word, she fone 1s indicated by the second®, ‘Thus Gen.
17, 24 DIN, 25. 19, 27 Dipende; Ps. 1, 1 Dywn, 2 BA,
3.4 yOS-DN (tone indicated by the point over ) adove the
cholem). 2, 2 nini=by, 3, 8 TDP. 4, 9 nod,

93. These short and simple rules will be found sufficient
for the purpose of ascertaining on what syllable in a given
case the tone lies: we must next consider some of the
general principles of accentuation, from which it results as
particular instances that the tone after waw consecutive in the
perfect, in certain cases, is not thrown forward on to the.
ultima. The regular form for and 7 will kill is ‘POP
w*qdtalti, the double beat being as distinctly marked as in the
English words per’severe’, correspond’: but under certain con-
ditions we find ‘nM wgatdltz with the same meaning: and
the nature of these conditions must be here examined ®.

94. Hebrew accents are of two kinds. The first kind,
called distinctive accents, correspond roughly to modern
stops, and, like the latter, indicate the breaks or divisions
in a sentence required by the meaning: they are, however,
more numerous than our stops, because they measure with

 

1 This rule is valid for all ordinary editions of the Hebrew text (in
which, indeed, its application is limited to the single case of pashta):
the reader who uses Baer and Delitzsch may easily modify it as follows :—
Where a Zostpositive accent is repeated, the tone is marked by the first
accent; where a preposztive is repeated, the tone is marked by the second
accent.

? Except in the rare case of ‘incomplete retrocession, Kalisch, ii.
§ xi. 5; Ges.-Kautzsch, § 29. 3%

* The tone likewise remains upon the penultima in particular forms
of the weak verb: but as the rules for the cases in which this occurs are
independent of accentual considerations, they will not be stated till the
next chapter.
955 96] ACCENTS. 105

greater minuteness the precise length of each break, and
because they mark further those slighter and sometimes
hardly perceptible pauses which in most languages are regu-
lated by the voice alone. The other kind, termed conjunctive
accents, are peculiar to Hebrew: they shew, generally, that
the word to which one of them is attached is closely con-
nected in sense with that which immediately follows it: in
English this would only be denoted by a smooth and un-
broken pronunciation.

95. For our present purpose it is the distinctive accents
which possess the greatest interest: it will be accordingly
worth while to specify the more important among them, i.e.
those which mark some considerable break in the sense, and
which, therefore, in translation will commonly be represented
by a stop.

96. Firstly, in the prose books :—

The end of a verse is always indicated by the perpen-
dicular line called sz/ig, followed by sdéph-pasig (: ‘end of the
verse’): thus Gen. 1, 4} }#N7 (the sz//zg on the tone-syllable
according to rule, Jwn being a segolate noun, and conse-
quently mz?‘eZ).

Every verse (except a few, and these generally short ones,
as Gen. 2, 1, though not always, as Dt. 5, 23. 6, 22) is
divided into two parts—but by no means necessarily egual
parts, see e.g. Gen. I, II. 2, 19. 7, 21. Lev. 8, 19—by
athnach: this marks the principal pause in the whole verse.
Thus Gen. 1, 1 pbs, 2, 17 13D,

The two perpendicular dots +-, so frequently meeting the
eye, mark a break of shorter duration: this accent is called
zagef,—or zagef-gaton, if it be desired to distinguish it from
--, which is termed zagefgadol: see Gen. 2, 9 jin and yy.
10 npn, and 3, 10 aorh.

Zagef may stand in either the first or the second half of a
verse, i.e. it may precede either athnach or séph-pasiig: in
106 CHAPTER VII. [o7-

the former case (but in that only) its place is, under certain
circumstances}, taken by segol/a +-, as Gen. 1, 7.28. 2,23 DNA.

A still slighter pause is indicated by revéa‘, as Gen. 1, 2
YIN. 2, 21 MP. 23 DYBA. 3, 16 TON.

The last prose accent which need be considered for our
present purpose is ¢7/cha®: this strictly marks a greater break
than revéa‘’, although from the position which it occupies
in the verse, it often cannot be so readily represented in
English. Examples: Gen. 2, 7 DISD. 18 WY.

97. Two or three verses translated with the stops or
pauses indicated, will make this perfectly clear: it ought,
however, to be observed that in Hebrew the various parts
of a verse are proportioned out and correlated to each
other somewhat differently from what might appear natural
in English.

Gen. 3, 1 now the serpent was subtil, (zagef, comma,)
beyond any beast of the field (zagef*, slight pause, in
German a comma before the following relative) which the
Lord God had made: (a¢hnach, colon, or even full stop, as
A. V.:) and he said unto the woman, (zage/, comma,) Yea,
hath God said, (zagef,) Ye shall not eat (zagef, slight pause)
of every tree of the garden? 3 but of the fruit of the tree
which is in the midst of the garden, (sego/¢a,) God hath said,

 

1 See Wickes, Prose Accents, p. 71 ff.

* Otherwise called ¢avcha: and this is the name it bears (in most
editions) in the Massoretic notes, e.g. on Jud. 17, 1, where the marginal
comment upon DDN is NTIWI pop ic. games with farcha, The
Massorah here calls attention to the pawsal torm of the word being
generated by « smadler distinctive: this it does continually; see, for
instance, Josh. 5,14. 8,1. 17, 14. 19,50. Jud. 1,15. 5,27. 7, 5. 8, 26 (all
cases of the pausal form with zagef, which is considerably more common
than with ¢archa).

3 Where the same disjunctive accent is repeated (without one of greater
value intervening), the first marks a greater break than the second.
This is often evident from the sense and rhythm, e.g. Gen. 18, 25. 19, 21.
22. 29. 20, 7. 13.
98.] ACCENTS. 107

(revéa‘, comma,) Ye shall not eat of it, (zagef,) neither shall
ye touch it: (athnach, followed, after a pause, by the reason,
added emphatically and by itself:) lest ye die.

In v. 6% NED (comma, A.V.) we have an instance of tufcha
exhibiting a disjunctive force, which can be felt even by the
English reader: similarly 6b MY. 9 >. 10 ‘DIN. 2 pyn-po
etc.; elsewhere its value is not equal to more than that of
a slight pause in the voice, as v. 8 a. 1 1O75N,

98. Secondly, in the poetical books :—

Here, as before, seW/g with séph-pasiig marks the end of
the verse, Ps. 2, 2 ripen by, 3 Honay, The other principal
divisions are indicated by athnach (as Ps. 1, 6 DPS), and a
compound accent called merkha with mahpakh, or merkha
mahpakhatum*, as Ps. 1, 2 WH, 3, 6 TW); this accent is
always placed defore athnach, corresponding, in this respect,
to segolfa in prose. In the poetical books a¢nach does not
mark such a decided break* as merkha mahp.; the latter,
accordingly, in verses consisting of only two members, is not
unfrequently employed by preference, to the exclusion of
athnach®, The only other distinctive accents which need
be noticed here are—

sinnor, a postpositive (to be distinguished from szznorzth,
which is a conjunctive accent and xof postpositive), as Ps. 3, 3
aa, 13, 6 ‘nna ;

revia’, as Ps. 4, 2 PI¥. 2, 8 HN; often preceded by geresh
on the same word, and then called accordingly revia' mugrash,
as Ps. 1, 1 od. 2, 8 yninni. 4, 2 °23n; and

dechi (prepositive), as 2, 9 OYIA, ro ANY.

Examples :—

Ps. 1, happy is the man (revéa‘, slight pause) who hath

 

1 Sometimes also (e.g. by Delitzsch) termed, from its situation above
and delow the word, 1111 1519 ‘oleh weyored.

? See Ps. 3,6. 4, 7.9. 14, 2. 30,10. 45,15 etc.

3 E.g. Ps. 1, 2. 3,3- 4,5. §)7- 11, 6 etc.
108 CHAPTER VII. [99, 300.

not walked in the counsel of the wicked; (merkha ;) and in
the way of sinners (dechz, slight pause) hath not stood, (ath-
nach,) and in the seat of the scornful (vevéa‘) hath not sat.

27, 4 one thing have I asked of the Lord, (scznor,) z¢ will
I seek for: (merkha, chief pause :) that I should dwell in the
house of the Lord (dech7’) all the days of my life; (athnach ;)
to gaze on the pleasantness of the Lord, (revéa',) and to
meditate in his temple’.

40, 13 for evils have compassed me about (azer, slighter
than dechz,) till they are beyond numbering; (revéa‘;) my
iniquities have taken hold upon me, (dechz,) and I cannot
look up: (athnach:) they are more than the hairs of my
head ; (revéa‘ mugrash ;) and my heart hath forsaken me.

99. Now there are one or two peculiarities of Hebrew
usage dependent upon the position assumed by a word in a
sentence, and consequently of such a nature as to be relative
to, and ascertainable by, the accents with which it is pro-
vided, which materially modify the general rule that when
the perfect is used with the waw consecutive the tone is
thrown forward on to the ultima.

100. The first of these is the dislike felt. to ‘wo accented
syllables succeeding one another, unless separated by a decided
pause in pronunciation, i.e. unless the first has a distinctive
accent: where this is the case, however short the pause may
be, the voice has time to take rest and recover strength, so
as to give proper utterance to what follows. But where
such a pause cannot be made, the collision is very commonly
avoided by one of the following two expedients: either,
namely, the tone of the first word is forced back (the vowel
in the now toneless ultima being, if necessary, shortened),

 

1 Observe here how accurately the accentuation reflects the sense; the
two infinitives introduced by 5, to gaze and to meditate, stand by them-
selves as the two co-ordinate objects of *naw: they are accordingly
marked off from the latter by means of athnach.
101. | ACCENTS. 109

or recourse is had to maggef, which, throwing the two words
into one, causes the proper tone of the first to disappear.
Instances may readily be found: Gen. 4, 2 INS nya. 6 15 mn,
22 2 O2, 13, 9 82 TB. Isa. 4o, 7 12 N2w?. 23 PIS ‘ety
will exemplify the first cxpedicnts Gen: 6, 14 "Bi SY. 9,7
‘FIT will exemplify the second.

Now when either of these expedients is adopted with a
perfect preceded by } consecutive, it is plain that the charac-
teristic position of the tone will cease to exist.

Thus Dt. 14, 26 DY ADIN}, although in the same verse we
have both 7NnN and nnDL ; Amos 4 7 USN ‘nnben, but
v. g MI, 8 DIM, Lev, af 25 7124 nner and even Dt.
4, 28 Spb onwy. Ez. 39,17: in all these cases the tone
has been driven éack on to the penultima*. Instances of the
second expedient are rarer: see Zech. 9, ro 220°N13N.
Ez. 14, 13>. Isa. 8, 17 PPMP (Baer).

101. The second of the peculiarities alluded to is that owing
to the manner in which the voice is naturally inclined to rest on
the last accented syllable before a pause, the vowel belonging
to that syllable is, if possible, /engthened (as 0% Gen. 1, 6),
or, if it be a verbal form such as WHY (mulra‘), the shwa’ is
replaced by the original vowel, 40 which the tone then recedes*,
as WEY (mil‘e). Thus, for example, Gen. 2, 25 SWAN,

4 o2Nn, 24, 46 }7NPWT. Isa. 53, 7 MON) (pf, not the
ce which is milra': see I, 21. 26+). 54, 11 MONI xd,

 

1 Comp. Ges.-Kautzsch, § 29. 3% °, etc.
2 The rule, however, is not carried out with perfect uniformity: for

instances occur in which the tone is permitted to remain on the ultima:
e.g. Ex. 29, 5. 43. 30, 26. Dt. 23,14 al. But in this respect the practice
with regard to the perfect and 4 only presents us with similar exceptions
to those which meet us elsewhere: cf. Dt. 7, 25. 20,6 al.

3 But this recession does not take place when the old heavy termina-
tion y1- is retained in the impf., as Ps, 12, 9.

* CE. above, p. 18 #.: and contrast further Nu. 21, 20 with Cant. 6, 10;
1 Ki. 2, 46 m153 with Ps. 5,10 731335 Esth. 8, 15 ¢ amb she rejoiced
110 CHAPTER VII. [ 102, 103.

This is almost always the case with the two principal
distinctive accents s//zqg and athnach (except in a very few
words? such as 7b, which never change), and not unfre-
quently with those of smaller value, particularly zagef?,
although with these the usage fluctuates.

Similarly, when a perfect with waw consecutive stands in
pause, in order, apparently, to afford the voice a more
suitable resting-place than it would find if the accent were
violently thrown forward to the ultima, the tone is allowed
to revert to the penultima, e.g. Dt. 8, 10 nya) dae, 28, 39-
Jud. 4, 8 A227.

102. We thus obtain swo cases in which a regular verb,
that would under other circumstances have the tone thrown
forward, refains zt on the penultima, (1) where the verb is
immediately followed by a tone-syllable, (2) where the verb
is 7 pause. The position thus assumed by the tone, it
will be seen, follows naturally from the general principles
regulating the changes that take place in all other words
similarly placed.

103. It will not be necessary to comment further upon
the first of these cases: nor does the second call for any
additional remark so far as sz//i#g and athnach are concerned,
as the usage is there clear and uniform. But in reference
to the smaller distinctive accents, the practice of the language
must be more attentively examined, as it will be found to
explain a difficulty which arises from a certain small number

 

(wrongly cited in Fiirst’s Concordance as an adjective) with Ps. 113, 9
mMmyD rejoicing.

1 A list of the exceptions in Genesis may be found in Baer and
Delitzsch’s convenient edition of the text of that book, pp. 79 f.: see,
further, their /sazah, p. 82; Job, p. 64; Liber xit Prophetarum, p. 96;
Psalms (1880), p. 151; and Kalisch, ii. § xiii. 7.

3 In these cases attention is often (though not always) called to the
change by a Massoretic note at the bottom of the page: see p. 106 7. ;
also Baer and Delitzsch, Genesis, p. 96; Jsatah, p. 95 etc.
103. | ACCENTS. 111

of seemingly anomalous instances in which the tone is o/
thrown forward after | consecutive, although, at first sight,
no reason seems to exist for the neglect of the usual rule.
The fact is, that in these cases a smaller distinctive is really
present, which the eye is apt to overlook: szliig, athnach,
and zagef are better known and more readily distinguished.
In order to exhibit the influence of these smaller distinctives
in as clear a light as possible, it will be well, in the first
place, to shew that instances occur in which they produce
the same lengthening of a vowel as those accents which note
a more decided pause: when this has been done, it will no
longer surprise us to find that they likewise resemble the latter
in hindering the tone after waw consecutive from passing for-
ward to the ultima. It will be observed, that the lengthened
vowel marks usually a word upon which some peculiar em-
phasis rests.

Thus with ffcha, Gen. 1g, 14 12, Lev. 27, 10. Nu.
21, 20 MBPW. Dt. 13, 5 s2bn, 1 Ki. 20, 18. 40. Isa. 3, 26
an. 9, 9- 27 to. Jer. 1, 8. Hos. 7, rr. 8, 7 War. Amos
3, 8 wy al. :

revia’, Lev. 5, 23 bia, Dt. 5, 14 FROM. 13, 7. Ez. 23, 37
3BNI "D. Hos. 7, 12 sab, Hag. 1, 6. Neh. 12, 43 etc.

pashta, Isa. 33, 20 ipyrba, 2 Ki. 3, 25 {AD Dan. 9, 19
Ayo, Neh. 3, 34 al.

And in the poetical books :—

stnnor, Ps. 31, 11 ‘an, 93,1 Ato

great revia’, Ps. 19, 14 TI, 37, 20 73N. 47, 10 al. Job
21, 17. 24, 12 3PRD ; and when preceded by geresh, Ps. 34,
6. 23 wid, Job 9; 20b 8, 17,1 spin.

dechi, Ps. 5, 12 WIN. 45,2 IN. 97, 1. Jobo, 20f. 17, 1
nban2,

TT

 

1 Cf. Isa. 64, 3 Mwy’, with Delitzsch’s note; cf. also Ges.-K. § 75.17;
Konig i. p. 531. ;
2 And with still smaller accents Lev. 5, 18. Ez. 40, 4. 1 Ki. 1, 26.
112 CHAPTER VII. [ 104.

104. These instances (which might readily be multiplied)
afford ample proof that a smaller distinctive is competent
to give rise to the pausal change of vowel—a power only
regularly exercised by athnach and sillzq: it will not, there-
fore, now seem anomalous when we see that, like the latter,
they also prevent the tone after waw consecutive from being
thrown forward, even though the pause in the sense indicated
by their presence may not be sufficiently decided to produce
at the same time the accompanying lengthening of the vowel
which usually ensues in the case of the other two accents
named. Accordingly we find—

In prose books :— ;

With zagef, Dt. 2, 28 ‘S81, 1 Sa. 29, 8 g ‘non. Ez.
3, 26 mrDbN} ; and zagef-gadol, Dt. 32, 40 MON),

t ifcha, Teel 4, 21 “MPI. Obadiah ro W233. Isa. 66, 9
*N¥Y) (where the } is consecutive, and introduces a question,
as 1 Sa. 25, rx ANDY).

revia’, 2 Sa. 9, 10 nin He

pashta, Jer. 4, 2 AYBWN,

In poetical books :—

With great revia‘, Ps. 50, 21 ‘AYA Hitz. Pr. 30, 99 jb
AIDNY snwny YaUN?, Job 7, 42 ‘TDN,

And reofa’ with geresh, Ps. 19, 14 man. 28,1 AWNN jb
rnbviny, Pr. 23, 8 FAY. 30, ob MAVEN. Job 31, 29... ON

 

3, 25- Dt.13, 7: Ps. 5,12 73. Prov. 30,4. For several of the passages
referred to J am indebted to Ewald, § 100°.

1 Disallowed by Bottcher, ii. 204, who appeals to 2 Ki. 9,7. Jer. 21, 6.
But x°17, in both the first and the second person, is everywhere else
milra’ (Lev. 26, 36 is, of course, to be explained by § 102. 1), and as
regards the two passages cited, it is the exception for the tone in Hif‘il
not to be thrown on, and no one contends that the usage, with the
smaller distinctives, is so uniform that they always keep it back.
Probably also in Gen. 24, 8. 1 Sa, 23, 2%. Isa.8,174 33m the mzl‘el
tone is to be attributed, at least partially, in the two former to the
presence of zagef, in the latter to that of pashta.

? So in ordinary texts: Baer, however, has nN}.
104.] ACCENTS. 113

smaynny... mown if I used to rejoice... and elate my-
self.

aecht, Job 5, 24 f. MYT (the absence of mefheg under 3,
unlike the otherwise similar passage 11, 18. 19, is an indica-
tion that the tone must be mzl‘el1). 22, 13 MYON). 32, 16
‘meri,

The reader will now be prepared to proceed to the closer
examination of the remarkable idiom which, without some
elucidation of the nature of accents and the laws which

regulate their use, it would be impossible properly to under-
stand.

 

1 Baer, however, reads nyt), in which case the passage will offer no
irregularity.

? So in ordinary texts: Baer, however, reads in these two passages
PION}, and *m747), with ‘heavy’ metheg, or Ga‘ya, attached to the
Shwa’. The position of the tone is in this case ambiguous: on the one
hand, it may be mz/ra‘, the Ga‘ya standing in accordance with the rule
in Baer’s ‘Methegsetzung’ (in Merx, Archiv fiir wissenschaftliche
Erforschung des AT.s, i. 1869), p. 202, § 35 (where Job 32, 16 is
quoted) ; on the other hand, it may be m7/‘e/, the Ga‘ya being explained
by the rule, 2d. § 37. According to the note in Baer’s /od, p. 62, Ben
Asher (whom Baer follows) reads in 32, 16 *m)mim), (which Baer now,
in opposition to his view in 1869, refers to § 37, and treats as m/e),
Ben Naphtali *mbmiiny (welra'). If the tone be m/ra’, there will, of
course, be no irregularity.

I believe these are all the occasions upon which the accents named
prevent the tone being thrown forward after waw consecutive. It must
be understood, however, that the influence of the smaller distinctives, as
exhibited in both these sections, is exceptional: in the majority of
instances they effect no change in the form of a word: see, for example,
Ex, 18, 16. Dt.8, 6. 2Sa.11,21. On the other hand, we occasionally
find the non-pausal form retained even with athnach and séph-pasiq:
see instances in Kalisch, ii, § xiii, 3, and add Prov. 30, 9%.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Perfect with Waw Consecutive.

105. A construction which is the direct antithesis of that
which was last examined (in Chap. VI) will now engage our
attention. Both are peculiar to Hebrew: and both, where
possible, declare their presence to the ear by a change in the
position of the tone; but while in the one the tone recedes,
in the other it advances. The one is the form adapted to
represent actions conceived as real, or as appertaining to a
definite date, the other—and we shall perceive this distinction
most plainly when we come to compare the cases in which
the infinitive and participle break off into one or other of
these constructions respectively—is the form adapted to
represent such as can be only contingenily realized, or are
indeterminate in their character or time of occurrence. If
the one can be applied to the future only when it is con-
templated as fixed and definite, the other can be applied to
events in the past or present only so long as the time of their
taking place is conceived as unfixed and indefinite. The
one, accordingly, is the companion and complement of the
perfect, the other is the companion and complement of the
imperfect. 21 1 denote two concrete events: Toy) Tt
denote two abstract possibilities, the context fixing the par-
ticular conditions upon which their being realized depends.
And exactly as before, when the verb became separated
from the *1, it lapsed into the perfect, so here, when its con-
nexion with } is broken, it lapses regularly into the zmperfect :
106. | THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 115

in both cases, then, it is essentially the wzzon of the verb with
the conjunction which produces, and conditions, the special
signification assumed by the formula as a whole.

Obs. The present idiom is peculiar to the Hebrew of the Old Testa-
ment, and to such Hebrew of a later date as is written in imitation of
the Biblical style: it is not found in the ‘New Hebrew’ of the Mishnah,
ete., nor is it used in Aramaic. Though no example occurs on the
Inscription of Mesha‘, it may however be inferred that, like the corre-
sponding construction of the impf. with -1, it was in use in Moabitish
(see p. 71, ote *), and probably also in the kindred dialects spoken by
other neighbours of the ancient Hebrews. On some passages in the
Qor’an, where the perfect, both with and without the conjunction 9, is
used of future time, see App. III.

106. However difficult it may appear to find a satisfac-
tory explanation of this waw consecutive with the perfect,
one thing is perfectly clear, and ought most carefully to be
borne in mind: a real difference of some kind or other exists
between the use of the perfect with simple waw, and the use
of the perfect with waw consecutive, and the external indica-
tion of this difference is to be found in the alferation of the
tone which constantly attends and accompanies it. This
alteration of tone must unquestionably have constituted a
recognized element in the traditions now embodied in the
Massoretic system of punctuation; and the authorities who
added the points must have felt that in indicating this change
of tone they were only adhering to a practice current in
their day, and doubtless handed down from a period when
Hebrew was a living and growing language. For, it must
be distinctly remembered, the cases in which } consecutive is
employed are, in a syntactical point of view, zo/ally dissimilar
to those in which the simple } is used. The difference in
form is thus essentially relative to a difference in grammatical
value; and, slight though the change may appear, nbopy can
never be substituted for APLPY without introducing a material
modification of the sense. Exactly, therefore, as in English

12
116 CHAPTER VIII. [107.

and German, we do not stultify ourselves by reading con’vic?,
invalid, pre’sent, geb’et (give !), where the context demands
convict, in'valia’, present’, gebel’ (prayer), so in Hebrew we
must beware of saying zw‘gafd/éa when grammar and logic
call for w‘gdtalta.

107. But upon what principle does the change of tone
correspond to or represent a change of meaning? Or, putting
for the moment the change of tone out of the question, what
principle will explain the use of the perfect in the present
connexion at all? What is the mysterious power which
enables the Hebrew to say ‘BT NIDB lest he come and
smite me, but peremptorily and inexorably forbids him to
say 137) ns xia']B, which, if he desires to throw the verb
later on in the sentence, forces him to write 73° ns sige,
while it vetoes absolutely 9959) IIMB?

Although one of the most prominent uses of the perfect
with waw is after an imperative, or in the description of the
future, and it might therefore be thought capable of explana-
tion on the principle of the prophetic perfect, or the perfect
of certitude, it must not be forgotten that there are many
other occasions of a widely different character, upon which,
nevertheless, the same construction is employed’: we thus
require some more general principle than that of the prophetic
perfect, which will at the same time account for its appear-
ance in the latter cases as well. We also require some
explanation of the fact that, while the form ANN AID Gen.
6, 14 occurs often enough, we never meet with m2 ADS,
or even ms ANN), but only with VBIA AN) (or the im-
perative, if necessary).

 

+ This is important, though it is apt to be imperfectly apprehended:
Mr. Turner, for example (Stzdies, etc., pp. 398-402), draws no distinction
between the ‘prophetic perfect’ (§§ 13, 14 above) and the perfect with
1 consecutive, and omits altogether to notice the use of the latter after
72, Jp» etc. (§ 115).
108. | THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 117

108. According to Ewald, § 234%, the construction of
the perfect with 1 consecutive (the ,‘ relatively-progressive’
perfect: cf. above, p. 71, 2. 4) was originally evoked by the
opposite idiom of the imperfect with } consecutive: there are
many well-known aspects under which the two tenses stand
contrasted, and the use of the one naturally suggests the
other as its antithesis, and so in the present case a specific
application of the latter generated as its counterpart a cor-
responding application of the former. Just as before we saw
how sequence in time or association in thought caused an
already completed action to be viewed as passing into a new
phase, assuming a fresh development in the next act taken
up by the narrative, so here it has the contrary result of
occasioning a mascent action to be viewed as advancing to
completion, as no longer remaining in suspension, but as
being (so to say) precipitated. Olshausen, § 2293, and
Baottcher, § 975 D, express themselves similarly—the former
remarking further that the use of the perfect rests originally
upon a ‘play of the imagination,’ in virtue of which an
action when brought into relation with a preceding occur-
rence as its conseguence, from the character of inevitability
which it then assumes, is contemplated as actually completed.
To this we must add, however, that the consciousness of this
relation is to be conceived as essentially dependent upon
union with waw, of which union the change of tone (where
not hindered from taking place by external or accidental
causes) is the inseparable criterion and accompaniment:
dissolve this union, and the sense of any special relationship
immediately vanishes. In fact, the zwaz possesses really in
this connexion a demonstrative significance, being equivalent
to ¢hen or so’: in this capacity, by a pointed reference to

 

1 This is no imaginary meaning, invented for the purpose of over-
coming a difficulty, but one which actually, and constantly, occurs; cf.
‘in the day that ye eat thereof 1mpp3) zhez (Germ. so) are your eyes
opened;’ and see also the numerous passages cited, §§ 123-129.
118 CHAPTER VIII. [ 108.

some preceding verb, it Zmzfs the possible realization of the
action introduced by it to those instances in which it can be
treated as a direct consequence of the event thus referred to.
And we may conjecture that the emphatic alteration of tone
is designed to mark this limitation: the changed pronuncia-
tion w*gdtalit, w'gdtalfé seems to cry There/ to attract the
hearer’s attention, and warn him against construing what is
said in an absolute and unqualified sense, to direct him rather
to some particular locality, some previously marked spot,
where, and where alone, the assertion may be found verified.
An action described by this construction is regarded, it is
true, as completed, but only with reference to the preceding
verb, only so far as the preceding action necessitates or
permits. nbd) means unreservedly and unconditionally hou
hast fallen: noan means ‘so hast thou fallen,’ ‘so, namely,
confining the possible occurrence of the event to a particular
area previously implied or defined}. Whatever, therefore, be
the shade of meaning borne by the first or ‘ domdnant’ verb,
the perfect following, inasmuch as the action it denotes is
conceived to take place under the same conditions, assumes
it too: be the dominant verb a jussive, frequentative, or sub-
junctive, the perfect is virtually the same. ‘To all intents
and purposes the perfect, when attached to a preceding verb
by means of this waw consecutive, loses its ¢nd’viduality : no
longer maintaining an independent position, it passes under
the sway of the verb to which it is connected *.

 

1 Steinthal (Characteristtk, p. 262) speaks of this alteration of tone as
eine hochst sinnige Verwendung des Accents: he himself, observing that
it throws a new emphasis on the person-ending, considers that its effect
is to render prominent the personal aspect of the action, to limit it, in
other words, by representing it as subjective or conditioned. It seems
a fatal objection to Mr. Turner’s view (p. 402), that the change of tone
never takes place with the prophetic perf., though its ‘position and
significance’ may even be more emphatic than that of the pf. with 1.

? This peculiarity may sometimes be imitated in English by linking
109. | THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. IIT9g

109. But upon what ground, it will be asked, can the
marked avoidance of +} in all such cases be accounted for?
What is there to deter the Hebrew from saying, ‘lest he
come and go om to smite me?’ The fact is, -1 was so ap-
propriated by the universal custom of the language to the
description of actual fact, that a sense of incongruity and
anomaly would have arisen had it been adopted also on
occasions where the events spoken of were merely contingent.
Moreover, it must have been felt that with an action in itself
only zncipient or nascent, any idea of continuation or develop-
ment was out of place: where the series is begun by a form
which, like the imperfect, denotes essentially an act that is
inchoate or incomplete, all possibility of free and uncondi-
tional progress (such as is expressed by -1) is at once ob-
viously checked: the only kind of udtertor advance imaginable
under the circumstances is that which may ensue when the
now indeterminate and incomplete act is determined and
completed. After &A3, ‘931 denotes a subsequent act without
any kind of reserve or limitation, 25% N32 he came and smote
me: after N°, nothing thus unconditionally subsequent can
find place because 1) itself is inchoate and incomplete;
nothing therefore definite can be annexed to x3, until rf has
matured into 82. Still, upon the hypothesis that it has
matured, further eventualities may be conceived: and so we
find x2» followed by ‘3M, where the perfect tense implies
that the eventuality has occurred, while the waw limits its
occurrence to such occasions as fall within the scope of
the preceding dominant verb. Accordingly we get 7x,
mad, vSix, ox, yd, %29m7 Na yp ‘lest, that, if, he come—
then or so (i.e. upon the supposition that the first statement
is realized)—Aas or (as our idiom would prefer on account

 

together as infinitives under the same auxiliary (instead of repeating the
latter with each different verb) the perfects connected in the original by
means of waw,
120 CHAPTER VIII. [ 109.

of the condition implied) had he smitten me’=‘lest he come
and smite me.’ ‘perhaps he may come—and then has he or
had he smitten me’=‘pethaps he may come and smite me:’
‘why, how should he come—rére émdragev dv ¢ué*, so hatte
er mich geschlagen, then had he smitten me’=‘why, how
should he come and smite mer’? %39n) NI ‘he was liable or
likely to come, would or used to come—and then (whenever
this actually happened) he has or had smitten me’=‘he
would come and smite me’ Should it be objected to such
an explanation that it presupposes a crude and constrained
mode of expression, incompatible with the ease and freedom
with which the construction in question is actually employed,
it may be replied that the primitive form of many of the
Aryan moods and tenses was even rougher in structure; and
although the adaptation of such forms as instruments of
thought is doubtless facilitated by phonetic decay obliterating
the separate traces of their ultimate elements, it is not de-
pendent upon it altogether. When a compound phrase or
formula is analysed, we are often surprised to discover the
circuitous path by which expression has been given to an
apparently simple idea ; the mind, however, treats the phrase
as a whole, and does not, on every occasion of its use, pass
consciously through the individual steps by which its meaning
has been acquired.

And now we may be able to discern a reason why the
Hebrew could say 1337) N23 fb, but never 73M ‘NN NI YD: in
the former case, the relative nature of "39" and its depen-
dency upon &2) is patent from the intimate union with 1;
but in the latter case, on account of the isolated position
taken by it, n2n seems to be stated absolutely, to have no
special reference to any other fact. It is in order to preserve
a keen sense of the subordination thus essential to the mean-
ing of the construction that the connexion with what precedes

 

? Cf, with the stronger tx, 2 Ki. 13, 19.
110. | THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 121

is so jealously guarded: the moment this connexion is
broken, the verb lapses into the imperfect, which is, of
course, under the same government as the dominant verb,
and indeed co-ordinate with it.

Oés. The preceding remarks will make it plain in what manner the
waw in this construction can be spoken of as the ‘ waw relativum,’ and
the idiom as a whole as the ‘relatively-progressive perfect.’ A question,
however, here arises, analogous to the one discussed § 85 Oés., whether,
namely, the perfect may not be occasionally preserved after its separation
from waw, or even when the waw has been entirely dropped. The vast
number of instances, occurring under every conceivable variety of cir-
cumstance, in which the verb, after separation, appears as an imperfect,
furnishes a strong argument against supposing this to be possible: though
an opposite view is expressed by Ewald, § 346°, by Bottcher, ii. p. 205,
and by Hitzig (on Job 5, 9), who cite passages in support of their opinion.
These alleged instances, when examined, resolve themselves either into
cases of the proph. perfect, or into cases where an obvious change of
construction has supervened: in fact, with two or three exceptions, they
have been already explained above, § 147. The perfect, standing by
itself, or preceded by °3, § 14.4, 8, is used of the future precisely as in
the passages alleged ; now it is impossible to explain the two former
cases by supposing waw to have been dropped, for the simple reason
that zt could never have been present: if, therefore, the perfects in § 14
a, B, can be accounted for without having recourse to an imaginary waw
consecutive, no necessity can exist for having recourse to it in order to
account for the perfect in § 14 y. The question is to a certain extent
one of degree: the force of the tense is undoubtedly /mzted both in the
proph. perf. and after waw consecutive; but in the one case it is the
intelligence of the reader, aided only by the context, that determines the
limitation, and /ocadizes the action in the future; in the other case this
function is performed by the connecting particle alone. It is thus the
context that fixes the meaning of 7wr Isa. 5, 30, or 1777 11, 8, no less
than that of 151 5,13, or 11,9. It would take too long to examine
the other instances in detail; it is at least suspicious that more numerous
and clearer cases do not occur of the bare perfect after }yn5, ON, 79, etc.
Naturally, it cannot be seriously maintained that tn pn ‘ stands for’
tn 1D; while, as to Prov. 9, vv. 4 and 16 are different; v. 4 is to be
explained by § 12 (cf.'the pff. vv. 1-3), v. 16 by § 123 a.

110. But before analysing the construction in its syntac-
tical aspect, we must first of all state the laws which regulate
122 CHAPTER VIII. [ 110.

the change of fone previously alluded to. Many forms of the
perfect, as BP, DION, WI (from MY), ANY (he drank, not
ane 3 fem. from nv) etc., are already mera‘, and with such,
of course, no change is possible: in other cases the general
rule is that where the perfect is preceded by waw consecutive,
the tone ts thrown forward on to the ultima. But to this law
there is a considerable list of exceptions: it will be seen,
however, that for the most part they fall into three or four
broad groups which can be recollected without difficulty.

Including, for the sake of completeness, the two mules
established in the last chapter, we get the following :—

The tone is zo/ thrown forward

(1) Generally, though not quite uniformly (see Dt. 21, 11.
23, 14. 24, 19), when the perfect is immediately followed,
without any break in the sense (i.e. without a dzstnctrve
accent), by a tone-syllable in the, succeeding word.

(2) When the perfect is 2 pause—almost invariably with
the greater distinctives, and sometimes also with those of
smaller value. Of these two rules no further illustrations
will be needed.

Obs. So far as the regular verb is concerned, the tone is uniformly
thrown on in the Ist and 2nd sing., except in the cases covered by these
tworules. In1rSa.17, 35. Job 7, 4> (assuming the verbs to be frequenta-
tive) the accentuation *nb$im1, *>nyiws appears to have arisen from a
misconception: the preceding verbs *nx&1, 17101 were really frequenta-
tive, but, there being no change of tone (see rule 4) to mark this fact, it
was forgotten, and then the perfects following were subjoined by means
of simple waw according to § 132.

(3) In 1 plur. of all the modifications, and in 3 fem. sing.
and 3 plur. of Hifil. Thus Gen. 34, 17 aa Ex. 8, 23
nt): Lev. 26, 22 Any 21, Amos 9, 13 wT, Ezek. 11, 18
won. It is also naturally not thrown on in 2 fem. sing. of
verbs with a guttural as their third radical, as AY Hos. 2, 22.

Obs. Twice in Hif‘il the general rule is observed: Ex. 26, 33 1)>7m.,
Lev. 15, 29 TAM.
111.] THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 123

(4) In the Qal of verbs x5 and 0%, as Gen. 7, 4 ‘THD.
i .
17,4 D7). 19 DNDPY. 18, 26 DRY,

Obs. If the list in Bottcher, ii. 204, is complete, besides Away (and
this only before a guttural) there are but two instances of Qal mira‘ after
1, viz. Lev. 24,25. 2Sa. 15, 33' (both gutt.). But in the other modifica-
tions the tone is, in the majority of instances, thrown on according to
tule, as Ex. 25,11. Lev. 26,9 etc.; although a few exceptions are found,
cf. Dt. 4,19. 11, 10. 28,12. Job 15,13 al.

(5) Often in those forms of the Qa/ and N7f‘al in verbs
y’y and vy which end in 3- or Ms, as Ex. 7, 28 83. Isa.
6, 13 ABBA. rx, 13 FYB. 34, 3 YBBR. 35, 10 *D2: but the
usage here is very fluctuating, as many of these verbs also
occur milra‘; see Ex. 8, 7 110}. 23, 29 72%). Isa. 11,14 3BY.
23, 17 NW) etc.

Obs. In the other forms the general rule is adhered to, as Gen. 28, 21
HW). Dt. 4,30 Haws. Ps. 89, 24 Ming. Ex. 23,25 napm. Ezek.
16,42 ‘AIM. Nu. 14,15 mAgT} etc. Exceptions (unless when occa-
sioned in accordance with rules 1 or 2, as Gen. 19, 19. Ex. 33, 14) are
extremely rare: 1 Ki. 2, 31. Jer. 10,18%. Amos 1, 8? being probably all
that exist.

111. It has been already remarked that the peculiar
position occupied by the perfect, when thus annexed by },
as regards the dominant or principal verb, causes it virtually
to assume the particular modal phase belonging to the latter.
If, for instance, the principal verb involve wz//, would, or
let..., the subordinate verbs connected with it by 1 consecu-

 

* He cites indeed 1 Sa. 10,2. Jer. 2, 2. 3,12 as well: but there is no
reason for supposing that in these verses the perfects are mz/ra’. There
is no metheg in the antepenultima, and Bottcher seems’ to have been
inadvertently misled by the fostposttive accent small telisha; see Isa.
62, 4. 66, 20,

2 In these two passages the wz/‘el tone is attested by the Massorah :
but Zeph. 1,17 (cited in my first edition), the correct reading (as noted
also by Kimchi, ad loc.) has the tone milva’: see Baer’s Liber xit
Prophetarum (1878), pp. iv, 79-
124 CHAPTER VIII. [112.

tive must be understood in the same tense or mood; in
other words, as governed by the same auxiliary: 2 Ki. 5, 11
I said 81) TOY) NY he wzZ/ (or would, if in oratio obliqua)
come out and stand and call: the writer might, had he
chosen, have repeated the impf. 87>") TOY") NY" he would
come out, and would stand, and would call: this would
have been somewhat more emphatic, and greater stress would
have been laid on the precise manner in which each indi-
vidual action was conceived: but, writing in prose, he adopts
the shorter and more flowing mode of expression. Now
where—as is continually the case in Hebrew—there is a
change of person between the first and any of the following
verbs, we shall find it in English awkward, if not impossible,
to adopt such a succinct method of translation: either the
auxiliary will have to be repeated each time the person
changes, or, since the perfect in the original really indicates
a result or consequence (but not the design, § 61) of the
action denoted by the principal verb, we may even employ
that with the subjunctive. Gen. 24,7 may HE send his angel
before thee AND} and mayest thou take (or, shaft thou mayest
take) a wife for my son from there. 18, 25 far be it from
thee... nnd to slay the righteous with the wicked ™7) and
Jor the righteous 40 de (see § 118) as the wicked (or, that so
the righteous sould be as the wicked: more neatly in Latin,
Absit a te wf occ¢das justum cum iniquo, fia/gue justus sicut
impius). Jer. 48, 26 make him drunk ... PDD! and Ze¢ Moab
vomit (or, hat Moab may vomit).

112. We may now proceed to analyse the mode in which
this idiom is employed.

The perfect with } consec. appears as the continuation of

(i) the imperative.

Gen. 6, 14 make thee an ark mB3) and pitch it. 21 ADDN),
8, 17 bring them out with thee W) and Jef them swarm in
the earth,
113. | THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 125

Here notice 1. the grammar alone shews that the waz is consecutive:
the tone in 1¥1Ww is already #2/ra‘,so that noalteration can take place from
the accession of 1: we must, however, judge of such cases by the analogy
of those in which, under similar syntactical conditions, i.e. in the present
case, after an imperative, the change of tone can be observed: this analogy
leaves us no doubt that the waw is consecutive here as well. Notice 2.
that the dependency of 127w1 upon the imperative is obscared in English
by the singular weakness of our language, which all but forbids our
using a genuine third pers. imperative, except in exalted or poetical
style: the interpolation of /e¢ makes it seem as though /e¢ them swarm
were independent of dring them out: whereas in the Hebrew the sense
to be given to \s1w) is wholly determined by the meaning of the domi-
nant verb, which is here an imperative. In a point like this, either
German, Latin, or Greek has the advantage of English.

Ex. 3, 16 go mn) fers DN}, 7, 15 f. 26 etc. 19, 23.
Lev. 24, 14 bring forth him that cursed, 120D1 and Ze all
those that heard /ay their hands upon his head (educ ef
ponant, Vulg.). Nu. 4, 19 this do to them ?M and det them
live 3! NP) (note the zmpf.) and not die etc. 1 Sa. 6,7 £15, 3.
2 Sa. 11, 1 set Uriah etc. M9) 132) MINN DAIWA and retire
from behind him, and let him be smitten and die. 24, 2 go
now through all the tribes yy and let me know. Ezek. 20,
20 et sabbata mea sanctificate 7) e¢ sen¢ signum inter me
et vos.

This is by far the most common construction after an
imperative: sometimes, however, a succession of imperatives
is preferred, and sometimes the perfect and imperative alter-
nate: Gen. 27, 43 f. Aw” ... 72 OP). 45,9. 1 Sa. 6, 76
2 Ki. 9, 2-3. Pr. 23, 1 f. etc.

118. (ii) After an zmperfec/, in any of its senses: thus—

(1) After the impf. as a pure future :—

Gen. 12, 3. 18, 18 and Abraham will be a great nation
§2997221 and all nations of the earth w2// be blessed in him.
40, 13 he will lift up thy head DWM and restore thee to thy
place, Ang and thou wilt give etc. Jud. 6, 16 I shall be with
thee mon and thou wilt smite Midian (or, weil and shalt).
126 CHAPTER VIII. [113-

1 Sa. 2, 35 f. 8,11. 18. 17, 32 thy servant will go pnp3
and fight. 46. Isa. 1, 30 f. 2,2 f. 13, 11. 14, I. 2. 4. 60, 5.
Jer. 16, 4 etc.; or as expressing a purpose or a command
(I will, thou shalt), Gen. 17, 16 AMD, 24, 4. 32, 21. Ex.
8, 23. 20, 9 etc.

Constantly, also, after other words pointing to the future,
as a particrple, Gen. 6, 17 f. and behold, I am bringing the
deluge upon the earth ‘nippy and will establish etc. 48, 4
behold, I am making thee fruitful 7.207) and wii multiply
thee... FINN and give this land etc. Isa. 7, 14 and well call
his name ‘Immanu’el. 8, 7 f. 13, 19. 19, 1 ff. Jer. 30, 22.
Ba bf, jaw. Hosea 2, 8.16 f. Amos 2,14 TIN). 6, 14 etc.;
or an zfin. absolute, as Gen. 17, 11. Isa. 5, 5. 31, 5. Ezek.
23, 47.

And after the prophetic perfect, the announcement opening
generally with the proph. perf., which is then followed by the
perfect with waz consec.: thus Gen. 17, 20 I have blessed
him ‘TaN and I zz/7 make him fruitful. Nu. 24, 17 a star
hath proceeded out of Jacob, opi and a sceptre shall arise out
of Israel. Isa. 2, 11 WN (cf. vv. 12-17). 5, 14>. 43, 14 nny
I send to Babel ‘ATA and will bring down etc. 48, 15. 52,
ro Yahweh hath laid bare his holy arm, 1x7) and all the ends
of the earth shall see etc. Jer. 13, 26. 48, 41.

(2) After the impf. as a jussive or cohortative :—

(a) Gen. 1, 14 9 let there be lights *7) and let them be...
28, 3. 43, 14 Mow. 47, 29 f. bury me not in Egypt 3
but let me lie with my fathers. Ex. 5, 7 125" on def THEM go
wp and gather themselves straw. 34, 9. Dt. 28, 8. 1 Sa.
12,20. 24, 13 det Yahweh judge OPN and avenge me! 1 Ki.

 

+ The two accents on this word must not be confused with the double
pashta on words mdl‘el, § gt: the first accent is 4 conjunctive termed
Qadma, which is here used in place of metheg to mark the counter-tone
(p. 102, %. 1). Cf. Ewald, § 978.
113. ] THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 127

I, 2. 8, 28 (after 26). 22, 12 (ironical) avd Vahweh give it
into thy hands! Ps. 64, 11. 109, 10. 143, 12 AVANM.

(8) Gen. 31, 44 come let us make a covenant 0) and let
it be ete. Jud. 19, 13 NIWA ab come and Ze¢ us draw near
to one of the places aah) and pass the night in Gibeah. Mic.
4,6 f. Ruth 2, 7 let me glean, I pray, ‘NEDN! and gather etc.

(3) After an impf. denoting would or should :—Amos 9, 3 f.
from there would 1 command the sword oni and it should
slay them ne and I would etc. Job 8, 6. 9, 17 with a
tempest would he overwhelm me MDW and multiply my
bruises without cause. 31. Jud. 16, 5 (may).

(4) Or after the impf. as a frequentative, whether of
present or past time, indifferently :—

(a) Gen. 2, 24 therefore doth a man leave his father and
mother pi) and cleave to his wife yn and they are one. flesh.
Ex. 18, 16 when they have a matter coming to me?, *RODL
then (§ 123) Z decide between them ‘AYTIN and dear etc.
Dt. 5, 21 ody aa +5 that God speaketh (or may speak)
with man ?*) and he liveth. Isa. 5, 12 sm (observe v, 12>
w...3). 27, 10. 44,15 TDN) PW kindleth fire and baketh
bread. Jer. 12, 3” thou seest me AN and triest my heart.
20, 9? TDN) and I keep saying ‘1 oil not speak of him’

mm and then there comes in my heart as it were a bung
fire ND) and I am weary of forbearing etc.* Ezek. 29, 7

 

1 So the ¢ext must be rendered (cf. 22, 8):' for the apodosis after 5,
in the sense of whenever, to be introduced by the bare perfect, would
be without parallel. If we desire to render they come to me, we must
read 82).

2 These two passages (cf. 6,17. Ex. 18,16. Amos 4, 7) are important
as shewing that the waw after a freguentative impf. is really consecu-
tive: as it happens, the verb under such circumstances is generally in
the zhivd person, in which the distinctive change of tone can rarely
occur.

3 A. V. here seems to describe a sémgle occurrence, which would have
been denoted by 11981 etc., and conveys no idea of the vepetztion so
plainly discernible in the original: R.V. rightly zfetc.: see § 148.
128 CHAPTER VIII. [ 113.

nyp2 yn (a description of Egypt’s general character). Hos.
4,3:> 457 aN} WOM (their recéerated ebullitions described).
Mic. 2, 2 (after Mwy’ v. 1). Ps. 10, 10 2B me. 17, 14 spaw
O°32 they have their fill of children a3) and leave etc. 46,
TO PSPY 72Y*. 49, TI MY) WAN. 73, TI WON) after wm
v. 10. 78, 38 but he is merciful, forgiveth iniquity, and doth
not destroy (impff.), TAM and zs dounteous to turn his anger
away. go, 6. Pr. 16, 29. 18, 10. 20, 28. 24, 16. 29, 6. Job
5, §- 14, 11 and a river will (freq.) decay WI" and dry up.
33, 18 f. 34, 7f So after the exclamatory, impassioned 22f.
abs. (Ew. § 328), Jer. 7, 10.

(8) Gen. 2,6 a mist wsed fo go up TPYN and water the
ground. 10. 6, 4. 29, 2 f. an instructive passage: ‘three
flocks were lying there (partcp.), for pw they used to water
flocks from that well,’ this is then followed by four pff. freqq.
The course of the narrative is resumed only at "DN" 4: it is
clear that v. 3 cannot belong to it, for v.8 shews that the
stone had not been rolled away, so that 1552 describes what
used to be done. The sudden change of tense—from impf.
with +1 to pf. with }—is most noticeable, and immediately
arrests the attention. Ex. 33, 7-11 "non np* would (or
used to) dake and pitch i (contrast this with a passage like
35, 21-29, ‘1 describing what took place upon only one
occasion). 34, 34f. Dt. 11, 10 where mpyn qyarns yun
thou wsedst fo sow thy seed, and wader it with thy foot. 1 Ki.
14, 28 used ¢o bear them niawni and bring them back. 2 Ki,
3, 25 mdr iadey aD (a graphic picture of the way
in which the people occupied themselves during their a
in Moab). 12, 15-17. Job 31, 29 if I used so rejoice.
‘AYN {tone as Ps, 28, 1,§ 104) and elate myself. Ez. 44, 12'.

After a partcp.:—Isa. 6, 2 f. were standing Np and each
kept crying. Pr.g,14 Maw and keeps sitting (after mon, v. 13).

And an inf. abs.:—2 Sa. r2, 16 33v) PY Sa DY py) and
he fasted on, repeatedly (auiring the seven days, v. 18) going

 

1 The correction in Stade, ZA TW. 1885, p. 293, is gratuitous.
115.] THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 129

in, and passing the night (there), and lying on the earth.
13, 19. Jos. 6, 13 3YPNi son osbn (contrast 1 Sa. 19, 23.
2 Sa, 16, 13 °}). Jer. 23, 14.

114. Sometimes after a fact has been stated summarily
by a perfect, we find this tense succeeded by perfects with
} consecutive, as though to remind the reader of the real
character of what is described: that in such cases the waw
is consecutive, and not merely conjunctive (Chap. IX), is
often shewn by the proximity of an zmperfect, the frequenta-
tive sense of which is unmistakeable. At other times, on
the other hand, when the frequentative nature of the events
described has been sufficiently indicated, the writer, feeling
that this circumstance does not call for cozs/inual prominence,
reverts to the ordinary form of prose narrative, as carried
on by ‘1.

Thus (a) Nu. 11, 8 yopdy roy (observe the impf. T™. a. 9).
Amos 4, 7 Yvon) ow ‘mynD (a noticeable passage on
account of the clear change of tone: observe, too, the
following impff.). 2 Ki. 6, 10. 2 Chr. 12, 11 DINW21.. . INA.

(B) Jud. 12, 5 WON’ *D MN) and it used to be whenever
they said... 28" that they replied etc. 1 Sa. 2, 16% 13,
2ab (cf. the impf. v. 19). 14, 52. 2 Sa. 15, 2. Jer. 6, 17
rowel... ‘APA (§ 120). 18, 4. Ps. 78, 4of Job 1, 4f.

The same transition occurs also after the imperfect
itself :—Isa. 44, 12. Ps. 106, 43 330%... 10’. Job 3, 24.
5,15 f. 7,18 yea, thou vzszfest him (even with op). II,
3. 12,25. 14,10. 21,14 (Ps. 73, 11 WON). 31, 27 (contrast
v. 29 quoted § 113) etc.

Obs. In some of these cases the -) introduces the definite act which
terminates a scene previously described, or the settled state which
succeeds or accompanies the reiterated actions: so Jud. 6,5. Ps. 78, 35:
cf. 99, 7. Pr. 7, 13" (in 13% the pff. are frequentative). Nu. 9, 23. 2 Chr.
33, 6°. Comp. Bottcher, ii. 216.

115. The perfect with waw consecutive is further found
where the imperfect is preceded by various particles: as

K
130 CHAPTER VIII. [ 115.

vane perhaps: Gen. 27, 12 perhaps my father will feel me
7) and I shall be... ‘mean and I shail bring upon myself
a curse. Nu. 22, rr after baw (in v. 6 the zmpf). 23, 27.
2Sa,16, 12. 2Ki. 19. 4. :

58 or of: 1 Sa. 26, 10 or 7 his day should come ni and
he die. Ez. 14, 17. 19.

1S then: 1 Sa. 6, 3 then will ye be healed 03? VI2 and it
will be known to you etc. Ps. 19, 14 (tone, § 104).

TN how ? Gen. 39, 9 Zow can I do this great evil nem
and sin against God? 2Sa. 12, 18 how shall we say to him,
The child is dead, nw) (translating freely to shew the con-
nexion) and so make him vex himself? So 7338 Esth. 8, 6
(with Saw).

DN: Jer. 17, 21 do mot bear any burden on the sabbath-
day ONN3M) and bring it etc. Ps. 143, 7 do not hide thy face
from me ‘>¥10%1 and let me be like them that go down into
the pit (tone as in the parallel Ps. 28, 1, after })*.

DN 7f: Gen. 28, 20f. 32, 9 7f‘Esau comes to one camp
373M and smiles it. Dt. 8, 19. 11, 28 DAADY, 20, rx ANNAN,
Jud. 4, 20 ON) FoNws, 14, 12 ONN¥D. 1 Sa, i2, 14. 15.
17, 9; and so constantly: see §§ 136, 138.

Similarly after ON in an oath: Gen. 24, 38. Ez. 20, 33f.
as I live, if I will not... reign over you *DNIN and bring

WR = so that: Dt. 2, 25. 4, 6 so that they will hear oN)
and say (cf. v. 10 nd. . . 9).

= when: Lev. 4, 22 when a ruler mwy) NOM" sinneth and
doth etc. (not hath sinned, A.V.). Nu. 5, 29 AND,

= who so (the person indicated being essentially indefinite
éstis or ds cay with subj.: this construction of WWN is quite
distinct from another which will be immediately noticed):

 

1 The second verb separated from 1, and accordingly in the impf. Ps.
38, 25 dovvdérws, 35, 19. 75,6. 1 Sa. 2, 3.
115.| THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 131

Gen. 24, 14 the girl 40 whom W281 may say, Let down thy
pitcher, MIN) and she reply, Drink (puella cui ego dixero...
et illa responderit—the girl, whoever she may be, in whom
these two conditions are fulfilled). 43 (where the tone of
‘FON! proves, if proof were needed, that 7V281 in 14 has 1
consecutive). Lev. 21, 10. Jud, 1,12 LXX rightly és av wardéy
kat mpoxaraddByra. I Sa. 17, 26. Isa. 56, 4 TINT MY” AWK,
LXX Soou dv puddkovra cai ékedéEovra. Jer. 17, 5.7. 24, 11
76 €Ovos & cay eloaydyn . . . kal épydonra aird. Ps. 134, 9 (‘Y).

Lev. 18, 5 which a man may do ‘D) and hive in them, or
since, in the double statement enunciated, the occurrence of
the second is so linked to that of the first as to be dependent
upon it (cf. § 147), ‘which za man do, he may (or shall) live
in them,’ Ez. 20, 11. 13. Neh. 9, 29. Dt. 19, 4. Isa. 29, 11 f.
36, 6.

Obs. There is, however, another construction of wx followed by the
perfect, or by the impf. and then -, which must not be confused with
that just explained. There the writer had an indefinite contingency in
view: here he contemplates a distinct occurrence+: compare, with the
perfect alone, Lev. 7,8 the skin of the bumt sacrifice which 11777 he
hath offered (in the case assumed). Thus we find Dt. 17, 2-4 a man
who mwy? doeth evil 73) and goeth and serveth other gods, 1377) and
zt be told thee etc.; or the two constructions united, as Lev. 15, 11 every
one whom the 31 touches (p>), and who RW KX» Aas not (or shall not
have, in the assumed case) drenched his hands with water. 17, 3f.
whoso slays.an ox...and inva x» ath not brought it etc. (v. 9 we
find the impf. and doth not bring it: Ongelos AVON, m2°'T)2, and the
Peshito on haf >» wOQsKas retain the difference of tense, which the

other versions fail to reproduce). 9,13 (7°71 xd and 51m1). Ez. 18, 6 (hath
not eaten, ever draws near),

1 interrogativum: Ex. 2, 7 shall I go ‘nap and call?
Nu. 11, 22 shall flocks be slain for them nyo and it be

 

1 Cf. the similar case of DN Nu. 5, 27 etc. if she Aave made herself
unclean, dyony and played false: see below, § 138 Obs.
K 2
132 CHAPTER VIII. [x15.

enough for them? (with change of subject: LXX pi opayy-
govrat ... ai dpxéoei;) Jud. 15, 18 shall J die of thirst *T>aN
and fall into the hand of the uncircumcised? 1 Sa. 23, 2.
Ruth 1, 11 Aave J still sons in my womb ym and will they
be (=for them to be) to you for husbands? 1 Chr. 14, 10.

Obs. After the ‘modal’ perfect (§ 19. 2), Jud. 9, 9. 11. 13 am I to have
ended my fatness *habi and go? So 1 Sa. 26, 9 Twa 172 M2 9 °3
m7p21°) for who zs ¢o have put forth (=can put forth) his hand against
Yahweh’s anointed and be guiltless ? (entirely different from Dt. 5, 23
Day... DW WR... =who ever heard ... and lived? cf. the remark
in § 19. 2.)

xn; 2 Sa. 4, 10 shall I not seek his blood from your
hand yD and sweep you from the earth? 2 Ki. 5, 12 shall
Z not wash in them ‘MWD! and be clean? Ez. 38, 14 f. Amos
8, 8. Pr. 24, 12.

1=7f: Jer. 3, 1 if a man divorces his wife nam and she
goes etc. Hag. 2, 12%.

p18 or ba ere that: Jer. 13, 16.

“WND as when: Dt. 22, 26 as when a man O%P* rises up
against his neighbour IN¥74 and smiles him mortally. Isa. 29,
8. 65, 8. Amos 5, 19 as when a man flees before the lion
iYIB. and the bear mee/s him.

‘D= shat: Gen. 37, 26 what gain 21723 that we should
slay our brother WDD and conceal his blood? 1 Sa. 29, 8

what have I done... that I am not to go ‘mAb and fight ?
(tone as § 104.) Job 15, 13 why doth thy heart carry thee
away... that thou shouldst turn thine anger against God
DNS and so utter words out of thy mouth? (tone, § 110.
4 Obs.) Cf. Neh. 6, 11.

= when: Ex. 21, 20 when a man smites his servant n=!
and he dies. Dt. 4, 25. 6, tof. when Yahweh bringeth thee

 

? For the position of before the apodosis, cf. Gen. 18, 24. 28. 24,
5 after ix; Job 14, 14 afteron; 2 Ki. 7, 2. Ez. 17, 10 after man.
115.] THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 133

into the land... $AY3B1 ADIN) and thou ealest and art satis-
Jied, take care etc. 12, 20. 29. 17,14: and so constantly.

DX 2 = surely: 1 Ki. 20, 6 surely I will send my servants
WEN, (2 Sa. 15, 21 Kt. followed by a single verb only.)

Obs. After a perfect (according to §14a), 2 Ki.5,20 samp YNIVTDRD
surely I will run and get something from him! Jer. s1, 14 (Ges. Hitz.
Graf, RV.): cf. Jud. 15,7, where after a perfect similarly placed we
have $178 Imi: had not imKN intervened, this would have been

shyM.

Nd or ba not (the negative not being repeated, but its influ-
ence extending over ‘wo clauses: Ges.-Kautzsch, § 152. 3):
Ex. 28, 43 that they may zof bear (incur) iniquity 92) and die.
33, 20 man cannot see me !*T) and hive. Lev. 11, 43%. 19, 12

not shall you swear falsely Abbn and thou profane the name

of God. 29. 22, 9. Nu. 4, 15 they shall not touch what is
holy in11 and so die. 20. Dt. 7, 25 Fnpps, 26 and so become
accursed. I9, 10. 22, I. 4 Apdynn, 23, 15. Isa. 14, 21
bs. 28, 28 mof for ever does he thresh it nom) and drive the
wheel of his cart over it. 2 Chr. 19, 10 mm. And with the
verb separated from } and so in the impf., Lev. 10, 6.

bYy3 almost: Gen. 26, 10 (with pf. as first verb) almost
had one of the people lain with her eam and so thou hadst
brought guilt upon us.

% of: Ez. 14, 15 if I were to cause noisome beasts to
pass through the land ARPDwA and they were to make it bereaved,
nnn and it were to become desolate.

nnd why ? 2 Ki. 14, 10 (=2 Chr. 2g, 19) why wouldst
(or shouldst, wilt) thou challenge misfortune nabay and fall ?
Jer 40,15 why should he smite thee and all Israel be scattered ?
Qoh. 5, 5. Dan. 1, ro DAN. ANT mab TWN for why should
he see (=lest* he see) your faces sad..., and ye inculpate
my head to the king.

 

1 See the writer's note on 1 Sa. 19, 17.
134 CHAPTER VIil. [trs.

Obs. The impf. after 105 may be frequentative, as 1 Sa. 2, 29, in
which case it can be followed by +1, § 114 (8).

yep tn order that: Gen. 12, 13 éhat it may be well with me
AMM and my soul may live because of thee. 18, 19. Ex. ro, 2.
Dt. 5, 30 Wb. 6, 18 that it may be well with thee AM nen
and that thou mayest go and inherit the good land. 13, 18.
16, 20, 22, 7. Isa. 28, 13 wpm Maw mans abyar rd yy?
yan. 66, 11 and often.

‘ with impf. expressing a wish: 2 Sa. 15, 4 O that some
one would make me judge, 83° »5yy that to me might come
every one who... (where if sy were not intended to be
emphatic, we should have had oy 833) PAPAS) and I would
give him justice! Dt. g, 26 O that this their heart might be
theirs always! (lit. ‘ who will grant mn) avd so this their heart
had been*.’)

VIV = perhaps: 2 Sa. 12, 22 Qri (Kt. sm, impf. as
Joel 2, 14. Jon. 3, 9).

‘MD when P Ps. 41, 6 when will he die 738) avd his name
perish P

TW or WN IY until: Ex. 23, 30 until thou multiply Dna
and inherit the land. Nu. 11, 20 nvm. Isa. 32, 15 WN TY TY
ayn ...1Hos. 5, 15. Mic. 7, 9. Qoh. 12, 1. 2. Neh. 4, 5:
“WW Ct. 2, 17. 4, 6.

Obs. So when the verb after 1p is a perfect (§ 17), Isa. 6, 11 f.

Similarly in the other construction of ty with an infinitive,
Gen. 27, 4g. Jud. 6, 18 *DX¥in) °8| TY; or a substantive,
1 Sa. 14, 24 until (it be) evening ‘ADDN and I avenge myself :
this passage shews how Lev. 11, 32. 17, 15 should be under-
stood (‘till the evening (come) and it be clean’). 2 Ki. 18,

 

1 Elsewhere ym? °» is construed with the bare impf. Job 6,8 xian.
13, 5. 14,13; with the impf. and} 19, 23 711N3?1; with the pf. 23, 3
MYT; usually with the inf. 11, 5. Ex, 16, 3 al.
115.] THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 138

32. Isa. 5, 8 until there is no more room onawAn and ye are
made to dwell by yourselves in the midst of the land.

Obs. In a few passages a rather singular usage is found after 1y, Jud.
16, 2 saying 19713297) Tpanm VN 1p» till the morning dawns and we #2//
him. Jos. 1, 1. 6, 10 till the day when I say to you, Shout, omiy3m
and ye shout (cf. Esth. 4,11 7m). Gen. 29, 8. 1 Sa. 1, 22 for she said,
Till the lad be weaned and J bring him etc. 2 Sa. 10, 5 (=1 Chr. 19,
5) tarry in Jericho till your beards grow onawi and ye return, Dan. 8,.
14. Is the perfect in these cases to be considered as under the govern-
ment of the infinitive or imperfect after 1y (as I have translated), or as
under that of a preceding verb implied or expressed, thus ‘ (wazt) till the
day when I say, Shout, and then shout, ‘¢arry till etc. and then return?’
The general structure of the sentence seems to favour the former suppo-
sition, and, if the latter were true, we might expect 1m added, as Jos.
2,16. Compare Hdt. iii, 181. 5 dowAuvopévns 8¢ rhs Hpeépns imierat Tov
puxpod, és 06 Bveral re 6 HAtos, kal 7d Hddp yiverar yAcapdv: where the
determining moment and the determined event are similarly made co-
ordinate, but where in English (disregarding the re) we should probably
exhibit their relation to each other somewhat more explicitly by render-
ing ‘till the sun sets, and ¢hen the water becomes warm.’

APY in return for: Dt. 7,12 as a return for (Ongelos
q Abn) your hearkening” to these statutes DNI2¥4 and observing

them ?.
1B dest: Gen..3, 22. 19, 19 lest some evil cleave to me

>) and I de (tone as § 110. 2), Ex. 1, ro. 23, 29. 34,
rg f. Anpdy Aber... YN MAD. Dt. 4, 16. 19. 8, 12-17.
15,9 NIPL... PA... AN ND. mY. IMIR. 2 Sa.
12, 28. Hos, 2,5. Amos 5, 6. Ps, 28,1 mbwind AVN
lest thou be silent and I become like etc. Pr. 30, 9 (for the tone
in these two passages, see § 104). 5, 10 ff. FVON).. FIOM etc.?

 

+ pynwn in a frequentative sense: cf. 8, 20.

? So Baer: in some texts Myx}, the metheg being thrown back
from the syllable which has the counter-tone on to a preceding shwa’: it
is then sometimes called Ga‘ya’ nya i.e. crying, from its causing the
shwa@ to be sounded rather more audibly than usual. Compare Kalisch,
pt. ii. § 10. 3 (6); Ewald, § 96°; Bottcher, i. p. 122; or (exhaustively)
Baer, in his papers on metheg in Merx’s Archiv, 1870, pp. 56, 194.
136 CHAPTER VIII. [116

Obs. After a perfect (§ 41 Ods.), 2 Sa. 20, 6 lest he have gotten him
fenced cities 129°y 5»xim) and pluck out our eye. Or should we read
xx? for Ryn?

‘Y Qoh. 2, 24 nn boney that he should eat and drink.
3, 13. 12,3. Cf. p. 131 (Ps. 137, 9).

116. After all these particles to find the zmperfect repeated
(as Ps. 2, 12 TI3NN) FIN" JD) is very unusual; the following
are, I believe, nearly all the instances of such repetition :—

yx Nu. 22, 6. 1 Ki. 18, 5. Jer. 20, 10. 21, 2. JN 3, 19.
DN 31, 36. Jobri, to. 20, 12 f. 36, 11. 2 Chr. 7, 14. xbn Hab.
2, 6. 2 (= though) Ps. 49, 19. Lam. 3, 8. xd Job 7, 21. nad
Isa. 40, 27. Pr. 5, 20. Job 13, 24. wad Ex. 23, 12. Isa. 41,
20. 43, 10. Ps, 78, 6. ‘nd Ps. 42, 3. ty Hos. 10, 12. Qoh.

Obs. 1, In several of these examples, a reason may be found for the
repetition of the same tense in the fact that the second verb indicates
not a progress of thought, as compared with the first, but a parallelism ;
where a distinct idea follows afterwards, the pf. and } comsec. may then
be used, Jer. 26, 3. Ez.6,6. Hab. z, 7. The opposite transition occurs
Qoh. 12, 4-5, perhaps, the sentence being a long one, to give it fresh
strength.

Oés. 2. Whenever the impf. with -1 appears after any of these
particles, it is because some defizzte act is alluded to: see, for instance, Gen.
3,17 (°9 because). 12, 19 why didst thou say, She is my sister TIpRi and
lead me to take her? (so we may render to avoid the awkward change
of person). 31, 27. 1 Sa. 19, 17% (different from 17> JnoR ad why
should I slay thee ? which would be succeeded by a pf. and 1). 1 Ki. 10,
7 after ty. ;

Obs. 3. The usage with regard to 7p is not stated with the precision
of which it would admit in the note of Dean (now Bishop) Perowne on
Ps, 28, 1. The two regular types (which are also the same for °5,
7205, 13, etc.), alternating merely in accordance with the order of words,
are WONT NII? YD and WON... VRID TD SON NID ID is excepiional.
The only supposed instance of 1oX... 812° yp is Ps. 38, 17>; this,
however, is clearly an independent statement, in no way under the
government of the preceding yb. Comp. § 14 end.

117, The reader will be aware (see Ges.-Kautzsch,
117.] THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 137

§§ 114. 3 Rem. 1; 116. 5 Rem. 7) that it is a common
custom with Hebrew writers, after employing a participle or
infinitive, to change the construction, and, if they wish to
subjoin other verbs which logically should be in the partcp.
or infin, as well, to pass to the use of the finite verb. Thus
Gen. 27, 33 82% vy ‘WWI 6 Onpevoas Onpav Kat cicevéyxas (lit.
6 Onpedoas Enpav kai eiohveyne). 39, 18 NPN ip wend LXX
Sri dypooa tHv Horny pov kai éBdnoa (where, by the alteration of
form undergone by the first verb through the use of ér, the
change of construction is disguised: elsewhere, by rendering
literally, LXX have distorted the real sense of the original,
e.g. Ps. 92, 8. 105, 12f. & r@ etvas adrods... Kai dujAGor).
Now, under what circumstances do the partcp. and infin.
break off into the ZerZect with 1, and into the zmperfect with °}
respectively? ‘The answer to this question will be found to
be in strict accordance with what we know already con-
cerning the nature of the two constructions. Wherever the
partcp. or infin. asserts something indefinite or undetermined
—wherever, therefore, it may be resolved into whoever, when-
ever, uf ever etc. (as dv not és, éedav not émetdy etc.)—we find
the perfect with 1 consecutive employed: where, on the
contrary, the partcp. or infin. asserts an actual concrete
event, we find the following verbs connected with it by the
imperfect and ‘1. Even when the partcp. is used in cha-
racterizing a person, or class of persons, the choice of the
form which is to follow it is evidently regulated by the same
distinction; the one Jocalizes the action specified, perhaps
embodies an allusion to a definite case, the other leaves it
more vague, though at the same time suggesting forcibly its
potential, or actual, repetition’.

Thus, Ex. 21, 12 M2) M8 739 the smiter of a man

 

1 The difference may be compared to that in Greek between 6 od...
and 6 p)... with the participle,
138 CHAPTER VIII. [ x18.

(=whoever smites a man), and he dies. 16. Nu. 19, 13’.
Jer. 21,9 he that goeth out PBN and falleth; and as a
frequentative, 22, 14 Miwin' nwa BD wisn iy) IP)... WIND
:Wwa, Ex. 34,71 Isa. 5, 231 44, 257. 267 that confirmeth
the word of his servant, and accomplisheth the counsel of his
messengers. Ez. 22, 3. 33, 30. Hab. 2, 12. Ps. 18, 347. 35-

But +1 of a fact:—Gen. 35, 3 who answered me “1 and
was with me. 49, 17>. Nu. 22, 11. Isa. 14,17*. 30, 2°. 43,
7%. Jer. 23, 31f. Amos 5, 7%. 12% 9, 6. Pr. 2, 17%.

Occasionally, we have 1 with the impf.: 2 Sa. 5, 8 (ren-
dering doubtful). Dan, 12, ra.

Obs. Sometimes the two forms interchange (comp. above, § 35),
though each has still its proper force: thus Am. 6, 1> 1x21 avd the
house of Israel come (freq.) to them (so 8, 141798), but 3 ye that put
far the evil day yrw'am), and have brought near the seat of violence ;
6, 6 which drink with bowls of wine inwn?...3 azd anoint them-
selves (freq.) etc. 12x) but ave not grieved etc.; comp. similarly 5,
8 (§ 12) and 9 (§ 33); 9, 5 and 6; Isa. 29, 15. 21. Contrast also
(though these are somewhat different) Jer. 48, 19 moon and her that
escapeth (whoever she may be), and Isa. 57, 3 133m) and of her that
hath (in a definite case) played the whore.

118. The distinction will be more conspicuous in the
case of the infinitive: Gen. 18, 25 MM... nvand, Ex. 1, 16.
33, 16 wba wnza im thy going (=if thou goest) with us
and we are separated from etc. Dt. 4, 42... maw D2?
™M...4DN. 30, 16 nny waa np, Gen. 27, 45 until thy

’ brother’s anger turn NVA and he forget etc. 1 Sa. 10, 8. 2 Sa.
13. 28 TN) ... 2103 at the moment when Amnon’s heart
is merry and J say. 1 Ki. 2, 37. 42. 8, 33 VOY A202 when

 

1 The verb separated from }, and consequently in the impf.

? Read so for yapD1 +215: see the Vardorum Bible, ad loc.

* Perfect, for the same reason.

* pai here is merely veswmptive, reinforcing the idea conveyed by 014
after the long intermediate clause: cf. 18,6 xa. Lev. 17, 5. Jer. 34,
18-20 ’nna), Zech. 8, 23; mm Nu. 10, 32. Dt. 20, 11,
119. | THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 139

thy people are smitten 1a) and turn (a hypothetical case).
35, Gof. (MN... MYT WI), Ez. 3, 20 when he turns NYY
and does evil. 5, 16f. 12, 15>. 18, 23. Job 37, 15. Amos 1,
II because he pursued... nv and (repeatedly) ruined
mercy 1D" and so his anger goes on to tear for ever (where
the change of tense is noticeable).

Of course, as before, when separated from.4, as often
happens, especially in poetry, for the sake of variety, the verb
falls into the imperfect tense :—after ? that, Ex. 28, 28. Jos.
20, 9. Isa. 10, 2 42... ynind, 13,9. 14, 25. 32,6. 45, 1.
49, 5- Ps. 105, 22. Pr. 2, 8. 3, 2. 8, 21. Job 33. 17 ete;
after 2 Isa. 5, 24; 2 Isa. 30, 26. Pr. 1, 27: and without waw,
Isa. 64, 1 (1117) virtually governed by bin yeind). Pr, 2, 21.

With these contrast Gen. 39, 18. Lev. 16, 1. Jos. 8, 24
BN... MIPDD 1 Sa. 24, 12 TAMA NOL... M33. 1 Ki. 18,
18 in thy forsaking abr and going (definite acts extending
into the present). Isa. 47, 10 (*mpany after Ina v. 9). Ez.
16, 31. 36. 25, 6 al. Ps. 50, 16 what is it to thee npp> to tell
my statutes SWAY and fake my covenant upon thy mouth?
(two facts which have actually occurred: not ‘that thou
shouldst take, nN), 92, 8. 105, 12 f. etc. Cf. Ez. 36,
18 ms 03 by because of the blood and thal they
have defiled her; and Jer. 30, 14 (dovvdéras).

Obs. As before, contrast Ez. 18, 27 wy and has done, with v. 26:
comp. § 138. ii. (a).

119. But the perfect with waw consecutive is also found
without being attached to any preceding verb from which to
derive its special signification: from constant association
with a preceding imperfect it became so completely invested
with the properties of the latter that, though not originally
belonging to it but only acgudred, it still continued to retain
and exhibit them, even when that in which they had their

 

1Cf., in inferior prose, Ezra 10, 7 f. Neh. 10, 36-9. 2 Chr. 15, 12f.
Dan. 1, 5. Esth. 9, 27 f. :
140 CHAPTER VIII. [x19.

proper seat was no longer itself present. We have already
spoken of it as the companion construction of the imperfect:
it has, in fact, grown so like its partner as to be able to
assume its functions and act as its substitute. It may thus
occur at the beginning of a sentence or after a verb which,
unlike the ‘dominant’ verb, has no influence in determining
the range of its meaning; the force it is then intended to
convey must, as in the case of the imperfect, be gathered
from the context: for although most commonly, perhaps,
possessing the signification of a future, it must often be
understood in one of the numerous other senses borne by
the many-sided imperfect.

Thus (a) Gen. 17, 4. 26, 22 now hath Yahweh made
room for us wp and we shall be fruitful in the land. Ex. 6,

6 I am Yahweh ; ‘Neyin) and T will bring you out etc. Nu.
21, 8. Jos. 2,14 mm and i shall be, when etc. Jud. 13, 3
behold thou art barren and hast not borne; M1 dud thou
shalt conceive, and bear a son. 1 Sa. 15, 28 and wzd/ give it.
17, 36. 20, 18. 2 Sa. 7, gb=10. 1 Ki. 2, 44 and Yahweh wil
requite. 9, 3 1 and my eyes and heart shall be there. Isa. 2,
2 mn). 6, 7 see, this hath touched thy lips, 1D! azd so thy
iniquity shall pass away. 30, 3. Ez. 17, 24> ‘N37 YON
snwy) have spoken, and I will perform. 22, 14al. 23, 31.
30, 6. 10. 34, 11 (cf. Jer. 23, 39). 35, 11. Isa. 56, 5. Hos. 8,
14 ‘Ander. ro, 14. 11, 6. Amos 5, 267 (or, at any rate, v. 27).

 

1 The sense of this much-disputed verse can scarcely be settled by
grammatical, apart from exegetical, considerations: the presumption
afforded by the general usage of the prophets favours the future meaning
for Dnxw)), which was already adopted by Rashi: on the other hand,
the pf. with simple waw, giving a past sense, meets us occasionally
unexpectedly, e.g. 7, 2. Ez. 20, 22. Job 16, 12. Still, in these pas-
sages, the context precludes misunderstanding, in a way in which it
would not do, had the prophet used onxw3) while intending that sense
here. Cf. the note in Smith’s Dict. of the Bible (ed. 2), s.v. AMOS,
ad fin,
119.] THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. I41

Or to express what is not certain to happen, but is only
probable, and so, perhaps, feared :—2 Sa. 14, 4 and they will
quench. Gen. 20, 11 there is no fear of God in this place,
337) and they wll kill me. 34, 30: cf. 1 Ki. 18, 14>.

(8) With the force of a positive command, usually in the
second person :—Nu. 4, 4f. this is the service of the sons of
Qohath 833 Aaron sha// come and take down etc. Dt. 18, 3>;
Io, 16 ppd, Tg ONAANI and or so ye shall love the stranger.
29, 8 ANW2wWi and_ye shall observe. Jos. 22, 3» (cf. the imper.,
v. 5). 23, 11. 2 Ki. 5, 6 (the following verses shew that the
king of Israel understood iMDDN) as practically a command
which could not very conveniently be declined: not, there-
fore, as 1 Sa, 20, 5). Jer. 7,27. 29, 26. Ez. 22, 2 wouldst
thou judge, judge the bloody city? MAYTIN shen declare unto
her all her abominations (cf. the imper. 20, 4. 23, 36). Zech.
1, 3. Mal. 2, 15>. 16.

(y) Sometimes it is interrogative:—Ex. 5, 5 DA2VM and?
will ye stop them?? Nu. 16, ro (7 9). 1 Sa. 25, 11 *minphr
and shall I take? 2 Ki. 14, 10 (2 Chr. 25, 19). Isa. 66, 9
am I he that causeth to bring forth ‘FOXY and shall I shut
up? (cf. the zmpf pow xdy in o@ : the break in the sense
before abs “ON co-operates with the “cha to keep the tone
back, § 104). Ez. 18, 13M. Mal. 1, 2. 2, 14.17. 3, 7. 8.
13. Ps. go, 21 (‘and shall I keep silence?’ Hitz.: tone as

 

1 This use of } is completely parallel to the way in which e¢ appears
in Latin ‘to subjoin an emphatic question or exclamation:’ the force
of } Ex. 5,5. 1 Sa. 25, 11 is just that of ef Verg. Georg. ii. 433 (and
yet, after and in spite of 429-432, do men hesitate? etc.). Aen. i. 48. vi.
806 etc. Compare further how } is employed to introduce an empas-
sioned speech, without anything expressed previously to which it can be
attached. Nu. 20, 3 15) Avd if we had only perished with our brethren!
2 Sa. 18, 11 mam. 12. 24,3. 2 Ki. 1, 10 (but 12 ON alone). 7, 19
(sarcastic: yet cf. 2). So before 0, 1 Sa. 10, 12. 15,14 (710). Jud. 9,
29. Nu. 11, 29; and very often before 109 or y170.

2 Comp. in separation from 1, the impf., Ez. 33,25. 26 ;wn YINXm.
Jer. 25, 29 1pIN WPT ONN. 49, 12,
142 CHAPTER VIII. [120.

28, 1 after jb). Job 32, 167 (‘and shall I wait?’ Hitz. Del.
Dillm. RV.). 1 Chr. 17, 17 and wilt thou regard me?

(6) In entreaty or suggestion, as a precative or mild impe-
rative:—Gen. 24, 14 MM) may it be that ... (possibly under
the influence of the imperatives, v. 12). 47, 23 sow then. Dt.
2, 4> pnw. 4,15. 7,9 and often ny know then. 30,
19 behold I set before thee life and death, nana so choose life.
Jud. 11, 8 nsdn, 1 Sa. 6,5. 20, 5. 24, 16. 25, 27 Monn (see
§ 123). 1 Ki. 2, 6 MWY do therefore according to thy wisdom.
3, 9. 8, 28. Ruth 3, 3.9 [am Ruth Aen so pray spread etc.

And with 82 added :—Gen. 40, 14 only? if thou remem-
berest me with thyself, when it is well with thee, RIT eY then
shew, I pray, mercy etc.; and with the &) thrown back into
a preceding protasis (to indicate as early as possible the
‘petitionary” character of the speech) in the formula S2"DN
ypya n ‘NNYN, Gen. 33, 10 And. Jud. 6, 17 (cf. the jussive
or imperative alone, Gen. 18, 3. 47, 29. 50, 4. Ex. 33,13:
Gen. 30, 27 the perfect obviously does nothing more than
assert a fact).

120. But the most noticeable use of the perfect and zwaw

 

1 snbrim must, of course, be so taken, if read mira‘, and may, if it
be read mzl‘el: see § 104 (p. 113).

2 A most difficult verse. I know of no justification for the usual
rendering of the dave pf.»2n731 as either an imperative, or a ‘modal’
future (mdgest du ...): Ewald, § 356°, appears to regard it as the pf.
of certitude, ‘but thou shalt remember me’ etc. though it is scarcely a
case where that use of the pf. would be expected. The natural rendering
of 19N131 DN is 7 thou rememberest me (§ 138): this agrees with what
follows, but seems to allow no room for the preceding >. Might we,
on the strength of 23, 13, substitute 7x for)? (so Wellhausen, Jahrb.
f. Deutsche Theol. 1876, p. 445 = Composition des Hexateuchs, 1889,
p. 57-) Delitzsch, in his note on the passage, Genesds (1887), fails
to remove the difficulty of the verse: it is true, when a future tense
has preceded, the pf. introduced by ox »> may relate likewise to the
future (see 2 Sa. 5,6): but this will only justify Ewald’s rendering ‘shalt
remember me,’ not ‘ mayest thou remember me.’
120. | THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 143

consecutive, though the one least likely to attract attention, is
as a frequentative. After the list of instances in § 113. 4 the
reader will find no difficulty in recognizing this force in the
perfect and waw after a preceding dominant imperfect: but
where no such imperfect precedes, it will irresistibly occur to
him to ask why the waw may not be simply copulative
instead of consecutive; the more so, inasmuch as owing to
the verbs being almost always in the third person, the
crucial change of tone cannot take place? Why, he will not
unreasonably ask, why should it be asserted that WEY Ex.
18, 26 means and used to judge, when the obvious and natural
rendering seems to be simply and judged? why seek to
import a far-fetched and improbable sense into such a plain
combination of verb and conjunction ?

The answer to such objections will be found in the manner
in which the perfect and waw thus appears. In the first place,
it does not occur promiscuously : it is not intermingled with the
construction with ‘1 in equal proportions, but is commonly
found thickly sprinkled over detached areas (e.g. 1 Sa. 7, 16).
Now when a writer abandons a construction which he employs
in nine cases out of ten in favour of another, and that, too,
under the peculiar circumstances just described, it is, at least,
reasonable to infer that he means something by the change. In
the second place, our knowledge that the perfect with waw
consecutive follows the imperfect as a frequentative, coupled
with the analogy presented by its use in the last §, raises the
suspicion that it may possibly have the same value even when
no imperfect precedes. This suspicion is strengthened by the
fact that it is constantly found 2 company with a bare
imperfect, even though not actually preceded by it. In the
passage from Exodus, for example, 15v) is immediately
followed by }iN'3' and ipipy*: if, then, these verbs are
frequentative (as they clearly are), it is reasonable to infer
that WAN is so too. It is inconceivable that a coincidence
of this sort should be accidental: it is inconceivable that in a
144 CHAPTER VIII. [ 120.

multitude of passages the change from ‘1 to the perfect and
waw (in itself a striking variation) should take place con-
currently with another change, that, viz. from the perfect
(which, as we know, § 85, is the regular alternative for *1) to
the imperfect, without the existence of some common cause
accounting for both: but the reason why the imperfect is
chosen is patent, it must, therefore, have been the same
reason which determined the choice of the perfect and waw.
Having once vindicated for this idiom a frequentative force,
we shall not hesitate to adopt it in cases where no imperfect
follows to precipitate our decision. And the change of tone
in Jer. 6, 17 ‘nb yp is a final confirmation of the justice of
our reasoning.

Thus Gen. 30, 41f. (cf. the impf. p'w 42). Ex. 17, 11
mn) and it was, whenever nv he raised up his hand, 730
Israel prevailed. 18, 26 (cf. the impf. perm). 40, 31f. (cf
wy). Jud. 2, 18f MN, DYN (cf. DN). 1 Sar, 4 jn
(cf. 181 5). 6% (the account of the particular occasion which is
the subject of the narrative begins 732M} 7b), 2 Sa. 12, 31.
14, 26. 17, 17 J. and A. remained at ‘En-rogel, nDpN and a
girl used to go and dell them, aan sab) DM and they would go
and tell (notice the impf.) the king: (the narrative recom-
mences NY 18, with “1 just as Gen, 29, 4 [§113, 4 B]. 1 Sa.
1, 7). 1 Ki. 4, 7. 8, 7 23D) (cf. 7> nay 8d).

Gen. 47, 22 oN. 1 Sa. 1, 3 mdyn (followed by oD
mow). 7,16 mwa mw “ID 7m) and he would go year by
year, 22D) and come round to Beth-el etc., DEY and judge
Israel at all these places. 13, 21 f. 16, 23. 2 Sa. 15, 2. 5
(the succession of pff. in most of these passages is very
striking). 1 Ki. 9, 25 nbyny wsed to offer (notice the words
three times a year). 18, 40 ndadz) (plainly a repeated act,
exactly as 5, 7). 2 Ki. 3, 4 DWM used to render. 12, 12-17.
Jer. 6,17 and I kept raising up over youwatchmen. Am. 7, 4".

 

1 2x}, in contradistinction to Soma, seems to imply that the act of

it
120. | THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 145

Job 1, 4. See also the passages cited in the foot-note,
§ 133, p. 162.

Obs. 1. There is one place in the Old Testament where the appearance
of this idiom is so curious and interesting as to merit special notice.
Throughout the whole of the first fourteen chapters of the book of
Joshua, althongh occupied by historical narrative, the nature of the
events described is such as not to give opportunity for the use of the
perfect and waw except on ¢hree occasions :—Josh. 6, 8 and 13 in the
account of the blowing of the trumpets during the day’s march round
Jericho (an act which would obviously involve repetition), and 9, 12,
where the waw is not consecutive but simply copulative, according to
§ 132: except in these three passages, the narrative is exclusively
carried on by means of +1, alternating, at times, with the bare perfect.
Suddenly, upon arriving at chap. 15 (in which the history proceeds to
delineate the course taken by the boundaries of the various tribes), the
reader is startled by finding wv. 3-11 a succession of gerfects connected
by waw (xz, 12%}, 7291 etc.). What can be the object of the
change? In the teeth of the constant usage in the preceding portion
of the book, it is highly improbable that the perfect and waw should be
a mere alternative for +}: and its known meaning elsewhere affords a
strong presumption that here, too, it has a frequentative force, descriptive
of the course which the boundary wsed to take—used to take, namely
(not, as though a participle, continuously took), whenever any one passed
along it or examined it. Let us see whether there is anything to
confirm this presumption. After the historical episode 15, 13-19, and
the enumeration of cities of Judah, 15, 20 ff., 16, 1 states how the lot
fell for the children of Joseph, v. 2 proceeds to describe their boundaries,
and the serfect with waw reappears, continuing as far as the end of
v. 3. Here follows another break; but v. 6 the perfect is again resumed
till we reach v. 8, where the presumption we had formed is triumphantly
corroborated. Jz v. 8 the imperfect, the constant companion of the
perfect with waw consecutive, makes tts appearance: 721, the force of
which cannot be mistaken, vindicates and establishes for all the neigh-
bouring and preceding perfects with waw, the frequentative sense
assigned to them above. Nor is this all. In'17, 9 we have the perfect
again: v. 10 we have the attendant impf.;1y1p’. By the side of the
long series of perfects and waw 18, 12-21, we find v. 20 and the Jordan

 

devouring was in process, but not complete (so Hitz.). Hence R.V.
‘would have eaten.’
L
146 CHAPTER VIII. [u2r.

bia9> used to Bound it on the east: with v. 21 171 of cétdes, cf. 21, 40
min similarly used. On the contrary, 19, II-I4. 22. 26-29. 34
present no case of an imperfect: but we shall not on that account feel
any hesitation in supposing that, as before, a frequentative signification
is still intended to be conveyed!. (In 19, 29 Kt. 33%, we have <1
according to § 114: cf. the perfect, vv. 13. 34°.)

Obs. 2. It is worthy of note that the frequentative force of the perf.
with 1 consecutive (even when unaccompanied by an impf.) was often
fully felt by the translators of the ancient Versions. Notice, for example,
the impf. in the LXX, and the garticéple in the Targ. and Pesh., in the
following passages: Gen. 38, 9 (§ 121), 47, 22 («al Hodov, PIR,
e009 elo). Ex. 18, 26. 33, 8-10. 34, 34. Nu. 11,9 (§ 121). 1 Sa.
1, 3. 7,16. 16, 23. 2 Ki. 3, 4 (kal éréorpepe, 2n01, Joo lasso),
etc.2 (The same tenses are used often to express the frequentative force
of the Hebrew impf. ; e.g. Gen. 6,4 LXX; Ex.17,11 LXX, Pesh. Targ. ;
19, 19 Pesh. Targ.; etc.)

121. In the same way that we saw ‘1% employed, § 78,
in reference to the past, we find its counterpart 7%) used in
a future or frequentative sense: the discourse, or narrative,
after the termination of the adverbial clause, being resumed
either by another perfect with waw consecutive, or by the
imperfect alone. The power of this idiom to produce a
balanced rhythm, and to ease any sentence which involves a
series of conditions or premisses (as Gen. 44, 30f. 1 Ki. 18,
11f.; Ex. 1, 10. Dt. 29, 18 after }5), by affording a rest for
voice and thought alike, will be manifest.

 

1 mom 15, 4> is not cited, because in our text the second person 055
follows, which necessitates the rendering sha// de. Elsewhere, however,
in these topographical descriptions, the third person is regularly
employed: it seems, therefore, either that 07> (LXX airay) must be
read for 035; or, as the sentence thus produced is not quite in the style
of the rest of the description, that the words 123 5122 095 mn AI, as
Dillmann suggests, have been transposed here from Nu. 34, 5 (where a
comparison of vv. 6°, 9», 12 shews that such a clause is now missing).

2 On Gray, fvixa dv, ws dv, with the impf. indic., found in some of these
passages with a frequentative force, see Winer, Gramm. of N. T. Greek,
§ xlii. 5° exd (see Mark 3,11), and cf. the writer’s Motes on Samuel,
p. 112.
121, | THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 147

Examples of its use in the former signification :—Gen. 9,
14. 12, 12. 27, 40 etc. Isa. 2,2. 7, 18. 21. 23. 14, 3f.
DNw2... DV MM and zt shall be, in the day when etc. and
(=Ahat) thou shalt ‘ake up this proverb: so often, especially in
the prophets. And in giving expression to a wish, entreaty,
or injunction (§ r19 8), Jud. 4, 20. 7, 4.17. 9, 33. 11, 31 etc.)

As a frequentative :—Gen. 38, 9. Nu. 21, 9. Jud. 6, 3 7)
po nbyy Sune YU OS and it used to happen, when Israel
had sown, shat the Midianites used fo (or would) come up;
and breaking off into an impf,, 2,19. Ex. 33, 7.8.9 mM
7. ndnsn MW NID and it used fo be, when Moses entered into
the Tent, the pillar of cloud would come down.

Obs. 1. 771 is met with also, more frequently than 171 in the cor-
responding case § 78 Obs., before a clause which, whether constituted
by a ptep. or otherwise, is resolvable into who-, which-, what-ever, and
implies, therefore, virtually, a hypothetical occurrence: Gen. 4, 14 7)
222777 "xD 5D and it shall be, whosoever finds me”, he will slay me
(where, for *32977, : >3297) would have been equally idiomatic). Nu. 10,
32%. 17, 20 and it shall be, the man whom I shall choose, his rod shall
blossom. 21, 8. Dt. 12, 11. 18, 19. 21, 3 and it shall be, the city that
is nearest to the slain man, 1mp5) the elders of that city shall take etc.
Jud. 7, 4. 11, 32. 19, 30 181 TIT) Mm) and it was (freq.), as regards
every one that saw them, that he said etc, 1 Sa. 2, 36. 17, 25. 1 Ki. 18, 24.
19, 17 and tt shall be: him that escapeth (=whoso or tf any escapeth)
from the sword of Hazael shall Jehu slay. 20, 6. Isa. 4,3 INIT 5D TM
VON? wWIIP... 78a and it shall be, (as regards) every one left in
Zion, holy shall be said unto him (i.e. he shall be called holy). 24, 18.
Joel 3, 5. Nah. 3, 7. Occasionally, indeed, it serves as a mere intro-

 

1 It is very unusual for the sentence to be resumed by the imperative,
Dt. 6, 10-12%, 1 Sa. 10, 7; cf. 29, Io.

? Observe how the sing. ptcp., especially with -5» prefixed, is used
idiomatically, as a casus pendens, with a distributive force, so as to
denote succinctly a hypothetzcal occurrence: see (besides Gen. 4, 14.
Nu. 21, 8. Jud. 19, 30. 1 Sa. 2, 36) 1 Sa. 2, 13. 3,11. 10, 11 (p. 907.).
2 Sa. 2, 23 (2d.). 20, 12: also Gen. 9, 6. Pr. 17,13. 18, 13. 20, 20. 27,
14. 28, 9. 29, 12; 9, 7°. 13, 3. 17, 21. 28, 27%. 29, 9. Job 41, 18; and
cf. Ges.-K. §-116. 5 Rem. 5, and below, § 126,

L2
148 CHAPTER VII. [121.

ductory formula, no such clause whatever following, Ex. 4, 16. 1 Ki.
17,.4 and it shall be: of the torrent shalt thou drink ; and even imme-
diately before the verb, Ez. 47, 10. 22.

Obs, 2. Nu. 5, 27 n°) is very irregular. Jer. 42, 16 mn’m. 17
yim resemble Gen. 31, 40 19792528 OVA NYT. The accents also,
by connecting 7° with the subst. following, express apparently the
same broken construction for several of the passages cited in Ods. 1,
e.g. And the place which Yahweh shall choose etc. sha/d be—thither
shall ye bring that which I command you: comp. § 165 Oés.1

Obs. 3. On four occasions, 1 Sa. 10, 5. 2 Sa. 5, 24 (1 Chr. 14, 15).
Ruth 3, 4. 1 Ki. 14, 5, where we might have expected mm, we find 71>),
It is impossible to dismiss this so unconcernedly as is done by Ewald,
§ 345>: either °41 must be a mere copyist’s error, or some definite
explanation must be found for the adoption of so unusual a form:
observe how in 1 Sa. »11°) is followed within a few verses by two instances
of the customary 7°71. In the first three passages, at any rate, the verb
has the force of a legitimate jussive : »1° is simply prefixed to the ad-
verbial clause in the same manner as 9771) and mm, Thus, 1 Sa. and let
zt be (a permissive edict, issued through the medium of the prophet:
cf. 2 Ki. 2, 10), when thou goest into the city and meetest (after x23,
§ 118; for the co-ordination of the two clauses, cf. p. 135 Ods.) a band
of prophets ...m)x1 ¢ha¢ the spirit of Yahweh /a// upon thee etc.;
2 Sa. the sentence is resumed by a second jussive : Ruth 3 and Jet it be,
when he lieth down, and observe (or that thou observe) the place where
he lieth. In 1 Ki. and ct shall be (A. V.), for 7, is quite ont of the
question: for how could a mere piece of information have been ever
expressed by a jusstve? We must then either correct mm, or suppose
that some words have dropped out : the sentence reads as though it were
incomplete, and 7133n” Nx) suggests irresistibly the idea that it must
be a ‘ circumstantial clause’ (see App. I). If we assume that some such
words as m192nD nN 110) moe Aor (cf. v. 6) have fallen out, the

 

1 See, however, Wickes, Prose Accents, p. 37. At the same time, it
may be noticed that 171 when followed by a clause introduced by
»3 etc. has commonly a distinctive accent (e.g. Gen. 27, 40. 44, 31.
Ex, 12,25. 26. 13, 11.14); so that the view expressed in the text appears
to be a tenable one. But the usage, even in the cases referred to, fluc-
tuates (contrast e. g. Gen. 4,14. Nu. 10, 32 with Nu. 16, 7. 17, 20. Josh.
2, 19); and of course the accentuation, though it may indicate the sense
in which a sentence was understood in 7-8 cent. A.D., does not deter-
mine the construction attached to it by the original author.
122] THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 149

jussive 171 is at once explained, an appropriate sense is obtained (and
det it be, when she enters in disguised, that thou say etc.), and the cause
of the omission becomes plain in the éuoioréAevrov T1339N.

122. We have already had occasion to call attention to
the demonstrative force of the conjunction waw, and in
several of the passages cited in § 119 this meaning displayed
itself undisguisedly. Certainly the } did not there indicate a
Jormal consequence, as when followed by the voluntative
(Chap. V): but a mazerzal consequence conceived as arising
out of, or suggested by, the situation described in the pre-
ceding words was none the less clearly intimated. E.g. Ruth
3, 9 the petition RIBS is plainly based upon the relation
borne by the speaker towards Bo‘az, as expressed in the words
L am Ruth: and the waw may fairly be rendered by ‘so,’
‘then,’ ‘2fague’.’ It is but a stronger instance of the same
demonstrative usage when, as will have now to be explained,
1 is employed in certain cases in order to introduce the pre-
dicate, or, more often, the apodoszs.

Obs. The relation subsisting between the copulative conjunction and
demonstrative roots can be illustrated from Greek and Latin. Of «at
Curtius Grundziige der Griech. Etymol. No. 27, p. 128 ed. 2 writes,
‘The form appears to be the Locative of a pronominal stem xa, xo (cf.
Lith. Zaz, how ?), which has here preserved its demonstrative significa-
tion. From the same stem springs re with 7 for «’ (on this change see
zbid. pp. 426 ff, and cf. ris with guzs, récoapes with guatuor, Sk. chat-
vdras etc.) : in -gwe, on the contrary, as in Sk. cha, the guttural is
retained. On this stem cha (from which mod; mére; Ion. wotd; udre;
etc. who, where, whether etc. are derived), Curtius remarks further, p.
4lo, ‘ The earliest use of the stem 4a was probably, like that of all the

 

* Compare further, in connexion with this use of 1, Gen. 27, 8 and often
my) vov otv. 34, 21109. Ex. z, 20 1°81 axd where is he? (or, where

is he, chen?) 1 Sa. 26, 22 12°) so let one of the young men come over.
2 Sa. 18, 22 m1 well, come what may. 2 Ki. 4, 41 1p) fetch meal
then! 7, 13. 2 Chr. 18, 12 71°) so let thy word, I pray, be like one of
theirs (1 Ki. 22, 13 °m only). Isa. 47, 9 TINIAN] (Y. IT NII). Ps. 4, 4
ay know, then. Cf. Il. xxiii. 75 wat pot dds Thy xeipa.
150 CHAPTER VIII. [ 122.

pronominal stems, as a demonstrative. It is preserved in the Locative
2-we?, with which -ce [as in 2//é-c etc.], Lat. cés, cé-tra must be compared.’
In a similar way 88 (cf. 5}, 8-de), if not et (cf. é7c), is probably to be ex-
plained: see pp. 560f. 188. Upon this view dvdpes re Geot re literally
means ‘¢here men, there gods,’ i.e. both together =‘ doth men and gods.’
And the theory derives a striking confirmation from Latin, where we are
in fact able to watch the transition from the demonstrative to the copu-
lative signification taking place beneath our eyes. Zum unquestionably
means ¢hen: but in such a sentence as ‘¢# homines, tum equi aderant’
(the structure of which exactly resembles that of dvdpes re Oeoi Te) we see
it possessing virtually a copulative force,—literally ‘/hen men, then
horses were there,’ i.e. they were both there together =‘ doch horses and
men were there.’

Without assuming that the Hebrew ) had once a distinctly demonstra-
tive force, it does not appear possible to explain or account for the
phenomena which its use actually presents. Starting from a meaning
not stronger than that of our modern and, we do not readily perceive
how such a weak word as) must then have been, could ever stand in the
emphatic positions it really occupies: starting on the other hand with a
demonstrative signification, we at once comprehend, even without the aid
of the Aryan analogies, and especially, because best attested, the Latin
tum, by what steps this might become merely copulative. If the latter
view be correct, ¢ivee different modes present themselves in which it is
employed; the first, comprising those cases in which the stronger and
more decided sense is still evidently retained; the second (the wazw comsec.
generally, but more particularly with the Ze7/ect), comprising those in
which the earlier meaning has to be assumed (see p. 117) in order to
explain the usage, but where the conscious recollection of it was pro-
bably as much forgotten in practice by the ancient Hebrew as it is dis-
regarded by the modern reader in translation ; the third, comprising the
instances in which its force is equivalent to that of the copulative con-
junction—‘ the heavens, ¢/ez the earth,’ being identical with ‘the heavens
and the earth,’ The Arabic language possesses two forms of the copu-
lative, —5 fa as well as 9 wa: the latter being the mere copulative, the
former carrying the stronger meaning chez, so, ovv etc., and being
employed generally in all those cases which correspond to the first class
just mentioned. It lies near to conjecture that both wa and fa (cf. the
Heb. FW) are but modifications of the same original labial stem, that in
Arabic the two words once existed side by side as by-forms, but that, in
process of time, a differentiation was effected, in consequence of which
Ja was reserved for emphatic occasions, while in Hebrew /a as such fell
out of use, and the single form wa had to do double duty. And that a
123. | THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. I51

demonstrative signification is not foreign to the syllable fa, may be in-
ferred from the adverbs mB here, by where? (formed from 7b, like
m7 x from m3), iDyy or NIDw Zhen, so, 54. Upon the whole, then, we seem
sufficiently justified in assigning a demonstrative origin to the Semitic 1:
the conclusion suggested, if not necessitated, by the usages of Hebrew
syntax receiving independent confirmation from the analogies offered by
the Aryan family of speech.

123. Accordingly, 1 is met with before the verb (a) when
the sentence has commenced with the casus pendens, i.e.
where, the logical subject or object being prefixed, the place
which they would ordinarily occupy is filled grammatically
by either a suffix or a fresh substantive.

Thus Ex. 4,21 Onwy,,, WY oO NpiDARdD all the signs
which etc., #hou shalt do them (§ 119 8B: so 12, 44 iN& Andis
2 Sa. 14, 10 the man that speaketh unto thee ‘by inxany
bring him unto me. 2 Chr. 19, 10). 9, 19 all the men who
are found in the field ODOY ‘TM the hail shall come down upon
them. 21, 13 mI after WN whoso (so Jud.1, 12). Lev. 20,
6. 26, 36. Nu. 10, 325. 14, 31 ONN ‘nsam ... O30), 17, 3.
Isa. 56, Of. 65, 7. Jer. 27,11. Ez.17, 19. Mi. 3, 5. Pr. 9, 16
(freq. cf. nw v.14: v.4 the construction is different, § 12).

Gen. 17, 14. Ex. 12, 15 every one eating leavened bread
nnn wei mnosn that soul shall be cut off: so 31, 14>. Lev. 7,
20. 28, and often; similarly Dt. 17, 12. 18,20. Jer. 23, 34.

Even the direct predicate may be thus introduced, though
usually only when it is separated from its subject by several
intervening words: Ex. 30, 33. 38. Nu. 19,11... N02 yaan
nD nyaw NOW, 24, 24. 1 Sa.25, 27 MAN... 73037. 2 Ki.
11, 7. Isa. 9, 4 for every boot of him that trampeth etc... .
ODN zt shall be for burning ; and in a freq. sense, 44, 12 bysy?

 

1 The construction of the present text is, however, here so harsh as to
leave it scarcely doubtful that a verb has fallén out either before or after
ssn. win. LXX has déuvev, Pesh. abs, whence Delitzsch would
prefix 131, Cheyne (ores and Criticisms on the Hebrew Text of Isaiah,
1868) still better 1777, which might easily drop out from similarity with
152 CHAPTER VIII. [ 123.

(observe the following wy’). Jer. 31, 58» (see Hab. 2, 13).
2 Chr. 13, 9: 1 Sa. 17, 20 win ee brn, if the text be correct,
will also belong here.

(8) Very frequently after various time-determinations :—
Gen. 3, 5 in the day of your eating from it, P52) your eyes
will be opened. Ex. 16, 6 DAYTY ay at even—/hen ye will
know. 7. 32, 34>. Nu. ro, ro. 18, 30. Dt. 4, 30 (AW), 2 Sa.
7,14. 15, 10. 1 Ki. 13, 31 when I die, ONI22) ye shall bury
me by the man of God. 14, 12. Ez. 24, 24>. 33, 18 nip) (19
the impf.). Ob. 8: after the phrase D'82 py 737, 1 Sa. 2, 31
behold days are coming AY IN and [ will hew off thy arm.
2 Ki, 20, 17 (Isa. 39, 6). Amos 4, 2. 8, 11. 9, 13, and often
in Jeremiah (the expression does not occur elsewhere): after
py WY, as Ex. 17, 4 little while ‘2920% and they will stone
me. Isa. 10, 25. 29, 17. Jet. 51, 33 (msds, § 112. 8) etc.; cf
Isa. 16, 14. 18, § MND. 21, 16. Pr. 6, rof And involving
a question (cf. §119 y), 1 Sa. 24, 20% Ez. 15, 5 nwyn shall
it be yet made into any work? Compare also Pr. 24, 27
man 18 afterwards, and (or ¢hen) thou shalt build thy house
(cf. the impf., Gen. 18, 5. 24, 55 al.): Ps. 141, 5 is probably
only an extreme instance of the same construction.

And without any verb following :—Isa. 17, 14. Ps. 37, 10.

In a frequentative signification :—Gen. 31, 8 yb") then they
used to bear. Ex. 1, 19 before the midwife comes to them,
wb they bear. Nu. 9, 19. 1 Sa. 2, 13 8 nat mat wx-dp
when any one sacrificed (cf. p. 147, z.), the young man used
to come (cf. np’, wy 14). 15 LXX excellently mpi» Ovpradqvar
To oTéap NpXETO Td waiddpiov Kal Edeye.

 

the preceding 1m. Another suggestion would be 4m}, as in Pr. 27, 17,
or, if the jussive form be objected to, 11 or 147: in this case the sense
would accord better with’ the two verbs following ; we should obtain
for 12° three frequentatives, which naturally go together (+1 12», § 1148).

1 2 Chr. 10, § we have the imperative 131) after 1)y: but in 1 Ki.
12, 5 139 is added before 1», which LXX read likewise in 2 Chr.
124.] THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 153

(y) After other words, as 099 Isa. 66, 7> (72, without }, the
instantaneous perfect, § 136); IM, 1 Ki. 20, 28 because they
have said... INN 7 will give etc. 42. Isa. 3, 16f. 37, 29
‘nn. Jer. 75.13 f.; "5 since or because, Gen. 29,15; APY, Nu.
14, 24; NDA, Isa. 60, 25. 2 Ki. 22, 17 AN¥D1; Dan. 8, 25.
Ps. 25, 11 for thy name’s sake FN2D) so pardon ox pardon then
(§ 1196) mine iniquity! and constantly in introducing the
apodosis after ‘9 and ox, Dt. 6, 21. 13, 19. 22, 2. 21 etc.:
see Chap. XI, §§ 136-138.

Obs. In all these cases the impf. alone might have been used, the only
advantage of the pf. with | being that it marks the apodosis more dis-
tinctly, and by separating the initial words (the subject or protasis) from
those which follow renders them more emphatic. Frequently, indeed,
we meet with the two forms in close proximity to each other: see Gen.
44,9 and 10, Jud. 8, 7 and 9g; cf. also Gen. 4, 15 with Ex. 12, 15. Nu.
19, 11; Gen. 40, 13 with Isa. 21, 16.

Where a more special emphasis is desired, a different method is com-
monly employed : the subject is re¢nforced by the personal pronoun. A
few examples will suffice: Gen. 3, 12. 15, 4 but one that shall come
forth out of thine own bowels Jw.» N17 Ae shall be thine heir. 24, 7
Yahweh, the God of heaven, who took me etc. m>w> x10 Ae shall send
his angel etc. 42, 6. 44, 17 (cfg, just cited). Ex. 12, 16” only what is
eaten etc. Mwy? NIM that may be done of you. Isa. 34, 16%. 38, 19. 47,
Io NT. 59, 16%. 63, 55. (The same prznciple in oblique cases: Lev. 25,
44 yo; Dt. 13,1. Jud. 11, 24, Isa. 8,13 nx; Ez. 18, 24. 27, 21. 33,
132; Lev. 7, 8.9. 14. 21,35; 2Sa.6, 220r. Cf. Dt. 14, 6. 20, 20.
1 Sa. 15, 9°.)

124, If the } becomes separated from the verb, the latter
naturally appears in the impf.: this, however, is compara-
tively a rare occurrence *.

After 7 or myn Ex. 8, 22 N?) will they not stone us? (where
Non might have been expected). 1 Sa. 9, 7 Mt; Gen. 2, 4>-
5®, Ex. 25, 9 JD)... 55, cf. Nu. 9, 17 (freq.); Lev. 7, 16
Da “nian) NIM. Josh. 3, 3 (but no } appears in the simi-
lar injunction 8b). 1 Ki. 8, 32 ANN. 34. 36. 39 (omitted 43).

 

1 Nearly all the instances are cited.
154 CHAPTER VIII. [125

Isa. 8, 7 7351 (after *D yy"). 87, 12 Ndi (after nei, Ew. § 2779?:
cf. Nu. 35, 6. 3, 46f.). 65, 24 18) (after nM, and also a
partcp. with thy). Jer. 7, 32 xb). Ez. 5, rr 2 DN. 16, 43 (cf.
23, 35); Zech. 3, 7 ANN on (Hitz.). Ps. 115, 7 (different
from v. 5 f.). Job 20, 18> xd). 23, 12 WON xy. 25, 5. 31,
14 MD. 35, 15> (Ew. Dillm. Del.). See also § 136 a Obs.

The } is followed by a perfect, Ruth 4, 5 thou wet have
purchased (but for NN’ we should here certainly read MN Da,
as in v.10); and by a participle, Jon. 3, 4. Hag. 2, 6—both
after Ty.

125. Sometimes further, though still more rarely, we have
1 closely joined to the zmperfect -—Ex. 12, 3 in the tenth day
of the month 39P". Nu. 16, 5 in the morning yT Yahweh
will shew. 1 Sa. 30, 22>. 2 Chr. 34, 25 JEM? (altered —or
corrupted—from 2 Ki. 22, 17, § 123 y). Isa. 19, 20 nvm.
43, 4 INN’. Jer. 8, 1 Kt. 13, 10 YM" lef 2 be, then, as this
girdle (the jussive implying the adandonment of the nation,
that it may follow freely its course of ruin). Ez. 12, 12 nndya
RY, 31, 11. 33, 31- Hos. 4, 6 (Baer) because thou hast
rejected knowledge, INONPN. ro, ro DIPS) MANA. Ps. 69,
33 MM. 91, 14 (unless ‘3=/or). Job 15, 17 that which I have
seen, T]BDN) let me tell 7.

Obés. Compare the cases in which the predicate or apodosis wethoué
a verb is introduced in the same way:—Gen. 40, 9. 16 M2M1 NI9TA2.
2 Sa. 15, 34 thy father’s slave, tN» 1981 I was that before; but now,
Jay 12N1 zow I will be thine! 23, 3 f. when one ruleth over men, as a
just one, when one rz/eth in the fear of God, 1185) ¢hez is it like the
shining of the morn at sunrise. Isa. 34, 12 (an extreme case) her nobles
... 0D pr here zs none there that etc. Ez. 1, 18 7121. Job 4, 6” (see
Del.). 36, 26. Pr. 10, 25" when a tempest passes by yw  j’x) ¢hex the
wicked is not. 1 Chr. 28, 21. Gen. 20, 16%. Cf. too 2 Sa. 22, 41 (which
differs from Ps. 18, 41 exactly as Pr. 23, 24” Kt. does from Qré): the
misplacement of j in one of the two texts would be parallel to that which
we are almost obliged to assume Ps. 16, 3. But 2 Ki. 11,5 nw» is

very harsh: read rather 1:nw1 (v. 7) or 110’; and comp. on the
graphical confusion of » and 1 Wo/es on Samuel, p. \xvi. f.

 

1 In some edd. yan (§§ 81, 127).
126, 127.| THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE, 155

126. A special case of this use of the perfect with waw
consecutive is when it is preceded by a partzc7ple, which is
then often introduced by 730,

Thus with mn:—r Ki. 20, 36 427)... 4 439 behold
thou art going from me, and a lion will smite thee (=as thou
goest from me, a lion wl etc.). Jud. 7,17. 9, 33 (as he
comes out, thou shalt etc.: Vulg. excellently Zo autem egre-
dente... fac ei quod potueris). Gen. 24, 13 f. (a wésh or
hope, § 119 8).

Without mn :—1z Ki. 18, 11 f. 14. 2 Ki.7, 9 oryinto 2INY
and if we are silent and wait (pf. as § 117) TNA iniquity
will find us out (s7¢ sacuerimus, Vulg.). Pr. 29, 9 (p.147 2.), cf.
v. 21 and 20, 21 (1 separated from the verb); of past time,
1 Sa. 2, 13 (frequentative: p. 152).

The same use of the partcp. appears likewise with the impf.
alone in the apodosis :—

Josh. 2, 18 behold as (or when) we come “wpn DIN NYPATNS
thou shalt bind this thread on to the window (ingredientibus
nobis). Gen. 50, 5. Ex. 3, 13 behold TONY 82°28 if I go
and say (§ 117) ...,and they say, What is his name? (here
comes the apodosis) whaf shall I say to them? cf. Nu. 24,
14. 1 Sa. 16, 15 f.; and with an imperative or participle in
the apodosis, Gen. 49, 29. Ex.9, 17f. Cf. § 165.

127. Similarly, when the reference is to what is past or
certain rather than to what is future or indefinite we find the
predicate or the apodosis introduced by ‘1, though not with
nearly the same frequency as by the perf. and zwaw consecutive’.

(2) With subject prefixed :—Gen. 22, 24. 30, 30 for the
little that thou hadst before I came, 15" z# hath increased etc.
Ex. 9, 21. 38, 24. Nu. 14, 36f. ino (with repetition of the
subject nwoNm). 1 Sa. 14,19 7%. 17, 24. 2 Sa. 19, 41 Kt.
1 Ki. 11, 26. 2 Ki. 2, 14> (accents). Jer. 44, 25. Ps. 107, 13
(the subject of \pyr being Jwn *2v 10). 2 Chr. 25, 13.

 

1 Nearly all the instances are cited.
156 CHAPTER VIII. [127.

With object prefixed :—2 Sa. 4, 10 for he that told me
saying, Saul is dead, 13 71N&) I took hold of him etc. 1 Ki. 9,
20 f. ndyy (cf. 2 Chr. 8, 7f.). 12, 17. 15, 13 TZYOS Da
AVI TPDN. 2 Ki 16, 14 (nN). 25, 22. Jer. 6, 19 “OM
mI *DNDN, 28, 8. 33, 24 BONY.

(8) ‘After time-determinations :—as 3 Gen. 22, 4 on the
third day SY) Abraham lifted up his eyes (=z/ was on the
third day shat Abraham lifted up his eyes: cf. 1 Chr. 16, 7,
where t& is similarly introduced). Dt. 9, 23. Nu. 7, 89. 12, 12.
Jud. rr, 16. 1 Sa. 21, 6 WM NNT’. 2 Ki. 25, 3=Jer. 52, 6.
Isa. 6, 1. Jer. 7, 25. Ez. 20, 5. Ps. 138, 3. I Chr. 21, 28.
2 Chr. 13, 1 (2 Ki. 15, 1 bp only). 28, 22; pia, Gen. 37,
18; 3, Gen. 27, 34. I Sa. 4, 20. 17, 57. Hos: 13, 6. Esth. 5,
9; WND, 1 Sa.6,6. 12, 8; 10D, Gen. 19, 15; °3 when, Josh.
22, 7. Hos.11,1. Ps. 50, 18. Jer. 37, 16 £2; Ny, 2 Chr. 25,
27; Dan. 1, 18.

(y) After other words :—TWRB as, Ex. 16, 34. Nu. 1, 19;
By, 1 Sa.15, 23 decause thou hast rejected Yahweh ‘JON he
has rejected thee ; "2, Hos. 4, 6 (edd.: not Baer; see § 125).
2 Chr. 24, 20; 1 Ki. 10,9. Isa. 45, 4 (after yd). 48, 5 (after
‘nYID, v. 4; cf Nu. 14, 16 after... *nbany, Ez. 16, 47. Ps.
59, 16 (after ON). Job 36, 7*% 9 (Hitz. Del. Dillm.). 1 Chr.
28,5; Dan. 1, 20 (cf. 1 Sa. 20, 23. 2 Ki. 22, 18b-19).

 

1 As usually rendered: see, however, W. R. Smith, Zhe Religion of
the Semites, 1889, p. 436 (quoted in the writer’s Votes on Samuel, p. 293).

2 But here N21 (LXX) should no doubt be restored in v. 16 for 813:
cf. p. 83 nore.

* But Job 19, 18 will be most safely and naturally explained by § 54
or 84, and for 30, 26 see p. 70 mole. it is too precarious to suppose that
the -yin 17277) and yx) should mark, as it marks nowhere else, the
apodosis to a hypothetical voluntative, §§ 150-152.

In the Hebrew translation of the New Testament, published by the
Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews (London, 1867), the
construction with *) is employed in answer to 1wN? etc. witha frequency
and freedom quite without precedent in any of the Old Testament
historians ; in the more recent editions, however (the latest, 1890), revised
by Professor Delitzsch for the British and Foreign Bible Society, this
128, 129.] THE PERFECT WITH WAW CONSECUTIVE. 157

128. When the verb no longer stands at the beginning of
the clause, the pf. tense reappears, but usually, as in the
parallel case § 124, the } is then altogether dispensed with :—
Gen. 19, 4, so 2 Ki. 6, 32 ("MN NIM); Jud. 11, 26 while
Israel dwelt in Heshbon etc. three hundred years, xb yrs
prey pray why did you not deliver them during that time?
Isa. 48, 7 before to-day, OMYDY NI thou hast not heard them.
Ps. 142, 4. Dan. 10, 4. 9>. 2 Chr. 5, 13. 7, 1. 26, 19.

129. In the few isolated cases where the perfect with }
occurs thus in relation to the past or present, it is either fre-
quentative (§ 123 @), or else altogether exceptional :—Ex. 36,
38. 2 Ki. rz, 1 Kt. Isa. 37, 26 mn» DIP "MD (cf. 48, 7).
Jer. 40, 3b. Ez. 16, 19.

 

and many other faults of style have been corrected. (Comp. on this
version an article by the present writer in the xfositor, April, 1886,
Pp. 260 ff.; also a brochure by Delitzsch himself, entitled The Hebrew
New Testament of the British and Foreign Bible Society, Leipzig, 1883,
and papers by him in the Zxfosdtor, Feb., Apr., Oct. 1889, and in Saat
auf Hoffnung, Feb. 1890, p. 67 ff.) For mapayerdpevor 5¢ (or énel 52
mapeyévorto) elmov, Classical Hebrew says, either 1172871 1812") (§ 149%.),
or if the subordinate clause calls for greater prominence 08129 °7)
yaoNn, It does not say 1798") 01291, though this type, of course, is
met with occasionally, but in the best authors the introductory 1 is usually
avoided. And even 1198 08129) is only common as a later idiom (see
1 Chr, 21,15. 2 Chr. 12, 7.12. 15,8. 20, 20. 22. 23. 22,7. 24,14. 22°.
25. 26,16. 29, 27. 29. 31, 4.5. 33,12. 34,14. Ezrag, 1.3.5. 10,1,
Esth. 9,1 f. Dan. 8, 8%. 18. 10,11, 15. 19%. 11, 4. 4. 12, 7°: cf. with 3
2 Chr. 5, 13. 7, I. 26, 19. Dan. 10, 9, § 128); the earlier writers, as a
rule (comp. p. 89 ., and the writer’s note on I Sa. 17, 55), prefer .ON1
Dx123, or prefix °m1.
CHAPTER Ix.

The Perfect and Imperfect with Weak Waw.

130. Ir will appear to the reader almost ludicrous to
devote a separate chapter to the consideration of what will
seem to be such an elementary phenomenon of language as
the union of either the perfect or the imperfect with the
simple conjunction 1. Yet, common and constant as this
union is in the case of most other Semitic languages, in
Hebrew, especially so far as the perfect is concerned, it is
such a rare and isolated occurrence as both to invite and
demand a somewhat minute investigation.

131. Although in Hebrew the continuation of a historical
narrative is most usually expressed by the impf. with -1, we
find, occasionally in the earlier books of the Old Testament,
and with increasing frequency in the later ones, that this
idiom, which is so peculiarly and distinctively a creation of
the Hebrew language, has been replaced by the gerfect with
the simple or weak waw, 1. Generally, indeed, as we saw in
the last chapter, and invariably when the verb to which the
perfect is annexed is a bare imperfect, §§ 113. 4, 120, the
waw prefixed to the perfect is consecutive, and the sense
consequently frequentative: but a certain number of passages
exist in which this signification is out of place; in these,
therefore, we are compelled to suppose that the waw is the
mere copulative, and that it no longer exerts over the follow-
ing verb that strong and peculiar modifying influence which
we term conversive. There are two principal cases in which
the perfect with weak waz is thus met with. The feature
132.) THE PERFECT WITH WEAK WAW. 159

common to them both is this—that the idiom employed,
instead of representing a given event as arising out of, or
being a continuation of, some previous occurrence (in the
manner of the idiom with °1), represents it as standing on an
independent ground of its own, as connected indeed with
what precedes, but only externally and superficially, without
any inner bond of union existing between them: in a word,
it causes the narrative to advance not by development but by
accretion. Accordingly we find it used (1) upon occasions
when a writer wishes to place two facts in co-ordination with
one another, to exhibit the sécond as simultaneous with the
first rather than as succeeding it; for instance, in the con-
junction of two synonymous or similar ideas: and (2), chiefly
in the later books, when the language was allowing itself
gradually to acquiesce in and adopt the mode of speech
customary in the Aramaic dialects current at the time around
Palestine’, in which the rival construction with +}, at least in
historical times, was never employed.

182. Thus (1) Gen. 31, 7? abnay va bmn. Nu. 23, 19?

 

1 On the different Aramaic dialects see Néldeke’s art., ‘Semitic
Languages,’ in the Excyclopaedia Britannica, ed.g (reprinted separately
in German under the title, Dre Semitischen Sprachen, Leipzig, 1887);
Dr. Wright’s Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, Chap. ii;
Kautzsch, Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramdischen, p. 12 ff.; or, more
briefly, the writer’s Jntroduction to the Literature of the O.T., p. 471 f.
The dialects spoken in and about Palestine are represented at present
(1891) in their oldest known forms by the Palmyrene and Nabataean
Inscriptions (the former principally in De Vogué, Syrze Centrale, 1868,
the latter in Euting, Vabataische Inschriften, 1885), dating mostly from
third cent. B.C. to first cent. A. D., and the Aramaic sections of Ezra and
Daniel; also (though these are marked by the singular difference of »3,
1191, for the relative and demonstrative pronouns 7 and 7121) by the Téma
Inscriptions (Part ii, Tom. i, Nos. 113 ff. of the Corpus Iuscriptionum
Semiticarum), and the Egyptian Aramaic Inscriptions (zb2d., Nos. 122 ff.),
the earliest dating from the fifth cent. B.c. The Aramaic of the Targums
is in certain features of a somewhat later type than any of these dialects.

2 This may possibly be freq.: for the pf. bnn, cf. § 1144.

° On v 20 4731, see § 148 end: on 24,17 Dp) (future), § 113. 1.
160 CHAPTER IX. [133-

(coupling a parallel term to 728 under 7). Dt. 2, 30. 33, 2
20. Josh. 9, 12 (cf. v. 5, where } is omitted). Jud. 5, 267. 1 Sa.
12, 2 *Nawi apt am old and grey-headed. 1 Ki. 8, 47>. 20, 24.
Isa. 1, 2 ‘Noo nd. 8. 2, rr Mw. 5, 14%. 8, 8 Tay (ROW
§ 14 2 19, 6 YIM. 13. 14. 24, 6° (cf. the dowrdera, VU. 5.
4f.). 29,20. 34,145.15. 37, 25-27 war (2 Ki. 19, 26 wa).
38, 12. 40, 12. 41, 4. 43, 12 (as in 1, 2, observe there is no
change of tone). 44, 8. 55, 10 (might be consecutive: see
6, 11 f.). 11. 63, 10. Joel 1, 7.

Omitting instances in Jeremiah and Ezekiel, we have
several from the Psalms: 20, 94 (9 ‘1, more euphonious than
the pf., and in sharper contrast to 9*). 24, 2. 34, 11. 37, 14.
38, 9. 20% 66, 14. 76, 9. 86, 13.17. 131, 2. Add further,
Pr. 22, 3. Job 16, 15. 18, 11. 29, 21% Lam. 2, 22. 3, 42.
And after an impf. with "1, Gen. 49, 23. Isa. 9, 19. Hab. 1, 11.

Obs. Sometimes, however, in cases of this sort, the second verb is an-
nexed by means of -1: cf. Ex. 31,17. Isa. 57,11. Ps. 7,16. 16,8. 119,
73 (cf. Job 10, 8).

183. (2) Such are the only instances which seem capable
of being reduced to a definite rule. Of the instances which
remain, those which occur in the later books may be fairly
regarded as attributable to the influence of Aramaic usage:
but for the few which are met with in the earlier books
(Genesis—2 Samuel, Amos, Isaiah), it is more than doubtful
whether such an explanation is admissible. For, indepen-
dently of the question of date, it is hardly credible that had
the Aramaic influence existed it should only have made itself
felt on such exceedingly rare occasions in all the historical

 

1 In this Song (except once, v. 28), as in Ex. 15, +] appears to be
intentionally avoided: tx, or the bare impf. (§ 27a), suit better the
empassioned style of both,

2 Here, though the tone is on the ultima, the waw is not necessarily
consecutive : in verbs y”y, even where no waw consecutive is prefixed,
the tone is sometimes md/ra‘, as Ps.69, 5133. See Kalisch, ii. § lxii.

r (6).
133.] THE PERFECT WITH WEAK WAW. 161

books from Genesis to Samuel: in the later portions of the
Old Testament, it will be remembered, it shews itself much
more frequently. Why, upon these rare occasions, the con-
struction observed uniformly elsewhere (717 DN, or the
alternating "18 NN) was abandoned must, I think, remain
an insoluble enigma: all that can be said is that in some few
of the instances the novel construction introduces the men-
tion of a fact not perhaps meant to be zmmedzalely connected
with the previous narrative, while in others, by no longer
representing the idea conveyed by the verb as part of a
continuous series, it may allow it greater prominence and
emphasis than it would otherwise have received. Even so,
however, most would yet remain unexplained: and though
the latter supposition would be suitable enough in the case of
by, Spy, for example, still, if such were felt to be the force
of the idiom, it is remarkable that advantage should not have
been taken of it more frequently. The instances which occur
must simply be recorded as ‘solated trregulartiies, of which
no entirely adequate explanation can be offered '.

Gen, 15,6 JON, 21, 25 MDM, 28, 6. 38, 5 mM (a uniquely-
worded sentence, which can scarcely be before us in its
original form: LXX avry points to NW}: cf. 1 Sa. 23, 15.
24. 2 Chr. ro, 2). Ex. 5,16. 36, 38. 38, 28. 39, 3. Jud. 3,
23 byn, Ws 13 bao. 16, 18 (might be freq.: cf. 6, 3). 1 Sa.
1,127. 3,13 NUN. 4, 19. 10, 9 WM. 17, 38 jn. 48
Mm. 25, 207M). 2 Sa. 6,16. 7, 11> Sum. 13, 18 by) again.
16, 5. 23, 20. 1 Ki.3, 11. 6, 32. 35. 11, 10. 12, 32. 13,3
no. 14, 27. 20, 21. 21, 12. Isa. 9, 7. 22, 14. 28, 267? 38,

 

1 This use of the pf. with }is undeniably anomalous, as it is also an
inelegancy : but in view of the number of instances it can scarcely be
maintained with Stade (ZA7W. 1885, pp. 291-3) that all examples
found in pre-exilic passages are due to corruption of the text.

2 yp?) ‘mit der einfachen Copula, weil die Unterweisung dem Thun
des Landmanns vorangeht, also in der Zeit zuriickgeschritten wird,’
Hitz. Still, a general course of dealing is described: in the context fre-

M
162 CHAPTER IX. [133+

15 (‘both’). Amos 7, 2. Ps. 22, 6.15. 28, 7. 34, 5-6 [but
see § 58 note]. 35, 15. 135, 10. 12. 148, 5°.

In 2 Kings, Jeremiah, Ezekiel®, Chronicles, this usage
becomes somewhat more frequent, but the reader may there
collect examples for himself. The impf. and -}, however,
continues still to be distinctly the predominant construction :
in Ezra, for example, the pf. with } occurs only 3, 10. 6, 22.
8, 30. 36. 9, 2 (9, 6. 13, § 132), in Nehemiah only 9, 7f.
10, 33. 12, 39. 13, I. 30, and in Esther 2, 14. 3, 12. 8, 15.
9, 23. 24. 25? 273; though, in the last-named book, it is
possible that the preference for the other form may be a
feature due not to the natural usage of the author, but to
a studied imitation of the earlier historical style. Similarly
in Daniel (excluding of course the Aramaic portion, from 2,
4> to 7, 28), ‘lis constantly employed, though in chs. 8-12 a
few instances of the perfect are met with®. There is only

 

quentative forms abound (the parallel clause has 1371"); and as Isaiah
evidently desires his hearers to be led by the contemplation of certain
facts (v. 24f.) to reflect upon their cause, it is natural that these should
have been mentioned first.

' In the Psalm-passages, due probably to lateness.

In some passages where, at first sight, the use of the perfect seems
anomalous, it must be explained in a frequentative sense, § 120; this is
certainly the case in Ex. 36, 29 f. (notice 1:7). Nu. 10, 17 f. arf. 25
(notice the partic?ples in Ongelos: cf. above, p. 146, zofe). 1 Sa, 2, 22
(notice }}wy>). 16, 14” (observe the partcp. v.15). 27,9 (cf. mm). 2Sa.
16, 13 BYR WY} (notice the partcp. 79h: Targ. »7WD1). 19, 19 (but it
is doubtful if the text here is correct: see the writer’s note ad loc.\. 20,
12 (continuation of xam, § 117); probably also in the following, Gen,
34) 5- 37, 3 (cf. 1 Sa. 2, 19). Nu. 21, 15 yywar. 20 mppwr (pf. § 103:
used to look or looketh, cf. § 120 Ods.: Ong. enon anid x79nIDID}). I Sa.
5» 7- 17, 34f (ch p. 122), 24, 11 (text probably corrupt: read either
oN, or, with LXX, Teed). Isa. 40, 6 (WON), cf. 57,14: but LXX,
Vulg. 1081). Ps. 26, 3° (cf. 4°. 5°). 80, 13 (cf. the impff. v.14). But
Ex. 36, 1 Twy1 is no doubt future (continuation of 35, 30 ff.).

? The list given by Smend, on 40, 36, is far from exhaustive.

* Viz. 8, 7. 10, 7. 12,5 (but cf. 8,4. 3. 10, 5.8); 10, 1.14. In 8,
134.] THE IMPERFECT WITH WEAK WAW. 163

one book in the Old Testament in which this state of things
is reversed, and the perfect with simple waw obtains a
marked and indeed almost exclusive preponderance. In the
whole of Qohéleth -} occurs not more than /hree times, 1, 17.
4, 1.7, whereas the other construction is of repeated occur-
rence’. This circumstance, estimated in the light of what
is uniformly observable in other parts of the Old Testament,
is of itself, though naturally it does not stand alone, a strong
indication of the date at which that book must have been
composed. In the Song of Songs *! occurs but twice, 6, 1:
in this book, however, there is very little occasion for ezther
form being used, and in fact the perfect with waw occurs
only twice likewise (2, 3. 10), a circumstance too slight to
base an argument upon.

184. Exactly as the perfect with simple waw is in Hebrew
superseded, and in fact almost banished from the language,
by the imperfect with zwaw consecutive, so the impf. with

 

4° we have evidently two frequentatives, cf. 119°; v. 12 the perfects
follow own (§ 113. 2, 3); and wv. 11. 27. 9, § (cf. 1 Ki. 8, 47). 10, 15
are to be explained by § 132.

1 Chiefly in chs. z. 3, 22. 4,1. 7. 8, 17. 9, 16—just in the narrative
of successive experiences and resolutions, where -1 might have been ex-
pected (see Dt. 1-3. Neh. 2. 13. Ps. 55, 7. 77, 11: cf. 78, 59. 65. 106,
23. Ez. 20), and where the connexion was so strongly felt by our trans-
lators that in 13 out of 21 cases in Ist pers. they render by so, then etc.,
which elsewhere, § 74, is used for -1. The anonymous author of a
Treatise on the Authorship of Ecclesiastes (London, 1880) deserves credit
for his industry and independence ; but, though able to shew that several
of its linguistic peculiarities may be paralleled by zsolated passages in
earlier writings, he fails to account for their co-existence and repetition :
a method which would prove that the style of Esther did not differ from
that of Genesis cannot bea sound one. His contention that the dave
pf. may have a freq. sense (pp. 192-4, 220) cannot certainly be sustained :
the fact that it may be used to zarrafe recurrent events (grouping them
as one) is no more a proof that it expresses their recurrency than the use
of the aorist in, e.g. Hdt. 5, 92, 21 (rototros 84 ris dvip eyevero" moA-
Aods uev KopwOiwy eBiwke, modAods 5& xpyudtwv éorépyce), can shew that
it bears there the sense of the impf.

M 2
164 CHAPTER IX. [134

simple waw, although not quite to the same extent, is yet in
the great majority of cases superseded by the pf. with waw
consecutive. Allusion has been already made (§ 116) to the
rarity with which two imperfects are found united by 1, after
conjunctions like {2 or DN ; although it is not so uncommon
to find them coupled in this way when they bear a frequen-
tative, future, or jussive sense, yet the other construction is
still decidedly preferred, and the occurrence of ‘vo imperfects
must even then, comparatively speaking, be termed excep-
tional. In general the imperfect is only repeated when it is
desired to lay some particular stress on the verb, or, as before,
in order to combine synonyms: the repetition is also more
frequent in the poetical than in the historical books. Exam-
ples in a future or jussive sense :—Gen. 1, 9. 26. 9, 27. 17, 2.
22,147. 27, 29. 31. Ex. 24, 7. 26, 24. Nu. 34,12. 21, 24.
Dt. 17, 13 (=19, 20. 21, 21). 30, 12f. Josh. 7, 3, cfg. Jud.
4, 3- 13, Sal.; Isa. 41, 11. 15. 22. 42, 6. 14. 21. 23. 44, 7.
45, 24. 25. 40, 4.5. 47, 11. 49, 8 etc. Asa frequentative,
however, this repetition of an imperfect is considerably rarer :
—Ex. 23, 8 (=Dt. 16, 19). Isa. 40, 30. 44, 16f. 46, 6f.
59, 7- Ps. 25, 9. 37,40 49, 9- 59, 5-7- 73, 8. 83, 4. 97, 3-
See also § 84.
CHAPTER X.

The Participle?.

135. Tue participle is in form a noun, but one partaking
at the same time of the nature of the verb, inasmuch as it
declares not the fixed and settled embodiment of an attribute
in an individual object, but the continuous manifestation,
actively or passively, as the case may be, of the idea ex-
pressed by the root. It predicates, therefore, a s/a/e, either
(actively) constituted directly and essentially by the action or
actions necessary to produce it, or (passively) conceived as
the enduring result of a particular act. PiWY designates sim-
ply the possessor of the attribute of oppressiveness, whether
shewing it at the moment of speaking or not: PYiY describes
one who is actually exhibiting it; PYY one in whom a con-
dition resulting from one or more definite acts is being
experienced. So 2% is a dweller or resident, }2¥ dwelling ;
YDS a prisoner (the condition conceived generally), 73DN
emprisoned (the condition conceived with reference to the
action producing it). Possessing thus a distinct verbal force,
the participle admits of being used where neither of the
two special ‘tenses’ would be suitable, in the frequently
recurring cases, namely, where stress is to be laid on the
continuance of the action described. In itself it expresses no
difference of time, the nature of the ‘tenses’ not favouring,
as in Greek, the growth of a separate form corresponding to

 

1 The aim of the present chapter is not to treat the syntax of the par-
ticiple under all its aspects, but only in so far as it occupies a place, in
its function as predicate, by the side of the two tenses.
166 CHAPTER X. [x35.

each; and the period to which an action denoted by it is
to be referred, is implied, not in the participle, but in the
connexion in which it occurs. The Hebrew authors avail
themselves of it very freely, but at the same time with such
limitations and reserve that (as compared, e. g. with Syriac)
it rarely fails of effect: its descriptive power is great; and
if the narrative, strictly so called, of the O. T. owes much of
its life and variety to the use of the bare imperfect (§§ 30, 31),
many of the instances immediately following will shew to
what an extent the truthful and animated representation of
particular scenes is due to the appropriate use of the par-
ticiple.

It is used accordingly —

(1) OF past time, whether independently to emphasize the
duration of a given state—for instance, of a particular beha-
viour or frame of mind—or, with more immediate reference
to the main narrative, to shew (if the expression may be
allowed) the figures moving in the background: it is thus
the form adopted commonly in ‘ circumstantial’ clauses for
the purpose of bringing before the eye the scene in which
some fresh transaction is to be laid. Thus Gen. 13, 7 the
Canaanite and the Perizzite 1” is was then dwelling in the
land. 37, 7 and behold, pyabsro 27a we were bending sheaves
in the field. 41, 1-3 (the progressive stages of a dream). 42,
23 that Joseph was hearkening (i.e. understood). Dt. 4, 12.
Jud. 7, 13. 9, 43- 14, 4 for he was seekzng an occasion etc.
1 Sa. 1, 13. 9, 11 mSy on they were going up, when they
found. 13, 16. 2 Sa.1, 6 and lo Saul im yn by we épnpedpuevos,
12, 19 that his servants ownbny were whispering. 17, 17
(§ 120). 1 Ki. 1, 40. 22, 10. 12. 20 (was saying on this wise :
cf. 3, 22.26). Instances of /ableaux: 2 Sa.6, 14. 15. 13, 34.
15, 18. 23. 30. 16, 5. Of the use of the participle in circum-
stantial clauses, sufficient examples will be found in §§ 159,
160, 169.

(2) Of present time similarly: Gen. 4, 10. 16, 8b from
135.] THE PARTICIPLE. 167

.

Sarai my mistress ANIA ‘298 am I fleeing. 37, 16 tell me
o'y7 on D's where they are shepherding. Nu. 11, 27 Eldad
and Medad mxainn are prophesying in the camp. Jud. 17, 9
sin soon. 18, 185, 1 Sa. 14,11. Isa. 1, 7 your land, ot
mms DdoN strangers are devouring it. 41,17 Dwpap. Jer.
7, 17f 25, 31 NT OBWI* 37, 13. Ps. 3,3. 4, 7 42) 8. 48;
2. 56, 3. And in Dt., in accordance with the situation pre-
supposed by that book, 4, 5. 7, 1 whither ye are going to
possess it: also 4, 1 DANN 19219 ‘DIN WN which J am teach-
img you. 4, 40 which I 7¥ am commanding thee this day.
5, I. 8, 5 etc.

When there is nothing to imply that the state denoted by
the ptcp. extends beyond the moment of speaking, the force
of the phrase is as nearly as possible that of the true English
present”:—Jud. 9, 36 the shadow of the mountains chou seest
as men. 2 Sa. 18, 27. 1 Ki. 2, 16. 20 NONW DDN, 22. Jer.
I, 11. 13 al.

Obs, Less frequently, particularly in the earlier books, to denote not a
continuous state, but a fact liable to vecur (which, in past and present
alike, is more properly expressed by the zpf., §§ 30-33): Gen. 39, 3. 6.
22 (contrast 1 Sa. 14, 47. 18, 5). Ex. 13, 15. 1 Ki. 3, 2 (8, 5 is different).
22, 44 and often pyran. Esth. 2, 11.13 NI. 14. 3,2.

It is used, however, in the pregnant delineation of a fixed character,
for which, with such words as 1718, NIV, YI, 7A, it is even better
adapted than the impf.: Pr. 10, 5.17 Mynn. II, 13.15.17. 12, 1.10.
13, 3. 4.24etc. Jer. 17, 10 15 1pM=Kapdoyvworns. Nah. 1, z.

The ptcp., it should be remembered, may be represented by the Eng-
lish ‘ present ’ in three separate cases, which need to be distinguished :

 

1 Lit. is 22 a state of controversy: cf. 2 Sa. 19, 10 7173, Job 23, 77349,
Ex. 2, 13 0°33, and the common 793; also 993 Ez. 14, 7.

2 It is worth noticing that a similar principle appears to have deter-
mined the form by which present time is expressed in Greek: in the
present tense, the stem is variously expanded and strengthened for the
purpose, most probably, of implying duration, as opposed to what is
merely momentary (AauBdvw, Aeimw by the side of é-Aaf-ov, é-Ar-ov).
See Curtius, Zhe Greek Verb, p. 10 (Engl. Tr.).
168 CHAPTER X. [135

1. when it expresses real duration (Ps. 7,12. 19,2. 29, 5.7); 2. when it
is in apposition to a preceding subst. (18, 34 f. (that) maketh. 65, 7 f.) ;
3. when it denotes a general truth (37, 12. 21.26). This last usage is a
mark of the later period of the language : even Ps. 34, 8. 21. 23. 69, 34.
145, 15 f. 146, 7-9. 147, 6.9.11 will be felt to differ from Pr. 10, 5 etc.
cited above; and the earlier Psalmists cast their descriptions of the
Divine dealings into a different form.

(3) The ptcp. is used, lastly, of future time (the fut. znstans),
which it represents as already beginning: hence, if the event
designated can only in fact occur after some interval, it
asserts forcibly and suggestively the certainty of its approach.
In the latter case, however, its use is (naturally) pretty much
restricted to announcements of the Divine purpose; but even
then, whether an imminent or still distant realization be what
is intended, is not contained in the form employed, but
remains for the event to disclose. When applied to the
future, the ptcp. is very frequently strengthened by an intro-
ductory 17373,

Gen. 6, 17 and I, 839 229 behold J am bringing etc.;
the same formula often: 15, 14 the nation which they shall
serve "238 [1 J am judging. 17, 19 Sarah thy wife nab will
bear thee a son. 18, 17. 19, 13 for we are destroying (are
about to destroy) this place. 41, 25> MWY. 28>, Ex. 9, 3
behold the hand of Yahweh 7, 18. 10, 4. Dt. 1, 20. 25
which Yahweh thy God {09 is gzving us; so constantly in
this book: 4, 14 and often n™21y oOnn. 1 Sa. 3, II. 12, 16
which Yahweh 2s doing before your eyes. 19, 11 TAN anN2
nip. 20, 36 which I am about to shoot. 2 Sa. 12, 23. 20,
21 sbvin (after mon). 1 Ki. 13, 2 sbi wT, 3 Vp. 2 Ki.
2, 3. 7, 2° 22, 20; in the prophets continually: Isa. 3, 1.
5 5 7, 14 $2 mde mn. 10, 23. 33. 13, 17. 26, 21 (Mic.
I, 3). 37) 7- 43, 19 MWY “220 etc. See also § 137.

Obs. 1. But the participle, after 727, does not necessarily refer to the
future : whether it does so or not in a particular case must be determined

by a regard to the context, and to the signification borne by that particle.
i737 introduces something specially arresting the attention ; accordingly
135.] THE PARTICIPLE. 169

the ptcp. following it may, when linked to « preceding narrative by
}, describe a scene in the past, as Jud. 9, 43. 11, 34. 1 Ki. 19, 5. Ez.
47, 13; or it may describe an occurrence in the present, Jud. 9, 36. 1 Sa.
14, 33; in a passage such as Isa. 24, 1, however, there would be no
motive for the combination, if the past were referred to.

Obs. 2. The copula must sometimes be conceived in a jussive or con-
ditional sense: Isa. 12, 5 Kt. n¥t nya 0 Ge this made known in all the
earth, and (often) with qava and 1154; in a real, or virtual, apodosis
Jer. 2,22 0M). Ps, 27, 3° (§ 143). Job 23, 7 there an upright man
would be disputing with him (§ 142), and after 15, § 145.

(4) As a rule the subject precedes the ptcp., the opposite
order being exceptional, and only adopted when a certain
stress falls naturally on the idea conveyed by the verbal form
(for instance, in assigning a reason after ‘3): Gen. 18, 17
‘x npson. Nu. 11, 29 * ANN upon. Ez. 8,6 TAN ANZ. 9,
8; Gen. 3, 5 DNDN yo *D. 19, 13. 27, 46 DN (see also § 137).
30, I. 41, 32. Jud. 2, 22. 8, 4. 19, 18. 1 Sa. 3, 9. 13 "3D
“IN DAY. 19, 2. 23,10. 2Sa.15, 27 (as Ez. 8, 6,—if the text
be correct). Isa. 36, 11 MIN DYyOw 9. 48, 13 YN NY. 62, 12.
Jer. 1, 12. 3, 6. 38, 14 "8 byw. 26 (of past time). 44, 29.

Oés. In many of these cases the subject is a pronoun: and in Aramaic,
as in the idiom of the Mishnah, this usage is extended much further, a
regular present tense being formed by the union of the pronouns of the
first and second persons with the participle into a single word. But in
Biblical Hebrew the parts are quite distinct; and the predicate is able
accordingly to receive a separate emphasis of its own, for which in this
compound idiom there is no scope. On the usage of the Mishnah, see
Geiger, Lehrbuch zur Sprache der Mischnah, p. 40 ; Strack and Siegfried,
Lehrbuch der Neuhebréiischen Sprache und Litteratur, 1884, p. 82.

It is in order to reproduce as closely as possible the Aramaic form
ND DR ]DN—NI NN being contracted from NIN WK (Dan. 4, 4)—most
probably used by Christ, that in Delitzsch’s N. T. Aéyw byiv (after dui)
is rendered by 128 Wk (which does not so occur in O.T.): see the
Luth. Zeitschrift, 1856, p- 423, or the Academy, Nov. 1879, p. 395 (where
S. John’s dyjy dyjv is explained as due to the attempt to represent the
phrase in Greek letters).

(5) Occasionally the idea of duration conveyed by the
ptcp. is brought into fuller prominence, and defined more
170 CHAPTER X. [135-

precisely, by the addition of the substantive verb. Two cases
may be distinguished, according, namely, as the state thus
described is conceived implicitly in its relation to some other
event, or stands upon an independent footing. Of the former,
some four or five instances will be found in most of the
earlier books: the latter is rarer. But altogether the more
Jrequent use of the combination is characteristic of the later
writers—in the decadence of a language, the older forms are
felt to be insufficient, and a craving for greater distinctness
manifests itself: the rarer, however, its occurrence in the
earlier books, the more carefully it deserves notice.

Gen. 4,17. 37, 2 725 7 was shepherding (at the time
when the events about to be described took place). 39, 22.
1 Sa. 2, rr NWN MM, 7, ro. 18, 14.29. 23, 26 TEN}... 7M
2 Sa. 3, 6 8, 1g. 19, 10. r Ki. 5, 1. 24. 12, 6. 20, 40 (let
the student note instances in 2 Ki. for himself!). Jer. 26,
18. 20. Job 1, 14.

Some clear examples of the second usage are Gen. 1, 6
bq 1% and let it be (permanently) dividing. Ruth 2, 19.
Nu. 14, 33. Dt. 9, 7 from the day etc. until this place O19
Dn") ye have been rebelling ; so vv. 22. 24. 31, 27+; 28, 29
ww nM and thou shalt be groping etc. Isa. 2, 2. 9, 15?
14, 2b, 30, 20 and thine eyes shall be beholding thy teachers.
59, 2. Ps. 10, 14. 122, 2. With a passive ptcp., 1 Ki. 13, 24
Nah. 3, 11. Jer. 14, 16. 18, 23. Ps. 73, 14 yi ‘MN. Josh.
10, 26 pvdn yam.

Contrast examples from Nehemiah’, 1, 4b. 2, 13. 15. 3, 26.

 

1 The idiom in these four passages may be attributed fairly to the
desire for emphasis, which is evident: 2 Sa. 3, 17 D'wpay Onn is an
early parallel, cf. also 7,6. (Contr. Ryssel, De Elohistae Pentateuchi
Sermoneé, pp. 27, 58.)

? But it does not appear to be correct to say here it ‘nihil differre a
verbo finito’ (Ryssel, p. §9): it is used clearly with the intention of
giving prominence to the idea of duration, though an earlier writer would
not have done this so persistently, or confined himself so much to the
same idiom. Comp. Mark 13, 25 éoovra: éxmimrovres: Winer, § 45. 5.
135.] THE PARTICIPLE. 171

4, 10. 5, 18 AWYITN, 6,14. 19. 13, 5.22.26: Esth. 1, 22.
9, 21 with nnd.

(6) As a rule, the subject to the ptcp. is in Hebrew ex-
pressed separately: but scattered instances are met with in
which (as in 3rd pers. of the verb, p. 7) this is not the case.
The subject to be supplied may be either indefinite, or de-
finite—most commonly the former, except when the ptcp. is
introduced by man, the subject itself having been named im-
mediately before. (1) Gen. 39, 22% p'yy’. Ex. 5, 16 and
bricks, wy 25 oN say they to us, Make ye. Isa. 21, 11
NP one is calling. 24, 2 the lender 12 NW) IWND as he to
whom any one lendeth®. 26, 3>. 30, 24 which MH one cs sifting
etc. 32, 12 DMA. 33, 4b pp. Jer. 33, 5 DI. 38, 23
myn. Ez. 8,12 DON 99. 13, 7. Job 41, 18°. Neh. 6, rob
D'NI $9. (2) with mn Gen. 24, 30. 37, 15* and a man found
him mwa mYA mM. 41, 1. 1 Sa. 10, Ir. 15, 12. 16, IX.
30, 3. 16. Isa. 29, 8. Ez. 7, 10 al. HRA NIN (cf. Ex. 7, 15. 8,
16 NYY 737). 19, 13. Amos 7, 1; without man, Gen. 32, 7.
Dt. 33, 3. 1 Sa. 6, 3° 17, 25. 20, 1. Isa. 33, 5% J2% 40,
19>. Ps. 22, 29> bya and he ruleth. 33, 5. 37, 26. 97, 10.
Neh. 9, 3%. 37?°.

Obs. 1. It is sometimes uncertain whether the ptcp. may have been
conceived by the writer as an independent predicate, or in apposition to

 

1 Expressed as vaguely as possible, in intentional contrast to 22°,
where (as Roorda, § 379, remarks) the use of 11 allows an emphasis to
the pronoun.

2 A comparison of Dt. 24, 11 will make the construction clear.

3 (When) one approacheth him (cf. § 126) with the sword, it continueth
(holdeth) not: cf. 2 Sa. 23, 3 (§ 125). Pr. 28, 27. 2017 is the ‘accusative
of nearer limitation,’ defining the manner in which the approach is
made: cf. Mic. 7, 2 rm. Ps. 64, 8 yr (Ew. §§ 279°, 283°).

* In accordance with the use of 737 in other cases, e.g. 16, 14. 18, 9.
1 Ki, 21, 18. ‘

5 But here omy has prob. dropped out after p»m>wn; cf. LXX, Pesh.

6 Comp. Pusey on Hab. 1, 5; Delitzsch on Job 25, 2 (which passage
itself, however, it seems better to construe, with Hitzig, as explained,
§ 161, Obs. 2); Ew. § 200. Some additional instances might be given
from the books not named: but they would not be numerous,
172 CHAPTER X. [135

a subject previously named, or in his mind: Isa. 40, 29 (prob. the latter).
Job12,17.19-24. Ps.107, 40; and of course Am. 5, 8° (notice the cs¢r.st.).

Obs. 2, A strange extension (as it would seem) of this usage is met
with occasionally: Jer. z, 17 73°91 nya in the time of (him) leading
thee in the wilderness. Ez. 27, 34 N13) ny in the time of (thee) broken
(=what time thou art broken: but here, in all probability, mI20) AY
should be read, with LXX, Targ. Vulg. and most moderns. Cf. 36, 13
DDN yy? because of (men) saying to you; but here also it is doubtful
whether the true reading is not D198, in accordance with Ez.’s usual
construction of yy», the plena scriptio having been introduced by error:
cf. Notes on Samuel, pp. xxxiiif., 16, 22). Gen. 38, 29 1°10) is so desti-
tute of Biblical analogy to support it! that it is difficult not to think that
2°07) should be restored (the suffix omitted, as 19, 29. 24, 30 and else-
where)’. At the same time, the construction of the text is one tolerably
common in the Mishnah; and it is posséb/e that it may be an isolated
anticipation of the later usage. See Weiss, Studien aber die Sprache der
Mischna [in Hebrew}, Wien, 1867 (referred to by Ryssel, p. 29), who
cites (p. 89) Zeramoth 4,8 vxt1a (=yi7 inva: the negative in the
next line is yIT? 12°NWI1); 10, 1 and elsewhere oy} yoi2a = when it
gives a flavour; Shabbath 2, 5 170099 DIT) (=r 1°73) when he attends
to the lamp, etc.

Obs. 3. Instances even occur of an zmpersonal use of the passive ptcp.:
at least the passages following are most probably to be so explained :
Ps, 87, 3 33.1270 @ 7s spoken (=one speaketh) of thee glorious things *.
Mal. 1, 11 03 WP “7. it is incensed, it is offered to my name. Ez. 40,
17. 41, 18.19. 46, 23 2%Y.

(7) When the article is joined to the ptcp., it ceases to be
a mere predicate, and acquires altogether a new emphasis

and force: indeed, inasmuch as the article marks that which
is known and of which something hitherto unknown is pre-

 

’ Ps. 74, 5 (even though, as is less probable, y11» be neuter). Isa. 17,
5° are not parallel.

* Hitz., followed by Dillm., adds 4o, ro (nm71p9 =p N77), in which
case the verse must be rendered ‘and it (cas. pend.), as zt was budding,
its blossoms shot forth :’ but the comparative sense of > (Rashi, A.V.)
seems simpler and more natural.

§ The accws., as frequently with a passive verd, e.g. Job 22, 9 MYND
821 DrDIN and 72 zs bruised (= one bruiseth) the arms of the orphans.
See Ewald, § 295"; Ges.-Kautzsch, § 121. 1.
135.| THE PARTICIPLE. 173

dicated 4 it is rather to be regarded as the sudject®. Dt. 3, 21
nn TP thine eyes—not were seeing nk4, but-—were those
which Saw: 8O 4, 3. II, 7; 8, 18 dre obrds eorw & BiB0ds coi.
Isa, 14, 27 7437 I! his hand is that which is stretched out
(which was spoken of, v. 26). 66, 9 awn WN. Zech. 7, 6> ye
are the eaters (alluded to, v. 68). Gen. 2, 11. 45, 12%, Nu.7, 2

1 Sa. 4,16. Ez, 20, 29. Once or twice, peculiarly, after "wx:
1 Ki. 12, 8 who were ¢hose which stood before him. 21, 11.

It need scarcely be remarked that in passages such as
Ps. 18, 33 the article is resumptive,—32> and who a rock
except our God? she God who girdeth me etc. 48. 19, 11
BENIN which (10>) are more desirable than gold [A.V. is the
rendering of o7 ond]. 33,15. 49, 7 who drust... (taking
‘apy 6» in a personal sense). 94, 10%. Job 6, 16. 28, 4 DNDWIN
men who are forgotten etc. (in appos. with the subj. of the pre-
ceding 728, conceived collectively). 30, 3 men who gnaw the
dry ground. 4. Gen. 49, 21 he that giveth etc. (in apposition
with ‘np)). Cf. Isa. 40, 22 (in appos. with a subj. implicit in
the prophet’s thought). 26. 44, 26>-28. Amos 5, 8-9.

Obés. A unique form ae expression occurs Isa. 11, 9 DDI po) od
Zit, as the waters, coverers to the sea. Construed thus as a noun, but
with the 5 of reference, not a following genit., the ptcp. retains still the
freshness of the verb, and has an independence which is commoner in
Arabic than in Hebrew. The nearest parallel in O. T. is Nu. 10, 25
(cited by Ewald, § 292°) nir9-99) HON: cf. also 25, 18 DDO D IANS.
Dt. 4, 42:15 82w Nd NIT and he being @ not-hater to him aforetime.
Isa. 14, 2. But the peculiar compactness and force of Isaiah’s phrase is

due to the position which he has boldly given it at the end: Habakkuk
in his imitation (2, 14) is satisfied to use an ordinary Hebrew idiom.

In Arabic comp. {J i isle 5 ed illum vitante, and (where the order

is the same) Qor. 15, 9 oY Spat Uy lo, of that we (will be) keepers.
12, 81. (Ewald, Gr. Arad. § 652; Wright, Arab. Gr. ii. § 31 rem.)

* Hence its name with the Jewish grammarians, Tp’ NT.
2? Comp. Mark 13, 11; and Moulton’s note on Winer, § 18. 7. See

also below, § 199.
CHAPTER XI.
ypotheticals.

136. We arrive at the last part of our subject—the forms
assumed in Hebrew by hypothetical or conditional sentences.
In general, it will be seen, these involve no fresh principles ;
so that, as the nature of the tenses, and the constructions of
which they are capable, have been already fully explained,
it will be sufficient in most cases simply to enunciate their
different types, without further elucidation beyond such as is
afforded by illustrative examples.

I. Lf I see him (the time at which this is imagined as
possibly taking place not being further indicated, but belong-
ing either to the real, or to the potential, future), Z wll let
him know.

With an zmperfect in the protasis. The apodosis may then
be expressed :

(a) By 1 consecutive and the perfect ; so very frequently :
—Gen. 18, 26... 08B2).... NYON DN of T shall find (or
simply 7f J find) fifty righteous in Sodom, Z will pardon
the whole place for their sakes. 24, 8. 28, 20f. (cf. Nu. 21, 2.
Jud. 11, 30f.). 32, 9 0 AM 3AM) Noa manwa-by ywy siarNw
if Esau come to one camp and smite? it, the remaining camp
will escape. 18 f.('3). Ex. 19,5. 23,22.. dpa yown picw-ox

 

1 § 115, p. 130. Observe that it is only the sense which shews that
the apodosis begins with mm), and not within). The same ambi-

guity of form occurs constantly in this type of hypothetical sentence in
Hebrew.
136. | HYPOTHETICALS. 175

PINTY HPN. Nu. 30, Tf. Dt. 6, 20f.'0 FIN .. TON,
15,12 DW vis Tray, WAN Ab Ww" Dd (see Ex. 21, 2). 19, 8f.
1rf. (3). Jud. 6, 37. 1 Sa. 14, of. 1 Ki. z, 52 “NYA TYTON
ny 33. 8, 44 Ff. ('>). 46-49 ... OANR D2 ADIN) .. NOM 9B

__abbanny 1. A, ann maw, nab-by Deny... Daw
‘ny hyo when hey sin, and thou art angry with them, and
thou givest them up etc....and they return...and pray...,
then hear thou etc. Ps. 89, 31-33 “AIPEY.. . 13:3" ON. Job 8,
18. Qoh, 4, 11 etc.

Obs. 1. "The verb is sometimes separated from the 1, and so lapses
into the imperfect :—Ex. 8, 22 (§ 124). Josh. 20, 5. 2 Chr. 7, 136.
*2n1 (after along protasis); Pr. 19, 19. Job 14, 7—both t1y).

Obs. 2. Note that in A.V. the of the apodosis represents nearly
always }, not tx: the latter introduces the apodosis only very rarely,
where a special emphasis is desized, Isa. 58, 14. Pr. 2,5; Job 9, 31
(§ 138, i. 8), or in a different case, § 139.

(8) By the impf. (without 1); this likewise is very frequent,
and not distinguishable in meaning from a’:—Gen. 18,
28. 30 prwbys OW N¥DNTON TN nd. 42,37. Ex. a1, 2 (*9).
Dt. 12, 20. 13, 2-4. 7-9. 20, 19 (all %9). Jud. 13, 16. <i, I,
522 ASIN IN! BY ND DID MNT DN, Isa. x, 19. 3, Of.
(99). Ob. 65 cf. Jer. 49, 9% (9, pf. as y). Jer. 38, 15 (1). Ps.
75, 3 (°3). 132, 12. Pr. 4, 16 unless they do evil 13¥* ND they
do not (freq., or cannot) sleep.

(6*) The simple imperfect may of course be replaced if
necessary by a voluntative or imperative :—Dt. 12, 29 f. (99).
17, 14f. 1 Sa. 20, 21. 21, 10 if thou wilt take that’, take
it. 2 Ki. 2, 10 etc.

 

1 The type (a) is, however, used by preference, where there is scope
for it: (8) is used chiefly (1) when the apodosis precedes the protasis ;
(2) when the apodosis begins with 8b—both cases in which the perf.
with 1 could manifestly not be employed (see 1 Ki. 52° and », cited
above).

2 snox is here emphatic: cf. 18, 17. 20, 9. Isa, 43, 22. Jud. 14, 3;
also Ex. 21, 8 Qré 15 (in contrast to 1225, 7. 9; comp. the position of
vy 5x, 2 Sa. 17, 13).
176 CHAPTER XI. [ 136.

With } prefixed, very rare :—Gen. 13, 9. 2 Sa. 12, 8.

(y) By the perfect alone? (expressing the certainty and
suddenness with which the result immediately accompanies
the occurrence of the protasis):—Nu. 32, 23 13 RUYD NP-DN}
DNNON 737 and if you do not so, see you have sinned! 1 Sa.
2, 16 and if not, ‘ANB TI take it by force! cf. Ez. 33, 6 nipbs,
Hos. 12, 12 (vm in apod., ‘of the certain future’). Job 20,
12-14: comp. 9, 27f. Cf. after the indefinite WN Gen. 24,
14 Anan,

Ods. Compare the manner in which the perfect is found, not indeed
in a formal apodosis, but still with a reference to some preceding
conditional clause—implicitly if not explicitly stated. Lev. 13, 25
amp. 17,3f. the apodosis proper ends at xim7: then follow the
words pw 07 i.e. he has (in the case assumed) shed blood (cf. § 17).
Nu. 19, 13 NOW. 20. 15, 25 187177 OT) (when the directions v. 24 have
been observed, they w2// have brought their offering). Ez. 33, 5.

(8) By a participle :—Gen. 4, 7. Lev. 21, 9.

Without any verb in the apodosis:—Gen. 4, 241. Ps. 8, 4f.
120, 7. Qoh. 10, 11}.

Slightly different are 1 Sa. 6, 9 if it goeth up by Bethshe-

 

1 With this use of the perfect compare in Greek Plat. Krat. 432 A
dowep nat adra ra déxa t Sotis BovrAeE GAdos apiOpds, édy apéAns TF
mpooOhs, érepos ev6ds yéyove. Soph. Phil. 1280 ef 58 py Te mpds Karpov
Aéyor Kup® wéravpar. The aorist is also similarly met with, as
Il. xvii. 99. Phileb, 17 D dérav yap raira AdBys otrw, réTe éyévou
copés. Gorg. 484 etc., on which the remark of Riddell, Apology of
Plato, p. 154, is worth quoting: ‘The subjunctive construction with
dy, not admissible with a past Tense, constrains us to see in the Aorist
the expression of an action zzstantaneously complete, rather than
necessarily past.’ Compare Winer, § 40. 4°, also 5, who quotes Livy
xxi. 43 si eundem animum habuerimus, wzcdmus.

In English, the present is sometimes used with the same object:
Shakespeare, Ant. and Ci. ii. 5. 26 If thou say so, villain, thou &z//’st
thy mistress. Milton, PZ. 5, 613.

? Where, for "128 DN, °N70N DN might have been expected, and
ought perhaps to be restored; comp., however, the use of the inf. Jud.
19, 9. 2Sa.15, 20. Jer.9,5. Zeph. 3,20. Zech. 9, 10%. Ps. 23,6 Cnaw)).
137, 138.] HVPOTHETICALS. 177

mesh, MWY NIN HE hath done us this great evil. 1 Ki. 22, 28 if
thou returnest *2 "727 N> Yahweh hath nol spoken by me.
Nu. 16, 29. Ez. 14, 9@: cf. Luke rr, 20.

Obs, Occasionally the imperfect is thus found in the protasis in
reference to past time :—Gen. 31, 8 TDN ON 7 ever he said... , a7)
then all the flock would bear etc. Ex. 40, 37 (apod. 19D? N53); cf.
Jud. 12, 5, and the impff. in Job 31, alternating with perff. These differ
from Gen. 38, 9. Nu. 21, 9. Jud. 2, 18° (05). Ps. 78, 34, where the per-
ject is used: ‘and it came to pass, 2f or when the serpents had bitten
a man, that he looked, and lived,’-—the idea of repetition is dropped
from the protasis, and retained only in the pff. with 1, which introduce
the apodosis.

187%, Sometimes the participle is found in the protasis—
accompanied or not by & or €: the apodosis may then be
introduced by—

(a) The perfect and 1:—Gen. 24, 42 f.°372 mdyr NETWTON
7M, . ANI DIN 737... 7f thou art prospering my way...,
behold, (as) I stand by the spring of water, det z# be (§ 119 8),
etc.’ Lev. 3, 7. Jud. 6, 36 Ff. (AY = may I know, § 119 6, cf.
39 Nov). 11,9 E> DNIN YN... Ne AX Dw ON
if you are going fo bring me back..., Yahweh will deliver
them up before me.

(8) The imperfect :—Lev. 3, 1. 2 Ki. 7, 2. 19 (after man).

(g*) A voluntative or imperative :—Gen. 20,7. 24, 49. 43,45
Ex. 33, 15. Jud. 9, 15. Jer. 42, 13 (apod. 15 Any).

(8) Another participle :—Ex. 8, 17. 9, 2f. 1 Sa. 19, 11.
Jer. 26, 15.

138. 11. JJ have seen him (i. till any time in the indefinite
or more or less remote future: ii. during a period extending
up to the moment of speaking, or to a moment otherwise
fixed by the context), Z will let him know. In the first of
these cases the sense conveyed by the perfect is hardly dis-
tinguishable from that borne by the imperfect, § 136 (though

 

1 Notice here the double, and in Jud. 6, 36 f. the ¢vede, protasis (one
expressed by 7377).
N
178 CHAPTER XI. [138.

it does not occur so frequently); but it rather contemplates
the case assumed afer its occurrence (sz videro, § 17, not sz
videbo). Observe that in i. the principal verb is succeeded in
the protasis by perfects with waz consec. (Gen. 43, 9. Job 11,
13 f.), while in ii. it is succeeded by the impf. and °1.

i. (a2) With the Pi. and waw consecutive in the apodosis :—
as Gen. 43, 9 ‘NNBN). yn Nd DN si non reducxero, per
omnem vitam reus ero tel 42, 37). 47, 6. Jud. 16, 17 ON
> "23D 701 mindy if I am shaven, my strength wd depart
from me. 2 ‘Sa. 15, 33 LXX éay pev StaBys per’ cuod, kai eon
én’ éue els Baoraypa (where cat is really superfluous). 2 Ki. 7, 4
ow 11 yn Niaz TON DN Vulg. sive ingredi voluerimus
civitatem, fame morzemur: sive manserimus hic, moriendum
nobis est. Mic. 5,7». Job 7,4 if (at any time) I lie down,
‘WN! J say, When shall I get up? (waiting wearily for the
morning). 13 f. when ("9) I say etc., JOAN shen thou terrifiest
me with dreams. 10, 14 if I sin, thou watchest me. 21, 6.

(8) With the impf. alone in the apodosis :—Dt. 32, 41 ON
NW if (at any time) J have whet (or simply Z whet) my
glittering sword INNN) so that? my hand takes hold on judg-
ment, DWN J wll requte vengeance etc. Ps. 41,7. 63,7. 94;
18 if (at any time) *mpN Z say, My foot hath slipped, thy
mercy wl hold (or holdeth, freq.) me up. Pr. 9, 12 (ON
understood from 124, exactly as in Job 10, 15) from 154; cf.
16, 6. 22, 23), Job 9, 30f. (MIM, §§ 104, 115; IN, p- 175)
With } (anomalous) Qoh. ro, ro.

(8*) With an imperative :—Pr. 25, 21. Job 11, 13 f.

(y) With the perfect alone :—Isa. 40, 7. Jer. 49, 9».

And without any verb in the apodosis :—Jer. 14, 18 (71377).
Pr. 24, 14 (WM).

 

1 Tone as Ps. 28, 1, § 104.

2 According to §§ 61, 62: were it meant as a mere continuation of
oniow, the pf. m1mMx1, as the other examples shew, would have been the
form employed. (On the éone of »n\2w, comp, Delitzsch on Job 19, 17.)
139-] HYPOTHETICALS. 179

ii, As already stated, this class of instances differs from
those cited under i. in the nature of the pro/asis: a few
examples will make it plain in what the difference consists.
The apodosis may commence :—

(2), With the perfect and }:—Gen. 33,10. Nu. 5, 27 ON
73831 Sym MND if she have defiled herself and deen faith-
less, then shall they come etc. 18, 24 if it have been done (the
other case follows v. 27 in the imperfect), WY etc. 35, 22-24
1DTN...ON) and if (in the assumed case) he have jit him
unexpectedly Ni" and he have died, 3OBY\ the congregation
shall judge.

(8) With the imperfect :—Nu. 30, 6. Jer. 33, 25 f. if I have
not made a covenant with the day (as I have done), DNDN I
will also reject the seed of Jacob etc. Ez. 33, 9, cf. 8.

(8*) With a voluntative or imperative :—Jud. 9, 16-19 if
ye Aave done honestly (foll. by «1), rejoice in Abimélekh ! 1 Sa.
26,19. Ps.7,4f. Job 31, 5f. 9. 20f. 39 f.

(y) With the perfect alone :—Ez. 3, 19 mds (wilt have
delivered): cf. Job 33, 23-5. ;

Obs. The perfect with ox or 1x is thus met with in szdordinate
hypothetical clauses; so Ex. 21, 36 p11 1 but 7 7¢ be known (a case
supposed to have occurred under the conditions stated 35°). 22, 2 if
the sun have risen, Lev. 4, 23 si confessus fuerit. 28. 5,1 IN TRIN
yi. 3-5 or when it touches etc. and it be hidden from him, but he
have (afterwards) ascertained zt and be guilty, or when etc. (4 pro-
pounding a similar possibility) ‘mm then zt shall be, when etc. 21-23
xv IN. 13, 2f when there is... and the priest sees it... and the
hair Jom have turned white ; so repeatedly in this chapter after 727.
Num. 35, 16-18. 20f. if y2p7m> he hit him in hatred—]»wn 18
whether he have thrown something at him insidiously, y97 18 or have
smitten him with his hand (two alternatives possible under the assumed
case of hatred) na and he die, nn m0 he shall be put to death,

139. Ill. Jf I had seen him, I would have told him («i
eidov dviyyciAa ay’ the protasis is supposed not to have been
realized, and consequently the apodosis does not take place).
For this case Hebrew uses the Zer/ect in both clauses, mostly

N2
180 CHAPTER XI, [140.

after % Jud. 8, 19 if you had kept them alive (which you did
not do) ‘nan xd I should not have killed you ov« ay dmékrewa
ipas (as I am just going to do: not J should not hill _you ovk
av drérewov, which would be 2798, because Gideon has in his
mind the time when the action will have been completed).
13, 23; or (with a negative) rab (ssbsd) if nol 14,18. 1 Sa.
25,34 as Yahweh liveth..., Wi"DY ‘3 *NNaM AID rib v3
(I say) that, unless thou hadst hastened and come, that’ there
had not been left to Nabal etc. (as now there will be left).
2 Sa. 2, 247 as God liveth “3 nbys span SD ANAT xb ‘3
(I say) that, wa/ess thou hadst spoken, that then (only) after
the morning would the people have gotten themselves up, etc.
19, 7 (likewise with tN in the apod.). Isa. 1,9. Ps. 94, 17.
106, 23 (apod. put first, as "nx Dt. 32, 26, but being con-
nected with what precedes it appears in the form TON,
otherwise it would be WX as in Dt.). 119, 92 (without a verb:
apod. introduced by 18). 124, 1-37 (apod. introduced by
"N); rarely after ON Ps. 73,15, or (in the later language)
after 8 Esth. 7, 4.

140. Where no apodosis follows, the perfect with 1b may
denote a wzsh—one, however, which has not been realized.

Num. 14, 2 wm) ab: 20, 3. Josh. 7,7 wt wT 1, Tsa.

48, 18f. AWA 81 O that thou hadst hearkened to my com-
mandments! ‘1 and so (= then) thy peace had been like a

 

1 The first 15 introduces, as often (e.g. 26, 16. 29, 6. 2 Sa. 3, 35),
the assertion following the oath: the second *) is merely resumpiive of
the first, after the clause with *515; so 2 Sa. 2, 27. 19, 7, and similarly
Gen. 22, 16f. 2 Sa. 3,9. Jer. 22, 24, and frequently. Elsewhere the
ox belongs to, and slightly strengthens, the »5, as 2 Sa. 15, 21 Kt. (but
Qré omits ON, prob. rightly). 2 Ki.5, 20; also Jud. 15,7. 1 Sa. 21, 6.

2 With the pleon. w here (139 mw 71M» +515) comp. the Aram.
9 ! oN? except that 2 Sa. 2, 27. Ps, 106, 23 (Omday, leas y onl"
por), »y babs 2d. Targ. Ps. 27,13 and here (MA TIT NID DDN
x21yD3), and »7 »}0)x zd. Cant. 4, 12. Ps, 106, 23 (VTA Tw Dd RK
MnP 1982 HPNNI DPI): also 719 world that!
141, 142.| HYPOTHETICALS. 181

river. 63, 19 nye 81 O that thou hadst rent etc. (viz. now,
already; the more empassioned expression for, O that thou
wouldst ..., § 142).

141, Again, instead of going on regularly to the apodosis,
the sentence sometimes breaks off with an aposiopesis, and
the result which would have occurred if the protasis had been
realized is introduced more emphatically by HAY 'D for then,
in that case. ‘Thus Gen. 31, 42 if the God of my father had
not been for me—YANSY nny %9 Sor then (or, uniting this
second clause to the first, and so making it into a formal
apodosis, indeed then) thou wouldst have sent me away
empty! 43,10. Nu. 22, 33 (if for ‘DIN we read 3 , as seems
necessary). 1 Sa. 14, 30 (if with LXX xb be omitted).

It is evidently only one step further than this for the clause
with Any '3 to be found by itself, the actual protasis being
suppressed altogether, and only a werfual one being pointed
to by Any:—Ex.9,15 for chen (or ese i.e. if the intention
expressed in 14>, and further expanded in 16, had not
existed) JS) "RNS sandy T should have put forth my hand
and smitten thee etc. (i.e. instantaneously instead of slowly:
for the idea, cf. Ps. 59,12). 1 Sa. 13,13 thou hast not kept
the commandment of Yahweh ; for shen (if thou hadst done
so) }"2 he would have established thy kingdom. Job 3, 134
(16, 7 is different: Any there resembles Any in x Sa. 14, 30
if we adhere to the Massoretic text, as the case actually is).
31, 28 ‘9 alone. Comp. 1% 2 Ki. 13, 19.

142. If under these circumstances the zmperfect occurs in
the protasis, it naturally denotes a condition realizable in the
present or the future: where no apodosis follows, we shall
then have, in accordance with the context, and the tone in
which the words are uttered, the expression of either hope or

 

' Perhaps, to be sure, this idiom is to be explained simply from the
asseverative force of 73 (cf. its use after an oath, p. 180, 7. 1) without
the assumption of an aposiopesis.
182 CHAPTER XI. [143.

alarm—either a wzsh or a fear’—thus Gen. 17,18 79} % of
Ishma‘el might live before thee! (cf. the imperative 23, 13
synw 1b4, the jussive 30,34 72273 7 %) ; and with ox,
Ex. 32, 32 8B ON 7 thou wouldst only forgive their sin! Ps.
81, 9. 95, 7» (in both these cases the following verses contain
the words to be listened to). 139, 19. Pr. 2,1. 24,11.

On the other hand we hear the language of alarm :—Gen.
50,15 wDNw % if he were to hate us! Ex. 4,1 jm and if they
do not believe me!

As before, the protasis may be succeeded by Any *3 :—Job
8, 4-6 (after a triple protasis*, expressed by BN: ANY ‘2=
surely then); and after %b, expressing a wish, Job 6, 2f. O
that my vexation might be weighed...7129 Nny 13 for then. it
would be heavier than the sand! comp. 1%, after a wish,
expressed by on, “ny, 2 Ki. 5, 3. Ps. 119, 6.

Or the clause with Any ‘3 may occur without any actual
protasis :—Job 13, 19 for then (if there were any one able
to contend with me and prove me in the wrong) I would be
silent and die. Cf. with 18 3, 13 I should have slept, MJ} 18
"> then were Lat rest; DY 23,4 here (=in that case) an upright
man (would be) disputing with him; 32,22 quickly (if I
flattered) zould my Maker take me away.

143. IV. In some of the instances last cited we may notice
that the protasis states a case which might indeed conceivably
occur (as Gen. 50,15), but which may also (as Job 6, 2) be
purely imaginary. We are thus conducted to another class
of conditional propositions, consisting of an imperfect‘ in both

 

1 Compare Ps. 41, 9 LXX ph 6 Koipdpevos ody mpoodhoa Tod
dvacriva:; where the affirmative answer, always expected when p?}
ov is employed, is contemplated not with Aoge, but with alarm: ‘Won't
he that is now sick—won’t he recover ?’

? If the text be sound. LXX (mpds éuod=on my side: see 29, 34.
31, 5), Sam. read *)ynw > TN ON.

® So R.V. Most moderns, however, explain 8, 4 by § 127 ¥.

* It will be remembered that two imperfects have met us before,
in the formula [J see him I will tell him, tdv i8w dvaryyedd, and it
143.] HYPOTHETICALS. 183

clauses, and corresponding to the double optative in Greek,
Lf I were to see him (on the mere supposition, be it ever so
unlikely or hyperbolical, that I were to see him) Z would ‘ell
him.

Where the ideas contained in the protasis and apodosis
respectively are parallel and similar we must render the
conditional particle by zf: where they are contrasted we
may, if we please, employ ¢hough.

With nx:—Gen. 13,16 so that boY-oN of a man could
number the stars, thy seed also 728° might be numbered. Nu.
22, 18 (cf. 1 Ki. 13, 8). Isa. 1, 18 ¢hough they were as scarlet,
they should become white as snow. 10, 22. Amos 5, 22. 9,
2-4 (notice the apod. continued by } and pf. 3, ‘from there
would I search pynnpes and take them:’ so v. 4). Ps. 24, 3.
50, 12. 139, 8% 9% (8, 9b cohort.; cf. Job 16, 6). Job 9, 3. 20.
Ct. 8,7. Jer. 2,22 though thou wert to wash with potash,
thy iniquity DAD] (would be) ingrained before me. 37, 10
(with a f after OX, apparently for the purpose of expressing
an extreme case). And with O8 03 Qoh. 8,17.

With °3:—Jer. sr, 53 °N3) AND... , DWT Daa nbyn sD
md ov. Hos. 13, 18. Ps. 37, 24%. 49, 19 f. (apod. xian)’:
with "9 DA Ps. 23, 4. Isa. 1, 15 (with partcp. in apod.)

 

may appear strange that two significations should be assigned to the
same combination. But the fact is that in doth cases, in édy tdw as
well as in ei ior, it is a mere possibility that is enunciated: now,
when from the circumstances of the case the chances of this possible
event taking place are but small, we mark in English our sense of the
increased improbability by throwing the verbs into a form more ex-
pressive of contingency. In employing the optative in place of the
subjunctive mood, the Greeks did precisely the same: Hebrew, on the
other hand, was satisfied with a single mode of expression. Nor is
the ambiguity greater than that which exists in a parallel case in our
own language, where if [ had anything, I would give it, has often to
do duty for both « eZxov, édiSouv dy and ei éxorps, didoiny av.

1 In none of the examples is the apod. introduced by 1: Isa. 54, 10
»D is, accordingly, best understood as for, 1pm) being adversative: see
49, 18 (yea, these may forget, ut I will not forget) ; 51, 6.
184 CHAPTER XI. [144 145

though ye multiply prayer, pow 1228 I am not hearing. Cf.
after °D alone Jer. 14, 12.

With %:—Job 16, 4 I too like you MAIN would gladly
speak: D2WB] v % if your soul were in my soul’s stead,
many J would heap up words against you, Nyy) and would
shake my head at you. Ez. 14,157.

The above are the most common types of hypothetical
constructions in Hebrew: V and VI are, accidentally, of
much rarer occurrence.

144. V. If I had seen him, I would (now) tell him.

Dt. 32, 29 33n if they had been wise bray they would
understand this (at the present time—which they do not do).
30 (2 ND DN). 2 Sa. 18, 13 (iN or 2% with ANN) in the apod.).
2 Ki.5,13. Ps. 44, 21f. if we kad forgotten the name of our
God 53) and stretched out our hands to a strange god,
would not God find this out? (he does zof find it out, be-
cause it has not been done: on the contrary, upon thy
account etc. v. 23). 66, 18. Job 9, 15. 16. Jer. 23, 22 (with
1 in the apod.). Mic. 2, rz (7M in the apod.)?.

Conversely Dt. 32, 26 I Aad (should have) said I would
scatter them, VUN sab did I not dread the vexation of the
enemy (the vexation which his triumph would cause me).

145. VI. If I saw him (now, which I do not do) J would
tell him (ci éopav, dvyyyeddov dv): with % and a participle in
the protasis.

2 Sa.18,12. 2 Ki. 3, 14 NWI WS shh except I were favour-
able to Yehoshaphat, D'28 O8 I would surely not look at
thee! Ps. 81, 14-17 YOW “by ” if my people were hearkening
to me..., quickly Y28 would J dow down their enemies
etc. (the verses relate, not to what might have happened in

 

* Where, however, {x or zf should perhaps be read for 45: cf. vv.
17. 19.

? The pf. with ) is in many relations the syntactical equivalent of the
bare impf.: comp. e.g. §§ 136 a and 8, 138 a and B.
146, 147. | HYPOTHETICALS, 185

the past, but to the possibilities of restoration and prosperity
in the presen?).

146. Hebrew, however, is capable of expressing hypo-
thetical propositions without the aid of any hypothetical
particle to introduce them’. There are three principal forms
which such zmplicit hypotheticals may assume: these may be
distinguished as the double perfect with } consecutive, the
double jussive, and the hypothetical imperative. In addition
to these there are a few isolated forms which resemble the
types already discussed, the only difference being that the
conditional particle is not present.

147. (i) The double perfect with 1 consecutive.

This use of the perfect with 1 is nothing more than an
extension, in a particular case, of its employment as a fre-
quentative: sometimes, indeed, it is hardly so much as that ;
for often the contingent nature of the events spoken of will
be sufficiently clear in a translation from the sense of the
passage without the addition of any hypothetical particle?.
A single perfect with } indicates, as we know, an action the
actual date of which is indeterminate, but which is capable
of being realized at any or every moment: ‘wo perfects with
} will indicate therefore “wo actions, which may similarly be
realized at any or every moment. Now put the two verbs
by each other in a single sentence, and the juxtaposition at
once causes them mutually to determine one another: the

 

1 The reader will be tempted to compare this absence of a conditional
particle in Hebrew with the omission which not unfrequently takes place
in English and German. In these languages, however, the omission is
accompanied by an zzverséon of the usual order of words, which, by
placing the verb before the subject, suggests to the reader the idea of a
question, and so apprises him that the proposition involved is only an
assumption, and not a fact. But, as will be seen, the relation between
protasis and apodosis must be explained in Hebrew upon a different
principle.

2 Hence, some of the passages quoted here will likewise be found
cited above, § 113. 4; cf. § 120, p. 162 ore.
186 CHAPTER XI. [148, 149.

reader feels that the idea intended to be conveyed is just
this, that the occurrence of one of the events was always,
so to speak, the signal for the occurrence of the other. And
thus we see how a compound frequentative may be equivalent
to a simple hypothetical.

148. (1) In past or present time :—

Ex. 33, ro DP)... 381) and all the people used /o see and
stand up (or, would see and stand up): but the moments
of standing up are obviously fixed and determined by the
moments of seeing, which are plainly conceived as preceding
them: this relation between the two acts may be more ex-
plicitly stated in English thus—‘7zf, when, whenever, the
people saw, they stood (or, used to stand) up. And our
language, it may be noticed, prefers the undisguised con-
ditional construction when the first verb (or that in the
protasis) is subordinate in importance to the second, when
e.g. it is such a word as AN or yow, although in Hebrew
the two are strictly co-ordinate—an additional instance to
the many we have already had of the way in which we
bring into relief what the older language left as a plain
surface.

Ex. 16, 21 LXX rightly jvixa d¢ SreOepparver 6 Frios, eH KeTO.
34, 35. Nu. 10, 17 f. 21 f. (the writer passes v. 17 from the
description of a particular case, with which he began 11-16,
to that of the general custom: hence the series of perfects
with 117-27; p. 162, 2.1). 1 Sa.17, 34f. (ch p. 22). 1 Ki.
18, ro. Jer. 18, 4. 8 ‘An 3M and f it turns, then I repent.
10. 20, 9 AION) Uf I say (or said), I will not make mention
of him, 77) then ¢here zs (or was) in my heart as it were a
burning fire (so R.V. rightly: in the rendering of A.V. there
is no indication of the prolonged agitation, so clearly implied
in the idiom used by the prophet).

149. (2) In the future :—

Gen. 33, 13 and they will overdrive them one day, and all
the flock will die (every one feels that it is a contingent, not
149-] HYPOTHETICALS. 187

a certain result, that is anticipated, cf. the single verb, 20, 11).
42, 38. 44, 22 D1 VIN AW! and if he leaves his father, he
will die. 29. Ex. 4, 14** now) JN) and when he sees thee,
he will rejoice. 12, 13*. 23*. Lev. 22, 7 (cf. Ex. 16, 21 in
the past), Nu. 10, 3. 5f. 14, 1, nan and zf thou killest.
15, 39° (cf. Gen. 9, 16). 23, 20 maw xdy Jay and 7f he
blesseth, I cannot reverse it (impf., because separated from }).
Dt. 4, 29 (cf. Jer. 29, 12 f.). 1 Sa. 16, 2. 19, 3 (cf. Nu. 23, 3).
1 Ki. 8, 30 3 nndpy Aypwl and when thou hearest, forgive ?.
Isa. 6, 13 and z/ there be still in it a tenth part, it shall turn
and be consumed (=shall again be consumed). Ez. 3, 17.
17, 15>. 18, 10 and z he begets a son, who etc... . (v. 13)
°™ shall he live? 33, 3* (cf. Isa. 21, 7 DwpM... ANN=and
should he see ..., let him give heed. ..). 39, 15*. Pr. 3, 24
naw (not under the government of OX: cf. Job 5, 24>).

Compare further Jud. 6, 13 &" and 7s Yahweh with us, 72?)
why then has all this come upon us? 2 Sa. 13, 26 xP} and not
(=and if not), let Amnon go with us. 2 Ki. 5,17. 10, 15
JT NN mon 2 it be, then, give (me) thine hand.

 

1 In the passages marked thus *, the first verb is 7x1, which, as is not
unfrequently the case in Hebrew, though against the idiom of our own
language, is treated as though it represented an independent, substantive
idea, equal in importance to that expressed by the succeeding verb.
Thus Gen. 45, 27 ‘and he saw the wagons, and his spirit revived;’
where saw expresses such a subordinate and transitory idea that in
English we feel disposed to render ‘and when he saw ;’ this, however,
would strictly have been 1nN1D 97. If we make use of a more
emphatic word, we can retain the Hebrew form of sentence without its
sounding unnatural, thus :—‘and he /ooked at the wagons and his spirit
revived.’ So 46,29. 1 Sa, 10,14. 17, 81». Ez. 20, 28. The case is
similar with verbs of hearing, Josh. 2,11. 22,12; or finishing, Ex. 34,
33- 39, 32. Lev. 16, 20. 2 Sa. 11,27. Ez. 4,6. 5,13. Passages such as
those just quoted explain 53>) Gen. 2, 2: the act of completion is regarded
as sufficiently distinct and independent to have a special day assigned
to it.

2 For the vepetztion of the verb pnw after what precedes cf. Lev. 13, 3.
1 Sa. 29, 10: cf. p. 138, 7. 4.
188 CHAPTER XI, [150, 151.

150. (ii and iii) The hypothetical imperative and double
jussive.

The use of the imperative or jussive to indicate hypotheti-
cal propositions is to be explained upon the same principle
as that of the double perfect, although the use of a different
verbal form modifies to a certain extent the nature of the
condition expressed. In the present case the first verb
enunciates a command or permission: the general sense of
the passage, however, or the tone in which the words are
uttered may indicate that the speaker does not intend the
language to be understood “erally, or to be carried into
actual execution under all and any circumstances, but only in
so far as is requisite for the purpose of realizing and com-
prehending the manner in which the action denoted by the
second verb is involved in, and results from, that denoted by
the first. This may, of course, be done men/ally: and thus
a concise and emphatic mode of expressing a hypothetical
sentence is obtained’.

151. English as well as classical idiom (Aesch. P. V. 728
(709); Verg. Ecl. iii. 104) requires the future? in place of
the second imperative or jussive: and it is at first sight diffi-
cult to discover a justification or satisfactory explanation of
the Hebrew construction. The most plausible supposition
seems to be this, that the two correlative clauses were ori-
ginally pronounced in such a manner as to shew that the
intention of the speaker was to mark his opinion that the
two were equivalent, that you might as well assume the one
as the other, that if you imagined the first realized you must
conceive the second realized as well, and that continual juxta-
position with this object generated in time a fixed formula.

 

* Cf. Winer, § 43. 2 ‘when two imperatives are connected by «ai, the
first sometimes contains the condition (supposition) upon which the
action indicated by the second will take place.’

* Or, at any rate, the indicative mood: cf., for example, Pope, Essay
on Man, i. 251 f. 253-256. iv. 89-92.
151.] HYPOTHETICALS. 189

Thus Ps. 147, 18 wy ... IW is strictly “det him blow with his
wind! Zef the waters flow!’ i.e. assume the one, and you
must assume the other: but by long usage the stiffness
which originally attached to the formula disappeared, and the
collocation of the two verbs ceased to do more than suggest
simply the idea of a hypothetical relation: in the present
case, ‘7f or when he blows with his wind, the waters flow.’

It will be objected that, inasmuch as the second verb in
the example is the simple imperfect?, if it were understood
and treated accordingly, the meaning would be identical and
the need for a circuitous explanation such as the one here
proposed superseded. ‘To this it must be replied that such
a course would leave unexplained the similar cases in which
(as will appear directly) the second verb is shewn to be a
jussive by its form: the existence of these instances, sup-
ported as they are by the parallel construction of the impera-
tive, as well as by the analogy of the corresponding idiom
in Arabic, authorizes us in the inference that the verb is still
jussive, although no visible indication of the fact may exist.

Obs. In Arabic the jussive is the mood which appears regularly after

an imperative (whether the latter is intended to be understood in a hypo-
thetical or a literal sense) for the purpose of indicating the consequence

 

1 We can understand without much difficulty the use of the jussive
when the verb is in the third person: but so arduous is it to pass outside
the magic circle prescribed by the language with which we are most
familiar, that the inability of English to express the zdea of a jussive in
the first and second persons (except through the medium of a circumlo-
cution by which its presence is disguised) constitutes a serious obstacle
in the way of our realizing its application under the last-named cir-
cumstances.

2 A double impf. in a frequentative sense would be as intelligible as
the double pf., §§ 147, 148, and ought, perhaps, to be adopted for such
cases as Prov. 26, 26 al., where the jussive form, although it exists, has not
been employed, and for Ps. 104, 28-30, 109, 25. 139, 18, where the verbs
have the old termination }1- annexed to them, which in Arabic is dropped
in the jussive, and in Hebrew is at least found with it very rarely (see
Job 31,10). Cf. also Ps. 91, 7.
190 CHAPTER XI. [r51.

that will supervene, if the injunction conveyed by the imperative takes
effect. A compound formula thus arises, of which "n:...m2 Ex. 7,9
may be taken as the type. Inasmuch now as it is never the office of the
jussive in Arabic to express a purpose or result (for which other idioms
are employed) except when thus preceded by an imperative, it is natural
to suppose that its appearance in such a capacity is in some way con-
nected with the presence of this mood. A consequence which only
results from the execution of a command is not like the absolute conse-
quence of a certified fact ; it is essentially limited by, dependent on, the
occurrence of the action denoted by the imperative; virtually, therefore,
it stands upon the same footing, and may be enunciated in the same
terms—the collocation of the two verbs indicating with sufficient clear-
ness the relation which they are conceived by the speaker or writer to
occupy with regard to each other. And this dependency may be exhibited
in English in more ways than one: sometimes a double imperative will
be sufficient, at other times it will be better to adopt the form of an
explicit hypothetical, or to employ the final conjunction zat before the
second verb.

Examples are not far to ‘find: Qor’an 27, 12 put thy hand into thy
bosom, /et zt come forth white, or, as we should say, and zt shall come

forth white. 2, 38 be true to my covenant, <3, (juss.) let me be true to
yours! i.e. ‘¢f you are true to me, I will be true to you.’ 129 become
Jews or Christians, be guided aright (juss.), or, chat you may be guided
aright (contrast 7, 158). 3, 29 if you love God, follow me; Jet God
Jove you, and forgive you your sins, or, zhex he will love you etc. (by
inserting ¢hex, we assume that the ‘following’ has actually occurred,
and so are enabled to employ the language of assurance—wi//; Arabic
and Hebrew do of make this assumption, and are therefore obliged to
adhere to an expression of contingency, in strict co-ordination with

the imperative). 7, 71 (cf 11,67. 40, 27) let her alone, jeG let
her eat=that she may eat. 139. 142. 161. 40, 62=zf you call upon
me, I will answer you. 46, 30. 57, 28 fear God, and believe in his
prophet, let him give (=‘that he may give ;’ or, ‘and he will give,’
viz. provided that you fear and believe) you a double portion of his
mercy. 67, 4 etc.

The instances here cited (all of which are in exact conformity with
the type Meee mp) form a welcome illustration of the Hebrew idiom.
It ought, however, to be mentioned that as a general rule in Arabic
this mood, when used literally as a ‘jussive,’ does not stand alone,
but is preceded by the particle |) 2: in the class of instances under
152.| HYPOTHETICALS. 191

discussion the need of this seems to be superseded by the presence of
the imperative, which sufficiently indicates the sense to be assigned
to the jussive following’.

152. But however this may be, the formulae in question
are of frequent occurrence. We have—

(1) The hypothetical imperative :—as Isa. 55, 2 hearken unto
me, and eat ye that which ts good: this might, of course, be a
special counsel issued on a particular occasion, but it may
have equally a more general purport, and affirm that granting
or supposing the first imperative to take effect at any time,
the second will be found to take effect also. Gen. 42, 18 do
this "MN and live: as the ving is dependent upon the dozng,
if the double imperative in English be not free from am-
biguity one of these equivalent forms may be substituted, ‘do
this ¢haz ye may live,’ or ‘if ye do this, ye shall live.’ Amos
5» 4.6 (1m, for which v. 14 nN ry10d)2, Pr. 3, 3 f. (‘and so
find,’ or ‘¢a¢ thou mayest find’). 4, 4 Am ete.; or in irony
or defiance, Isa. 8, 9 vex yourselves and be broken! cf. § 50 n.

And without 1:—Pr. 20, 13. Job 40, 32 lay thine hand
upon him, 79} “sink of the battle, MBIR"ON don’t do it again!
(i.e. thou wilt not do it again.)

(2) The same with a jussive* (or cohortativet)® in the
apodosis*:—Isa. 8, 10 (ironically) take your counsel "®N) and
let at come to nought! Prov. 3,9f. 4,8 (19, 20 yy). 20, 22”
(so Mark 11, 24 7"... w2NT). Cf. Gen. 30, 28+. 34, 12%.

And without 1:—Ex. 7, 9* ‘take thy rod and cast it to the
ground, ‘1 det zt become a serpent!’ but as this is the object
aimed at by the two preceding actions, we may also render,
that it may become. 18,19 J¥YS pow. Ps. 50, 15. 51,16 (¢ha/ my

 

1 Compare Ewald, Gramm. Arab. § 732; Wright, ii. §§ 13, 17.

2 Comp. Ps. 37, 27 (§ 65). Jer. 25, 5. 35, 15. Job 22, 21.

3 In the instances marked * or +, the presence of the voluntative is
indicated by the form.

* Compare above, §§ 62, 64 Ods., where indeed such of the instances
as relate to a definite individual act might also have been placed.
192 CHAPTER XI. [153.

tongue may sing). 118, 19. 119, 17 (=so or ¢hen shall I live,
although without 1). Pr. 3, 7f.* WH. 2 Chr. 25, 8 8 N2-DN °3
oviden wwa.. . MAX but go thou (=if thou go) ..., God
will make thee to stumble. ‘

(3) The double jussive:-—Isa. 41, 28 BS PS SIND and
suppose (#f) I looked, there was no man. Ps. ro4, 20* NYA

mon ww Woe if or when thou makest darkness, then iti is
night, Pr. 20, 25 yor (see p. 104, #. 2) let a man cry hastily,
It is sacred, and afterwards he will have to enquire into his
vows! (to see whether he can free himself from them: in v.
25> understand ‘M*). Job 22, 282*, (But cf. p. 216, 2. 4.)

And without 1:—2 Ki. 6, 27 (notice ?& in the protasis:
the sense of the passage is, however, far from certain).
Ps. 146, 4 (but « cf. p. 189, 2. 2). 147, 18. Job 10, 16 f.* 11,17
man "paz mayn suppose it dark (but cf. p. 51, ~oée), ‘twill
become like the morning. 20, 24. Cf. 2 Sa. 18, 22 mp wm
*287D] NITAYIN well, come what may, Z too will run.

(4) Once or twice only is the jussive followed by an im-
perative :—Ps. 45, 12 (with 1). Job 15, 17.

153. Lastly, some passages must be noted in which the
thought is vr/wally hypothetical; although this is in no way
indicated by its syntactical dress :—

Pr. 11, 2 "op Na sn Na lit. ‘pride Aas come and shame
goes on to come, i.e. follows it in any given case: this com-
pound general truth (§ 12) is equivalent in meaning, though
not in form, to the expliczt hypothetical construction ‘2z/ or
when pride cometh, then cometh shame’ (cf. 18, 32). So 11, 8.
25, 4 (where we must not be tempted by the English idiom to
treat 137 imperatively, as v. 8, which the following 8¥" forbids:
the zzf. abs. is here a substitute for the perfect). Job 3, 25%.
9, 20, 23, 13 + YY" TN WN and his soul desireth (a thing),
and he doeth (it). 29, 11 for the ear heard me, and it blessed

 

1 Paraphrased in A.V., R.V., by ‘and what his soul desireth, even
that be doeth.’
154, 155-| HYPOTHETICALS, 193

me (=for when the ear heard me, ¢hen it blessed me, R.V.:
A.V. does not render the ¥3)*. These passages throw light upon
Ex. 20, 25> for thou hast lifted up thy tool upon it | aponmy and
polluted it! =for ¢f thou lift up thy tool upon it, thou hast
polluted it. Cf. Ps. 39, 12 DIA . ae thou correctest and
makest (=zwzhen thou dost contest, thou makest, A. V.) his
beauty to consume away etc. Add also Ps. 37, 10> (where }
cannot be consecutive on account of the position of the tone:
contrast Pr. 3, 24). Job 7, 8b. 27, rgb.

154. Often this Aypothetical perfect, as it may be termed,
is followed by the impf. dovvdéeras (cf. p. 33): thus Amos 3, 8
a lion hath roared, who shall not be afraid? (i.e. supposing it
have roared). Job 7, 20 ‘DNDN have I sinned (repeated 35, 6
with ON: that the perfect is hypothetical is, of course, further
clear from the whole tenour of Job’s argument), what do I do
to thee? 4, 2 and 21 (after an interrog., anomalously). 19, 4
21, 31. 23, 10. 24, 24. Lev. 15, 3. Pr. 19, 24. 22, 29%: cf.
Hos. g, 6

More rarely it is succeeded by another perfect, as Pr.
24, 10. 26,15. 27, 12 (contrast 22, 3): once by an impera-
tive, 25, 16.

155. Only very seldom do we meet with what seems like
one of the hypothetical constructions noticed above, with the
omission of the conditional particle :—Josh. 22, 18. Neh. 1, 8;
Isa. 26, 10 (§ 136 y); Lev. 10, 19 ‘ADDN and had I eaten,

 

1 The difficult passage Job 22, 29 cited here in my previous editions
(For they are depressed, 7183 ‘)Nihy and thou sayest, Up!=if they are
depressed, thou art quickly reassused), I am inclined now, on account
of the doubtful meaning which this construction assigns to 71x32, to
take with Hitzig, ‘When they have humbled thee (cf. Pr. 25, 7), and thou
sayest (=complainest), Pride, he will save him that is lowly of eyes’ (i.e.
thyself),—if thou art humble, God will defend thee, when the proud
seek to bring thee down: cf. Dan. 4, 34.

2 Pr. 6, 22. Nah. 1, 12” the first pf. is connected with what precedes

by the weak waw (as Ps. 37, 10).
0.
194 CHAPTER XI. [x55.

would it be good in the eyes of Yahweh? Nu. 12, 14 (cf.
§ 144).

Obs. Whether it is permissible to explain Hos. 8, 12. Ps. 40, 6 by
means of the principle of § 152 is doubtful, as nowhere does the Af
appear in the apodosis. The sequence in Isa. 58, 10 (which is passed
over too lightly by the commentators) is no less unique: still, if Pr.
31, 6 f. Mic. 6, 14 (with x51 and impf. in apod.) can be referred rightly
to § 152. 2 and 3 respectively, they may perhaps justify its being treated
similarly.
APPENDIX I.

The Circumstantial Clause.

156. Tue term circumstantial, or, as the German word! is
sometimes though perhaps less expressively rendered, descrip-
tive clause, is one which constantly meets the student in the
commentaries and grammars of modern scholars: and formu-
lating as it does a characteristic usage of the language, its
introduction has been of great service in the rational exposition
of Hebrew syntax. It corresponds on the whole to what
in the classical languages is generally termed the secondary
predicate. Any word or words expressive of some fact sudbor-
dinate to the main course of the narrative, or descriptive of
some circumstance attaching or appertaining to the action
denoted by the principal verb, may form a circumstantial
clause or secondary predicate: an adverb, a genitive or
ablative absolute, a participle or other word in apposition to
the subject—all of which gualz/y the main action by assigning
the concomzlant condztvons under which it took place, be they
modal, causal, or temporal—are familiar instances. But
Hebrew has no signs for cases, no past or future participle,
a limited development of adverbs or adjectives, and is weak
in special words corresponding to conjunctions like os, émet,
quum etc.: in what way, then, is it able to give expression to

 

1 Zustandsatz, also Umstandsatz. With the whole of what follows
compare generally Ewald, §§ 306°, 341, who, however, seems disposed
to extend the principle of the circumstantial clause beyond legitimate
limits, to cases where its application becomes unreal.

02
196 APPENDIX I. [157-

these subordinate details, which, although secondary, form still
such an important factor in all continued narrative?

157. Already in the preceding pages, while considering
the various mutual relations to one another of the different
clauses which together constitute a complete sentence, we
have more than once had occasion to notice how in Hebrew,
to a much greater extent than in many other languages, these
relations take the form of simple co-ordination: in other
words, that, instead of the logical relation which each part
bears to the whole being explicitly indicated, it is frequently
left to be inferred by the reader for himself with just such
help as he may be able to obtain from a change of position,
or an alteration in the modulation of the voice. Now a
similar method is employed for the expression of those cir-
cumstantial clauses which modern idiom usually marks more
distinctly’. ‘The words expressing them are simply ¢hrown
into the sentence, being either entirely disconnected with what
precedes or joined to it only by }—with a change, however,
of the usual order of the words, whereby the construction
with *1, expressive of the smooth and unbroken succession
of events one after another, is naturally abandoned, as being
alien to the relation that has now to be represented, and the
subject of the circumstantial clause placed first. In conse-
quence of the subject thus standing conspicuously in the
foreground, the reader’s attention is suddenly arrested, and
directed pointedly to it: he is thus made aware that it is
the writer’s wish to lay special stress upon it as about to be
contrasted, in respect of the predicate following, either with

 

1 Tn early Greek we not unfrequently observe the same phenomenon :
thus Il. vi. 148 gapos 8 émyiyverar pn, which is logically subordinate
to the preceding clause dAAa 5€ 6 bAn TydrcOdwoa pve, of which it
determines the moment of occurrence: grammatically, however, it is
co-ordinated with it. So xiv. 417. xvi. 825. xvii. 302 puvuvOddi0s BE of
aiwy “Endero (0°) ABP NIM), 572. xviii. 247f. xxi. 364. xxii. 27 dpl-
(nAor 8€ oi airyal Paivovrar, his beams shining brightly.
158, 159.] THE CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSE. 197

some other subject mentioned before, or else with the same
subject under a different aspect (i.e. with a different predicate)
previously mentioned or implied. The. contrast may at times
be less perceptible, and so possibly be thought not to exist:
but this is no more than happens with pey... d¢ in Greek,
which always mark an antithesis of some sort or other, how-
ever evanescent it may sometimes appear. For instance,
t Ki. 19, 19 ‘and he went thence and found Elisha, Wh 817}
and he (was) ploughing :’ this is equivalent to ‘ while he was
ploughing,’ where it will be observed that the italics for he
are abandoned: so soon as the circumstantial clause is ex-
pressed by a conjunction, there is not generally any further
need to emphasize the subject, the particular relation which
the emphasis was intended to bring out being now repre-
sented sufficiently by the connecting particle.

As to the verb (if there be one) following the subject, it
will naturally fall into the pf., impf., or partcp., according to
the character of the circumstance to be described and its
relation in point of time to the action denoted by the verb
in the primary sentence.

158. In the translation of circumstantial clauses there is
considerable scope for variety. Sometimes the 1 may be
rendered most simply and naturally azd—the subordinate
position of the fact thus introduced being manifest from the
sense of the passage; but at other times it will be better,
precisely as in the case of the participle in Greek or Latin,
to make the meaning more evident by the adoption of some
circumlocution such as 2/, when, although, as, since, etc., as
the context requires.

159. Let us first consider some instances in which the con-
junction appears :—Gen. 18, 12 [Pt ‘081 and my lord zs old
=my lord being old. 16. 18 WN YT DANIAN see’ng that (A.V.)
Abraham etc. 19, 1. 24, 56 "STE DOM MIM and (=since)
Yahweh hath prospered my journey. 28, 12 Y'22 ‘WN the
top thereof reaching to heaven. Nu. 16, 11> sence or for what
198 APPENDIX I. [159.

are we...? (justifying ” by: so Ex. 16, 7). 24, 18 Sse
bm mby while that Israel doeth valiantly. Dt. 4, 11 (cf. Jud.
8, 11), 28, 32 M8 PI. 32, 31 and our enemies are judges
(i.e. our own enemies admiffing it). Ruth 1, 21 why call ye
me Naomi '2 73Y Tin" when or seeng Yahweh hath testified
against me? Josh. 3, 14 DNDN ¢he priests beng before the
people. 15 (may be most conveniently placed in a paren-
thesis: LXX 6 8€ ’lopSdyns émAnpoiro’ Sé being used as Thuc.
i. 93. 4 tmapero Sé x. 7.X,, Or as in the phrases onpetov dé dpAov
dé i. ir. 2 etc.) 8, 11> (cf. 1 Sa. 17, 3). Ps. 35, 5%. 6>. Hos.
6, 4% and=since (or for, A.V.). Job 33, 19 Qré while or
though the multitude of his bones is in vigour.

Gen. 11, 4 pyoya WN =A its top in the heavens. 24, 10
al. $P2...=wzth... in his hand. 25, 26 WY APYa Ne Hy
=with his hand taking holdetc. 44, 26 WAN 39% O27 2IN),
Dt. 9, 15>. Isa. 35, 10. 43, 8 w DV although they have
eyes. 60, 11 DN nmadnr. Ps. 28, 3 nana AYN wale or
though mischief is in their hearts. 55, 22%. 64, 7. Pr. 3, 28
STAN WM 7 being by thee. 12, 9. 15, 16.

A circumstantial clause begins but seldom with any word
other than the subject, unless it be one adapted for, or de-
manding, a prominent position: Dt. 19, 6 mip"DawD pK y
whereas..., A.V. Josh. 22, 25. 2 Sa. 13, 18 DYDD nan3 myn.
16, 1 om> ony omdyy. 2 Ki. ro, 2 oom. Isa. 3, 7. 6, 6
i. 23, 15 Del. nnawn (ptcp.* cf. Ez. 9, 8, p. go #.). Amos
4,7. Ps. 60, 13; and with the emphatic word xd, 1 Sa. 20, 2
sore ns by Ndi without disclosing it to me. Isa. 45, 4. 5 when
or though thou didst not know me. Ps. 44, 18 though we had
not forgotten him. 139, 16. Job 9, 5. 24, 22 JM }ON' xd)
while (or though) despairing of life. 42, 3 ‘hough I understood

 

' Taken by some (e. g. Dillm., Stade, § 410%, Anm. 1) as an irregular
perf. However, if nm2w21-were the first statement introduced by
Nim DI iM, the second (... pp) would naturally be introduced
by 1, which is not the case.
160.] THE CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSE. 199

not. Often also in such phrases as box Psi Ps. 7, 3 al.
PIN? PS! wethout any to frighten Lev. 26, 6 al. VAP 8 2 Ki.
9, 10. Pr. 28, 1 475 PN. Qoh. 4, 8 3Y PR wethoul a second.

160. The most instructive and noticeable instances, how-
ever, are those in which a personal pronoun forms the subject
of the circumstantial clause: where this is the case, it is often
even more impracticable than before to elicit a suitable or
intelligible meaning without resolving the Hebrew idiom into
some relatival or participial construction. Thus Gen. 15, 2
what wilt thou give me, ""y son ‘DINI= seeeng I go. hence
childless? 18, 8 pmby spy xim—as he was standing beside
them, 27 TBNI TAY '29Ni=/hough I am dust and ashes. 20, 3
bya ndya NiN=/or she is married to a husband. 24, 31
why dost thou stand without, "n’3p ‘33N\=when I have pre-
pared the house? 62 2Y* NM as or for he was dwelling
(assigning a reason, entirely different from wa 25, 11, where
the °) introduces a new and independent statement). 37, 2
=y3 SIM) he being a lad (while yet a lad, LXX dy véos). Ex. 23, 9
pnyt’ on) for_ye know. 33, 12 thou sayest to me, Bring up
this people, snytin ND ANN) zw2thout having told me etc. Josh.
17, 14 why hast thou given me only a single lot, 27 oy 1m
seeing 1 am a great people? (cf. 1 Sa. 18, 23). Jud. 3, 26 and
Ehud escaped 72 81) he having passed over etc. (not the
mere addition of a fresh fact like 729", but the justification
of the preceding 89%3). 4, 21 DTW NN (pf.) Ze having fallen
fast asleep. 16, 31 after having judged. 1 Ki. 1, 41 bp on)
they having finished. 2 Ki. g, 18. Isa. 49, 21 ANON ADS "IN.
53, 4 INIwWN wNINI alfhough we (mistakenly) deemed him
stricken, smitten of God, and afflicted (viz. as a judgment
for his own sins). 7 7332 83) &2) (where the unemphatic ‘ and
he was afflicted’ is obviously an insufficient rendering of
mayo Nim): the words must signify either * he beng (already)
afflicted, or (Delitzsch, Dillm.; cf. R.V.) ‘though suffering
himself to be afflicted,’ ‘though he humbled himself’ (cf. Ex.
200 APPENDIX I. [160.

10, 3): only in this way is a contrast with wa secured). 12
Nw)... NIM Zhough he bare’. Hos. 3, 1 although they turn.
Ps. 50, 17 (in contrast to v.16). 55, 22» MAND NOM being (in
reality) drawn swords. Job 21, 22 DIBW* ODT NIN while or
when ue judges those that are on high. 22, 18 when HE (of
whom they had used the language quoted in v. 17) had all
the time filled their houses with prosperity.

Obs. It must not, however, be supposed that a// sentences framed
like oN 51xw) are circumstantial clauses: emphasis or the love of
variety causes sometimes this form to be adopted in preference to 1x”)
bixw; especially noticeable are those cases where, when statements
have to be made respecting /wo subjects, the first having been intro-
duced by +3, the second is thrown into relief against the first by he
subject being placed before the verb. This variation is the Hebrew
equivalent to pév... 3% of the Greeks: in English the antithesis is
not indicated by anything further than a slightly emphasized pro-
nunciation.

Thus Gen. 4, 2 And Abel was (or rather became—77 is éyéyvero,
“yiyvera: much more than jy, éo7l) a shepherd, mm 7p) but Cain was
(became and continued to be) a tiller of ground. 3f. 6,8. 8,5. 10,8.
13. 15 (facts about the personages named v. 6, and so contrasted among
each other). 11, 3%. 13,12. 18, 33.

Similarly when something has to be stated about a ew subject, that
subject is sometimes put first, though by no means exclusively, as Gen.
II, 12. 14 (contrast 13. 15), but in the exactly similar sentences 16. 18
etc. we have -1: then 27? 1517 yom. 13, 14. 14, 18 etc.

A third case in which the same order of words is observed is for
the purpose of introducing the mention of a new state of things, or
new situation, which, while preparatory to what is to succeed, is in no
immediate connexion with the preceding portion of the narrative.
Those instances in which the fresh fact is one that is azterior to the
point at which the main narrative has arrived, have been already
adverted to and explained p. 84, where also an obvious reason was
assigned for the abandonment upon such occasions of the more usual
construction with +1. Although, however, the new statement is intro-

 

* Not ‘and he bare’ (A.V.), which must have been xiv): the point
is that he was numbered with transgressors, although actually so far
from being one himself that he had even borne the sin of others.
160. ] THE CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSE. 201

ductory, and accordingly in a certain sense subordinate, to what follows,
yet the subordination is not sufficient to create a formal circumstantial
clause ; moreover, the clause in question precedes instead of following
the sentence it is supposed to qualify: in fact the change of form
merely marks the commencement of a new thread which is afterwards
interwoven with the narrative as a whole. The deviation from the
usual style of progression, and also the significance of the new one
adopted in its place, may be appropriately indicated in translation by
the employment of zow. Thus, in addition to the passages cited
p. 84, see Gen. 16, 1 ow Sarai, Abram’s wife, had borne him no
son (contrast 11, 30). 37, 3 zow Israel loved. 39, 1. 43, 1. Ex. 13, 21.
Josh. 13, 1.

The preceding remarks apply with no less force to those cases in
which the subject is a pronoun, to sentences, for example, of a type so
common in the Psalms, beginning with »3x1, nx etc. Although, in
thus inserting the pronoun, it is always the intention of the writer to
mark it as being in some way specially emphatic—either as denoting
a different subject, which is to be contrasted with a previous one, or as
introducing a fresh and emphatic statement about the same subject—
yet the clause in which it appears need not of necessity be sabordinate
to what has preceded: its importance may render it Zavadlel and co-
ordinate, and in this case it cannot, of course, be regarded as a circum-
stantial clause. Thus Gen. 33, 3 4e himself (in opposition to the
persons named v, 2). 42, 8 (‘but they’). 23 LXX atroi 88 ote Fdecar
bre dover (90 was hearing) *Iwonp. 49, 19° (a fresh thought in con-
trast to 19%), 20> (pointing back emphatically to the subject 1wx).
Jud. 4, 3. 13, 5 (and Ae—however others may fail—will etc.: cf. Gen.
16,12. Matth. 1, 21 atrés ydp owoe «#.7.A.). 18, 27. i Ki. 1,13 he
(and no one else: so vv. 24. 30. 35). 2, 8. 19,4 (opposed to 13).
Isa. 1, 2 D711 (sons!). Ps. 2, 6 but Z (however ye may rage). 5, 8. 9, 9.
13, 6. 31, 7° (in contrast to D’IOWT). 15. 23. 37, 5- 106, 43 110" TOM
but zey (nevertheless, in spite of n5’y*) kept rebelling.

The presence of the pronoun should always be noted in Hebrew,
though it is sometimes difficult, without a careful study of the context,
to discern the motive which prompted its insertion: let the reader
examine for himself, with the view to discover in each instance what
the motive may have been, the following passages :—Gen. 41, 15. Ex.
28, 5. Jud. 11, 35. 2 Sa. 19, 33 (see 17, 27). I Ki. 22,32. 2 Ki. 4, 4o.
12, 6. 19, 37. Ps. 109, 25. Isa. 24, 147.

 

1 The pronoun is also expressed sometimes (as one of my reviewers
has pointed out) in vesgonses, where although no special stress rests
202 APPENDIX I, [16r.

In the same way sentences introduced by 7377} form in general such
an integral part of the narrative that they can hardly with fairness
be termed circumstantial clauses: certainly they often indicate a state
of things either already completed (4/), continuing (favt.), or about to
commence (zmf.), but the manner of their introduction by the particle
mam, and their occurrence usually after some verb of seedug, ascertaining,
perceiving, shews that the stress lies not so much on the mere circum-
stance as such, but on ¢he impression it produces upon the principal
subject. The construction with 739 is preferred to that with -1 for two
reasons: I, to mark the occurrence of an event more or less startling
or noticeable for the subject; 2. to indicate with greater precision than
is possible by -1 alone the relation as regards time of the new event to
what precedes it in the sentence—whether, for instance, it is antecedent
or simultaneous.

Thus Gen. 8, 13 and he looked and behold the face of the ground
yann had become dry (LXX éfédume’ had the writer used 11m", the
meaning would have been ambiguous, as the drying would have been
naturally supposed to succeed the act of looking). 37, 7. 9 (observe the
variations of tense). 42, 27. Dt. 9, 13 I see this people, avd behold it is
a stiff-necked people. Jud. 3, 25. 2 Ki. 2, 11 and often.

161. But clauses expressing a subordinate thought occur
also without 1: thus (1) Gen. 12, 8 and pitched his tent there
DIpPd *yn) oD bx-nea Bethel being on the west etc. 1 Sa. 26,
13 O72 open 34; and in such phrases as D°3 >Y DN Gen.
32,125 DNB OW OB 32, 3x5 ME NY Nu. r4, 14; THY 7B
with one mouth Josh. 9, 2. 1 Ki. 22, 13; bina ip wth a loud
voice 1 Ki. 8,55; "21 43 with a slack hand Pr. 10, 4;
sins paw Zeph. 3,9; Dt.5, 5 WY ‘DIN me sfanie. Isa. 26, 16

 

upon it, a slight prominence is evidently not unsuitable, as Jud. 6, 18.
11,9: add 2Sa. 3,13. 1 Ki. 2, 18.

I take this opportunity of putting together some passages in which
the pronoun (emphatic) follows the verb: Ex. 18, 19. 22. 26. Jud. 8, 23.
15,12. 1Sa.17, 56. 20,8. 22,18. 23, 22 NIM Oy? DI 7D (so Ex. 4,
14). 2 Sa. 12, 28 028 7998 [D. 17,15 72N NBy?. Isa. 20,6 (so 2 Ki.
10, 4). 43, 26. Jer. 15, 19. 17, 18 (so Ps. 109, 28). 21,5 (so Lev. 20, 5.
26, 32). Ez. 16,60. 62, Dt. 5, 24. But in the /a¢e Heb. of Qohéleth, »2x
is often so used with hardly any emphasis, merely to mark the stages in
the guthor’s meditations (as 1,16. 2,41. 11, 12.13. 15.18. 20): cf. Del.
p. 207, or C. H. H. Wright, Zcclesiastes, p. 488 f.
161.] THE CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSE, 203

ind 5 pM when thy chastisement is towards them. 60, g. Ps.
32, 8 I will give counsel »»y pby with mine eye upon thee.
64, 9 and they (indef.") made each (of them) [=they were
made, cf. 63, 11 WP] to stumble, n»wd wy their own
tongue eng against them. Job 20, 25 (Hitz. Del.; Dillm.).
(2) With a participial determination of the subject? as
the secondary predicate: Nu. 16, 27 D°2¥2 38¥) came forth
stationed (or so as to be* stationed). Jud. 1, 7. 8, 4 (cf. Ex. 26,
5>). Isa. 33, 1 TW OND lit. when thou finishest as a de-
vastator. 36, 22 came O12 "yp lit. as men torn of garments.
Jer. 2, 27. 17, 25 D227... IND shall enter reading (accus.).
23, 5 5 18 bn and sta reign as king (cf. 37, 1). 17. 41, 6.
43, 2. Ps. 7, 3. 78, 4 etc.; and preceding the verb, Gen. 49, 11.
Ex. 13, 18 by owom. Isa. 57, 19 creating the fruit of the:
lips, ‘ Peace, peace,’ saith Yahweh etc. (i.e. as one who gives
human lips the occasion to praise him, Yahweh now promises
peace to Israel). Ps. 10, ro Kt. (MDT). 56, 2. 92, 14 LXX
nmepurevpevor .. . eEavOnoovaw. Pr. 20, 14> Del. Ez. 36, 35%.
(3) The same principle with substantives or adjectives:
Gen. 37, 35 bay ... TIS I shall go down... as one mourning.
Lev. 20, 20 nwo) ny. Dt. 4, 27 WADI Nt ONIN ye shall
be left as few in number. 9, 3 N5d& WR. Ru.1, 21 nxdn. 1Sa. 2,
18 yI. 33 OWIN IND shall die as men (but LXX D'W3x s3n3,
probably rightly). 3, 2 ning AT lit. began as dim ones=
began to be dim (unusual: cf. above, Isa. 33,1). 2 Sa. 19,
21 WN OY ‘nN. I am come this day as a first one etc. Job

 

1 From the Semitic point of view 0’5»w3:0N: see the writer’s note on
1Sa.16,4; Ges.-Kautzsch, § 144. 34 Rem.

2 Which we should regard instinctively as in affosition with the
subj. : inasmuch as Arabic, however, in (2) and (3), not less than in (1),
would employ regularly the accusative (defining the staze of the subj. or
obj., whilst the act is taking place: Wright, ii. pp. 123, 125, 129, 213,
ed. 2), no doubt the instances in Hebrew should be conceived as im-
‘plicitly in the same case: cf. Del. on Hab. 2,15; Aug. Miiller, § 415
(who cites also Gen. 9, 20); Ewald, § 279; Ges.-K., §§ 118. 5 ; 120. 1%.

5 Cf. Qor. 4, 18, and Del. on Ps. 68, 31 (text and sense doubtful).
204 APPENDIX 1. [ 161.

15, 7 TA DIN NWN lit. wast thou as a first one born (to
be) a man? (accus. of product, Ges.-K. § 121. 2 Rem. 1). 19,
25 op’ py dy pins) and as one coming after me (and so able
to vindicate my innocence) shall he stand up upon the dust.
24, 5 IN¥" DNB go forth as wild asses. roP 7Dy NWI DYN.
27, 19. 31, 26 son sp mm and the moon moving as a bright
one (=brightly). 41, 7 shut up together "¥ ONIN as a close
seal. Isa. 21,8 AN NIP’ and he cried as a lion. 22, 18 WI.
24, 22 shall be gathered with a gathering BN as captives’.
65, 20 the youth shall die maw AND j3 when a hundred years
old (cf. Gen. 17, 12). Ps. 11, 1 We¥? Similarly 2 Ki. 5, 2
Dewi NY DIN went forth as marauding bands. Jer. 31, 8
mon yaw Syqa Sap shall return hither as a great company (cf.
1 Ki. 8,65). Zech. 2, 8 odyv awn mm shall sit (poet. =be
inhabited) as open villages®.

Oés. 1. This construction of the ptcp. is not so frequent as might be
expected, in one large class of cases its place being filled by the ‘ gerun-
dial’ inf. :— xb =A€yor (but Arab. KE as one saying,—accus.). Only
very seldom when standing alone is it preceded by 1: 2 Sa. 13, 20. 1 Ki.
7,7. Hab. 2,10. Ps. 55, 20 (on 22, 29, see § 135. 6).

Oés. 2. Still rarer is the use of the participle to describe the con-
temporaneous condition of the odject of a verb or preposition: see,
however, I Chr. 12,1 v1¥y Tay apy. 2 Ki. ro, 6 oI. 19,2 79w
mponn.... Neh.6,17. In such cases (except after words like 184,
pow, wr, as Ex. 2, 11. 5, 20 (cf. 19). 14,9. 23,4) it is usual to prefix
the pronoun (§ 160).

The ptep. is found referring to a genitive, Gen. 3, 8 Joann "> dip
the sound of Yahweh (lit.) as (or whz/e) waiking (accus.) in the garden.
4,12. Cant. 5,2 Pp17 117 2p (comp. Del. on these passages), and similarly
elsewhere ; also (though this is of an exceptional character) Jer. 44, 26

 

+ But PORT FDR (Weir), or vDX NDDR would be more usual (Is.
33,4; Lev. 26, 36. Is. 45, 17. Jer. 22, 19. 30, 14. Ez. 16, 38. 22, 20).

? Unless 1}b¥ 1192 17 should be here read.

® See parallels in Arabic to several of the above examples in Wright,
lc. §§ 44° (with the Remarks), 74. Strictly, also, the predicate after
mi should be conceived (like that of 7 aS) as an accus., 1y2 mn, for
instance, signifying properly ‘existed as a youth’ =Engl. cae a youth.’
162, 163. | THE CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSE, 205

VOIR TTT Wr OD pat: and to a suffix, 1 Ki. 14,6 ma. Ps. 69, 4 as
I wait (LXX ingeniously br [and so Targ.], as 58, 6 D2mN). Job
25,23; cf. Ps. 107, 5. Job 9, 4. 26, 7-9 (to 1723, uv. 6). Isa. 44, 20.
(Comp. Ewald, Gramm. Arab, ii. pp. 47, 267 bottom.)

162. Now suppose the idea expressed by the participle
has to be negatived, how is this accomplished? xb is not used
with the ptcp. except on the rarest occasions: x, involving
the addition of the pron. suffix, would be here too periphrastic
to be suitable: nothing remains, therefore, but to have
recourse to the finzie verb, either tense being chosen, as the
sense may demand *.

Thus Lev. 1, 17 yay xb without dividing it. Ps. 17, 3. 26,
1 (cf. § 34 end). Job 8, 12 FOP xd iN why without being
plucked off*. 29, 24 0x" Nb when or if they lacked confi-
dence. 31, 34 MIND NYN"N? DW =n0f going out. Also in Nd
yy, Yn NX> without his or thy knowing, i.e. unexpectedly,
Isa. 47, 11>. Ps. 35, 8. Pr. 5, 6: cf. with 1, § 159 end.

The gerfect used similarly affords the only means by which
our past partcp. active can be represented in Hebrew: Gen.
44, 4 pan Nd (subordinate to VYA NN IN) wethoul having
gone far. Ex. 34, 28. Lev. 13, 23 mnwp x without having
spread. Nu. 30, 12 xn Nd. Dt. 21, 1 2 mot being known.
Job 9, 25°.

163. But the same use of the verb dovvdéras is likewise
found even where there is no negative :—

 

1 Cf. 2Sa. 12,21 9m 15° a1Aaya on account of the lad whz/ alive
[comp. Jer. 14, 4 because of the earth (which) is dismayed (pf.)]. 18, 14
‘moatiy Dowarx aba LXX er abrod (Gyros.

2 It negatives it as an adtrébutdve, Jer. 2,2 MyINt Nd. 18, 15 (so7d2
2Sa.1,21. Hos.7,8); as a predicate, 4,22. 2 Sa. 3,34. Ps. 38,15. Job
12, 37928 D1) Nd (more pointed than 551) *228; cf. Ex. 4,10: Ewald,
§ 320°), Ez. 4,14. 22,24. Dt. 28, 61 (+a Ps. 19, 4), and very anoma-
lously Nu. 35, 23. Zeph. 3, 5. 1 Ki. 10, 21.

3 Even as an attributive, the ptcp. must be cos¢znued by the finite verb,
if a negative is involved: Ps. 78, 39. Ex. 34, 7.

* Cf. Nu. 11, 33 nv.° 079 (the construction of the entire verse is
similar).
206 APPENDIX I, [ 163.

Gen. 21, 14 and gave it to Hagar, DY having placed it on
her shoulder. 44, 12 on LXX excellently dpéduevos. 48, 14.
Dt. 33, 21>. Josh. 11, 12. Jud. 6, 19 DY. 20, 31 IPNIN. 1 Ki. 7,
gr 0) qh) oan nx... NI" and he brought in the vessels...,
placing them etc. 11, 27. 13, 18 (Wevodpevos air). 18, 6 (cf.
Nu. 11, 32). Isa. 29, 13 (notice the accents, comparing p. 106,
n. 3). Jer. 20,15; Ps.7, 7. 57,4 900, 71, 3- 119,126 NBO
nn (reason for 1264).

And in the impf. expressing sometimes concomitance,
sometimes a consequence :—Ex. 8, 5>. 7». Nu. 14, 3 so thal
or whzle our children will be a prey. Isa. 5, 11 whee wine
enflameth them. 27, 9 1}p' xd. 60, 11 YD" nd. Jer. 4, 7».
30 beautifying thyself in vain. 13, 16 Kt. nw. 15, 19. 16, 6
etc. Ps. 103, 5. Job 11, 18. 30, 28 SAWN Dn. ‘AP surrexi
in contione Jamentaturus*, Del.

Obs. Add also the dovvdera, Num. 21, 30 yaw Tax OVI. Ez.
17, 4". 19, 3. 5.6.12. Job 16, 8°; with an impf. 1 Sa. 13,17. 18, 5
Ssowr... 717 NB N=went forth ..., doing wisely. Isa, 42, 14 (cf. § 34
end). Jer. 15,6 °29N VNR. ..°nk AWD) AX. Ps. 50, 20 PIRI IWN
natn. Job 30, 22 722797n Mm 5x vNWwN; in the future, Ez. 5, 2
mon...nmpo. 24, 11 Onn. Isa. 3, 26° tawn pry> mp2) =and she
shall be emptied, szé¢imgy on the ground. 29, 4 *127N yINXd nopwi;
and, where the first verb is a subsidiary one, 1 Sa. 20, 19 IND TIN ADD)
(read tppn shalt be missed with LXX: 11p is not an idea that would
be qualified by 1N2). 20 (if LXX WN for nw5w be correct).

Occasionally the impf. is subordinated to a previous verb with a syn-
tactical freedom better known in Arabic or Syriac: Isa. 42, 21 77
were min aa... por Yahweh was pleased ... that he should
make the teaching great and glorious. Job 19, 3 1797N wan Kd
> (.y92mN). 32, 22 T22N NYT? NY=I know not how éo give flattering
titles. Lam. 4, 14 193) 1529? N) they are unable fo touch (cf. Nu. 22, 6).
Is. 47, P= 5" 79 NIP? *DYDIN NK} (Wright, ii. § 84: Matth. 8, 28 Pesh.

 

1 Cf, 16, 8° T)y>12pa wD 32 OP and my leanness riseth up against
me, that zt may answer (or answering) in my face. 24, 14. Ps. 88, 11.
102, 14, likewise (as Del. remarks) after Dp. Comp. the Arabic usage,
Wright, ii. § 84°, and below, p. 244, towards the bottom.
164,165.| ZHE CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSE. 207

such that no man ;4S3 wae = ray? $915 Luke 18, 13 Joo IS; y
pots; lis? U? wf II know not Aow to build, cited by Néldcke,
Syr. Gramm. § 267: but more commonly with 9): Hebrew, in such
cases (except when it throws the two verbs into the same tense, Hos. 1, 6.
5,11. 6,4. 9,9. Jer. 13,18), prefers almost invariably the infinitive.
Peculiar also is the union by 1 in Gen. 30, 24 (.1). 47, 6 (cf. Job 23, 3
knew so ‘hat I might find him). Ct. 2, 3. Esth. 8, 6 (consec., p. 130).

164. The secondary predicate is often expressed by a
short clause consisting of }*%, xd, D2, followed by a subst.,
which may be attached to either a subst. or a verb: so for
instance the phrase BDID [S$ wethout number, Joel 1, 6 al.
(with } Ps. 104, 25. 105, 34: cf. 72,12. Job gs, 9, and xdy 29,
12); Gen. 31, 50. Ex, 21, 11 *9}DD JN. 1 Ki. 22, 1 they con-
tinued three years nonb px. Isa. 47, 1 NBD PS. Hos. 7, rr
3 PY ANID ND, Ps, 88, 5 like a man DN PN wethou/ strength.
Pr, 25, 28 ADIN PRAID Wy. Lam. 5,3 Kt. Job 8, rz. 24, 10
naked, they walk up and down (Pi‘el) waa ”P3 without cover-
ing. 33, 9. 34, 6 (cf. Ps. 59, 5). 24 PN NS oa3 yi) he
breaketh in pieces the mighty zw7thout tnguisttion; 12,24 N32
mI xd in the pathless waste. 26, 2 WND yi} the arm without
strength. 38, 268 wenn prxby syynnd. 2 Sa. 23,4 morning
niay ND without clouds (or, idiomatically, @ cloudless morning).
This use of a and x, however, is confined to poetry, except
in 1 Chr. 2, 30. 32 oa Nd nD (Ewald, § 2868).

Obs. +413 and xa are met with occasionally in prose (as well as
poetry), but not pra (often in Prov.): pri is, however, more common

than yx alone. The Chronicler has several times qx (d the condition
of! no...= without), but in a manner peculiar to himself.

165. In almost all the preceding examples, the circum-
stantial clause has been appended to the principal sentence :
we have, however, already met with a few instances in which
a participial clause was prefixed (§ 161), and we shall soon

 

1 The 5 of norm or state, as in m5, etc.: Ewald, § 2174.
208 APPENDIX I. [165.

find that such a position is by no means uncommon, or con-
fined to the participle alone.

If we compare a sentence such as 1 Ki. 13, 20 with one
like v. 23, we shall at once see that the participial clause
n’av? OF in the former is, in position and force, the precise
counterpart of the adverbial clause ’%) iPD8 ‘ITN in the latter ;
and that like it, it notifies a circumstance strictly subordinate
to the main narrative, in a manner exactly reproducible in
Greek by the use of the gen. abs. (LXX kal éyévero adtav
xaOynpévwy «.7.d.). The participle as thus used is frequent,
especially in the historical books: from the analogy of the
corresponding expressions in the classical languages, it may
be appropriately termed she participle absolute’.

Thus Gen. 42, 35 and it came to pass, D9") OD as they
were emptying their sacks, that they found etc. 2 Ki. 2, 11
Joma... odin npn tam. 8, 5 LXX avrod eEnyoupevov. If
it is required to express pas? time, the perfect naturally takes
the place of the participle :—Gen. 27, 30 and it came to pass,
apy! N¥ NY YN Jacob having only just gone out, that Esau
his brother came in. Josh. 4, 18 3pm. 2 Ki. 12, 7. And
add Gen. 15, 17 MNS wowA ‘ny, a passage in which the
perfect makes it evident (quite apart from considerations of
gender) that *n) must not be taken closely with wown: rather
‘and it came to pass, ¢he sun having gone down.’ Compare
also Gen. 24, 15. 2 Ki. 8, 21 apy nb DOP Nin 2 20, 4.
Jer. 37, 13. 1 Chr. 15, 29.

Obs. It should, however, be noted that in several of the passages last
cited, the accents closely unite *m°) to the word following, so that at
least by the punctuators they were probably understood differently: thus
Gen. 24, 15 NTA. 2 Ki. 8, 21 (like 212 *n) Gen. 4, 17). 20, 4
and Isaiah was—he had not gone out etc. (cf. Isa. 22,7 and there were
thy choicest valleys—they were filled with chariots). Cf. § 121. Obs. z.

 

1 Cf. p. 147 mote, and § 126.
? Tn the parallel, 2 Chr. 21,9 x17 is omitted, and the passage can only
be naturally understood according to § 135.5.
‘ 166-168. | THE CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSE. 209

The analogous construction in the future is found Josh.
22,18. 1 Ki. 18, 12.

166. In the passages cited the participle clearly consti-
tutes a circumstantial clause. The instances in which no
1) precedes, such as 1 Ki. 14,17 no yan) ANZ NI, or Gen.
44,3 andy DVN) mis span, stand upon a different footing.
Here the temporal clause is no longer sudordinate to the
main description (Wid np} ANID WI): it is parallel to it,
and co-ordinate. As a rule, it is true, a time-determination
takes a secondary position; but where it is desired to confer
some additional vividness upon the description, instead of
being treated as a passing detail, it is made a prominent and
independent feature in the picture.

167. In fact, it may be observed, even in the classical
languages, that time-determinations do not always occupy
a subordinate position: in graphic or elevated writing par-
ticularly they are often placed on one and the same level
with the rest of the narrative. A few instances are worth
citing :—Il. xix. 1-3. Dem. de cor. § 218 éomépa ev yap iy, fixe
& dyyéAkov tis as rods mpurdvers os *EAdreca KateiAnmra’ how
much fuller and richer the picture, than if the orator had
simply said, éomépas yap jjev dyyéAdov ms «.7.2., or employed
a word like émedy! Soph. Phil. 354 ff. qv & jjyap #dy Sevrepov
mréovri po Kay mexpdv Siyetov olpia mAdry Karnyduny. Thuc.
1. 0. 6 #On 8 iv ype kai ememardmoro avrois as és érirAovy Kal of
Kopiv6tor e€arivns mpipvav éxpovorro’ iv. 69. 3. Hadt. iii. 108 end.
iv. E81. 8 pecapBpin ré dort, Kat 7d Kdpra yiyverar Wuxpdy, ‘it is
noon, and the water becomes quite cold.’ 6 wapépxovrai re
péoa voxres kal yoxerar péxpe és 7. Liv. xliii. 4 ‘vixdum ad
consulem se pervenisse, ¢/ audisse oppidum expugnatum’ etc.
Verg. Georg. ii. 80 Conington, ‘nec longum tempus, e/ ingens
Exiit ad caelum ramis felicibus arbos.’ Aen. iii. 9 and
often.

168. But it will still, perhaps, be asked, If this be all, why
the peculiar form assumed in the passages in question, which

P
210 APPENDIX I. [ 169.

in others becomes even more striking still, as 1 Sa. 9, 11?
NY mai) ... D9» 194? why, if nothing more was intended
by the writer, was he not satisfied with the more simple and
obvious form 38¥%... yr? (cf. § 149 2.) The answer is
evident. Such a form, being wholly devoid of emphasis,
would not have suited his purpose. He wishes to mark as
vividly as he can the time at which a given event took place,
with reference to another event. In order to do this, he makes
the latter prominent, by e/evating it from the lower position
it commonly holds, and causing it to confront the former as
conspicuously and decidedly as the language will permit. In
the passages from the Iliad and Demosthenes this antithetical
relation is indicated by the pev. .. dé: in Hebrew it can only
be expressed by the position of the two subjects—both, con-
trary to the usual custom (at least with nouns) by which the
verb stands first, being placed in the foreground. Thus in
no 13m) ANI NN two actions belonging to afferent subjects,
in wyp mpm ody mon two actions of the same subject are
thrown into strong contrast with each other: and the special
relation which they are intended to bear to one another is
made keenly palpable.

169. We may now collect the principal passages in which
this very idiomatic and forcible construction is employed :—
Gen. 38, 25 anpy NUT] RSD NVI she was decng brought forth,
when she sent etc. (A.V.‘ when she was brought forth, she
sent,’ which though expressing the general sense of the ori-
ginal, does not bring before the mind, with equal clearness,
the picture NX¥YO NIN, upon which the writer dwells). Jud.
18, 3 9) Wn ADA ADD m3 oY ANN; and with a change of
subject, 19, 11. 1 Sa. 20, 36 AY NIM PI AIM. 2 Sa. 20, 8.
t Ki, 14, 17. 2 Ki. 2, 23. 4, 5”.

 

* Cf. Hdt. iii. 76, 2 év re 5) 7H} 65G wéon oretxovres eyivoyto, Kal Ta
epi Tpytdomea yeyovdra éruvOdvovro.
4 What are we to do with 1o, 12f, 88D NID... Dvd py Mma ai,
169. | THE CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSE. 211

We find ‘Hy in the first clause, Gen. 29, 9 Soy 12590 why
3 he was still speaking, when Rachel entered in. Nu. 1 1, 33
(hence, only varied in expression, Ps. 78, 30f.: cf. in form
also Job 8, 12...°2by... ny). 1 Kir, 22. 42 (cf. of future
time v.14). 2 Ki. 6, 33. Dan. 9, 20 f.; and 37) in the second
clause. 1 Sa.g, 14 onNp> xxi Seow mm... ON. ADA,
17, 23. Job 1, 18b-19.

If the sense demands it, a perfect may of course stand in
the first clause :—Gen. 19, 23 MAp¥ NI wndy y1nn by aw wown.
44, 3. 4 VON DM Ny’ On they had gone out of the city, and
(or when) Joseph said. Jud. 3, 24 82 POD) NYY NIN now Le
had gone out, when his servants came in. 15, 14 JY N32 NIN
newpd yn ornwday ond, 18, 22. 20, 39f. 2 Sa. 2, 24 al.;
cf. also Gen. 7, 6. 19, 4. 24, 45, and above, § 1287.

 

where the pronoun followed by the subject to which it refers is un-
paralleled? I venture to think that for x17") we ought to read nim:
the change is very slight, and would bring the passage into complete
conformity with Jud. 18, 3. 1 Sa. 9, II ete.

1 Ewald adds Jud. 7, 19. 2 Sa. 11, 4, in both places neglecting the
athnach, and supposing the second clause to be introduced exception-
ally by +1. Of 2Sam., also, he says, ‘das gav¢. dem sinne nach beinahe
schon einem fart. ferf. im Griechischen entspricht :’ but if the author
had intended to convey such an idea of past time, he would assuredly
have written m0 NT ANNNON MWIPNT NT. NwIpND x can
only be rendered ‘as (or while) she purified herself from her unclean-
ness :” compare the writer’s note ad loc.

From § 161 Ods. 2 it will be plain that the idiomatic equivalent of
kai &dWoBdrouy Tov Srépavoy émadodpevoy is NIM) ‘WON PO
wap: so Luke 4, 1 bo NIM (after JIT 7D). 35 TOIND Y-VIT ND
(§ 163). Compare the renderings in Delitzsch’s version.
APPENDIX II.
On the Use of the Fussive Form.

170. Tue use of the modal forms in Hebrew, particularly
of the jussive, presents great difficulties to the grammarian.
These difficulties would certainly in great measure vanish, if
it could be legitimately supposed that the modal forms were
destitute of any special significance, being assumed for
‘euphony’ or as ‘poetical licences’ etc., or (in the case of
the cohortative -ah) being merely ‘ paragogic ;’ that, conse-
quently, their presence might be disregarded, and the tenses
translated, if need be, in the manner of mere imperfects.
But the multitude of instances occurring in the Old Testa-
ment, in which the meaning of these forms is clear and
unambiguous, forbids such a supposition,—at least unless we
are prepared to shew that a particular author wrote incor-
rectly, or adopted some local style, or else that he lived
during a period at which the forms in question had lost’
their customary significance. We are seldom in a position
which enables us to do this: the result is, that grammarians
have been driven sometimes to the adoption of strange ex-
pedients in order to overcome the disagreement existing
between the meaning apparently forced upon them by the
form, and that which the context seems to demand.

171. Before proceeding further, however, it will be desira-
ble to give a synopsis of the passages in which the difficulty

 

1 The same suggestion is made by Olshausen, § 257%, p- 571: the
forms in question, however, occur frequently in passages which are not
so late as to make such a supposition probable.
172] ON THE USE OF THE FUSSIVE FORM. 213

is most seriously felt, including a few which, though they have
been cited elsewhere’, are still worth some reconsideration.

Ex. 22, 14 vagy! ‘2. Lev. 15, 24 1, Dt. 32, 8 I¥°. 18
wr. Isa. 12, 1 ae, 24,5 Pm IN, 42, 6 PINS). 63, 3 M. Ez.
14,7 a Hos. 6, 1 J. 11, age Joel 2, 20 Sym, Mic. 3,4
AD. Zeph. 2,13 BPN... DM, Ps. 1, 6 "bd. 12, 4 M130.
25,9 TTD. 47,4727. 38, 5 DON. 68,15 WA. 85, 14
ne), Pr. 12,26 WY. 15, 25 380. Job 13, 27 DUM. 15, 33
abe. 17,2 19D...%. 18,9 PID. 12. 20, 23 WO...
26 YR. 28 9}. 23,9 SON NOY rr SON ND, 24,14...
2g DUM. 27, 802992. 22 abe. 33, 11 DEY. a1 O38, 27 WR.
34, 29 TAD. 37 37). 36, 14 nbn, =a 38,24 PBI. 39, 26
2”. Dan. 8, v2 ben. 11, 4 POM. ro and 28 ae, 16
wy. 17 DY. 18.and 19 JEM. 25 WY. 30 13M; occasionally
also after xb (§ 50.4, Obs.).

172. The passages here collected are in many ways very
dissimilar; and the reader should examine each separately
by itself. In some, for instance, there is no reason why the
verbs should not be understood strictly as jussives: so Zeph.
2,13 (§ 50). Ps. 11, 6. 12, 4 (where there is nothing to
suggest a historical reference, above, § 84). Others, as
Lev. 15. Ez. 14 (who separates himself shat he should cherish
his idols in his heart). Lam. 3, 50. Job 24, 25, in all of which
the infin. with 5 might be substituted for the jussive and }
without appreciable alteration in sense (cf. § 64, and Job 9, 33
where, as Del. remarks, NY is equivalent in meaning to
nw), may be referred to § 62. The difficulty lies rather
with those which, as it seems, involve merely the statement
of a fact, and in which, therefore, the verb is jussive in form
only, and not in meaning. One solution here proposed is
that ‘1 is omitted, or replaced by}. This is adopted by Ewald,

 

1 Cf. §§ 504, 58, 84, 121 Obs., 155 Obs.
aig APPENDIX II. [173-

§§ 233%, 343%, and Dillmann (on Job 33, 21), and is extended
by Hitzig (see his notes on Ps. 8, 7. 11, 6 etc.) so as to
include even cases like Ps. 58, 5 (for DUN”, °) being the
continuation of the attributive win: cf. § 76a), and 68,
1g (‘) following a time-determination, according to § 127 8).
Bottcher, on the other hand, adhering to the idea of a real
jussive, ii. p. 183, goes so far as to affirm that this mood may
express ‘das tibel empfundene muss des fremden Eigenwillens
]j. xiii. 27. xxxiii, 11. xxiv. 14. xxxiv. 37:’ but how such a
reversal of its ordinary meaning is possible, it is as difficult
to comprehend as in the case of the cohortative, §§ 51-53.
The former solution is doubtless correct in principle, at least
so far as regards the omission of ‘1, though it is somewhat far-
fetched to have recourse to it for Ps. 58 and 68; its truth has
been already recognized, § 83, and it only remains to enquire
whether any more specific ground can be alleged for the choice
of the apocopated form in preference to the ordinary imperfect.
173. It may be observed in most of the instances in
question that the abbreviated form stands at the degznning of
a clause. Now this is just the position that would be occupied
by the same form if it were preceded by ‘1: it seems allowable
therefore to suppose that (e.g.) 0% was retained primarily as
a reminiscence of the normal OV"). At the same time, from
the manner in which it was used with °3, the shorter form
must have become strongly associated with the idea of a
connexion with what precedes; and the desire to preserve
some expression of this suggests itself as another motive
contributing probably towards its retention. But, when it
stands later in the sentence, where ‘} would be out of place,
and where it was no longer the Hebrew custom to give
Jormal expression to that connexion, the impf. appears in its
usual form: e.g. Job 13, 27 DWM, but 23, 6 OY; 18, 9 PIM,
but 8, 15 PM; 34, 29 WD, but Ope” NM, the connexion
with 1 being broken by the emphatic xin. This explanation
may be accepted as satisfactory for those cases in which the
T74.] ON THE USE OF THE ¥USSIVE FORM. 215,

shorter form is found without a preceding 1 (§ 84 8)': in other
words, PIM, for instance (Job 18, 9), may be regarded as a
poetical abbreviation of PIT: but even then, we must beware

of applying it to cases where the reference is to the future, or
where for any other reason *} could not have stood (e.g. Job
24, 25, where evidently 0%) could not follow ‘223° ").
174. On the other hand, where the shorter form occurs,
preceded by } (§ 84a), it must be admitted to be doubtful
whether the punctuation represents a genuine tradition, and
whether *} (or 1 with the zzdcatve mood) should not be
restored. The preference for 1 (p. 98 /op) must be attributed,
it is probable, not to the original authors, but to the punc-
tuators, In some cases the punctuators have apparently
followed a false analogy, in others they seem to have been
guided by a false exegesis. The frequent use of the jussive
form (as a voluntative) with 1 appears to have led the Mas-
sorites (who probably had an imperfect sense of the true
force of the jussive form) to adopt mechanically the same
punctuation for cases to which it was not properly applicable.
Thus in Pr, 15, 25 we should in all probability vocalize 23),
in Job 13, 27 OVAL (or DWM) 15, 33 qe. 20, 23 IDI)
(unless Ot)? . . . J may be referred to § 182). 27, 22 pe.
34; 37 273. In Ps. 85, 14°. Mic. 3, 4. Job 34, 29. Qoh. 12, 7
the defectiva scriphio has most probably occasioned the in-
correct vocalization; and we shall hardly be wrong in
reading OM, IAD, AY (cf. b WW ...1)* Elsewhere the

 

' As Ps. 25,9. 47,4. Job 18, 9. 12. 20, 23 *7°. 26. 28. 33, 11. 21. 27.
Hos. 6,1. In several of these cases the form is part of the consonantal
text, and does not depend merely on the punctuation. But Pr. 12, 26
(where 1 would be out of place) we ought no doubt to punctuate (with
Hitz., Strack) 1n?, probably also (with Del. as well) andy (‘spieth
out his pasture’),

2 Comp. Dillmann, /70d (ed. 2), 1891, ad loc.

3 The jussive sense, suggested § 58, seems hardly probable here.

* Qoh. Io, 20. 12, 4 the ordinary vocalization 7°37, D1p) is preferable
grammatically to the Massoretic reading (Baer) 1°37, Dip),
216 APPENDIX Il. [175.

anomaly appears to be due to false exegesis. Thus Isa. 12, 1
av" followed by NN can hardly be translated except as a
prayer (cf. 35, 7. Jud. 7, 3. Ps. 71, 21), and this, no doubt,
is the sense intended by the punctuation (comp. the fut. of
the Targ.%); the fast sense, which the context requires, would
seem to call for ‘IOMIM (cf. Ps. go, 3 WNAY,.. IM). 42, 6 is
analogous to Hos. 11, 4: in both these passages the vocaliza-
tion with 1 commends itself, as that intended by the original
authors (followed in Hosea by a bare impf,, as Jer. 15, 6,
§ 163 Ods.)* And Isa. 63, 3 TM) is almost certainly a mis-
punctuation for f° (observe the following per/ec/, snbyax),
originating in the two preceding verbs being referred incor-
rectly to the future*. So Dan. 8, 12 qbvin,

Obs. Ps. 58, 5 a sense of the connexion between the relative clause
and its antecedent may perhaps, through an indistinctly felt analogy
with the connexion expressed by -1, have determined the punctuation
pon’: Dt. 32, 8. Ps. 68, 15 the original vocalization was probably
a2, a5u!m. The same may be supposed to have been the case with the
four instances after x> (§ 50a, Ods.): while in 2 Sa. 18, 14 the use of
the cohort. m5°mx may be accounted for by the preceding x) having
been viewed as specially negativing y3. And Job 27, 8 it is probable

(provided the text be otherwise correct) that we should punctuate,
as Dillm. (ed. 2) suggests, i» or Dw).

175. Of the remaining passages, Isa. 27, 5 receives light

 

1sdy oram 2" Jay ain? 790.

? With Isa. 42, 6 comp. the Zas¢ tenses in the parallel 49, 2.

5 So Cheyne (crit. note), Dillm., R.V. (and of course, correspond-
ingly, DITINI, DDDANI, vv. 5.6 WAN}, DNINWN), etc.).

*<Tn order to preclude the supposition that the deliverance was
already past,’ Luzzatto, as cited by G. F. Moore, Zheol. Lit.-zettung,
1887, col. 292 (‘ Edom’ being interpreted by Jewish exegesis of Rome,
or, more generally, of the imperial Christian power). Probably, also,
in several of the other passages cited § 84.a the original vocalization
was with waw consec. Comp. Moore, Z.c., who observes that in Isa.
51, 2 this is the sense expressed by the older Jewish tradition, as repre-
sented by LXX and Targ., but that the intention of the punctuation, on
the contrary, is to interpret the verbs (incorrectly) as futures (hence
VAIN] 17D73N1 instead of ‘1 ‘)). So 48, 3% we should expect naturally
175: ON THE USE OF THE ¥USSIVE FORM. — 217

from an Arabic idiom’, ‘ or edse let him take hold of my strong-
hold’=‘ unless he take hold’ (Germ. ‘es sez denn dass man
meinen schuz ergriffe’); Dt. 32, 18 *wn must of course come
from MY (like mm from myn): as, however, the Semitic lan-
guages know only MW2 and AY (=lgs Qor. 51, 11) in the
sense of forget, it is probable that the text is incorrect, and
that we should, with Olsh. p. 511 and Aug. Miiller, restore
nwn. Job 17, 2 is doubtless ‘so éhat mine eye resteth’ (§ 62),
which from the connexion is equivalent to ‘and my eye must
rest :’ 23, 9. 11. 24,14 appear to be isolated examples of
imesis (cf. § 85); 36, 14, see § 64 Obs. or $848; Ex. 22, 4
and Job 39, 26 the shorter form may have been chosen by
the punctuators on account of the maggeph following?; and
Job 40, 19 (if the text be sound*) A.V. is probably sub-

 

Dyowe) (cf 3° Tm2NINI), 57, 17 TIN) and HEPR) (so Dillm.): on
43, 28 see p. 70 xofe. For 01x} Ps. 18, 38 the parallel text 2 Sa. 22,
38 has D1 wi (as it has in v. 39 impff. with waw consec. for the
impff, dovySérws of Ps. 18): but here, probably, the more graphic, fre-
quentative sense expressed by the text of Ps. 18, is in both verses
original (cf. 38%. 39°. 40%). Elsewhere, also, it is sometimes difficult
not to suspect the existing text to be incorrectly vocalized: Job 3, 11,
for instance, »)2N1 would by analogy be y1axi (cf. Gen. 31, 27. Jer. 20,
17: § 74a), and D. 13 WIpwR) would be wipwr (cf. Ex. 9,15: § £41).
And one wonders, why the punctuation of 1 is not uniform in (¢. g-) Ps.
104, 32°. Job 5, 18%. 12, 15% and Jobr4, 10. 20°. 33, 26. So, § 153.
3, it may be doubted whether the explanation of the jussive is not in some
cases artificial, and whether we should not read Is. 41 x1}, Ps. 104
“m1 (§ 848). Pr. 27,17, as pointed, can hardly be taken except as an
admonition (Del., Nowack) : the affirmative rend. (cf. R. V.) implies in @
THY (or 71, sc. tom), and in 6 1.

1 Where, however, the subjunctive mood is employed (cf. for a
similar variation, p. 67 2.): Ewald, § 629; Wright, ii. § 15 (6), ‘I will

certainly kill the unbeliever wn 3 unless he become a Muslim.’

? On the (false) analogy of $a7p 121, 79-7321, etc. (cf. Olsh. p. 570).
Otherwise Konig i. 275 (one of the traces of the older formation of
Hif‘il with seve instead of zreq).

3 The LXX have here meronpévoy éyxatanaivesOa: tnd Tay dyyédwv
218 APPENDIX II. [175

stantially correct, lit. ‘ef him that made him érzng his sword
nigh to him!’ (for none else can do so.)

Obs. Joel 2, 20 5pm is extremely difficult: the reference being clearly
to the future, cannot be regarded as a substitute for -1: the form must,
therefore, be that of a real jussive, but this, after the previous 15D)
vwra, whether it be rendered and let... or that... may, seems up-
suited to the context. We are almost constrained to suspect an error in
the reading; though the excision of 1}WN1 75y1 as a gloss, proposed by
Merx, perhaps weakens the latter part of the v. too much to be prob-
able. In Dan. 11 (where, for the same reason, } cannot be in place
of -1), in so far as the instances may not be presumed to depend, like
8, 12 (§ 174), upon a false punctuation, we may be content to suppose
that the mood was used without any recollection of its distinctive signi-
fication’, It is strange that Dr. Pusey (Damnzel, ed. 2, p. §91) should have
accepted Ewald’s classification, § 343°, as satisfactory. A distinction
ought obviously to be made between such cases as Isa. 19, 20. Ez. 33,
31, where the verb after 1 is the simple imperfect, and those like Joel
2, 20, where it is jussive: the former, though less usual, present no real
difficulty (see § 134), it is the latter which embarrass us. Dr, Pusey
says, ‘the condensation of this idiom, the use of the apocopated form,
with the simple avd, shews there is great emphasis in it:’ but by what
process can a wish or command, such as we know to be signified by the
apocopated imperfect, be transformed into a mere expression of em-
phasis? Certainly the jussive, like the imperative, is sometimes employed
in a rhetorical style with brilliancy and effect; but then, as we saw
§§ 56-58, it retains its rightful force, and, in fact, would not be effective
unless it did retain it: in the instances alleged, however, its proper
meaning is taken from it, and a d¢fferent meaning, incompatible with,
and xot derivable from, the meaning borne elsewhere, is substituted in
its place. Such a substitution is contrary to all analogy or probability ;
and it is preferable to acquiesce in a solution which is in agreement with
a known principle of language.

 

avrov, which points to a reading i3 pro satpyi ‘which is made (for
Him) to play with him’ (cf. Ps. 104, 26, as understood by Ew., Hitz.,
Kay, Cheyne, and R.V. marg.) for 13m w2 1wyT, which is possibly
right : observe that the difference in the ductus litterarum is slight.

' The Hebrew of the book of Daniel is late; and in other respects
also the syntax of ch. 11 is much inferior to that of the usual prophetic
style.
APPENDIX III.

On Arabic as Illustrative of Hebrew",

176. In few departments of knowledge has the ‘compara-
tive’ method of enquiry been more fruitful of valuable and
interesting results than in the investigation of the phenomena
presented by language. What that method is, and, at least
in so far as regards the Aryan languages, what some of the
more important of the results alluded to are, will be familiar
to most English readers from the well-known volumes of
Professor Max Miiller, or the more recent work of Professor
Sayce, in which the principles of Comparative Philology are
at once lucidly set forth and abundantly illustrated. A general
acquaintance may, therefore, be presupposed with the char-
acter, for example, of the cumulative evidence by which the

 

1 The following appendix (of which the substance appeared first in
1874) is now, strictly speaking, superseded by the late Dr. Wright's
admirable Lectures on the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Lan-
guages (1890). It has, nevertheless, been deemed expedient to retain
it, in the hope that it may prove serviceable to some who have not
access to Dr. Wright’s more comprehensive volume. ‘Two other works
in which particular departments of the same subject may be studied,
are (1) P. de Lagarde, Uebersicht tiber die im Aramdischen, Arabischen
und Hebréischen tibliche Bildung der Nomina (1889), and (2) J. Barth,
Die Nominalbildung in den Semitischen Sprachen (1889, 1891): cf.
Aug. Miiller, ZDM/G. 1891, pp. 221-238. Very valuable contributions
to the same subject are also to be found in Noldeke’s Mandétsche
Grammatik; and in the same author’s articles and reviews in the ZDMG.
(and elsewhere), e.g. ZDMG. 1883, p. 525 ff. (on verbs >” y in Hebrew),
1884, p. 407 ff. (the terminations of the Semitic perfect), 1886, p. 718 ff.
(on Friedr. Delitzsch’s Prolegomena), etc.
2.20 APPENDIX Iil. here

direct or collateral genealogical relationship, subsisting be-
tween the languages belonging to a given family, may be
established, with the nature of the successive modifications
a language may undergo, with the laws which regulate the
particular and distinctive form assumed in each by the same
word, and with the mutual illustration which languages thus
allied afford of one another.

177. The same method is, however, no less applicable
to the Semitic family of speech than to the Aryan. A merely
superficial comparison of the vocabulary and accidence—to
say nothing of the syntax—is sufficient to reveal the fact
that all the Semitic languages are intimately connected with
one another, and that the nations speaking them must, at
some period or other, have dwelt together in a common
home?: more accurate and systematic research shews that
none of them can lay claim to exclusive priority above the
rest, as being the one from which the others are derived (in
the same manner, for instance, as the Romance languages
are derived from Latin), but that they are the descendants
of a deceased ancestor, whose most prominent characteristics,
though with different degrees of clearness and purity, they
all still reflect. Each after its separation from the parent
stock pursued a path of its own, some, as it would seem,
through long years preserving almost intact many of the
features they originally possessed; cthers, on the contrary,
lopping these off, or else assimilating them, with greater or
less rapidity. It is just in virtue of this uneven development
of language, just in virtue of the fact that what is mutilated
and obscured in one language is frequently in another lan-
guage of the same family retained in a relatively unimpaired
condition, and transmitted so into historical times, that the

 

1 On theories respecting the probable locality of this common home,
comp. Noldeke in the Ezcycl. Britannica (ed. 9), art. ‘Semitic Lan-
guages,’ vol. xxi. p. 642, and Wright, Compar. Gramm. ch. 1, p. 5 ff.
178.] ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 221

explanation of one by the other is still possible, even when
the relationship lies no longer in a direct line.

178. Are there, it will be asked, any principles, analogous
to those embodied in ‘Grimm’s Law,’ regulating the inter-
change of consonants between the different Semitic languages?
‘Comparative philology,’ writes Professor Sayce}, ‘is based
on the recognition that the same word will be represented by
different combinations of sounds in a group of allied dialects
or languages, and that each combination will be governed
by a fixed phonetic law. An English 4, for example, will
answer to a Greek and Latin 4, an English ¢ to a German
and a Sanskrit d When once a sound is given in a lan-
guage, we may know the sounds which must correspond to it
in the cognate languages. Now and then, of course, subor-
dinate laws will interfere with the working of the general
law: but unless such an interference can be proved, we must
never disregard the general law for the sake of an etymologi-
cal comparison, however tempting. ... The laws of phonology
are as undeviating in their action as the laws of physical
science, and where the spelling does not mislead us will
display themselves in every word of genuine growth. Even
the vowels cannot be changed and shifted arbitrarily.’ It
follows that the laws of this kind, operative in the Semitic
languages, must be determined, if the true relations subsisting
between those languages are to be ascertained, and reckless
etymologizing avoided. When this has been done, we are
in a position, for example, to test the value of a proposed
derivation, and may even be able to fix the relationship of an
outlying form, as when Lagarde completes the identification,
suggested by J. D. Michaelis in 1792, of syy?.

 

' Introduction to the Science of Language (1880), i. p. 303 f.

2 Admirable as the work of Gesenius in his Thesaurus is, the stage
which the comparative study of the Semitic languages had reached in
-the author's lifetime did not always permit him to make his etymological
notices fully adequate ; and in his treatment of roots, the expressions
222 APPENDIX III. [78.

A scientific comparison of the Semitic languages, based
upon the necessary systematic classification of the phonetic
phenomena presented by them, must be sought in special
treatises, such as those named at the beginning of the chapter
(p. 219). Two or three illustrations of the results gained by
the comparative study of these languages may, however, be
given here. Thus the following specimen-lists exhibit, in a
tabular form, some important and clearly-established laws,
analogous in character to ‘Grimm’s law’ in the Aryan
languages: the first is derived chiefly from Lagarde, Semzteca
I (Gott. 1878), pp. 22-27, and shews that when Heb. p= Aram.
y, the Arabic equivalent 1s o'. The meaning of this equation
of course is, that the sound with which the words cited were
originally pronounced by the common ancestors of the Arabs,
the Arameans, and the Hebrews, in their common home,
was gradually modified, after different families or tribes had
separated from the common stock, and acquired independent
existence, until it was finally fixed to Ue in Arabic, p in
Hebrew, and y in Aramaic’.

(1) In ‘ Anlaut :’

ae: = |N¥ = es, ID.
£4 a species of /izard =2¥ Lev. 11,29 =a.

 

used by him, especially the phrase vzczza radix, may sometimes tempt
the reader to confuse what ought to be kept distinct. The interchange
of allied sounds in different dialects must, however, be distinguished
from the use of allied sounds—or groups of sounds—to express allied
tdeas in the same dialect: e.g. a harder or softer palatal or dental, as
yap and 130, 1319 and Joo, 112 and psp, 039 and 332. These instances
shew further how in a language particular sounds go together and
determine each other: 't3, ‘zp,’bd>, for example, but not ’x2. So in
Mandaic ‘tp becomes regularly ‘1; ‘wD becomes ‘wx.

1 And in Ethiopic (if the corresponding word is in use) 9,

2 Words Jorrowed in historical times, by one dialect from another,
naturally do not come within the operation of the law: see some exam-
ples in the foot-notes,
178. ] ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 223

yes to gather in = 2¥ Gen. 41, 49 = Jala! corn.
_ bundles [dense.
bis to guard, hold =oay Ruth 2,14 =? Pex? be close,
ads = pny = yes, (for oud).
ps to harm = V8 be hostile® = =W adversary
W adversary (Dan. 4, 16°).
i75 one of two wives =™¥1Sa1,6 =JiiX1 Sat, 6.
xx x 5 = 198 = fix wool.
Gls Qor. 9, 119 =py =a, PY (Isa. 49,
£ 20 Targ.).
JL lotus = Ddey Job 40, = Mss Baros.
arf.

Where there is already y in the root, Syriac avoids the
double guttural by substituting ?:—

als = py = ISN? (Targ.¥dY).

esis = VTE =Ls907 (Targ.
IVTPY).
es hyaena, = Day = So?” Sir. 13, 18.
vies III duphcavit, = [Ays™| =|” double, Isa.
Qor. 2, 263: Vas 38, 61 40, 2.
x * & =TY1¥ horned = = NIY'YUN Ex. 23, 28 Ps.-

Jon. (xmyry Ong.).

 

1 The roots, not the particular word or form cited, are compared.

? Noldeke, Mand. Gramm. p. 43.

5 But 113 20 bind =e = Aram. 173, one of the many examples of
roots distinct in Arabic, but confused in Hebrew. See below, p. 230 f.,
as well as several of the following foot-notes.

* Unless Iam mistaken, not found elsewhere in Aramaic, except (if
the text be correct) as a borrowed word in the late Hebrew of Ps, 139
(w. 20). On 1 Sa, 28, 16 see the writer's note ad /oc.

5 Eth. 09°C:

6 Low, Avamdische Pilanzennamen (1881), p. 275 £.

7 Whence Fyx Gen. 24, 65, properly, as Lagarde shews, some square

garment, The adv. Kulons? occurs 2 Cor. 1, 15.
224 APPENDIX Ill. [r78.

(2) In ‘Inlaut:’

3, =T¥7 = hss.
nitutt,emicuit! ) = 83 = |S, Sv (of plants
BA: 40 go forth \ . springing forth).
45 deposutt = yy ans
oe, MBE bosom = iA = (for Mist, bls)?
(3) In ‘Auslaut :’ :
sen 18 = bss”
L423 ovum =ny'a =JRSS.
as = yon =u, VON Ex. 12,
34. 39-
es =p = 9335 Gen. 29, 2 Targ.
and Pesh.
wy =7s) =~ Isa. 36, 6.
aye aeger fut = pqp+ = a0 5
* e % = yo, yo = Ss agitavit (lac).
2s divulsit =)pyp =~9° (98) Isa. 59, 5
for yp).
(yas prehensit = yap = 40° lo fix.
And with avoidance of the double guttural :—
Uae contigtt =x * * = »i/ 7 (Targ. Yi).
ads? oie = US.
yas* concussit = yn = aso (for wax)’.

 

1 Comp. nox, in Syriac splenduit (lax, =dratyacua, Heb. 1, 3),
but in Heb. and the Aramaic of the Targums, germinavit. See also
Ges. Thes. p. 56%.

2 Cf. Hoffmann, ZDMG. 1878, p. 753.

° And,.as a dorrowed Aramaism, in the late Ps. 139 (v. 3). (The
Hebrew verb 927, Lev. 18, 23. 19, 19. 20, 16, unless it can be supposed
to be a technical loan-word—cf. the 4f‘e/ in Aramaic (Gen. 36, 24
Ps,-Jon.)—must have a different origin.)

* Job 16, 3, 1 Ki. 2, 8. Mic. 2, Io.

5 Noldeke, ZDMG. 1878, p. 406. ® Noldeke, l.c.

7 ying and xi (Isa. 55, z. Ps. 98,8 FD NM; Ez. 25,6 7° TRIM jy)
178.| ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 2.25

Instances, however, also occur of the series Us =) = 4; as
ded, TOY, 235 sas, 73, Ss: and ye occurs by the
side of »3/, po beside ~ssam, ? (Ps. 74, 14 for nyyn)

beside 3. Examples of the frequent (=? = i need not
be given.

Another series isk = ¥=y: thus— :
(1) 2b dorcas = Maj, 920 2 Sar, ="2¥
19
5,2gbnoon-day,Qor. = Joong, Suro = pYiny.
24,57: Cf pall conspicuus, 34, 16
x * % = 29 (ang) Dt. 11, = AY,
e 4)
db shade = Is zy (ordby) 8,
ab = yb Gen. 32, 32 = yby to halt.

Ong. and Ps.-Jon.
pb to oppress =p, nb =x xx #
al =x ex = NPY,

gab to breah up, = gq sustulit = |¥¥ Isa. 33, 20.
move quarters, Qor. 16, 82

 

will therefore be the same word, the former being the genuine Hebrew
form, the latter of Aramaic origin ; but passing into Hebrew by differ-
ent channels, they acquired different significations, as in English bench
and bank, ditch and dyke, channel and canal, etc. (see further illustra-
tions in Max Miiller’s Lectures on the Science of Language, second
series, Lect. vi (ed. 1891, p. 335 ff.).

1 Disputed by G. Hoffmann, ZDMG. 1878, p. 762, on account of the
meaning. See, however, Payne Smith, Zhes. Syr., col. 2996.

2 But 1x delight, ornament, is from W713 = \3, = Xo 10 be in-
clined towards.

_ $550 Neb. 3, 15 is an Aramaism: see 1 Ki. 6,9. 7,3 Pesh. And 55x
tinnivit = SX 3 he.

4 The Heb. obx = Aram. xox is from f/x = Arab. jhe to cut
off or out (Néldeke, ZDMG. 1886, p. 733). ,s-2 mage (compared in
my former edition) appears to be a loan-word from the Aram. xn ox:
see Sig. Frankel, Die Aramdischen Fremdwirter im Arabischen, 1886,
p- 273-

Q
226 APPENDIX III. [178.

Sib nail 3 fing = 77834.
(2) che to be strong, =% % % = DYY, DISY?,
: ees mighty, Qor. 2, 256 ;
ree bone = Lsayr “high, Gen. = DYY.
32, 32. Nu.5, 2ral.
js inspextt = WI* Zo keep, observe = 834.
(3) bas be attentive to = YrSa» assiduous = YBN.
x *% * = gos ef).
be, monutt = by’ = ry.
a3 =DP Dan. 2,35 =}P°

A third not less important series (passing by ; =) =?) is
Se 9st
@ oa =i = 3).

 

+ But wbx dzrd = Jio?, prob. from V jie to whistle (said esp. of a
bird). And mvbx garland (Isa. 28, 5) i is from V/ 5 jas Zo plait ox braid
(the corresponding word in Arabic Spb signifies a platt of hair).

2 But oxy Zo close tight, Isa. 29, 10. 33,15= gas.

3 412 ¢o keep (a vineyard), Cant.1, 6. 8, 11, is most probably an
idiom of North Palestine (cf. Del.), the dialect of which appears to have
been slightly tinged by Aramaisms (comp. the writer’s /ntroduction to
the Literature of the O.T., 1891, p. 421 f.): but 1m) in the sense of
keeping anger must be connected, it seems, with a different root, the
more original and literal signification being preserved in the derzvative
Mwy (as in 27D, 2X, TPM cord, YE and other words). Gb
is confessedly—Frankel, Fremdworter, p. 138—a loan-word from the
Aramaic: is the case the same with the verb ke5 to keep a vineyard,
Saad. Isa. 1, 8?)

* But az} a@ shoot is from VJ pss niturt, lacte virutt.

5 Friedrich Delitzsch, Prolegomena eines neuen Hebr.-Aram. Worter-
buchs zum A. T. (1886), p. 168, endorsed by Noldeke, ZDAZG. 1886,
P- 742. PBI in Job 40, 17 (318 1193 1233 POM) Lo stiffen or straighten
down is thus a distinct word (cf. p. 230f.) =Arab. ane to depress, lower
(e.g. wings, Qor. 15, 88. 17, 25).

° But yp ezd, in spite of the play in Amos 8, 2, is from pup = yas to
cut of.
178. | ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 229

Ss = )533 = 2),

a =u) = M3t.
,.55,,3 9 = P3834 = ny, nt, nN,

bs = of = 3,

ols = 03, 99 Ps. 78, 20 =31.

a5 rancour, = on7 to fear = ont Job 32, 67.

malevolence

ss = 35 = 2h,
3s = Sis -"3

cas = hisod, 8224 = S31,

od = in} = IR.

3 =f, 877 =m

és = |s5y = yiy?,

(2) gal = 9/7 STN =n

3S =it>, 713 =72.

Sia =o, = 013.

IS ex adverso =\2,5, NID = IM8 breast.

fuit: Wim res alteri opposita
ae = NT) 2 Ki. 9, 33 Tg. = M2 fo spr? (ib.)*

vw Isa. 63, 3 Pesh.

 

* But 5m zo creep = Tt = JbS5 to withdraw, lag behind (Nold. J.c.
p. 741). (The words sometimes undergo slight modifications of mean-
ing in the different languages. )

2 But yrs seed =|N9) ei

3 arn Zo see is Aram, NIN.

* But mm Isa. 52, 15, if the text be sound, can hardly mean anything
except cause to leap, startle (Ges. Del. Dillm. R.V. marg., etc.: cf. the
writer’s Jsazah, his Life and Times, p. 153), and will thus be a different
word, from m32=Arab. \-5 ¢o /eag. Delitzsch, in his note on the pas-
sage, confuses the two roots, m1) = N13 = [133], and m12 = [N12] = 15.
See more fully G. F. Moore, in the Journal of Biblical Literature
Boston, U.S.A., 1890, p. 216 ff.), whose objections, however (p. 221),

Q2
228 APPENDIX Jil. [+78.

£55 to flow = SDY"T sweat = 31, MY.
(3) S51 = ef" = ION.
31, 131 =)IN Dan. 2,15 = 18,"
SLE Qor. 23,99 =* * * = TY (HY)! Zo take
refuge.

A fourth series is u =4-=w, the original lisped dental
becoming in Hebrew a simple sibilant :—

(1) ee to destroy = 33), = 28 7 break.
($33 breast = Joh ="W (for "W).
eG to return? =24 = 1,
jyp bullock =n, sok” =".

JSS be bereaved = dion = boi,

“15 snow = nibn = 10Y,

ra three = nbn, KS] = wow,

o there = er = nw,

ws eight =Kixh = Nyinws.

ie to repeat =k = NW 1Sa.26, 84

i583 40 attain to, = ash to be strong = * * * ®
overcome, setze

 

against the rendering ‘startle’ are hardly strong enough to authorize
correction of the text: mya Isa. 63, 3.6, for instance (from / 43

to sprinkle), cannot be the same word as the my) which occurs else-
where in the O. T.: and there are other similar drag eipyyéva in Hebrew
(e.g. Iw Zo charm, Isa. 47, 11; YM Job 40, 17, above, p. 226).

1 1p ¢o be strong = Arab. *¢.

2 But G5 zo be converted, is a theological term, borrowed (as the ww
shews) as a loan-word from the Aramaic: cf. Frankel, Zc. p. 83;
H. Hirschfeld, Bectrige zur Erklarung des Kordn (1886), p. 39.

2 DW fat = amma = Lpew. * But mw year =lae = dt.

* The Hebrew equivalent, if it existed, would by law be Hpw. It
follows that hpn and its derivatives, where they occur in the Hebrew of
the O. T. (Job 14, 20. 15, 24. Qoh. 4, 12. 6, 10. Esth. 9, 29. 10,2. Dan.
II, 17), are not genuine Hebrew words, but borrowed from the Aramaic.
178. | ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 229

WiBI two =I, eh = DY,
Ses fox = Isv = byw,
LAS fox =e ex = pabyy,
535 gap, opening = gate = We,
js to be weighty =pn to weigh =p.
re to be most = = SIN Nu. 6,3 = = [Fw], whence
Ps.-Jon. Mv Nu. 6, 32.
(2) « * * = TY, dR = WY Zo be rich.
wy (dialect.) =am = 1 fo st.
eee to liken =o = bvin,
pil to be guilty =x x x ? = OWN.
il woman = flu, SOmN = nwiN (forMWyxys,
3 footstep = DS place = WW,
(3) ? * = N73, Los = wig.
ee = 873, Joss = wT cypress®.
S55 sepulchre = % * % =w1 Job ar,
(Qor. 54, 7) 32°.
SSS to renew = hen = wan,

 

1 Cf. Pesh. [i5) (.), The word is not derived from mw = Aram.
nxiw zo loosen: see Frankel, p. xii. (The statement in the Journal of
Philology, xi. p. 205, based upon Gesenius, must be corrected accord-
ingly.)

* The genuine Aramaic equivalent would be onN. NDOWN of the
Targums is not therefore a true Aramaic word, but a loan-word =
the Hebrew of the O. T.

° Not connected etymologically with wi, DOIN = has? = ac:
the w, Q», in Aramaic and Arabic, as against the i: &, shew that the
sibilant in w11x is different in origin from that in mwx. It is even
scarcely possible for wx (with its long vowel), however parallel in
usage, to be akin etymologically with nwx.

* Comp. Néld. ZDMG. 1886, pp. 157, 741.

5 orny1a Cant. 1, 17 (unless the n be due to textual error) must be
another of the Aramaizing forms found in this poem.

6 Different from w'11 sheaf, and possibly to be read wi .
230 APPENDIX IIl. [178.

SS =n, btu (rare) =vhn fo cul in
(usu. 40 plough)’.

Sy fo inherit == 1) =u.

ES lion =xm) = wind.

by 853 flea = inlets = wynp’,

Etymologies which offend against the established laws
which a language follows, however plausible superficially
they may appear to be, should always be viewed with
suspicion*, ‘Etymology,’ to quote again Prof. Sayce’s words*,
‘is not a plaything for the amusement of the ignorant and
untrained; it is a serious and difficult study, not to be
attempted without much preparation and previous research.’
The etymologist who aspires to something better than reck-
less guessing, must both be thoroughly trained in the principles
of scientific philology, and possess a sound practical acquaint-
ance with the language (or languages) with which he deals.

Instances of roots, distinct in Arabic, but confused, either
in themselves or in their derivatives, in Hebrew, have been
referred to in some of the notes on the preceding pages: the
following are additional examples of the same peculiarity:—
(1) San % bind (whence 230 cord)= 4s, but ban 4 be
corrupt = eS to be unsound; 30n to gather fire-wood? = pay

 

1 But wan zo be dumb = uy>.

” See further, on the subject of the preceding pages, Wright, Zc.
Chap. iv; Frankel, Aremdwérter, pp. xii-xiv; W. R. Smith, Journ. of
Phil., xvi. Pp. 74.

* Thus the proposed explanation of Bogop (2 Pet. 2,15) as 1181, ‘an
Aramaic equivalent for the Hebrew 1193, the letters y and x being (as
often) interchanged’ (Speaker's Commnt. i. p. 739), exactly inverts the
relation actually subsisting between the two languages. And the ex-
planation of 5xinw as Heard of God contradicts one of the widest
inductions of which the records of the Hebrew language are suscep-
tible ; comp. the writer’s note on 1 Sa. 1, 20.

* Lic. p. 349.

* Not connected with azm: cf. on the signification Wetzstein, ap.
Delitzsch on Ps. 144, 12.
178. | ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 231

but ADM fo have dark stripes (Pr. 7, 16. Ps. 144, 12) = he
to be of a dusky colour ; abn milk = 243, but abn fat= Dis;

bbn profane (open to all, common), bsbn bbn dn Yo begin
(open), from / JS zo loosen, be open (licuit), but bbn wounded,
Ddin Zo pierce, from Jf je perforavit,; “wn to be red (wngHice
WON ass) = moos ee jie ass, but nee. to ferment = ya>,

19h (poet. ) wine =e 3 }M fo shew pity = Sey but Job 19, 17
(prob.) = > (conj. x) Zo be loathsome; “an to dig = oS but
BN 40 be ashamed = i> to be bashful; nnn from} uo => to shut
off, seclude, but pnt slit-nosed, from (5 to cleave (cf. w aye!
slit-eared). (2) my (Isa. 21, 3 al.) fo bend, twist = 55, but my
fo go astray, act erringly (2 Sa. 24, 17 al.), the root of fP
iniquity, = 58; Dy Job16,11 —by (cf. Dillmann) uwnrighicous,
from Jlé so decline, especially from right (cf. bay, np), but
my young child (ib. 19,28. 21,11) from Jlé to give suck (cf.
nidy, DY) ; ADY Yo grasp (Isa. 22,17) =\ké, but mvy so cover
=(hé; dsynn vw occupy, amuse oneself (see Fleischer af.

Delitzsch, on Isa. 3, 4, ed. 3), from / dS but bby Yo enter

(common i in Aram.) = Jé (hence by yoke = $8); ; WY dust =
pas; but mBy Sawn = = jhe; NY fo be sweet, pleasing, no doubt
akin to S 2S alacer, lubens fuit, but DW raven = 6 Olé (cf.
os niger Suit), ay aU enITEg from os occtdit (sol), Ss

place of sunset, Wy west = 57e2; YAY8 finger = eat but

yay to dip, dye (whence vay, yay) = cams (3) 73h court,
from ~25 70 enclose, but yn grass, from jae fo be green; WS,
nye Lee = Ji, Jhsoy, but VW rock = Jog mos fo shout =
é. Zj2, but ny underground chamber = 5 2s NBS pavement,
RST (Gants 3,10) fitted together (in mosaic fashion), from
ae cis, fo cae side by side (e.g. stones), but AY, nas)
heated stones = 38, (¢d.). (4) wb (Mic. 3,3. Lam. 4, 4)
cleave, divide, distribute (strictly D7, as Isa. 58, 7. Jer.16, 7) =
232 APPENDIX Il, [179.

uss 0 tear*, but WD 40 spread out = 5,33 maw spliniers
(Hos. 8, 6), from / 2% 4 cu/, but aw flame (Job 18, 5),
from / 55 to blaze; TW a style, cf. Sli a kind of xeedle,
but Mwy fugitive, from / 54 to escape.

Obs. The same phenomenon is far from uncommon in other lan-
guages: thus zo dow (of the wind) = Anglo-Saxon d/éwaz ; (of a flower)
=A.S. biéwan: last (verb) = A.S. gelestan; last (adj.) = latost ; last
(burden) = A/est ; last (mould for making shoes) = /dst: to le (repose) =
licgan ; (speak untruth) = /edgan : French son =both seum and sonum :
neuf =both novem and novim: louer (to praise), from /audare, louer (to
let), from Jocare: véw to spin =Sanskrit nah, véw to swim = Sk. snu,
véopat to come =Sk. nas. See Max Miiller’s Lectures, second ‘series,
Lect. vi (ed. 1891, p. 358 ff.).

179. Although our immediate object is but a narrow one,
being the illustration, not of the Hebrew language as a whole,
but only of the verb (under certain aspects) by Arabic, yet in
order to accomplish this satisfactorily, it will be desirable to
make our way sure by defining more closely the relation in
which these two languages stand towards each other. If
Arabic were altogether a younger language than Hebrew,
i.e. if it represented a more recent stratification, an ulterior
stage beyond that at which Hebrew had arrived, it would be
chimerical to expect it to throw much light upon the latter :
we do not, as a rule, look to French or Italian to elucidate
Latin, and we should not, in the case assumed, look to
Arabic to elucidate Hebrew. If, however, notwithstanding
the difference of date, Arabic exhibits particular formations
in a more original condition than Hebrew, then such a
course would be the natural one to adopt, and our expecta-
tions would not be disappointed. And this is, in fact, the
case. Arabic is, in many respects, az older language than
Hebrew: speaking roughly and without intending the analogy
to be pressed in detail, we may say that Hebrew bears the

 

* See Noldeke’s interesting study on 1p, Drp, and Dp Dan. 5, 25 in
the Zeztschr. fiir Assyriologie, 1886, p. 414 ff.
180. | ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 233

same sort of relation to Arabic that English does to German.
Consider in what manner German often lights up an obscure
corner in English: I do not, of course, mean to imply that
it presents us with the constituent factors of our own lan-
guage in their ultimate and original form, but it reduces our
irregularities to rule, it exhibits what with us is fragmentary,
residuary, or imperfect, as parts of a complete and systematic
whole. Various rare or antiquated forms, provincialisms, the
peculiarities connected with the use of the auxiliaries, may be
taken as examples. What is the meaning of wor¢h in the
line, ‘Woe worth the day, woe worth the hour?’ It is plain
that it cannot be used in its ordinary acceptation as a sub-
stantive or an adjective: but our own language offers us
nothing with which it can be connected or identified. In
English the word is, in fact, the only survivor of a once
numerous family: separated from its kindred, its meaning,
and even what part of speech it is, has become totally
forgotten. But in German the whole family still exists in
the shape of a verb, complete in all its parts, and forming
an integral element in the language. Thus the irregularity
ceases to be irregular: the fragment at once falls into its
proper place, as a part in a living whole, and as such re-
assumes the signification which had well-nigh been irre-
coverably lost’. And, similarly, it is often possible in
Arabic to trace the entire stratification of which Hebrew has
preserved nothing more than a few remains scattered here
and there, which, éaken by themselves, can never be adequately
explained.

180. The assertion, however, that Arabic is an older
language than Hebrew will excite, probably, the reader’s
surprise. It will appear to him, in the literal sense of the
word, preposterous, thus to invert the natural order of things :
he will deem it incredible that such an ancient language

 

1 Earle, Philology of the English Tongue, § 283.
234. APPENDIX III. [ 180.

should be younger and less primitive than one which does
not enter the field of history for more than 1500 years after a
period at which the former is known from authentic records
to have flourished. And yet such an opinion is not so
incredible or improbable as it may at first sight appear. If,
for instance, as competent and independent authorities affirm,
there are parts of Arabia in which the language of the Qor’an
may be heard in unaltered purity at the present day, if, there-
fore, the Arabic language has remained unchanged during
the last 1200 years, may it not have continued in the same
manner comparatively unchanged during an indefinite period
previously? Were not the tranquil and secluded habits of the
Arab tribes (whose motto might well have been the words
pains arnay xby yayn mn of25 nnd) eminently calculated
to preserve the integrity of their language, while the migra-
tory and unsettled life of the early Hebrews, to say nothing of
their depression and subjugation in a foreign land, the effects
of which cannot but have been strongly impressed upon
iheir language, would tend in just the opposite direction?
May not Hebrew then, so to speak, be a language which is
prematurely old, while Arabic, under the influence of favoura-
ble external conditions, retained till a much later date the
vigour and luxuriance of its youth?

Obs. It may also be recollected that there are other instances in
which, of two languages belonging to the same family, the one which
historically is known only as the later, may nevertheless contain many
elements more primitive than any to be found in the other. For exam-
ple, compare Latin with Greek. Greek appears as « fully developed
language long before the date of the earliest records written in Latin
(inscriptions of about 250 B.C.): yet comparative philology teaches us
that Latin is in more respects than one an older language than Greek—
it retains the older forms, which in Greek have gradually given way,
and receded from sight. Thus the digamma (F), which the metre proves
to have existed at the time when the Homeric poems were composed,
before long vanished from the language: in Latin the corresponding
sound (v) was retained to the end (wizewm, vicus, video, etc.), Similarly,
where in Greek we have only the aspirate, Latin retains the earlier
181.] ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 235

gg

sibilant: cf. €, &€, érra, bAos, lornue with se, sex, septenc, salvus, sisto.
Numerous instances may also be found in the case- and person-endings.
In Greek o was regularly dropped between two vowels, in Latin it was
retained, at least under another form: accordingly in generis, musayum,
we hear the representative of the o which had already disappeared even
in the oldest Greek forms, -yéveos (for *yeve-o-os) and povodwy. Passing
to the verb, we have here sum by the side of eit (for *éopi, Sk. dsm),
es by the side of ef (i.e. *éot, cf. éoot, Sk. dsz), evam by the side of jv,
in Homer éyy (i.e. *éonv), siem (for es-iem) by the side of ein (i.e.
*éainv): in eget the ¢ is preserved which has vanished from Aéyet (for
*Xéyert), though it re-appears in Aéyerai, and in verbs in -wu takes the
form of o: legdmas and legunt, like the dialectic Aéyoues, AéyovTt, are
older than A€youev, A€-youor (for A€yovet, i.e. Aéyovrs), and legentem,
like matrem and decem, is older than Aéyovra, pytépa, and déxa (Sk.
matdram, dagan). These examples, shewing as they do that numerous
forms still existed in Latin centuries after they had been lost or mate-
rially modified in Greek, form an interesting parallel to some of the
instances cited above from Arabic as compared with Hebrew.

181. But we are not confined to probable reasoning: the
presence of the older form in Arabic admits frequently of
direct demonstration. Let us take two or three of the more
obvious cases. In Hebrew the consonant following the
article is regularly doubled: we may indeed surmise from
analogy that the duplication conceals some letter which once
formed part of the article; but what that letter may have
been, the Hebrew language itself does not afford the mate-
rials even for a plausible conjecture. In Arabic the hidden
letter is obvious. There the article is ’a/, in which the Z is
never assimilated in writing with the following consonant, and
not in pronunciation except when the latter is a sibilant,
dental, or liquid. Thus ’a/malku= 7280: ’ashshamsu= Woon.
Now it is inconceivable that ’a/ma/ku can have arisen out of
hammélekh by disintegration: Hebrew itself tells us that
FAY, TBM), fBYD are posterior to Nyny, WIND, PEYT: it is
accordingly evident that Arabic has preserved the older un-
assimilated form which in Hebrew regularly suffered assimi-
lation. Exactly the same relation between the two languages
236 APPENDIX III. [181.

is observable in ’anfa,’anium by the side of AX, OMAN, Again
in M— several originally distinct terminations have become
merged: this can be shewn inferentially from Hebrew itself,
but in Arabic these terminations are still distinguishable. In
all feminine nouns such as 12"), the 4 represents an original
th, dropped in ordinary pronunciation, but reappearing’ in
st. constr. and before a suffix N21), ‘N2"2?:; in Arabic the ¢
is written regularly, medinatun, city (where 2 is the so-called
‘nunation,’ and « marks the nominative case). Similarly
N33 was once ka/abath, as we see from the form assumed
before a suffix pn (cf. also the sporadic forms ny, nvy,
n¥, etc.): accordingly in Arabic we have regularly, as
3 fem., katabat. In verbs 1’, the m stands for an older * or},
which must indeed be presupposed for such forms as "8,

 

1 So in French the ¢ of Aadet, amat, lost in 77 a, 21 aime, becomes
audible again in a-¢-27? adme-t-i] ? *Ebde:éa is in Sk. adiksham, and the
liquid with which the Greek word must once have terminated is seen in
the middle éde¢d-p-nv.

? Retained in Phoenician, all but uniformly (Schréder, Phin. Gramm.
p- 170), and likewise in Moabitish (see Motes on Samuel, p. \xxxvi ff.).
In Hebrew, also, it is preserved in certain proper names (some doubt-
less of Canaanitish origin), as nwa Gen. 26, 34. 1 Ki. 4,15; nom Gen.
28, 9. 2 Chr. 11,18; namx Gen. 26, 26; ny132 1 Sa.9, 1; also nya and
n3122: more often in names of places, as nb’x Dt. 2,8; npx2 Josh.
15, 393 nyii18, 28; n1at19, 12. 21, 28; np yz 1 Ki. 17,9: further,
with a long vowel, nyow 2 Ki. 12, 22; ninw 1 Chr. 8, 21; nnaon
Josh. 16,6; N33 19, 26; nova 19, 44; NIDN Gen, 48, 7; nov Isa. 10, 28;
non often. Add also the rare poetical forms nim Ps. 16, 6; ny
60, 13 =108, 13; n3w 132, 4 (see Del. ed. 3 or 4); and the archaic nyt
Ex. 15, 2 ‘my strength avd a song is Yah,’—the supposition that > of
the suffix may have dropped out is rendered improbable by the recurrence
of exactly the same form Isa. 12, 2. Ps, 118, 14: at the same time it is
possible (Bottcher, i. p. 241) that the older language, dispensing with
superfluous letters, intended the » of the next word to do double duty, so
that the whole would read man193). The suggestion that the names
ending in MN are apocopated from mn-< (Hupf.) is not necessary, or
supported by analogy. Cf. Ges.-Kautzsch, § 80. 2, rem. 2% ”,
182. | ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW, 237

MON, PST, HY, and the derivatives ‘37, }*P2: in Arabic the
weak consonant is often visible to the eye (though quiescent
when the vowel immediately preceding it is 2), as ly ra’a? =
WN, (Sl ’afe” =n, (5 nagiya = 7p.

At the commencement of a word Hebrew evinces a strong
dislike to the presence of 4, a letter for which Arabic has
almost as marked a preference: thus for bs, yo, wv, we find
walada, wasta, waritha; in which of the two languages now
has the change taken place? Hebrew itself will answer this
question. By the side of 10% we find Wpin, Ibi, 15% (cf.
yni}), where it is impossible to account for the 1 except by
supposing it to have been the original letter which in 1o* was
modified into * owing to a peculiarity of Hebrew pronuncia-
tion: the opposite assumption cannot be made, because no
assignable reason exists for an original’ to be changed into}
so soon as it ceases to begin a word. More than this, the
Arabic ’awlada shews us the uncontracted form of pin: as
in ’aw, gawlun, maw'idun (icy2), for iS, Dip, Tid etc., the
waw retains its consonantal value, and aw (which is obviously
the earlier form) has not yet become ¢.

182. Having thus by a variety of instances, all pointing in
the same direction, established our right to treat Arabic forms
as more primitive than the corresponding forms in Hebrew,
we may go further, and adopt the same opinion, without
hesitation, in cases which might seem inconclusive if con-
sidered by themselves, but which, in the light of those
instances, will not admit of explanation by any different
hypothesis. It is a characteristic of languages which occupy
towards one another the relation here shewn to subsist
between Arabic and Hebrew, that isolated or sporadic forms
in the one correspond to forms of regular occurrence in the
other. Now for 28, 3, ADyP, we find occasionally a K’tib
wns, 105, smbup (2 Kings 4, 2. 7.16.23. Ruth 3, 3. 4 al.), and
in Arabic this yod is the regular mark of the 2nd fem. sing.,
238 APPENDIX III. [182.

as ‘ant, lak (Qor. 3, 32), gatalt’: accordingly it is plain that
z was the original vowel (cf. also *Sypn), which in Hebrew,
gradually becoming inaudible, was ultimately omitted in
writing, except in the cases alluded to, and before a suffix
where like the #h, § 181, it naturally reappears (ABP)?
In the same way, there can be hardly any doubt that the rare
terminations 4, ‘—, }/—, sometimes affixed to words in sv.
constr. (Olshausen, §§ 107, 123 ; Ges.-Kautzsch, § go. 2, 3)*, are
relics of ancient case-endings—petrified survivals*, meaning-
less in Hebrew, full of meaning in Arabic and in the primitive
language from which Arabic and Hebrew are both equally
sprung. ‘The case is similar with M_, which, with names of
places, was still felt to retain a definite import (expressing
motion towards), but in nbd regularly (cf. 9 viyda in modern
Greek), np Jud. 14, 18 (which cannot be simply femznines,
if only on account of the tone) is a perpetuation of the old
accusative-ending -a, though with loss of its particular sig-

 

1 In Syriac the yod is written, but not pronounced : vha/, wad,
eidSfo. Syriac likewise sides with Arabic in some of the other
points enumerated: cf. Ml, Srl, KXAS (3 fem), ol?
JNaoax, spas, In the Aram. Jdor, nid (=Heb. mn), we see
the older 1, which is also retained in the name m7.

* The 1— of the nomin. is found, not only in compound proper names,
as N19 face of God, xinw name of God, 1D etc, RWIND man of
God (w being the relative pron. = Assyr. ska), mbwinn, but also most
probably (if the reading be correct) in 1935 1Chr. 8, 38=9, 44, ini>°n
Neh. 12, 14 Qré, and certainly in 12wa, the ‘ Arabian,’ Neh. 6, 6: in
illustration of this forezg name, may be cited the numerous Nabataean
proper names (Euting, Wabatdische Inschriften, 1885, pp. 73, 90-92),
ending regularly in 1 (e.g. yomda, nan, 1950, IV*po, yam, Vom,
etc.). See also Philippi, S¢. Constr. p. 132; Blau, Zur Althebréischen
Sprachkunde, in Merx’ Archiv, i. (1870), p. 352.—Ewald’s explanation
of the forms referred to, Ld. § 2114, is not probable: it is criticized at
length by Philippi, /.c. p. 104 ff.

* Most of the infinitive forms, in Greek and Latin, are the petrified
cases of abstract nouns—whether locatives or datives: Sayce, Zutrod.
1, 430, ii. 144; Curtius, The Greek Verb, p. 344 (Engl. Tr.).
182.] ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 239

nification*. And this leads us to the subject which immedi-
ately concernsus. Exactly as na corresponds to (x53 daytan,
so nbopys corresponds to the Arabic ‘ energetic’ cist (also
pksi) ’aqtulan (also ’agtulanna).

Obs. On n— it may further be remarked that it clings likewise to
a few geographical names, Dt. 10, 7 Gudgddah, and in the fem. Num.
33, 22f. Kehelathah; 33 f. Yotbathah; Josh. 19, 43 and Jud. 14, 1. 5
Timnathah; Mic.5,1 Ephrathah. It is to be recognized also in the poet-
ical by-forms (in all of which the tone is similar) mn Ex. 15, 16;
mga Ps. 3, 3. 80, 3. Jon. 2, 10; mnBip Hos. 8,7; mndry 10, 13
(also Ez. 28, 15. Ps. 125, 3; 11N5o Ps. 92, 16. Job 5, 16); many Ps.
44, 27. 63,8. 94,17. The view that these are ‘double feminines “is an
extraordinary one, and is rightly abandoned in Ges.-Kautzsch, § 90, z,
rem.®; they agree precisely in form with mniy ¢o Gaza, mpaaa to

Te

Gibeah, and the only question is whether they are actual archaisms

 

1 This will not surprise us any more than the manner in which, after
the declensions, as such, were given up in the Romance languages, the
noun still continued to be designated by a form derived not from the
Latin nominative, but from the accusative: thus in French we have
rien, raison, murs, maux, from rem, rationem, muros, malos ; le, les,
mon, mes, from illum, tllos, meum, meos, etc. Respecting this selection
of the accusative, see further Brachet’s Historical French Grammar
(Kitchin’s translation), pp. 88-96, where it is likewise shewn how, in
isolated instances, as in /i/s, the nominative was preserved : in French,
then, by a strange reversal of what might have been anticipated, the
nominative was the exceptional form; in Hebrew, on the other hand,
this peculiarity fell to the share of the accusative as well. ‘In modern
Arabic the oblique form of the plural (-77) has everywhere superseded
the direct form (#7),’ Wright, Arabic Grammar, i. § 347, rem. 6: ct.
Philippi, S¢. Constr. p. 143 ff.

In classical Arabic the noun is declined as follows :—

 

SINGULAR. Dua. PLURAL.

 

N. Rétibun=(and) | katibéni | kdtibina.

G.D. | Rdtibin Rbtibaind | Rétibina,
A. Rétiban

 

 

 

 

 

The coincidence of the Hebrew dual and plural with the od/igue cases
in Arabic is remarkable, and cannot be purely accidental.

poN
240 APPENDIX III. [183.

which held their place in the language, or whether they are affected
archaisms framed at will by particular poets. For those at any rate
which are isolated (as mB Y Job 10, 227) or are met with only in
later writers (TIN4¥ Ps. 120, 1; and the masc. mye 116, 155 mor
torrent 124, 4), the latter alternative is decidedly the more probable :
the use of , Ps. 113, 5-9. 114, 8. 123, 1 (see Delitzsch, Introd. to
Ps, 113; Ges.-Kautzsch, § 90. 3%), shews to what an extent the later
poets loved these quaint forms. But the termination may here and
there have been employed with its proper force, as in Ps. 80, 3 735
mnpaw’y; 44, 27999 TNA MDI (cf. 38, 23 ‘NIIyd AwIM), and per-
haps also 63, 8. 94, 17. :

188. To the reader who is unacquainted with Arabic, the
force of this comparison will be rendered more palpable if
it be explained that in that language the imperfect tense
possesses four distinct modal forms, each marked by its own
termination, viz. the indicative, the subjunctive, the jussive,
and the energetic. Thus from ga/ala ( = 2?) we get—

 

INDIc. Susj. | JussIve. ENERGETIC.

 

1 sing. ’agtulu —|’agtula |'agtul | agtulan(or -anna).
3 pl. masc.| yagtuliéna |yagtulh |yagtuld| yagtulun (or -unna).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In yagtuliina the source of the 2 in PPP. immediately
discloses itself: like modern Arabic, Hebrew, as a rule,
discarded the final syllable -~a; it was not, however, disused
altogether, but kept its place as a fuller and more significant
form, adapted to round a period, or give to a word some
slight additional force?. With the subjunctive we are not
here further concerned: but the two remaining moods have

 

1 But mndton Jer. 11, 15 is corrupt (see R.V. marg., or OPB): read
with LXX DA Hain for Dat ANDINA (with JnyI PVD Ay»).

? Particulars respecting its occurrence may be found in -Béttcher,
§ 930: the instances are also collected 2 extenso by Konig, Alttesta-
mentliche Studien, ii. (Berlin, 1839) [a comparison of the style and
language of Dt. with that of Jerem.], p. 165 ff. See more briefly the
author's Motes on Samuel, on 1 Sa. 2, 15.
183. | ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 241

‘both left in Hebrew indelible marks of their presence, in a
manner which declares that they must once have been more
uniformly and extensively recognizable than is now the case:
marks which it is the more important to observe, since, as the
usage of the language shews, they still retained a distinctive
meaning. As regards the jussive, nothing need be added to
what has been already said (§§ 44, 151 Ods.). With respect to
the energetic, which, like the jussive, is used indiscriminately
with a// the persons, a reference to the examples given below,
Pp. 245, will shew that its use is by no means limited to the
expression of a strongly-felt purpose or desire, but that it is
employed much more widely, to convey, for instance, an
emphatic command, or to add a general emphasis to the
assertion of a future fact—it being a matter of indifference
whether this fact is deserved by the speaker or not: and the
reader will not unnaturally wonder why, when its significa-
tion is so broad and comprehensive in Arabic, any difficulty
should be felt in conceding a similar scope to the Hebrew
cohortative. A przorz, to be sure, the cohortative, so far as
can be seen, might have been employed with the same range
of meaning as the energetic: it is only actual examination
which, fixing narrower limits for the vast majority of passages
in which it occurs, forbids us to exceed them for the two or
three isolated occasions upon which its predominant sense
seems out of place.

Obs. In many—perhaps most—of the cases where Arabic makes use
of the energetic, Hebrew would, in fact, avail itself of a totally different
construction, viz. the zz/inztive absolute prefixed to the verb—a construc-
tion which imparts similar emphasis to the sentiment expressed, and of
which it is almost impossible not to be spontaneously reminded, as one
contemplates the Arabic energetic. Not only do the two idioms agree
in other respects, but, singularly enough, the infinitive absolute is fre-
quently found after ox (e.g. Ex. 15, 26. 21, §. 22, 3. 11 f. 22. Lev. 7,
18. 13, 7. 27, 10. 13), precisely as the energetic occurs after Le}. Will
it, then, be thought too bold to conjecture that the wider and more
general functions which this form continued to exercise in Arabic, were

R
242, APPENDIX Il. [184.

in Hebrew superseded by the rise of a new idiom, of genuine native
growth, which gradually absorbed all except one? that in this way the
termination -a% or -anna, from having been once capable of a more
varied application, came ultimately to be definitely restricted to the
single function with which we are familiar? Both idioms subserving
upon the whole the same objects, after the inf. abs. had established
itself in the language, they would speedily come into collision ; it would
be felt, however, that the two were not needed together, and by a
division of labour the language would gain in both definiteness and
force.

184. The opinion that Hebrew exhibits in germ the
grammatical forms which appear in a more developed form
in Arabic, cannot be sustained; and though it has had its
advocates!, is now deservedly abandoned by scholars. It
need only be added that in adopting the view, which has
been accepted and exemplified in the preceding pages, there
are, of course, two errors to be guarded against: one, that
of imagining Hebrew to be derived from Arabic; the other,
that of concluding everything exhibited by the classical Arabic
to have originated in primitive Semitic times. The true
state of the case is rather this: Hebrew and Arabic, with the
other Semitic languages, are the collateral descendants of
the old Semitic stock, among which Arabic appears upon
the whole to have preserved the greatest resemblance to the
parent tongue: but this by no means excludes the possibility,
and, indeed, the probability, of Arabic itself, after its separa-
tion from the other languages, developing particular forms
and constructions peculiar to itself alone.

Obs. So Noldeke, the highest living authority on the philology of the
Semitic languages, writes (Encyclopaedia Britannica, ed. g, art. ‘Semitic
languages,’ p. 641 f.) :—‘ But just as it is now recognized with ever-
increasing clearness that Sanskrit is far from having retained in such a
degree as was even lately supposed the characteristics of primitive Indo-

 

* Comp., for instance, Renan, Histoire Générale des Langues Sémi-
tigues, pp. 424, 425 (ed. 1863), or the Dict. of the Bible (ed. 1), art.
‘Shemitic languages and writing,’ § 32 (1863).
185.] ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 243

European speech, so in the domain of the Semitic tongues we can assign
to Arabic only a relative antiquity. It is true that in Arabic very many
features are preserved more faithfully than in the cognate languages,—
for instance, nearly all the original abundance of consonants, the short
vowels in open syllables, particularly in the interior of words, and many
grammatical distinctions, which in the other languages are more or less
obscured. But on the other hand, Arabic has coined, simply from
analogy, a great number of forms, which, owing to their extreme
simplicity, seem at the first glance to be primitive, but which, neverthe-
less, are only modifications of the primitive forms; whilst perhaps the
other Semitic languages exhibit modifications of a different kind’ And
(p. 646) ‘with regard to grammatical forms, Hebrew has lost much
that is still preserved in Arabic’: but the greater richness of Arabic is
in part the result of later development?.’

185. Turning now from structure to function, we may
collect a few illustrations of the more noticeable significations
that are borne by the two tenses.

§ 13. See Wright, ii. 1°, and cf. Qor. 3, 75. 108. 6, 31. 7, 69.

§ 14. Ewald, Gramm. Arab. ii. p. 347: ‘Usus perfecti de re futura
in Korano latius patet, videturque mihi vestigia quaedam hebraei
perfecti cum 1 relativo servare.’ The use alluded to is, I believe,
confined to those descriptions of the ‘Hour’ of resurrection, or the
future life, with which the Qor’an abounds ; and though at times the
perfect appears in the neighbourhood of other perfects without waw

 

1 It is noteworthy that, as Gesenius long ago remarked (Pref. to his
Lehrgebiiude der hebr. Sprache, 1817, p. vii), the modern popular
Arabic often agrees with Hebrew against the classical or /z¢evary Arabic,
many grammatical forms existing in the written language having in the
popular language dropped out of use, precisely as happened in Hebrew:
for some illustrations of this, see Wright, Arabic Gramm. i. §§ go end,
185 rem. ¢, 308 end (as well as different passages in his Compar.
Grammar); Philippi, Wesen und Ursprung des St. Constr., 1871,
p. 145 ff.

2 See further, on the same subject, Philippi, Wesen und Ursprung
des St. Constr. passim, especially pp. 124, 142-151, with Noldeke’s
review of it in the Gott. Gel. Anzeigen, June, 1871, p. 881. Noldeke
gives it as his opinion that the presence of vowel-terminations in old
Semitic, as germs of the Arabic cases, is very probable: he only demurs
to the supposition that as yet they had definitely begun to fulfil the
functions of the three cases as such.

R 2
244 APPENDIX III. [185.

(e.g. 6, 22-31. 7, 35-49), yet it is so much more frequently found
surrounded by zmerfects (in a future sense) as to make it difficult to
avoid accepting Ewald’s conclusion. The list given by Ewald by no
means exhausts the instances which might be found: two or three
examples will, however, be sufficient for our present purpose. ITI, II.
too he (Pharaoh) will head his people on the day of resurrection
J@awradahum (as though 01191), and lead them down into the fire.
14, 24-28 and they will come forth to God altogether, and he will say
etc. 25, 27 and one day will the heavens be cleft avd the angels de sent
down descending. 44, 54- 59. 5, 19-39. 78, 19 f.

§ 17. Qor. 7, 87. 11, 35 aes a si voluertt. 45. 83 as for thy (Lot's)
wife, on her shall light what zw2// ‘have lighted on them. 109 abiding in
it as long as the heavens and earth shall have Jasted, except thy Lord
shall have willed otherwise. 42, 43; after : o> unizl, 6, 31.

§ 19. Cf. Qor. 3, 138. 159. 7, 149. 10, 52.

§ 27. Various instances of the zxceftive force of the imperfect :—

gz
3, 42 he only saith to a thing, Be, wha and it ts; s0 52. 19, 36 (cf.

Ps. 33, 9). 7,98. 11, 40 @i23 and he went on i build the ark.

18, 40 Jess 20, 41. 58, 93 after 3 (=1n), 3, 120 yf 5i then thou
wentest on to say; after a 5 (cf. De), 3, 22. 40, 69. 58, 9, cf. 11, 7.
21,12. Also 7, 114. 26, 44 and Moses cast down his rod, 32 ie Ibs
and behold IT degan devouring their inventions. 11, 44 (6 Sei (529 aut
IT began to move.

3, 39 when they weve casting lots. 145. 147 when ye were coming up
the height. 21, 78 when they were giving judgment. 40, Io.

The inceptive force of the tense is also conspicuously displayed
when it follows a verb in the past for the purpose of indicating the
intention or object with which the action was performed; as 3, 117.
6, 25 when they come to thee ¢o dispute with thee. 7, 72. 10, 3 then
ascended his throne yudabbiru to rule all things. 42,9; cf. 3, 158.
34, 43 al., and Wright, ii. § 84. With 11 1x DY, cf. 19, 15 yawma
yamitu (= m1) D1) the day he would die on.

§ 34. Wright, ii. § 8°; Qor. 7, 84 and sit not in every road menacing
and misleading (both indic.). 11, 80, Compare also Steinthal, Charac-
teristik, p. 267.

§§ 44-46. On the energetic, see Wright, ii. § 19. Unlike the
Hebrew cohortative, it is used freely in a// the persons; the nature
of its intensifying influence will be clear from the examples:—Qor. 3, 75
surely () ye shall believe in him! 194 da'ukaffiranna (= TBIN 1B2)
surely I will forgive you your evil deeds! 6, 12 he w7é/ surely gather
185. | ARABIC AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF HEBREW. 245

you together for the day of resurrection. 14 do mot be of the ‘associators’
[i.e. the Christians]! 35, 80 do not be one of the ignorant! 77 surely,
if my Lord doth not guide me, surely 7 shall be of the people that err !
7,5 surely we w7// ask! 121 surely J will crucify you! And after Ul
if at all, whether: 6, 67 and if Satan cause thee to forget (=nB3 Dnt
yOwT W2), etc. 19, 26 (= "NIN TNT ON); 7, 33. 199. 10, 47 (cf.
4°, 77) whether we let thee see some of the things with which we
threaten them, or (3!) take thee to ourselves, to us is their return.
43, 40 £.

§§ 122-129. The use of the Arabic 3 /a, as illustrating the em-
ployment of 1 to introduce the apodosis or the predicate, was already
appealed to by the mediaeval Jewish grammarians and commentators
(e.g. by Ibn Ezra, frequently), Examples may readily be found:
thus with 1y11 dow then, Ps. 4, 4, compare Qor. 3, 14 O our Lord!
we have indeed believed, so forgive us our sins! 44 I come to you with
a sign from your Lord; so fear God and obey me: behold God is my
Lord and your Lord; ¢herefore serve him! 89 God is truthful ; follow,
then etc.

With the instances in §§ 123, 127, compare (a) 3, 49. 50 as to those
who believe, chem (3) he will pay their reward. 26, 75-77.

(8) 6, 72 in the day that he saith, Be, them it is! 16, 87 and when
they shall have seen the punishment, ¢hex it will not be lightened off
them. 26, 80. 43, 50. 50, 39 in the night, ¢hez praise him! (in Hebrew,
with of course the perfect, Yarmawy 79°31.)

(y) 3, 118 (14, 14f.) upon God, there (5) let the believer trust !
To, 59 in the grace of God and in his mercy, why, in this, ¢Azs let them
rejoice! 16, 53 wyrayd GEG so me, me revere! 42, 14; constantly
after whoso, as 3, 79 whoever has been true to his engagement, and
fears God, why (3), surely God loveth those that fear him. 76. 88.
45, 14 whoever does right, falinafsth? (1wI51) ’tzs for his own soul ;
after whatever, 42, 8. 34; in the apod. after 74 40, 22; after whether

- OF ..4, 10, 47. 40, 77.

 

1 See his Comm. on Gen. 22, 4. Ex. 9, 21. Lev. 7,16. Is. 48, 7. Zech.
14, 17 (§ 124), etc. Comp. W. Bacher, Adraham [bn Esra als Gram-
matiker, Strassburg, 1882, p. 138 f.
APPENDIX IV.

On the Principle of Apposition in Hebrew.

Note. The following pages, which lay no claim to independent
research, are based on the two papers of Professor Fleischer, ‘ Ueber
einige Arten der Nominalapposition im Arabischen,’ in the Berichte
tiber die Verhandlungen der Kon. Sachs. Ges. der Wissenschaften zu
Leipzig, 1836, pp. 1-14; 1862, pp. 10-66 (reprinted in his Aveinere
Schriften, ii. 1, 1888, pp. 1-74); and on those parts of Philippi’s mono-
graph on the Status Constructus (Weimar, 1871) in which the same
subject is treated with more immediate reference to Hebrew. The
object of Fleischer’s first paper was to correct certain mis-statements in
the Grammars of De Sacy and Ewald: it provoked (as might have
been anticipated) a characteristic reply from the last-named scholar in
the GGAN. 1857, pp. 97-112: and the second paper accordingly
defends z extenso, with a profusion of illustrative examples, the prin-
ciples laid down more briefly in the first. The dispute between the
two great grammarians turned, however, not so much upon the facts
(though doubtless these were not duly estimated, and in part also over-
looked by Ewald) as upon the relative priority, in the class of instances
under discussion, of the s¢. constr. and apposition, Ewald contending in
favour of the former, and regarding apposition as a breaking up of the
older and stricter union of words, and the last resource of a decaying
tongue, while Fleischer maintained that, where idioms defining the
relations between words with precision and smoothness, are found side
by side with simpler and rougher constructions in which those relations
are only noted in their broader outline, presumption is in favour of the
priority of the latter. The srinciple of apposition, however, is not
confined even to late Hebrew, so that Fleischer’s position seems to be
more in accordance with analogy, and is accepted without hesitation by
Philippi (p. 90 f.).—It is convenient sometimes to use the term 4z-
nexton (= ails) to denote the s¢. constr. relation.
186. | PRINCIPLE OF APPOSITION IN HEBREW. 247

The main principles here explained were also, it is worth adding,
recognized long ago in their bearing on Hebrew syntax by the late Pro-
fessor Lee, of Cambridge: see his Hebr. Gr. (1832), §§ 219. 1-3, 220.

186. Apposition, in the widest sense of the term, is the
combination of the two parts of a ‘simple judgment’ into a
complex idea’. Every apposition, therefore, presupposes the
possibility of a correlative predication, and any peculiarity in the
nature of the one will but reflect a corresponding peculiarity
in the nature of the other. For example, such expressions as
‘man born of a woman,’ Iwdvuns 6 Barrif~ev, imply, and may
be derived from, the propositions ‘man is born of a woman,’
*Iwdvuns qv 6 Banti¢er, Of course instances like these, which
merely view a single subject under two aspects, are not the
peculiar property of any language: but the Semitic languages
extend the principle much beyond what would be in harmony
with our mode of thinking; they bring two terms into
parallel juxtaposition in order to form a single conception, in
cases where we should introduce a preposition, or substitute
an adjective, as the more precise ‘exponent’ of the relation
subsisting between them. The principal cases fall under two
heads, which may be considered in order.

In Arabic, the material of which an object is composed is
often not conceived under the form of an attribute or quality
belonging to it (a golden crown): it is regarded as the genus
or class to which the object is to be referred, and which is
specified by being appended to the object named, as its
closer definition (he crown, the gold; or a crown, gold). In
this example, the crown is the principal idea, to which go/d
stands in explanatory apposition®; the crown is first indicated
generally, and its nature is then more closely described by

 

1 Berichte, 1862, p. 12.

2 In the technical language of the grammarians it forms a uly :
see Dr. Wright’s Arabic Grammar, ii. § 94, p. 248 (ed. 2, 1875). But
two other constructions are likewise admissible : a crow of (\.»-») gold,
and a crown of gold (the st. constr.).
248 APPENDIX IV. [187.

the mention of the class to which it belongs, the understanding
combining the two ideas thus thrown down side by side into
the logical unit which we express by the words “he (or a)
golden crown. Let this be distinguished from the other form
of apposition, @ pound, gold; here the first word marks a
weight, measure, or number, and the second is described as
the Permutative! of the first; and here, moreover, the
measure, apart from the thing measured, being but an im-
palpable magnitude, it is the second, not the first word,
which is the principal idea.

187. The form which the predicate assumes is determined
similarly. Terms expressing ‘dsémcfly its relation to the
subject, such as consists of, contains, extends over, measures,
weighs, etc., are avoided: an article zs the material of which
it is composed, the whole 7s its parts, the genus zs its species,
the thing weighed zs the weight, etc. Or, to pass to concrete
instances (selected out of a large number collected by Fleischer
from Arabic authors), ‘their garments ave silk’ (Qor. 35, 30),
‘each house zs [not, zs of] five stories, ‘Memphis was aque-
ducts and dams,’ ‘potash zs many kinds,’ ‘the crocodile 7s
ten cubits,’ ‘the waters of the Nile in such and such a year
were ( = rose) five cubits,’ ‘the pilgrimage zs ( = lasts) some
months’ (Qor. 2, 193): in all these instances the predicate is
in the zomenative, and it follows that a simple relation of
Ldentity must be affirmed between it and the subject. The
idiom admits of imitation in English, more or less close, and
sometimes quite naturally: Mecca was at that time a// salt-
wort and thorns, the field was one mass of bloom, ‘the poop
was beaten gold,... the oars were silver:’ still, in Arabic at
any rate, it must have been in too constant use to imply quite
the emphasis which its rarity gives il in our own language, or
which is made still plainer by the addition of ‘all’

 

1 Jas: so called because the idea of the empty measure is exchanged,
as the sentence advances, for that of the thiag measured (dé2d. § 94
rem. 6; § 139 rem. 0).
188.] PRINCIPLE OF APPOSITION IN HEBREW. 249

188. By aid of these principles, a multitude of construc-
tions occurring in the O. T. receive at once a natural and
sufficient explanation: the harshness and abruptness, as it
seems to us, may not indeed be removed, but this is now
seen to constitute no difficulty to the Semitic mode of thought.
From our point of view, the simplest test of a legitimate
apposition will be (§ 186) its capability of being transposed
into a proposition in which a relation of identity between
subj. and pred, can be conceived; and in fact all the examples,
it may be observed, will bear this transposition. Now (1)
just as Arabic says coal eal the image, the gold, so in
Hebrew we have Ex. 39,17 2730 NIA; 2 Ki. 16, 17 Wan
nyngn : these are both cases of apposition, ‘the cords, the
gold’ = the golden cords; ‘the oxen, the brass’ = ¢he brazen
oxen: not only is there no necessity to postulate an ellipse,
‘the cords (even the cords) of gold’, but Arabic usage alto-
gether prohibits it*. Further examples: 1 Sa. 2, 13 the fork,
the three prongs = she three-pronged fork. Zech. 4, 10 JANN
Sian the plumb-stone ; further, Gen. 6,17. 7,6° Nu. 4, 13.
Jer. 52, 20. 1 Chr. 15, 19 nviny DYADYN ; and somewhat more
freely, to denote, not the actual substance of which an object
consists, but a physical or material characteristic displayed
by it, Jer. 31, 40 Jum oman poyn-dar all the valley, the
corpses and the ashes*. Ez. 22,18 ym ADD oD they are
become sz/ver-dross (the first word in English qualifying the
second, so that the order is reversed). Ex. 22, 30 AIWa3 1Ww3

 

' As is done e.g. by Kalisch, § 87, 10. Ewald, § 290°, less probably,
regards these as cases of dissolution of the st. comstr., brought about by
the article prefixed to the first word.

2 Fleischer shews that annexion is not here allowable.

* Unless (as has been supposed) 0°n in these two passages he a gloss,
explanatory of 9110.

* As predicate, ‘the valley was corpses and ashes,’ like ‘ Memphis
was aqueducts.’ With §§ 188-192 comp. generally Wright, § 136°;
Ew. § 2872.
250 APPENDIX IV. [189-

mp1p flesh in the field, that which is torn = form flesh (cf. Jer.
41, 8). 24,5 and 1 Sa. 11,15 ody Ov (elsewhere ‘nat
nvoby). Dt. 3, 5. 16,21 yy b3 mwx=an Ashérah (of) any
wood. Isa. 3,24 MMpd NYWYD, Ez. 43,21 NNONT AWBATNN the
bullock, the sin-offering (usually NNONN7B). Ps. 68, 17
mountains, peaks} = peaked mountains. Cant. 8, 2 ep TPS
npn I will give thee to drink of wine, spiced mixture’ = spiced
wine.

(2) To these correspond, in the predicative form, Ex. 9, 31
byay AnwaM Dax Aiywn the barley was ears, and the flax
was bloom. Jer.24,2 one basket was good figs etc? Ez.
41,22 7Y N20. Gen.1,2 the earth was an emptiness and
waste. 14,10 the vale was pits*, pits of slime. Isa. 5,12 and
their feast zs harp and lute etc. 30, 33 D'S)) UN ANTID. 65, 4
omds Dp PIB. Ps. 23, 5 M7 °DID my cup 2s an overflowing.
45, 9 all thy garments are myrrh. Ezra ro, 13 O'DwI Ny the
season was showers. Jer. 2, 28 thy gods ave the number of
thy cities®.

189, It is but an extension of this usage (though, as it
would seem, more liberally employed in Hebrew than in
Arabic*) when terms denoting other than material attributes
are treated similarly. Thus (1) Josh. 16, 9 midaaen oa
the cities, the separations = the separate cities’. Ps. 120, 3

 

1 Embracing in a complex idea the subj. and pred. of the proposi-
tions, ‘the mountains weve peaks,’ ‘the wine was spiced mixture.’

? Lee (§ 219) explains similarly Ez. 34, 20 /z¢. sheep, fatness. But no
doubt 7°72 (cf. v. 3), or at least 7373 (Olsh. p. 327), should be restored.
5 Cf, ‘all the district was figs, vines, and olives’ (Ber. 1862, p. 34).

* The first nvNa a sespended st. constr., like Ps. 78, 9: Ew. § 289°.

° Cf. ‘ their woes are the number of the sand’ (Ber. 1862, p. 39).

® On ‘adlun, and some other words originally substantives (comp.
in Hebrew oy, which is only in the later language, Ps. 109, 8. Eccl.
5, I, treated as an adj., and declined), see Berichte, 1856, p.5; Wright,
li. § 94 rem. 6.

7 But possibly nioq397 (pt. Hof.) should here be read: cf. the verb
(Hif.) in Dt. 4, 41. 19, 2. 7.
189. | PRINCIPLE OF APPOSITION IN HEBREW, 251

m7 rw O tongue, deceitfulness! 1 Ki. 22, 27 and Isa.
30, 20 ynd pw) water, affliction (i.e. water given in such
scant measure, as itself to betoken affliction). Zech. 1, 13
words, consolations = consoling words. Ex. 30, 23 WX DNDYB
= choice spices. Pr. 22, 21> NON DON. Ps. 6o, 5 nbynn "

wine, staggering (the staggering being conceived as conveyed
by the wine) = wine of staggering. Jer. 25, 15 TON nn.

(2) Gen. 11, 1 the whole earth was nn naw. Ex. 17, 12
mx wom and his hands were firmness (= were firm).
Isa. 19, 11 (perhaps) T¥Y. 24, 10 the city is TID soltariness.
30,7 NY on 279 Rahab (Egypt), they are wz/er indolence
(lit. a s¢tting still). Jer. 48, 38 TBDD mb3, Ez. 2,8 ETAT
be not rebelliousness’. 16,47 TY) DIY ANY. Ps. 19, 10 WEY
NOX MM. 25,10. 35,6. 55, 22 his heart is war. 88, 19 ‘VID
yw (if the rendering of Hitz. and R.V. marg. be right).
89, 48 (M.T.) spre ‘IN Dt = remember guantilld sim aevi.
92, 9 ON ANN) and thou art /oftiness (cf. 10, 5 NWO POAWN).
109, 4 (an extreme case) nban I8?, 110, 3 thy people is
Ni27) (ail) freewillingness. 120, 7 dw ~IN*. Pr. 8, 30 WAN
mywyw and I was (al/) delight. Job 8, 9 for we are _yester-
day (2 Sa.15, 20 Twa bywon *3). 22, 12 is not God she height
of heaven? 23, 2 NW "2 ON DA (unless W should be here
read: cf. 7, 11). 26, 13 775¥ Ow In3 by his breath the
heavens are drighiness. Dan. 9, 237 NAN NITION 2, Qoh. 2, 23.

 

1 A passage which shews that in itself Tom 10 °9 Ez. 2, 7 is quite
a legitimate construction: still LXX, Targ. Pesh. and 21 MSS. have here
‘7 m2, which is in agreement with Ez.’s general usage (e.g. 2, 5. 6.
3, 9. 26. 27), and is probably correct. (So 44,6 read with LXX, Targ.
Corn. 97 173 5X nN.)

? Where to supply w’x (Kimchi, A/2ch/ol, 51° ed. Lyck, 1862, and
others) is unnecessary and wrong.

3 So elsewhere with this word, as 1 Sa. 25,6 o15w Jn) DIdSW ANN.
2 Sa.17, 3 095w mrp opieos. Pr. 3,17 DVw mmia9N374d. Job 5, 24
Jom Dw Dd nyt (comp. Del., who shews why D15w cannot be an
“adverbial accus.:’ also Ewald, § 296 end). 21, 9 D\YW DT'NS; and
elsewhere.
52 APPENDIX IV. [ 190.

Obs. Other cases of an abstract word used as predicate: Gen. 49, 4
(implicitly). 1 Sa. 22, 23 nyewo; 21, 6, Isa. 23, 18 and frequently
wp; Ez. 27, 36 n° nina thou art become Zerrors, which throws
light on 26, 21 Jane nim)a, and 16, 38 ANIP) AMM OT PN (after
a verb of making): cf. the phrases 152 ’p mwy Zo make any one an
utter end, i.e, to exterminate him; ¢o make any one (all) meck, or
shoulder (Ex. 23, 27. Ps. 21, 13), i.e. to make them shew only their
backs in flight.

190. The same tendency to express a compound idea
by two terms standing in apposition may be traced in other
cases, not of the same distinctive character as those which
have been already discussed. It is doubtless, for instance,
the explanation of those constructions in which analogy
would lead us to expect the s¢. cons¢r., but in which we find
in fact the s¢. ads.—with or without the article. Thus, in
expressions indicating locality, Nu. 21, 14 i708 pena
(see Dillmann). 34, 2 jyao youn. 1 Sa. 4,1 aya jaya the
stone Help (5, 1. 7, 12, however, the sé constr. “IyM jaX is
used). 1 Ki. 16, 24 WOW IND (but PY 1, ON 77 etc.).
t Chr. 5, 9 MB W130 (usually 17872). Further, 2 Sa. ro, 7
O°7333 N3¥7 the host, (even) the mighty men. 1 Ki. 16, 21
Sew yn (so Josh. 8, 33. Ezra 9, 1). 2 Ki. 7, 13 Kt.
Dew joa (Qré Dew 70, omitting the art., as just below,
in the same verse). Jer. 8, 5 nde vm oyn?. La. 2, 13
nova nan O daughter, Jerusalem®. 2 Chr. 13, 3 ‘W3) na
monby. 14, 8. Ezra 2, 62 their book, the registered (perhaps
the “ie of the record). Neh. 7, 5. Dan. 8, 13.

Oés. So the infin. after pn, Ex. 9, 18. 2Sa. 19, 25; cf. 2 Chr. 8, 16.
But it is too bold to extend this principle to Isa. 22, 17 JowdwO MID MIT

 

' Comp. in proper names wav Yah is honour, ayo Yah is help,
yawim? Yah is opulence, which are different from the verbal types
DPWIM, NPD, etc.

? Where, however, LXX do not recognize Ddwin: probably rightly.

* Unless this be one of the anomalous cases of the art. in s¢. constr.
(Ewald, § 2904; Ges.-Kautzsch, § 127 rem. 4). Elsewhere, even as a
vocative, there occurs regularly Dowiy na, 7V¥ Na, ete.
190. | PRINCIPLE OF APPOSITION IN HEBREW. 253

322 7505» (as was done formerly by Delitzsch): 112 must either be a
voc. (Hitz. Ew. Cheyne, Dillm. R.V. marg.), or belongs to § 161, 3
(Ges. Del. ed. 41, R.V.). It is difficult also to follow Philippi (p. 86)
in referring here Josh. 3, 14 m7a0 yinND. 8, 11 mean DyT: in the
former passage, the original text had probably only NT, n-nin being
added by a subsequent editor or redactor (cf. 1 Sa. 4, 3-5 LXX and
Heb., with the author’s note); in the latter, there may have stood
originally either simply oyn (as v. 10: so Dillm.), or nonbon-py
(as vv. I. 3. 10, 7. 11,7), Oy having been written in error by a scribe,
who did not see what was to follow, through the influence of v. 10
(twice).

Philippi would account similarly for oonwp ANIa Isa. 11, 14; but
here it can hardly be doubted that Néldeke is right (GGA. 1871, p. 896)
in regarding the punctuation "N23 as embodying @ particular interpre-
tation, that, namely, which is already found in the Targ. (47 n>) and
is followed by Rashi, according to which N23 is taken, not in con-
nexion with o’nwp, but, like 1m D2w, Zeph. 3, 9, and fos ~~
in Syriac, as a metaphorical expression =‘ with one consent.’ The same
interpretation is also given of mn3w, Hos. 6, 9 (Tg. Rashi, Kimchi,
A. V.); but there, no less than here, the absence of the crucial Tox
seems decisive against it. If, however, we abandon this interpretation,
and connect 7n3 with o'nw>p, we must abandon also the punctuation
which embodies it, and read the usual s¢. constr. form An3a . A similar
instance is afforded by 5, 30: here the old interpretation of ’2) Vind 3,
still traceable in the characteristic paraphrase of the Targ., is ‘moon
and sun are darkened’ etc., and this is represented both by the accen-
tuation and the games under 1, coupling together 11n1 1x: but if that
interpretation be given up, both the accents and the punctuation must
be modified likewise. So 2, 20 minp 1pm) the punctuation is meant
probably to express the sense ¢o dig holes (cf. Kimchi): ¢o the moles
must be read ninpipm). See further 43, 28 (p. 70 2.), and the pas-
sages cited from the same book in § 174: also Ps. Io, 8. 10 (where
the points express the sense, ‘thy host,’ and ‘the host of the grieved
ones’). Qoh. 3, 21 (the pronouns x*7, which would be altogether out
of place, if 75)y7 and n310°7 had the av¢., but which are required—see
Nu. 13, 18-20—if the 7 be the interrogative, shew that the punctuation
is incorrect, and that the rendering of R.V. must be adopted: see

 

1 Where, however, the reference to 0°72 D°D and 30, 20 seems to
be no longer in place, illustrating, as it does, the now discarded explana-
tion of ed. 3.
254 APPENDIX IV, [rox.

Delitzsch or Wright). 5, 17 (the reve‘a, with accompanying pausal
form, at 128, expresses a false interpunction: see Del.).

Other apparent instances, also, deviate too widely from the normal
usage of the language to be due to anything but textual corruption: so
Josh. 13, 5 *baam porn (cf. Dillmann), 1Sa.1, 1 oypy¥ OND IT (where
the text, if only on account of the asc. ptcp., cannot be correct: read,
after LXX, »piz a Zuphite—cf. 9, 5—for 0’b1xz, and see more fully the
writer’s note ad Joc.). 2 Sa. 20, 23 Sxiw? NANT 52 (read simply Nayn 99:
see 8,16). Ez. 45,16 parm ayn 55 (omit part with LXX, Cornill).
And in 2 Sa. 24, 5 1377 5am is not to be rendered, with R.V., ‘the val-
ley of Gad :’ the text of the first part of the verse must be emended,
with Wellh. and Lucian’s recension of the LXX, to yo) ay1iy9 VM)
‘a1 vyit: the whole will then read: ‘And they began from Aroer and
from the city that is in the midst of the torrent-valley (same expression
as Dt. 2, 36. Josh. 13, 9. 16), cowards Gad’ etc. In Jer. 32, 12 also it
is doubtful whether napon 1pN can be rightly explained as ‘the deed,
the purchase’=the purchase-deed: vv. 11.14 we find the normal
m2por 1d, and in w 12 for TIpAM DOA NX ynxi LXX have simply
kat wea ai7d (comp. Stade in the ZA TW. 1885, pp. 175-8). Jud. 8,
32 °11y77 24N TIDY must no doubt be corrected to ‘13yTT *aN NY,
exactly as 6, 24: ‘observe that év *Eppada *APrecbpe of the LXX presup-
poses a final n. 538 in the compounds o-¥n 438, DDD b3K,
mimo bay, m2yN Na bax, DOW JIN, seems (if the punctuation be
correct) to ‘have retained anomalously the longer vowel in the s¢. constr):
the same may have been the case in D’n’ap Mw Gen. 14, 5 (cf. mB
alone v, 17). nya in ypy’ 92 noyxa Dt, 10, 6 may be the sé. constr. :
see Gen. 26, 18.

191. A doudle determination by both a following genitive
and a prefixed article is as a rule eschewed in Hebrew;
though it is met with occasionally (Ewald, § 2904; Ges.-
Kautzsch, § 127 rem. 4), particularly in the later language.
The following passages, however, in which, it will be
noticed, the s#. consfr. is dependent not on the consonants
but only on the vowel-points, are otherwise in such com-

 

1 The ature of the second term in these instances is opposed to
Philippi’s view that they may be cases of apposition: the French
‘ Maison Orléans’ etc., which he compares, are derived from a different
family of languages, and cannot be regarded as really parallel.-
191.) PRINCIPLE OF APPOSITION IN HEBREW. 255

plete analogy with some of those just cited, that it is difficult
not to believe that the punctuation is in error, and that the
st. abs, should be restored: 2 Ki. 16, 14 where NWNIA Hawn
would be in conformity with nyraa “PRO, v. 17 (§ 188. 1);
Ex. 39, 27 read WY NIADI (§ 193 or § 195).

Obs. 1. But Jud. 16, 14 aq8a 1m’ the corruption is probably deeper:
comp. G. F, Moore in the American Oriental Society’s Proceedings,
Oct. 1889, p. clxxvi ff. (who cancels 4mm as a gloss): and Jer. 25, 26
TOINT 2D ID VOR pun niapopn-o9 we must evidently read -5>
nid2090 (without pix), with LXX; notice the tautology of the
existing text.

Obs. 2. 2 Ki. 23, 17 the last words belong to 8171, not to n-wy ; and
if 13107 be read, they run quite naturally ‘against the altar zz Bethel;’
cf. 1 Ki. 13, 4: the preposition is, of course, not necessary with a com-
pound proper name, for the purpose of expressing locality: see e.g.
2 Sa. 2, 32. om) m2 Ww which was 2 Bethlehem (but 172773), 2 Ki.
10, 29 bx-n?3a a¢ Bethel (but 73). So Gen, 31,13 98M ONT tDaN
may be understood as ‘I am the God af Bethel,’—i.e. the God who
appeared to thee at Bethel. In accordance with the same principle
Nu. 22, § 19-722 Yrx 3730 is naturally ‘the river “ the land of’
etc.: comp. 2 Sa.17, 26 Iydam prs...jm1. In Ez. 47,15 pnn yan,
yon might possibly be an accus. of direction after ]117; but the
occurrence in 48, 1 of the normal yn 717 makes it probable, in view
of the notoriously incorrect state of the text of Ezekiel, that ;)nn WW
should be read likewise here. Elsewhere it must remain uncertain
whether we have anomalous cases of the art. with the s¢. constr., or
whether the art. is due to corruption of the text: so, for instance,
Jer. 38, 6 Pan ya i350 wan. Ez. 46, 19 wip nizwhr (see the
usual form in 42, 13). 2 Ki. 16,179. For 11ws 7071 Isa. 36, 8. 16 the
parallel text 2 Ki. 18, 23. 31 has correctly 1.wx 79; and for yan
mow Jer. 48, 32 there is found in the fundamental passage Isa. 16, g
the regular Mnalw 7a (the explanation as accus. locd, suggested by

 

1 Similarly >> n>a zz the house of Yahweh, 2 Ki. 17, 3. 15 and con-
stantly, Jrax-n?a Gen. 24, 23, 9N7 MND ad the entrance of the tent,
Gen. 18, 1. 10 ete., but »n’23, 123, etc. The note in the Speaker's
Comm. ii. p. 545 is doubly wrong. But we do not find mw, j\1nw,
etc., unless a verb of motto has preceded (as 1Sa. 1,25): cf. the
writer’s note on I Sa. 2, 29.
256° APPENDIX IV. [ t92.

Philippi, p. 38 f., would be very harsh, and not in accordance with usage).
On some other passages, see Ges.-Kautzsch, § 127 rem. 4.

192. The same principle regulates the use of terms
specifying weight, number, or measure :—

(1) Ex. 27 16 MON DTWY JO a veil, swenly cubits. 29, 40.
30, 24 fi) mt ree olive oil, a hin. Nu. 15, 4-7. 2 Sa. 24, 24
own odpy mp2. 1 Chr. 22, 14 27%. 2 Chr. 4, 2 a line,
thirty in cubits. Ez. 40, 5. 47, 4 psa ny! walers, knees,
in our idiom, waters reaching to the knees. Similar are
Nu. 9, 20 "BD OM? Neh. 2, 12 byD DWIX. Isa. 10, 7
pyo xd on. Gen. 41,1. 2 Sa. 13, 23 al. OD pnw two
years, time. Dan. 10, 2 DY’ Dyaw nwby. 3%: Jud. 19, 2
own myaaN om (where the order is reversed). Here,
however, in Hebrew the sv. constr. may be used, which is
not permissible in Arabic‘: 1 Ki. 7, 10 MYON WY AN
stones of ro cubits. Dt. 4, 27 TBD ‘ND,

(2) As predicate: Ez. 45, 11 the bath and the ephah
shall be one size®. 2 Chr. 3, 4 the porch was 20 cubits.
11. Gen. 47, 9 by. Dt. 33, 6 WO VND 1" and let his
men be a number! (i.e. numerable, few). Isa. 10, 19 "HDD
yn.

198. There are two cases, however, which though they
may at first sight appear similar to these, are in fact dif-
ferent: (I) when the first member of the pair is definite,
the second indefinite; (II) where the measure, or weight,
precedes the thing measured or weighed.

I. Let us take as an example 1 Chr. 28, 18 AN? D'330,

 

1 Cf. ‘he is from me the length (Nom.) of a spear’ (Ber. 1862, p. 51).

* Cf. Qor. 18,10 [se cep years, a number Ne ieee serra
years] (26. p. 39). Soin Syriac SSS JXxo a , Nhgico fra

* Hence, no doubt, 0’ win, on ny, henge regarded in itself
an’ might be a genitive, are to be explained similarly.

* «A cord of a cubit’ cannot be said in Arabic: only ‘a cord, a
cubit’ (2d. p. 31: see the illustrations, pp. 39, 50 f.).

5 Cf. ‘an image, the size (Nom.) of a man’ (2d. p. 57).
19 3+] PRINCIPLE OF APPOSITION IN HEBREW. 257

This must not be rendered ‘the cherubim of gold;’ ant. is
an accus. of limitation, defining more precisely the nature
of the cherubim (called technically ¢emyzz), just as in Arabic
oye GLE (or nla), a (or the) ring as regards or in
iron’. Examples of this idiom from Ex. 25 ff. are doubtful,
as the words there are mostly under the government of a
preceding nwy, or similar word; but it must be recognized
in some passages which, though apparently simple, have in
fact caused much perplexity to grammarians, viz. Ps. 71, 7
W pnd; 2 Sa. 22, 33 bn ‘YD; Hab. 3,8; Ez. 16, 27
M1 JBI; Lev. 6, 3 72 19, where the first word is defined
by a pronominal suffix. In the first place, though Hebrew
alone would not enable us to affirm it, these cannot be
rendered (as some commentators have supposed) as if they
involved a double annexion,—‘ my refuge of strength’ etc.
It is a general rule, writes Fleischer%, in all the Semitic
languages, that when a word is in the sé. constr. with a
following genitive, ‘its capacity to govern as a noun (seine
nominale Rectionskraft) is thereby so exhausted that under
no conditions can it govern a second genitive in a different
direction.’ Accordingly, ‘my iron shield’ in Arabic can
never be expressed by ‘my shield of iron’ (gen.), but only
either in apposition ‘my shield, the iron,’ or, with the
defining accus., ‘my shield, in iron:’ an example translated
literally into Greek, runs veyxe mpds airév tov Oapaxd pov vy
oidnpov. It follows that ty, mt, etc. must be regarded as
either in apposition, or as accusatives: the circumstance that
they are all indeterminate (not 1yn ‘pn) is in favour of the
latter supposition,—my refuge as fo or for strength, thy way
Sor or in wickedness*.

Obs. Lev. 26, 42 apy? °n?73 and Jer. 33, 20 DIT ’n’n2 are probably
similar: ‘my covenant—Jacob,’ ‘my covenant—the day,’ *n11 being

 

1 Philippi, p. 39; Wright, ii. p. 136. Comp. Dan, 11, 8 (Bevan).
2 Berichte, 1856, p. 10; cf. Philippi, p. 14.
3 So also Lee (§ 220. 3), citing in addition Lam. 4, 17.

s
258 APPENDIX IV. [ 194.

determined ob/iguely, so to say, by the adjuncts apy’ and 51m respec-
tively: Ewald indeed (§ 211°) compares bbw ’nNdnD etc.; but the
personal pron. seems desiderated. Delitzsch, in his note on 2 Sa. 22
(at the end of Ps. 18, p. 203, ed. 4), adopting Nagelsbach’s remark that
in certain cases the type 19 ‘pm for the usual *3y DMD must have
been a logical necessity, suggests that this transposition of the pron.
suffix to the nomen regens may have been adopted thence into the
syntaxis ornata; but have we any evidence that those cases were
sufficiently numerous to give rise to the tendency to transpose which
this explanation presupposes? Was not what to us appears to be a
logical necessity avoided in Hebrew by an innate difference both of con-
ception and expression ?

Tn 1738 1218 Ps. 35, 19. 69, 55 WH wai 38, 20, rpw is unques-
tionably an adverbial accus. 27 falsehood =falsely: cf. 119, 86. Ez.
13, 22, and the frequent (225 greedily, Lib oppressively, in the Qor’an.
The view that it may be a genitive, expressed in the earlier editions
of Delitzsch’s commentary, is in his two last (1873 and 1883) entirely
abandoned. The ptcp. with a suffix is followed by other adjuncts of an
adverbial nature, 17, 9 VB23; 35, 19° Don.

194. II. This case exemplifies the second type of appo-
sition, referred to in § 186, ‘a pound, gold,’ in which, the first
term denoting mierely the unfilled measure, the term which
follows it is the one of primary import. Here, however,
though Arabic very often makes use of apposition, it does
not do so exclusively: the article measured may be specified
by being placed in the accus. (a pound as /o or mm gold)’;
and here also annexion (which was not. allowable in a former
case, § 192) may take the place of apposition, in Arabic no
less than in Hebrew. But, as Hebrew does not mark the
case-endings, where the s/. constr. is not employed, it must
remain uncertain whether the object measured was conceived
in apposition, or as an accus. of limitation: there are analo-
gies which perhaps favour the latter”.

 

' Wright, ii. §§ 44°, rem. c, p. 136; 94, rem. 6: Lee, § 219. 1 note.

? Examples of the acc. of respect are numerous, Ewald, 281°, 283":
Job 15, 10 DM PANN W313. Ez. 45, 14 }Ow nan (though these two
words agree badly with the context, and are probably a gloss: cf.
Smend, Cornill) is, however, a clear case of apposition.
194. | PRINCIPLE OF APPOSITION IN HEBREW. 259

Instances are very frequent: Gen. 18, 6 nop D'XD vow
3 sedhs, meal (or, 2 meal). Ex. 9, 8 }¥23 MB DDN Nd.
16, 32 12 WPT NOW (so Nu. 22, 18 D2 12 ND), 28, 17
}28 ONY DYIIN (39, To JAN WD). 29, 40 NOD wy a tenth
(of an ephah), fine meal. Nu. 5,15 nop nDNA nowy. Ruth
2,17 OMyw ms an ephah, barley. 1 Ki. 18, 32 YU DYAND,
2 Ki. 3, 4 100,000 W¥ pvyy 100,000 rams, wool (i.e. their
fleeces). 5, 17 MDI OB TH Nb. 23 APS DNB; and
often after mdpw, etc., and (spw being omitted) ADS ony.
Cf. 2 Sa. 24,13 IY] DW y2v. A similar usage prevails in
the case of MWD, Gen. 43, 15 DI NW. Dt. 15, 18 (but some
edd. read here 73), Jer.17, 18 OVIY jaw nw,

The construction of xwmerals falls under the same general
principles: nybw, nwon, etc. are substantives and construed.
as such: ova nwby Ls. a triad, sons (apposition), and so
pdpy am wy 20 shekels; but TI D WY 20 zn years (accus.,
mw being indeterminate).

Obs. The principles of Semitic syntax thus established have a bearing
on the much controverted passage Ps. 45,7 1P} D2iD DON ANDI.
In addition to the ordinary rendering, ‘ Thy throne, O God, is for ever
and ever,’ three others have been proposed: (1) ‘ Thy throne is God
for ever and ever,’ (2) ‘Thy throne of God (or, Thy God’s throne, i. e.
Thy divinely established throne) is’ etc. (Ges. Jes. i. p. 365). (3) ‘ Thy
throne is God’s throne (cf. 1 Chr. 29, 23) for ever and ever’ (Ibn Ezra ;
Kimchi, Avichlol, 51°; Ges. Thes.; Ewald; Hitz.). The first of these,

being felt to include an unsuitable comparison, has found few sup-
porters in modern times®: and Gesenius’ supposition, implied in (2),

 

+ An exact parallel is afforded by Qor. 3, 85 there shall not be
accepted from one of them C.2§ ee) Be (Sam porn xbn)
the fulness of the earth, gold, where another reading is the accus. Lies
‘in gold.” On the Syriac usage, Noldeke, Syx. Gramm. (1880), § 214.

2 So always in Arabic for numerals between 11-99 (Wright, § 99):
cf. Philippi, p. 89, and see Aug. Miiller, Schulgramm. § 468 f.

8 See against it, most recently, Cheyne, Bampton Lectures 1889,

. 182,
r $2
260 APPENDIX IV. [195.

that xDD is followed by two genitives in different relations, is exactly
what is declared by Fleischer (cited § 193) to be inadmissible. But
even (3) does not appear to be more tenable: the predicate, in the
parallel instances (§ 188), is conceived always 2” the nominative, not
in the genitive; so that the insertion of ‘ throne of’ is plainly unauthor-
ized. Can, however, ‘Thy throne is God’ be understood, on the
analogy of the examples in § 189, to mean ‘Thy throne is divine’
(rather, perhaps, ‘ godly,’ Mal. 2,15)? All these examples, it was
shewn, presuppose a relation of édentity between the subject and the
attribute predicated of it ; and though it may be convenient to translate
in English by an adjective, this translation is justified, not by having
recourse to an ellipse, but by ¢he /acdt assumption of that relation. The
ideas of God and throne, however, are so dissimilar, that it does not
seem possible to class this passage in the same category. It is indeed
urged by Hitzig that while pb.y occurs frequently enough as an zndirect
predicate, only nbiy) is used as the dévect predicate: thus 10, 16 Yah-
weh reigneth nbiy, but 106, 1 his mercy D1 zs for ever, Lam. 5, 19
31111975 JXxD2. The observation is an acute one, and (I believe)
correct: still, as we saw, words denoting time do stand as predicate,
and as such are identified with the subject; can it be said that ‘ Thy
throne is diy? differs, so far as form is concerned, from ‘ we are 51nn,
Job 8,9? At least, the identification of a divine throne with eternity
seems easier than that of God with a human throne. Cf. Ps. 52, 3 10m
over be, 2 Chr. 12, 15°.

Olshausen, admitting that Ez. 41, 22 etc. (§ 188. 2) are ‘ altogether
different,’ but yet feeling the difficulty of obi», suggested that a verb
had fallen out, and gives choice of four (y)3it, 7219, Dp, 733), one
of which might be prefixed to 7xD3: but this would render the first
verse-half rather heavy, and Lagarde’s typ for 1v1 (Proph. Chald.
p. XLVI1) is rhythmically preferable (see Ps. 89, 2). The proposal,
which has also been made, to omit 0'75x as a gloss, would surely leave
the first clause singularly weak'.

195. The analogy of the primary predicate is followed
also by the zrtary predicate. Just as Hebrew says ‘the
altar was stone,’ so it says, not ‘he made the altar of stone,’
but ‘he made the altar, stone. This is different from the
inverted order, which also occurs, ‘he made the stones an

 

' For other suggestions on the passage, see Cheyne, 7he Book of
Psalms (1888), pp. 127, 384; and Bampton Lectures, p. 182.
195.] PRINCIPLE OF APPOSITION IN HEBREW. 261

altar:” in the former ‘he made the altar’ is the chief thought,
and is a complete sentence in itself; the material is specified
by being appended to the term ‘altar’ in apposition: in the
latter the ‘stones’ are the principal idea, and the sentence is
only completed by the addition of the word ‘altar.’

(1) Examples are frequent :—Gen. 2, 7 “BY DNA nN wy
YN 7D and he made man, dust from the earth. Ex. 20, 25
mp pas n72n ND thou shalt not build them (of) hewn-stone.
25, 28. 26,14.15. 27,1. 1 Ki.7,15.27. Our idiom would
here regularly insert of And with the principal predicate
before the verb:—Ex. 26, 1 MVS WP nvyn ppeeTny),
29. 28, 39>. 38,3 nen ney wg by all its vessels he made
(of) copper.

When, however, the material is to be particularly specified,
that naturally stands first: Ex. 25,18 and thou shalt make
two cherubim, gold; (here follow the closer directions) nwpn
ON& AYA beaten work shalt thou make them. 29>. 39. 26, rb.
7b, 31>, Dt. 27,6 7 man nX man moby oan. Isa. 50, 3.

(2) In all the preceding instances the verb goes closely
with the odject made, in those which follow it goes primarily
with the material:—Gen. 28, 18 7331 ANN oy, Ex. 12, 39
and they baked the dough Ni N3y (into) unleavened cakes.
30, 25 yow INN Mwy) and thou shalt make it (into) holy
anointing oil. 32, 4. Lev. 24, 5. Nu. 17, 3. 4 and they beat
them out (into) a covering for the altar. 1 Ki. 18, 32 n& 7334
mam ovann. Jer. 5, 22. 18,4. Hos. 4,8 their silver (which)
Dvasy wy they made (into) idols. Amos 4, 13 ny AN’ wy
hit, maker of the dawn darkness. Isa. 50, 2. 51, 10.

With the material or substance which is the object of the
action preceding the verb :—Mic. 1, 7 MRY DWN MAY. 4, 13
ba owe yop) and thy horn I will make iron. Isa. 26, 1
salvation maketh he (to be) walls and bulwark. Ps. gt, 9.
Job 28, 2 nvm) pry jax) and stone one melteth (into) copper.
Also Ez. 35, 4 DWN NIIN AMY. Amos g, 8 pwnn Ad) DY day
262 APPENDIX IV. [195.

he darkeneth (to) night (cf. with b, Job 17, 12 avd nbs
ww").

And with that which is the reswd/ of the action preceding
the verb :—1 Ki. 11, 34 "PON N'Y °D. Ps. 39, 6 ANNI MN|Y
‘1p’. 89, 28 etc. Isa. 26, 18 Z#, salvations (i.e. saved and safe)
we could not make the land (cf. v. 7 P"1S bye pban aw
(into) an even one dost thou level the path of the just): cf.
Ps. 58, 9 like a snail abn py that passeth away into slime;
and with a passive verb, Isa, 24,12 Tyw no MN and into
ruins is the gate broken. Job 22,16 DID" py’ WI (into) a
stream is melted their foundation.

Obs. Ihave multiplied examples here on account of their bearing on
Ps. 104,4 DTd WR VOW MIMI VIRdD wy. Of these words two
renderings, it will he clear, are quite legitimate: (1) ‘maketh his mes-
sengers of winds, his ministers of flaming fire’ (Del. Cheyne); Ex. 25, 28
(37, 15- 28) would then be a precise formal parallel, D-14N nR nwy)
mow zy, and the meaning would be that winds and fire are the
elements of which the messengers are formed; and (2) ‘maketh his
angels /o de winds, his messengers ¢o de flaming fire’ (LXX. Dr. Kay),
i.e. transforms them into winds and fire (arrays, them ‘with the out-
ward properties of physical phenomena’) [the Targ., less literally,
‘making his messengers (1723N not his angels) swift as wind, his
ministers strong as the glowing fire’]. Can the words, however, be
rendered, (3) ‘who maketh his messengers the winds, his ministers
the flaming fire?’ Do they express not that God makes his messengers
of winds, or transforms them (upon occasion) into winds, but that he
uses the winds in his service? There is unquestionably much authority
for this view: it was adopted without hesitation or remark by Rashi
Qembw mimi ne mwiy), Ibn Ezra (quoting Ps. 148, 8), Kimchi;
and among moderns by Ewald, Hitz., Hupf.: it is also strongly com-
mended by the general purport of the Psalm, which (as is well drawn
out by Dean (now Bishop) Perowne, in « paper in the Zxfosztor, Dec.
1878, p. 461) is to shew how the various zatural agents are appro-
priated to different uses by the Creator. This, the same paper further
tells us, was so strongly felt by the late Bishop Thirlwall, that nothing
but the ‘irresistible compulsion of a grammatical necessity,’ derived
from the order of the words, forced him to reject the rendering pro-
posed: the Dean himself felt similarly until 2 comparison of Isa.
37, 26, 60, 18° led him to think the difficulty might be overcome.
195.| PRINCIPLE OF APPOSITION IN HEBREW, 263

Where authorities are thus divided an opinion must be offered with
diffidence : still Areseemption appears to me to be unfavourable to (3).
Let us vary the phrase in Micah with the view of producing one as
parallel as possible to the one before us. o13 vw Dwi would be a
good Hebrew expression (cf. Ps. 69, 12 pw %w1a> TINK. 147, 14
Dw 7123 OWN): the orus would be the primary idea, and the
object of the sentence would be to state that they were of iron: had the
intention been to express that the iron was made into horns, the instances
(2) above (p. 261) seem to shew that the order would have been own
yvanp dia: 104, 3. 18, 12. Jer. 17, 519113 wa own. Job 31, 24.
38, 9 1125 yov Vorwa. Isa. 54, 12 TM ww 1375 yn9w) (where the
following clauses with 5 can have no retrospective bearing on the con-
struction of the first) would then be similar. If the analogy here
suggested be just, it cannot but confirm the doubts entertained by
Bishop Thirlwall against the rendering ‘maketh the winds his mes-
sengers’ etc.: would not the word maketh, also, in this expression,
implying application only, and not constitution, be the equivalent of
ow rather than nvy? Isa, 37, 26 the strong term nixwm) limits far
more than wr the sense of what follows: 60, 18 myiw> nap?
Jminin the definiteness of ?n101n as compared with my iw? causes it
to be naturally taken as the primary object; and in fact the same
definiteness must be felt to give 1.35 an analogous position in relation
to nimi. Nor would 60, 17%, which might also be appealed to, be
more decisive: the rendering of this passage given by A.V., Hitz., Dr.
Kay, and R.V. cannot be shewn to be insufficient.

After all does the first rendering, ‘Who maketh his messengers of
winds, his ministers of flaming fire,’ afford ‘such an inadequate sense ?
Though it may not state it so directly as ‘who maketh the winds his
messengers etc.,’ does it not still clearly imply that the winds and fire
are the personified instruments executing the Divine purpose, and
accordingly express substantially that appropriation of natural agents
which Dean Perowne rightly desiderates?
APPENDIX V.
1. Zhe Casus Pendens.

196. In prose and poetry alike, terseness and simplicity
are the notes of Hebrew style. A sentence may indeed be
prolonged indefinitely, when its different parts are connected
merely by and (Dt. 8, 12-17. 24, 1-4. Jer. 13, 13); but other-
wise, if it be at all involved, it speedily becomes unwieldy’.
One of the secrets therefore of writing a lucid and classical
Hebrew style is to break up a sentence into manageable
subdivisions. In poetry each verse must have its own rhyth-
mical scheme: it must be articulated, rhythmically and
logically, into well-defined clauses ; each of these must as a
rule not consist of more than three or four words; and if
for the sake of breadth or variety, a clause contains more, it
should be such as to admit naturally of a pause in the course
of it (Ps. 27, 4. 42, 5. 65, 10). It follows from this that a
piece of modern English poetry, for instance, can seldom be
rendered literally into Hebrew; its long sentences must be
transformed so as to be capable of distribution into parallel
clauses; and the abundance of epithets which in our eyes
add richness and beauty, but which are incompatible with
the light movement of a Hebrew lyric, must be sacrificed,
and expressions chosen which, while brief, suggest them
more or less by implication. Similar principles regulate the

 

1 Instances of such sentences first become frequent in the latest
Hebrew style, especially in Chronicles, Esther, and Daniel.
197-| THE CASUS PENDENS. 265

style of Hebrew prose. Sentences must be connected in the
simplest manner possible: co-ordination must often take the
place of subordination (pp. 157 #., 186 f.): a series of condi-
tional clauses must be relieved by mm) (§ 121), and a phrase
like ta 6rav @\6y (Luke 14, 10) must be rendered, not by
82) wea qy0d, but either TON)... 82 yy or WON... NID 7M
(comp. Dt. 8, 12 f. R.V, and Heb.).

197. One of the commonest and most characteristic
artifices of which Hebrew avails itself for the purpose of
avoiding an unwieldy sentence is the casus pendens (in Arabic,
the nominative). This possesses more advantages than one:
not only does it give the subject (or object) a prominent
place at the beginning, and ease the body of the sentence by
permitting a light pronominal suffix to take its place: but it
further rounds the sentence off, and gives it an ending upon
which the voice may suitably rest (e.g. Job 29, 16 mobs a
wp. Ps. 90, 17 9919 3") AwyID)).

The following are the principal types :—

(1) Gen. 28, 13 the land which thou liest upon, mans 7
to thee will I give it and to thy seed (substitute JAN for Manx,
and it will be found that, however the words be arranged, the
sentence will lose either in neatness or expressiveness, or
both). 26,15. Dt. 2, 23. 7,15. 14,27. Josh. 9, 12 (ink) this
our bread—hot did we provide it from our houses, when etc.
2 Ki. 1, 4. 10, 29. Isa. 1, 7 AMIN moax DT DNDN. 9,1
(balance and parallelism far better preserved than by by
fm WN... awh). 15, 7. 26, rz accents (very harsh: Ew.
Dillm. construe as R.V. marg.). 42, 3- 53, 4. 59, 12>. Jer.
36,14. Ez. 32, 7. 8. Ps.125, 5. 145, 6. 147, 20. Job147, 15
me wD smrpm (so Jer. 2, 24. Pr. 18, r4 MISH AND OM).

(2) Slightly different are Gen. 17, 15. 34,8 MPwn ja Daw
_. etwas. Dt 32, 4 Oye oven Wyn. 33,17 977A Mw 5a,
2Sa.21,5f. 23,6 pnbs 322 yip2 by¥da1 but worthless men—

as thorns driven away are all of them. Ps. 10, 5.15 yu. 13,4
266 APPENDIX V. [197-

(2 Chr. 16, 9). 18, 31 1377 DrDN NA. 46, 5. 89, 3- 90, IO.
104,17. 125, 2. Isa. 11, 10 (cf. Ez. ro, 11>). 13, 17. 15, 5°.
16, 4 Del. R.V2 19, 17 Hitz. Ch. (accentuating en ANS
‘1nm), 27, 2 the vineyard of wine—nd ny sing ye of it! 32,7
ayn 3 ON, 34, 3. 41, 29. 65, 25. Jer. 49, 21. Hos. 9, 8.
1 Sa, 2,10. 1 Chr. 23,14. 2 Chr, 15, 1. 20,14; after a partep.
1 Sa. 3,11. Pr. rr, 26. 14, 21>, 16, 20 (see also p, 147, 7. 2)”.

Often also with 1IN and wy, as Gen. 42, 13 2228 INN.
42, 36 DYN POW) WH AY. Job 8, 22 we Dye dA
(much superior rhythmically to DYywn bax ps). Ps. 104, 35
ore Ty Dyway; Gen. 18,22 TD wy OWN. 44,14 NIM
nw wy. Nu. xz, 33. 1 Sa.13,7 dadaa any dieva.

(3) Jud. 17,5 DON m3 1D 13% WAM, Lev. 7, 7.33. Pr.
24, 8. Job 22, 8 paNnad prt WN.

(4) With a personal pronoun as subject, Gen. 17, 4 SN
ns ona man (Isa. 59, 21). 24,27. 48,7. 49,8 Judah! Ans
nN WN ¢hou—thy brethren shall praise thee. Dt. 18, 14>.
1 Sa. 12, 23. Ez. 4,12 (30, 18). 9, 10. 33, 17>. Job 21, 4.
1 Chr. 22,7. 28,2. So 397 3") Gen. 9, 9 etc.

(5) Gen. 42, 11 all of us—sons of one man are we.
2Sa.5,1.

(6) The casus pendens is sometimes marked as the object,
by m& being prefixed: Gen. 13, 15. 21,13. 1 Sa. 25, 29%.
Lev. 3, 4. Isa. 51, 22. Ez. 16,58; 2 Ki. 9,27 3790 INN D3;
Gen. 47, 21. 1 Sa. 9, 13 for Azm just to-day—ye will find
him.

Instances in which the predicate is introduced by } or-}
will be found §§ 123 a, 127 a

Obs. 1. The same principle with 5, 1 Sa.g, 20. 2 Sa. 6, 23. Josh.

17,3- Qoh. 1,11: 1, Neh. 9, 29. Ps. 35,8; 9y, Jer. 50, 21. Ez. 1, 26%;
yo, Gen. 2,17. These examples differ from those cited § 123 Oés., as

 

' Unless, as is done by LXX, R.V. marg., and most moderns, we
should read axin °1779 for ayin oa).

* This use of the casus pendens is very‘;common in Rabbinical Hebrew,
¢.g. in the Mishnah, Zasszm.
198. | THE CASUS PENDENS. 267

will be clear if a couple be compared : ‘in his iniquity which he hath
done nin? 13, 2 zt shall he die,’ here the stress falls evidently upon
J32; but in DA“INDOM PupwA ‘and against thy statutes, they have
sinned against them,’ the emphasis is rather on the entire thought.

Obs. 2. Sometimes the subject, instead of being represented by a
pronoun, is repeated, or replaced by an equivalent or alternative
expression: Lev. 4, 11 f. (Jom 92 NK, referring back to all the parts
named separately in v, 11: N’¥1T), § 123 a). 7, 19? TIM 5D WAM
wi 92x° and the flesh—every one that is clean shall eat flesh. 17, 3 f.
(4... 708 wR we resumed by NIT w'Nd). 18, g (20, 6, § 1234).
22, 22 (mx). 23, 2 (79990). 25, 44 (MONI Tay at the end, referring
back to JnoN1 772¥). 27, 32. Nu. 14,7 (lightening the sentence by
making y1xn alone, without the relative clause, the zmmediate subject
of the predication: so Jer. 27,8 12m). 31, 35. 7 Ki. 10, 28%. The
reference back is looser, Ez. 1, 13. 10, 10. 22. Hos, 8, 13; Jer. 44, 16.
Dan. 1, 20 (see § 127 7).

Isa, 1, 13% is to be explained on the same principle, ‘new moon and
sabbath, the calling a convocation—I cannot away with them’ would
be what analogy would lead us to expect; but the prophet heightens
the effect of his words by substituting for ‘hem, a fresh object of his
indignation m3) yIX. Jer. 13, 27 is rhythmically similar: ‘ thine
adulteries, thy neighings, the lewdness of thy whoredom—upon the
hills in the field have I seen thy abominations!’ the last word 7>s1)w
pointing back to, and resuming, ‘121 7»p1x3. Comp. 6, 2. Dt. 32, 14».

Isa. 49, 19, the original subject ‘ya. Jniaim, as the sentence
advances, is left in suspense, and ‘replaced by ‘hou, the subject of
‘izn’ (Hitz.).

198. If this use of the casus pendens be borne in mind,
it will enable us to understand in what sense the assertion is
true that the copula is expressed by the pron. of the 3rd
person. Of course the mere juxtaposition of subj. and pred.
—the latter.as a rule standing first—is sufficient in Hebrew for
predication, e.g. Gen. 3, 6 PY i013, 4,13 NiwRD “iY bina:
of what nature, then, are the instances in which the pronoun
is employed as well? Two cases must be distinguished:
those, viz., in which the pronoun is zwéerfosed between the
subj. and pred., and those in which it follows the predicate.
Let us take the latter case first. Such a sentence as ‘ these
men are at peace with us’ could be expressed by 12n& pby
268 APPENDIX V. [198.

nbxn pwoxn: but the form Gen. 34, 21 ondy np DANA
AN D4, lit. ‘these men—they are at peace with us,’ is at
once less cumbrous and less abrupt: the subj. moreover has
greater prominence, and at the same time the pred., still
preceding on as before it preceded nwinn, is not entirely
deprived of emphasis. The pronoun, however, does not
express the copula: Vn OF nby they are at peace with us
implies the copula, and is a complete sentence in itself, and
the pred. pnby is only referred to nbxn nwnn by these
words being prefixed as a casus pendens. The advantage of
such a form when the subj. consists of a long relative clause
will be evident. Gen. 30, 33. 31, 16 all the wealth which
etc. a3a93 xin nb it ts ours and our children’s (how stiff the
sentence would be if it read iy awyn S> yaady 25 93). 43.
41, 25 the dream of Pharaoh, N\7 INN 7/ zs one. 45, 20. 47, 0.
48, 5 (on 45), Ex. 3, 5%. 16, 36. 32,16. Nu.11,7. 13,3. Dt.
1,17. 4, 24. Josh. 5, 15. 6, 19. 22, 14>. 2 Sa. 21, 2 (after
nd). Isa. 1, 13. 41, 22 (Gen. 23, 15. Nu. 16,11). 49, 21 but
these—Di ME*% where were they? Qoh. 3,15; with a partep.
Ps. 50, 6 for God—he is about to judge. Mic. 7,3. Jer. 6, 28.
Cf. in Aram. Dan. 2, 28 sin mt... qobn.

Obs. 1. So after 1x in negative sentences, Gen. 7,2 M0TAIT 41
RVI TT NDR. 17,12 NIT TY Nd IWR. Nu.17, 5. Dt. 17,15
RUT PR ND WR. 20,15. Jud. 19,12. 1 Ki. 8,41 (=2 Chr. 6, 32).
9g, 20 (=2Chr. 8,7). But Ps. 16,3 TOT pra Vor is an unparalleled
expression for the Zosztive statement, ‘who are in the land’ (cf. 2 Sa.
7,9): and we should in all probability read ‘the saints Tom P12 WORX
‘ay v1 that are in the land, ¢hey (§ 199) are the nobles, in whom
(Ges.-K. § 130. 4) is my delight.’

Obs, 2. Zeph. 2, 12 and ye, Cushites—slain of the sword are they!
with a change of person, after the opening vocative, as Mic. 1, 2=1 Ki,
22, 28 Dba D’py apiw; and regularly in such cases as Isa. 22, 16.
47, 8. 48,1. 54,1 shout, O barren one 175? xd, woman that hath not
bore! cry aloud mba N} (p. 18, 2.) woman that hath not travailed!
II mom x Vb imap afflicted, tossed one, woman that is not com-

forted! Mic. 3, 9. 2 Ki. 9, 31 1278 A117 103 DIDWT is it peace, thou
Zimri, 42s (in our idiom, ¢4y) master’s murderer? Mal. 3, 9.
199.| THE CASUS PENDENS. 269

Ps. 76,8 ANN NVI NN ¢kow—thou art to be feared (cf. Gen. 37,

30°), recalls the Syriac usage: Matth. 26, 73 hol ” ous tu? ‘i 2/ *
John 4, 12. Comp. Jud. 5, 3°33" /—to Yahweh J will sing:

199. The case is different, when the pronoun stands
before the predicate, which is then mostly (not always, Josh.
22,22. Pr. 10,18. 28, 26) definite. Now there is a difference
between the definite and indefinite predicate: being defined,
the pred. does not merely refer the subj. to a class, it crcum-
scribes the class in such a way as to make the subj. identical
with it: thus, to say rd mveipd dort 7d Cworotodv implies that
nothing besides can claim that epithet, and a reflex emphasis
is accordingly thrown back upon 16 mveipa. It follows
further that, subj. and pred. being co-extensive, the proposi-
tion is a convertible one, and it is immaterial which of the
two terms is considered to be the subject, though as a rule
the one which from its position is the first to be apprehended
definitely by the mind, will be most naturally so regarded.
Now though the mere need of separating subj. and pred.
in these cases (Ewald, § 297%) does not seem a sufficient
explanation of the insertion of the pronoun (for, as the
otherwise similar ins'ances § 296%, and above § 135. 7 shew, it
could be dispensed with), it will not be difficult after what
has been said to conjecture the motives which must have
dictated its use: in virtue of its power of resuming and
reinforcing the subject (§ 123 Ods.*), the pronoun at once
makes it plain which of the two terms is the subject, and at
the same time gives effect to the emphasis which, it has been
just shewn, in these cases belongs to it. Observation corro-
borates the justice of this explanation. If the instances be
examined, it will be found that, while they are much less
common than those explained in § 198, the pronoun as a

 

1 Add (from one book) Pr. 6, 32. 11, 28. 13,13. 21, 29. 22, 9.
24,12. 28, 26; more rarely, where the pred. is a partcp. (undefined),
Dt. 31, 3. 1 Sa. 1, 13. Josh. 22, 22.
270 APPENDIX V. [ 199.

rule is evidently meant to be emphatic: in a large proportion
of cases, consisting of the phrases onbyn xin mm (Dt. 4, 35.
39. 7,9. 1 Ki. 18, 39 etc.), DD> NSIT NIN AD, Tan so AM
syed, or noe 75a Nw mn (Dt. 3, 224 9, 3. 31,6. 8 all),
this is unmistakeable?. Thus omdxn xin mm is ‘Yahweh,
ffe (and none else) is the God:’ Dt. 10, 9. 18, 2 i mm
inbm3 Yahweh, He is his inheritance (cf. 10,17). But the
pronoun is not the copula: indo Nin (as 10, 21 sndnn nin
shews) is a complete sentence ; and the pronoun here merely
resumes the subj. zz#i emphasis, just as when in a different
position, § 198, it resumes it w/t¢hout emphasis*. In both
cases alike, then, the copula is not expressed by the pronoun,
but is understood: in translating, however, it is generally
convenient to drop the pronoun, and hence /he substantive
verb seems to be tts only representative. Further instances :—
Gen. 2, 14. 19 (Ni resuming the rel. clause whatever ...; cf.
with a verb 15, 4. 44,17. Ex. 12,16. Dt. 1, 30, and often).
9, 18 pn and Ham, he was the father etc. 15,2. 42,6 9D™
rown xin and Joseph, Ze was the ruler over the land, he was
the counsellor. Dt. 12, 23 wa xin o1n. Isa. 9, 14. 33, 6.
Job 28, 28. Ez. 247, 13.17.21 f. (cf. 23, 45. 36, 7). Hos. 11, 5°.
Cf. Nu. 16, 3 DWP Odd AAA OD,

 

1 Where the stress is on who is 099 OMb2m: 4, 24 (§ 198) on the
contrary the stress is on what Yahweh is, viz. T5218 WR.

? The parallelism in Dt. 9, 3. 31, 3. 8. Jos. 22,22 (cf. 23, 3 and 5),
where x17 is resumptive, first with the ptcp., and afterwards (cf. § 123
Obs.) with the finite verb (RIT T9D1N WR PID WIV NIT PAR
PIp) Dy ID NIT OVAw; YI NIT NID YT Nim >’), affords a
strong argument against the opinion that xn in this position was felt
merely to do duty for the copula. Cf. also Ps. 100, 3 and 1o1, 6°;
Pr. 28, 26 and »,

* Albrecht, ZA TW. 1888, pp. 250-2 does not properly distinguish
these two cases. 7

* So 6 eds ory 6 évepyav=syipn xin ondRM. The inserted
pronoun doubtless in time lost its distinctive force, and ultimately
became little more than the copula (cf. the ‘ pronoun of separation’ in
Arabic: Wright, ii. § 124); but Neh. z, 20. 1 Chr. 11, 20 (Ryssel,
200, THE CASUS PENDENS. 271
: /

Obs. So after Wx in positive sentences, chiefly before an adj. or
ptep.; Gen. 9,3 °7 NIT WR word, Lev. 11, 26. 39. Nu.g, 13
VID RUT Wwe WRT. 14, 8. 27. 35,31. Dt. 20, 20 NIT WR Ven
Mama yay mys. 1 Sa. 10,19. 2 Ki. 25, 19 (Il Jer. 52, 25 mm for x17).
Jer. 27, 9. Ez. 43, 19. Hag. 1,9. Ruth 4,15. Neh. 2,18. Qoh. 4, 2.
7, 26; and before a verb 2 Ki. 22, 13 (2° omitted in the || 2 Chr. 34, 21).
These are probably all the instances that occur. On the same usage in
other Semitic languages, comp. the references in the writer’s note on
1 Sa, 10, 19.

200. Does xin do duty for the copula when inserted
between AN or 8 and the predic., as Ps. 44, 5 “bp N37 TAS?
Here we must either (with Roorda, § 363, and Delitzsch on
Isa. 37, 16) suppose that Nin strengthens the preceding pro-
noun, as though equivalent to airés—‘ ‘hou, he (and none
else), art my king,’ or (with Ewald, § 297> end’) regard it as
anticipating the predicate—‘ ¢hou art he—my king.’ The
rarity with which xyn is appended to a mouwn—Isa.7,14 xin”.
Nu. 18, 23 xin nbn. Esth. 9, 1 stand perhaps alone in O.T.—
the difficulty of separating WAT N47 WN Isa. 52, 6 from
NUT OIN 41, 4. 43, 10. 13? etc. and NIN ANN Ps. ro2, 28 (where
nin is, of course, predicate), and the analogous... Ni "D
(if not...on nbw as well), where the pronoun cannot be
accounted for except on the assumption that it is anticipa-
tory, favour the latter supposition. The other instances are

2 Sa. 7,28 ooNN Non ANN. Isa. 37, 16. 43, 25 NYT DIN DON
Tyws ANd, g1, 9.10.12. Jer.14, 22. 29, 23 Kt. (Ew. Keil

 

p. 63) do not differ from Gen. 24,7. 2 Sa. 14,19”: Esth. 2, 14 17 is
required on account of the partcp.; and x17 MN Neh. 9, 7 is by no
means feculiar to the latest books. With the use of the pronoun to
signify the presence of the subject, Lev. 13, 4 (noted on the same page),
comp. 1 Sa. 20, 33 (though the text is here doubtful). Isa. 36,21. Jer.
50, 15. 25. 51,6.11; cf. Mic. 2,3, and perhaps Job 32,8 (or § 201. 1?).

1 So Gramm. Arab. § 657; and Aug. Miiller, § 499.

2 Where J am he (sc. that I have ever been) =‘I am the same,’ predi-
cating the identity of an individual with himself: but whether x17 can
predicate the identity of diferent individuals, as many commentators
suppose on Job 3,'19, must be regarded as exceedingly doubtful.
272 APPENDIX V. [20r.

etc.) Neh.9, 6. 2 Chr.20,6. Soin Aram. Dan. 2, 38 ANN
SINT YAWN NIN. 5, 13. Gen. 16, 13 Ong, YT STON NIT nN
xdoo. Ps. 73, 5 "21D NTN.

Oés. 1. 1 Chr. 21, 17. Ez. 38,17 also, x17 is clearly predicate. The
change of person which follows in these passages («ard ovveow) is very
unusual: Jer. 49, 12 7p2N Api XI ANNI may, however, perhaps offer
a parallel!—the relative being omitted (§ 201. 2); see also Jud. 13, 11.
Neh. 9, 7 (cf. Nu. 22,30); and cf. in Syriac, Wright, Afocr. Acts of
Apostles, pp. 179, 12. 180, 3. 198, 11 al. ; Acta Pelagiae, pp. 3, 20. 8, 7.

Obs. 2. Ezra 5,11 (Aram.)... 1977 132" is quite in accordance
with the Syriac usage, Luke 22, 67 bias oo i? P J if thou art

the Christ, 70, and often. Matth. 5, 13 Isists Oped we i Shel”

ye are the salt of the earth (Néldeke, § 312 D).

201. (1) Another class of cases, however, though a small
one, exists, in which the predicate standing first, the pronoun
is found before the subject: Isa. g1,19 TPA P AIM DAY. Pr,
30, 24. 29. Cant. 6, 8.9 ‘may NT MnN. Lam. 1, 18” NIN Py,
cf. 1 Chr. 9, 26 (mn). How these are to be understood, will
appear from a comparison of Pr.6,16. 30, 15.18, cf. 1 Sa.
6,9: the pronoun in all alike is an imperfect anticipation of
the subject, which in the former is completed by the moun
following, just as in the latter it is completed by the relative
clause following: ‘four things are they, the little ones of the
earth’ is quite parallel to ‘three things are they, (which) are
too wonderful for me,’ ‘three things are they, (which) be not
satisfied,’ ‘an accident is it, (that) hath befallen us?’

Obs. The pronoun anticipates the subj, rather differently, Ez. 11, 15.
21,16. And may not Isa. 10, 5 *oyt DIA NIT TDN be most easily
construed similarly? the order, and (in the Hebrew) the rhythm, of
‘and a staff is it in their hand, mine indignation’ closely resembles that
of ‘to us is it given, the land, for a possession.’

(2) The pronoun is used very similarly after 9 :—Gen.
27, 33 TS WWM NIT NIN YD who then is Ae—the one that

 

1 Otherwise Ewald, § 314" (du selbst), Delitzsch (2.¢.): cf. the
* enclitic’ oo, Noldeke, Syr. Gramm. § 221.

? So also probably Qoh. 6, ro and that which he, even man, is, is
known (Delitzsch, Nowack).
201.] THE CASUS PENDENS, 273

hunted venison? Ps.24, 10 N)a97 75m mt Nin '; elsewhere
with the finite verb, the relative being omitted, Isa. 50, 9
yw Nin (cf. 60, 8 AMD ays ndN nM. 1 Sa. 26,14 ANN YD
nynp). Job 4,7 T28 "P] N12 who is he (that) perished
innocent (§ 161. 3)? 13,19 “Woy 3 NIN“), al.; and in the
plural, Gen. 21, 29. Zech. 1, 9. 4, 5 nbx non nn what are
they—these? = what are these? With nt, Jer. 30, 21. Comp.
Ewald, § 325°.

(3) It is found, thirdly, in the formulae ... nn nbs and
(in the sing.)... xia mt. The first of these, if Noldius is to
be trusted, occurs only Gen. 25,16. Lev. 23,2” “Iyid on ny.
Nu. 3, 20. 21. 24. 33. 1Sa. 4,8. 1 Chr. 1, 31. 8,6. 12, 15, the
construction without on being far more common (Gen. 36, 5.
12 etc.). In 1 Sa. 4, mbx has a disjunctive accent, and the
pronoun following seems intended to give it emphasis—
‘ these—“hey ( = eben diese) are the gods which smote’ etc.
(cf. 2 Chr. 28, 23); but the other passages are different, and
mow is apparently devoid of any particular stress, so that it is
most natural to regard pn, as Nin above, to be merely
anticipatory. If this explanation be rejected, it can only be
supposed that, though originally nn had an independent
emphasis, this was in course of time lost, and the combina-
tion used without regard to it?.

Of... Nin mt, the only examples are 1 Chr. 22,1. Qoh. 1,
17; but it is frequent in post-Biblical Hebrew (where the
two words even coalesce into one 71). Qoh. 2, 23 pan nt D3
nin. 4, 8. 5, 18>. 6, 2b (in all which the order is different)
belong rather to § 198; so also 1, ro (disregarding accents).

Oés, In Aramaic, comp. (1) Dan. 2, 9 }13n7 N° NIN. Gen. 18, 25
Ong. JT YR NOWIP. 2 Sa. 2, 27. 4,9 and often TIT NAT Dp.
Ex, 2,6 pa nim ordi 1220. Dt. 30, 12 Jerus. NMTIN RT NNW Nd.
Ps. 42, 4 ]98 NUT IX. 63, 4 JIOM NIT Av. 66,3 pom py an

 

1 171 10 made more pointed by the enclitic m4, as '» alone, v. 8.

Jer. 49, 19 al.
2 Cf. in Arabic Qor. 3, 8, cited by Dr. Wright, ii. § 124.

T
74 APPENDIX V. [202.

Jus; (2) Dan. 3, 15%... 97 ADR NIT D1. Ezra 5, 45 (3) Dan. 4, 27
nnan daa em et gdm. Ex. 14, 25 Ong. 7 824 NT NI; and see
Ps. 119, 84 Pesh.... wo! fano, and Noldeke, Syr. Gr. § 311,
Similarly in the Mishnah, as Adoth 2,1 19 7330 7IW? 417 NIT APR
DIRT; 2, 16 JNdy_ IW PO-DIWrw FNININ 992 NIT JONI, etc.

2. Some Uses of the Infinitive with Lamed.

202. The use of the infinitive with & and f°€ does not
differ substantially from the corresponding Greek construction
with @orw and ovk gorw respectively: the one affirms, the
other denies, the action indicated by the verb, not as a
particular past or future occurrence, but (in virtue of the
signification of the inf. and 5) as an intention capable of
execution 7” the abstract: i.e. its possibility generally.

(1) 2 Sa. 14, 19 pond WN DN if zt 2s posseble fo go to the
right hand or to the left of all that the king has said! 21, 4.
2 Ki. 4, 13 qo-27p wi can (L) speak for thee to the king?
2 Chr. 25, 9; but the usage only becomes frequent later:
Hag. 1, 6 (ver). Esth. 4, 2 sia5 px. 8, 8. Ezra 9,15. 1 Chr.
23, 26 MNwd ws ond5 oy for the Levites also z# was not (i.e.
they had not) to bear. 2 Chr. 5, 11 mipbnid vynwd PX 72 was
not possible to keep the courses. 20, 6? aynnd ‘JOY PN) none
can stand in conflict with thee (Dy as Ps. 94, 16). 22, 9. 35, 15
(had no need), cf. v. 3. Qoh. 3,14. Without b, Ps. 40, 6
pox TY PS there is no comparing unto thee, odk Zor. mapaBan-
Aew oi, and, as the text stands, Job 34,18: cf. Ez. 18, 3.

 

' But 14, Io is different: there is none wzth thee (=beside or like
thee: cf. Ps. 73, 25) to help (and decide: cf. Lev. 26, 12. 33) between
the mighty and (him that hath) no strength (constr. of Mm) px) as
D218 7x Isa. 40, 29). Comp. Ruth 4, 4.

* But the zz/f c. alone, without either yx or > (§ 204 ed), is very
much opposed to analogy; and it is better either to punctuate 1DNq
(énf. abs., as Job 40, 2. Jer. 7,9: Ew. § 328°), or to read (with LXX,
Vulg., Ew., Dillm., al.) 19k.
203,204.) THE INFINITIVE WITH LAMED. 275

(2) Where NS is found instead of 8, it denies more abso-
lutely, and categorically, x implying that though the attempt
to do the act would be folly, still it might be made, but xb
implying that the conditions are such that it would be (or
actually was) out of the question altogether :—Jud. 1, r9 "3
_.. & PND ND (where px would not have been strong enough).
Amos 6, 10 ¢here 2s no mentioning the name etc. (for dread of
the consequences). 1 Chr. 5, 1 mpad won? N51 and he
could not be reckoned for the birthright. 15, 2 ned Nd (must
not); and in Aramaic, Dan. 6, 9 mawinp xD “I, Ezra 6, 8.

203. With the substantive verb, the inf. with 5 expresses
naturally the idea of dest:nation:—Nu. 8, 11 sayd YN. 24, 22
"3? MM Qéyin shall be_for consuming. Dt. 31, 17. Isa. #, 5.
6,13. 37,26; cf 44,15. 2 Ki. 16,15; and with a passive
verb, Ez. 30, 16 ypand. Scarcely different is nivyd MW guid
est faciendum ? Isa. 5, 4. 2 Ki. 4,13. 2 Chr. 25, 9 al.

204, This usage may lead us on to the so-called ‘peri-
phrastic future.’ Here the inf. with 5, expressing as usual a
direction, tendency, or aim, forms the sole predicate: the
subject, as a rule, stands first so as to engage the mind, the
purpose which is postulated for it follows; and thus the idea
arises of an inevitable sequence, or obligation, though not
one of a formal and pronounced character, which is expressed
in Hebrew by other means‘. Hos. 9, 13 mind send pay
ya and Ephraim 7s for bringing forth his sons to the slayer,
—or as this is the entire scope and object in regard to which
Ephraim is here considered—zs fo or must bring forth, Isa,
10, 32 yet to-day (such is his haste) syd 323 in Nob zs he
for tarrying, or must he tarry. 38, 20 ‘pwnd ¥” 2s ready to

 

’ By the addition of 5y (on the analogy of 7173 o°m>R »>y, Ps.
56, 13); as 2Sa, 18, 11 7? nN -2y) and it would have been zacumbent
upon me to give thee. Neh. 13, 13. Ezra 10, 12 (Baer) 19°99 7.273
invwy); or of 5, Mic. 3, 1. 2 Chr. 13,5. 20,17. 26,18: 1 Sa, 23, 20
Swabia aad) and it shall be our place (or for us) to deliver him etc.

T2
276 APPENDIX V. [ 204.

save me, A.V. Jer.51, 491. Hab. 1,17”. Ps. 32, 9. 49,15 and
their form DiNy nibad zs for the wasting away of She’ol® =
must She’ol waste away. 62,10. Pr. 18,24. 19,8 a man of
understanding 310 xy0d will be finding prosperity. 20, 25
will have to enquire. Job 30, 6 yaw pony YW. must they
dwell (R.V.). 1 Chr. 22, 5 ndyind bya v5 maad must be
built to Yahweh so as to shew greatness exceedingly etc.
Ezra 10, 12 (Hahn) smyyd wy PITTS. Qoh. 3, 15.

More rarely. of past time :—2 Sa. 4, 10 2 ‘And TW cui
dandum erat miht. 2 Ki. 13, 19 nian perculiendum erat quin-
quies aut sexies; and after an zmpied injunction 1 Chr. 9, 25.
2 Chr. 8,13 (cf. Gen. 42, 25); and, more freely, 11, 22 °3
sand for (it was his purpose) to make him king. 12, 12
mnwnd xd; and was no longer for destroying utterly* 26, 5
wand om and he set himself (A.V.) to seek etc. 36,19: cf.
28,23. Also Gen.15,12. Josh. 2,5 and the gate was about
to be shut. ;

In a question:—Gen. 30, 15 neds and art thou for taking?
Esth. 7,8 maa ‘py madon nx was on. 2 Chr. 19, 2 yenda
sry wilt thou help the wecked ? cf. Ex. 2,14 with Wi.

Obs, 1. Isa. 44, 14 yon 29, if the reading be correct, must be also
added, ‘a man prepares to—or must—hew him cedars;’ for it can
scarcely be supposed that this is an isolated example of a real impf.
in 5, such as is met with in Ezra and Daniel (1m, y1179, p17), in
the Targ. of Ps.-Jon. Ex. 22, 24 (179), in the Talmud (e.g. 19097

ut dent, 91> eant, \YNW)T, WOIP'T, 110%, 1n»d7 ut afferant, etc.),
in Mandaic (Noldeke, Mand. Gramm. §§ 166, 196), and also, as it

 

1< Yea, Babylon must fall’ (Ew., Hitz., Graf): but Rashi para-
phrases 9xtw? 5m ma 41p29 MMM; and similarly Kimchi, A.V.

? Where Del. remarks that (e.g.) nicy> may have the signification
of either est facturus, est faciendum, est facitendo,—the tense of the
subst. verb (which is implied in the construction itself) being determined
naturally by the connexion.

* Construction as Ex. 17,1. 2 Sa. 16,2 D*1pa77 5y9N for the eating
of the young men. 19, 202.

* Comp. the use of 9 x51, 28, 21. 1 Chr. 21, 17.
205.] THE INFINITIVE WITH LAMED. 277

would seem, in Assyrian. On this, in addition to the references given
by Dr. Pusey, Lectures on Daniel, pp. 49, 623 (ed. 3), see Dietrich,
Abhandlungen (1846), pp. 182, 186, and Lowe, Fragment of Talmud
Babli (Cambridge, 1879), p. 1 ff., who shews, by instances, that it has
no distinctively jussive force, but that, as Néldeke says, both in Man-
daic and in the Talmud, it interchanges freely with the form in :?,
without any difference in signification. Indeed, the impf. in 5 seems to
be but a phonetic variation of that in », and should doubtless be
altogether disconnected from the Rabbinical infin. with 5 (see Ods. 2),
although, as the two are apt to approximate closely both in usage
and form—comp. e.g. Dukes, Blemenlese, No. 44 (p. 96), 465 (fut.),
599, 601, 662 (infin.)—they have been supposed by some to have a
common origin?. (On the forms in Ezr. Dan., comp. also A. A. Bevan,
Commentary on the Book of Daniel, 1892, p. 35 f.)

Obs. 2, This usage is employed freely in later Hebrew; e.g. Aboth
4, 22 Jost or Strack (31 Taylor) o»nm nena onam ni) onda
y)1") the born ave zo die, and the dead ave ¢o revive, and the living ave
to be judged ; and in such formulae as 11949 13109 the Scripture means
to say, Kerithoth 9,6 and often; 72nd xd numquid dicendum ?
win dimendum est, in docendum erat, ne 72 N10°) décas nobis zz,
7 701 dicam tibi, nvETM2 W070) 1 Td Why was he (obliged) so
say MIZMD? NIN Waydy e¢ agendum erat inverso modo (Dietrich,
le, p. 184). Cf the common 1919 15 mn he ought to have said.

205. Another usage of the inf. and 5 is to be connected
with that gerundzal use of this idiom, which. is well known

(Ewald, 2804: 1 Sa.12, 17. 14, 33 lo, the people are sinning
Soxd so as to eat =n eating with the blood. 20, 20 so as 40

 

1 Tt is hardly doubtful, however, that Ewald, Cheyne, Delitzsch
(ed. 4), and Dillmann, are right in treating N73 as simply an error of
transcription for n13° or ni3.

2 In some of the passages in which this form is cited as a future, it
seems, from the construction, to be really an zzfin.: thus Ex. 10, 28
Jer. qo0d pow 179 RN nion)> gaz xin; First, erlenschniire, p. 44,
39 (=Esth. 1, 2 Targ. II) after x23 (p. 43, 26 is 117105). p. 62, 4
eTPD NIN NWT... POP Niva xm. Instances of the inf. Qal
without » are met with occasionally in Aramaic: Ezra 5,13 82125.
Gen. 9, 14 Ong. *n13293. 49, 6 9107 (absol.). Lev. 13, 7 Ps.-Jon. 995r.
Ps. 105, 14 p19, Tog, 23 MNwIa, Cant. 1,8 709; in the
Talm. 5319 y°D)92 intrant ad edendum, xn, etc., and 175 itself,
Dukes, No. 662 1975 NIDMD TW KNDR DWN wn.
278 APPENDIX V. [206.

aim, or aiming, at a mark. 36. 1 Chr. 22,5 bean) ; its use,
viz. after a particle of comparison, where the sense so as /o
merges into that of 7” respect of. Gen. 3, 22 ye shall be as one
of us nyt so as to know etc., which does not differ from zx
respect of knowing good and evil. 41, 19 yd 1, Pr. 26, 2 “NAY
mid sya 2d (cf. 28, 3). 2 Sa. 14, 25 now as Absalom there
was no man fair in Israel IN bon! —either, for prarsing
(=to be praised) exceedingly, LXX aiveréds opddpa, or zn
respect of praising. Isa. 21,1 mond 3323 mp3 as whirlwinds
in the South (Gen. 12,9 R.V. marg.) for, or im respect of,
sweeping through. Ez. 38, 9.16. 1 Chr. 12,8 O10 by osays
n19?.

206. The inf. with 5 also appears in continuation of a
finite verb, the particular sense to be assigned to it being
determined by the mood of that verb, but implying generally
the presence of some aim or purpose :—Ex. 32, 29 pot" won
maqa pwn poy mindy... mmt> pwn fill your hand (i.e. con-
secrate yourselves, 2 Chr. 29, 31) this day unto Yahweh, ...
and de for placing upon yourselves a blessing (i.e. and act so
that a blessing may be bestowed upon you). Lev. ro, 10. 11
(cf. R.V. marg.?); 1Sa.8, 12 my) (after a fut.). 1 Chr. 6, 34.
12, 33. 2 Chr. 2, 8 (continuing nbwn, v. 4). 7,17. 30, 9 and
will be for returning ; Amos 8, 4 ye panters after the needy
mays and (that are) for making (or that would make) to fail
the poor of the land. Isa. 44, 28°. 56, 6*. Ps. 104, 21 (all
after the ptcp.); Jer. 17, 10%. 19, 12° (continuing MwYN). 44,
14.19; Ez. 13, 22 prndy (continuing nian). Job 34, 8% Ps.

 

1 Cf. Ex. 24, 10 as heaven itself mia) Jor brightness.

* But the construction is here somewhat forced; and it is possible
that these two verses do not stand in their original context.

* The rendering ‘even’ (A.V., R.V.) in these passages and in Qoh.
g, I does not represent properly the force of the Hebrew.

* At least the accents and the parallelism suggest that amd) is
the continuation of 0°15:7 father than of naw).

* If 9901 be treated, as is done by Ew., Del., R.V., as parallel to
Ts) rather than to mam,
207, 208. | ORDER OF WORDS. 279

25,14. 109, 16 nmvwd aad mxsn and ws for slaying etc. Qoh.
7, 25 (Delitzsch, Nowack, R.V.). 9, x "wad1? (after *nn).
Whether 1 Chr. 10, 13. Neh. 8, 13 belong here is doubtful?.

Obs. Only once thus, of Zast time, in an earlier author, 1 Sa. 14, 21>
now the Hebrews had been to the Philistines as aforetime (cf. 2, 27.
19,7. 2Sa. 19, 29), in that they went up with them to the camp,
nvn> mon oan and they also were for being with Israel. But the v.
seems clearly meant to describe, not a purpose or preparation, but a
fact; and though a sense of the former is evanescent in some of the
passages where the inf. and 5 is used by the Chronicler (§ 204), this
must not be assumed as a matter of course in an carly writer. In point
of fact LXX. Pesh. (perhaps), Vulg. for 07 021 22D read 03 1230
mon (Targ. adds \1n); and this on the whole, though it involves the
insertion of \wx after o-11y7 (of dv7es LXX), seems preferable: ‘and
the Hebrews, who were etc...., they also turned (2 Sa. 3, 12) to be
with Israel :’ cf. v, 22.

207. Occasionally the 5 introduces the inf. merely as the

object of a verb :—Isa. 5, 2 Dry mwyd ip». Esth. 4, 13 think
not #e evasuram esse. 1 Chr. 29, 14.

3. Order of Words.

208. The following illustrations of variations in the order
of words (noted briefly by Ewald, § 309) may be useful :—

(1) Object, verb, subject. This, the effect of which is to throw
emphasis on the object, is fairly frequent; and examples
from two or three books will be sufficient: 1 Sa. 2, 19 Syn
yor -AWYN OP. 7,14. 15,11 mow NN. 17, 36. 25, 43- 28,
18>, rgb, 1 Ki. 14, 11. Isa. 6, 5% 1 May ¥% sbon nx 3D
sy. 9,7. 26, 9%. 40,19. 64,1. Ps. 11, 5%. 139, 16 87 193
pry. Job 5, 2. 14,19. 15, 30.

(2) Object, subject, verb. This is exceedingly rare, except
with the participle, when it is the usual order :—2 Ki. 5, 13.

 

1 Unless the true reading be that of LXX, Pesh. (so Bickell) 789 7a
(cf. 1, 16), which is very possible, as the meaning of 131 is doubtful.
Gratz conjectured 19N}) (1, 13. 4) 3- 7, 25):

3 With §§ 202-206, comp. Ewald, 237°, 295', 351°.
280 APPENDIX V. [ 208.

Isa.5, 17. 28,175 pow nM aNd. Jer. 34,55. 49, 11. Ps. 51,
5. Pr. g, 28 yx pnaw nyt. 5. Qoh. 12,14: but with the
ptcp., Gen. 37, 16 WplD ‘DIN NN NN. 41,9. Jud. 9, 36. 14, 4
2 Ki. 6,22. Jer. 1,11. 7,19 DYD'YDD OF 'NNN. 45, 4. 51,6 al.

(3) Subject, object, verb. Were the subject is followed
immediately by the object, with which it has no adrect con-
nexion; a break, often reflected in the accentuation, is thus
produced, which by inviting a pause almost gives to the
subject the prominence of a casus pendens: at the same time,
in prose, a poetical colouring is conferred upon the phrase
by the verb being transferred to the end, while in poetry the

monotony of two similarly constructed parallel clauses may
be avoided :—Gen. 17, 9 7BYN *N 2 ANN), 23, 6b (xb WN
yap mb» would have been a little dull). Jud. 17, 6. Lev. 7,
18¢, 21, 10 (allows stress to rest on WN7 and 1"933). 13. 26, 8.
1 Sa. 20, 20 ‘oN (unless the reading of LXX, § 163 Oés., is
to be here preferred). Isa. 3, 17. 11, 8>. 13, 18. 17, 5. 26, 19.
30, 24. 32,8 YY MI 3 but the liberal man—he coun-
selleth liberal things. Ez. 18, 19. 27>. 23, 25> nya) Pa ADA
inp’. 34, 19. 36,7. Hos. ra, rz. Ps. 6, rob. 10, 14. 11, 5%.
56,7 WOW APY ADA, Jer. 32, 4b VIP MN POY YD DY PDN
AYN. 34, 3- 2 Chr. 31, 6, which perhaps justifies the Mas.
text of 2 Sam. 17, 27-29.

Obs. A tendency may often be observed in the Aramaic portions of
Daniel and Ezra to throw the verb to the end. With the place of
the zufin. in Isa. 42, 24. 49,6 wd dxrw 221 comp. Dt. 28, 56
az may FD NDI RD wR. Jud. 9, 24 D1w> DOT. Neh. 10, 37.
Esth. 3, 13?=8, 11°. 2 Chr. 31, 7. 10; and in Aramaic Ezra 4, 22 (ow
object to ay). 5, 9. 13. Dan. 2, 16. 18. 3,16 (DanD not connected
with 727 5», but the obj. to Jmianim>: the order in Pesh, is similar).
4,15 7IMYTT NIWH Pda? Nd. 5, 8.15%; 6, 5 seems rather to re-
semble Lev. 19, 9. 2Sa.11,16. The so-called ‘ periphrastic future ’
has also commonly the same position (§ 204).

(4) Verd, object, subject. This order emphasizes, as Ewald
says, the subject at the end:—Gen. 21, 7 Mw D3 APN.
Nu. 5, 23. 19, 7.18. Jud. 12, 11.13. 1 Sa. 15, 33. 1 Ki. 8

,
209.] ON CONSTRUCTIONS OF THE TYPE ‘$380 OY, 281

63. 19, ro. Isa. 19, 13 MUAY NID OMY Nw yynn. Jer. 31, 2.
36,9. 24. 48, 4. Jon. 3, 8. Ez. 23, 47. Ps. 34, 22; otherwise
rare, except when the object is the light pronominal in&, On&,
etc.; Ex. 12,6. Jer.3, 11 (MWB2). 49, 16.

4. On Constructions of the type 28 di",

209. As is well known, when a substantive in Hebrew is
defined by the article, an accompanying adj. or partcp. is, as
a rule, defined by it likewise (e.g. biaan 7827), In post-
Biblical Hebrew (the Mishnah etc.) it became customary in
such cases to omif the article before the subst. (as M1199 NDI
the great Synagogue, Y20 ay the evil inclination); and the
beginnings of this usage are traceable in the Old Testament.
It may be of interest to collect, and if possible, to analyse the
principal instances that occur.

(1) With an adjective. Here, though the cases altogether
are relatively few, the usage appears to have arisen in con-
nexion with familiar words, which were felt to be sufficiently
definite in themselves, without the addition of the article, as
nv, Gen. 1, 31 WW Di. 2, 3 yawn oy nx. Ex. 312, 13 oD
awn DY Ty pwn. 18. 20, ro (in the Decalogue) = Dt. 5, 14
yawn ov mx. Lev. 19,6. 22,27; WH court, 1 Ki. 7,8 yn
nana the o¢her court (see R.V.). 12 nbyun ayn’. 2 Ki. 20, 4
Qré. Ez. 40, 28 ‘OMEN Wn. 31 ADIN AYN; AY, Ez. 9, 2
woyn ayy (so 2 Chr, 23, 20). Zech. 14, 10 PWNIN WY; NAD,
Jer. 38, 14 717° M23 WN wun )2,— the last three words

 

! The substance of this section appeared originally in the Journal of
Philology, xi. (1882), p. 229 f. Comp. also Ew. § 293"; Ges.-Kautzsch,
§ 126. 5, rem. I.

2 The ‘great court’ was that which enclosed both the Temple and
the official buildings constituting the Palace; the ‘other court’ was
that which was entered through this, and which surrounded the actual
residence of the king. Comp. the plan in Stade’s Gesch. des V. Israel,

ip. 314f.
282 APPENDIX V. [209.

denoting well-known parts of the Palace or Temple’: with
words defined by b5 (rare), Gen. 1, 21 .. mwan men wa bs
(so Lev. 11, 464); ...9WN TN WEI 53 Gen. 9, 10. Lev. 11,
10; or by a numeral, Gen. 41, 26 Naiwa NAB YI (followed
vv. 26. 27 by the regular idiom)*. Nu. 11,25 wN D yaw
Dupin: with a proper name, Jud. 14,3: cases hardly redu-
cible to rule, Lev. 24, 10 Sewn wi NN (cf—though this
depends only on the punctuation, and is followed immediately
by OND WNI—2 Sa. r2, 4 TWP wrNd). 7 Sa. 6, 18 22N
nbvan (read ae). 12,23 MwA TN. 16, 23 AVION, xo, 22
bwin cya (read with LXX [80 7i3), 2 Ki. 20, 13 avon jow
(in the || Isa. 39, 2 21M own) Jer. 6, 20 NOT 73? (but Ct. 7,
10 397}: see Ewald, § 2875). 17,2. Zech. 4, 7 Sean an.
Ps. ro4, 18 boyd onan on. Ezra 10, 9 (yYwnn won xin
(the only instance with win in the O.T.)*. Neh. 9, 35%.

(2) With a particeple :—where the subst. is a term definite
in itself, as a proper name, Dt. 2, 23 "InNADI Dwr OMNES,
or limited in virtue of its own character, Jud. 16, 27 nv>ws
my osin wes ods, Ruth 2, 6 (read nawasy, Nu. 28, 6 nby
... mwyr son. Dan. 9, 26>, cf. with oa, Mi. 4,11 p37 OM
... DONT. Ez. 2, 3°; or by bs, Gen. 1, 21 (so Lev. 11, 464:
see under 1). 28 PONT Sy nybia mM ds. 7, 27 worn wards

 

* But DY, IBM, Iw, RIAD are everywhere else construed regu-
larly, even in the same phrases, as 1 Ki. 7, 9. Ez. 40, 17. 19, 32. 42,1
etc,, the only exception being the n. pr. j)2°nn 12M Ez. 47, 16.

? Comp. with nox Gen. 21,29. On some instances with mn, cf.
the writer’s notes on 1 Sa. 14, 29. 17, 12. 17.

* But Dt. 29, 7 (cited by Kautzsch, § 126.5, rem. 1*) *w2Dn DAW
(so 1 Chr. 26, 32), *wanm is plainly a genitive: cf. Jud. 18, 1. 1 Chr.
23, 14.

* But Neh. 3, 6=12, 39 now 1yw, there is doubtless an ellipse of
some subst. before 72w°7,—whether Wyn, or MDINN, or MD AT: cf.
Guthe in the Zedtschr. des Deutschen Pal.-Vereins, 1885, p. 279.

5 See Ew. § 331°(1); Ges.-Kautzsch, § 138. 3°; or the writer's note
on 1 Sa. 9, 24.

° Where, however, 0°12 5x should probably be omitted with LXX,
Cornill,
20y.| ON CONSTRUCTIONS OF THE TYPE'YIT OV, 283

prnn by. Lev. 11, 46> yoxn by nywn warn, or a following
gen., Ez. 21, 19: other cases, 1 Sa. 25, to. Jer. 27, 3. 46, 16
=50, 16 MI DWN she oppressing sword. Ez. 14, 22. 32,22
anna ovdpon ovdSn nba (so v. 24, but v. 23 nvm). Pr. 26, 18.
Ps, 119, 21 (if the accentuation be correct): with a passive
partcp. Isa. 7, 20 AYDwWN AYN. Jer. 32,14 In an BD nN.
Zech. 11, 2 Kt. Ps. 62, 4 nnn 743; very anomalous (but
dependent only on the punctuation) Jud. 21, 19 nbn nbpnd
may dyna?

Obs. Although, after a subst. defined by an art., Heb. idiom uses regu-
larly 730, NN3D, ToS (as oi 1atn, TNT ONAI7m)5, yet after a subst.
defined by a pronom. suffix, it is to be noticed that the art. is not used: see
Gen, 24,8 nXt nyawy mp1. Dt. 5, 26 m4 023) ches their heart. 21, 20
my42}2. Josh. 2,14 my 1INAT NN. 20, Jud. 6,14. 2 Chr. 24,18; Ex. ro, 1
758 *nhk these my signs*. 11,8 Tox Pray 99. Dt. 11, 18 Wg aTNy.
1 Ki. 8, 59. 10,8. 22, 23. 2 Ki. 1, 13. Jer. 31, 21end. Ezra 2,65. Neh.
6,14. The only exceptions (if I am not mistaken) are Josh. 2, 17
73 JNYIw, where the gender of 11m is a sufficient indication that the
text cannot be sound (cf. Gen. 24, 8 above); and 2 Chr. 1, 10 71m Joy-nR
5iaan, where the art. may be due to the influence of the following
dyqan.

r

1 Where, in view of the fact that ni321 0°21 are the objects of de-
liverance in vv. 16. 18. 20, it seems better to vocalize, with LXX, Pesh.,
Symm., Vulg., Cornill, pox ’g im.

2 In 1 Chr. 25, 23 717 yw must doubtless be read for 121) Ay,
as in the parallel 2 Ki. 14, 13.

$ But in Phoenician 3 1ywn, as in Moabitish nxt nnam: see Notes
on Samuel, pp. xxviii, xc.

* Add Ex. 9,14, where both the sense and symmetry of the verse
are much improved, if, with Hitzig, we read Ja 75x *nban ‘a nx
for 725 5x52 nw: cf. the frequency of the same combination, ‘ thou,
thy servants, and thy people,’ previously (7, 29. 8, 5. 7. 17. 25).
INDEX I.

*,* The references are to the sections, except where otherwise marked.
0.= Obs. ; n,=note.

Abstract word as predicate, 188. 2,
189. 2, 192, 2.

Accusative, 135.6 7., 161. 2(with 7.),
3 with z., and 0.1, 0.7, 193, 194.

— ae perfect senses of perfect,

Apposition, 186 ff.

Arabic usages, 647., 70”., 122 O.,
135. 7 O., 151 O., 161. 17., 2%.,
163 2., 175 #., 176ff., 185, 186-
188, 192-194, 197, 199 %., 201.

n

32.
Aramaic, 60.?#., 278 72.,13172.,139 7.)
198 end, and O.?, 200 end (with
O.), 201.3.0., 204 O.', 208.3 O.
Article with predicate, 135. 7, 199.
— uncommon use of, 209.
—not used with m3 or mx after
subst, with suffix, 209 O.

Case-endings, survival of, 182.

Casus pendens, 123, 197.

Chronicles, idioms of, 787., 127 -yz.,
128, 164 O., 197. I, 3, 202, 204.

Circumstantial clause, 156 ff.

Cohortative, 44, 45, 47, 49, 55, 58
O., 182 end.

— does it = must? 51-53.

— of past time, 54.

— with 4, 60 ff.

Cohortative form after -1, 69, 72.

— form in ¢hird pers., 45 7.

— form in verbs 7”, 47.

Continuous action expressed by
participle, 31, 135. I, 2.

‘Conversive,’ meaning of term,67 0.1

Co-ordination in place of sub-ordi-
nation, p. 131, § 1497.,157, 196.

 

Copula, is it expressed by pronoun
of 3rd pers.? 198 ff.
Counter-tone, 89 7.

‘Descriptive’ clause, 156.

‘Energetic’ mood, 183, 185.
Esther, 39 8, 133, 135. 2 O., 5.

Final sentences, 41, 62-64. ;

Frequentative force of impf., 30, 33,
136 6 O.

— of pf. with wawconsec., 113. 4, 120.

Habitual actions expressed by impf.,
30, 32, 33-
Hebrew words and forms :—

Im, 115, 138 O.

18, 55, 115, 116.

tr, 27 B, 115.

—in apodosis, 136 a, O.?, 139,
141, 142,

amex and perfect, 17.

T1310 °s and imperfect, 39 y.

TR, TIIN, 115, 116.

‘x in circumstantial clauses, 159
(ps), 164.

— with inf., 202. 1.

122 construction of, 197. 2.

by, 50, 57 end, 62 2., 115.

+2. DIT TDR, 201. 3.

V5N, 139.

Dx with impf., 115 f., 136, 142f.

—with perf., 17, 138 f., 144.

—with partc., 135. 4, 137.

n> oN and perf., 14.4.

+e NTT IN, 200.

wk with impf. =inf., 39 B.

— =who so, etc., 115.
286

Hebrew words and forms (cont.)—
. «NUT WR, Ig9q O.
Rim... 8d TwR, 198 0.
++. N17 TNR, 200.

a, 115 (p. 133).

ya, 162 7., 164.

vaya, 41.

1, 19. 2, p. 131 f, § 116, 135. 4.

Noi, 115 (p. 132), 116.

1... (07) 817, 169.

NIT (#77, DM) after wR 198 0.1,
199 O.

nim (a7) signifying the presence
of the subject, 199 7.

WF, 115.

IT, 737, 135. 3, 6, 160 O.

n— /oc., 53 (p. §8), 182 and O.

1 — for 7 in cohortative, 45 7.

) for) in 1 impf. Piel, 66 7.

} with voluntative, 59, 60.

1 for -1, 844, 173, 174.

\ introducing question, 119 ¥.

} in pred. orapod. with impf., 125,
136 B.

yin pred. or apod. with no verb,

, 125 O., 1366, 138 y.

(Ans), DI, RA, 71, TYI, 124,
1364 0.)

yin circumstantial clauses, 157—
160, 161 O.

} linking together two clauses un-

"der a negative, 642., pp. 130,
133-

1 demonstrative force of, 108 z.,

"-I1g, 122, p. 245.

‘lin answer to 2 or > with infin.,
JWORI, 79, 195, DR, DIDI

ete., 127 B, y.
...mM, 121, with 0.1, 0.2

++e%PI, 78, 165 OL

++.0, 61-63, 121 0.3

WI, NOI, 149.

xb1 and impf. of past, 42 8, 85 7.
pi—, p- Of, § 151 %., 183.

 

INDEX 1.

Hebrew words and forms (cont.)—

.. RUT TM, 207. 3.

pi, Dw, 278, 115.

x? parenthetic, 33 a O.

yin yin, 507 O.

pi and impf., 28 end.

w’ with infin. and 5, 202. 1.

awe and pf., 18.

—and impf., 33 4, 115.

12 = that, 39 6, 115.

‘a= when, 17, 115 f, 127 8.

9 after an oath, 139 2.

DR 23, 144, 17, 115, 139 #.

Tiny 0D, 141, 142.

tuyns, 18, 115 (p. 133).

n>, 115, 116.

x) in circ. clauses, 162, 164.

x} with jussive, 174 O.

x with participle, 162 7.

x> with infinitive and 5, 202. 2.

onda), 41 with O,

1775, 204 O.

15,915, 115, 139 f., 142, 144f.

1015, 204 O.

7105, 39 7, 115, 116.

yp, 41 O., 55, 115, 116.

px» and impf., 39 +.

"10, 33 a.

niwy) mM, 203.

...%, 62 with z.

‘1 with perf., 19. 2.

°9 with imperf., 37 a.

Sex naate expressing a wish (=O
that ...), p. 134.

+. RUT, 201. 2.

yn? 1, 64 O., 115.

yO and infin., 41.

‘nn, 115, 116,

nd, 48-50, 1195.

ty of past, 27 B.

ty of future, 17, 115, 116.

DN Wy, 17.

‘nd or 73x Iy with perf., 19. 1.

—W Dy, IIs.

y+... TY, 169.

12719 construction of, 197. 2.

VmyD Ny, 123 B.

apy, 115.

ny and impf., 28 end,

72, 41 O., 115, 116.

—W, IIs.
INDEX 1. 287

Hebrew words and forms (cont.\—
JwKX nnn, 1237.
nay Nt, 181 2,
me) 182 O.
Hypotheticals, implicit :—
double perfect with waw consec.,
147-149, cf. p. 131.
imperative, 150, 152.
double jussive, 152.
perfect followed by +1, 153.
perfect followed by impf. alone,
154.

Imperative in poetry, 57.
—and } =jussive, 65.
—continued by perfect and waw
consec., 112.
— defiant or ironical, 50 7., 152.
Imperfect, inceptive force of, 21, 27,
185 (p. 244).
Imperfect (alone) :—
of past, 27, 83-85.
of present, 28.
implies reiteration, 21, 30, 32-33,
1365 O.
in similes, 34.
qualifies another verb, 34 end, 162.
represents different English auxi-
liaries, 37-40.
after final conjunctions, 41, I15.
unapocopated form with jussive
force, 44, 47.
dovvbérws (after pf.), 27 -y end, 154.
dovvSérws in circumstant. clauses,
162, 163.
Imperfect and waw consec. (+1) :—
form assumed by, 69-72.
=and so, 744.
=and yet, 748.
anticipatory use of, 75.
epexegetical, 76.
does it denote a plupf.? 76 O.
relating to present time, 79.
expressing a general truth, 80.
how applied to the future, 79 evd,
81, 82.
introducing pred. or apod., 127.
in protasis, 138 ii, 139, 140.
Imperfect with simple waw, 84,
134.

 

Infinitive passing into finite verb,
113 end, 117, 118.

— exceptional use of, p. 176 7.

— position at end, 208. 3 O.

Infinitive and 5, with px, w, x5, 202.

— after subst. verb, 203.

— to express must, 204.

— gerundial use of, 205.

Infinitive and 5» in continuation of
finite verb, 206.

—as the object of a verb, 207.

Jussive form after -1, 70, 71.
Jussive form, how used of past time,
83, 84 (cf. 173-175).
— difficulties in use of, 170-175.
Jussive mood :—
form, 46, 172 O.
in first person, 46 2.
use, 50, 56-58.
with } of past time, 63, 64 O.
with } after a negative, or interro-
gative, 64.
after °0 or 70, 62.
in hypoth, propositions, 150-152.

Late usages, 127 y 7., 133, 135.1 0.,
40., 6 0.2, 175 O., 201. 3, 202,
204, 206, 209.

Loan-words in Hebrew, 178 x.

Metheg, 89 7., p. 135 7.

Moabitish, 67 2., 181 7.

Modal forms, 44, 47, 183.

‘Modal’ perfect, 19.

‘ Must, constructions translateable
by, 39 a, 62 2, 175, 204.

Nehemiah, 39 B, 78 2., 133, 135. 5.
Nominative absolute, 197 ff.

Order of words exemplified, 135. 4,
160 O., 208.
‘ Ought,’ expressed by impf., 39 a, B.

Participle, 31, 35 ~., 121 O.1, 126,
135, 166-169

— passing into the finite verb, 117,
162.

—with hypoth. sense, 121 O. with z.,
cf. 126, 165.

—in apodosis, 135. 3 0.7, 136 6,
137 6, 143.
288

Participle, position of, 135. 4, 208. 2.

— accompanied by subst. verb, 135.5.

— subject not expressed, 135. 6.

— in protasis, 137, 145.

—in circst. clauses, 160, 161. z, 165.

—absolute, 165.

Pause, influence on tone of, loI-104.

Perfect (alone), 7 ff.

— states general truths, 12.

—states a resolve, 13.

— how used of fut. time, 14, 81.

—corresponds to English plufp., 16.

— corresponds to paullo-post fut.,17.

— in apodosis, 18, 136 y, 1387, 139.

— modal, 19.

—- precative, 20.

— after > =chat, 39 6 O.

— in protasis, 138, 139, 144.

— hypothetical, 153, 154.

— dovvdérws in circ. clauses, 162, 163.

Perfect with waw consec., 108, 109 O.,
III.

— alteration of tone in, 106-108.

(Exceptions, 104, 110.)

— differs from -1, 105,117 f., p. 131.

—in continuation of imperat., 112.

—in continuation of the impf., 113.

—in continuation of the inf. abs.,
I13. 4a end, B end.

— follows the impf. after various
particles, 115.

— participle or inf. constr. resolved
into, 117, 118.

—used alone in various senses of
the impf., 119.

— used alone as a frequentative, 120,
p. 162 2.

—in the protasis, pp. 130, 132 f.,
§§ 136, 138i.

— introducing the pred. or apod.,
123, 136a, 1370, 1384.

Perfect with simple waw, 130-132.

—rare in early Hebrew, 133.

‘ Periphrastic future,’ 204.

Person, change of, 198 0.?, 200 0.1

Phoenician, 67 7., 209 O.., p. xvi.

Pluperfect, 16, 76 O.

Predicate, primary :—

introduced by Vor +3, 123-125,
127-129.
peculiarities in the form of, 188 f.,

192, 198-201.

 

INDEX I.

Predicate, secondary, 156, 164.
—tertiary, 195.
Present, ambiguity of the English
tense, 32, 135. 2 O.
—may represent Hebrew perfect,
8, Io, II, 35, 130-72.
—may represent Hebrew imperfect,
28, 33, 35- :
—may represent Hebrew imperfect
with +4, 79, 80.
— may represent Hebrew participle,
135. 2.
Pronoun (personal) :—
anticipatory, 200, 201.
emphatic, 135. 67. I, 160 O., 200.
emphatic in oblique cases, 123 O.,
136 B* 22,
following participle, 135. 4.
how used in predication, 197, 198.
NT, DM, etc., in circumstantial
clauses, 160.
reinforces subject, 123 O., 199.
Prophetic perfect, 14.

Rabbinical usages, p. 71 7.1, § 135.
4 0., 6 0.*, 201. 3, 204 0.7, 209.

Resumption, cases of, 118 2., 139 2.,
149 %., 199.

Roots distinct in Arabic, but con-
fused in Heb., § 178 zotes, and

PP. 230-232.

Sounds, interchange of, between
Heb., Aram., and Arab., 178.

Stative verbs, I1.

Synchronistic imperfect, p. 39 2.

Syriac, 163 O., 192 7., 198 0.3, 200
0.1,7, 201. 3 O.

Tenses, origin and structure of, 6 O.

Tone, 3rd pf. fem. and partcp. fem.
distinguished by, 13 7.

— drawn back after -1, 69, 70.

— drawn back after x, 70.

—thrown forward in the perf. with
waw consec., 106-108.

(Exceptions, Io4, 110.)

Tone-syllable, 89-93.

— circumstances modifying position
of, 99-102, cf. 132 2.

Voluntative, 59 ff.
Wish, how expressed, 50-7.
INDEX I.

*,* The references are to the sections, except where otherwise marked.
O.=Obs.; n.=note.

Genesis.

 

ED excess 39 a, 197 O02
19 ...38 8, 39 B, 76 O.

ae

 

TO ss gncls 9, 135. 2
= 121 O}

  

 

 

 

U
  

eves III, 123 y 0.
8 ...50 a O., 209 O.

 

CA ais Pp. 131, § 1198
15...27 B 2., 165 O.
I

 

2o0f. ...p.130, § 1360
ae aor 31, 113. 4B
sbeyemdarnane p.135

 

IgI o2
79
+198
wo 700
. 74a
. 16
30

   
 
 

 

 

INDEX I].

adasstehvele Meagan 169

BO ei isaiinatce 135. 6 O2
39, 3- 6. 23...31,135.20.
p. 130

iaeaserieshctis invnice st 118

 
 
 

 

     

Exodus.
I0...... p. 135, § 121

  
    

. 149, p. 202 is
I21 Oo
INDEX II. 291

       
 

9
18. 28. 26,1...195.1| 9,6 ......... 39 B 2., 62
basics 110. 3 O. 28 savesitins snipe Da 80
50% O., p. 133

fe vera at 206

 

 

 
292

   

 

27 ...127 02, 138 iia
denen ounea ses Pp- 229

eel 35.7
188.1

x 129 B

17 f. 21 f...133 2.,148
be 1133 72.,135- oe
6

123 a a

 

20,

oi

aa

163 | 32,

 

 

33>
34)

35) 6

INDEX I1.

    
 
      
  
 
  
 

+162 72.

 

 

   

Deuteronomy.

Ts, 20:25) si.ssauine 135.3
30:4. ..- 199
44.. 338

BAe . T1gd
9. sees 70
Ti. .. 85 2.
23.. »1Q7-4
25... -p. 130
DS ci aielnaauven use 104
SO snacivirievaamtatcns 132

3,5 .. 188.1
21 -135.7
Dali niansessceimrces 199

4, I. 5. 40, 135. 2
ED sicisnapia domnchens 159
12., ..135.1
D4 a 1135.3
BP os . 161. 3
ZO) nsvasgeasartsuntes 149
30... ... 1238
33+ 748
BB iseuetezates ia 199
42 118, 135.7 O.

SiG. Retwowaeonen 161. I
20 wesais 38 a, 113.4a
23 ceseccees 19. 2,748
DA ccssriorcridyis Pp. 202 2.
26 ...p. 134, § 209 O.

6, rof.,..p.132f., 1212.

  
    

 

II, 10,,,110.40.,113.48
28 we adaeninseroens p. 130
. 121 01

38a
12, 23

13,1.14,6
15,9 ...

20, II

 

 

oe en p. 130

. 199 with 2.
we 1Q7. 2

 
    

 

 

INDEX I],

124

 

 

 

  
  

293

27 a, 132

sivas aae 121

42a

5 »..30,31,1140.,121
De wieiate 66 z., 69 O.
ED eiaibiansecambnsis 148
LT 358 sia eins 1196
TO setieice P- 134, 2027.
LO iaiesawisiedinavsionesty 163
27, sciccficwnnsaceainari® 75
SL -oeiaictoacassaucniain 50a
36f. ... 1360,1374
TS MAs asters 121, with O.t
13 eons 133, 135. 1.
126
+.631,1212., 1238,

 

 

INDEX I.

 

  
 

13,

  

 

17,26... 39 50., p. 131

34f. 110.2 O.,1337.,
8

 

20,

2i,

22,
23,

24,

25,

 

9] 274K. Aes 42 B, 85 7.

 
  
 

Oh. abies 42a, 133%.
ae 16, p. 223 2.
29,8 . ..104, p. 132

TO) dsgudopariiones 1212”.
30, 16 135-6

28) cidiaes ion anyedas 125
. 30, p. 130

   
 
   

ar P- 205 2.
22 es sniedeaeontians p. 134
28 ese. Pp. 135, 202 2.
BT istcarancangattnice 120
13,18. 1.133, 159
Ig... .. 113 end
20.. . 161 OF
23 00. 192.1
2 Os sanisiarsetsnanen tina 149
DB bitin daiowessese st 118
34--- .135.1
DAs 5 aiwadiee estar ees 760
Io... 1230
TA aiehaanacanvesee 41

 

INDEX II,

  
  

12 467.,50a0.,1740.
TB isscmeanng

136 B* 72.
7°

 

.. 50a0., 174 0.
oss atne 122 7., 152.3

 

LO vastness 135.27.

 

athe aes 202.1

seaencapavsL O72
cteanieian 54
eee 1250.

 

 

  
  

Tf sae 39 8, 161 és

venee 27, 209.4

TO sieecatiovecused 192.4
A pists teatna ig a

 
  

1. 161 02
... 166, 169
+ 113.48

 

INDEX II.

 

iol 14a, p. 133

65. TO se. aloatucslynawe Il4a.
12, eae 27"
«152.3

 

i sees 128

sae Ps 132 72%
es we 138ia
ee 126
.122 2., 190
.. 11g yn.

. 3882.

 

     
 
     
  
 
  
 
 
  

  

Bi sant 135. 3, 203
B) Ssseieatnedeaane p- 135
TTcaticgisevicl 33 @, 103
12 ...35,113.40,188.2

 
18,5
19,6

14.

195 TAsaaess
. 147,109 0.,123 B

DD cas
TBs
Ty as

20...

20,6 .

 

INDEX I].

 

 

   
   

nt 64, 152. 3
"46 25 171, 174
44,

TA ceceieas 13, 113.1
TD! cosnctshwaneae 135-3 | 55:
22, 2. 3980.
DA ers hateieunwendure 200
26... .-P. 202 72.
28... 66 2., 84a
12:3. 35,1230

  

 

 

INDEX II.

 

16 sacivee p. 132, § 163
197 02

   

14,

15>
17,
18,
19,
20,
eutatiaieren eet 6
saaneeiaeas 74
21g 8 sawawrss Pp. 202 2.
9. 22,14 4. wc EDF
22s 2B ah seine scat 19.1
2355: qthivestencenste 161. 2

 

14... 41 O., 113 end
INDEX II. 299

.. 189. 2 with 7.
507 0.

 

 

 

+119 y2., 200 O.
  
  

 

esINDEX Il.

Ce ue
13. 58 eek ees 195. 2
Br © ov. Pe 135) § 152-1

 

 
      
  

Malachi.
--748,119y, ‘ be

 
  
  

Psalms.

 

5 . 334, 189.2,197.2
IO,,,113. 4a, 161.2,
Igo O.

14....3305135. Bai 3

 

208. I, 3

  
 

 

INDEX II.

anon 14 B and x.
Talieiepaiane <s-en p. 201

 

 

  
INDEX TI.

 

 

 

 
 

INDEX II. 303

   

I21%., 126
104, Pp. 135

 

Job.

TO) cscevnsis 142, 201.2

14,

15,

 

 

 

 

BF scaiosies disannde 1238
304 INDEX IL.

205:2). sic

 

Oo aesys 13818, 143] 27,8
8 ... 163 2. and O. 19

  
    
   
    

  
  
 
 
 
 
 
  

Song of Songs.
2,3 ... 133 end, 163 O.
ry. de Onomcanissi p- 134

124
...130 8 O., 161. 3
tiiauacemenne end 141
suaaen 104,113.48
ete 34 end, 162

26.28) 0091517394: | 9256 cisnescesvansne p. 227
21,0) sstsivese 189. 2 72. 3. ..P.271 72.

  

  
  
   
  

16,, . 20 and z. 16.. .. 104, 119
DD sles 142, 163 O.

33, 11.21. 27..171,17 37.

LY ccsaacisinatacmoasaas 118

within 113.44, 159

138 ii y

sinha sapere is 164

Sconeennon as vosssessT33y 20I. 3
189. 2, 201.3

 

 
 

 

1; 28 ca cnhee tages 135-5
By 10% n2cctisdesgex, 3OR

TR-EUC., 5 scicainis wistne 133
3,13. 8, 11 ,..203. 30.

 

. 127, 197 02

   

 

259 aineweresave 201 O.
28 4 sccseannesveriens 198
38 wins .. 200 0.
BUG sadcatunnees 201 O.
16. 4,15 ...208.30.
4516 vicceees secaseD 8223
27 wee .. 201 0.
By LS ccteswcsicaas 200 O.

25 sssserassvesDe 232 2,

 

 

INDEX TI.

ft Toete.. 17, 1750.

Wehemiah.
C. 1-2 et.......... 69 O.

 

 

Ty f CbCrsessesveee E35 5
x

1 Chronicles,

   
  

2530833) ..8

 
  

+204, 205
teens 197.4
INDEX I].

 
   

     
 

DVO sie aie vine 209 O. 97-
2,7 . wee Pp. Xvi . 78 2., p. 152 2.
S Siatisiisacisaanirnans 206 Pe soeipehisainey 1182.
3.4.11 w.192.2|16,9 2... wee IQ7.2
Ape cme sh EOE | US; 12 sviecvenceamers I222.
Bat os sess Pe XVI] TQ, 2 creeceeeeaee 204 OnE
iT. 12.202. 1 IO... p. 133, 151
ee . A pee .200, 202.1

Mark 13, 25 ...135.5 2.
Rom. 13, 8......... 15%.
2 Pet. 2, 16 wecsaccne p. 230
Rev. I1, II. 20, 9,..82 2.

 

 

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